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MAR -2  1995 


^  APR  1  5  1995 
FEB     1 2001 


c/^ 


The  Catholic  Encyclopedia 


VOLUME    FOUR 
Gland— Diocesan 


DANTE   ALKJHIERI 

GlOrrO    IJI    BONDONE.   THE    BAltQELLO.    FLORENCE 


THE  CATHOLIC 
ENCYCLOPEDIA 


AN    INTERNATIONAL    WORK    OF    REFERENCE 

ON     THE     CONSTITUTION,     DOCTRINE, 

DISCIPLINE,  AND   HISTORY  OF  THE 

CATHOLIC    CHURCH 


EDITED   BY 

CHARLES   G.  HERBERMANN,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

EDWARD   A.  PACE,  Ph.D.,  D.D.         CONDE    B.  FALLEN,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

THOMAS  J.  SHAHAN,  D.D.  JOHN    J.  WYNNE,  S.J. 

ASSISTED    BY    NUMEROUS   COLLABORATORS 


FIFTEEN  VOLUMES  AND  INDEX 
VOLUME   TV 


SPECIAL     EDITION 

UNDER   THE    AUSPICES    OF 

THE  KNIGHTS  OF  COLUMBUS  CATHOLIC  TRUTH  COMMITTEE 


flew  l^orl? 
THE  ENCYCLOPEDIA  PRESS,  INC. 


Nihil  Obstat,  November  1,  1908 

REMY  LAFORT,  S.  T.  D. 


Imprimatur 

•i«JOHN   CARDINAL  FARLEY 


ARCHBISHOP    or   NEW    YORK 


Copyright,  1908 
By  Robert  Appleton  Company 

Copyright,  1913 
By  the    encyclopedia  PRESS,   INC. 

The  articles  in  this  work  have  been  written  specially  for  The  Catholic 
Encyclopedia  and  are  protected  by  copyright.     All  rights,  includ- 
ing the  right  of  translation  and  reproduction,  are  reserved. 


ERINDALE 

COLLEGE 

LIBRARY 


Contributors  to  the  Fourth  Volume 


BENIGNI,  U.,  Professor  op  Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory, Pont.  Collegio  Urbano  di  Propaganda, 
Rome:  Codex  Vaticanus;  Colle  di  Val  d'Elsa; 
Comacchio;  Como;  Concordia;  Converzano; 
Conza;  Cortona;  Coseaza;  Cotrone;  Cozza- 
Luzi;  Crema;  Cremona;  Cuneo;  Democracy, 
Christian;   Diauo. 

BIHL,  MICHAEL,  O.F.M.,  Lector  op  Ecclesiasti- 
cal History,  Collegio  San  Bonaventura, 
Quaracchi,  near  Florence:  Colette;  Concep- 
tionists;   David  of  Augsburg. 

BOEYNAEMS,  LIBERT  H.,  C.S8.CC.,  Titolar 
Bishop  of  Zeugma,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  the 
Sandwich  Islands:   Damien. 

BOOTHM.AN,  C.  T.,  Kingstown,  Ireland:  Digby, 
Kenelm;   Digby,  Sir  Kenelm. 

BOUDINHON,  AUGUSTE-MARIE,  D.D.,  D.C.L., 
Director,  "C.inoniste  Contemporain  ",  Pro- 
FE.SSOR  OF  Canon  Law,  Institut  Catholique, 
Paris;  Desertion;  Desservants. 

BOWDEN,  SEBASTIAN,  The  Oratory,  London: 
Dalgairns. 

BRAUN,  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Luxemburg:  Dalmatic. 

BREHIER,  LOUIS  RENE,  Profes.sor  of  Ancient 
and  Medieval  History,  University  of  Cler- 
mont-Ferrand, PuY-DE-DoME,  P'rance:  Com- 
mines;  Crusades;  Dandolo. 

BROCK,  HENRY  M.,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Physics, 
Holy  Cross  College,  Worcester,  Massachu- 
setts: Coriolis;  Curley;  Danti,  Ignazio;  Daubrde; 
Denza;  Desains. 

BURTON,  EDWIN,  D.D.,  St.  Edmund's  College, 
Ware,  Engl.\nd:  Clement,  C;psar;  Clenock; 
Clerk;  Clifton;  Codrington;  Colet;  Constable, 
Cuthbert;  Cordell;  Cuthbert,  Saint;  Daniel, 
John;  Darrell;  Davenport,  Christopher;  De  Lisle; 
Digby,  George. 

BURTSELL,  Very  Rev.  Mgr.  RICHARD  L.,  Ph.D., 
S.T.D.,  Rondout,  New  York:  Consanguinity; 
Crime ;   Defender  of  the  Matrimonial  Tie. 

BUTIN,  R.,  S.M.,  S.T.L.,  Ph.D.,  Jefferson  College, 
Convent,  Louisiana:  Cleophas;  Contant  de  la 
Molette;  Crelier. 

CABROL,  FERNAND,  O.S.B.,  Abbot  of  St. 
Michael's,  Farnborough,  England:  Complin; 
Cross  and  Crucifix  (Part  II.  Representations  as 
Objects  of  Devotion). 

BECCARI,  C.\MILL0,  S.J.,  Postulator  General     CAMM,  BEDE,  O.S.B.,  B.A.   (Oxon.),   Erdington 

OF  THE  Society  OF  Jesus,  Rome:  Confessor.  Abbey,     Birmingham,     England:     Clitherow; 

TJcru-rtT     1?     c  T      T>  rr  Davies;   Dean,  William;   Dingley. 

BECHTEL,  F.,  S.J.,   Professor  of  Hebrew  and 

Sacred  Scripture,  St.  Louis  University,  St.     CAMPBELL,  NOEL  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  B.A.  (Oxon.), 

Louis:    Cordier;    Core,    Dathan,    and    Abiron;  Beaumont   College,    Old    Windsor,    Berk.s, 

Cornelius  (Centurion).  England:  Covenanters. 


ABRAHAM,  LADISLAUS,  LL.D.,  Member  op 
Academy  of  Science  at  Cracow,  Professor  op 
Canon  Law,  Royal  University,  Lejiberq, 
Galicia,  Austrli:  Cyril  and  Methodius. 

AHERNE,  CORNELIUS,  Professor  op  New  Test.v- 
ment  Exegesis,  Rector,  St.  Jo.seph's  Col- 
lege, Mill  Hill,  London:  Colossians,  Epistle  to 
the;  Commentaries  on  the  Bible;  Corinthians, 
Epistles  to  the. 

AIKEN,  CHARLES  F.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Avoir- 
OGETics,  Catholic  University  op  America, 
Washington  :  Confucianism. 

ALSTON,  G.  CYPRIAN,  O.S.B.,  Downside  Abbey, 
Bath,  England:  Cliiny;  Convent;  Convent 
Schools  (Great  Britain);  Corbie,  Monastery  of; 
Corvey;  Crutched  Friars;  Deusdedit,  Saint; 
Dinooth. 

ALVARADO,  THOMAS  CANON,  Cuenca,  Ecua- 
dor: Cuenca. 

ANGER,  HENRY,  Litt.B.,  B.Sc,  New  York: 
Delacroix,  Ferdinand. 

ARENDZEN,  J.  P.,  Ph.D.,  S.T.D.,  B.A.,  Professor 
of  Holy  Scripture,  St.  Edmund's  College, 
Ware,  England:  Cosmogony;  Demetrius  (Syrian 
Kings);  Demiurge. 

ASTRAIN,  ANTONIO,  S.J.,  M.4.drid:  Congregatio 
de  Auxiliis. 

AVELING,  FRANCIS,  S.T.D.,  Chelsea,  London: 
Condition;  Deism. 

BALESTRI,  GIUSEPPE,  O.S.A.,  Professor  Emeri- 
tus OP  Sacred  Scripture,  College  of  St. 
Monica,  Rome:   Cjtus  and  John. 

BANDELIER,  AD.  F.,  Hispanic  Society  of  Amer- 
ica, New  York:  Clavigero;  Cobo;  CogoUudo; 
Colombia;  Columbus,  Christopher;  Condamine; 
Copacavana;  Cordova,  Juan  de;  Coronado; 
Coronel,  Juan;  Cortes;  Costa  Rica;  Davila 
Padilla. 

BARNES,  ARTHUR  STAPYLTON,  M.A.  (Oxon. 
AND  (Jantab.),  Cambridge,  England:  Counsels. 

BAUMGARTEN,  Rt.  Rev.  Mgr.  PAUL  MARIA, 
J.U.D.,  S.T.D.,  Domestic  Prelate,  Rome:  De 
Rossi. 

BAUMSTARK,  ANTON,  S.T.D.,  Teacher  in  the 
Catholic  Gymnasium  of  Sasbach,  Baden,  Ger- 
many: Cosmas. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


CAMPBELL,  THOMAS  J.,  S.J.,  St.  Mary's  Col- 
lege, Montreal:   Crasset;  Croiset. 

CANDIDE,  F.,  O.M.Cap.,  Lector  in  Philosophy, 
Capuchin  Monastery,  Ristigouche,  Province 
OF  Quebec:   Cochem,  Martin  of. 

CAPES,  FLORENCE  MARY,  London:  Colomba  of 
Rieti;  Columba,  Saints. 

CARMICHAEL,  MONTGOMERY,  British  Vice 
Consul,  Leghorn:  Clerk.s  Regular  of  the  Mother 
of  God  of  Lucca. 

CASSIDY,  JOHN  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Woodstock  Col- 
lege, Maryland:   Conimbricenses. 

CHAPMAN,  JOHN,  O.S.B.,  B.A.  (Oxon.),  Prior  of 
St.  Thomas's  Abbey,  Erdington,  Birmingham, 
England:  Clementines;  Clement  I;  Cornelius, 
Pope;  Cyprian  of  Carthage;  CjTil  of  Alexandria ; 
Cyril  of  Jerusalem ;  Demetrius,  Saint;  Didache; 
Didascalia  Apostolorum;   Didymus  the  Blind. 

CHARLES,  BROTHER,  C.S.C,  Professor  of  Eng- 
lish, Scholasticate  of  the  Congreg.ation  of 
the  Cross  of  Jesus,  Rimouski,  Canada:  Cross 
of  Jesus,  Brothers  of  the. 

CLEARY,  GREGORY,  O.F.M.,  J.U.L.,  Professor 
OF  Moral  Theology  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Isi- 
dore's College,  Rome:  Commissariat  of  the 
Holy  Land;   Gustos. 

CLEARY,  HENRY  W.,  Editor,  "New  Zealand 
Tablet",  Dunedin,  New  Zealand:  Cooktown; 
Dalley. 

CLIFFORD,  CORNELIUS,  Seton  Hall  College, 
South  Orange,  New  Jersey:  Craigie;  Crashaw. 

COFFEY,  PETER,  Ph.D.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of 
Philosophy,  St.  Patrick's  College,  May- 
nooth:   Deduction;  Dialectic. 

COLEMAN,  AMBROSE,  O.P.,  M.R.I.A.,  St.  Sav- 
iour's Priory,  Dublin:  CroUy. 

COLEMAN,  CARYL,  B.A.,  Pelham  Manor,  New 
York:  Cosmati  Mosaic. 

CORBETT,  JOHN,  S.J.,  Associate  Editor,  "The 
Messenger",  New  York:  Cornoldi;  David, 
King. 

COUDERT,  ANTOINE,  O.M.I.,  Archbishop  of 
CoLo.MBO,  Ceylon:  Colombo. 

COURSON,  COMTESSE  ROGER  de,  Paris:  Com- 
mune, Martyrs  of  the  Paris. 

CURLEY,  CHARLES  F.,  A.B.,  LL.D.,  Wilmington, 
Del.\ware  :    Delaware. 

CUTHBERT,  FATHER,  O.S.F.C,  H.*.ssocks,  Sus- 
sex, England:   Definitors  (in  Religious  Orders). 

D'ALTON,  E.  a.,  M.R.I.A.,  Athenry,  Ireland: 
Clynn;   Cogitosus;   Creagh;   Culdees;   Dease. 

DELAMARRE,  LOUIS  N.,  Ph.D.,  Instructor  in 
French,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York: 
Copp(5e;  Corneille,  Pierre;  Dareste  de  la  Cha- 
vanne;   Deschamps,  Eustache;   Didot. 

DELANY,  JOSEPH  F.,  New  York:  Correction; 
Death;    Decalogue;    Despair;-  Detraction. 

DELAUNAY,  JOHN  BAPTIST  STEPHEN,  C.S.C, 
LiTT.B.,  Ph.D.,  Notre  Dame  University,  In- 
diana; Cl^manges;  Cochin,  Jacques;  Cochin, 
Pierre;  College  de  France. 


DE  SMEDT,  CH.,  S.J.,  Brussels:  Criticism,  His- 
torical. 

DEVAS,  FRANCIS  CHARLES,  S.J.,  Classical 
Master,  Stonyhurst  College,  Blackburn, 
England:  Devas. 

DEVLIN,  WILLIAM,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College, 
Maryland:   Cremation. 

DIONNE,  N.  E.,  S.B.,  M.D.,  Librari.vn  to  the  Leg- 
islature OP  Quebec:  Denonville. 

DONOVAN,  STEPHEN  M.,  O.F.M.,  Franclscan 
Monastery,  Wa.shington:  Clare  of  Montefalco; 
Clare  of  Rimini;  Coelde;  Colman,  Walter;  Con- 
rad of  Ascoli ;  Conrad  of  OfEda ;  Conrad  of  Pia- 
cenza;  Conrad  of  Saxony;  Conry;  Conversi; 
Cozza;  Crib;  Crispin  of  Viterbo ;  Crown,  Francis- 
can; Cunegundes;  Daniel  and  Companions; 
Delfino;   Delphine;   Didacus. 

DOWLING,  AUSTIN,  Providence,  Rhode  Island: 
Conclave. 

DOWLING,  M.  P.,  S.J.,  ICansas  City,  Missouri: 
Creighton  University. 

DRISCOLL,  JAMES  F.,  D.D.,  President  of  St.  Jo- 
seph's Seminary,  Dunwoodie,  New  York: 
Dan. 

DRISCOLL,  JAMES  H.,  S.T.D.,  D.C.L.,  Rouse's 
Point,  New  York:  Contumacy. 

DRISCOLL,  JOHN  THOM.4S,  A.  M.,  S.T.L.,  Fonda, 
New  York:   Deity. 

D'SOUZA,  A.  X.,  Bombay,  India:  Cuncolim,  Martyrs 
of. 

DUBRAY,  C.  a.,  S.T.B.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Phil- 
osophy, Marist  College,  Washington:  Clich- 
tove ;  Colonna,  Egidio ;  Dhuoda. 

DUNFORD,  DAVID,  Diocesan  Inspector  of 
Schools,  Hoddesdon,  Herts,  England:  Cu- 
rate; Dean;  Decree. 

DUNN,  JOSEPH,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Celtic  L.\n- 
guages  -4ND  Literature,  Catholic  University 
OF  America,  Washington:   Crescimbeni. 

DURET,  AUGUSTE,  D.D.,  Prefect  Apostolic  of 
the  Delta  of  the  Nile,  Cairo,  Egypt:  Delta  of 

the  Nile. 

EDMONDS,  COLUMBA,  O.S.B.,  Fort  Augustus, 
Scotland:  Coemgen;  Columba,  Saint;  Colum- 
ba, Saint,  Abbot  of  lona;  Columbanus. 

ENGELHARDT,  ZEPHYRIN,  O.F.M.,  Watson- 
viLLE,  California:  Dej-mann;  Diego  y  Moreno. 

ENNIS,    a.    T.,    Concordia,    Ivansas:     Concordia 

(U.S.A.). 

ENRIGHT,  sister  M.  AUGUSTINE,  St.  Joseph's 
Academy,  Springfield,  Illinois:   Dallas. 

FANNING,  WILLIAM  H.  W.,  S.J.,  Professor  of 
Church  History  and  Canon  Law,  St.  Louis 
University,  St.  Louis:  Cleric;  College  (in 
Canon  Law);  Collegiate;  Commissary  Apostolic; 
Competency;  Conference;  Confraternity;  Con- 
grua;  Conservator;  Constitutions,  Papal;  Cura- 
tor; Cure  of  Souls;  Cur-sores  Apostolici;  Cus- 
tom; Definitor  (in  Canon  Law);  Delegation; 
Denunciation;  De  Smet;  Devolution;  Dimis- 
sorial  Letters. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE   FOURTH   VOLUME 


FENLON,  JOHN  F.,  S.S.,  S.T.D.,  President  of  St. 
Austin's  College,  Brookland,  D.  C,  Profes- 
sor OF  Sacred  Scripture,  St.  Mary's  Semi- 
nary, Baltimore:  Codex  Alexandrinus ;  Codex 
Amiatinus;  Codex  Bezoe;  Codex  Ephnemi  Re- 
scriptus;  Codex  Sinaiticus;  Concordances  of  the 
Bible;  Crescens. 

FISCHER,  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Geo- 
graphy AND  History,  .Stella  Matutina  Col- 
lege, Feldkirch,  Austria:  Clavus. 

FISHER,  J.  H.,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College,  Mary- 
land: Cursing;  Delrio. 

FIT.A.  Y  COLOMER,  FIDEL,  S.J.,  Member  of  the 
Royal  Academtt  of  History,  Madrid:  Com- 
postela. 

FORTESCUE,  ADRIAN,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Letchworth, 
Herts,  England:  Collect;  Communion- Ant i- 
phon;  Concelebration;  Confiteor;  Constanti- 
nople, Rite  of;  Cowl;  Denzinger. 

FOURNET,  PIERRE  AUGUSTE,  S.S.,  Professor 

OF    BeLLES-LeTTRES,     COLLIOGB     DE    MONTREAL, 

Montre.al:   Colin,  Fr^d^ric;  Cuoq. 

FOX,  JAMES  J.,  S.T.D.,  B.A.,  Professor  of  Philos- 
ophy, St.  Tho.mas's  College,  Washington: 
Cruelty  to  Animals. 

FOX,  WILLIAM,  B.S.,  M.E.,  Associate  Professor 
of  Physics,  College  of  the  City  of  New  York: 
Gierke. 

FUENTES,  VENTURA,  A.B.,  M.D.,  Instructor, 
College  of  the  City  op  New  York:  Cruz; 
Cuba;  Cueva;  De  Soto;  Diaz  del  Castillo;  Diaz 
de  Soils. 

GANS,  LEO,  J.C.D.,  St.  Cloud,  Minnesota:  Com- 
promise. 

GARDNER,  EDMUND  GARRETT,  M.A.  (Cam- 
bridge), London:  Colonna,  Vittoria;  Dante 
Alighieri. 

GAYNOR,  H.  a.,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College,  Mary- 
l-u^d:  Concubinage. 

GERARD,  JOHN,  S.J.,  F.L.S.,  London:  Coleridge; 
Digby,  Sir  Everard. 

GEUDENS,  FRANCIS  MARTIN,  O.Pr.em.,  Abbot 
Titular  of  Barlings,  Corpus  Christi  Priory, 
Manchester,  England:  Cornillon. 

GIETMANN,  GERARD,  S.J.,  Teacher  of  Classical 
Langtages  and  .Esthetics,  St.  Ignatius  Col- 
lege, Valkenburg,  Holland:  Cornelisz;  Cor- 
nelius, Peter. 

GIGOT,  FR.\NCIS  E.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Sacred 
Scripture,  St.  Joseph's  Seminary,  Dunwoodie, 
New  York:   Daniel;  Daniel,  Book  of. 

GILLET,  LOUIS,  Paris:   Clovio;   Delaroche. 

GILLIAT-SMITH,  FREDERICK  ERNEST,  Bruges: 
Common  Life,  Brethren  of  the. 

GODINHO,  JOHN,  Dabul,  Bombay,  India:  Damao. 

GOLUBOVICH,  GIROLAMO,  O.F.M.,  Florence, 
Italy:   Dardel. 


GOYAU,  GEORGES,  Assoclite  Editor,  "Revue 
DEs  Deu.x  Mondes",  Paris:  Clermont;  Com- 
pagnie  du  Saint-Sacreraent ;  Concordat  of  1801; 
Constantine,  Diocese  of ;  Coutances ;  Digne ;  Dijon. 

GRATTAN-FLOOD,  W.  H.,  M.R.I.A.,  Mus.D., 
Rosemount,  Enniscorthy,  Ireland:  Clement  of 
Ireland;  Colman,  Saints;  Conal;  Conan;  Cro- 
nan;  Dalton;  Darerca;  Deicolus;  Diarmaid; 
Dichu. 

GRUPP,  GEORG,  Maihingen  near  Marktoffin- 
gbn,  Bavaria:  Constantine  the  Great  (Historical 
Appreciation). 

GUASCO,  ALEXANDRE,  LL.D.,  Secretary  Gen- 
eral OF  THE  Society  for  the  Propagation  of 
the  Faith,  Paris:   Corsica. 

GULDNER,  B.,  S.J.,  St.  Joseph's  College,  Phila- 
delphi.\:  Coffin,  Robert;  Contzen;  Conversion. 

GURDON,  EDMUND,  O.  Cart.,  Barcelona,  Spain: 
Contemplative  Life;  Denys  the  Carthusian. 

HAGEN,  JOHN  G.,  S.J.,  Vatican  Ob.serv.\tory, 
Rome:  Copernicus. 

HANDLE Y,  M.  L.,  Madison,  New  Jersey:  Coustou; 
Coysevox;    Danti,  Vincenzo;    Decker. 

HANNA,  EDWARD  J.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  The- 
ology, St.  Bernard's  Seminary,  Rochester, 
New  York:  Contrition. 

HARTIG,  otto,  Assistant  Librarian  of  the 
Royal  and  City  Library,  Munich:  Cosa;  Cos- 
mas  Indicopleustes ;  Delisle;  Dias;  Dicuil. 

HARTY,  JOHN  M.,  D.D.,  Profe.ssor  of  Moral 
Theology  and  Canon  Law,  St.  P.\trick's  Col- 
lege, Maynooth:    Definition,  Theological. 

HASSETT,  M.4URICE  M.,  S.T.D.,  Harrisburg, 
Pennsylvani.\^:  Coliseum. 

HAVEY,  FRANCIS  P.,  S.S.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  op 
Homiletics  ant>  Pastoral  Theology,  St. 
John's  Seminary,  Brighton,  Massachusetts; 
Clement  of  Alexandria. 

HEALY,  Most  Reverend  JOHN,  D.D.,  LL.D., 
M.R.I..\.,  Senator  of  the  Roy'al  University 
of  Ireland,  Archbishop  of  Tu.vm:  Clonard; 
Clonf ert ;  Clomnacnoise ;  Cork,  School  of ;  Derry, 
School  of. 

HEALY,  PAT  -tICK  J.,  S.T.D.,  Assistant  Profes- 
sor OP  Church  History,  Catholic  University 
op  .America,  Washington:  Combefis;  Commo- 
dus;  Decius. 

HECKMANN,  FERDINAND,  O.F.M.,  Teacher  op 
Latin  and  Greek,  Mount  St.  Sepulchre  Mon- 
astery, Washington:  Cord,  Confraternities  of 
the. 

HENRY,  H.  T.,  Litt.D.,  Rector  of  Roman  Catho- 
lic High  School  for  Boys,  Professor  of  Eng- 
lish Literature  and  of  Gregorian  Chant,  St. 
Charles's  Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pennsyl- 
vania: Congregational  Singing;  Dies  Irce. 

HERBERMANN,  CHARLE.S  G.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D., 
Professor  of  Latin  Language  and  Litera- 
ture, College  of  the  City  op  New  York  :  Con- 
stantine the  Great  (First  Part) ;  Dance  of  Death 

(First  Part) 


GORY,  JAMES  L.,  Covington,   Kentucky:    Cov-     HERRERA,  FELICI.\N0,  Comayagua,  Honduras: 
ington.  Comayagua. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


HIND,  GEORGE  ELPHEGE,  O.S.B.,  Glamorgan- 
shire, Wales:  Clark;  Clajrton;  Clement,  John; 
Coenred;  Cole;  Coleman;  Courtenay;  Cressy; 
Cuthbert,  Abbot  of  Wearmouth ;  Cuthbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. 

HINOJOSA,  EDUARDO  de,  Member  op  the  Span- 
ish Academy,  Professor  of  History;  Univer- 
sity op  Madrid:  Coimbra;  Coria;  Crusade,  Bull 
of  the;  Cuenoa  (Spain). 

HOEBER,  KARL,  Ph.D.,  Editor,  "Volkszeitung" 
and  "Die  ."Vkademischen  Monatsblatter", 
Cologne:   Dillingen. 

HOLWECK,  FREDERICK  G.,  St.  Louis:  Colmar; 
DeoGratias;  DeProfundis;  Deus  in  Adjutorium. 

HOUCK,  GEORGE  F.,  Domestic  Prelate,  Dioc- 
esan Chancellor,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  Cleve- 
land. 

HOWLETT,  J.  A.,  O.S.B.,  M.A.,  Suffolk,  England: 
Desert  (in  the  Bible). 

HOWLETT,  WILLIAM  JOSEPH,  Pueblo,  Colo- 
rado: Denver. 

HUNT,  LEIGH,  Professor  of  Art,  College  of  the 
City  of  New  York:  Cleef,  Jan  van;  Cleef,  Joost 
van;  Cleef,  Martin  van;  Clouet;  Corneille,  Jean- 
Baptiste;  Corneille,  Michel  (2);  Cousin;  Cri- 
velli;  Deger. 

HUNTER-BLAIR,  D.  O.,  Bart.,  O.S.B.,  M.A.,  0.x- 

pord,  England:  Croyland. 

HURTH,  PETER  JOSEPH,  C.S.C,  S.T.D.,  Bishop 
of  Dacca,  India:  Dacca. 

JENNER,  HENRY,  F.S.A.,  Assistant  Librarian, 
British  Museum:  Creed,  Liturgical  Use  of. 

JOUVE,  ODORIC-M.,  O.F.M.,  Candiac,  Canada: 
Denis,  Joseph. 

KELLY,  G.  E.,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College,  Mart- 
land:  Coster;  Coton. 

KELLY,  LEO  A.,  Ph.B.,  Rochester,  New  York 
Coleti;  Concordat  (Second  Part);  Deusdedit 
Pope. 

KENT,  W.  H.,  O.S.C.,  Bayswater,  London:  Demon, 
Demoniacs;  Demonology;  Devil;  DevU- Wor- 
shippers. 

IvERZE,  FRANCIS  L.,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  De- 
harbe. 

KIRSCH,  Mgr.  J.  P.,  Professor  of  Pathology  and 
Christian  Arch.bology,  University  of  Fri- 
BOURG,  Switzerland:  Cletus;  Conrad  of  Mar- 
burg; Damberger ;  Darras ;  David  Scotus ;  Dela- 
tores;  Desiderius  of  Cahors;  Deusdedit,  Car- 
dinal; Diekamp;  Dietrich  von  Nieheim. 

KNOWLES,  JOSEPH  ALPHONSUS,  O.S.A.,  Presi- 
dent OF  THE  Catholic  Young  Men's  Society, 
Cork:   Coronet,  Gregorio. 

KRMPOTIC,  M.  D.,  Kansas  City,  Kansas:  Croatia; 
D.ilmatia. 

KURTH,  GODEFROID,  Director,  Belgian  His- 
torical In.stitute,  Liege:  Clotilda;  Clovis. 

LAUCHERT,  FRIEDRICH,  Ph.  D.,  Aachen:  Die- 
ringer. 


LAURENTIUS,  JOSEPH,  S.  J.,  Professor  of 
Canon  Law,  St.  Ignatius  College,  Valken- 
BURG,  Holland:   Diocesan  Chancery. 

tLE  BARS,  JEAN,  B.A.,  Litt.D.,  Member  of  the 
Asiatic  Society,  Paris:   Daguesseau. 

LEJAY,  PAUL,  Fellow  of  the  University  of 
France,  Professor  of  the  Catholic  Institute 
of  Paris:  ClaudianusMamertus;  Commodianus; 
Consentius;  Daeier. 

LENHART,  JOHN  M.,  O.M.Cap.,  Lector  of  Phil- 
osophy, St.  Fidelis  Monastery,  Victoria, 
Kansas:  Coccaleo;  Comboni. 

LIBERT,  P.  PROSPER,  S.T.B.,  Librarian,  St. 
Bernard's  Seminary,  Rochester,  New  York'- 
De  La  Croi.x,  Charles. 

LINDSAY,  LIONEL  ST.  G.,  B.Sc,  Ph.D.,  Editor- 
in-Chief,  "La  Noitv'elle  France",  Quebec: 
Denaut. 

LINS,  JOSEPH,  Freiburg,  Germany:  Cologne; 
Csanad;  Culm;  Damaraland. 

LIONNET,  JOSEPH,  Licenti.ate  of  Letters,  Ed- 
itor, "Etudes  Religieuses ",  Paris:  Daniel, 
Charles. 

LOUGHLIN,  Mgr.  JAMES  F.,  S.T.D.,  Philadel- 
phia: Clement  II;  III;  IV;  VIII;  IX;  X;  XI; 
XII;  Clericis  Laicos;  Colonna  (Family);  Con- 
gregationalism;  Conwell;   Corcoran,  James. 

LUCAS,  GEORGE  J.,  S.T.D.,  Blossburg,  Penn- 
sylvanla:  Creed. 

LUEBBERMANN,  BONIFACE,  Professor  op  Sa- 
cred Scripture,  Mt.  St.  Mary''s  Se.minary,  El- 
LENOR.i,  Ohio:   Diepenbrock. 

LUZIO,  SALVATORE,  D.D.,  Ph.D.,  J.U.D.,  Pro- 
fessor of  CUnon  Law,  St.  Patrick's  College, 
Maynooth:  Degradation;  Deposition;  Dero- 
gation. 

MAA.S,  A.  J.,  .S.J.,  Rector  of  Woodstock  College, 
M-ARYLANd:  Communicatio  Idiomatum;  Co- 
ninck;    Correctories;    Deluge;    Deuteronomy. 

MacC.A.FFREY,  JAMES,  S.T.L.,  St.  Patrick's  Col- 
lege, M.\ynooth:  Clogher;  Coelchu;  Colgan; 
Comgall;  Cormac  MacCuilenan-  Curry;  Derry, 
Diocese  of. 

MACPHERSON,  EWAN,  New  York:   Dahomey. 

McDonald,  MICHAEL,  Westport,  Ireland; 
Croagh  Patrick. 

McDON.VLD,  WALTER,  D.D.,  Prepect  of  the 
Dunboyne  Establishment,  Maynooth  Col- 
lege: Congruism. 

McMAHON,  ARTHUR  L.,  O.P.,  St.  Dominic's  Pri- 
ory, San  Francisco:  Dedication,  Feast  of  the; 
Didon. 

MAERE,  R.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Christian  Ar- 
ch.eology,  LTniversity  of  Louv.un:  Diaconi- 
cum;  Didron. 

MAGINNIS,  CHARLES  DONAGH.  F.A.I.A.,  Bos- 
ton: De  L'Orme. 

MAGNIER,  JOHN,  C.SS.R.,  Rome:  Clement  Mary 
Hofbauer;   Dechamps,  Victor;   Desurmont. 

t  Deceased. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


MAKER,  MICHAEL,  S.J.,  Litt.D.,  M.A.,  Director  MUELLER,  ADOLF,  S.J.,  Director  of  the  Private 

OF  Studies  and  Professor  of  Pedagogics,  St.  Astronomical  Observatory  on  the  Janicu- 

Mary's  Hall,  Stonyhurst,  Blackburn,  Eng-  lum.  Professor  of  Astronomy  at  the  Gregor- 

land:  Consciousness;  Determinism.  ian  Observatory,  Rome:  Clavius. 


MANN,  HORACE  K.,  Headmaster,  St.  Ctjthbert's 
Gram.mar  School,  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  Eng- 
land: Conon;  Constantine,  Pope. 

MARIQUE,  PIERRE  JOSEPH,  Tutor  in  French, 
College  of  the  City  of  New  York:  Conscience, 
Hendrik;    Dechamps,  Adolphe;    Delille.. 

MARUCCHI,  ORAZIO,  Professor  op  Christian 
Arch.eology,  Director  of  the  Christian  Mu- 
seum AT  the  Lateran,  Rome:  Cross  and  Cruci- 
fix (Part  I.  Archaeology). 

MEEHAN,  THOMAS  F.,  New  York:  Congresses 
(Part  III);  Corcoran,  Michael;  Cosgrove;  Cosin; 
Croke;  Cummings;  Da  Ponte;  Day,  Sir  John; 
Denman;  Detroit. 

MEIER,  GABRIEL,  O.S.B.,  Einsiedeln,  Switzer- 
land: Cosmas  and  Damiaii;  Crispina;  Crispin 
and  Crispinian;  Cyprian,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Toulon ; 
Cyprian,  Saint,  and  Justina. 

MELODY,  JOHN  WEBSTER,  A.M.,  S.T.D.,  Asso- 
ciate Professor  op  jMoral  Theology,  Catho- 
lic University  of  America,  Washington: 
Commandments  of  the  Church;  Continence; 
Covarruvias;  Cresconius. 

MERSHMAN,  FRANCIS,  O.S.B.,  S.T.D.,  Professor 
OF  Moral  Theology,  Canon  Law,  and  Liturgy-, 
St.  John's  University,  Collegeville,  Minne- 
sota: Corbinian;  Corpus  Christi;  Deer,  Abbey 
of;  Diario  Romano. 

MING,  JOHN  J.,  S.J.,  Professor  or  Ethics,  St. 
Ignatius  College,  Cleveland,  Ohio:  Concu- 
piscence. 

MOLLOY,  JOSEPH  VINCENT,  O.P.,  S.T.L.,  Somer- 
set, Ohio:  Dead  Sea;  Decapolis. 

MONTEIRO  d'AGUIAR,  Joseph,  Secretary  of 
the  Episcopal  Curia,  Cochin,  India:  Cochin, 
Diocese  of. 

MOONEY,  J.AMES,  United  States  Ethnologist, 
Washington:  Coeur  d'Alene  Indians;  Cree; 
Creeks;   Delaware  Indians. 

MOONEY,  JOSEPH  F.,  LL.D.,  Ph.D.,  Prothono- 
tary  Apcstolic,  Vicar-General  of  the  Arch- 
diocese of  New  York:  Consultors,  Diocesan; 
Corrigan,  Michael. 

MORAN,  PATRICK  FRANCIS,  Cardinal,  Arch- 
bishop op  Sydney,  Primate  of  Austr.'Ill\: 
Cullen. 

MORICE,  A.  G.,  O.M.I.,  St.  Boniface,  Manitoba: 
Demers;   D6n^s. 

MORRISON,  ROBERT  STEWART,  Denver,  Colo- 
rado:  Colorado. 

MORRISROE,  PATRICK,  Dean  and  Professor  op 
Liturgy,  St.  Patrick's  College,  Maynooth: 
Colours,  Liturgical;  Commemoration;  Com- 
munion-Bench; Communion  of  Children;  Com- 
munion of  the  Sick;  Credence;  Crosier;  Cross- 
Bearer;   Cruet;   Dedication;   Desecration. 

MOYES,  JAMES  CANON,  Westminster,  London: 
Clovesho. 


MULHANE,  L.  W.,  Mt.  Vernon,  Ohio:  Columbus, 
Diocese  of. 

MURPHY,  JOHN  F.  X.,  S.J.,  Woodstock  College, 
Maryland:  Clerks  Regular;  Clerks  Regular  of 
Our  Saviour;  Daniel,  Gabriel. 

MUTEL,  GUSTAVE,  Seoul,  Corea:   Corea. 

MYERS,  EDWARD,  M.A.  (Cambridge),  Professor 
OF  Dogm.\tic  Theology'  and  of  Pathology,  St. 
Edmund's  College,  Ware,  England:  Convoca- 
tion of  the  English  Clergy. 

NYS,  DESIRE,  S.T.B.,  Ph.D.,  President,  Semi- 
naire  Leon  XIII,  University  op  Louvain:  Cos- 
mology. 

O'DANIEL,  VICTOR  F.,  O.P.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  op 
Dogmatic  Theology,  Dominican  House  op 
Studies,  Washington:  Connolly. 

OESTREICH,  THOMAS,  O.S.B.,  Professor  of 
Church  IIistohy  and  Sacred  Scripture,  Mary- 
help  Abbey,  Belmont,  North  Carolina: 
DamasusII;  Delfau. 

OJETTI,  BENEDETTO,  S.J.,  Consultor  S.C.P.F., 
Consultor  S.C.C,  Consultor  op  the  Commis- 
sion ON  the  Codipic.\tion  of  C.inon  Law,  Gre- 
gorian LIniversity,  Rome:  Concordat;  Courts, 
Ecclesiastical. 

O'NEILL,  JAMES  D.,  A.M.,  S.T.D.,  Highland  P.a.rk, 
Illinois:  Clandestinity;  Concursus;  Consent. 

O'RIORDAN,  JOHN,  Cloyne,  County  Cork: 
Cloyne. 

OSUNA,  MANUEL  GARCIA,  S.T.D.,  Cordova, 
Spain:  Cordova  (Spain). 

OTT,  MICHAEL,  O.S.B.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  the 
History  op  Philosophy,  St.  John's  Univer- 
sity, Collegeville,  Minnesota:  Commenda- 
tory Abbot;  Commendone;  Conrad  of  Hoch- 
stadt;  Conrad  of  Leonberg;  Conrad  of  Uracil ; 
Conrad  of  Utrecht;  Constance;  Corker;  Cor- 
tese;  Coustant;  Couturier;  Cracow,  Diocese  of; 
Dalberg;   Diemoth;   Diether  of  Isenburg. 

OTTEN,  JOSEPH,  PrrrsBURGH,  Pennsylvania: 
Clemens  non  Papa;  Colonna,  Giovanni;  Coun- 
terpoint; Coussemaker;  Croce;   Deprfe. 

PACE,  EDWARD  A.,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  Prope.ssor  of 
Psychology,  C.\tholic  University  op  America, 
Washington:  Cologne,  LTniversity  of;  Copen- 
hagen, University  of ;  Cornaro. 

PAPI,  HECTOR,  S.J.,  Ph.D.,  B.C.L.,  S.T.D.,  Pro- 
fessor OP  Canon  Law,  Woodstock  College, 
Maryland  :   Consistory. 

PETIT,  L.,  A.A.,  Constantinople:  Delcus. 

PETRIDES,  S.,  A.A.,  Constantinople:  CTaudi- 
opolis  (2) ;  Clazomenffi ;  Cocussus ;  Colonia ;  Colo- 
phon; Colossi;  Comana;  Coracesium;  Corfu; 
Corinth;  Corj'dallus;  Cotenna;  CotiiBum; 
Croia;  Curium;  Cusee;  Cybi.stra;  Cyclades; 
Cydonia;  CjTne;  Cyprus;  Gyrene;  Danaba; 
Dansara;  Dardanus;  Damis;  Daulia;  Derbe; 
Dibon. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


PHILLIPS,  G.  E.,  Professor  of  Philosophy  and 
Church  History,  St.  Cuthbert's  College, 
UsHAW,  Durham,  England:  Day,  George; 
Dicconson. 

PIAT,  CLODIUS,  Litt.D.,  Professor  of  Philos- 
ophy, Institut  Catholique,  Paris:   Descartes. 

PLANCARTE  Y  NAVARRETE,  FRANCISCO, 
S.T.D.,  Bishop  of  Cuernavaca,  Morelos, 
Mexico:  Cuernavaca. 

POLLARD-URQUHART,  JEROME,  O.S.B.,  St. 
Benedict's  Abbey,  Fort  Augu.stus,  Scotland: 
Dempster. 

POLLEN,  JOHN  HUNGERFORD,  S.J.,  London: 
Counter- Reformation. 

POOLE,  THOMAS  H.,  New  York:  Qerestory; 
Colonnade;  Column;  Cornice;  Coucy;  Crypt; 
Cupola. 

POULAIN,  AUGUSTIN,  S.J.,  Paris:  Contempla- 
tion. 

PRAT,  FERDINAND,  S.J.,  Memberofthe  Biblical 
Commission,  Professor  of  Holy  Scripture 
AND  Oriental  Languages,  College  German- 
ique,  Rome:  Criticism,  Biblical  (Textual). 

REID,  GEORGE  JOSEPH,  S.T.L.,  Professor  of 
Sacred  Scripture  and  Hebrew,  The  St.  Paul 
Seminary,  St.  Paul,  Minnesota:  Criticism, 
Biblical  (Higher). 

REILLY,  W.  S.,  S.T.D.,  S.S.,  St.  Stephen's  Bibli- 
cal School,  Jerusalem:  Claudia;  Cush;  Da- 
lila;  Debbora. 

REINHOLD,  GREGOR,  Freiburg,  Germany: 
Diakovijr. 

REMY,  ARTHUR  F.  J.,  Ph.D.,  Adjunct-Professor 
OF  Germanic  Philology,  Columbia  Univer- 
sity, New  York:  Daumer;  Denis,  Johann. 

RICKABY,  JOHN,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Ethics,  St. 
Mary's  Hall,  Stonyhurst  College,  Black- 
burn, England:  Conscience. 

ROBINSON,  PASCHAL,  O.F.M.,  Rome:  Clare  of 
Assisi;  Conventuals. 

ROCK,  P.M. J.,  Louisville,  Kentucky:  Decora- 
tions, Pontifical. 

ROUGIER,  FRANCIS,  A.M.,  College  op  the  City 
of  New  York:   Desmarets  de  Saint-Sorlin. 

RUDGE,  FLORENCE  MARIE,  M.A.,  Youngstot^-n, 
Ohio:  Concepcion;  Confession  (1?omb  of  a  mar- 
tyr) ;  Craven ;  Curityba  do  ParanS ;  Cuyabd ; 
Cuzco. 

RUDSKI,  OSCAR,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Sacred 
Scripture  .\nd  Hebrew,  University  of  Cra- 
cow: Cracow,  University  of. 

RYAN,  JOHN  A.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  Moral  The- 
ology, The  St.  Paul  Seminary,  St.  Paul,  Min- 
nf.sota:  Collectivism;  Communism;  Compen- 
sation ;  Conciliation. 

RYAN,  PATRICK,  S.J.,  London:  Clifford;  Coffin, 
Edward;  Constable,  John;  Coombes;  Corbie, 
Ambrose  and  Ralph ;  Creswell ;  Curr. 

SAUER,  JOSEPH,  S.T.D.,  Editor,  "Rundschau", 
Professor  of  Theology,  University  of  Frei- 
burg, Germany:  Cochlaeus;  Crotus;  Cuspinian. 


SAUVAGE,  G.  M.,  C.S.C,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  Professor 
OP  Dogmatic  Theology,  Holy  Cross  College, 
Washington:   Cond iliac;   Contract,  The  Social. 

SCANNELL,  T.  B.,  S.T.D.,  Editor,  "Catholic  Dic- 
tion.vry",  Folkestone,  England:  Confirma- 
tion; Consubstantiation. 

SCHAEFER,  FRANCIS  J.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  Profes- 
sor of  Church  History,  The  St.  Paul  Semi- 
nary, St.  Paul,  Minnesota:  Consalvi;  Con- 
tarini,  Gasparo;  Cosmas  of  Prague ;  Crescentius; 
Cretin;  Dei  Gratia. 

SCHLAGER,  HEINRICH  PATRICIUS,  Harre- 
veld,  near  Lichtenvoorde,  Holland:  Cl^men- 
cet;  Clement,  Francois;  Cr6tineau-Joly;  Dan- 
tine. 

