3, bill nelson testifies before the house science space and technology committee about his a budget request. later, a senate judiciary subcommieexamines concerns with digital replicas madto imitate a voice or likeness throh ai. you can watch coverage on c-span now or on c-span.org. >> c-span is your unfiltered view of government. we are funded by these television companies and more, including comcast. >> you think this is just a community center? it is way more than that. >> comcast is partnering with community centers so students from low income families can get the tools they need to be ready for erything. >> comcast supports c-span a a public service, along with these other television providers,

giving you a front row seat to democracy. >> coming up, a conversation about defense priorities for the u.s. and lithuania with u.s. ambassador to nato julian smith and the defense minister of lithuania. it will talk about the russia-ukraine war and other challenges. the discussion was hosted by the atlantic council. >> good morning and welcome to the atlantic council for today's event, a back to business birthday, priorities for the nato summit in washington. the north atlantic alliance turned 75 in april and there is much to celebrate. the alliance is larger and more united than ever before. addition of finland and sweden, the adoption of a new defense

plan and after decades, allies have ramped up defense spending in support of ukraine and in recognition of the mounting russian threat. these causes for celebration, however, are juxtaposed with a deteriorating security environment including russia's illegal war of aggression against ukraine and a collection of unfinished business from last year' summit. so securing the future of the most successful alliance will require this year's summit to be one of implementation. in july nato will be expected to take action for the underequipped industrial base , reinforce the eastern flank and demonstration of plans for , new challenges including respond the area responsibility. how will these issues feature in the washington summit agenda? what will allies need to deliver to assure the alliance is able to defend every inch of nato territory? today's discussion will be

preview priorities ahead of what is expected to be a pivotal summit offering the transatlantic alliance and decision makers tangible courses of action to secure the alliance. this conference is part of our broader campaign of analysis and programming to prepare for the nato summit taking place in less than 100 days. i encourage you to stay tuned for more from us over the coming weeks. meetings like this are central to sustaining nonpartisan strategies to address the most important security challenges facing the united states and its allies. the center honors the general's service antibodies the ethos of nonpartisan commitment of cause and allies and partners, and dedication to the mentorship of the next generation of leaders. joining us today to share their perspectives include minister of national defense for the

republic of lithuania and other senior officials including the honorable julian smith, u.s. ambassador to nato an ambassador , to the united states, and an ambassador of the ukraine to the united states. the principal deputy assistant secretary of state for euro -- european and eurasian affairs. and deputy chief of mission of charges of affair at the embassy republic of germany to the united states and mr. james rosco deputy head of mission at the british embassy in washington. the atlantic council would like to thank the lithuanian ministry of national defense our , partners in the conference, for their outstanding support of the council. we're shaping the future together with allies and partners. nowhere is our mission more important than conversations like this one. throughout today's discussions there will be time to ask questions in person or via

askac.org. we encourage you to join the conversation, #stronger with allies. thank you for joining. i'd like to turn to the minister for remarks. the minister was appointed to the position in march of 2024 and previously served on the national security and defense security of the lithuanian parliament. it's our distinct pleasure to host him on his first official visit to the united states. without further ado, the floor is yours. welcome. [applause] 00:04:03 thank you -- the floor is yours. [applause] >> thank you very much. lithuanian minister of defense is looking forward to the council and looking forward to a deeper one. about the upcoming washington summit, about russia and about the eastern flanks.

first of all, i would say a few words about russia's capabilities and potential now to challenge nato's eastern flank. i think last year we had some movement in western thinking, a little bit underestimating russia's ability to adapt to the new situation. what we need to say, first thing, russia put their economy on a warhorse. there are many examples when they are moving forward. for example, production of ammunition. before the war in ukraine, they produced 400,000 ammunition. now producing 2.2 million. it is despite sanctions and

despite our attempts. so, we are on the war mode. sometimes we are hearing the questions, ok, but it cannot last long in that mode. but i think sometimes we apply western criteria, western thinking criteria to russia and it's not adequate because we don't hear about the social welfare. we do not hear about any social things of society because society is manipulated, society is socially engineered. and of course, because of opportunity and regime. -- authoritarian regime. so when you want to understand russia, you cannot apply western thinking. and it's not necessarily the strategy thinking of russia. second thing which we also saw, so-called mobilization reserve

