The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803;

ss*«^vr~- ^TPf^ : -

: /■-'THE---'

PHILIPPINI
ISLANDS

BLAIR

'.:'■',■-;■'.'.;■''' end

ROBERTS (W

^280-160'

6,5^

vrn/*?J /jfts' ffA/f t'f/Jf ft/' /y.{/f/r£/rtYi

^ /> •/-/ ?/ -

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

1493-1898

The PHILIPPINE
ISLANDS 1493-1898

Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the
Islands and their Peoples, their History and Records of
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Eco-
nomic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those
Islands from their earliest relations with European
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth Century

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINALS

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and
James Alexander Robertson, with historical intro-
duction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other illustrations

Volume XXXIV
lSig-1522; 1280-1605

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

COPYRIGHT I906

THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIV

Preface . . . . . . . .11

Primo viaggio intorno al mondo {concluded). An-
tonio Pigafetta. Italian text with English trans-
lation. MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1 519-1522 . 38
Notes to Primo viaggio . . . . . 153

Description of the Philippines. Chao Ju-kua, a

Chinese official and geographer, ca. 1280 . -183

Documents of 1 565-1 576

Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Cubu,

May 30, 1565 195

Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola;

Cubu, , 1565 ..... 200

Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris;

Cubu, July 25, 1567 .... 207

Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials.
Guido de Lavezaris, and others; Cebu, July

26, 1567 214

Letter to the Marquis de Fakes. Martin de

Rada, O.S.A.; Cebu, July 8, 1569 . . 223
Letter to Felipe II. Diego de Herrera, O.S.A.;

Panay, July 25, 1570 .... 229

Royal communications to and concerning Le-
gazpi. Felipe II; Madrid, August 6, 1569

-August 29, 1570 236

Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espana. Fran-
cisco de Ortega, O.S.A.; Manila, June 6,
*573 256

* 5 >, f'X : -1 *~* ,0 *"T*

6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Documents of 1 565-1 576

Augustinian memoranda. [Unsigned and un-
dated, but probably compiled jointly by the
Augustinian missionaries,^. 1573.] . . 273

Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espaiia, Mar-
tin Enriquez. Martin de Rada; Manila,
June 30, 1574 ...:.. 286

Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials.
Andres Cauchela and Salvador de Aldave;
Manila, July 17, 1574 295

Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. Hernando
Riquel; Manila, June 2, 1576 . . . 304
Documents of 15 80-1 605

Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espaiia, Mar-
tin Enriquez. Miguel Loarca; Manila,
June 15, 1580 . . . . .313

Letter to Gregory XIII. Pablo de Jesus,
O.S.F.; Manila, 14 Kalends of July, 1580 . 316

Bishop Salazar's Council regarding slaves.
[Notarial document signed by Bishop Do-
mingo de Salazar, O.P.]; Tondo, October

i7> x 5 81 3*5

Erection of Manila cathedral. Bishop Domingo

de Salazar, O.P.; Manila, December 21,1581 332

Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeno, S.J.;
Manila, June 17, 1583 .... 361

Letter to Felipe II. Bishop Domingo de Sal-
azar, O.P.; Manila, June 18, 1583 . . 368

Relation of the Philipinas Islands. [Unsigned
and undated; 1586?] 376

Letter to Felipe II. Juan Bautista Roman;
Manila, July 2, 1588 . . . .392

Letter to Felipe II. Gomez Perez Dasmar-
inas; Manila, June 21, 159 1 . . . 403

1280-1605] CONTENTS

Documents of 1580-1605

Royal decree regarding hospitals for natives

Felipe II; Madrid, January 17, 1593
Augustinian affairs. Thomas Marquez, O.S.A.

and the nuncio of Spain; 1599 .
Letter to Felipe III, from the ecclesiastical ca-

bildo. Juan de Bivero and others; Manila,

July 3, 1602

Letter to Felipe III. Bernardino Maldonado

Manila, June 21, 1605
Bibliographical Data . ....

412
415

428

439

45 1

ILLUSTRATIONS

Pigafetta's Chart of the Moluccas . . . . 72

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Bachian, etc. . 1 04
Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Amboina, etc. . no
Pigafetta's Chart of the Banda Islands. . .114

Pigafetta's Chart of the islands of Zolot, etc. . 118

Pigafetta's Charts of the island of Timor, and of
the Laut Chidol or Great Sea . . . .124

Photographic facsimile of last page of Pigafetta's re-
lation showing signature; from the Pigafetta MS.
in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy . 146

Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago,
showing the Moluccas; drawn by Diego Homem,
ca. 1558 (on vellum); photographic facsimile
of original manuscript map in the British
Museum ....... 150, 151

"India tercera nova tabula"- map of the Eastern
archipelago; from Mattiolo's edition of Ptolemy's
Geographia (Venetia, m. d. lxviii); from a copy
of this work in possession of Frank A. Hutchins,
Madison, Wisconsin .... facing p. 190

Signature of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A.; from

MS.inArchivo general de Indias,Sevilla facing p. 272
Signature of Martin Ignacio de Loyola, author of
the Itinerario in Mendoza's Hist or ia de . . .
China\ from MS. in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla facing p. 384

PREFACE

In the present volume, Pigafetta's narrative (be-
gun in VOL. XXXIII ) is concluded; and a description
of the islands written by a Chinese geographer Chao
Ju-kua, probably in the thirteenth century, and va-
rious documents covering the years 1565- 1605 are
presented. Chao Ju-kua's description is especially
interesting and valuable as it forms the earliest au-
thentic notice of the Philippines previous to their
discovery by Magalhaes. The remaining docu-
ments treat of secular and ecclesiastical affairs in the
islands and cover a wide range of interests. Various
details of the first settlements at Cebu and Manila,
early explorations, and descriptions of the Philip-
pines and their peoples, supplement the informa-
tion of previous volumes. The royal intentions in
regard to the discoveries of Legazpi and Legazpi
himself are set forth in a series of documents, and
form an interesting chapter from which one may
construct the effect caused in Spain by the New
Orient opened for the fourth time to that country.
The early efforts of the first missionaries, the compli-
cations that arise almost from the very start between
them and the secular government, and the internal
trouble in the Augustinian Order, receive consider-
able attention. Of especial interest is Bishop Sala-

1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

zar's manifesto creating and erecting the cathedral
of Manila, in which, in addition to other matters, he
outlines the duties of the various officials. Early
government matters and problems that arise therein,
among them the tribute and commerce, in which one
can see the intimate relations between the religious
and secular governments of Spain, are touched upon.
The documents for 1565- 1605 show that the Philip-
pines have had ever since their first permanent settle-
ment in Cebu, a precarious existence, but that they
have nevertheless advanced, although totteringly,
from a very simple state to the more complicated
conditions necessarily brought about by greater sta-
bility of government. A synopsis of the documents
in this volume follows.

Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portu-
guese named Pedro Affonso de Lorosa, who had
gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrao, comes
to the ships. From him they learn the efforts made
by the Portuguese to prevent their expedition, and
various news of the region ; and they ply him so well
that on departing he promises to return to the ships
and go to Spain with them. On November 16 and
17, the Moro king of Gilolo visits the ship, and is
delighted with the artillery and fighting qualities of
the ships and men, for he had been a great warrior in
his youth, and is feared throughout that region. On
the eighteenth also, Pigafetta goes ashore to see how
the clove grows ; and the result of his visit is given in
a tolerably correct description of the clove and nut-
meg trees. The women of that region, he says, are
ugly, and the men are jealous of them and fearful
of the Europeans.

Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads

1519-1522] PREFACE 13

of cloves and other things to the boat, but only food
is bought from them, as the clove trade is kept for the
king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands
on November 24, with news that many cloves will
soon be brought. On the following day the first
cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of the
artillery. The king, in accordance with the custom
of that district, invites the sailors to a banquet in
honor of the first cloves laden. But they, mindful of
the fatal May-day banquet, suspect treachery and
make preparations for departure. The king, learn-
ing of their intended departure, is beside himself
and entreats them to stay with him, or if they will
go, to take back all their presents, as he would other-
wise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors.
After his entreaties have availed, it is learned that
some chiefs had endeavored in vain to turn the king
against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying favor
with the Portuguese. On November 27 and 28,
many cloves are traded. The governor of the island
of Machian comes to the ships on November 29, but
refuses to land, as his father and brother are living
in exile at Tidore (a curious evidence of Oriental
government customs). The king proves his friend-
liness once more by returning them some of their
presents, as their stock had given out, in order that
they might give them to the governor. Again on
December 2, the king leaves his island to hasten
their departure, and on the fifth and sixth the last
trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering
articles of clothing for cloves. Then after many
visits from the kings and chiefs of the various Mo-
luccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the Portu-
guese, has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts

1 4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

of one of the Ternatan princes to seize him; and
after the witnessing of various ceremonies between
the kings of Batchian and Tidore: the new sails are
bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart.
Leaving the king of Tidore certain of the artillery
and powder captured with the junks, and their Bor-
nean captives (having previously given him all their
other prisoners) ; and having made peace with va-
rious potentates of the region roundabout: the "Vic-
toria" lifts anchor and stands out to await the "Trin-
idad." The latter vessel, however, is unable to lift
anchor, and suddenly springs a leak. The "Vic-
toria" puts back to port; the "Trinidad" is light-
ened; but all endeavors to locate the leak are un-
availing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of fu-
ture greatness go astray, if the ships cannot return
to Spain, is tireless in his efforts, but his best divers
are unable to accomplish anything. Finally it is de-
cided that the "Victoria" will take advantage of the
winds and return to Spain by way of the Cape of
Good Hope, while the "Trinidad," after being over-
hauled will return by way of the Isthmus of Pan-
ama. Having lightened the former vessel of sixty
quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships sepa-
rate, forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sail-
ing in the "Victoria" and fifty-three men remaining
with Joao Carvalho. Amid tears from each side,
the "Victoria" departs, and passing by the island of
Mare, where wood has been cut for them, soon stows
the wood aboard, and then takes its path among the
numerous islands of the East Indian archipelagoes.
To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first
Malayan vocabulary, and for many descriptions of
islands, peoples, and products. Stopping occasion-

1519-1522] PREFACE 15

ally at various islands, for fresh supplies and wood,
the "Victoria" picks its way toward the open Indian
Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan
pilot with questions regarding all the region, and
learning much, partly true and partly legendary, of
various islands, China, Malacca, and the Indian
coast. Their longest stay is at Timur, where two
men desert and which they leave on Wednesday,
February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra
for fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape,
some, constrained by hunger, wish to stop at the
Portuguese settlement at Mozambique, but the ma-
jority, loving honor more than life, decide that they
must return to Spain at all hazards. For nine weeks
they are buffeted about the cape, which is finally
doubled in May, but only after the loss of a mast.
They sail for two months longer without fresh sup-
plies, and finally on Wednesday, July 9, reach San-
tiago, one of the Cape Verde Islands. Sending a
boat ashore, with a story invented to throw the Port-
uguese off the scent, they are given two boatloads
of rice for their merchandise. They are surprised
to find themselves out one day in their reckoning, a
fact that puzzles Pigafetta, until he finds out the rea-
son later, for he has been most sedulous in setting
down the record of each day. The boat with thir-
teen men returns once more, but the secret leaks out
in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans
(for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Ma-
lays, have died since leaving Timur, part of whom
have been executed for their crimes), hastily departs
to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the
ship enters San Lucar, with most of its crew sick,
and on Monday, September 8, they are anchored

1 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two
famous shrines in procession to give thanks for their
return. Pigafetta, still restless, goes to Valladolid,
where he presents a book to Carlos I; to Portugal
and France, where he tells his wonderful experi-
ences; and finally to Venice in Italy, where he pro-
poses to pass the remainder of his days.

Especially valuable to the student in Philippin-
iana is the short description of the Philippines by
Chao Ju-kua, who probably wrote in the thirteenth
century, more than a century before the first Eu-
ropean discovery. Chao Ju-kua's information seems
to have been obtained personally from Chinese trad-
ers to the Philippines, and although very imperfect
and all too short, one can identify almost certainly
the islands of Luzon, Mindoro, Mindanao, Paragua,
and the Visayas. The people are slightly described;
and various products of the islands are given and
trading methods described. The existence in the
first-named island of small statues of Buddha is in-
teresting and probably points to a long-continued
intercourse between Chinese and Filipinos.

Guido de Lavezaris writes to Felipe II (May 30,
1565), referring briefly to his participation in the
Villalobos expedition, and his subsequent journey
to Spain to give information thereof; also his partic-
ipation in a Florida exploration expedition under
Tristan de Arellano. After aiding in the prepara-
tion of Legazpi's fleet, he sails with it as treasurer.
He asks royal reward in behalf of his services in in-
troducing the ginger plant, which has thriven so
abundantly, into Nueva Espana; of which he has
been cheated by Francisco de Mendoga who had
promised to negotiate it for him. Legazpi's expedi-

1280-1605] PREFACE l 7

tion has reached the Philippines in sixty-four days,
and the Spaniards are now settled at Cebu, the best
center of all that region, first reaching that island
April 27, 1565. Samples of gold, wax, and cinna-
mon are sent to Spain; and supplies are urgently
requested for entrance must be effected by force of
arms.

By the same vessel, Andres de Mirandaola, the
factor, writes to Felipe II. The expedition reaches
the Filipinas February 16, 156^. There is much
land thereabout included in the Spanish demarca-
tion, but it may be necessary to conquer it by force
of arms in order to introduce the Catholic religion,
for the natives are a treacherous and warlike race.
The products yet ascertained are gold, wax, and
cinnamon, and the trade therein will increase if
fostered by the Spaniards. Natives of the Moluccas,
in alliance with the Portuguese, have made a disas-
trous raid in Bohol, where Legazpi remains for a
few days, and have caused great loss and consterna-
tion among the natives. Lavezaris and Mirandaola
explore a portion of Mindanao, where they ascertain
the products and trade relations, and make peace
and trade relations with the chief of Butuan; at
which place they hear accounts of Borneo. The fleet
goes to Cebu, where they settle after a slight skirmish
with the natives, with whom after vexatious delays,
peace and friendship are in a fair way to be made.
The Spaniards find there the Santo Nino and two
culverins, probably of the time of Magalhaes. Cebii
is densely populated with a warlike and treacherous
race. Urdaneta is returning in the ship which is
about to leave to find the return route, under com-
mand of Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre.

I 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Men and supplies are needed by the colonists.
Mirandaola asks royal confirmation of his office and
an increase in salary.

This is followed by a letter from Guido de Lave-
zaris (July 25, 1567), in which reference is made to
his letter of 1565 and his services. The "San Ge-
ronimo" despatched from Nueva Espafia in 1566,
has arrived, with news of the discovery of the return
route, after a voyage flavored with hardship and
mutiny; Legazpi and the royal officials sending a
detailed relation. Mountains full of cinnamon have
been found at Cauit in Mindanao, but in order to be
benefitted thereby, a settlement in that region is nec-
essary, and also as a menace to the Portuguese who
pass by there en route from Malacca to the Moluc-
cas. Two Portuguese ships anchor at Cebu July 10,
1567, with letters from Pereira, in which the Span-
iards are ordered to forsake their settlement and go
to India. Pereira has received orders to drive them
from the land and is even now on his way thither
with nine ships and eight hundred soldiers. The
Portuguese together with the Ternatans have com-
mitted many depredations among the Philippines.
The natives of the rest of the Moluccas are generally
well disposed toward the Spanish; and the Tidor-
ans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to the
Portuguese. The Portuguese ships leave Cebii in
thirteen days, but in that time, Lavezaris has man-
aged to borrow a map and navigation chart from
them, of which he copies the portion of the land in
the Spanish demarcation. This he encloses with his
letter.

The following day, July 26, the royal officials
write to the king, giving somewhat more detailed

1 280-1605] PREFACE 19

information on some points than Lavezaris has done.
The Cebuans and other natives make peace with
Legazpi after the departure of the "San Pedro" in
1565, but they are a faithless race, who easily aban-
don their homes on the show of force. Legazpi
wisely refrains from war with them, and conse-
quently the colonists are still alive. The cinnamon
obtained in barter is about to be sent to Nueva Es-
pana. Mindanao, which has gold, has been taken
possession of for Spain. Cebu has been visited by
Moros from Luzon and Mindoro, who trade gold
and rice for silver and pearls ; and they report active
trade with the Chinese. A mutiny in Cebu, Novem-
ber 28, 1565, is quelled and Legazpi mercifully par-
dons most of the offenders. The troubles and mu-
tinies of the "San Geronimo" are graphically re-
lated. Relations with the Portuguese are discussed,
in which it is seen that Legazpi attempts to gain
time. Goiti succeeds Mateo del Saz in the office of
master-of-camp because of the latter's death. The
royal officials ask for an increase in salary, and
state the need of men and supplies, which are ill
supplied from Nueva Espana. A beginning has
been made in the conversion; but for greater stabil-
ity married colonists are needed.

Under date of July 8, 1569, Martin de Rada,
O.S.A., writes to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, the
marquis of Falges, congratulating him on his ap-
pointment. He gives various data in regard to the
islands of Luzon, Borneo, Panay, and Mindanao.
The wealthy village of Manila is only seventy leguas
from Cebu. Gold is very abundant throughout the
islands and is possessed by all the natives, but they
never mine more than will suffice for their imme-

20 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

diate wants. Merchants from Luzon, Borneo, and
Jolo go through the islands constantly seeking gold
and slaves. The natives are arrogant and the rule is
one of might, for they have no real rulers. Soldiers
are not needed to conquer the land; they have done
much damage, and the natives are afraid of them, so
much so that they abandon villages at their ap-
proach. The natives are mostly heathens, although
there are some Moros ; and they could be easily con-
verted. Legazpi is to blame for his inaction. More
harmony is needed. Notwithstanding the abundance
of supplies in the islands, famine prevails. There
are no boats with which to get out the valuable and
abundant timber. A settlement in the Philippines is
necessary if the Spanish king desires to conquer
China. The religious have not yet begun to baptize
in earnest because they are uncertain whether the
colony is to be permanent.

Diego de Herrera, O.S.A., also writes (July 25,
1570) to Felipe II, in somewhat the same vein, stat-
ing the need for governmental reform ; for men who
understand warfare; and the bad treatment of na-
tives by Spaniards. He inveighs against the removal
from Cebu, the strongest site of the islands seen
hitherto, to Panay, which is swampy and unhealth-
ful. He advises against the concession of the peti-
tion of the Spaniards to allow them to plunder and
enslave the Moros. The Moros of Luzon are
scarcely so more than in name and in abstinence from
pork, and are of very recent date. Those of Borneo
are only slightly more established and only live
along the coast. Herrera petitions that regular sup-
plies be given the religious from Nueva Espafia until
the Philippines furnish sufficient support. Al-

1280-1605] PREFACE 21

though they have generally refrained from baptism,
because of their uncertainty as to the permanence
of their colony, they will, now that that uncertainty
has ceased, give themselves to the work.

This is followed by a series of documents bound
together (1568-70) consisting of royal communica-
tions to and concerning Legazpi. An official letter
bearing the king's rubric (November 16, 1568) re-
plies to two letters of Legazpi written in 1567. He
is ordered to continue his policy in the islands. The
matter of galleys will receive consideration, as will
the question of supplies, which will be sent from
Nueva Espafia. He must attend carefully to the
conversion of the natives. Encomiendas may be as-
signed with certain reservations to the crown.
Moros may be enslaved if they try to preach Ma-
hometanism. A report on slavery among the Fili-
pinos is to be sent to the royal Council of the Indies.
All the Portuguese among the colonists must be sent
to Spain as they are a menace to the new colony. By
a document dated August 6, 1569, Legazpi is
granted the lieutenancy of a fort in Cebu, and shall
be received as such, and shall perform the duties
incumbent upon that office. On the fourteenth of
the same month and year, he is also granted by royal
concession the title of governor of the Ladrones.
Legazpi is to take possession of the islands for Spain,
and he shall be received as governor and captain-
general therein with the ordinary powers, and
perquisites, and a salary of two thousand ducados.
A document of the same date confers upon Legazpi
the title of adelantado of the Ladrones. Royal in-
structions of August 28, 1569, consisting of twenty-
two sections, outline the policy to be followed by

2 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

Legazpi in the Ladrones. These instructions cover
such points as colonization, treatment of the natives,
fortification, religion and conversion, civil govern-
ment and public officers, industry, and trade. The
final document of the series concedes to Legazpi
(August 29, 1570), a grant of two thousand ducados.
The letter of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A. (June
6, 1573)? discusses general conditions in the islands.
Ortega narrates the death of Legazpi on August 21,
1572, which is greatly deplored by all for his good
qualities and government. Juan de Salcedo has re-
turned from explorations in Luzon, during which he
has circumnavigated the island -the first to accom-
plish that feat. An expedition sent out by Lavezaris
fails to discover anything new, the soldiers only
overrunning the district formerly explored, where
they commit many depredations on the natives,
many of whom are killed, while others flee before
the Spaniard. The present of gold sent to the king is
wrung from the poor natives and is only a trifle when
compared to the vast expenses already incurred in
Legazpi's expedition. The only just sources of
profit will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of the
gold mines, and even this will mean the destruction
of the natives. The viceroy should not trust only to
what relation Juan Pacheco, who is going to Nueva
Espana, may give, for he is biassed in favor of the
governor for favors received. Authentic news and
information may be had from Diego de Herrera,
who is going to Nueva Espana and Spain to report
concerning secular and ecclesiastical affairs. Ortega
complains bitterly of Lavezaris who is a man of
bias and passion, and unfair to the religious and the
Indians and poor Spaniards. He should be retired

1 280-1605] PREFACE 23

as he is over seventy years of age. He has done
wrong in regranting vacant encomiendas that had
reverted to the crown, which is contrasted strongly
with Legazpi's steadfast refusal to do so. The pop-
ulation of the island has been greatly overestimated.
If a new governor is not appointed, an efficient
visitor should at least be sent. Ortega lauds Juan de
Salcedo and Juan de Moron (the latter of whom has
been sent under unjust arrest to Nueva Espana) and
asks rewards for them. He bewails the fact that the
Chinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so de-
sired by the religious has not been carried out mainly
because of the opposition of Lavezaris and his
friend. He offers himself anew to accompany the
expedition if it is reorganized, and suggests the ex-
ploration of the island of Cauchill, which belongs
to China, and has a rich export trade in pepper and
Moluccan cloves.

At about the same time as the above letter, must
have been written the undated memoranda for Diego
de Herrera who sails for Nueva Espana in 1573 to
inform the king of various abuses, and to report on
the islands, and make various requests. The memo-
randa paint the condition of the conquest in the dark-
est colors, dilating on the cruelty of the Spaniards,
which has caused the name of Spaniard to be hated
by the Filipino. Justice is almost an unknown
quantity, and sentences are adjudged in favor of him
who pays most. Retaliation for injuries inflicted by
the Filipinos is the order of the day, without any
heed as to whether the guilty person is punished or
not. Many raids are made; and the land is divided
into encomiendas, although not yet pacified. The
encomenderos only bleed, but do not protect their

24 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

natives. Slavery is common among the natives and
for various reasons, and the Spaniards are quick to
make use of the institution unjustly. Various re-
quests, some for reform, are to be made. Above all
the wrong to the natives should be corrected, and an
investigation made regarding the slaves held un-
justly. Honest men should be sent to inspect con-
ditions. Two hospitals are needed, and religious
are extremely necessary. Two secular priests are
requested to look after the Spaniards. If the Chi-
nese expedition is despatched, the Augustinians wish
to be preferred. Aid is needed for the support of
the religious. If slavery is allowed various meas-
ures are needed regulating it, and the final word
regarding slaves should be said by the religious.
Natives should not be taken on raids against their
will. The chief products of the islands are gold,
pearls, spices, and drugs, and the nearby mainlands
are rich.

Under date of June 30, 1574, Martin de Rada,
O.S.A., writes the viceroy of Nueva Espafia, dis-
cussing events and conditions among the Spaniards
and Filipinos. He also draws a dark picture of the
rapacity of the Spaniards, who molest the Filipinos
by unjust raids and excessive demands for tribute.
An expedition made to the Bicol River and Cama-
rines by Salcedo and Chaves has met success only
after considerable opposition from the natives who
are the bravest of Luzon, and who meet heavy losses
in consequence. Chaves is left in Ilocos with a
small band to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copy
of his "Opinion" regarding tributes. Notwithstand-
ing contrary reports, the islands are but slightly
pacified; the natives are restless and piracy is fre-

1 2 80-1605] PREFACE 25

quent Unjust wars are waged upon the natives,
notwithstanding that the Spaniards attempt to shield
themselves behind Urdaneta and Rada. The en-
trance into Manila was a travesty on justice. The
governor takes and solicits bribes, and pays but little
attention to the natives. Rada retains those religious
who wish to return to Nueva Espana because of the
general conditions. An epidemic of smallpox has
spared "neither childhood, youth, nor old age," and
many have died. The document closes with a recital
of the classes and causes of slavery among the natives
in which many characteristics of the Filipinos are
mentioned.

In a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials
(July 17, 1574), the king is congratulated on the
birth of a son, to whom a present is sent, and also on
the great battle of Lepanto won over the Turks by
Don Juan of Austria. Ilocos has been divided into
encomiendas, while Camarines has been explored
and pacified and the land is to be assigned. An
attack from Borneo was expected in 1573, but late
reports are to the effect that that king desires friend-
ship with the Spaniards. A chief of Mindanao has
also signified his desire for peace. There is a steady
trade with China, but the Chinese cargoes do not
prove very valuable. The king is asked to reorgan-
ize commercial communication with Spain and
allow private vessels. Cinnamon is abundant, al-
though but little can be shipped for lack of space.
Dire need prevails throughout the islands, which
is not relieved by the royal officials of Mexico, as
they claim to be without royal commission for it.
Legazpi had failed to show certain royal decrees,
and the king is asked to order the governor not to

26 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The
trouble with the Augustinians over the tribute is re-
lated from the standpoint of the royal officials, the
Augustinians going so far as to assert that the king
has no legal title in the islands. However, the
tribute is being collected on the lines laid out by
Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, for
Mirandaola has been sent under arrest to Nueva
Espana) petition an increase of salary; and Aldave
the confirmation of his appointment as treasurer,
given him because of Lavezaris's appointment to the
governorship.

Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives
(June 2, 1576) a list of encomiendas assigned by
Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebii, Panay,
Mindanao, Leyte, Luzon, Mindoro, Luban, Elin,
Imaras, Masbat, Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Cami-
guinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol, Bantayan, Maren-
duque, Donblon (Romblon), Banton, and Negros.
Many of the names of the early conquistadors are
given, and the document possesses value as it denotes
early attempts at estimation of population, although
those estimates are only vague and very inadequate.

Loarca's letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of
the enmity of Governor Sande, who hates him be-
cause he went on the Chinese expedition by order of
Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands,
complains that false reports are sent regarding the
conquests, and hence there is a waste of money. He
fears to be too specific in his letter lest his letters go
astray. He asks for aid, for he has received no sal-
ary for some years, and has even spent his own money
for public purposes, and has become poor.

In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon

1280-1605] PREFACE 27

to be elected custodian of the Franciscans in Manila,
writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope Gregory XIII a letter
(partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage of
the first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines.
On the journey thither a short halt is made at one of
the Ladrones, of whose inhabitants the father gives
a brief description. At Manila the Augustinians,
hitherto the sole religious order in the islands, give
them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging
progress among the aborigines. Undaunted how-
ever, the new missionaries set to work with a will and
soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of
Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Bor-
neo has made itself felt among some of the natives,
but yet with a sufficient supply of missionaries, the
Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are
briefly described, would soon be converted to the
faith. The first Franciscan expedition to China,
under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro, which left
Manila, May 20, 1579, is also described, and the
Chinese characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs the
pope to order the authorities in Manila to cease
offering obstructions to those religious who desire
to go to China to evangelize that great empire.

On October 17, 158 1, a council of various religious
assembled by Bishop Salazar to discuss the question
of the liberation of native slaves held by Spaniards,
which has been ordered by a royal decree decide:
1. That an old decree of 1530 prohibits the Span-
iards to enslave the natives of the Indies; and that
that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all slaves
to be freed. Consequently, the new decree must be
obeyed. 2. There is not any just reason for awaiting
a new order because of petition, for such petition is

28 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

only a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the liber-
ation of the slaves. 3. The slaves must be freed im-
mediately, although they may be ordered to remain
with their masters for twenty or thirty days, in order
to give the latter time to adapt themselves to the sud-
den change.

Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical in-
terest is Bishop Salazar's document of December 21,
1 58 1, creating and establishing the cathedral church
of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the
various ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdea-
con, chanter, schoolmaster, treasurer, canons, preb-
endaries, racioneros, half-racioneros, acolytes, chap-
lains, sacristan, organist, beadle, econome, notary of
the chapter, and the peculiar office of dog-catcher,
and outlines the duties of all and names the salary
each is to receive. Much of interest is said on the
subject of tithes and revenues, benefices, the various
parish churches that exist or may be established, and
their priests, the failure of duty of any official, chap-
ter meetings (which must occur twice each week),
church services, etc. A question to assume vast pro-
portions later, namely, the royal patronage, presenta-
tion for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction also
receives mention. This document presents in germ
the ecclesiastical government of Manila.

Antonio Sedeno, S. J., one of the first of his order
to come to the Philippines (he having accompanied
Bishop Salazar, in company with one other priest -
Alonso Sanchez -and two lay-brothers), writes to
Felipe II, June 17, 1583, requesting that the govern-
or be appointed from a resident of the islands, in-
stead of sending a new man from Spain to fill that
post. Thereby will great occasion for graft be

1 280-1605] PREFACE 29

avoided, and the royal expenses be greatly reduced,
while the whole land will benefit. He suggests the
appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the factor, a
prudent man, who has always opposed wrong. He
also requests permission to found a seminary in order
that the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfil
their obligations ; and royal aid for such foundation.

One day after the date of the above letter (June
18), the bishop Domingo de Salazar writes to Felipe
II, urging the establishment of a Jesuit college by
royal aid, because of the great advantage that will
ensue therefrom. He mentions in general the same
reasons for such establishment as are urged by
Sedeno; and dwells upon the saving to the royal
treasury and the advantage to the land at large. He
asks that districts be divided justly among the reli-
gious and seculars, and that the members of no order
preempt a larger territory than they can attend to.
This has caused friction between himself and the
religious, which will be eliminated by a royal order
to the above effect.

An anonymous relation translated from a printed
pamphlet, which bears neither place nor date, fol-
lows. Internal evidence shows it to have been writ-
ten by a religious - Augustinian, Franciscan, or Jes-
uit, preferably the second -and before 1587 (the
year of the arrival of the Dominicans), notwith-
standing that the British Museum copy (whence our
transcript was procured) queries the date 1595. This
relation contains many valuable observations on the
islands, and their people, products, and history. The
greater part of it consists of a description of the four
provinces of Luzon, viz., that of the Tagalogs and
Pampangos, Ilocos, Cagayan, and Camarines. The

3° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

author mentions the important fact that the Taga-
logs are mistakenly called Moros, but they are not
and have never been Moros. Continuing his rela-
tion, the religious describes Borneo briefly and gives
the salient points of Sande's campaign there. The
Visayans and their islands are touched upon, some
little space being devoted to the first Spanish settle-
ment at Cebu, whence the Spaniards move to Panay
after the negotiations with and assault by the Portu-
guese under Pereira. More men and religious are
needed to develop the Philippines and to christian-
ize them thoroughly.

The factor, Juan Baptista Roman, writes to Felipe
II (July 2, 1588), relating the chief events of
Thomas Candish's memorable expedition through a
portion of the Philippine archipelago. He com-
plains bitterly of the apathy of the governor in not
pursuing the English pirate, who is only 22 or 23
years old, and says that good time is wasted by at-
tempting to strengthen the city of Manila to the
abandonment of all idea of pursuit. He suggests
means by which such expeditions may be rendered
impossible in the future. The usual cry of ineffi-
cient administration and useless expense is made,
as an offset to which Roman proposes the encourage-
ment of private shipping instead of the use of the
royal vessels therefor, by means of which the gov-
ernor, who engages in trade on his own account, be-
comes rich at the expense and loss of the royal treas-
ury. Finally, the stone fort being built at Manila is
useless as it is old style and incapable of defending
the city.

Gomez Perez Dasmarifias in a letter to either the
viceroy of Nueva Espana or some high official in

1280-1605] PREFACE 3 1

Spain (June 21, 1591) devotes himself almost en-
tirely to military affairs. He has introduced system
and discipline where it was lacking before, and has
built a barracks for the soldiers. He complains
greatly of the insubordination of the soldiers there
before his arrival and the bad example that they
furnish to the new soldiers. He has also constructed
a stone wall about the city, which gives an appear-
ance of stability and renders the city secure. He asks
that he be allowed to reward the services of gentle-
men and soldiers who have accompanied him. The
provinces of Zambales and Cagayan, which were in
revolt have been pacified, and Dasmarinas suggests
the advisability of a Spanish colony in the latter, on
account of its proximity to China, and its good har-
bor. He is having considerable trouble with the
bishop and friars who oppose him in everything, and
act as though they were the rulers of the country.

In 1599, a series of three documents concerning
the procuratorship of Tomas Marquez, of the Phil-
ippines, and the methods of the Spanish provincials
of the Augustinian Order, and addressed to the pope
(then Clement VIII), shows well the political
means employed by the Augustinians in Spain in
their efforts to retain in their own hands the balance
of power as over against that of the Augustinians of
the Spanish provinces. The first is a short petition
from the above father praying that he be restored to
his position as procurator-general of the Philippines,
of which he has been deprived by the Spanish pro-
vincial, and that he be allowed to take to the islands
those of his order who desire to accompany him.
The second paper has also the same end as the first,
but is more specific, as it gives more at length the

32 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

various methods employed by the Spanish provin-
cials. Marquez prays that the order in the Philip-
pines be subject only to the general of the whole
order and not to the Spanish provincials, who claim
jurisdiction as vicars-general. The Spanish provin-
cials endeavor to govern the order in the Philip-
pines and other provinces of the Indies, not for the
good of the whole order, but for their own interests,
using therein methods that are contrary to the con-
stitution and laws of the order, and, in addition,
wrong morally. The offscourings of the Spanish
convents are sent to the islands instead of men fitted
for the task, and those of the latter class who desire
are not permitted to go. The third document is evi-
dently the report of the nuncio, and gives the reasons
why the Augustinian provinces of the Indies are not
subject to the provincials of Spain, but only to the
general of the whole order. The pretext upon which
the Spanish province urges leadership is the fact that
the first Augustinian establishment in the New
World was under its auspices. Since ordered to re-
sign all rights to the office of vicar-general by the
general chapter of Rome 1592, the provincial has
done so.

The king, by a royal decree of January 17, 1593,
addressed to Bishop Salazar, notifies him that the
governor has been ordered to take possession of the
hospitals for the natives in Manila in accordance
with the king's right as patron of the hospitals.

Ecclesiastical matters are discussed in a letter from
the Manila ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe III (July
3, 1602). The royal Audiencia is trying to force the
ecclesiastical judge to make arrests by its aid; but
such a course would involve much time and expense

1 2 80-1605] PREFACE 33

to the wretched Indian, whose case as now conducted
by the ecclesiastical judge is summarily completed,
while recourse to the Audiencia would bring into
play all the slow legal machinery. Such ecclesiasti-
cal arrests are only made in order to correct
sin. Some of the religious orders in Manila claim
royal concession for universities and appointments
therein. Such a course would be unfair to the secu-
lars, for even now the religious have all the best
things, and if they found universities, the seculars
will have nothing to which to aspire, while the lure
of an appointment to a professorship would cause
them to take heart and study hard, so that the cathe-
dral would always have men of learning. The Jes-
uits desire to use the money restored from the tributes
collected by the encomenderos, as a result of
Salazar's contentions, for the founding of a hospital.
Such use would divert it from its true employment -
the ransoming of Filipino captives and the aiding of
their hospitals, and therefore the cabildo petitions
that the request be not acceded to. The Jesuits are
trying to obtain the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of a
town opposite Manila (which is now administered
by a secular cura) where they have some years before
bought an estate, and have been gradually acquiring
all the land which they have rented to the Chinese.
In addition the Jesuits are also attempting to obtain
the spiritual administration of San Miguel, a small
village outside Manila, now administered by sec-
ulars. The cabildo petitions that the curas now in
charge of these two places be allowed to retain
them. The Augustinians have also been guilty of
depriving the seculars of their jurisdiction in Cavite
and in the chapel of Nijestra Seiiora de Guia. And

34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

so unbridled are they that they resist the visitor sent
out by their own order. The Franciscans, in spite
of their humility, have built a church at Dilao on
their own authority. Thus the royal patronage is
transcended, and the governor has been cognizant
thereto, through his partiality to the orders. The
cabildo asks that the alms generally given to the re-
ligious be also granted to the cathedral, for it is very
poor. In the cathedral is a bench for the wives of
the auditors and another for the officials of the Holy
Office - both unusual in other cathedrals. The bench
belonging to the Holy Office has led to the excom-
munication of one of the canons of the cathedral who
moved it one day, through the passion engendered
in the commissary, a Dominican religious. The
cabildo asks that both benches be removed, and that
justice be shown them, as they are unable to send
anyone to Spain to plead their case, as do the reli-
gious.

The condition of the redoubt or fort of Manila
is discussed in a letter to Felipe III by its castellan
Bernardino Maldonado (June 21, 1605). Many
interesting deductions as to the social and economic
conditions of Manila can be made from this doc-
ument. Like so many other documents, this is one
of complaint and shows the inefficiency of the gov-
ernment. The fort is poorly garrisoned and almost
neglected in spite of its importance (as it is used as
the arsenal) and the efforts of its castellan. The gar-
rison is only of fifty men (although Tello had prom-
ised to increase it at the earnest solicitation of Mal-
donado) and those are the offscourings of the camp.
A lieutenant appointed has to enter suit in order to
receive his pay. The artillerymen should live in the

1 280-1605] PREFACE 35

fort and should not be taken elsewhere, and should
be experienced men, and not those who receive ap-
pointments through favor. Tello has used part of
the artillery against Oliver van Noordt, and it was
in consequence lost, and now Acufta proposes to take
a portion of the few pieces left on his Maluco expe-
dition. Maldonado's efforts to prepare for the
feared Chinese insurrection of 1603 were not en-
couraging, and he was quite unable to obtain food,
and was even compelled to aid the other soldiers
with what little he did have. Since that insurrec-
tion, the Chinese merchants have come to the city
each year, and have been housed partly in the city
among the inhabitants, as their alcaiceria was
burned, although the Parian is now rebuilt. Mal-
donado complains of the companies formed from
Filipinos in whom he sees grave danger. The
soldiers of the fort are ill paid, and inasmuch as they
are permanently in the fort and make no raids, as do
the other soldiers, they suffer considerably. Conse-
quently, Maldonado asks that they be paid first, and
that their pay of six reals be raised. Arms are
needed, especially arquebuses and muskets. Finally
Maldonado mentions his own services and asks for
various rewards for his faithfulness.

The Editors
January, 1906.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO

{concluded)

By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca.
1525, of events of 1519-1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document
which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]

{Continued from Vol. XXXIII, page 266.)

Sul tardi deL mede/imo giorno vene in vno prao
pietro alfon/o portughe/e et non e//endo anchora
de/montato iL re lo mando a chiamare et ridendo
di/egli se lui ben era de tarennate ne dice//e la verita
de tuto quello q li domanda//emo Co/tui dice
Como J a /edize anny /taua nela Jndia ma x in
maluco et tante erano q maluco /taua de/coperto
asco/amente et era vno anno mancho quindici giornj
che venne vna naue grande de malaca quiui et /e
partite caricata de garof ali ma p li mali tempi re/to
in bandan alquanti me/i delaq a lle era cap tri/tan de
meneses portughese et Como lui li demando que
noue erano ade//o in chri/tianitatte li di//e como era
partita vna armata de cinque nauj de /iuiglia p
de/coprire maluco in nome deL re de/pagnia e/sendo
capitano fernando de magallianes portughe/e et
como lo re de portugallo p di/pecto q vno portu-
gue/e lifo/*/e cont a hauea mandatte alquante naue aL
capo de bonna /peran/a et altre tante aL capo de
/ancta maria doue /tanno li Canibali p vietargli lo
pa/Yo et Como no lo trouo poy il re de portagalo
haueua Jnte/o Como lo dicto capitanio haueua pa/-
/ato p vno alt° mare et andaua amalucho Subito
/cri//e aL /uo cap° magiore de la india chiamato

38

[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]

{Continued from Vol. XXXIII, page 267.)

In the afternoon of that same day, Pietro Alfonso,
the Portuguese, came in a prau. He had not disem-
barked before the king sent to summon him and told
him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we
should ask him, even if he did come from Tarennate.
He told us that he had been sixteen years in India,
but x in Maluco, for Maluco had been discovered
secretly for that time. 488 It was a year all but one
fortnight, since a large ship had arrived at that place
from Malaca, and had left laden with cloves, but
had been obliged to remain in Bandan for some
months because of bad weather. Its captain was
Tristan de Meneses, 489 a Portuguese. When he asked
the latter what was the news back in Christendom,
he was told that a fleet of five ships had left Siviglia
to discover Maluco in the name of the king of
Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magalli-
anes, a Portuguese; that the king of Portugallo,
angered that a Portuguese should be opposed to him,
had sent some ships to the cape of Bonna Speransa
[/.?., Good Hope], and a like number to the cape of
Sancta Maria, where the cannibals live, in order to
prevent their passage, but that he was not found.
Then the king of Portagalo had heard that the said
captain had passed into another sea, and was on his
way to Malucho. He immediately wrote directing
his chief captain of India, one Diego Lopes de

39

4° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

diego lopes de /ichera mada//e /ey naue amaluco
me p cau/a del gra turco che veniua amalacha no le
mande p che li fu for/a mandare Contra lui /exanta
velle aL /treto deLa mehca nella tera de Juda liq a lli
non trouorono alt° /olum alcate gallere in /eco nela
riua de q e lla forte et bella cita de adem leq a lle tucte
bru/orono dopo Que/to mandaua contro anuy ama-
lucho vno gra galeoe con due mani de bombarde ma
p certi ba//i et corenti de hacqua che /onno circa
malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto pa//are et torno
in drieto Lo cap° de que/to galioe era franc faria
portughe/e et Como erano poq* giornj q vna Cara-
uella co dui Jonci erano /tati quiui p Jntendere de
nui li Junci andarono abachian p caricare garofali co
/ette portughe/i Que/ti portughe/i p no hauef
re/pecto ale donne deL re et de li /uoi lo re li di/ce
piu volte no face/Zero taL co/a ma loro no volendo
re/tare furono amazati Quando q e lli de la Carauella
intezero que/to /ubito tornorono a malaca et la/cia-
rono li Junci co catrocento bahar de garofali et tanta
mercantia p comperaf cento alt 1 bahar et Como ogni
anno molti Junci veneno de malaca abandan p piglia-
re matia et no/ce mo/cade et da bandan amalucho
p garofali et como que/ti populi vanno co que/ti /ui
Junci da maluco a bandan in tre giornj et de bandan
amalaca in quidici et como lo re de portagalo J a x
anny godeua malucho a/co/amente acio lo re
de/pagnia noL /ape//e co/tui /tete co nuy ale
in/ino a tre hore de nocte et di/cene molte altre co/e

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 4 1

Sichera, 490 to send six ships to Maluco. But the lat-
ter did not send them because the Grand Turk was
coming to Malacha, for he was obliged to send sixty
sail to oppose him at the strait of Mecha in the land
of Juda. They found only a few galleys that had
been beached on the shore of the strong and beauti-
ful city of Adem, all of which they burned. 491 After
that the chief captain sent a large galleon with two
tiers of guns to Malucho to oppose us, but it was
unable to proceed because of certain shoals and cur-
rents of water near Malaca, and contrary winds. The
captain of that galleon was Francesco Faria, 492 a
Portuguese. It was but a few days since a caravel
with two junks had been in that place to get news
of us. The junks went to Bachian for a cargo of
cloves with seven Portuguese. As those Portuguese
did not respect the women of the king and of his
subjects, although the king told them often not to
act so, and since they refused to discontinue, they
were put to death. When the men in the caravel
heard that, they immediately returned to Malaca
abandoning the junks with four hundred bahars of
cloves, and sufficient merchandise to purchase one
hundred bahars more. Every year a number of junks
sail from Malaca to Bandan 493 for mace and nut-
meg, and from Bandan to Malucho for cloves. Those
people sail in three days in those junks of theirs from
Maluco to Bandan, and in a fortnight from Bandan
to Malaca. The king of Portagalo had enjoyed
Malucho already for x years secretly, so that the king
of Spagnia might not learn of it. That Portuguese
remained with us until three in the morning, and
told us many other things. We plied him so well,

4 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

opera/Yemo tanto q co/tui pmetendolj bo /oldo ne
pmi//e de venire co nuy in /pagnia.

Vennere a Quindici de nouembre il re ne di/ce
como andaua abachian p pigliaf de q e lli garofali
la/sati da li portugue/i ne dimando duy pfiti p
darli ali dui gubernatorj de mutir in nome deL re
de/pagnia et pa//ando per mezo de le naui vol/e
vedere Como tirauao li /chiopeti li bale/tre et li ver/i
q /ono magiori duno arcubu/o tiro lui tre volti
de bale/tra p chi li piaceua piu q li /chiopeti Sa-
bato lo re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con molti
prao alqualle dona/cemo vno /ayo de doma/cho
tde dui bracia de panne ro//o /pechi forfice cortelli
petini et dui bichery dorati ne di/ce poi q eramo
amici deL re de tadore eramo anchora /oi p che
amaualo Como pp io /uo figliolo et /e may alguno
deli no/t* anda//eno in /ua terra li farebe grandi/-
/imo honnore Que/to re emolto vechio et temuto
p tutte que/te y/ole p e//ere molto potente et chia
ma//e raia Jussu Que/ta y/ola de Jayalolo e tanto
grando que tardano catro me/i a circundarla co vno
prao. Domenicha matina que/to mede/imo re
venne ale naui et vol/e vedere in que modo comba-
teuao et como /caricauamo le nfe bombarde dilque
piglio grandi//imo piacef et /ubito /e parti Co/tui
Como ne fu detto era /tato nela /ua Jouenta gra
Combatitof.

NeL mede/imo giorno anday in terra p vedere
Como na/cheuano li garofali Lo arburo /uo he
alto et gro//o Como vno homo altrauer/o et piu et

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 43

promising him good pay that he promised to return
to Spagnia with us.

On Friday, November fifteen, the king told us that
he was going to Bachian to get the cloves abandoned
there by the Portuguese. He asked us for two pres-
ents so that he might give them to the two governors
of Mutir in the name of the king of Spagnia. Pass-
ing in between the ships he desired to see how we
fired our musketry, crossbows, and the culverins,
which are larger than an arquebus. He shot three
times with a crossbow, for it pleased him more than
the muskets. 494 On Saturday, the Moro king of Giai-
lolo came to the ships with a considerable number
of praus. To some of the men we gave some green
damask silk, two brazas of red cloth, mirrors, scis-
sors, knives, combs, and two gilt drinking cups. That
king told us that since we were friends of the king
of Tadore, we were also his friends, for he loved that
king as one of his own sons; and whenever any of
our men would go to his land, he would show him
the greatest honor. That king is very aged and is
feared among all those islands, for he is very power-
ful. His name is Raia Jessu. That island of Jaya-
lolo is so large that it takes four months to circum-
navigate it in a prau. On Sunday morning that same
king came to the ships and desired to see how we
fought and how we discharged our guns. He took
the greatest pleasure in it. After they had been dis-
charged he immediately departed. He had been a
great fighter in his youth as we were told.

That same day, I went ashore to see how the clove
grows. The clove tree is tall and as thick as a man's
body or thereabout. Its branches spread out some-

44 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

meno li /ui ramj /pandeno alquante largo neL
mezo ma neL fine f anno in mo do de vna cima la
/uo foglia e como q e lla deL lauro la /cor/a e
oliua/t a ly garofoli veneno Jn cima de li ramiti
diece ho vinti in/iemi Que/ti arbory f anno /empre
ca/i piu duna banda q de lalt a Segondo li tempi
Quando na/cono li garofali /onno bianq* maturj
ro//i et /ecq 1 negri /e cogleno due volte alanno
vna dela natiuita deL nfo redemptore [Quando
lanno e piu: crossed out in original MS.] lalt a in
q e lla de s t0 Joha bap ta p che in que/ti dui tempi e piu
temperato larie ma piu in q e lla deL nfo redemptore
Quando lanno e piu caldo et co mancho piogie et
coglienno trecento et quatrocento bahar in ogni
vna de que/te y/olle na/cono /olamete neli monti et
/e alguni de que/ti arborj /onno piantati aL pianno
apre//o li monti no viueno la /uo foglia la /corza
et il legnio tde et co/i forte como li garofoli /e
non /i coglieno quado /onno maturi diuentano grandi
et tanti duri q non e bono alt° de loro /inon la /ua
/cor/a no na/cono aL mondo alt 1 garofali /inon in
cinque moti de que/te cinque y/olle /e ne trouano
ben alguni in giailolo et in vna y/ola picola f ra tadore
et mutir detta mare ma non /onno buoni Vede
uamo nuy ca/i ogni giorno vna nebula di/cendere et
circundare mo luno mo lalt° de que/ti monti p ilque
li garofoli diuentano pfecti Cia/cuno de que/ti
populi anno de que/ti arbori et ogni vno cu/todi/-
cono li /ui ma non li coltiuano Jn que/ta y/ola
/e trouano alguni arbori de noce mo/cada larbore
e como le no/tre noguere et con le mede/ime foglie

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 45

what widely in the middle, but at the top they have
the shape of a summit. Its leaves resemble those of
the laurel, and the bark is of a dark color. 495 The
cloves grow at the end of the twigs, ten or twenty in
a cluster. Those trees have generally more cloves on
one side than on the other, according to the season.
When the cloves sprout they are white, wKen ripe,
red, and when dried, black. They are gathered twice
per year, once at the nativity of our Savior, [when
the year is more: crossed out in original MS.'] and
the other at the nativity of St. John the Baptist; for
the climate is more moderate at those two seasons,
but more so at the time of the nativity of our Savior.
When the year is very hot and there is little rain,
those people gather three or four hundred bahars
[of cloves] in each of those islands. Those trees
grow only in the mountains, and if any of them are
planted in the lowlands near the mountains, they do
not live. The leaves, the bark, and the green wood
are as strong as the cloves. If the latter are not
gathered when they are ripe, they become large and
so hard that only their husk is good. No cloves are
grown in the world except in the five mountains of
those five islands, except that some are found in Giai-
lolo and in a small island between Tadore and Mutir,
by name Mare, 496 but they are not good. Almost
every day we saw a mist descend and encircle now
one and now another of those mountains, on account
of which those cloves become perfect. Each of those
people possesses clove trees, and each one watches
over his own trees although he does not cultivate
them. Some nutmeg trees are found in that island.
The tree resembles our walnut tree, and has leaves

4 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

la noce quando /e coglie he grande como vno Codo-
gnio picolo co q e L pelo et deL mede/imo colore la
/ua p l ma /corza et gro//a como la verde dele nfe
noce Soto de q/ta he vna tella /otille Soto laqHle
/ta la matia ro//isimo riuolta intorno la Scor/a della
noce et de dent da que/ta e La noce mo/cade le
ca/e de que/ti po puli Sonno facte como le altre ma
non cuffi alte da terra et /onno circunda te de canne
in modo de uno /ieue que/te femine /onno bructe
et vano nude Como le altre con q c lli panny de /corca
de arbore fanno que/ti panni intaL modo pi-
glianno vno pezo de /cor/a et lo la/cianno nelacqua
fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno co legni et lo
fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como
vno vello de /eda cruda co certi filecti de dent° q
pare/ta te/uto mangiano panne de legnio de ar-
bore como la palma facto in que/to modo pi-
glianno vno pezo de que/to legnio mole et li Cauano
fuora certi /pini negri longui poi Lo pe/tanno et co/i
fanno Lo panne luzano qua/i /olo p portare in mare
et lo chia mano /aghu Que/ti homini vano nudi
Como li alt* ma /onno tato gelo/i dele /ue moglie
che no voleuano anda//emo nuj in terra c5 Le
braguete di/coperte p che diceuano le /ue donne
pen/are nuy /emp e//ere in ordine.

Ogni giorno veniuao de tarenate molte barche
caricate de garofali ma p che a/pectauamo il re no
contractauamo alt° /inon victuuaglia Queli de

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 47

like it. When the nut is gathered it is as large as
a small quince, with the same sort of down, and it
is of the same color. Its first rind is as thick as the
green rind of our walnut Under that there is a
thin layer, under which is found the mace. The
latter is a brilliant red and is wrapped about the rind
of the nut, and within that is the nutmeg. 497 The
houses of those people are built like those of the
others, but are not raised so high from the ground,
and are surrounded with bamboos like a hedge. The
women there are ugly and go naked as do the others,
[covered only] with those cloths made from the bark
of trees. Those cloths are made in the following
manner. They take a piece of bark and leave it in
the water until it becomes soft. Then they beat it
with bits of wood and [thus] make it as long and
as wide as they wish. It becomes like a veil of raw
silk, and has certain threads within it, which appear
as if woven. 498 They eat wooden bread made from
a tree resembling the palm, which is made as fol-
lows. They take a piece of that soft wood from
which they take certain long black thorns. Then
they pound 499 the wood, and so make the bread.
They use that bread, which they call saghu [*.*.,
sago], almost as their sole food at sea. The men
there go naked as do the others [of those regions],
but they are so jealous of their wives that they do
not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed; 500
for they assert that their women imagine that we are
always in readiness.

A number of boats came from Tarenate daily
laden with cloves, but, as we were awaiting the king,
we did not barter for anything except food. The

4 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

tarenate /e lementauano molte p che no voleuamo
Contractare co loro Domenicha de nocte a vinti-
cat° de nouembf venendo aL luni Lo re vene /uo-
nando con q e lle /ue borchie et pa//ando p mezo li
naui di/ca rica//emo molte bombarde ne di//e in
fine aquat giornj venirianno molty garofali luni
lo re ne mando /etecento et noranta vno cathili de
garofali /enza leuar La tara la tara e pigliare le
/peciarie p mancho de q e L que pezanno p che ogni
giorno /e /echano piu p e//ere li p^ny garofali
haueuamo me/Yi neli nauj di/carica//emo molte
bombarde Quiui chiamano li garofali ghomode
in /aranghani doue piglia//emo li dui piloti bon-
ghalauan et in malaca chianche.

Marti a vinti/ei de nouembf il re ne di/ce como
non era co/tume de alguno re de partir/i de /ua y/bla
ma lui /e era partito p amore deL re de ca/tiglia et
per che anda//emo piu pre/to in /pagnia et retorna/-
/emo co tante naui q pote//emo vendicare la morte
de /ua padre q fo amazato in vna J/ola chiamata
buru et poi botato neL mare et di//enne Como era
vza/a quando li p J mi garofali eranno po/ti nele naui
o vero neli Junci lo re fare vno conuito aq e llj dele
naui et pregare Lo /uo dio li conduce//i /alui neLo
/uo porto et anche lo volia far p cagioe deL re de
bachian et vno /uo f ratello che veniuano p vizitarne
faceua netareli vie alguni de nui pen/ando q a lque
tradimeto p che quiui doue pigliauamo lacha

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 49

men who came from Tarenate were very sorry be-
cause we refused to trade with them. On Sunday
night, November twenty-four, and toward Monday,
the king came with gongs a-playing, and passed be-
tween the ships, [whereat] we discharged many
pieces. He told us that cloves would be brought in
quantity within four days. Monday the king sent
us seven hundred and ninety-one 501 cathils of cloves,
without reckoning the tare. The tare is to take the
spices for less than they weigh, for they become dryer
daily. As those were the first cloves which we had
laden in our ships, we fired many pieces. Cloves
are called ghomode there; in Saranghani where we
captured the two pilots, bongalauan;* 02 and in
Malaca, chianche.

On Tuesday, November twenty-six, the king told
us that it was not the custom of any king to leave his
island, but that he had left [his] for the love that
he bore the king of Castiglia, and so that we might
go to Spagnia sooner and return with so many ships
that we could avenge the murder of his father who
was killed in an island called Bum, 503 and then
thrown into the sea. He told us that it was the cus-
tom, when the first cloves were laden in the ships
or in the junks, for the king to make a feast for the
crews of the ships, and to pray 504 their God that He
would lead those ships safe to their port. He also
wished to do it because of the king of Bachian and
one of his brothers who were coming to visit him.
He had the streets cleaned. Some of us imagining
that some treachery was afoot, because three Portu-
guese in the company of Francesco Seranno had been
killed in the place where we took in water, by cer-

5° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

foreno amazati da certi de que/ti a/co/i neli bo/chi
tre portughe/i de franc /eranno et p che vedeuamo
que/ti Jndi /u/urare con li no/t 1 pre/oni, dice//emo
contra alquanti volentoro/i de que/to conuito no /i
douere andare in terra p conuiti ricordandogli deq e L
alt° tanto infelice face//emo tanto /e conclu/e de
mandare dire aL re veni//e pre /to ne le nauj p che
voleuamo /i partire et con/egniarli li catro homini
pmi//i con altre mercantie Jl re /ubito venne et
Jntrando nele naui di//e adalungunj /ui co tanta
fidutia entraua in que/te como nele /ue caze. Ne
di//e e/ere grandamete /pauentato p volerne partire
co/i pre/to e/endo il termine de Carigare le naui
trenta giornj et non e/er/i partito p fame algun maL
ma p fornire piu pre/to li naui de garofoli et como
no /i doueuamo par tire alora p non e//ere anchora
lo tempo de nauigare p que/te y/olle et p li
molti ba//i /e trouano zirca bandan et p che facil-
mente hauere/emo potuto incontrar/i in q a lque naui
de portughe/i et /e pur era la nfa opignioe de par-
tir/i alhora piglia/semo tute le nfe merchadantie p
che tucti li re circunuicini direbenno iL re de tadore
hauef receuuti tanty pfiti da vno /i gra re et lui no
hauerli dato co/a alguna et pen/arebeo nuy e//er/i
partitj /inon p paura de q a lque inganno et /empre
chiama rebenno lui p vno traditof poi fece portare
lo /uo alchoranno et ptoa ba/an dolo et metendo/elo
catro o cinque volte /oura lo capo et dicendo fra /e
certe parolle, Quando fanno cu//i Chiamano Zam-
bahean, di//e in pntia de tucti q Juraua p ala et p

1 5 19-152 2] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 5 1

tain of those people who had hidden in the thickets,
and because we saw those Indians whispering with
our prisoners, declared in opposition to some who
wished to go to the feast that we ought not go ashore
for feasts, for we remembered that other so unfortu-
nate one. We were so urgent that it was concluded
to send a message to the king asking him to come soon
to the ships, for we were about to depart, and would
give him the four men whom we had promised him,
besides some other merchandise. The king came
immediately and entered the ships. He told some
of his men that he entered them with as great assur-
ance as into his own houses. He told us that he was
greatly astonished at our intention of departing so
soon, since the limit of time for lading the ships was
thirty days; and that he had not left the island to
do us any harm, but to supply the ships with cloves
sooner. He said that we should not depart then for
that was not the season for sailing among those is-
lands, both because of the many shoals found about
Bandan and because we might easily meet some
Portuguese ships [in those seas]. However, if it
were our determination to depart then, we should
take all our merchandise, for all the kings round-
about would say that the king of Tadore had re-
ceived so many presents from so great a king, and
had given nothing in return; and that they would
think that we had departed only for fear of some
treachery, and would always call him a traitor. Then
he had his koran 505 brought, and first kissing it and
placing it four or five times above his head, and say-
ing certain words to himself as he did so (which they
call zambahean 606 ), he declared in the presence of

5 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

lo alcoranno haueua in mano /emp volere e//ere
fidelle amicho aL re de/pagnia di//e tuto que/to
ca/i piangendo per le /ue bone parolle le pmete/-
/emo de a/pectare anchora quindici giornj Alhora
li de//emo la firma deL re et la bandera realle
niente di meno Jntende//emo poy p buona via alguni
principali de que/te y/ole hauerli dicto ne doue//e
amazare p che farebe grandi//imo piacere ali portu-
gue/i et como loro p donnarianno aq e lli de bachian
et iL re hauerli ri/po /to non lo faria p co/a alguna
cognio//endo Lo re de/pagnia et hauedone data la
/ua pace.

Mercore a vinte/ette de nouembf dopo di/nare lo
re fece fare vn bando a tutj q e lli haueuano garofali
li pote//eno portare nele nauj tuto que/to gior no et
lalt° contrata//emo garofoli co gra furia K venner
/ul tardi vene lo gouuernatof de machian con molti
prao no vol/e de/montare in tera pche /tauao iui
/uo padre et vno /uo fratello banditi da machian
JL giorno /equente lo nfo re co lo gouuernatof Suo
nepote entraronno nele naui nuy p no hauef piu
panno ne mando alore tre bracia deL /uo et neL dete
loq a lle con altre co//e donna//emo aL gouuernatof
partendo/i /e di/carico molte bombarde dapoy
lo re ne mando /ey bracia de panno ro//o agio lo
donna/emo aL gouuernatof /ubito Lo li pre/enta/-
/emo p ilque ne ringratio molto et di//e ne man-

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD S3

all, that he swore by Allah and by the koran 507 which
he had in his hand, that he would always be a faith-
ful friend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all those
words nearly in tears. In return for his good words,
we promised to wait another fortnight. Thereupon,
we gave him the signature of the king and the royal
banner. None the less we heard afterward on good
authority that some of the chiefs of those islands 508
had proposed to him to kill us, saying it would be
doing the greatest kind of pleasure to the Portu-
guese, and that the latter would forgive those of
Bachian. 509 But the king had replied that he would
not do it under any consideration, since he had recog-
nized the king of Spagnia and had made peace with
him.

After dinner on Wednesday, November twenty-
seven, the king had an edict proclaimed that all those
who had cloves could bring them to the ships. All
that and the next day we bartered for cloves with
might and main. On Friday afternoon, the gover-
nor of Machian came with a considerable number
of praus. He refused to disembark, for his father
and one of his brothers who had been banished from
Machian were living in Tadore. Next day, our king
and his nephew, the governor, entered the ships. As
we had no more cloth, the king sent to have three
brazas of his brought and gave it to us, 150 and we gave
it with other things to the governor. At his de-
parture we discharged many pieces. Afterward the
king sent us six brazas of red cloth, so that we might
give it to the governor. We immediately presented
it to the latter, and he thanked us heartily for it, tell-
ing us that he would send us a goodly quantity of

54 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

darebe a/say garofoli Que/to gouuernatore ft
chiama humar et era for/i vinticinque anny.

Domenica ptoo de decembre Que/to gouuer-
natof Se parti ne fu deto iL re de tadore hauergli
dato panny de /"eta et algune de q e lle borchie acio
Cu/tuy piu pre/to li manda//e li garofoli luni iL
re ando fuora de la y/ola p garofoli mercore
matina p e//ere giorno de S ta . barbara et p la venuta
deL re ft de/carico tuta lartigliaria la nocte Lo
re venne ne la riua et vol/e vedere Como tirauamo li
rochetti et bombi de fuoco dilque lo re piglio gra
piacere Joue et vennere ft Compero molti garo-
foli cu/Yi nella cita como nelle naui p catro bracia
de frizetto ne danao vno bahar de garofoli p due
Cadenelle de Latonne q valeuao vno marcello ne
detero cento libre de garofoli in fine p no hauer piu
merchadantie ogni vno li daua q 1 le cape eq* li /agli et
q 1 le Cami/e co altre ve/timentj p hauef La /ua quin-
talada Sabato tre figlioli diL re de tarenate con
tre fxxt moglie figliole deL nfo re et pietro alfon/o
portughe/i venironno ale nauj dona//emo ogni vno
deli tre fratelli vn bichier de vetro dorato ale tre
donne forfice et altre co/e Quando ft partironno
forenno /caricate molte bombarde poy manda//emo
in tera a la figliola deL nfo re Ja moglie diL re de
tarennatte molte co/e perche no vol/e vegnire co le
alt 6 a le nauj tutta Que/ta gente cu//i homini
Comme donne vanno /empre de/cal/i.

Domenica a octo di decembre p e//ere giorno
dela Con/eptioe ft /carico molte bonbarde Rocheti

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 5 5

cloves. That governor's name is Humar, and he was
about twenty-five years old.

On Sunday, the first of December, that governor
departed. We were told that the king of Tadore
had given him some silk cloth and some of those
gongs 511 so that he might send the cloves quicker.
On Monday the king went out of the island to get
cloves. On Wednesday morning, as it was the day
of St. Barbara, 512 and because the king came, all the
artillery was discharged. At night the king came to
the shore, and asked to see how we fired our rockets
and fire bombs, 513 at which he was highly delighted.
On Thursday and Friday we bought many cloves,
both in the city and in the ships. For four brazas
of ribbon, they gave us one bahar of cloves; for two
brass chains,worth one marcello, 514 they gave us one
hundred libras of cloves. Finally, when we had no
more merchandise, one man gave his cloak, another
his doublet, and another his shirt, besides other
articles of clothing, in order that they might have
their share in the cargo. On Saturday, three of the
sons of the king of Tarenate and their three wives,
the daughters of our king, and Pietro Alfonso, the
Portuguese, came to the ships. We gave each of the
three brothers a gilt glass drinking-cup, 515 and scis-
sors and other things to the women. Many pieces
were discharged at their departure. Then we sent
ashore many things to the daughter of our king, now
the wife of the king of Tarennatte, as she refused to
come to the ships with the others. All those people,
both men and women, always go barefoot.

On Sunday, December eight, as it was the day of
the conception, we fired many pieces, rockets, and

5 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

et bombe di fuoco luni /ul tardi lo re venne ale
naui co tre femine li portauao il betre alt* non
pone menare /eco donne /e no iL re dopo venne
lo re de Jaialolo et vol/e vedere nuy vnalt a fiata
cobatere in/ieme dopo alquanti giornj il nfo re
ne di//e lui a//imigliare vna fanciulo che latta//e et
cognioce//e la /ua dulce madre et q e lla parten do/i
lo la//iare /olo magiormente lui re/tare de/co/olato
p che gia ne haueua Cognio//uto et gu/tato alchune
co/e di /pagnia et p che doueuao tardare molto aL
retornare Cari//amamente ne prego li la/cia//emo
p /ua defentioe alquanti de li [/ui: crossed out in
original MS.~\ t/i nfi et ne aui/o Quanto fo//emo
partiti nauiga//emo /e non de giorno p li molti ba//i
sonno in que/te y/olle li re/ponde//emo /e voleuao
andar in /pagnia nera for/a nauigaf de giorno et de
nocte alhora di//e farebe p nui ogni giorno ora-
tioe aL /uo ydio a^io ne conduce//e a /aluameto et
di//ene Como deueua venire le re de bachian p
maritare vno /uo fratello co vno dele /ue figliole
ne prego vole//emo far alchuna fe/ta in /egnio
dallegreza ma no /carica//emo le bombarde gro//e
p che farebenno gra danno ale nauj p e//ere carigate
in que/ti giorni venne pietro alfon/o portugue/e Con
la /ua donna et tute le altre /ue co/e a/tare ne le
naui deli a duy giornj venne ale naui chechili de
roix figliolo deL re de tarennate in vn prao ben for-
nito et di//e aL portugue/e decende//e vn poco aL
/uo prao li ri/po/e no li voleua di/cendere p che
veniua no/co in /pagnia Alhora lui vol/e intrare

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 57

fire bombs. 516 On Monday afternoon the king came
to the ships with three women, who carried his betel
for him. No one except the king can take women
with him. Afterward the king of Jailolo came and
wished to see us fight together again. Several days
later our king told us that he was like a child at the
breast who knew his dear mother, who departing
would leave him alone. Especially would he be
disconsolate, because now he had become acquainted
with us, and enjoyed some of the products of Spagnia.
Inasmuch as our return would be far in the future,
he earnestly entreated us to leave him some of [his :
crossed out in original MS."] our culverins B17 for his
defense. He advised us to sail only by day when we
left, because of the numerous shoals amid those is-
lands. We replied to him that if we wished to reach
Spagnia we would have to sail day and night.
Thereupon, he told us that he would pray daily to
his God for us, asking Him to conduct us in safety.
He told us that the king of Bachian was about to
come to marry one of his brothers to one of his
[the king of Tidore's] daughters, and asked us to
invent some entertainment in token of joy; but that
we should not fire the large pieces, because they
would do great damage to the ships as they were
laden. During that time, Pietro Alfonso, the Portu-
guese, came with his wife and all his other posses-
sions to remain in the ships. Two days later, Che-
chili de Roix, son of the king of Tarennate, came in
a well-manned prau, and asked the Portuguese to
go down into it for a few moments. The Portuguese
answered that he would not go down, for he was
going to Spagnia with us, whereupon the king's son

5 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

nele naui ma nuy no lo vol/emo la/ciar Jntraf
Co/tui p e//ere grade amicho deL cap° de malaca
portughe/e era venuto p pigliarlo et grido molto
aq e lli /tantiauao apre//o iL portugue/e p cio Lo
haueuao La/ciato partire /en/a /ua li/entia.