SCHROEDER,  JOSEPH,  O.P.,  Immaculate  Con- 
ception College,  Washington:    Concina. 

SCHULTE,  AUGUSTUS  JOSEPH,  Professor  of 
Liturgy",  Latin,  and  French,  St.  Ch.\rles's 
Seminary,  Overbrook,  Pennsylv.\nia:  C'ol- 
lectarium ;  Consecration. 

SCHWEITZER,  PETER,  S.J.,  Professor  of 
Ethics  and  History,  Canisius  College,  Buf- 
falo, New  York:  Comely. 

SCHWICKERATH,  ROBERT,  S.J.,  Holy  Cross 
College,  Worcester,  Mass.\chusetts:  Col- 
lege. 

SEARLE,  GEORGE  M.,  C.S.P.,  New  York:  Deshon. 

SENNA,  NELSON  COELHO  de,  Minas  Geraes, 
Brazil:  Diamantina. 

SEXTON,  PATRICK,  D.D.,  Pre-sident  of  St.  Fin- 
barr's  Seminary,  Cork,  Ireland:  Cork,  Dio- 
cese of. 

SHAHAN,  THOMAS  J.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Church 
History,  C.vtholic  University  of  America, 
Washington:  Clement  V;  Commissions;  Con- 
stance, Council  of;  Constantinople,  Councils  of; 
Damasus  I;   Dignitary. 

SHANNAHAN,  WILLIAM  PATRICK,  Professor 
OF  Philosophy,  President  of  St.  Ambrose 
College,  Davenport,  Iowa;  Davenport. 

SHARPE,  ALFRED  BOWYER,  M.A.  (Oxon.),  Saf- 
fron Walden,  Essex,  England:  Common 
Sense. 

SHIELDS,  THOMAS  EDWARD,  Ph.D.,  Assistant 
Professor  of  Physiological  Psychology, 
Catholic  University  of  A-merica,  Washing- 
ton:   Co-education. 

SIEGFRIED,  FRANCIS  PATRICK,  Professor  o:f 
Philosophy,  St.  Charles's  Seminary,  Over- 
brook,  Pennsylvania:  Contingent;  Creation; 
Creationism ;   Deutinger. 

SLATER,  T.,  S.J.,  St.  Beuno's  College,  St.  As.vph, 
W.4.LES:  Contract  (Part  I) ;  Debt;  Diana. 

SLOANE,  CHARLES  WILLIAM,  New  York:  Con- 
tract (Part  II);  Coudert. 

SLOANE,  THOMAS  O'CONOR,  A.M.,  E.M.,  Ph.D., 
New  York:   Despretz. 

SMITH,  HELEN  GRACE,  Torresdale,  Pennsyx- 

vania:   De  Vere. 
SMITH,  SYDNEY  F.,  S.J.,  London:  Clement  XIII; 

Co-consecrators. 


CONTRIBUTORS  TO  THE  FOURTH  VOLUME 


SOLLIER,  JOSEPH  FRANCIS,  S.M.,  S.T.D,  San 
Francisco:  Colbert;  Colin,  Jean;  Communion 
of  Saints ;  Cornet ;  Cyrus  of  Alexandria ;  Darboy ; 
Deschamps,  Nicolas;  Dillon. 

SOUVAY,  CHARLES  L.,C.M.,LL.B.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D., 
Professor  of  Holy  Scripture  and  Hebrew, 
Kenrick  Semin.ary,  St.  Louis:  Court  (in  Scrip- 
ture); Dagon;   Dancing;   Dietenbergor. 

SPAHN,  MARTIN,  Ph.D.,  University  op  Stras- 
burg,  Germany:  Congresses  (Parts  I  and  II). 

SPILL.A.NE,  EDWARD  P.,  S.J.,  Associate  Ed- 
itor, "The  Messenger",  New  York:  Co- 
quart;  Cordara;  Cr^pieu!;  Dablon;  Daniel, 
Anthony;   Dawson;   Detre;   Diaz,  Pedro. 

STAPLETON,  JOHN  H.,  Hartford,  Connecticut: 
Clericato;  Climent;  Commandments  of  God; 
Compensation,  Occult;  Contenson;  Co  veto  us- 
ness. 

STIGLMAYR,  JOSEPH,  S.J.,  Professor  of  Latin, 
Greek,  and  Gerii.\n,  Stell.\^  Matutina  Coir- 
lege,  Feldkirch,  Austria:   Denis,  Saint, 

TA.\FFE,  THOMAS  GAFFNEY,  PhJ).,  lN.sTRUcroR 
IN  English  Liter.\ture,  College  of  the  City 
or  New  York  :  Crevecoeur. 

THURSTON,  HERBERT,  S.J.,  London:  Clement 
VH;  Collections;  Cope;  Coronation;  Corporal; 
Costume;  Cross  and  Crucifix  (Part  III.  In 
Liturgy) ;  Crown  of  Thorns ;  Cursor  Mundi ;  Cyne- 
wulf;  Daniel  of  Winchester;  Dates  and  Dating; 
Deacons ;  Deaconesses. 

TOKE,  LESLIE  ALEXLANDER  ST.  LAWRENCE, 
B.A.,  Stratton-on-the-Fosse,  near  Bath, 
E.ngland:   David,  Saint. 

TONER,  PATRICK  J.,  D.D.,  Professor  of  Dog- 
M.VTic  Theology,  St.  Patrick's  College,  May- 
nooth:  Communion  under  Both  lunds;  Dead, 
Prayers  for  the. 

TURNER,  WILLIAM,  B.A.,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of 
Logic  and  the  History  of  Philo.sophy,  Catho- 
lic University  of  America,  Washington: 
CjTiic  School  of  Philosophy;  Cyrenaic  School 
of  Philosophy;    David  of  Dinant. 

URQUHART,  FRANCIS  FORTESCUE,  M.A.,  Lec- 
turer IN  Modern  History,  B.\lliol  College, 
O.kford;   Diceto. 

VAILHE,  SIMEON,  A.A.,  Member  of  the  Ru.ssian 

ArCH.EO LOGICAL  INSTITUTE  OF  CONSTANTINOPLE, 

Professor  op  Sacred  Scripture  and  History 
AT  the  Theological  Seminary  of  Kadi-Keui, 
Constantinople:  Constantia;  Constantinople; 
Coptos;  Corycus;  Crisitim;  Curubis;  Cyrrhus; 
Cyzicus;    Damascus;    Damietta;    Dioeaesarea. 

VAN^  BA.\RS,  JACOBUS  JOH.ANNES  AMBRO- 
SIUS,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Curasao:  Curasao. 

VAN  CLEEF,  AUGUSTUS,  New  York:  Diepen- 
beeck. 


VAN  DEN  BIESEN,  C,  S.T.D.,  Professor  of  He- 
brew AND  Old  Test.vment  Exegesis,  St.  Jo- 
seph's College,  Mill  Hill,  London:  Diaspora. 

VAN  HOVE,  A.,  D.C.L.,  Professor  of  Church  His- 
tory and  of  Canon  Law,  University  of  Lou- 
V-un:  Corpus  Juris  Canonici;  Decretals;  Dens; 
Devoti. 

VAN  KASTEREN,  JOHN  P.,  S.J.,  Maastricht, 
Holl.vnd:  Cornelius  Cornelii  a  Lapide. 

VANOUS,  FRANCIS,  Chicago:  Czech  Language  and 
Literature. 

VERMEERSCH,  ARTHUR,  S.J.,  LL.D.,  Doctor  of 
Social  and  Political  Sciences,  Professor  of 
MoR.A^L  Theology  and  Canon  Law,  Lou  vain: 
Qoister;  Congo. 

VOLZ,  JOHN  R.,  O.P.,  Washington:  Coeffeteau; 
Collado ;  Conradin  of  Bornada. 

WALSH,  J.A.MES  J.,  M.D.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Profes-sor 
OF  the  History  of  Medicine,  Fordha.m  L^ni- 
VERsiTY,  New  York:  Colombo,  Matteo;  Con- 
stant ine  Africanus;  Corrigan,  Sir  Dominic; 
David,  Armand;  Desault. 

WALSH,  REGINALD,  O.P.,  S.T.D.,  Rome:  Denifle. 

WARD,  Mgr.  BERNARD,  President,  St.  Edmund's 
College,  Ware,  England:  Corporation  Act  of 
1661. 

WARREN,  K\TE  MARY,  Lecturer  in  English 
Literature  under  University  of  London  at 
Westfield  College,  Hajipstead,  London: 
D'Avenant. 

WEALE,  WILLIAM  HENRY  JAMES,  London: 
David,  Gheeraert. 

WEBB,  JAMES  H.,  New  H.aven,  Connecticut: 
Connecticut. 

WEBER,  N.  A.,  S.M.,  S.T.L.,  Professor  op  Church 
History,  Marist  College,  Washington:  Cle- 
mens; Clement  VI;  Costadoni;  Cotelier. 

WILHELM,  J.,  S.T.D.,  Ph.D.,  B.attle,  Sussex, 
England:  Clement  XIV;  College,  Apostolic; 
Constitutions,  Ecclesiastical;   Councils,  General. 

WILLIAMSON,  GEORGE  CHARLES,  Litt.D., 
London:  Contarini,  Giovanni;  Cossa;  Costa; 
Cosway ;  Coxcie ;  Crayer ;  Credi ;  Dance  of  Death 
(Second  Part). 

WILLIS,  JOHN  WILLEY,  A.M.,  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
sota:  Corporation. 

WITTMANN,  PIUS,  Ph.D.,  Reichsarchivrath, 
Munich:  Denmark. 

YZERMANS,  HENRICUS  WILHELMUS  ULARIA, 
Can.  S.C,  S.T.L.,  St.  Agatha,  near  Cuyk,  Hol- 
land: Crosiers,  The. 

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canton,  Somerset,  England:  Cohen;  Con- 
ecte;  Cyril  of  Constantinople;  Dereser. 


Tables   of  Abbreviations 

The  follownng  tables  and  notes  are  intended  to  guide  readers  of  The  Catholic  Encycxopedia  in 
interpreting  those  abbreviations,  signs,  or  technical  phrases  wliich,  for  economy  of  space,  w-ill  be  most  fre- 
quently used  in  the  work.     For  more  general  information  see  the  article  Abbreviations,  Ecclesiastical. 


I. — General  Abbreviations. 

a article. 

ad  an at  the  year  (Lat.  ad  annum). 

an.,  ann the  year,  the  years  (Lat.  annii.i, 

anni). 

ap in  (Lat.  apud). 

art article. 

.4s.syr Assyrian. 

A.  S Anglo-Saxon. 

A.  V Authorized  Version  (i.e.  tr.  of  the 

Bible  authorized  for  \i.se  in  the 
Anglican  Church — the  so-called 
"King  James",  or  "Protestant 
Bible"). 

b bom. 

Bk Book. 

Bl Blessed. 

C,  c about  (Lat.  circa);  canon;  chap- 

ter; compagnie. 

can canon. 

cap chapter  (Lat.  caput — used  only 

in  Latin  context). 

cf compare  (Lat.  confer). 

cod codex. 

col column. 

concl conclusion. 

const.,  constit.  .  .  .Lat.  constitutio. 

cura by  the  industry  of. 

d died. 

diet dictionary  (Fr.  dictionnaire). 

disp. Lat.  disputatio. 

diss Lat.  dissertatio. 

dist Lat.  distindio. 

D.  V Douay  Version. 

ed.,  edit edited,  edition,  editor. 

Ep.,  Epp letter,  letters  (Lat.  epistola). 

Fr French. 

gen genus. 

Gr Greek. 

H.  E.,  Hist.  Eccl.  .Ecclesiastical  History. 

Heb.,  Hebr Hebrew. 

ib.,  ibid in  the  same  place  (Lat.  ibidem). 

Id the  same  person,  or  author  (Lat. 

idem). 


inf below  (Lat.  infra). 

It Italian. 

1.  c.,loc.  cit at   the  place  quoted    (Lat.    lor^ 

citato). 

Lat Latin. 

lat latitude. 

lib book  (Lat.  liber). 

long longitude. 

Mon Lat.  Monumcnta. 

MS.,  MSS manuscript,  manuscripts. 

n.,  no number. 

N.  T New  Testament. 

Nat National. 

Old  Fr.,  O.  Fr.  .  .  .Old  French. 

op.  cit iu   the   work  quoted  (Lat.  open 

citato). 

Ord Order. 

O.  T Old  Testament. 

p.,  pp page,  pages,  or  (in  Latin  ref- 
erences) pars  (part). 

par paragraph. 

pa-taim in  various  places. 

pt part. 

Q Quarterly     (a     periodical),     e.g. 

"Church  Quarterly". 

Q-i  QQ-.  quEest.  . .  .question,  questions  (Lat.  quwstio). 

q.  V which  [title]  see  (Lat.  quod  vide). 

Rev Review  (a  periodical). 

R.  S RoUs  Series. 

R.  V Revised  Version. 

S., SS Lat.    Sanclwi,    Sancli,    "Saint", 

"Saints" — used  in  this  Ency- 
clopedia only  in  Latin  context. 

Sept Septuagint. 

Sess Session. 

Skt Sanskrit. 

Sp Spanish. 

sq.,  sqq following   page,    or   pages    (Lat. 

sequcnx). 

St.,  Sts Saint,  Saints. 

sup Above  (Lat.  supra). 

s.  V Under    the    corresponding    title 

(Lat.  suh  voce). 

torn volume  (Lat.  lomus). 


TABLES  OF  ABBREVIATIONS. 


tr translation  or  translated.  By  it- 
self it  means  "  English  transla- 
tion", OT  "translated  into  Eng- 
lish by".  Where  a  translation 
is  into  any  other  language,  the 
language  is  stated. 

tr.,  tract tractate. 

Y see  (Lat.  vida). 

Ven Venerable. 

Vol Volume. 

II. — Abbreviations  of  Titles. 

Acta  SS Ada  Sanctorum  (BoUandists). 

Ann.  pont.  cath Battandier,  Annuaire  pontifical 

catholique. 

Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.GiUow,  Bibliographical  Diction- 
ary of  the  English  Catholics. 

Diet.  Christ.  Antiq..  .Smith  and  Cheetham  (ed.), 
Dictionary  of  Christian  An- 
tiquities. 


Diet.  Ctu-ist.  Biog.  . 
Diet,  d'arch.  chret. . 

Diet,  de  th^ol.  cath. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  . . . 


Hast.,  Diet,   of  tlie 
Bible 


Kirchenlex. 


P.  G 

P.  L 

Vig.,  Dict.de la  Bible 


.  Smith  and  Wace  (ed.),  Diction- 
ary of  Christian  Biography. 

.Cabrol  (ed.),  Dictionnaire  d'ar- 
cheologie  chritienne  et  de  litur- 
gie. 

.Vacant  and  Mangenot  (ed.), 
Dictionnaire  de  theologie 
catholique. 

.Stephen  (ed.),  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography. 

Hastings  (ed.),  A  Dictionary  of 

the  Bil^le. 
,  Wetzer  and  Welte,  Kirchenlexi- 

con. 
.Migne  (ed.),  Patres  Greed. 
.Migne  (ed.),  Patres  Latini. 
Vigouroux  (ed.),  Dictionnaire  de 

la  Bible. 


Note  I. — Large  Roman  numerals  standing  alone  indicate  volumes.  Small  Roman  numerals  standing  alone  indicate 
chapters.  Arabic  numerals  standing  alone  indicate  pages.  In  other  ca.ses  the  divisions  are  explicitly  stated.  Thus  "  Rashdall, 
Universities  of  Europe.  I.  i.x"  refers  the  reader  to  the  ninth  chapter  of  the  first  volume  of  that  work;  "I,  p.  ix"  would  indicate  the 
ninth  page  of  the  preface  of  the  same  volume. 

Note  II. — Where  St.  Thomas  (Aquinas)  is  cited  without  the  name  of  any  particular  work  the  reference  is  always  to 
"Summa  Theologica"  (not  to  "Summa  Philosophise").  The  divisions  of  the  "Summa  Theol."  are  indicated  by  a  system  which 
may  best  be  understood  by  the  following  example:  "  I-II,  Q.  vi,  a.  7,  ad  2  u™  "  refers  the  reader  to  the  seventh  article  of  the 
sixth  question  in  the  first  part  of  the  second  part,  in  the  response  to  the  second  objection. 

Note  III. — The  abbreviations  employed  for  the  various  books  of  the  Bible  are  obvious.  Ecclesiasticus  is  indicated  by 
Ecdus..  to  distinguish  it  from  Ecclesiastes  (EccUs.).  It  should  also  be  noted  that  I  and  II  Kings  in  D.  V.  correspond  to  I  and  II 
Samuel  in  .\.  V. ;  and  I  and  II  Par.  to  I  and  II  Chronicles.  Where,  in  the  spelling  of  a  proper  name,  there  is  a  marked  difference 
between  the  D.  V.  and  the  A.  V.,  the  form  found  in  the  latter  is  added,  in  parentheses. 


Sir 


Full  Page  Illustrations  in  Volume  IV 

Frontispiece  in  Colour  p^qe 

Cleveland 54 

Cloisters 60 

Cong  Abbey 64 

Francis  I  in  Full  Armour — Clouet 68 

Codex  Amiatiuus 82 

The  Coliseum 102 

The  Cathedral,  Cologne 118 

Colorado 130 

Some  Portraits  of  Columbus 144 

Ercole  Cardinal  Consalvi 262 

Victory  of  Constantine  the  Great  over  Maxentius 300 

Constantinople 306 

The  Syon  Cope— XIII  Century 350 

Copernicus — "  De  Orbium  Coelestium  Rcvolutionibus" 352 

Interior  of  the  Cathedral,  Cordova 360 

Memorial  of  the  Vatican  Council 432 

Croagh  Patrick 508 

Apparition  of  the  Cross  to  Constantine 522 

Cross  of  Cong 532 

Crucifixes 536 

Coronation  of  Baldwin  I,  King  of  Jerusalem 546 

Pontifical  Decorations 668 

Detroit 758 

Cathedral  of  Saint-Benigne,  Dijon ' 794 


Maps 

Colombia,  Ecuador,  and  Panama 122 

South  Africa 236 

Juan  de  la  Cosa — First  Map  of  the  New  Discoveries 402 

Crusades 554 

Central  America — West  Indies 560 

Denmark  and  Scandinavia 722 


THE 
CATHOLIC  ENCYCLOPEDIA 


Clandestinity  (In  Canon  Law). — Strictly  speak- 
ing, tlaiiiie.stinity  signifies  a  matrimonial  impediment 
introduced  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (.Se.ss.  XXIV,  c.  i) 
to  invalidate  marriages  contracted  at  variance  witli 
the  exigencies  of  the  decree  "Tametsi",  commonly  so 
called  because  the  first  word  of  the  Latin  text  is 
tametsi.  The  decree  reads:  "Those  who  attempt  to 
contract  matrimony  otherwise  than  in  the  presence  of 
the  parish  priest  or  of  another  priest  with  leave  of  the 
parish  priest  or  of  the  ordinary,  and  before  two  or 
three  witnesses,  the  Holy  Synod  renders  altogether 
incapable  of  such  a  contract,  and  declares  such  con- 
tracts null  and  void."  The  Council  of  Trent  did  not 
transmit  any  lii.storical  record  of  tliis  question.  While 
upholding  the  validity  of  clandestine  marriages  "as 
long  as  tlie  Church  does  not  annul  them",  the  council 
asserts  that  "for  weighty  reasons  the  holy  Church  of 
fiod  ahvaj's  abhorred  and  prohibited  them"  (Sess. 
XXIV,  De  reformatione  matrimonii).  That  this  sen- 
tence strikes  the  keynote  of  unending  antipathy  on  the 
part  of  the  Church  towards  clandestine  marriages  can 
be  gathered  by  a  brief  review  of  the  historical  attitude 
of  tlie  Churcli.  In  the  fifth  chapter  of  his  Epistle 
to  Polycarp,  St.  Ignatius  intimates  how  men  and 
women  about  to  marry  should  enter  wedlock  with  the 
bishop's  consent,  so  that  their  marriage  may  be  in  the 
Lord  (Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  I,  100).  TertuUian 
writes  that  matrimonial  imions  contracted  without 
the  intervention  of  ecclesiastical  authority  are  liable 
to  be  jiuiged  tantamount  to  fornication  and  adultery 
(Depudicitia,  iv,  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  II,  987).  Inanotlier 
passage  lie  extols  the  happiness  of  that  union  which  is 
cemented  by  the  Church,  confirmed  by  oblation, 
sealed  with  blessing,  which  angels  proclaim,  and  whicli 
the  Father  in  heaven  ratifies  (Ad  uxorem,  in  Migne, 
P.  L.,  II,  9).  The  tliirteenth  canon  of  the  .so-called 
Fourth  Council  of  Carthage  requires  parties  contract- 
ing marriage  to  be  presented  to  a  priest  of  the  Church 
by  their  parents  or  liridal  attendants  in  order  to  re- 
ceive the  ble.s.sing  of  the  Church  (Hefele,  Historj'  of 
the  Councils,  II,  412).  Whatever  may  be  the  age 
of  this  canon,  the  castom  tlierein  enjoined  had  pre- 
viously won  the  approval  of  St.  Ambrose,  who  earn- 
estly sought  to  have  all  marriages  sanctified  by  the 
priestlv  pall  and  benediction  (Epistle  xLx  toVigilius, 
in  Migne,  P.  L.,  XVI,  984).  The  Code  of  Justinian 
bears  evidence  to  the  influence  which  this  imperial 
legislator  wielded  to  secure  the  public  celebration  of 
marriage  according  to  some  legitimate  form  ("  Novel- 
ke",  or  New  Constitutions,  xxii.  Ixiv,  c.x\'ii). 

In  the  ninth  century  the  Emperor  Basil  gave  the 
force  of  written  law  to  a  widely  observed  custom  of 
having  a  priest  assist  at  marriages  to  bless  and  crown 
the  married  parties.  Not  long  after.  Leo  the  Pliiloso- 
pher  declared  that  marriages  celelirated  without  a 
priest's  lile.ssing  were  worthless.  Tlie  replies  of  Pope 
Nicholas  I  (8G.'J)  to  the  Bulgarians,  the  P.<eudo-Isi<lor- 
ian  Decretals,  as  well  a.s  the  "  Decretum"  of  Burcliard 
IV.— 1 


and  that  of  Gratian  embody  ample  e\'idence  to  prove 
that, during  the  ninth  century  and  thereafter,  the  public 
celebration  of  nuptials  was  prescribed  and  clandestine 
marriage  condemned.  Though  Gratian  alleges  forged 
decretals  to  show  the  prohibition  of  clandestine  mar- 
riages, it  must  be  granted  that  he  faithfully  records 
the  usage  of  his  age  concerning  the  validity  of  such 
marriages.  Though  Alexander  III  (1159-1181) 
maintained  the  validity  of  clandestine  marriage  when 
no  other  impediment  intervened,  he  obliged  parties 
contracting  such  marriages  to  undergo  penance,  and 
suspended  for  three  years  any  priest  assisting  thereat. 
(Wernz,  Jus  Decretalium,  IV,  title  III,  no.  516.) 
Another  step  in  advance  was  made  when  Innocent 
III,  in  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215),  inaugu- 
rated the  proclamation  of  the  banns. 

Finally,  a  turning-point  in  the  history  of  this  ques- 
tion was  reached  when  the  Council  of  Trent  enacted 
the  "Tametsi "  as  a  measure  destined  to  check  abuses 
and  to  safeguard  the  sacredness  of  the  marriage  con- 
tract. The  principal  elements  of  this  decree  pertained 
to  the  sentence  of  nullification  affecting  marriages  of 
Christians  failing  to  enter  wedlock  in  the  presence  of 
the  parish  priest  or  his  legitimate  representative  and 
in  that  of  two  or  more  witnesses;  to  the  ways  and 
means  of  publisliing  the  decree;  and  to  the  penalty 
awaiting  transgressors  thereof.  A  succinct  comment 
concerning  these  points  will  elucidate  the  purport  of 
the  decree.  In  the  first  place,  to  attain  the  desired 
end  more  effectually,  the  Council  of  Trent  decreed 
a  singular  method  of  promulgation.  It  ordered  that 
the  decree  should  be  published  in  every  parish,  and 
that  it  should  lake  effect  only  after  thirty  days  from 
its  pubhcation.  When  a  parish  comprised  many 
churches,  publication  in  the  parochial  church  was 
sufficient.  The  term  "parochial  church"  comprehends 
missions  attended  by  priests  on  whom  the  faithful  de- 
pend for  the  ministrations  of  religion  (Cong,  of  the 
Inquisition,  14  November,  188.3).  Publication  of  the 
decree  in  churches  situated  in  such  missions  had  the 
force  of  law.  A  new  publication  was  not  necessary 
when  a  newly-organized  parish  results  from  the  dis- 
memberment of  a  parish  wlierein  the  law  already  ob- 
tained. On  the  contrary,  if  a  parish  subject  to  the 
law  should  be  united  to  one  hitherto  exempt,  the 
former  would  remain  bound  by  the  law  and  the  latter 
retain  its  immunity  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  14  Dec,  1859). 

For  obvious  reasons,  the  vernacular  should  be  used 
in  pulilishing  the  decree.  The  use  of  Latin  would, 
according  to  the  principles  of  canon  law,  render  the 
act  illicit  but  not  invalid  (Gasparri,  Tractatus  Canon- 
icus  de  Matrimonio,  II,  v,  119).  The  publication 
would  be  worthless  unless  the  decree  were  made 
known  to  the  faithful  as  a  Tridentine  law  or  as  an 
ordinance  emanating  from  the  Holy  See.  While  one 
publication  sufficed  to  induce  obligation,  the  council 
suggested  repeated  publication  during  the  first  year  of 
tenure.     This  publication  might  be  made  whenever 

1 


CLANDESTINITY 


2 


CLANDESTINITY 


a  congregation  assembled  in  church.  The  decree 
was  sometimes  published  in  a  parish  to  bind  parish- 
ioners speaking  one  language  to  the  exclusion  of  those 
using  a  different  tongue.  Sometimes  the  law  was 
intended  to  oblige  none  but  Catholics  residing  within 
the  parish  line's.  In  a  parish  entirely  Catholic, 
wherein  heretics  settled  after  the  law  was  duly  pro- 
mulgated, the  obligation  applied  to  all,  Catholics  and 
heretics.  In  such  cases  the  "Tametsi"  declared 
null  heretical  marriages  or  clandestine  mixed  marriages 
(Pius  VIII.  25  March,  1830).  In  a  non-Catholic 
district  containing  only  a  few  Catholic  parishes,  the 
marriage  of  a  Protestant  with  another  Protestant,  or 
the  clandestine  marriage  of  a  Protestant  with  a  Cath- 
olic, would  be  valid  although  the  nvmiber  of  Catholics 
in  the  neighbourhood  should  so  increase  as  to  warrant 
the  actual  publication  of  the  decree  (Pius  VII  to  Na- 
poleon I,  27  June,  1805;  Cong,  of  Inquisition,  24  No- 
vember and  29  November,  1852).  Finally,  popula- 
tions once  largely  Catholic  in  whose  parishes  the  decree 
was  published  might  be  supplanted  by  non-Catholics. 
Though  canonists  are  not  unanimous  in  their  verdict 
regarding  the  application  of  the  law  in  such  conditions, 
Gasparri,  among  others,  holds  that  in  such  cases  the 
law  would  not  bind  non-Catholics.  For  this  was, 
says  he,  the  case  when  Benedict  XIV  i.ssued  his  Dec- 
laration for  Holland  (Gasparri,  op.  cit.,  II,  v,  202). 
After  these  general  considerations  concerning  the 
promulgation  of  this  decree,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
note  where  the  decree  was  actually  published.  In  the 
United  States  this  law  was  published  in  the  province 
of  New  Orleans;  in  the  province  of  San  Francisco, 
together  with  Utah,  except  that  part  bordering  the 
Colorado  River;  in  the  province  of  Santa  Fe,  except 
the  northern  part  of  Colorado;  in  the  Diocese  of  In- 
dianapolis; in  St.  Louis,  St.  Genevieve,  St.  Charles 
(Missouri),  St.  Ferdinand,  Kaskaskia,  French  Village, 
and  Prairie  du  Rocher.  In  Europe,  the  decree  was 
published  in  Italy  and  adjacent  islands;  in  the  eccle- 
siastical province  of  the  Upper  Rhine;  in  Ireland, 
France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Austria,  German  Empire 
(Pius  X,  18  January,  1906),  Poland,  Belgium,  Rotter- 
dam, Geneva  (Zitelli,  Apparatus  Juris  Eccles.,  I,  428), 
and  Malta  (Cong.  Imiuis.,  18  March,  1884).  It  is 
no  easy  matter  to  give  accurate  specifications  for 
regions  outside  Europe  and  the  United  States  (Lehm- 
kuhl,  Theologia  Moralis,  II,  563).  The  decree  was 
not  published  in  England,  Scotland,  Norway,  Sweden, 
Denmark  (Zitelli,  op.  cit.,  I,  430).  In  some  localities 
circiunstanees  paved  the  way  towards  a  partial  pro- 
mulgation of  the  decree  (Zitelli,  op.  cit.,  I,  4.37). 
Furthermore,  although  the  decree  might  have  been 
promulgated,  the  action  of  legitimate  authority  could 
limit  its  binding  force.  Thus  Benedict  XIV  termi- 
nated the  controversy  concerning  the  marriages  of  her- 
etics in  Holland.  The  fact  that  many  Dutch  Catholics 
had  abjured  their  faith  paved  the  way  for  questioning 
the  application  of  the  decree  already  promulgated 
in  that  country.  To  solve  this  difficulty  Benedict 
XIV  ruled  that  henceforth  heretical  or  mixed  mar- 
riages, clandestinely  contracted,  would  be  valid, 
provided  no  other  impediment  intervened.  This 
declaration  was  subsequently  extended  to  other 
localities  in  which  the  Tridentine  decree  was  not  pro- 
mulgated until  heretics  had  organized  their  own  con- 
gregations in  such  places.  In  this  way  the  declara- 
tion of  Benedict  XIV  found  application  in  Canada, 
Trinidad,  the  dioceses  of  the  United  States  with  the 
exception  of  the  San  Francisco  province,  the  German 
Empire,  Belgium,  Russian  Poland,  the  Malabar 
Coast,  the  Coromandel  Coast,  Constantinople  and 
suburbs,  Diocese  of  Warsaw,  Archdiocese  of  Bombay, 
Diocese  of  Culm,  Duchy  of  Cleves,  Pondicherry, 
Maastricht,  and  the  suburb  of  St.  Peter  near  Maastricht. 
It  may  be  well  to  note  here  the  way  in  which  the 
term  hiriiic  is  to  be  understood  in  this  declaration. 
It  comprehended  individuals  baptized  in  the  Catholic 


Church,  but  who  subsequently  adopted  the  tenets  of 
some  sect :  Catholics  who  had  reached  the  years  of  dis- 
cretion and  had  been  alienated  from  their  Faith  by  the 
influence  of  Protestants  whose  religion  they  thereafter 
professed ;  apostates  who  allied  themselves  with  some 
sect;  heretics  professing  no  religion  whatever  (Gas- 
parri, op.  cit.,  II,  V,  208).  Whenever  the  requirements 
of  this  decree  were  reduced  to  practice  owing  to  legit- 
imate usage,  no  further  promulgation  was  necessary  to 
render  the  measure  effective  (Cong,  of  Holy  Office, 
1  May,  1887).  The  decree  once  publi-shed  in  any 
parish,  could  be  set  aside  by  revocation  on  the  part 
of  the  Holy  See.  It  could  also  be  abrogated  by  con- 
trary usage  or  desuetude.  Thus,  Pius  VII,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  8  October,  1803,  decided 
that  marriages  contracted  before  a  Protestant  min- 
ister are  valid  where  the  Tridentine  decree  has  lapsed 
into  desuetude.  In  like  manner,  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Office  decided  that  the  "Tametsi"  had 
passed  into  desuetude  in  Japan  (11  March.  1806).  At 
the  same  time  the  Holy  See  repeatedly  declared  that 
the  "Tametsi"  did  not  lose  its  binding  force  in  a 
given  place  because  heretics  residing  there  declined 
to  observe  it,  no  matter  how  long  they  refused  to 
abide  by  its  requirements  (Cong,  of  Holy  Office, 
6  July,  1892). 

Regarding  the  subjects  of  this  law,  it  is  necessary 
to  note  that  the  decree  invalidating  clandestine  mar- 
riages was  both  local  and  personal  (Cong,  of  Holy 
Office,  14  December,  1859).  In  its  local  application 
the  law  comprehended  all  who  contracted  marriage 
in  any  place  where  the  decree  had  been  duly  promul- 
gated, whether  they  were  residents,  aliens,  travellers, 
transients,  or  persons  having  no  fLxed  abode,  because 
those  who  come  from  an  exempt  territory  are  obliged 
to  recognize  and  observe  universal  laws.  Moreover, 
since  jurists  claim  that  territory  governs  contracts, 
it  follows  that  residents,  aliens,  travellers,  transients, 
and  those  without  fixed  abode,  must  observe  laws 
circumscribing  contracts  in  the  place  where  such  con- 
tracts are  made.  A  decision  of  the  Holy  Office,  dated 
25  January,  1900,  gave  new  weight  to  this  accepted 
axiom  of  canonists.  On  account  of  the  personal  ele- 
ment embodied  in  this  decree,  the  obligation  of  ob- 
serving it  applied  to  those  thereunto  subjected  where- 
ever  they  might  chance  to  be.  For  this  reason  parties 
having  a  domicile  or  quasi-domicile  in  a  district 
where  the  law  held  remained  liable  to  its  obligation 
as  often  as  they  betook  themselves  to  an  exempt 
territorj'  to  evade  the  law.  Those  whose  sole  or 
whose  chief  object  in  svich  case  was  to  enter  wedlock, 
were  considered  guilty  of  evading  the  law.  However, 
where  one  of  the  contracting  parties  had  acquired  a 
domicile  or  quasi-domicile  in  an  exempt  territory, 
their  marriage,  if  contracted  there,  would  be  valid 
because  the  privilege  enjoyed  by  one  was  here  com- 
municable to  the  other  (Benedict  XIV,  De  Synodo, 
VI,  vi). 

The  better  to  complete  this  explanation,  a  word 
concerning  the  terms  domicile  and  quasi-domicile  is 
necessary.  An  ecclesiastical  domicile  involves  two 
elements,  namely,  residence  in  a  particular  parish 
and  an  intention  of  abiding  there  for  the  greater  part 
of  a  year.  This  intention  is  gauged  by  external  acts 
whose  manifestation  marks  the  actual  acquisition  of 
a  domicile  which  is  retained  thereafter  notwithstand- 
ing protracted  absence,  provided  the  intention  of  re- 
turning perseveres.  In  like  manner  residence  in  a 
parish  and  an  intention  of  dwelling  there  during  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  year  denote  the  elements 
giving  consistency  to  a  quasi-domicile.  Hence,  an 
individual  may  be  domiciled  in  one  parish  and  acquire 
a  quasi-domicile  in  another.  Six  months'  sojourn 
in  the  same  parish  entitled  parties  to  invite  the  pastor 
of  that  parish  to  assist  at  their  nuptials.  Neverthe- 
less, in  answer  to  a  petition  made  by  the  Fathers  of 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  the  Holy  See 


CLANDESTINITY 


CLANDESTINITY 


(22  May,  1886)  granted  for  the  United  States  to 
parties  moving  from  a  parish  where  the  "Tametsi" 
obtained  to  another  parish  and  residing  there  for  a 
full  month,  the  privilege  of  a  quasi-domicile  so  far  as 
the  matrimonial  contract  was  concerned.  Nor 
would  the  privilege  be  forfeited  in  case  the  contract- 
ing parties  should  pass  thirty  days  in  such  a  place  in 
order  to  enter  wedlock  there  (Putzer,  Commentarium 
in  Facultates  Apostolicas,  no.  49).  Although  the 
decree  involved  a  personal  element,  clandestine  mar- 
riages were  valid  as  often  as  the  observance  of  the 
law  was  physically  or  morally  impossible,  provided 
such  impossibility  was  general  and  continued  for  a 
month  (Cong,  of  InquLs.,  1  July,  186.3;  14  November, 
1883).  Parties  whose  circumstances  led  them  to 
profit  by  this  interpretation  of  the  law  were  obliged 
to  seek  the  nuptial  blessing  at  their  earliest  conven- 
ience, and  to  see  that  their  marriage  was  entered  in 
the  proper  register  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  14  November, 
1883). 

To  the  pastor  of  either  contracting  party  belonged 
the  right  of  officiating  at  their  nuptials.  Vicars  ap- 
pointed to  exercise  the  functions  of  pastor  with  the 
fullness  of  the  pastoral  ministrj'  enjoyed  the  same 
right  so  long  as  they  held  office  (Cong,  of  Inquis.,  7 
Sept.,  1898).  The  Roman  pontiff  alone  could  counter- 
act the  exercise  of  tliis  pastoral  prerogative.  The 
presence  of  the  pastor  in  the  capacity  of  witness  satis- 
fied the  requirements  of  the  Tridentine  decree  even 
though  he  was  not  formally  invited  for  that  purpose 
(Cong,  of  Inquis.,  17  Nov.,  1835).  The  consent  of 
those  about  to  marr>'  had  to  be  signified  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  pastor  and  other  witnesses  required  by  the 
decree.  .Since  the  sovereign  pontiff  enjoys  imiversal 
jurisdiction  in  the  Church,  he  could  validly  assist  at 
any  marriage  whatever.  Cardinals  had  no  longer  the 
right  of  a,ssisting  at  marriages  in  their  titular  churches. 
Legates  of  the  Holy  See  were  quahfied  to  assist  at 
marriages  contracted  within  the  confines  of  their  lega- 
tion. Bisliops  might  minister  at  marriages  in  any 
portion  of  their  respective  dioceses.  According  to 
Gasparri  (op.  cit.,  II,  v,  1.54),  an  archbishop  might  ex- 
ercise this  right  for  the  subjects  of  his  suffragans  pro- 
\'ided  he  visited  their  dioceses  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  canon  law.  To  a  vicar-general  was  accorded 
the  right  of  officiating  at  any  marriage  in  the  diocese. 
Those  in  whom  this  right  was  vested  were  at  Hberty 
to  delegate  another  priest  to  act  in  their  stead.  Such 
delegation  might  be  special  or  general.  As  often  as  the 
delegation  was  special,  little  danger  of  invalidity  was 
feared.  On  the  contrarj-,  when  general  jurisdiction  is 
transmitted  to  delegates,  the  Holy  See  questions,  not 
so  much  vahdity,  as  legitimacy  of  action.  Hence, 
the  Congregation  of  the  Council  (20  July,  1889)  re- 
proved the  conduct  of  those  parish  priests  who  habit- 
ually interchanged  the  faculty  of  assisting  at  the 
marriages  of  tlieir  respective  subjects,  because  such 
methods  tended  to  render  the  "'Tametsi"  ineffectual 
so  far  as  the  presence  of  the  parish  priest  is  concerned. 
At  the  same  time  this  Congregation  (IS  March,  1893) 
and  the  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  (9  November, 
1898)  approved  general  delegation  within  judicious 
limits.  Notification  of  his  commission  to  assist  at 
nuptials  had  to  be  given  directly  to  the  delegate,  either 
by  the  individual  authorizing  him  to  act  or  by  a  mes- 
senger specially  chosen  for  this  purpose  (Sanchez, 
De  Matrimonio,  disp.  xxvi,  no.  8).  The  commission 
might  be  granted  orally  or  in  writing.  No  priest 
would  be  justified  in  presuming  permission  to  assist  at 
marriages.  So  strict  was  t  his  rule  that  a  pastor  had  no 
power  to  ratify  marriages  whose  invahdity  was  super- 
induced in  this  way.  In  like  manner,  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Inquisition  (7  September,  1898)  decided 
that  the  ordinary  faculties  granted  by  bishops  to 
priests,  empowering  them  to  adminster  the  sacra- 
ments, did  not  qualify  them  to  assist  at  marriages. 
Sanchez  (op.  cit.,  disp.  xxxv,  no.  20)  claims  that  tacit 


notification  would  be  sufficient  to  justify  a  priest  to 
assist  at  nuptials. 

Besides  the  parish  priest,  at  least  two  witnesses 
were  required  for  the  validity  of  a  marriage  contract. 
The  use  of  reason  and  the  possibihty  of  actually  testi- 
fj-ing  render  any  individual  capable  of  exercising  this 
particular  fmiction  (Benedict  XIV,  De  Synodo,  xxiii, 
no.  6).  The  simultaneous  presence  of  the  pastor  and 
witnesses  was  necessary  to  comply  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  "Tametsi"  (Sanchez,  op.  cit.,  disp.  xli, 
no.  3).  Parish  priests  or  others  officiating  at  mar- 
riages without  the  necessarj-  number  of  witnesses,  or 
witnesses  assisting  without  the  pastor,  rendered  them- 
selves, together  with  the  contracting  parties,  Uable 
to  severe  punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  bishop. 
Moreover,  a  parish  priest,  or  any  other  priest,  whether 
regular  or  secular,  assisting  without  the  pastor's  con- 
sent at  nuptials  of  parties  belonging  to  his  parish  was 
suspended  from  priestly  functions  until  absolved  by 
the  bishop  of  the  pastor  whose  rights  had  been  disre- 
garded. 

New  Legislation  on  Clandestine  Marriage. — 
Through  the  decree  "Ne  Temere,"  issued  2  August, 
1907,  by  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  pontifical  commission  for  the  new  canoni- 
cal code,  important  modifications  have  been  made  re- 
garding the  form  of  betrothal  and  of  marriage.  This 
decree  was  issued  to  render  easier  for  the  universal 
Church  the  substantial  form  of  matrimony,  to  pre- 
vent more  efficiently  the  too  numerous,  hasty,  and 
clandestine  marriages,  and  to  make  it  easier  for 
ecclesiastical  courts  to  decide  as  to  the  existence  or 
non-existence  of  a  pre\-ious  engagement  to  marry 
(see  Espousals).  With  the  exception  in  regard  to 
Germany  noted  below,  this  legislation  went  into 
effect  at  Easter  (19  April),  1908,  and  is  thenceforth 
binding  on  all  Catholics  throughout  the  world,  any 
contrarj'  law  or  custom  being  totally  aboUshea 
According  to  this  decree,  marriages  of  Catholics  are 
henceforth  null  unless  celebrated  before  a  duly  quali- 
fied priest  (or  the  bishop  of  the  diocese)  and  at  least 
two  witnesses.  The  same  is  true  of  marriages  in  which 
either  of  the  parties  is  or  has  been  a  Cathohc.  The  law, 
however,  does  not  bind  those  who  are  not  and  never 
have  lieen  Catholics.  Priests  charged  with  the  care  of 
souls  in  the  territory  where  a  marriage  is  contracted, 
or  any  approved  priest  whom  one  charged  with  the 
care  of  souLs  or  whom  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  dele- 
gates, are  qualified  to  assist  at  nuptials.  Marriages 
contracted  in  a  parish,  district,  or  diocese,  other  than 
the  one  to  which  the  contracting  parties  belong,  are 
vahd  so  long  as  the  pastor  of  the  place  or  his  delegate 
assists  at  such  marriages.  However,  priests  are  for- 
bidden to  assist  at  such  marriages  unless  one  of  two 
conditions  is  verified.  Either,  one  of  the  parties  must 
have  resided  a  month  in  the  territory  where  the 
marriage  occurs,  or  else,  one  of  the  parties  must  have 
obtained  the  permission  of  the  priest  or  bishop 
under  whose  jurisdiction  such  a  party  resides.  In 
cases  of  serious  necessity  such  permission  is  not  re- 
quired. 