. creating a reality where paying money for lower strata people in russia and attract them to war. and 25 million, this is the number when we ask how many mobilizations russia can have, 25 million, compared to us and compared to ukraine, it is a big number. so what we need to understand. we are preparing. the problem is, that when we try to tackle this challenge, we always were counting how many years we need. 3, 5, 7. i think we should change that approach. we should build our defense deterrence in that manner and eastern flank and the whole of nato to control the process.

do not count the years, but to control the process and deter them. that is why nato decisions are so important. and i want to say what their moves and actions and directions, after madrid world summit, i think it's in a positive one. it's a positive one. first of all, of course, new defense plans. i think it's a breakthrough. we transformed from deterrence by pension -- by punishment to deterrence by denial. especially after european when you saw that with the occupation, there was nothing to take back. we need to fight on the line and we need to be ready to fight on the line and deter on the line. that's why we need to have a credible defense in and based on principles forward defense.

and the plans, together with enforcement is a good direction to act. we need to tackle still the problems, as you know, capability gaps, air defense, many capabilities, long strike capabilities, but little by little we are moving forward. the authorities secure, and important for us eastern flank will be much more flexible responding to risk. when we are shown that a crisis is coming, we need to be able to react. not fighting forward as russia, but to deter them. that's why we need flexible decisions, flexible response and more authority, more power for security is very important. and i will say, we also moving little by little toward this

direction. we need exercises based on article five. with the transatlantic reenforcement, i think it's also would be very important. so acceptability of the defense plans. this is number one what we need, what we need to do. second thing, second point, is of course defense investment and defense production. i will not say anything, you know it very well. we're trying and also europe is trying. we increased our production of ammunition about 50%. of course, europe is not on the war stage economy, but we're trying to find the solutions. also lithuania, also in europe. we agreed with 2% is only for distance spending and we should

try to transform the money into the capabilities. how to do it in a faster way, it's still a big, big challenge because even now, you have contract somewhere for ammunition, for the weapons, even if you have the money now, it comes in four years. it's not like in russia, as we know. so we can improve in this direction. one representative of a military industry in europe said in europe we are not producing, we are manufacturing, it is a different way of doing this then our adversaries are doing. so of course the defense of industrial base, we should improve here is much as possible. talking about defense architecture, i think i should mention a very important decision made by germany and

lithuania. we have in place, we agreed with germany on a roadmap implementing step-by-step, i think it is a role model for our eastern flank for what kind of forward defense architecture we should build in eastern flank. but, of course, it was only the united states of america, in europe in eastern flank. so that's why when we are doing with the germany, the same, your presence -- troops and baltics in lithuania is vital for us. it is a vital factor of deterrence. i can see even one joke. chair of defense not the , baltics, senior expert analyst and some generals from western countries.

and then my colleague from nordic countries, like questions who's stronger? ,a tiger or a leopard or something like that? which army in europe is the stronger one? the general said, america. i said, no, in europe. we know america is the strongest. no, he said, america. so even in europe, american forces is the strongest forces. so that's why america is so vital for security. but of course, as you see europe is also investing in our defense, taking responsibility, taking actions is also important and i think germany is doing great job in eastern flank. third point, air defense. we need to re-create the antiquated system.

we know very well in our defense capabilities has a big deficit in nato. so producing the air defense, long-range, medium-range, short range, it's vital. that is why we in lithuania are shifting our priorities, trying to make ammunitions heavier, creating a tank italian step-by-step but also investing into a middle range air defense system which would help to defend not only the armies but our citizens in the cities. we see in ukraine how it is vital. fourth thing, thinking about defense architecture, its ukraine. ukrainian euro atlantic aspirations. we know very well. they are fighting not only for

themselves, they are fighting for europe. and just ask for ammunition. they're not asking for troops, so give them tools to fight and to control and to contain the empire. it's so simple. do not send the troops summative and the native country, most cheapest way to give weapons and ammunition to ukraine. simple as that. it's that simple and political situation, as you see. talking about nato and ukraine relations, i know it's difficult. lithuania will stand always for invitation. at the same time we should not give to russia informal power on nato enlargement. no foreign country should have such kind of a blocking right. any decision should also be based on that assumption. fifth point, it's nato in the pacific.