Domenica a quindici de decembre /ul tardi iL re
de bachian et iL /uo fratello veni rono in vno prao
co tre many de vogatorj p ogni banda eranno tucti
cento et vinti con molte bandiere de piuma de papa-
galo bianque Jalle et ro//e et con molti /oni de q e lle
borquie p que aque/to /onny li vog^tori voganno
atempo et co dui alt 1 prao de donzelle p pntarle a la
/po/a Quando pa//arono apre//o li naui li /a-
luta//emo con bonbarde et loro p /alutarne circun-
dorono ly naui et iL porto Jl re no/t° p e//ere
co/tume nungune re de de/cendere ne le terre de
altrui venne p congratular/e /echo. Quando iL
re de bachian lo vi/te venire /e leuo daL tapeto oue
/edeua et po/e//i de vna banda iL nfo re non vol/e
/edere /oura lo tapeto ma da lalt* parte et co/i niuno
/taua /op a Lo tapeto iL re de bachian dete aL nfo
re cinquecento patolle p che de//e /ua figliola p
moglie aL /uo fratello Que/te patolle /onno

panny de oro et de /eta f acti nela chijna et molti pre-
ciati fra co/toro. Quando vno de que/ti more li
alt 1 /oi p farli piu honnore Se ve/tonno de que/ti
panny danno p vno de que/ti tre bahar de garof ali
et piu et meno /econdo q /onno.

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 59

tried to enter the ship, but we refused to allow him
to come aboard, as he was a close friend to the Portu-
guese captain of Malaca, and had come to seize the
Portuguese. He severely scolded those who lived
near the Portuguese because they had allowed the
latter to go without his permission.

On Sunday afternoon, December fifteen, the king
of Bachian and his brother came in a prau with
three tiers of rowers at each side. In all there were
one hundred and twenty rowers, and they carried
many banners made of white, yellow, and red parrot
feathers. There was much sounding of those gongs,
for the rowers kept time in their rowing to those
sounds. He brought twd other praus filled with girls
to present them to his betrothed. When they passed
near the ships, we saluted them by firing pieces, and
they in order to salute us went round the ships and
the port. Our king came to congratulate him as it
is not the custom for any king to disembark on the
land of another king. When the king of Bachian
saw our king coming, he rose from the carpet on
which he was seated, and took his position at one
side of it. Our king refused to sit down upon the
carpet, but on its other side, and so no one occupied
the carpet. The king of Bachian gave our king five
hundred patois, because the latter was giving his
daughter to wife to the former's brother. The said
patois are cloths of gold and silk manufactured in
Chiina, and are highly esteemed among them.
Whenever one of those people dies the other mem-
bers of his family 518 clothe themselves in those cloths
in order to show him more honor. They give three
bahars of cloves for one of those robes or thereabouts,
according to the [value of the] robe.

60 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Luni iL nfe re mando vno conuito aL re de ba-
chian p cinquanta donne tucte ve/tite de panny de
/eta dela cinta fina aL genochio. Andauano a due a
due co vno homo in mezo de loro ogniuna portaua
vno piato grande pienno de altri piatelli de diuer/e
viuande li homini portauao /olamete Lo vino in
vazi grandi dieze donne dele piu vechie eranno
le magiere andaro no in que/to modo fina aL prao
et apre/entarono ogni co/a aL re q /ede ua /oura lo
tapeto /oto vno baldachino ro//o et giallo tornando
co/toro indie tro pigliarono alguni deli nf j et /e loro
vol/ero e//ere liberi li bi/ognio darli q a lche /ua
co/eta Dopo que/to il re nfo ne mando capre cochi
vino et altre co/e hogi mete//emo le velle noue
ale naui neleq a lle era vna croce de s to Jacobo de
galitia co litere q diceuao Que/ta he la figura de la
nfa bonna ventura.

Marti dona//emo al nfo re certi pezi de artigliaria
Como archibu/i q haueuao pigliati in que/ta india
et alguni ver/i deli nfj co cat barilli de poluef
piglia//emo quiui octanta botte de hacqua p cia/-
cuna naue gia cinque giorni lo re haueua mandato
cento homini afare legnia p noy ala y/ola de mare p
che conueniuamo pa//are p iui ogi lo re de bachian
co molti alt 1 deli /uoi dicendete in terra p fare pace
co nui dinanzi de luy an dauano quat° homini co
/tochi driti in mano di//e in pntia deL nfo re et
de tucti li alt 1 Como /empre /tarebe in /eruitio deL
re de/pagnia et /aluaria in /uo nome li garofoli

1 519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 6 1

On Monday our king sent a banquet to the king
of Bachian by fifty women all clad in silk garments
from the waist to the knees. They went two by two
with a man between each couple. Each one bore a
large tray filled with other small dishes which con-
tained various kinds of food. The men carried
nothing but the wine in large jars. Ten of the oldest
women acted as macebearers. 519 Thus did they go
quite to the prau where they presented everything
to the king who was sitting upon the carpet under
a red and yellow canopy. As they were returning,
those women captured some of our men 520 and it
was necessary to give them some little trifle in order
to regain their freedom. After that our king sent
us goats, cocoanuts, wine, and other things. That
day we bent the new sails in the ships. On them
was a cross of St. James of Galitia, 521 with an inscrip-
tion which read: " This is the sign [figura'] of our
good fortune."

On Tuesday, we gave our king certain pieces of
artillery resembling arquebuses, which we had cap-
tured among those India [islands], and some of our
culverins, 622 together with four barrels of powder.
We took aboard at that place eighty butts of water
in each ship. Five days previously the king had
sent one hundred men to cut wood for us at the island
of Mare, by which we were to pass. On that day
the king of Bachian and many of his men came
ashore to make peace with us. Before the king
walked four men with drawn daggers in their
hands. In the presence of our king and of all the
others he said that he would always remain in the
service of the king of Spagnia, and that he would

62 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

la/ciati dali porthugue/i finque veni /e vnalt a nfa
armata et may li darebe a loro /enza lo nfo con/enti-
meto mando adonare aL re de/pagnia vno /chiauo
duy bahar de garofoli gli ne mandaua x male naui
p e//ere tropo Cargate no li poterono portaf et dui
vcceli morti beli//imi Que/ti vcceli /onno groffi
Como tordi anno Lo capo picolo co Lo becquo
longo le /lie gambe /onno longue vn palmo et
/otilli Como vn Calamo non anno ale ma in loco
de q e lle penne longue de diuer/i colori como gfa
penachi la /ua coda he como q e lla deL tordo
tute le altre /ue penne eccepto le alle /onno deL
colore de taneto et may no volano /enon Quando he
vento Co/toro ne dicero que/ti vcceli venire daL
paradi/o tere/tre et le chiamano bolon diuata gioe
vceli de dio ognj vno deli re de maluco /cri//ero
aL re de/pagnia q /emp volenao e/erly Suy veri
/ubditi JL re de bachian era for/i de /etanta anny
et haueua que/ta vzan/a Quando voleua andare a
Combatere ho vero a fare q a lche alt a co/a importante
p*ma /il faceua fare due ho tre volte da vno /uo
/eruitof che nol teniua adalt° efecto /inon p que/te.
Vn giorno il nfo re mando a dire aq e lli nfi q
/tauao nela ca/a de la mercha tia non anda//ero de
nocte fora de ca/a p certi deli /ui homini que /e
ongeno et vano de nocte et parenno /iano /enza capo
Quando vno de que/ti truoua vna deli alt 1 li toca la
mano et li la ongie vn pocho dent° /ubito colui /e

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 63

save in his name the cloves left by the Portuguese
until the arrival of another of our fleets, and he
would never give them to the Portuguese without
our consent. He sent as a present to the king of
Spagnia a slave, two bahars of cloves (he sent x, but
the ships could not carry them as they were so heavily
laden), and two extremely beautiful dead birds.
Those birds are as large as thrushes, and have a small
head and a long beak. Their legs are a palmo in
length and as thin as a reed, 523 and they have no
wings, but in their stead long feathers of various
colors, like large plumes. Their tail resembles that
of the thrush. All the rest of the feathers except
the wings are of a tawny color. They never fly ex-
cept when there is wind. The people told us that
those birds came from the terrestrial paradise, and
they call them bolon dmata? 2 * that is to say, " birds
of God." On that day each one of the kings of
Maluco wrote to the king of Spagnia [to say] that
they desired to be always his true subjects. The king
of Bachian was about seventy 525 years old. He
observed the following custom, namely, whenever
he was about to go to war or to undertake any other
important thing, he first had it done two or three
times on one of his servants whom he kept for no
other purpose.

One day our king sent to tell our men who were
living in the house with the merchandise not to go
out of the house by night, because of certain of his
men who anoint themselves 526 and roam abroad by
night. They appear to be headless, and when any
of them meets any other man, he touches the latter's
hand, and rubs a little of the ointment on him. The

64 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

infirma et fra tre o quat giornj more et quando
que/ti trouano tre o cat in/ieme no li f anno alt° male
/inon q linbalordi/ cono et che lui ne haueua facto
impicare molti Quando que/ti po puli fanno vna
ca/a de nuouo p'ma li vadanno ad habitare dent° li
fanno fuoco intorno et molti conuiti poy atachano
alteto de la ca/a vn poco dogni co/a Se troua nela
y/ola acio no po//ino may manchare taL co/e ali
habitanti in tucte que/te y/ole /e troua gin gero
noy lo mangiauamo tde como panne lo gingero
non e arbore ma vna pianta picola che pulula fuora
de la terra certi coresini Ion gui vn palmo como q e lle
deli canne et co le mede/ime foglie ma piu /trecte
que/ti core/ini no valeno niente ma la /ua radice he
iL gengero et non e cu//i forte verde como /echo
Que/ti populi lo /echano in cal/ina p che altramente
non durarebe.

Mercore matina p voler /e partire de malucho iL
re de tadore QueL de Jaialolo q e L de bachian et vno
figliolo deL re de tarennate tucti erao venuti p
aCompagniarne infino ali/ola de mare la naue
victoria fece vela et di/co/to/i alquanto a/pectando
la naue trinitade ma q e lla non potendo leuare
lanchora /ubito fece hacqua neL fondo a lhora
la victoria torno aL /uo luocho et /ubito Comin-
ciamo a /caricare La trinitade p vedere /e poteuamo
remediarli /i /entiua venire dent° lacqua Como p
vn canone et non trouauamo doue La entraua tuto
ogi et el di /eguente non face//emo alt° /inon dare
aLa bomba ma niente li Jouauamo JL nfe re

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 65

man falls sick very soon, and dies within three or
four days. When such persons meet three or four
together, they do nothing else than 527 to deprive
them of their senses. [The king said] that he had
had many of them hanged. When those people
build a new house, before they go to dwell there they
make a fire round about it and hold many feasts.
Then they fasten to the roof of the house a trifle of
everything found in the island so that such things
may never be wanting to the inhabitants. Ginger is
found throughout those islands. We ate it green
like bread. Ginger is not a tree, but a small plant
which puts forth from the ground certain shoots a
palmo in length, which resemble reeds, and whose
leaves resemble those of the reed, except that they
are narrower. 528 Those shoots are worthless, but the
roots form the ginger. It is not so strong green as
dry. Those people dry it in lime, 529 for otherwise it
would not keep.

On Wednesday morning as we desired to depart
from Malucho, the king of Tadore, the king of Jaia-
lolo, the king of Bachian, and a son of the king of
Tarennate, all came to accompany us to the island
of Mare. The ship "Victoria " set sail, and stood
out a little awaiting the ship " Trinitade." But the
latter not being able to weigh anchor, suddenly be-
gan to leak in the bottom. 530 Thereupon, the " Vic-
toria " returned to its anchorage, and we immediate-
ly began to lighten the " Trinitade " in order to see
whether we could repair it. We found that the water
was rushing in as through a pipe, but we were unable
to find where it was coming in. All that and the next
day we did nothing but work the pump, 531 but we

66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Jntendendo que/to /"ubito venne nela naue et ft
afatigo p vedere doue veniua lacqua mado ne
lacqua cinque de li /uoy p vedere /e haue//eno
potuto trouare la /fi//ura /teteno piu de meza
hora soto lacqua et may la trouarono vedendo iL
re co/toro non potere Jouare et ogni ora ere/cere piu
la hacqua di//e ca/i piangendo mandarebe aL capo
de la y/ola p tre homini /tauao molto /oto hacqua
Vennere matina a bona hora venne lo nfo re co li tre
hominj et pre/to mandoli ne lacqua con li capilli
/par/i agio co q e lli troua//ero lo /fi//ura Co/toro
/tetero vna bonna hora /oto hacqua et may la
trouarono iL re quando vi/te no poterli trouare
remedio di//e piangendo q andaremo in /pag* daL
mio s. et darli noua dime li re/ponde//emo li

andarebe la victoria p non perdere li leuanti liq a lli
Cominciauao a la alt 3 fin /e concia//e e/petarebe
li ponenti et poy andaria aL darien che e neL alt*
parte deL mare nela tera de diucatan iL re ne
di//e haueua duzento vinticinque marangonj q fare-
beno il tuto et li no/t ! q re/tauao yui li tenirebe como
/ui figlioli et non se afaticarebeno /e non dui in
Comandare ali marangonj como doue/cero fare
dice ua que/te parolle co tanta pa/ionne q ne fece
tucti piangere nuy de la naue victoria dubitando
ft apari//e la naue p e//ere tropo cari cata la ligeri/-
/emo de /exanta quintali de garofoli et que/ti face

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 67

availed nothing. When our king heard of it, he
came immediately to the ships, and went to consid-
erable trouble in his endeavors to locate the leak.
He sent five of his men into the water to see whether
they could discover the hole. They remained more
than one-half hour under water, but were quite un-
able to find the leak. The king seeing that he could
not help us and that the water was increasing hourly,
said almost in tears that he would send to the head
of the island for three men, who could remain under
water a long time. Our king came with the three
men early on Friday morning. He immediately sent
them into the water with their hair hanging loose
so that they could locate the leak by that means.
They stayed a full hour under water but were quite
unable to locate it. When the king saw that he could
be of no assistance, he asked us weeping who of m
would go " to Spagnia to my sovereign, and give
him news of me." 532 We replied to him that the
" Victoria " would go there in order not to lose the
east winds which were beginning to blow, while the
other ship until being refitted would await the west
winds and would go then to Darien which is located
in the other part of the sea in the country of Diucatan
[i.e., Yucutan]. The king told us that he had two
hundred and twenty-five carpenters who would do
all the work, and that he would treat 533 all who re-
mained here as his sons. They would not suffer any
fatigue beyond two of them 534 to boss the carpenters
in their work. He spoke those words so earnestly 535
that he made us all weep. We of the ship " Vic-
toria," mistrusting that the ship might open, as it
was too heavily laden, lightened it of sixty quintals

68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

/emo portare nela ca/a doue eranno li alt 1 alguni de
la nfa naue vol/ero re/tare quiui p paura q la naue
non pote/"/e durare fin in /pagnia ma molto piu p
paura de morire de fame.

Sabato a vinti vno de decembre giorno de S tho-
ma/o il re nfo venne ale naui et ne con/ignio li dui
piloti haueuamo pagati p che ne Conduce//ero fora
de q3/te y/olle et di/Yeno Como alhora era bo tempo
da partir/e ma p lo /criuere de li nf j in /pagnia no
/i parti//emo /inon amezo di Venuta lora le naui
pigliarono li/entia luna de lalt* con /caricare le bom-
barde et pareua loro lamentar/i p la /ua vltima
partita li nfj ne aCompagniarono vn pocho co loro
batello et poi co molte lagrime et abraciamentj /i
di/parti//emo lo gouuernatof deL re venne co nuy
infino a La y/ola deL mare non fu//emo coffi
pre/to Jonti com par/eno quat prao caricati de le-
gnia et in mancho duna hora carica//emo la naue et
/ubito piglia//emo la via deL garbin Quiui re/to
Johan caruaio co cinquanta tre p/onne deli nfj
nuy eramo quaranta /ette et tredicj Jndj Que/ta
y/ola de tadore tenne epi/chopo et alhora ne era vno
Que haueua quarante moglie et a/sai/'/imi figlioli.

Jn tucte que/te y/olle de malucho /e trouano garo-
foli genegero Sagu q e L /ue panne di legnio ri/o capre
oche galine cochi figui mandolle piu gro//e de le
nfe pomi granati dolci et garbi naranci limonj

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 69

of cloves, which we had carried into the house where
the other cloves were. Some of the men of our ship
desired to remain there, as they feared that the ship
would not last out the voyage to Spagnia, but much
more for fear lest they perish of hunger.

On the day of St. Thomas, Saturday, December
twenty-one, our king came to the ships, and assigned
us the two pilots whom we had paid to conduct us
out of those islands. They said that it was the proper
time to leave then, but as our men [who stayed be-
hind] were writing to Spagnia, we did not leave
until noon. 586 When that hour came, the ships bid
one another farewell amid the discharge of the can-
non, and it seemed as though they were bewailing
their last departure. Our men [who were to remain]
accompanied us in their boats a short distance, and
then with many tears and embraces we departed.
The king's governor accompanied us as far as the
island of Mare. We had no sooner arrived at that
island than we bought four praus laden with wood,
and in less than one hour we stowed it aboard the
ship and then immediately laid our course toward
the southwest. Johan Carvaio stayed there with
fifty-three 537 of our men, while we comprised forty-
seven men and thirteen Indians. The said island of
Tadore has a bishop, 538 and he who then exercised
that office 539 had forty wives and a multitude of chil-
dren.

Throughout those islands of Malucho are found
cloves, ginger, sago (which is their wood bread),
rice, goats, geese, chickens, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., ba-
nanas], almonds larger than ours, sweet and tasty
pomegranates, oranges, lemons, camotes \batate\

7° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

batate mele de ape picolle Como formicque leq a lli
fanno la melle neli arbori Canne dolci olio de cocho
et de giongioli Meloni Cocomari zucque vno fructo
refre/catiuo grande como le angurie deto comulicai
et vno alt° fructo ca/i Como lo per/icho deto guaue
et altre co/e da mangiare et /eli trouano papagali de
diuer/i /orte ma f ra le altre alguni bianchi chiamati
Cathara et alguni tucti ro//i decti nori et vno de
que/ti ro//i vale vn bahar de garofoli et parlano piu
chiaramente que li altri Sonno for/i cinquanta
anny Que Que/ti mori habitano in malucho p ! ma
li habitauano gentilli et non apreciauano li garofali
gli ne /ono anchora alguni ma habitano ne li monti
doue na/cono li garofoli.

La y/ola de tadore /ta de latitudine al polo articho
in vinti/ete menutj et de longitudine de la linea de
la repartitioe in cento et /e/anta vna grado et longi
de la p*ma y/ola de Larcipelago detta zanial [i.e.,
Zamal] noue gradi et mezo aLa carta deL me/o
Jorno et tramotana t/o grego et garbin tarenate
/ta de latitudine alartico in dui ter/i Mutir /ta
pontualmente /octo La linea equinoctialle Machian
/ta aL polo antarticho in vn quarto et bachia
ancora lui aL antarticho in vn grado Tarenate
tadore mutir et machia /onno quat° monti alti et
pontini oue na/cono li garofoli e/sendo in que/te
quat y/olle non /e vede bachian ma lui emagiore de
cia/cuno de que/te quat° y/olle et il /uo monte de li
garofoli non e cu//i pontino como li altri ma piu
grande.

I5i9-i5 2 2] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 73

honey produced by bees as small as ants, which make
their honey in the trees, sugarcane, cocoanut oil,
beneseed oil, watermelons, wild cucumbers, gourds,
a refreshing fruit as large as cucumbers [augurie]
called comulicaiy another fruit, like the peach called
guava, and other kinds of food. 540 One also finds
there parrots of various colors, and among the other
varieties, some white ones called cathara, and some
entirely red called won. 541 One of those red ones is
worth one bahar of cloves, and that class speak with
greater distinctness than the others. Those Moros
have lived in Malucho for about fifty years.
Heathens lived there before, but they did not care
for the cloves. There are still some of the latter, but
they live in the mountains where the cloves grow.

The island of Tadore lies in a latitude of twenty-
seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longi-
tude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the
line of demarcation. It is nine and one-half degrees
south of the first island of the archipelago called
Zamal, and extends north by east and south by west.
Tarenate lies in a latitude of two-thirds of a degree
toward the Arctic Pole. Mutir lies exactly under
the equinoctial line. Machian lies in one-quarter de-
gree toward the Antarctic Pole, and Bachian also
toward the Antarctic Pole in one degree. Tarenate,
Tadore, Mutir, and Machian are four lofty and
peaked mountains where the cloves grow. When one
is in those four islands, he cannot see Bachian, but
it is larger than any of those four islands. 542 Its clove
mountain is not so sharp as the others, but it is
larger. 548

74

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 3

Vocabuli de que/ti populi morj

AL /uo ydio

alia

AL xpiano

naceran

AL turco

rumno

AL moro

mu/ulman Jsilam

AL gentille

caphre.

AL /ue me/chite

Mi/chit

Ali /ui preti

maulana catip mudin

Ali hominj sapientj

horan pandita

Ali homini /ui

deuotj

Mo/sai.

A le /ue ceremonie

zambahehan de ala

me/chit

AL padre

bapa

Ala madre

mama ambui

Al figliolo

anach.

AL fratello

/audala.

AL fratello de

que/to

capatin muiadi

AL germano

/audala /opopu

AL auo

niny

AL /ocero

minthua

AL genero

mi nanthu

AL homo

horan

A la femina

poran poan

A li capili

lambut

AL capo

cap ala

AL fronte

dai

AL ochio

matta

Ale ciglie

quilai

Ale palpebre

Cenin

AL nazo

J don.

Ala boca

mulut

Ali labri

bebere.

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 7S

Words of those Moro people 544

For their God

Alia

for Christian

naceran 54B

for Turk

rumno

for Moro

musulman; isilam

for Heathen

caphre

for their Mosque

mischit

for their Priests

maulana catip mudir

for their Wise Men

horan pandita

for their Devout Men

mossai

for their Ceremonies

zambahehan de ala

meschit

for Father

bapa

for Mother

mama ambui

for Son

anach

for Brother

saudala

for the Brother of so

and so

capatin muiadi

for Cousin

saudala sopopu

for Grandfather

niny

for Father-in-law

minthua

for Son-in-law

mi nanthu

for Man

horan

for Woman

poran poan

for Hair

lambut

for Head

capala

for Forehead

dai

for Eye

matta

for Eyebrows

quilai

for Eyelids

cenin

for Nose

idon

for Mouth

mulut

for Lips

bebere

7 6

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Ali denti
Ale gengiue
ALa lingua
AL palato
AL mento
Ala barba
Ali mo/taq*
Ala macella
ALa orechie
ALa golla
AL colo
Ale /pale
AL peto
AL core
ALa mamela
AL /tomacho
AL corpo
AL membro
A la natura dele

donne
AL vzare co loro
Ale nalghe
Ale co/cie
Ala gamba
AL /chinquo de la

gamba
Ala /ua polpa
ALa cauechia deL

pie
AL calcagnia
AL piede

Ale /olle deL piede
Ala ongia
AL bracio

gig*

Jssi.

lada.

langhi.

aghai.

Janghut

mi/sai

pipi

talingha.

laher.

tun dun.

balachan.

dada.

Atti

/ussu.

parut

Tun dunbutu

botto.

bucchij

amput

buri

taha

mina

tula

tilor chaci.

buculali

tumi

batis.

empachaq*.

Cuchu.

Langhan.

1 5 19-15 2 2] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 77

for Teeth

for Cheeks

for Tongue

for Palate

for Chin

for Beard

for Mustaches

for Jaw

for Ear

for Throat

for Neck

for Shoulders

for Breast

for Heart

for Teat

for Stomach

for Body

for Penis

for Vagina 5 "

for to have communica-
tion with women

for Buttocks

for Thighs

for Leg

for the Shinbone of the
leg

for its Calf

for Ankle

for Heel

for Foot

for the Sole of the Foot

for Fingernail

for Arm

issi

lada

langhi

aghai

janghut

missai

pipi

talingha

laher

tun dun

balachan

dada

atti

sussu

parut

tun dunbutu

botto

bucchii

amput
buri
taha
mina

tula

tilor chaci

buculati

tumi

batis

empachaqui

cuchu

langhan

78

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL gomedo

/ichu.

ALa mano

tanghan.

AL dito groffo de

la mano

Jdun tanghan.

AL /econdo

tungu

AL ter/o

geri.

AL carto

mani

AL Quinto

Calinchin

AL rizo

bugax.

AL cocho in ma-

lucho et in burne

Biazzao

in Lozon

nior

in Jaua magiore

CalambiL

AL figuo

pizan.

Ale canne dolce

tubu.

Ale batate

gumbili

Ale radice como

raui

vbi

Ale ciachare

mandicai Sicui

AL melone

antimon.

Ale angurie

labu.

ALa vacqua

Lambu

AL porco

babi

AL bophalo

Carban.

Ala pecora

birj

ALa capra

Cambin.

AL gaLo

/ambunghan.

Ala galina

aiambatina

AL caponne

gubili

AL ouo

talon

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 79

for Elbow

sichu

for Hand

tanghan

for the large Finger of

the hand [*.*., the

Thumb]

idun tanghan

for the Second Finger

tungu

for the Third

geri

for the Fourth

mani

for the Fifth

calinchin

for Rice

bugax

for Cocoanut in Ma-

lucho and Burne

biazzao

[for Cocoanut] in

Lozon

nior

[for Cocoanut] in Java

Major

calambil

for Fig [i.e., banana]

pizan

for Sugarcane

tubu

for Camotes [batate\

gumbili

for the Roots like tur-

nips

ubi

for Nangca

mandicai sicui

for Melon

antimon

for Cucumbers

labu

for Cow

lambu

for Hog

babi

for Buffalo

carban

for Sheep

biri

for She-goat

cambin

for Cock

sambunghan

for Hen

aiambatina

for Capon

gubili

for Egg

talor

8o

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL occato

Jtich

Al ocqua

an/a.

Al vccelo

bolon.

Al elephante

gagia.

AL caualo

cuda.

AL leonne

huriman

AL ceruo

roza.

AL canne

Cuiu

Alle hape

haermadu.

Al melle

gulla.

Ala cera

lelin.

Ala candela

dian.

AL /uo /topino

Sumbudian

AL fuoco

appi

AL fumo

a/ap.

Ala cenere

abu.

AL cucinato

azap.

AL molto cucinato

Lambech.

AL hacqua

tubi.

AL oro

amax

AL argento

pirac

ALa pietra precfo/a

premata.

ALa perla

mutiara.

AL argento viuo

raza

AL metalo

tumbaga

AL fero

baci.

AL piombo

tima

Ale /ue borchie

agun.

Alo cenaprio

galuga /adalinghan

AL argento

/oliman danas

AL panno de /eta

cain Sutra

AL panno ro//o

cain mira

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD

81

for Gander

itich

for Goose

ansa

for Bird

bolon

for Elephant

gagia

for Horse

cuda

for Lion

huriman

for Deer

roza

for Reeds

cuiu

for Bees

haermadu

for Honey

gulla

for Wax

lelin

for Candle

dian

for its Wick

sumbudian

for Fire

appi

for Smoke

asap

for Cinders

abu

for Cooked

azap

for well cooked

lambech

for Water

tubi

for Gold

amax

for Silver

pirac

for the Precious Gem

premata

for Pearl

mutiara

for Quicksilver

raza

for Copper \metalo\

tumbaga

for Iron

baci

for Lead

tima

for their Gongs

agun

for Cinnabar

galuga sadalinghan

for Silver [color or

cloth?]

soliman danas

for Silk Cloth

cain sutra

for red Cloth

cain mira

82

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL panno negro

cain ytam.

AL panno biancho

cain pute

AL panno verde

cain igao

AL panno giallo

cain cunin

AL bonnet

cophia.

AL cortello

pixao

ALa forfice

guntin.

AL /pequio

chiela min

AL petine

/i/sir

AL cri/talino

manich.

AL /onaglio

giringirin

AL annello

/insin.

Ali garopholi

ghianche.

ALa cannela

caiumanis

AL peuere

lada

AL peuere longo

Sabi.

Ala noce mo/cada

buapala gosoga

AL filo de ramo

Canot

AL piato

pinghan.

Ala pigniata

prin

Ala /cutela

manchu.

AL piato de legnio

dulan

ALa conqua

Calunpan.

Ale /ue me/ure

Socat

Ala terra

buchit

Ala tera ferma

buchit tana

Ala montagnia

gonun.

ALa pietra

batu.

AL y/ola

polan

A vn capo de tera

taniun buchit

AL fiume

/onghai.

Como ft chiama

que/to

apenamaito

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 83

for Black Cloth

cain ytam

for White Cloth

cain pute

for Green Cloth

cain igao

for Yellow Cloth

cain cunin

for Cap

cophia

for Knife

pixao

for Scissors

guntin

for Mirror

chiela min

for Comb

sissir

for Glass Bead

manich

for Bell

giringirin

for Ring

sinsin

for Cloves

ghianche

for Cinnamon

caiumanis

for Pepper

lada

for Long Pepper

sabi

for Nutmeg

buapala gosoga

for Copper wire

canot

for Dish

pinghan

for Earthen pot

prin

for Porringer

manchu

for Wooden Dish

dulan

for Shell

calunpan

for their Measures

socat

for Land [terra]

buchit

for Mainland

buchit tana

for Mountain

gonun

for Rock

batu

for Island

polan

for a Point of Land

{i.e. y a Cape]

taniun buchit

for River

songhai

What is so-and-so's

name?

apenamaito?

84

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL oleo de cocho

Mignach.

AL oleo de giongioli

lana lingha

AL /ale

garan Sira.

AL mu/chio et al

/uo animale

ca/tori

AL legnio q mangia

li ca/tori

Comaru

ALa /an/uga

linta

AL gibeto

Jabat

AL gato q fa lo

gibeto

Mozan

Al reobarbaro

Calama

AL demonio

Saytan.

Al mondo

bumi

AL f rometo

gandun

AL dormire

tidor.

Ale /tore

ticaL

Al cu/yino

bantaL

AL dolore

/achet

A la /anitate

bay

Alia /edola

cupia

AL /parauentolo

chipas

A li /ui panni

chebun.

Ale cami/e

bain

Ale /ue ca/e

pati alam.

AL anno

tanu.

AL me/e

bullan.

ALdi

alii

Ala nocte

mallan.

AL tarde

malamarj

AL mezo di

tarn hahari.

Ala matina

patan patan

AL /olle

mata hari

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE V

for Cocoanut oil

mignach

for Beneseed oil

lana lingha

for Salt

garan sira

for Musk and its Ani-

mal

castori

for the wood eaten by

the castors

comaru

for Leech

linta

for Civet

jabat

for the Cat which

makes the Civet

mozan

for Rhubarb

calama

for Demon

saytan

for World

bumi

for Wheat

gandun

for to Sleep

tidor

for Mats

tical

for Cushion

bantal

for Pain

sachet

for Health

bay

for Brush

cupia

for Fan

chipas

for their Cloths

chebun

for Shirts

bain

for their Houses

pati alam

for Year

tanu

for Month

bullan

for Day

alii

for Night

mallan

for Afternoon

malamari

for Noon

tarn hahari

for Morning

patan patan

for Sun

mata hari

85

86

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Ala luna

bulan.

Ala meza luna

tanam patbula

Ale /telle

bintan

AL ciello

Languin

AL trono

gunthur

Al merchadante

Sandgar

Ale citade

naghiri

AL ca/tello

cuta

ALa casa

rinna

AL /edere

duodo

/edeti gentilhomo

duodo orancaia

/edeti homo da

duodo. horandai et

benne

anan

Signor

tuan

AL puto

Cana cana

A vno /uo alieuo

La/car.

AL /chiauo

a lipin.

ALSi

ca.

AL no

tida.

AL intendere

thao.

AL non intendere

tida taho.

non megardare

tida Hat

guardame

Hat

A e//ere vna mede-

/ina co/a

casjcasi. siama siama,

AL mazare

mati

AL mangiare

macan.

AL cuchiaro

Sandoch

Ala magalda

SondaL

grande

bassaL

Longo

pangian

picolo

chechiL

1 5 19-152 2]^ FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 87

for Moon

bulan

for Half moon

tanam patbulan

for Stars

bintan

for Sky

languin

for Thunder

gunthur

for Merchant

sandgar

for City

naghiri

for Castle

cuta

for House

rinna

for to Sit

duodo

Sit down, sir

duodo orancaia

Sit down, honest fellow

duodo horandai et

anan

Lord

tuan

for Boy

cana cana

for one of their Foster-

children

lascar

for Slave

alipin

for Yes

ca

for No

tida

for to Understand

thao

for not to Understand

tida taho

Do not look at me

tida Hat

Look at me

liat

To be one and the same

thing

casi casi; siama

siama

for to Kill

mati

for to Eat

macan

for Spoon

sandoch

for Harlot

sondal

Large

bassal

Long

pangian

Small

chechil

88

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Corto

pandach

AL hauere

Ada

AL no hauere

tida ha da

Signior a/colta

tuan diam

doue viene il Jonco

dimana ajun

ALa guquia da

cu/ire

Jalun.

AL cu/ire

banan.

AL filo da cu/ire

pintaL banan

Ala /cufia deL capo

da/tar capala.

AL re

raia

ALa reyna

putli

AL legnio

caiu

AL Stentar

Caraiar.

AL Sola//are

buandala.

A la venna deL

bracio doue se

/ala//a

vrat paratanghan.

AL /angue que vien

fora deL bracio

dara CarnaL

AL /angue buona

dara.

Quando /tratuitano

diceno

ebarasai

AL pece

yearn.

AL polpo

Calabutan.

ALa carne

dagin

AL corniolo

Cepot

poco

/erich.

Meso

Satanha SapanghaL

AL f redo

dinghin

AL caldo

panas

Longi

Jan.

Ala verita

benar.

Ala bugia

du/ta

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 89

Short

pandach

for to Have

ada

for not to Have

tida hada

Listen, sir

tuan diam

Where is the junk go-

ing?

dimana ajun?

for Sewing-needle

jalun

for to Sew

banan

for Sewing-thread

pintal banan

for Woman's headdress

dastar capala

for King

raia

for Queen

putli

for Wood

caiu

for to Work

caraiar

for to take recreation

buandala

for Vein of the arm

where one bleeds

himself

urat paratanghan

for the Blood that

comes from the arm

dara carnal

for good blood

dara

When they sneeze, they

say

ebarasai

for Fish

yearn

for Polypus

calabutan

for Meat

dagin

for Sea-snail

cepot

Little

serich

Half

satanha sapanghal

for Cold

dinghin

for Hot

panas

For

jan

for Truth

benar

for Lie

dusta

9°

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL robare

Ala rognia

piglia

Dame

gra//o

magro

AL capelo

Quanti

Vna fiata

Vno bracio

AL parlare

A quiui

Ala

Bo Jorno

AL ri/pondere

Signori bon pro vi

facia
gia ho mangiato
homo leuati deli
AL di/disidare
Buona /era
AL ri/ponder
AL dare

A dare ad alguno
Ali cepi de fero
o Como puza
AL homo Jouene
AL vechio
AL /criuano
Ala Carta

manchiuri

Codis

na

ambiL

gannich.

golos.

tundun capala.

barapa.

/atu chali

4apa

catha.

Siui

Sana datan.

/alamalichum.

alichum /alam.

Mali horancaia

macan.
Suda macan
pandan chita horan.
banunchan.
Sabalchaer.
chaer Sandat
minta
bri pocoL.
balanghu
bosso chini
horan muda.
tua

xiritoles
Cartas

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD

for to Steal

manchiuri

for Scab

codis

Take

na

Give me

ambil

Fat

gannich

Thin

golos

for Hair

tundun capala

How many?

barapa?

Once

satu chali

One braza

dapa

for to Speak

catha

for Here

siui

for There

sana datan

Good day

salamalichum

for the Answer [to

good day]

alichum salam

Sir, may good fortune

mali horancaia

attend you

mancan

I have eaten already

suda macan

Fellow, betake yourself

off

pandan chita horan

for to Desire

banunchan

Good evening

sabalchaer

for the Answer [to

good evening]

chaer sandat

for To give

minta

To give to some one

bri pocol

for Iron fetters

balanghu

O what a smell!

bosso chini

for Young man

horan muda

for Old man

tua

for Scribe

xiritoles

for Writing-paper

cartas

9*

92

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

AL /criuere
Ala penna
AL inchio/t°
AL calamaro
Ala letera
Non lo ho
Vien q*
Che volettj
Che mandati
AL porto de mare
Ala galia
ALa naue
ALa proa
ALa pop a
AL nauigare
AL /uo arbore
ALantena
Alle /artie
ALa vella
Ala gabia
Ala corda de lan-

cora
ALa anchora
AL batello
AL remo
Ala bombarda
AL vento
AL mare
huomo vienq*
A li /ui pugniali
AL /uo manicho
ALa /pada
Ala zorobotana

mangurat

Calam.

dauat

padantan.

/urat

guala.

Camarj

Appa man.

appa ito

Labuan.

gurap

CapaL

affon.

biritan

belaiar.

tian.

laiar.

tamira

leier.

/inbulaia.

danda

San.

/anpan.

daiun

badiL

anghin

laut

horan itu datan

Calix golog.

daga nan.

padan gole.

Sumpitan

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 93

for to Write

mangurat

for Pen

calam

for Ink

dauat

for Writing-desk

padantan

for Letter

surat

I do not have it

guala

Come here

camari

What do you want?

appa man?

Who sent you?

appa ito?

for Seaport

labuan

for Galley

gurap

for Ship

capal

for Bow [of a boat]

asson

for Stern [of a boat]

biritan

for To sail

belaiar

for the Ship's mast

tian

for Yard [of a ship]

laiar

for the Rigging

tamira

for Sail

leier

for Maintop

sinbulaia

for the Anchor rope

danda

for Anchor

san

for Boat

sanpan

for Oar

daiun

for Mortar [i.e., can-

non]

badil

for Wind

anghin

for Sea

laut

Fellow, come here

horan itu datan

for their Daggers

calix golog

for their Dagger hilt

daga nan

for Sword

padan gole

for Blowpipe

sumpitan

94

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Ale /ue f reze

damach

A lerba venenata

ypu

AL carcha//o

bolo.

AL archo

bolsor.

A le /ue f reze

anat paan.

A li gati

cochin puchia

AL /orge

ticus

AL legoro

buaia

Ali vermi que man-

giano le naui

Capan lotos

AL hamo da pe/care

matacanir

Ala /ua e/cha

Vnpan.

ALa corda deL

hamo

tunda

AL lauare

mandi

Non hauer paura

Tangan tacut

Straca

lala.

Vno ba/o dolce

Sadap manis

AL amicho

/andara

AL nemicho

Sanbat

Certo he

zonhu

AL merchadantare

biniaga

Non ho

anis.

A e//ere amicho

pugna.

due co/e

Malupho.

Si

oue.

AL rufo

zoroan pagnoro.

Adarce piacere

Mamain

A e//ere agrizato

Amala.

AL mato

gila.

AL interprete.

giorobaza.

Quanti lingagi Sai

barapa bahasa tan

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 95

for their Arrows

damach

for the poisonous Herb

ypu

for Quiver

bolo

for Bow [i.e., a

weapon]

bolsor

for its Arrows

anat paan

for Cats

cochin puchia

for Rat

ticus

for Lizard

buaia

for Shipworms

capan lotos

for Fishhook

matacanir

for Fishbait

unpan

for Fishline

tunda

for to Wash

mandi

Not to be afraid

tangan tacut

Fatigue

lala

A pleasant cup

sadap manis

for Friend

sandara

for Enemy

sanbat

I am certain

zonhu

for to Barter

biniaga

I have not

anis

To be a friend

pugna

Two things

malupho

If

oue

for Crowd (?)

zoroan pagnoro

To give pleasure to one

mamain

To be stiff with cold

amala

for Madman

gila

for Interpreter

giorobaza

How many languages

do you know?

barapa bahasa fc

9 6

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Molti

bagna

AL parlare de malaca

chiaramalain

doue /ta cului

dimana horan

ALa bandiera

tonghoL

Ade//o

Sacaran

da matina

hezoch.

lalt° giorno

luza

hieri

Calamarj

AL martelo palmo

colbasi.

AL chiodo

pacu

AL mortaro

Lozon.

AL pilone da

pi/tare

Atan.

AL balare

manarj

AL pagare

baiar.

AL chiamare

panghiL

A none//ere mari-

tato

Vgan.

Ae//ere maritato

/uda babini

Tuto vno

Sannia

ALa piogia

Vgian.

AL ebriaco

Moboch.

Ala pelle

culit

Ala bi//a

Vllat

AL Conbater

guzar.

Dolce

Manis

Amaro

azon.

Como /tai

Appa giadi

Benne

bay

Malle

/achet

Portame q c llo

biriacan.

Que/to huomo he

vn poltrone.

giadi hiat horan itu

Ba/ta

/uda

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 97

Many

bagna

for to speak of Malaca

chiaramalain

Where is so-and-so?

dimana horan?

for Flag

tonghol

Now

sacaran

Tomorrow

hezoch

The next day

luza

Yesterday

calamari

for Palm-mallet

colbasi

for Nail

pacu

for Mortar

lozon 64T

for Rammer for crush-

ing [rice?]

atan

for to Dance

manari

for to Pay

baiar

for to Call

panghil

Unmarried

ugan

Married

suda babini

All one

sannia

for Rain

ugian

for Drunken

moboch

for Skin

culit

for Anger

ullat

for to Fight

guzar

Sweet

manis

Bitter

azon

How are you?

appa giadi?

Well

bay

Poorly

sachet

Bring me that

biriacan

This man is a coward

giadi hiat horan itu

Enough

suda

98

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol.

34

li Venti

Ala tramotana

Jraga.

Al mezo di

Salatan.

AL leuante

timor

AL ponente

baratapat

AL griego

Vtara.

AL garbin

berdaia.

AL mae/trale

bardaut

AL /iroco

tunghara.

Numero

Vno

/atus

dui

dua

tre

tiga

catro

ampat

cinque

lima.

Sey

anam.

Sette

tugu.

octo

duolappan.

Noue

/ambilan

diece

Sapolo.

Vinti

duapolo.

trenta

tigapolo

Quaranta

ampatpolo.

Cinquanta

limapolo.

/exanta

Anampolo.

/ettanta

Tuguppolo.

octanta

dualapanpolo.

Nouanta

Sambilampolo

Cento

Saratus.

duzendo

duaratus

trecento

tigaratus

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 99

1

The winds

for the North

iraga

for the South

salatan

for the East

timor

for the West

baratapat

for the Northeast

utara

for the Southwest

berdaia

for the Northwest

bardaut

for the Southeast

tunghara

Numbers

One

satus

Two

dua

Three

tiga

Four

ampat

Five

lima

Six

anam

Seven

tugu

Eight

duolappan

Nine

sambilan

Ten

sapolo

Twenty

duapolo

Thirty

tigapolo

Forty

ampatpolo

Fifty

limapolo

Sixty

anampolo

Seventy

tuguppolo

Eighty

dualapanpolo

Ninety

sambilampolo

One hundred

saratus

Two hundred

duaratus

Three hundred

tigaratus

IOO

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

[Vol. 34

Quatro cento
Cinque cento
Sey cento
/etecento
octocento
Nouecento
Mille
due millia
tre millia
Quatro mille
Cinque millia
Sey millia
Sette millia
octo millia
Noue millia
diece millia
Vinti millia
trenta millia
Quarata millia
Cinquata millia
Sesanta millia
Settanta millia
octanta millia
Nouanta millia
Cento mille
Ducento millia
trecento millia
Quatro cento millia
Cinque cento millia
/ey cento millia

Anamparatus

Limaratus

anambratus

Tugurattus

dualapanratus

Sambilanratus

Salibu.

dualibu

tigalibu

ampatlibu

limalibu

Anamlibu

tugulibu

dualapanlibu

Sambilanlibu.

Salacza.

dualacza.

Tigalacza.

Ampatlacza

limalacza.

Anamlacza.

tugulacza

dualapanlacza

Sambilanlacza

Sacati.

duacati

Tigacati

Ampatcati

limacati

Anamcati

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD IOI

Four hundred

anamparatus

Five hundred

limaratus

Six hundred

anambratus

Seven hundred

tugurattus

Eight hundred

dualapanratus

Nine hundred

sambilanratus

One thousand

salibu

Two thousand

dualibu

Three thousand

tigalibu

Four thousand

ampatlibu

Five thousand

limalibu

Six thousand

anamlibu

Seven thousand

tugulibu

Eight thousand

dualapanlibu

Nine thousand

sambilanlibu

Ten thousand

salacza

Twenty thousand

dualacza

Thirty thousand

tigalacza

Forty thousand

ampatlacza

Fifty thousand

limalacza

Sixty thousand

anamlacza

Seventy thousand

tugulacza

Eighty thousand

dualapanlacza

Ninety thousand

sambilanlacza

One hundred thousand

sacati

Two hundred thousand

duacati

Three hundred thou-

sand

tigacati

Four hundred thou-

sand

ampatcati

Five hundred thousand

limacati

Six hundred thousand

anamcati

102 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Setecento millia Tugucati

Octo cento millia dualapancati

Nouecento millia Sambilancati
Diece fiate cento

millia Sainta.

Tucti li cento li mille li diece mille li cento mille
et diece fiate cento mille se congiungenno co il
numero de Satus et dua et &c.

Andando aL nfo camino pa/a//emo fra que/te
y/olle Caioan laigoma Sico giogi Caphi in que/ta
y/ola de caphi na/cono homini picoli Como li nanj
piaceuoli liq a lli Sonno li pigmei et /tanno /ubiecti
pfor/a aL nfo re de tadore Laboan toliman Titameti
bachian Ja deto Lalalata Tabobi Maga et batutiga
pa//ando fuora aL ponente de batutiga Camina/-
/emo fra ponente et garbin et di/coper/emo eL mezo
giorno alquante y/olete p ilque li piloti de malucho
ne dicero /e ariua//e p cio ne caciauamo fra molte
y/olle et bassi ariua//emo aL Siroco et de/cemo in
vna y/olla q /*ta de latitudine aL polo antartico in
dui gradi et cinquata cinque legue Longi de maluco
et chiama//e /ulach li homini de que/ta /onno
gentili et non hanno re mangiao carne humana
vano nadi co/i homini Como femine ma /olamete
portano vn pezo de /cor/a larga dui diti intorno la
/ua tgonia Molte y/olle /onno p Quiui que

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 105

Seven hundred thou-
sand tugacati

Eight hundred thou-
sand dualapancati

Nine hundred thousand sambilancati

One million [literally:
ten times one hun-
dred thousand] sainta

All the hundreds, the thousands, the tens of thou-
sands, the hundreds of thousands, and the millions
are joined with the numbers, satus, dua, etc. 648

Proceeding on our way we passed amid those is-
lands [those of] Caioan, Laigoma, Sico, Giogi, and
Caphi. 549 In the said island of Caphi is found a race
as small as dwarfs, who are amusing people, and are
pigmies. 550 They have been subjected by force to
our king of Tadore. [We also passed the islands of]
Laboan, Toliman, Titameti, Bachian, of which we
have already spoken, Lalalata, Tabobi, Maga, and
Batutiga. 551 Passing outside the latter on its western
side, we laid our course west southwest, and dis-
covered some islets toward the south. And inas-
much as the Malucho pilots told us to go thither, for
we were pursuing our course among many islands
and shoals, we turned toward the southeast, and en-
countered an island which lies in a latitude of two
degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and fifty-five
leguas from Maluco. It is called Sulach, 552 and its
inhabitants are heathens. They have no king, and
eat human flesh. They go naked, both men and
women, only wearing a bit of bark two fingers wide
before their privies. There are many islands there-

106 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

mangiano carne humana li nomy de algune /onno
que/ti Silan noselao biga atulabaou leitimor tene
tun gondia pailarurun manadan et benaia poi
co/tegia/emo due y/ole dete lamatola et tenetun da
/ulach circa x. legue a La mede/ima via troua//emo
vna y/ola a//ay grande nelaq a lle /e troua ri/o porci
capre galine cochi canne dolci Sagu vno /uo man-
giare de fighi elq a lle chiamano Chanali Chiachare
aque/te chiamao nangha le chiachare /onno fructi
Como le angurie de fora nodo/e de dentro afio certi
fructi roffi pocoli come armelini non hanno 0//0 ma
p q e llo hanno vna medola como vn fazolo ma piu
grande et al mangiar tenere Como ca/tagnie et vn
f ructo facto como la pignia de fuora Jallo et biancho
de dentro et al tagliare Como vn pero ma piu tenero
et molto megliore deto Connilicai la gente de
que/ta y/ola vanno nudi Como q e lli de /olach
/onno gentili et non hanno re Que/ta y/ola /ta de
latitudine al polo antartico in tre gradi et mezo et
longi da malucho Setantacinque [gradi : crossed out
in original MS.~] leghe et chiama//e buru la leuante
de que/ta y/ola diece legue ne /ta vna grande q con-
fina co Jiaalolo laq a lle he habitata de mori et da gen-
tili li morj /tanno apre//o iL mare et li gentili de
dentro nella terra et que/to magiao carne humana
na/ce in que/ta le co/e Ja dete et /e chiama ambon f ra
buru et ambon Se trouano tre y/ole circondate da

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 07

about where the inhabitants eat human flesh. The
names of some of them are as follows : Silan, Nose-
lao, Biga, Atulabaou, Leitimor, Tenetun, Gondia,
Pailarurun, Manadan, and Benaia. 553 Then we
coasted along two islands called Lamatola 6 " and
Tenetun, lying about x leguas from Sulach. In that
same course we encountered a very large island
where one finds rice, swine, goats, fowls, cocoanuts,
sugarcane, sago, a food made from one of their va-
rieties of figs [i.e., bananas] called chanali,™** and
chiacare, which are called nangha. Nangcas are a
fruit resembling the cucumber [augurie]. They are
knotty on the outside, and inside they have a certain
small red fruit like the apricot. It contains no stone,
but has instead a marrowy substance resembling a
bean but larger. That marrowy substance has a deli-
cate taste like chestnuts. [There is] a fruit like the
pineapple. It is yellow outside, and white inside,
and when cut it is like a pear, but more tender and
much better. Its name is connilicai. The inhabit-
ants of that island go naked as do those of Solach.
They are heathens and have no king. That island
lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees
toward the Antarctic Pole, and is seventy-five " 5 [de-
grees: crossed out in original MSJ] leguas from
Malucho. Its name is Buru. Ten leguas east of
the above island is a large island which is bounded
by Jiaalolo. It is inhabited by Moros and heathens.
The Moros live near the sea, and the heathens in the
interior. The latter eat human flesh. The products
mentioned above are produced in that island.
It is called Ambon. 656 Between Buru and Ambon
are found three islands surrounded by reefs, called

108 THE PHILIPPIC ISLANDS [Vol.34

ba//i chiamate Vu dia Cailaruri et benaia circa
de buru cat° leghe aL mezo di /ta vna y/ola picola
et chiama/Ye ambalao.

Longi da Que/ta y/ola de buru circa trentacinque
leghe a la carta deL mezo Jorno ver/o garbin Se
truoua bandan bandan et dudici y/ole in /ey de
que/te na/ce la matia et no/ce mo/cada et li nomi
loro /ono que/ti Zoroboa magiori de tucte le altre
CheliceL Samiaapi pulac pulurun et ro/oghin le
altre /ey /onno que/te Vnuueru pulan barac5 lailaca
manucan Man et meut in que/te no li trouano
no/ce mo/cade se no Sagu rizo cochi figui et alt 1
fructi et /onno vicine luna de lalt a Ly populi de
que/to /onno morj et non hanno re Bandan /ta de
latitudine aL polo antarticho in Sei gradi et di
longitudine dela linea repartitionalle in cento et
/exantre gradi et mezo et p e//ere vn pocho fuora
deL nfo Camino no fu//emo iui.

Partendone de quella y/ola de baru a la carta deL
garbin ver/o ponente circa otto gradi de longitudine
ariua//emo a tre y/olle vna apre//o lalt* dette zolot
nocema mor et galiau et nauigando p mezo di que/te
ne a//alto vna gra fortuna p ilque face//emo vno
pelegrino a la nfa donna de la guida et pigliando
apopa lo temporale de//eme in vna y/ola alta et
inanci ajunge//emo iui Se afatica//emo molto p le
refegue decendeuao de li /ui moti et p li grandi
Corenti de hacqua li homini de que/ta y/ola /onno
/aluatici et be/tialli ma gianno carne humana et
non hanno re vanno nudi co q e lla /cor/a como li

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I I

Vudia," 7 Cailaruri, and Benaia; and near Buru, and
about four leguas to the south, is a small island,
called Ambalao. 568

About thirty-five leguas to the south by west of
the above island of Buru, are found Bandan. Bandan
consists of twelve islands. Mace and nutmeg grow
in six of them. Their names are as follows : Zoro-
boa, the largest of them all, and the others, Chelicel,
Samianapi, Pulac, Pulurun, and Rosoghin. The
other six are as follows: Unuueru, Pulanbaracon,
Lailaca, Manucan, Man, and Meut. 559 Nutmeg is
not found in them, but only sago, rice, cocoanuts, figs
[*.<?., bananas], and other fruits. Those islands are
located near together, and their inhabitants are
Moros, who have no king. Bandan lies in a latitude
of six degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a
longitude of one hundred and sixty-three and one-
half degrees from the line of demarcation. As it was
a trifle outside of our course we did not go there. 560

Leaving the above mentioned island of Baru, and
taking the course toward the southwest by west, we
reached, [after sailing through] about eight degrees
of longitude, three islands, quite near together, called
Zolot, Nocemamor, and Galiau. 561 While sailing
amid them, we were struck by a fierce storm, which
caused us to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of
Guidance. Running before the storm we landed at
a lofty island, but before reaching it we were greatly
worn out by the violent gusts of wind that came from
the mountains of that island, and the great currents
of water. The inhabitants of that island are savage
and bestial, and eat human flesh. They have no king,
and go naked, wearing only that bark as do the others,

I I 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

alt* /enon Quando vanno a Combatere portanno certi
pezi de pelle de bu phalo dinanzi et de drieto et neli
fianchi adornati co corniolli et denti de porci et con
code de pelle caprine atacate denanzi et de drietto
portano ly capili in alto co certi petini de cana
longui q li pa//ano da parte aparte et li tieneno alti
anno le /ue barbe riuolte in foglie et po/ti in canuttj
de canna co/a ridicula aL vedere et /onno li piu
bruti /ianno in que/ta india li /ui archi et le /ue
freze Sonno de canna et anno Certi /achi facti de
foglie de arbore ne liq a lli portanno lo /uo mangiare
et bere Le /ue femine Quando ne vi/tenno ne
venirono in contra co archi ma dandoli alguni p
/enti Subito diuenta//emo /ui amici Qiui tarda/-
/emo quindici giornj per Conciare La naue ne li
Co/tadi Jn que/ta y/ola /e troua galine Capre
cochi cera p vna libra de fero vechio ne donorono
quindici de cera et peuere logo et rotondo JL
peuere longo he como q e lle gatelle q fanno li nizolle
quado he linuerno il suo arbure e Como elera et
ataca//e ali arbori Como quella ma le /ue foglie
/onno como q e lle diL moraro et lo chiamano luli JL
peuere rotondo na/ce Como que/to ma in /pigue
como lo frometone della india et se de/grana et lo
chiamano lada in que/te parte /onno piennj li
campi de que/to peuere facti in modo de pergoladi
piglia//emo quiui vno homo agio ne coduce//e ad
alguna y/ola haue//e victuuaria Que/ta y/ola /ta
de latitudine aL polo antarticho in octo gradi et
mezo et cento et sesantanoue et dui terzi de longi-

&a,fr*wi fa

irrr^?

* *&

m

¥

^^^Tfr —

■2^ V

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I I 5

except that when they go to fight they wear certain
pieces of buffalo hide before, behind, and at the
sides, which are ornamented with small shells, 562
boars' tusks, and tails of goat skins fastened before
and behind. They wear their hair done up high and
held by certain long reed pins which they pass from
one side to the other, which keep the hair high.
They wear their beards wrapped in leaves and thrust
into small bamboo tubes- a ridiculous sight. They
are the ugliest people who live in those Indias. Their
bows and arrows are of bamboo. They have a kind
of a sack made from the leaves of a tree in which
their women carry their food and drink. When
those people caught sight of us, they came to meet
us with bows, but after we had given them some
presents, we immediately became their friends. 563 We
remained there a fortnight in order to calk the
sides 564 of the ship. In that island are found fowls,
goats, cocoanuts, wax (of which they gave us fifteen
libras for one libra of old iron), and pepper, both
long and round. 565 The long pepper resembles the
first blossoms of the hazelnut in winter. 566 Its plant
resembles ivy, and it clings to trees as does that plant ;
but its leaves resemble those of the mulberry. It is
called luli. 667 The round pepper grows like the
former, but in ears like Indian corn, and is shelled
off ; and it is called lada. The fields in those regions
are full of this [last variety of] pepper, planted to
resemble arbors. 568 We captured a man in that place
so that he might take us to some Island where we
could lay in provisions. That island lies in a latitude
of eight and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic
Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and sixty-nine

I I 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

tudine de la linea repartitionalle et chiama//e malua.

Ne disse iL nfo piloto Vechio de maluco como
apre//o quiui era vna y/ola chiamata arucheto li
homini et femine delaq a lle non /onno magiorj dun
cubito et anno le orecquie grande como loro de
vna fanno lo /uo lecto et de lalt a /e copreno vanno
tosi et tuti nudi corenno molto anno la voce /otille
habitano in caue /oto terra et mangiano pe/ce et vna
co/a q na/ce fra larbore et la /cor/a che ebiancha et
rotonda como coriandoli de cofeto deta ambulo ma
p li gra corenti de hacqua et molti ba//i no li anda-
/emo

Sabato a vinticinque de Jennaro m v c xxij Se
parti//emo de la y/ola de ma lua et la dominica a
vinti /ey ariua//emo a vna grande y/ola longi de
q c lla cinque legue fra mezo di et garbin Jo /olo
andai in terra a parlare aL magiore duna vila deta
amaban agio ne de//e victuuaria me ri/po/e ne
darebe buphali porci et capre ma no/i pote//emo
aCordare per che voleua molte co/e p vno bufalo
noi auendone pocque et con/trigedone la fama
retene//emo ne la naue vno principalle co vno /uo
figliolo de vnalt a vila deta balibo et p paura no lo
amaza//emo Subito ne dette /ei buphali cinque
capre et dui porci et p compire lo numero de diese
porci et diece capre ne dete vno bufalo perche cu//i
Laueuamo dato taglia poi li manda//emo in tera
Contenti//imi co tella panny Jndiani de /eta et de

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD II 9

and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarca-
tion; and is called Malua. 569

Our old pilot from Maluco told us that there was
an island nearby called Arucheto, 570 the men and
women of which are not taller than one cubit, but
who have ears as long as themselves. With one of
them they make their bed and with the other they
cover themselves. They go shaven close and quite
naked, run swiftly, and have shrill voices. They
live in caves underground, and subsist on fish and
a substance which grows between the wood and the
bark [of a tree], which is white and round like pre-
served coriander, which is called ambulon. How-
ever, we did not go there because of the strong cur-
rents in the water, and the numerous shoals.

On Saturday, January 25, MCCCCCXXII, 571
we left the island of Malua. On Sunday, the twen-
ty-sixth, 672 we reached a large island which lies five
leguas to the south southwest of Malua. I went
ashore alone to speak to the chief of a city called
Amaban to ask him to furnish us with food. He
told me that he would give me buffaloes, 578 swine,
and goats, but we could not come to terms because
he asked many things for one buffalo. Inasmuch
as we had but few things, and hunger was con-
straining us, we retained in the ship a chief and his
son from another village called Balibo. 574 He for
fear lest we kill him, immediately gave us six buf-
faloes, five goats, and two swine; and to complete the
number of ten swine and ten goats [which we had
demanded] they gave us one [additional] buffalo.
For thus had we placed the condition [of their ran-
som]. Then we sent them ashore very well pleased

120 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

bomba/o accete cortelizi indiani forfice Spechi et
cortelli q e L Signiore a cui anday a parlare teniua
/olum femine Lo /eruiuano tutte vano nude Como
le altre et portano atacate ale orechie Schione picole
de horo c5 fiocq 1 de /eta pendenti et ne li braci anno
molte maniglie de oro et de latonne fin aL cubito
li homini vanno Como le femine Se non anno atacate
aL colo certe co/e de horo tonde Como vn tagliere
et petini de canna adornatj con schione de oro po/ti
neli capili et algu ni de que/ti portanno coli de
zuche Seche po/ti ne le orechie p schione de oro.

Jn Que/ta y/ola ft truoua lo /andalo biancho et no
altroue gengero bufali por ci capre galine rizo fighi
canne dolci naranci limonj cera mandolle fa zoli et
altre co/e et papagali de diuer/i colorj de lalt*
parte de li/ola /tano catro fratelli q /onno li re de
que/ta y/ola doue /tauamo nuy erano ville et alguni
principalle de q e lle. Ly nomi de li catro habitatioe
deli re /onno que/ti oibich lichsana suai et Cabanaza
oibich e la magiore. Jn cabanaza /i Como ne fu
deto /e truoua a/ay oro in vno monte et Comperano
tute le Sue co/e co pezetti de oro tuto lo /andalo
et la cera q contractano queli de Jaua et di malaca
Contractano da que/ta banda aqui trouamo vno
Jonco de lozon venuto p merchadantare Sandalo
Que/ti populi /onno gentilli et quando vanno a
taglaire lo /andalo Como loro ne di/cero /eli mo/t a

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 121

with linen, Indian cloth of silk and cotton, hatchets,
Indian knives, scissors, mirrors, and knives. 576 That
chief to whom I went to talk had only women to
serve him. All the women go naked as do the other
women [of the other islands]. In their ears they
wear small earrings of gold, with silk tassels pendant
from them. On their arms they wear many gold
and brass armlets as far as the elbow. The men go
as the women, except that they fasten certain gold
articles, round like a trencher, about their necks,
and wear bamboo combs adorned with gold rings B78
in their hair. Some of them wear the necks of dried
gourds in their ears in place of gold rings.

White sandal wood is found in that island and no-
where else. 577 [There is also] ginger, buffaloes,
swine, goats, fowls, rice, figs [*.*., bananas], sugar-
cane, oranges, lemons, wax, almonds, kidney-beans, 878
and other things, as well as parrots of various colors.
On the other side of the island are four brothers, who
are the kings of that island. Where we were, there
were cities and some of their chiefs. The names of
the four settlements of the kings are as follows:
Oibich, Lichsana, Suai, and Cabanaza. Oibich is
the largest. There is a quantity of gold found in a
mountain in Cabanaza, according to the report given
us, and its inhabitants make all their purchases with
little bits of gold. All the sandal wood and wax that
is traded by the inhabitants of Java and Malaca is
traded for in that region. We found a junk from
Lozon there, which had come thither to trade in
sandal wood. Those people are heathens. When
they go to cut the sandal wood, the devil (according
to what we were told) , appears to them in various

122 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

lo de monio en varie forme et li dice ft anno bi/o-
gnio de q a lque co/a li la demadino p Laq a lle apari-
tione /tanno infermi alquanti giornj lo /andalo
/i taglia a vno certo tempo de la luna p che altra-
mente no /arebe bonno la merca tia q vale Quiui
p lo /andalo e panno ro//o tella accete fero et chiodi
Que/ta y/ola he tuta habitata et molto longa da
leuante a ponente et poco larga de mezo di a la
tramotana /ta de latitudine aL polo antartico in
dieci gra di et cento et Settanta catro gradi et mezo
de longitudine dala linea de la repartioe et se chiama
timor. Jn tutte le y/olle hauemo trouate in

que/to arcipelago regnia lo maL de S. Jop et piu
Quiui q in alt° luocho et Lo chiamano foi franchi
gioe maL portughe/e.

Longi vna giornata de qui tra iL ponente et iL
mae/trale ne fu deto trouar/e vna J/ola in laq a lle
na/cie assai cannella et se chiama Ende eL /uo
populo he gentille et no hanno re et como /onno a la
mede/ma [J/o: crossed out in original MS.~\ via
molte y/olle vna dietro a lalt a in fina a Jaua magiore
et aL capo de malaca li nomi de leq a lle /onno
que/ti ende tana butun creuo chile bimacore ara-
naran Mani Zumbaua lomboch chorum et Jaua ma
giore Que/ti populi no la chiamano Jaua ma Jaoa
le magiorj ville /ono in Jaua Sonno que/te

Magepaher iL /uo re Quando viueua era magiore
de tutte que/te y/olle et chiamaua//e Raia patiunus
Sunda in que/ta na/ce molto peueri da ha dama

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 25

forms, and tells them that if they need anything they
should ask him for it. They become ill for some
days as a result of that apparition. The sandal wood
is cut at a certain time of the moon, for otherwise it
would not be good. The merchandise valued in ex-
change for sandal wood there is red cloth, linen,
hatchets, 679 iron, and nails. That island is inhabited
in all parts, and extends for a long distance east and
west, but is not very broad north and south. It lies
in a latitude of ten degrees toward the Antarctic
Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-
four and one-half 580 degrees from the line of de-
marcation, and is called Timor. 581 The disease of
St. Jop was to be found in all of the islands which
we encountered in that archipelago, but more in that
place than in others. It is called foi franchi 582 that
is to say " Portuguese disease." 583

A day's journey thence toward the west northwest,
we were told that we would find an island where
quantities of cinnamon grow, by name Ende. 584 Its
inhabitants are heathens, and have no king. [We
were told] also that there are many islands in the
same [isl : crossed out in original MS J] course, one
following the other, as far as Java Major, and the
cape of Malaca. The names of those islands are as
follows: Ende, Tanabutun, Creuo, Chile, Bima-
core, Aranaran, Mani, Zumbaua, Lomboch, Cho-
rum, 585 and Java Major. 586 Those inhabitants do not
call it Java but Jaoa. The largest cities are located
in Java, and are as follows: Magepaher (when its
king was alive, he was the most powerful in all those
islands, and his name was Raia Patiunus) ; Sunda,
where considerable pepper grows; Daha; Dama;

126 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

gaghi amada Minutaraghan Cipara Sidaiu tuban
cre//i Cirubaia et balli et como Jaua minore e//ere
la y/ola de Madura et /tare apre//o Jaua magiore
meza legha Ancho ne di//ero Quando vno homo
de li principali de Jaua magiore more Se bru/a Lo
/uo corpo La /ua moglie piu principalle adorna//i
co girlande de fiori et fa//i portare de tre ho catro
hominj /oura vno /canno p tuta q e lla vila et ridendo
et confortando li /ui parenti que piangeno dice no
piangere p cio me vado que/ta cera a Cennare coL
mio caro marito et dormire /echo in que/ta nocte
poy et portata aL foco doue /e bru/a Lo /uo marito
et ley voltando/i contra li /ui pareti et confortando
li vnalt a fiata Segetta neL fuocho oue /e bru/a lo /uo
marito et /e que/to no face//e no /aria tenuta donna
da benne ne vera moglie deL marito morto et

Como li Joueni de Jaua Quando /ono Jnamo rati in
q a lque gentiL donna /e ligano certi /onagli co fillo
tra iL membro et la pele//ina et vanno /oto le
fene/tre de le /ue Jnamorate et facendo mo/-
tra de horinare et Squa/ando Lo membro
/onano co q e lli /onagli et fin tanto le /ue Jnamo-
rate hodeno lo /ono /ubito q e lle veneno Ju et fanno
/uo volere Sempre co q e lli /onagliti p che loro
donne /e piglianno gra /pa//a a/en tir/i Sonare de
dentro Que/ti /onagli /onno tucti Coperti et piu
/e copreno piu /onano JL nfo piloto piu vechio
ne di//e Como in vna y/ola deta acoloro /oto de Jaua
magiore in Quella trouar/i /inon femine et quelle

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 27

Gagiamada; Minutaranghan ; Cipara; Sidaiu; Tu-
ban; Cressi; Cirubaia; 587 and Balli. 588 [We were
told] also that Java Minor is the island of Madura,
and is located near to Java Major, [being only] one-
half legua away. 589 We were told also that when
one of the chief men of Java Major dies, his body
is burned. His principal wife adorns herself with
garlands of flowers and has herself carried on a chair
through the entire village by three or four men.
Smiling and consoling her relatives who are weep-
ing, she says : " Do not weep, for I am going to sup
with my dear husband this evening, 590 and to sleep
with him this night." Then she is carried to the
fire, where her husband is being burned. Turning
toward her relatives, and again consoling them, she'
throws herself into the fire, where her husband is
being burned. Did she not do that, she would not
be considered an honorable woman or a true wife
to her dead husband. 591 When the young men of
Java are in love with any gentlewoman, they fasten
certain little bells between their penis and the fore-
skin. They take a position under their sweetheart's
window, and making a pretense of urinating, and
shaking their penis, they make the little bells ring,
and continue to ring them until their sweetheart
hears the sound. The sweetheart descends imme-
diately, and they take their pleasure; always with
those little bells, for their women take great pleasure
in hearing those bells ring from the inside. 592 Those
bells are all covered, and the more they are covered
the louder 593 they sound. Our oldest pilot told us
that in an island called Acoloro, 594 which lies below
Java Major, there are found no persons but women,

128 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

Jnpregniar/i de vento et poi Quando parturi/cono
/iL parto et ma/chio Lamazano /e he femina lo
aleuano et /e hominj vanno aq e lla /ua y/ola loro
amazarli purche po//ianno.

Ancho ne di/cero de /oto de Jaua magiore t/o
la tramotana neL golfo de la chijna Laq a lle li
anticqui chiamano /igno magno trouar/i vno arbore
grandiss neLq a lle habitano vcceli deti garuda tanto
grandi q portano vn bufalo et vno elefante aL luoco
doue he larbore chiamato puza thaer et Lo arbore
cam panganghi aL /uo fructo bua panganghi eLq a lle
he magiore q vna anguria li mori de burne
haueuamo ne li naui ne di/cero loro hauerne veduto
p che lo /uo re haueua dui mandatigli daL regnio de
/iam niun Jonco ne altra barcha da tre ho catro
legue ft po apximare aL luoco de larbore p li grandi
reuolutioe de hacqua que /onno circa que/to La
p ! ma fiata que /i /epe de que/to arbure fu vn Jonco
/pinto da ly veti ne la riuo lutioe iLq a lle tuto /e
di/fece tutti li homini /e anegorono ecceto vn puto
picolo ilq a lle e//endo atacato /oura vna tauola p
miraculo fo /pinto apre//o que/to arbore et motato
/oura lo arbore no acorgendo/i /e mi//e /oto lala a
vno de q e lli vcceli lo giorno /eguento Lo vccelo
andando in tera et hauendo pigliato vn bufalo iL
puto venne de /oto a la hala aL meglio puoto p
cu/tui /e /epe Que/to et alhora Cogniobero q c li
populi vicini li fructi trouauano p iL mare e//ere
de que/to arbore.