The  following  conditions  are  enjoined  by  the  decree 
"  Ne  Temere",  not  for  the  vahdity  of  the  marriages  of 
Catholics,  but  to  bring  them  into  complete  conformity 
with  the  demands  of  right  order.  JIarriages  ought 
to  be  celebrated  in  the  parish  of  the  bride.  If  the  con- 
tracting parties  wish  to  marry  elsewhere,  they  must 
ask  the  pastor  of  the  place,  or  some  priest  authorized 
by  him  or  by  the  bishop,  to  a.ssist  at  the  marriage, 
and  one  of  tlie  parties  must  have  resided  there  for  a 
month.  When  parties  find  this  procedure  incon- 
venient, one  of  them  must  obtain  pennission  from  his 
or  her  pari.sh  priest  or  bishop  to  contract  marriage 
elsewhere.  In  such  cases  the  parties  will  be  obUged 
to  give  the  necessary  assurance  regarding  their  free- 
dom to  many',  and  to  comply  -nnth  the  usual  condi- 
tions  for   receiving   the   Sacrament   of   Matrimony. 


CLARENDON 


4 


CLARE 


Wlien  parties  Iiave  no  fixed  abode  and  are  travelling 
throughout  the  coimtiy,  they  can  enter  wedlock  only 
before  a  priest  authorized  by  the  bishop  to  assist  at 
their  marriage. 

Tlie  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Council  declared 
(11  February,  1908)  that  the  dispensations  granted 
in  the  Bull  "  Provida  "  of  18  January,  1906,  for  Ger- 
many will  still  remain  in  force.  _  According  to  this 
Bull,  wliile  Catholic  marriages  in  Germany  were 
made  subject  to  the  decree  "Tametsi",  mixed  mar- 
riages and  those  of  Protestants  among  themselves 
were  exempted.  (See  Marriage;  Parish  Priest; 
Domicile.) 

Canones  £t  Decreta  Sacrosancti  (Ecumenici  ConcUii  Triden- 
tini  (Rome,  1S93);  Decretum,  "  Ne  Temere"  (2  August,  1907); 
Gasparri,  Tractatus  Canonicxis  de  Matrimonio  (Paris,  1904); 
Wernz,  Jus  Decrdalium  (Rome,  1904),  IV;  Ojetti,  Synopsis 
Rcrum  Moralium  et  Juris  Ponlificii  (Prate,  1904);  Zitelli, 
ApvaTtztns  Juris  Ecclesiastici  (Rome,  1903);  Smith,  Elements 
of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1887),  I;  Duchesne,  Chris- 
tian Worship  (London,  1904);  Feije,  De  imped,  et  disv.  matrim. 
(4th  ed.,  Louvain,  1893);  Joder,  Formulnire  matrimonial 
(4th  ed.,  Paris,  1897);  Bassibey.  De  In  riniidfxiniili  dans 
/r  marjaffe  (Paris.  1903) ;  Laurentius,  Insl}!uth'U'  i.iri-  cccl. 
(Freiburg,  1903)  443-51;  Taunton.  The  L,iw  ..I  !!,,■  Church 
(London,  1906).  For  a  commentary  on  the  decree  "  Ne 
Temere,"  see  McNicholas  in  Amer.  Ecclesiastical  Review 
(Philadelphia,  February,  1908) ;  O'Neill.  tWd.  (April,  1908), 
and  Cronih .  The  New  Matrimonial  Legislation  (Rome,  1908). 

J.  D.  O'Neill. 

Clarendon,  Constitutions  of.  See  Thomas 
Becket,  Saint. 

Clare  of  Assisi,  Saint,  cofoundress  of  the  Order 
of  Poor  Ladies,  or  Clares,  and  first  Abbess  of  San 
Damiano;  b.  at  Assisi,  16  July,  1194;  d.  there  11 
August,  1253.  She  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  Fa- 
vorino  Scifi,  Count  of  Sasso-Rosso,  the  wealthy  rep- 
resentative of  an  ancient  Roman  family,  who  owned 
a  large  palace  in  Assisi  and  a  castle  on  the  slope  of 
Mount  Subasio.  Such  at  least  is  the  traditional  ac- 
count. Her  mother,  Bl.  Ortolana,  belonged  to  the 
noble  family  of  Fiumi  and  was  conspicuous  for  her 
zeal  and  piety.  From  her  earliest  years  Clare  seems 
to  have  been  endowed  with  the  rarest  virtues.  As 
a  child  she  was  most  devoted  to  prayer  and  to  prac- 
tices of  mortification,  and  as  she  passed  into  girl- 
hood her  distaste  for  the  world  and  her  yearning 
for  a  more  spiritual  life  increased.  She  was  eighteen 
years  of  age  when  St.  Francis  came  to  preach  the 
Lenten  course  in  the  church  of  San  Giorgio  at  Assisi. 
The  inspired  words  of  the  Poverello  kindled  a  flame 
in  the  heart  of  Clare;  she  sought  liim  out  secretly 
and  begged  him  to  help  her  that  she  too  might 
live  "after  the  manner  of  the  holy  Gospel".  St. 
Francis,  who  at  once  recognized  in  Clare  one  of 
those  chosen  souls  destined  by  Ciod  for  great  tilings, 
and  who  also,  doubtless,  foresaw  that  many  would 
follow  her  example,  promised  to  assist  her.  On 
Palm  Sunday  Clare,  arr.ayed  in  all  her  finery,  at- 
tended high  Mass  at  the  cathedral,  but  when  the 
others  pressed  forward  to  the  altar-rail  to  receive  a 
branch  of  pabn,  she  remained  in  her  place  as  if  rapt 
ill  Ji  dream.  All  eyes  were  upon  the  young  girl  as  the 
bishop  descended  from  the  sanctuary  and  placed  tlie 
palm  in  her  hand.  That  was  the  last  time  the  world 
beheld  Clare.  On  the  night  of  the  same  day  she 
secretly  left  her  father's  house,  by  St.  Francis's  advice, 
and,  accompanied  by  her  aunt"  Bianca  and  another 
companion,  proceeded  to  the  humlile  chapel  of  the 
Porziuncula,  where  St.  Fnincis  and  his  disciples  met 
licr  with  lights  in  their  hands.  Clare  then  laid  aside 
her  rich  dress,  and  St.  Francis,  having  cut  off  her 
hair,  clothed  her  in  a  rough  timic  and  a  thick  veil,  and 
in  this  way  the  young  heroine  vowed  herself  to  the 
service  of  Jesus  Christ.     This  was  20  March,  1212. 

Clare  was  placed  by  St.  Francis  provisionally  with 
the  Benedictine  nuns  of  San  Paolo,  near  Bastia,  but 
her  father,  who  had  expected  her  (o  make  a  splendid 
marriage,  and  who  was  furious  at  her  secret  flight,  on 
discovering  her  retreat,  did  his  utmost  to  dissuade 


Clare  from  her  heroic  proposals,  and  even  tried  to 
drag  her  home  by  force.  But  Clare  held  her  own  with 
a  firmness  above  her  years,  and  Count  Favorino  was 
finally  obliged  to  leave  her  in  peace.  A  few  days 
later  St.  Francis,  in  order  to  secure  Clare  the  greater 
soUtude  she  desired,  transferred  her  to  Sant'  Angelo 
in  Panzo,  another  monastery  of  the  Benedictine  nuns, 
on  one  of  the  flanks  of  Subasio.  Here,  some  sixteen 
days  after  her  own  flight,  Clare  was  joined  by  her 
younger  sister  Agnes,  whom  she  was  instrumental  in 
delivering  from  the  persecution  of  their  infuriated 
relatives.  (See  Agnes,  Saint,  of  Assisi.)  Clare 
and  her  sister  remained  with  the  nuns  at  Sant'  Angelo . 
until  they  and  the  other  fugitives  from  the  world  who 
had  followed  them  were  estabUshed  by  St.  Francis  in 
a  rude  dwelling 
adjoining  the  poor 
chapel  of  San  Da- 
miano, situated 
outside  the  town, 
which  he  had  to  a 
great  extent  re- 
built 'nitli  his  own 
hands,  and  which 
he  now  obtained 
from  the  Benedic- 
tines as  a  perman- 
ent abode  for  his 
spiritual  daugh- 
ters. Thus  was 
founded  the  first 
commimity  of  the 
Order  of  Poor 
Ladies,  or  of  Poor 
Clares,  as  this 
second  order  of 
St.  Francis  came 
to  be  called. 

The  history  of 
the  Poor  Clares 
■n-ill  be  dealt  with 

in  a  separate   ar-  at  Asaisi 

tide.  Here  it  suf- 
fices to  note  that  we  may  distinguish,  during  t  he  lifetime 
of  St.  Clare,  three  stages  in  the  complicated  early  lii.-^- 
tory  of  the  new  order.  In  the  beginning  St.  Clare  ami 
her  companions  had  no  written  rule  to  follow  beyond 
a  very  si  lort  form  iila  ritfr  given  t  hem  by  St.  Francis,  and 
which  maybe  found  among  his  works.  (See  "  Opus- 
cula  S.  P.  Francisci",  ed.  Quaracchi,  1904, 7,5, and  "The 
Writings  of  St.  Francis",  ed.  Robinson,  Philadelphia, 
1906,  77.)  Some  years  later,  apparently  in  1219, 
during  St.  Francis  s  absence  in  trie  East,  Cardinal 
LTgohno,  then  protector  of  the  order,  afterwards  Greg- 
ory IX,  drew  up  a  written  rule  for  the  Clares  at 
Motiticelli.  takins;  as  a  basis  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict, 
n  t.ilniTi^^  tlir  luii.l:iinental  points  of  the  latter  and 
.•mMiiil:  ^niiii  >|iri  i;il  constitutions.  This  new  rule, 
wliitli.  iu  cITect  il  not  in  intention,  took  away  from 
the  Clares  tlie  Franciscan  character  of  absolute 
poverty  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  St.  Francis  and  made 
them  for  all  practical  purposes  a  congregation  of  Bene- 
dictines, was  approved  by  Honorius  III  (Bull,  "Sa- 
crosancta",  9  Dec,  1219).  When  Clare  found  that 
the  new  rule,  though  strict  enough  in  other  respects, 
allowed  the  holding  of  projierty  in  common,  she 
courageously  and  successfully  resisted  the  innova- 
tions of  I'golino  as  being  entirely  opposed  to  the 
intentions  of  St.  Francis.  The  latter  had  forbidden 
the  Poor  Ladies,  just  as  he  had  forbidden  his  fri:u-s, 
to  possess  any  worldly  goods  even  in  common.  Own- 
ing nothing,  they  were  to  depend  entirely  upon  what 
the  Friars  Minor  could  lieg  for  them.  This  complete 
renunciation  of  all  )iroperty  was  however  regarded  by 
Ugolino  as  unpractical  for  cloistered  women.  When, 
therefore,  in  122S,  he  came  to  Assisi  for  the  canoniza- 
tion of  St.  Francis  (having  meanwhile  ascended  the 


CLARE 


CLARE: 


pontifical  throne  as  Oregon,-  IX),  he  visited  St.  Clare 
at  San  Damiano  and  pressed  her  to  so  far  deviate 
from  the  practice  of  poverty,  which  had  up  to  this 
time  obtained  at  San  Damiano,  as  to  accept  some 
provision  for  the  unforeseen  wants  of  the  coimnunity. 
But  Clare  firmly  refused.  Oregon,',  thinking  that  her 
refusal  might  Ije  due  to  fear  of  violating  the  vow  of 
strict  poverty  she  had  taken,  offered  to  absolve  her 
from  it.  "Holy  Father,  I  crave  for  absolution  from 
my  sins",  replied  Clare,  "but  I  desire  not  to  be  ab- 
solved from  the  obligation  of  following  Jesus  Christ". 

The  heroic  unworldUness  of  Clare  filled  the  pope 
witli  admiration,  as  his  letters  to  her,  still  extant, 
bear  eloquent  witness,  and  he  so  far  gave  way  to  her 
views  as  to  grant  her  on  17  September,  1228,  the 
celebrated  Privilegium  Paupcrtatis  which  some  regard 
in  the  light  of  a  corrective  of  the  Rule  of  1219.  The 
original  autograph  copy  of  this  unique  "privilege" — 
the  first  one  of  its  kind  ever  sought  for,  or  ever  issued 
by  the  Holy  See — is  preserved  in  the  arcliive  at  Santa 
Chiara  in  Assisi.  The  text  is  as  follows:  "Gregory 
Bishop  Scn'ant  of  the  Servants  of  God.  To  our  be- 
loved daughters  in  Christ  Clare  and  the  other  hand- 
maids of  Christ,  dwelHng  together  at  the  Church  of 
San  Damiano  in  the  Diocese  of  Assisi.  Health 
and  ApostoUc  benediction.  It  is  evident  that  the 
desire  of  consecrating  yourselves  to  God  alone  has 
led  you  to  abandon  every  -nish  for  temporal  things. 
Wherefore,  after  having  sold-all  your  goods  and  hav- 
ing distriliuted  them  among  the  poor,  you  propose  to 
have  absolutely  no  possessions,  in  order  to  follow  in 
all  tilings  the  example  of  Him  Who  became  poor  and 
Who  is  the  way,  the  truth,  and  the  life.  Neither 
does  the  want  of  necessary  things  deter  you  from  such 
a  proposal,  for  the  left  arm  of  your  Celestial  Spouse  is 
beneath  your  head  to  sustain  the  infirmity  of  your 
body,  wliich,  according  to  the  order  of  charity,  you 
have  subjected  to  the  law  of  the  spirit.  Finally, 
He  who  feeds  the  birds  of  the  air,  and  who  gives  the 
lilies  of  the  field  their  raiment  and  their  nourishment, 
will  not  leave  you  in  want  of  clothing  or  of  food  until 
He  shall  come  Himself  to  minister  to  you  in  eternity, 
when,  namely,  the  right  hand  of  His  consolations 
shall  embrace  you  in  the  plenitude  of  the  Beatific 
Vision.  Since,  therefore,  you  have  asked  for  it,  we 
confirm  by  ApostoUc  favour  your  resolution  of  the 
loftiest  poverty  and  by  the  authority  of  these  present 
letters  grant  that  you  may  not  be  constrained  by  any- 
one to  receive  possessions.  To  no  one,  therefore,  be  it 
allowed  to  infringe  upon  this  page  of  our  concession 
or  to  oppose  it  with  rash  temerity.  But  if  anyone 
shall  presume  to  attempt  this,  be  it  kno\vn  to  him 
that  he  shall  incur  the  wrath  of  Almighty  God  and 
his  Blessed  Apostles,  Peter  and  Paul.  Given  at  Peru- 
gia on  the  fifteenth  of  the  Kalends  of  October  in  the 
second  year  of  our  Pontificate." 

That  St.  Clare  may  have  solicited  a  "pri\'ilege" 
similar  to  the  foregoing  at  an  earlier  date  and  ob- 
tained it  rivA  voce,  is  not  improbable.  Certain  it  is, 
that  after  the  death  of  Orcgorj'  IX  Clare  had  once 
more  to  contend  for  the  principle  of  absolute  poverty 
prescribed  by  St.  Francis,  for  Innocent  IV  would  fain 
have  given  the  Clares  a  new  and  mitigated  rule,  and 
the  firmness  with  which  she  held  to  her  way  won  over 
the  pope.  Finally,  two  days  before  her  death.  Inno- 
cent, no  doubt  at  the  reiterated  request  of  the  dying 
abbess,  solemnly  confinned  the  definitive  Rule  of  the 
Clares  (Bull,  "  Solet  Annuere  ",  9  August,  1253),  and 
thus  secured  to  them  the  precious  treasure  of  poverty 
which  Clare,  in  imitation  of  St.  Francis,  had  taken  for 
her  portion  from  tlie  beginning  of  her  conversion. 
The  author  of  this  latter  rule,  which  is  largely  an 
adaptation,  mutatis  mutandis,  of  the  rule  which  St. 
Francis  composed  for  the  F"riars  Minor  in  122.S,  seems 
to  have  been  Cardinal  Rainaldo,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  ;md 
protector  of  the  order,  afterwards  Alexander  IV, 
though  it  is  most  likely  that  St.  Clare  herself  had  a 


hand  in  its  compilation.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  can 
no  longer  be  maintained  that  St.  Francis  was  in  any 
sense  the  author  of  this  fonnal  Rule  of  the  Clares;  he 
only  gave  to  St.  Clare  and  her  companions  at  the 
outset  of  their  religious  life  the  brief  formula  vivendi 
already  mentioned. 

St.  Clare,  who  in  1215  had,  much  against  her  will, 
been  made  superior  at  San  Damiano  by  St.  Francis, 
continued  to  rule  there  as  abbess  until  her  death,  in 
1253,  nearly  forty  years  later.  There  is  no  good 
reason  to  believe  that  she  ever  once  went  beyond  the 
boundaries  of  San  Damiano  during  all  that  time.  It 
need  not,  therefore,  be  wondered  at  if  so  compara- 
tively few  details  of  St.  Clare's  hfe  in  the  cloister, 
"hidden  with  Christ  in  God",  have  come  down  to  us. 
We  know  that  she  became  a  living  copy  of  the  poverty, 
the  humility,  and  the  mortification  of  St.  Francis; 
that  she  had  a  special  devotion  to  the  Holy  Eucharist, 
and  that  in  order  to  increase  her  love  for  Christ  cruci- 
fied she  learned  by  heart  the  Office  of  the  Passion 
composed  by  St.  Francis,  and  that  during  the  time 
that  remained  to  her  after  her  devotional  exercises 
she  engaged  in  manual  labour.  Needless  to  add,  that 
under  St.  Clare's  guidance  the  community  of  San  Da- 
miano became  the  sanctuary  of  every  virtue,  a  very 
nursery  of  saints.  Clare  had  the  consolation  not  only 
of  seeing  her  younger  sister  Beatrix,  her  mother  Orto- 
lana,  and  her  faithful  aunt  Bianca  follow  Agnes  into 
the  order,  but  also  of  ^^•itnessing  the  foundation  of 
monasteries  of  Clares  far  and  wide  throughout  Europe. 
It  would  be  difficult,  moreover,  to  estimate  how  much 
the  silent  influence  of  the  gentle  abbess  did  towards 
guiding  the  women  of  medieval  Italy  to  liigher  aims. 
In  particular,  Clare  threw  around  poverty  that  irre- 
sistible charm  wliich  only  women  can  communicate 
to  rehgious  or  civic  heroism,  and  she  became  a  most 
efficacious  coadjutrix  of  St .  Francis  in  promoting  that 
spirit  of  unworldliness  which  in  the  counsels  of  God, 
"  was  to  bring  about  a  restoration  of  discipline  in  the 
Church  and  of  morals  and  civilization  in  the  peoples 
of  Western  Europe".  Not  the  least  important  part 
of  Clare's  work  was  the  aid  and  encouragement  she 
gave  St.  Francis.  It  was  to  her  he  turned  when  in 
doubt,  and  it  was  she  who  urged  him  to  continue  his 
mission  to  the  people  at  a  time  when  he  thought  his 
vocation  lay  rather  in  a  life  of  contemplation.  When, 
in  an  attack  of  bhndness  and  illness,  St.  Francis  came 
for  the  last  time  to  visit  San  Damiano,  Clare  erected 
a  little  wattle  hut  for  him  in  an  oUve  grove  close  to  the 
monasten,',  and  it  was  here  that  he  composed  liis  glori- 
ous "Canticle  of  the  Sun".  After  St.  Francis's  death, 
the  procession  which  accompanied  his  remains  from 
the  Porziuncula  to  the  town  stopped  on  the  way  at 
San  Damiano  in  order  that  Clare  and  her  daughters 
might  \enerate  the  pierced  hands  and  feet  of  him  who 
had  formed  them  to  the  love  of  Christ  crucified— a 
pathetic  scene  which  Giotto  has  commemorated  in 
one  of  his  loveliest  frescoes.  So  far,  however,  as  Clare 
was  concerned,  St.  Francis  was  always  living,  and 
nothing  is,  perhaps,  more  striking  in  her  after-life  than 
her  unswerving  loyalty  to  the  ideals  of  the  Povcrcllo, 
and  (lie  jealous  care  with  which  she  clung  to  his  rule 
and  teaching. 

When,  in  1234,  the  army  of  Frederick  II  was  devas- 
tating the  valley  of  Spoleto,  the  soldiers,  preparatory 
to  an  .assault  upon  Assisi,  scaled  the  walls  of  San 
Damiano  l)y  night,  spreading  terror  among  the  com- 
munity. Clare,  calmly  rising  from  her  .sick  bed,  and 
taking"  the  ciborium  from  the  little  chapel  adjoining 
her  cell,  proceeded  to  face  the  invaders  at  an  open 
window  against  which  they  had  already  placed  a  lad- 
iler.  It  is  related  that,  as  she  raised  the  Blessed  Sac- 
rament on  high,  (he  sokhers  who  were  about  to  enter 
the  monastery  fell  backward  as  if  dazzled,  and  the 
others  who  were  ready  to  follow  them  took  flight.  It 
is  with  reference  to  this  incident  that  St.  Clare  is 
generally    represented    in    art    bearing    a    ciboriuoj, 


CLARE 


When    some  time  later,  a  larger  force  returned  to 
Zm'^°sisi,  headed  by  the  General  Ytale^d.Ave^a 
who  had  not  been  present  at  the  hrst  a"acK   Liare, 
Tathenng  her  daughters  about  her,  knelt  with  them 
fn  earnest  prayer^that  the  town  might  be  spared. 
PreseX  a  furious  storm  arose,  scattermg  the  tents 
of  the  soldiers  in  every  direction   ^"d.  causing  such  a 
panic  that  they  again  took  refuge  in  fhght.     The 
Kude  of  the  Assisians,  who  with  one  accord  at- 
frfbuted  their  deliverance  to  Clare's  intercession   in- 
creased their  love  for  the  "Seraphic  Mother".    Clare 
had  Ton"  been  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
and    th?ir    veneration    became    more    apparent    as. 
wasted  bv  illness  and  austerities,  she  drew  tow-ards 
her  end.  "Brave  and  cheerful  to  the  last,  in  spite  of 
her  Ion.-  and  painful  infirmities,  Clare  caused  herself 
to  be  raised  in  bed  and,  thus  reclimng,  says  her  con- 
temporary biographer,  "she  '^P"'i . '^f  6"^^*  ^.'^T'lf 
for  the  purpose  of  ha\-ing  it  woven  into  the  most  deli- 
cate material  from  which  she  afterwards  made  more 
than  one  hundred  corporals,  and,  enclosing  them  in  a 
silken  burse,  ordered  them  to  be  given  to  the  churches 
in  the  plain  and  on  the  mountains  of  Assisi   .     \Vhen 
at  length  she  felt  the  day  of  her  death  approaching, 
Clare,  calling  her  sorrowing  religious  around  her,  re- 
mindki  them  of  the  many  benefits  they  had  received 
from  God  and  exhorted  them  to  persevere  faithlully 
in  the  observance  of  evangelical  poverty,     i-ope  In- 
nocent IV  came  from  Perugia  to  visit  the  dying  saint, 
who  had  already  received  the  last  sacraments  from 
the  hands  of  Cardinal  Rainaldo.    Her  own  sister,  bt. 
Agnes,  had  returned  from  Florence  to  console  Clare_in 
her  last  illness;  Leo,  Angelo,  and  Juniper,  three  of  the 
early  companions  of  St.  Francis,  were  also  present  at 
the  saint's  death-bed,  and  at  St.  Clare  s  request  read 
aloud  the  Passion  of  Our  Lord  according  to  bt.  Jofin, 
even  as  they  had  done  twenty-seven  years  before 
when   Francis  lay  d}ang   at   the   Porziuncula.      At 
length  before  dawn  on  11  August,  1253,  the  holy  foun- 
drels  of  the  Poor  Ladies  passed  peacefully  away  amid 
scenes  which  her  contemporary  biographer  has  re- 
corded with  touching  simplicity.    The  pope,  with  his 
court,  came  to  San  Damiano  for  the  saint  s  tuneral, 
which  partook  rather  of  the  nature  of  a  triumphal 
procession.  e  ^x    •    t 

The  Clares  desired  to  retain  the  body  of  their  foun- 
dress among  them  at  San  Damiano,  but  the  magis- 
trates of  Assisi  interferetl  and  took  measures  to  secure 
for  the  town  the  venerated  remains  of  her  whose 
prayers,  as  they  all  believed,  had  on  two  occasions 
saved  it  from  destruction.  Clare's  miracles  too  were 
talked  of  far  and  wide.  It  was  not  safe,  the  Assisians 
urged,  to  leave  Clare's  body  in  a  lonely  spot  without 
the  walls;  it  was  only  right,  too,  that  Clare,  the 
chief  rival  of  the  Blessed  Francis  in  the  observance  of 
Gospel  perfection",  should  also  have  a  church  in  As- 
sisi built  in  her  honour.  Meanwhile,  Clare's  remains 
were  placed  in  the  chapel  of  San  Giorgio,  where  bt. 
Francis's  preaching  had  first  touched  her  young 
heart,  and  where  his  own  body  had  likewise  been  in- 
terred pending  the  erection  of  the  Basilica  of  ban 
Francesco.  Two  years  later,  26  September,  12oo, 
Clare  was  solemnly  canonized  by  Alexander  Iv  ,  and 
not  long  afterwards  the  building  of  the  church  of 
Santa  Chiara.  in  honour  of  Assisi 's  second  great  saint, 
was  begun  under  tlu;  direction  of  FiUppo  Campello, 
one  of  the  foremost  architects  of  tlie  time.  On  3  Oc- 
tober, 1260,  Clare's  remains  were  transferred  from  the 
chapel  of  San  Giorgio  and  buricxl  deep  down  in  the 
earth,  under  the  high  altar  in  the  new  church,  far  out 
of  siglit  and  reach.  After  having  remained  hidden 
for  six  centuries — like  the  remains  of  St.  Francis — 
and  after  nmeli  search  had  been  made,  Clare's  tomb 
was  found  in  18.50,  to  tlie  great  joy  of  the  Assisians. 
On  2.3  September  in  that  year  the  coffin  was  un- 
earthed and  opened;  the  flesh  and  clothing  of  the 
saint  had  been  reduced  to  dust,  but  the  skeleton  was 


g  CLARE 

in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation.  Finally,  on  the 
''0th  of  September,  1872,  the  saint's  bones  were  trans- 
ferred, with  much  pomp,  by  Archbishop  Pecci,  after- 
wards Leo  XIII,  to  the  shrine,  in  the  crj^t  at  banta 
Chiara  erected  to  receive  them,  and  where  they  may 
now  be  seen.  The  feast  of  St.  Clare  is  celebrated 
throughout  the  Church  on  12  August;  the  feast  of  her 
first  translation  is  kept  in  the  order  on  3  October,  and 
that  of  the  finiUng  of  her  body  on  23  September. 

The  sources  of  the  history  of  St.  Clare  at  our  disposal  are  few 
in  number.  They  include  (1)  a  TesfammJ  attributed  to  the 
saint  and  some  charming  Leiters  written  by  her  to  Blessed 
Agnes.  Princess  of  Bohemia;  (2)  the  Rule  of  Ihe  Clares  Bud 
a  certain  number  of  early  Pmhncal  Bulls  relating  to  the  Order 
(3)  a  contemporary  Biography,  written  m  12o6  by  order  of 
Alexander  IV.  This  life,  which  is  no^,  genera'ly  »«S"'=.^ '° 
Thomas  of  Celano,  is  the  source  from  which  bt  Qare  s  subse- 
quent biographers  have  derived  most  of  their  information.  It 
was  published  bv  SuRlcs in  De ProbatisSanciorum hislonis  (Co- 
lo'^ne  1573),  IV. 609-26;  by  Sedulius in  his  Hwfona  ScrapAl^o 
(  \ntwerp,  1613\  526^4;  and  by  the  Bollandists  in  the  Acta 
PS  Aug.,  II  (12  .\ug.),  734-68,  with  a  Comment.  Prwmus  by 
CnpFH  (oD  739-54)  A  new  critical  edition  of  this  early 
life  according  to  the  Assisi  MS.  338,  is  in  course  of  prep- 
aration bv  Prof.  Penacch.  (.Assisi.  1908).  Many  earfy 
vernacular  versions  of  this  biography  were  made,  and  some  ot 
these  have  recently  been  re-edited,  v.  g.  Cristofani,  La  Leg- 
oenda  di  S.  Chiara  (Assisi,  1872);  Schoutens  Legende  der 
aTorioserMaghet  Sinte  Ctera  {Hoogstraeten,  1904);  Go ff.n  La 
vie  el  legende  de  Madame  Samcte  Claire  (Paris,  1906) .  An  English 
translation,  based  on  the  text  of  the  Bollandists  is  B>ven  by 
FiEGE  in  The  Princess  of  Poverty  (Evansville,  Indiana,  1900). 
The  Biooraph,,  of  .S(.  Clare,  by  Giuseppe  da  Madrid,  which  ap- 
neared  in  1727,  was  published  in  Italian  at  Home  in  1SJ2,  and 
in  French  at  Paris  in  ISSO.  More  recent  lives  of  the  samt  are 
till  ^p  liv  \  ivi-  LocvTELLl,  Vila  di  S.  Chiara  d'Assisi  (Naples, 
ivM  11KM..HE  fie  de  S(e  CiaiVe  (Paris,  1S56),  new  German 
tr  liv'^i  iiMii'  iRatisbon,  1906);  Tommaso  Locatell:,  Vita  di 
•<  Chiura  \  \-iA-A  1882);  Richard.  5(e  Claire  d' Assise  (Paris, 
1895),  Italian  version  by  Penacchi  (1900):  ,  Cherance,  Ste 
Claire  d'Assise  (Paris,  1902).  The  Prtvdeglum  PaupertaUs. 
Testament  of  the  saint,  and  Rule  of  the  C  ares  are  printed  m  the 
Seraphicw  Legislatimis  Texlus  Ormmales  (Quaracchi,  1897), 
and  the  Bulls  bearing  upon  the  beginnings  of  the  order  in  the 
Bullarium  Franciscanum.  ed.  t-BAR-iLEA-EuBEL  (Rome,  1759- 
1898),  passim.  On  the  vexed  question  of  the  origin  and  evolu- 
tion of  the  Rule  of  the  Clares  see  Lempp,  Anfange  lies  Clartssen- 

ordens  in  Brieger.  ?^^'>'^4"/'  /■  ,^'^5*'^?^'^,*^^Jh'xxw' 
189'')  XIII,  181  sq.;  ibid.,  XXIII  (1903),  626-29,  and  XXIV 
(1904)  321-23;  Lemmens,  Anfange,  etc.  in  Riimische  Quartat- 
schrift'(190'n  XVI,  93  sq.,  and  Wauer,  EnlsleJiung  und  Aus- 
breilung desKlarissenordens.  etc.  ('Leipzle.  1906).  S33-WSQ.  See 
also  Chron.  XXIV  generalium  m  Analecta  Franctscana  (Qua- 
ricrhi  1897)  III,  175,  1S2-84;  Babth.  Pis.,  Liber  Conf ormita- 
llminAnaleka  Francis.  (Quaracchi  1906),  IV  351-57;  Wad- 
ding Annales  Minorum,  I.  ad  an.  1212,  and  III,  ad  an.  12.53; 
SRAR.1LEA  Supplemenlum  (1806),  195;  Cristofani,  S(ona  dri/a 
fn^'afchioTo  di  San  DLiano  <3ded.  Assisi,  18f  2).  Pa^sim; 
Ci  \RT  Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Francis  (Taunton,  1886),  II.  557-78;  Bonav  Dl  Sorrento,  La 
Cloriosa  S  Chiara  (2d  ed..  Naples.  189o);  Clahisses-Coli.e- 
ri^71  HistoirTde  Vordre  de  Sle  Claire  (Lyons,  1906),  passim; 
Cozzv'-Luzi,  Chiara  di  Assisi  seeundo  almne  nuore  scoperte  e 
documenti  (Rome,  1895) ;  Robinson,  Invenlanum  omnium  docu- 
mentorum  qui  in  monasterio  S.  Claroe  Assiaii  asaervantur  in 
Archiv.  Francis.  Hist.  (.1908),  11. 

Paschal  Robinson. 


Clare  of  Montefalco,  Saint,  b.  at  Montefalco 
about  1268 ;  d.  there,  18  August,  1308.  Much  dispute 
has  existed  as  to  whether  St.  Clare  of  Montefalco 
was  a  Franciscan  or  an  Augustinian;  and  while 
Wadding,  with  Franciscan  biographers  of  the  saint, 
contends  that  she  was  a  member  of  the  Third  Order 
of  St  Francis,  Augustinian  writers,  whom  the  Bollan- 
dists'seem  to  favour,  hold  that  she  belonged  to  then- 
order  It  seems,  however,  more  probable  to  say 
that  St.  Clare,  when  she  was  still  a  very  young  girl, 
embraced  the  rule  of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  francis 
(secular)  together  with  her  older  sister  and  a  number 
of  other  pious  young  maidens,  who  wore  the  habit 
of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Irancis  and  followed  that 
particular  mode  of  life  in  community  which  their 
piety  and  fervour  suggested.     When  later,  however, 

hey  became  desirous  of  entering  tlie  religious  state 
in  its  strict  sense,  and  of  professing  the  three  vows 
of  religion,  they  petitioned  V*^  B^t°'!  <f ,  """f  S,° 
for  an  approved  rule  of  life;  and,  the  Thir.l  Order  of  St. 

Francis  (regular)  not  being  then  in  existence  as  an 
approved  religious  institute,  the  bishop  "nposed 
upon   them   in   1290  the  rule  of  the  Third  Order 


CLARE 


CLAUDIANUS 


(regular)  of  St.  Augustine.  From  her  very  child- 
hood, St.  Clare  gave  evidence  of  the  exalted  sanctity 
to  which  she  was  one  day  to  attain,  and  which  made 
her  the  recipient  of  so  many  signal  fax'ours  from  God. 
Upon  the  death  of  her  older  sister  in  129.5,  Clare  was 
chosen  to  succeed  her  in  the  office  of  abbess  of  the 
community  at  Sanla  Croce;  but  it  was  only  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  command  of  the  Bishop  of  Spoleto  that 
she  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  this  new 
dignity.  Kind  and  indidgent  towards  others,  she 
treated  herself  with  the  most  unrelenting  severity, 
multiplying  her  fasts,  vigils,  and  other  austerities  to 
such  an  extent  that  at  one  time  her  life  was  even 
feared  for.  To  these  acts  of  penance  she  added  the 
practice  of  the  most  profound  humility  and  the  most 
perfect  charity,  while  the  suffering  of  her  Redeemer 
formed  the  continual  subject  of  her  meditation. 
Shortly  after  the  death  of  St.  Clare,  inquiry  into  her 
virtues  and  the  miracles  wrought  through  her  inter- 
cession was  instituted,  preparatory  to  her  canoniza- 
tion. It  was  not,  however,  until  several  centuries 
later  that  she  was  canonized  by  Pope  Leo  XIII  in 
1881. 

Wadding,  Annates  Minorum.  VI,  140;  XIV,  519,  and 
passim;  Acta  SS..  August,  III,  664-88;  Leo.  Lives  of  the 
Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton, 
1886),  III,  22-26. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Clare  of  Rimini,  Ble.ssed  (Chiar.\  Agol.\nti),  of 
the  order  of  Poor  Clares,  b'.  at  Rimini  in  1282;  d. 
there  10  Februarj',  1.346.  Deprived  at  an  early  age 
of  the  support  and  guidance  of  her  parents  and  of  her 
pious  husband,  Clare  soon  fell  a  prey  to  the  dangers 
to  which  her  youth  and  beauty  exposed  her,  and  began 
to  lead  a  life  of  sinful  dissipation.  As  she  was  one  day 
assisting  at  Mass  in  the  church  of  the  Friars  Jlinor, 
she  seemed  to  hear  a  mysterious  voice  that  bade  her 
say  a  Pater  and  an  Ave  at  least  once  with  fervour  and 
attention.  Clare  obeyed  the  command,  not  knowing 
whence  it  came,  and  then  began  to  reflect  upon  her 
life.  Putting  on  the  habit  of  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
Francis,  she  resolved  to  expiate  her  sins  by  a  life  of 
penance,  and  she  soon  became  a  model  of  every  virtue, 
but  more  especially  of  charity  towards  the  destitute 
and  afflicted.  When  the  Poor  Clares  were  compelled 
to  leave  Regno  on  account  of  the  prevailing  wars,  it 
was  mainly  through  the  charitable  exertions  of  Clare 
that  they  were  able  to  obtain  a  convent  and  means  of 
sustenance  at  Rimini.  Later,  Clare  herself  entered 
the  order  of  Poor  Clares,  along  with  several  other 
pious  women,  and  became  superioress  of  the  convent 
of  Our  Lady  of  the  Angels  at  Rimini.  She  worked 
numerous  miracles  and  towards  the  close  of  her  life 
was  favoured  in  an  extraordinary  manner  with  the 
gift  of  contemplation.  Her  body  now  reposes  in  the 
cathedral  of  Rimini.  In  17S4  the  cult  of  Blessed 
Clare  was  approved  by  Pius  VI,  who  permitted  her 
feast  to  be  celebrated  in  the  city  and  Diocese  of 
Rimini  on  the  tenth  of  February. 

Waddino,  Annates  Minorum  seu  historia  trium  ordinum  a 
a.  Francisco  institutorum  (Rome,  17.31-36).  Leo,  Lives  of 
the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taun- 
ton, 1885),  I,  235-238. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Clares,  Poor  (Ci^ris.sines).     See  Poor  Clares. 

Clark,  B.  T.     See  Aden,  Vicariate  Apostolic  of. 

Clark,  William,  English  priest,  date  of  birth  un- 
known, executed  at  Winchester,  20  Nov.,  160.3.  He 
was  educated  at  Douai  College,  which  he  entered  6  Au- 
gust, 1587.  Passing  to  the  English  College  at  Rome 
in  1589,  he  was  ordained  priest  and  returned  to  Eng- 
land in  April,  1592.  Active  in  the  disputes  between 
the  seculars  and  the  Jesuits  on  the  appointment  of 
Blackwell  as  archpriest,  he  was  one  of  the  thirty- 
three  priests  who  signed  the  appeal  again.st  Black- 
well  dated  from  Wisbcach  Castle,  17  November,  1000. 


Consequently  he  was  included  in  the  attack  which 
Father  Persons  marie  against  the  characters  of  his  op- 
jionents.  When  Clement  VIII  declared  in  favour  of 
the  appellant  clergj'  (5  October,  1602)  and  restored  to 
them  their  faculties,  an  attempt  was  made,  but  in 
vain,  to  exclude  Clark  from  participation  in  the  privi- 
lege. At  this  time  he  was  in  the  Clink  prison.  On 
Low  Sunday  he  was  discovered  preparing  to  say  Mass 
in  the  prison  and  was  placed  in  still  closer  confine- 
ment. Shortly  after  this  he  became  connected  with 
the  mysterious  conspiracy  known  as  the  "Bye  Plot". 
He  was  committed  to  the  Gatehouse,  Westminster, 
thence  to  the  Tower,  and  finally  to  the  Castle  at  Win- 
chester. Nothing  was  proved  against  him  in  relation 
to  the  plot  save  various  practices  in  favour  of  Cath- 
olic interests;  nevertheless  he  was  condemned  to  death 
15  November,  and  executed  a  fortnight  later.  He 
protested  that  his  death  w'as  a  kind  of  martjTdom. 
He  is  the  author  of  "A  Replie  unto  a  certain  Libell 
latelie  set  foorth  by  Fa.  Parsons",  etc.  (1603,  s.  1.). 
Butler,  Memoirs  (London,  1822),  II,  81,  82;  Foley. 
Records  S.  J.  (London.  1877),  I,  28,  29,  35;  Douay  Diaries 
(London.  1878),  216.  225,  298;  Dodd,  Church  History  (Bras- 
sels,  1737),  II,  387;  Idem,  Church  History  (ed.  Tierney,  1839), 
III,  cxliv,  clvii,  clxxxi;  IV,  xxxv  sqq. ;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng. 
Cath.  (London,  1885),  I. 

G.  E.  Hind. 
Classics.     See  Literature,  Classical. 

Claudia  (KXauS/a),  a  Christian  woman  of  Rome, 
whose  greeting  to  Timothy  St.  Paul  conveys  with 
those  of  Eubulus,  Pudens,  Linus,  "and  all  the  breth- 
ren" (II  Tim.,  iv,  21).  Evidently,  Claudia  was  quite 
prominent  in  the  Roman  community.  The  Linus 
mentioned  in  the  text  is  identified  by  St.  Irenaeus 
(Adv.h.-er.,  III,iii,3)  with  the  successor  of  St.  Peter 
as  Bishop  of  Rome;  and  in  the  ".Apost.  Const. ",  VII, 
46.  he  is  called  the  son  of  Claudia,  Mms  o  KXavSLas, 
which  seems  to  imply  that  Claudia  was  at  least  as  well 
known  as  Linus.  It  has  been  attempted  to  prove 
that  she  was  the  wife  of  Pudens,  mentioned  by  St. 
Paul;  and,  further,  to  identify  her  with  Claudia 
Rufina,  the  wife  of  Aulus  Pudens  who  was  the  friend 
of  Martial  (Martial,  Epigr.,  IV,  13;  XI,  54).  Ac- 
cording to  this  theory  Claudia  would  be  a  lady 
of  British  birth,  probably  the  daughter  of  King 
Cogidubnus.  Unfortunately  there  is  not  sufficient 
evidence  to  make  this  identification  more  than  pos- 
sibly true. 

Acta  SS..  May.  IV,  254;  Alford  in  Smith,  Diet,  of  the  Bible 
s.  v..  and  his  reference  s;  Lightfoot,  Apost.  Fathers:  Clem., 
I,  29,  76-79. 

W.  S.  Reilly. 

Claudianus  Mamertus  (the  name  Ecdicius  is  un- 
authorized) a  Gallo- Roman  theologian  and  the  brother 
of  St.  Mamertus,  Bi.shop  of  Vienne,  d.  about  473. 
Descended  jirobably  from  one  of  the  leading  families 
of  the  country,  Claudianus  Mamertus  relinquished  his 
worldly  goocls  and  embraced  the  monastic  life.  He 
assisted  his  brother  in  the  discharge  of  his  functions, 
and  Sidonius  Ajiollinaris  describes  him  as  directing 
the  psalm-singing  of  the  chanters,  who  were  formed 
into  groups  and  chanted  alternate  verses,  whilst  the 
bishop  was  at  the  altar  celebrating  the  sacred  myste- 
ries. "  Psalmorum  hie  modulator  ct  phonascus  ante 
altaria  fratre  gratulante  instructas  docuit  sonare 
classes"  (Epist.,  IV,  xi,  6;  V,  13-15).  This  passage 
is  of  importance  in  the  history  of  liturgical  chant.  In 
the  same  epigram,  which  constitutes  the  epitaph  of 
Claudianus  Mamertus.  Sidonius  also  informs  us  that 
this  distinguished  scholar  composed  alectionary,  that 
is,  a  collection  of  readings  from  Sacred  Scripture  to 
be  made  on  the  occasion  of  certain  celebrations 
during  the  year. 