i think the trends, processes and the situations are interconnected. and i think we should also do more in close cooperation between two regions, especially thinking how to contain and control the authoritarian genes, which are interconnected between themselves, as we know very well. so they are the five main points. for the last thing, i want to talk about the puzzle which is called escalation de-escalation thinking. i know that sometimes very much restrict some moves especially in the nato, thinking that support to ukraine. doing nothing escalates. keep in mind. because it is russia.

if you think you will not do anything and you will be considered as peaceful, no. they only respect you if you are strong. you know it very well, classical things. so that's why we need to escape from this dilemma, which russia is trying to play with us. that's what we need active defense. sometimes even creating for russia also a dilemma, not only there a dilemma for us, but our dilemma for them. thank you. [applause] >> thank you very much for the thoughtful comments. i know you have a busy schedule but i think we have time for at least a few question. i want to start with the threat

environment. some in the united states might say russia turned out to be weaker than we thought and that has -- they have their hands full with ukraine and poole eaton -- putin is not foolish enough to attack a nato ally anytime soon. but you are right there on the front lines. what are the realities of the security situation on nato's eastern flank and the russian threat? >> several factors. if you look at kaliningrad now, they are even less capable now than they were before the war. but at the same time we know that forces could be reinforced. a new reform, army form in western district in 22 december to transform the brigade to division level. and if you look at the capability to do it in personal level, we can do it very well.

the war industry also is capable maybe not very much technologically sophisticated but contribute the technical equipment for that kind of, building that kind of new architecture. that's what we can get very fast. as a totalitarian country, they can do it very fast. that is why we should adopt. another important factor is belarus. we don't see belarus as independent country. it's already integrated in all kind of domains of russia, especially military terms. and also i remember one conversation with some ukrainians before the war.

in 2014, one key ukrainian -- he went to lupus and go sing president, could you give me a guarantee that russia will not use the territory? he said yes, a full course we are an independent state. after some drinks he asked the same question and he told him, i will inform you in 48 hours if they go. it was 2014. i don't know how many hours now. that's why we do not, we do not see them as independent country. and it's also an important factor. but, of course, if you look at another special problem could be short notice or no notice scenarios. if you talk about conventional threats come from divisional war comes of course intelligence, you know, we have capability for early warning system.

but for no notice or short notice, there are some hybrid things below article number one we should always be prepared for that kind of thing. as you know we already survived one of attacks, so-called allies integration. lukashenko pushed people in our borders and we needed to adapt. we need to be ready. >> that makes sense and you talked about the need then to have the proper defense and deterrence architecture as to the summit last year the new regional plans were agreed to, the first serious nato defense plans arguably for the first time since the cold war. there been some public reporting that we don't yet have the capabilities that we need for the plans. do we have what we need to defend nato's eastern flank? if not, what of the biggest gaps

in your view? >> there are some gaps. air defense, heavy division so tanks, artillery systems, deep strike capabilities. i think we have a list of so-called gaps, but the gaps you can control. if we're moving forward, for defense, there is new energy. i think we can find the solutions. but here is the most important thing. america and europe. without america, the security of europe is impossible. that is why we know what we should invest in our defense and our aim is 3%. we see in the baltics 3%. we will achieve that i think this year. that is why we are doing the other things. at the same time, we are sending

the message to the united states , we need you also. that is why having the united states and europe is the biggest most incredible factor. >> i've had the opportunity to visit with lithuania and meet with the german and american commits on the ground there and i think that powerful to have that visible manifestation of american power there on the ground. a big summit coming up, 75th anniversary of nato. people are debating what should the priorities be. from between his point of view what are the major priorities for the summit? what would you like to see from the main deliverables come out of the summit?

>> the defense plan, filling the gaps, air defense. we have called air defense rotation model because different in nato we need to mobilize more sources into that. and, of course, ukraine and, of course, ukraine. >> can you say more? what would you like to see? >> invitation of course here. >> well, i have many more questions but look at the clock i think we've come to the end of our time. any brief thoughts you would like to leave with the audience? >> just to thank you, and thank united states for in historical terms for our nation. america and helping in our freedom fighting in every stages of her history was so crucial. and that's why if you ask lithuanians which country always was most closest in historical terms supporting our independence, they would say the united states. keep the bonds and we will be a safe western civilization together. >> thank you also to lithuania.