JL capo de malacha /ta in vn grado et mezo aL

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 29

and that they become pregnant from the wind.
When they bring forth, if the offspring is a male,
they kill it, but if it is a female they rear it. If men
go to that island of theirs, they kill them if they are
able to do so.

They also told us that a very huge tree is found
below Java Major toward the north, in the gulf of
Chiina (which the ancients call Signo Magno), in
which live birds called garuda. Those birds are so
large that they carry a buffalo or an elephant to the
place (called Puzathaer), of that tree, which is
called cam panganghi, and its fruit bua panganghi™*
The latter is larger than a cucumber. The Moros of
Burne whom we had in our ship told us that they
had seen them, for their king had had two of them
sent to him from the kingdom of Siam. No junk
or other boat can approach to within three or four
leguas of the place of the tree, because of the great
whirlpools in the water round about it. The first
time that anything was learned of that tree was
[from] a junk which was driven by the winds into the
whirlpool. The junk having been beaten to pieces,
all the crew were drowned except a little boy, who,
having been tied to a plank, was miraculously driven
near that tree. He climbed up into the tree without
being discovered, where he hid under the wing of
one of those birds. Next day the bird having gone
ashore and having seized a buffalo, the boy came
out from under the wing as best he could. The story
was learned from him, and then the people nearby
knew that the fruit which they found in the sea came
from that tree.

The cape of Malacha 596 lies in one and one-half

13° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

antarticho a loriente de que/to capo a longo la
co/ta ft trouao molte ville et cita de li nomi de
algune /ono aq/ti Cinghapola q /ta neL capo pahan
Calantan patani bradlun benan lagon Che regi-
gharan tumbo prhan Cui brabri bangha Jndia Que/ta
e la cita doue habita iL re de siam eLq a lle chiama//e
Siri Zacabedera Jandibum Lanu et Langhon pifa
Que/te citade /onno edificade como le nfe et /ub-
gecte aL re de /iam Jnque/to regnio de /iam ne
le riue de li fiumi Si como ne fu deto habitanno
vcceli grandi liq a lli no mangerianno de alguno ani-
mate morto /ia portato iui ft p j ma no vienne vno alt°
vccelo amangiarli iL core et poi Loro Lo mangiano
dopo /iam /e troua Camogia iL /uo re e deto Saret
zacabedera chiempa eL /uo re raia brahaun maitri
inque/to locho na/ce lo reubarbaro et ft troua in
que/to modo ft acaodunano vinti o vinti cinque
hominj in/ieme et vanno dentro ne li bo/chi
Quando he venuta la nocte montano /oura li arbori
/i p /entire Lodore deL reobarbaro como ancho p
paura de leonnj elefanti et altre fere et daq e lla parte
doue he lo reubarbaro iL vento li porta lodore poi
venuto lo giorno vanno in q e lla parte doue li he
venuto iL vento et lo cercanno fin tanto lo trouano
Lo reubarbaro he vno arbure gro//o putrefato et
/enon fo//e cu//i putrefacto non darebe lo hodore
iL megliare de que/to arbore he la radice niente
dimeno iL legnio he reobarbaro iLq a L chiamano
Calama poi ft truoua Cochi eL /uo re e detto
raia Seribumni pala dopo Que/to ft troua la gra
chijna iL /uo re he magiore de tuto eL modo et

1 5 1 9-1 s 2 2] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD J 3 l

degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. Along the coast
east of that cape are many villages and cities. The
names of some of them are as follows : Cinghapola,
which is located on the cape; Pahan; Calantan;
Patani; Bradlun; Benan; Lagon; Cheregigharan ;
Tumbon; Phran; Cui, Brabri; Bangha; India,
which is the city where the king of Siam, by name
Siri Zacabedera, lives; Jandibum; Lanu; and Long-
honpifa. 597 Those cities are built like ours, and are
subject to the king of Siam. On the shores of the
rivers of that kingdom of Siam, live, as we are told,
large birds which will not eat of any dead animal that
may have been carried there, unless another bird
comes first to eat its heart, after which they eat it 598
Next to Siam is found Camogia, 899 whose king is
called Saret Zacabedera; then Chiempa, whose king
is Raia Brahaun Maitri. 600 Rhubarb which is found
in the following manner grows there. Twenty or
twenty-five men assemble and go together into the
jungles. Upon the approach of night, they climb
trees, both to see whether they can catch the scent
of the rhubarb, and also for fear of the lions, ele-
phants, and other wild beasts. The wind bears to
them the odor of the rhubarb from the direction in
which it is to be found. When morning dawns they
go in that direction whence the wind has come, and
seek the rhubarb until they find it. The rhubarb is
a large rotten tree; and unless it has become rotten,
it gives off no odor. The best part of that tree is the
root, although the wood is also rhubarb which is
called calama. 601 Next is found Cochi, 602 whose king
is called Raia Seribumni Pala. After that country
is found Great Chiina, whose king is the greatest in

1 3 2 the Philippine islands [Vol. 34

chiama//e Santhoa raia iLq a lle tenne /etanta re de
coro na /oto de ft alguni de liq a lli anno dieci et quin-
dice re de /oto ft eL /uo porto he deto guantan
fra le altre a/ayssime citade ne ha due principalle
dette namchin et Comlaha neliq a lli /ta que/*to re
tienne catro /ui principali a pre//o Lo /uo palatio
vno ver/o iL ponente lalt aL leuante lalt° amezo de
et lalt° ala tramotana ogni vno de que/ti danno au-
dientia Se no aq e lli che veneno de /ua parte tucti
li re et /ignori de la Jndia magiore et /uperiore
hobedi/cono aque/to re et p /egnialle q /ianno /ui
veri va/ali cia/cuna ha in mezo de la /ua piaza vno
animale /colpito in marmore piu galiardo que iL
leonne et chiama//e chinga Que/to chinga e lo
/igilo deL dito re de chijna et tucti q e lli q vanno ala
chijna Conuieneno hauere Que/to animale /colpito
in cera in vn dente de elephante p che altramente n5
potrianno intrare neL /uo porto Quando alguno
Signiore he in hobediente a que/to re lo fanno /corti-
care et /ecanno la pelle aL /olle con /ale et poy la
empi enno de paglia ho de alt° et lo fanno /tare co
lo capo ba//o et co le many Jonte /oura lo capo in
vno luocho eminente ne la piaza acio Alhora /i veda
Cului far zonghu cioe riuerentia Que/to re no
/i la/cia vedere de alguo et Quando lui vole vedere
li /ui Caualcha p iL palatio vno pauone facto
mae/tralmente co/a richi//ima acompagniato de /ey
donne de le /ue piu principalle ve/tite Como lui fin
che entra in vn /erpente deto nagha rico Quanto
altra co/a /i po//a vedere ilq a lle e /op a la corte ma-

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 3 3

all the world, and is called Santhoa Raia. 603 He has
seventy crowned kings subject to himself, and some
of the latter have ten or fifteen kings subject to them.
His port is called Guantan [i.e., Canton], Among
the multitude of other cities, there are two principal
ones called Nanchin [*.*., Nanking] and Comlaha 604
where the above king lives. He keeps his four prin-
cipal men near his palace - one toward the west, one
toward the east, one toward the south, and one toward
the north. Each one of those four men gives audi-
ence only to those who come from his own quarter.
All the kings and seigniors of greater and upper co *
India obey that king; and in token that they are his
true vassals, each one has an animal which is stronger
than the lion, and called chinga* 06 carved in marble
in the middle of his square. That chinga is the seal
of the said king of Chiina, and all those who go to
Chiina must have that animal carved in wax [or]
on an elephant's tooth, for otherwise they would not
be allowed to enter his harbor. When any seignior
is disobedient to that king, he is ordered to be flayed,
and his skin dried in the sun and salted. Then the
skin is stuffed with straw or other substance, and
placed head downward in a prominent place in the
square, with the hands clasped above the head, 607 so
that he may be seen then to be performing zonghu,
that is, obeisance. That king never allows himself
to be seen by anyone. When he wishes to see his
people, he rides about the palace on a skilfully made
peacock, a most elegant contrivance, accompanied
by six of his most principal women clad like him-
self ; after which he enters a serpent called nagha } *°*
which is as rich a thing as can be seen, and which

134 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

giore deL palatio iL re et le donne entranno dent°
a^io lui no /ia cognio//uto f ra le donne vede li /ui p
vno vedro grando q e neL pecto deL /erpente lui et
le donne /e ponno vedere ma non/i puo di/cernere
q a L he lore. Cu/tui /e marita ne le /ue /orelle acio
lo /angue realle no /ia mi//idiato co alf Circha lo
/uo pa latio /onno /ette cerche de muri et fra ogni
vna de que/te cerche /tano diece millia homini q
fanno la gardia aL palatio fin q /ona vna Cam pana
poi vieneno diece millia alt* homini p ogni cercha et
cu/i /e mudanno ogni giorno et ogni nocte ogni
cercha de muro a vna porta ne la p J ma li /ta vno
homo co vno granfionne in mano deto /atu hora con
/atu bagan nella /econdo vn canne detto /"atu hain
nella terza vn homo co vna maza ferata deto Satu
horan cu pocum becin nela carta vno homo co vno
archo in mano deto Satu horan con anat panan nella
Quinta vn homo con vna lancia deto Satu horan con
tumach ne la /exta vno leonne deto Satu horiman
nella /eptima duy elefantj bianchi detti duo gagia
pute in Que/to palatio li /onno /etanta noue /alle
doue /tanno /e non donne q /erueno aL re et li /onno
/empre torcie acce/e Se tarda vno Jorno a/ercare
que/to palatio Jn cima de que/to li /onno catro
/alle doue vanno alguna volta li principali a parlare
aL re vna he hornata de metalo co/i de /oto como
de /uura vna tuta de argento vna tuta de hpro et
Lalt* de perle et petre precio/e Quando li /ui
va//ali li portanno horo ho altre co/e pci o/e p tri-
buto le butano p Que/te /alle dicendo Que/to /ia a

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 35

is kept in the greatest court of the palace. The king
and the women enter it so that he may not be recog-
nized among his women. He looks at his people
through a large glass which is in the breast of the
serpent. He and the women can be seen, but one
cannot tell which is the king. The latter is married
to his sisters, so that the blood royal may not be mixed
with others. Near his palace are seven encircling
walls, and in each of those circular places are sta-
tioned ten thousand men for the guard of the palace
[who remain there] until a bell rings, when ten thou-
sand other men come for each circular space. They
are changed in this manner each day and each night.
Each circle of the wall has a gate. At the first stands
a man with a large hook in his hand, called satu
horan with satu bagan; in the second, a dog, called
satu hain; in the third, a man with an iron mace,
called satu horan with pocum becin; in the fourth,
a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with
anat panan ; in the fifth, a man with a spear, called
satu horan with tumach; in the sixth, a lion, called
satu horitnan; in the seventh, two white elephants,
called two gagia pute.™ That palace has seventy-
nine halls which contain only women who serve the
king. Torches are always kept lighted in the
palace, 610 and it takes a day to go through it. In the
upper part of it are four halls, where the principal
men go sometimes to speak to the king. One is orna-
mented with copper \metalo\ both below and above;
one all with silver; one all with gold; and the fourth
with pearls and precious gems. When the king's
vassals take him gold or any other precious things
as tribute, they are placed in those halls, and they

1 36 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

honnore et gloria deL nfo Sant hoa raia tute
que/te co/e et molte altre de que/to re ne di//e vno
moro et lui hauerle vedute la gente de la chijna e
biancha e ve/tita et mangiano /oura taule como nuy
et anno croce ma non /i /a p che tengonno Jn
Que/ta chijna na/ce Lo mu/chio iL /uo animale
e vno gato Como q e llo deL gibeto et non mangia alt
/enon vn legnio dolce Sotile como li diti chiamato
chamaru Quando voleno far lo mu/chio atacano
vno /an/uga aL gato et li la la/cianno atacata infin
/ia ben pienna de /angue poi La /trucano in vno
piato et meteno iL /angue aL /olle per cat ho cinque
giornj poy lo bagniano co orina et il metenno altre
tante fiate aL /olle et cu//i diuenta mu/chio pfeto
ogniuno que tienne de que/ti animali Conuien pa-
gare vno tanto aL re Quelli pezeti que parenno
/ian grani de mu/chio /onno de carne de capreto
pe/tatagli dent iL vero mu/chio et /e non iL /angue
et /e ben diuenta in pezetti Se di/fa aL mu/chio
et al gato chiamano ca/tori et ala /an/uga lintha
Seguendo poy la co/ta de q3/ta chijna ft trouano
molti populi q /onno que/ti li chienchij et /tano in
J/ole ne leq a lli na/conno perle et cannela Li Lechij
en tera ferma /op a lo porto de Que/ti trauer/a vna
montagnia p laq a L /e Conuien de/arburare tucti ly
Jonqui et naui voleno Jntrare neL porto Jl re Mom
in terra firma Que/to re ha vinti re /oto di/e et e
hobediente aL re de la chijna la /ua cita he deta bara
naci Quiui e iL gra catayo orientalle Han y/ola alta
et f rigida doue /e truoua metalo argento perle et Seta

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 37

say : " Let this be for the honor and glory of our
Santhoa Raia." 611 All the above and many other
things were told us by a Moro who had seen them.
The inhabitants of Chiina are light complexioned,
and wear clothes. They eat at tables as we do, and
have the cross, but it is not known for what purpose. 612
Musk is produced in that country of Chiina. Its
animal is a cat 613 like the civet cat. It eats nothing
except a sweet wood as thick as the finger, called
chamaru? 1 * When the Chinese wish to make the
musk, they attach a leech to the cat, which they leave
fastened there, until it is well distended with blood.
Then they squeeze the leech out into a dish and put
the blood in the sun for four or five days. After that
they sprinkle it with urine, 615 and as often as they do
that they place it in the sun. Thus it becomes per-
fect musk. Whoever owns one of those animals has
to pay a certain sum to the king. Those grains which
seem to be grains of musk are of kid's flesh crushed
in the real musk and not the blood. 616 Although the
blood can be made into grains, it evaporates. The
musk and the cat are called castor and the leech
lintha. 617 Many peoples are to be found as one fol-
lows the coast of that country of Chiina, who are as
follows. The Chienchii 618 inhabit islands where
pearls and cinnamon grow. The Lechii live on the
mainland; above their port stretches a mountain, so
that all the junks and ships which desire to enter
that port must unstep their masts. The king on the
mainland [is called] Mom. 610 He has twenty kings
under him and is subordinate to the king of Chiina.
His city is called Baranaci. The great Oriental
catayo 62 ° is located there. Han 621 [is] a cold, lofty

138 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

iL /uo re chiama//e raia Zotru Mli Janla eL /uo re e
detto raia chetisqnuga gnio lo /uo re raia /udacali
tucti Que/ti tre luogui Sonno frigidi et in terra
ferma Triaganba Trianga due y/olle nelle Qualle
vieneno perle metalo argento et /eta il /uo re
raia Rrom Ba//i ba//a terra ferma et poi Sumbdit
pradit due y/ole richi/ime de oro lihomini
deleq a lle portanno vna gra /chiona de oro ne
la gamba Soura iL piede Apre//o Quiui

ne la tera ferma in certi montagnie /tano popoli che
amazano li /ui padri et madre Quando /onno vechi
acio no /e afati cano piu tucti li populi de Que/ti
luogui /onno gentilli

Marti de nocte venendo aL mercore a vndici de
febraro 1522 partendone de La y/ola de timor /e in
golfa//emo neL mare grande nominato Laut chidoL
et pigliando lo nfo Camino tra ponente et garbin
la/cia/emo a La mano drieta a La tramotana p
pagura deL re de portoghala la J/ola Zamatra anti-
chamete chiamata Traprobana pegu bengala Vriza
che lui nelaq a lle /tanno li malabari Soto iL re de
nar/ingha Calicut /oto Lo mede/imo re Canbaia
nelaq a lle /onno li guzerati Cananor ghoa Armus et
tutta laltra co/ta de la india magiore in que/ta
india magiore li /onno /ey /orte de homini Nairi
panichali yranai pangelini Macuai et poleai Nairj
/onno li principali panichali /onno li Citadini
Que/te due /orte de hoj Conuer/ano in/ieme Jranai
Colgeno lo vino de la palma et fighi pagelinj
Sonno li marinarj Macuai /onno li pe/catorj

15191522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD I 39

island where copper \metalo\, silver, pearls, and silk
are produced, whose king is called Raia Zotru; Mli
Ianla, whose king is called Raia Chetisqnuga ; 622
Gnio, and its king, Raia Sudacali. All three of the
above places are cold and are located on the main-
land. Triaganba 623 and Trianga [are] two islands
where pearls, copper \metalo\ silver, and silk are
produced, and whose king is Raia Rrom. Bassi Bassa
[is] on the mainland; and then [follow] two islands,
Sumbdit and Pradit, 624 which are exceedingly rich in
gold, whose inhabitants wear a large gold ring
around the legs at the ankle. On the mainland near
that point live a race in some mountains who kill
their fathers and mothers as age comes on, so that
they may have no further trouble. All the peoples
of those districts are heathens.

On Tuesday night as it drew near Wednesday,
February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timor
and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol. 625
Laying our course toward the west southwest, we left
the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana, 626
to the north on our right hand, for fear of the king
of Portoghala; 62T [as well as] Pegu, Bengala, Uriza,
Chelin where the Malabars live, who are subject to
the king of Narsingha, Calicut, subject to the same
king, Cambaia, where the Guzerati live, Cananor,
Ghoa, Armus, and all the rest of the coast of India
Major. 628 Six different classes of people inhabit
Indian Major: Nairi, Panichali, Yranai, Pangelini,
Macuai, and Poleai. 629 The Nairi are the chiefs;
and the Panichali are the townspeople: those two
classes of men have converse together. The Iranai
gather the palm wine and figs. The Pangelini are
the sailors. The Macuai are the fishermen. The

1 4° Tire PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

poleai /eminano et colgeno lo rizo Que/ti habi-
tanno /empre neli campi mai intrano in cita alguna
et quando ft li da alguna co/a la ft ponne in tera poy
loro la piglianno co/toro Quando vanno p le
/trade cridano po po po gioe gar date damj, acadete
fi como ne fu referito vno nair tfftrt tocho per di/-
gratia da vn polea p iLque iL nair /ubito ft fece
amazare agio non rimane//e co q e L de/honnore Et
p Caualcare lo capo de bonna /peraza anda//emo fin
a Quaranta dui gradi aL polo antarticho fttfftmo
/oura que/to Cauo noue /etimane co le velle amay-
nate p lo vento accidentale et mai/tralle p proa et co
fortuna grandi/sima iLq a L capo /ta de latitudine in
trenquat gradi et mezo et mille et /ey cento legue
longi daL capo de malaca et e lo magiore et piu
pericolo/o capo /ia neL mondo aL guni de li no/t 1
a malati et /ani voleuao andare a vno luoco de portu
ghe/i deto Mozanbich p la naue q faceua molta
hacqua p lo fredo grande et molto piu p no hauere
alt da mangiare Se non rizo et hacqua p cio la carne
haueuamo hauuta p non hauere /ale ne era pu tref ata
Ma alguni de li alt 1 piu de/idero/i deL /uo honnore
q de la ppria vita deliberorono viui o morti volere
andare in /pagnia finalmente co lo ajuto de dio a
/ey de magio pa/a//emo Que/to capo apre//o lui
cinque legue ft non la pximauamo tanto may Lo
poteuao pa//are poi nauiga//emo aL may/trale dui
me/i continui /enza pigliare refrigerio alcuno in
que/to pocho tempo ne mor/eno vinti vno homo
Quando li butauamo neL mare li xpiani andauao al

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD H 1

Poleai are the farmers and harvest the rice. These
last always live in the country, although they enter
the city at times. 630 When anything is given them it
is laid on the ground, and then they take it. When
they go through the streets they call out Po! pof pol
that is " Beware of me ! " 631 It happened, as we were
told, that a Nair once had the misfortune to be
touched by a Polea, for which the Nair immediately
had the latter killed so that he might erase that dis-
grace. In order that we might double the cape of
Bonna Speranza [*.*., " Good Hope"], we descend-
ed to forty-two degrees on the side of the Antarctic
Pole. We were nine weeks 632 near that cape with
our sails hauled down because we had the west and
northwest winds on our bow quarter and because of a
most furious storm. 633 That cape lies in a latitude of
thirty- four and one-half degrees, and is one thousand
six hundred leguas 634 from the cape of Malaca. It
is the largest and most dangerous cape in the world.
Some of our men, both sick and well, wished to go
to a Portuguese settlement called Mozanbich, 635 be-
cause the ship was leaking badly, because of the
severe cold, and especially because we had no other
food than rice and water; for as we had no salt, our
provisions of meat had putrefied. 636 Some of the
others however, more desirous of their honor than
of their own life, determined to go to Spagnia living
or dead. Finally by God's help, we doubled that
cape on May six at a distance of five leguas. Had
we not approached so closely, we could never have
doubled it. 637 Then we sailed northwest for two
months continually without taking on any fresh food
or water \refrigerio~\. Twenty-one men died dur-
ing that short time. When we cast them into the sea,

I4 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

fondo con lo volto in /u/o et li Jndij /empre co lo
volto in giu et /e dio non ne conduceua bon tempo
tucti moriuao de fame alfine con/trecti de la

grande nece/itade anda//emo a le y/ole de capo
verde Mercore a noue de Julio agiunge//emo a
vna de que/te deta s to . Jacobo et /ubito mada//emo
lo batelo in tera p victuuaglia con que/ta Jnuetioe
de dire ali portughe/i como ne era rocto lo trinqueto
Soto la lignea equino tialle ben che fo//e /oura lo
capo bonna /peranza et Quando lo conciauao Lo nfe
cap° generalle co le altre due naui e/er/i andata in
/pagnia con que/te bonne parolle et co le nfe mer-
cadantie haue//emo dui batelli pi ennj de rizo
Comete//emo a li nfj deL batelo Quando andarono
in tera domanda//ero que giorno era ne di/cero como
era a li portughe/i Joue Se marauiglia//emo
molto p che era mercore anuy et no /apeuamo Como
haue//emo herato p ogni Jorno yo p e//ere /tato
/empre /anno haueua /cripto /enza ni//una Jntermi/-
/ione ma como da poy ne fu deto non era erore ma iL
viagio facto /empre p occidente et ritornato a lo
i/te//o luocho Como fa iL /olle haueua portato q e L
vantagio de hore vinti catro como chiaro /i vede
e//endo andato lo batello vnalt* volta in tera p rizo
furonnore tenuti tredici homini co lo batello p che
vno de q e lli como da poy /ape/emo in /pagnia dice
ali portughe/i Como lo nfo cap° era morto et alt* et
que noi no andare in /pagnia dubitandone de e//ere
ancho nuy pre/i p certe carauelle /ubito /e parti/-
/emo. Sabato a /ey de /eptembre 1522 Jntra//emo
nella baia de S. lucar /e no di/doto homini et la

1519-1522] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD H3

the Christians went to the bottom face upward, while
the Indians always went down face downward. 688
Had not God given us good weather we would all
have perished of hunger. Finally, constrained by
our great extremity, we went to the islands of Capo
Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we reached one of
those islands called Sancto Jacobo, 639 and imme-
diately sent the boat ashore for food, with the story
for the Portuguese that we had lost our foremast
under the equinoctial line (although we had lost it
upon the cape of Bonna Speranza), and when we
were restepping it, 640 our captain-general had gone
to Spagnia with the other two ships. With those
good words 641 and with our merchandise, we got
two boatloads of rice. We charged our men when
they went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was,
and they told us that it was Thursday with the Portu-
guese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wednes-
day with us, and we could not see how we had made
a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I had set
down every day without any interruption. How-
ever, as was told us later, it was no error, but as the
voyage had been made continually toward the west
and we had returned to the same place as does the
sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as
is clearly seen. The boat having returned to the
shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat were
detained, because one of them, as we learned after-
ward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our cap-
tain was dead, as well as others, and that we were
not going to Spagnia. 642 Fearing lest we also be
taken prisoners by certain caravels, we hastily de-
parted. 643 On Saturday, September six, 644 1522, we
entered the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen

*44 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

mogior parte Jnfermy iL re/to de /exanta q
parti//emo da malucho q 1 mor/e de fame chi fugite
nela y/ola de timor et q* furenno amazati p /ui delicti
daL tempo q /e parti//emo de que/ta baya fin aL
giorno pfite haueuao facto catordicy mille et quatro
cento et /axanta leghe et piu Compiuto lo circulo
deL modo deL leuante aL ponente. Luni a octo de
/eptembre buta//emo lanchora ap/o Lo molo de /e-
uiglia et de/carica//emo tuta lartigliaria Marti nuj
tucti in Cami/a et di/calci anda//emo co vna torcia p
vno in mano aui/itare iL luoco de s a . maria de la
victoria et q e lla de s ta . maria de lantiqua.

Partendomi de /euiglia andai a vagliadolit oue
apre/entai a la /acra mage/ta de D. carlo non oro ne
argento ma co/e da e//ere a//ay apreciati da vn
/imiL Signiore fra le altre co/e li detti vno libro
/"cripto de mia mano de tucte le co/e pa//ate de
giorno in giorno neL viagio no/t° me parti de li
aL meglio puoti et andai in portagalo et parlay aL
re don Johanny de le co/e haueua vedute pa//ando
p la /pagnia veni in fran/a et feci donno de algune
co/e de lalt° emi/perio a la madre deL xpiani//imo
re don f ranci/co madama la regenta poi me venni
ne la Jtalia oue donnay p /empre me mede/imo et
Que/te mie poche faticque a lo Jnclito et Illu/tri/-
/imo Signor philipo d e Villers lisleadam gra mae/t°
de rhodi digni//imo.

JL Caualier

ant° pagaphetta

w -"♦■ o-^ = -'A3 " - HjtWy »**--* » * . -"J

ft ^»4" -^^r^S^' &JnJ*Hltt* fn.to^ffl*n»

\Jfr

&

Off

Photographic facsimile of last page of Piga-
fetta's relation showing signature

[From the Pigafetta A1S., in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana,
Milan, Italy]

1 5 19 -1 52 2] FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 1 47

men and the majority of them sick, all that were left
of the sixty men who left Malucho. Some died of
hunger; some deserted at the island of Timor; and
some were put to death for crimes. 645 From the time
we left that bay [of San Lucar] until the present
day [of our return], we had sailed fourteen thou-
sand four hundred and sixty leguas, and furthermore
had completed the circumnavigation of the world
from east to west 646 On Monday, September eight,
we cast anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and dis-
charged all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in
shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to visit
the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria [*.<?., " St
Mary of Victory"], and that of Santa Maria de
l'Antiqua [i.e., " St. Mary of Antiquity "]. 647

Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vagliadolit [/.<?.,
Valladolid], where I presented to his sacred Maj-
esty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but things
very highly esteemed by such a sovereign. Among
other things I gave him a book, written by my hand,
concerning all the matters that had occurred from
day to day during our voyage. 648 I left there as best
I could and went to Portagalo where I spoke with
King Johanni of what I had seen. Passing through
Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift of
certain things from the other hemisphere to the
mother of the most Christian king, Don Francisco,
Madame the regent. 649 Then I came to Italia, where
I established my permanent abode, and devoted my
poor labors to the famous and most illustrious lord,
Philipo de Villers Lisleadam, the most worthy
grand master of Rhodi.

The Cavalier

Antonio Pagaphetta 65 °

Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago, showing the

[Photographic facsimile of original

Moluccas; drawn by Diego Homem, ca. 1558 (on vellum)

MS. map in the British Museum]

NOTES

488 This passage of Pigafetta, had the Portuguese been aware
of it, would have effectually answered the Spaniards in their as-
sertions of priority of discovery in the Moluccas, in the celebrated
Junta of Badajoz (see vol. i, pp. 165-221).

489 Tristao de Meneses was sent by Aleixo de Menezes to
Malacca, and while on his way thither sailed among the islands
of Java, Banda, and the Moluccas. He is mentioned by Brito
(Navarrete, iv, p. 306) as being at Ternate.

490 Diogo Lopes de Siqueira, a Portuguese naval officer, and
captain-general and governor of India (1518-22), was despatched
from Lisbon, April 5, 1508, with four ships on an expedition for
the discovery and exploration of Malacca. On his arrival at
India he was offered the position of chief-captain of India but
declined. In December, 1509, he left for Malacca, where his
carelessness and sense of security almost lost him his life because
of Malay treachery. See Birch's Alboquerque, Guillemard's Ma-
gellan, and Mosto, p. 96, note 1.

491 Juda is the town of Jidda or Djeddah, the port of Mecca.
The feud between the Turks and Arabs and the Portuguese
was of some years' standing, for with the advent of the latter
into the eastern world, the former had suffered greatly in their
commerce, which had been extensive. Alboquerque fought against
them at Aden (for descriptions and history of which, see Var-
thema's Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 59-64; Birch's
Alboquerque, iv, pp. 10-14; and Lucas's Hist. geog. Brit. Col.,
h PP- 53-62), and at Goa. Many men were sent (1515) from
Egypt to aid the Arabs at Aden, and the Portuguese were in con-
stant fear of attack.

492 MS. 5,650 reads: " Francisque Sarie." This is probably
Pero de Faria who was given command of a ship at Malacca
by Alboquerque (Birch's Alboquerque, iii, p. 166), and who was
sent by the governor (Diogo Lopes de Siqueira) to build a fort
at Maluco (Mosto, p. 96, note 4).

153

I 54 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

493 The Banda, or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch,
are small and ten in number, some of which are uninhabited.
Banda (properly Bandan) means in Javanese " the thing or things
tied or united," or with the word " Pulo," " united islands."
The group lies between south latitudes 3° 50' and 4 40'. Sontar
or the Great Banda is the largest island, but the principal set-
tlement is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequent
eruptions and earthquakes have occurred. The population is
scant, and the raising of nutmegs constitutes almost the entire
source of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese to visit them
(in 151 1, at the order of Alboquerque), but Varthema (Travels,
Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 243, 244) seems to have visited
them before that time. The Portuguese held the islands peace-
fully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle, but were
resisted by the natives, and many of the Dutch massacred, from
which followed a war of extermination until 1627. Most of
the natives fled, so that it became necessary for the Dutch to
introduce slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs. At the
Dutch conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the persons
taking part in it, and are still held by their heirs, under the
name of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole product
to the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd's
Dictionary, pp. 33-36.

494 MS. 5,650 reads: " than the other weapons [bostons']"

495 MS. 5,650 reads: "of the color of the fruit." Cf. Piga-
fetta's description of the clove tree with those of Varthema
(Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 246) and Linschoten's
Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 81-84. See also Craw-
furd's Dictionary, pp. 101-105, and VOL. xiv, p. 58, note 5. Craw-
furd remarks that Pigafetta's account is even yet a good popular
one.

496 p ro bably Pottebackers Island to the south of Tidore.

497 Cf. Pigafetta's description of the nutmeg with those of
Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), p. 245, and Lin-
schoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 84-86. See
also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 304-306, and vol. xx, p. 258,
note 48.

498 This method of making cloth from tree-bark is also men-
tioned by Combes (Historia, Madrid, 1667).

499 MS. 5,650 adds: "and bruise." There are supposed to
be five palms that produce the product called sago, which is prob-
ably the word for the meal, as each of the palms has its own
specific name. The most frequently cultivated are the rambiya,

1519-1522] NOTES l 55

Sagus Konigii or Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagus
lavis. The shell of each species is very thin, and the yield of sago
very abundant, as it comprises all the pith of the tree. Sago trees
grow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as
far as Mindanao. They require a boggy ground and propagate
by lateral shoots, as well as by seeds, so that a sago plantation
is perpetual. Three trees will yield more nutritive matter than
an acre of wheat, and six trees more than an acre of potatoes.
Sago is the sole bread of the Moluccas and New Guinea and its
neighboring islands, but of no other part of the Archipelago. In
the Malay countries it is only the food of the wild tribes, and
is hardly used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer classes
in Mindanao use it, while in other islands, such as Java, where
rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It is the lowest kind of
farinaceous food. The pearl sago of commerce was introduced
by the Chinese. The method of preparation is essentially that
described by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 371,
372; and Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903),
pp. 115, 116.

500 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley
(p. 135, note) says that the dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta's
time was indecent.

501 MS. 5,650 reads: "seven hundred and ninety."

602 These native names for cloves are " ghomodo " and " Bon-
galauant " in MS. 5,650. The principal names current for the
clove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than native.
In the Moluccas they are called gaumedi, which is a Sanskrit
word meaning " cow's marrow." The most frequent name is
cangkek which is said to be a corruption of the Chinese name
theng-hia, meaning " odoriferous nails." Another name is law an
to which the Malays prefix the words " flower " or " fruit " (as
Pigafetta's bongalauan), and is the name of the Telingas of
India, who have always conducted the largest trade between
India and the Malayan countries. See Crawfurd's Dictionary>
pp. 101, 102.

503 Still so called and located to the south.

504 MS. 5,650 adds: "Ala."

505 MS. 5,650 reads: "crown."

506 Spelled zzambachean in MS. 5,650. This is the word
subhan, "giving praise" (Stanley, p. 138).

607 MS. 5,650 reads: " by Ala his god, and by his crown."

508 MS. 5,650 reads: "of that island."

509 MS. 5,650 reads: "the king of Bacchian." These coun-

I5 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

selors were those well affected to the Portuguese who hoped by
such an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the murder of
the Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness (see
p. 41).

610 MS. 5,650 reads: "As we had no more cloth, we sent to
ask the king for three brasses of his cloth, which he gave to us."

511 MS. 5,650 reads: " some silk and other presents."

612 St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a
virgin who was martyred at Heliopolis, December 4, 306.

613 MS. 5,650 reads: " our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets."

514 MS. 5,650 reads: " three sous." The marcello was a sil-
ver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelli
equaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one-quarter
Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin
of Francesco III, duke of Mantua, 1540-50. See Mosto, p. 98,
note 7; and Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent.

515 MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given
to each of the brothers.

516 MS. 5,650 reads: "many pieces of artillery."

517 MS. 5,650 reads: " hagbuts and culverins."
618 MS. 5,650 reads: "relatives and friends."

519 MS. 5,650 reads: "as mistresses of the function, and ar-
ranged everything."

520 MS. 5,650 adds: "for a jest;" but omits the remainder
of the sentence.

521 St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province
of Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India,
bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James of Galicia, and
z hundred thousand reis (about £20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at
his death. The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Pal-
mela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the head-
quarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch's Albo-
querque, iii, pp. 18, 19.

622 MS. 5,650 reads: " hagbuts."

523 MS. 5,650 reads: "quill."

524 In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Ma-
muco Diata (vol. i, pp. 331, 332). This mention by the latter is
perhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of
paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article
of commerce. These skins were supposed to render the wearer

1519-1522] NOTES 157

safe and invincible in battle. (GuillemarcTs Magellan, pp. 285,
286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace (Malay
Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter
with " a conical wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a tea-
cup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of the blow without
making any wound or shedding any blood."

525 MS. 5,650 reads: "sixty."

526 In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads:
" and cast spells."

527 MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: "be-
witch and."

528 MS. 5,650 adds: "and shorter."

629 MS. 5,650 reads: "in lime and in large jars." Cf. with
Pigafetta's description of the ginger plant and root, that of Var-
thema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also the
prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts,
Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd's Dic-
tionary, p. 143.

630 In Eden (p. 260) the " Trinidad " springs its leak in the
island of Mare, after stowing provisions and fuel for the return
trip.

531 Bomba: a Spanish word.

532 MS. 5,650 reads: " ' Who will go/ " etc.

533 MS. 5,650 adds: "and regard."

534 MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it gen-
eral of all who remained.

636 MS. 5,650 adds: " and sadly."

636 MS. 5,650 reads: "afternoon."

637 MS. 5,650 reads: "fifty." Juan Carvalho was later
superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa the alguacil who
had rendered so signal service to Magalhaes at the time of the
mutiny at Port St. Julian.

Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection
with the men of the " Trinidad " as follows:

" I have already written from Banda the news which I found
there regarding the Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro
de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda May 2, 522,
to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the
other one had already left about three months before. I reached

i 5 8

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Tidore May 13, 522, where the Castilians had been, and where
they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla. I
learned that the first one had gone four months before and the
other one a month and a half. The second had not left with the
first because of a leak which had opened when they were on the
point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo
and after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians,
one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner.
I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of
Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery,
and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castil-
ians since that region had been discovered so long before by the
Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as mer-
chants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me
three Castilians and a small amount of their goods. I had al-
ready taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had
gone to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth
Castilian was absent in the island of Moro, 60 leguas from
Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He an-
nounced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had ex-
cuses for everything, all of which was proved by the Castilians
themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in order
to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those
Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Chris-
tians and his natives. I found the whole country full of tin
crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a crucifix on one
side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards,
muskets, crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all
those crosses above mentioned to your Highness, which those
people were selling with full knowledge of what they were.

" After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king
of Ternate came to take me to his island. That man is the one
who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight or
nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival.
This island [of Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco,
and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived, as well as
Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king,
who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves
as your Highness's vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I
wished first to see all the islands. After I had seen them, I
thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there
is no port in Tidor.

" While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months,
I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me.
About 50 of them died, and with so few men the fortress was
started.

1519-1522] NOTES l 59

" On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back
of these islands. I thought it must be the Castilians, since they
took that course. I sent three ships with orders to bring it in,
and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not
caring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a
voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien. They found but
light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accord-
ingly] went to 40 degrees north. According to their account
they had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they left
they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods
of the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps
and astrolabes were seized. The ship, which was old and leaking
badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened and 40
bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress
and the equipment for the other ships there. . . .

" I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they
might pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he
might send them thence to the chief captain of India according
to the instructions given me in your Highness's orders. Those
men are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos,
factor, who remained with the goods in Tidore ; Alfonso de Costa,
who was going to examine the trade in Banda; Luis del Molino;
Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship;
Juan Roiz; Gines de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo;
Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas; Segredo; Master Otans
[the German gunner, Hans Vargue] ; and Anton Moreno.

"I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan
Bautista, who is the most skilful of them all, and has sailed in
ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who took
command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have
taken his fleet to Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor
and pilot; 3d, the boatswain; and 4th, a carpenter who is needed
to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of
Burneo. . . .

" In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to
the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your High-
ness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I detained
them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the in-
tention of having them die there, as I did not dare order them
beheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meet
your Highness's approval. I am writing to Jorge de Albur-
querque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that
is very unhealthy."

Navarrete describes the adventures of the " Trinidad " and
the fate of her crew in his Col. de viages, iv, pp. 98-107; for a
translation of which see Stanley's First Voyage, pp. 237-241. Cf.

l6o THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

also the account in Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 298-307, where
many details not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality
of the crew of the " Trinidad " was terrible, and of the 53
men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following re-
turned to Spain, and that only after a number of years : Gonzalo
Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil; Gines de Mafra, sailor; Leon
Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan Rodriguez
of Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also
reached Lisbon with Espinosa and Gines de Mafra, but died
almost immediately upon his arrival there, in prison. See Guille-
mard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339.

The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards
is thus given by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 310): "The goods
which remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians amounted
to 1,125 quintals 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver,
two quintals of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a
pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14 iron culverins without any
chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one large
one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breast-
plates, 12 serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron
culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with four
chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves."

538 So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious
matters of Tidore, which had embraced the Mahometan worship.

539

MS. 5,650 adds: "was forty-five years old."

540 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai
becomes comulicar in MS. 5,650. Eden reads: "and a mar-
ueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai." The comulicai
is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called
guava is evidently the mango or manga (Mangifera Indica).
See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 263 (who fails to note that Piga-
fetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is men-
tioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt So-
ciety edition, pp. 159, 160).

541 The generic name for " parrot " is loony. Its correct
Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd, Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and
Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in
the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten's Voyage, Hakluyt
Society edition, i, p. 307). Nicolo de'Conti says that there are
three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are
both known by the name of nori, " bright," and are about the size
of doves, one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored
beak and the other being of various colors. The third species
are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are

1519-1522] NOTES l61

called cachi, " better." They imitate human speech better than
the others. Bellemo says that the lori [i.e., nori] are parrots
with red feathers, giachi those which speak more easily, while
the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100,
note 3).

542 The modern names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor,
Mortier, Makian, and Batjian; or in a more correct orthography,
Tarnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see Crawfurd's
Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo
among the Moluccas.

543 In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260)
says that Tidore lies in 171 degrees of longitude. " Terenate, is
vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the pole Ant-
artike. . . . The/e Ilandes are lyke foure /harpe moun-
taynes, except Macchian which is not /harpe. The bygge/t of all
the/e, is Bacchian"

Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially
the same by the " Roteiro " (Stanley, pp. 23-25) as by Pigafetta,
although much shorter. The " Roteiro " says however that the
king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the
"Trinidad." The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32)
names the five Moluccas and mentions the island of Banda. See
A. Bastian's Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Ar-
chipetj which contains sections entitled: Die Molukken (Ber-
lin, 1884) ; Timor and umliegende Inseln (Berlin, 1885) ; and
Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889).

544 MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto
has mistranscribed a few of the Malay words. This vocabulary
is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in that lan-
guage there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts;
and it is wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p.
352; also R. N. Cust's Modern Languages of the East Indies
(London, 1878) ; and Wallace's East India Archipelago, pp. 608-
625.

645 Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word
meaning " Nazarene ; " in some of the following words used to
denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought in with
the conquering religion of Mahomet.

546 See vol. xxxiii, p. 315, note 160.

547 See vol. xxxm, p. 349, note 391.

648 At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown twf
charts: 1. On folio 68b, the islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi,
Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription " The Pigmies live in
this island"), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga,

1 62 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Maga, and a number of unnamed islands {q.v. y p. 104) ; shown
on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: " Chart of
the islands of Bacchian, Tollman, Sico, Caioan, Laigoma, Gioggi,
Caphi, Labuan, etc." 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach,
Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of
unnamed islands (q.v. y p. no); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio
84b, preceded by the words " Below is shown the chart of the
islands of Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others."

549 A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly
differently in Eden (p. 260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures
that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 224), which
he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou ; Laigoma is
Laigama, one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is
Siku; Giogi is perhaps Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafl. See Mosto,
p. 104, notes 1-5.

550 Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that
Pigafetta has often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilots
of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book iii, xiii),
explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been
cleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta's account may possi-
bly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a
reference to the orang-outang.

551 MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan,
Toliman, and several others), but in general the changes in spell-
ing are very slight, consisting in a change of vowel or a doubling
of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern
part of the island of Batchian ; Toliman is Twali Bezar ; Titameti
is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl; Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is per-
haps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is perhaps Oby
Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See
Mosto, p. 104, notes 6-12.

652 Called "Sulan" by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is
one of the Xulla Islands (see Guillemard's Magellan, p. 289, and
Mosto, p. 104, note 13).

553 It is impossible to identify these names with complete as-
surance. The first four probably correspond to the group of
islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honimoa, Moelana,
Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of
Amboina; Tenetun (called " Tenado " by Albo - Navarrete, iv,
p. 225) is perhaps one of the Xulla islands; the last four corre-
spond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi,
Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named
lower down, and two other islands in its group. See Mosto,
pp. 104, 105, notes.

1519-15 22 ] NOTES 163

554 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is per-
haps the island of Lisamatula. See Mosto, p. 105, note 2.

554 * MS. 5,650 reads: "a food made of figs [*.£., bananas],
almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried, which
is cut into rather long pieces and called canali" That MS.
omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences.

555 MS. 5,650 reads: " sixty-five." On modern maps this
name is given as Boeroe. It is called Buro by Albo (Navarrete,
iv, p. 225), and he says that it was " necessary to coast along its
eastern side." This was on December 27.

556 The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to
be derived from its chief town, the island itself being called by
its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have been con-
verted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church.
They attend public schools and are taught to read and write the
Malay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd's Dictionary,
p. 11.

557 MS. 5,650 gives this name as " Undia." It is probably
the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225).

558 Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square
geographical miles, and a small population. It lies in latitude
3° 15' south, and longitude 125° 15' east.

Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio
72a) is shown the chart of the islands of Bandam, namely, Lai-
laca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach, Saniananpi,
Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v*, p. 114).
This chart is shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the
words, " Chart of the islands of Bandan, Rossonghin, Man,
Zzorobua, and others."

B59 The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group
are Banda ("United"), Pulo Nera ("the island of Palm
Wine"), Lontar ("Palm"), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai;
"Water Island"), Pulo Pisang ("Banana Island"), Pulo Run
(Rung; "Chamber Island"), Pulo Suwanggi ("Sorcery Is-
land"), Gunung-api ("Fire Mountain" or "Volcano"), Pulo
Kapal ("Ship Island" or "Horse Island"), and Rosingen (the
Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the Rosolangium of Barros, which
Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso,
"strength" and langgang, "firm," "assured"). See Craw-
furd's Dictionary, p. 33 ; and ante, note 493.

560 At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. fol-
lows the chart of the islands of Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau,
Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on

164

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: " Chart of the
islands of Zzolot, Galliau, Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Malliia."

661 These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lom-
blen (Mosto, p. 105, notes 6-8). Guillemard {Magellan, p. 289,
note) says that the passage taken by the " Victoria " was either
Flores or Boleng Strait.

662

MS. 5,650 reads: "little horns." The Italian is corniolli.

563 MS. 5,650 reads: "They have a kind of sack made from
the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink.
When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows," etc.
Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will
allow this translation, although the most natural translation both
in the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This might
be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the
adapter of the Italian to the French.

664 MS. 5,650 reads: "in order to inspect and overhaul."

565 MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the
round variety is also described as in the Italian MS.

see jy^g 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sen-
tence, compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those of the
mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto "cat,"
is the vulgar name for amento, the botanical name for the first
flowers of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees.

567 MS. 5,650 reads: " lubi." Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335)
says that the long pepper (Piper longum) is called chave by
the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is prob-
ably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archi-
pelago. It is not named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hak-
luyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the long pepper is grown
only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit
pippalt) .

568 The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan,
lada in the Philippines, and markka (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese,
was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It
is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly
so in the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the
western side of India. It is produced in some parts of the Philip-
pines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention has not been
paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that
raised in other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd 's Dic-
tionary, pp. 333-335 ; and Official Handbook of Philippines, p.
114. See also Yule's Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 27
(who confuses the long with the black pepper) ; Varthema's

1519-1522] NOTES l ^>5

Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa's East
African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 219;
Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72-75; and
vol. in, p. 77.

560 They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day oi
the storm. See Albo's log (Navarrete, iv, p. 226).

At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the
chart of the islands of Botolo, Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute,
and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio 89a of
MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: " Chart of the island of
Timor and of its four settlements, and four other islands."

570 Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one
of the Aru Islands or the island of Haruku, east of Amboina.
Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto (Arucetto) : " But
owr men wolde not /ayle thyther, bothe bycau/e the wynde and
cour/e of the /ea was ageyn/te theym, and al/o for that they gaue
no credite to his reporte." This last reason may have been
obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus.

571 Amoretti reads erroneously : " Saturday, January 25, at
22 o'clock ;" and Stanley (p. 151), reproducing his error, ex-
plains this as the Italian method of reckoning time.

672 MS. 5,650 omits the date.

573 MS. 5,650 reads: "beef," here and throughout this para-
graph, and elsewhere.

574 The large island was Timur, and Amaban and Balibo were
villages located on its coast. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 226) says
that they coasted along Timor " to the village of Manvay, first
arriving at the village of Queru."

575 MS. 5,650 reads: "linen, silk and cotton cloth, knives,
scissors, mirrors, and other things."

676 MS. 5,650 reads: " adorned with gold," and the last sen-
tence of the paragraph reads: " Some of them wear other gold
ornaments in their ears." Guillemard conjectures from Piga-
fetta's description that these people were of Papuan origin (Ma-
gellan, p. 290). His translation of this passage is not exact.

577 The white sandal wood (Santalum album) is a low tree
resembling a large myrtle, although belonging to another family.
It is a native of several islands in the Malay Archipelago, but
more especially of Timur and Sumba (Sandal-Wood Island). It
is also found in the South Sea islands and in Malabar. The
Malays and Javanese call it " chandana " (a Sanskrit word,
written " sandana " by the Filipinos, but used there for another
tree), and it was probably first made known to the natives of the

1 66 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

archipelago by the Hindu traders. Both Varthema and Barbosa
mention it as an article of commerce, and the latter gives prices.
The greatest users of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancy
wood are the Hindus and Chinese, especially the latter. Craw-
furd's Dictionary, p. 375.

678 MS. 5,650 omits mention of beans.

579 MS. 5,650 reads " steel " instead of " hatchets."

580 MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred and sixty-four and one-
half."

581 Timur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands called
the Sunda, being different in location, structure, fauna, and botany.
It is mountainous and rather desolate. Its inhabitants are Ma-
layans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken there -
Timourese in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The
religion is a sort of demonology. An annual sacrifice of a virgin
to the sharks and alligators was made until recent times, when
the practice was abolished by the Dutch. It is about 370 miles
long by 50 broad in its widest part and contains about 9,808
square geographical miles. The island belongs to the Dutch and
Portuguese. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 432-435, and Cust's
Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878), p. 143.

582 MS. 5,650 reads: "St. Job," and "for franchi." Eden
(p. 260) says of this disease: " In al the Ilandes of this Archi-
pelagus, rayneth the di/ea/e of /aynt lob (whiche wee caule the
frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde." Evi-
dently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of
syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in the Orient by
the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in Amer-
ica, for Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed
in China long before it was noticed in Europe. Littre discovered
a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century, and it is
mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the
name of upadamqa. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley
(p- 153) following Amoretti, wrongly believes the leprosy to be
meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a
name for the disease (see vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its
existence was well known. See Linschoten's Voyage ( Hakluyt So-
ciety edition), i, p. 239.

The following information is received from Walter G. Stern,
M. D., of Cleveland, Ohio, regarding this disease: " The maladie
de Job is considered by many authors to be syphilis (lues venerea).
At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily
explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease.
That syphilis is as old as mankind, there can be no doubt, although

1519-1522] NOTES l( >7

for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was in-
troduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The
coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the
discovery of the New World, the ignorance of the medical profes-
sion of those times, and the silence of the popular medical writers
of former ages as to the previous existence of such a comple-x
contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The
finding of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most
remote historic periods is undisputed evidence of the antiquity of
syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and Astarte
worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult
of the Romans, were at least most favorable means of spreading
venereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Roman
and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic Izdebar
and the " papyrus Ebers," we find the first reference to syphilitic
disease in Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B. C).
There is also a reference in the Chinese work of Musi-King, which
very possibly dates from 2637 B. C. ; also one in a Japanese MS.
Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B. C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and
Pliny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis,
while the Roman satirists describe venereal afflictions identical to
it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild
type - endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey.
Its place of origin is unknown. It probably came from India,
where it has been endemic at least from 800 B. C, and brought
by the Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and
Rome and the rest of Europe. (See Neuman's Syphilis, Wien,
1899)." Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in "The American
Antiquarian and Oriental Journal " for January and February,
1905, has the following note: "American origin of syphilis. In
his ' Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche) in der
europaischen Kulturwelt' (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains
the thesis of its pre-Columbian existence in America and trans-
ference to Europe in the wake of the discovery of the new world.
Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis ' Dei
Ursprung der Syphilis' (1901), in which he set forth similar
views. The new work contains data concerning the first appear-
ance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a like sexual disease
among the American Indians."

583 In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) fol-
lows the chart of Laut Chidol, that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124).
This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without other in-
scription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the
above.

584 Ende, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between lati-

1 68 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

tudes 7 and 9 south, and longitudes 120 and 123 east. It is
two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-two
to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six
distinct languages, and the natives are intermediate between Ma-
layan and Papuan. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust,
ut supra, p. 143.

585 Tanabutun - Mani (in MS. 5,650, " Moiu," and in Mosto
" Main ") inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Ende
or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which is so called
from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain
from the westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50,
and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The island
belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are Mahome-
tans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three
languages or dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is
the second island due east of Java. The name is taken from the
Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now
called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, " a raft " or " temporary
bridge"), and sometimes Selaparang. It is volcanic and moun-
tainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers, and a
number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of
Java, but its fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants
call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subject (along
the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a unique
example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in per-
manent subjection by another professing Hinduism). The lan-
guage of the Sasaks is similar to that of the western end of
Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java.
See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6-9; Crawfurd's Dictionary, and Cust's
Modern Languages of East Indies.

586 Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of
the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived from
its principal people. It was first named among Europeans by
Marco Polo. Varthema's account of the island is almost worth-
less, but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately,
while Pigafetta's account is still more accurate. The botany of
Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely fertile.
The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people
whether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese
are industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The
Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western
part are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief
language of the island, and is one of the most copious languages
in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of all Malayan
peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Euro-
peans in the Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts

1519-1522] NOTES 169

and have many industries. They have a literature that is suffi-
ciently abundant in both the ancient and modern languages. See
Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 165-192; Cust's Modern Languages
of the East Indies, pp. 137, 138; and Lucas's Historical Geography
of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99.

587 The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as
" Patiunus Sunda " in MS. 5,650. That manuscript continues:
" Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities are." Mage-
paher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the west-
ern district of Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be re-
membered that Pigafetta's information is derived orally from the
Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom of Daa;
Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi
is Gressik or Garsik (the first place in Java visited by the Portu-
guese d'Abreu) ; and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See Crawfurd's Die-
tionary, p. 166.

588 Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali,
located about ij4 miles east of Java. The name in Javanese and
Malay signifies " to return." Its area is about 1685 square
geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous
rivers are navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the
reach of the tide; and its mountain lakes ensure a constant water
supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to three
thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without
stone or brick. They are said to be more skilful agriculturists
than the Javanese. The religion is Brahmanical and Buddhist,
although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste idea
prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and al-
though rude and simple is above those of the Sundanese and
Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See Crawfurd's
Dictionary, pp. 28-31 ; and Cust's Modern Languages, pp. 138,
139.

589 Eden reads (p. 260) : " Giaua the le//e, is as bygge as the
Ilande of Madera, and is but half a leaque di/tante from Giaua
maior;" thus confusing the island of Madura with the Portu-
guese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation,
vegetation, and manners and character of its inhabitants, as Java.
The name is derived from the Hindu legend, which represents it
as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a
corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the
island is about ninety miles. The language although poorer and
ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It has one dialect,
termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to
Java. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Gust's Mod-
ern Languages, p. 138.

17° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

590 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

591 This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island of Bali
(the only one of the East Indies to preserve the custom) is de-
scribed by Crawfurd {Dictionary, pp. 30, 140-142). "The ordi-
nary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the
Buddhists of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modifica-
tion of the Hindu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a
barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves." In that
island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman
sacrificing herself was stabbed to death with a kris, instead of
being burned with her husband's corpse, as the expense accom-
panying the burning was so great. Barbosa {East African and
Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this
custom of one of the countries of India. See also Linschoten
{Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note).

592 MS. 5,650 adds: " of their vagina."

593 MS. 5,650 adds: " and more pleasantly." This custom is
also mentioned by Barbosa {ut supra, p. 184) in connection with
the people of Pegu. His account, which is left untranslated by
Stanley, is as follows:

"They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk's-
bells sewn and fastened in the head of their penis between the
flesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some have
three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and
silver, and others of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The
custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women de-
light greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without
them. The most honored men are those who have the most and
largest ones. I will say nothing more of this custom, for it is a
shameful one." Stanley says that this custom is also mentioned
by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century.

594 In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: " Ocoloro." Yule {Book
of Ser Marco Polo, ii, p. 395) conjectures that this is the modern
island of Engano.

595 In MS. 5,650 " caiu paugganghi," and " bua paugganghi."
Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay
for "griffin," and (note 1) that campong anghin means "the
place of wind." Yule {Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511,
note) says: "Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology
for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its use among the Malays
is a relic of their ancient religion. . . . To an island of the
Indian Sea also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size,
that, if dead, the half of its beak would serve for a ship." De
Gubernatis {Memorie intorno ai viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie

1519-15 22 ] NOTES l 7 l

oriental^ Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is per-
haps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu
paradise; and the bird is the one with tha golden feathers, into
which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology.
Mosto, p. 108, note 5.

596 Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of
the peninsula of Malacca.

597 Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the
Sanskrit singa, " lion," and pura, " city." It is an island and
town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is
a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the
Portuguese, and properly spelt Paang), which is a city and dis-
trict or province of the eastern part of the Malacca Peninsula.
Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part
of the peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same
names. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam.
Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lakon by
the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today
in the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mer-
catorius; and Valentyn gives an island " Couir." Brabri is per-
haps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient
amanuensis for Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese cap-
ital in 1350. Mosto believes that Jandibum, Sanu, and Lang-
honpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are prob-
ably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name
of a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign's name. Stan-
ley (following Amoretti, who mistranscribed) has Bradlini,
Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 "Lauu"),
and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, and Mosto (p.
109, notes 1-8).

598 MS. 5,650 reads: " the rest."

599 MS. 5,650 reads: " Cameggia." This is the country of
Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja), called also Champa by the
Malays. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 80, 81.

600 Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the
eastern side of the gulf of Siam, in the country of Cambodia.
Stanley makes the name of its king " Brahami Martu." Mosto
(p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See
preceding note; and Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 93.

601 Stanley (p. 156, note) says: " Pigafetta has confounded
rhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which,
when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a
high price."

602 ]y/[g B ^650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and

I7 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

translates accordingly: " Cocoanuts are found there." It is, of
course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also makes the Seri-
bumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala ( Seribumnipala, in MS.
5,650) the ruler of Champa, although a ruler has already been
named for that country.

603 This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the
Ming dynasty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 15 19 and reigned
for forty-five years. See Boulger's Short History of China (Lon-
don, 1900, pp. 94-96).

604 In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are
" Canthan, Nauchin, and Connulaha." The last is the city of
Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the Khan) by
the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the
accounts of those times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55.

605 MS. 5,650 reads: "great and little." See vol. xxxiii, p.
331, note 273.

606 Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a "linx;" an
allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem, the dragon, called
lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267.

607 MS. 5,650 continues from this point: "so that he may
furnish an example." See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408-
420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the obeisance made by
criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text
is perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which
consists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast
(ii, p. 68).

608 MS. 5,650 adds: "also artificially made." Naga in San-
skrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found in
all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago.
See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 290.

609 This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: " Each circle
or enclosure of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter who
holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu horan. In
the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an
iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin ; in the fourth a
man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach panan ;
in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu tumach ;
in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two
white elephants called two gaggia pute." Mosto has houman
for the horiman of our text and the hurimau of MS. 5»65o; while
Stanley has hurimau, Mosto also prints the word con meaning
" with," as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning
of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mosto
are as follows: satu orang, " one man; " anjing, a " dog; " pokoh

1519-1522] NOTES 173

bisi, "club of iron;" panah t a "bow;" tombak, a "lance;"
horiman, a " tiger."

610 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and con-
tinuing reads: " If one stops to examine the palace thoroughly,
he finds four halls, where the principal men go at times to visit
and converse with the king." Eden (p. 261) says: "In this
pallaice are lxxix. haules, in the which is an infinite number of
women that /erue the kynge hauynge euer lyght torches in theyr
handes for the greater magnifycence."

611 See description of Peking with map showing the palace in
Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 55-66.

612 Eden (p. 261) reads: "They haue the croffe in /um e/ti-
mation, but knowe not the cau/e whye."

613 The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

614 " Commaru " in MS. 5,650.

615 MS. 5,650 reads: " Then it is steeped in the urine of the
said cat."

616 MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: "But
the real musk comes from the blood abovesaid, and if that be made
into little round pellets, it evaporates."

617 Mosto (p. no, note 5) thinks it more probable that this
passage refers to the animal Moschus moschiferus, or the musk
deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet, and Eastern
Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names.
Castor is derived from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the
Malays and Javanese for the perfume of the civet cat (although
they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that
Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says
also that the Kasturi produces the musk (see Yule's Cathay,
Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. clxxiv). Friar Jordanus gives a
very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of
musk {Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of
preparing musk and prices are given by Varthema {Travels,
Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa {East African and
Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222),
who mentions the leeches, and Linschoten {Voyage, Hakluyt
Society edition, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 94, 95), who also describes civet
(ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace {Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes
that leeches are very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of
Malacca.

618 Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo ( Chinchew ;
the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied
to a province of China. See vol. hi, p. 41, note 6.

174 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

619 Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans
proper are called Mon, says (Mosto, p. no, note 6) that Burmah
is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of the north-
ern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and
Lechii may refer to the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti
transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon.

820 Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the
country now called China, became later (in the Middle Ages)
the name for the entire country. See Yule's Cathay, i, preliminary

essay.

621 MS. 5,650 reads: " Hau." Han was a small Chinese
state which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, and
it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger's Short
History of China, p. 10.

622 " Chetissirimiga " in MS. 5,650.

623 " Triagomba " in MS. 5,650.

624 These names appear before (see vol. xxxiii, p. 321, note
177) where they are given as the name of one island.

625 Javanese for " South Sea."

626 Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first men-
tioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited
previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less) ; and prob-
ably by Nicolo de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before
him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batuta (ca., 1330), who calls
its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient
name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the
East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea
the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long and having
an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the
Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of
Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and
spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the
Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the
English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island
until after 18 16, since when the latter have entered upon a system
of conquest. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, Varthema's Travels
(Hakluyt Society edition); Cust's Modern Languages; and
Lucas's Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.

627 Eden (p. 261) reads: " Fearyng lea/t if they /huld /ayle
toward the firm land, they myght bee /eene of the portugales who
are of great power in Malaccha."

628 p e g U (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded
great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms

1519-1522] NOTES l 75

surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa
(Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was in-
corporated with the Ghori or Patan empire of Hindustan toward
the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate
province under the second emperor. It became an independent
kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state
until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam
or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but
an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century.
Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the
capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which
before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater
part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel
coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus)
were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese
occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: " Gon " and
"Armux." See Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society edition),
and Mosto (p. in, notes 3-1 1).

629 In MS. 5,650 " Irauai," " Poleni," and " Poleai." Stanley
gives the first as " Franas." The names of the castes as given
by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: " Brahmins
(or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans),
Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and
nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only
four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang
from the mouth of Brahma ; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri,
or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the
arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the in-
dustrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of
Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the
feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste
is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws gov-
ern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of west-
ern civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed.
Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the .
various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Bar-
bosa's East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edi-
tion), pp. 121-144; Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edi-
tion), i, pp. 278-284 (very defective and inadequate) ; Gray and
Bell's Voyage of Francois Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society
edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371-420; and Ball's Travels in India by
Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181-189.

eso jyjg^ 5^50 reads: " and never enter any city."

631 Malayalam for "go." Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard
de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning
cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep

I7 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta.
The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i,
p. 281, note 1).

632 Eden says (p. 261): " /euen weekes."

633 Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522,
that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of
Good Hope.

634 MS. 5,650 reads: "one thousand and sixty."

635 The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from
1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi.
A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade
of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by
agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886
and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great
vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the
colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out
by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed
to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo
Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p.
58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was "so called of three
small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in
fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude,
which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promon-
torium Prassum." Continuing he says that notwithstanding its
unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was
a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, be-
came the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the
East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have
been the settlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voy-
ages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879),
pp. 80-97.

636 MS. 5,650 adds: "and stank."

637 On March 14, the crew of the " Victoria " worked at re-
pairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the
eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which
they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for fur-
ther repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land
was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored
on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further dis-
abled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were
finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general
course northward. See Albo's log (Navarrete, iv), and Guille-
mard's Magellan. Considering Albo's date as correct, Pigafetta
is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling
of the cape.

1519-1522] NOTES l 77

638 Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon ( Mosto,
p. in, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen
deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two
others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and
arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number
that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-
seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had
died during the voyage. (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 291, note).

639 Eden adds: (p. 261): "that is, /aynte lames Ilande, par-
teyning to the kyng of Portugale." This is the island of San-
tiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde
Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): "On the ninth
of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We
anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a
hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That
day was Wednesday, but they [i.e.> the Portuguese] maintained
that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were
mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and
then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the
port. In the morning we sent the ship's boat ashore for more
rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various
tacks until its return."

640 This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.

641 These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

642 MS. 5,650 reads: "and that we did not dare to go to
Spain."

643 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the
island of Santiago as follows: "On Monday, the fourteenth,
we sent the ship's boat ashore for more rice. It returned next
day, and went back for another load. We waited until night,
but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it
never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the
reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded
our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that
was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men
in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested
them to send us our men and ship's boat. They replied that
they would bear our request to their officials. We answered
that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked
about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men,
both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of
the month of July." See also Transylvanus's account, vol. i,
PP- 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are
given as follows by Navarrete {Col. de viages, iv, p. 94) :

178

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Martin Mendez ship's accountant

Pedro Tolosa steward

Ricarte de Normandia carpenter

Raldan de Argote gunner

Master Pedro

Juan Martin sobresaliente

Simon de Burgos sobresaliente

Felipe de Rodas sailor

Gomez Hernandez sailor

Socacio Alonso sailor

Pedro Chindurza common seaman

Vasquito Gallego boy

Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338,
and note 5) who mentions thirteen men (the number given by
Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville
(Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).

644 Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Na-
varrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted
on September 4, 1522.

645 The official death list records two desertions, which must
have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions
a mutiny at Timur: " There was a mutiny and conflict, in which
a considerable number of the crew were killed." Oviedo says
also: "Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their
crimes.' ' Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are bor-
rowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note).
The survivors of the " Victoria " who reached Spain, as given
by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document con-
served at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows:

Juan Sebastian de Elcano captain

Francisco Albo pilot

Miguel Rodas master

Juan de Acurio boatswain

Martin de Yudicibus merino

Hernando de Bustamente barber

Aires gunner

Diego Gallego sailor

Nicolao de Napoles sailor

Miguel Sanchez de Rodas sailor

Francisco Rodriguez sailor

Juan Rodriguez de Huelva sailor

Anton Hernandez Colmenero sailor

Juan de Arratia ♦ common seaman

Juan de Santander common seaman

Vasco Gomez Gallego common seaman

1519-1522] NOTES 179

Juan de Zubileta boy

Antonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillemard {Magellan , pp. 337,
338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows
several differences from Navarrete's list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv,
pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: " Among the In-
dians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and
these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask
how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real,
and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing
himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished
a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others
did." See also Guillemard's Magellan, p. 296.

646 The value of the spices brought to Spain by the " Victoria "
exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equip-
ment by about £200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon,
nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The " Victoria " afterward
made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See
Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 297, 310.

647 Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give
thanks " to almyghtie god who had brought them /afe to theyr
owne countrey, and re/tored them to theyr wyues and chyldren."

648 The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the em-
peror was probably only his brief records as set down from day
to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The
relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta's return
to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition
made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking per-
mission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows :

" M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.

" Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies :

" Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jeru-
salem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed, in past years,
with the caravels of his Cesaraean Majesty, which went to dis-
cover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On
that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is
a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed
a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have
printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it
for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print
it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of
three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also
that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magis-
trate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine

l8o THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness,
one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose
it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v."
The docket follows.

649 Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to
the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by
Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end of this series).
Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Biblio-
theque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even
later than MS. 5,650.

•*• The signature in MS. 5,650 is " Anthoyne Pigaphete."

DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

By Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and
geographer, ca. 1280.

Source: This document is obtained from the Filipino paper
Periodica Hebdomadario Escolar, issue of November 9, 1901.

Translation : This is by James Alexander Robertson.

CHAO JU-KUA'S DESCRIPTION OF THE
PHILIPPINES

[The following description is translated from a
copy of the Periodico Hebdomadario Escolar (i.e.,
"Students' Weekly Paper") for November 9, 1901,
being no. 6 in order of issue of that paper. It was
there published by Clemente J. Zulueta (now de-
ceased) , then professor of history, and later engaged
in archival researches in Spain for the Philippine
branch of the United States government, who
was a man of real ability. He himself communi-
cated the existence of this publication to us ; the copy
of the paper, which is rare, was lent us by James A.
LeRoy. An editorial note at the beginning of the
chapter reads as follows: "As we consider it of
some importance to the historical, or rather pre-his-
torical, cartography of Filipinas, we transcribe the
following lines, which are a Spanish translation of
chapter xl of the geography of the Chinese writer
Chao Ju-kua. 1 Professor Blumentritt translated it

1 There is no direct reference as to the time in which Chao
Ju-kua lived, but his name is mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue,
whence it appears that he was probably descended from some mem-
ber of the imperial family of the Sung dynasty, whose real name
was Chao.; and that he was born after the beginning of the second
half of the twelfth century. He was inspector of the salt gabel
in the province of Fo-kien, and his title was probably Shih-po,
which means " Superintendent of Sea Trade." As this post existed
in Fo-kien only during the years 1277-1287, it is probable that
those dates fix the period of Chao Ju-kua. His work is called the
Chu-fan-chih y and the greater part of his notes are copies from
older records. His position, however, gave him opportunity to

^4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

from the English, and Dr. Hirth translated directly
into English the MS. of Chao Ju-kua [a*., 1891]
who according to Blumentritt, flourished in the
thirteenth century -that is, three centuries before
Magallanes's expedition." Our search for the
translation by Dr. Hirth has been unavailing, and
we are therefore compelled to retranslate Blumen-
tritt's translation. Concerning this translation we
are furnished the following information in a letter
from James A. LeRoy, dated January 27, 1904:
"Zulueta owns the original letter and the translation
of this chapter as written out by Ferdinand Blumen-
tritt and sent to Rizal while the latter was in exile in
1894. Blumentritt made the annotations to the
chapter, as is proved by his letter. In his letter to
Rizal enclosing the translation of the chapter,
Blumentritt tells Rizal that the previous year (1893)
a friend of his in Madrid had published (how or
where is not told) his hastily-made version of this
chapter, with hasty notes, which he had sent this
friend for his own use in a study of the prehistoric
Philippines, but had no idea that it would be used
independently." A Spanish version with parallel
English translation appeared in Revista historica de
Filipinas (i.e., "Filipino Historical Review") for
June, 1905 (vol. 1, no. 2), which is signed by P. L.
Stangl. His version differs from that of Blumen-
tritt given by Zulueta, being divided into two chap-
gather information personally from the traders who anchored at
his port. At that time more foreign traders frequented Chinese
ports than either before or after, and it would be comparatively
easy to gather information. The Chu-fan-chih contains more geo-
graphical information than do the court records. See F. Hirth's
China and the Roman Orient (Leipsic and Munich; and Shang-
hai and Hong-kong, 1885), pp. 21-25.