According  to  the  same  writer,  Claudianus  "pierced 
the  sects  with  the  power  of  eloquence",  an  allusion  to 
a  prose  treati.se  entitled  "On  the  State  of  the  Soul", 
or  "  On  the  Substance  of  the  Soul ' '.     Written  between 


CLAUDIOPOLIS 


CLAVIGERO 


468  and  472,  this  work  was  destined  to  combat  the 
ideas  of  Faustus,  Bishop  of  Reii  (Riez,  in  the  depart- 
ment of  Basses- Al pes),  particularly  liis  thesis  on  the 
corporeity  of  the  soul.  Plato,  whom  he  perhaps 
read  in  Greek,  Porphyry,  and  especially  Plotinus  and 
St.  Augustine  furnished  Claudianus  with  arguments. 
But  his  method  was  decidedly  iieriiiatetic  and  fore- 
tokened Scholasticism.  Even  liis  language  had  the 
same  characteristics  as  that  of  some  of  the  medieval 
philosophers:  hence  Claudianus  used  many  abstract 
adverbs  in  ter  (essenUaliter,  accidenler,  etc.;  forty 
according  to  La  Broise).  On  the  other  hand  he  re- 
vived obsolete  words  and,  in  a  letter  to  Sapaudus  of 
Vienne,  a  rlietorician,  sanctioned  the  imitation  of 
Nffivius,  Plautus,  Varro,  and  Gracchus.  Undoubtedly 
his  only  acquaintance  with  these  authors  was  through 
the  quotations  used  by  grammarians  and  the  adoption 
of  their  style  by  Apuleius,  whose  works  he  eagerly 
studied.  Of  course  this  tendency  to  copy  his  pre- 
decessors led  Claudianus  to  acquire  an  entirely  arti- 
ficial mode  of  e.xiiression  which  Sidonius,  in  wishing 
to  compliment,  called  a  modern  antique  (Epist.,  IV, 
iii,  .3).  Besides  the  treatise  and  the  letter  to  Sa- 
paudus, both  of  which  are  of  value  in  the  study  of  the 
progress  of  culture  in  Gaul,  we  have  a  letter  from 
Claudianus  to  Sidonius  Apollinaris,  found  among  the 
letters  of  the  latter  (IV,  ii).  Some  poetry  has  also 
been  ascribed  to  him,  although  erroneously.  For  in- 
stance, he  has  been  credited  with  the  "  Pange,  lingua", 
which  is  by  Venantius  Fortunatus  (Carm.,  1 1,  ii); 
"Contra  vanos  poetas  ad  collegam",  a  poem  recom- 
menihng  the  choice  of  Christian  subjects  and  written 
by  Paulinus  of  Nola  (Carm.,  xxii);  two  short 
Latin  poems  in  honour  of  Christ,  one  by  Claudius 
Claudianus  (Birt  ed.,  p.  330;  Koch  ed.,  p.  248)  and 
the  other  by  Merobaudus  (Vollmer  ed.,  p.  19),  and  two 
other  Greek  poems  on  the  same  subject,  believed  to 
be  the  work  of  Claudius  Claudianus. 

Two  facts  assign  Claudianus  Mamertus  a  place  in 
the  history  of  thought:  he  took  part  in  the  reaction 
against  Semipelagianism,  which  took  place  in  Gaul 
towards  the  close  of  the  fifth  century  and  he  was  the 
precursor  of  Scholasticism,  forestalling  the  system  of 
Roscellinus  and  Abelard.  The  logical  method 
pursued  by  Claudianus  commandeil  the  esteem  and 
investigation  of  Berengarius  of  Tours,  Nicholas  of 
Clairvaux,  secretary  to  St.  Bernard,  and  Richard  de 
Fournival. 

Sidonius  Apollinaris,  Epislula,  IV,  iii.  xi,  V,  ii;  Gen- 
NADlus,  De  Viris  illustrihus,  83;  R.  de  la  Broise,  Mamerti 
Claudiani  vita  eiusque  doctrina  de  animd  hominis  (Paris,  1S90): 
the  best  edition  is  by  Engelbrecht  in  the  Corpus  scTiptorum 
ecclesiasticorum  latinorum  of  the  Acailemy  of  Vienna  (Vienna, 
1887);  for  supplementary  information  cf.  Chevalier,  Reper- 
toire des  sources  hutoriques  du  rnoyen-dge,  Bio-bibliographie 
(Paris,  1905),  II.  2977. 

Paul  Lejay. 

Claudiopolis,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  It 
was  a  city  in  Cilicia  Tracheia  or  Byzantine  Isauria. 
The  old  name  is  perhaps  Kardabounda;  under 
Claudius  it  became  a  Roman  colony,  Colonia  Julia 
Augusta  Felix  Ninica  Claudiopolis.  None  of  its 
coins  are  known.  It  was  situated  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  central  Calycadnus  valley,  before  the  river 
enters  the  narrow  gorge  which  conducts  it  to  the 
coast  lands.  Leake  (Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Asia 
Minor,  107  sq.)  has  identified  it  with  Mut,  the  chief 
village  of  a  caza  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana,  a  view  which 
has  since  been  confirmed  by  epigrajjliical  evidence 
(Ilofiartli,  Supplem.  Papers,  Royal  Geogr.  Society, 
18'j:i,  III,  (If)!).  It  was  a  suffragan  of  Seleuceia. 
Only  six  bisliops  are  mentioned  by  Lequien  (II,  1027); 
the  first,  /tMcsius,  was  i)re.sent  at  Nica^a  in  325; 
the  last,  John,  was  jjresent  at  Constantinople  in  533, 
and  is  probal)ly  identical  with  the  prelate  who  was 
a  friend  of  Severus  in  r,m~l\  (Brooks,  The  Sixth 
Book  of  the  Select  Letters  of  .Severus,  II,  4,  7,  11). 
In  the  tenth  century  Clauiliopolis  is  mentioned  by 


Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  (Them.,  xxxvi),  as 
one  of  the  ten  cities  of  Isaurian  Decapolis.  It  figures 
still  in  the  "Notitiae  episcopatuum"  in  the  twelfth 
or  thirteenth  century.  Mut  has  about  900  inhabi- 
tants, and  exhibits  vast  ruins. 

Ramsay,  Asia  Minor,  passim;   Ruge  in   Pauly-Wissowa, 
Real-Bncyk..  Ill,  2662;    Headlam,  Ecd.  Sites  in  Isauria,   in 
Promotion  of   Hellenic  Studies,  Supplcni. 


Papers,  I,  22  sq.;  Cuinkt,  Turqu 


:  d'Asie.  II.  78. 

S.  Petrides. 


Claudiopolis,  a  titidar  see  of  Bithynia.  in  Asia 
Minor.  Strabo  (XII,  4,  7)  mentions  a  town,  Bithynium 
(Claudiopolis),  celebrated  for  its  pastures  and  cheese. 
According  to  Pausanias  (VIII,  9)  it  was  founded  by 
Arcadians  from  Mantinea.  As  is  shown  by  its  coins, 
it  was  commonly  called  Claudiopolis  after  Claudius. 
It  was  the  birthplace  of  Antinous,  the  favourite  of 
Hadrian,  who  was  very  generous  to  the  city;  after- 
wards his  name  wa.s  added  to  that  of  Claudius  on  the 
coins  of  the  city.  Theodosius  II  (408-50)  made  it 
the  capital  of  a  new  province,  formed  at  the  e.xpense 
of  Bithynia  and  Paphlagonia,  and  called  by  him 
Honorias  in  honour  of  the  Emperor  Honorius.  Claudi- 
opolis was  the  religious  metropolis  of  the  province 
(so  in  all  "  NotitiiE  episcopatuum  ").  Lequien  (1, 567) 
mentions  twenty  titulars  of  the  see  to  the  thirteenth 
century;  the  first  is  St.  Autonomus,  said  to  have  suf- 
fered martyrdom  tmder  Diocletian;  we  may  add 
Ignatius,  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Photius. 
The  Turkish  name  for  Claudiopolis  is  Bolou  or  Boli. 
It  is  now  the  chief  town  of  a  sanjak  in  the  vilayet  of 
Castamouni,  with  10,000  inhabitants  (700  Greeks, 
400  Armenians,  few  CathoUcs).  The  town  is  on  the 
Filias  Sou  (River  Billaeus).  There  are  no  important 
ruins,  but  many  ancient  fragments  of  friezes,  cornices, 
funeral  cippi,  and  stelse. 

Texier,  Asie  Mineure,  149;  Perrot,  Galatie  et  Bithynie,  A2~ 
45;  Cuinet.  Turguie  d'Axie.  IV,  508  sq.;  Smith.  Did.  of  Gr.  and 
Rom,  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  3.  v.  Bithynium. 

S.  Petrides. 

Claudius,  Apollin.^^ris.  See  Apollinaris  Clau- 
dius, Saint. 

Clavigero,  Franci.sco  S.werio,  b.  at  Vera  Cruz, 
Mexico,  9  September,  1731;  d.  at  Bologna,  Italy, 
2  AprO,  1787.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus.  Father  Jos6  Rafael  Campoi, 
S.  J.,  at  the  College  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  in 
Mexico,  directed  his  attention  to  the  valuable  collec- 
tion of  documents  on  Mexican  history  and  antiqui- 
ties deposited  there  by  Siguenza  y  Gongora,  and  he 
became  an  enthusiastic  investigator  in  these  fields. 
When  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  Mexico  in  1767, 
Father  Clavigero  went  to  Bologna,  where  he  founded 
a  literary  academy  and  pursued  diligently  his  docu- 
mentarj'  studies  in  Mexican  aboriginal  history.  He 
compiled  there  his  "Historia  antica  del  Messico" 
(Cesena,  1780),  in  opposition  to  the  works  of  De 
Pauw,  Raynal,  and  Robertson.  While  the  "  Historia 
antica"  is  the  principal  work  of  Clavigero,  he  had 
already  published  in  Mexico  several  writings  of  minor 
importance,  .\fter  his  death  there  appeared  "Storia 
della  California",  less  appreciated  but  still  not  to  be 
neglected  by  students. 

The  "Ancient  Historj'  of  Mexico"  made  consider- 
able impression  and  met  witli  great  favour.  Follow- 
ing the  book  of  the  Cavalu'rc  Hoturini  he  included 
a  list  of  sources,  paying  iiarticular  attention  to  the  In- 
dian pictographs,  on  tissue  and  other  substances,  form- 
ing part  of  the  Boturini  collection,  and  increasing  the 
list  by  specimens  then  extant  in  various  parts  of 
Europe.  The  catalogue  of  Indian  writers  is  also  taken 
from  Boturini,  as  Clavigero  is  careful  to  state.  While 
materially  enlarged  since  then  and  though  much  ad- 
ditional information  has  been  gained,  his  catalogue 
alw.ays  remains  of  value.  Finally  he  added  a  history 
of  the  conquest  of  Mexico.     While  other  Jesuit  wri- 


CLAVIUS 


9 


CLAVUS 


ters  on  America,  who  wrote  after  the  expulsion  of  the 
order,  hke  Molina  for  instance,  maintained  in  their 
books  an  attitude  of  dignified  impartiahty,  Clavigero 
has  not  been  able  to  conceal  his  resentment  against 
the  Spaniards  for  that  measure.  He  does  not  allude 
to  it,  but  criticizes  the  conquerors  harshly,  extolling 
at  the  same  time,  beyond  measure,  the  character  and 
culture  of  the  Indians.  The  writings  of  De  Pauw, 
Adair,  and  Robertson  are  severely  criticized.  The 
two  former  have,  in  their  hypercritical  tendencies, 
gone  entirely  too  far  in  denying  to  the  Indians  of 
Mexico  a  certain  kind  and  degree  of  polity,  but' Rob- 
ertson was  much  more  moderate,  hence  nearer  the 
truth,  and  more  reliable  than  Clavigero  himself.  The 
latter  is  an  unsafe  guide  in  American  et  hnology ,  on  ac- 
count of  his  exaffffi'ration  of  the  aboriginal  culture  of 
the  Mexican  sedentary  tribes.  But  the  systematic  ar- 
rangement of  his  work,  his  style,  and  the  sentimental 
interest  taken  in  the  conquered  peoples  ensured  to 
his  book  a  popular  sympathy  that  for  a  long  time  con- 
trolled the  opinions  of  students  as  well  as  of  general 
readers.  The  "Storia  antica  del  Messico"  was  trans- 
lated into  English  by  Cullen  (London,  17S7);  there  is 
a  German  translation  of  the  English  version  (Leipzig, 
1789);  Spanish  editions  (London,  1826;  Mexico,  1844 
and  1853). 

BerIoTain  de  vSouza,  Biblioteca  hispano-americana  septentrio- 
nal (Mexico,  1S16  and  1883);  Diccionario  universal  de  Hislona 
y  Geografla  (Mexico,  1853). 

■     Ad.   F.   B.^NDELIER. 

Clavius,  Christopher  (Christoph  Clau),  mathe- 
matician and  astronomer,  whose  most  important 
achievement  related  to  the  reform  of  the  calendar 
vmder  Gregory  XIII;  b.  at  Bamberg,  Bavaria,  15.38; 
d.  at  Rome,  12  February,  1(112.  The  German  form 
of  his  name  was  latinized  into  "Clavius".  He 
entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1.5.55  and  his  especial 
talent  for  mathematical  research  showed  itself  even 
in  his  preliminary  studies  at  Coimbra.  Called  to 
Rome  by  his  superiors  as  teacher  of  this  branch  of 
science  at  the  well-known  CoUegiimi  Romanum,  he 
was  engaged  uninterruptedly  there  until  his  death. 
The  greatest  scholars  of  his  time,  such  men  as  Tycho 
Brahe,  Johann  Kepler,  Galileo  Galilei,  and  Giovanni 
Antonio  Magini,  esteemed  him  highly.  He  was  called 
the  "Euclid  of  the  sixteenth  century";  and  even  his 
scientific  opponents,  like  Scaliger,  said  openly  that 
they  would  rather  be  censured  by  a  Clavius  than 
praised  by  another  man.  There  has,  however,  been 
no  lack  of  persistent  disparagement  of  Catholic 
scholars  even  down  to  our  own  times;  and  therefore 
much  that  is  inexact,  false,  and  mythical  has  been 
put  into  circulation  about  Clavius,  as  for  example 
that  he  was  originally  named  "Schhissel"  (clavis, 
"key"),  that  he  was  appointed  a  cardinal,  that  he  met 
his  death  by  the  thrust  of  a  mad  bull,  etc.  His  rela- 
tions with  Galilei,  vAXh.  whom  he  remained  on  friendly 
terms  until  his  death,  have  also  been  often  misrepre- 
sented. The  best  evidence  of  the  actual  achieve- 
ments of  the  great  man  is  presented  by  his  numerous 
writings,  which  at  the  end  of  his  life  he  reissued  at 
Mainz  in  five  huge  folio  volumes  in  a  collective  edi- 
tion under  the  title,  "Christophori  Clavii  e  Societate 
Jesu  opera  mathem.atica,  quinque  tomis  distributa". 
The  first  contains  the  Euclidean  geometry  and  the 
"Spheric"  of  Theodosius  (Sphiericonmi  Libri  III); 
the  second,  the  practical  geometry  and  algebra;  the 
third  is  composed  of  a  complete  commentary  upon 
the  "  .Sphajra ' '  of  Joannes  de  Sacro  Bosco  (John  Holy- 
wood),  and  a  dissertation  upon  the  astrolabe;  the 
fourth  contains  what  was  up  to  that  time  the  most 
detailed  and  copious  discussion  of  gnomonics,  i.  e.  the 
art  of  constructing  all  possible  sun-dials;  finally,  the 
fifth  contains  the  best  and  mo.st  fundamental  exposi- 
tion of  the  reform  of  the  calendar  accomplished  under 
Gregory  XIII. 

Many  of  these  writings  had  already  appeared  in 


numerous  previous  editions,  especially  the  "Com- 
mentarius  in  Sphaeram  Joannis  de  Sacro  Bosco" 
(Rome,  1570,  1575,  1581,  1585,  1606;  Venice,  1596, 
1601,  1602,  1603,  1607;  Lyons,  1600,  1608,  etc.); 
likewise  the  "Euclidis  Elementorum  Libri  XV" 
(Rome,  1574,  1589,  1591,  1603,  1605;  Frankfort, 
1612).  After  his  death  also  these  were  republished 
in  1617,  1627,  1654,  1663, 1717,  at  Cologne,  Frankfort, 
and  Amsterdam,  and  were  even  translated  into  Chi- 
nese. In  his  "Geometria  Practica"  (1604)  Clavius 
states  among  other  things  a  method  of  dividing  a 
measuring  scale  into  subdivisions  of  any  desired 
smallness,  which  is  far  more  complete  than  that  given 
by  Nonius  and  must  be  considered  as  the  precursor  of 
the  measuring  instrument  named  after  Vernier,  to 
which  perhaps  the  name  Clavius  ought  accordingly  to 
be  given.  The  chief  merit  of  Clavius,  however,  lies  in 
the  profound  exposition  and  masterly  defence  of  the 
Gregorian  calendar  reform,  the  execution  and  final 
victory  of  which  are  flue  chiefly  to  him.  Cf.  "  Romani 
calendarii  a  Gregorio  Xlllrestituti  explicatio"(Rome, 
1603);  "Novi  calendarii  Romani  apologia  (adversus 
M.  Maestlinum  in  Tubingensi  Academia  mathemati- 
cum)"  (Rome,  15SS).  Distinguished  pupils  of  Clavius 
were  Grienberger  and  Blancanus,  both  priests  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus. 

SnMMEKvoGEL,  Bihl.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Brussels,  1891).  II.  col. 
1212;  Lalande,  Bibliofj.  astrnn.  (IS03);  Delambre,  Histoire 
de  I'nMronomie  moderne  (Paris,  1821);  Wolf,  Geschichte  der 
Aslronomie  (Munich,  1S77);  Bulletin  aslron.  (Paris.  190.5),  sqq.; 
Revue  des  Questions  Scientifiques  (Louvain,  1908),  series  III, 
XIII,  324-331. 

Adolf  MtJLLER. 

Clavus,  Ci^AUDiTis  (or  Nicholas  Niger),  the  latin- 
ized form  of  tlie  name  of  the  old  Danish  cartographer 
Claudius  ClaussOn  Swart,  b.  in  the  village  of  Sailing, 
on  the  Island  of  Funen,  14  September,  1388;  date  of 
death  unknown.  He  was  the  first  man  to  make  a, 
map  of  North-Western  Europe,  which,  moreover, 
included  the  first  map  of  Greenland.  He  was  appar- 
ently an  ecclesiastic.  In  the  course  of  his  frequent 
journeys  he  went  to  Italy,  where  in  1424  he  aroused 
much  intiTcst  among  the  Humanists  of  Rome  by 
announcing  that  in  the  Cistercian  monastery  of  Soroe, 
near  Roeskilde,  he  had  seen  three  large  volumes  which 
contained  the  "Ten  Decades"  of  Livy;  according  to 
his  own  statement  he  had  read  the  titles  of  the  chap- 
ters (decern  Livii  decades,  quarum  capita  ipse  legisset). 
Through  his  intercourse  with  the  Humanists  he 
became  acquainted  with  the  maps  and  descriptions  of 
Ptolemy,  and  was  thus  led  to  supplement  the  work  of 
Ptolemy  by  adding  to  it  a  chart  and  description  of  the 
North-West  coimtry.  Clavus  first  turned  his  knowl- 
edge of  Scandinavia  and  Greenland  to  accoimt  in  the 
geographical  drawing  antl  description  which  has  been 
preserved  in  the  Ptolemy  MS.  of  1427  of  Cardinal 
Filiaster.  The  manuscript  is  now  in  the  public  library 
of  Nancy.  Descrijitions  of  it  have  been  repeatedly 
given  by  Waitz,  Nordenskjold,  Storm,  and  others. 
The  facsimile  of  Clavus's  map  and  his  description  of 
the  parts  contained,  which  were  published  by  Norden- 
skiold  and  Storm,  show  that  he  gave  Greenland  and 
Iceland  the  correct  geographical  position,  namely, 
west  of  the  Scandinavian  Penin.sula. 

Far  more  important,  however,  for  the  history  of 
cartography  is  the  second  map  and  description  of 
North-Western  Europe  and  Greenland  that  Clavus 
produced.  As  yet,  unfortunately,  the  original  of  this 
work  has  not  been  found,  nor  does  any  copy  contain 
both  the  map  and  the  description.  This  second  map 
has  been  preserved  in  the  works  of  the  German  car- 
tographers. Donnus  Nicholas  Germanus  and  Henricus 
Martellus  Germanus.  who  lived  at  Florence  in  the 
second  half  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Until  recently, 
the  descriptive  text  belonging  to  the  map  has  only 
been  known  by  the  citations  of  Schoner  and  Friedlieb 
(Irenicus):  the  complete  text  was  not  known  until  it 
was  found  by  Bjornbo  in  two  codices  in  the  imperial 


CLAYTON 


10 


CLEEF 


library  at  Vienna.  Bjornbo's  discovery  is  especially 
important  as  it  is  now  certain  that  Claudius  Cla\^ls 
was  actually  in  Greenland  and  that  he  claims  to  have 
pushed  his  journey  along  the  west  coast  as  far  as 
70°  10  N.  lat.  Another  fact  that  lends  importance 
to  this  discovery  is  that  an  explanation  has  at  last 
been  found  for  the  incomprehensible  names  on  the  old 
maps  of  Greenland.  Local  names  in  Greenland  and 
Iceland,  so  entirely  different  from  those  that  appear 
in  the  Icelandic  sagas,  for  a  long  time  served  the 
defenders  of  the  Zeni  as  an  argument  that  the  map  of 
Greenland  was  the  work  of  the  elder  Zeno.  It  is  now 
clear  from  the  list  of  names  given  by  Clavus  that  the 
Icelandic  names  on  the  map  are  not  the  real  designa- 
tions of  the  places,  but  merely  the  names  of  Runic 
characters.  In  the  same  manner,  when  he  came  to 
Greenland,  Claudius  Clavus  used  the  successive  words 
of  the  first  stanza  of  an  old  Danish  folk-song,  the 
scene  of  which  is  laid  in  Greenland,  to  designate  the 
headlands  and  rivers  that  seemed  to  him  most  worthy 
of  note  as  he  sailed  from  the  north-east  coast  of 
Greenland  around  the  southern  end,  and  up  the  west 
coast.  In  the  linguistic  form  of  the  words  the  dialect 
of  the  Island  of  Fimen  is  still  evident.  The  discovery 
also  makes  clear  how  the  younger  Zeno  was  able  to 
add  to  the  forged  story  of  a  journey  made  in  1.5.58  a 
comparatively  correct  map  of  the  northern  countries, 
and  how  he  came  to  make  use  of  the  lines  beginning: — 
Thar  boer  eeynh  manh  ij  eyn  Groenerdandz  aa"  etc., 
which  run  in  English:— - 

There  lives  a  man  on  Greenland's  stream, 

And  Spieldebodh  doth  he  be  named; 

More  has  he  of  white  herrings 

Than  he  has  pork  that  is  fat. 

From  the  north  ilrives  the  sand  anew. 

The  second  map  of  Clavus  exercised  a  great  in- 
fluence on  the  development  of  cartography.  As 
Clavus  in  drawing  his  map  of  Xorth- Western  Europe 
and  Greenland  made  use  of  all  the  authorities  to  be 
had  in  his  time,  e.  g.  Ptolemy's  portolanos  (marine 
maps)  and  itineraries,  so  the  map-makers  of  succeed- 
ing centuries  adopted  his  map,  either  directly  or 
indirectly:  thus,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  Donnus 
Nicholas  Germanus  and  Henricus  Martelius;  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  WaldseemuUer,  Nicolo  Zeno,  Rus- 
celli,  Moletius,  Ramusio,  Mercator,  Ortelius;  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  Hondius,  Blaeu,  and  others;  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  Homann  and  liis  successors. 
It  is  evident  that  scarcely  any  other  map  has 
exerted  so  permanent  an  influence  as  the  map  of 
Greenland  by  Claudius  Clavus,  "the  first  cartographer 
of  America". 

Storm.  Den  dajiske  Geograf  Claudius  Clavus  eller  Nicolaus 
Niger  (Stockholm,  1891);  Bjornbo  and  Petersen.  Fyenboen 
Claudius  Clausson  Swart  (Copenhagen.  1904);  Fischer.  Die 
kartographische  Darsteliung  der  Enideckungen  der  Normannen 
in  Amerika  in  Proceedings  of  the  Internal.  Amer.  Congress 
of  190U  (Stuttgart,  1906). 

Joseph  Fischer. 

Clayton,  J.\.\ies,  priest,  confessor  of  the  faith,  b. 
at  Sheffield,  England,  date  of  birth  not  known;  d.  a 
prisoner  in  Derby  gaol,  22  July,  158S.  He  was  the 
son  of  a  shoemaker,  and,  being  apprenticed  to  a 
blacksmith  for  seven  years,  spent  his  leisure  hours  in 
educating  himself,  giving  special  attention  to  the 
study  of  Latin.  His  studies  led  him  to  embrace  the 
Catholic  religion,  and  he  was  sent  to  the  English  Col- 
lege at  Reims  (1582),  where  he  was  ordained  priest 
in  1.585,  and  immediately  returned  to  England  to 
labour  in  his  native  county.  Four  years  later,  while 
vi.siting  the  Catholic  prisoners  in  Derby  gaol,  he  was 
apprehended  and  (■(indeiiincd  to  death" for  exercising 
his  priestly  iillicc.  His  bi-dtliers  pleaded  for  his  par- 
don and  lii.s  execution  was  delayed,  though  he  was 
still  kept  a  prisoner.  Prison  life  brought  on  a  sick- 
ness of  which  he  died. 


Foley,  Records  S.  J.  (London,  Roehampton,  1875^1879), 
III,  47,  230,  802;  Douay  Diaries,  ed.  Knox  (London,  1878). 
12,  29,  184,  186,  200,  205,  262,  296;  Ely,  Certain  Brief  Notes, 
etc.  (Paris,  1603),  206. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Clazomenae,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  The  city 
had  been  first  founded  on  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Ionian  Sea  (now  Gulf  of  Smyrna),  about  15  miles 
from  Smyrna;  it  was  one  of  the  twelve  cities  of  the 
Ionian  Confederation,  and  reached  the  acme  of  its  im- 
portance under  the  Lydian  kings.  After  the  death  of 
Croesus  its  inhabitants,  through  fear  of  the  Persians, 
took  refuge  on  the  island  opposite  their  town  (to-day 
St.  John's  Isle),  wliich  was  joined  to  the  mainland  by 
Alexander  the  Great;  the  pier  has  been  restored  and  is 
yet  used  as  means  of  communication  between  the 
modern  Vourla  and  the  island,  on  which  there  is  now 
an  important  quarantine  hospital.  Clazomenae  is  the 
birthplace  of  the  philosophers  Hermotimus  and  An- 
axagoras.  The  see  was  a  suffragan  of  Ephesus.  Le- 
quien  (I.  729)  mentions  two  bishops:  Eusebius,  pre- 
sent at  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon,  in  431  and  451;  and 
Macarius,  at  the  Eighth  d^cumenical  Council,  in  869. 
When  Smyrna  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  metropolis 
(perhaps  as  early  as  the  sixth  century)  Clazomenae 
was  attached  to  it,  as  is  shown  by  Parthey's  "Noti- 
tiae",  3  and  10.  In  1387  it  was  given  again  to  Ephe- 
sus by  a  synodal  act  of  the  patriarch  Nilus  (Miklosich 
and  Muller,  "Acta  Patriarchatus  Constantinopol. ", 
II,  103).  After  this  date  there  is  no  apparent  trace 
of  its  history;  nothing  remains  of  the  city  except  the 
ancient  pier. 

Labahn.  De  rebus  Clazomeniorum  (1875);  Smith.  Diet,  of  Gr. 
and  Rom.  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  I,  631-32. 

S.  Petrides. 

Clean  and  Unclean. — The  distinction  between 
legal  or  ceremonial,  as  opposed  to  moral,  cleanness 
and  uncleanness  which  stands  out  so  prominently  in 
the  Mosaic  legislation  (q.  v.). 

Cleef,  J.iN  VAN,  a  Flemish  painter,  b.  in  Guelder- 
land  in  1646;  d.  at  Ghent,  IS  December,  1716.  He 
was  a  pupil  of  Luigi  Primo  (Gentile)  and  Gaspard  de 
Craeyer.  When  Craeyer  died.  Cleef  was  commissioned 
to  complete  his  master's  work  in  the  churches  and 
to  finish  the  cartoons  for  the  tapestry  ordered  by 
Louis  XIV.  The  churches  and  convents  in  Flanders 
and  Brabant  are  rich  in  his  paintings. 

He  was  a  splendid  draughtsman,  a  good  colourist, 
celebrated  for  his  management  of  drapery  and  for  his 
charming  portrayal  of  children's  heads  and  the  at- 
tractive faces  of  his  women.  In  a  school  pre-eminent 
in  portraiture  Jan  held  a  high  place.  He  accom- 
plished a  vast  amount  of  work,  all  showing  the  influ- 
ence of  his  masters  and  tending  more  to  Itahan  than 
Flemish  methods.  His  favourite  subjects  were  Scrip- 
tural and  religious,  and  his  treatment  of  them  was 
simple  and  broad.  His  masterpiece,  "  Nuns  Giving 
Aid  during  the  Plague", in  the  convent  of  the  Black 
Nuns,  at  Ghent,  rivals  the  work  of  Van  Dyck. 

For  bibliography,  see  Cleef,  Joost  van. 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Cleef,  Joost  v.\n  (Josse  v.\n  Cleve),  the  "Mad- 
man", a  Flemish  painter,  b.  in  Antwerp  c.  1520;  died 
c.  1556.  He  was  one  of  twenty  van  Cleefs  who 
painted  in  Antwerp,  but  whether  the  well-known 
Henry,  Martin,  and  William  (the  younger)  were  kin 
of  his  cannot  be  detenuined.  Of  his  father,  William 
(the  elder),  we  know  only  that  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Antwerp  Academy,  which  body  Joost  joined. 
Joost  was  a  brilliant  and  luminous  colourist, 
rivaUing,  in  this  respect,  the  Italians,  whose  methods 
he  followed.  Severity  and  hardness  of  outline  some- 
what marred  his  otherwise  fine  draughtsmanship. 
Portraiture  in  the  sixteenth  century  was  represented 
by  Joost  van  Cleef;  and  Kugler  places  him,  artisti- 


CLEEF 


11 


CLEMENCET 


cally,  between  Holbein  and  Antonio  Moro.  his  "Por- 
trait of  a  Man  "  in  Munich  (Pinakotliek)  being  long  at- 
tributed to  Holbein.  He  painted  in  France,  England, 
and  Germany.  The  celebrated  portrait  painter  of 
Cologne,  Bniyn,  was  liis  pupil.  Imagining  himself 
unappreciated,  he  went  to  Spain  and  was  presented 
to  Philip  II  by  Moro.  the  court  painter. 

Because  Henrj'  VIII,  according  to  English  author- 
ities, chose  Titian's  pictures  in  preference  to  his,  van 
Cleef  became  infuriated,  and  liis  frenzy  later  de\-el- 
oped  into  pennanent  insanity.  The  French  contend 
that  it  was  Philip,  in  Spain,  who  gave  Titian  the 
preference.  The  most  distressing  feature  of.Joost's 
insanity  was  that  he  retouched  and  ruined  his  fin- 
ished pictures  whenever  he  could  gain  access  to  them, 
and  his  family  finally  had  to  place  him  under  restraint. 
Beautiful  altar-pieces  by  van  Cleef  are  found  in  many 
Flemish  churches,  notably  "The  Last  Judgment" 
(Ghent).  Perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  his  works 
is  the  "Bacchus"  (Amsterdam),  whose  young  face  is 
crowned  with  prematurely  grey  hair.  "A  Virgin" 
(Middleburg)  is  noteworthy  as  having  a  charming 
landscape  for  the  background,  a  combination  rare  in 
those  days.  Other  works  are  "  Portrait  of  the  Painter 
and  his  Wife",  at  Windsor  Castle;  "Portrait  of  a 
Young  Man",  at  Berlin;  and  "Portrait  of  a  Man",  at 
Munich. 

Blanc.  Hist,  des  peinlres  de  toiUes  les  ecoles  (ccole  Flamande) 
(Paris,  1877);  WAnTERS,  History  of  Flemish  Painting  (London. 
1885);  Deschamps.  Le  vie  des  Peintres  Flamands,  Allemands 
et  Hollandois  (Paris.  1753);  BtiRGER,  Tresors  d'art  en  Angle- 
lerre  (Brussels.  1860);  Biographie  Nationale  de  Belgique  (Brus- 
sels, 1885);  Reinach.  Story  of  Art  throughout  the  Ages.U.  SlM- 
MONDS  (New  York,  1904). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Cleef,  Martix  van,  Flemish  painter,  b.  at  Ant- 
werp in  1520;  d.  in  1570;  was  the  son  of  the  painter 
William  (the  younger  William)  and  was  throughout 
his  life  closely  associated  with  his  brother  Henrj-,  who 
exerted  great  influence  over  his  artistic  career.  Des- 
champs asserts  that  Martin  and  Joost  were  brothers, 
but  the  majority  of  writers  on  Flemish  art  agree  that 
Joost  was  the  son  of  the  elder  William.  Jlartin  stud- 
ied under  Franz  Floris,  "the  incomparable  Floris", 
and  at  first  exhibited  a  strong  predilection  for  land- 
scape work.  Later  on,  however,  persuaded  by  Henry, 
he  devoted  himself  wholly  to  figure-painting.  His- 
torical subjects  were  his  favourites,  but  lie  also  achieved 
great  success  in  genre  painting.  The  latter  has  been 
stigmatized  as  vulgar  and  suggestive,  but  while  coarse, 
and  reflecting  the  peasant  life  of  the  Flemings,  it  dif- 
fered but  httle  in  this  respect  from  the  canvases  of  the 
great  Dutclimen.  After  a  few  early  attempts  in  large 
compositions  after  the  Italian  manner  of  Floris,  he 
painted  small  pictures  only,  and  these  with  great 
spirit  and  thorough  technic.  His  work  is  dehcate 
and  refined  in  treatment,  harmonious  in  colour,  and 
excellent  in  draughtsmansliip. 

Martin  van  Cleef  painted  in  the  landscapes  the 
figiires  of  many  eminent  contemporaries,  Gilles  and 
Franz  Floris  among  them,  and  he  continually  collabor- 
ated with  his  brotlier  Henry  in  that  way.  Henrj' 
reciprocated  and  added  to  Martin's  figure-pieces  land- 
scape backgrounds  charming  in  colourand  design,  and 
harmonizing  well  with  the  rest  of  the  picture.  On 
many  of  his  works  Martin  painted,  as  a  mark,  a  small 
ape — playing  t  hus  on  his  name — and  in  consequence  is 
frequently  called  the  "Master  of  the  Ape".  He  was 
admitted  to  the  Antwerp  Academy,  and  in  1.551 
became  a  member  of  the  St.  Luke's  Guild  of  Artists. 
He  never  travelled  from  his  native  Flanders,  and  died 
of  gout  at  the  age  of  fifty,  leaving  four  sons — all  of 
them  painters. 

For  bibliography,  see  Cleef.  Joost  van. 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Clemanges,  or  Clamanoes,  Mathieu-Xicolas 
PoiLLEViLi,.\iN  de,  e  French   Humanist   and   theo- 


logian, b.  in  Champagne  about  1.360;  d.  at  Paris 
between  1434  and  1440.  He  made  his  studies  in  the 
College  of  Navarre  at  Paris,  and  in  1380  received  the 
degree  of  Licentiate,  later  on  that  of  Master  of  Arts. 
He  studied  theology  uniler  Gerson  and  Pierre 
d'Ailly,  and  received  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  The- 
ology in  1393.  He  had  begun  to  lecture  at  the  uni- 
versity in  1391  and  was  appointed  its  rector  in  1393, 
a  position  he  filled  until  1395.  The  Church  was  then 
agitated  by  the  Western  Schism,  and  three  methods 
wiTc  proposed  to  re-establish  peace."  compromise,  con- 
cession, and  a  general  council.  From  1380  to  1394 
tlie  I'niversity  of  Paris  advocated  a  general  council. 
In  1394  another  tendency  was  manifest;  i.  e.  both 
Boniface  IX  and  Clement  VII  were  held  responsible  for 
the  continuance  of  the  schism,  and  their  resignations 
decreed  to  be  the  means  of  obtaining  peace.  To 
this  end  a  letter  was  written  to  King  Charles  VI  by 
three  of  the  most  learned  masters  of  the  university, 
Pierre  d'Ailly,  Gilles  des  Champs,  and  Cl^raanges. 
The  two  first  prepared  the  content,  to  which  C16- 
manges  gave  a  Ciceronian  elegance  of  form.  The  letter 
was  unsuccessful,  and  the  university  was  ordered  to 
abstain  from  further  discussion.  Cl^manges,  forced 
to  resign  the  rectorshij)  of  the  university,  then  be- 
came canon  and  dean  of  Saint-Clodoald  (1395),  and 
later  on  canon  and  treasurer  of  Langres.  The  anti- 
poi)e  Benedict  XIII,  who  admired  his  Latin  style, 
took  him  for  his  .secretary  in  1397,  and  he  remained  at 
Avignon  until  140S,  when  he  abandoned  Benedict 
because  of  the  latter's  conflict  with  Charles  VI. 
Clemangcs  now  retired  to  the  Carthusian  monastery 
of  Valfonds  and  later  to  I<"ontaine-du-Bosc.  In  these 
two  retreats  he  WTote  his  best  treatises,  "De  Fructu 
eremi"  (dechcated  to  Pierre  d'Ailly),  "De  Fructu 
rerum  adversarum",  "De  novis  festivitatibus  non 
instituendis",  and  "De  studio  theologico",  in  which 
latter  work  he  exhibits  his  dislike  for  the  Scholastic 
method  in  philosophy.  In  1412  he  returned  to 
Langres,  and  was  appointed  Archdeacon  of  Bayeux. 
His  voice  was  heard  successively  at  the  Council  of 
Constance  (1414),  and  at  Chartres  (1421),  where  he 
defended  the  "liberties"  of  the  Galilean  Church.  In 
1425  he  was  teaching  rhetoric  and  theology  in  the 
College  of  X'avarre,  where,  most  probably,  he  died. 
Clemanges  is  also  credited  with  the  authorship  of  the 
work  "De  corrupto  Ecclesiae  statu",  first  edited  by 
Cordatus  (possibly  Hutten)  in  1513,  a  violent  attack 
on  the  morality  and  discipline  of  the  contemporary 
Church;  hence  he  is  sometimes  considered  a  Reformer 
of  the  tyjie  of  Wyclif  and  Hus.  Schubert,  however, 
in  his  book  "1st  Nicolaus  von  Clemanges  der  Ver- 
fa,sser  des  Buches  De  corrupto  Ecclesice  statu?" 
(Grossenhain,  1882;  Leipzig,  1888)  has  shown  that, 
although  a  contemporary,  Clemanges  was  not  the 
author  of  the  book.  His  works  were  edited  in  two 
volumes  by  J.  Lydius,  a  Protestant  minister  of 
Frankfort  (Leyden,  1613).  His  letters  are  in 
d'Achcry  (below)  I,  473  sqq. 

d'Achery,  Spicilegium  (Paris,  1666),  VII,  pnsf.  8-7; 
Dupix,  Nouv.  bibi.  des  auieitrs  cedes. ^X^ll,  78;  Mvt^tz,  Nicolas  de 
Clemanges^  sa  vie  et  ses  ecrits  (Strasburg.  1846);  Denifle  et 
('HATKL\IN.  Chartularium  Univ.  Paris.  (1894)  III,  736;  Febet, 
iu  fiieuUe  de  theologie  de  Paris,  IV,  21b-'2^o;  Voigt,  Die 
Wicdcrbelebung  des  dassischen  Atlertums,  II,  349-356; 
Cbeighton,  .4  History  of  the  Papacy  (London,  1882),  1; 
Pastor.  Huitory  of  the  Popes,  I;Salembier,  Le  grand  schisme 
d'Occidmt  (Paris,  1902). 

J.  B.  Delaunay. 

Clemencet,  Charle.s,  Benedictine  historian,  b.  at 
Painblanc,  in  the  department  of  Cote-d'Or,  France, 
1703;  d.  at  Paris,  5  August,  1778.  Clemencet  en- 
tered the  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur  at  an  early  age; 
for  a  short  time  he  was  lector  of  rhetoric  at  Pont-le- 
Voy,  but,  on  account  of  his  great  abilities,  was  soon 
called  to  Paris.  Here  he  took  part  in  almost  all  of  the 
important  literary  labours  of  his  congregation,  show- 
ing a  marked  preference  for  historical  research.     At 


CLEMENS 


12 


CLEMENT 


first  his  superiors  commissioned  hira  to  edit  the 
"Bibliotheca"  (Myriobiblion)  of  Photius.  Clemen- 
cet  soon  retired  from  this  task  and  devoted  all  his 
powers  to  a  chronological  work  for  which  Dantme, 
another  member  of  the  congregation,  had  made  the 
preparatory  studies.  This  chronology,  CMmencet's 
principal  work,  had  the  very  prolix  title:  "L'art  de 
verifier  les  dates  ou  faits  historiques  des  chartes,  des 
chroniques,  et  anciens  monuments  depuis  la  nais- 
sance  de  J^sus-Christ,  par  le  moyen  d'une  table 
chronologique,  oii  I'on  trouve  les  ann^es  de  Jesus- 
Christ  et  de  I'Ere  d'Espagne,  les  Indictions,  le  Cycle 
pascal,  les  Paques  de  chaque  annee,  les  Cycles  solaires 
et  lunaires.  Avec  im  Calendrier  perp^tuel,  I'Histoire 
abregee  des  conciles,  des  papes,  des  empereurs  ro- 
mains,  grecs,  frangais,  alleraands  et  turcs;  des  Rois 
de  France,  d'Espagne  et  d'Angleterre,  d'Ecosse,  de 
Lombardie,  de  Sicile,  de  Jerusalem,  etc.,  des  Dues  de 
Bourgogne,  de  Normandie,  de  Bretagne ;  des  Comtes 
de  Toulouse,  de  Champagne  et  de  Blois  par  des  re- 
ligieu-x  b^nedictins  de  la  congregation  de  Saint- 
Maur"  (Paris,  1750).  The  work  was  compiled  with 
extraordinary  industry,  and  contains,  as  the  title 
shows,  a  large  amount  of  historical  material.  In  its 
judgment  of  persons  and  facts,  however,  it  betrayed 
a  strong  bias  to  Jansenism  and  Gallicanism,  and  was, 
consequently,  frequently  attacked,  one  opponent 
in  particular  being  the  Jesuit  Patouillet.  The  asser- 
tion was  made,  and  not  without  reason,  that  the  title 
ought  to  read:  "L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  et  falsifier 
les  faits". 