as you know burden sharing is becoming a political issue in the united states so it is great to see allies like lithuania that are more than pulling their weight. but thank you very much, minister, for taking the time with us. we really appreciate your insights and look forward to continuing the critical discussions and insights in the months leading up to the washington summit. it is time to transition to another segment. i will turn the microphone over to philip dickinson who is leading our transatlantic security initiative. philip. [applause] >> thank you very much, and thank you, minister, for sharing lithuanian perspective. lithuania is a vital ally and we really appreciate you sharing your thoughts and perspectives as we make the transition from

vilnius to washington. as dr. cranach said, my name is philip dickenson. i am the acting director of the transatlantic security initiative here in the center for strategy and security. continuing with the program, we will shift our focus to brussels. we will just take a brief pause whilst we wait for the ambassador, honorable julianne smith, u.s. ambassador to nato in brussels for a conversation moderated by andrew desiderio, senior congressional reporter with "punchbowl news." so we will be back in just one moment.

[inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations] [inaudible conversations]

[inaudible conversations]

[inaudible conversations] ♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ >> welcome back everybody. we're pleased to turn to the next session which is the speakers spotlight discussion with the honorable julianne smith, use ambassador to nato. moderated by andrew desiderio, senior congressional reporter with punchbowl news. andrew, over two. >> thank you very much and thank you much to all of you for joining us here in person as well as on the live stream for today's event, a back to business birthday priority for the 2024 nato summit here in washington.

my name is andrew desiderio, senior congressional reporter for punchbowl news when we cover the power, people and politics that drive the decision making in our nation's capital, specifically on capitol hill. i'm delighted to be joined this morning, well it is afternoon for her, by the honorable julianne smith, united states permit representative to nato for conversation here about u.s. priorities heading into the summit here in washington. ambassador, thank you very much for taking the time to join us today. we would appreciate it. i wanted to note at the outset you were confirmed by the united states senate in november of 2021 by a voice vote. i know you had to wait a a lie bit to get that final confirmation done, but i just wanted to emphasize the fact that the ambassador was confirmed a voice vote in the united states senate. obviously we know that in today's senate voice votes for diplomatic nominees are very few and far between. some wanted to mention that at

the outset. prior to her senate confirmation ambassador smith was a senior advisor to secretary blinken at the state department. she was also deputy national security adviser to then vice president joe biden. with that i want to dive right in, ambassador i don't think there's any doubt that nato is stronger today than it's ever been. it's really bigger than it's ever been when we talk about the accession of two new member nations and, of course, the alliance celibate the 75th anniversary this year. so celebrate we can but, of course, there are some serious challenges as well that are top of mind for you and work of the to do there in brussels. for one, ukraine as a have a pivotal point right now in its war with russia here there's uncertainty about ukraine's path to nato membership and, of course, geopolitical uncertainty with elections happening on both sides of the atlantic this year that could have real impacts on the alliance as a whole. so with that backdrop i would like to get you to talk about how you define success this

year's nato summit weather will presumably continue to be questions about the longevity if you will of the western coalition supporting ukraine. >> sure. thanks for the invitation. it's great to join you this morning on the other side of the pond virtually. wish i could be there in person but alas, this virtual connection will have to do. in terms of the upcoming summit in july i think i would define success in kind of three main baskets. first and foremost as you said at the top this is in essence a celebration at its very hard. we are marking 75 years of working together with our allies, with the nato alliance over seven decades of every u.s. president irrespective of their political affiliation supporting and leading this alliance. and we expect that to continue. so it will be a celebration thinking about the alliance's

agility, it's adaptability, its resilience in the face of all sorts of new challenges. so that's step number one, making sure we have taken and that to mark the moment, mark 35 years of working closely with our allies and all the alliance has been able to achieve over seven plus decades. basket number two in terms of success is marking a moment in terms of burden sharing. ten years ago allies agreed to spend 2% of their gdp on defense. when we made that pledge three allies are spending 2% of gdp on defense. today, at last count we are at least at 20, maybe we'll get what are two more before the summit occurs, but we're going to be to the point where we can celebrate two-thirds of the allies beating the 2% pledge. now, the real celebration will come when we get to 32. any use that we will be getting more and more allies and we're marching towards that they went