1280-1605] CHAO JU-KUA'S DESCRIPTION 1 85

ters-xl, called "Ma-yi," and xli, called "San-Hsii."
We have, however, preferred to use Zulueta's ver-
sion, as we do not know whence Stangl's version has
proceeded. We subjoin Blumentritt's notes accom-
panying Zulueta's version, signing such notes "B."]

CHAPTER XL
Ma-yi

The country Ma-yi 2 is located north of Poni. 3
About one thousand families inhabit the shores of a
river which has many windings. 4 The natives dress
in linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or
they cover their bodies with sarongs. 5 In the thick
woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but
no one can tell the origin of those statues. 6 Pirates

2 " Ma-yi," the ancient name for Luzon, is derived from
" Bahi " or " Bahy," former names of the lake of Bay. In other
Chinese dialects, the name is given as " Ma-yit," " Ba-hi," or
"Ba-yit." As the chief Tagalogs of Bulakan at the time of the
conquest bore the title of " Gat-maytan," I infer that the name
" Ma-yi " might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name
of Bulakan, for that province was always the richest district of
Luzon. The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called
"Ma-yi" by the Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the
Chinese character " Ma-hi," may also be read " Mo-yat,"
"Ba-ek," "Ma-i," "Ma-yek," etc. - B.

3 Ancient Chinese name for the island of Borneo. - B.

4 Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Ma-
nila. - B.

5 Sarong is the Malay word for skirt. - B.

6 This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were
once under the influence of Buddhism, from India. - B.

It is far more likely that such images were traded by the
Chinese to the superstitious people, and that Buddhism never had
any foothold and was never introduced in the Philippines; not-
withstanding P. L. Stangl's belief that Buddhism was introduced
into the Philippines from Java.

I 86 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

seldom visit those districts. When [Chinese] mer-
chantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor at a
place [called] the place of Mandarins. That
place serves them as a market, or site where the
products of their countries are exchanged. When a
vessel has entered into the port (its captain) offers
presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas
which serve them for daily use. The traders are
obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able
to count on the favor of those gentlemen.

In order to trade, the savage traders are
assembled, 7 and have the goods carried in baskets,
and although the bearers are often unknown, none
of the goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage
traders transport these goods to other islands, and
thus eight or nine months pass until they have ob-
tained other goods of value equivalent to those that
have been received [from the Chinese]. This forces
the traders of the vessel to delay their departure,
and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain
trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to
return to their country.

The most noteworthy places of this country are:
San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-lu, which is located
near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han. 8

7 The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese,
Koreans, and people of Anam. - B.

8 San-hsii signifies the "Three Islands" and is attributed to
the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-
li-lu may be Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds
like Lin-hsing (called Lin-sung by Stangl), a Chinese name corre-
sponding to their name for modern Luzon. However, Lin-hsin
appears to be the Chinese name for Calilaya (modern Tayabas).
Li-han is the primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos,
whose princes bore the title of "Gat-Salihan" or "Gat-Salian."
-B.

1280-1605] CHAO JU-KUA'S DESCRIPTION 1 87

The products of that country are yellow wax, 9 cot-
ton, pearls, shells, 10 betel nuts, and jute [yu-ta]
textiles. 11 Foreign traders import porcelain, com-
mercial gold, 12 iron vases for perfumes, leaden ob-
jects, glass, pearls of all colors, 13 and iron needles. 14
San-hsii, or the "Three Islands," belong to Ma-yi.
Their names are Ka-may-en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-
neng. 15 Each of these islands is inhabited by its own
races, who are scattered throughout them. But
upon the arrival of the vessels, the natives assemble
in order to trade. Their general name is San-hsii.
Their customs are about the same as those observed
in Ma-yi. Each tribe 16 consists of about one thou-
sand families. The country has many lofty hills and

9 Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin re-
sembling wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as white
pitch, and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax.

10 i.e., Tortoise-shell. - B.

11 Yu-ta seems to be the abaca. - B. Stangl prints **yii-ta."

12 Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins cir-
culated in the country. - B.

Stangl reads the second half of this note "But how did it come
to pass current in the country?" It is probable that the commer-
cial gold was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If
there were any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country
(and it is highly improbable), they must have been taken there by
the Chinese, who were keen traders who early penetrated to all
parts of the eastern archipelagoes.

13 Stangl inserts here " iron fixtures " [enseres de hierro].

14 The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl.

15 Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu,
Paragua. " Pa-chi-neng " may also be read "Pa-kat-lung " and
" Ba-ki-lung." It seems to be the term for the true Visayans,
while under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper,
together with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan. - B.

16 I believe that the word " tribe " means here village or settle-
ment; for I think that the author meant to say that the villages
usually had one thousand families. - B.

1 88 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The
houses of the inhabitants are built of bamboo. The
high region of the country has few springs, but the
women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and
thence back to the mountain bearing on their heads
two or three jars filled with water, a load that does
not bother them. They ascend the mountain with
the same ease as if they were on the level. The
interior of the valleys is inhabited by a race called
Hay-tan. They are of short stature, have round yel-
low eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly
seen [showing] from between their lips. 17 They
build their nests in the forking of the branches of
trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three
to five individuals, lives in each nest. 18 They wander
through the fastnesses of the thickets and invisible
to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On
this account they are greatly feared. When the

17 This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accus-
tomed to stain the teeth black, a custom quite general among many
Malay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain
them. - B.

In Chao Ju-kua's description, Stangl translates "round eyes of
a shining appearance," instead of "round yellow eyes."

18 These " Hay-tan " are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern
authors. The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us.
The description of the Negritos seems to have been written yes-
terday. The Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Ne-
gritos, seems to have confused them with the houses that are built
today in the forking of the branches of trees by some heathen
tribes of Mindanao. - B.

Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says
that it is at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellers
in the true sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible struc-
tures like those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos do
indeed spend a portion of their time in the treetops and often hunt
their game in that way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the
Philippines are Malays, although some of them may have a strain
of Negrito blood.

1280-1605] CHAO JU-KUA'S DESCRIPTION 1^9

trader takes them a porcelain jar, they bow and take
it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it.

When foreign traders come to one of their vil-
lages, 19 they must not touch the ground, but must
remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the
middle of the current 20 and announce their pres-
ence by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage
traders approach in their light craft, in which they
carry cotton, 21 yellow wax, strange cloth, 22 cocoa-
nuts, onions, 23 and fine mats, and all those things they
offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of the
Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price
of the goods, it is necessary to summon the chief of
the traders of that place, so that he may present him-
self in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfac-
tion of all. The imported objects are silk umbrellas,
porcelain, and a kind of basket woven from rattan.
Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of
the goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a
bond of security. Afterward the foreign traders
disembark and perform their contracts there, and
then return to their vessel. The goods pledged by

19 This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos. - B.

20 Of the mouth of the rivers? - B.

21 By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles. - B.
This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author's

meaning must be the tree cotton, which is called kapok, basing
his assertion upon the word that is used, presumably in the
Chinese. The cotton plant is called kapas in Java. Apropos of
tree cotton, Census of the Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: " A species
of tree cotton (Ceiba pentandra) is found growing in a wild state
in many of the islands; the cotton is useless for spinning purposes,
the staple being very short, but it is used for making cushions and
other articles.' '

22 Foreign cloth: sinamay [a light fabric made from abaca]
and other textiles of the country ? - B.

23 Camotes?-B.

I 9° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

the natives remain only three or four days aboard
the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term
they are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits
another village of the savages, for the coast villages
of the Three Islands do not have one common juris-
diction. 24 The hills keep the winds from the vessels
during the continuance of the northeast monsoon.
But when the southwest monsoon begins, the dashing
of the waves against the coast is so violent that great
currents are formed that do not allow the vessels to
remain at anchor. This is the reason why those who
maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their
return for four or five months. Porcelain, black
damask, and other silk fabrics, pearls of various
colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu
is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely
populated, 25 but its inhabitants are very cruel and
inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and
shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented
like dry wood, and their points are very sharp like
those of swords and spears. 26 In order that the ves-
sels may reach that country, they take a long and

24 The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had
no common jurisdiction. This appears to imply that several vil-
lages in Luzon were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.
- B. This does not necessarily follow.

25 The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the
period of the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Saran-
gani which have now 1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very
thickly populated by the latter in 1548, and they had a large fort
on a hill there. - B.

But see vol. ix, p. 290, where it appears that the early reports
of the population of Mindanao were greatly overstated.

2<v According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of Filipinas,
there are yet similar coasts near Zamboanga, and such as are
described by the Chinese author. - B.

" India tercera nova tabula " - map
of the Eastern archipelago; from
Mattiolo's edition of Ptolemy's
Geographia (Venetia, M. D. XLVIIl)

[From copy of this work in possession of
Frank A. Hut chins, Madison, Wisconsin]

1280-1605] chao ju-kua's description 19 1

circuitous route, in order to avoid those shoals. 27
There are corals there, but it is very difficult to get
them. The popular and trading customs are the
same as those which exist at Three Islands.

27 This reminds us of the dangerous and arduous navigation
about the eastern and southern coasts of Mindanao, especially near
Cape San Agustin. - B.

DOCUMENTS OF 1565- 1576

Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; May 30,

1565.
Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; 1565.

Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; July 25,

1567.
Letter to Felipe II from the royal officials. Guido

de Lavezaris, and others; July 26, 1567.
Letter to the Marquis de Falces. Martin de Rada,

O.S.A.;July8, 1569.
Letter to Felipe II. Diego de Herrera, O.S.A. ;

July 25, 1570.
Royal communications to and concerning Legazpi.

Felipe II; August 6, 1569-August 29, 1570.
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espafia. Francisco

de Ortega, O.S.A. ; June 6, 1.573.
Augustinian memoranda. [Unsigned and undated,

but probably compiled by the Augustinian mis-
sionaries, ca. 1573.]
Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espafia, Martin En-

riquez. Martin de Rada; June 30, 1574.
Letter to Felipe II, from the royal officials. Andres

Cauchela and Salvador de Aldave; July 17, 1574.
Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. Hernando

Riquel; June 2, 1576.

Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the last which is trans-
lated from Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangelica^ i, pp.
157, 158.

Translations : These are all by James Alexander Robertson
except the eighth, which is by Henry B. Lathrop.

LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LABEZARIS
TO FELIPE II

Sacred royal Catholic Majesty:

Inasmuch as when Don Antonio de Mendoga,
your viceroy of Nueva Espana, went to Piru, he or-
dered me to go to those kingdoms of Espana, in order
to inform your Majesty of affairs touching this west-
ern region, I being one who understood them and
had had experience in them, and had come to these
districts as your accountant in the fleet under
command of Rruy Lopez de Vyllalobos: I went to
those kingdoms in order to kiss your Majesty's feet,
and gave the most detailed relation and information
possible concerning the islands and provinces of
these districts, the character and number of the peo-
ple, their trade, means of gain, and mode [of life].
Your Majesty ordered that the fleet for the expedi-
tion be equipped immediately; that ships be built
and the necessary things prepared for it in the sea
west of Nueva Espana. I busied myself in that work
and despatch from the time of my return; also as
soon as I returned to Nueva Espana, I went, by order
of your viceroy of that country, Don Luis de Velasco,
to explore the coast and ports of Florida where I
had to go afterward when the fleet sailed of which
Don Tristan de Arellano was commander. 1 After my

1 The disastrous expedition to Florida was undertaken in pur-
suance of a royal order to Velasco, although the latter was

19^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

return from that expedition, I continued in the de-
spatch and equipment of this fleet, in which I
occupied myself most sedulously. When it was quite
ready for the sea, I embarked in it as your treasurer.
When I was in Espana, your Majesty assigned me
four hundred pesos de minas payable in acquittances
in Nueva Espana. But they have been poorly col-
lected, and there are none from which I can be paid.
I humbly beseech your Majesty to have me paid
from the royal treasury for the support of my wife
and family whom I left in Mexico. Besides this, as
is well known to your Majesty, when I left Yndia, I
brought pepper and carried away ginger from Yndia
at a very great risk, because of the ordinances and
penalties passed and imposed by the most serene king
of Portugal, which are executed without remission
upon transgressors. The pepper was lost, but there
is a great quantity of the ginger in your Nueva
Espana today, all of which has come from the roots
which I took there with the purpose and design that
your kingdoms might enjoy so many profits and a
common usufruct. I communicated in regard to it
with Don Francisco de Mendoga, asking him to
treat with your Majesty, so that some favor might be
shown me from the profits that would result from the

unwilling to undertake it. The Spaniards imagining Florida to be
overflowing with riches, eagerly offered themselves for the expedi-
tion. The Spanish force sent comprised six squadrons of cavalry
and six companies of infantry, and was accompanied by one
thousand Indian archers. Under the command of Tristan de
Luna y Arellano (also called Acuna), this force left Vera Cruz
in thirteen vessels in June, 1559. On reaching Florida, they were
so harassed by the Indians that they were compelled to send for
aid, which was sent under Angel Villafane, who was appointed
Luna's successor. In a short time, however, the attempt was
abandoned, the few survivors reaching Mexico via Havana. See
Bancroft's Mexico, ii, pp. 593-595-

1280-1605] LABEZARIS TO FELIPE II 197

ginger. Don Francisco negotiated it for himself and
not for me as he had agreed. Consequently, he ob-
tained the reward for my services without having
performed any work or labor on his own part, while
order was given to give me three hundred pesos de
minas of acquittances with the injunction that they
be conferred. I wrote your Majesty in regard to the
matter, and although I intended to go to ask for
justice from your Majesty, as from a most just prince,
after the despatch of the fleet, in whose preparation I
had been occupied, I did not go, because I thought
that if I failed to sail in the fleet, I would not be
performing my duty to your royal service; and that
since I was one who knew the land and the season in
which to return for the discovery of the return pas-
sage, and that success might be had now in that in
which so many fleets have not been able to succeed, it
was important for me to come. Therefore on account
of coming (as I did), I did not go to Espafia,
being confident in the liberality and grandeur of
your Majesty, and that if I petitioned you from here,
you should show me justice and thorough favor.
Also [I did this] because it is well for me to end
my life in your Majesty's service, since most of my
life has been spent in serving you. With that motive,
I embarked, and we set sail at Puerto de la Navidad.
After a sixty-four days' voyage we made the Fili-
pinas. While some masts were being prepared in the
island of Bohol for the fleet, your general sent me to
the province back of the island to attend to other
things. There I traded for the samples of gold, wax,
and cinnamon which are being sent to your Majesty,
with the greatest care possible. I returned to Bohol,
where the fleet was stationed, and where, at the last

x 9& THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

resolution taken, it was determined that the fleet
should come to this island of Cubu, because of the
information that we heard of it, and for other rea-
sons. We arrived here on the twenty-seventh of
April of this year sixty-four (or rather sixty-five).
We are located in the best center of the country
although there is no other advantage in this island
than that it is well settled, and consequently we can
maintain ourselves until your Majesty have us in-
formed of what is best for your royal service and that
we should support ourselves. We are stationed here
at the gateway of great kingdoms and Maluco is very
near, where our holy faith will be exalted and your
royal patrimony increased, for there is a natural fit-
ness for it I am busying myself and shall continue
to busy myself in your royal service, and there will be
no lack of service. Will your Majesty aid us with
the wherewithal, so that trade may be maintained
and introduced among many of these nations. It is a
fact that entrance must be made in your royal name,
and by force of arms. We are not well equipped,
and consequently, it is necessary that the aid that we
are now sending to ask from Nueva Espafla be sent
with promptness. In the matter of the ginger it is
already clear to your Majesty, that I brought it and
that Don Francisco did not treat in my favor as he
ought to have done, and that I was notably injured in
this, and that the three hundred pesos de minas in
acquittances have not been collected because of the
difficulty in doing so. I beg your Majesty that I be
given warrants on the treasury reserving the right of
the rest that makes for my justice in this matter, until
it is pleaded in my name and until amends may be
made to me; since before nor since no one else has

1280-1605] LABEZARIS TO FELIPE II 199

done such a service in which there is an annual sum
of more than fifty thousand ducados involved (or
rather more than one hundred and fifty thousand).
In that I will receive grace and justice. May our
Lord happily prosper your sacred royal Catholic
Majesty with the increase of life and greater king-
doms that is desired by your servants. Cubu, May
3°j 1565. Your royal Catholic Majesty's faithful
servant, who humbly kisses your royal feet and

hands.

GUIDO DE LAVEZARIS

LETTER FROM ANDRES DE MIRAN-
DAOLA TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi came as general of the
fleet which came to these islands of the West at your
Majesty's orders. Don Luis de Velasco, the viceroy
of Nueva Espafia (may he rest in peace) appointed
me to the office of factor and overseer of your
Majesty's royal estate in your Majesty's name, in
consideration of my constant obligation to serve your
Majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic person I be-
seech our Lord to ever increase with great kingdoms
and seigniories.

This fleet reached these Filipinas Islands Febru-
ary xvi, 1565, and I shall [here] relate what has been
seen in them thus far, with that fidelity, faithfulness,
and willingness which is always to be found in me,
with all possible diligence.

As your Majesty will see by the relations of the
pilots who came in the fleet, in the navigation that
has been made, it has been seen by the needle that
there is considerable land of that discovered and of
that still to be discovered in these regions, that lies in
your Majesty's demarcation, which, if it be the will
of God our Lord, will be found. I believe that it
will all be very useful and profitable, and that the
Christian religion - your Majesty's purpose - can
really be introduced into this land.

1280-1605] MIRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II 201

In regard to what we have as yet noticed among
the natives of these islands, there is gold, cinnamon,
and wax, and they trade in those products. We con-
sider it as certain that this trade will amount to a
great sum if your Majesty's vassals the Spaniards
cultivate the land; for the said natives, as they have
shown and as we have noticed in them, are a race
who all live without any respect For the persons
who were assigned as rulers were not feared or re-
spected, a thing which has been heard from persons
who have been in these districts before. On that
account it will be necessary for your Majesty to order
that the land be conquered; for beyond doubt one
cannot believe that it will be possible to work or
cultivate the Christian religion in any other way, as
this is a very vicious and treacherous race, who are
full of evil manners. Accordingly, it will be neces-
sary for your Majesty to order that the entire land
be subdued, and that can be done (our Lord help-
ing) without much trouble, if your Majesty will
provide the men, arms, and ammunition of which we
are at present very needy.

While in one of the said Filipinas Islands, it was
reported that the natives of the Malucos had come
under the orders of the Portuguese who are settled in
the said Maluco for the king of Portugal, to an
island called Bool, where they had remained for
thirty-six days. They gave out that they came for
the purpose of trading with the natives, and having
secured from them a day, they caused a general mar-
ket to be held, where they killed five hundred men,
and seized over six hundred, as your Majesty will
see by the investigation made by the general in
regard to the matter. 2 All the natives of this archi-

2 See vol. 11, p. 208.

202 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

pelago are complaining and very restless, for the
Moluccans have raided all the other islands, doing
all the damage possible. The island of Managua,
whose people always were found to be very willing
to serve your Majesty, was found deserted, the occa-
sion therefor being the said Moluccans who went
thither and did all the damage possible with fire, and
killed what people they could; and [they did the
same] afterward in all the other parts where they
went that we have yet seen. Will your Majesty pro-
vide in this what may be advisable.

The general, remaining in the said island of Bool,
ordered the treasurer, Guido de Labazaris, and
myself to go to explore an island called Beguindanao,
its coast and products, and to seek a port called
Butuan. 3 Thither we went in order to perform what
was commanded us in your Majesty's name. We
found that the said port had the settlement and trade
of which we had heard; for two Moro junks were
trading there which were said to be from Lugon,
near to a large island called Borney. That island of
Borney is rich according to reports we have had of
it. It is a land which contains a large population
and many forts, where, as we have heard, there is a
quantity of artillery. The people are warlike and
there is considerable trade throughout the island.
We made friendship with the chief of that said port
of Butuan, as was commanded us by the order and
instruction of the general in your Majesty's name.
We informed them that we were going by your Maj-
esty's order to trade with them and to reside in their
land if they were willing; and if any necessity arose
to protect and favor them in your Majesty's name.
The reply given us by the chief was that he was

3 See vol. 11, pp. 209-210.

1280-1605] MIRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II 203

willing to have us go there. Our communication
was given him by means of the Moros who were
trading there as we had no interpreter in the fleet
who could understand the natives - for which reason
we suffer great hardship. The Moros explained that
they would be damaged if we traded with the
natives. After we had accomplished what had been
ordered us by the general in your Majesty's name,
we returned to the place where the fleet was sta-
tioned, namely, in the said island of Bool.

From that island we set sail in order to go to an
island called Cubu, which is the place where the men
of Magallanes were killed. We found the natives
somewhat restive, although they gave evidence of a
desire for our friendship. That condition lasted
until the next day, during which they did not perform
for us any of the things which were asked of them.
As soon as that was understood, they were summoned
sundry times to give us in return for our money some
of the food that they possessed. We could not get
anything from them until they showed that they
wished to fight with us and that they would not give
us anything. As soon as we sallied out to fight them,
and as soon as the artillery was discharged from the
ships, the men both on land and sea retreated, and not
a single one awaited us; nor could we even see them.
They had deserted their houses in which we found
nothing except a child Jesus and one iron culverin
and another of bronze, all of which are believed to
be of the time of Magallanes. As yet we have not
been able to get anything that those people possess. 4

After having abandoned the land and after having
retreated, a Moro who had married among them,
came with an interpreter, with the story that he was

4 See vol. 11, pp. 210-216.

204 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

coming in behalf of a brother of the ruler of that
settlement, and saying that they wished peace and to
have our friendship. The general replied that not-
withstanding that they had refused peace and had
shown that their intention had been evil, still they
could come with safety, until he informed them of
the conditions to be made with them. Thereupon
the Moro took his departure with a peace banner
given him by the general. Immediately the said
brother of the ruler whose name is Tupas came.

The general declared that he desired peace and
friendship, but he mentioned to him [*.*., Tupas's
brother] the evil design and the ingratitude that they
had employed against him in your Majesty's name.
After that the general told him that his brother
should come, as well as all the chief men, in order to
make peace and ask the conditions that they had to
observe and perform in your Majesty's service.
Thereupon he [*.*., Tupas's brother] went back after
asking an interval of three days in order to bring his
brother and the other people.

This entire island is densely populated and set-
tled, and all the people are very warlike and vicious.
Consequently, I think that it will be necessary, if
they do not receive the true knowledge of the holy
Catholic faith, for them to be conquered and brought
under your Majesty's yoke.

When the said time limit of three days had ex-
pired, the above mentioned brother of Tupas came,
accompanied by another chief. They said that his
brother [i.e., Tupas] was indisposed, and that he
[i.e., Tupas's brother] and some other chiefs who
were coming with him would make peace in Tupas's
name. But the general announced that he would not

1 2 80-1605] MIRANDAOLA TO FELIPE II 205

make peace unless his brother came; that he [i.e.,
Tupas's brother] should not treat deceitfully with
him as that would cause him much trouble; that he
should return for his brother, and come in safety;
and that he [i.e., Legazpi] and his men would await
him in all faith. Thereupon, he departed and the
said Tupas came and made friendship. [The latter
stated] when he would bring his people and that he
would serve your Majesty with them, and that he
would not oppose any thing that was ordered them.
We believe that these things come from the hand of
our Lord. May He direct us in His service and pro-
tect us in that of your Majesty.

Inasmuch as the ship which is being despatched
for the discovery of the return passage, is about
ready to sail, I cannot inform your Majesty of the
conditions that are being resolved upon, for conclu-
sions have not yet been reached.

My uncle, Fray Andres de Hurdaneta, is return-
ing and is going to serve your Majesty in this
discovery, and he will be accompanied by Fray
Andres de Aguirre. Felipe de Salzedo is in com-
mand, and Juan de Aguirre - persons who we believe
will serve your Majesty with entire loyalty, fidelity,
and cheerfulness. I beseech your Majesty to have us
provided with the religious and seculars that are
needed for the preaching of the holy gospel to these
natives, in consideration of its great service to God
our Lord and your Majesty.

The men whom your Majesty must have provided
besides the contingent that will be provided from
Nueba Espana for our relief, namely two hundred
well-armed and well-equipped men, [are as fol-
lows]. Besides these will your Majesty please have

206 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

six hundred well-armed men sent immediately- four
hundred of whom should be arquebusiers, and the
other two hundred, pikemen. [Will you also send]
heavy artillery, such as culverins, and ammunition.
The men should be the best that can be found, and
should have the best of morals. [Will you also send]
ammunition and arms for those who are here now.

I beseech your Majesty in all humility to confirm
the appointment that was given me in your Majesty's
name by Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy and governor
of Nueva Espana (may he rest in peace) ; and that
you will give it to me to hold. Your Majesty will
be doing a service to God our Lord, and a blessing
and grace to me, by justly ordering an increase in my
salary to the sum of three thousand ducados in good
money, in consideration of the fact that all the arti-
cles necessary for our sustenance in this land are very
dear.

May our Lord preserve the sacred royal Catholic
person of your Majesty with great increase of large
kingdoms and seigniories, as I, your Majesty's faith-
ful servant, desire. The island of Cubu, [illegible
or blank in original] 1565. Sacred Catholic Maj-
esty, your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful serv-
ant, who kisses your Majesty's royal feet with all
humility.

Andres de Mirandaola 5

5 Andres de Mirandaola was treacherously killed by a private
soldier while attending to his duties regarding the collection of the
tribute, as appears from a letter to Felipe II from the royal offi-
cials, June 18, 1583, the original of which is conserved in Sevilla,
with pressmark "est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.' ' The document states
further that the soldier was not punished but was serving as
alcalde-in-ordinary at Oton, although his case was pending in the
royal Audiencia.

LETTER FROM GUIDO DE LAVEZARIS
TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

I informed your Majesty by the flagship which
was despatched from this island, in the month of
June of the year sixty-five to discover the return
route to Nueva Espana, as your faithful vassal and
servant, of events that had happened up to that time ;
and I petitioned you to reward me in consideration
of the twenty-seven years that I have served your
Majesty in the discovery of these districts. [I told
you] that I had come here before as your Majesty's
accountant in company with Rui Lopez de Villalo-
bos; and further that I had taken the ginger plant
(which is now [grown] in Nueva Espana) at the
great risk of my person. I have done other services
for your Majesty of which I gave information. The
present information that I have to relate to your
Majesty is that the "San Geronimo," despatched
from Nueva Espana in the month of May in the past
year sixty-six, by your president, auditors, and
officials of the royal treasury resident therein, ar-
rived in this island in the month of October of the
said year. It made its voyage so inadequately
prepared with necessities and with the articles that
we asked from here, that we were placed in greater
need than before its arrival. The ship had no cap-

208 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

tain because he had been killed during the voyage.
There were also other mutinies and rebellions [on
the ship] as appears from the reports made here
about it, which your Majesty may see if so minded
and determine its fortune. 6 At its arrival all this
camp received great happiness at learning that that
route, which had been so greatly desired by the em-
peror our sovereign (who is in glory), by your
Majesty, and by all your vassals and subjects, had
been discovered and so easily -and desired so very
rightly, since besides the fruit that will be attained
in the preaching of the holy gospel (the chief design
of your Majesty and of your Catholic ancestors)
your Majesty will be greatly benefited in the
temporal, your royal crown greatly increased, your
subjects and vassals profited, and finally there will
be a gateway opened for the Spanish nation to have
a place where it may employ its strength. I rejoice
more than I can tell, and rightly, since I gave advice
to your Majesty and to your royal Council of the
Yndias, of the products of these districts in the year
fifty-four at Valladolid, and of the suitability and
fitness of these Philipinas for supporting the people
in them both in the interim until the route should be
discovered, and until your Majesty's commands
should be sent - all of which availed for the work and
affair. It has been very important for your royal
service, and on that account there is legitimate reason
why your Majesty should reward me. For, besides
the above-mentioned services, I came to serve you
in this present expedition as treasurer of your royal
estate. No other person than myself of all those who
took part in the expedition of Villalobos came on

8 See vol. 11, pp. 149, 150; and the following letter.

1 2 80-1605] LAVEZARIS TO FELIPE II 209

this expedition, and I, by reason of my experience in
the past expedition, have given advice on what has
been necessary; for I came to these islands for this
purpose and until the discovery of this route should
be made, and left my wife and family in Nueva
Espana. I put away everything else for what
touches your Majesty's service, and I hope from
your clemency to be rewarded for my services. I
shall not give a full report of the occurrences of this
expedition from the time of the despatch of the flag-
ship until the present, because the governor and we,
your Majesty's officials, give a report of them in the
relations and letters which are being sent. I shall
only mention that a huge quantity of cinnamon has
been discovered on the point of Quavit on the island
of Mindanao. It is so abundant there that it is heard
that the mountains are full of it. Inasmuch as there
is no market for it in these islands we can easily
procure at little expense as much as your Majesty
would like brought to Espana. It will be necessary
to have some settlement in the vicinity where the
cinnamon is gathered, both in order to gather the
cinnamon and because the Portuguese fleets en route
from Malaca to Maluco pass that place, which is
also in the district of Borneo, Maluco, and other im-
portant places. Since your Majesty has as yet sent
no orders declaring your royal will, we are only
striving to maintain our men until the arrival of the
reenforcements of which we are in great need. It
is advisable that that aid be sent quickly, and that
more zeal be displayed in the despatch from Nueva
Espana than hitherto ; for although it is about three
years since we left there, only one ship has been sent,
and it put back (I mean came) in a condition more

2IO THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

needy of aid than to aid. Therefore, this ship is
being despatched now. We send in it the cinnamon
that the little time at our disposal gives us opportu-
nity to gather. I entreat your Majesty, since it is a
matter that is so important to your royal service, to
please send your orders promptly as to what you
wish most to be done. For after the arrival of rein-
forcements, I intend (the Divine Will concurring),
to go to kiss your Majesty's feet, and to report
minutely concerning these districts, as I am unable
to give any adequate idea in a letter without great
prolixity. Two Portuguese ships such as the natives
of Maluco use came to this port on the tenth of the
present month of July. They were sent by the chief
captain, Gongalo Pereira Mamarraque, who went
from Yndia to Maluco by commission of the viceroy,
Don Antonio de Loronha. They bore letters from
the chief captain for the governor which informed
him and declared that we were in their demarcation,
and tried to get us to go to Maluco and thence to
Yndia. 7 I endeavored to gain some information
from those ships regarding the affairs of Maluco,
and some of the men told me that your Majesty's
old-time vassals, the kings of Tidore and Geilolo,
have been killed and persecuted by the Portuguese
and by the king of Ternate their [i.e., the Portu-
guese'] friend and confederate. They killed the
king of Tidore, and destroyed a fort which the king
of Geilolo possessed, who died while being pur-
sued. The king of Ternate had the latter's son who
succeeded him in his kingdom killed; while the son
of the king of Tidore who is yet living, pays a yearly
and very excessive tribute of one hundred bahars

7 See vol. 11, for the negotiations between Pereira and Legazpi.

1280-1605] LAVEZARIS TO FELIPE II 211

or more than five hundred quintals of cloves to the
Portuguese. In addition, the vassals of those kings
are greatly harassed and troubled by the Portuguese
and by the king of Ternate his friend. I believe,
most invincible prince, that such trouble and harass-
ing proceeds from the fact that those kings and
their subjects are so affectioned to the Castilian
name; for I, as an eyewitness, assure your sacred
Majesty that the Castilians who sailed in the fleet of
Villalobos were as well received and as kindly
treated by the kings of Tidore and Geilolo and by
their vassals, and that they always showed us as much
love and goodwill, and offered their persons and
property to relieve our necessities, as if they had
really been your Majesty's natural vassals for many
years. And they assure me that they still live in
great constancy, and are in hopes that your Majesty
will have them delivered from the cruel bondage
in which they live because they have ever shown
themselves so favorable to the Castilians. For that
reason their misery and trouble moves me to deep
compassion when I remember the kindness which I
received from them when I was in Maluco, and the
love and affection that they bestowed upon us. Be-
sides this the Ternatans and the Portuguese in their
company have made and are daily making raids and
captives among these islands, so that the natives are
in great fear when they see the harm that they re-
ceive from them. Those Portuguese remained in
this port of Cubu for thirteen days where they were
caressed and feasted by all generally. The governor
offered his services to them in whatever they needed,
according to the orders of your Majesty's instruc-
tions. When the Portuguese left, they said that the

2 1 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

chief captain had received a resolution and express
mandate from Yndia to rout, destroy, and drive us
out of this place by whatever way he could, and that
he had left Yndia with nine ships and eight hundred
soldiers for that sole purpose. That news threw us
into great consternation, as we are short of men,
ships, ammunition, and artillery, and because the
masters of the sea hostile to us [*.*., the Portuguese]
can easily deprive us of provisions as they have many
large ships and oared boats and many friendly
Indians from Ternate who are well equipped with
weapons and food, while we are in need of all things
generally. However, although we are so needy as
at present, we have firmly resolved to die in the
service of your Majesty like true Spaniards, and we
shall not move from this place until your Majesty so
orders. Consequently we shall endeavor to defend
ourselves as far as possible, with our few forces. In
the belief that I was doing your Majesty a service,
I endeavored to get the loan of a map and navigation
chart from the Portuguese, and quickly had a por-
tion that falls within the Castilian demarcation
copied from it as well as certain remarks made by
one of our pilots. I enclose it herewith, 8 and if your
Majesty be so pleased the cosmographers may see
by it the position of the lands and islands now newly
discovered. May your Majesty receive my willing-
ness to serve you. May our Lord prosper and pre-
serve your royal Catholic person with increase of
greater kingdoms and seigniories, as is the desire of
your Majesty's vassals. This island of Cubu, July
xxv, 1567. Your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful

8 The map does not accompany this letter.

1280-1605] LAVEZARIS TO FELIPE II 21 3

vassal and most humble servant who kisses your
royal feet.

GUIDO DE LABEZARIS
[Endorsed: "Examined. File it with the other
papers treating of this matter."]

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS
TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We reported to your Majesty all of the events up
to the day of its departure by the "San Pedro," which
came to these districts as flagship and which left this
port on the first day of June, sixty-five, under favor-
able auspices for the discovery of this expedition and
voyage. We shall now relate to your Majesty as
your Majesty's faithful servants what new things
have happened here since then.

A ship with news of the arrival at Nueva Espaiia
reached this port where we are settled in your Maj-
esty's service, and of the flagship which went to
discover the route which our Lord was pleased to
have accomplished in the most invincible days of
your Majesty. Not little should all Christians
entreat His Divine Majesty to grant many years of
life to your Majesty, so that the holy Catholic faith
might be increased and exalted by your Majesty's
influence in the so great kingdoms and seigniories
that are located in these districts.

After the departure of the "San Pedro," the
natives of this port, both the chiefs and the other
people, came to render obedience to the governor in
your Majesty's name, and to place themselves under
the protection and dominion of your Majesty. They
offered to recognize and to hold your Majesty as

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 2*5

their natural lord, and said that they would give you
the products of their land, namely rice, millet, and
borona. The governor received them as such vassals
and told them what they were to observe to keep our
friendship. They are so vicious a race and have so
evil morals that they keep no faith nor perform any-
thing although they have promised it. Accordingly
we have temporized with the natives of this port and
with the other natives who have as yet offered to
accept our friendship. Inasmuch as no further force
is shown them than that willed by you, we have as yet
not been able to do less ; and inasmuch as (as we have
remarked above), they are a vicious race and pos-
sessed of bad morals, and recognize no ruler, there-
fore if their chiefs try to force them, they will do
nothing else than go to another island. They find
enough desert lands if one tries to force them in their
own. Until having your Majesty's order and in-
structions, the governor has not cared or consented
to have war made on them; and we consider it as
certain that if that had been done, we would have
suffered, and have all met our death most wretch-
edly, for the first thing that those natives do is to
take away all the food, and the misery in which they
hold the land in which they live is such that war
cannot be made there under any circumstance.
Had it not been for the good government that has
been exercised in all things in not making war upon
those natives, and treating them well, we would
doubtless all have died. Our Lord has been pleased
to direct this entire affair as His own and to show us
miraculous rewards. May it please His Divine
Majesty to continue such actions and to preserve us
in His holy service and in that of your Majesty.

2 1 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

In view of the great delay in sending us aid from
Nueva Espana, and news of what your Majesty has
ordered provided, it was determined to despatch the
patache "San Juan." It carries seventy quintals of
cinnamon which was bartered for in the island of
Bindanao, namely, at the point called Cavite. We
have heard that it is abundant in that part and that it
can be easily gathered. Bindanao is a well settled
island both in the north and in the south. We have
heard that there is much gold in all parts of it, and
that if we settle it and cultivate the land we shall
learn many secrets of it. The inhabitants there are
warlike and full of malice. We have taken posses-
sion of it in your Majesty's name.

Moros have come to this port where we are at
present from certain islands called Lugon and Bin-
doro. They have brought rice and gold to sell in
exchange for silver and pearls. These men have told
us that the Chinese go to their land to trade and
carry away all the products of this archipelago,
namely, gold, wax, and slaves. From the informa-
tion given us it is a rich land and has [plenty] of
trade.

A mutiny happened on November xxviii of the
year lxv, but our Lord was pleased that those who
took part in it should not succeed in their vile pur-
pose. That mutiny was of such a nature that had He
permitted it [to succeed] because of our sins, we
would have all miserably perished. But He was
graciously [inclined] to show us mercy, and did not
allow them to succeed in the deceptions with which
the devil had imbued them. Consequently, the ring-
leaders were punished, and the matter smoothed
over and settled. Justice is rightly done in what

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 217

arises. There was another mutiny afterward which
was engaged in by the same ones, although there
were not so many in it and it was not a matter in
which they could succeed. All punishment was in-
flicted in accordance with law. 9

The said aid and advice that was despatched from
Nueva Espana reached this port in so desperate and
so unfortunate a condition that, according to our
understanding, no Christians have ever heard of
anything so filled with chances. Our Lord was
pleased to bring the ship miraculously and those
whom it carried, as your Majesty will see by the re-
port that the governor is sending of what happened.
The crew killed the captain and alferez and after-
ward hanged the sargento-mayor who was coming
with an appointment [to that post] in place of the
absence of the one here in this camp. He in company
with other tyrants killed the said captain and alferez,
and his companions afterward hanged him. After
that event they reached certain islets, located about
seven hundred leguas from this port. They tried to
abandon a great portion of the men there, while they
intended to go to the district where the Chinese and
Javanese trade, and to pursue their career of piracy
if they were able. Our Lord was pleased at that
juncture to give courage to the men who wished to
serve your Majesty, some of whom were naked while
others were clad only in their shirts. They deter-
mined to go to the ship and raise a shout in favor of
your Majesty. It succeeded as we have written.
Our Lord was pleased to give them strength and to
direct them so that all the tyrants were left ashore
on one of the said islands where the ship was

9 See vol. 11, pp. 143, 144, 148.

2 1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

anchored. The ship arrived here without any kind
of aid either of arms or of ammunition, for all of
which we had sent to ask. The men were quite worn
out and in a deplorable condition, and all their
clothing had been left ashore. As soon as they ar-
rived, the governor ordered an investigation of
everything that had occurred in all the affair, and he
is sending the report to your Majesty, by which
everything will be more explicit and detailed.

By order and command of the governor, the
master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz (may he rest in
peace) , left this port to go to the place where we had
heard that cinnamon was to be found, and to run
along the coast in order to visit our friends there,
and to go on to where the said cinnamon was to be
found. He, going upon that expedition, met with a
Portuguese galley during very furious weather.
The master-of-camp, desiring to know what ship it
was, tried to go to them, upon which the Portuguese
retired. Thereupon the master-of-camp waited to
see whether there was any fear on the part of the
Portuguese. Then the captain of the galley sent him
a letter, whose copy and reply is enclosed herewith.
When the said master-of-camp perceived what that
meant, and when he saw two other sails, he tried to
come to this port with all haste as he had a favorable
wind. He met a large fleet of the Portuguese, who,
as was believed, did not see him or else thought that
his ship was one of their own which had become
separated by a storm which they had suffered.
When the master-of-camp had reached this port he
immediately put us on the watch and lookout for
whatever might happen. In this way did we wait

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 21 9

to see what the Portuguese were going to do. After
three days had passed we saw two galliots. When
the general saw them he waited to see what they
wanted, ready for them with his men. But as they
did not wish to come or to wait, the governor deter-
mined to send Martin de Goiti, who is the present
mas ter-of -camp because of the death of Mateo del
Saz (whom may glory have), to ascertain their de-
sign. When he had reached them, he spoke to them
and told them if they were under any necessity, to let
him know, for he was ordered by his governor to
aid and protect them if there was any opportunity.
If they would come to where the governor was
stationed they would be helped and protected with
right good will, in accordance with his Majesty's
order. They answered all with great politeness and
said that they had no need. On the contrary they
would aid and protect us if we needed anything.
When the governor heard their reply, he again de-
spatched his own captain, and sent the Portuguese
some refreshment, and wrote them that he would be
very glad to see and speak to them, as your Majesty
will see by the copy of the letter which the governor
is sending.

All the men of this camp are in general very
necessitous and have no present resource, because as
we have said above, the general did not allow them
to make war on the natives, awaiting to see what
orders and instructions your Majesty would be
pleased to send, and what reward it has pleased your
Majesty to grant to all the men who have suffered
the imminent risk of their lives, and hardship and
misery in the service of your Majesty -which surely

2 20 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

have been great, and for which we have been given
courage and strength, by the pleasure of our Lord,
to suffer them.

We humbly beg your Majesty to grant us the
salary and increase which we ask your Majesty to
make us to the sum of three thousand ducados an-
nually, in consideration of the fact that we are in
parts so remote where the things which we need are
so dear, as we have pledged and been cheated out of
our patrimonies in order to come to serve your Maj-
esty on this expedition, on which we have endured
many hardships and necessities. We hope to be
remunerated for it all by a sovereign and prince so
Christian and one who has so munificent and liberal
a hand as your Majesty, by your showing us the favor
to concede and grant us the repartimientos which
might be in this land.

At present there is nothing in this land from
which our salaries can be paid, unless in cinnamon
which has no market in these districts. We humbly
beg your Majesty to grant us and concede us the
power of being paid in Nueva Espana from the
proceeds of the cinnamon and other drugs in these
districts, and that they be paid to the person who
shall have and has had our power of attorney there-
for. We beg and entreat [this] of your Majesty
with all humility.

Some of the natives have been converted to the
true knowledge and have received the waters of holy
baptism. The chiefs and all the natives say that
since we have no wives we do not intend to remain
in the country. It is advisable for your Majesty to
have some married people sent here who are of good
morals, and may they come quickly.

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 221

We have great need of artillery, ammunition, and
arms for the men who are here. Will your Majesty
please have us provided with the best men and men
of the best morals that can be found, for this is neces-
sary for the service of your Majesty whose royal
Catholic person we pray our Lord to preserve with
greater kingdoms and increasing seigniories, as is
desired by us, your Majesty's faithful servants.

Two caracoas of Maluco Indians arrived at this
port on the tenth of this month. They carried twelve
Portuguese, whom one Gongalo Pereyra, chief
captain of a large fleet which the viceroy of India
despatched to Maluco because he thought that we
must have stopped there, and Alvaro de Mendoga,
captain of the fort of the said Maluco, had sent.
They wrote to the governor that they had sure evi-
dence that we had settled in this port, and they
thought that it must have been by accident, as all the
district hereabout was (as was a fact [they said])
in their demarcation. Therefore if it were so, and
we were here because of any need, we should en-
deavor to go to the fort of Maluco where we would
be given the best of welcomes. The governor
answered this putting them off as much as possible,
as your Majesty will see by the letters and their reply
to which we refer (as well as to Captain Juan de la
Ysla, who has a good understanding of this in detail
and of all other things that have happened in these
districts, and from whom your Majesty will receive
as we have said, a true and extensive relation).

There has been a singular carelessness in provid-
ing us from Nueva Espafia with reinforcements;
and if it should happen (which may God our Lord
avert) that we should suffer some loss, it would be

222 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

because of that. At present we have neither arms,
ammunition, nor artillery with which to defend our-
selves if the Portuguese should try to harm us. May
His Divine Goodness remedy and direct everything
as He deems best. Surely His divine hand has pro-
tected us, and so we are ready to die in His most
holy service and that of your Majesty with great
steadfastness if occasion offers. May our Lord
preserve your sacred Catholic Majesty and give you
greater kingdoms and increasing seigniories. This
port [i.e., Cebu], July XXVI, 1567. Sacred Catholic
Majesty, your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful
servants, who most humbly kiss your Majesty's royal
feet.

guido de lavezaris
Andres Calchela
Andres de Myrandaola

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO
THE MARQUIS DE FALQES

May the Holy Ghost dwell forever in your Excel-
lency's soul. I have given infinite thanks to God
since I have learned that your Excellency 10 had
come to act as viceroy of Nueva Spana because of
the report of your virtues, prudence, and zeal con-
cerning the service of God our Lord and of his Maj-
esty; and especially because, according to the report
here, you have shown zeal and willingness to try to
protect this expedition and to be the instrument by
which the so great multitude of infidels here may
come to the knowledge of the true faith. This has
been the cause which has moved me to write your
Excellency these lines. Since I am engaged upon it
I am obliged to give you an account of the condi-
tion and character of the country. These islands,
where we are established, are numerous, and some
of them are large ; for, so far as we are able to learn,
the island of Luson must be about seven hundred
leguas in circumference. 11 All that is land is the
richest that has been discovered among these islands,

10 See vol. m, p. 44, note 7.

11 The Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905)
gives (i, p. 57) the area of Luzon as 40,969 square miles, and that
of Mindanao, as 36,292 square miles. These figures being later
than those of vol. xxiii, p. 165, note 29, have probably a better
scientific basis, and are hence more nearly correct.

224 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

for almost all its people are traders and the Chinese
come to trade with them. The nearest land from the
Chinese, namely, Ybalon and the Camarines, is fifty
or sixty leguas from this port. The wealthy village
of Manila may be seventy leguas from here. That
island of Lusson contains quantities of provisions,
consisting of rice, swine, goats, and buffaloes. There
is much gold when compared with these other
islands, and articles from China. The island of
Burnei is about five hundred leguas in circumfer-
ence. It yields pepper, sandal-wood, camphor, and
other drugs. The island of Baguindanao and that of
Panae are each about three hundred leguas in cir-
cumference. That of Panae is rich in food and that
of Baguindanao in gold, cinnamon, and pepper.
Each of them is located about forty leguas from this
port. The island of Basbat [i.e., Masbat] has many
gold mines. There are many other islands also,
which I shall not mention in order to avoid prolixity.
All of them in general yield gold, some more, others
less, partly from the rivers and partly from mines.
There is evident proof of this, for all the people,
both great and small, wear it, and the natives recog-
nize whence the gold comes as soon as they see it,
and say that this gold comes from such an island,
and this other gold from such another. It is evident
also because many merchants of Lusson, Bornei,
Xolo, and other parts travel continually throughout
these islands, and the object of their search is either
gold or slaves. However, no one of these Indians
has more than a very little gold, for if they get a
couple of pairs of earrings and a couple of pairs of
bracelets, and a pair of anklets for the feet, they do
not look for any more, for they do not strive to hoard

1280-1605] RADA TO MARQUIS DE FALCES 225

it. This race is the most arrogant that was ever seen
and the slaves are the freest that can be imagined,
for they do only what they wish; 12 and besides this
[it is seen] by the lack of loyalty which they preserve
toward one another. For although they be relatives
or brothers if they meet one another in the open, he
who is strongest lays hands upon the other and sells
him. Consequently, no one dares to go ever so little
a distance from his village. If perchance any mer-
chant junk comes [to trade] they buy all the goods
on credit, after which, in order to pay, all the village
assembles and goes armed to the placer or to the
mines, in order that no one will dare to touch them,
and accordingly get the gold that they have to give.
If the place is settled by Spaniards, I am convinced
that (God helping), there will be abundance of gold
extracted by them, for there is little that can be
seized from the natives. Pearls are also to be found
in some places, and other things such as pepper, cin-
namon, and drugs.

Soldiers are not needed to conquer this land, for
they do not consider the welfare of the land, but only
how to amass wealth quick in order to return home.
When they are unable to attain their desire, they de-
stroy and lay waste the country. But colonists who
intend to remain in the country must be sent. The
people of these islands have no king or sovereign and
are without any law. Most of them are heathens
although some are Moros. They can be converted
and adopt our faith easily; and are rather like
monkeys very desirous of imitating us in dress,

12 See Wallace's Malay Archipelago (pp. 318, 319) for a
modern corroboration of this statement, with regard to the slaves
of Ternate.

226 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

speech, and all other particulars. The fear with
which God has inspired them is great, for no matter
how large may be the village, when a dozen Span-
iards go to it, the natives come out immediately with
their hands tied and beg for peace, promising to
give what tribute may be asked from them. Conse-
quently, when any village was carried by peace, we
had a great abundance whence to draw the necessary
supplies. For more than two years at this point a
loose rein has been given in robbing friend and foe,
and we are now suffering extreme need. We have
no place where we can get anything, and no boats to
get what we need, for most of the villages in the
entire radius of more than forty leguas are deserted
and depopulated. Wherever the Spaniards go, the
natives do not dare await them but all flee to the
mountains with their goods. Consequently, I am
certain as to our fate, for if God does not miracu-
lously aid us, we shall all soon be lost. Our lack has
always been that we have had no [adequate] leader,
not because any harm has occurred by his command,
but because he has passed it by. Consequently,
dissimulation is no longer sufficient to remedy the
matter. The vilest soldier of all dares to disobey
his orders and to do only what he desires. He knows
that after all the matter will be ended by detaining
him in his quarters for a fortnight. Besides this the
soldier is good for nothing, and there is no man in the
camp who considers the common welfare but each
looks after his own interests. I am writing this to
your Excellency so that you may institute a reform
in it, for I avow seasonably that unless we have a
different harmony and another one to direct the
crowd, the country will be worthless, the king will

1280-1605] RADA TO MARQUIS DE FALCES 227

draw no profit therefrom, and the men will derive no
advantage, but all of them will perish by an evil
death in a short time, and all the land will be de-
stroyed. This entire land is fertile and abounds with
food, but we are all dying of hunger. There is con-
siderable timber and it is quite easy to get at, but we
have no boat, for we have on the contrary lost those
boats that we brought. The land is all very thickly
settled, but we have already caused the abandonment
of many villages. Since the soldiers indeed have
much wealth, but when they die nothing more is
found than some old clothes, which are good for
nothing but to be thrown into the sea, therefore, we
shall not have more but much less next year.

If his Majesty wishes to get hold of China, which
we know to be a land that is very large and rich and
of high civilization, with cities, forts, and walls
much greater than those of Europa, he must first
have a settlement in these islands: first, because we
cannot pass safely among the so many islands and
shoals that lie along the coast of China with ships of
high freeboard, but must use oared vessels ; secondly,
also, because in order to conquer a country so large
and that has so vast a population, one must have aid
and refuge near at hand, for any contingency that
might arise. However, as I have been informed
both by Portuguese and by Indians who trade with
the Chinese, as well as by a Chinese who was cap-
tured a while ago in a junk, the people of China are
not at all warlike. They rely entirely on numbers
and on the fortification of their walls. It would
decapitate them, if any of their forts were taken.
Consequently, I believe (God helping), that they
can be subdued easily and with few forces.

228 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

I have wished to write this, for I trust in our Lord
that this land may, through the medium of your
Excellency, receive the faith, and that we shall have
an entrance into China; but, on account of our great
uncertainty and because we do not know whether
his Majesty will order us to abandon this land, we
have not dared to baptize. I believe that if we had
put our hands to baptism, we would already have
more than twenty thousand Christians. As soon as
we know the king's will they will all accept our
faith easily. May our Lord, etc. Cebu, July eight,
1569.

LETTER FROM DIEGO DE HERRERA TO
FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty:

When I saw that the affairs of this land had no
permanent settlement and no hopes of one, and that
the natives were very much molested by the Span-
iards, and that so far as I could see God was being
served but little in this region because of the great
license which men have here for evil and the lack of
justice, and that very little service was being ren-
dered your Majesty, since they are ruining excellent
lands here for you: I determined last year, sixty-
nine, to go to Nueva Espana in order to give advice
of what was passing here in order that some reform
might be instituted in this, and to discuss the matter
with the viceroy in order that he might relieve the
condition as much as he could and give notice of the
other things to your Majesty. 13 [I determined] that
if the viceroy thought that I ought to go to Espana
to discuss the matter with your Majesty, I would also
do so. When I reached Nueva Espana and discussed
this matter with the viceroy, and its great necessity
for reform, and the extremely ruinous condition of
affairs, he thought that I ought to return and give
notice of it to your Majesty. Accordingly he told
me that I would be fulfilling the service of God and
of your Majesty if I would immediately return to

13 See vol. in, p. 52, and vol. xxiii, pp. 189, 190.

2 3° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

these districts on the first ships. He gave me to
understand that until the remedy was specified he
could reform some of the evils. Although that order
was very grievous to me as I had reached Nueva
Espana ill and worn out by the sea, since the service
of two so great lords as God and your Majesty was
placed before me, I considered it fitting, and accord-
ingly reembarked for these islands on the ninth of
March of this year one thousand five hundred and
seventy. I reached this island of Panay where the
governor is established, on the twenty-second of July.
All the people were overjoyed at the reinforcements
that your Majesty orders sent them, and with the
concessions of the petition made from this land. I
found the country in a most ruinous condition and
such that more has been destroyed in this one year
here than during the past five years. Your Majesty
owns so many islands in this district that one is sur-
prised at the number. 14 They are all very rich and
fertile and contain many gold mines, pearls, and
wax, while some of them have cinnamon. They are
thickly inhabited and the people promise better than
those of Nueva Espana. But since your Majesty

14 The number of islands and islets in the Philippine Archi-
pelago is, according to G. R. Putnam, in charge of the U. S.
Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Philippine Islands, 3,141. This
number comprises everything, however small, which at high tide
appears as a separate island. Of them, 1,668 are listed by name,
while 1,473 are, so far as known, without names. More accurate
information will doubtless further increase this number, which,
as well as the following, cannot be regarded as yet as entirely
definitive. The total area of the islands, so far as known, is
115,026 square miles. Two islands have areas exceeding 10,000
square miles each; nine of more than 1,000 but less than 10,000
square miles; 20, between 100 and 1,000 square miles; 73, between
10 and 100 square miles; 262, between one and ten square miles;
and 2,775, less than one square mile each. See Census of Philip-
pine Islands , i, pp. 56, 57.

1280-1605] HERRERA TO FELIPE II 23 1

does not provide anyone permanently and prescribe
the manner of living, and protect and defend the
natives, and keep justice for them, and power to
punish whoever injures them, all will be lost in a
very short time, for the policy employed with the
natives could last but one year here if there is much
greater violence. That consists in robbing them,
burning their villages, and enslaving them. If this
is not done it is affirmed that it is impossible to find
support. This is false, for on the contrary, it is im-
possible to find support in this manner, for every-
thing is being destroyed [by this manner of acting] ;
and the natives are becoming so exhausted because
they are not left for an instant. However, they all
desire peace in an extraordinary manner and to live
under the protection of your Majesty and to pay the
tribute. They would give the sum asked of them,
if they thought that no evil was to be done them.
But today they are made friends and on the morrow
they are robbed. Many of them have been killed
and many villages burned. I am writing this in
general although not going into details in anything,
in order not to trouble your Majesty. I wrote more
at length to the viceroy of Nueba Espana in order
that he might inform your Majesty, for he can easily
ascertain whether these things are so from those who
come here. This fleet came here at the beginning
greatly in need of people who knew how to govern,
and the same is true of war, for besides the master-
of-camp here, who has died, all the rest know but
little as was evident in the war with the Portuguese
in Cubu. At that time although the Portuguese
were so few, they caused so great extremity that some
captains advised the abandonment of the site and

232 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

retirement to another part; and if the Portuguese
did not cause the abandonment while they were
there, they caused it when they left, and the
strongest site and best port in all these islands, so
far as has yet been seen, was abandoned, and we
came here to establish ourselves in Panay along the
swampy and very poor shore of a river. It will be
very much less strongh than Qubu and has no port,
while it is hot and unhealthful. If your Majesty do
not appoint some one to govern, this colony will
daily become less, and will fall entirely into destruc-
tion. If we are not more firmly established, we re-
ligious cannot treat of the conversion of these
natives with zeal and care nor with so much fruit as
if the land had peace and security.

They sent from here to petition your Majesty to
concede them the favor to allow them to rob and
enslave the Moros throughout these districts. The
reason that they gave for it was to say that they were
Moros and that they were preventing and opposing
the preaching of the gospel. The statement that
they were preventing the preaching of the
gospel was false, for they have never prevented
it nor do so at present. On the contrary, there
is an increase to be observed in families where
the husband is a Moro and the wife a pagan,
who come in order to beg the religious to baptize
their son and make him a Christian; for they do not
at all object to each one living according to the belief
that he likes best. For all the Moros who live in
these islands have been Moros for but few years
back. Many of them, such as those of Lugon, have
nothing except the name, and the fact that they do
not eat pork; for they have no mosque or cacique

1 2 80-1605] HERRERA TO FELIPE II 233

[j*V] 15 (who are their priests) . This worship is only
a trifle more firmly established among those of the
island of Burney than in the other, although they are
also of recent date there. 16 Not all the island is Moro,
but only certain villages along the coast, for the in-
habitants of the interior are heathens. None of
them possess the lands of Christians or wage war on
them, or do them any injury; although we do to
them, and much, for four or five ships of Burneo
have been pillaged and many people killed, while
many more from Lugon have been killed, although
excellent friends to us. As to the chiefs, they made
the land friendly to us, or at least exerted a great
influence in that direction. They supplied us with
food in abundance and stuffs very suitable for cloth-
ing, and gold for our silver, in order that we might
barter for our necessities. Now, however, conditions
are such that no one dares come [to trade], I do
not believe that any other reason can be given for
authority to rob them, except that they are Moros;
and that is no legitimate reason and cannot be done.
After we religious came to these districts with the
fleet, at your Majesty's command, nothing besides a
little rice has been furnished us for our sustenance
every week in the same way as to the soldiers. It is
a ration, but even with bread a man cannot be sup-
ported by it. I have written to that effect to the vice-
roy of Nueba Espana so that we may be supplied
from there with necessities until there shall be suf-

15 Herrera probably confuses the word "kasis" (see vol. xvi,
p. 134, note 161 -here also used wrongly) with the American
word "cacique" or "chief."

16 See Pigafetta's statements, vol. xxxiii, pp. 223-225, 227-
23 1 ; see also his statement about the introduction of Mahometan-
ism into the Moluccas, ante y p. 73.

2 34 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

ficient means of gain in this land from which to sup-
ply us; but he either has no authority from your
Majesty to do that, or he does not dare unless it be
remitted to us here. I entreat your Majesty to please
order us to be supplied with an amount each week
per religious as is done in Nueba Espana, in consid-
eration of the fact that our expenses here are heavier
than in Nueba Espana. For the Indians in Nueba
Espana know only how to give, but these Indians
here know only how to beg. The soldiers who are
here now are so poor that it is necessary to try to give
to them and not to beg from them. Consequently,
it will be necessary for your Majesty to make us a
more liberal concession than to the religious of
Nueba Espana. I believe that one religious can be
supported in these regions for two hundred pesos
but not with less. I trust, God helping, that the
fruit which will be obtained in the conversion in
these districts, will be so great that your Majesty
will make us other greater rewards. We have
hitherto stayed here because we suspected here that
your Majesty would order us to abandon this place,
but since we now know that it is your Majesty's will
that we continue to advance the undertaking, we
shall begin to baptize all the people; for although
there are some Christians, there would be many
more if we had known before what we now know.
May our Lord preserve the sacred royal Catholic
person of your Majesty for many years, as I your
humble and least servant desire. This island of
Panay, July 25, 1570. Your sacred royal Catholic
Majesty's most humble servant,

Fray Diego de Herrera
{Endorsed: "Examined. To be given to the re-
porter, so that he may file it with the others."]

ROYAL COMMUNICATIONS TO AND
CONCERNING LEGAZPI

REPLY TO MIGUEL LOPEZ DE LEGAZPI

The King. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, my gov-
ernor and captain-general of the islands of the
West: I have received your two letters dated June
fifteen and twenty-three of the past year one thou-
sand five hundred and sixty-seven, 17 and I have taken
note of the detailed account which you gave of the
events of your expedition, and of what you have done
in it; and it is what has been expected from your
loyalty and goodness. In regard to what you say of
the islands that have been discovered, and which are
being discovered daily, and your sensible policy in
not waging war, you have done very well, and we
charge and order you to continue the same, striving
by all good means to attract the natives to the service
of God our Lord and mine, and to the love and
friendship which they ought to have with you and
with the Spaniards who reside with you. You shall
so carry yourself that you may not come to blows
with them nor with any other persons unless you
should be provoked, and in your own defense.

In regard to your statement that some galleys are

17 These must be the letters dated July 15 and 23, q.v. vol. ii,
pp. 233-239. The error in the month in the present document
could easily arise through carelessness of the royal secretary or
clerk.

236 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

needed for the trade and commerce of those islands,
we have ordered the matter to be discussed, but as yet
no resolution has been taken by which we can advise
you concerning our will.

Your son, Melchor de Legazpi, and Juan de la
Ysla have asked for certain things necessary for the
solid colonization of that land and for your defense
and safety. 18 You will see what we have supplied
by the memorial taken by Juan de la Ysla, and by
what our officials in Nueva Espaiia will send you.
The balance of what is yet to be furnished will be
sent in the first fleet that leaves for Nueva Espaiia.
You will watch over everything in your charge as we
expect from your person; and you shall have espe-
cial care in furthering the conversion of the Indian
natives of that country to our holy Catholic faith,
and their good treatment; for that is most important
to the service of God our Lord and mine. Since it
is so important you shall obtain it by all possible
good means.

You shall assign and allot the villages of those
islands which may be reduced to our service as you
think best, according to the law of the succession of
the Indians; provided that you do not assign or allot
the capitals, seaports, or places settled by Spaniards,
for these must be left for our royal crown, and we
order that they be so left. 19

18 See vol. 11, pp. 157-160.

19 By a decree dated at Burgos, February 22, 1512, Fernando
orders that no encomendero may have more than three hundred
Indians; for if they have more than that number, "they cannot be
well treated, aided, maintained, or instructed in the matters of our
holy Catholic faith, as would be proper." In the Philippines,
encomenderos had sometimes as many as one thousand two
hundred natives. See Doc. Ined. Amer. y Oceania, i, pp. 237-241,
and Census of Philippine Islands, i, p. 423.

1 2 80-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 237

We have also been petitioned in your name that,
in consideration of the fact that there are islands
inhabited by Moros in that land, and that they come
to trade and traffic, thus hindering the preaching of
the holy gospel, and disturbing you, we grant you
permission to enslave such Moros, and to seize their
possessions. You must take note that if such Moros
are Moros by birth and nation and come for the pur-
pose of spreading their cursed Mahometan worship,
or to make war on you or on the Indians subject to
us and to our royal service, then you can enslave
them. But you shall under no consideration what-
ever enslave those who were Indians who may have
adopted the worship of Mahomet; but you shall
endeavor to convert them and to persuade them to
accept our holy Catholic faith by good and legiti-
mate means.

Report has been made me on behalf of the con-
quistadors of that country that many slaves have been
made there by the natives of those islands. I have
been entreated to grant permission to those conquis-
tadors to purchase them and hold them as slaves in
the same manner as the said natives hold them. Inas-
much as I desire to be informed of the custom in this
matter and of what it is advisable to do, I order you
to submit a report of the causes why slaves are made
in that country - whether slaves are made mutually
among the natives themselves; whether the Moros
who wage war upon the said natives are made slaves;
or whether there are various sects among them, so
that they wage and maintain mutual warfare among
themselves and make slaves mutually of one
another. You shall report on the other character-
istics of that race in so far as they touch this matter;

238 THE PHILIPPW& ISLANDS [Vol.34

and when the said report is ready you shall send it
to our Council of the Indias, so that, after they have
examined it, the most advisable measures may be
taken in accordance with justice. 20

If there are any Portuguese or foreigners of these
kingdoms who have gone with you or who shall have
gone afterward, or who should be in the ships sailing
from Nueva Espana to those islands, you shall order
them to return to these kingdoms, even if such Portu-
guese or foreigners be those who are allowed to be
in those districts in accordance with my laws, ordi-
nances, and decrees. You must attend to this matter
with the greatest possible haste, for you know how
dangerous it will be to the welfare, peace, and quiet
of the land and to the service of our Lord and mine.
The Escorial, November sixteen, one thousand five
hundred and sixty-eight.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis
Quixada, Vazquez, Don Gomez Capata, Muiioz,
Molina, Salas, Aguilera, Villafane, and Votello.

[The above document is followed by one entitled,
"Title of governor and captain-general of the island
of Cubu to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi." It is almost
word for word the same as the document presented
in our VOL. Ill, pp. 62-66 (the few verbal differences
not at all changing the sense in any way) , but it bears
a date eight days prior to that of the above-mentioned
document. The ending of this document is as fol-
lows : "Neither you nor they shall act contrary to this

20 See Lavezaris's report on slavery in the Philippines, vol. hi,
pp. 286-288; also the memoranda of Augustinians, post, pp. 273-
285 ; and Rada's letter, post, pp. 286-294, where the king's order is
mentioned.

1 2 80-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 239

under any consideration, under penalty of loss of
our favor and of a fine of one thousand gold caste-
llanos to be paid to our exchequer and treasury.
Given at Madrid, August six, one thousand five
hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis
Quixada, Vazquez, Molina, Salas, Aguilera, Vo-
tello, and Maldonado."]

[This document is followed by another one en-
titled "The said [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is
granted] the lieutenancy of a fortress in Cubu." It
reads practically the same as the above-mentioned
document of VOL. Ill, to the beginning of the last
clause on page 62. We translate from that point:]

And inasmuch as we believe that it is thus advisa-
ble for our service, and the welfare and preservation
of the same island and of the other islands in its vicin-
ity, we consider it fitting and it is our intention and
will that now and henceforth you be for all the
rest of your life our warden and keeper of the said
fortress. You shall perform the service, homage,
and act of fidelity which are required in such cases
and which you must make. After that has been
done, we order any person or persons who may have
or shall have charge of the said fortress, that they
shall, as soon as they shall be summoned by this our
decree, deliver and surrender it to you or to whom-
ever is empowered by you without consulting us
further or awaiting any other decree or order from
us, or our second or third injunction. They shall
give you full and free possession of it in its entire
heighth and depth and strength, together with the

240 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

arms, equipment, food, and other things that it
might contain, in inventory and before a notary.
After they shall have done this we do by the present
or by a copy thereof, signed by a notary-public, re-
lieve and discharge them of any covenant, homage,
act of fidelity, or pledge that shall have been made
by the said fortress, and we declare them free and
quit of it, both they and their goods, and their heirs
and successors forever. They shall do and perform
this notwithstanding that no known porter of our ex-
chequer intervenes in the surrender of it, or the other
ceremonies that are usual in such cases, under penalty
of being condemned and of incurring the other
penalties which those who keep fortresses and do
not deliver them at the command of my natural kings
and seigniors, are exposed to and incur. Further
we order the Council, justices, regidors, knights,
squires, officials, and good men of the said island of
Cubu and of the other islands in its vicinity, to con-
sider and hold you as our warden and keeper of the
said fortress for the rest of your life as is said above;
and they shall pay and cause to be paid to you the fees
annexed and pertaining to it for its lieutenancy.
They shall cause to be observed toward you the
honors, grace, rewards, exemptions, licenses, pre-
eminences, prerogatives, and immunities, and all
other things which you ought to possess and enjoy
as our warden and keeper of the said fortress; and
which must be kept for you in the same way as they
are possessed and held by the wardens and keepers
of the fortresses of these our kingdoms entirely and
completely, so that no omission shall be made to you.
They shall not place or allow to be placed any hin-
drance or opposition to this or any part of it. Given

1280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 241

in Madrid, August six, one thousand five hundred
and sixty-nine.

I the King
Countersigned by Eraso and signed by the above.