Clemencet  also  wrote  volumes  X  and  XI,  issued  at 
Paris,  1756  and  1759,  of  the  monumental  work  "  His- 
toire  litteraire  de  la  France".  The  volumes  prepared 
by  CMmencet  are  a  rich  collection  of  authorities,  and 
are  of  importance  not  only  for  the  literary  history  of 
France  but  also  for  the  history  of  the  development 
of  all  the  nations  of  the  Middle  .\ges.  It  was  intended 
that  he  should  edit  volume  XII  of  the  "Histoire  lit- 
teraire", preparing  for  it  the  life  of  St.  Bernard  of 
Clairvaux,  but  he  gave  up  the  undertaking  and  wrote 
instead  an  independent  work  entitled:  "Histoire  des 
vies  et  Merits  de  Saint-Bernard  et  de  Pierre  le  Vener- 
able" (Paris,  1773).  His  strong  predilection  for 
Jansenism  is  shown  in  two  of  his  writings,  namely: 
"  Histoire  generale  de  Port^Royal  depuis  la  reforme 
de  cette  abbaye  jusqu'a  son  entiere  destruction 
(10  vols.,  Amsterdam,  1755-1757),  and  "Conferences 
de  la  Mere  Angglique  de  Saint-Jean,  Abbesse  de  Port- 
Royal"  (3  vols.,  Utrecht,  1760).  Of  the  former  of 
these  two  works  only  the  first  half  could  be  published, 
as  the  second  part  contained  too  strong  a  defence  of 
Jansenism.  On  account  of  his  leaning  to  Jansenism, 
Clemencet  was  a  bitter  opponent  of  the  Jesuits.  He 
attacked  them  in  several  exceedingly  sharp  pamph- 
lets and  worked  for  the  suppression  of  the  Society. 
.'Vmong  his  literary  labours  should  also  be  mentioned 
his  share  in  an  excellent  edition  of  the  works  of  St. 
Cregory  of  Nazianzus.  Prudentius  Maranus,  an- 
other member  of  the  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur,  had 
begun  the  task.  Clemencet  issued  the  first  volume 
unilcr  the  title:  "Gregorii  Theologi  opera  qua;  extant 
omnia"  (Paris,  1778).  This  edition  is  still  valuable 
and  far  surpasses  all  the  earlier  editions. 
Ti  .^-fo.-.  ''"'"•'■e  lilleraire  de  la  Conoregation  de  Saint-Maur, 
11,  J.I-SJ;  DE  Lama,  BMiothtque  des  icrivains  de  la  Congrc- 
galion  de  Hamt-Maur,  599-010. 

Pathicius  Schl.^ger. 

Clemens,  Fkanz  Jacob,  a  C.erman  Catholic  phil- 
osopher, b.  l  October,  1S15,  at  Coblenz;  d.  24  Febru- 
ary, ist).',  at  Rome.  After  spending  .some  time  in  an 
educational  institution  at  Metz.  be  entered,  at  the  age 
of  sixteen,  the  J.-suit  Colleg..  of  Kriboiirg,  Switzer- 
land.attended  MicClyninasium  at  Coblenz.  and  thence 
pa.s.-*<|d  to  the  University  of  Bonn.  In  1835  he  ma- 
triculated at  the  University  of  Berlin,  where  he  de- 


voted special  attention  to  the  study  of  philosophy 
and  received  the  doctorate  in  philosophy  (1839).  At 
the  end  of  a  literary  journey  through  Germany  and 
Italy,  he  became,  in  1843,  instructor  in  philosophy 
at  the  University  of  Bonn,  and  taught  there  with 
great  success  until  1856.  In  1848  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Frankfort  Parliament,  and  attended, 
at  Mainz,  the  first  General  Congress  of  German  Catho- 
lics, at  which  he  suggested  the  foundation  of  the 
St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Societj'  in  Germany.  In  1856 
he  was  appointed  professor  of  philosophy  in  the 
Academy  of  Munster.  So  great  was  his  popularity 
as  a  teacher  at  Bonn  that,  when  he  removed  to  Miin- 
ster,  he  was  followed  by  some  seventy  students.  The 
attendance  at  his  lectures  in  the  Westphahan  capital 
was  an  e.xtraordinarily  large  one;  but  his  health  failed 
after  a  few  years.  In  1861,  upon  the  advice  of  his 
physicians,  he  sought  relief  in  a  southern  climate;  he 
died  at  Rome  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year 
and  was  buried  at  the  tiesCi. 

Clemens  was  a  layman  of  sound  Catholic  principles, 
who  ably  defended  the  Church  even  on  theological 
questions.  He  published  his  first  great  work, ' '  Gior- 
dano Bruno  und  Nikolaus  von  Cusa",  in  1847,  at 
Bonn.  He  also  wrote  in  defence  of  the  Holy  Coat 
of  Trier,  "  Der  heilige  Rock  zu  Trier  und  die  protest- 
antische  Kritik  "  (1S45),  against  Gilderaeister  and  von 
Sybel.  His  other  principal  writings  were  connected 
with  two  controversies  in  which  he  became  involved. 
His  book,  "Die  speculative  Theologie  A.  Gunthers" 
(Cologne,  18.53),  a  clear  demonstration  of  the  contra- 
diction between  Catholic  doctrine  and  the  views  of 
Gunther,  elicited  answers  from  Professors  Baltzer 
and  Knoodt,  to  which  Clemens  replied.  His  "  De 
Scholasticormn  sententia,  philosophiam  esse  theo- 
logise  ancillam,  commentatio"  (Milnster,  1856) 
treated  of  the  subordinate  position  which  philosophy 
should  occupy  in  regard  to  theology.  It  brought  him 
into  conflict  with  Professor  Kulin  of  Tubingen,  against 
whom  he  published,  in  defence  of  his  posiljpn:  "Die 
Wahrheit  etc."  (Munster,  1860)  and  "Uber  das 
Verhaltniss  etc."  (Mainz,  1860). 

Der  Kalholik  (1862),  I.  257-80;  Lit.  Handweiaer  (1862), 
S.S-S9;  Stockl  in  .4%.  deut.  Biog.  (Leipzig,  1876),  IV,  315-17; 
Dublin  Rev.  (1862-63).  LII,  417-18. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Clemens  non  Papa  (Jacques  Clement),  repre- 
sentative of  the  Flemish  or  Netherland  School  of  music 
of  the  sixteenth  century;  d.  155S.  All  that  is  known 
with  reasonable  certainty  of  his  life  is  that  he  pre- 
ceded Nicolas  Gombert  (1495-1570)  as  choirmaster 
at  the  court  of  Charles  V.  An  indication  of  his  fame 
is  his  nickname  7>on  Papa,  given  to  distinguish  him 
from  the  contemporaneous  Poi>e  Clement  VII  (1523- 
34).  While  his  style  is  always  noble  and  fluent,  he 
shows  the  fault  of  his  time  and  school  of  elaborating 
contrapuntal  forms  at  the  expense  of  a  clear  and  dis- 
tinct declamation  of  the  text.  Clemens  was.  never- 
theless, one  of  the  chief  forerunners  of  Palcstrina  and 
Orlandus  Lassus,  who  alone  were  able  to  overshadow 
him.  Some  of  his  more  important  works  are:  ten 
masses,  one  for  six,  five  for  five,  and  four  for  four 
voices,  published  by  Petrus  Phalesius  at  Louvain 
(1555-80),  a  large  number  of  motets,  and  fo\ir  vol- 
umes of  "Souter  Liedekens",  that  is  psalms  set  to 
familiar  Netherland  melodies,  published  by  Tylmann 
Susato  at  Antwerp  (155G-57). 

Ambros.  Gesch.  der  Musih  (I^eipzig,  1881);  Riemann,  Hand- 
bitch  der  Musikge^chichte  (Leipzig.  1907). 

Joseph  Otten. 

Clemens  Prudentius.     See  Prudentius,  Marcus 

AURELIUS  CLEMEN.S. 

Clement  I,  Satnt,  Pope  (called  Clemens  Romanus 
to  distinguish  him  from  the  Alexandrian),  is  the  first 
of  the  successors  of  St.  Peter  of  whom  anything 
definite  is  known,and  he  is  the  first  of  the  "Apostolic 


CLEMENT 


13 


CLEMENT 


Fathers".  His  feast  is  celebrated  23  November. 
He  lias  left  one  genuine  writing,  a  letter  to  the 
Church  of  Corinth,  and  many  others  have  been  at- 
tributed to  him. 

1.  The  Fourth  Pope. — According  to  Tertullian, 
writing  c.  199,  the  Roman  Church  claimed  that 
Clement  was  ordained  by  St.  Peter  (De  Pnescript., 
xxxii),  and  St.  Jerome  tells  us  that  in  his  time  "most 
of  the  Latins"  held  that  Clement  was  the  immediate 
successor  of  the  .A.postle  (De  viris  illustr.,  xv).  St. 
Jerome  himself  in  several  other  places  follows  thi.s 
opinion,  but  here  he  correctly  states  that  Clement 
was  the  fourth  pope.  The  early  e\'idence  shows 
great  variety.  The  most  ancient  list  of  popes  is  one 
made  by  Hegesippus  in  the  time  of  Pope  Anicetus, 
c.  160  (Harnack  ascribes  it  to  an  unknown  author 
under  Soter.  c.  170),  cited  by  St.  Epiphanius  (HiEr., 
xxvii,  6).  It  seems  to  have  been  used  by  St.  Irenaeus 
(lla3r..  Ill,  iii),  by  Julius  Africanus,  who  composed  a 
chronography  in 
'222,l)y  the  third- 
or  fourth-century 
author  of  a  Latin 
poem  againsit.Mar- 
(ion,  and  by  Hii>- 
]iolytus,  whose 
chronology  ex- 
tends to  234  and 
is  probably  found 
in  the  "Liberian 
Catalogue"  of 
3.")4.  That  cata- 
logue was  itself 
adopted  in  the 
"Liber  Pontifio- 
alis".  Eusebiusin 
I  lis  chronicle  and 
liistory  used  Afri- 
canus;  inthe  latter 
he  slightly  cor- 
rected the  dates. 
St.  Jerome's 
chronicle  is  a 
translation  of  Eusebius's.  and  is  our  princijial  means 
for  restoring  the  lost  Greek  of  the  latter;  the  Armenian 
version  and  Coptic  epitomes  of  it  are  not  to  be  de- 
pended on.     The  varieties  of  order  are  as  follows: 

(1)  Linus,  Cletus,  Clemens  (Hegesippus,  ap.  Epipha- 

nium.  Canon  of  Mass). 
Linus,  Anencletus,  Clemens  (IreniEus,  Africanus 

ap.  Eusebiura). 
Linus,  Anacletus,  Clemens  (Jerome). 

(2)  Linus.  Cletus,  Anacletus,  Clemens  (Poem  against 

Marcion). 

(3)  Linus,  Clemens,   Cletus,   Anacletus   [Hippolytus 

(?),  "Liberian  Catal.";   "Liber.  Pont."]. 

(4)  Linus,  Clemens,  Anacletus  (Optatus,  Augustine). 
At  the  present  time  no  critic  doubts  that  Cletus, 

Anacletus,  Anencletus,  are  the  same  person.  Ana- 
cletus is  a  Latin  error;  Cletus  is  a  shortened  (and 
more  Christian)  form  of  Anencletus.  Lightfoot 
thought  that  the  transposition  of  Clement  in  the 
"Liberian  Catalogue"  was  a  mere  accident,  like  the 
similar  error  "Anicetus,  Pius"  for  "Pius,  Anicetus", 
furtlier  on  in  the  same  list.  But  it  may  have  been  a 
deliberate  alteration  by  Hippolj-tus,  on  the  ground  of 
the  tradition  mentioned  by  Tertullian.  St.  Irenseus 
(III,  iii)  tells  us  that  Clement  "saw  the  blessed 
Ajiostles  and  conversed  with  them,  and  had  yet 
ringing  in  his  cars  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles  and 
had  their  tradition  before  his  eyes,  and  not  he  only, 
for  many  were  then  sur\'i\'ing  who  had  been  taught 
by  the  Apostles".  Similarly  Epiphanius  tells  us 
(from  Hegesippus)  that  Clement  was  a  contemporary 
of  Peter  and  Paul.  Now  Linus  and  Cletus  had  each 
twelve  years  attributed  to  them  in  the  list;.  If  Hip- 
polytus found  Cletus  doubled  by  an  error  (Cletus 


1  (Ideal) 


XII,  Anacletus  XII),  the  accession  of  Clement  would 
appear  to  be  thirty-si,x  years  after  the  death  of  the 
Apostles.  As  this  would  make  it  almost  impossible 
for  Clement  to  have  been  their  contemporary,  it  may 
have  caused  Hippolytus  to  shift  him  to  an  earlier 
Iiosition.  Further,  St.  Epiphanius  says  (loc.  cit.): 
"Whether  he  received  episcopal  ordination  from 
Peter  in  the  life-time  of  the  Apostles,  and  declined 
the  office,  for  he  says  in  one  of  his  epistles  'I  retire, 
I  depart,  let  the  people  of  God  be  in  peace',  (for  we 
have  found  this  set  down  in  certain  Memoirs),  or 
whether  he  was  aijpointed  by  the  Bishop  Cletus  after 
he  had  succeeded  the  Apostles,  we  do  not  clearly 
know."  The  "Memoirs"  were  certainly  tho.se  of 
Hegesippiis.  It  seems  unlikely  that  he  is  appealed 
to  only  for  the  quotation  from  the  Epistle,  c.  liv; 
probably  Epiphanius  means  that  Hegesippus  stated 
that  Clement  had  been  ordained  by  Peter  and  de- 
clined to  be  bisho]),  but  twenty-four  years  later 
really  exercised  the  office  for  nine  years.  Epiphanius 
could  not  reconcile  these  two  facts;  Hippolytus  seems 
to  have  rejected  the  latter. 

CiiTonoloqy. — The  date  intended  by  Hegesippus 
is  not  hard  to  restore.  Epiphanius  implies  that  he 
placed  the  martjTdom  of  the  Ajjostles  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  Nero.  Africanus  calculated  the  fourteenth 
year  (for  he  had  attributed  one  year  too  little  to  the 
reigns  of  Caligula  and  Claudius),  and  added  the  im- 
perial date  for  the  accession  of  each  I'ope;  but  hav- 
ing two  years  too  few  up  to  Anicetus  he  could  not 
get  the  intervals  to  tally  with  the  years  of  episcopate 
given  by  Hegesippus.  He  had  a  parallel  difficulty 
in  his  list  of  the  Alexandrian  bishops. 


Afri<-anus 

Hegeaippus 

(from 
Eusebius) 

Interval 

Real  tlatfs  a 

°- 

Linus 

1'' 

Nero  14  .  . 

....12 
12 

Nero  12  .  .  . 

Vesp.   10.  .  . 
Dom.  10.  .  . 

Clemens 

9 

Dom.  12.  . 

...(7) 

.  .90 

Euaristus  .... 

S 

Trajan  2  . 

.  .  (10) 

Trajan  2.  . . 

99 

.Alexander  .  .  . 

Id 

Trajan  12. 

....10 

Trajan  10.  .  . 

lo- 

Sixtu.s  

,111 

Hadrian  3 

. ..(9) 

Hadrian   1  .  . 

ll? 

.11 

Hadrian   1 

I.  .  (10) 

Hadrian  11.. 

127 

H.vginus 

.    4 

.\nton.  1. 

....   4 

.Ajiton.   1 . .  .  . 

VM 

Pius 

.l.S 

Anton.  5. 

15 

Anton.  5 

\A>. 

Anicetus 

.\nton.  20 

Anton.  20.  . . 

.157 

If  we  start,  as  Hegesippus  intended,  with  Nero  12 
(see  last  column),  the  sum  of  his  years  brings  us  right 
for  the  last  three  popes.  But  Africanus  has  started 
two  years  wrong,  and  in  order  to  get  right  at  Hyginus 
he  has  to  allow  one  year  too  little  to  each  of  the  pre- 
ceding popes,  Sixtus  and  Telesphorus.  But  there  is 
one  inharmonious  date,  Trajan  2,  which  gives  seven 
and  ten  years  to  Clement  and  Euaristus  instead  of 
nine  and  eight.  Evidently  he  felt  bound  to  insert  a 
traditional  date;  and  in  fact  we  see  that  Trajan  2 
was  the  date  intended  by  Hegesijipus.  Now  we 
know  that  Hegesippus  s]5oke  about  Clement's  ac- 
<]uaintance  with  the  Apostles,  and  said  nothing  about 
any  other  pope  until  Telesphorus,  "who  was  a  glo- 
rious martyr".  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  to  find 
that  .Vfricanus  had,  besides  the  lengths  of  episcopate, 
two  fixed  dates  from  Hegesippus,  those  of  the  death 
of  Clement  in  the  second  year  of  Trajan,  and  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Telesphorus  in  the  first  year  of  An- 
toninus Pius.  We  may  take  it,  therefore,  that  about 
160  the  death  of  St.  Clement  was  believed  to  have 
been  in  99. 

Identity. — Origen  identifies  Pope  Clement  with 
St.  Paul's  fellow-labourer,  Phil.,  iv,  3,  and  so  do 
Eu.sebius,  Epiphanius,  and  Jerome;  but  this  Clement 
was  probably  a  Philippian.  In  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  it  was  the  custom  to  identify  the 
pojie  with  the  consul  of  0."),  T.  Flavins  Clemens,  who 
was  martjTed  by  his  first  cousin,  the  Emperor  Domit- 
ian,  at  the  end  of  his  consulship.  But  the  ancients 
never  suggest  this,  and  the    pope   is   said   to   have 


CLEMENT 


14 


CLEMENT 


lived  on  till  the  reign  of  Trajan.  It  is  unlikely  that 
he  was  a  member  of  the  imperial  family.  The  con- 
tinual use  of  the  Old  Testament  in  his  Epistle  has 
suggested  to  Lightfoot,  Funk,  Nestle,  and  others  that 
he  was  of  Jewish  origin.  Probably  he  was  a  freed- 
man  or  son  of  a  freedman  of  the  emperor's  household, 
which  included  thousands  or  tens  of  thousands.  We 
know  that  there  were  Christians  in  the  household  of 
Nero  (Phil.,  iv,  22).  It  is  highly  probable  that  the 
bearers  of  Clement's  letter,  Claudius  Ephebus  and 
Valerius  Vito,  were  of  this  number,  for  the  names 
Claudius  and  Valerius  occur  with  great  frequency  in 
inscriptions  among  the  freedmen  of  the  Emperor 
Claudius  (and  his  two  predecessors  of  the  same  gens) 
and  his  wife  Valeria  Messalina.  The  two  messengers 
are  described  as  "faithful  and  prudent  men,  who 
have  walked  among  us  from  youth  unto  old  age 
unblameably";  thus  they  were  probably  already 
Christians  and  living  in  Rome  before  the  death  of 
the  Apostles  about  thirty  years  earlier.  The  Prefect 
of  Rome  during  Nero's  persecution  was  Titus  Flavins 
Sabinus,  elder  brother  of  the  Emperor  Vespasian, 
and  father  of  the  martyred  Clemens.  Flavia  Domi- 
tilla,  wife  of  the  MartjT,  was  a  granddaughter  of 
Vespasian,  and  niece  of  Titus  and  Domitian;  she 
may  have  died  a  martyr  to  the  rigours  of  her  banish- 
ment. The  catacomb  of  Domitilla  is  shown  by 
existing  inscriptions  to  have  been  founded  by  her. 
Whether  she  is  distinct  from  another  Flavia  Domi- 
tilla, who  is  styled  "Virgin  and  Martyr",  is  uncer- 
tain. (See  Flavia  Domitilla  and  Nereus  and 
AcHiLLEUs.)  The  consul  and  his  wife  had  two  sons, 
Vespasian  and  Domitian,  who  had  Quintilian  for 
their  tutor.  Of  their  life  nothing  is  known.  The 
elder  brother  of  the  martyr  Clemens  was  T.  Flavins 
Sabinus,  consul  in  82,  put  to  death  by  Domitian, 
whose  sister  he  had  married.  Pope  Clement  is  rei>- 
resented  as  his  son  in  the  Acts  of  Sts.  Nereus  and 
Achilleus,  but  this  would  make  him  too  young  to 
have  known  the  Apostles. 

Martyrdom. — Of  the  life  and  death  of  St.  Clement 
nothing  is  known.  The  apocryphal  Greek  Acts  of 
his  martyrdom  were  printed  by  Cotelier  in  his 
"Patres  Apost."  (1724,  I,  SOS:  reprinted  in  Migne, 
P.  G.,  II,  617;  best  edition  by  Funk,  "Patr.  Apost.", 
II,  28).  They  relate  how  he  converted  Theodora, 
wife  of  Sisinnius,  a  courtier  of  Nerva,  and  (after 
miracles)  Sisinnius  himself  and  four  hundred  and 
twenty-three  other  persons  of  rank.  Trajan  ban- 
ishes the  pope  to  the  Crimea,  where  he  slakes  the 
thirst  of  two  thousand  Christian  confessors  by  a 
miracle.  The  people  of  the  country  are  converted, 
seventy-five  churches  are  built.  Trajan,  in  conse- 
quence, orders  Clement  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea 
with  an  iron  anchor.  But  the  tide  every  year  recedes 
two  miles,  revealing  a  Divinely  built  shrine  which  con- 
tains the  martyr's  bones.  'This  story  is  not  older 
than  the  fourth  century.  It  is  known  to  Gregory 
of  Tours  in  the  sixth.  About  868  St.  Cyril,  when  in 
the  Crimea  on  the  way  to  evangelize  the  Chazars, 
dug  up  some  bones  in  a  mound  (not  in  a  tomb  under 
the  sea),  and  also  an  anchor.  These  were  believed 
to  be  the  relics  of  St.  Clement.  They  were  carried 
by  St.  Cyril  to  Rome,  and  deposited  by  Adrian  II 
with  those  of  St.  Ignatius  of  Antioch  in  the  high 
altar  of  the  basilica  of  St.  Clement  in  Rome.  The 
history  of  this  translation  is  evidently  quite  truthful, 
but  there  seems  to  have  been  no  tradition  with  regard 
to  the  mound,  which  .simply  looked  a  likely  place  to 
be  a  tomb.  The  anchor  appears  to  be  the  only  evi- 
dence of  identity,  but  we  cannot  gather  from  the 
account  that  it  belonged  to  the  scattered  bones. 
(See  Acta  SS.,  0  March,  II,  20.)  St.  Clement  is 
first  mentioned  as  a  martyr  by  Rufinus  (c.  400). 
Pope  Zozimus  in  a  letter  to  Africa  in  417  relates  the 
trial  and  partial  acquittal  of  the  heretic  Ca-lestius  in 
the  basilica  of  St.  Clement;  the  pope  had  chosen  this 


church  because  Clement  had  learned  the  Faith  from 
St.  Peter,  and  had  given  his  life  for  it  (Ep.  ii).  He 
is  also  called  a  martyr  by  the  writer  known  as  Pra-- 
destinatus  (c.  430)  and  by  the  Synod  of  Vaison  in 
442.  Modern  critics  think  it  possible  that  his  martyr- 
dom was  suggested  by  a  confusion  with  his  namesake, 
the  martyred  consul.  But  the  lack  of  tradition  that 
he  was  buried  in  Rome  is  in  favour  of  his  having 
died  in  exile. 

The  Basilica. — The  church  of  St.  Clement  at  Rome 
lies  in  the  valley  between  the  Esquiline  and  Coelian 
hills,  on  the  direct  road  from  the  Coliseum  to  the 
Lateran.  It  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Irish  Province 
of  Dominicans.  With  its  atrium,  its  choir  enclosed 
by  a  wall,  its  ambos,  it  is  the  most  perfect  model  of 
an  early  basilica  in  Rome,  though  it  was  built  as  late 
as  the  first  years  of  the  twelfth  century  by  Paschal 
II,  after  the  destruction  of  this  portion  of  the  city  by 
the  Normans  under  Robert  Guiscard.  Paschal  II 
followed  the  lines  of  an  earlier  church,  on  a  rather 
smaller  scale,  and  employed  some  of  its  materials 
and  fittings.  The  marble  wall  of  the  present  choir 
is  of  the  date  of  John  II  (533-5).  In  1858  the  older 
church  was  unearthed,  below  the  present  building, 
by  the  Prior,  Father  Mulooly.O.  P.  Still  lower  were 
found  chambers  of  imperial  date  and  walls  of  the 
Republican  period.  The  lower  church  was  built 
under  Constantine  (d.  337)  or  not  much  later.  St. 
Jerome  implies  that  it  was  not  new  in  his  time: 
"nominis  eius  [dementis]  memoriam  usque  hodie 
Romoe  exstructa  ecclesia  custodit"  (De  viris  illustr., 
xv).  It  is  mentioned  in  inscriptions  of  Damasus 
(d.  383)  and  Siricius  (d.  398).  De  Rossi  thought  the 
lowest  chambers  belonged  to  the  house  of  Clement, 
and  that  the  room  immediately  under  the  altar  was 
probably  the  original  niemoria  of  the  saint.  These 
chambers  communicate  with  a  shrine  of  Mithras, 
which  lies  beyond  the  apse  of  the  church,  on  the 
lowest  level.  De  Rossi  supposed  this  to  be  a  Chris- 
tian chapel  purposely  polluted  by  the  authorities 
during  the  last  persecution.  Lightfoot  has  suggested 
that  the  rooms  may  have  belonged  to  the  house  of 
T.  Flavins  Clemens  the  consul,  being  later  mistaken 
for  the  dwelling  of  the  pope;  but  this  seems  quite 
gratuitous.  In  the  sanctuary  of  Mithras  a  statue  of 
the  Good  Shepherd  was  found. 

II.  Pseudo-Clementine  Writings. — Many  writ- 
ings have  been  falsely  attributed  to  Pope  St.  Clem- 
ent I:  (1)  The  "Second  Clementine  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians",  discussed  under  III.  (2)  Two  "Epis- 
tles to  Virgins",  extant  in  Syriac  in  an  Amster- 
dam MS.  of  1470.  Tlie  Greek  originals  are  lost. 
Many  critics  have  believed  them  genuine,  for 
they  were  known  in  the  fourth  century  to  St. 
Epiphanius  (who  speaks  of  their  being  read  in  the 
Churches)  and  to  St.  Jerome.  But  it  is  now  ad- 
mitted on  all  hands  that  they  cannot  be  by  the  same 
author  as  the  genuine  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians. 
Some  writers,  as  Hefele  and  Westcott,  have  attributed 
them  to  the  second  half  of  the  second  century,  but 
the  third  is  more  probable  (Harnack,  Lightfoot). 
Ilarnack  thinks  the  two  letters  were  originally  one. 
They  were  first  edited  by  Wetstein,  1470,  with  Latin 
translation:  reprinted  by  Gallandi,  "Bibl.  vett. 
Patr.",  I,  and  Migne,  P.  G.,  I.  They  are  found  in 
Latin  only  in  Mansi,  "Concilia",  I,  and  Funk, 
"Patres  Apost.",  II.  See  Lightfoot,  "Clement  of 
Rome"  (London,  ISOO),  I;  Bardenhewer,  "Gesch. 
der  altkirchl.  Litt."  (Freiburg  un  Br.,  1002),  I; 
Harnack  in  "Sitzungsber.  der  k.  preuss.  Akad.  der 
Wiss."  (Beriin,  1891),  361  and  "Chronol."  (1904), 
II,  133.  (3)  At  the  head  of  the  Pseudo-Isidorian 
decretals  stand  five  letters  attributed  to  St.  Clement. 
The  first  is  the  letter  of  Clement  to  James  translated 
by  Rufinus  (see  III);  the  second  is  another  letter  to 
James,  found  in  many  MSS.  of  the  "Recognitions". 
The   other   three   are   the   work   of   Pseudo-Isidore. 


CLEMENT 


15 


CLEMENT 


(See  False  Decretals.)  (4)  Ascribed  to  Clement 
are  the  "Apostolical  Constitutions",  "Apostolic 
Canons",  and  the  "Testament  of  Our  Lord",  also  a 
Jacobite  Anaphora  (Renaudot,  Liturg.  Oriental. 
Coll.,  Paris,  1716,  II:  Migne.  P.  G.,  II).  For  other 
attributions  see  Harnack,  "Gesch.  der  altchr.  Lit.", 
1,777-80.  (5)  The  "  Clementines  "  or  Pseudo-Clem- 
entines, (q.  V.) 

III.  The  Epistle  to  the  Corinthi.\ns. — The 
Church  of  Corinth  had  been  led  by  a  few  \'iolent 
spirits  into  a  sedition  against  its  rulers.  No  appeal 
seems  to  have  been  made  to  Rome,  but  a  letter 
was  sent  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  Rome  by  St. 
Clement  to  restore  peace  and  imity.  He  begins 
by  explaining  that  his  delay  in  writing  has  been 
caused  by  the  sudden  calamities  which,  one  after 
another,  had  just  Vjeen  falling  ui>on  the  Roman 
Church.  The  reference  is  clearly  to  the  persecution 
of  Domitian.  The  former  high  reputation  of  the 
Corinthian  Church  is  recalled,  its  piety  and  hospi- 
tality, its  obedience  and  discipline.  Jealousy  had 
caused  the  di\'isions;  it  was  jealousy  that  led  Cain, 
Esau,  etc.,  into  sin,  it  was  jealousy  to  which  Peter 
and  Paul  and  multitudes  with  them  fell  victims.  The 
Corinthians  are  urged  to  repent  after  the  example  of 
the  Patriarchs,  and  to  he  humble  like  Christ  himself. 
Let  them  observe  order,  as  all  creation  does.  A 
curious  passage  on  the  Resurrection  is  somewhat  of 
an  interniption  in  the  sequence:  all  creation  proves 
the  Resurrection,  and  so  does  the  phcenix,  which 
every  five  hundred  years  consumes  itself,  that  its 
offspring  may  ari.se  out  of  its  ashes  (23-6).  Let  us, 
Clement  continues,  forsake  evil  and  approach  God 
with  purity,  clinging  to  His  blessing,  which  the 
Patriarchs  so  richly  obtained,  for  the  Lord  will 
quickly  come  with  His  rewards:  let  us  look  to  Jesus 
Christ,  our  High-Priest,  above  the  angels  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  Father  (36).  Discipline  and  subordina- 
tion are  necessary  as  in  an  array  and  in  the  human 
body,  while  arrogance  is  absurd,  for  man  is  nothing. 
The  Apostles  foresaw  feuds,  and  pro%'ided  for  a  suc- 
cession of  bishops  and  deacons:  such,  therefore,  can- 
not be  removed  at  pleasure.  The  just  have  always 
been  persecuted.  Read  St.  Paul's  first  epistle  to 
you,  how  he  condemns  party  spirit.  It  is  shocking 
that  a  few  should  disgrace  the  Church  of  Corinth. 
Let  us  beg  for  pardon:  nothing  is  more  beautiful 
than  charity;  it  was  shown  by  Christ  when  He  gave 
His  Flesh  for  our  flesh.  His  Soul  for  our  souls:  by 
li\'ing  in  this  love,  we  shall  be  in  the  number  of  the 
saved  through  Jesus  Christ,  by  Whom  is  glory  to 
God  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen  (58).  But  if  any 
disobey,  he  is  in  great  danger:  but  we  will  pray  that 
the  Creator  may  preserve  the  number  of  His  elect 
in  the  whole  world. — Here  follows  a  beautiful  Euchar- 
istic  prayer  (59-61).  The  conclusion  follows:  "We 
have  said  enough,  on  the  necessity  of  repentance, 
unity,  peace;  for  we  have  been  speaking  to  the  faith- 
ful, who  have  deeply  studied  the  Scriptures,  and  will 
understand  the  examples  pointed  out,  and  will  follow 
them.  We  shall  indeed  be  happy  if  you  obey.  We 
have  sent  two  venerable  messengers,  to  show  how 
great  is  our  anxiety  for  peace  among  you"  (62-4). 
"Finally  may  the  all-seeing  God  and  Master  of 
Spirits  and  Lord  of  all  flesh,  who  chose  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  and  us  through  Him  for  a  peculiar  peo- 
ple, grant  unto  every  soul  that  is  called  after  His 
excellent  and  holy  Name  faith,  fear,  peace,  patience, 
long-suffering,  temperance,  chastity,  and  soberness, 
that  they  may  be  well-pleasing  unto  His  Name 
through  our  High  Prie-st  and  Guardian,  Jesus  Christ, 
through  whom  unto  Him  be  glory  and  majesty, 
might  and  honour,  both  now  and  for  ever  and  ever. 
Amen.  Now  send  ye  back  speedily  unto  us  our 
messengers  Claudius  Ephebus  and  Valerius  Bito, 
together  with  Fortunatus  also,  in  peace  and  with 
joy,  to  the  end  that  they  may  the  more  quickly 


report  the  peace  and  concord  which  is  prayed  for 
and  earnestly  desired  by  us,  that  we  also  may  the 
more  speedily  rejoice  over  your  good  order.  The 
grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be  with  you  and  with 
all  men  in  all  places  who  have  been  called  by  God 
and  through  Him,  through  whom  is  glory  and  honour, 
power  and  greatness  and  eternal  dominion,  unto  Him, 
from  the  ages  past  and  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen." 
(64-5.) 

The  style  of  the  Epistle  is  earnest  and  simple, 
restrained  and  dignified,  and  sometimes  eloquent. 
The  Greek  is  correct,  though  not  classical.  The  quo- 
tations from  the  Old  Testament  are  long  and  numer- 
ous. The  version  of  the  Septuagint  used  by  Clement 
inclines  in  places  towards  that  which  appears  in  the 
New  Testament,  yet  presents  sufficient  evidence  of 
independence;  his  readings  are  often  with  A,  but 
are  less  often  opposed  to  B  than  are  those  in  the 
New  Testament;  occasionally  he  is  found  against 
the  Sejituagint  with  Theodotion  or  even  Aquila  (see 
H.  B.  Swete,  Introd.  to  the  O.  T.  in  Greek,  Cam- 
bridge, 1900).  The  New  Testament  he  never  quotes 
verbally.  Sayings  of  Christ  are  now  and  then  given, 
but  not  in  the  words  of  the  Gospels.  It  cannot  be 
proved,  therefore,  that  he  used  any  one  of  the  Synop- 
tic Gospels.  He  mentions  St.  Paul's  First  Epistle  to 
the  Corinthians,  and  appears  to  imply  a  second.  He 
knows  Romans  and  Titus,  and  apparently  cites  sev- 
eral other  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.  But  Hebrews  is 
most  often  employed  of  all  New  Testament  books. 
James,  probably,  and  I  Peter,  perhaps,  are  referred  to. 
(See  the  lists  of  citations  in  Funk  and  Lightfoot, 
Wcstcott  and  Zahn  on  the  Canon;  Introductions  to 
Holy  Scripture,  such  as  those  of  Comely,  Zahn,  etc., 
and  "The  New  Test,  in  the  Apost.  Fathers",  by  a 
Committee  of  the  Oxford  Society  of  Hist.  Theology, 
Oxford,  1906.)  The  tone  of  authority  with  which  the 
letter  speaks  is  noteworthy,  especially  in  the  later 
part  (56,  58,  etc.):  "But  if  certain  persons  should  be 
disobedient  unto  the  words  spoken  by  Him  through 
us,  let  them  understand  that  they  will  entangle  them- 
selves in  no  slight  transgression  and  danger;  but  we 
shall  be  guiltless  of  this  sin"  (59).  "It  may,  per- 
haps, seem  strange",  writes  Bishop  Lightfoot,  "to 
describe  this  noble  remonstrance  as  the  first  step 
towards  papal  domination.  And  yet  undoubtedly 
this  is  the  case."  (I,  70.) 

Doctrine. — There  is  little  intentional  dogmatic 
teaching  in  the  Epistle,  for  it  is  almost  wholly 
hortatory.  A  passage  on  the  Holy  Trinity  is  im- 
portant. Clement  uses  the  Old  Testament  affirma- 
tion "The  Lord  liveth",  substituting  the  Trinity 
thus:  "As  God  liveth,  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
liveth  and  the  Holy  Spirit, — the  faith  and  hope  of 
the  elect,  so  surely  he  that  performeth",  etc.  (58). 
Christ  is  frequently  represented  as  the  High-Priest, 
and  redemption  is  often  referred  to.  Clement  speaks 
strongly  of  justification  by  works.  His  words  on 
the  Christian  ministry  have  given  rise  to  much  dis- 
cussion (42  and  44):  "The  Apostles  received  the 
Gospel  for  us  from  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  Jesus 
Christ  was  sent  from  God.  So  then  Christ  is  from 
God,  and  the  Apostles  from  Christ.     Both  [missions] 

therefore  came  in  due  order  by  the  will  of  God 

So  preaching  everywhere  in  country  and  town,  they 
appointed  their  first-fruits,  having  proved  them  by 
the  Spirit,  to  be  bishops  and  deacons  for  those  who 
should  believe.  And  this  in  no  new  fashion,  for  it 
had  indeed  bean  written  from  very  ancient  times 
about  bishops  and  deacons:  for  thus  saith  the  Scrip- 
ture: 'I  will  appoint  their  bishops  in  justice  and  their 
deacons  in  faith'"  (a  strange  citation  of  Is.,  Ix,  17). 

"Andour  Apostles  knew  through  our  Lord  Jesus 

Christ  that  there  would  be  strife  over  the  name  of 
the  oflSce  of  bishop.  For  this  cause  therefore,  having 
received  complete  foreknowledge,  they  appointed  the 
aforesaid  persons,  and  afterwards  they  have  given  a 


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law,  so  that,  if  these  should  fall  asleep,  other  approved 
men  should  succeed  to  their  ministration."  Rothe, 
Michiels  (Origines  de  I'episcopat,  Louvain,  1900,  197), 
and  others  awkwardly  understand  "if  they,  the 
Apostles,  should  fall  asleep".  For  imvofiriv  SibuiKaaiv, 
which  the  Latin  renders  legem  dederunt,  Lightfoot 
reads  ivifdxivT]v  deduKacny,  "they  have  provided  a  con- 
tinuance". In  any  case  the  general  meaning  is  clear, 
that  the  Apostles  provided  for  a  lawful  succession 
of  ministers.  Presbyters  are  mentioned  several 
times,  but  are  not  distinguished  from  bishops. 
There  is  absolutely  no  mention  of  a  bishop  at  Cor- 
inth, and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  there  are 
always  spoken  of  in  the  plural.  R.  Sohm  thinks 
there  was  as  yet  no  bishop  at  Corinth  when  Clement 
wrote  (so  Michiels  and  many  other  Catholic  writers; 
Lightfoot  leaves  the  question  open),  but  that  a 
bishop  must  have  been  appointed  in  con.sequence  of 
the  letter:  he  thinks  that  Rome  was  the  origin  of 
all  ecclesiastical  institutions  and  laws  (Kirchenrecht, 
189).  Harnack  in  1897  (Chronol.,  I)  upheld  the 
paradox  that  the  Church  of  Rome  was  so  conserva- 
tive as  to  be  governed  by  presbyters  until  Anicetus; 
and  that  when  the  list  of  popes  was  composed,  c.  170, 
there  had  been  a  bishop  for  less  than  twenty  years; 
Clement  and  others  in  the  list  were  only  presbyters 
of  special  influence. 

The  liturgical  character  of  parts  of  the  Epistle  is 
elaborately  discussed  by  Lightfoot.  The  prayer  (59- 
61)  already  mentioned,  which  reminds  us  of  the 
Anaphora  of  early  liturgies,  cannot  be  regarded,  says 
Duchesne,  "as  a  reproduction  of  a  sacred  formulary, 
but  it  is  an  excellent  example  of  the  style  of  solemn 
prayer  in  which  the  ecclesiastical  leaders  of  that  time 
were  accustomed  to  express  themselves  at  meetings 
for  worship"  (Origines  du  culte  chret.,  3rd  ed.,  50; 
tr.,  50).  The  fine  passage  about  Creation,  32-.3,  is 
almost  in  the  style  of  a  Preface,  and  concludes  by 
introducing  the  Sanctus  by  the  usual  mention  of  the 
angelic  powers:  "Let  us  mark  the  whole  host  of  the 
angels,  how  they  stand  by  and  minister  unto  His 
Will.  For  the  Scripture  saith;  Ten  thousand  times 
ten  thousand  stood  by  Him,  and  thousands  of 
thousands  ministered  unto  Him ;  and  they  cried  aloud: 
Holy,  holy,  holy  is  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth;  all  creation 
is  full  of  His  glory.  Yea,  and  let  us  ourselves  then, 
being  gathered  together  in  concord  with  intentness  of 
heart,  cry  unto  Him.  .  ."  The  combination  of 
Daniel,  vii,  10,  with  Is.,  vi,  3,  may  be  from  a  liturgical 
formula.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  contem- 
jjorary  Apocalypse  of  St.  John  (iv,  8)  shows  the  four 
living  creatures,  representing  all  creation,  singing  the 
_  Sanctus  at  the  heavenly  Mass. 

The  historical  references  in  the  letter  are  deeply 
interesting:  "To  pass  from  the  examples  of  ancient 
days,  let  us  come  to  those  champions  who  lived  very 
near  to  our  time.  Let  us  set  before  us  the  noble 
examples  which  belong  to  our  generation.  By  reason 
of  jealousy  and  envy  the  greatest  and  most  righteous 
pillans  of  the  Church  were  persecuted,  and  contended 
even  until  death.  Let  us  set  before  our  eyes  the 
good  Apostles.  There  was  Peter,  who  by  reason  of 
unrighteous  jealousy  endured  not  one  or  two,  but 
many  labours,  and  thus  having  borne  his  testimony 
went  to  his  appointed  place  of  glory.  By  reason  of 
jealousy  and  strife  Paul  by  his  example  pointed  out 
the  prize  of  patient  endurance.  After  that  he  had 
been  .seven  times  in  bonds,  had  been  driven  into 
exile,  had  been  stoned,  had  preached  in  the  East 
and  in  the  \V(«t,  he  won  the  noble  renown  which 
was  the  reward  of  his  faith,  having  taught  righteous- 
ness unto  the  whole  world  and  having  reached  the 
farthest  bounds  of  the  West;  and  when  he  had  borne 
his  testimony  before  the  rulers,  so  he  dci^arted  from 
the  world  and  went  unto  the  holy  place,  having  been 
found  a  notable  pattern  of  patient  endurance"  (5). 
It  is  obvious  that  these  two  Apostles  are  mentioned 


because  they  suffered  at  Rome.  It  seems  that  St. 
Paul  went  to  Spain  as  he  intended  (Rom.,  xv,  28) 
and  as  is  declared  by  the  spurious  Acts  of  Peter  and 
by  the  Muratorian  fragment.  "L^nto  these  men  of 
holy  lives  was  gathered  a  vast  multitude  of  the  elect, 
who  through  many  indignities  and  tortures,  being  the 
victims  of  jealousy,  set  a  brave  example  among  our- 
selves. By  reason  of  jealousy  women  being  perse- 
cuted, after  that  they  had  suffered  cruel  and  unholy 
insults  as  Danaids  and  Dircte,  safely  reached  the 
goal  in  the  race  of  faith,  and  received  a  noble  reward, 
feeble  though  they  were  in  body"  (6).  The  "vast 
multitude"  both  of  men  and  women  "among  our- 
selves" at  Rome  refers  to  the  horrible  persecution  of 
Nero,  described  by  Tacitus,  "Ann.",  XV,  xliv.  It 
is  in  the  recent  past,  and  the  writer  continues:  "We 
are  in  the  same  lists,  and  the  same  contest  awaits 
us"  (7);  he  is  under  another  persecution,  that  of 
Domitian,  covertly  referred  to  as  a  series  of  "sudden 
and  repeated  calamities  and  reverses",  which  have 
prevented  the  letter  from  being  written  sooner.  The 
martyrdom  of  the  Consul  Clement  (probably  patron 
of  the  pope's  own  family)  and  the  e.xile  of  his  wife 
will  be  among  these  disasters. 