every member of the alliance will hit the 2%. but burden sharing will be a big part of what we talk about at the summit. it will be a key feature of the public engagement and also will be talk about burden sharing we just don't mean 2%. we are also talk about what we are all doing together to support our friends in ukraine. and that brings me to the last category in terms of really marking success, having the opportunity to welcome president zelensky to washington to stand with 32 other leaders, to lock arms within and make sure that moscow understands a single message. and that is, nato allies are not going anywhere. we are not distracted. we are not looking away. we are not going inpatient. we will stand with ukraine for his long as it takes. and i think the message of solidarity, of resolve, of unity

around what's happening in ukraine will be a key feature of this summit. and, of course, we are working right now on an actual deliverable for ukraine which we might want to get into here in our discussion. but broadly i would say celebrating nato's 75 years, ensuring that we help the world understand how important burden sharing is and how far we have come inside the alliance on that front, and making sure that russia understands that we are already to continue supporting our friends in ukraine so that they can prevail. all of that will be part of a successful summit. >> you mentioned a deliverable for ukraine. i would like you to get into that if you can come to the extent that you can. also note that atlantic council senior fellow ian brzezinski recently wrote that this year summit should quote grant ukraine a clear path to nato membership. do you agree with that?

and if so, what needs to happen specifically at this year's summit in order to make that happen? >> well, first at the top when we say new allies have been crystal clear we've been clear since 2008 that ukraine will become a member of the alliance. we reaffirm that last year at the vilnius summit when we said that ukraine's future place is in nato. but we were not prepared last summer to extend a proper invitation to ukraine for full-fledged membership. and i'm not expecting the alliance to do that this summer. what i am expecting allies to is to construct a bridge to membership by offering ukraine a deliverable that will enable them to become even closer to this alliance. last summer we create something called the nato ukraine council which just met a couple of weeks ago with president zelensky,, which enables ukraine to come to the nato table, sit at the table

as an equal, and discuss whatever is on their mind. in this moment we were able to talk to president zelensky about his very real defense requirements, what they need right now in real time for success on the battlefield. but this nato ukraine council something we already created last summer, and you're going to see more news on what the allies are prepared to unveil this summer at the summit. i can't go into a lot of detail because allies are in the process of debating that right now, but what i will say is we are looking at a way to institutionalize here at nato summit the bilateral support that has been provided to ukraine over the last two years. >> as you know, ambassador, last week finally sent a ukraine aid package to president biden's desperate it took several months, many iterations. it doesn't take a political scientist to conclude that support for ukraine a lease in congress has gone down.

much of it of course is driven by the far right as it is in other countries as well. you mentioned transit and unity in highlighting at this year's summit, what else can be done here in washington in july to counteract of those forces? >> we are not waiting for july. i will say we collectively, the allies of themselves and the united united states, we are all working together to get a message out. we're getting the message out about the importance of this alliance, why was important that we created it 75 years ago. but also to help americans and publics money of the site is give an understanding nato is a very different organization. nato was created in a different era and it was prepared for different threats. it was much smaller. there were only 12 founding members. we are almost triple that now with 32 member states. and we don't just limit ourselves to our work here in terms of conventional military

threat. this alliance and in and day out is looking at a variety of threats that cross a full definition of security challenges and threats here they represent our work on climate security, our work on cyber attacks. emerging and disruptive technologies, resilience, women peace and security. i could go on and on. we're working hard on defense production. so what was once an alliance that focus primarily on conventional military threats now is an alliance that copes with and addresses the full spectrum of security challenges as defined by the 30 to allies. so we've been working through public messaging campaigns to get the word out to answer tough questions from students, from veterans groups come from the private sector, from small-town mayors and governors. i've been out myself traveling across the united states, but so

have many of our allies. they made special trips to places like iowa and texas and alabama and beyond. we have to broaden the conversation we are having in the united states about why we created nato and why it still important 75 years later. so this is an ongoing conversation that we are having with a variety of audiences. anything you will see that engagement character right up to the summit and, in fact, be on. >> as you know ambassador, the senate nato observer group is very active on all of the things you just mentioned. in a recent letter to president biden the cochairs of the group jeanne shaheen and thom tillis wrote that this your summit should future quote a recognition of a a stroke or neuter partnership with allies in the indo-pacific. one of the things that stood out to me having to attended thet two nato summit in madrid as the those in vilnius last year was