THE SAID LEGAZPI. TITLE OF GOVERNOR OF
THE LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phelippe, etc. Inasmuch as report has been
made me in behalf of you, Miguel Lopez de Le-
gazpi, our governor of the islands of the West, that a
certain fleet having been prepared at our order in
Puerto de la Navidad of Nueva Espana for the pur-
pose of the discovery of the said islands, our former
viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, appointed and named
you by our commission through the satisfaction
which he had in your person, to be the captain-gen-
eral of it and our governor of the said islands. We
have heard that you, having gone in search of them,
in order to attain the end desired, and having spent
a considerable sum of gold pesos from your
own property, discovered the said islands and took
possession of them in our royal name with the cere-
monies requisite in such cases ; and made a settlement
in the island of Cubu where you are at present with
the men whom you took. In that place you have
heard of other islands in that vicinity called the La-
drones Islands and of their fertility and wealth. You
have desired to explore and colonize them at your
own cost and expense, and petition has been made us
to have permission given you therefor, as well as the
title of governor and captain-general of the said
islands, in consideration of the many expenses that
you have incurred in their discovery, and the hard-

24 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

ships that you have endured. We, respecting the
said your services because of the wide knowledge of
them, and because of those which we expect that you
shall perform from this time on, and having dis-
cussed it with our royal person, have considered it
fitting. Therefore by the present we grant license
and permission to you, the said Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi, so that you are empowered to make for us
in our name and at your own cost -and you shall
make -the exploration and colonization of the said
Ladrones Islands. You shall take and seize posses-
sion of them in the said name with the ceremony that
is requisite in such cases ; provided that you observe
and cause to be observed in toto the instructions and
provisions which have been issued by us in regard to
the course to be followed in the said colonizations
and explorations. It is our wish and intention to
make you our governor and captain-general of the
said Ladrones Islands and of all the villages that you
shall settle therein for the rest of your life. You
shall hold and exercise our civil and criminal justice
with the offices of justice which shall be in the said
islands of the West. By this our letter, we order
councils, justices, regidors, knights, squires, officials,
and good men of all the cities, towns, and hamlets
that shall exist in the said islands, land, and colony,
and those that shall be colonized, and our officials
and other persons who shall reside therein - and
each one of them - that, as soon as they shall be sum-
moned by this order, they shall take and receive
from you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the
oath and ceremony that is requisite in such cases, and
that you ought to give, without any further delay
or procrastination, and without informing us any

1280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 243

farther, or consulting, awaiting, or expecting another
order or command from me, or a second or third
decree. After you have thus given the oath, you
shall be considered and received as our governor and
captain-general of the said islands, and their coast,
land, and settlements all the days of your life. They
shall allow and permit you freely to exercise and
enjoy the said offices and to perform and execute our
justice therein through yourself or through your
subordinates whom you have power to appoint and
may appoint to the said offices of governor and cap-
tain-general, alguacils, and other offices annexed to
or pertaining to the said government. You may re-
move and set aside any of such officials when it is for
our service and the execution of our justice. You
may appoint and substitute others in their place; and
you may try, despatch, and sentence all the suits and
causes, both civil and criminal, which shall arise and
occur in the said islands, coast, land, and village that
you shall settle, and that you shall have settled, both
among the men who went to colonize, and among the
other natives of it. You and the said your alcaldes
and subordinates shall receive the fees annexed to
and pertaining to the said offices. You may make any
examinations in the cases of justice, premises, and
all the other things pertaining to and annexed to the
said offices. You and your subordinates shall attend
to that which is advisable for our service, the execu-
tion of our justice, and the colonization and govern-
ment of the said islands, coast, land, and towns that
shall be established. In order that you may exercise
and enjoy the said offices, and perform and execute
our justice, all men shall be in harmony with you as
to their persons and property, and shall give and

244 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

cause to be given to you all the protection and aid
that you may ask from them and that shall be neces-
sary to you. They shall respect you in all things,
and shall obey and perform your orders or those of
your subordinates. They shall place no obstacle or
opposition to your orders or any part of them, nor
allow any to be placed. Therefore by this present
we do receive you and consider you received in the
said offices and in the exercise and enjoyment of
them. We grant you full power to enjoy and exer-
cise, and to perform and execute, the said our justice
in the said islands, coasts, land, and hamlets that you
shall colonize and in the cities, towns, and hamlets
of the said islands and their limits, either through
yourself or through your subordinates as abovesaid.
In case that you are not received by them or by any
of them into the said offices, we do, by this our letter,
order any person or persons who shall exercise the
authority of our justice in the villages of the said
islands, coast, and land, to deliver and surrender,
and use such offices no longer without our license
and express mandate whenever they shall be sum-
moned by you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
under the penalties incurred and suffered by those
private persons who exercise public and royal offices
for which they have no authority or license. Such
persons we do by the present suspend and consider as
suspended. Furthermore, the fines pertaining to our
exchequer and treasury to which you and your
alcaldes and subordinates shall condemn any per-
sons, shall be executed by you, and you shall cause
them to be executed, and shall have the fines given
and delivered to our treasurer of the said islands.
Furthermore, we order that if you, the said Miguel

1 2 80-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 245

Lopez de Legazpi, consider it fitting for our service
and the execution of our justice, that any persons now
in, or who may in the future be in, the said islands,
coast, and land, be banished and enter them no more
or live in them, and that they come to present
themselves before us, you may order it in our name
and cause them to leave in accordance with the ordi-
nance regarding that matter. You shall give to the
person thus exiled the reason for his exile ; but if you
deem it advisable that the matter be kept secret, you
shall give the reason under lock and seal, and you
shall on your part send us another person, so that we
may be informed of it. But you are to take notice
that when you have to exile anyone, it must be only
for a very urgent cause. For the abovesaid, and so
that you may exercise the said offices as our governor
and captain-general of the said islands, coast, land,
and villages that you shall colonize, so that you may
perform and exercise our justice therein, we delegate
you full authority by this our letter, with all their
incidences, dependencies, emergencies, annexes, and
rights ; and it is our will and we order that you re-
ceive and be paid the annual salary, together with
the said offices, of two thousand ducados (a sum
equivalent to seven hundred and fifty thousand
maravedis). You shall enjoy them from the day
on which you shall set sail to pursue your voyage,
and thenceforth for the time that you shall maintain
the said government. If that sum is not had during
the said time, we shall not be obliged to pay you any
part of it. A receipt shall be taken from you, with
which, and with the copy of this our provision
signed by the notary-public, we order that the said
two thousand ducados be received by you and placed

246 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

on your account. Neither you nor any one else shall
act contrary to this under any consideration, under
penalty of losing our favor and one thousand caste-
llanos in gold to be paid to our exchequer and
treasury. Given in Madrid, August fourteen, one
thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

I the King

Countersigned by Eraso, and signed by Luis

Quixada, Doctor Vazquez, Licentiate Don Gomez

£apata, Doctor Luis de Molina, Doctor Aguilera,

and Doctor Francisco de Villafane.

TO THE SAID LEGAZPI [GRANTING HIM] THE

TITLE OF ADELANTADO OF THE

LADRONES ISLANDS

Don Phelipe, etc. Inasmuch as we have granted
license and authority to you, Miguel Lopez de Le-
gazpi, our governor of the islands of the West, so
that you may explore and colonize the said islands of
the West for us and in our name, and at your own
expense; and because of the expenses which you have
incurred in it, and those which you shall incur in the
exploration and colonization of the said islands of
the Ladrones; and because we have you and your
said services in mind constantly, and in order that
you and your descendants may be more honored:
therefore having reflected upon the matter in our
royal person, I have considered it fitting to bestow
upon you the title of adelantado of the said Ladrones
Islands for yourself and for your heirs and successors
forever. Therefore it is our intention and will by
this present that you be now and henceforth forever,
our adelantado of the said Ladrones Islands, as well

1 280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 247

as of the villages that you shall colonize therein;
and after you, your heirs and successors, and he who
shall inherit your house. As such our adelantado,
you may exercise - and you shall exercise - the said
office in all cases and matters annexed to and concern-
ing it, in the same manner in which they are enjoyed
by our adelantados of our kingdoms of Castilla and
of the said Indias. In regard to the enjoyment and
exercise of the said office and in the payment of the
fees pertaining to it, you shall observe and your heirs
shall be obliged to observe the laws and ordinances
of these our kingdoms imposed in regard to it. All
the honors, favors, and rewards, licenses, liberties,
exemptions, preeminences, prerogatives, immunities,
and everything else - and each one of them singly -
which because of being our adelantado, you ought
to have and enjoy, and which ought to be kept for
you, shall be kept for you. You shall have and re-
ceive the fees, salaries, and other matters belonging
and pertaining to the said office of adelantado. We
do, by this our letter, order councils, justices, regi-
dors, knights, squires, officials, and good men of all
the cities, towns, and hamlets of the said islands of
the Ladrones to hold, receive, and consider you and
your heirs as our adelantado and to extend to you
and to them the said office and all causes and things
annexed to and concerning it. They shall keep for
you and cause to be kept for you, all the honors,
favors, rewards, licenses, liberties, preeminences,
prerogatives, immunities, and all the other things -
and each one of them singly - that you ought to have
and enjoy by reason of the said office, and which
must be kept for you. They shall pay, and cause to
be paid, to you, all the fees and salaries owing and

248 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

belonging to the said office of adelantado up to their
complete value, so that you may suffer no lack in
anything, according to and in the manner in which
it has been enjoyed and paid, and as it must be en-
joyed, paid, and kept for the other adelantados who
have been and are in these our kingdoms of Castilla
and in the said Indias. They shall place no obstacle
or opposition to you in this matter or in any part of
it, or allow such to be placed. Therefore, we do,
by this present, receive and hold you as received into
the said office, and to its enjoyment and exercise. We
grant you authority and license to enjoy and exercise
it; and in case that you are not received in that office
by them or any of them, we order you to give this our
letter signed by our hand and countersigned by our
secretary mentioned below. Given in Madrid, Au-
gust fourteen, one thousand five hundred and sixty-
nine.

I the King
I, Francisco de Herasso, secretary of his Majesty,
had this written by his command. It is signed by
Luis Quizada, Doctor Vazquez, Licentiate Don
Gomez Qapata, Doctor Luis de Molina, Licentiate
Salas, Doctor Aguilera, and Doctor Francisco de
Villafane.

[The above document is followed by one entitled,
"The said Legazpi, [granting him] the title of gov-
ernor and captain-general of the island of Cubu."
It is the same document, and bears the same date as
that published in VOL. Ill, pp. 62-66.]

1280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 249

INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO MIGUEL LOPEZ DE

LEGAZPI, IN REGARD TO WHAT HE IS TO

DO IN THE LADRONES ISLANDS

The King. That which you, Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi, our governor and captain-general in the
islands of the West, are to do and observe in the gov-
ernment, exploration, and colonization of the La-
drones Islands which we charge to you, is as follows.

1. First, after the said islands are explored, you
shall select sites and locations for colonization, tak-
ing care that the land be healthful and fertile, and
abounding in wood, water and good pasturage for
cattle. You shall see that the land be apportioned
to the colonists, but you shall not occupy or take pos-
session of any private property of the Indians. In
order that this may be better performed, you shall
for the present, make the said settlement somewhat
distant from the districts and locations where the
Indians may have their settlements, pastures, and
fields, so that all the abovesaid may be done without
harming them at all. On the contrary thorough
good treatment must be shown them.

2. The site of the place where the settlement is
to be made having been chosen, you shall order the
colonists to build their houses, making in them a
sort of stronghold, where they may defend them-
selves and their flocks if necessary, in case that the
Indians try to attack them.

3. You shall see that the colonists who settle in
this way, endeavor to obtain peace and friendship
with the Indians who dwell in that land. They shall
treat the latter well, and shall endeavor (for such is
my will) to have the Indians live near them in vil-

25° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

lages, and shall defend them and help them to
defend themselves against those who try to harm
them. They shall reduce the Indians to a civilized
life, and shall endeavor to separate them from their
vices, sins, and evil customs. They shall endeavor
to reduce them and convert them willingly to our
holy Catholic faith and the Christian religion by
means of religious and other good men.

4. If there shall be any persons among the said
Indians who oppose and refuse to listen to our in-
struction, and convert or illtreat those who do listen
to it, you shall endeavor by all good means possible
to you to prevent it, so that the preaching of the gos-
pel may not cease for that reason. You shall pro-
ceed in this with all manner of discretion, kindness,
and moderation.

5. Further, you shall endeavor to have the In-
dians persuaded to adopt our holy Catholic faith
willingly, and to render submission to us. If they
do so you shall order that they be exempt from trib-
ute for ten years.

6. Item: You shall order that the Spaniards,
who shall settle later in the villages thus established,
rule and govern in peace and quiet, and that they
shall not molest or injure anyone. They shall ap-
point their ministers of justice, regidors, and neces-
sary officials, for the meanwhile and until we
provide otherwise.

7. Some repartimientos of Indians shall be made
to those persons who shall go to make the said settle-
ment, in accordance with their services and the
quality of the persons to whom they are made. The
chief capitals and the seaports shall be assigned to

1280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 25 1

us, although first and foremost the appraisal of the
said tributes of such repartimientos shall have been
made. This is understood to be allowed after the
expiration of the ten years in which they are to be
exempt and free from tribute as abovesaid.

8. You shall also assign salaries to regidors and
ministers of justice, and to the seculars and religious.
You shall instruct each one in his privileges and
duties so that he may know what he has to do, and
that those who have charge of the offices shall be
obliged to give account for the disorders and excesses
that our men commit both against the Indians and
the latter among themselves.

9. You shall order that after the abovesaid has
been done, the people endeavor to open trade in their
districts. You shall provide the Indians with the
articles that they need, and shall endeavor also to
get from the Indians the things that are needed from
them.

10. You shall send religious and other good per-
sons to instruct and persuade the Indians to receive
our faith. You shall see to it that if they be suffi-
cient, they endeavor to collect the Indians in villages
so that they may be instructed better.

11. You shall always instruct those persons
whom you send to spy out the land always to consider
where they might find fitting and commodious sites
for the new settlements, without any resulting harm
to the Indians in accordance with the provision of
the first section.

12. You shall provide that after the houses have
been built and the fields sown, the people try to dis-
cover minerals and other things in which they will

252 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

be benefited. They shall cultivate the land and
enrich it with new plants of vines and fruit trees for
its support and gain.

13. Item : If the natives endeavor to prevent the
said settlement, they must be told that the men are
not trying to settle there in order to do them any
harm or wrong, or to seize their possessions, but only
to have friendship with them and teach them to live
in a civilized manner and recognize God, and to ex-
pound to them the law of Jesus Christ by which they
will be saved. After that message and warning has
been given (which must be made three times as
shall seem best to the person appointed by you
after consulting with the religious who shall go to
such settlement and by the tongue of the religious
who shall tell and declare it) , then if notwithstand-
ing the abovesaid, the natives refuse to consent to
the colony, the colonists shall endeavor to settle and
shall defend themselves from the said natives without
doing them other injury than that necessary for their
defense and for making the said settlement. All the
mildness and moderation possible shall be observed
in the said defense.

14. Further, after having made such hamlet and
settlement you shall see to it that the citizens and
religious who shall be there, try to trade and com-
municate with the natives and to make friends with
them, and to make them understand the abovesaid.

15. If the said natives and inhabitants located
near the said colony should become friends because
of such good efforts and persuasions, so that they give
the religious permission to enter to teach them and to
preach to them the law of Christ, you shall see that
they do it. The religious shall endeavor to convert

1280-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 253

them and allure them to the faith, and to have them
recognize us as sovereign king and lord.

16. Further, if the said natives and the rulers of
the Indians refuse to admit the religious preachers,
after the announcement of their purpose as above
said, and after the natives shall have been petitioned
many times to allow the religious to enter to preach
and to expound the word of God, you shall make a
report of it and send it to our Council with the most
justifiable testimony that you have of what has been
done, in order that we may have you ordered as to
what course you are to pursue. Meanwhile you shall
endeavor to retain their friendship and trade, and
shall treat them well. You shall endeavor by all
possible means to bring them to a knowledge of our
Lord.

17. If any of the officials appointed by us die,
you shall appoint in each island those that may be
lacking, so that in accordance with the instruction
and order given them, they may administer our
finances and attend to the other things that are
entrusted to the other officials of the other provinces
of the Indias. You shall make such appointments
until we provide for it, and you shall immediately
advise us of it so that we may have the proper meas-
ures taken.

18. The persons and our officials who shall be en-
trusted with duties, shall be paid their salaries from
the fruits of the land by our treasurer, in accordance
with a list made out and signed by the said officials
and signed by the governor of the province.

19. Item: You shall endeavor to take the most
virtuous and Christian people possible, and those
who shall be best fitted for the said colonization.

254 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

20. Item: You shall take four of the religious
at present in the said islands, and if you do not have
them, you shall take two seculars who must be per-
sons of good life and morals, fit to give the instruc-
tion, and to administer the holy sacraments.

21. Item: You shall endeavor with great care
to see that the Spaniards do no harm and show no
force to the Indians, and that they do not wound
them or do them any other evil or harm, or deprive
them of their possessions, but they shall show them
the utmost good treatment. If any of the men offend
the Indians, then you and your captains shall punish
him rigorously and shall warn him not to continue
such actions. If he be careless and negligent in this,
then you shall have him punished with great rigor;
for this is a matter whose fulfilment we desire
greatly, and if this be not obeyed we shall consider
ourselves greatly disserved.

22. Item: Upon your arrival at the land you
shall report to us the events of your expedition and
the manner in which you shall be received, also what
you ascertain and discover of the said land, and
everything else of which you think we should be
advised. You shall accompany it with your opinion
of what you think ought to be done, so that we may
better order what is necessary for the service of God
and our own service; and you shall do the same
whenever you deem it necessary.

We charge and order you to observe and perform
the above inviolably, for if the contrary be done we
shall consider ourselves disserved. Given in Ma-
drid, August xxviii, one thousand five hundred and
sixty-nine.

I the King

1 2 80-1605] FELIPE II AND LEGAZPI 255

MIGUEL LOPEZ DE LEGAZPI. CONCESSION OF
TWO THOUSAND DUCADOS

The King. Our officials of the Western Islands,
whose colonization we have entrusted to General
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi : Know that in consider-
ation of the services of the said Miguel Lopez, past
and present, in his expedition, and the loss that he
has received to his property in a caravel which sunk,
I have after consultation with the members of my
Council of the Indias, considered it fitting to con-
cede to him, for one time, as I do by this present, a
gift of two thousand ducados (a sum equivalent to
seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis). I
therefore order you that from whatever gold or sil-
ver or any other kind of property you may have in
your possession and which may be in charge of you
our treasurer, you give and pay to the said Miguel
Lopez de Legazpi, or to whomever shall have his
powers of attorney, the said two thousand ducados
of which we thus make him a concession for this one
time for the abovesaid reason. Deliver and pay
them to him, and take his receipt, with which and
with this my decree, I order that the said two thou-
sand ducados be received from you and placed on
your accounts. Given at Madrid, August twenty-
nine, one thousand five hundred and seventy.

I the King

LETTER FROM FRANCISCO DE ORTEGA
TO THE VICEROY

Your Excellency: May the grace and consolation
of the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of your
Excellency. Last year I wrote a report and an ac-
count to your Excellency of the affairs of this region,
in fulfilment of the directions given me by your
Excellency when I came to this country. Since in
the previous report I wrote at length, I shall be brief
in this one, referring to the other one and to the
statements in it for the explanation of some things
which I say here. I ratify anew everything that I
have said, and purpose now to give information to
your Excellency of what has happened in this coun-
try since my last writing. I have accordingly to
inform you that on August 13, of last year, there set
sail two vessels named "Santiago" and "San Juan."
One week later, namely, the twenty-first of the said
month, our Lord took from this life by sudden death
the adelantado and governor, Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi (may he be in glory) . His death was greatly
deplored and is so even at the present day, for doubt-
less his valor and wisdom have been greatly needed.
Those who regarded him as wicked in his life
will now canonize him as a saint. I believe that he is
in glory or on the way to it, for he was a good Chris-
tian and if he erred in some things, I believe that

1280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 2$7

he desired to do right, while in some other things
he did the best he could. He died poor, which is a
great evidence of his goodness. That was a cause for
great confusion to those who regarded him as very
rich, and who were murmuring about him saying
that he had a chest of gold and more than 25,000
pesos in tostons. All that he was found to have on
the day of his death was 460 pesos in two little sacks.
These he had asked as a loan a few days before. He
had also in gold about 120 pesos not counting one
large chain and one small one which he brought
from his own land. He had also the wrought silver
of his table service. All the rest of this was not
worth 500 pesos. This is the whole of the wealth
and treasure which he had. Of this fact I am prac-
tically an eyewitness, for I was present at his death
and at the inventory of his property. Three days
after he had died his grandson, Captain Joan de
Salzedo, came from the opposite coast of the island,
where he had been three months, having gone by the
direction of the governor to explore that country and
to pacify the people who lived in it. He brought
back very good news from there, though he could not
give it to him who had sent him out, and hence great
sorrow was caused to him who brought the news
and even to the rest. They reported that the popu-
lation there was large and that there were many good
settlements close to one another and that they were
better ordered and governed than in the other parts.
They said that there were villages with 300 or 400
houses together, some more and some less, and that
there was among them one village that seemed to
contain more than three thousand houses, and an-
other with 800, where he left his alferez with thirty-

258 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

five soldiers while he came to tell the news and to
make an extended report. He accomplished one
thing which astonished everybody, because without
doubt it was a very daring and courageous exploit.
This was to attempt to circumnavigate the island,
which he accomplished in two tiny boats with 15
soldiers. These boats did not draw one palmo of
water. They are called barangays in this country
and are rowed with very short oars by Indians seated
in the boat. Though these vessels are of this charac-
ter, and the sea of that coast is so rough that not one
of the natives, as they say, has ventured to navigate
it, still he dared to do it in order to know and see
what there is on the opposite coast. He suffered
great hardships but God delivered him from all of
them. His boat was ofttimes almost swamped, and
he and the others with him on the point of drowning.
Finally he sailed one hundred leguas, coasting along
the island to the point of his settlement, and he has
explored and circumnavigated it. In all the length
of that coast there was not a single village nor one
Indian, for the whole country is desolate where they
supposed there would be a great many people.

In the villages to which he went on this exploring
and pacifying expedition, he collected 800 gold taes
in tribute. A tae is a weight of one onza or a little
more. Of this amount he gave half to the soldiers
and the other half to his Majesty's treasury. This
is the largest amount of treasure that had hitherto
been received in these islands. Three months after
his alferez, who had remained behind, arrived. The
reason of his coming was that almost all his soldiers
were taken sick and that they had no ammunition.
He brought back a thousand taes of gold in addition

1280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 259

to as many more which he shared between himself
and the soldiers. All this was put in the royal treas-
ury under the control of our new governor, Guido
de Lavezaris. Because of what he heard of the
country and its people and their wealth, the latter
decided to send the master-of-camp there with one
or two captains to inspect the population and the vil-
lages which were to be divided into repartimientos.
He who should not have gone, went [on that expedi-
tion], and with him Captain Lorenzo Chacon with
more than 130 soldiers and more than 800 Indians
who rowed the boats in which they went. Without
discovering any new lands or seeing any new villages
besides those which Captain Joan de Salzedo had
discovered and pacified, they collected in tribute
three thousand taes or more. It is fitting that your
Excellency should know the manner in which these
tributes are collected, and the way in which they are
demanded before the time, contrary to the law of
God and the directions of his Majesty. The first
thing they do when they reach any village or prov-
ince is to send them an interpreter or two, not with
gifts or presents, not to preach to them or to speak to
them of the things of God, but to order them to
bring tribute immediately and to be friendly to the
Castilians. Since this is a so new and strange thing
for them, as being something to which they have
not been accustomed, as they have not been either
subjects or vassals of any native king or lord (of
whom they have none in any part of these islands,
as was written in my other letter to your Excel-
lency), all this is confusion to them and causes them
much evil by forcing them to give as tributes the
necklaces which they wear about their necks and the

260 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

bracelets which they and their women wear on their
arms. For few or none of them have any other
property but what they wear on their persons.
When these so evil abuses are inflicted upon them,
some of them refuse to give the tribute or do not
give as liberally as those who ask it desire. Others,
on account of having to give this and of their fear at
seeing a strange and new race of armed people,
abandon their houses and flee to the tingues [1.*.,
hills] and mountains. When the Spaniards see this,
they follow them, discharging their arquebuses at
them and mercilessly killing as many as they can.
Then they go back to the village and kill all the
fowls and swine there and carry off all the rice
which the poor wretches had for their support.
After this and after they have robbed them of every-
thing they have in their miserable houses, they set
fire to them. In this way they burned and destroyed
more than four thousand houses in this expedition
to Ylocos, and killed more than five hundred In-
dians, they themselves confessing that they com-
mitted that exploit. Your Excellency may infer
how desolate and ruined this will make the country,
for those who have done the mischief say that it will
not reach its former state within six years and others
say not in a lifetime. Will your Excellency deter-
mine whether this is consistent with law, divine or
human, with religion or Christian charity. Your
Excellency will also consider that in these invasions
and explorations the law of Mahomet is followed
rather than the law of God ; for no account is taken
of His precepts and there is no care to follow His
law and the Christian instructions conformable with
and akin to them, which have been given by our Cath-

1280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 26 1

olic and very Christian king and lord Don Ffelipe.
The latter commanded that by love and kindly treat-
ment and with gifts and presents the natives should
be caressed and attracted to love and friendship
for us, so that in this manner they might come to the
knowledge of our God and Creator, and might sub-
ject themselves to his royal protection and might
recognize him as their king and lord. For all these
purposes, he spends most freely from his royal
treasury, buying fine scarlet cloths, stuffs, caps, silks,
and other things suitable for this purpose, as your
Excellency knows better than I. Yet they do not
follow his will but invade the country of the Indians,
killing and robbing, burning their villages and
houses, and collecting as enemies what his Majesty
commands us to take and receive from them as
friends. In place of engendering in their breasts
and souls love and goodwill, they create and en-
gender hate and abhorrence against us and against
the name of Jesus Christ crucified whom they ought
to teach and preach to the natives. If by such
pilgrimages and pacifications and services God our
Lord and his Majesty are pleased, let your Excel-
lency judge. 21

They also said in the beginning that in the prov-
ince of Ylocos and in the other three provinces
which were explored on the opposite coast and
which they declare that they have pacified, there
were more than four hundred thousand Indians, and
that there were enough to afford repartimientos for
all those who are in these regions. Now they de-
clare that there are not enough for forty soldiers,

21 On the question of the tribute, see vol. vii, pp. 267-318, and
vol. vm, pp. 25-69.

262 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

according to the account which they bring back
from there, for according to them there are not as
many as 40,000 Indians. I say this so that your
Excellency may see how closely this report conforms
to the others which I wrote in my former letter, and
that your Excellency may be informed and may
know the truth if it should not be written [by others]
from here.

It seems to me also desirable to inform your Ex-
cellency how and in what manner they send the
present of gold to his Majesty, that you may under-
stand the wealth of this country and the service
rendered him in it by them, and how that gold was
got. In accordance with what has been related and
declared above, the quantity would be at most about
30,000 pesos; and how little appropriate it is to send
this quantity of pesos as a present, and to send as
many more debts to the royal treasury of this country
is very clear. It is also very clear and plain that
this present is a trifling one after the royal treasury
has spent more than two millions or but little less as
I am informed,within the fifteen years since the ex-
pense of this expedition [/.<?., Legazpi's] began.
How far from the royal magnanimous, Caesarean,
and more than Alexandrine heart of our king, Don
Ffelipe, this present is, is so plain that the blind
could see it and the most ignorant judge it; hence on
this point I do not ask your Excellency to form a
judgment, but I do ask you to decide what reward it
deserves from a king so Catholic as ours to make him
a present and a payment into his treasury of what has
been robbed and wrung [from the natives] contrary
to what God and the king himself have commanded.
In conformity with what your Excellency with your

1 280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 263

delicate and most Christian conscience may feel and
judge in this matter, will you send thanks in the
royal name. How much more would God our Lord
and his Majesty be served if the gold which is sent
to him as a present were worn on the arms of the
Indians of the Ylucos to whom it belonged, than
that the ladies of our lady the queen should wear it
about their necks in the court.

This has been said partly that your Excellency
might know what takes place here and might under-
stand the way in which this present was sent to his
Majesty, and partly to state again that, in spite of
the wealth which they will say and write to your
Excellency as existing in Ylucos and the other
provinces, when his Majesty shall have paid the ex-
penses of this region, he will receive no lawful and
Christian profit from these islands, except perhaps
the cinnamon which is taken from the island of
Bindanao as it is now taken, unless the gold mines
in these regions are worked. I believe that they will
not be worked except with the great oppression and
loss of the natives, and that will mean their total
destruction, for experience has undeceived us in this
matter by what has happened in the island of Es-
panola and in other regions.

As for the government of the new governor,
Guido de Lavezaris, I shall discuss or say nothing,
for your Excellency can learn about it there from
the people who go [there] from here, and by the let-
ters which will be written. Only I beg your Excel-
lency not to take your information from Joan
Pacheco alone, for, according to his statement and
opinion, because of his obligation to the governor,
and his affection and friendship, and the things that

264 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

the governor has done for him, he will say that he is
fit to rule and govern the kingdom of Napoles and
the state of Millan. It is no wonder that he says that,
for the governor has given him more than four
thousand Indians in repartimiento, so that there is
not a better encomienda in this region, though
Pacheco is but a private soldier, and one of those
who has seen least service in this country. He has
done nothing but act as sentinel for the adelantado -
may he be in glory -and that not for very many
years, though he is a man of wealth and of noble
birth, as your Excellency will have heard. Your
Excellency may obtain specific information regard-
ing him, and that from father Fray Diego de He-
rrera 22 who is on his way to inform your Excellency
and his Majesty of affairs in this country and of the
events therein. He deserves great faith and credit
on account of his great goodness and devotion, for
without anger or bias or self-interest, he will tell
your Excellency truthfully and with a zealous
Christian heart desirous to serve God and his Maj-
esty, the state of affairs here. He will give you a
particular account of the small favor in which the
religious and the ministers of God are now held here
more than ever, and how insulted and little regarded
they are by the governor and his followers and allies
and by those who have any command and power here
now. He will tell you how little is done for them,
and how little aid and favor is given to the instruc-
tion and the things of God, and also how little fa-
vored and protected are these natives and how
oppressed and molested they are ordinarily. He

22 See post, the memoranda of the Augustinians, regarding the
various questions to be discussed in Spain by Diego de Herrera.

1 2 80-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 265

will also inform your Excellency how under color
of sending his Majesty a very rich present from
everything brought from China by the Sangleys, he
has demanded a loan in the camp of more than four
hundred taes, taking from one ten, and from another
twenty, and from another fifty, in accordance with
what he is sending, and what each one possessed. I
do not understand how the judge who receives loans
as gifts or pledges from those whom he must punish,
can rightly judge and enforce justice. He will also
inform your Excellency of the many revolts and
riots, the factions and enmities which arise among
the people here, how much complaint all have in
general to make of the new governor, and how they
are irritated by his policy and government and mur-
mur at it, and how well known he is to have a pas-
sionate temperament, as is manifest by those whom
he is sending to that country under arrest, which will
appear in the records of the process. He is also
known to be very biased and partial, and that not to
the older, the more prudent, and leading persons in
the camp. For his companions he has an open door
and has always time to spend three or four hours
talking with them, while his door is shut to the re-
ligious and to the minister of God and to the poor
soldier who has any occasion to do business with
him, and he has no time to listen to the poor Indian
about the wrongs that have been done to him, or to
the Spaniard who comes to state his complaints and
troubles, or to listen calmly and kindly to what is
affirmed and declared regarding a demand for jus-
tice. Upon these and other matters of the same kind
and quality one might say much and might write a
long document. This I do not do, but refer to those

266 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

who are going there to tell your Excellency that
never have the forces in this camp been so disturbed
and divided as at present. In almost nine years dur-
ing which the good old man now departed - may he
be in glory - governed us, there were not so many
dissensions and disturbances, nor so much discontent,
as there have been and are during the nine months
in which Guido de Lavezaris has been governing us.
On this account, and since he is now more than
seventy years of age, and I think desires quiet, it is
necessary to provide a remedy; and that is for your
Excellency to send from there any person soever that
is suitable for such a duty and fit for the present ne-
cessity. For I believe before God and my conscience,
casting aside all bias and partiality, which in this
matter have no control over me, that this is desirable
for the service of God our Lord, and of his Majesty,
the good of the natives, and the pacification and
preservation of this country. Believing this with
honest purpose and with a Christian heart desirous
of the common welfare and of the service of God
and of his Majesty, I give your Excellency this ad-
vice, so that, as a pious and most Christian prince
you may, with your great prudence and liberality,
quickly provide the remedy. If your Excellency
does not see fit to send another new governor, it
would be desirable in my judgment for your Excel-
lency to send an auditor of that royal Audiencia and
some person learned in the law, a man of character
and a good Christian, to visit and inspect this coun-
try and to undeceive your Excellency with regard
to some matters which have been written to you there
with perverse reports. It will be better to send a
rich advocate than a poor knight who as is suspected

1 2 80-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 267

is pledged by gifts and by the grant of a good repar-
timiento. This last point, however, I know only by
hearsay. If it is true, your Excellency will ascertain
it there and will judge if it is right that the encomi-
enda should not be given to those who have been
here in service nine years pacifying the country, and
that it should be given to a man who came and goes
back again with a good salary without having been
engaged in the pacification and without any of the
labor of conquest. At the same time I think it is
necessary that your Excellency in the name of his
Majesty, or his Majesty in person should confirm
the repartimientos and grants which the new gov-
ernor has made without having had special permis-
sion therefor and without special command from his
Majesty. Your Excellency will also decide if the
regranting in encomienda of the villages which be-
came vacant, and were in his Majesty's hands, has
been proper. All that I know of this is that the
adelantado (may he be in glory) was often impor-
tuned to have this done, but never could it be
brought about because he said that he had a com-
mand from his Majesty to the contrary. What the
other, in his great prudence and matured wisdom
did not do, he who now governs us has done with
great promptness and liberality. The cause which
I believe has moved him to this is the lack of Indians
to be given in encomiendas to the soldiers; if this is
true, it is very clear and may easily be perceived
and understood that there is not in these islands the
population which has been reported to your Excel-
lency by letter, though there has been no lack of
Indians for him and for the officials of the king,
contrary to his Majesty's prohibition.

268 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

If your Excellency should not send and provide
another governor for these islands, it would be just
for your Excellency to have our present governor
ordered to take care to protect the affairs of the
adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi (may he be
in glory), since he governed this country with so
great quietness and prudence, spent upon it his own
property, and died poor in the service of his Maj-
esty. That is very just, as is also that particular care
be taken to show kindness and favor to Captain Joan
de Salzedo, inasmuch as he is one of those who have
labored most in this country and have shown the
greatest zeal in the service of his Majesty. He is
very spirited and energetic, and for a man so young,
very cautious and prudent, and he has good desires
and purposes to serve God and his Majesty. Hence
some office might be assigned and entrusted to him.
Therefore, any favor that your Excellency may ex-
tend or may command to be shown him will be very
well conceded; although the governor has given him
but scant reward, since he has given as much or more
to a private soldier, as has already been said, by
which he has given rise to comment and occasion to
murmuring.

It is also just that your Excellency should show
all possible favor to the sargento-mayor, Joan de
Moron, who is going to that country under arrest
on grounds which seem very slight, besides being
imprisoned here for ten months in his house and
being burdened by the expenses of the suit. Every-
body thinks that there has been more passion than
reason or justice in this case, as may be seen there by
the report of the process. 23 He is a man of very

23 See the viceroy's report to Felipe II, regarding the arrest of

1280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 269

good qualities, and though he is not at all a courtier,
he is prudent and very careful and diligent in the
service of his Majesty, and very useful. There is
no one in this region who has seen more service than
he. If your Excellency is about to send forces to
this country, he might well be put in command of
them, because he is one of the first who came to this
region, and because he has served his Majesty so well
in it, as is well known to all, and as your Excellency
will already have received report. If it should be
necessary for your Excellency to appoint a new cap-
tain of experience in matters here, I think it would
be the best thing for your Excellency to assign to
him and to the inferior captains whatever your Ex-
cellency may be able to provide here, for there are
many of them and few soldiers. In this and in all
other matters will your Excellency decide upon that
which is most for the advantage of the service of
God and of his Majesty.

The voyage to explore China has not been carried
out, because of the death of Governor Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, who was very obedient to the com-
mand of his Majesty and your Excellency. After
his death there was little goodwill in him who had
the duty of ordering the execution of this command,
since he and other captains had done what they
could to prevent it from the beginning. Hence, they
gave their votes against carrying it out. In spite of
this, the adelantado - may he be in glory -was de-
termined to accomplish what your Excellency had
directed. After his death it happened that the ships

Mirandaola and Moron, vol. hi, p. 210. The viceroy appears to
have formed his judgment regarding the matter from the present
letter.

270 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

which were going to that country put back, and since
the ship " Santiago" arrived at Qubu without rigging
or equipment, they took advantage of the occasion
to strip and dismantle one vessel in order to equip
another. Thus they did away with that which was
necessary for the journey to China. However, if
they had not had this opportunity, I believe that they
would not have gone on with the voyage because of
the little disposition which the governor had for it
Upon this point, I believe that they have sent full
reports to your Excellency. What I am able to say
from the little that I know, and from what those
say who judge the matter dispassionately, is that it
was a very desirable thing and a very important mat-
ter, and one from which great service might result
to our Lord and to his Majesty, profit to the royal
treasury, and increase to the royal estate, and that
this might all be done in a lawful and Christian
manner as is commanded and directed by his Maj-
esty and by your Excellency in his royal name.
When it was supposed that the voyage would be
carried out, our father provincial commanded me to
go with the forces which were about to depart on
this voyage of discovery. Although the voyage is
uncertain and the dangers and hardships are certain,
I had offered myself for the undertaking because of
my desire to serve our Lord and my king and your
Excellency and would go with great willingness. If
the said voyage is undertaken again, I offer myself
anew to go on the expedition if your Excellency will
regard that as a service and will send me a command
to that effect. Should it be the will of your Excel-
lency that the voyage should be prosecuted, it would
be necessary to send from there two or three thousand

3280-1605] ORTEGA TO VICEROY 27 1

pesos in tostons and to carry from here fifty quintals
of wax and as many more of cotton, which are the
articles of barter that have the greatest value there.
It seems to me also very desirable that there
should be two ships in the squadron, so that if one
of them suffer any mishap, such as often occurs at
sea, the men may be assisted and saved in the other.
It would also be possible for them to make their
voyage with greater safety from enemies, if any
strive to do them harm. If it should be your Excel-
lency's decision and if it should seem desirable to
you for two ships to go, the two above named, the
""Santiago" and the "Espiritu Santo" may go. By
bringing from that country what is necessary in the
way of sails, rigging, and equipment, they may very
well be fitted out in this country with carpentry and
calking. A brigantine or pinnace may also be made
for the return voyage to that country. Your Excel-
lency may discuss there with the pilots whether they
can go to the island of Cauchill 24 if the voyage is
made; for it is a matter of the greatest importance
for this island to be explored and examined, for it is
said to be very rich and to have a great trade. Ac-
cording to what is said, a great deal of pepper and
Moluccan cloves are exported every year. It is very
near China and is also near Sian, and I think not very
far from Burney. In that island the king of China
has a governor and maintains a garrison. Yet as that
race goes, 300 Spanish soldiers could take by assault
twenty or thirty thousand of them. They say that
there are horses and elephants there, and that it is a
very rich and very important island. With reference

24 Evidently a reference to Cochinchina, and hence not an
island, but part of the mainland. See vol. iv, p. 131, note 14.

272 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

to this matter will your Excellency examine it and
command what is of greatest advantage to the service
of his Majesty and to that of God our Lord. May
God preserve the very excellent person of your
Excellency for many years in His holy service with
an increase of prosperity for the good of that country
and the preservation and increase of this, and after
this life may He grant you eternal and everlasting
life. Amen. From the city of Manila, June 6, 1573.
Most excellent Lord, your Excellency's unworthy
chaplain and suppliant kisses your hands.

Fray Francisco de Ortega 25

25 For sketch of this religious see vol. ix, p. 95, note 18. See
also his reports on the Philippines in the same volume, pp. 95-119.

r/>

^

fig

■^

o

p

5*

&

r-t

^

C

OQ

<l)

^

■o

a

l— K

^

^

»t

S^

P

C2*

i— »

o

CO

o

S

o

^>

5

Q-

< — i

n>

o

^

•t

^t

S'

CD

org

<p

J"

<2

p

03

-l/Nf

AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA

Memoranda of the religious of the islands of the
West in regard to the matters to be discussed with
his Majesty or his royal Council of the Yndias by
Fray Diego de Herrera.

The matters which father Fray Diego de Herrera
is to discuss with his Majesty or with his royal
Council. For the due discharge of our conscience
because of our obligation, your Reverence is going
there [i.e., to Spain], since you were one of the first
in the country, in order to inform him both by word
and writing of the evil policy and regimen in this
country, both in the conquest and in the maintenance
of the land, so that his Majesty as a most Christian
[king] may provide their correction and discharge
his royal conscience.

First: This is the way in which the land is paci-
fied and colonies established. A captain goes with
soldiers and interpreters to the village of which
he has had notice only, or to one that has been pil-
laged by other Spaniards. The people are told that
if they wish friendship with the Castilians, they
must immediately give them tribute. If the people
acquiesce, then they consider the amount that each
man must pay, and they are compelled to pay it im-
mediately. Sometimes, the village has been pillaged
because the people did not agree to what was asked

274 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

from them. It also seems to be the proper thing to
pillage them, if they do not wait and if they abandon
their houses. All this takes place without having
benefited the natives at all, and without giving them
to understand that his Majesty sent them to inform
the natives of God. We Spaniards are held in ig-
nominy in this country and our name is held in
abomination, as is even the most holy name of the
Lord, and we are considered as the usurpers of
others' possessions, as faithless pirates, and as shed-
ders of human blood, because we illtreat our own
friends, and harass and trouble them; while many
acts of violence and force are used toward them both
to their own houses and to their wives and daughters
and possessions, and they themselves are illtreated
by word and deed. In this they have no one to de-
fend and protect them. The most abandoned inhab-
itants and those at a distance commit the greatest
injuries and murders; and when those in command
hear of it, they do not institute relief by sending to
make investigations of events so far away, for they
say that it must appear in writing, and that it is a
great expense and trouble to send to a distance time
after time, as [is said by] the present visitor who is
the first to complain of it. But he gives information
of it and asks why he should go to visit all the land.
Item: Because of the great outcries, murders, and
captivities that have been made, both by captains
and by other leaders and soldiers throughout the
islands, under pretext that they did not have peace
writs, although Spaniards had never gone there; and
also to many who had the peace writ already and
were promised safety in his Majesty's name, that
writ has been transgressed and broken. There has

1 2 8o-i 605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 2 7 $

been no punishment inflicted for all the above which
is very well known and notorious to all people.
Consequently, great dissoluteness has reigned, and I
believe that there are very few whose skirts are
clean of this vice. For example, no aid has been
given to the friends who pleading their just causes
and the injuries that they have received from others,
have asked protection and aid. Neither have
amends been made to them as it seemed more trouble
than gain. Such have been few [who have thus
pleaded]. I only remember of a chief of Xaro, by
name Mamicoan, a Christian, who pleaded before
the alcalde-mayor of Qubu, Don Gonzalo de Luna,
and the justice of Qubu, saying that while he was
absent another old man, his neighbor, had burned his
house. His father and mother had been burned and
other damages committed, and that, as the chief de-
clared, simply because he had just been married and
become a Christian at Qubu. The religious who
lived there at the same time interceded for him,
asking that four Spaniards be sent to arrest that old
man. They were answered that it would cause an
insurrection in the land if they did that. Besides
the above there is a pirate called Caxabic, who dev-
astates £amal and Masbat every year. Item : The
Joloans devastate all the Pintados as well as Cama-
rines, and those of Ylo and Vilnabagan. The
Spaniards never go in pursuit of them or punish
them, or humiliate them, or make them restore their
booty. But they only go to rob those sheep for the
second time by demanding tribute from those whom
they know not to have been entirely cleaned up by
the others.

It is considered as a just cause for war in the War

276 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Council if the Indians say that they do not care for
the friendship of the Spaniards, or if they build any
fort to defend themselves. Such Indians are killed,
captured, pillaged, and their houses burned. For
that reason occurred the war of Bitis and Lubao 26
and the forts which were taken by Juan de Sauzedo;
and those of Cainta, where the night before, an In-
dian having climbed into a palmtree cried out:
"Spaniards, what did my ancestors do or owe to you
that you should come to pillage us;" and that of
Papagan. In all of the above many people were
killed and captured, and sold as slaves, especially in
Papagan, for it is said that they defied the Spaniards,
although there was no resistance in any of those
places. It is considered as an occasion for just war
by the War Council and a village may be destroyed
and all those captured may be enslaved, if any
Spaniard has been killed in the village; although
the occasions that the dead man might have given
or the wrongs that he might have committed are not
considered, as is neither the fact that those natives
do not understand or have anyone whom they can
ask to avenge them unless it be God and their justice.
They formerly had no king or ruler from whom to
ask satisfaction. This chastisement is meted out
without any thought of the guilty ones, and often
although only one man is to blame, the entire village
is punished. Almost never has the guilty one paid
for his crime, or the accomplice to it, for they im-
mediately take to hiding. So was made the war in

26 The natives of these two rivers were assigned as encomiendas
by Guido de Lavezaris to himself, but he was deprived of them
by Dr. Francisco de Sande, although they were later restored to
him. See vol. iv, pp. 74, 80, 81 ; and vol. viii, p. 101, where the
natives of these rivers have again reverted to the king.

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA *77

the island of Qubu, against those villages of Can-
daya, because a common seaman was killed; and in
Bohol, because they killed a worthless fellow on
account of his many exactions in the collection of the
tribute. There as they did not find any people in
the village where he was killed, they seized seven
Indians from a village lower down which is called
Baye, and hanged them because they confessed that
they had known beforehand that the other villages
had agreed to kill the man. Item : Because the na-
tives killed Mena and three others who asked them
for tributes, in the island of Marinduc [t'.e., Marin-
duque], Captain Luis de la Haya went by the gov-
ernor's orders and that of all the Council of War
and destroyed the islands of Banton and Malindus
[*.*., Marinduque], and also that of Guimbar. 27
The greater portion of the land has no other peace
than that some captain and soldiers have lodged
there and told the people that they must pay tribute
if they wished peace with the Spaniards. They have
no other cause or reason for it than being there one
or two days to collect what tribute the people could
give and then pass on to another village. This was
the procedure along all the coast of Bulinau and
Ylocos for nearly one hundred leguas, where raids
have been made twice in one year. Thus have more
than six thousand taes of gold been collected, a sum
equivalent to about one thousand marcos, and quite
equal to that amount in fact. The same thing has
been done along other coasts although not in the
same proportion.

27 No such island appears in the list given in Census of Philip-
pine Islands (i, pp. 263-308). It may possibly be the island of
Simara, south of Banton, or Guimaras, south of Panay. There is
a point called Guimbal on the south coast of Panay.

278 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

With no greater pacification than the above, the
land is assigned and divided, whereupon the enco-
mendero taking some companions with him goes to
the village or villages which have been given him,
and makes them the following speech : "Take heed
that I am your master, and that the governor has
given you to me to protect from other Spaniards who
annoy you." This is the universal reasoning of most
of them, and they make no mention of God or the
king. Then they immediately demand the tribute,
each one the amount that he can get without any
limit. They have generally asked three or four maes
apiece from the Lusones, and two or three from the
Pintados. That is a very excessive sum in the begin-
ning for a people who do not know what it means to
pay tribute. If some of the people do not wait for
the encomendero in order to agree to give him the
tribute, their houses and village are burned, as was
done by the master-of-camp in the village of Baban,
and Navarro in his encomienda of Qurigo. Many of
the encomenderos stay in their encomiendas all or the
greater part of the year looking after their interests,
where they prove a great hindrance and obstacle to
their Indians.

No attention is paid to the instruction, nor is pro-
tection or aid given to the religious for it. On the
contrary they have hitherto opposed us going out or
building houses among the Indians, but [try to
force] us to live among the Spaniards. Neither then
nor now has there been any aid extended on the part
of those who govern, either to attract the natives to
our holy faith or to induce them to forsake their evil
customs, for they say that it is too early, although
they could be got rid of with a single word. For as

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 279

they are a timid race they obey immediately in this;
and the Spaniards have never tried to overlook any-
thing in the Christians in order thus to invite all the
others. On the contrary they have generally har-
assed them more than the others as they are more
peaceful and nearer at hand. They have been very
slow to recompense them even in words, and it has
consequently happened that very few natives outside
of Qubu have been baptized for the above reasons.
There is in general very little Christianity among
the Spaniards, who pay very little attention to divine
worship and to their ministers and even with great
difficulty have poor shacks been erected in which to
celebrate the divine offices. There is great lewd-
ness among the [native] women both among infidels
and the influential women - this last secretly. Many
slaves have been sold and many others have been re-
tained who have been enslaved and captured illeg-
ally and unjustly. Some, in order that they might be
made use of, and might not be taken from their own-
ers in order to return them to their own villages,
have fraudulently been made to come to ask for
baptism and have become Christians. Many islands
and villages are devastated and almost wiped out,
partly by the Spaniards or because of them, and part-
ly by famines of which, or at the beginning of
them, the Spaniards were the reason; for either by
fear or to get rid of the Spaniards the natives neg-
lected their sowing, and when they wished to sow
then anguish came upon them, and consequently,
many people have died of hunger.

Many injuries have been and are still practiced
on the Indians by the Spaniards or by their enco-
menderos themselves. Even murders have been com-

280 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

mitted; and since they live in remote regions, and
since the aggrieved parties cannot go to plead their
justice, or have no one to plead it for them, if it even
comes to the ears of the governor, it is not corrected.
For the latter either says that it must appear in
writing or that when he shall go to that place he will
inflict punishment for the matter. So he remarked
to me when I told him of an Indian woman whom
Luys Perez had killed, and of the other chief woman
who had been imprisoned, and of the Indian whom
Gudinez killed. So declared the adelantado when
the deeds of Luys de la Aya, Andres de Ybarra, and
of the accountant were discussed.

All or most of the Spaniards act as justices when
they go through the villages and decide the suits and
quarrels among the natives. They take pay for it,
although they often judge unjustly in favor of him
who pays more. Your Reverence will inform his
Majesty of the condition of the people and that they
do not have any king or sovereign, but live in bands
or families where the richest or the most powerful
is the leader. Some tyrannize over and pillage the
others. The slaves owned by the natives are partly
so from time immemorial, for their parents and
grand-parents were slaves, as were their ancestors;
Some have become slaves for loans and debts because
they always reckon the loans by usurious rates which
are greatly practiced here. Some are slaves for
crimes, either for having stolen the slightest thing
or for having given false testimony, or having dared
do anything by word or deed against a chief. Others,
and these are the fewest, are those who have been
captured in the wars which they wage among them-
selves, some of which have been waged for many

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 28 1

years between enemies, while others are waged be-
cause of some injury done to one side by the other.
It is difficult to ascertain which of those causes is
just. However, they are so evilly inclined a race in
respect to this that when occasion offers they do not
keep faith with their friend. Since the coming of
the Spaniards to this land there has been another kind
of slaves who have sold themselves very cheaply in
times of famine in order to live during the famine -
the father to his son, the brother to his brother, the
uncle to his nephew, and others likewise - in which
he who bought showed charity to the one purchased.
Such slaves were never sold unless by such an one
who could not live through his own efforts. I do not
speak of those who pillaged the timauas and sold
them as slaves.

The requests to be made of his Majesty
That his Majesty provide relief in all the above
as a most Christian [king] and give instructions for
what is yet to be discovered and for the future ; and
that in so far as it is possible he try to give some
satisfaction to the villages and provinces destroyed
by the Spaniards, or because of them, and for the
tributes that have been wrongly collected. That all
the Indians who are and have been captured by Span-
iards and sold into foreign lands be ransomed and re-
turned to their lands. That he declare for this the
method which has been ordered here for restitutions.
Likewise that the Cebuans be ransomed wherever
found although it be in the estate of his Majesty in
these islands, since that village has been depopulated
because of the Spaniards.

That an inquiry be made into slaves acquired

282 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

wrongly and of timauas wrongly held who are in
the power of Spaniards; and that such be taken away
from them even though they be Christians. That his
Majesty send men for this purpose who are not in-
fested with vice, or who are not pledged by gifts or
loans as are the men here. That his Majesty endow
two hospitals, which can be done with vacant enco-
miendas to the sum that seems advisable to his Maj-
esty. You must give him to understand his obliga-
tion for it and the gain that will accrue to his
Majesty in the preservation of the people, which will
be so greatly furthered by this. That his Majesty
order the method by which we may be supplied with
religious who are necessary here, although it even
cause a lack of them there.

That his Majesty send a couple of secular priests
of learning and conscience so that they may correct
the customs of the Spaniards; and that he might
strictly order the justices to correct them as far as
they are concerned. That if a trip should be made
to China or otherwhere, although when that be
done there be religious of the other orders here, that
we be the first, since our order can conveniently fur-
nish such religious. Item : In order that nothing
may be asked, which may be justly denied to us after
first consulting the president and auditors [of Nueva
Espana] or some secretary, you shall petition his
Majesty to have such and such a sum given us as
alms annually in order to build one or two monas-
teries in which to rear novices and give them a
chance to study wherever it shall be deemed most
advisable here. In order that he may not imagine
it to be for an infinite time as it is in Mexico, let him
assign a limited period of so many years. You shall

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 283

give him to understand and make much of the relics
of the child Jesus and the image which our Lord
was pleased to keep in this land for so many years
for our consolation. That if his Majesty permit the
natives to be held as slaves by the Spaniards as they
are among the natives, that he do not permit them
to be taken from their lands, for by so doing in a
short time the land will be depopulated and des-
troyed. That the slavery be more mild than that of
the negroes, and you shall give the king to under-
stand how free the slavery of the Indians is, and that
the Indian cannot sell more right than that which he
possesses [over a slave]. That from him who mal-
treats his servant, the latter may be taken away by the
justice, or the owner may be compelled to sell him,
for the slaves have this right among the natives
themselves. That his Majesty order that, under
heavy penalties, no one buy slaves from the natives
by force. That the determination of who can be
rightly held as a slave be at the advice of the reli-
gious. That his Majesty order that the chiefs be
treated as such, and that they do not pay tribute in
their persons or be made prisoners except for very
serious matters. You shall tell him that that is a
very insulting thing among them and will anger
them greatly, for among them only fugitive slaves
are made prisoners. You shall inform him that they
are thrown into irons or stocks here for very slight
causes, and often for the fault of their slaves, who
run away or do not obey the orders of the Spaniards;
since it is a fact that the chiefs have very little con-
trol over their slaves.

That no one be taken on raids or [word illegible]
or to any other place by force or against his will

284 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol 34

unless it be a very necessary case and then by paying
him. And if any slave is killed in the raid, that his
master be paid if he gave the slave against his will
and under special restriction, if his death happened
through any fault of the Spaniards -which is always
to be presumed since they so evilly go to the lands
of others who owe them nothing to beg or to seize
their property.

Memorandum of the products or means of gain in

this land
There is gold both in mines or native deposits,
and in placers in the rivers in almost all parts of the
land; although, notwithstanding that, not much is
seen among the Indians (although the mines are
rich) because they are a lazy race, because the
slaves are very arrogant, and because of the plunder-
ing and warfare among themselves, so that they do
not dare to leave their houses unless they are in bands
and armed. However, the chief mines that the
Indians work and of which we have notice, are those
of Pangasinan, Ylocos, those of Paracali, Vicor,
Camarines, and Bongdo. They are all located in the
island of Luzon, and in another island outside it,
called Catandoanes. Item: In the island of Yba-
bao, in that of Samal, in that of Masbat, in the
island that the Spaniards call Vermeja about two
leguas from Qurigao, where, according to the report
of the Indians, was the greatest wealth of all. How-
ever, that island is now deserted because of a certain
superstition until the death of the children of the
one who was its ruler. Also in many parts of the
island of Mindanao, especially in the river of Quri-
gao, in that of Parasao, in that of Butuan, and in that

1 280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA 2$ 5

of Vaguindanao. The gold in the last named island
is fine and in quantity.

Pearls are also found near Tandaya in the island
of Ybabao, in the island of Vatayan, in that of the
Cagayanes, in that of Bohol, in that of Mindanao
between Cavite and the bay of Baguindanao, and in
the island of Xolo, where there is reported to be a
very great quantity.

There are spices and drugs, especially cinnamon,
in the island of Mindanao, where it is found in
quantities in Cavite, in Cagayan, in Compor, and in
the bay near Butuan. There is also pepper, both
long and round, although not in quantity, but if it
were planted, as much as one would desire could be
raised. There are quantities of it in an island called
Cauchin 28 located near China where there are also
many elephants. There are also elephants in the
island of Xoloc. 29 There are ginger, cubebs, tam-
arinds, and other drugs. This is without touching
on the mainland of China, Sian, and Patani, or in
Java or the Malucos, where all manner of spices,
drugs, and perfumes are found. In some of those
places precious stones are found, according to the re-
port of both the Portuguese and the Borneans who
trade with them.

28 See ante y p. 271, note 24.

29 See vol. iv, pp. 176, 236, 237.

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO
VICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell forever
in the soul of your Excellency. I received a letter
from your Excellency last year after the departure of
the ships from this place, in which your Excellency
orders me to write at length and minutely of events
in these islands. Although I wrote your Excellency
last year and father Fray Diego de Herrera went to
that country from here to report both to your Excel-
lency and to his Majesty concerning all the matters
of this land, and concerning the manner of the con-
quest and the wars waged here, and concerning the
encomiendas : yet inasmuch as we do not know what
happened in the voyage nor how affairs have been
discussed there, I shall briefly retell the most essen-
tial things, first advising your Excellency of what
happened here after [the departure of the ships].
This is that the governor immediately sent Captain
Juan de Salzedo accompanied by Captain Pedro de
Chaves and some men to pacify the river of Vicor
and the Camarines, which are located in this same
island of Lusson. The people there are the most
valiant and best armed men of all these islands. Con-
sequently, although they never attacked the Span-
iards, still they defended themselves in all their

1280-1605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 287

villages, and would nfrt surrender unless conquered
by force of arms. Consequently all those villages
were entered in the same way, by first summoning
them to submit peacefully, and to pay tribute im-
mediately unless they wished war. They replied
that they would first prove those to whom they were
to pay tribute, and consequently, the Spaniards
attacking them, an entrance was made among them
by force of arms, and the village was overthrown
and whatever was found pillaged. Then the
Spaniards sent to have the natives summoned to sub-
mit peacefully. When the natives came, they asked
them to immediately give them tribute in gold and to
an excessive amount, for which they promised to
give them writs of peace. Therefore, since all the
people defended themselves, more have perished in
that land than in any other yet conquered. After he
had accomplished this, Juan de Salzedo returned
with the gold, and left Pedro de Chaves settled on
the river of Vicor with seventy men. Juan de Sal-
zedo having returned, the governor again sent him
with forty or fifty men to colonize Ylocos. He ap-
portioned the land among them, and in that the
governor showed himself to be very partial ; for al-
though three companies had come together from
Nueva Espafia, namely, those of Felipe de Salzedo
(which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo),
Artieda, and Andres de Ivarra, to only the company
of Juan de Salsedo did he grant repartimientos,
while he gave nothing at all to those other compan-
ies. Although we have declared here how unjust
has been the affair of the Ylocos, as is so evident a
thing, they cannot believe us, for they have done
nothing there for two years back but make raids to

288 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

tell the people that they should be friends and pay
tribute immediately. Accordingly, a portion of the
people gave it through fear, and a portion because
they are not very warlike; and they did the same
lately for the second year. They even pillaged the
people in the place where they fled and wasted their
village. They have now gone to collect the tribute
for the third time. They have done them no other
benefit or kindness and have had no other communi-
cation or contact with them than the abovesaid. The
same thing happened in the island of Acuyo which
was granted some two months ago to Luys de la
Haya. The master-of-camp went there about four
years ago with soldiers and pillaged them of tribute
to the sum of two hundred taes. As they have been
unable to go there since it is out of the way, the
governor ordered those who went thither for Luys
de la Haya to collect the entire sum that those people
ought to have paid during the past years for his
Majesty, and the tribute of this year for Luys de la
Haya. But since the Indians either refused or were
unable to pay the back tribute, they paid only that
of the present year. The governor exhibited con-
siderable annoyance over this, and finally took one-
half of what they brought in the name of his
Majesty. Although there is little or no justice or
reason in the other regions [of the Indias] for the
tribute that is asked of those districts, there is no
trace or surplus of it here. Besides that the tribute
that is collected from the natives is excessive and
intolerable, judging by the wretchedness of the na-
tives; and in order that your Excellency may see the
senselessness and harm perpetrated there in all this
matter, I am enclosing to your Excellency in this

1280-1605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 289

present letter, the copy of an "Opinion" I handed to
the governor the other day, in regard to the tribute
that was collected. 30 In that "Opinion" I declared
briefly, inasmuch as I was dealing with a person who
knows the conditions of the country, the injustice
that was and that is being done. Although I believe
that he will send it to your Excellency, still whether
he does or not, I am sending this copy. Although I
charge in it that war has been made without his
Majesty's order, besides that the land is so slightly
pacified that the collectors have to go in bands to ask
the tribute and with guards and arquebuses to collect
the tribute. Little is consequently lacking to make
them highwaymen. Item: The villages that are
somewhat distant from the Spaniards also pillage
one another as before, and as many pirates are to be
seen as formerly. Even those who come to plead
justice are very ill attended to or despatched.
Finally since both the governor and the officials
and all the rest who hold posts are encomenderos,
there is no one to protect the poor Indians. The
governor having assembled the men who were in
this city, read them this "Opinion" of ours, and
asked them for their opinion. They all said as one
man that the tribute which was given them was little
in proportion to what could be given, for each of
them was considering his own interests and was not
frank. In regard to the justification for their wars,
they say that some are waged on the authority of
father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and some on mine.
In those on my authority, I know that they have
never asked my opinion in any of them except at the

30 See this "Opinion" in vol. hi, pp. 253-259; and Lavezaris's
reply thereto, pp. 260-271.

29° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol- 34

beginning (not at the first entrance in £ubu, but in
the insignificant warfare waged at Baybay). That
was for no other purpose than to destroy some boats
of the natives, for no people or anything else were
encountered in the villages. Also at other times
when they were going in search of provisions when
they were suffering dire necessity, [my opinion was
asked]. They also summoned me when it was re-
solved that the master-of-camp should go for the
first time to this city of Manila. It was, however,
resolved in that council that hostilities must not be
engaged in with the natives, although the Spaniards
should be provoked. Whether they did it is seen
from the result, for they entered Manila by force of
arms, and turned the very artillery of the natives
upon the latter when they were fleeing, and burned
their village. If they have no blame in the matter,
then let them allege their excuses, and that doctrine
has been preached to them often. I gave my
"Opinion" in writing so that they can clear them-
selves if they can truly do so; for I wish that most
heartily, or any greater good, rather than that they
should have any blame before God. However, I
cannot discover that they are cleared, for they have
made war and conquest by their sole authority and
without his Majesty's order. After that they made
a false report to his Majesty, saying that the land
was subdued, and that the natives had become sub-
ject to his Majesty voluntarily and without any war.
I would like, just as was shown by our "Opinion,"
that you would examine his Majesty's instruc-
tions, so that one may see whether I say true, or
whether the conquest has been made according to his
Majesty's instructions. Many complaints are made

1280-1605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 29 1

against the governor, and some of them with good
reason. For will your Excellency consider whether
he can be a good governor who is favorable to bribes,
and not only that, but who even asks them from all
persons, even if they be for mean considerations; and
who although they be given outright an*d not loaned,
readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury], the
payment for which will be made even if another
[than the original holder] should demand it; and
who hates to hear Indians on whom he was taking
vengeance complain. But insomuch as this is so
notorious here that your Excellency can get informa-
tion regarding it from all who come to this country,
I refer the above to them, as well as other slight
faults of which I shall say nothing although they are
public property. I will say no further, for I am well
assured that some one will not be lacking who will
give his pen full sway in this, to say nothing of his
tongue.

Blessed be God, the instruction goes on, and the
Indians are taking it up. Already there are many
Christians here at Manila. Although there are
religious also at Tondo, Lubao, Mindoro, Octon,
Qubu, Vahi, and Bonbon, the Indians have not yet
begun to be converted. 31 We priests are living each
one singly in his own house, except in Manila where
there are two, and in.Qubu where there are also two.

Although some of the religious desire to return to
that Nueva Espafia because of their great scruples
concerning the actions of this country and the lack

31 The original at this point is somewhat blind. The last two
sentences read there: Ay ya muchos xptianos aqui en mantla y en
tondo y en lubao y en mindoro y en Octon y en qubu en vahi y en
bonbon aunque tan bien ay Religiosos aun no an comencado a
convertirse.

292 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

of permanence here, I have detained them and am
detaining them in the hope that your Excellency or
his Majesty will provide the relief that is advisable
by the first ships.

A general epidemic of smallpox has raged here
this year, which has spared neither childhood, youth,
nor old age. I believe that there are very few who
have not had it (that is, of the natives), and many
people have died of it.

I have seen one of his Majesty's decrees, in which
he orders the governor to inform him of the causes
for making slaves among these natives. 32 Although
the causes might be more largely drawn out, yet all
the causes might be covered under four heads : those
who are slaves of long standing or from their birth;
those by captivity; those for crimes; and those for
loans. Although there is nothing known about the
causes for the slavery of those were born slaves, be-
cause their fathers and grandfathers were slaves, it
is presumed that the cause is one of the other three.
The captives are generally made slaves by unjust
wars, for all these people are pirates who go an-
nually by sea to pillage those who live in careless
ease, or to any village which may not be bound to
them by ties of blood or alliance. At times when
they see their own people, they do not even keep
peace with them. I speak of the Visayans or Pinta-
dos, who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones
or Moros. However, some villages have just wars
against others because the others have shown them
some act of treachery under guise of friendship ; for

32 See this order in the letter written to Legazpi by Felipe II,
on November 16, 1568, ante, p. 237; and the report given by
Guido de Lavezaris, vol. hi, pp. 286-288.

1 2 80-1605] RADA TO ENRIQUEZ 293

they are a very treacherous people, and eager to shed
blood. But very few are captured in this way unless
they are very young children, for they kill all of
them, even the women, when they make any prison-
ers. Those enslaved for crimes are generally en-
slaved for theft, however small it be; and for other
small offenses that break their laws and prohibitions.
The chiefs invent many things in order to subject the
common people. When they break any of the laws,
whether they know it or not, they are immediately
fined. If the culprit has nothing with which to pay
the fine to which he is condemned, he is immediately
enslaved. If one commits a serious crime such as
murder, adultery, administering poison to any influ-
ential person, not only he but his children, parents,
brothers and sisters, and relatives are enslaved.
Slaves are also made for loans, for the principal of
the loan continues to increase at such a rate that how-
ever small a sum may have been borrowed (although
it be only of the value of four reals) , it will have in-
creased to such an extent before four years have
passed that one will become wholly a slave on
account of it. The same thing occurs for the mere
fact of having fed one for a few days during a period
of need. Also among the slaves lately made one
may, strange to say, find a man who seems to have
been made a slave justly, and we believe it is also
true of those slaves of long standing, although the
origin of their slavery is unknown. I write this here
distinctly and clearly as a man who has mixed and
lived with the natives and in their midst from the
beginning. I know their customs, more intimately,
I believe, than most of the people who live in this
country. [I write this] so that there may be no occa-

294 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

sion for the ruination of the land because of the false
relations made there [in Nueva Espaiia]. May our
Lord preserve the great and excellent person of your
Excellency and prosper you for many years with
ever increasing station. Manila, the last of June,
1574. Your Excellency's most humble servant and
chaplain kisses your hands.

Fray Martin de Herrada

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS
TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We wrote your Majesty a report of occurrences in
these regions by the ships that left these islands in
the month of July of last year. Inasmuch as we have
heard from the viceroy and officials of Mexico that
the letters have been received, as well as the other
things sent to your Majesty, we shall repeat nothing
of that letter in this except to say that the ship "San
Juan," one of the three that set out last year, re-
turned to port again, although we thought here at the
time of its return that it was already in Nueva Spaiia.
Consequently, it was necessary to allow it to remain,
and again careen and scrape it since there was time
for it. Therefore the deck was again entirely re-
planked and the keel releaded, and it is as good as if
just from the shipyard. It will sail somewhat short
of rigging, for we have not been able to get any, try as
we would; and although we have written to Mexico
asking them to supply it thence, we have not been
supplied because of what will be related below in the
present letter. However, it is ready to sail at the first
opportunity with that defect remedied as well as
possible. Consequently, we are writing this letter in
order to advise your Majesty of the other things that
have occurred hereabouts.

296 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

We are again sending in the ship "San Juan" cer-
tain cases of earthenware, boxes, and gold jewels
which were sent your Majesty in the same ship last
year; and in addition, one crown, two chains, and
two daggers for the prince Don Ffernando our
sovereign (whom may God preserve for many
years). At the news of his birth we thanked our
Lord heartily for having given your Majesty an
heir, 33 as well as for the good news and the victory of
his most serene [Don Juan] of Austria, 34 against the
Turks, which came together with the news of your
heir. May our Lord preserve your Majesty and
give you life to enjoy such victories for many years
and other greater ones for the exaltation of His holy
Catholic faith.

A ship from Nueva Spaiia arrived here on the
sixth of the present month, which was despatched
by the viceroy and royal officials. One night before
these islands were sighted, the other ship separated
[from it], not because of bad weather, but because
the flagship struck its sails while the almiranta
passed on ahead though somewhat senselessly. It is
thought to be among these islands taking on fresh
supplies, for the ships sailed somewhat short. Con-
sequently, we are looking for it daily, and we have
sent a searching party for it, in case that it needs
anything. If it arrives ere the departure of this ship,
we shall inform your Majesty of it. We have al-
ready said that we have informed your Majesty of

33 Of the four sons of Felipe II and Anna of Austria, only the
third, Felipe III, lived beyond childhood.

34 This was the battle of Lepanto, which was fought October
7, 1 57 1. Cervantes, the author of Don Quixote, took part in
this battle, in which he was wounded.