Date  and  Authenticity. — The  date  of  the  letter  is 
determined  by  these  notices  of  persecution.  It  is 
strange  that  even  a  few  good  scholars  (such  as 
Grotius,  Grabe,  Orsi,  Uhlhorn,  Hefele,  Wieseler) 
should  have  dated  it  soon  after  Nero.  It  is  now 
universally  acknowledged,  after  Lightfoot,  that  it  was 
written  about  the  last  year  of  Domitian  (Harnack) 
or  immediately  after  his  death  in  96  (Funk).  The 
Roman  Church  had  existed  several  decades,  for  the 
two  envoys  to  Corinth  had  lived  in  it  from  youth  to 
age.  The  Church  of  Corinth  is  called  dpxaia  (47). 
Bishops  and  deacons  have  succeeded  to  bishops  and 
deacons  appointed  by  the  Apostles  (44).  Yet  the 
time  of  the  Apostles  is  "quite  lately"  and  "our  own 
generation"  (5).  The  external  evidence  is  in  accord. 
The  dates  given  for  Clement's  episcopate  by  Hegesip- 
pus  are  apparently  90-99,  and  that  early  writer 
states  that  the  schism  at  Corinth  took  place  un- 
der Domitian  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  Ill,  xvi,  for 
Kara  rbv  STfKovixevon  is  meaningless  if  it  is  taken  to 
refer  to  Clement  and  not  to  Domitian;  'oesides,  the 
whole  of  Eusebius 's  account  of  that  emperor's  per- 
secution, III,  xvii-.xx,  is  founded  on  Hegesippus). 
St.  Irena;us  says  that  Clement  still  remembered  the 
Apostles,  and  so  did  many  others,  implying  an  inter- 
val of  many  years  after  their  death.  Volkmar  placed 
the  date  in  the  reign  of  Hadrian,  because  the  Book 
of  Judith  is  quoted,  which  he  declared  to  have  been 
written  in  that  reign.  He  was  followed  by  Baur, 
but  not  by  Hilgenfeld.  Such  a  date  is  manifestly 
impossible,  if  only  because  the  Epistle  of  Polycarp 
is  entirely  modelled  on  that  of  Clement  and  borrows 
from  it  freely.  It  is  possibly  employed  by  St.  Igna- 
tius, c.  107,  and  certainly  in  the  letter  of  the  Smyr- 
nseans  on  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Polj'carp,  c.  156. 

The  Epistle  is  in  the  name  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
but  the  early  authorities  always  ascribe  it  to  Clement. 
Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Corinth,  wrote  c.  170  to  the 
Romans  in  Pope  Soter's  time:  "To-day  we  kept  the 
holy  day,  the  Lord's  day,  and  on  it  we  read  your 
letter;  and  we  shall  ever  have  it  to  give  us  instruc- 
tion, even  as  the  former  one  written  through  Clement" 
(Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  IV,  xxx).  Hegesippus  at- 
tributed the  letter  to  Clement.  Irenaeus,  c.  180-5, 
perhaps  using  Hegesippus,  says:  "Under  this  Clement 
no  small  sedition  took  place  among  the  brethren  at 
Corinth,  and  the  Church  of  Rome  sent  a  most  suffi- 
cient letter  to  the  Corinthians,  establishing  them  in 
peace,  and  renewing  their  faith,  and  announcing  the 
tradition  it  had  recently  received  from  the  Apostles" 
(III,  iii).  Clement  of  Alexandria,  c.  200,  frequently 
quotes  the  Epistle  as  Clement's,  and  so  do  Origcn 
and  Eusebius.     Lightfoot  and  Harnack  are  fond  of 


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17 


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pointing  out  that  we  hear  carHer  of  the  importance 
of  the  Roman  Church  than  of  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  bishop.  If  Clement  had  spoken  in  his  own 
name,  they  would  surely  have  noted  expressly  that 
he  wrote  not  as  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  as  an  aged 
"presbyter"  who  had  known  the  Apostles.  St.  John 
indeed  was  still  alive,  and  Corinth  was  rather  nearer 
to  Ephesus  than  to  Rome.  Clement  evidently  writes  of- 
ficially, with  all  that  autliority  of  the  Roman  Church 
of  which  Ignatius  and  Irena?us  have  so  much  to  say. 
The  Second  Letter  to  the  Corinthians. — An  ancient 
homily  by  an  anonjTnous  author  has  come  down  to 
us  in  the  same  two  Greek  MSS.  as  the  Epistle  of 
Clement,  and  is  called  the  Second  Epistle  of  Clement 
to  the  Corinthians.  It  is  first  mentioned  by  Eusebius 
(Hist.  EccL,  III,  xxxvii),  who  considered  it  spurious, 
as  being  unknown  to  the  ancients;  he  is  followed 
(perhaps  not  independently)  by  Rufinus  and  Jerome. 
Its  inclusion  as  a  letter  of  Clement  in  the  Codex 
Alexandrinus  of  the  whole  Bible  in  the  fifth  century 
is  the  earliest  testimony  to  a  belief  in  its  authenticity; 
in  the  sixth  century  it  is  quoted  by  the  Monophysite 
leaders  Timothy  of  Alexanflria  and  Severus  of  Anti- 
och,  and  it  was  later  known  to  many  Greek  writers. 
This  witness  is  a  great  contrast  to  the  very  early 
veneration  paid  to  the  genuine  letter.  Hilgenfeld's 
theory  that  it  is  the  letter  of  Pope  Soter  to  the  Corin- 
thians, mentioned  by  Dionysius  in  the  fragment 
quoted  above,  was  accepted  by  many  critics,  until 
the  discovery  of  the  end  o{  the  work  by  Bryennios 
showed  that  it  was  not  a  letter  at  all,  but  a  homily. 
Still  Harnack  has  again  and  again  defended  this  view. 
An  apparent  reference  to  the  Isthmian  Games  in 
§7  suggests  that  the  homily  was  delivered  at  Corinth; 
but  this  would  be  in  character  if  it  was  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  Corinth.  Light  foot  and  others  think  it 
earlier  than  Marcion,  c.  140,  but  its  reference  to 
Gnostic  views  does  not  allow  us  to  place  it  much 
earlier.  The  matter  of  the  sermon  is  a  very  general 
exhortation,  and  there  is  no  definite  plan  or  sequence. 
Some  citations  from  unknown  Scriptures  are  inter- 
esting. 

The  editio  princeps  of  the  two  "Epistles  to  the 
Corinthians"  is  that  of  Patrick  Young,  1633  (2d  ed., 
1637),  from  the  famous  Codex  Alexandrinus  (A)  of 
the  whole  Bible  in  Greek.  A  number  of  editions 
followed  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
(enumerated  by  Funk,  Gebhardt,  and  Lightfoot). 
In  the  nineteenth  w-e  may  notice  those  of  C.  J.  Hefele 
(Tubingen,  1st  ed.,  1839),  Jacobson  (Oxford,  1st  ed., 
1840,  etc.),  Drcssel  (Leipzig,  1857),  in  the  editions  of 
the  Apostolic  Fathers  by  these  writers.  An  edition 
by  Bishop  J.  B.  Lightfoot  appeared  in  1869  (London 
and  Cambridge),  one  by  J.  C.  M.  Laurent  in  1870 
(Leipzig),  and  one  by  O.  von  Gebhardt  and  A.  Har- 
nack in  1875  (Leipzig).  All  these  editions  are  founded 
on  the  one  MS.,  which  gives  both  letters  incom- 
pletely, and  not  always  legibly.  On  its  doubtful 
readings  Tischendorf  wrote  in  1873  (dementis  Rom. 
Epistulip.  Leipzig),  and  he  gave  a  so-called  facsimile 
in  1867  (Appendix  codicum  celeberrimorum  Sinaitici 
et  Vaticani,  Leipzig).  A  photographic  reproduction 
of  the  whole  codex  was  published  at  the  British 
Museum  in  1879.  In  1875  the  complete  text  of  both 
Epistles  was  published  by  Bryennios  at  Constanti- 
nople, from  a  MS.  in  the  Patriarchal  library  of  that 
city.  It  was  used  in  Hilgenfeld's  "dementis  Romani 
Epistuls"  (2d  ed.,  Leipzig,  1876),  in  the  second 
edition  of  Gebhardt  and  Harnack  (1876).  In  Light- 
foot's  edition  of  1877  (London)  a  SjTiac  version  was 
also  used  for  the  first  time.  The  MS.  was  written  in 
1170,  and  is  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library. 
It  has  been  published  in  full  by  R.  L.  Bensley  and 
R.  H.  Kennctt,  "The  Epistles  of  St.  Clement  to  the 
Corinthians  in  Syriac  "  (London.  1899).  Dr.  Funk's 
"Opera  Patrum  Apostolicorum "  first  appeared  in 
1878-81  (Tubingen).  The  great  and  comprehensive 
IV.—  2 


posthumous  edition  of  Lightfoot 's  ' '  Clement  of  Rome  " 
(which  contains  a  photographic  facsimile  of  the 
Constantinople  MS.)  was  published  in  1890  (2  vols., 
London).  The  Greek  text  and  English  translation 
are  reprinted  by  Lightfoot,  "The  Apostolic  Fathers" 
(1  vol.,  London,  1891).  In  1878  Dom  Germain 
Morin  discovered  a  Latin  translation  of  the  genuine 
Epistle  in  an  eleventh-century  MS.  in  the  library  of 
the  Seminary  of  Namur  (Anecdota  Maredsolana,  2 
vols.,  "S.  dementis  ad  Corinthios  Epistulae  versio 
antiq\iissima",  Maredsous,  1894).  The  version  is 
attributed  to  the  second  century  by  Harnack  and 
others.  It  has  been  employed  to  correct  the  text 
in  Funk's  latest  edition  (1901),  and  by  R.  Knopf, 
"  Der  erste  Clemensbrief"  (in  "Tpxte  und  Unters.", 
New  Series,  Leipzig,  1899).  Besides  Lightfoot 's  excel- 
lent English  rendering,  there  is  a  translation  of  the 
two  Epistles  in  "  Ante-Nicene  Chr.  Lit.''  (Edinburgh, 
1873,  I). 

On  the  Epistle  in  general  the  completest  commentarr  is  that 
of  Lightfoot,  1S90;  Dr.  Funk's,  in  Latin,  will  be  found  most 
serv-iceahle.  See  also  Freppel,  Les  Peres  Apoetotiques  (Paris, 
1859;  4th  ed.,  1885);  Harnack,  Gesch.  der  allchrist.  Lit.  (Vol. 
I,  Leipzig.  1S93),  (Vol.  II,  Chronologic,  I,  1897);  Wrehe, 
Uniersuchungen  zum  ersten  Clemcnsbriefe  (1891);  Bhvll,  Der 
ersic  Brief  drs  Clemen.i  von  Horn  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1883). 
Detailed  references  to  other  writers  and  to  periodicals  will  be 
found  in  Bardenhewer.  Patrologie  (1894);  Idem,  Gesch.  der 
altkirchl.  Lilt.:  Chevalier,  Rip.  des  sources  hisl.,  Bio-Bibl.; 
Ehrhard,  Die  allchrist.  Litl.;  Richardson,  Bibliographical 
Synopsis  (Buffalo,  1887). 

On  the  order  and  chronology  of  the  first  popes,  the  earlier 
investigations  are  fruitless;  see  P.  L..  CXXVI-VII.  Modem 
re-search  begins  with  Mo.mmsen,  Ueber  den  Chronographen  vom 
Jahre  ;Wi,  in  Abhandlungen  k.  Sachs.  Gas.  der  Wiss.  (1850), 
I.  549.  and  the  unsatisfactory  works  of  Lipsius,  Die  Papslver- 
zeiehnissc  des  Eusebios  (Kiel,  1868),  Chronol.  der  rom.  Bi-schofe 
(Kiel,  1869).  The  next  most  important  work  is  Liber  Pontiji' 
calis,  ed.  Duchesne  (1st  part,  1884).  Lie htfoot's  long  ex- 
cursus in  Clement  of  Rome,  I.  was  epoch-making.  Since  then 
Harnack,  Chronol.,  I,  70-230;  Turner,  in  Journal  of  Th. 
Stud.,  Jan.,  1900;  Flamion,  in  Revut  d'hist.  cedes.  (Dec, 
1900);  Chapman,  in  Revue  Benedictine  (Oct.,  1901,  Jan.  and 
April.  1902). 

On  the  Church  of  St.  Clement  see  MuLOOLV,  Saint  Clemeni 
and  his  Basilica  at  Rome  (1st  ed..  Rome,  1869;  2d,  1873); 
De  Ro.ssi,  Bull,  di  arehrol.  crist.  (1863,  1864,  1865,  1867,  and 
1870);  Roller,  Saint  Clement  de  Rome  (Paris,  1873).  Shorter 
accounts  in  Grisar.  Gesch.  Roms  und  der  Pdpste  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1901);  Lightfoot  and  the  various  Roman  guide-books, 
Murray,  Baedeker,  Chandlery,  etc. 

John  Chapman. 

Clement  II,  Pope  (Suidger'),  date  of  birth  unkno^^-n; 
enthroned  25  December,  1046;  d.  9  October,  1047. 
In  the  autumn  of  1046  the  King  of  Ciermany,  Henry 
III,  crossed  the  Alps  at  the  head  of  a  large  army  and 
accompanied  by  a  brilliant  retinue  of  the  secular  and 
ecclesiastical  princes  of  the  empire,  for  the  tw'ofold 
purpose  of  receiving  the  imperial  cro^\-n  and  of  re- 
storing order  in  the  Italian  peninsula.  The  condi- 
tion of  Rome  in  particular  was  deplorable.  In  St. 
Peter's,  the  Lateran,  and  St.  Mary  Major's,  sat  three 
rival  claimants  to  the  papacy.  (See  Benedict  IX.) 
Two  of  them,  Benedict  IX  and  iSylvestcr  III,  repre- 
sented rival  factions  of  the  Roman  nobility.  The 
po.-iition  of  the  third,  Gregory  VI,  was  peculiar.  The 
reform  party,  in  order  to  free  the  city  from  the  in- 
tolerable yoke  of  the  House  of  Tusculum,  and  the 
Church  from  the  stigma  of  Benedict's  dissolute  life, 
had  stipulated  with  that  stripling  that  he  should  re- 
sign the  tiara  upon  receipt  of  a  certain  amount  of 
money.  That  this  heroic  measure  for  delivering  the 
Holy  See  from  destruction  was  simoniacal,  has  been 
doubted  by  many;  but  that  it  bore  the  outward 
aspect  of  simony  and  would  be  considered  a  flaw  in 
Ciregorj''s  title,  consequently  in  the  imperial  title 
Henrj'  was  seeking,  was  the  opinion  of  that  age. 

Strong  in  the  consciousness  of  his  good  intentions, 
Gregory  met  King  Henrj'  at  Piacenza,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  all  possible  honours.  It  was  decided 
that  he  should  summon  a  synod  to  meet  at  Sutri  near 
Rome,  at  which  the  entire  question  should  be  venti- 
lated. The  proceedings  of  the  Synod  of  Sutri,  20 
December,  are  well  summarized  by  Cardinal  Newman 


CLEMENT 


18 


CLEMENT 


m  his  "Essays  Critical  and  Historical"  (11,  262  sqq.). 
Of  the  three  papal  claimants,  Benedict  refused  to 
appear;  he  was  again  summoned  and  afterwards  pro- 
nounced deposed  at  Rome.  Sylvester  was  "  stripped 
of  his  sacerdotal  rank  and  shut  up  in  a  monastery". 
Gregory  showed  himself  to  be,  if  not  an  uliota,  at  least 
a  man  iJiira;  simplicitatis,  by  explaining  in  straight- 
forward speech  his  compact  with  Benedict,  and  he 
made  no  other  defence  than  liis  good  intentions,  and 
deposed  himself  (Watterich,  Vita;  Rom.  Pont.,  I,  76); 
an  act  by  some  interpreted  as  a  voluntary  resignation, 
by  others  (Hefele),  in  keeping  with  the  contemporary 
annals,  as  a  deposition  by  the  s>-nod.  The  Synod  of 
Sutri  adjourned  to  meet  again  in  Rome  23  and  24 
December.  Benedict,  failing  to  appear,  was  con- 
demned and  deposed  in  contumaciam,  and  the  papal 
chair  was  declared  vacant.  As  King  Henry  was  not 
yet  crowned  emperor,  he  had  no  canonical  right  to 
take  part  in  the  new  election;  but  the  Romans  had  no 
candidate  to  propose  and  begged  the  monarch  to  sug- 
gest a  worthy  subject. 

Henry's  first  choice,  the  powerful  Adalbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bremen,  positively  refused  to  accept  the 
burden  and  suggested  his  friend  Suidger,  Bishop  of 
Bamberg.  In  spite  of  the  latter's  protests,  the  king 
took  him  by  the  hand  and  presented  him  to  the  ac- 
claiming clergj- 
and  people  as 
their  spiritual 
chief.  Suid- 
ger's  reluc- 
tance was  final- 
ly overcome, 
though  he  in- 
sisted upon  re- 
taining  the 
bishopric  of 
liis  beloved  see. 
He  might  be 
pardoned  for 
fearing  that 
the  turbulent  Romans  would  ere  long  send  him  back  to 
Bamberg.  Moreover,  since  the  king  refused  to  give 
back  to  the  Roman  See  its  possessions  usurped  by  the 
nobles  and  the  Normans,  the  pope  was  forced  to  look 
to  his  German  bishopric  for  financial  support.  He 
was  enthroned  in  St.  Peter's  on  Christmas  Day  and 
took  the  name  of  Clement  II.  He  was  born  in  Saxony 
of  noble  parentage,  was  first  a  canon  in  Halberstadt, 
then  chaplain  at  the  court  of  King  Henry,  who  on  the 
death  of  Eberhard,  the  first  Bisliop  of  Bamberg,  ap- 
pointed liim  to  that  important  see.  He  was  a  man  of 
strictest  integritj-  and  se\-ere  morality.  His  first  pon- 
tifical act  was  to  place  the  imperial  crown  upon  liis 
benefactor  and  the  queen-consort,  Agnes  of  Aqui- 
taine.  The  new  emperor  received  from  the  Romans 
and  the  pope  the  title  and  diadem  of  a  Roman 
Patricius,  a  dignity  wliich,  since  the  tenth  century, 
owing  to  the  uncanonical  pretensions  of  the  Roman 
aristocracy,  was  commonly  supposed  to  give  the 
bearer  the  right  of  appointing  the  pope,  or,  more  ex- 
actly speaking,  of  indicating  the  person  to  be  chosen 
(Hefele).  Had  not  God  given  His  Church  the  in- 
alienable right  of  freedom  and  independence,  and 
sent  her  champions  determined  to  enforce  this  right, 
she  would  now  have  simply  exchanged  the  tyranny 
of  Roman  factions  for  the  more  serious  thraldom  to  a 
foreign  power.  The  fact  that  Henr}'  had  protected 
the  Roman  Church  and  rescued  her  from  her  enemies 

§ave  him  no  just  claim  to  become  her  lord  and  master, 
hort-sightod  refonners,  even  men  like  St.  Peter 
Damiani  (Opusc,  VI,  ,36)  who  saw  in  this  surrender 
of  the  freedom  of  papal  elections  to  the  arbitrary  will 
of  the  eiii))pi(ir  tlie  opening  of  a  new  era,  lived"  long 
enough  to  regret  the  mistake  that  was  made.  With 
due  recognition  of  the  prominent  part  taken  by  the 
Gennans  in  the  reformation  of  the  eleventh  century, 


S.4KCOPHAGU8   OF    CLEMENT    II 

(Cathedral  of  Bamberg) 


we  cannot  forget  that  neither  Henry  III  nor  his 
bishops  understood  the  importance  of  absolute  inde- 
pendence in  the  election  of  the  officers  of  the  Church. 
This  lesson  was  taught  them  by  Hildebrand,  the 
young  chaplain  of  Gregory  VI,  whom  they  took  to 
Germany  with  his  master,  only  to  return  with  St. 
Leo  IX  to  begin  his  immortal  career.  Henry  III, 
the  sworn  enemy  of  simony,  never  took  a  penny  from 
any  of  liis  appointees,  but  he  claimed  a  right  of  ap- 
pointment wliich  virtually  made  him  head  of  the 
Church  and  paved  the  way  for  intolerable  abuses 
under  liis  unworthy  successors. 

Clement  lost  no  time  in  beginning  the  work  of  re- 
form. At  a  great  synod  in  Rome,  January,  1047,  the 
buying  and  selling  of  things  spiritual  was  punished 
with  excommunication;  anyone  who  should  know- 
ingly accept  ordination  at  the  hands  of  a  prelate 
guilty  of  simony  was  ordered  to  do  canonical  penance 
for  forty  days.  A  dispute  for  precedence  between  the 
Sees  of  Ravenna,  Milan,  and  Aquileia  was  settled  in 
favour  of  Ravenna,  the  bishop  of  which  was,  in  the 
absence  of  the  emperor,  to  take  his  station  at  the 
pope's  right.  Clement  accompanied  the  emperor  in 
a  triumphal  progress  through  Southern  Italy  and 
placed  Benevento  under  an  interdict  for  refusing  to 
open  its  gates  to  them.  Proceeding  with  Henry  to 
Germany,  he  canonized  Wiborada,  a  nun  of  St.  Gall, 
martj-rcd  by  the  Huns  in  925.  On  his  way  back  to 
Rome  he  died  near  Pesaro.  That  he  was  poisoned  by 
the  partisans  of  Benedict  IX  is  a  mere  suspicion  with- 
out proof.  He  bequeathed  his  mortal  remains  to 
Bamberg,  in  the  great  cathedral  of  which  his  marble 
sarcophagus  is  to  be  seen  at  the  present  day.  He  is 
the  only  pope  buried  in  Germany.  Many  zealous  ec- 
clesiastics, notably  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  now  exerted 
themselves  to  reseat  in  the  papal  chair  Gregorj'  VI, 
whom,  together  with  his  chaplain,  Henry  held  in 
honourable  custody;  but  the  emperor  unceremoni- 
ously appointed  Pqppo,  Bishop  of  Brixen,  who  took 
the  name  of  Damasus  II.  (See  Gregory  VI;  Bene- 
dict IX.) 

Baroxius,  Annates  EccL,  ad  ann.  1046,  1047;  LAFlTEAn,  La 
vie  de  Clement  II  (Padua,  1752);  Will,  Die  Anfange  der  Res- 
tauration  der  Kirche  im  XI.  Jahrhundert  (Marburg.  1859); 
Vini-MJ^liti,  Clemens  II.  mArchiv  f.  kalhol.  KirchmreM  (ISSi), 
LI,  238;  Von  Reumont,  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  II, 
,339^4;  Art.atjd  de  Montor,  History  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs 
(New  York,  1S67):  Heinemann,  Der  Patriziat  d.  deutschen 
Kunige  (Halle.  1887);  Hefele,  Conciliengesch.,  IV.  706-14. 
James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  III,  Pope  (Paolo  Scolari),  date  of  birth 
unknown;  elected  19  December,  1187;  d.  27  March, 
1191.  During  the  short  space  (1181-1198)  which 
separated  the  glorious  pontificates  of  Alexander  III 
and  Innocent  HI,  no  less  than  five  pontiffs  occupied 
in  rapid  succession  the  papal  chair.  They  were  all 
veterans  trained  in  the  school  of  .\lexander,  and 
needed  only  their  earlier  youthful  vigour  and  length 
of  reign  to  gain  lasting  renown  in  an  age  of  great 
events.  Gregory  VIII,  after  a  pontificate  of  two 
months,  died  on  17  December,  1187,  at  Pisa,  whither 
he  had  gone  to  expedite  the  preparations  for  the 
recovery  of  Jerusalem;  he  was  succeeded  two  days 
later  by  the  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Palestrina,  Paolo 
Scolari,  a  Roman  by  birth.  The  choice  was  partic- 
ularly acceptable  to  the  Romans;  for  he  was  the 
first  native  of  their  city  w'ho  was  elevated  to  the 
papacy  since  their  rebellion  in  the  days  of  Arnold 
of  Brescia,  and  his  well-known  mildness  and  love 
of  peace  turned  their  thoughts  towards  a  recon- 
ciliation, more  necessary  to  them  than  to  the 
pope.  Overtures  led  to  the  conclusion  of  a  formal 
treaty,  by  which  the  papal  sovereignty  and  the  mu- 
nici)Kil  lilicrties  were  equally  secured;  and  in  the 
following;  I'lhrviary  Clement  made  his  entry  into  the 
city  amid  the  boundless  enthusiasm  of  a  population 
which  never  seemed  to  have  learned  the  art  of  living 
either  with  or  without  the  pope. 


CLEMENT 


19 


CLEMENT 


Seated  in  the  Lateran,  Pope  Clement  turned  his 
attention  to  the  gigantic  task  of  massing  the  forces 
of  Christendom  against  the  Saracens.  He  was  the 
organizer  of  the  Third  Crusade;  and  if  that  imposing 
expedition  produced  insignificant  results,  the  blame 
nowise  attaches  to  him.  He  dispatched  legates  to 
the  different  courts,  who  laboured  to  restore  harmony 
among  the  belligerent  monarchs  and  princes,  and  to 
divert  their  energy  towards  the  reconquest  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  Fired  by  the  example  of  the  Em- 
peror Barbarossa  and  of  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England,  a  countless  host  of  Christian  warriors  took 
the  road  which  led  them  to  Palestine  and  death.  At 
the  time  of  Clement's  death,  just  before  the  capture 
of  Acre,  the  prospects,  notwithstanding  the  drowning 
of  Barbarossa  and  the  return  of  Philip  Augustus,  still 
seemed  bright  enough. 

The  death  of  the  pope's  chief  vassal,  William  II  of 
Sicily,  precipitated  another  unfortunate  quarrel  be- 
tween the  Holy  See  and  the  Hohenstaufen.  Henry 
VI,  the  son  and  successor  of  Barbarossa,  claimed  the 
kingdom  by  right  of  his  wife  Costauza,  the  only  le- 
gitimate survivor  of  the  House  of  Roger.  The  pope, 
whose  independence  was  at  an  end,  if  the  empire 
and  the  Two  Sicilies  were  held  by  the  same  monarch, 
as  well  as  the  Italians  who  detested  the  rule  of  a  for- 
eigner, determined  upon  resistance,  and  when  the 
Sicilians  proclaimed  Tancred  of  Lecce,  a  brave  but 
illegitimate  scion  of  the  family  of  Roger,  as  king,  the 
pope  gave  him  the  investiture.  Henry  advanced  into 
Italy  with  a  strong  army  to  enforce  his  claim ;  an  op- 
portune death  reserved  the  continuation  of  the  con- 
test to  Clement's  successor,  Celestine  III.  By  a  wise 
moderation  Clement  succeeded  in  quieting  the  dis- 
turbances caused  by  contested  elections  in  the  Dio- 
ceses of  Trier  in  Germany  and  St.  Andrews  in  Scot- 
land. He  also  delivered  the  Scottish  Church  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Metropolitan  of  York  and  declared 
it  directly  subject  to  the  Holy  See.  Clement  canon- 
ized Otto  of  Bamberg,  the  Apostle  of  Pomerania  (d. 
1139),  and  Stephen  of  Thiers  in  Auvergne,  founder 
of  the  Hermits  of  Grammont  (d.  1124). 

Barosius,  Ann.  EccL.  ad  ann.  IISS;  Life  and  Letters  in 
Mansi,  XXII,  5-!3.  P.  L..  CCIV,  5;  Michaud,  Hist,  des  Croi- 
sades  (Brussels,  1841);  Conder,  The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem (London,  1897):  Artaud  de  Montor,  History  of  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York,  1867). 

James  F.  Lotjghlin. 

Clement  IV,  Pope  (Guido  Le  Gros),  b.  at  Sainf- 
Gilles  on  the  Rhone,  2.3  November,  year  unknown; 
elected  at  Perugia  5  February,  1265;  d.  at  Viterbo, 
29  November,  1268.  After  the  death  of  Urban  IV 
(2 October,  1264),  the  cardinals,  assembled  in  conclave 
at  Perugia,  discussed  for  four  months  the  momentous 
question  whether  the  Church  should 
continue  the  war  to  the  end  again.st 
the  House  of  Hohenstaufen  by  calling 
in  Charles  of  Anjou,  the  youngest 
brother  of  St.  Louis  of  France,  or  find 
some  other  means  of  securing  the  in- 
dej^endence  of  the  papacy.  No  other 
solution  offering  itself,  the  only  pos- 
sible course  was  to  unite  upon  the 
Cardinal-Bishop  of  Sabina,  by  birth  a 
Frenchman  and  a  subject  of  Charles. 
Guido  Le  Gros  was  of  noble  extraction.  When  his 
mother  died,  his  father,  the  knight  Foulquois,  entered 
a  Carthusian  monastery  where  he  ended  a  saintly 
life.  Guido  married,  and  for  a  short  time  wielded 
the  spear  and  the  sword.  Then  devoting  himself 
to  the  study  of  law  under  the  able  direction  of  the 
famous  Durandus,  he  gained  a  national  reputation  as 
an  advocate.  St.  Louis,  who  entertained  a  great  re- 
spect and  affection  for  him,  took  him  into  his  cabinet 
and  made  him  one  of  his  trusted  councillors.  His 
wife  died,  lea\nng  him  two  daughters,  where- 
upon  he   imitated    liis   father   to  the    extent  that 


he   gave    up   worldly   concerns   and   took  Holy  or> 
ders. 

His  rise  in  the  Church  was  rapid;  1256,  he  was 
Bishop  of  Puy;  1259,  Archbishop  of  Narbonne;  De- 
cember, 1261,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Sabina.  He  was 
the  first  cardinal  created  by  Urban  IV  (Eubel,  Hier- 
archia  Catholica,  7).  He  was  in  France,  returning 
from  an  imi)ortant  legation  to  England,  when  he  re- 
ceived an  urgent  message  from  the  cardinals  demand- 
ing his  immediate  presence  in  Perugia.  Not  until  he 
entered  the  conclave,  was  he  informed  that  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  Sacred  College  had  confided  into  his 
hands  the  destinies  of  the  Catholic  Church.  He  was 
astonished;  for  only  a  man  of  his  large  experience 
could  fully  realize  the  responsibility  of  him  whose 
judgment,  at  tliis  critical  juncture,  must  irrevocably 
shape  the  course  of  ItaUan  and  ecclesiastical  history 
for  centuries  to  come.  His  prayers  and  tears  failing 
to  move  the  carchnals,  he  reluctantly  accepted  the 
hea\-y  burden,  was  crowned  at  Viterbo,  22  February, 
and,  to  honour  the  saint  of  his  birthday,  assumed  the 
name  of  Clement  IV.  His  contemporaries  are  unani- 
mous and  enthusiastic  in  extolling  his  exemplary  piety 
and  rigorously  ascetic  life.  He  had  a  remarkable 
aversion  to  nepotism.  His  first  act  was  to  forbid  any 
of  his  relatives  to  come  to  the  CXiria,  or  to  attempt 
to  derive  any  sort  of  temporal  advantage  from  his 
elevation.  Suitors  for  the  hands  of  his  daughters 
were  admonished  that  their  prospective  brides  were 
"children  not  of  the  pope,  but  of  Guido  Grossus",  and 
that  their  dowers  should  be  extremely  modest.  The 
two  ladies  preferred  the  seclusion  of  the  convent. 

The  Neapolitan  question  occupied,  almost  exclu- 
sively, the  thoughts  of  Clement  IV  during  liis  short 
pontificate  of  3  years,  9  months,  and  25  days,  which, 
however,  witnessed  the  two  decisive  battles  of  Bene- 
vento  and  Taghacozzo  (1268),  and  the  execution  of 
Conradin.  The  negotiations  with  Charles  of  Anjou 
had  progressed  so  far  under  the  reign  of  Urban  IV 
that  it  is  <lifficult  to  see  how  the  pope  could  now  well 
draw  back,  even  were  he  so  inclined.  But  Clement 
had  no  intention  of  doing  so.  The  power  of  Man- 
fred and  the  insecurity  of  the  Holy  See  were  increas- 
ing daily.  Clement  had  already,  as  cardinal,  taken 
an  active  part  in  the  negotiations  with  Charles  and 
now  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  in  order  to  supply 
the  ambitious  but  needy  adventurer  mth  troops  and 
money.  Papal  legates  and  mendicant  friars  appeared 
upon  the  scene,  preaching  a  formal  crusade,  with  the 
amplest  indulgences  and  most  la\'ish  promises.  Sol- 
diers were  obtained  in  abundance  among  the  warlike 
chivalry  of  France;  the  great  difficulty  was  to  find 
money  with  which  to  equip  and  maintain  the  army. 
The  clergy  and  people  failed  to  detect  a  crusade  in 
what  they  deemed  a  personal  quarrel  of  the  pope,  a 
"war  hard  by  the  Lateran,  and  not  with  Saracens  nor 
with  Jews"  (Dante,  Inf.,  canto  xxviii);  though,  in 
reality,  Saracens,  implanted  in  Italy  by  Frederick  II, 
made  up  the  main  strength  of  Manfred's  army.  Al- 
though reduced  at  times  to  utter  destitution,  and 
forced  to  pledge  everj-thing  of  value  and  to  borrow  at 
exorbitant  rates,  the  pope  did  not  despair;  the  expe- 
dition arrived,  and  from  the  military  point  of  view 
acliieved  a  brilliant  success. 

Charles,  preceding  his  army,  came  to  Rome  by  sea, 
and  upon  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty,  by  which  the 
liberties  of  the  Church  and  the  overlordship  of  the 
Holy  See  seemed  to  be  most  firmly  secured,  he  re- 
ceived the  investiture  of  his  new  kingdom.  On  6  Jan- 
uary, 1266,  he  was  solemnly  crowned  in  St.  Peter's; 
not,  as  he  had  wished,  by  the  pope,  who  took  up  his 
residence  in  Viterbo  and  never  saw  Rome,  but  by 
cardinals  designated  for  the  purpose.  On  22  Febru- 
ary was  fought  the  battle  of  Benevento,  in  which 
Charles  was  completely  \dctorious;  Manfred  was 
fount!  among  the  slain.  Naples  opened  her  gates  and 
the   Angevin   dynasty   was   established.     Though   a 


CLEMENT 


20 


CLEMENT 


good  general,  Charles  had  many  weaknesses  of  char- 
acter tliat  made  hira  a  very  different  ruler  from  liis 
saintly  brother.  He  was  harsh,  cruel,  grasping,  and 
tyrannical.  Clement  was  kept  busy  reminding  him 
of  the  terms  of  liis  treaty,  reproving  liis  excesses  and 
those  of  liis  officials,  and  warning  him  that  he  was 
gaining  the  enmity  of  his  subjects.  Nevertheless, 
when,  a  little  later,  young  Conradin,  disregarding 
papal  censures  and  anathemas,  advanced  to  the  con- 
quest of  what  he  deemed  his  birtliright,  Clement  re- 
mained faithful  to  Charles  and  jirophesied  that  the 
gallant  youth,  received  by  the  Ghibelline  party  every- 
where, even  in  Rome,  with  unbounded  enthusiasm, 
"was  being  led  like  a  lamb  to  the  slaughter",  and 
that  "his  glory  would  vanish  like  smoke",  a  prophecy 
only  too  literally  fulfilled  when,  after  the  fatal  day  of 
Tagliacozzo  (23  August,  12G8),  Conradin  fell  into 
Charles'  merciless  hands  and  was  beheaded  (29  Octo- 
ber) on  the  market-place  of  Naples.  The  fable  that 
Pope  Clement  advised  the  execution  of  the  unfortu- 
nate prince  by  saying,  "The  tleath  or  life  of  Conradin 
means  the  life  or  death  of  Charles",  is  of  a  later  date, 
and  opjiosed  to  the  truth.  Even  the  statement  of 
Gregorovius  that  Clement  became  an  accomplice  by 
refusing  to  intercede  for  Conradin,  is  equally  ground- 
less; for  it  has  been  shown  conclusively,  not  only  that 
he  pleaded  for  his  life  and  besought  St.  Louis  to  add 
the  weight  of  his  influence  with  his  brother,  but, 
moreover,  that  he  sternly  reproved  Charles  for  his 
cruel  deed  when  it  was  jjerpetrated.  Clement  fol- 
lowed "the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen"  to  the  grave 
just  one  month  later,  lea\'ing  the  papacy  in  a  much 
better  condition  than  when  he  received  the  keys  of 
St.  Peter.  He  was  buried  in  the  church  of  the  Domin- 
icans at  Viterbo.  Owing  to  divergent  \dews  among 
the  cardinals,  the  papal  throne  remained  vacant  for 
nearly  three  years.  In  1268,  Clement  canonized  St. 
Hedwig  of  Poland  (d.  1243). 

Jordan,  Les  registres  de  Clement  IV  (Paris,  1893,  sqq.);  Life 
and  Letters  in  Mansi,  XIV,  325;  Heidemann,  Papst  Klemens 
IV.  (Munster,  1903,  pt.  I);  Hefele,  Concilieng.,yi,  1-265; 
Hergenrother-Kirsch,  Kirchengesch.,  4th  ed.  (Freiburg, 
1904),  II.  576;  Priest,  Hist,  de  la  Conquete  de  Naples  par 
Charles  d'.Anjou  (Paris,  1S41);  Brayda,  La  rispansabitita  di 
Clemente  IV  e  di  Carlo  X  d'Anjou  nella  morte  di  Corradino  di 
Soevia  (Naples.  1900). 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  V,  Pope  (Bertrand  de  Got),  b.  at  Vil- 
landraut  in  Gascony,  France,  1264;  d.  at  Roqucmaure, 
20  April,  1314.  He  was  elected,  5  June,  1305,  at  Peru- 
gia as  successor  to  Benedict  XI,  after  a  conclave  of  • 
eleven  months,  tlie  great  length  of  which  was  owing 
to  the  French  and  Italian  factions  among  the  cardi- 
nals. Ten  of  the  fifteen  (mostly 
Italian)  cardinals  voting  elected  him. 
Giovanni  Villani's  storv  (Hist.  Flor- 
ent.,  VIII,  80,  in  Mura'tori,  SS.  RR. 
Ital.,  XIII,  417;  of.  Raynald,  Ann. 
Eecl.,  1305,  2-4)  of  a  decisive  influ- 
ence of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  the  new 
pope's  secret  conference  with  and 
abject  concessions  to  that  king  in 
'^"TntV  "'''"'  *'"?  ^'""''^''  °f  Saint-Jean-d'Angely,  is 
quite  unliistorical;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  cardinals  were  willing  to  please  the  powerful 
French  king  whom  the  late  Benedict  XI  had  been 
obliged  to  placate  by  notable  concessions,  and  it  is 
not  improbable  that  .some  kind  of  a  mutual  under- 
standing was  reached  by  the  king  and  the  future 
pope.  As  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  Bertrand  de 
Got  was  actually  a  subject  of  the  King  of  England, 
but  from  early  youth  he  had  been  a  personal  friend 
of  Philip  the  Fair.  Nevertheless,  he  had  remained 
faithful  to  Boniface  VIII.  The  new  pope  came 
from  a  distinguished  family.  An  elder  brother 
had  been  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  and  died  (1297)  as 
(Jardinal-Bishop  of  Albano  and  papal  legate  in 
France.     Bertrand  studied  the  arts  at  Toulouse  and 


canon  and  civil  law  at  Orleans  and  Bologna.  He  had 
been  successively  canon  at  Bordeaux,  vicar-general 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons  (his  aforesaid  brother), 
papal  chaplain.  Bishop  of  Comminges  under  Boniface 
VIII,  and  eventually  Arclibishop  of  Bordeaux,  then 
a  difficult  office  because  of  the  persistent  conflict 
between  England  and  France  for  the  possession  of 
Normandy.  The  cardinals  besought  him  to  come  to 
Perugia  and  go  thence  to  Rome  for  his  coronation, 
but  he  ordered  them  to  repair  to  Lyons,  where  he  was 
crowned  (14  November,  1305)  in  presence  of  Philip 
the  Fair  and  with  great  pomp.  During  the  usual 
public  procession  the  pope  was  thrown  from  his  horse 
by  a  faUing  wall;  one  of  his  brothers  was  killed  on 
that  occasion,  also  the  aged  Cardinal  Matteo  Orsini 
who  had  taken  part  in  tweh'e  conclaves  and  seen 
thirteen  popes.  The  most  precious  jewel  in  the  papal 
tiara  (a  carbuncle)  was  lost  that  day,  an  incident 
prophetically  interpreted  by  German  and  Itahan 
historians,  and  the  next  day  another  brother  was 
slain  in  a  quarrel  between  servants  of  the  new  pope 
and  retainers  of  the  cardinals.  For  some  time  (1305- 
1309),  Pope  Clement  resided  at  different  places  in 
France  (Bordeaux,  Poitiers,  Toulouse),  but  finally 
took  up  his  residence  at  Avignon,  then  a  fief  of  Naples, 
though  within  the  County  of  Venaissin  that  since  1228 
acknowledged  the  pope  as  overlord  (in  1348  Clement 
VI  purchased  Avignon  for  80,000  gold  gulden  from 
Joanna  of  Naples).  Strong  affection  for  his  native 
France  and  an  equally  mfluential  fear  of  the  quasi- 
anarchical  conditions  of  Italy,  and  in  particular  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  and  the  city  of  Rome,  led  him  to 
tills  fateful  decision,  whereby  he  exposed  himself  to  the 
domination  of  a  civil  ruler  (Phihp  the  Fair),  whose  im- 
mediate aims  were  a  universal  French  monarchy  and  a 
solemn  humiUation  of  Pope  Boniface  VIII  in  return 
for  the  latter's  courageous  resistance  to  PhiUp's  cun- 
ning, violence,  and  usurpations  (Hergenrother). 