the presence of these foreign leaders from indo-pacific nations. they are really engaged on the big picture security challenges, particularly ukraine, even the china is a pacing threat in their own backyard. for example, the japanese prime minister has said the best way to do for president xi from launching an invasion of taiwan is to defeat putin in ukraine. you hear a lot of people on capitol hill including mitch mcconnell the senate republican leader say things like deterrence is not divisible. in other words, you can't allow putin to just run roughshod over ukraine also credibly say you want to deter china from going into taiwan. can you talk a little bit about the involvement of indo-pacific nations in nato as a whole, what you expect at the july summit in that respect? and can you talk about why it's important to have been at the table? >> well, thanks for that,

absolutely. so nato has four indo-pacific partners and this country are japan, the republic of korea, australia and new zealand. these are four countries that had spent recent years moving closer to the nato alliance, not because any of them are talking about a global alliance or joining it as a proper member, but because as partners they value the opportunity to exchange best practices and insights on a variety of challenges that know no geographic limits. we are talking to our friends in the indo-pacific about things like maintaining our technological edge, about protecting ourselves and deterring cyber attacks. we are talk with him about disinformation campaigns stemming both from the prc and from russia and what those two countries are learning from one another. so those partners find real

value in exchange with nato allies, and similarly i can assure you that the allies here find real value and exchanging ideas and best practices with those four countries. on top of it though most of her indo-pacific partners have provided valuable assistance to a friend in ukraine, whether its economic existence, community assistance or security assistance. and they're doing that because they understand that ukrainians are not just fighting to preserve their own territorial integrity, but they are, in fact, protecting and trying to preserve the key tenets of the u.n. charter. and that gets right back to the question of sovereignty. but i will also note that the alliance is increasingly talking about what the prc is doing in and around the euro atlantic area. this is creeping me at topic of conversation inside the nato allies. we're doing a lot of work into

space. and as we look at that challenge we can no doubt learn from our friends in the indo-pacific and figure out how they coped with similar challenges in their own region. so if i had to guess, i would suspect that once again we will see the four indo-pacific partners join us at the washington summit. nothing has been finalized yet but i think after having had been present, both at the madrid summit in 2022 and the vilnius summit in 2023, i think we would welcome the chance to have those four leaders join us again at the washington summit. so stay tuned on that front. but this is a set of relationships i think all nato allies not just the united states but all nato allies find tremendous value in. >> something that's important you mentioned at the outset is this idea of burden sharing. as you know the 2014 whales summit was a critical moment for the alliance because it effectively set 2% benchmark in

terms of defensemen as a percentage of gdp. we are not in your summit summit but as you mentioned much of the alliance is still lagging behind that benchmark. to what extent you with this year, this year's summit should address that shortfall? or maybe double down on it and you know make sure that, the number of nations that meet that benchmark is as high as possible? >> well, i would just note for your audience that when you use the word most, most allies that meet the 2% and and that includes countries like germany, norway. there's a lot of breaking news out there. so at least 20 if not more a going to hit the 2% mark. so the majority of folks are there. now, that leads a handful of allies that are not yet there but i will say those allies have plans in place to get the 2% in two or three years. we will push, and we have pushed in recent years, but we will push as hard as we can to ensure that all the allies get there.

but i need to say something else, and that is, laster at the vilnius summit we make clear that 2% is a floor, not a ceiling. and we said that because we also rolled out regional plans for the first time in decades. now we had detailed military plans and what it takes to defend every inch of nato territory. and in order to realize of those plans i think were slowly reaching the conclusion that 2% will not be enough. and that is why some of the countries that are already in the 2% camp have moved on to 2.5 to 3%. in the case of poland inching towards 4%. allies are not waiting for everybody else to catch up. we have a number of allies including some of our nordic friends. we had the united kingdom just make an announcement about their desire to get to 2.5%.

romania 2.5. the number of allies are moving out on stretching beyond the 2% to ensure that we can replenish our stock from the valve assistance that we provided to ukraine over the last two years, and keep giving ukraine additional forms of security assistance. so this is generally a good news story. we'll be sure to keep our foot on the gas that needed to ensure that every nato member meet its commitment to get to 2%, but we are on our way. >> and with that we're out of time unfortunate but ambassador smith, thank you very much for joining us here today and thank you to the atlantic council for hosting us this morning. we look forward to seeing you here in washington in july. >> thank you. thank you very much. >>