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 297

all the discoveries made here [as yet]. Later
occurrences are that the province of Ylocos which
is located in the northern part of this island of Lugon
has been allotted in repartimientos, and we have sent
men to colonize it. Another province located in
the eastern part of this same island, called Cama-
rines, has also been explored and pacified. The men
are warlike and well armed for Indians; for they
have corselets of buffalo hide, iron greaves, and
helmets set with fishbones and stout shells, which no
weapon except the arquebus can damage. Those
people told us that they would be our friends, and
they are so, according to the advices that we have
received. We are awaiting a captain who is there
with some soldiers, in order to see the result of what
has happened, and in order that we may assign the
land, and reward in your Majesty's name those who
have served and are serving you in these regions.

The king of Burney was expected here last year,
for we heard that he was going to attack us with
more than three hundred sail. In reality we have
learned that he had tried to do it, as he has two young
warlike sons who intended to come for that purpose ;
but some chiefs of this island advised them not to do
it. On the contrary we have heard from some men
who have come from that island that the king desires
our friendship and to become your Majesty's vassal.
Upon that the governor sent a Moro messenger, a
native of this island, to the king with letters advising
him to become our friend and your Majesty's vassal.
The letters said that all those who wished should
come to these islands to trade as formerly, and the
governor offered them all peace and love. We are
daily expecting the return of those who went thither.

298 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

When they have come, we shall also advise your
Majesty of it. It will be a great benefit for us who
live here to have that king as our friend.

The chief and ruler of the river of Mindanao has
also written a letter to us in which he says that he
wishes our friendship and to become your Majesty's
vassal. He has put his desire into works, for while
the Spaniards were at the point of Cabit bartering
for cinnamon (for it is obtained in quantity there in
that same island called GBindanao) that king came
personally with five ships laden with food and other
things for the Spaniards. The Spaniards had al-
ready left when he arrived, and, upon discovering
that, the king determined to send some Moros of this
island of Lugon with a letter, in which he offered
himself as a friend. They also sent us an oral mes-
sage by those who came, to the effect that the chief
would aid and protect us in all our necessities. Since
these two chiefs have become our friends this whole
land is very quiet. This will be of great service to
your Majesty.

The Chinese come hither annually with their mer-
chandise, although they do not bring anything
valuable. Six ships came this year - three here and
three to Bindoro. They have been told to bring
good and rare articles, and they have promised to do
so next year. They were very well satisfied with
the good treatment that has always been and is
shown them, because of the profit that they make in
trade with us. If they bring rare articles, we shall
serve your Majesty with what shall be brought. This
archipelago of islands is large and the islands many.
This island of Lugon is the best and largest of all
because it has a numerous population. It is rich in

1 2 80-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 299

gold, and has mines. So long as the mines are un-
worked, your Majesty cannot fail to incur great
expense in these parts; and since ships have to be
sent annually, as is ordinarily done, by granting per-
mission for this to merchants, your Majesty could
send what people had to come here and the rein-
forcements; and from the cargoes that they carried
to these parts, you could impose such and such a per
cent; whence you could meet the expenses [incurred
here]. You could send only one large ship of five
hundred tons or more, in which the cinnamon and
other spices and drugs which are being found could
be carried, while another consignment could be
carried in each merchantman. This ship which is
about to sail now is small and will not carry more
than eighty quintals or so of cinnamon. A huge
quantity of cinnamon is gathered here and will be
gathered for next year. We shall continue yearly
to send to Mexico what can be carried there, whence
advice will be given to your Majesty of what will be
sent as well as of what shall have been done in regard
to that which has been sent during former years.

We have written to Nueva Spafia to the viceroy
and officials of your Majesty, notwithstanding that no
treasures have been sent them since we have not had
them hitherto in so great quantity, in order that they
might send us in your Majesty's name, the necessities
that are needed daily in these regions. The officials
reply to us that they have no commission from your
Majesty for it. We beseech your Majesty to exercise
your magnanimity and please have your officials of
Mexico ordered to supply us with the things for
which we send to ask them for the service of your
Majesty and the sustenance of this camp. At the

3°° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

least, we generally need powder, arquebuses, and the
other ammunition that is generally used, besides the
other things that must necessarily be had, in consid-
eration of the fact that your Majesty's ships must
come to these districts. For the most abundant thing
that we have for this ship "San Juan" which is now
about to depart, is the poor rigging that it carries,
for there is no other, although it is taken from three
ships which are here. The ship which arrived lately
carried nothing of consideration except that which
it needed for itself. Therefore, there is great need
of rigging also. The memorandum which was sent
to them [*.£., the viceroy and the royal officials of
Mexico] in the other ships is herewith enclosed for
your Majesty, so that you may please have rigging
provided although it arrive late. The viceroy and
officials write us that they have given your Majesty
a report of it in the advice ships which they de-
spatched from Nueva Espafia to your Majesty.

We have heard that your Majesty sent us certain
decrees in the time of the adelantado [Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi] which we have not as yet seen ; but the
governors retain them without giving us any knowl-
edge of them. We petition your Majesty that the
decrees and provisions be sent to us henceforth and
enclosed in the letters that your Majesty may be
pleased to write us, so that your Majesty's orders
to us may be carried out with all diligence ; and that
you will have the governors of these districts
ordered not to meddle in what concerns the royal
treasury and estate, in accordance with the conces-
sion that your Majesty has granted to the officials of
Mexico, and that we be neither more nor less than
they, judges and officials of your Majesty's royal
estate; for so is it advisable for your royal service.

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 3 QI

The Augustinian religious who are in these
districts have endeavored to appraise the tributes of
this land, both those of the villages assigned to your
Majesty and the others which are held by the
encomenderos. However, no more is collected than
that assigned and imposed by the adelantado Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi. That consists of one manta two
brazas long and one wide, and two fanegas of rice;
and if they do not possess that, three maes of gold.
Each maes is equivalent to two and one-half reals,
which is its value in this land. The Augustinians
declare on their consciences that it is enough for each
Indian to pay a tribute of one maes, or two and one-
half reals. We have daily disputes on this score and
the Augustinians even went so far during the Lent
just past as refusing to confess us. They have de-
clared that your Majesty does not own or possess
this land with good title, and say that the order
requisite in the conquest and pacification of it has
not been observed. Will your Majesty order what
must be done in this matter and whether we are here
in this land under a just title or not. The governor
is sending a detailed relation and report to your
Majesty regarding all the above, so that after you
have seen it you may enact what must be done re-
garding it and in the other matters, so that the en-
comenderos and people in this country may be
rewarded for their labors and may not go to hell as
the friars say. Until this matter is determined, we
shall collect the amount imposed by the said ade-
lantado, for most of the encomenderos have less than
one thousand Indians. 35

We are advising the viceroy so that he can write
to your Majesty, representing the slight benefit that

35 See ante, p. 236, note 19.

3° 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

we have received as yet, and after so long a time,
although we were among the first to come for the
discovery of this land, in order that we may enjoy
some repartimientos as conquistadors, explorers, and
colonists -at least I the accountant, Andres Cau-
chela. For your Majesty's treasury has not contained
the wherewithal from which we may be paid our
salaries because of assisting with its receipts in the
affairs of this camp - a matter for the good of all -
and in aiding the carpenters and the other men who
are wage earners. Therefore, we petition your
Majesty to please remunerate us in this by exercising
your so magnanimous power as king and sovereign.
Inasmuch as the governor is writing to your Majesty
at length and is giving you advice of all the events
of these districts, we refer you to him in this regard.

When Governor Miguel Lopez de Legaspi died,
Guido de Labagaris was treasurer of your Majesty's
royal estate. He succeeded Legaspi and is now the
governor of these districts.

Inasmuch as that office [of treasurer] became
vacant, and the factor Andres de Mirandaola was
sent a prisoner to Nueva Spafia, and hence only the
accountant was left to look after the royal estate,
the governor appointed me, Salvador de Aldave, to
the office of treasurer until your Majesty should pro-
vide otherwise. I petition your Majesty to please
concur in this and confirm it, in consideration of the
fact that I have served your Majesty well and faith-
fully in these parts for more than seven years in the
discovery, conquest, and pacification of these islands.
May our Lord preserve your royal Majesty's sacred
Catholic person with an increase of greater king-
doms and seigniories as we your Majesty's servants

1280-1605] ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II 303

desire. Manila, July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic
Majesty, your Majesty's faithful servants who
humbly kiss your royal feet.

Andres Cabchela
Salvador de Aldave

ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED BY LEGAZPI

[The following document has been abstracted
from a portion of the original document by Pablo
Pastells, SJ., and is given by him in his edition
of Colin's Labor evangelica (Barcelona, 1904), i,
pp. 157, 158, note. In it will be found many of the
names of the early conquistadors, and abundance of
proof of the inexact knowledge of the country ob-
tained by the Spaniards.]

In the testimony given by the notary Fernando
Riquel in the city of Manila, June 2, 1576, and
which was taken from the government records, ap-
pears an attested relation of the encomiendas which
were distributed among the original Spanish con-
quistadors of Filipinas. From this document
especially noteworthy from the viewpoints of his-
tory, geography, and politics, it appears that the
islands at the time of Sande's arrival, had been
divided into encomiendas in the following manner.
In Cebu, Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port
and the village as far as Canipata (January 16,
1 571 ) . In the rest of the island he apportioned (Jan-
uary 25, 1 571) 3,000 Indians to Jeronimo de Mon-
zon; 2,000 to Cristobal Sanchez; and 1,000 to Fran-
cisco Carreno. In Panay, he assigned to his Majesty
(January 16, 1571) the river and settlement of Panay
from the coast to Catitlan. On October 31, he appor-

1280-1605] ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED 305

tioned about 4,000 Indians of Sogut (the mouth of
the Araut River) and Malpa, with their tingiies
(mountains) and hills to the chief-constable Gabriel
de Ribera; about 6,000 Indians on the Araut River
near the coast from the villages of Dayt, Payan,
Pinabao, Tongo, Pandan, Nonoc, Dumangal, Cara-
rao, Balig, Bantao, Mata, Hanin, Daripe, and the
villages of the tributary that flows into the Bumey
River between Potocan and Bulney with their tin-
giies and hills, to Captain Luis de la Haya; to Lope
Rodriguez and Diego Lopez de Valdepenas, 2,000
Indians apiece, in the villages of Cali and Sibucao
up the river (at the entrance of the Araut River) past
the village of Daripe and as far as Sicapurut. On
November 2, he assigned 4,000 Indians of the Pua
River between Bago and Marianao, and the branch
of Barbaran, with their tingiies and hills, to the sol-
diers Baltasar Rodriguez and Alonso Sanchez;
2,000 Indians apiece on the tributary of the Sibalinte
between Amindan and Banga to the soldiers Fran-
cisco de Ribera and Diego Garcia; the Indians of
Maluhud and its creeks to the soldier Alvaro de
Angulo; 2,000 Indians of the bay of Moguin,
namely, the Indians of the creek of Batan, Aguisan,
Initantaron, Capulanbaril, Dinao, Moguin, and
Manuc, with their tingiies and hills, to the soldier
Gonzalo Riquel; and 2,000 on the tributary of the
Mayo to the soldier Francisco Rey. On November
3, 2,000 Indians on the river of Daclan, and the
villages of Amacatan and Tagaun, with their
tingiies and hills, to Antonio Flores; the Indians of
the villages of Guimba, Caranga, Argahao, Mara-
bagui, and Bugau, with their tingiies and hills to
Hernando de Monroy; the Indians of the river of

3° 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Arui, and the natives of Barugo, Uyungan, Cuyuran,
Naorguan, Bangot, Tibao, Lonio, Cabayan, Lalac,
and Tabangan, with their tingiiues and hills to Ro-
drigo de Vargas; the Indians of Tibaguan and Ba-
guinguin, with their tingues and hills to Esteban
Rodriguez ; and the Indians of the river of Xaro and
those of the villages of Calataca, Pasanhan, Cabuga,
Alenguen, Samble and Sunamburi, with their tin-
gues and hills, to Francisco Duran. On April 5,
1572, the natives of Xaro and the others whom Fran-
cisco Duran had held to Luis Perez. On April 15,
the Indians of Dulungan, Antique, Bunital, and
Asliiman to Diego Ximenez. On June 1, the
Indians of the villages of Oton with its tingues and
hills to Miguel de Loarca. In Cibabao and Paita,
on January 25, 1571, Legazpi assigned the 2,000
first Indians to Bartolome Cindila; 2,000 to Juan de
Aguera; 2,000 to Diego de Quintanilla; 1,500 to
Diego Godinez; 1,500 to Damian Gonzalez; 1,500
to Antonio Ginoves; and the same number each to
Juan Mendez, Francisco de Torres, Andrea de
Luca, de la Xari, and Juan Perez; 1,000 on the river
of Panae of the said islands to Augustin Duerto. On
above two islands in order to avoid disputes among
February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the
the encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca,
Vayan, and Samal to Augustin Duerto and Barto-
lome Andrea ; those of Paita to Juan Griego ; those of
Caguayan to Juan Mendez ; those of Buri to Felipe
de la Xara; those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Perez;
those of Paranas to Andres de Luca; those of Cal-
viga to Juan Gutierrez; and those of Bondo to
Miguel Godinez and Antonio Ginoves.

In the island of Mindanao, the chief river

1 2 80-1605] ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED 2°7

Vindanao, the point of Cauit, the port of Caldera,
the village of Zamboanga and all the villages and
coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the
adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571. On
January 25, he assigned to Juan Griego the natives
of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot, and Tago-
loan(?), with their tingues and hills; to Pedro
Brizeiio de Oseguera, regidor of the town of Santi-
simo Nombre de Jesus, the Indians of Dapitan, Si
Cayap, Siripolo (Dipolog) and Guindayan (Ilaya),
with their tingues and hills; to Pedro Navarro and
Garci Sierras Chacon, the rivers and villages of
Surigao and Parasao, with their tingues and hills;
and to Diego de Porras, the villages of Layaguan,
Luciilan, and Silamaylegue with their tingues and
hills. The same adelantado assigned, on January 25,
1 57 1, to Luis de Santa Cruz the first two thousand
Indians to be reduced; to Diego Lopez Povedano,
a like number; and the same to Mateo Sanchez,
Domingo de Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Francisco
Rodriguez, Simon Garcia, Andres de Villalobos,
and Pedro Isardo; 1,500 to Alonso Osorio, Martin
Lopez, Bartolome Madrigal, Juan Gutierrez, Cris-
tobal Nunez Pareja, Miguel Galvan, Gaspar Ruiz,
and Martin de Campos. He did not assign the
above any definite villages, but the tribute was to be
divided pro rata in proportion to the number con-
ceded to each one. However, in order to avoid dis-
putes, on September 6 of that same year, Legazpi
assigned to Francisco Rodriguez and Luis de Santa
Cruz the rivers of Tanac, Davi, and Monalongon,
with their tingues and hills; to Francisco Tellez,
Domingo Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Martin
Lopez, Simon Garcia, and Martin de Campos, the

3°8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ■ [Vol. 34

river and villages of Ilo and Majamio, with their
tingues; to Andres de Villalobos, Diego Lopez
Povedano, Mateo Sanchez, and Pedro Isardo, the
river and villages of Inabangan and Adelinte, with
their tingues; to Juan Gutierrez Cortes, the river of
Bago; to Gaspar Ruiz, that of Tigaguan, and to
Cristobal Nunez Pareja, that of Caracol. In the
island of Leite, Legazpi assigned, on January 25,
1 57 1, the two thousand Indians first reduced to Juan
Martin; 2,000 to Juan Vexarano, Lazaro Bruzo,
Alonso de Henao, Francisco de Sepulveda, and
Pedro Sedeno; 1,500 to Juan de Trujillo, Juan Fer-
nandez de Leon, Lorenzo de Villafaiia, Gaspar de
los Reyes, and Martin de Aguirre. September 5,
1 57 1, he assigned 2,000 Indians to Francisco de
Quiros. On the sixth, he assigned to the abovesaid
the villages and environs of Maracaya, Omoc, Cal-
bacan, and the rivers of Barugo, Palos, Vito, Mayay,
Vincay, Inunganga, Zuundaya, Cabalian, Minaya,
and de los Martires [i.e., of the martyrs], and the
villages of Sugut, Canamocan, and Ilongos.

In the island of Luzon, January 16, 1571, he as-
signed to his Majesty the settlements of Manila, the
port of Cavite, and the seacoast settlements lying
between them. July 28, he conceded to Goiti 8,000
Indians of the lake and river of Bombon; November
14, to Juan Gonzalez de Pedraza, the villages of
Bondo, Butanguian, Tonacatan, Marabatau, Pu-
rusgu, Manilau, Mahauay, Naos, Camauron,
Tarique, Macabaras, Bigo, and Nuslan; to Fer-
nando Riquel, the Indians of the principal branch
of the river Macabur, and its creeks; to Andres de
Ibarra, from the point of the bay of Manila, to the
terminus of Bonbon; to Juan de la Isla, the Indians

1 2 80-1605] ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED 309

of Malinao, Banban, Tuxas, Palatnia, and others of
the Pasig River, island and hill, and the villages of
Bayauan and Pasiin; to Captain Juan Maldonado,
the Indians of the river of Moron of the lake of Bai,
and eleven villages of the said lake; to sargento-
mayor Juan de Moron, the Indians of the Islet of
Calumpit; to Hernan Lopez, 19 villages of the prov-
ince of Batan near the river of Lubao of the bay of
Manila; to Marcos de Herrera, 8 villages of the
creek of Malolos; to Gaspar Ramirez, 16 villages,
14 of which are on the river of Calamba; to Fran-
cisco de Leon, 12 villages of the river of Lunban,
belonging to the lake; to Francisco de Herrera, 4
other villages of the lake; to Martin Gutierrez, 5
villages of the same; to Alonso Ligero, 5 villages;
to Pedro de Herrera, the Indians of the river of
Sinoluan and 6 villages of the lake; to Antonio
Alvarez, 12 villages of the river of Manila; to Lope
Garcia de Herrera, 4 [villages] of the lake. April
15, he assigned to Jeronimo Tirado, 6 villages on
the creek of Atlae; to Juan Mateo Obregon, 15 [vil-
lages] of the lake; to Francisco Baiiol, 3 [villages]
of the same lake; to Benito Diaz, 7 [villages] of the
creek of Olimare, toward Pampanga ; to Amador de
Carruran, 15 villages. May 16, 1572, the adelantado
assigned to his Majesty the village of Castilla, 36 (so
that no other but his Majesty might be lord of the
village that bears such a name), and the villages of
Cabacite and Cabuyal, and likewise those of Uban,
and Bililan, of the bay of Ibalon. May 17, he as-
signed to Cristobal Sanchez, 13 villages of the bay
of Ibalon; and to Juan Lopez, 15 [villages] of the
same bay. May 23, to Pedro de Arnedo, 1 village

36 Loarca mentions this village. See vol. v, p. 85.

310 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

of the bay, and 7 on the coast opposite the entrance
to Ibalon, called Busaygan. In the islands of Min-
doro, Luban, and Elin, on January 16, Legazpi as-
signed to his Majesty the port and village of Vin-
doro. April 15, 1572, he assigned to Felipe Salcedo
the rest of the island of Vindoro, and those of Luban
and Elin. April 10, 1571, the island of Imaras, to
Juan Ramos; February 12, to Andres Lopez Pove-
dano and to Andres de Villalobos, the islands of
Masbat, Capul, and Managua; April 11, 1571, the
island of Maripipi to Agustin Duerto; January 25,
1 571, the island of Camiguinin to Pedro de Figueroa;
November 2, those of Tablas and Qubuyan, and the
creeks of Mahaliid, of the island of Panae, to Alvaro
de Angulo; June 28, 1571, the islands of Bohol and
Bantayan to Rodrigo de Frias; October 31, of the
same year, the islands of Malinduque and Banton to
Pedro de Mena; April 24, that of Donblon to Gon-
zalo Riquel; September 12, 1572, that of Cagallanes
or Negros to Benito de la Cerda, Domingo de Zuazo,
Francisco Tellez, Martin Lopez, Simon Garcia,
and Martin de Campos. For brevity we omit the en-
comiendas assigned by Lavezaris and Doctor Sande,
which are also named in this document. This docu-
ment shows 143 encomenderos whose names are
expressed in it.

DOCUMENTS OF 1580-1605

Letter to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, Martin En-
riquez. Miguel Loarca; June 15, 1580.

Letter to Gregory XIII. Pablo de Jesus, O.S.F.;
14 Kalends of July, 1580.

Bishop Salazar's Council regarding slaves. [No-
tarial document signed by Bishop Domingo de
Salazar, O.P.; October 17, 1581.]

Erection of Manila cathedral. Bishop Domingo de
Salazar, O.P. ; December 21, 1581.

Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeno, S.J.; June 17,

1583-

Letter to Felipe II. Bishop Domingo de Salazar,

O.P. ; June 18, 1583.
Relation of the Philipinas Islands. [Unsigned and

undated; 1586?]
Letter to Felipe II. Juan Bautista Roman; July 2,

1588.
Letter to Felipe II. Gomez Perez Dasmariiias;

June 21, 1 591.
Royal decree regarding hospitals for natives. Felipe

II; January 17, 1593.
Augustinian affairs. Thomas Marquez, O.S.A., and

the nuncio of Spain; 1599.
Letter to Felipe III from the ecclesiastical cabildo.

Juan de Bivero, and others; July 3, 1602.
Letter to Felipe III. Bernardino Maldonado; June

21, 1605.

Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the second and
eleventh, which are obtained from MSS. in the archives of the
Vatican, Rome, and the seventh which is obtained from a pamphlet
in the British Museum.

Translations : The second, fourth, and eleventh are by Rev.
T. C. Middleton, O.S.A. ; the remainder are by James Alexander
Robertson.

LETTER FROM MIGUEL LOARCA TO
MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

Whenever I have been in this city at the departure
of the ship, I have sent your Excellency a report of
matters in this country. I did so last year by the ship
"Trinidad" which left this port of Manilla. I in-
formed your Excellency of the trouble and the ex-
pense to my property to build that ship and the other
oared vessels which were built during the two years
that the shipyard was established there and I was
superintendent of it; and of the pay which Doctor
Francisco de Sande gave me for it. He not only did
not reward me, but tried to undo me in all possible
ways. [He would have done that] if it had been
possible, but God has ever upheld me by His hand,
so that no unfitting thing could be done to me. When
he saw that he could not harm me, he deceived me
with promises, all of which have turned out false.
All this great hatred that he has exercised toward
me has been because of my having gone to explore
China by order of Guido de Lavegaris while he was
inside the islands. He would have liked that expedi-
tion to have been carried on by his own order. Now
God has been pleased to deliver us from his wrath.
May it please God that it be for the best. I shall tell
here in brief what I know about China and this land,

3H THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

as a man who has seen it all and understands a part. 37
I petition your Excellency most humbly to pardon
my extreme boldness. It is a fact that neither his
Majesty in Espafia nor your Excellency in that land
are informed truly of what is advisable for the
prosecution of these conquests and the increase of
his royal crown. Consequently, just the reverse to
what is necessary here is enacted, and thus the money
is wasted, and all the men who are sent are exhausted.
I have recognized this during the present year more
strongly than in former years. I would willingly be
more specific, but I am sharply warned by experi-
ence. Thus the letters which I wrote to your Excel-
lency last year which were carried by father Fray
Jeronimo Marin, 38 the latter wrote me were either
lost or stolen from him. Next year, if it please God
to have Captain Pedro Caraballo make the journey,
I shall dare to write your Excellency at greater
length. I beg your Excellency to make use of me as
a servant and to shield me with your protection.
That is what sustains all of us who are here; and I
need it more today than any one else. For, since I
had the shipyards for two years in my villages 39,
without receiving any salary, and without anything
needed for the construction of the ships being fur-
nished, or help being sent to those who were working
there, and since I was continually written by Dr.
Sande and his Majesty's officials that the royal treas-

37 See vol. vi, p. 116, note 28; also Loarca's Relation, vol. v,.
pp. 34-187.

38 See vol. vi, p. 88, note 22.

39 The preceding document says that Legazpi assigned the vil-
lages of Oton (where the shipyard was established) to Miguel de
Loarca, June 1, 1572.

1 280-1605] LOARCA TO ENRIQUEZ 3 1 5

ury was entirely empty, and that I should advance
money from my household: consequently, as I at-
tended to my obligations in his Majesty's service, I
spent all my substance and have exhausted all my
repartimiento. Therefore have I become poor and
have now so little relief from any reward unless your
Excellency concedes it from there by ordering it to
be given me. May our Lord preserve your Excel-
lency's person for many long and happy years with
the health and increasing prosperity that your
Excellency merits and that your Excellency's serv-
ants desire. The city of Manilla, June 15, 1580.
Most excellent sir, your Excellency's humble serv-
ant kisses the very excellent hands of your
Excellency.

Miguel de Luarca

LETTER FROM PABLO DE JESUS TO
GREGORY XIII

Account of the journey to the Philippine Islands of

Brother Paul de Jesus of the congregation of the

discalced [Franciscans^.

To the most blessed father Gregory XIII, chief
pontiff, the humble congregation of discalced breth-
ren resident in the Philippine Islands offer homage.

Since in the midst of such weighty, such burden-
some labors and sorrows - the while everywhere the
mighty forces of so many and such various heresies
are raising up storms against the Church, and threat-
ening it as it were with sword and flame, nay, even
utter destruction, there is no doubt that with the same
charity wherewith, as the true father of all, thou
dost embrace all, thou deplorest this most grievous
loss of souls ; nor can that benignity and clemency of
thy spirit, which is from on high, bear without
grieving, nor grieve without ceasing, for this most
direful plague that is daily spreading apace in the
sight of all men, with the havoc of towns, cities,
provinces, even kingdoms that at one time were the
flourishing abodes of Catholic faith and piety.
Therefore, most blessed Father, it has seemed worth
our while, as well as our duty, as thy most loyal
children, to strengthen thy Blessedness as it were with
fresh pleasure and fresh joy, through the recountal

1 280-1605] PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY XIII 3*7

of those things which the most merciful God is
working in these far away seas and countries. Nor
do we think thy spirit, thirsty as it is for the safety of
souls, will be refreshed with merely ordinary joy at
the news that in these islands of the Indias holy
Mother Church has brought forth without number
as it were new offspring and new children of the
faith. For inasmuch as by order of thy Holiness
we have come to these shores, we deem it our duty
to relate the whole course of our journey and of our
wanderings. From the place where Brother Pedro
Alfaro, at the time guardian of our congregation,
sent letters to thy Blessedness, we encountered a diffi-
cult voyage, all of us nearly having been stricken
down with illness, wheref rom six of the brethren our
companions died. At length we reached Nova Hi-
spania, whence after a sojourn of six months in order
to recover our strength and former good health, we
set sail on the Ides of March in the year 1578, 40 and
after a very long voyage of two thousand one hun-
dred leagues, we fifteen brethren landed at the
islands known as the Philippines. While on our
voyage thither we touched at a certain island three
hundred leagues distant from the Philippines, very
fruitful in rice, and cocoanut-bearing palms. This
island is inhabited by men who are savages going
utterly stark, with no covering at all, the women,
however, concealing their private parts with the leaf
of a tree. The people are large of frame, robust,
and given to pilfering, whence the name of the
island Ladrones. The natives brought us fruits, fish,

40 This should be March 15, 1577, for the first Franciscan mis-
sion arrived at Manila June 24, 1577. The date 1578 is also
given by Gonzalez de Mendoza (see vol. vi, p. 125).

3 1 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

rice, and other eatables, which they bartered for
iron, which they value more than gold. Some of our
companions through pity for those islanders wished
to remain with them, in order to bring them to the
light of the faith. But we did not think it wise to
leave them alone and without arms among such a
multitude of barbarians. Sailing thence we soon
reached the Philippine Islands, where we found the
fathers of the Augustinian order, who, fairly worn
out with their unspeakable hardships, toils, dangers,
and sufferings for the last twelve years, gave us the
heartiest of welcomes. In the beginning they
seemed to be without any hope that we ever could
bring those Indians to the light of the Christian
faith; all their labors, they said, had been fruitless,
their efforts in vain, their toil for the benefit of those
people without result. For twelve years they had
employed every endeavor, nor left anything undone
whereby they might induce them to forswear their
idols and embrace the true Catholic religion, but all
to no purpose. Wherefore, they had it in mind to
prepare for baptism only those whose tender and
youthful age gave promise of success. But happily
by divine bounty, before long, after hope had given
out, after we had been stationed in different parts of
the islands, so great a multitude of men, women, and
children flocked to us for instruction and baptism,
that we were unable to cope with their numbers - a
matter that was the more wonderful since this wild
and savage race of men had never displayed the
slightest trace of religion, and had neither places of
worship, nor sacrifices. Very many of them prac-
ticed circumcision and many other similar vanities
from their relationships with the Mahometans of

1 2 80-1605] PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY XIII 3*9

Burneo, an island three hundred leagues distant.
Thus they would not eat swine-meat, nor that of ani-
mals that had been strangled, besides other such prac-
tices. Some of them, who practiced circumcision,
traced its origin not to the Mahometans, with whom
they had no acquaintance, but to their own very re-
mote ancestors. Some of them worshiped a certain
bird, others the crocodile; for holding the same fancy
regarding the transmigration of souls as was held by
Pythagoras in his palingenesis, they believed that,
after certain cycles of years, the souls of their fore-
fathers were turned into crocodiles. To their par-
ents and children after death, they erected statues
rudely hewn of wood, in the belief that the souls of
the deceased found lodging in such images. They
celebrated Bacchanalian feasts with drinking-bouts
and barbarous outcries, with offerings of food and
garments made to the idols themselves, from which
they sought health and riches. They worshiped the
moon, with sacrificial offerings to it in many places
at the time of the new moon. Priapus 41 after a semi-
lar fashion of the Romans they revered as the guard-
ian of their fields. Among these Indians were
priests known as catolonas y who were held in such
respect that, if they prophesied of a person ill of any
disease that he would die of that disease, forthwith
the poor patient refusing all food would soon end his
life through starvation. Among them are no real

41 Priapus, the son of Dionysus and Aphrodite, was the god of
fruitfulness of the field and of the herd. Horticulture, vine-
growing, goat and sheep-herding, bee-keeping, and even fishing
were under his protection. His statues (generally cut out of
wood, stained with vermilion) with a club and sickle and a
phallic symbol of the creative and fructifying power of nature
were usually placed in gardens. -See Seyffert's Dictionary of
Classical Antiquities, p. 515.

3 2 ° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

rulers and no form of administrative government.
Whoever among them is mightiest in strength and
riches, whether by force or strategy, reduces all
others to bondage to himself. As among them there
is constant recourse to bloodshed, robbery, and
plundering, so nothing is ever settled by agreement
or law. With regard to marriage the same custom
does not hold everywhere. For some, the far greater
majority, even recognize no real marriage bonds, as
for the most trivial reasons they divorce their wives,
take up with other women, some of them, the
chieftains especially, whom they style maguinoos,
having two wives at one time. We have been told
that among some Indian tribes the laws of marriage
are held in much higher regard. For after the mar-
riage rite has been performed, prayers are offered to
the gods to endow the spouses with fruitfulness, nor
ever let them be sundered save by death ; otherwise,
should they be parted, they are cursed and the wrath
of the gods called down upon them. Should any
person be guilty of securing a divorce, the culprit
is punished, the wife with the loss of her dowry, the
husband with the payment of gold. Whoever vio-
lated these ancestral rites and customs forfeited the
respect of the people. By nature these barbarians
are sharp-witted beyond belief, and gifted with such
tenacity of memory that whatever they once have
been taught, for they are wonderfully quick in
learning, they rarely if ever forget. Therefore, they
easily yield to truth, and when shown what is wrong,
quickly detest it, treating the brethren who go among
them preaching with courtesy and kindness. Nay,
not infrequently, they themselves seek out a brother,
to whom as they hearken with readiness they let him

1 2 80-1605] PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY XIII 3^1

depart with tears in their eyes. If we only had enough
missionaries, there would be nowhere in the Philip-
pine Islands unbelief of any sort. Very many of the
natives confess their sins with sorrow and faith.
They believe in the many and very frequent miracles
which Almighty God works among them through
blessed water, the sacred holy gospels, and the relics
of the saints.

Bearing in mind that mandate of our Redeemer,
Jesus Christ our Lord, "Go ye into the whole world
and preach the gospel to every creature" [Mark
xvi, 15], we were fired more and more every day
with the desire oi preaching the gospel in the
mighty kingdom of China. Wherefore, four breth-
ren of our congregation with three soldiers sailed in
a small vessel to Quanton [i.e.. Canton] the richest
city of China, where during their six months'
sojourn, by means of interpreters they preached the
gospel of the heavenly kingdom assiduously in the
presence of viceroys and governors. But the inter-
preters, through fear of losing their heads should
they speak in disfavor of idols, deceived our brethren
by giving their words a far different meaning than
uttered. The Chinese marveled indeed at the poor-
ness of the clothing worn by our brethren and their
spare diet; while especially did they wonder at our
contempt of money when they offered us gold. For
this people are lovers of money beyond belief, where-
fore they styled our brethren good men who had
fallen from the skies. Yet with all their pleadings
could Ours not get leave to remain any longer, since
the laws forbade strangers from taking up their
abode in that kingdom. They accorded them leave,
however, to stay in the city of Machan [i.e., Macao],

322 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

a place inhabited by Portuguese, and distant from
Quanton on the mainland twenty leagues away,
where two of our priests to the great delight of the
patriarch and the Portuguese found a home in the
monastery which they built. 42 Therein the fathers
hoped that with the defeat of the demon's sway a
vast field would be opened to the preaching of the
gospel. The kingdom of China is immense, being
even a thousand leagues in extent, with such a multi-
tude of inhabitants that the whole kingdom seems
one mighty city. The Chinese are fair of color, with
small eyes, much given to trafficking, sharp-witted,
and masters at trade, though in matters that concern
the safety of soul exceedingly dull and senseless.
Though fond of letters they yet are as babes in
science, with naught of artistic polish. Among
them he is held as the greatest scholar who is the
quickest to read and write, and from such as these
are chosen governors, judges, viceroys, whom the
people revere as gods. Above all other nations they
are given to sorcery, superstition, and idol-worship.
The sky they style the father of the gods, while to
the moon to whom they pay their vows, they offer a
sheep, pig, goat, and bull. To such men as they
judge are superior to others in bravery and probity
of life they rear statues. They have too their own
monks and hermits, who living in out-of-the-way
places feed on herbs and fruits of trees under the
belief that after death they will be summoned by the
moon to a residence in the sky. Among them reigns
a great concern for the observance of equity, along
with great skill in the management of the state. In

42 See account of the Franciscan expedition to China by
Gonzalez de Mendoza in vol. vi, pp* 125-134.

1 280-1605] PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY XIII 323

their women so high is their regard for modesty, even
in the largest and wealthiest cities, that barely one
ever was seen by Ours. The men are most unchaste,
utter slaves to sodomy, and so vain as to think them-
selves the wisest of men.

Inasmuch, most blessed Father, as we were in
doubt what course to follow with regard to men, who
having set aside their first wife had married another,
from whom no separation seemed feasible -a
stumbling-block too of no little importance in the
way of their conversion, we read the letters of the
predecessor of thy Holiness, Pius the Fifth of happy
memory, which we have taken care shall accompany
this letter to thy Blessedness :

Inasmuch as we foresaw that many of these
[heathen], if bound to return to their first wives,
would refuse baptism, after reading those letters we
allowed them, after baptism, to live with the wives
they then were mated with, although their former
wives were still living, whom they had divorced too
for the most trivial of reasons. We were blamed
by some who held that the privilege of Pope Pius
the Fifth of happy memory was to be understood as
applying to those who no longer remembered which
of their wives had been married first. But this does
not seem reasonable if the ground alleged in this
privilege be well considered; moreover, prior to this
privilege is another granted by Paul the Third of
blessed memory, wherein this very case of one's sep-
aration from his first wife is recognized, should he
fail to know which of them really was first. But the
second privilege, it seems, ought to have a broader
application than the former. Tell us now, most
blessed Father, we humbly implore thee, what we are

3 2 4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

to do - what course to take as to the past, what pro-
vision for the future - whether in the case of wives
who have been set aside for the flimsiest of reasons,
nay, for none save sheer lust of passion, the [second]
marriages are to be recognized when made in pur-
suance of common custom and as it were by force of
law. For thus we shall be relieved of the chief part
of our burden not only here, but in the kingdom of
China. Let thy Blessedness also give instructions to
the end that we be not hindered in any way by the
Spaniards when traveling to heathen countries, no
matter where they be, but on the contrary that we be
aided in every manner with due help and favor. Let
thy Blessedness also impart from the treasures of
holy Church a share of indulgences to this new plan-
tation and to us, the most unworthy servants of thy
Blessedness, especially that, whenever mass be said at
any altar in the Philippines and at any in the king-
dom of China, through the mercy of God a soul be
freed from the pains of purgatory. God grant, most
blessed Pontiff, especially through thy prayers and
aid, that the intestine storms and havoc of heresy be
quelled, the pride of the Turks laid low, that with
all peoples brought to the light of Catholic faith in
this thy age, with thee reigning as pontiff, be ful-
filled to thy supreme praise that prediction of our
Savior: "There shall be one fold and one shep-
herd" [John x, 16]. Manila 14 Kalends of July,,
1580.
The most obedient son of thy Holiness,

Brother Pablo de Jesus,
and all our congregation.

BISHOP SALAZAR'S COUNCIL REGARD-
ING SLAVES

The meeting and resolution held by the bishop in
regard to the execution of the decree about slaves
Monday, October sixteen of this year one thousand
five hundred and eighty-one, while the most illustri-
ous and reverend Don Fray Domingo de Salazar,
first bishop of these Philipinas Islands, was in the
monastery of St. Augustine in Tondo, he had the very
reverend fathers, Fray Pablo de Jesus, 43 custodian of
the Order of St. Francis, Fray Andres de Aguirre, 44
provincial of the Order of St. Augustine, Father
Antonio Sedeno, 45 rector of the Society of Jesus,

43 Pablo de Jesus was born of a noble family in Catalonia in
1533. He studied at Alcala de Henares, and at the age of
nineteen took the Dominican habit in Madrid. In 1576 he was
enrolled in the first Dominican mission for the Philippines,
where he arrived June 24, 1577. He labored in the provinces of
Camarines, Bataan and Zambales, until July 1, 1580, when he
became custodian. In 1583 he despatched the first missionaries to
Cochinchina. After the completion of his office he was assigned
to the villages of Santa Ana de Sapa and Taytay, and in 1591 was
again elected to the head of his province. He sent the first
Franciscans to Japan. In 1600 he was appointed visitor, and on
his return to Manila retired to the convent of Manila. In 1602
he was elected definitor. He died at the Manila convent in 1610.
See Huerta's Estado, pp. 442, 443.

44 See vol. vi, p. 46, note 2.

45 See vol. ix, p. 311, note 46. He was born of a noble family
in San Clemente of the bishopric of Cuenca in 1532 or 1533. As
a youth, he went to England in the service of the duke of Feria.

326 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Fray Francisco Manrrique, 46 prior of the monastery
of St. Augustine in Manila, Fray Diego de Mux-
ica, 47 prior of the said convent of Tondo, Father
Alonso Sanchez, 48 of the Society of Jesus, Fray Cris-
tobal de Salvatierra, 49 of the Order of St. Dominic
and the bishop's associate, Fray Puan de Plasencia, 50
of the Order of St. Francis, and Fray Alonso de
Castro 51 and Fray Juan Pimentel, of the Order of St.

He entered the Society of Jesus in 1558 or 1559, and studied at
Padua, while at Rome he had charge of the German college.
There he was assigned to the Japanese missions. He was sent
to Nueva Esparia in 1572, after his campaign in Florida in 1568.
After going to the Philippines, it is said that he planned the first
real fortifications of Manila. He endeavored to introduce silk
raising into the islands, and planted many mulberry trees for that
purpose; although his efforts failed. He also introduced many
plants into the islands. His death occurred, according to Sommer-
vogel, September 2, 1595, after having served his order as rector
of Manila and vice-provincial. Colin (p. 197) gives his official
permission for Sanchez's journey to Spain in 1586. See Colin's
Labor evangelica, pp. 335-342, and Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

46 See vol. xxiii, p. 226, note 79.

47 See vol. xxiii, p. 224, note 76.

48 See vol. vii, p. 137, note 9. He was born at Mondejar in
1547, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at Alcala, June 18, 1565.
He went to Mexico in 1579, going thence immediately to the
Philippines. He was twice in China. On his memorable journey
to Spain in 1586, he also went to Rome. He died at Alcala, May
2 7> !593- See Colin's Labor evangelica, pp. 167-317 (a portion
of which consists of documents by Sanchez), and Sommer-
vogel's Bibliotheque.

49 Cristobal de Salvatierra was a native of Salvatierra in Ex-
tremadura, and professed in the Dominican convent at Sala-
manca, August 27, 157 1. He accompanied Bishop Salazar to the
Philippines. He became provisor, and was inexorable in his de-
nunciations of all immorality; but notwithstanding his duties in
that office had time to minister to the natives. He died early in
J 595> deeply regretted. See Reseha biog. y i, pp. 50-52.

50 See vol. vii, p. 185, note 21.

51 Alonso de Castro was born in Mejialburgis, and took the
August inian habit at Salamanca in 1559. He went to the Phil-

1 2 80-1605] COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES Z z 7

Augustine, 52 summoned and assembled in the said
monastery. He informed them that the very illus-
trious Don Gongalo Ronquillo de Peiialosa, his Maj-
esty's governor of these said islands had communi-
cated with his Lordship in regard to the decree con-
cerning the slaves certain methods that he thought
advisable in order that his Majesty's instructions in
regard to the matter might be carried out with more
mildness and less severity and hardship to the com-
munity. Their Lordships having exchanged opin-
ions regarding the matter, the bishop declared that
he thought the matter one of so great seriousness as
it touched so deeply on the life and conscience that it
ought not to be determined without referring it to the
prelates of the orders and the learned and weighty
persons of the orders. For his Majesty had sent him
to that land and was supporting them there for such
necessities and cases. After his Lordship had in-
formed all the abovesaid fathers of the above matter,
he said that he had assembled them in order to lay
the following matters before them.

First: Whether the hardship that it is thought

ippines in 1577, where he became proficient in the Tagalog and
Visayan languages. In 1578 he labored in Calumpit; in 158 1 in
Tigbauan; in Tondo in 1583, and in Oton in 1587. He was
elected prior of Manila in 1589, and presided at the provincial
chapter of 1593 as senior definitor. Felipe II proposed him as
bishop of Nueva Caceres but he died (1597) before he could
assume the office. He wrote three volumes of certain "moral hap-
penings" that occurred during his stay in the Visayas. See Perez's
Catdlogo, p. 18.

62 Juan Pimentel was born at Alba de Tormes, and professed
at the Valladolid convent. He reached the Philippines, by way
of Mexico, with a mission of twenty religious in 1581. Having
accompanied Father Andres Aguirre to Spain on an important
mission in 1582, he died at the Burgos convent in 1586. See
Perez's Catdlogo, p. 22.

328 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

will follow on the part of those who hold slaves or
any other reason that the former can offer in their
behalf will be a sufficient reason so that the governor
may in conscience neglect to publish and execute the
said decree.

Second: Whether, after the publication and or-
der to execute [the decree], he can in conscience neg-
lect the prosecution of its terms and execution be-
cause of the petition that may be presented to his
Majesty in behalf of the masters of the slaves.

Third: Whether, after the said decree has been
ordered executed, the governor can in good con-
science assign any limit within which the masters
shall release the slaves and the latter be recognized
as free ; or whether the masters be obliged to declare
them free immediately. Inasmuch as the matter is
so serious the bishop requested and charged them to
commend it to God, and to consider and confer, and
then under charge of their consciences to declare
their opinion with all freedom and truth. After they
had examined and conferred upon the matter among
themselves, they resolved as follows.

In reply to the first point they declared that his
Majesty's decree is no new law or order, but a dec-
laration of the justice that the matter of the Indians
has of itself, and a reply and resolution of the peti-
tions and reports that have been made from here. It
is the confirmation of another decree given for the
same purpose by the emperor Carlos Fifth of blessed
memory in the former year one thousand five hun-
dred and thirty. He ordered therein that from the
time of its date and thenceforth all the Indians yet
discovered or to be discovered should not be allowed
to become slaves however they might be acquired,

1280-1605] COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES 3 2 9

whether in just war, or got or bought from the na-
tives, although they should be held by the latter as
legitimate slaves. Consequently, it is clear from the
above that no fear or suspicion of any inconvenience
or hardship is sufficient for the governor or any other
person, on whom devolves the execution of the de-
cree, to neglect the execution of it, or to declare the
liberty which the Indians possess inherently, and
which his Majesty declares and concedes. On the
other hand he who shall do the contrary, besides the
most grave sin that he will commit, will be obliged
to restore immediately to the Indians all the service
and wrongs that they shall have received in their
persons, possessions, and honors. The former govern-
ors were in duty bound to have endeavored to free
the slaves, although no new decrees were despatched
by his Majesty, both because of the decree already
issued and because of the manifest injustice that was
being practiced toward one whom they were obliged
to protect, defend, and give justice; for his Majesty
has sent the governors to this land for the correction
of those and other like injuries, and thereby relieves
his conscience through them. In regard to what is
feared from any troubles, it is not credible that they
will follow to a people so loyal and obedient to their
king, because they are ordered to obey him in a mat-
ter so just and so reasonable.

In reply to the second point, they declared that it
is clearly inferred from the answer to the first article
that the governor cannot conscientiously neglect to
follow up the liberty of the said Indians, even though
their masters appeal from the decree. For his Maj-
esty has also been informed of this matter as appears
from the old and new decrees, and from the general

33° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

custom of all the other Yndias, in all of which noth-
ing contrary has ever been allowed or any slave per-
mitted. Hence, it is clear that the present petition is
only a means to postpone and prolong the injustice.
The judge on whom this matter devolves cannot in
good conscience neglect to execute the decree and to
further the liberty of the Indians, in spite of any pe-
tition or effort to the contrary.

In reply to the third point, they declared that the
freedom of the Indians could not be deferred as it
was a matter of natural and divine right and clear
justice, just as he who has anything belonging to an-
other is obliged instantly to restore it, as soon as he
knows it, and the judge who tries the case is bound to
order the restoration. However, they thought that if
the Indians were declared free immediately and
were set at liberty, the governor could order them
not to leave their masters for a brief time, because of
the trouble that they would suffer if their slaves left
them suddenly. When they were asked how long his
Lordship could detain them in the power of their
masters without endangering his conscience, they
said that that depended on the judgment of good and
prudent sense. They all thought that his Lordship
might extend the time for them for the space of
twenty or thirty days. Whoever dared to detain
them for a longer period would be committing mor-
tal sin and be obliged to make restitution.

The bishop having examined the opinions of the
abovesaid fathers, declared that after he had left his
Lordship he had also considered the matter very
deeply and had conferred upon it with grave and
very erudite persons of conscience. The above opin-
ions and the final resolution of the fathers seemed to

1 280-1605] COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES 33 l

him to be quite in harmony with the law of God, and
with natural, divine, and human law, and to be estab-
lished on entire truth and justice. As such he ap-
proved and confirmed those opinions and said that
his opinion was the same as theirs. In the name of
the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, amen. His Lord-
ship signed the same and ordered it sealed with his
seal. The others above named, who gave their opin-
ions in the form herein contained, nemine discre-
pante, also signed it. Given in the convent of Tondo,
October seventeen, of the above-mentioned year.
This opinion was given to the governor with the sig-
natures of all the religious herein contained. In tes-
timony thereof, I affixed my signature to it.

Fray Domingo, bishop of the Filipinas.

ERECTION OF THE MANILA
CATHEDRAL 53

Brother Domingo de Salazar, by the grace of God
and of the Apostolic See bishop of the Philippines,
to all the inhabitants thereof, of either sex, faithful
of Christ, health in Him, who is health indeed.

The providence of our Almighty God is such as it
always has been and will be for all time, that as ages
roll by He reserves the doing of certain wonders,
whereby those things which happened to early gen-
erations are more readily believed by their posterity,
while their descendants are led through the novelty
of those wonders to a knowledge of Him. Thus
wonderful formerly was it that God led the children
of Israel, whom He had brought forth from Egypt,
on dry land across the Red Sea. While after the
death of those who had been eyewitnesses of this
marvel it was believed by their children, just as it
was believed that God had the river bed of the Jor-
dan made dry in order that He might lead them into
the Land of Promise. But not to delay in recalling
the marvels that as we read took place in the days of
our early fathers, let us pass to those that are nearer
our times. Accordingly, with the fulfilment of our
redemption, our Redeemer being seated at the right

53 See the bull for the erection of the Manila cathedral in
vol. iv, pp. 1 19-124.

1 2 80-1 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 333

hand of His Father, what could have been greater,
more wonderful, not to say wholly unbelievable,
than that a few men, and they of the lowliest, as we
read, should, with no human aid whatever, have per-
suaded the men of their days, given over as they were
to crimes and lusts, and all of them thirsty for honors
and the minions of riches, to feel repentance for their
sins and contempt for the world, besides their belief
in the Crucified? Yet in view of what we have wit-
nessed especially in our own days, this wonderful
and almost unbelievable fact ceases to be wonderful,
or at the most is easy enough for belief. That the
Roman people proud in their conquests, haughty
with their trophies, and masterful through their
spoils of a conquered world, should have been
brought to a belief in Christ, which demands that all
these things be despised, is a marvel that cannot be
denied. But what surpassed the power of Peter in
the city of Rome, by whose [shadow] along the way
the ill were made well and set whole on their feet?
or what could not Paul attain at Antioch or Athens,
whose girdle put evil spirits to flight? or, in fine,
what were the apostles not enabled to do in the whole
world, who, filled with the Holy Ghost, spoke in the
tongues of those to whom they were preaching the
faith, who healed the ailing, and raised the dead?
Yet in the things that we have seen happen in our
own times, still mightier is shown the power of God,
and more wonderful His providence. Who, I ask,
unless he wish to keep his eyes closed, but can in an
instant acknowledge that it has been even greater
and more wonderful that barbarous and unbelieving
men, given over wholly to vices of the flesh, sodden
with the rites of their forefathers, with barely other

334 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

concern than that of bodily sense, should without
miracles, with no display of signs, but only through
the preaching of the word of God, have been con-
verted to faith in Christ and bowed their necks to the
Christian religion, when in their conversion of the
Romans, haughty as these were through their con-
quests, or the Greeks filled with their pride of letters,
the apostles gave many signs, and before their very
eyes wrought so many and such stupendous miracles,
that for men, through the employment of sense alone,
not to be converted, would have been far stranger
than their conversion after seeing so many marvels.
But I am aware that many of Ours will assert that
the heathen of our time were won over to Christ and
His teachings not through persuasion but compelled
thereto by the power of arms. But this very fact
which concerns this question very closely, displays
the more marvelous power of our God and the
greater influence of His most holy faith, namely, that
human beings enslaved through force of arms, men
dragged into most pitiable bondage by savage ene-
mies and stripped of their wives, their offspring, and
substance, should yearn to profess faith in that God
and embrace His law from whose followers they
have received so many and such woful wrongs, and
who by their practice belie the faith they have taught.
And what is still further amazing is the fact of their
conversion to this faith by ministers, who neither
healed their sick as Peter, nor raised their dead as
did the apostles, nor spake with tongues, but who
without miracles of any kind, without any signs
whatever, save the preaching of the word of God,
led them to embrace the faith. Nay, what is even
more wonderful, they were converted by ministers

1 2 80-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 335

who, though many of them were of unsullied life,
and deeply skilled in letters, yet (there is the fact,
which, however, we wish not to record as censure
of any special individual but for the glory of God
and as signal proof of the power of faith) , some of
them were men utter strangers to learning, and
(what is more shameful) with but little restraint on
their lusts and vices. So great, however, was the in-
fluence and power of faith whereby, through the
medium of such ministers, who portrayed its virtue
by their preaching, so many thousands of barbarians
were brought to the bosom of holy Mother Church,
their number too still daily increasing more and
more, that we may recognize that the grandeur of
the work is of God.

Thus, as one may see, this plain preaching of the
word of God won over for Christ and His church a
new world, as it is styled, mightier than the old. For
that so great and marvelous work, the benignity of
our God, whose providence in human affairs is never
wanting, received our most glorious rulers of the
Spains, the Catholic Sovereigns, at the bidding of
the holy Catholic Church, so that what He foresaw
should be lacking to preachers, might be supplied
by those most powerful and most Christian kings - a
thing which was manifestly proved by the result.
For with such eagerness, such zeal for the spread of
the faith and the Christian religion did the sover-
eigns themselves welcome the task and ministry thus
entrusted to them by the Roman Church, that be-
grudging no expense, undaunted by toils or dangers,
moved neither by losses nor hardships, they at no
time set any bounds to their venture. Nay, with no
concern for these or other like drawbacks, they labor

33 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

for this sole end that by the inhabitants of the new
world the Lord Christ might be acknowledged, wel-
comed, and adored. Hence at the bidding and ex-
pense of our kings have so many preachers of the
mendicant orders and secular clergy been enlisted to
scour this new world and lead barbarous men to the
worship of the true God. Hence so many Spanish
warriors [have been enlisted] to guard these preach-
ers from receiving harm from the barbaric cruelty of
infidels. Hence, in fine, so many metropolitan, so
many minor cathedral churches, have been erected,
and sees established, whereby the hierarchical order
as maintained by the Roman Church, might be up-
held, and the budding colonies planted in the garden
of the Church bring forth fruit of their conversion.
Moreover, in order that nothing might be lacking to
our most Christian king Philip, in his endeavor to
set further forward the bounds of the Roman
Church, as he knew had been the practice of his fore-
fathers, from whom he had inherited zeal for the
faith and the Christian religion, as well as kingdoms
without bound, under his auspices were discovered
the isles of the west called the Philippines after his
name, which besides being innumerable, abound in
worshipers without number, to whom at the behest
of the Catholic king, and not without great loss to
his treasury, and many hardships and dangers to his
soldiers, the truth of the Gospel has been announced,
and hearkened to by no petty number, which daily
even grows greater, so that one may see fulfilled the
prophecy of Isaias, wherein he says : "The islands
saw it, and feared, the ends of the earth were aston-
ished, they drew near, and came ;" and again : "Thy
sons shall come from afar . . . Then shalt thou see,

1 28o-i 605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 337

and abound, and thy heart shall wonder and be en-
larged, when the multitude of the sea shall be con-
verted to thee;" and in another place: "Enlarge the
place of thy tent, and stretch out the skins of thy tab-
ernacles, . . . lengthen thy cords, and strengthen
thy stakes;" 54 to the end that as he forsaw the
Church might harbor so mighty a multitude as
would be converted to it in ages to come.

Such is the glory of the sovereigns of the Spains,
which no other of the rulers of the world has ever
won. To whom else than the sovereigns of the
Spains, I ask, has it been given, along with the do-
main of the world, to perform an angel's task, and
to wear as king a diadem that has been adorned with
the charge, ennobled with the dignity, and accom-
panied with the authority of an apostle? Should
one view the temporal power of our sovereigns he
will observe that they hold the kingdoms of Castile,
Leon, and Bcetia [*.*., Andalusia] by hereditary
right; those of Aragon, Flanders, Austria by the
right of succession; and those of Sicily and Naples
by the right of war. But as to the other kingdoms
and provinces whereof the number is so great that
one could never count them, these they hold through
the free will of God and from the grant of holy Ro-
man Church.

For should you travel from the land styled Lab-
rador, [in the MS.: "terra quae laboris"], which
faces the north, through the land of Florida, New
Spain, Tierra Firma, to the river Orellana [i.e.,
Amazon], and thence towards the south to the Straits

54 The citations from Isaias represent passages from three dis-
tinct places, viz. : xli, 5 ; lx, 4-5 ; and liv, 2. - T. C. Middleton,
O.S.A.

33$ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

of Magellan, then through the region of Chile and
the kingdoms of Peru, how many thousands of
leagues would you not have to cover, and of how
many races of men would you not have to study di-
verse customs, besides languages beyond count?
Moreover should you embrace the countries, which,
hitherto the property of the kings of Lusitania [*".*.,
Portugal], now by right of succession have fallen to
the crown of Castile (to our invincible monarch
Philip) you would style king Philip master of the
world rather than by any other title. For if, after his
victory over Darius and certain other kings of Asia,
Alexander of Macedon claimed to be master of the
world; if the Romans who however planted not their
banners on the farthest shores of Europe, or Africa,
nor could subdue the whole of Asia, albeit they too
styled themselves conquerors and masters of the
world: by how much stronger right may not the
kings of Spain be entitled, as in fact they are, the
masters of the world, when under their rule and
sway have fallen kingdoms without number, of
boundless extent, whose very names were unknown
to Alexander or to Roman ear. Lest however our
words bear us farther away from our purpose, return
we thither.

Accordingly, to the end that, as was befitting the
grandeur of his zeal, he might act in full correspond-
ence with so excellent and divine a charge - the con-
version of peoples - which through his forefathers
he had received from God and Church, our most
Christian and truly pious and Catholic king Philip,
in order that thence the light of the Gospel might
spread to foreign lands, choose therefore of all the

1280-1605I ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 339

Philippine Islands, Luzon, which besides being
nearer to the most mighty kingdom of the "Sino-
rum," commonly styled China, is nearer also to the
Japanese, the Moluccas, Burneo, and the Javas,
greater and lesser, besides other well-known islands.
Wherefore, the aforesaid Catholic sovereign ob-
tained from our most holy master Gregory Thir-
teenth the erection in the city of Manila, which is
situated midway in the most approachable part of
that island, of a cathedral church [dedicated] to the
immaculate conception of the virgin, to which under
one Catholic prelate holding communion with holy
Roman Church, all the other Philippine Islands
should be subject by diocesan law, and be governed
therefrom; who, moreover, in the said cathedral
church was to establish, erect, and create prebends,
dignities, canonries, as well as other church offices,
and in the lesser churches, benefices, besides all other
things that appertain to the divine worship of God :
to this end that in these countries as elsewhere
under obedience to the holy Roman Church the
order of the hierarchy (as said) should be estab-
lished and maintained. In furtherance of this design
our said most holy master at the instance of the most
Christian king Philip, chose and named me (a use-
less servant and one of the lowliest in the Order of
Preachers), as is more fully displayed in the letters
of our same most holy master, which with due rever-
ence and loyalty we received at Madrid from the
official of the king -the same having been written
after Roman style on parchment with the apostolic
seal in lead pendent therefrom on silken cords of red
and yellow color [whereof all were] whole, entire,

34° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

uninjured, not in any way giving rise to suspicion,
but wholly faultless and without flaw. Whereof
here follows a literal copy.

Gregory Bishop, servant of the servants of God.
In remembrance of the affair forever.

Trusting in the guardianship of Him, whose are
the hinges of the earth, etc.

Accordingly, we, Brother Domingo de Salazar,
the aforesaid bishop and commissary, as appears
from the aforesaid apostolic letters, desirous as a true
and obedient son to carry out fully with diligence
(as we are bound) the apostolic commands entrusted
to us, do accept reverently the said commission, and
through the same apostolic authority wherewith in
this regard we are empowered, do, through tenor of
these presents, erect, create, and establish as cathedral
church, the church of the city of Manila, situated on
the aforesaid island of Luzon, formerly honored
under the name of [blessed?] Peter Apostle, to the
honor of Almighty God and our Lord Jesus Christ,
as well as of His most blessed Mother Mary, under
the title of whose conception the cathedral was
erected by the said our most holy master. Moreover,
while decreeing and declaring the church thus
erected, created, and established, we establish and
create its dignities, prebends, canonries, along with
the portiones 55 and other offices and charges that are
needed by the same church for divine worship, in
the following manner :

The dean, who in the Church ranks first after the
bishop, has as his duty the provision of whatsoever

55 The terms "portiones" and "dimidise portiones" (farther
on) correspond to the "raciones" and "medios raciones" of Spanish
church language. - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 34 1

appertains to the divine office and all other matters
that regard the worship of God, both in choir as well
as at the altar, or in processions in church or out-
doors, in chapter, or wherever else church or chapter
meetings be held, to the end that all be done in si-
lence, with due decency and modesty, according to
ritual and rightly. To the dean also it shall apper-
tain, should any one for reasons wish to leave choir,
to give him leave after he has stated his reasons and
not otherwise.

The archdeacon of the same city, whose duty it
shall be to examine clerics for orders; attend the
bishop at all solemn functions; visit the city and
diocese whenever so charged by the prelate; and any-
thing else ordained by common law. He shall be a
graduate of some university, a licentiate at least in
one or the other law or in theology.

The chanter, for which post none may be pre-
sented unless he be learned and skilled in music at
least in plain song. It shall be his business to sing
and teach whatever chant requires. In choir or any-
where else he shall of himself and not by proxy lead
[the singers], and correct and amend them.

The schoolmaster, for which post no one shall be
presented who is not a graduate of some general uni-
versity, a bachelor in one or the other law, or a court
practitioner [in the MS.: "aut martibus"]. Either
of himself or by proxy he shall teach the clerics, the
church servants, and all the diocesans who wish to
learn grammar.

The treasurer, whose duty it is to close and to
open the church, ring the bells, guard all church
utensils, look after the lamps, and lights, take care
of the incense, candles, bread, wine, and whatever

34 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

else is needed for church celebrations, besides giving
account whenever so ordered by chapter of the
Church revenues. Then ten canonries and prebends,
which besides decreeing their utter separation from
the above dignities, we ordain shall never be held
along with any dignity. Moreover, to the said
canonries and prebends no one may be presented who
has not also been promoted to the holy order of
priesthood. Each canon besides shall celebrate
mass daily, except on feasts of double rite, 56 when the
prelate, or if he be hindered, some one of the dig-
nitaries shall celebrate.

Moreover, as decreed by the holy Council of
Trent, we ordain that, whenever feasible, all dignities
and a moiety at least of the canonries in our cathe-
dral church shall be conferred only on masters or

56 Feasts in the Catholic Church are divided acording to their
rank into doubles, semi-doubles, simples, etc. It was the custom
till late in the middle ages to recite the office of the feria in spite
of any feast which might occur on it. Hence on greater solem-
nities, clerics were obliged to recite a double office -one of the
feria, another of the feast. These double offices were few in
number; even the office for the feast of the Apostles was not
double. On lesser feasts the office was simple - i.e., the feast was
merely commemorated - and in a third class of feasts the office of
the feria and feast were welded into one. These last offices were
called semi-doubles. Later on the ferial gave way more and more
to the festal offices, and before the end of the thirteenth century
the classification is used in a new sense. The word "double" is
applied, not to the two offices recited in one day, but to the single
office of a feast on which the antiphons were doubled - i.e., re-
peated fully at the beginning and end of a psalm. On semi-
doubles, half of the antiphon was repeated before, the whole
after the psalm: in other words it was half doubled. The office
for simple feasts differed little from that of the feria. In modern
office-books the doubles are further subdivided into doubles of the
first class, of the second class, and greater and ordinary. The
object of this division is to determine which of the two feasts must
give way to the other, should both fall on the same day. See
Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 344.

1 280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 343

doctors, or at least on licentiates in theology or canon
law.

Besides we establish six whole portiones and as
many half ones. Whoever is up for presentation for
the said whole portiones, must have deacon's holy
orders, which he is to exercise daily at the altar,
apart from his having to chant the Passions 5T [in
Holy Week]. While he who is to be presented for
the half portiones, besides being in subdeacon's holy
[orders] must chant the Epistles at mass, and the
Prophecies, Lamentations, and Lessons in choir.

Again we wish and decree that in chapter these
portionarii, providing they be in holy orders, and not
otherwise, be entitled to vote with the dignitaries
and canons in spiritual affairs as well as temporal,
but not at elections or other cases reserved by law to
dignitaries and canons exclusively.

We also wish and ordain that to the said dignities,
canonries, and whole portiones as well as halves, or
to any other benefice of our whole diocese, no one be
presented who by reason of any order, privilege, or
office is exempt from our jurisdiction. And should
any one thus exempt happen to be presented or in-
stalled, such presentation or installation is to be held
as null and void in law.

And, whereas the naming of rectors to whom is
to be entrusted the care of souls is of no slight mo-
ment, nay, one rather that bespeaks even greater and
more watchful care on our part, hence do we ordain
that whatever rectors we or our successors choose in
our cathedral, as well as in all parish churches of this
our see, whether now erected, or to be erected here-

57 A reference to the history of the passion of Jesus Christ as
read in the four gospels. -T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

344 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

after, just so many according to our judgment shall
have been needed for service. Their business is to
celebrate mass according to ritual and rightly; to
confess the faithful entrusted to their care and ad-
minister to them carefully and solicitous, by the other
sacraments; besides they are to fulfil and carry out
all other duties as such rectors are wont and bound
to do. Whereof all and singular are to be appointed
by us, or our successors for the time being, and to be
removable at will.

Then six acolytes, who by our orders, are daily by
turns to exercise their office of acolyte in the ministry
at the altar.

Besides these also six chaplains whereof, at both
night and day offices as well as at mass solemnities,
one shall be personally present at the faldstool in
choir, and moreover, unless rightly hindered by
illness or impediment, shall celebrate monthly
twenty masses.

The election or provision of the said acolytes and
chaplains we decree shall belong to us and our suc-
cessors together with our chapter. We wish, more-
over, that the said chaplains, who are to be elected
for the time being, belong not to the bishop's retinue,
nor to that of any of the said capitulars, even merely
at the time of their appointment.

The duty however of sacristan is to do those things
that appertain to the treasurer's duty, in the latter's
presence however and by his commission ; but in his
absence by direction of the chapter.

The duty of organist is to play on feast days and at
other times at the direction of the chapter.

The duty of the beadle is to lead in processions,
and go ahead of the prelate, priest, deacon, sub-

1 280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 345

deacon, and other ministers of the altar, on their way
from choir to sacristy or altar, or on their return
from altar to sacristy.

The duty of the econome, or procurator of the
church building and hospital, is to oversee the archi-
tects, carpenters, and other workmen charged with
the erection of churches. Either of himself or by
agents he shall collect and pay out the yearly reve-
nues and incomes with whatever other emoluments
and obventions in any manner belong to the said
building and hospital, besides giving yearly to the
bishop and chapter, or the officials thus deputed by
the same, an account of his receipts and payments.
He shall be appointed as well as removed at their
pleasure ; but is not to be entrusted with administra-
tion without first giving proper security.

The duty, moreover, of the chancellor or notary
of the church chapter is to note, copy, and guard all
contracts whatever made between the church, bishop
and chapter and church or churches erected or to be
erected hereafter; to distribute to beneficiaries their
share of the revenues; and to keep and receive ac-
counts.

The duty of the dog catcher [Canicular it'] is to
keep dogs away from the church on all Saturdays
and the vigils of whatever feasts have vigils, and
otherwise to clean the church wherever and when-
ever so bid by the treasurer.

But inasmuch as for the present, the fruits, reve-
nues, and incomes do not support, nor are sufficient
for the support of so many dignities and prebends
as have been enumerated and established by us in the
present erection, by the same apostolic authority, we
decree and declare that all the aforesaid five digni-

34-6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

ties, ten canonries, and six whole and six half por-
tiones, have been declared and newly established and
created for the service of our cathedral church to
the end that they need no establishment and creation
hereafter, but are now as then created and estab-
lished. And thus do we mean it to be.

Moreover, we wish and declare that inasmuch as
the said fruits and revenues do not suffice for the
support of so many ministers as have been estab-
lished by us in the present erection, we, or our succes-
sors, may suppress as many of the dignities, canon-
ries, and whole or half portiones as the necessity of
the times may seem to require, until such fruits as
derived from royal grant or donation, or from the
payment of tithes, prove sufficient for the proper and
decent support of the ministers so named and
deputed for church service, to the end that ecclesias-
tical dignity be not debased through a multitude of
servers having but a meager stipend. However at
whatsoever time or in whatsoever manner it may
seem proper in our opinion, we, or our successors,
may make suitable provision therefor, since thus
have we been empowered. But after the said num-
ber of dignities, canonries, and whole and half por-
tiones has been filled by our nomination and elec-
tion, or that of our successors, by the same authority,.
we reserve the nomination and presentation to all
the said prebends whenever in the future any fall
vacant, to the Catholic Majesty of our sovereigns, as
provided by law and apostolic authority.

And inasmuch as, according to the apostle, whoso
serves the altar is entitled to support from the altar, 58

58 A reference to I Corinthians, ix, 13. -T. C. Middleton>
O.S.A.

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 347

[we ordain] that to all and singular the dignities,
persons, and canons, prebendaries, and whole and
half portionarii, chaplains, petty clerics or acolytes,
and other offices with their officials, [shall be appor-
tioned] according to the enumeration above set
forth, all and singular the fruits, revenues and in-
comes deriving from royal donation as well as from
right of tithes, or otherwise in any manner whatso-
ever appertaining to them, either now or in the
future, as now is provided by written order [ut licet
ordine literario] to the dean, archdeacon, chanter,
schoolmaster, treasurer, and canons, as well as to the
[whole] and half portiones, and all others above
noted and named, in the following manner:

To the dean, namely, one hundred and fifty libras
[literally "pounds"] pesos de Tepuz[que], as com-
monly styled in these countries, whereof each is
worth eight silver reals of Castilian money.

To the archdeacon, one hundred and thirty; to
each of the dignities, as many; to each of the canons,
one hundred; to each of the portionarii, seventy; to
the halves, thirty-five; to each of the chaplains,
twenty; to each acolyte, twelve; to the organist, six-
teen ; to the notary, as many ; to the beadle, as many ;
to the econome, however, fifty; to the dogcatcher,
verily twelve libras of gold of the above value.
Thus do we now and henceforth, in accordance as
said with the written order, apply and assign the
fruits, revenues, and perquisites as soon as the in-
crease thereof shall warrant.