States  of  the  Church. — The  government  of  the 
States  of  the  Church  was  committed  by  Clement  to  a 
commission  of  three  cardinals,  while  at  Spoleto  his 
own  brother,  Amaud  Garsias  de  Got,  held  the  office 
of  papal  vicar.  Giacomo  degli  Stefaneschi,  a  senator 
and  popular  chief,  governed  within  the  city  in  a  loose 
and  personal  way.  Confusion  and  anarchy  were 
prevalent,  owing  to  the  implacable  mutual  hatred  of 
the  Colonna  and  Orsini,  the  traditional  turbulence  of 
the  Romans,  and  the  frecjuent  angry  conflicts  be- 
tween the  peo[>le  and  the  nobles,  conditions  which 
had  lieen  growing  worse  all  through  the  thirteenth 
century  and  had  eventually  driven  even  the  Italian 
popes  to  such  outside  strongholds  as  Viterbo,  Anagni, 
Orvieto,  and  Perugia.  No  more  graphic  illustration 
of  the  local  conditions  at  Rome  and  in  the  Patrimony 
of  Peter  could  be  asked  than  the  description  of 
Nicholas  of  Butrinto,  the  historiographer  of  Emperor 
Henry  VII,  on  his  fateful  Roman  expedition  of  1312 
[see  Von  Reumont,  Geschichte  der  Stadt  Rom,  Ber- 
lin, 1SG7,  II  (1),  743-65].  Among  the  untoward 
Roman  events  of  Pope  Clement's  reign  was  the  con- 
flagration 6  May,  1308,  that  destroyed  the  church  of 
St.  John  Lateran,  soon  rebuilt,  however,  by  the  Ro- 
mans with  the  aid  of  the  pope.  Clement  did  not 
hesitate  to  try  the  conclusions  of  war  with  the  Itahan 
state  of  Venice  that  had  imjustly  .seized  on  Ferrara, 
a  fief  of  the  Patrimony  of  Peter.  When  excommuni- 
cation, interdict,  and  a  general  prohibition  of  all 
commercial  intercourse  failed,  he  outlawed  the  Vene- 
tians, and  caused  a  crusade  to  be  preached  against 
them;  fuially  his  legate.  Cardinal  Pelagrue,  over- 
threw in  a  terrific  battle  the  haughty  aggressors  (28 
August,  1309).  The  papal  vicariate  of  Ferrara  was 
then  conferred  on  Robert  of  Naples,  whose  Catalon- 
ian  mercenaries,  however,  were  more  odious  to  the 
peojile  than  tlie  Venetian  usurpers.  In  any  case,  the 
smaller  powers  of  Italy  had  learned  that  they  could 
not  yet  strip  with  impunity  the  inheritance  of  the 


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Apostolic  See,  and  an  example  was  furnished  which 
the  greatest  soldier  of  the  papacy,  (iil  d'Albornoz 
(q.  v.),  would  better  before  the  century  was  over. 
Process  of  Boniface  VIII. — Almost  at  once  King 
Philip  demanded  from  the  new  pope  a  formal  con- 
demnation of  the  memory  of  Boniface  VIII;  only 
thus  could  the  royal  hate  be  placated.  The  king 
wished  the  name  of  Boniface  stricken  from  the  list  of 
popes  as  a  heretic,  his  bones  disinterred,  burned,  and 
the  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds.  This  odious  and 
disgraceful  step  Clement  sought  to  avert,  partly  by 
delay,  partly  by  new  favours  to  the  king;  he  renewed 
the  absolution  granted  the  king  by  Benedict  XI, 
created  nine  French  cardinals  out  of  a  group  of  ten, 
restored  to  the  Colonna  cardinals  their  places  in  the 
Sacred  College,  and  accorded  the  king  tithes  of  church 
property  for  five  years.  Finally,  ho  withdrew  the 
Bull  "Clericis  Laicos",  though  not  the  earlier  legisla- 
tion on  which  it  was  ba.sed,  and  declared  that  the 
doctrinal  Bull  "Unam  Sanctam"  affected  in  no  dis- 
advantageous manner  the  meritorious  French  king, 
and  implied  for  him  and  his  kingdom  no  greater 
degree  of  subjection  to  the  papal  see  than  formerly 
existed.  The  pope  was  also  helpful  to  Charles  of 
Valois,  the  king's  brother,  and  pretender  to  tlie  im- 
perial throne  of  Constantinople,  by  granting  him  a 
two  years'  tithe  of  church  revenues;  Clement  hoped 
that  a  crusade  operating  from  a  reconquered  Con- 
stantinople would  be  successful.  In  May,  1.307,  at 
Poitiers,  where  peace  was  made  between  England  and 
France,  Philip  again  insisted  on  a  canonical  process 
for  condemnation  of  the  memory  of  Boniface  VIII, 
as  a  heretic,  a  blasphemer,  an  immoral  priest,  etc. 
Eventually,  the  pope  made  answer  that  so  grave  a 
matter  could  not  be  settled  outside  of  a  general 
council,  and  the  king  for  a  while  seemed  satisfied  with 
this  solution.  Nevertheless,  he  returned  frequently 
and  urgently  to  liis  proposition.  It  was  in  vain  that 
the  pope  exhibited  a  willingness  to  sacrifice  the  Tem- 
plars (see  below);  the  merciless  king,  sure  of  his 
power,  pressed  for  the  opening  of  this  unique  trial, 
unheard  of  since  the  time  of  Pope  Formosus.  Clem- 
ent had  to  yield,  and  designated  2  February,  1309, 
as  the  date,  and  Avignon  as  the  place  for  the  trial  of 
his  dead  predecessor  on  the  shameful  charges  so  long 
colported  about  Europe  by  the  Colonna  cardinals 
and  their  faction.  In  the  document  (citation)  that 
called  (13  September,  1309)  for  the  witnesses,  Clement 
expressed  his  personal  conviction  of  the  innocence 
of  Boniface,  at  the  same  time  his  resolution  to  satisfy 
the  king.     Though  the  pope  had  soon  (2  February, 

1310)  to  protest  against  a  false  interpretation  of  his 
own  words,  tlie  process  was  really  begun  in  a  con- 
sistory of  16  March,  1310,  at  Avignon.  Much  delay 
followed,  on  one  side  and  the  other,  apropos  chiefly 
of  methods  of  procedure.  Early  in  1311,  witnesses 
were  examined  outside  of  Avignon,  in  France,  and  in 
Italy,  but  by  French  commissaries  and  mostly  on  the 
above-mentioned  charges  of  the  Colonna  (see  Bom- 
pace  VIII).  Finally,  in  February,  1311,  the  king 
wrote  to  Clement  abandoning  the  process  to  the 
future  council  (of  Vicnne)  or  to  the  pope's  own  action, 
and  promising  to  cause  the  withdrawal  of  the  charges; 
at  the  same  time  he  protested  that  his  intentions  had 
been  pure.  One  price  of  these  welcome  concessions 
was  a  formal  declaration  by  Pope  Clement  (27  April, 

1311)  of  the  king's  innocence  and  that  of  his  friends; 
these  representatives  of  France,  the  "Israel  of  the 
New  Alliance  ",  had  acted,  said  the  pope,  in  good  faith 
and  with  a  pure  zeal,  nor  should  they  fear  in  the 
future  any  canonical  detriment  from  the  events  of 
Anagni.  William  Nogaret  was  excepted,  but  on  his 
protestation  of  innocence,  and  at  the  intercession  of 
Philip,  a  penance  was  imposed  on  him  and  he  too 
received  absolution.  Only  those  who  detained  ec- 
clesiastical property  were  finally  excluded  from  par- 
don.    The  reUgious  zeal  of  Philip  was  again  acknowl- 


edged; all  papal  acts  detrimental  to  him  and  his 
kingdom  since  November,  1302,  were  rescinded;  the 
erasures  are  yet  visible  in  the  "Regeata"  of  Boniface 
VIII,  in  the  Vatican  Archives  (see  Tosti,  "Storia  di 
Bonifazio  VIII",  Rome,  18S6,  II,  343-44).  This 
painful  situation  was  closed  for  Clement  V  by  the 
Council  of  Vienne  (16  October,  1311),  most  of  whose 
members  were  personally  favourable  to  Boniface. 
It  is  not  certain  that  the  council  took  up  formally 
the  question  of  the  gviilt  or  innocence  of  Boniface.  In 
their  present  shape  the  official  Acts  of  the  council  are 
silent,  nor  do  all  contemporary  writers  mention  it  as  a 
fact.  It  is  true  that  Giovanni  ViUani  describes  Philip 
and  his  counsellors  as  urgent  for  the  condemnation  of 
Boniface  by  the  council,  but,  he  says,  the  memory 
of  the  pope  was  formally  purged  from  all  adverse 
charges  Ijy  three  cardinals  and  several  jurists;  more- 
over, three  Catalonian  knights  offered  to  defend  with 
their  swords  the  good  name  of  the  Gaetani  pope 
against  all  comers,  whereupon  the  king  yielded,  and 
demanded  only  that  he  be  declared  guiltless  of  any 
responsibility  for  the  turn  affairs  had  taken.  With 
the  death  of  his  personal  enemies,  opposition  to  Boni- 
face diminished,  and  liis  legitimacy  was  no  longer 
denied  even  in  France  (Balan,  "II  processo  di  Boni- 
fazio VIII",  Rome,  ISSl). 

Cleiient  V  AND  THE  Templars. — Since  the  final 
expulsion  (1291)  of  the  crusading  forces  from  the 
Holy  Land,  the  ecclesiastico-military  orders  in  Europe 
had  aroused  much  adverse  criticism,  partly  because 
to  their  jealousies  (Templars,  Hospitallers  or  Knights 
of  .St.  John,  Teutonic  Order)  was  attributed  the  humil- 
iating defeat,  partly  because  of  the  vast  wealth  they 
had  acquired  in  their  short  existence.  The  Templars 
(so-called  from  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  pauperes 
commilitotws  Christi  Templique  Solomonici,  i.  e.  poor 
fellow-soldiers  of  Christ  and  of  the  Temple  of  Solo- 
mon) were  the  richest.  Their  fortress-like  monas- 
teries, known  as  Temples,  arose  in  every  European 
land,  and  by  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 
sheltered  the  chief  banking-system  of  Europe;  the 
knights  were  trusted  by  popes  and  kings  and  by  per- 
sons of  wealth  because  of  their  uprightness,  the  good 
management  of  their  affairs,  and  their  solid  credit 
based  on  the  countless  estates  of  the  order  and  its 
widespread  financial  relations.  Already,  before  the 
accession  of  Pope  Clement,  their  status  was  growing 
perilous;  apart  from  the  envy  aroused  by  their  riches, 
accusations  of  pride,  exclusiveness,  usurpation  of 
episcopal  rights,  etc.  were  raised  against  them.  They 
had  resisted  several  attempts  to  unite  their  order 
with  the  Hospitallers,  and  while  it  is  no  longer  easy 
to  fix  the  degree  of  their  popularity  with  the  common 
people,  it  is  certain  that  in  many  quarters  of  Europe 
they  had  aroused  the  cupiility  of  princes  and  the 
jealousy  of  many  higher  ecclesiastics,  especially  in 
France;  without  the  co-operation  of  the  latter  they 
could  never  have  fallen  in  so  tragic  a  manner.  Their 
story  is  told  in  full  in  the  article  Templars;  hence,  to 
avoid  repetition,  it  will  suffice  to  mention  here  the 
principal  facts.  In  the  first  year  of  the  pontificate 
of  Clement  V  the  French  king  began  to  demand  from 
the  pope  the  sup|ir(!ssion  of  this  ecclesiastical  order 
and  to  set  afoot  a  campaign  of  violence  and  calumny 
such  as  had  so  far  succeeded  in  the  case  of  Boniface 
VIII.  If  the  pope,  as  was  naturally  to  be  feared, 
refused  finally  to  yield  in  the  matter  of  the  process 
against  his  predecessor's  memory,  he  would  surely 
be  glad  to  buy  relief  with  the  sacrifice  of  the  Tem- 
plars. Owing  to  the  weakness  and  irresolution  of 
Pope  Clement,  the  royal  plan  succeeded.  After  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  pope  (in  August,  1307)  to 
unite  the  Templars  and  the  Hospitallers,  he  yielded 
to  the  demands  of  King  Philip  and  ordered  an  inves- 
tigation of  the  order,  against  which  the  king  brought 
charges  of  heresy  (renunciation  of  Christ,  immorality, 
idolatry,  contempt  of  the  Mass,  denial  of  the  sacra- 


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22 


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ments,  etc.)-  PhUip,  however,  did  not  wait  for  the 
ordinary  operation  of  the  Inquisition,  but,  with  the 
aid  of  his  confessor,  Guillaume  de  Paris  (the  inquisitor 
of  France),  and  his  clever,  unscrupulous  jurists 
(Nogaret,  de  Plaisians,  Enguerrand  de  Marigny) 
struck  suddenly  at  the  whole  order,  12  October,  1307, 
by  the  arrest  at  Paris  of  Jacques  de  Molay,  the  Grand 
Commander,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  knights,  fol- 
lowed by  the  inquisitor's  mandate  to  arrest  all  other 
members  throughout  France,  and  by  royal  sequestra- 
tion of  the  property  of  the  order.  Public  opinion 
was  cunningly  and  successfully  forestalled  by  the 
aforesaid  jurists.  It  was  also  falsely  made  to  appear 
that  the  pope  approved,  or  was  consentingly  aware,  of 
the  royal  action,  while  the  co-operation  of  French 
inquisitors  and  bishops  put  the  seal  of  ecclesiastical 
approval  on  an  act  that  was  certainly  so  far  one  of 
gross  injustice. 

While  Philip  invited  the  other  princes  of  Europe 
to  follow  his  example,  Clement  V  protested  (27  Octo- 
ber) against  the  royal  usurp.ition  of  the  papal  au- 
thority, demanded  the  transfer  to  his  own  custody 
of  the  prisoners  and  their  property,  and  suspended 
the  inquisitional  authority  of  the  king's  ecclesiastic 
and  the  French  bishops.  Philip  made  an  apparent 
submission,  but  in  the  meantime  Clement  had  issued 
another  Bull  (22  November)  commanding  an  investi- 
gation of  the  anti-Templar  charges  in  all  European 
countries.  (It  may  be  said  at  once  that  the  results 
were  generally  favourable  to  the  order;  nowhere, 
given  the  lack  of  torture,  were  confessions  obtained 
like  those  secured  in  France.)  The  feeble  efforts  of 
Clement  to  obtain  for  the  order  strict  canonical 
justice  (he  was  himself  an  excellent  canonist)  were 
counteracted  by  the  new  Bull  that  dignified  and 
seemed  to  confirm  the  charges  of  the  French  king, 
neither  then  nor  later  supported  by  any  material 
evidence  or  documents  outside  of  his  own  suborned 
witnesses  and  the  confessions  of  the  prisoners,  ob- 
tained by  torture  or  by  other  dubious  methods  of 
their  jailers,  none  of  whom  dared  resist  the  well- 
known  will  of  Philip.  The  alleged  secret  Rule  of  the 
Templars,  authorizing  the  aforesaid  charges,  was 
never  produced.  In  the  meantime  William  Nogaret 
had  been  busy  defaming  Pope  Clement,  threatening 
him  with  charges  not  unlike  those  pending  against 
Boniface  VIII,  and  working  up  successfully  an  anti- 
Templar  public  opinion  against  the  next  meeting 
(May,  1308)  of  the  States-General.  In  July  of  that 
year  it  was  agreed  between  the  pope  and  the  king  that 
the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  order  itself  should  be 
separated  from  that  of  its  individual  (French)  mem- 
bers. The  former  was  reserved  to  a  general  council, 
soon  to  be  convoked  at  Vierme  in  Southern  France, 
and  to  prepare  evidence  for  which,  apart  from  the 
examinations  now  going  on  through  Europe,  and  a 
hearing  before  the  pope  of  seventy-two  members  of  the 
order  brought  from  the  prisons  of  Philip  (all  of  whom 
confessed  themselves  guilty  of  heresy  and  prayed  for 
absolution),  there  were  appointed  various  special 
commissions,  the  most  important  of  which  began  its 
sessions  at  Paris  in  August,  1309.  Its  members,  act- 
ing in  the  name  and  with  the  authority  of  the  pope, 
were  opposed  to  the  use  of  torture,  hence  before  them 
hundreds  of  knights  maintained  freely  the  innocence 
of  the  order,  while  many  of  those  who  had  formerly 
yielded  to  the  diocesan  inquisitors  now  retracted  their 
avowals  as  contrary  to  truth.  When  Nogaret  and  de 
Plaisians  saw  the  probable  outcome  of  the  hearings 
before  the  papal  commissions,  they  precipitated 
matters,  caused  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  (brother  of 
Enguerrand  de  Marigny)  to  call  a  provincial  council 
(Sens  was  then  mctmimlitan  of  Paris  and  seat  of  the 
local  inquisition  tribun.nl),  at  which  were  condemned, 
as  relapsed  heretics,  fifty-four  knights  who  had  re- 
cently withdrawn  before  the  papal  commissioners 
their  former  confessions  on  the  plea  that  they  had 


been  given  under  torture  and  were  quite  false.  That 
same  day  (12  May,  1310),  all  these  knights  were  pub- 
licly bm"ned  at  Paris  outside  the  Porte  St-Antoine. 
To  the  end  all  protested  their  innocence. 

There  could  no  longer  be  any  question  of  liberty  of 
defence;  the  papal  commission  at  Paris  suspended 
its  sessions  for  six  months,  and  when  it  met  again 
found  before  it  only  knights  who  had  confessed  the 
crimes  they  were  charged  with  and  had  been  recon- 
ciled by  the  local  inquisitors.  The  fate  of  the  Templars 
was  finally  sealed  at  the  Council  of  Vienne  (opened  16 
October,  1311).  The  majority  of  its  three  hundred 
members  were  opposed  to  the  abolition  of  the  order, 
believing  the  alleged  crimes  unprovcn,  but  the  king  was 
urgent,  appeared  in  person  at  the  council,  and  finally 
obtained  from  Clement  V  the  practical  execution  of  his 
will.  At  the  second  session  of  the  council,  in  presence 
of  the  king  and  his  three  sons,  was  read  the  Bull  "  Vox 
in  excelsis",  dated  22  March,  1312,  in  which  the  pope 
said  that  though  he  had  no  suflScient  reasons  for  a 
formal  condemnation  of  the  order,  nevertheless, 
because  of  the  common  weal,  the  hatred  borne  them 
by  the  King  of  France,  the  scandalous  nature  of  their 
trial,  and  the  probable  dilapidation  of  the  order's 
property  in  every  Christian  land,  he  suppressed  it  by 
virtue  of  his  .sovereign  power,  and  not  by  any  definitive 
sentence.  By  another  Bull  of  2  May  he  vested  in  the 
Hospitallers  the  title  to  the  property  of  the  sup- 
pressed order.  In  one  way  or  another,  however, 
Philip  managed  to  become  the  chief  legatee  of  its 
great  wealth  in  France.  As  to  the  Templars  them- 
selves, those  who  continued  to  maintain  their  con- 
fessions were  set  free;  those  who  withdrew  them 
were  considered  relapsed  heretics  and  were  dealt  with 
as  such  by  the  tribunals  of  the  Inquisition.  It  was 
only  in  1314  that  the  Grand  Master,  Jacques  de  Molay 
and  Geoffroy  de  Charnay,  Grand  Preceptor  of  Nor- 
mandy, reserved  to  the  judgment  of  the  pope,  were 
condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Thereupon 
they  proclaimed  the  falsity  of  their  confessions,  and 
accused  themselves  of  cowardice  in  betraying  their 
order  to  save  their  lives.  They  were  at  once  declared 
relapsed  heretics,  turned  over  to  the  secular  arm  by 
the  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  were  burned  that 
same  day  (18  March,  1314).  Of  Pope  Clement  it  may 
be  said  that  the  few  measures  of  equity  that  appear 
in  the  course  of  this  great  crime  were  owing  to  him ; 
imfortunately  his  sense  of  justice  and  his  respect  for 
the  law  were  counterbalanced  by  a  weak  and  vacil- 
lating character,  to  which  perhaps  his  feeble  and  un- 
certain health  contributed.  Some  think  he  was  con- 
vinced of  the  Templars'  guilt,  especially  after  so 
many  of  the  chief  members  had  admitted  it  to  him- 
self; they  explain  thus  his  recommendation  of  the 
use  of  torture,  also  his  toleration  of  the  king's  sup- 
pression of  all  proper  hberty  of  defence  on  the  part 
of  the  accused.  Others  believe  that  he  feared  for 
himself  the  fate  of  Boniface  VIII,  whose  cruel  enemy, 
William  Nogaret,  still  lived,  attorney-general  of 
Philip,  skilled  in  legal  violence,  and  emboldened  by  a 
long  career  of  successful  infamy.  His  strongest 
motive  was,  in  all  probability,  anxiety  to  save  the 
memory  of  Boniface  VIII  from  the  injustice  of  a 
formal  condemnation  which  the  malice  of  Nogaret 
and  the  cold  vindictiveness  of  Philip  would  have  in- 
sisted on,  had  not  the  rich  prey  of  the  Temple  been 
thrown  to  them;  to  stand  for  both  with  Apostolic 
courage  might  have  meant  intolerable  consequences, 
not  only  personal  indignities,  but  in  the  end  the 
graver  evil  of  schism  under  conditions  peculiarly  un- 
favourable for  the  papacy.  (See  Philip  the  Fair; 
Vienne,  Council  of;  Templars.) 

Clement  V  and  Emperor  Hexry  VII. — In  pur- 
suance of  the  vast  ambitions  of  the  French  monarchy 
(Pierre  Dubois,  "De  recuperatione  terrse  sanctse  ",  ed. 
Langlois,  Paris,  1891),  King  Philip  was  anxious  to  see 
his  brother  Charles  of  Valois  chosen  lung  of  Germany 


CLEMENT 


23 


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in  succession  to  the  murdered  Adolph  of  Nassaii, 
of  course  with  a  view  of  obtaining  later  the  imperial 
crown.  Pope  Clement  was  apparently  active  in 
favour  of  Philip's  plan;  at  the  same  time  he  made  it 
known  to  the  ecclesiastical  electors  that  the  selection 
of  Count  Henrj'  of  Lutzelburg.  brother  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Trier,  would  be  pleasing  to  him.  The  pope 
was  well  aware  that  further  extension  of  French  au- 
thority could  only  reduce  still  more  his  own  small 
measure  of  independence.  Though  elected,  6  Janu- 
ary, 1309,  as  Henrj'  VII,  and  soon  assured  of  the 
papal  agreement  to  his  imperial  consecration,  it  was 
only  in  1312  that  the  new  king  reached  Rome  and 
was  consecrated  emperor  in  the  church  of  St.  John 
Lateran  by  cardinals  specially  delegated  by  the  pope. 
Circumstances  forced  Henry  VII  to  side  with  the 
Italian  Ghibellines,  with  the  result  that  in  Rome 
itself  he  found  a  powerful  Guelph  party  in  possession 
of  St.  Peter's  and  the  greater  part  of  the  city,  actively 
supported  also  by  Kng  Robert  of  Naples.  The 
new  emperor,  after  the  humiliating  failure  of  his 
Italian  expedition,  undertook  to  compel  the  Angevin 
king  to  recognize  the  imperial  authority,  but  was 
crossed  by  the  papal  action  in  defence  of  King  Robert 
as  a  vassal  of  the  Roman  Church,  o\'erlord  of  tlie  Two 
Sicilies.  On  the  eve  of  a  new  ItaUan  campaign  in 
support  of  the  imperial  honour  and  rights  Henrj-  \'II 
died  suddenly  near  Siena,  24  August,  1313.  He  was 
the  last  hope  of  Dante  and  his  fellow-Ghibellines, 
for  whom  at  this  time  the  great  poet  drew  up  in  the 
"De  Monarcliia"  his  ideal  of  good  government  in 
Italy  through  the  restoration  of  the  earlier  strong 
empire  of  German  rulers,  in  whom  he  saw  the  ideal 
overlords  of  the  European  world,  and  even  of  the 
pope  as  a  temporal  prince. 

Clemext  V  AND  England. — Ambassadors  of  Ed- 
ward I  assisted  at  the  coronation  of  Clement  V.  At 
the  request  of  King  Edward,  the  pope  freed  him  from 
the  obligation  of  keeping  the  promises  added  to  the 
Charter  in  1297  and  1300,  though  the  king  afterwards 
took  little  or  no  advantage  of  the  papal  absolution. 
Moreover,  to  satisfy  the  king,  he  suspended  and 
called  to  the  papal  court  (1305)  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  Robert  of  Winchelsea,  who  had  pre- 
viously suffered  much  for  adhering  to  the  side  of  Boni- 
face VIII,  and  whom  Edward  I  was  now  pursuing 
T\ith  unproved  charges  of  treason.  (See  CLEnicis 
Laicos.)  It  was  only  in  1307,  after  the  accession  of 
Edward  II,  that  this  great  churchman,  at  the  royal 
request,  was  permitted  by  Clement  to  return  from 
Bordeaux  to  his  See  of  Canterburj',  whose  ancient 
right  to  crown  the  kings  of  England  he  successfully 
maintained.  Clement  excommunicated  (1.306)  Rob- 
ert Bruce  of  Scotland  for  his  share  in  the  murder  of 
the  Red  ComjTi,  and  he  deprived  of  their  sees  Bishops 
Lambarton  and  Wishart  for  their  part  in  the  subse- 
quent national  rising  of  the  Scots.  The  Lords  and 
Commons  at  the  Parliament  of  Carlisle  (1307)  exhibited 
a  strong  anti-papal  temper,  apropos,  among  other 
complaints,  of  the  granting  of  rich  Enghsh  benefices 
to  foreigners,  and  though  no  positive  action  followed, 
the  later  Statutes  of  Provisors  and  Praemunire  look 
back  to  this  event  as  indicative  of  English  temper. 
(See  Gasquet,  "The  Eve  of  the  Reformation",  essay 
on  "Mixed  Juri.sdjction",  and  for  other  items  of 
English  interest  the  "Regesta"  of  Clement  V,  and 
Bliss,  "Calendar  of  Ecclesiastical  Documents  relating 
to  England",  London,  1893  sqq..  Rolls  series.) 

Clement  V  and  the  Canon  Law. — He  completed 
the  medieval  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  by  the  publica- 
tion of  a  collection  of  papal  decretals  known  as  "  Clcm- 
entinse",  or  "Liber  Clementinanim".  sometimes 
"Liber  iSeptimus"  in  reference  to  the  "Liber  .Sext us" 
of  Boniface  VIII.  It  contains  decretals  of  the  latter 
pope,  of  Benedict  XI,  and  of  Clement  him.self.  To- 
gether wnth  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Vienne  it 
was  promulgated  (21  March,  1314)  at  the  papal  resi- 


dence of  Monteaux  near  Carpentras.  It  follows  the 
method  of  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX  and  the 
"Liber  Sextus"  of  Boniface  VIII,  i.  e.  five  books, 
vnth  subdivision  into  titles  and  chapters.  As  the  pope 
died  (20  April)  before  this  collection  had  been  gener- 
ally pubhshed,  its  authenticity  was  doubted  by  some, 
wherefore  John  XXII  promulgated  it  anew,  25  Octo- 
ber, 1317,  and  sent  it  to  the  University  of  Bologna  asa 
genuine  collection  of  papal  decretals  to  be  used  in  the 
courts  and  the  schools.  (Laurin,  "Introd.  in  corpus 
juris  canonici ",  Freiburg,  18S9;  cf.  Ehrle,  "Archiv  f. 
Litteratur  und  Kirchengesch.",  IV,  36  sqq.) 

Clement's  official  correspondence  is  found  in  the  nine  folio 
volumes  of  the  Regc.ita  Clemenlis  V  (Benedictine  ed.,  Rome, 
18S.5-92);Baluze,  Vita  paparum  Avmimensium  (Fans,  1693), 
I:  Raynald,  ^nn.  £cc/.,  ad  ann.  1303-13;  Hefble,  Concilien- 
gesch.{2d  ed.), VI, 393 sqq.;  Ehrle.  ArcAii'  /.  LUt.u.  Kirchengesch. 
(1887-89^:  Christophe,  Hi^t.  de  la  papautc  pendant  le  quator- 
zii-me  siecle  (Paris.  18.53).  I;Sotjchon,  Papslxvahlen  von  Bonifaz 
VIII.  bis  Urban  VI.  (1888);  Rabanis,  Clement  V  et  Philippe  le 
Bel  (Paris.  1858);  Boutaric,  La  France  sous  Philippe  le  Bel 
(Paris,  1861);  Renan.  Eludes  sut  la  politique  de  Philippe  le  Bel 
(Paris,  1899);  Wenck,  Clement  V.und  Heinrich  V//.  (1882); 
Lacoste.  Nourelles  Hudes  sur  Clement  V  (Paris,  1896);  Ber- 
CHON,  //!>(.  du  Pape  Cl.ment  V  (Bordeaux,  1898),  and  the  ex- 
haustive bibliography  in  Chevalier,  Bio-Bihl.  For  the  litera- 
ture of  the  Templars,  see  Templars.  It  will  suffice  to  men- 
tion here:  L-WOC.at,  Le  proccs  des  frbres  de  Vordre  du  Temple 
(Paris,  ISSS);  Schottmuller,  Der  Untergang  des  Templer-Or- 
dens  (18S7);  Gmelin,  ScAw/rf  oder  Unschuld  des  Templerordens 
(1893);  Ch.  Langlois,  HtsiotVe  de  France,  ed.  La visse  (Paris, 
1901),  III  (ii),  174-200;  Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition  (New 
York.  1887),  III,  238-334;  Delavillb  Le  Roclx,  La  suppres- 
sion des  Templiers  in  Revue  des  questions  historiques  (1890), 
XLVII,  29;  and  Grange,  The  Fall  of  the  Knights  of  The 
Temple  in  Dublin  Review  (1895),  329-46. 

Thomas  J.  Shahan. 

Clement  VI,  Pope  (Pierre  Roger),  b.  1291  in  the 
castle  of  Maumont,  department  of  Correze,  France, 
elected  pope,  7  May,  1342,  at  Avignon,  where  he  died 
6  December,  1352.  At  the  age  of  ten  he  entered  the 
Benedictine  monastery  of  La  Chaise-Dieu  (Haute- 
Loire),  where  he  made  his  religious 
profession.  After  devoting  some 
time  to  study  at  Paris,  he  gradu- 
ated as  doctor  and  became  professor 
in  that  city.  Subsequent  to  his  in- 
troduction to  Pope  John  XXII  by 
Cardinal  Pierre  Grouin  deMortemart, 
he  rapidly  rose  from  one  ecclesiasti- 
cal dignity  to  another.  At  first  prior  of 
Saint-Baudile  at  Ximes,  then  .\bbot  of 
Fecamp  in  Normandy,  he  became  Bish-  '^^^  ** 
op  of  Arras  and  Chancellor  of  France  in  1328,  was  pro- 
moted to  the  Archbishopric  of  Sens  in  1329,  and  to  that 
of  Rouen  the  following  year.  In  the  latter  city  a  pro- 
%'incial  council,  which  promulgated  several  disciplinary 
decrees,  was  held  under  his  presidency  in  1335.  He 
was  created  cardinal  (1338)  by  Benedict  XII,  whom 
he  succeeded  as  pontiff.  One  of  the  characteristic 
traits  of  his  policy  as  head  of  the  LTniversal  Church 
was  his  excessive  devotion  to  the  interests  of  France 
and  those  of  his  relatives.  His  French  sjTnpathies 
impeded  his  efforts  to  restore  and  maintain  peace  be- 
tween England  and  France,  although  his  mediation 
led  to  the  conclusion  of  a  short  general  truce  (Males- 
troit,  1343).  Most  of  the  twenty-five  cardinals  whom 
he  created  were  French,  and  twelve  of  them  were 
related  to  him.  The  King  of  France  wa-s  given  per- 
mission (1344)  to  Communicate  under  both  kinds. 
Clement  accepted  the  senatorial  dignity  offered  him 
as  "Knight  Roger"  by  a  Roman  delegation,  which 
numbered  Petrarch  as  one  of  its  members.  He  al.so 
granted  their  request  for  the  celebration  of  a  jubilee 
every  fifty,  instead  of  every  hunilred,  years  (Bull 
"  I'nigenitus",  1343),  but  declined  their  in\'itation  to 
return  to  Rome.  Greater  permanency  seemed  to  be 
assured  to  the  papal  residence  abroad  by  his  purchase 
of  the  sovereignty  of  .\vignon  for  80,000  florins  from 
Joanna  of  Naples  and  Provence  (9  Jtme,  1 348).  About 
the  same  time  he  also  declared  this  princess  innocent 
of  complicity  in  the  murder  of  her  husband.     The 


CLEMENT 


24 


CLEMENT 


pope's  success  in  Roman  affairs  is  evidenced  by  his 
confirmation  of  the  ephemeral  but  then  unavoidable 
rule  of  Cola  di  Rienzi  (20  May  to  15  Dec,  1347).  His 
later  condemnation  of  this  arrogant  tribune  was  large- 
ly instrimiental  in  bringing  about  his  fall  from  power. 
Shortly  after  these  events  the  jubilee  year  of  1350 
brought  an  extraordinarily  large  number  of  pilgrims 
to  the  Eternal  City.  In  his  attempt  to  strengthen 
the  Guelph  party  in  Italy  the  pope  met  with  failure, 
and  was  constrained  to  cede  the  city  of  Bologna  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Milan  for  a  period  of  twelve  years. 
Clement  took  up  with  ardour  the  long-standing 
conflict  between  the  Emperor  Louis  the  Bavarian  and 
the  papacy.  The  former  had  offended  the  religious 
feelings  of  many  of  his  adherents  by  arbitrarily 
annulling  the  marriage  of  Marguerite  Maultasch, 
heiress  of  Tyrol,  and  John  Henry,  Prince  of  Bohemia. 
The  popular  discontent  was  still  further  intensified 
when  the  emperor  authorized  his  own  son  to 
marry  the  same  princess.  Louis  consequently  was 
ready  to  make  the  greatest  concessions  to  the  pope. 
In  a  writing  of  September,  1343,  he  acknowledged  his 
unlawful  assumption  of  the  imperial  title,  declared  his 
willingness  to  annul  all  his  imperial  acts  and  to  sub- 
mit to  any  papal  penalty,  but  at  the  same  time  wished 
to  be  recognized  as  King  of  the  Romans.  Clement  de- 
manded as  further  conditions  that  no  law  should  be  en- 
acted in  the  empire  without  papal  sanction,  that  the 
binding-force  of  Louis's  promulgated  royal  decrees 
should  be  suspended  until  confirmation  by  the  Holy 
See,  that  he  should  depose  all  bishops  and  abbots 
named  by  himself,  and  waive  all  claim  to  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  Papal  States,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and 
Corsica.  Louis  submitted  the  pope's  demands  to  the 
consideration  of  the  German  princes,  at  a  time  when 
anti-papal  feeling  ran  very  high  in  Germany,  as  a 
result  of  the  separation  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Prague 
from  tlie  ecclesiastical  province  of  Mainz  (30  April, 
1344).  The  princes  declared  them  unacceptable,  but 
also  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  electing  a  new  king  in 
place  of  Louis,  whose  rule  had  been  so  disastrous  to 
the  empire.  The  pope  on  7  April,  1346,  deposed 
Henry  of  Virneburg,  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  an 
ardent  partisan  of  the  reigning  emperor,  and  named 
the  twenty-year-old  Gerlach  of  Nassau  to  the  see. 
On  13  April  of  the  same  year  he  launched  a  severe 
Bull  against  the  emperor,  in  wloich  he  requested  the 
electors  to  give  him  a  successor.  Charles  of  Luxem- 
burg, the  pope's  candidate  and  former  pupil,  was 
elected  King  of  Germany  (11  July,  1346),  by  his 
father,  John  of  Bohemia.'by  Rudolf  of  Saxony,  and 
thethree  ecclesiastical  electors.  Charles IV (1346-78) 
substantially  accepted  the  papal  demands,  but  his 
authority  was  not  immediately  recognized  through- 
out Germany.  The  coimtry  was  on  tTie  verge  of  ci\'il 
war,  when  Louis  the  Bavarian  suddenly  cUed  while 
engaged  in  a  boar-hunt  near  Munich  (1 1  October, 
1347).  The  opposition  of  Gunther  of  Schwarzburg 
(d.  14  June,  1349)  to  Charles  was  but  of  short  dura- 
tion. Left  without  a  protector,  through  the  death 
of  Louis,  William  of  Occam  and  the  schismatical  Friars 
Minor  now  made  their  submission  to  the  pope.  About 
1344  Clement  VI  granted  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Canary  Islands  to  the  Castilian  Prince  Louis  de  la 
Cerda,  on  condition  that  no  other  Christian  ruler  had 
acqiiired  any  right  to  their  possession.  The  new 
sovereigin,  who  was  accorded  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Fortunia,  agreed  to  introduce  Christianity  into  the 
islands  and  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Holy  See.  He  could 
not,  however,  take  effective  possession  of  the  terri- 
tory, which  was  not  iiermanently  converted  at  this 
time,  even  though  a  special  bishop  (the  Carmelite 
Bernard)  was  named  for  the  islands  in  1351.  The 
pope's  attempts  to  reunite  the  Greeks  and  Armenians 
with  the  Roman  Church  led  to  no  definite  results. 
The  East  desired  not  so  much  a  return  to  doctrinal 
unity  as  assistance  against  the  Turks.     A  crusade 


against  the  latter,  wliich  was  imdertaken  in  1344, 
ended  in  a  barren  truce. 

More  of  a  temporal  prince  than  an  ecclesiastical 
ruler,  Clement  was  munificent  to  profusion,  a  patron 
of  arts  anil  letters,  a  lover  of  good  cheer,  well-ap- 
pointed banquets,  and  brilliant  receptions,  to  which 
ladies  were  freely  admitted.  The  heavy  expenses 
necessitated  by  such  pomp  soon  exhausted  the  funds 
which  the  economy  of  Benedict  XII  had  provided  for 
his  successor.  To  open  up  new  sources  of  revenue, 
in  the  absence  of  the  ordinary  income  from  the  States 
of  the  Church,  fresh  taxes  were  imposed  and  an  ever- 
increasing  number  of  appointments  to  bishoprics  and 
benefices  was  reserved  to  the  pope.  Such  arbitrary 
proceedings  led  to  resistance  in  several  countries.  In 
1343  the  agents  of  two  cardinals,  whom  Clement  had 
appointed  to  offices  in  England,  were  driven  from  that 
coimtry.  Edward  III  vehemently  complained  of  the 
exactions  of  the  Avignon  Court,  and  in  1351  was  passed 
the  Statute  of  Provisors,  according  to  which  the  king 
reserved  the  right  of  presentation  in  all  cases  of  papal 
appointments  to  benefices.  The  memory  of  this  pope 
is  clouded  by  his  open  French  partisanship  and  by  the 
gross  nepotism  of  his  reign,  t'lement  VI  was  never- 
theless a  protector  of  the  oppressed  and  a  helper  of 
the  needy.  His  courage  and  charity  strikingly  ap- 
peared at  the  time  of  the  Great  Pestilence,  or  Black 
Death,  at  Avignon  (1348-49).  While  in  many  places, 
numerous  Jews  were  massacred  by  the  populace  as 
being  the  cause  of  the  pestilence,  Clement  issued 
Bulls  for  their  protection  and  afforded  them  a  refuge 
in  his  little  State.  He  canonized  St.  Ivo  of  Trdguier, 
Brittany  (d.  1303),  the  advocate  of  orphans  (June, 
1347),  condemned  the  Flagellants,  and  in  1351  cour- 
ageously defended  the  Mendicant  friars  against  he 
accusations  of  some  secular  prelates.  Several  sermons 
have  been  preserved  of  this  admittedly  learned  pope 
and  eloquent  speaker.  He  died  after  a  short  illness, 
and,  according  to  his  desire,  was  inferred  at  La  Chaise- 
Dieu.  In  1562  liis  grave  was  desecrated  and  his  re- 
mains burned  by  some  Huguenots. 

B.4LUZE.  VittB  Paparum  Avmion.  (Paris,  1693),  I,  243-322, 
829-925;  Christophe.  Hist,  de  la  papautr  pendant  le  XIV^  siccle 
(Paris.  1853) ;  Hofler,  Die  avignonensischen  Papsle  (Vienna, 
1871):  MiJSTZ,  L'argejit  et  le  luxe  d  la  cour  pemtif.  in  Rev.des 
quest.  /ji'5^(Paris.  1879) ,  v.  378 ;  Werunskt,  Exeerpta  ex  registris 
Ctementi^  VI  et  Innocentii  VI  (Innshruck,  1885);  Idem,  Gescft. 
Karls  IV.  (Innsbruck,  1880-92');  Desprez.  Lettres  closes  patentes 
et  curiales  des  pape.-,-  d'A  vi^noji  sf  mpporlnnt  d  la  France,  Clement 
VV  (Paris,  1901);  Bohmek,  /  .  < '.  .  •«  ofrmonKarum  (Stutt- 
gart. 1843,  1868),  I,  I\';  Im  :  .!  ..  '•I.mumenla  Vaticana  res 
gestas  Bohemicas  illustrnti'  .  1 .  1  '  irmentis  VI:  Gay,  Le 
Pape  Clement  VI  el  les  afjai,..  dO'uni  (Paris,  1904);  Kihsch, 
Die  Verwaltung  der  Annatcn  unttr  Ktemens  VI.  in  Romische 
Quartalschrift  (1902).  125-51;  Hefele-Knopfler,  Concilien- 
gesch.  (Freiburg,  1890).  VI,  663-75,  passim;  Pastor,  Gesch. 
der  Pctpste  (Freiburg,  1901\  T,  89-95,  passim,  tr.  Antrobus 
(London,  1891),  I.  S5~92;  fREionTf.N.  His(.  of  the  Papacy 
(London,  1892),  I.  44- tS;  Bf.hi.iihe.  Suppliques  de  Clement 
VI  (Paris,  1906) :  Tuevalier.  Bin-BihI.  (  Paris,  1905),  I,  954-55. 
Hergenrother-Kikscu,  Kirchcngc^ick.  (4th  ed.,  1904),  II, 
735-37. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Clement  VII,  Pope  (Giulio  de'  Medici),  b.  1478; 
d.  25  Septomlier,  1.534.  Giulio  de'  Medici  was  born 
a  few  months  after  the  death  of  his  father,  Giuliano, 
who  was  slain  at  Florence  in  the  dis- 
turbances which  followed  the  Pazzi 
conspiracy.  Although  his  parents  had 
not  been  properly  married,  they  had, 
it  was  alleged,  been  betrothed  per 
sponsalia  de  priBsenli,  and  Giidio,  in 
virtue  of  a  well-known  principle  of 
canon  law,  was  subsequently  de- 
clared legitimate.  The  youth  was 
educated  by  his  tmcle,  Lorenzo  the  Arms  or  Clem- 
Magnificent.     He  was  made  a  Knight  '^'""^ 

of  Rhodes  and  Grand  Prior  of  Capua,  and,  upon 
the  election  of  his  cousin  Giovanni  de'  Medici  to 
the  papacy  as  Leo  X,  he  at  once  became  a  person 
of   great    consequence.      On    23    September,    1513, 


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25 


CLEMENT 


he  was  made  cardinal,  and  he  had  the  rrrdit  of 
being  the  prime  mover  of  the  papal  policy  during  the 
whole  of  Leo's  pontificate.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
favoured  candidates  in  the  protracted  conclave  which 
resulted  in  the  election  of  Adrian  VI ;  neither  did  the 
Cardinal  de'  Medici,  in  spite  of  his  close  connexion 
with  the  luxurious  regime  of  Leo  X,  altogether  lose 
influence  imder  his  austere  successor,  (liulio,  in  the 
words  of  a  modem  historian,  was  "learned,  clever, 
respectable  and  industrious,  though  he  had  little  en- 
terprise and  less  decision''  (Armstrong,  Charles  V., 
I,  166).  .-yter  Adrian's  death  (14  September,  .1523) 
the  Cardinal  de'  Medici  was  eventually  chosen  pope, 
18  November,  1523,  and  his  election  was  hailed  at 
Rome  with  enthusiastic  rejoicing.  But  the  temper  of 
the  Roman  peojile  was  only  one  element  in  the  com- 
plex problem  which  Clement  VII  had  to  face.  The 
whole  political  and  religious  situation  was  one  of  ex- 
treme delicacy,  and  it  may  be  doubted  if  there  was 
one  man  in  ten  thousand  who  would  have  succeeded 
by  natural  tact  and  human  prudence  in  guiding  the 
Bark  of  Peter  through  such  tempestuous  waters. 
Clement  was  certainly  not  such  a  man.  He  had  un- 
fortunately been  brought  up  in  all  the  bad  traditions  of 
Italian  diplomacy,  and  over  and  above  this  a  certain 
fatal  irresolution  of  character  seemed  to  impel  him, 
when  any  decision  had  been  arrived  at,  to  hark  back 
upon  the  course  agreed  on  and  to  try  to  make  terms 
with  the  other  side. 