And inasmuch as said we wish the benefice to be
for duty fulfilled, we strictly order and command, in
virtue of holy obedience, that the said stipends be
daily distributions [to be] assigned [and] distrib-

34^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

uted daily among those taking part in both each
night and day hour on account of their fulfilment
of the said duties. Accordingly, no one from dean
to acolyte inclusively, who has been absent from any
[recitation of] hour in choir, shall receive the
stipend or distribution for that hour; and any official
who has failed to exercise or fulfil his duty, shall
similarly be mulcted each time in so much of his
salary as would correspond to the distributions with-
held from absentees, the same to be divided among
those who are present.

We wish also, and under the same authority or-
dain, that all and singular the dignities, canons, and
portionarii of our said cathedral church be held to
residence and service for nine continuous or inter-
rupted months. Otherwise, we or our successors for
the time being, or sede vacante,™ the chapter, shall
be bound, the delinquent first having been summoned
and heard (should he not have or allege a just and
reasonable cause), to pronounce the said dignity
[personatum], canonry, or portio, vacant, regard
being had, should he be a capitular, to the Council
of Trent; and, moreover, to provide a fit incumbent
for that canonry, or that dignity, for presentation to
his Catholic Majesty or his successors in the Spanish
kingdoms only. A just cause herein for absence we
define to be illness, provided, however, the ill bene-
ficiary stay in the city, or the suburbs of the city; or
should he have incurred illness, outside the city,
when returning or preparing to return thither; pro-
vided, however, he can show by legal proofs that he
was absent with leave of the bishop or of the chapter,
and for the sake or advantage of the Church.

59 i.e., "The see being vacant."

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 349

Accordingly, let both 60 these be concurrent in his
absence.

Moreover, we wish and by apostolic authority
establish, decree, and command, that the fruits, reve-
nues, and income of all tithes both of the cathedral
and of other churches of the said city and diocese be
divided into four equal parts, whereof one shall be-
long to us and the bishops our successors, for all
times forever, for the maintenance of the episcopal
dignity; and in order that with greater decency, and
in view of the exigencies of the pontifical office, we
may be enabled to maintain our rank, we are to re-
ceive this without any decrease for our episcopal
revenues. To the deans, the chapter, and the other
ministers of the church as above we assign another
fourth part, to be divided among them in the manner
set forth previously. The other two fourths we
decree shall be again divided into nine parts,
whereof we apply two to his royal Majesty to be
presented to him in all times to come forever, in
token of his suzerainty and right of patronage, as
well as of his conquest of these kingdoms. The re-
maining seven parts of all tithes whatsoever, we
require shall be divided into two, whereof four of
the said seven we assign to the parish priests of our
cathedral church as chapter table so that the church
be better administered; of these four parts, we and
our successors assign to each rector sixty pesos (as
commonly styled). To the sacristan, however, [we
assign] forty, the rectors to have all the first fruits
excepting an eighth part thereof which we assign to
the sacristan. Moreover, to the end that they may

60 In the transcript the phrase is ista tua, perhaps an error for
ista dua. - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

35° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

be more easily found, whenever the sacraments are
to be conferred and other church duties attended to,
the same rectors shall daily be present at the chief
mass and evening hours only in choir; and until such
time as the fruits shall have increased [a stipend]
from the said four parts shall be given to the aco-
lytes, organist, and beadle; while should anything
remain over it is to go to the chapter table.

In each of the parish churches of the said city as
well as of our whole diocese, we apply as benefices
to be erected and created in each of the said churches
the said four parts of the said seven. We declare,
moreover, that in similar manner the eighth part of
the said four parts applied for benefices, is to be
given to the sacristan of each parish church of our
said city and diocese.

Moreover we wish and ordain that, our cathedral
church being excepted in all the parish churches of
our said city and diocese, as soon as they can conven-
iently be erected, as many simple benefices be
created and established as [may be warranted]
by the amount of the revenues of the said four
parts thus applied to these benefices. A suitable
and decent support, however, is to be assigned to the
clerics to whom benefices should be given. Accord-
ingly, the number of the said benefices has not been
determined, but as soon as the fruits increase in these
churches, let the number of ministers also increase.
And whenever, for any reason, it happens that the
said simple benefices of service, which for the time
being, as said, may be created in the said churches,
fall vacant, we wish provision to be made, and there-
fore decree, that, after [due] competition and exam-
ination, the said benefices are to be conferred only

1 2 80-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 35 l

on the children, the patrimonial descendants, of the
settlers who come thither from Spain to the said
province, or who hereafter may come thither for the
sake of becoming residents. This shall be done until
such time in the future, when we, or our successors,
shall have seen and recognized that the Christianity
and capacity of the Indians is such that the said
benefices may be conferred on them. Then they
shall and must be conferred on the Indian natives
also in accordance with the aforesaid form. More-
over, we wish and by apostolic authority decree
and declare that, after the said benefices in the
parish churches of this city as well as in the
churches of our whole diocese have once been
erected and created by us or our successors for the
first time, the collation of the same benefices on the
patrimonial children, according to their number or
capacity, or on others in default of patrimonials, is
to be made by presentation to the said Catholic
sovereigns or their vicegerents and not otherwise,
as provided by law and apostolic authority.

But since principally and chiefly the care of souls
of the said city [and] of our whole diocese is incum-
bent on us and our future successors, as being those
who, according to the apostolic saying, are to
render an account thereof on the day of Judgment,
by our aforesaid authority and tenor we wish and
ordain that in our cathedral church, and in all the
parish churches of the said city and of our diocese,
we, and the prelates for the time being, commend
and enjoin the care of souls, according to our free
choice, on any beneficiary or beneficiaries of the
churches themselves, or on anyone else even a non-
beneficiary for the time being, and under such form

3S 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

as shall seem to us best to ensure the care of the said
souls; moreover, recognizing that we, and all our
successors, shall be at the Divine Judgment, we ex-
hort and require them in this commission of souls
to have no respect of persons, but to regard solely
the advantage and safety of the souls entrusted to
them by God. And to the end that whoso under-
takes the aforesaid care of souls, receive also some
temporal gain, to each one of them we assign all the
first fruits of that parish, whereof he has undertaken
the care of souls, a portion, however, as above desig-
nated to be given to the sacristan.

Moreover, we wish and ordain that the appoint-
ment and removal of the sacristans of all the
churches of our diocese be always at the will and
discretion of ourselves and our successors for the
time being, together with the readjustment of their
salary, whenever the said eighth part, which as pro-
vided should be paid them, amounts to a large sum,
in which case whatever amount shall have been
withdrawn from the said eighth part by us or our
successors is to be set aside for the maintenance fund
of the church itself, or some increase of divine wor-
ship, and for no other use.

Likewise the three remaining parts of the said
seven are to be divided into two equal parts,
whereof we freely assign one, namely, one-half of
the said three parts, to the church maintenance fund
of each of the above towns [i.e., towns in the dio-
cese where churches may be established] ; the re-
maining part, however, namely, the other half of
the said three pa/ts, we assign to the hospitals of
each town, from which half or part so applied the
said hospitals are to pay a tenth to the principal

1280-16053 ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 353

hospital standing in the place where the cathedral
church shall be. But inasmuch as at present no hos-
pitals have been founded in the towns of our diocese,
nor does the necessity of the poor require any, as
moreover in this city the sick poor are cared for in
the royal hospital, we ordain that the revenue due
the hospitals from the said half of the three parts
go by right to the seminary, or college, for the sup-
port therein of poor students, wherein, according
to the decree of the holy Council [of Trent]
ministers are trained and taught in order that later
on they may serve divine worship and the dioceses of
our Church more worthily. And this is to hold
until, on account of exigencies of place and time,
some other arrangement be made by the aforesaid
Catholic Majesty, or ourselves, or our successors.

Likewise, by the same authority, we assign to the
maintenance fund of our said church of most holy
Mary, all and singular the tithes of one parishioner
of the same church and of all other churches of the
whole city and diocese, provided, however, that the
said parishioner be not the first [in rank] or the
elder, or wealthier member of our cathedral church
and the other churches of our said diocese, but the
second after the first.

Moreover we wish and ordain that, in our said
cathedral church, besides feast days, whereon only
one mass is said solemnly, daily two masses be cele-
brated at the hour of tierce [hora tertiarurn],
whereof on the first Friday of each month one
[mass] (the first) shall be an anniversary for the
sovereigns of Spain, past, present, and to come. On
Saturdays, however, the said mass shall be cele-
brated in honor of the glorious Virgin, for the

354 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

safety and health of the said sovereigns respec-
tively. On the first Monday of each month the
same mass shall be celebrated solemnly for all the
souls dwelling in purgatory. On other days, how-
ever, the said first mass may be celebrated accord-
ing to the wish and intention of any one wishing
to endow it, and the said bishops and chapter may
receive for the celebration of the same mass any
endowment offered them by any person whatsoever.
The second mass, however, celebrated at the hour
of tierce, according to the fashion of the Roman
Church, is to be of the feast of the feria 61 that

61 Feria is a name given to all the days of the week except
Sunday and Saturday in the ecclesiastical calendar. It seems
strange that the title of feria or feast should be given to days that
are not feasts, or at least are not considered as such, so far as they
are called feriae. The explanation given in the breviary, that
clerics are to be free from worldly cares and keep a perpetual
feast to God, scarcely suffices, and perhaps is not intended, to
account for the actual origin of the name. The true explanation
is probably this. The Jews were accustomed to name the days
of the week from the Sabbath, and thus such expressions as "the
first day from the Sabbath," or, in other words "the first day of
the week" are found in the gospels. The early Christians reck-
oned the days in Easter week in the same fashion: only as all the
days in that week were holy days, they called Easter Monday,
not the first day after Easter Sunday, but the second feria or
feast-day; and as every Sunday is a lesser Easter, the practice pre-
vailed of calling each Monday "feria secunda," each Tuesday
"feria tertia," etc. Feriae are divided into greater and lesser. The
latter give place to any feast-day within an octave or vigil, with-
out even being commemorated. The former are the week-days
of Advent and Lent, the Ember-days, and Monday (not Tuesday)
in Rogation Week. If a simple feast falls on such a feria, the
ferial office and mass are said, the feast being only commemorated,
and if a double, semi-double, or day within an octave coincides
with the feria, the festal office is, indeed, said, but the feria is com-
memorated. The privilege granted by apostolic indult of recit-
ing a votive office on certain days of the week or month cannot
be made use of on these greater ferise. Some of the greater
feriae are privileged (the days of Holy, Easter, and Whitson
Weeks, and Ash Wednesday). These days exclude any feast of

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 355

whoever celebrates the chief mass besides the usual
share [distributionem] assigned, or to be assigned,
to all taking part in that mass, gains a threefold
stipend more than by celebrating at any other hour;
the deacon also is to receive a double stipend; and
the subdeacon a single. And whoever shall not
have been present at the chief mass, is not to gain the
tertia and sexta 62 of that day, unless he have been
away for reasonable and just cause, and with leave
of the dean, or whoever presided in choir at the
time; and herein we charge the conscience both of
him who seeks leave [to be away] and of him who
grants it. And whoso likewise has been present at
matins and lauds shall gain a stipend threefold
greater than at any other hour of the day, besides
the stipend for prime, even though he were not
present at it. We wish also, and by the aforesaid
authority decree that whoever was absent [from
choir] at the first vespers, or procession, or the chief
mass of any feast of first class, or was absent from
the matins of Christmas or Easter, shall lose the
whole stipend of that day, even though he were
present at the other hours. Moreover, we ordain
that chapter be held twice a week, namely, on the
third feria and the sixth; that on the third feria cur-
rent business matters be treated therein; while on
the sixth feria nothing else be treated of than the

however high a rank, and cause it to be transferred to another day.
This must be understood of the celebration in choir, for the ob-
ligation of resting from servile work and hearing mass on holi-
days usually remains, even if the holiday falls on a greater feria.
See Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, pp. 346, 347.

62 Terms signifying the stipends falling to those bound to choir
office who were present at the recitation of Tierce and Sext. -
T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

35^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

correction and emendation of faults \morum\, and
of whatever appertains to the due celebration of
divine worship and the safeguarding of the de-
corum of clerics in and through all things both in
Church and outside. On all other days chapter is
forbidden, unless a case of emergency should war-
rant it. But hereby we wish not that the jurisdic-
tion of ourselves or our successors relative to the
correction and punishment of the said canons and of
other persons of our cathedral church should in any
way be hampered. On the contrary, in accordance
with the chapter rules of the decree of the Council
of Trent, we reserve all jurisdiction, correction, and
punishment whatsoever of the said persons to our-
selves and our successors.

Likewise, by the same authority, we resolve and
ordain that, in order that any cleric of our said
church and diocese having first tonsure enjoy [his]
privilege, he must carry the clerical tonsure 63 of
the size of one silver real \regalis\ of the usual
money of Spain; his hair at the back of the head
shall he wear clipped with scissors [scisirra] only for
two fingers' breadth below the ears; he shall go de-
cently appareled, namely, with a cloak, or mantilla,

63 Among some of the monastic orders and friars, the tonsure
leaves only a circle of hair round the head ; the tonsure of the secu-
lar clerks on the other hand, is small. The first tonsure is made
by the bishop in a form prescribed by the Pontifical, and the per-
son receiving it is thereby admitted to the state and privilege of a
cleric. The bishop may confer it at any place or time. Mitred
abbots may give it to their own subjects; cardinal priests to the
clergy of their titles; and it may also be conferred by other priests
with special privileges. There have been at various times differ-
ent forms and degrees of the tonsure. It was only gradually that
the right to tonsure was limited to bishops, abbots, etc. Till the
tenth century it was given by simple priests, or even by laymen to
one another. See Addis and Arnold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 798.

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 357

or robe, commonly styled loba, or a closed or open
mantle reaching to the ground, not however of red
or yellow, but of some quiet color, which is to be
used not only for the outside clothing, but for the
inner also.

Moreover, we determine and ordain that in choir,
at the altar, in processions, and on all other occa-
sions relating to divine and church worship, the
ritual and ordo 64 to be used in our cathedral and in
all the parish churches of our diocese is to be the
one held and followed by holy Roman Church.
And, by the same authority, we declare and decree
that, in the interest of good government and the
adornment of our cathedral and parish churches,
we and our successors are empowered and enabled
freely and lawfully to employ and transplant the
praiseworthy and approved uses, fashions, and cus-
toms of other churches, the Mexican especially, to
which we and our church are subject by metropoli-
tan law.

Moreover, the divine office, of both daytime and
night, at mass, as well as in the hours in choir and

64 The "Ordo Romanus" are certain ancient collections of
ritual prescriptions, or rubrics, as observed in the Roman Catholic
Church. They are represented at the present day by the "Cer-
emoniale" and the "Pontificale Romanum." The first of these
collections to appear in print was the "Ordo Vulgatus" (1559) of
Melchior Hittorp. The rubrics and directions contained in these
collections relate to both ordinary and extraordinary matters. Of
the former class are the papal mass, the episcopal mass, the celebra-
tion of baptism and extreme unction, ordinations, the communion
of the sick, the ceremonial of the last three days of Holy Week,
papal and cardinalitial functions during the functions of the whole
year, sacerdotal functions on all ferias, benedictions, etc. Of the
second class are the election and consecration of a pope, the corona-
tion of the emperor and of kings, the creation of cardinals, the
nomination of the legates, canonization, etc. See Addis and Ar-
nold's Catholic Dictionary, p. 630.

35^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

outside must always follow the custom and use of
the Roman Church.

Moreover all the households, inhabitants, settlers,
and residents, inside the aforesaid city as well as in
the suburbs thereof, at the present time or hereafter
inhabitants or dwellers therein, we depute and as-
sign as parishioners of our same cathedral church,
which we have erected forever in honor of the most
blessed Virgin, until such time as a division of par-
ishes may conveniently be made by us or our suc-
cessors; and to it by parish law all the aforesaid
shall pay their tithes and first fruits and make their
offerings, and from the rector or rectors of the same
church they shall all of them receive all the sacra-
ments.

While, moreover, to the same rector or rectors,
we grant and bestow the power of conferring the
aforesaid sacraments to their said parishioners, to
the parishioners themselves, we likewise give leave
to receive the same sacraments from the said rectors.

And whereas change of circumstances calls for new
arrangements, by the said apostolic authority we re-
serve for ourselves and our successors, for the time
being, the fullest, free, and absolute power and au-
thority, in all the aforesaid [arrangements], and
relative to the same, to commend, correct, change,
restrict, and enlarge and in the future even to estab-
lish and ordain otherwise. Let our successors how-
ever employ wisely this free and absolute power, and
be always mindful of the warning of the Apostle
that power has been given to prelates by God for
edification and not for ruin. In order that in any
changes they may essay in the aforesaid, they move
not rashly and without wisdom, nor through mere

1280-1605] ERECTION OF MANILA CATHEDRAL 359

self will, nor through hatred or partiality, but to the
honor of God alone and Church and the spread and
advantage of the commonwealth, let them first sift
the matter thoroughly with the advice of skilled and
Godfearing counselors, that they pass not the
bounds set by our fathers: "Pass not," saith the
wise man, "beyond the ancient bounds which thy
fathers have set." 65

For sin lieth not in one's passing beyond the
bounds, but in the motive [causa~] for one's thus pass-
ing beyond, that it be done, namely, not through ca-
price but through necessity. Accordingly, since in
the present erection all matters have been established
and ordained by us, who therein have not followed
our own fancy but the views of the Fathers, hence
the things which we have decreed and ordained are
to be held and kept and worshiped as so many oracles
of the Fathers, nor, therefore, to be changed or al-
tered without great advantage and necessity. In
virtue then of our letters, and by the apostolic au-
thority granted to us therein, which in this regard
we are employing in the best way, manner, and form
in our power, we erect, establish, create, do, dispose,
and ordain all and singular the above together with
all and singular the things needed and opportune
thereto, notwithstanding all things whatsoever to
the contrary, those things especially which in his
apostolic letters our said most holy master wished
not to conflict with what therein was inserted.
Wherefore, to all and singular, who are present or
will be of no matter what state, rank, order, pre-
eminence, or condition they be, we hereby intimate,
insinuate, and convey and bring to their knowledge,

65 Proverbs xxii, 28 - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

360 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

all and singular, those things. Moreover, we wish
and through these presents by the aforesaid author-
ity we command all and singular the above, in virtue
of holy obedience that they observe and cause to be
observed, all and singular, the things as by us estab-
lished. In faith and testimony whereof, of all and
singular the foregoing, we have ordered and had
these present letters or present public instrument,
with our common seal attached, drawn up, and
written and published by the notary public as below.
Given at Manila, in the Island of Luzon, the twenty-
first of the month of December, in the year of our
Lord one thousand five hundred and eighty-one.
Brother Domingo, bishop of the Philippines.
By order of my most reverend master:
Salvator Argone,
apostolic notary and secretary.

LETTER FROM ANTONIO SEDENO TO
FELIPE II

Royal Cesarean Majesty:

Don Goncalo Ronquillo, your Majesty's governor
in these islands, the bishop therein, and your Maj-
esty's officials petitioned me last year, 82, to order
and give permission to Father Alonso Sanchez (who
came to these islands when I, with other religious
of the Society of Jesus, came hither, sent here by
your Majesty's orders) to go to China and the city
of Macan upon negotiations which the abovesaid
communicated to me as of your Majesty's service.
Upon consideration of the gravity of the matters
which demanded that expedition and the great serv-
ice to God and to your Majesty that might result
therefrom, although it was difficult for me, as I had
no other priest associate except him in these islands,
and because of the need for him here, yet the consid-
eration abovesaid of God and your Majesty could
not excuse it. He went on that expedition, and I
shall not be prolix on what occurred both on the sea
and in the land of China where the father wandered
and remained for about a year, and what he did in
Macan and the despatches that he brought regard-
ing the obedience which that city rendered to your
Majesty and of all the other things that happened
during that time; for the father will inform your

362 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

Majesty of it, as he ought, in his letter, and more at
length in a report which he is sending with this and
the other despatches. 66

In order that we might know your Majesty's will,
and thereby that of God ; and since those of us who
are here are in duty bound, since we live in lands so
remote from the shade of their king, to give you ad-
vice of what we think will fulfil that obligation : I
thought (since it was necessary to write), that I
would tell your Majesty the reason for the many
troubles and evils that have come upon this country,
and the wrongs that are worth correction. Your
Majesty will be informed of them in detail in many
other ways, and they relate not only to the wrongs
against the native Indians of the country and against
the Chinese, which are of so great importance, but
against the Spaniards themselves and that which is
most to the wrong of your Majesty and your royal
crown. Although the branch whence this fruit
[of troubles] is gathered, is other, yet the root which
is reported is the governors who come to these is-
lands, and the insatiable greed which they bring
hither or which, at their arrival, is impressed suffi-
ciently on them. Consequently, not only to God
(which is more easy for them) , but even to men (and
of which men may judge and advise your Majesty),
do they break through the veil of their shame in
order to do things that neither I nor anyone else who
has any shame would dare to break in order to re-
late them - and nearly everything, or everything
in this matter of injuries, has every kind of mediator

66 See Colin 's Labor evangelica, pp. 170-192 for an account of
Sanchez's trips to China and Macao. His second trip to Macao
occurred near the end of this same year 1583.

1280-1605] SEDENO TO FELIPE II 3^3

mixed up in it. For if already God has desired to
give your Majesty occasion to make an innovation
in the matter of the governor, it must now be in-
novated, even if in regard to former governors,
neither in person nor in fact is there anything to say.
But that which in the future we dare report with all
humility (only because of the compassion which the
destruction of this land of your Majesty causes us) is
that if it be possible he who shall be governor do
not come from Espafia. For since he is suddenly
changed and dispossessed of his possessions and prop-
erty that he had there, and spends all his substance
on account of the so long journey and preparation
for it, and even arrives deeply in debt, and with many
followers and people who are destitute and rely on
his protection; and also perhaps has to provide and
to satisfy their past expenses and even present hun-
ger, to provide houses for them, and to give them
the offices which he has promised- this, and what is
necessary to reimburse him for his expenses, and af-
terward to fatten him to the proportion that his hun-
ger demands and that the pasturage invites (that
pasture here being very sufficient to swell the breasts,
although it be at the cost of the poor and beyond
doubt that of your Majesty, for whom the governor
with his artifices and those of his intimate friends
is destroying the land) - 1 declare that for only the
abovesaid for each new governor who comes from
Espafia, we need a new and a very rich and abun-
dant land such as this was formerly. Now we behold
it almost destroyed and it does not need much to
completely destroy it, [which will happen] if only
another governor comes who will exercise the cun-
ning abovementioned ; especially if he should have

364 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

the support of a wife and children, and some rela-
tives and friends and clients for whom to provide in
proportion to their imagination and their desires.

In accordance with the above, your Majesty (for
the said causes) ought to order now that he who
should become governor should not come from Es-
pafia, because of the service of God, which is the
only thing that moves us here, because of compas-
sion for this country, whose so great remoteness is
a reason for your Majesty to have that compassion,
as you do not see how it is given over, and because of
your royal crown to which you are under obliga-
tions. For it is considered and judged that there
will be persons here who can serve your Majesty
satisfactorily in this office. Of those here your Maj-
esty should not appoint any one indiscriminately for
the present, until this land regains its strength and
vigor. Nor less should there be here so great a bur-
den of wife, children, relatives, friends, and other
people, to whom the governor is under obligations,
and for whom almost by necessity he must fulfil that
obligation at the cost of your Majesty and of this
your land. Although we are aware that we are very
audacious and bold toward so great a Majesty as to
point out to you a person, yet placed between two
things so weighty on the one part as the abovesaid,
and on the other the reverence due your Majesty, we
are bold in preference toward your Majesty, which
is not so serious a matter according to our opinion,
as would be boldness toward God and to that which
we (some persons of us who have discussed the re-
form of this land) judge that we are obliged by true
respect for Him (I mean of God) and compassion
for this land and your Majesty's service. The above

1 280-1605] SEDENO TO FELIPE II 365

then, has made us here feel and write to your Maj-
esty that the factor Juan Baptista Roman, 67 whom
your Majesty has appointed in these islands, is a man
of great judgment, prudence, clear understanding,
and (unless we are deceived), of good conscience.
He has always opposed the governor and other per-
sons in regard to matters which he perceived were
not being attended to in accordance with your Maj-
esty's instructions and decrees, as well as in many
other matters of your royal service, for almost no
injury that does not bear, or result in, damage to the
royal crown can be done in this land. The above-
named person is here, and will incur no further ex-
penses, or new and lawless famines, or [expenses of]
wife, or children, or any other frauds that we can
perceive ; although we believe that he is so prudent a
man that he could have them without their being
perceived. But this is also difficult and there cannot
be much when it is not seen. It does not appear that
one can be judged prolix in a matter so weighty and
important, even if I have been so.

In addition to the above, I am obliged to inform
your Majesty that in the year 81, and at your Maj-
esty's order and decree, which the viceroy of Nueva
Espana has for that purpose, I was sent to these is-
lands with three others - one the priest whom I men-
tioned above as having served your Majesty in the
expedition to China, and the other two well fitted
for the service of this land, although one of them
has died. We came to consider whether this land

67 See letter from this official in vol. v, pp. 192-195, and post,
PP- 392-402. From a royal decree dated Madrid, March 27,
1 591, it appears that Roman had died in the Philippines while still
exercising his duties as treasurer.

366 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

was a place where we could serve God and your
Majesty. Now, inasmuch as we have to send our
determination concerning the matter to our general
as he is awaiting it, we find ourselves in confusion,
for we had to write that we cannot stay here, or else
to tell him in what way we can stay and to ask for
more men. We have not been able to find any other
way except to do our duty. Will your Majesty
order that the Society occupy itself as in the other
parts [of the Indias] where they are established, in
rearing and instructing the children of this city and
of these islands, and in teaching grammar to those
who should be [fitted] for it. Let those who are
now about to be able to do something take some lec-
tures in philosophy, or theology, or at least cases of
conscience, so that the Society may have something
to do, and the community be aided. For now not only
the children, but also many adults and those or-
dained by some of the orders are misguided. Both
they and many others whom God influences and will
influence to change their estate and become priests
or religious have no relief or do one or the other
thing, or else go to Espaiia. Many seculars and re-
ligious have not been completely reformed in their
studies, or do nothing or do it wrongly. They are
filled with doubts and have no one who can settle
those doubts for them. They will not be able to
take any Indians into the Society unless there is a
house in Manila to serve as the mother of all the
ministers who should go to the Indians ; for, accord-
ing to their custom, they do not fulfil their duty by
having absolute and exclusive houses however few
they be - one or two or three - but although they be
among Indians, those houses must be subordinate

1280-1605] SEDENO TO FELIPE II 367

to the large house so that the order may be preserved.
If this house and seminary be thus established for
the said teaching, your Majesty will save much of
the trouble and expense of sending ministers from
so great a distance as five thousand leguas, who after
their arrival do not accustom themselves to the land
or to the difficulty of the language. Some of them re-
turn and few of them really settle. But those here
are already accustomed to the climate and are skilled
in the customs and language. Consequently, in the
time that it takes one to come from Espaiia, one is
turned out here, and one of those already natural-
ized and with two years of grammar is worth more
than a preacher who comes from Espaiia and at so
great an expense. For the little with which your
Majesty can establish this seminary or fount of min-
isters here, it appears that it would be sufficient to
apply some little trifle from your Majesty's treasury;
and with that the Society will have a new obligation
here and everywhere to serve your Majesty, in ad-
dition to the many that it has already. May God
preserve your Majesty's health and life, and prolong
it for as many years as we see to be necessary here for
His great honor and glory. Manila, June 17, 1583.
Your Majesty's unworthy servant in the Lord.

Antonio Sedeno

LETTER FROM DOMINGO DE SALAZAR
TO FELIPE II

Royal Cesarean Majesty:

In this letter (the fourth of those which I am writ-
ing to your Majesty), I intend to discuss a matter no
less important than those which I have discussed in
the others. This matter is that when I came to this
land, the provincial of the Society of Jesus who re-
sides in the City of Mexico sent here at your Maj-
esty's orders four religious of his order. They con-
sisted of Father Antonio Sederio, who came as rector
and occupies that position at present, and Father
Alonso Sanchez, whom I have mentioned in the let-
ter which I wrote in regard to Chinese affairs, and
two other religious who were not priests, one of
whom died at sea, and the other of whom is still
alive. Those fathers came to this land to examine
and consider the opportunity that may exist here for
the Society to settle and send religious here. That
is in accordance with the practice of that order be-
fore they settle definitely. Inasmuch as they have as
yet had no time to write to their general how the
land impresses them, for Father Alonso Sanchez was
absent on the expedition to China last year; and de-
siring now to write their impressions of it they both
came to speak to me and said that they had con-
sidered the manner in which they could come to this

1280-1605] SALAZAR TO FELIPE II 3^9

land to serve God and your Majesty according to the
custom of their order; and that since they had to
write their resolution to their provincial and gen-
eral, that resolution was that they would go away
unless they could remain in a religious manner and
busy themselves in the things in which that order is
wont [to busy itself] in all other districts, namely,
the teaching of letters and the instruction. They
said that support was necessary for those religious
who had no other thing to do than to teach and study,
just as for the other religious in the villages of the
Indians. Since they did not see any disposition or
possibility to be able to build a college where they
could have a sufficient number of religious to con-
serve their order, and to maintain there persons who
might have charge of the teaching of the children
and the others, of whom they might wish to make
use, from the first letters of the alphabet to the arts
and theology, they could not write otherwise to their
superiors than that there was no disposition for the
Society to be established here. I was very sorry to
hear that, for I assure your Majesty with the truth
that I owe you, that, since my arrival in these
islands, I have had no other recourse or consolation
than in them in all the matters that have been offered
to me and all the afflictions in which I have found
myself (which have not been few). Had I been
without them I believe that I would not have dared
to have remained in the land. Leaving out of con-
sideration what concerns me for my consolation and
the security of my conscience, their establishment in
this city and in these islands is so necessary, that not
only should your Majesty not permit those who are
here to go away, but it is necessary that you order

37° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

their general and provincial of Nueba Espafia to
send others to keep them company, so that they may
enter upon the exercises of their order and inaugu-
rate a college, where they may have persons to teach
the children of the inhabitants of this city and those
of the hamlets of these islands, as well as the mesti-
zos and the sons of the chief Indians. They should
also have persons to teach grammar and matters of
conscience which are so necessary in this land. This
college cannot be established at present unless your
Majesty be pleased to order that, until such time as
there be in these islands, a founder 68 of the said
college, according to the custom of these fathers, it
be attended to from the royal estate; or, if your Maj-
esty prefer, that a fund be created from some vil-
lages that are assigned to the royal crown for that
purpose, for what period your Majesty may order.
By that means the religious who are to work in the
teaching as abovesaid can be supported. Although
this appears to be a great expense even for your
Majesty, yet consider the extreme necessity of this so
that this land may be maintained and advance, and
that if those tributes are not employed in this man-
ner, they will be given to soldiers who as is under-
stood will not use them, as well as the fathers will,
especially since we do not petition that this be
permanent but that it be only for a limited time or
until there may be a founder [of a college] here. I

68 This founder was Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa,
a native of the Spanish African possessions, a Portuguese by birth,
who had accompanied Legazpi to the Philippines. By his will
(1596) he gave two thousand pesos to the Jesuit college of Ma-
nila, and signified that all his property was to be given to the col-
lege of San Jose (whose foundation was decreed) in case of the
death of his daughters. See Montero y Vidal's Hist, de Filipinas,
i, pp. 109, no.

1280-1605] SALAZAR TO FELIPE II 3.7 *

trust in the divine Goodness that many days will not
pass before some one will be invited to become a
founder and will have the good fortune to be ad-
mitted as such.

There is another more urgent reason that makes
me dare to petition your Majesty to concede this
favor to the fathers, or rather, to me and to this city
and these islands, namely, that although this seems
to be an expense and drain to the royal estate, it
really is not so, but a saving of the expenses and
drain. For your Majesty cannot neglect to annually
send ministers, either seculars or religious, or some of
both, for the discharge of your royal conscience, in
order that they may work at the conversion and
maintenance of these natives. Since the way is so
long the expense is necessarily very heavy; and it is a
pity that after a friar has been brought here at so
great trouble and expense, on his arriving here, he
finds that the land is not to his taste nor the Indians
what he expected, and consequently he desires to re-
turn immediately. Further, if one oppose this, it
means the useless detention of one who will attain
his end. Experience has shown us that this does not
happen from one man or for only one time. Pursu-
ing the argument those who come from that country
accustom themselves to the land very slowly, and
many years elapse before they know languages by
which they may profit the natives, and some do not
even begin to study them, while many leave the land
after they have learned them. Therefore if this col-
lege be established, your Majesty will save great
expense, since ministers will be reared therein (and
they will really be reared there) who can profit the
natives much, your Majesty will not be obliged to

37 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

send so many religious from Espana as you woultf
have to if none were reared here; and consequently
the expense will not be so heavy. In addition, the
inconveniences found in those who come from
Espana will not be met in those reared here, for a
minister of our own can be turned out here in the
time that it would take one to come here. Those
who are reared here are accustomed to the manners
and customs here; and the college will graduate
masters thoroughly instructed for necessary work
among the Indians. If this college is established,
the soldier whom God touches will resolve to be-
come a secular upon seeing a place where he can
study, and I shall have persons to appoint from their
number to the church service and to the villages of
the Indians. Those villages are innumerable and
have no person to tell them that there is a God. I
know that there are many who neglect to change
their status [i.e., to become priests] because they see
the poor disposition at the present, and some of them
are so excellent interpreters that they would prove
very useful. This college would also be profitable
for the religious who are here, for the graduates
from it would be ready to be received into the ord-
ers. Those who are received at present remain as
ignorant as when they enter, inasmuch as they have
no arrangements for study. That causes me no
slight scruple when they present themselves before
me for ordination, while the inconveniences ensuing
from men so ignorant having charge of the adminis-
tration of so many Indians as at present, are not few.
The above reasons and my obligation to procure and
consider the welfare of this land have given me the
boldness to petition your Majesty to please have the

1280-1605] SALAZAR TO FELIPE II 373

said college instituted in which the fathers of the
Society may live for the purposes above mentioned.
If your Majesty bestow this concession upon us it
will give life to this land and give it an impetus for
great onward growth. Of a surety, your Majesty
should not hold the dignity of this city in small con-
sideration, but should exalt it, for as I say in another
place, your Majesty has nothing of more import-
ance anywhere in the Yndias than this city. If this
college is not built, I do not know how we can main-
tain ourselves in the ministry of these Indians, nor
where we can get ministers who will serve the
Church. For seven or eight students whom I or-
dained with the hope that there would be someone
to teach them, remain in the same condition as when
they were ordained because there is no one to teach
them. They are disconsolate, and I am troubled be-
cause I ordained them. Many, as I have remarked,
hesitate to become seculars although they desire it,
because of the poor arrangements that they see for
it. Therefore, I humbly petition your Majesty to
order the fathers of the Society to come to this city
either in the above manner or in any other way that
your Majesty may prefer, for by their aid and by
their solicitude in caring for the interests of the
community, I trust that this city will once more lift
up its head, for it is now fallen very low.

The above is not the only good that is claimed
for, and hoped from, this college, but there is an-
other of equal and even greater importance, namely,
the aid of the Indians. The fathers claim that they
will aid them and have already asked me for villages
so that they may begin to treat with the Indians.
But since the Society is wont to have a seminary

374 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

wherever it goes, where those who take the habit of
their order are reared so that each one may go thence
to work in the salvation of souls either of Spaniards
or Indians, according to the order of their superiors,
those fathers say that if they do not have such a col-
lege they cannot persevere in this land, for the above
is their manner of preservation and the source of
their profit to their neighbors.

Confident in your Majesty's kindness, I have pre-
vailed upon those fathers not to write their general
of their intention of departing, but on the contrary
to write him to send others to live with them. I have
assured them that when your Majesty sees the neces-
sity of their coming here, your Majesty will be
pleased to have this concession that we beg bestowed
upon us, or some other which will be better for all
of us. In the meanwhile I shall endeavor to support
and to aid them here in everything, for they also aid
me and all this community considerably, by which
your Majesty is not slighty served.

Inasmuch as fathers of the Society will come to
this land if your Majesty grant us this favor, and
many will take their habit here (and I hope reli-
gious of my order as well who have not come here as
yet), it will be necessary for your Majesty to issue a
royal decree ordering those religious who have more
Indians in charge than they can conveniently
instruct to allow the religious who shall come later
or the seculars who shall come from that country or
those who shall be here to enter upon the instruction
of those Indians whom the former are unable to in-
struct, in order that I may not have quarrels and
strife with the religious who are here now. The
decision of this matter should be for the bishop and

1280-1605] SALAZAR TO FELIPE II 375

not for the religious, for by embracing a large terri-
tory and by preventing others from entering their
districts, they have taken in this entire bishopric, so
that they are trying to occupy with one friar the
space that four or five could not suitably fill. When-
ever I endeavor to relieve this situation the friars
complain that I am preventing them from exercising
their prerogatives, and they prefer to allow souls to
perish rather than to allow other friars to enter to
help them. If your Majesty do not correct this, we
must necessarily be at strife, for I cannot, on my con-
science, avoid aiding those souls whom I see to be
perishing. May our Lord preserve your Majesty's
royal Catholic person for many years for the good
of His holy Church, and the conservation of so many
and so great kingdoms as our Lord has placed under
your Majesty's protection. Manila, June 18, 1583.
Royal Caesarean Majesty, your least servant and
chaplain kisses your Majesty's royal hands.

Fray Domingo, bishop of the Filipinas.
[Endorsed: "Have a decree issued ordering the
president and the bishop to discuss together how the
contents of this letter may be best complied with and
with what income. In the meanwhile let them settle
and determine how the adequate instruction that the
Society petitions may be r best obtained."]

RELATION OF THE PHILIPINAS
ISLANDS

The islands of the West, which are commonly
called Philipinas, are so numerous that no number
can be assigned to them, and most of them are inhab-
ited. They begin almost at Maluco and run in a
general north and south direction to the island of
Luzon, which is the northernmost and the nearest
to China and Japon. This island of Luzon, the one
where we are settled, is the principal one of the
islands, and the richest and largest. It is about four
hundred leguas in circumference. It was formerly
circumnavigated by Captain Juan de Salzedo and
then after the year 80 by Captain Don Juan de Arze
at the order of Governor Francisco de Sande. It
extends northwest and southeast. This island has
many different peoples and languages quite distinct
one from the other. The principal ones, however,
are the Tagalogs, whom the Spaniards commonly
call Moros, though without any right or reason, for
they are not nor have ever been Moros. Others are
the Pampangos, Zambales, Ylocos, and Camarines.
The remaining peoples can be reduced to the
above. 89 This island has four large wealthy prov-
inces where the Spaniards are colonized at present.

69 See the excellent "History of the population" of the Philip-
pine Islands, by Dr. David P. Barrows, in Census of Philippine

1280-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 377

The first is the province of the Tagalogs and
Pampangos. It is near the city of Manila which
was founded by Adelantado Miguel Lopez del
Gaspi. The governors [of the islands] now reside
here. It is located in a latitude of fourteen and two-
thirds degrees. The people of this province are the
best of all these islands. They are the most civilized
and are truly our friends. They are better clothed
than the others, both men and women. They are a
light-complexioned people, well-built and even-
featured, and are very fond of adorning themselves
with jewels, of which they have a great plenty.
They also reap large harvests of rice and of cotton,
and weave considerable cloth which is exported to
Nueva Espana; while there is wax in great abun-
dance. They are keen traders, and have traded with
China for many years, and before the advent of the
Spaniards, they sailed to Maluco, Malaca, Ha-
zian, 70 Parani, Burnei, and other kingdoms. These
peoples had no kings in these islands, but their
method of government was by chiefs, who were the
ones who were most powerful and possessed more
property. Those chiefs were tyrannical to a degree,
and treated all the other people like slaves, seizing
their possessions and children whenever they
pleased. They were very much inclined to wars and
one village was constantly waging war against an-
other, so that there were very few that were at peace,
and they acted like barbarians in those wars. At the
death of any chief, they had to cut off many heads
in order to avenge his death, and they made many

Islands, pp. 41 1 -491; and the succeeding articles on population,
pp. 492-585.

70 Possibly the state of Achen in Sumatra is meant.

37 ^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

feasts and dances in honor of those heads. As a sign
of mourning they ate no cleaned rice for a whole
year, but only herbs and vegetables.

Their houses were filled with wooden and stone
idols (which they called Taotao and Lichac) for
they had no temples. They said that the soul en-
tered into one of those idols at the death of any of
their parents or children. Consequently, they rever-
enced them and asked them for life, health, and
riches. Those idols were called anitos. When they
were sick they cast lots to ascertain which anito had
caused them the sickness, and thereupon made great
sacrifices and feasts for that anito. Their feasts al-
ways ended in drunken revels, for they were much
given to the vice of drinking, and it has happened
that they will drink constantly for two or three days.
However, they have one characteristic, namely, that
although they are drunk, they do not entirely lose
their senses, and I have never seen any of them fall
down because he was drunk. We believe the reason
to be because the wine, although powerful at the
beginning, soon loses its strength. They worshiped
idols which were called Alpriapo, Lacapati, and
Meilupa, but God has, in His goodness, enlightened
them with the grace of His divine gospel, and they
worship the living God in spirit. All these people
have abandoned all their superstitions and alone
profess the holy Catholic faith. 71 To the glory of the
Lord, most of them are Christians, and for those who
are not it is for no other lack than that of ministers,
which is one of the greatest pities and miseries that

71 Cf. Loarca's account of the beliefs of the Visayas Islands,
vol. v, pp. 121-141, 163, 165; of the Tagalogs, pp. 171-175;
Plasencia's account of the worship of the Tagalogs, vol. vii, pp.
185-196.

1280-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 379

has ever been seen. All this people give tribute in
gold, silver, and other things, both to the king our
sovereign and to others [who are] private persons,
by whom they are seized and betrayed and com-
pelled to perform services, both in the raids and
wars which are made, and in other services, and do
not receive instruction. Those people observe that
fully and declare it. There are many excellent
churches, and the people are eager to serve them.
The boys are very clever and bright, and very easily
learn how to write, read, sing, play, and dance.
They are taught all those things so that the church
may be better served and so that they may be incited
to become good Christians upon seeing how to serve
God. I have always lived in this province, where I
have baptized many with my own hand -more, I
believe, counting little and big, than one thousand.
I trust, God helping, from what I have learned of
them, that many of them are saved. The boys
especially will become excellent Christians ; for they
have lively understanding and take very earnestly to
the things of our holy faith and become such that
our Spaniards are astonished at it. I have confessed
many, both men and women, and I have been aston-
ished to see with w r hat contrition they confess, and
how well they know how to accuse themselves -
much better than many Spaniards. There are very
few in this province who are not Christians although
they have not heard the preaching for more than ten
years, for before that time there was enough to do in
pacifying the land. They hold the holy water in
great devotion and always keep it in their houses.
They take it to their fields and whatever their neces-
sity, they immediately go to the church for water.

380 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

They even bathe their swellings with holy water,
and always take it on entering and leaving the
church so that it is necessary to replenish the founts
two or three times a week.

It is a temperate land and not so hot as is thought
there [in Espafia] ; especially for eight months of
the year when no cold or heat is felt. The city of
Manila is located near the sea, whose waves beat
against the houses, on the shore of a very large and
full river. That river flows from a lake located
about six leguas from the city. That lake is of fresh
water, is thirty leguas in circumference, and its
marge and [surrounding] mountains are densely
populated. There are twelve convents with their
churches which are very large and well built of
wood in the vicinity of that lake. Eight of them are
of discalced friars 72 (and two of those convents are
now built of stone), and the other four belong to the
Augustinian fathers. There are also many other
churches in the villages which are the visitas of the
capitals where the convents are located. That lake
is divided among ten encomenderos 73 and they live
very well, for it is a rich land and abounds in all
kinds of food, especially game and fish, more than
one would believe possible, and also buffaloes, deer,
and [wild] swine. The city of Manila is well sup-
plied from there.

72 That is Franciscans, who first went to the islands in 1577.
Salazar in his relation (vol. vii, p. 39), says also that there were
twelve religious houses in the province of La Laguna - ten Francis-
can, one Augustinian, and one secular. This would indicate that
Salazar's relation is the later, for the tendency would be for the
Franciscans to increase.

73 Loarca (vol. v, pp. 87, 88) mentions the names of the ten
encomiendas about the lake of Bay. Salazar (jut supra) allows
but eight encomenderos to this district.

1280-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 3% l

The people of this island are very skilful in their
handling of gold. They weigh it with the greatest
skill and delicacy that has ever been seen. The first
thing that they teach their children is the knowledge
of gold and the weights with which they weigh it,
for there is no other money among them. This prov-
ince, as well as all the others, has the greatest
abundance of cocoa palms. This is one of the most
fruitful and profitable trees that has ever been found
hitherto for [the sustenance of] human life. The
things that are obtained from this tree seem incred-
ible to one who has not seen it. For, first, the wood
is used in the construction of houses, and the leaves
are used for tiles. The fruit is the cocoanut which is
good to eat. They have a liquor inside, from which
is made milk for cooking rice and other things. Oil
is obtained from it which is medicinal like the oil of
aparicio. Drinking vessels are made from the shells
and a considerable number of them are taken to
Espafia. Wine is also made from it (and it is so
good that that of Espafia is no better), as well as
brandy, vinegar, honey, preserves, and other things
that I do not remember. Consequently from the
palm the people get whatever they wish. This prov-
ince contains a very great abundance of game such
as buffaloes (which the other islands do not have),
many deer, wild boars, a great abundance of goats,
and many waterfowl. Many swine and fowl are
raised in the houses, eight of the latter being sold for
four reals. A very great abundance of fish includ-
ing sardines are caught in all the settlements of this
island, and those people relish it more than meat.

382 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

Province of Ylocos
The second part of the island of Luzon is the prov-
ince of Ylocos, which is located more northerly than
Manila. That province contains a Spanish settle-
ment called Villa Fernandina, which was founded
by Captain Juan de Salzedo by order of Governor
Guido de Labazares. It is seventy leguas from Ma-
nila and lies in eighteen degrees of latitude. That
province is densely populated and contains larger
settlements than the other provinces. The people
are however more barbarous, and they are not so
well clad or so light complexioned as the others.
They are husbandmen and possess very large fields.
Consequently, it is a land abounding in rice and cot-
ton. 74 There is also considerable gold, for the chief
mines of these islands are situated in the mountains
of that province. Those people enjoy it for they
have more communication with the miners than
anyone else. The Spaniards have endeavored often
to colonize the mines in order to work them; but it
has as yet been impossible, although Governor Gon-
galo Ronquillo was very hot after it, and it cost

74 The production of cotton in the Philippines has been almost
entirely confined to the island of Luzon, and was formerly much
more important than now. Ilocos (Norte and Sur) produced in
1902, 64.2 per cent of the cotton grown in the archipelago (the
cotton area in the two provinces constituting 73.2 per cent of all
the cotton area of the island). The cotton area of Ilocos Norte
for that year was 1,591 hectares, and the crop, 605,021 kilo-
grams; and the cotton land of Ilocos Sur, 645 hectares, and the
crop, 244,140 kilograms. The greatest rice-producing province in
the Philippines is Pangasinan, which produced 1,454,601 hecto-
liters in 1902, while Ilocos Norte is fifth in order with 483,520
hectoliters, and Ilocos Sur eighth with 425,231 hectoliters. The
archipelago does not raise enough rice to meet domestic wants, as
it is more profitable to raise other crops, especially abaca. See
Census of Philippine Islands, iv, pp. 209, 2 18, 219.

1 2 8o-i 60s] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 3^3

him many men as the land is very rude and food is
scarce. That province of Ylocos is a very unhealth-
ful land and consequently poorly populated by
Spaniards. It contains many churches and Chris-
tians, and all the people are not wholly Christian
because of the lack of ministers. They desire and
beg to be made Christians. They are a very simple,
domestic, and peaceful people, large of body and
very strong. They are a most cleanly race, espe-
cially the women in their houses, which they keep
very neat and clean. They have a practice of going
three or four times a day to bathe in the river. 75

Province of Cagayan
About thirty leguas farther on from that Villa
Fernandina and past the cape called Boxeador and
in a latitude of nineteen degrees lies the province
and river of Cagayan. It is a very large province
and very densely populated and exceedingly well
supplied with rice, cotton, 76 very large fowls, deer,
buffaloes, and a great quantity of wax. The shore of
that river which is called Tajo is very large. About
two leguas from the sea is settled the city of [Nueva]
Segovia. It was colonized by Captain Juan Pablo
de Carrion by order of Governor Don Gongalo Ron-
quillo. That river is about eighty leguas distant

75 Cf. Loarca's account of the province of Ilocos, vol. v, p. 103,
and Salazar's, vol. vii, p. 37.

76 The cotton area of Cagayan did not reach 100 hectares in
1902, and the rice crop for that year was only 89,285 hectoliters.
In 1902 Cagayan was the third province in the production of corn
(11,598 hectoliters) and sweet potatoes (5,415,626 kilograms).
The total area of that province is 1,308,468 hectares, of which
138,166 hectares or 10.6 per cent is agricultural. Of this 35,430
hectares or 25.6 per cent are cultivated and 102,736 hectares un-
cultivated. See Census of Philippine Islands, iv.

3^4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

from China, less rather than more. Inasmuch as it
is so near, and also because it contains so many peo-
ple and is so rich and well supplied with food, the
effort has been made often to completely subdue it
and settle it, but that effort has not as yet been suc-
cessful. I believe the cause is the few Spaniards
and the few religious that can enter it at one time.
That land is very fitting for commerce with China
as that country is so near, and has excellent rivers
for galleys and ships. One can cross to China in one
and one-half days, and the mainland of China is
often reached at night. In the month of March of
the year 82, Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion went to
colonize that province, and since then many more
people than before live there. 77 When he reached
that place he found a fleet of Japanese pirates who
desired to settle there and had taken possession of the
river. Passing through their midst without receiv-
ing any harm, he went up higher on the river and
with the greatest haste made a sort of fort from an
old galley that he had, in which he mounted his
artillery as well as possible. The Japanese general
wrote him a letter, in which he said that he knew
well that they were robbers like himself, but that he
was there first, and had come at his king's command;
consequently, if Carrion wished him to go away

77 Montero y Vidal {Hist, de Filipinas, i, p. 84) says of this
incident: "A Japanese pirate, called Tayfusa or Taizufa, having
made himself master of Cagayan, was committing many depreda-
tions among its natives. Ronquillo sent Juan Pablo Carrion to
oppose him, who succeeded, although not without difficulty, in
driving him from the province. Then Carrion pacified the whole
territory after defeating the native chiefs. He founded the city
of Nueva Segovia in Lal-lo. He was accompanied in that expedi-
tion by the Dominican father Fray Cristobal de Salvatierra and
the Augustinian Francisco Rodriguez."

<.- ' •

« t *,r,t St.,*. 4***»t /^><V.<

'•■• : '. *'V

E.ft-#/»'>nir«Ma#

,.;v-. : - ' p:rA''

■• " PI « -<>

••=&*?

„*u» "*'*** * "

::r:r:v •-- ; . \ * «..

A'-*—* -• ****** •*• -^ " IjL r *fr (■ 7 /> ^

!

3

-&

Signature of Martin Ignacio de Loyola (author of the
Itinerario contained in Mendoza's Historia de . . .
China -set VOL. VI, pp. 134-153, this series) ; et al.

[Photographic facsimile of original MS. in Archivo general de Indias,

Sevilla']

1 2 80-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 3^5

and leave him the river he was to give him a large
sum of gold. The captain replied to him that he
came only to protect the natives and to take from the
Japanese the gold that they had seized from them
and drive them out of the country. When the Jap-
anese found that nothing would be given them, more
than six hundred men came one morning at dawn to
attack the fort, armed with excellent muskets and
weapons. Our men numbered about eighty but they
were defended by their small fort of old stakes. A
great number of the Japanese were killed while not
more than one of our men was killed, and it is even
said that he was killed by accident by those who
were inside the fort. When the Japanese saw how
evilly the day was going for them and tasted of the
skill of the Spaniards, they determined to retreat,
and leave not only the fort, but also our men and re-
turn to their country. I was told by Father Fran-
cisco Cabral, 78 of the Society of Jesus, who was then
provincial in Japon, that he had talked with them
and that they were afraid of the Spaniards, and said
that such people [as the Spaniards] had never been
seen. They were astonished above all else at the
rapidity and skill with which the Spaniards dis-
charged their weapons. Surely they had good rea-
son to be afraid, for I believe that there is now no
better soldiery than that of the Philipinas, especially

78 Francisco Cabral was born at Covilham Portugal, in 1528,
and entered his novitiate in the Society of Jesus at Goa in 1554.
He professed philosophy and theology, and later became master of
novices, and rector of the colleges of Goa, Bagaim, and Cochim.
Later he went to Japan, where he was vice-provincial for some
years. Going thence to China, he returned later to the Indies,
where he was visitor, provincial, and an official in the professed
house at Goa, where he died April 16, 1609. Many of his letters
have been published. See Sommervogel's Bibliotheque.

386 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

the arquebusiers. The people of the province of
Cagayam resemble those of Ylocos. They are very
vile, and poorly dressed, but are fine husbandmen.
Christianity has not entered there to any extent, but
there are some fathers there. They have begun to
build churches although the land is not entirely
quiet. It will be pacified soon, our Lord willing, as
in the other parts, especially if there are priests to
send.

Province of Camarines

The other cape of this island of Luzon lying to the
southeast is called Buza y Gan. 79 It lies in a latitude
of thirteen and one-third degrees. There is a port
there which is at times made by the ships from Mex-
ico. Twenty leguas from the cape of Buza y Gan
inland is the village of [Nueva] Caceres. That
village was colonized by Captain Don Juan de Arze
at the order of Governor Francisco Sande.

That province is called Camarines and is very
large and densely populated. It contains many
small provinces in its confines. The people are well
featured and are excellent husbandmen, and there-
fore they have considerable rice. There are many
gold mines in that province and many excellent gold-
smiths after their fashion. Those men roam
throughout the island in order to gain their living.

79 The author probably includes in the term Camarines the
modern provinces of Ambos Camarines, Albay, and Sorsogon,
and possibly Tayabas. In 1902 Ambos Camarines was fourth in
the production of abaca, the provinces of Leyte, Albay, and Sor-
sogon, preceding it. Its total area is 849,261 hectares, of which
106,371 hectares or 12.5 per cent are agricultural. Of this 59>683
hectares or 56.1 per cent are cultivated. Cf. the above account
with that of Loarca, vol. v, pp. 93-101. See Census of Philip-
pine Islands, iv.

1280-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 3^7

Many interesting things made by them are taken to
Mexico, especially filigree work. It is a very
healthful land, has good air, and is well populated
by Spaniards. That province also contains many
Christians. Its people are very ready to receive our
holy faith, and are of considerable intelligence; but
they are not all Christians for lack of ministers. 80
It is a cause for pity to see so much ready for the
harvest in these islands and to see how few workers
there are, although they are full to overflowing in
the convents of Espafia. The above is what occurs
to me to tell briefly of the island of Luzon and of the
city of Manila. Manila is of great importance
viewed in any light, and must become very great and
a general center for many parts. The distance from
this city of Manila to the city of Macan in China is
one hundred and sixty leguas. The Japanese also
are slightly farther away from the upper point of
this island, namely, the cape of Boxador. The
island of Burnei is one hundred and eighty leguas
from Manila and extends northeast and southwest
from Manila. It is a very large island and densely
populated. Doctor Francisco de Sande went to that
island in the year 78, with three royal galleys and
some other small ships and less than four hundred
men, to summon the king of the island to make peace
and friendship with us; for the natives of Luzon
were daily threatening us with the coming of the
king of Burney. When Sande arrived near the
island he sent two Indian interpreters with a mes-
sage to the king, but the latter refused to listen to the
message, and with great fury ordered the ambassa-

80 This is the Bucaygan of Loarca (see vol. v, p. 99), and
must be the point on the southeastern extremity of Sorsogon.

388 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

dors to be killed. However, it was the Lord's will
that one of them should escape as by a miracle, for
he made a vow when he beheld himself in that
predicament to become a Christian if the Lord
would save him. The Lord saved him and he
afterward performed his vow and is now an excel-
lent Christian, and has produced much fruit among
his fellow-natives, as I am a good witness. When the
governor learned of the insult that the king of
Burnei had shown him, he resolved to gain by force
what they refused to give him willingly. The king
of Burneo sailed out into the sea with a great number
of galleys and galliots and a considerable quantity
of good artillery. But when our artillery was dis-
charged, and the Borneans saw that it had so long a
range, while their own had no effect, they began to
turn and flee. The small ships went in pursuit of
them and captured their galleys which they had
abandoned and a quantity of their artillery, although
much of the latter was also thrown into the water.
The governor followed up his victory, and entered
the city where he pillaged a great part of its wealth.
Almost all the people fled to the mountains. That
city was very large and rich, and was built on a very
broad and deep river, and had the appearance of
another Venecia. 81 The buildings were of wood,
but the houses were excellently constructed, many of
them being constructed with stone work and gilded,
especially the king's palaces which were of huge
size. That city contained a very sumptuous mosque,
a very large and interesting building quite covered
with half-relief and gilded. When the governor

81 See Pigafetta's description of the city of Brunei, ante, vol*
xxxiii, p. 221 ; see also vol. iv, p. 160 ff.

1280-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 3 8 9

returned to Manila he ordered that mosque to be
burned. That king of Burnay is a Moro from Meca
and is the ruler of the seaports and rivers of that
island where he has settlements of Moros. The na-
tives of the island however are heathen as are all the
other peoples of the Philipinas. The governor sent
a message to the king in order to get him to make
peace with him, but it was impossible to find him
for he refused to put in an appearance. More than
five hundred Indians came to make peace, among
them an uncle of the king who acted as his master-
of-camp. At that juncture it was the Lord's will
that all the men of our camp commenced to fall sick
so that there was almost no man in the camp who
could perform sentinel duty, and many died. It was
thought to be caused by an herb which the natives
put into the food or which they had thrown into the
water. The governor was, therefore, forced to
abandon the settlement and return to Manila. The
Moro king returned to his city and rebuilt his
mosque and fort. He has many galleys and a quan-
tity of artillery at present, but it will be of no avail if
the Spaniards return thither. It is reported that he
had his uncle killed as well as the other leaders who
made peace. Burney is a way-station of great import-
ance, for it is on the way from Malaca to Meluco,
and Manila, while it is an excellent harbor for the
fleets which sail to Malaca destined for Patan, Sian,
and other kingdoms. From Manila toward the
south lies Maluco at a distance of three hundred
leguas, and in the midst of the way lie the islands
called Philipinas. The latter are densely populated,
well supplied with food, and rich in gold. Among
them are Mindanao, Sebu, Panay, and others which

39° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

I do not name although they are large. All the
above-named islands are inhabited by Pintados,
whom we call Vizayos. They exhibit but few differ-
ences among themselves. They are a robust and
energetic race, and more inclined to war and pillage
than to work. They are not traders as are those of
Manila nor so wealthy, for they are satisfied if they
have a bit of rice and wine. The island of Zebu is
one of these islands. It is the province where the
Spaniards were stationed, and where they established
the oldest colony on the seashore on one of the finest
harbors in the world. It was colonized by Adelan-
tado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, and was called the
city of Nombre de Jesus; for, when our men went
thither, they found a very beautiful child Jesus
there, which had been there since they had killed the
famous Magallanes. The Indians reverenced that
image highly and commended themselves to it in
their necessities. Especially at times of drought
they took it and bathed it in the sea, whereupon the
Lord gave them rain in plenty. It is now kept in the
convent of the Augustinian fathers of that city.
That was the first church in these islands. The Lord
works many miracles at present by means of that im-
age. The Spaniards were living in that island when
a vast Portuguese fleet composed of galleys and gal-
leons came to take them to India. Its captain was a
certain Gongalo Pereira Marromaquez, and not-
withstanding that our men were so few 82 and had no
fort, they managed so discreetly and the Lord (who
knew the great benefit that must follow from their
permanence), aided them so well that the Portu-
guese retired in confusion seemingly with their
82 Literally: "Notwithstanding that our men were four cats."

1 2 80-1605] RELATION OF PHILIPINAS 39 l

hands to their heads. That island [of Cebu] is
small but very healthful. All its inhabitants are
Christians, being the oldest Christians of all the
islands. That island lies on the way and route to
Malaca. The adelantado went to the island of
Panay from that island as it was inadequate, after
leaving a sufficient number of Spaniards there, and
settled on a large river called by the same name [of
Panay]. He stayed there until he went to Manila
where even to this day is the settlement of the Span-
iards, and where I believe that it will always be as
it is a fine center. That island of Panay is the best
of those under his Majesty's dominion except the
island of Luzon. Its inhabitants are Pintados like
the others. It abounds in all sorts of provisions, and
has quantities of cotton cloth. It has an excellent
Spanish colony at the present, although it is not in
the same location as at first. That settlement is
called the city of Arevalo. Panay is a healthful and
temperate island and contains many Christians, for
there are a number of convents of the Augustinian
fathers in nearly all parts of it. There are many
other islands which are of quite large size and
densely populated. They are under the dominion of
his Majesty and pay an annual tribute. However,
they have no Spanish colonies, and cannot have any,
because the Spaniards are few in number and have
much to which to attend. If his Majesty should
send more men here to these islands, they are located
in a center where great things can be undertaken
and success assured, for finally as abovesaid all of
the inhabitants are Indians.

LETTER FROM JUAN BAUTISTA ROMAN
TO FELIPE II

Sire:

For the last eleven years that I have been serving
your Majesty in these regions of the Indias, I have
continually written what has occurred to me re-
garding your royal service and the benefit and in-
crease of the treasury; and although nothing of
notoriously great convenience has been enacted, I
shall not neglect to inform your Majesty of the
things that occur to me at present in order that I may
fulfil my obligation and discharge my conscience
so that your Majesty may enact what measures are
most advisable.

Your Majesty will have heard from Nueva
Espaiia of the depredations that the English pirates
have committed, and that two extremely small
ships -one of one hundred and fifty toneladas, and
the other of one hundred, and carrying seventy men
in both ships - captured your Majesty's ship "Santa
Ana" 8S of six hundred tons' burden, on the coast of
Nueva Espana. It contained two thousand three
hundred marcos of gold belonging to private per-
sons and one million [ducados'] worth of merchan-
dise with which it was laden. Then they burned the

83 See the account of Candish's expedition in vol. xv, pp.
291-299.

1 2 80-1605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 393

vessel. Inasmuch as your Majesty will have as
definite information as that known here, I shall only
relate what happened to the English later according
to what has been learned from them themselves and
what we have seen. After they had burned the ship,
they sailed toward these islands, but the smaller
vessel went adrift in the open sea. The other arrived
in January of this year at the island of Capul, the
first island of these Filipinas, which forms a strait
with this large island of Luzon. The captain
bought some food from the Indians at Capul, for
which he paid them very liberally and did them no
damage. He hanged a Spaniard whom he had
brought from the ship "Santa Ana," one Alonso de
Valladolid, because he found on him a letter in
which he advised the president of the royal Audi-
encia of all that had happened. The Indian who
was to carry the letter and who was the servant of
the said Spaniard, escaped by swimming and con-
cealed himself so securely in the island that the
English were unable to find him. They told the
Indians of the island that they were hostile to the
Spaniards, and that they had left their country for
the sole purpose of harming us. They said that they
would return with a fleet within three years, in order
to colonize these islands and drive us out of them;
and that they did not care for any tribute from the
Indians, but only for their friendship and trade.
After a stay of eleven days they set sail and went to
another island called Panae, more distant from this
settlement of Manila, and toward the south. There
is a small city in that island called Arevalo of which
Captain Don Juan Ronquillo is alcalde-mayor. A
large ship was being built nearby at the expense of

394 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

the royal treasury. The Englishmen arrived between
the hamlet and the shipyard where the ship was
building on the seventh of February, where he cap-
tured by means of his ship's boat a sailor who was
coasting along in a boat quite inapprehensive of any
such danger. All the information that could be de-
sired was learned from that sailor. Next day the
Englishman landed the sailor with a letter for one
Manuel Lorengo, who had the construction of the
ship in charge. The letter contained some threats
and arguments of little moment and was signed
Tomas Candis of Trimbley, as your Majesty will see
by the original in the papers sent by the president.
At that time that sailor learned of the disaster to the
"Santa Ana," from one of the Portuguese who had
been captured and from certain Flemish sailors
whom he knew. It was also learned immediately
from the Indian who had escaped in Capul. Both
of them declared the captain to be a youth of
twenty-two or twenty-three, and that the ship con-
tained scarcely forty Englishmen. After having
done that the English set sail and laid their course
toward the island of Vindenao, the last one of these
Filipinas lying toward Maluco. They will neces-
sarily be forced to winter in some desert island near
Maluco (as Francisco Draque did) until the month
of December, for they can not make use of the
brisas of this year for the voyage to, and the doub-
ling of, the cape of Buena Hesperanza, as it is
already very late. And especially since it would
take all the rest of February and March to sail to the
Javas, where one disembogues from this archipelago
into the open sea, for that distance is more than four
hundred leguas, and one can sail only by day because

1280-1605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 395

of the great labyrinth of the many shoals, channels,
and doublings which are encountered, where one
needs a small boat to go ahead especially to sound
the shoals of this archipelago ; it is therefore a fore-
gone conclusion that they are now wintering in some
one of the islands between here and the Javas.

The greatest damage and injury that can be re-
ceived from this occurrence is that a robber should
dare with so few forces to pass among these islands
so leisurely; and since he was able to pass without us
forming his acquaintance, that he should try to make
so much outcry, to boast of his capture, and to utter
threats for the future. If your Majesty be so pleased
you may consider that the royal Audiencia boasts
that there are here in these Filipinas Islands six
Spanish settlements, one master-of-camp, thirty-five
captains, three galleys, and three ships with high
freeboard, the smallest of which is of three hundred
tons' burden, besides many f ragatas and native ships,
powder and weapons, and four hundred soldiers, all
of which has not served or serves for an affair of so
little difficulty and one so necessary. I was con-
stantly of the opinion that the pirate should be
pursued immediately, and some others were of the
same opinion, but the governor and the majority
(which always temporizes in regard to following
their opinion) held contrariwise, and said that it was
possible that a fleet was coming from Inglaterra
after the ship, and that if we pursued the latter, this
city and fort would be left with insufficient defend-
ers. It was better to attend to the relief and defense
of this city than to pursue the pirate. With a
determination so illy founded nothing but the
strengthening of the fort was thought of, and that

39 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

with great diligence as if all Ingalaterra were com-
ing to attack us. A few days later I was sick in my
bed, and grieving over this so manifest error, I had
the bishop and the rector of the Society of Jesus,
who are weighty individuals and very skilled and
zealous in the service of God and of your Majesty,
asked to come to my house. I asked them to treat
with the governor since he had not exercised dili-
gence in pursuing the Englishman at that time, to
at least assemble the fleet at the island of Qubu
(which is near Bindanao), since it is a foregone con-
clusion that the pirate will have to winter in this
archipelago; and, since he would be assured soon
that no other English ships were coming, to send the
fleet from that island to pursue the enemy. Al-
though the fleet should sail with west and northwest
winds, which prevail during August and September
and are favorable for our navigation and contrary
to that of the Englishman, they could sail in pur-
suit of him and it would be easy to find him, for the
Indians of the islands would immediately report
him wherever we went, as the vessel was a foreign
one and the men of a race never before seen. We
could especially take so many light-oared vessels
that they could search for the English ship any-
where. It would not be difficult to capture it with
a single galley, and the capture would be much
easier with twelve or thirteen fragatas that could be
assembled. I also asked him that even if he did not
wish to take that upon himself, to at least send word
to Juan de Silva, governor of Malaca, and the chief
captain of the sea, Don Paulo de Lima, who came
from Goa with twenty oared vessels and ships of
high freeboard and five hundred soldiers to make

1 280-1 605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 397

war on the king of Joor-one reason being so that
they might go or send men along the coasts of the
Javas to look for that pirate, as that would be a very
easy thing; and another so that the ship which
should leave Malaca to sail to Portugal might be
warned; and another so that the governor of Malaca
might advise the viceroy of India. The latter could
despatch the ships or a portion of them early and
they could await that enemy at the island of Santa
Elena, and at least they would be on the lookout dur-
ing all their voyage, for the route is necessarily the
same until near the vicinity of the Azores Islands.
All those warnings are so evident that if your Maj-
esty orders pilots to be assembled, no matter how
little they know, they will agree in their account of
this voyage. But the governor and his captains held
a council, and it was voted in writing (and all were
in accord) that not a single one of the above pre-
cautions ought to be taken. The one who is least to
blame is the governor, for since it is a matter that is
foreign to his profession and the manner in which he
has lived until his old age, he took counsel with those
who understand it or at least ought to understand it.
The latter (some of them in order not to go upon this
expedition and the others because they had no fur-
ther news), gave that opinion to the governor nemine
discrepante. Finally, the Englishman will return
scotf ree to his country on this account, while if there
were any energy displayed here (I do not mean the
precautions abovesaid, but a ship well equipped),
a ship might be sent in pursuit of him as far as Eng-
land, for he is sailing so carelessly that it would be
easy to overtake and capture him.

Although the remedy that your Majesty orders to

39^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

be taken in order to punish the audacity of those
Englishmen by making war on Ingalaterra is the
best and surest remedy, yet for any event I proposed
what seems the most convenient and the easiest
method of driving the English from this sea of the
south. All the men who have sailed through the sea
of Magallanes in order to return [home] by way of
the cape of Buena Esperanza (namely, Magallanes
himself, Francisco Draque, and this pirate) sail by
way of the island of Vindenao, as far as the Javas
where they disembogue from this archipelago into
the ocean sea. There are many straits and channels
between islands along this route (which must neces-
sarily be taken) , some of which are not one-half mile
wide. If they should be in those districts from the
first of February to the end of June (the season for
the brisas, by which the pirates must navigate), two
fragatas of high freeboard with their lanchas and
well equipped with artillery and carrying two hun-
dred men, would infallibly be sufficient to prevent
the enemy from passing; and would allow them no
method by which they could pass through the strait
of Magallanes to these parts. For if the ships
should coast along Piru and Nueva Hespana, and
this passage were taken, and the ships attempted to
return by the same path, it would be very difficult
for them, and the viceroy of Piru would have time
to pursue them. The cost of such fragatas and
lanchas in these islands would be six thousand pesos
de Tipusque 84 all finished and ready for sailing.

84 Pesos de Tipusque: Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara says (i,
p. 171) in his Historia de las guerras civiles del Peru — called
also Quinquenarios - (Madrid, 1904; published for the first
time from the original MS.) : "and it was all gold de minas, ten
pesos of which are worth sixteen and one-half pesos and four

1 280-1605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 399

Twenty-four pieces of bronze artillery of thirty
quintals will cost here a total of eleven or twelve
thousand pesos or thereabout in addition to the sal-
ary of the founder. The pay that could be given to
the soldiers and to sixty sailors is ten pesos per month
while two captains will receive twenty-five apiece.
Thus not only would this fleet serve for the above
mentioned effect but also to pacify the islands be-
tween Vindenao and Maluco and those between
Maluco and Java, and to reduce and collect the trib-
ute from the island of Ternate which has been in
revolt for many years. From that island the cloves
are sent all over the world. That reduction could
not be effected by placing a settlement there since
the island is not well fitted for a settlement, but by
preventing commerce of the Moros of Java who
trade for cloves and carry away almost all of them.
That would be very easy for the Moros do not carry
any artillery with which to make attacks, and the
king of Ternate would be completely ruined if he
had no outlet for his cloves. For the men of Java
take him rice and other food, saltpetre, metal,
and powder, by which he maintains and defends
himself. If he lacks those things he must immedi-
ately surrender because of hunger and necessity.
All the abovesaid could be accomplished by the gov-
ernor of these islands if money were sent him from
Nueva Espafia, and if he had the men necessary to
take part in it and who could carry out the plan.

Many useless expenses to the royal treasury re-
sult from the poor administration in many things
in the government of these islands, especially in the

granos, of the money called common gold or gold of Tepuzque in
Nueva Espana." See also vol. ii, p. 221, and vol. xii, p. 46,
note 6.

4°° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

cost of the ships of this line. All of the ships belong
to your Majesty, although they could belong to pri-
vate persons. In the former year of eighty-five,
Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa brought a
new ship of three hundred toneladas to the port of
this city, in order to freight it for Nueva Esparia;
but instead of encouraging and aiding him in it, he
was denied all protection, so much so that in order
that the ship might not rot in the port, he was
obliged to sell it for a certain exploring expedition
which was made at your Majesty's expense by order
of the archbishop of Mexico. Consequently, all
those who intended to build ships were discouraged.
The reason for this is that since the governors en-
gage in trade and traffic, they do not want any ships
belonging to private persons where heavy freights
have to be paid. It is known what goods are ex-
ported and whose they are if they do not belong to
your Majesty, and that his merchandise goes under
false pretense and that he does not pay so heavy
freight duties. Consequently, in order that the gov-
ernors may gain one real, it must cost your Majesty
one hundred. Two of your Majesty's ships are
being despatched this year, one of six hundred tone-
ladas and the other of four hundred, at an expense
of more than fifty thousand pesos. It is unnecessary
to despatch more than one ship, for one ship of one
hundred toneladas is sufficient to bring the ammuni-
tion and soldiers to be sent from Mexico. However
in order that those two might be laden with mer-
chandise they are sent, and this is one of the incon-
gruities above mentioned. If the merchants of
Mexico and of these islands wish commerce they
should build ships, and not all carry on their business

1 2 80-1605] ROMAN TO FELIPE II 4 QI

to the so great harm and loss of the royal treasury.
Finally these islands have never been or are of fur-
ther use than to enrich the governor, and to enable
him to gain two hundred thousand ducados, while
your Majesty loses ten times as much. Things will
constantly get worse in this direction, unless your
Majesty orders the matter corrected. I am serving
your Majesty as factor and treasurer, but I have no
part in anything, for the governor manages things
to suit himself. I have always advised your Majesty
of these and other incongruities, but no relief has
ever been given to anything that I have mentioned
touching your royal service, and my letters cannot
have had the credit that my faithfulness merits.
However, I shall at least have performed my duty
as your Majesty's servant and vassal, and to my con-
science.

A stone fort is being built in this city of Manila
at the governor's order and at the cost of the royal
treasury and of certain imposts on the Indians and
Spaniards. All that is spent in this is time and
money lost, for as your Majesty will see by its model,
it is a rounded pile of stones in the old style, having
seven arms on top, covered with tiling. If it were
to be beaten down from above, those inside would
perish with the stones and tiles which would fall on
them. A modern fortress with three ramparts could
be built with the amount that it is costing, and not a
defense so useless that any Englishman or French-
man who might besiege it would take it the first day
that he bombarded it. For as I say above, the same
ruin that strikes the upper works must be the death-
blow of its defenders. Besides that there are some
towers with stone houses which are built nearby.

402 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

The fort has no moat or platform, while the artil-
lery cannot be easily handled, for there are only
some round loopholes through which the pieces pro-
trude. Consequently, all parts of the fort cannot
be commanded or even one curtain aided from an-
other. It is a shame to us that we are building such
a fort. Will your Majesty please order the matter
examined and corrected? May our Lord preserve
your Majesty many years with the increase of king-
doms and seigniories that we your subjects and vas-
sals desire. Manila, in the Filipinas, July 2, 1588.

Juan Baptista Roman

LETTER FROM GOMEZ PEREZ
DASMARINAS

* Although I am awaiting the ships and in them a
letter from your Grace with good news of the health
and prosperity that I desire for your Grace, yet I
have wished because of the shortness of the time and
because these ships are about to sail, to write this
present letter to your Grace, in order to inform you
of the condition of affairs here. I wrote your Grace
last year, although briefly, for I had only been in this
country for twenty days. Now that I have lived here
one year, and know more about conditions here, I say
that in regard to the camp and soldiers that I found
here, the condition was very imperfect, and they had
no organization or [knowledge of] military art. For
there was no greater force or difference between our
men and the natives of the country than the advan-
tage of weapons and arquebuses. Even those the
Indians were accustomed to carry, as was the case
in a review that was held here at my order of all the
soldiers here before my arrival. Since then I have
managed to give this matter the best system and or-
ganization possible. Accordingly, the soldiers who
came with me appoint their guards daily, and attend
to their posts, sentries, and patrols with concert and
punctuality - a matter that has been introduced and
maintained since my arrival. The soldiers are

4°4 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

cheerful and well paid, for they received one aid in
Mexico and another one here a few days ago. I
trust that this matter will be thoroughly perfected,
notwithstanding the not slight obstructions and op-
position to the new soldiers in the slight aid and vile
persuasions of those who were here before. The
latter asked them why they tired themselves out in
this work, and said that it was unnecessary, and
worth nothing except to make them fall sick and
die. It is because they have so honorable thoughts,
that although they see that the pay is drawn now
from the king and so punctually, yet with the new
system that has been ordered, not a single one of
them has ever wished to concur in it, although they
are perishing of hunger, and besides have nothing to
do except to suffer themselves to come to submit in
order to receive pay. For they are good for nothing
else than to do bad turns to the others, and notwith-
standing that, they publish more services than those
of the duke of Alva; 85 and together with that they
act in so unbridled a manner to the others in the
guardhouse that it became advisable to punish them
slightly for some offenses that could not be passed
by especially in these beginnings. Those punish-
ments consisted of tying the hands behind the back
and suspending the soldier, imprisonment, exile, and
other things. The matter even went so far that one

85 Fernando Alvarez de Toiedo, Duke of Alva, the "hangman
of the Netherlands" (1508-82 or 83) was specially trained by his
grandfather for war and politics. He served under both Charles
V and Felipe II; and will always be remembered by his cruelty
and atrocities in the Netherlands. Motley's estimate of him is
interesting: "Such an amount of stealth and ferocity, of patient
vindictiveness, and universal blood thirstiness has never been found
in a savage beast of the forest, and but rarely in a human being."
See New International Encyclopedia.

1 280-1605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 4° 5

day a certain soldier gave the lie to his corporal of
the guard and raised his hand against his alferez and
resisted him. Any of those actions merited death,
and he was accordingly executed, in order that the
soldiers might understand that I was in earnest and
that the matter had gone farther than was desirable.
That had a very salutary effect, and acted as a check
to all, for from that time, there has been no disturb-
ance but all has been quiet and good discipline pre-
vails.

There are very few soldiers here, for I only
brought 270, and about 40 of those have died al-
ready. Before they reach here, those who are sent
die and desert on the way. In fact the soldiers of
Nueva Espana are not suitable, and consequently, it
will be advisable for those who come here to be sent
from Espana.

The pay also that is given here to captains, offi-
cers, and soldiers is very little toward their main-
tenance. Therefore I petition your Grace to favor
this, so that they may increase in service to his
Majesty, and so that I may have more leeway in re-
warding them and encouraging them to [exert them-
selves] in his service.

There was no ammunition here nor a house for it,
or any magazines or money to get ammunition or
other very important things. There were no bar-
racks for the soldiers, who were quartered on the
houses of the citizens, to the great discomfort of the
latter. That also gave opportunity to the soldiers
themselves to live loosely and sensually. Conse-
quently, I have built a barracks that will accommo-
date 400, and they will be readily accessible for
guard duty and for anything that arises.

4°6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

I have surrounded the city with a suitable stone
wall, that stretches from the point of a fort which is
being built to another which was built in a very im-
proper manner, and will only serve now for show.
This wall is about one thousand brazas long and has
a foundation below ground of about one and one-
half estados. It is about 16 feet broad, [at ground
level] while above ground level it tapers in another
one and one-half estados from the 16 feet, to twelve
feet. From the 12 feet thickness it tapers to about
one vara of slope if one measures from the level of
the ground. Then begins the right curtain, and it
has a width of 8 feet -a space sufficient to drag a
piece of artillery along it. At the very least it will
serve for a good entrenchment on any occasion. At
present all the seacoast side is in some state of secur-
ity and suitability. I trust, God helping, that in one
year's time, it will have so much security that it will
be seen that it will not be as heretofore; for one
would believe that we have been here only as guests,
and have been awaiting no more than the arrival of
the hour of departure, and to leave it as it was. 86

86 The following royal decree taken from a MS. book of decrees
entitled "Cedulas reales dirigidas a eftas Yslas Filipinas, Copiadas
fielmente de las originales 6 authenticas que fe guardan en el
archivo de la real Audiencia de Manila" (a copy of the seven-
teenth or eighteenth century) and kindly loaned by Mr. E. E.
Ayer of Chicago, is interesting. "The King. Leonardo Fur-
riano, my engineer. Inasmuch as it is desirable for my service that
you go to the Philipinas Islands with Gomez Perez Dasmarinas,
knight of the Order of Santiago, whom I have appointed as my
governor and captain-general of them, so that forts may be
built according to your advice and design, which, in accordance
with the contents of the instructions of the said Gomez Perez are
to be built in the said islands: I order you to go with him, and
that you embark very speedily in order not to tarry an instant
for the sake of our cause. For that purpose, Don Luis de la Cueva,
my governor and captain-general of those islands of Canaria shall

1280-1605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 4°7

In regard to the soldiers here before my arrival,
such as they were, I have done what his Majesty
orders me, namely, rewarded them and given them
whatever there was of importance and interest, all
in accordance with the memoranda of my instruc-
tions ; 87 although in that regard I am sure that there
was some manipulation and that an evil report was
given to his Majesty. Although hitherto everything
has been given to the soldiers here, I must tell your
Grace that I brought very honorable captains and
soldiers with me who have served his Majesty con-
siderably in Ytalia and Flandes. I also brought ex-
cellent gentlemen, to whom, since no posts or en-
comiendas of the country have as yet been given to
them (at least of posts of war on sea and land), I
would like his Majesty to permit me to assign such
posts according to the rank of each and to support
them, for as yet they have had no other support than
that of being near my person, and that I may in this
manner assign them suitable pay. I petition your
Grace to protect and favor me before his Majesty,
for this is a post that needs men, and it costs so much
to conduct them here, and there is no other kind of

aid you. Thus have I ordered him; and the officials of my royal
treasury of the said Philipinas Islands shall give and pay you at
the rate of one thousand ducados per year from the date when
you shall show by signed notarial testimony that you have set
sail from any port of the said islands of Canaria, and for so long
as you are busied and engaged in the construction of the said forts.
When the forts are completed, you shall return to these kingdoms
with the design and plan of said forts. Given at San Lorenzo,
September twelve, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.

I the King
"By order of the king our sovereign:

Juan de Ybarra"

87 See the royal instructions given to Dasmarinas, in vol. vii,
pp. 1 41 -1 72; and especially pp. 149-15 1.

408 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

support for them, except the power and faculty that
his Majesty gives in this, so that it might be had
here; for since his Majesty entrusts other things to
me, he might well entrust this, being assured that I
shall not spend one real improperly for his Majesty,
nor more than what I may deem advisable.

When I arrived here I found a province called
Zambales which was in strong revolt, and many
thefts and murders had been committed there. I
endeavored to attract the people to make peace by
good means; but having found that none of them
availed, I determined to send two captains there, one
by sea and the other by land. I ordered them to
build two presidios in the districts most suitable for
aiding the people from, and for making them obe-
dient to his Majesty. One of the presidios is called
Tarla, and the other Las Arenas. The Zambals see-
ing that the presidios were so located that they re-
strained their steps and thoughts, and that active
measures were being taken, by those means more
than two thousand five hundred men have been
reduced and have settled near the presidios. 88 By
means of that reduction, another province called
Pampanga has been assured. 89 All this city is sup-
plied with food from the latter province, which was
greatly harassed and troubled by the Zambals.
Besides the abovesaid the Zambals are slowly being

88 The opinions of the religious given January 19 and 20, 1592
upon the question of waging war on the Zambals (see vol. viii,
pp. 199-233), prove this assertion of Dasmarinas to have been
made too soon.

89 The province of Pampanga is still an abundant source of
supplies. Of its total area of 224,812 hectares, 105,677 or 47
per cent is agricultural, and of that 63,840 hectares (or 60.4 per
cent) are cultivated. It is the second sugar producing province
in the archipelago, producing 14,317,776 kilograms in 1 902.

1 2 80-1605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 4° 9

reduced fifty by fifty, and that work will continue
until they all come in.

I also found another province called Cagayan
which had been in revolt from his Majesty's service
after they had rendered homage for some years. I
sent a captain and 80 soldiers there, and after the
same methods employed toward the Zambals had
been used, and after haying seen that the latter re-
fused to render obedience, it was necessary to open
war. By that means all the inhabitants of that prov-
ince were reduced in the space of six months, and
came to pay the tribute to his Majesty -they and
others who had never been discovered until then.
It is said that there are many people still to discover.
Good methods will be used toward them so that they
may come into the service of his Majesty. The last-
named province has a port located near the cape of
Bojador and that of El Engano. One may enter that
harbor without passing amid these islands, and the
exit from it is so good that one has only to take
to the open sea on leaving it. It is so near China that
one can reach that country in three days and return
in another three. I believe that we could annually
despatch a ship hence with merchandise for Espafia,
and it would be very advisable to have a good Span-
ish settlement in that port. I propose that matter to
your Grace, petitioning you to please order such a
settlement to be made if it seem suitable, since it is
good for the future to have a settlement so near to
China.

The above is all that occurs to me at present of
which to inform your Grace. In the one year and
ten days now since I came to these islands, I can say
that in most of that time, I have been busy settling

41 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

oppositions and innovations of the bishop and the
doubts and inventions of him and his friars who do
nothing except to obstruct and embarrass everything
that is done here. Although whenever the bishop
came to me with new causes for anger he left me
well satisfied and content, that condition did not last
longer, on account of his age and inconstancy, than
the arrival of any other person who influenced him
to whatever side he would. Consequently, he has
proved only a constant opposition to my office, and I
have been unable to do my duty with any sort of lib-
erty as the royal jurisdiction has no weight here.
For besides that this is so little and new, it was all
seized by the many justices appointed by the bishop,
who had an infinite number of fiscals and alguacils
all over, and a vicar and protector at every step.
They were appointing alguacils, building prisons,
and setting up stocks, arresting and lashing Indians,
and were very domineering and meddlesome in all
things. The bishop, although I have opposed his
journey as much as possible, is going there. 90 How-
ever, he says obstinately that it cannot be avoided;
and his heart is full of venom and he is desirous of
doing harm. But since he cannot in truth say any-
thing that can touch me one jot and prove disservice
to my king, his imaginings give me no concern for I
know how he usually succeeds in them. The ships
have now arrived, and with them Diego Ronquillo,
who gave me your letter. I am well satisfied with it,
and will reply to it in another letter. May our Lord,
etc. Manila, June 21, 1591.

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas

90 Morga makes a statement somewhat at variance with this
(see vol. xv, p. 75).

1 280-1605] LETTER FROM DASMARINAS 4 11

I enclose herewith a copy of the letter which 1
am writing to his Majesty in regard to the affairs of
the bishop and his friars, so that your Grace may be
forewarned about it, and able to show me favor
in everything.

[Endorsed: Letter from Governor Gomez
Perez Dasmariiias, treating of the condition of the
soldiers in that country. Manila, June 21, 1591."]

ROYAL DECREE REGARDING THE HOS-
PITALS FOR THE NATIVES

The King. Reverend Father in Christ, bishop of
the Philipinas, and member of my Council: I am
writing to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, my governor
and captain-general of those islands, to immediately
take possession of the hospital of the Indians of that
city of Manila and of the hospitals that may be in
the other villages of those islands, for me and in my
name, as patron, which I am both by right and by
apostolic bull of all the hospitals that may be insti-
tuted and founded in the Indias; 91 and to take the

91 See the bull of Gregory XIII, dated February 6, 1578, in
VOL. iv, pp. 1 19-124, where the patronage of the Spanish monarch
in ecclesiastical matters is conceded. Libro i, tit. 6, of Recopila-
cion de Leyes de Indias treats of the royal patronage. Law i, pro-
mulgated by Felipe II, at San Lorenzo, June 1, 1574, an( l Madrid,
February 21, 1575; and by Felipe IV, June 15, 1654, is as
follows :

"Inasmuch as the right of ecclesiastical patronage belongs to us
throughout the state of the Indias, both because we discovered and
acquired that new world, built and endowed there the churches
and monasteries at our own cost, and that of the Catholic sov-
ereigns our ancestors, and because it was conceded to us by bulls of
the supreme pontiffs of their own accord, for their conservation
and for that of the justice which we have there: we order and
command that this right of patronage of the Indias, singly, and
in soiidunij be reserved forever to us and to our royal crown,
and it cannot be deprived of it in whole or in part; and by any
grace, reward, privilege, or any other disposition that we or the
kings our successors may make or concede, it shall not be adjudged
that we concede the right of patronage to any person, church, or

1280-1605] DECREE REGARDING HOSPITALS 4*3

residencia of all those who shall have had charge of
the incomes, alms, and other things touching the said
hospitals. I have desired to advise you of this in
order that you may not prevent it, since you will
know it to be my orders, and also, so that if you wish

monastery, or that we are prejudiced in the said our right of
patronage. Further, no person or persons, ecclesiastical or secular
community, church, or monastery, can make use of the right of
patronage by any custom, rule, or any other title, unless it be the
person who exercises it in our name, and with our authority and
power. No person, secular or ecclesiastical, order or convent,
religious order or community of any estate, condition, rank, and
preeminence, judicially or extrajudicially, shall dare, for any cause
or occasion, to meddle at all with anything touching the said our
royal patronage, or to damage us in our exercise of it, or appoint
to church, benefice, or ecclesiastical office, or receive such to which
appointments are made throughout the state of the Indias, with-
out our presentation, or that of the person to whom we entrust
the same by law or letters-patent. Whoever shall do the contrary,
if he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the rewards that
we shall have given him throughout the state of the Indias, shall be
declared incapable of gaining and holding others, and shall be
exiled from all our kingdoms perpetually. If he be an ecclesias-
tical person, he shall be considered and regarded as exiled from
our kingdoms, and shall be unable to possess or hold any benefice
or ecclesiastical office in the said our kingdoms. Both classes
shall incur the other penalties established by the laws of these
kingdoms. Our viceroys, and royal audiencias and justices shall
proceed with all rigor against those who fail in the observance and
inviolability of our right of patronage. They shall proceed by
virtue of their office or at the petition of our fiscals, or of any other
party who pleads it, and shall observe the necessary precautions
in the execution thereof."

Law xliv (dated San Lorenzo, August 28, 1591), treats of the
hospitals and is as follows:

"We order the steward or superintendent of the funds of the
churches and hospitals of the Indians to be appointed according to
the ordinance of the royal patronage, without any innovation.
Thus shall it be executed by the viceroys and presidents, and
the others who are concerned with the exercise of the patronage."

See also laws xvi and xvii of this same libro and titulo which
treat directly of the Philippines, and which are given in vol. xvi,
p. 169, note 220. Law xviii (dated San Lorenzo, October 5,
1606) also treating of the Philippines, is as follows:

4H THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

to be present at the taking of the said accounts, you
may do so. I am writing to this effect to the said
governor. Madrid, January seventeen, one thou-
sand five hundred and ninety-three.

I the King
By order of the king our sovereign :

Juan Vazquez
Signed by the [members of the] Council.

"In order that the bishops of the churches of Nueva Caceres,
Nueva Segovia, and that of Nombre de Jesus of the Filipinas
Islands may have persons to aid them in the pontifical ceremonies
and in order that they may have the requisite propriety of form in
their churches, and the divine worship have more veneration, in
view of the fact that there are no tithes by which any prebendaries
can be maintained in them, our governor of those islands shall
appoint in each one of the said churches two secular priests of
good morals and example who shall assist and aid the bishop in
the pontifical ceremonies and in everything touching the divine
worship. He shall assign to them some moderate sum from our
royal treasury for their maintenance, so that they might thereby
serve the churches for the present and until there is more faculty
for endowing them with prebendaries and supplying whatever else
is necessary."

AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS

Petition of Brother Thomas Marquez of the Order
of Saint Augustine that the definitorship in the
Philippine Islands be maintained in force.
Most blessed Father:

Following is a petition humbly made to your
Holiness in the interests of the devout brother of that
order, Thomas Marquez, 92 professed of the Order
of Hermits of St. Augustine, from his twenty-third
year a member of the definitorship of the same order
of the province of the Philippine Islands in the
West Indies, 9 ? and in the name of the said province.
Whereas, on account of his great skill in the manage-
ment of affairs, as well as of his learning, the con-
vents and the provincial definitory of the said order
for those regions (as may be seen in the letters
addressed by them to your Holiness, and acknowl-
edged by your Holiness), chose him to remedy the
very many grievances and scandals which distressed
the mission-bands of the brethren of the said order

92 The information given by Perez concerning Tomas Marquez
(in view of the present document) is unsatisfactory. He was a

minister of Cagayan in 1587 and 1590, where he taught the natives
to develop their natural agricultural resources. In 1597 he was
elected commissary-procurator in Spain, but did not make the
voyage. He died in Manila in 161 6. The present document
would indicate that Marquez did go to Spain, and probably Rome.
See Perez's Catdlogo, p. 33.

93 The Philippines were originally regarded by the Spaniards
as belonging to the West Indies.

41 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

that were sent by royal command to those regions to
preach the gospel, which arose through the negli-
gence or malice of their leaders, as well as from the
hindrances on the part of the provincials of Castile
to prevent such as they deemed useful and necessary
to their own province from going thither. Where-
fore, he was appointed procurator-general in order
to act at your curia, as well as at the Spanish, for the
transaction of weighty affairs concerning the order
in the said regions, since his superiors in Spain in
contravention of the wish and decree of the most
reverend prior-general as well as of the general
chapter, had usurped the title of vicar-general of the
aforesaid Indies, and thereby were guilty of disobe-
dience. Inasmuch as they barred him from exercis-
ing his said office of procurator-general, besides
taking from him all his papers and reports bearing
on the above affairs, which he was carrying with
him; moreover, in virtue of holy obedience and
under other penalties they enjoined him from apply-
ing to the Roman curia or to the general of the said
order in the interest of the aforesaid countries; and
lastly besides depriving him of his former convent-
ship located him instead at San Felipe of Madrid: 94
he now prays your Holiness humbly while making
due provision in the premises also to charge the
most reverend nuncio of those countries to see that
he be reestablished in the exercise of his said office,
that all his papers be restored, and himself enabled
in accordance with the tenor and wish of his prov-
ince to take with him all the brethren of the said
order [in Spain] who wish to go with him for the

94 The Augustinian convent of San Felipe el Real of Madrid
was founded in 1545 or 1547. -T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

1 2 8o- 1 605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 1 7

purpose of converting the peoples of those countries
and preaching to them the word of God. Moreover
your Holiness is implored to restrain under grave
penalties and censures all who may hinder him in
the exercise of his duty, as well as strive in any way
to dissuade the brethren who may wish to devote
themselves to the said ministry, for which they shall
have been adjudged worthy, from going thither;
moreover, to enjoin them [/.<?., the provincials of
Castile] under the same censures from using their
vicargeneralship in opposition to the will and de-
cree of the most reverend prior-general, or from
attempting to contravene his mandates. Finally he
seeks to be free in the exercise of his said office of
procurator-general, according to the decree and
command of the prior-general of the order. Where-
fore he always will pray God for your health, which
may God, etc.

[Addressed: "Our most blessed pope."]

[Endorsed: "Case of Brother Thomas Marquez,
procurator-general of the province of the Philip-
pines of the Order of St. Augustine in the name of
the said province."]

[Endorsed: "Received, October 13, 1599; sent to
our Lord."]

[Endorsed: "To the Cardinal San Severino
[word illegible^ to be acted upon in the new congre-
gation."]

Memorial of Tomds Marquez

Most illustrious Sir:

Following are the reasons advanced by brother
Master Thomas Marquez, procurator-general of the

41 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

province of the most holy Name of Jesus, of the
Order of St. Augustine of the Philippine Islands,
in the interest and name of the said province, where-
fore he seeks to be released from the authority and
jurisdiction of the provincials of Castile (who un-
der the claim of being vicars-general seek to govern
it) , and be subject only to the most reverend general,
as the true sole head and father of the whole order,
the same as do the other provinces of the West
Indies.

The first reason is the avoidance of great confu-
sion and chaos which we have because of a plurality
of rulers; inasmuch as being subject to two rulers,
namely, the most reverend father general, our true
and worthy superior, as well as to the provincial of
Castile, who styles himself vicar-general, we thus
would receive diverse orders from the two whence
confusion would arise. For as we would be in doubt
which one to obey, our province would therefore be
in grave peril.

1st. 95 Because the provinces of the Indies with
their numerous religious men of learning and virtue,
who through their discretion and wisdom are ex-
perts in the government of those countries, are
troubled with the orders, mandates, and censures of
the provincials of Castile, who to the grave injury
and disgrace of the said provinces, being concerned
only about their own interests and not those of the
community, aim to govern them, now by issuing
contrary ordinances that are hurtful to the common
good, and again by their unjust mandates that are at
variance with our constitutions and laws. For

95 The numbering of the various parts of this section is very
confused, but we follow it throughout.

1 2 80-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 1 9

example, they forbid those provinces to send to gen-
eral chapter as definitor or procurator any one who
is prior, and should such a one be chosen, they re-
quire him first to resign all his dignities so that
should he go he appears merely as one of the breth-
ren. Whereas, they send to general chapter their
own brothers and friends, men laden with honors
and titles. Should any of Ours appear therein, they
are referred to as so many young men with no re-
sponsibility, who are wholly unfit to hold office.
Such grievance, so dishonoring to the brethren, is
not only very aggravating and harmful to all those
provinces, but to the whole order itself.

First. Because our constitutions require that
every province send to general chapter its own defini-
tor and discreet, 96 in order that these report to the
chapter fathers relative to the state of their province,
the character of their brethren, etc. -a report that
as things are now managed is made through trickery,
not by the expert representatives of the provinces
themselves, but by strangers, chosen in Spain to take
their place in the said chapters.

Secondly. Because although the said provinces
commission their procurators to go to general
chapter, they do not attain the end in view, for the
reason that the said provincials of Castile, in concert
with the priors of that province, not content with
charging the said procurators two silver pieces
\numis argentiis\ and the remuneration for the
mass, which are also two other pieces, given to them
for their daily board by those procurators, from day

96 Discreet (Latin Discretus) a representative of a province
chosen to go to a general chapter to make report thereto on all
matters. - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

420 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

to day, and being suborned with money and gifts
which the procurators give unwillingly to them (but
which they receive willingly) in order that they
may be permitted to carry on the things charged to
them and be given associates, they [*.*., the provin-
cials and priors] as abovesaid not content with the
above charges, and imagining that the procurators
are carrying with them large amounts of money
which they are greedy to get into their own hands,
worry and harry them by annulling their powers of
procuratorship, by forcing them to reveal all their
affairs, which thereupon they are inhibited from
using, and by forbidding them under censures from
applying to the Roman curia or to the most reverend
general. Moreover, they are assigned by the pro-
vincials for residence certain set convents, wherein,
as happened to me, they have to lodge, although I
showed them an order from the most reverend gen-
eral forbidding the provincial of Castile from
making any change in this regard, such being the
order and sentence of general chapter, confirmed by
his Holiness Clement the Eighth. But that was of
no avail, for, as appears from the letters and patent
of the provincial of Castile, which I have handed
over to the reverend father, Brother John Baptist of
Piombino, 97 procurator-general [of the order], and
which are now in his keeping, I have been forced to
flee hither.
Third reason. That authority of vicar-general

97 John Baptist Bernori of Piombino, Italy, belonged to the
province of the Augustinians of Siena. He was scripture professor
at the Roman Sapienza. See Lanteri, Eremus (Rome, 1874-75) ii>
p. 233. - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 21

which they arrogate to themselves, serves them only
for despoiling all the Indies, and transferring the
funds of the convents of the Indies to Spain; for by
that authority they send brethren to seek alms in
those convents under the title of alms-seeker, sup-
porting their greed [cuditias~] and sowing (so that
the convents might give readily and they receive)
news to the effect that they are about to send visitors
to them and that they are already appointed. Under
that title they obtained twelve thousand gold escu-
dos from the province of Peru for the Salamanca
house.

Lastly. This authority over those provinces is
coveted by them in order that thereby their own
province may be relieved of restless characters. For
whenever the procurators of those countries reach
Spain in their search for ministers of the gospel to
aid them in their ministry, they are given the scour-
ings of the province - unruly and ill-disciplined
brethren - instead of upright and learned persons,
such as have been picked out for their need, who,
moreover, are not allowed to go thither - a practice
most hurtful to the preaching of the gospel, which
calls for learned and religious men.

For these and other reasons herein omitted for the
sake of brevity, the province of the [Philippine]
Islands, whose procurator I am, is grievously dis-
tressed; wherefore, in the hope of securing a
remedy for such evils, it has been moved to send me
as its procurator, with power to act as such in Spain
and before this curia, as an expert in matters apper-
taining to those countries for twenty years and up-
wards. In consideration then of all these plaints, I

422 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

pray your most illustrious Lordship, in the name of
my province, to deign to remedy these grievances,
by enjoining the said provincials of Castile from
further use of their authority; moreover, in accord-
ance with the mandate of the most reverend father-
general, to command them to restore to me all the
things they have taken away, besides what I myself
left in the convent at Madrid; and again by enjoin-
ing them, even under censures, from in any manner
hindering the procurators of the said province of the
Philippines in their business, which they are to be
allowed to carry on freely, or from hindering the
brethren of any province whatever of Spain, who
may wish to go to the said islands in order to engage
in the most holy work of preaching the gospel,
whom they are besides, under no matter what pre-
tense, neither to impede, nor harass, nor dissuade
from going thither. The execution whereof may be
left to the most illustrious nuncio of Spain.

[Addressed: "To the most illustrious lord by
brother Master Thomas Marquez, procurator-gen-
eral of the Order of St. Augustine of the province
of the Philippines in the name of the said prov-
ince."]

[Endorsed: "Received November 20, 1599."]

Report of the Nuncio
When the West Indies were brought to the Cath-
olic faith and thereby made subject to the holy
Roman Church, his imperial Majesty Charles the
Fifth being their master in temporals, the province
of Castile of the Order of St. Augustine sent thither

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 2 3

twelve religious, who while founding convents in the
City of Mexico 98 and other places were for some
years under the provincial of Castile, who however
had no other title of jurisdiction over them than the
fact that he had sent thither the first brethren to
preach the holy gospel. Subsequently the brethren
and convents having increased in number, they be-
came subject to the provincial of their own choice,
nor did they ever recognize the provincial of Castile
as their chief, but only the most reverend father
[general], the same as was always done by other
provinces. The reasons wherefore the provinces of
the Indies are not subject to the province of Castile
are as follows :

First. Because from the foundation of the order,
it was divided into provinces, which, no matter how
small, never were made subject to one another. All
are under provincials, who in turn are under the
immediate jurisdiction of the said most reverend
father-general as head of the whole order. Other-
wise, unless the brethren had recourse to their
father-general, disorders and disagreements would
spring up among them and they moreover would be
distressed and ill-treated.

2d. That every province of the Indies, besides

98 This was the first Augustinian colony in the New World.
Seven were sent at first to Mexico by San Tomas de Villanueva,
then provincial of Castile (leaving Spain, March 3, 1533, and
arriving in Mexico, June 7, of the same year). The names of
these seven were: Francisco de la Cruz, Agustin de Corufia,
Geronimo Jimenez, Juan de San Roman, Juan de Oseguera,
Alonso de Borja, and Jorge de Avila. Two years later five
others (under Nicolas de Agreda) were also sent to Mexico from
Spain. See Revista A gustiniana, xi, pp. 34, 35. -T. C. Middle-
ton, O.S.A.

4 2 4 THE PHILIPPiNE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

being larger and wealthier than the province of
Castile, is every bit as observant and religious, with
men of equal worth, who, in short, live there in such
perfection and so uprightly. Therefore, it [i.e.,
subjection to another province] would cause the
greatest disturbance and trouble to those brethren
who serve the Lord God in the conversion of those
new plants with so great sincerity of heart.

3d. That the purpose wherefore the brethren of
the province of Castile strove to rule the provinces
of the Indies was one of self interest rather than zeal,
in that they carried off the wealth of the convents of
the Indies to those of Castile, and whenever in need
sent brethren thither to get money under the plea of
alms, as in fact has happened.

4th. That, as provincials hold office only for
three years, they cannot become acquainted with or
get information relative to the persons or affairs of
those countries. Wherefore, their government of
them would be confused. For, as every three years
the superior is changed, he could get information of
those provinces only once [during his term of office],
whence it would follow that he would have to rule
blindly in all matters.

5th. That all the provinces of the Indies have
entered objections to being subject to the province
of Castile, which on many occasions in its endeavor
to uphold its mastery over the said brethren of the
Indies has harassed them and put their provinces to
great expense in their efforts to free themselves from
that yoke.

6th. That the provinces of the Indies have no
need of the brethren of Spain. Nay, they would

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 2 5

rather send to the Philippine Islands their own
brethren, such as would wish to go thither in order
to apply themselves with zeal in the preaching of the
gospel.

7th. And finally, in no way is it right to have so
extensive and important a part separated from the
body of the order. For, with the increase of
leaders an increase of confusion ensues, which in
turn leads to the ruin and annihilation of the com-
monwealth, and of the authority of the father-gen-
eral, from whom as from a common head all the
members depend, to the end that he be recognized
and revered, and the order governed well; where-
fore, it is not right that the brethren of the Indies,
who, besides being so well disciplined, are learned,
as well as observant of their constitutions, should be
governed by a chief whom they themselves have not
chosen. Moreover, to withhold from them the
right of selecting their own general, to whom they
may apply in need, would be doing them a grave
wrong, in that their essential vows, which they pro-
fess conformably to our constitutions, would thus be
disregarded.

8th. The provincials of Castile received express
mandate and command from the father master,
Thaddeus of Perugia," general for the time being,
and from the most illustrious Cardinal of Mont

99 Thaddeus Guidelli of Perugia, general of the Augustinians,
born in Tuscany, filled many offices in the order : provincial of
Ombria, in 1557; procurator-general for many years; vicar general
of the order; and finally general, having been elected in general
chapter at Perugia, May 14, 1570. He had been present at the
Council of Trent. His death occurred at Perugia in 1606, at
the age of ninety-five. See Lanteri, Eremus (Rome, 1874-75), i,
p. 307 ; ii, p. 232. - T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.

426 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Claro when in Spain, not to busy themselves with the
government of the provinces of the Indies, by not
only giving up the office of vicar but also the use of
that title.

Lastly. In general chapter held in Rome in 92,
a petition was presented in the interest of the prov-
ince of Mexico and of other provinces. The rea-
sons whereof having been considered, the definitors
of the province of Castile having been summoned,
and the reasons of each side heard, a decree was
passed which, while enjoining the provincial of
Castile from any longer busying himself with the
said government, ordered him under pain of being
treated as a rebel, as well as under divers other
penalties and censures, to hold his peace for all time
-a sentence that was confirmed through the good-
ness of Pope Clement the Eighth. Of this, notice
was sent to the provincial of Castile and the procu-
rator-general of the province [of the Philippine
Islands?]. From that day to this no change has been
made and [the decree] is faithfully observed at
present.

[Endorsed: "By the most illustrious Cardinal
Santa Severina."]

[Endorsed: "Reasons why the provinces and
provincials of the Indies be not subject to the prov-
inces and provincials of Spain."]

[Endorsed: "Submitted by the reverend father
prior-general of the Order of Hermit Brethren of
St. Augustine, November 7, 1599."]

[This Collection of three documents is addressed
on the back of the outside wrapper:

"To Cardinal Santa Severina, to be acted upon

1280-1605] AUGUSTINIAN AFFAIRS 4 2 7

in the sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide."]

[Endorsed: "The Hermit Brethren of St. Augus-
tine of the Philippine Islands."]

{Endorsed: "I received it September [sic: per-
haps, December] 18, 1599."]

LETTER FROM THE ECCLESIASTICAL
CABILDO TO FELIPE III

Sire:

We have written your Majesty whenever occa-
sion has offered by means of the ships that have left
these islands, relating to you the necessity of this holy
church, as you are its true protector and defense.
Inasmuch as it is farther from this blessing, so much
greater is the loneliness and disconsolation which it
suffers, especially in this the period of its widow-
hood, 100 which has been so long because of our sins.
So long as we do not receive word that your Majesty
has received our letters, we shall make use of our
permission to write you. We shall continue in this
letter to mention certain matters which we related in
former ones. Perhaps this letter will have a differ-
ent fate and will merit a royal reception by your
Majesty.

The king our sovereign, your Majesty's father,
(may he be in heaven), having been informed of the
slight service enjoyed by this church (which amounts
to only four prebendaries, to whom a stipend is paid
from your royal treasury), was pleased to despatch

100 The first archbishop of Manila, Ignacio de Santibanez,
O.S.F., died August 14, 1598, after having been in the islands
only since May 28, of the same year. His successor Miguel de
Benavides, O.P., did not assume his seat until 1603.

1280-1605] CABILDO TO FELIPE III 4 2 9

a decree ordering the president and auditors of these
islands to inform him of the facts regarding this
matter so that he could enact the advisable measures.
An investigation was made in accordance with that
order, and this cabildo published the need of this
church of being better served than others, as it is sur-
rounded by so many barbarous nations who are daily
receiving the light of the gospel and entering
through its gates. We petition your Majesty, as a
service to your Lord to please consider this matter,
and enact regarding it what most pleases you.

Report has also been given your Majesty that the
royal Audiencia is trying to have the ecclesiastical
judge plead its aid in arresting Indians. Were that
to be done it would be a great wrong to the miserable
wretches, for the aid is not given unless the secular
judge first examine the acts which are not fulmi-
nated in regular form against the Indians. We how-
ever, proceed briefly and summarily against the In-
dians, conforming thereby with the royal decrees.
If their aid had to be asked, it would necessarily be-
come a cause for receiving witnesses and issuing per-
emptory orders, and the expenses which now amount
to nothing would be heavy. The provisor is contin-
ually taking Indian women from the houses of the
inhabitants and soldiers with whom they are living
in evil relations. If account had to be given to the
civil judge for that, delays would ensue and the
[guilty] parties would hear of it and would hide
themselves so that the sin could not be corrected.
The correction of sin is the end of the ecclesiastical
tribunal and it has no other object. Consequently,
since the aid [of the Audiencia] is not asked for any
matter concerning the Indians throughout the In-

43° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

dias, it would not be advisable to cause any innova-
tion in this region where the Indians are so poor that
besides a few chiefs no one possesses ten pesos' worth
of property. In consideration of the above argu-
ments and others, the former Audiencia issued acts
of revision and review, by which the ecclesiastical
judge was permitted to arrest the Indians without
any aid until your Majesty was consulted. We
humbly petition you to please order the course taken
in this hitherto to be followed; since in what con-
cerns the Spaniards and other matters we conform so
closely to the laws that we have never, so far as we
are concerned, had any encounters with your judges.
Some of the orders in this city claim a concession
from your Majesty for the founding of a university,
the establishment of chairs, and the granting of de-
grees in their courses. The unfitness of that has also
been expressed to your Majesty by our letters, and
if for no other reason than the consideration that all
the greater part and the best of these islands have
religious, and that the latter are all from the outside,
while the poor sons of this land who are inclined to
take the habit of St. Peter (who are in great number
now by the grace of God, and have nothing to which
they can aspire while the bishop has nothing to give
them), will with the attraction of a chair, and the so
honorable reward that will thereby be attained, be
encouraged to work in their studies and there will al-
ways be educated men who will glorify this holy
church. For so just considerations it is wise for your
Majesty to advance its interests and favor its causes.
We consider this as one of the most important mat-
ters as we wrote more at length to your Majesty last

1280-1605] CABILDO TO FELIPE III 43 l

year, six hundred and one. We petition your Maj-
esty to have the matter re-examined and to have en-
acted what appears best for your royal service and
the advancement of these islands.

We said in a private letter that we wrote to your
Majesty in the said year six hundred and one that the
conquistadors of these islands, in order to ease their
consciences, had made certain restitutions to the
natives in common by agreement with Don Fray
Domingo de Salazar, first bishop of these islands.
With those restitutions quitrents were bought, and
the money received therefrom is spent in ransoming
the many captives in the power of surrounding ene-
mies and in other alms which are made, both general
and private. In the times of famine and sickness
which the Indians suffer, they are aided. Very often
this alms assists the hospital of the Indians of this
city and that of the city of [Nueva] Caceres in the
province of Camafines. In particular another hos-
pital was founded a year ago among various na-
tives who have been discovered twelve leguas from
this city, where a great number of sick people are
found, who would die if deprived of this aid. The
fathers of the Society of Jesus are trying to have
these so fitting works of charity converted into a col-
lege building for students. Such an action would
be to divert those funds from their true and legiti-
mate masters who are so needy to a matter that can
never under any circumstances be of any use to
the Indians. A father of the said Society and others
are now going [to Spain] with that object in view.
We petition your Majesty, for the love of our Lord,
not to allow any innovation in this particular or in

43 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

any other that concerns us without first hearing us,
and your Majesty being informed by disinterested
persons.

Opposite this city on the river side is a small ham-
let containing less than one hundred native houses,
all poor folk. They with the permission of the gov-
ernor, come during the solemn feast to adorn and
clean this poor church. That village is instructed
by the cura of the natives of this city. The said
fathers of the Society bought an estate in that vil-
lage some years ago. 101 Little by little they have
been extending themselves in that village so that
they now have the greater part of the little land that
it contains. They rent it to heathen Chinese, from
which results not only that the wretched Indians are
despoiled of their lands whether they are paid or not
and that they have no place where they may plant
their rice fields except in the vicinity of the Chinese.
That is very harmful to the Indians for the Chinese
are a vicious race with evil customs. It is also said
that the above-mentioned father of the Society in-
tends to beg your Majesty for the concession of the
instruction of that village and another called Sant
Miguel which lies on the other side outside the walls
of this city. The inhabitants of the latter place at-
tend service in the house of the Society, and they
might be satisfied with that, and leave the instruc-
tion to the cura who is a canon of this church. The
latter has no other income than fifty thousand
maravedis, which your Majesty grants him for his
curacy. We also petition your Majesty to concede
us the favor to deny this to those fathers, and not to
allow us seculars to be despoiled for the religious.

101 This was the estate at Quiapo. See vol. xiv, pp. 327-329-

1280-1605] CABILDO TO FELIPE III 433

For they have too much while we have some men so
poor that they do not possess more than the alms of
one mass.

As your Majesty will have heard, the Order of St.
Augustine has charge of the instruction of the best
villages in these islands. Although there are many
villages in the island without any convent, where
they could spread and exercise their charity by
preaching to and teaching the people who have no
knowledge of God, without going to any great dis-
tance from this city, they thought it best to found a
convent in the port of Cavite, two leguas from this
city, where there has been a racionero of this church
for the last sixteen years, as poor as the others. For
that purpose the Augustinians went to the said port
one day accompanied by the governor, Don Fran-
cisco Tello, who gave it to them as theirs to found a
convent without any permission from the ordinary
(according to his right) having preceded. He put
them in possession of it and they immediately estab-
lished a chapel, and said mass. When we tried to
repair the harm that had been done us by this, the
said Don Francisco Tello favored the Augustinians
by saying that his permissipn alone was sufficient for
the deed, and that ours was unnecessary. We had
the provincial of the said order notified of the acts
in order that he might have the church torn down,
but he answered us as had the governor, saying that
it had been established by the latter's permission, and
no other was necessary. Although the ecclesiastical
arm has sufficient authority of itself to tear down
that church, in order to avoid a scandal and the
wrath of the governor which was terrible, the aid of
the royal Audiencia was asked. There in order to

434 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

justify our cause more thoroughly, the royal patron-
age, which orders that such foundations be made
with the double permissions of the patron and the or-
dinary, was presented, as was also a clause of a letter
of the king our sovereign, your Majesty's father who
is with God, written to Gomez Perez Dasmarinas.
In that letter order was given the governor not to
allow a church to be established in any other village
where there was an establishment without the said
two licenses, and it is your royal will that one should
not be given without the other. However, as yet no
decision has been reached in regard to the matter.
This same conduct is true of all the affairs that work
in favor of the church in this land, while those things
that work against it are rushed through as your Maj-
esty will see. There is a chapel an arquebus-shot
from the walls of this city, called Nuestra Senora de
Guia, where the natives outside the walls have al-
ways been administered. Archbishop Don Fray
Ygnacio de Santivanes erected it into a parish
church, and placed a cura in charge of it, giving him
lately charge of the instruction of the said natives
with canonical provision and collation. There was
a suit with your royal officials before your royal
Audiencia, as to whether he was to be paid a stipend
or not. Acts of investigation and review were issued
by the Audiencia in which they were ordered to pay
the stipend. The said beneficiary having been in
quiet and peaceful possession for four years, the said
religious of St. Augustine, not satisfied with the past,
published a royal decree which had been gained at
the petition of Fray Francisco de Ortega of their
order in the year ninety-four, by mentioning a doubt-
ful relation which he had made, so that if it seemed

1280-1605] CABILDO TO FELIPE III 435

best to the governor, he could give them that chapel
as a house of retreat. 102 However, it was so unsuita-
ble for that, that they having recognized it, have
kept the decree until the present without caring to
make use of it. But now piqued by the affair of the
house of Cabite, they presented the decree to the
said Don Francisco Tello, who, as he was so favor-
able to them, deemed it advisable to give it to them
without notifying us or giving a copy [of the decree]
to the cura of the said chapel. He ordered the
Augustinians to be put in possession of it, and im-
mediately sent an alcalde-in-ordinary to give it to
them, in company with eighteen friars. We heard
of it, and it was necessary to defend our house by
closing the door and by making protests and peti-
tions to the alcalde. In the meanwhile the said cura
presented himself as the interested party to the royal
Audiencia and appealed from the governor's meas-
ure. He was ordered to cease and to go to make a re-
lation, by which a great scandal was avoided, which
would easily have happened if we had not had pa-
tience. The cause is now pending. We humbly pe-
tition your Majesty to pity our want of protection,
in consideration of the fact that we are subject to in-
numerable insults and so far from relief, and to have
silence imposed on the claim of that chapel, since it
has become a parish church and a collated curacy as
abovesaid. Will your Majesty also order your gov-
ernors to keep the royal patronage, and not permit
or consent that a church be erected in any other place
where there is a religious establishment unless that
of the ordinary precede. By so doing troubles will

102 See Ortega's relations and representations, vol. ix, pp.
95-119.

43 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol.34

cease and peace and harmony will reign among all.
If the contrary be done, many damages will ensue,
for license is being so extended that even the Fran-
ciscan friars, with all the humility that they profess,
also deny the jurisdiction to the ordinary, and have
built another church in the village of Dilao, outside
the walls of this city, by their own authority and
without other license or permission, in order to in-
struct the Japanese. Although the provisor enacted
an act ordering them not to do it, they have also
made a suit and have occasioned no less scandal than
the other friars. In order that your Majesty may
see how unrestrained some of the religious live here,
in these ships which arrived here from Nueva Es-
pana this year, came a visitor for the Order of St.
Augustine with authority from their superiors.
They have refused to receive him, but have on the
contrary treated him so that they obliged him to re-
tire to the convent of St. Francis. He goes through
the village with a friar of the latter order at his side.
That has caused a great scandal in the community
among Spaniards and Indians. It is thought that he
will return without making the visit, although there
are so many excesses and disorders that demanded
that correction be not postponed, that perhaps we
can not have it later by human agencies.

It is the custom here to give to all the monasteries
both of this city and those outside it wine and flour
from your royal treasury in order to celebrate [mass]
each year. Since this church is so poor as appears to
your Majesty, we petition your Majesty to order
that it enjoy this alms and that sufficient be given of
these two articles for that purpose, since the con-

1280-1605] CABILDO TO FELIPE III 437

ventual masses which are celebrated in it are for
your Majesty to whom this church belongs.

We have also advised your Majesty of two inno-
vations in this church which no other church has.
The first is a bench for the wives of the auditors to
use which fills a great part of the principal chapel.
The other is a very long bench with an inscription
in large letters for the officials of the Holy Office.
Both are very improper for a cathedral and metro-
politan church. From the second it has resulted,
moreover, that because a canon of this church had
the bench removed one day and shoved over to the
wall, for just reason, the commissary who is a Do-
minican friar excommunicated him and had him
placed on the lists as excommunicated. Not con-
tent with that he gave the tribunal of Mexico what
information he wished, from which it has resulted
that after the arrival of the ships from Nueva Es-
pafia at these islands this year he arrested the canon,
and kept him in prison for seventeen days and ful-
minated a cause against him which he sent to Mex-
ico. It is not known where he will stop; and the
same may be said of an unbridled letter which the
inquisitors wrote to this cabildo, of which we com-
plain more at length to your Majesty in your royal
Council of the Holy Inquisition. In this letter we
petition your Majesty to please fcorrect this matter,
and have these two benches removed. There are
just causes for it as may be seen in a letter written
the past year of six hundred and one.

Above all we petition your Majesty to consider
that this church is so poor that we are unable for that
reason to send a person to look after its causes as the

43 8 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

religious are doing. The latter are sending persons
suitable for the matters that concern them, and so
that they may not leave anything undone. We
humbly petition your Majesty for correction in this
and in all things. We petition our Lord God to
communicate to your Majesty grace and ability to
serve Him and aid you to govern the kingdoms
rightly in which He has placed your Majesty. May
He preserve you for us many long and happy years
as He is able, and as we have need. Manila, July 3,
1602. Your Majesty's chaplains and vassals.

Don Juan de Bivero, dean of Manila.

Archdeacon Arellano

Sancto de Castro, precentor of Manila.

Juan de la Z s , canon.

Diego de Leon, canon.

Licentiate Gabriel Sanz

Juan Galindo de Mesa

Ramirez de Cartajena, canon.

Pablo Ruiz de Talavera

Blas Vela Melquior

Crisanto de Tapiayo

LETTER FROM BERNARDINO MALDON-
ADO 103 TO FELIPE III

Sire:

I have attended carefully to my obligations as
your Majesty's servant and to my duties as castellan
of the chief fort and redoubt of this city of Manila
every year, and have reported to your Majesty the
advisable reform for its fortification and security.
For in that consists the defense of this kingdom and
that from which danger is most imminent, on ac-
count of its site which is on the point and at the junc-
tion of the river and sea. At that place anchor the
ships that come to this city from the surrounding
kingdoms of the Chinese, Japanese, Borneans, Siam-
ese, and other nations. Although those people
come under pretense of trading, they are suspicious
and treacherous peoples, over whom we must keep a
close and never-ceasing watch as is advisable. In
order that we might maintain that watch here in this
redoubt, I begged and petitioned Don Francisco
Tello, the former governor, once and many times,
to station the necessary presidio and garrison of sol-
diers here, for it had no guard, at the time when I
was given charge of it, but only an outpost of three
soldiers was set at night, and they stood watch in

103 The benefactor of the Recollects. See vol. xxi, pp. 194,
284-289.

44° THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

their quarters, although we were stationed so far
distant from the city and had in our keeping the
arms, artillery, ammunition, and powder which your
Majesty has in this kingdom for its defense. Ac-
cordingly, I petitioned that greater care and vigi-
lance be exercised than formerly, because of the
great fear generally held of the enemies by whom
we are so closely surrounded and who are inside the
bar [of the river] by night and by day. I insisted
that there should be a garrison of infantry sufficient
for its ordinary defense, and intimated to the govern-
or for this purpose the orders and instructions given
him by your Majesty for his policy and to Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas his predecessor, in which it was
urgently ordered him. In accordance with that,
the governor appointed some soldiers under com-
mand of an alferez and sergeant, as your Majesty
will have seen by the testimonies which I have sent
to the royal Council. Will your Majesty have them
examined, since it is very important to your royal
service and to the welfare and security of this king-
dom that there should be no neglect in this redoubt
and that it be placed in no danger as formerly; as
has been experienced by the good which resulted in
having it garrisoned with soldiers, by what hap-
pened in the former year of one thousand six hun-
dred and three, when the Sangleys who were living
here in this city rose in insurrection. Had it not
been for the care that I exercised, the Sangleys
would have entered the redoubt if it had been found
with the neglect of former years.

A castellan's lieutenant was also appointed. In
order that he might get his pay it was necessary to
bring a suit in the royal Audiencia because of the

1280-1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE III 44 l

opposition of your Majesty's fiscal. It was ordered
that his pay be given him, although it was very short
by three hundred pesos, because the governor had so
provided in accordance with the instructions of your
Majesty. In those instructions it is ordered that the
alferez do not receive his pay until your Majesty so
order and command, as it is a new office; although
your Majesty has ordered and commanded that all
that which is advisable be put into execution. It is a
necessary office, and appeared to be so to the govern-
or and captain-general when he made the appoint-
ment. Will your Majesty enact what is most in ac-
cordance with your will in all things.

There are not more than fifty soldiers in this re-
doubt, and they are the offscouring of the com-
panies of this camp. Some of them have been exiled
from Nueba Espafia for crime and are mestizos
from that country. They are a vile lot of men, al-
though they ought to be the most honorable and
trustworthy men of these islands. Both in the above
regard and in the number of men necessary for a
redoubt so large and which occupies so great an
extent of space with its three bastions, we need two
hundred soldiers for its ordinary defense. The gov-
ernor intends to station a hundred soldiers [here]
according to the answer he made me when I peti-
tioned him for men. This number is to be under-
stood together with those that I have at present. It
is a very small number of soldiers for a place that has
the enemy so near and close to the wall of this re-
doubt, and on the other side of the river.

It is also necessary that the artillerymen assigned
to this redoubt live and reside inside the redoubt, and
that they be in sufficient number and paid with the

44 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

soldiers of the redoubt. They ought not to be taken
to other places, so that it happens that there are no
artillerymen for the manipulation of the artillery,
as happened during the insurrection of the Chinese.
At that time there were no more than three, and it
might have given rise to the greatest injury. Fifteen
or twenty artillerymen are needed, for each gun
needs one man for any occasion that may arise.
Those assigned should not be taken to other places
for that would be the same as not having them.
They must be instructed in the art [of handling
artillery] and if not the castellan should be able to
dismiss them and engage others who may be suffi-
cient, since it is important for him and his reputation
to have competent artillerymen and not those
assigned by the royal officials. Those soldiers are
generally the latters' pages and those of their wives;
and the latter have influence to get such places. In
regard to what concerns the soldiers, I had an order
from Governor Don Francisco Tello to dismiss those
who were not competent and to get others who were.
Governor Don Pedro de Acuna does not want that
to be done, and accordingly the redoubt has the men
above mentioned.

I have already advised your Majesty that Don
Francisco Tello took some of the artillery and the
best of it for the expedition against the Dutch
pirate. 104 It was lost and went to the bottom in the
encounter with him and not more than twenty pieces
or so, counting big and little, were left, not more
than ten of which are serviceable. Governor Don

104 See the accounts of Morga's fight with Oliver van Noordt
in vol. xi, pp. 140-186, and vol. xv, pp. 205-237, 300-306 (voy-
age of van Noordt).

1280-1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE III 443

Pedro de Acuiia wishes now to take the best of those
for the expedition to Maluco. I would not be com-
plying with my obligation or covenant or my
management if I did not oppose the taking of them,
and, in regard to the matter, take the precautions
necessary for the discharge of my conscience and for
possible events, if the pieces were taken. I know
well that I shall be treated as on other like occasions
and shall be told in regard to it words that one could
not believe would be addressed to a man in the most
private walks of life, much more in a person who
holds such offices and has such privileges [as I].
For it is not right that this redoubt and city be left
without artillery, and more, that the most experi-
enced and important men be taken away for the said
expedition as are those who are being persuaded to
take part in it.

[A short account of the three Chinese mandarins
that came from China in 1603 and the Chinese in-
surrection of that year follows. For an account of
this insurrection, see VOL. XII, pp. 83-97, 103-111,
136, 138, 139, 142-168; and VOL. XIV, pp. 1 19-139.
Maldonado speaking of his own part in the insurrec-
tion says :]

Having considered how restless the Chinese were,
and because of the war which was expected, I pre-
pared provisions and other necessary things in
anticipation of whatever might happen, at the
expense of my private possessions so that this
redoubt, the soldiers in its garrison, and whatever
other reenforcement entered might have food with
which to maintain and support ourselves. In order
that we might not suffer any lack in the future, and
inasmuch as I did not know how long that insurrec-

444 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

tion would last, I petitioned the governor to have
this redoubt provided with some food. The
governor referred me to the royal official judges
saying that they would give them to me. They
replied to my petition that they had none and that
there were no supplies in the royal magazines which
they could give me. The governor sent to ask me
for those which I had, and I gave them to the ser-
geant, Alonso de Bargas, who has charge of the
supplies and royal magazines. By that aid were the
soldiers acting as a guard for the walls succored.
Not only did I aid them with food on the said occa-
sion but also with a sum of money as appears by the
attestations and testimonies which your Majesty can
have examined if it be your pleasure. By them will
be seen how this affair stood, and the precautions
which this city took in case that we had had a war
as was expected. The governor will have written
your Majesty in addition of the great fear in which
we are constantly of the Japanese who were living in
this city, and who generally live here.

Immediately the following year, a number of
Chinese mechantmen came upon their ordinary
trading, without knowing what had happened until
they reached this bay. They exhibited great sorrow
at the death of sons, brothers, and relatives, and the
loss of the property which they had left here. The
governor ordered them to be accommodated in this
city in the houses of the inhabitants, for their
alcaiceria had been burned. Many persons were
very angry when they saw so many Sangleys in the
city and houses of the inhabitants. There were more
than four thousand of them, while the inhabitants
were so few that the number who could bear arms

1280-1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE III 445

did not reach seven hundred. Had it happened by
accident that any negro or Indian had set fire to any
house (as has often happened) in order to pillage,
the greatest kind of evil would have resulted. For
no citizen would have dared to leave his wife and
children in order to rejoin his company or the
guardhouse and arsenal to which he belonged, with-
out first having secured his house by killing the
Chinese. They on their part being in so great num-
ber, and being so fearful and apprehensive of us,
and thinking that we wished to kill them, could not
have done otherwise than to cause a great insurrec-
tion, and endangered the majority of the Spaniards;
by which everything would be lost together with the
trade. Consequently, our men would never be
assured.

The same thing has been done this year, although
the number of Chinese was less than one thousand;
for the rest were lodged in the Parian, which is be-
ing rebuilt.

I have also thought best to advise your Majesty
of the many companies that have been enrolled and
enlisted for the last two years from the natives of
this country. They are put under regular captains
and have an alferez and other officials and carry
company banners like a regiment. They are in
addition to the Spanish infantry which your Majesty
has here in your royal service, in which we ought
alone to trust. The latter have two masters-of-camp
and sargentos-mayor to whom so great obedience is
rendered that it is a cause for wonder. This is an oc-
casion that demands that the faithful servants of your
Majesty, and especially those of us who have such
obligations as I, ought to report to you the manifest

44 6 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

danger to this kingdom because of this. Those com-
panies have the best arms, muskets, and arquebuses
of this camp and in great quantity. A very consider-
able quantity of arms are sent from Japon, especially
catans (a weapon resembling a broad cutlass), and
a great number of iron pikeheads. Those weapons
are used in those companies, for the Spaniards do not
use the catan; and the native soldiers should be pro-
hibited from carrying them. They go about with
swords and gilded daggers at the belt and wear
military badges. They pay one hundred pesos for a
musket and do not refuse to buy them because of the
price, for such is their happiness and pleasure in this
and in being soldiers. Although this enrollment has
been made because of the expedition to Maluco, it
must prove of greater injury than gain. We lose
great reputation if we give them to understand that
we need them for any occasion of war rather than
for only rowers and servants. It is, after God, the
reputation of the Spanish nation in these districts
that has sustained and is sustaining us here. Those
people are now very skilful and are reared among
us, especially those of Pampanga and the vicinity of
this city. They are a people of great boldness only
needing a leader whom they would recognize, and
they are so many in number that it is a matter that
must be feared considerably, and one of which your
Majesty orders us to be fearful and watchful.

The soldiers of the garrison of this redoubt are ill
paid their wages. On that account they suffer many
and extreme necessities. Since they make no outside
expeditions as do the soldiers of this camp, and since
they generally live here and have no other resource
than their pay, will your Majesty please have them

1280-1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE III 447

paid according to the usual custom before the
soldiers of the camp, so that this redoubt may not be
deprived of its preeminence. For all the infantry
and the galleys are paid and the soldiers here are
left without any pay and they are injured thereby.
Inasmuch as they entered suit in the royal Audiencia
in regard to the fact that the royal official judges did
not pay them from their situado, it resulted there-
from that the said royal officials were arrested be-
cause they did not pay them as appears by the
records that I am sending to your Majesty. If I had
not aided them from my own property, they would
not have been paid at all. No honorable soldier, on
this account, cares to enter upon service in this
redoubt; and since the governor has to station here
a hundred soldiers whom according to his declara-
tion he is about to station here, for its ordinary
defense, it will be advisable that they be soldiers of
greater satisfaction. For if they are the class of
people whom I have mentioned to your Majesty, we
shall be more fearful of them than of those outside.
Will your Majesty please order the pay of six reals
which these soldiers receive increased somewhat,
because this country is very dear in the matter of
food; and I am enduring great anxiety and expense
because of the great need that the soldiers are suffer-
ing, as do the other officials who are serving here,
and endeavoring to have this redoubt an honored
and good post, and your Majesty better served.

This city needs arms badly, especially arquebuses
and muskets in case of any emergency. Will your
Majesty please send one thousand muskets here for
this purpose so that we may have them at hand and
that they may not be taken out to any other place.

44^ THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

Now for twenty years I have served your Majesty
in these islands in the posts of infantry captain and
castellan of this city, during which time I was contin-
ually occupied in war matters ; especially coming as
master-of-camp and commander of three companies
which I raised for the reenforcement of these islands
for which purpose I went to Nueba Espana by order
of Governor Gomez Perez. No pay or aid was
given me because I offered to do it at my own cost,
as appears from the paper and offer that I made
although the others who come here with like duties
receive a pay of three thousand pesos. The treasury
saved six thousand pesos by that. I did that in order
to accumulate services so that your Majesty might
reward me more highly.

The command of this redoubt was given me in
accordance with one of your Majesty's decrees in
the former year of ninety-five. I have had many
expenses and costs in it as your Majesty will see by
the testimonies and documents that I am sending.
Will your Majesty please send me if my services de-
serve it, the title and confirmation [of this post],
siqce that is fitting and I have it by decree, so that I
may better serve your Majesty both in what pertains
to this redoubt and in the cabildo of this city, where
the castellan has a vote. Will you please order the
privileges that are kept for those who serve your
Majesty in similar posts kept for me, and grant me
six halberdiers for my personal bodyguard from the
number of soldiers assigned, without increasing their
pay; and who when occasion offers shall serve as
do the others, and whom it will be necessary that I
have.

Also in accordance with my expenses and costs,

1280-1605] MALDONADO TO FELIPE III 449

which will appear there, will your Majesty please
increase my salary and assign me another sum equal
to the amount received by the master-of-camp. For
this is a post of equal caliber and one of closer resi-
dence and greater expense. If there is no possibility
for this will your Majesty please have the encomi-
cnda which was granted me by your Majesty's
decree (which amounts to an income of seven hun-
dred pesos) increased for me, and give it precedence
over all those who have been here less time than I,
since I merit as much as he who merits the most in
offices and services.

In the allotment of the cargo of the ships made
to the citizens of this city, I petition your Majesty to
have me granted some leeway when I pay the royal
duties, for I am usually injured in this particular by
the occasions that arise; and that I may have re-
course to the royal Audiencia whenever I receive
injury. May our Lord preserve the royal Catholic
person of your Majesty with the increase of greater
kingdoms and seigniories as is necessary to Christian-
ity. Manila, June 24, 1604.

Don Bernardino Maldonado

[Endorsed: "Letter from Don Bernardino Mal-
donado, castellan of the redoubt of Manila, giving
an account of the condition of that fortress. Manila
June 21, 1605."]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents of the present volume come from
various places as follows:

i. Prima viaggio intorno al mondo, by Antonio
Pigafetta. - See Bibliographical Data, in VOL. XXXIII.

2. Description of the Philippines by Chao Ju-
kua. - This is retranslated into English from the
Spanish translation by F. Blumentritt of the for-
tieth chapter of Chao Ju-kua's Chu-fan-chih y which
was translated from the Chinese by F. Hirth. Our
translation is made from the version published by
Clemente J. Zulueta, in Periodica Hebdomario Es-
colar (a students' paper of Manila), for November
9, 1 901, as the English version was not available.

The following documents are from the Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla:

3. Letter from Lavezaris. - Simancas - Secular;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes vistos
en el consejo; anos de 1565 a 1594; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 34-

4. Letter from Mirandaola. - The same as No. 3.

5. Letter from Lavezaris. - The same as No. 3.

6. Letter from royal officials.- Simancas - Sec-
ular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes
de los oficiales reales de Filipinas vistos en el con-
sejo; anos 1564 a 1622; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 29.

45 2 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS [Vol. 34

7. Letter from Rada. - Simancas - Secular; Au-
diencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de reli-
giosos y misioneros en Filipinas vistos en el consejo ;
afios de 1569 a 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37.

8. Royal communications to and regarding Le-
gazpi. - Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio y
partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y
particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1568
a 1605 ; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. n.

9. Letter from Herrera. - Simancas — eclesias-
tico; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas
vistos en el consejo; anos 1570 a 1608; est. 68, caj. 1,
leg. 42.

10. Letter from Ortega. - Simancas - Filipinas;
descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las
Yslas Filipinas; anos 1566 a 1586; est. 1, caj. 1, leg.
2, doc. 24.

11. Augustinian memoranda. -The same as No.

9.

12. Letter from Rada. - The same as No. 9.

13. Letter from royal officials. -The same as
No. 6.

14. Letter from Loarca. - The same as No. 3.

15. Salazar's council regarding slaves. -The
same as No. 9.

16. Erection of Manila cathedral. -Simancas -
secular; cartas y expedientes del arzobispo de Ma-
nila vistos en el consejo; anos de 1579 a 1679; est. 68,
caj. 1, leg. 32.

17. Letter from Sedeno. - The same as No. 9.

18. Letter from Salazar. -The same as No. 16.

19. Letter from Roman. - The same as No. 6.

20. Letter from G. P. Dasmarinas. - Simancas -

1280-1605] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA 453

secular; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores
de dicha Audiencia vistos en el consejo; anos 1583 a
1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18.

21. Decree regarding hospitals. -The same as
No. 8.

22. Letter from ecclesiastical cabildo. - Siman-
cas - eclesiastico ; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y
expedientes del cabildo eclesiastico de Filipinas vis-
tos en el consejo; anos 1586 a 1670; est. 68, caj. 1,

leg. 35-

23. Letter from Maldonado. - Simancas - sec-
ular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes
del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en
el consejo; anos de 1600 a 161 2; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19.

The following are from the Archives of the Vat-
ican, Rome:

24. Letter from Pablo de Jesus. - Principi 32;
p. 174.

25. Augustinian affairs. -Arm. v, cap. 7, n°. 7.
The following is from Pastells's edition of Colin's

Labor evangelica, i, pp. 157, 158, note:

26. Encomiendas assigned by Legazpi.

The following is obtained from an unsigned and
undated printed pamphlet in the British Museum:

27. Relation of the Philipinas Islands.

THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

DATE DUE

vAfc^J

T

J\UGU

1S7S

O L

•pTTBTS™-

— SEP 8 0-4 97 &

AUG 17 1996

UNIV. OF MICH.

AUG 7 W

Reviewed by Prestation
2002

f^ST

DO NOT REMOVE

OR
MUTILATE CARD