The  early  years  of  his  pontificate  were  occupied 
with  the  negotiations  which  culminated  in  the  League 
of  Cognac.  When  Clement  was  crowned,  Francis  I 
and  the  Emperor  Charles  V  were  at  war.  Charles 
had  supported  Clement's  candidature  and  hoped 
much  from  his  friendship  with  the  Medici,  but  barely 
a  year  liad  elapsed  after  his  election  before  the  new 
po|_)e  coiickKleti  a  secret  treaty  with  France.  The 
pitched  battle  which  was  fought  between  Francis  and 
the  imperial  commanders  at  Pavia  in  February,  1525, 
ending  in  the  defeat  and  captivity  of  the  French  king, 
put  into  Charles'  hands  the  means  of  avenging  him- 
self. Still  he  used  his  victory  with  moderation.  The 
terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Madrid  ( 14  January,  1526)  were 
not  really  extravagant,  but  Francis  seems  to  have 
signed  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  breaking  his 
promises,  though  confirmed  by  the  most  solemn  of 
oaths.  That  Clement,  instead  of  accepting  Charles' 
overtures,  should  have  made  himself  a  party  to  the 
French  king's  perfidy  and  should  have  organized  a 
league  with  France,  Venice,  and  Florence,  signed  at 
Cognac,  22  May,  1526,  must  certainly  have  been  re- 
garded by  the  emperor  as  almost  unpardonable  prov- 
ocation. No  doubt  Clement  was  moved  by  genuine 
patriotism  in  his  distrust  of  imperial  influence  in  Italy 
and  especially  by  anxiety  for  his  native  Florence, 
ivloreover,  he  chafed  imder  dictation  which  seemed  to 
him  to  threaten  the  freedom  of  the  Church.  But 
though  he  probably  feared  that  the  bonds  might  be 
drawn  tighter,  it  is  hard  to  see  that  he  had  at  that 
time  any  serious  ground  of  complaint.  We  cannot 
be  much  s\irprised  at  what  followed.  Charles'  en- 
voys, obtaining  no  satisfaction  from  the  pope,  allied 
themselves  with  the  disaff'ected  Colonna  who  had  been 
raiding  the  papal  territory.  These  last  pretended 
reconciliation  until  the  papal  commanders  were  lulled 
into  a  sense  of  security.  Then  the  Colonna  made  a 
sudden  attack  upon  Rome  and  shut  up  Clement  in  the 
Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  while  their  followers  phmdered 
the  Vatican  (20  September,  1526).  C'harles  dis- 
avowed the  action  of  the  Colonna  but  took  advantage 
of  the  situation  created  by  their  success.  A  period  of 
vacillation  followed.  At  one  time  Clement  concluded 
a  truce  with  the  emperor,  at  another  he  turned  again 
despairingly  to  the  League,  at  another,  under  the  en- 
couragement of  a  slight  success,  he  broke  off  negotia- 
tions with  the  imperial  representatives  and  resume<l 
active  hostilities,  and  then  again,  still  later,  he  signed 


a  truce  with  Charles  for  eight  months,  promising  the 
immediate  payment  of  an  indenmity  of  60,000  ducats. 
In  the  mean  time  the  German  mercenaries  in  the 
north  of  Italy  were  fast  being  reduced  to  the  last  ex- 
tremities for  lack  of  provisions  and  pay.  On  hearing 
of  the  indenmity  of  60,000  ducats  they  threatened 
mutiny,  and  the  imperial  commissioners  extracted 
from  the  pope  the  payment  of  100,000  ducats  instead 
of  the  sum  first  agreed  upon.  But  the  sacrifice  was 
ineffectual.  It  seems  probable  that  the  Lands- 
knechte,  a  very  large  proportion  of  whom  were  Lutli- 
erans,  had  really  got  completely  out  of  hand,  and  that 
they  practically  forced  the  Constable  Bourbon,  now 
in  supreme  command,  to  lead  them  against  Rome. 
On  the  5th  of  May  they  reached  the  walls,  which, 
owing  to  the  pope's  confidence  in  the  truce  he  had  con- 
cluded, were  almost  undefended.  Clement  had  barely 
time  to  take  refuge  in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  and 
for  eight  days  the  "Sack  of  Rome"  continued  amid 
horrors  almost  unexampled  in  the  history  of  war. 

"The  Lutherans", 

says  an  impartial 
authority,  "  re- 
joiced to  burn  and 
to  defile  what  all 
the  world  had 
adored.  Churches 
were  desecrated, 
women,  even  the 
religious,  violated, 
ambassadors  pil- 
laged, cardinals 
put  to  ransom, 
ecclesiastical  dig- 
nitaries and  cere- 
monies made  a 
mockerj',  and  the 
soldiers  fought 
among  themselves 
for  the  spoil"  Clement  VII— Sebastiano  del  Piombo 
(L  e  a  t  h  e  S  in  (Pinacoteca,   Parma) 

' '  C  a  m  I3 .    Mod. 

Ilistorj'",  II,  55).  It  seems  probable  that  Charles  V 
was  really  not  implicated  in  the  horrors  which  then 
took  place.  Still  he  had  no  objection  against  the 
pope  bearing  the  full  consequences  of  his  shifty  diplo- 
macy, and  he  allowed  him  to  remain  a  virtual  prisoner 
in  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  for  more  than  seven 
months.  Clement's  pliability  had  already  given 
offence  to  the  other  members  of  the  League,  and  his 
appeals  were  not  responded  to  very  warmly.  Be- 
sides this,  he  wao  sorely  in  need  of  the  imperial  sup- 
port both  to  make  head  against  the  Lutherans  in  Ger- 
many and  to  reinstate  the  Medici  in  the  government 
of  Florence  from  which  they  had  been  driven  out. 
The  conil)ined  effect  of  these  various  considerations 
and  of  the  failure  of  the  French  attempts  upon  Naples 
was  to  throw  Clement  into  tlie  rmpi-ror's  arms.  After 
a  sojourn  in  Orvieto  and  Viterbo,  ( 'lenient  returned  to 
Rome,  and  there,  before  the  end  of  July,  1529,  terms 
favourable  to  the  Holy  See  were  definitely  arranged 
with  Charles.  The  seal  was  set  upon  the  compact  by 
the  meeting  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope  at  Bologna, 
where,  on  24  February,  1530,  Charles  was  solemnly 
cromied.  By  whatever  motives  the  pontiff  was 
swayed,  this  settlement  certainly  had  the  effect  of 
restoring  to  Italy  a  much-needed  peace. 

Meanwhile  events,  the  momentous  consequence  of 
which  were  not  then  fully  foreseen,  had  been  taking 
place  in  England.  Henry  VIII,  tired  of  Queen  Cath- 
erine, by  whom  he  had  no  heir  to  the  throne,  but  only 
one  surviving  daughter,  Mary,  and  pa.ssionately 
enamoured  of  Anne  Boleyn,  had  made  known  to 
AVolsey  in  May,  1527,  that  he  wished  to  be  divorced. 
He  pretended  that  his  conscience  was  uneasy  at  the 
marriage  contracted  uniler  papal  dispensation  with 
his  brother's  widow.     As  his  first  act  was  to  solicit 


CLEMENT 


26 


CLEMENT 


from  the  Holy  See,  contingently  upon  the  granting  of 
the  divorce,  a  dispensation  from  the  impediment  of 
affinity  in  the  first  degree  (an  impediment  which 
stood  between  him  and  any  legal  marriage  with  Anne 
on  account  of  his  previous  carnal  intercourse  with 
Anne's  sister  Mary),  the  scruple  of  conscience  cannot 
have  been  very  sincere.  Moreover,  as  Queen  Cath- 
erine solemnly  swore  that  the  marriage  between  her- 
self and  Henry's  elder  brother  Arthur  had  never  been 
consummated,  there  had  consequently  never  been  any 
real  affinity  between  her  and  Henry  but  only  the  im- 
pedimentiim  publico;  honestatis.  The  king's  impa- 
tience, however,  was  such  that,  without  giving  his  full 
confidence  to  Wolsey,  he  sent  his  envoy.  Knight,  at 
once  to  Rome  to  treat  with  the  pope  about  getting  the 
marriage  annulled.  Knight  found  the  pope  a  pris- 
oner in  Sant'  Angelo  and  could  do  little  until  he  visited 
Clement,  after  his  escape,  at  Orvieto.  Clement  was 
anxious  to  gratify  Henry,  and  he  did  not  make  much 
difficulty  about  the  contingent  dispensation  from 
affinity,  judging,  no  doubt,  that,  as  it  would  only  take 
effect  when  the  marriage  with  Catherine  was  can- 
celled, it  was  of  no  practical  consequence.  On  being 
pressed,  however,  to  issue  a  commission  to  Wolsey  to 
try  the  divorce  case,  he  made  a  more  determined 
stand,  and  Cardinal  Pucci,  to  whom  was  submitted 
a  draft  instrument  for  the  purpose,  declared  that 
such  a  document  would  reflect  discredit  upon  all 
concerned.  A  second  mission  to  Rome  organized  by 
AVoIsey,  and  consisting  of  Gardiner  and  Foxe,  was  at 
first  not  much  more  successful.  A  commission  was 
indeed  granted  and  taken  back  to  England  by  Foxe, 
but  it  was  safeguarded  in  ways  which  rendered  it  prac- 
tically innocuous.  The  bullying  attitude  which  Gar- 
diner adopted  towards  the  pope  seems  to  have  passed 
all  limits  of  decency,  but  Wolsey,  fearful  of  losing  the 
royal  favour,  egged  him  on  to  new  exertions  and  im- 
plored him  to  obtain  at  any  cost  a  "decretal  commis- 
sion". This  wasaninstrument  which  decided  the  points 
of  law  beforehand,  secure  from  appearand  left  onlythe 
is,sue  of  fact  to  be  determined  in  England.  Against  this 
Clement  seems  honestly  to  have  striven,  but  he  at  last 
yielded  so  far  as  to  issue  a  secret  commission  to  Car- 
dinal Wolsey  and  Cardinal  Campeggio  jointly  to  try 
the  case  in  England.  The  commission  was  to  be 
shown  to  no  one,  and  was  never  to  leave  Campeggio's 
hands.  We  do  not  know  its  exact  tenns;  but  if  it  fol- 
lowed the  drafts  prepared  in  England  for  the  purpose, 
it  pronounced  that  the  Bull  of  dispensation  granted 
by  Julius  for  the  marriage  of  Henry  with  his  deceased 
brother's  wife  must  be  declared  obreptitious  and  con- 
sequently void,  if  the  commissioners  found  that  the 
motives  alleged  by  Julius  were  insufficient  and  con- 
trary to  the  facts.  For  example,  it  had  been  pre- 
tended that  the  dispensation  was  necessary  to  cement 
the  friendship  between  England  and  Spain,  also  that 
the  young  Henry  himself  desired  the  marriage,  etc. 

Campeggio  reached  England  by  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber, 1528,  but  the  proceedings  of  the  legatine  court 
were  at  once  brought  to  a  standstill  by  the  production 
of  a  second  dispensation  granted  by  Pope  Julius  in  the 
form  of  a  Brief.  This  had  a  double  importance.  Clem- 
ent's commission  empowered  Wolsey  and  Campeg- 
gio to  pronounce  upon  the  sufficiency  of  the  motives 
alleged  in  a  certain  specified  document,  viz.  the  Bull; 
but  the  Brief  was  not  contemplated  by,  and  lay  out- 
side, their  commission.  Moreover,  the  Brief  did  not 
limit  the  motives  for  granting  the  dispensation  to  cer- 
tain specified  allegations,  but  spoke  of  "aliis  causis 
animain  nostram  moventibus".  The  production  of 
the  Brief,  now  commonly  admitted  to  be  quite  authen- 
tic, though  the  king's  party  declared  it  a  forgery,  ar- 
rested the  proceedings  of  the  commission  for  eight 
months,  and  in  the  end,  under  pressure  from  Charles 
V,  to  whom  his  Aunt  Catherine  had  vehemently  ap- 
pealed for  support  as  well  as  to  the  pope,  the  cause 
was  revoked  to  Rome.     There  can  be  no  doubt  that 


Clement  showed  much  weakness  in  the  concessions  he 
had  made  to  the  English  demands;  but  it  must  also 
be  remembered,  first,  that  in  the  decision  of  this  point 
of  law,  the  technical  grounds  for  treating  the  dispen- 
sation as  obreptitious  were  in  themselves  serious  and, 
secondly,  that  in  committing  the  honour  of  the  Holy 
See  to  Campeggio's  keeping,  Clement  had  known  that 
he  had  to  do  with  a  man  of  exceptionally  high  prin- 
ciple. 

How  far  the  pope  was  influenced  by  Charles  V  in  his 
resistance,  it  is  difficult  to  say;  but  it  is  clear  that  his 
own  sense  of  justice  disposed  him  entirely  in  favour  of 
Queen  Catherine.  Henry  in  consequence  shifted  his 
ground,  and  showed  how  deep  was  the  rift  which 
separated  him  from  the  Holy  See,  by  now  urging  that 
a  marriage  with  a  deceased  husband's  brother  lay 
beyond  the  papal  powers  of  dispensation.  Clement 
retaliated  by  pronouncing  censure  against  those  who 
threatened  to  have  the  king's  divorce  suit  decided  by 
an  English  tribunal,  and  forbade  Henrj'  to  proceed  to 
a  new  marriage  before  a  decision  was  given  in  Rome. 
The  king  on  his  side  (1531)  extorted  a  vast  sum  of 
money  from  the  English  clergy  upon  the  pretext  that 
the  penalties  of  pra!munire  had  been  incurred  by  them 
through  their  recognition  of  the  papal  legate,  and  soon 
afterwards  he  prevailed  upon  Parliament  to  prohibit 
under  certain  conditions  the  payment  of  annates 
(q.  V.)  to  Rome.  Other  developments  followed.  The 
death  of  .Archbishop  Warham  (22  August,  1532) 
allowed  Henry  to  press  for  the  institution  of  Cranmer 
as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  through  the  inter- 
vention of  the  King  of  France  this  was  conceded,  the 
pallium  being  granted  to  him  by  Clement.  Almost 
immediately  after  his  consecration  Cranmer  proceeded 
to  pronounce  judgment  upon  the  divorce,  while  Henry 
had  previously  contracted  a  secret  marriage  with 
Anne  Boleyn,  which  marriage  Cranmer,  in  May,  1533, 
declared  to  be  valid.  Anne  Boleyn  was  consequently 
crowned  on  June  the  1st.  Meanwhile  the  Commons 
had  forbidden  all  appeals  to  Rome  and  enacted  the 
penalties  of  praemunire  against  all  who  introduced 
pajjal  Bulls  into  England.  It  was  only  then  that 
Clement  at  last  took  the  step  of  launchuig  a  sentence 
of  excommunication  against  the  king,  declaring  at  the 
same  time  Cranmer's  pretended  decree  of  divorce  to 
be  invalid  and  the  marriage  with  Anne  Boleyn  null 
and  void.  The  papal  nuncio  was  withdrawn  from 
England  and  diplomatic  relations  with  Rome  broken 
off.  Henrj'  appealed  from  the  pope  to  a  general  coun- 
cil, and  in  January,  1534,  the  Parliament  pressed  on 
further  legislation  abolishing  all  ecclesiastical  depend- 
ence on  Rome.  But  it  was  only  in  March,  1534,  that 
the  papal  tribunal  finally  pronounced  its  verdict  upon 
the  original  issue  raised  by  the  king  and  declared  the 
marriage  between  Henrj-  and  Catherine  to  be  unques- 
tionably valid.  Clement  has  been  much  blamed  for 
this  delay  and  for  his  various  concessions  in  the  mat- 
ter of  the  divorce;  indeed  he  has  been  accused  of  losing 
England  to  the  Catholic  Faith  on  account  of  the  en- 
couragement thus  given  to  Henry,  but  it  is  extremely 
doubtful  whether  a  firmer  attitude  would  have  had  a 
more  beneficial  result.  The  king  was  determined  to 
effect  his  purpose,  and  Clement  had  sufficient  princi- 
ple not  to  yield  the  one  vital  point  upon  which  all 
turned. 

With  regard  to  Germany,  though  Clement  never 
broke  away  from  his  friendship  with  Charles  V, 
wliich  was  cemented  by  the  coronation  at  Bologna 
in  1530,  he  never  lent  to  the  emperor  that  cordial 
co-operation  which  could  alone  have  coped  with 
a  situation  the  extreme  difficulty  and  danger  of 
which  Clement  probably  never  understood.  In  par- 
ticular, the  pope  seems  to  have  had  a  horror  of  the 
idea  of  convoking  a  general  council,  foreseeing,  no 
doubt,  grave  difficulties  with  France  in  any  such  at- 
tempt. Things  were  not  improved  when  Henry, 
through  his  envoy  Bonner,  who  found  Clement  visits- 


CLEMENT 


27 


CLEMENT 


ing  the  French  king  at  Marseilles,  lodged  his  appeal  to 
a  future  general  council  on  the  divorce  question. 

In  the  more  ecclesiastical  aspects  of  his  pontificate 
Clement  was  free  from  reproach.  Two  Franciscan 
reforms,  that  of  the  Capuchins  and  that  of  the  Recol- 
lects, found  in  him  a  sufficiently  sympathetic  patron. 
He  was  genuinely  in  earnest  over  the  crusade  against 
the  Turks,  and  he  gave  much  encouragement  to  foreign 
missions.  As  a  patron  of  art,  he  was  much  hampered 
by  the  sack  of  Rome  and  the  other  disastrous  events 
of  his  pontificate.  But  he  was  keenly  interested  in 
such  matters,  and  according  to  Benvenuto  Cellini  he 
had  excellent  taste.  By  the  commission  given  to  the 
last-named  artist  for  the  famous  cope-clasp  of  which 
we  hear  so  much  in  the  autobiography,  he  became  the 
founder  of  Benvenuto's  fortunes.  (See  Cellini, 
Benvenuto.)  Clement  also  continued  to  be  the 
patron  of  Rajjliael  and  of  Michelangelo,  whose  great 
fresco  of  the  Last  Judgment  in  the  Sistine  Chapel  was 
undertaken  by  his  orders. 

In  their  verdict  upon  the  character  of  Pope  Clement 
VII  almost  all  historians  are  agreed.  He  was  an 
Itahan  prince,  a  de'  Medici,  and  a  diplomat  first,  and 
a  spiritual  ruler  afterwards.  His  intelligence  was  of  a 
high  order,  though  his  diplomacy  was  feeble  and  irres- 
olute. On  the  other  hand,  his  private  life  was  free 
from  reproach,  and  he  had  many  excellent  impulses, 
but  despite  good  intention,  all  qualities  of  heroism 
and  greatness  must  emphatipally  be  denied  him. 

Pastor,  Geschichle  der  Papste  (Freiburg.  1907),  IV  pt.  11; 
FR.tiKEN,  NoTicialures  de  Clement  VII  (Paris,  1906—);  Idem  in 
Melanges  de  Vecole  francaisc  de  Rome  (1906);  G.\irdner,  The 
English  Church  in  thr  Sixteenth  Century  (London.  1902);  Idem. 
Xew  Light  on  the  Divorce  of  Henry  VIII  in  English  Histor. 
Rev.  (1896-1897);  Ehses,  Rumische  Dokumente  zur  Geschichle 
der  EhescJieidung Heinrichs  I'///.(Paderbom,  1893);  Thur.ston. 
The  Canon  Law  of  the  Divorce  in  Eng.  Hisfor.  Rev.  (Oct.,  190t); 
.4m.  Cath.  Quart,  (.\pril,  1906);  Hemmer  in  Dict.dc  thcol.  cath., 
in  which  and  in  Pastor  a  fuller  bibliography  will  be  found. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Clement  VIII,  Pope  (Ippolito  Aldobrandini),  b. 
at  Fano,  March,  1536.  of  a  distinguished  Florentine 
family;  d.  at  Rome,  5  March,  1605.  He  was  elected 
pope  30  Januarj',  1.592,  after  a  stormy  conclave 
graphically  described  by  Ranke  (Geschichte  der 
roinischen  Papste,  9th  ed.,  II,  1.50 
sqq.).  In  liis  youth  he  made  excel- 
lent progress  in  jurisprudence  under 
the  direction  of  his  father,  an  able 
jurist.  Through  the  stages  of  con- 
sistorial  advocate,  auditor  of  the 
Rota  and  the  Datarj',  he  was  ad- 
vanced in  1585  to  the  dignity  of 
Cardinal-Priest  of  the  Title  of  St. 
Pancratius  and  was  made  grand  peni- 
tentiary. He  won  the  friendship  of 
the  Hapsbiirgs  by  his  successful 
efforts,  during  a  legation  to  Poland,  to  obtain  the 
release  of  the  imprisoned  Arcliduke  Maximilian,  the 
defeated  claimant  to  the  Polish  throne.  During  the 
conclave  of  1592  he  was  the  unwilling  candidate  of  the 
compact  minority  of  cardinals  who  were  determined 
to  deliver  the  Holy  See  from  the  prepotency  of 
Philip  II  of  Spain.  His  election  was  greeted  with 
boundless  enthusiasm  by  the  Italians  and  by  all 
who  knew  his  character.  He  possessed  all  the  quah- 
fications  needed  in  the  Vicar  of  Christ.  Blameless  in 
morals  from  childhood,  he  had  at  an  early  period 
placed  himself  under  the  direction  of  St.  Philip  Neri, 
who  for  thirty  years  was  his  confessor.  Upon 
Clement's  elevation  to  the  papacy,  the  aged  saint 
gave  over  this  important  office  to  Baronius,  whom 
the  pope,  notwithstanding  his  reluctance,  created  a 
cardinal,  and  to  whom  he  made  his  confession  ever}' 
evening.  The  fervour  wnth  which  he  said  his  daily 
Mass  filled  all  present  with  devotion.  His  long  asso- 
ciation with  the  Apostle  of  Rome  cau.sed  him  to 
imbibe  the  saint's  spirit  so  thoroughly,  that  in  him 


St.  Philip  himself  might  be  said  to  have  ascended  the 
papal  chair.  Though  vast  political  problems  clam- 
oured for  solution,  the  pope  first  turned  his  attention 
to  the  more  important  spiritual  interests  of  the  Church. 
He  made  a  personal  visitation  of  all  the  churches 
and  educational  and  charitable  institutions  of  Rome, 
everywhere  eliminating  abuses  and  enforcing  dis- 
cipline. To  him  we  owe  the  institution  of  the  Forty 
Hours'  Devotion  (q.  v.).  He  founded  at  Rome  the 
Collegio  Clementino  for  the  education  of  the  sons  of 
the  richer  classes,  and  augmented  the  number  of 
national  colleges 
in  Rome  by  open- 
ing the  Collegio 
Scozzese  for  the 
training  of  mis- 
sionaries to 
Scotland.  The 
"  BuUarium  Ro- 
nianum  "  contains 
man}'  important 
con.stitutions  of 
Clement,  notably 
one  denouncing 
duelling  and  one 
providing  for  the 
inviolability  of 
the  States  of  the 
Church.  He  is- 
sued revised  edi- 
tions of  the  Vul- 
gate (1598),  the 
Breviar}',  the  Mis- 
sal, alsothe'^Csre- 
moniale'',  andthe  Pope  Clement  VIII 

"Pontificale". 

The  complicated  situation  in  France  presented  no 
insuperable  difficulties  to  two  consummate  statesmen 
like  Henry  of  Navarre  and  Clement  VIII.  It  was 
clear  to  Henry  that,  notwithstanding  his  victories,  he 
could  not  peacefully  retain  the  French  Crown  without 
adopting  the  Cathohc  Faith.  He  abjured  Calvinism 
25  Jul}'.  1.593.  It  was  equally  clear  to  Pope  Clement 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  brave  the  selfish  hostility  of 
Spain  by  acknowledging  the  legitimate  claims  of 
Henry,  as  soon  as  he  had  con\inced  himself  that  the 
latter's  conversion  was  something  more  than  a  polit- 
ical manoeuvre.  In  the  autumn  of  1.505  he  solemnly 
absolved  Henry  IV,  thus  putting  an  end  to  the  thirty 
years'  religious  war  in  France  and  winning  a  powerful 
ally  in  his  struggle  to  achieve  the  independence  of 
Italy  and  of  the  Holy  See.  Henry's  iriendship  was  of 
essential  importance  to  the  pope  two  years  later,  when 
Alfonso  II,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  died  childless  (27  Oct., 
1597),  and  Pope  Clement  resolved  to  bring  the 
stronghold  of  the  Este  dynasty  under  the  immediate 
jurisdiction  of  the  Church.  Though  Spain  and  the 
empire  encouraged  Alfonso's  illegitimate  cousin, 
Cesare  d'Este,  to  withstand  the  pope,  they  were 
deterred  from  giving  him  aid  by  Henry's  threats,  and 
the  papal  army  entered  Ferrara  almost  unopposed. 
In  159S  Pope  Clement  won  still  more  credit  for  the 
papacy  by  bringing  about  a  definite  treaty  of  peace 
between  Spain  and  France  in  the  Treaty  of  Ver\-ins 
and  between  France  and  Savoy.  He  also  lent  valu- 
able assistance  in  men  and  money  to  the  emperor  in 
his  contest  with  the  Turks  in  Hungar}'.  He  was  as 
merciless  as  Sixtus  V  in  crushing  out  brigandage  and 
in  punishing  the  lawlessness  of  the  Roman  nobihty. 
He  did  not  even  spare  the  youthful  patricide  Beatrice 
Conci,  over  whom  so  many  tears  have  been  shed. 
(Bertolotti,  Francesco  Cenci  e  la  sua  famiglia,  Flor- 
ence. 1879.)  On  17  Feb.,  1600.  the  apostate  Gior- 
dano Bnmo  (q.  V.)  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  the 
Piazz.a  dei  Fiori.  The  jubilee  of  1600  was  a  brilliant 
witness  to  the  glories  of  the  renovated  papacy,  three 
million  pilgrims  visiting  the  holy  places.     In  1595 


CLEMENT 


28 


CLEMENT 


was  held  the  Synod  of  Brest,  in  Litliuania,  by  whicli  a 
great  part  of  the  Rutlienian  clergy  and  people  were 
reunited  to  Rome  (Likowski,  Union  zu  Brest,  1904). 
Although  Clement,  in  spite  of  constant  fasting,  was 
tortured  vWtli  gout  in  feet  and  hands,  liis  capacity 
for  work  n-as  unlimited,  and  liis  powerful  intellect 
grasped  all  the  needs  of  tlie  Church  throughout  the 
world.  He  entered  personally  into  the  minutest 
detail  of  every  subject  which  came  before  him,  e.  g., 
in  the  divorce  between  Henry  IV  and  Margaret  of 
Valois,  yet  more  in  the  great  controversy  on  grace 
between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Dominicans  (see  B.\i;EZ, 
Molina).  He  was  present  at  all  the  sessions  of  the 
Congregalio  de  auxiliis  (q.  v.),  but  wisely  refrained 
from  issuing  a  final  decree  on  the  question.  Clement 
VIII  died  in  his  seventieth  year  after  a  pontificate  of 
thirteen  years.  His  remains  repose  in  Santa  Maria 
Maggiore,  where  the  Borghesi,  who  succeed  the 
Aldobrandini  in  the  female  line,  erected  a  gorgeous 
monument  to  his  memory. 

Vila  Chm.  VIII  in  Labbe  and  Cossart,  Coll.  Cone,  XXI, 
132.3;  Waddino.  Vila  Chm.  VIII  (Rome.  17231;  Von  Ranke, 
Thr  Rnmnn  P,.p,  >  ,,■  ihr  In.i  /.v,„r  ( v„y. ,,..-.  nv.t\-:i.7\  I'ki.esz, 


,/,  ,   I 


l\  ■ 


ISM  ':    l;..--i,   /';    .    ,    ,■     .   <  ,/,    i  ,  „,:,ae 

Cl,<;      VIII    II,      1,  ■  1  I--!'        ;   ;  :  i.    M  KM.    Hist. 

caulriiv.J,  ,i!.j, :,,...  :.\nlv.i]i,,  171/',),,  Ki.,.;.,,;,.  i>,i;;,  ;  ,  I  .l/o/ma 
(Paris,  1SS3);  de  Montoh,  Liccs  of  the  Roman  PmUills  (New 
York,  1857). 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  IX,  Pope  (Giulio  Rospigliosi),  b.  28 
January,  160(1,  at  Pistoja,  of  an  ancient  family 
originally  from  Lombardy:  elected  20  June,  1667; 
d.  at  Rome,  9  December,  1669.  He  made  a  brilliant 
course  of  studies  at  the  Roman  Seminary,  and  the 
University  of  Pisa,  where  he  received 
the  doctorate  in  his  twenty-third  year 
and  was  made  professor  of  philosophy. 
His  talents  and  virtuous  life  brought 
liim  rapid  promotion  in  the  Roman 
Court  at  a  period  when  Tuscan  influ- 
ence under  Tuscan  pontiffs  was  every- 
where predominant.  He  enjoyed  the 
special  favour  of  Urban  Vlll,  like 
himself  fond  of  literature  and  .poetry, 
and  was  made  titular  Archbishop  of 
Tarsus  and  sent  as  nuncio  to  the  Spanish  Court.  He 
lived  in  retirement  during  the  pontificate  of  Innocent 
X,  who  disliked  the  Barberini  and  their  adherents, 
but  was  recalled  to  office  by  Alexander  VII  and  by 
him  appointed  secretary  of  state  and  Cardinal-Priest 
of  Ihc  Title  of  San  Sisto  (16.57).  Ten  years  later,  one 
month  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  Cardinal  Ros- 
pigliosi was  elected  to  the  papacy  by  the  unanimous 
vote  of  the  Sacred  College.  He  was  the  idol  of  the 
Romans,  not  so  much  for  his  erudition  and  applica- 
tion to  business,  as  for  his  extreme  charity  and  his 
afTability  towards  great  and  small.  He  increased 
the  goodwill  of  his  subjects  by  buying  off  the  mon- 
opolist who  had  secured  the  mnrinato,  or  privilege  of 
selling  grain,  and  as  his  iiredecessor  had  collecteti 
the  money  for  the  juiriiose,  Clement  had  the  decree 
published  in  the  name  of  Alexander  VII.  Two  days 
each  week  he  occupied  a  confessional  in  St.  Peter's 
church  and  heard  any  one  who  wished  to  confess  to 
him.  He  fr(>quently  visited  the  hospitals,  and  was 
lavish  in  his  alms  to  (he  poor.  In  an  age  of  nepotism, 
he  did  little-  or  nothing  to  advance  or  enrich  his  fam- 
ily. In  his  aversion  to  notoriety,  he  refused  to  permit 
his  name  to  be  jilaccxl  on  the  buildings  erected  during 
his  reign.  On  15  April,  HiliS,  he  declared  blessed. 
Rose  of  Lima,  the  first  American  saint.  On  28  April, 
1669,  he  solemnly  canonized  S.  Maria  Maddalena  dei 
Pazzi  and  St.  Peter  of  Alcantara.  He  reorganized 
the  Church  m  Portugal,  after  that  nation  had  achieved 
its  independence  from  Spain.  By  a  mild  compromi.se 
m  Ihc  alhur  of  Frcncli  Jansenism,  known  as  the  Clem- 
entme  Peuce  (^Pax  Clcmr.uliita),  he  procured  a  lull  in 


the  storm,  which,  unfortunately,  owing  to  the  in- 
sincerity of  the  sectaries,  was  but  temporary.  He 
brought  about,  as  arbiter,  the  Peace  of  Aix-Ia- 
Chapelle  between  France  and  Spain,  and  gravely 
ailmonisheil  Louis  XIV  against  the  aggressive  career 
upon  which  he 
was  scltinn  forth. 
By  strict  economy 
he  brought  the 
pajial  finances  in- 
to good  oriler,  and 
was  able  to  fur- 
nish material  aid 
to  Venice  for  the 
defence  of  Crete, 
then  besieged  by 
the  Turks.  Had 
the  European 
powers  listened  to 
his  exhortations, 
that  im|)ortant 
island  would  not 
have  been  lost  to 
Christendom.  The 
news  of  its  fall, 
after  a  gallant  re- 
sistance of  twenty 
years,  hastened 
the  pope's  death. 

He  died  after  a  pontificate  of  two  years,  five  months, 
and  nineteen  days.  He  ordered  his  remains  to  be 
buried  under  the  pavement  of  Santa  Maria  Maggiore, 
with  the  simple  inscription  Clemenlis  IX ,  Cineres,  but 
his  successor,  Clement  X,  erected  in  his  honour  the 
sumptuous  moimment  which  stands  at  the  right- 
hand  side  of  the  nave  near  the  door.  The  death  of  the 
beloved  pontiff  was  long  lamented  by  the  Romans, 
who  considered  him,  if  not  the  greatest,  at  least  the 
most  amiable  of  the  popes. 

Fabroni,  Vita  Clem.  X,  in  Vif(B  lialonim  doctrine  rxcellentium, 
11,  1;  DE  MoNTOR.  Lives  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York, 
1867),  II;  Gerin,  Louis  XIV  el  Clement  IX  dans  I'affaire  des 
deux  Tnariages  de  Marie  de  Savoie  (1666-68)  in  Rev.  des  guest, 
hist.   (1880). 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  X,  Pope  (Emilio  Altieri),  b.  at  Rome, 
13  July,  1590;  elected  29  April,  1670,  and  d.  at  Rome, 
22  July,  1676.  Unable  to  secure  the  election  of  any 
of  the  prominent  candidates,  the  cardinals  finally, 
after  a  conclave  of  four  months  and  twenty  days, 
resorted  to  the  old  expedient  of  elect- 
ing a  cardinal  of  advanced  years;  they 
united  upon  Cardinal  Altieri,  an  octo- 
genarian, whose  long  life  had  been 
spent  in  the  service  of  the  Church,  and 
whom  Clement  IX,  on  the  eve  of  his 
death,  had  raised  to  the  dignity  of  the 
purple.  The  reason  a  jirelate  of  such 
transcendent  merits  received  the  cardi- 
nalate  so  late  in  life  .seems  to  have  been  clement"x 
that  he  had  waived  his  claims  to  the 
elevation  in  favour  of  an  older  brother.  He  protested 
vigorously  against  this  use  of  the  pa]>al  robes  as  a 
funeral  shroud,  liut  at  length  was  persuaded  to  accept, 
and  out  of  gratitude  to  his  benefactor,  by  ten  years 
his  junior,  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  X.  The 
Altieri  belonged  to  the  ancient  Roman  nobility,  and 
since  all  but  one  of  the  male  scions  had  chosen  the 
ecclesiastical  career,  the  pojie,  in  order  to  save  the 
name  from  extinction,  adojited  the  Paolu/.zi,  one  of 
whom  was  married  to  Laura  Caterina  Altieri,  the  sole 
heiress  of  the  family. 

During  previous  pontificates  the  new  pope  had  held 
im)mrtant  offices  and  had  been  entrusted  with  deli- 
cate mi.ssjons.  Urb:in  VIII  gave  him  charge  of  the 
works  designed  to  jirotect  the  territory  of  Ravenna 
from   the   unruly   Po.     Innocent   X   apjwinted  hini 


CLEMENT 


29 


CLEMENT 


nuncio  to  Naples;  and  he  is  credited  with  no  slight 
share  in  the  re-establishment  of  jieace  after  the  stormy- 
days  of  Masaniello.  Under  Alexander  VII  he  was 
made  secretary  of  tlie  Congregation  of  Bishoiis  and 
Regulars.  Clement  IX  named  him  sujierintendent  of 
the  paiial  exchequer.  On  his  accession  to  the  jia- 
pacy,  he  gave  to  his  new  kin.sman,  Cardinal  Paoluzzi- 
Alti'eri,  the  uncle  of  Laura's  husband,  the  office  of 
cardinal  nephew,  and  w-ith  advancing  years  gradually 
entrusted  to  him  the  management  of  affairs,  to  such 
an  extent  that  the 
liifing  Romans 
said  he  had  re- 
served to  himself 
nnly  the  episcopal 
functions  of  bene- 
fliicrc  et  sancti- 
ficare,  resigning  in 
favour  of  the  car- 
dinal the  admini- 
strative duties  of 
regere  et  gubcr- 
iiiire.  Neverthe- 
less, the  "BuUar- 
iuni  Romanum" 
roil  tains  many 
evidences  of  his 
religious  activity, 
among  which  may 
lie  mentioned  the 
eanonization  of 
Sts.  Cajctan, 
Philip  Benitius, 
Francis  Borgia,  Louis  Bertrand,  and  Rose  of  .Lima; 
also  the  beatification  of  Pope  Pius  V,  John  of  the 
Cross,  and  the  Martyrs  of  Gorcum  in  Holland. 
He  laboured  to  preserve  the  peace  of  Europe,  menaced 
by  the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV,  and  began  with  that 
imperious  monarch  the  long  struggle  concerning  the 
rigale,  or  revenues  of  vacant  dioceses  and  abbeys. 
He  supiiorted  the  Poles  with  strong  financial  aid 
in  their  hard  struggle  with  their  Turkish  invaders. 
He  decorated  the  bridge  of  Sant'  Angelo  with  the  ten 
statues  of  angels  in  Carrara  marble  still  to  be  seen 
there.  To  Clement  we  owe  the  two  beautiful  foun- 
tains which  adorn  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter's.  At  a 
cost  of  300,000  scudi  (dollars)  he  erected  the  exten- 
sive Palazzo  Altieri.  His  remains  lie  in  St.  Peter's 
church  near  the  tribune,  where  a  monument  has  been 
erected  to  his  memory. 

Arisio.  Mimoric  sullii  vila  di  Clcmente  X  (Rome,  1863); 
Von  Reumoxt,  Grxrh.  d.  SladI  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  III.  ii. 
635-36;  Cerboti.  riibhoumfia  liomana  (Rome.  1893),  226.  563; 
NoVAEs,  Elemcnli  dclla  slarm  dc'  romani  ponlcfici  da  .S.  Piclro 
fino  a  Pio  VI  (Rome,  1821-25);  de  Montor,  History  of  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York,  1867),  II. 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  XI,  Pope  (Giovanni  Francesco  Ai^ 
BANi) ;  b.  at  I'rbino,  23  July,  1649 ;  elected  23  Novem- 
ber, 1700;  d.  at  Rome  19  March,  1721.  The  Albani 
(q.  V.)  were  a  noble  Umbrian  family.  Under  Urban 
VIII  the  grandfather  of  the  future  pope  had  held  for 
thirteen  years  the  honourable  office 
of  Senator  of  Rome.  An  uncle,  Anni- 
bale  .\lbani,  was  a  distinguished  scholar 
and  was  Prefect  of  the  Vatican  Li- 
brarj-.  tliovnnni  Francesco  was  sent 
/~\  I  to  Rome  in  his  eleventh  year  to  prose- 
r\  n  J  cute  his  stiulies  at  the  Roman  College. 
^  ViX/  /  j^g  made  rapid  progress  and  was  known 
as  an  author  at  the  age  of  eighteen, 
Cleme.nt'xi  translating  from  the  Greek  into  elegant 
Latin.  He  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  patroness  of  Roman  literati,  Queen  Christina  of 
Sweden,  whc  before  he  became  of  age  enrolled  him  in 
herexclusive  .1  vciulcmin.  With  equal  ardour  and  suc- 
cess he  applied  himself  to  the  profoundcr  branches, 


theology  and  law,  and  was  created  doctor  of  canon 
and  civil  law.  So  brilliant  an  intellect,  joined  with 
stainless  morals  and  piety,  secured  for  him  a  rapid 
advancement  at  the  papal  court.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-eight  he  was  made  a  prelate,  and  governed 
successively  Rieti,  Sabina,  and  Orvieto,  everywhere 
acceptable  on  account  of  his  reputation  for  justice  and 
prudence.  Recalled  to  Rome,  he  was  appointed 
Vicar  of  St.  Peter's,  and  on  the  death  of  C'ardinal 
Slusio  succeeded  to  the  important  position  of  Secre- 
tary of  Papal  Briefs,  which  he  held  for  thirteen  years, 
and  for  which  his  command  of  classical  latinity  singu- 
larly fitted  him.  On  13  February,  1690,  he  was  cre- 
ated cardinal-deacon  and  later  Cardinal-Priest  of 
the  Title  of  San  Silvestro,  and  was  ordained  to  the 
priesthood. 

The  conclave  of  1700  would  have  terminated  speed- 
ily with  the  election  of  Cardinal  Mariscotti,  had  not 
the  veto  of  France  rendered  the  choice  of  that  able 
cardinal  impossible.  After  delib(>rating  for  forty-six 
days,  the  Sacred  College  united  in  selecting  Cardinal 
Albani,  whose  virtues  and  ability  overbalanced  the 
objection  that  he  was  only  fifty-one  years  old.  Three 
days  were  spent  in  the  effort  to  overcome  his  reluc- 
tance to  accept  a  dignity  the  heavy  burden  of  which 
none  knew  better  than  the  experienced  curialist  (Gal- 
land  in  Hist.  Jahrbuch,  1SS2,  III,  208  sqq.).  The 
period  was  critical  for  Europe  and  the  papacy.  Dur- 
ing the  conclave  Charles  II,  the  last  of  the  Spanish 
Hapsburgs,  had  died  childless,  leaving  his  vast  domin- 
ions a  prey  to  French  and  Austrian  ambition.  His 
will,  making  Philip  of  Anjou,  grandson  of  Louis  XIV, 
sole  heir  to  the  Spanish  Empire,  was  contested  by  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  who  claimed  Spain  for  his  second 
son  Charles.  The  late  king,  before  making  this  will, 
had  consulted  Pope  Innocent  XII,  and  Cardinal  Al- 
bani had  been  one  of  the  three  cardinals  to  whom  the 
pontiff  had  entrusted  the  case  and  who  advised  him  to 
pronounce  secretly  in  its  favour.  This  was  at  the 
time  unknown  to  the  emperor,  else  Austria  would 
have  vetoed  the  election  of  Albani.  The  latter  was 
finally  persuaded  that  it  was  his  duty  to  obey  the  call 
from  Heaven;  on  .30  November  he  was  consecrated 
bishop,  and  on  8  December  solemnly  enthroned  in  the 
Vatican.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  his  elevation 
was  greeted  throughout  the  world  is  the  best  evidence 
of  his  worth.  Even  Protestants  received  the  intelli- 
gence with  joy  and  the  city  of  Nuremberg  struck  a 
medal  in  his  honour.  The  sincere  Catholic  reformers 
greeted  his  accession  as  the  death-knell  of  nepotism; 
for,  though  he  had  many  relatives,  it  was  known  that 
he  had  instigated  and  written  the  severe  condemna- 
tion of  that  abuse  issued  by  his  predecessor.  As  pon- 
tiff, he  did  not  belie  his  principles.  He  bestowed  the 
offices  of  his  court  upon  the  most  worthy  subjects  and 
ordered  his  brother  to  keep  at  a  distance  and  refrain 
from  adopting  any  new  title  or  interfering  in  matters 
of  state.  In  the  government  of  the  States  of  the 
Church,  Clement  was  a  capable  administrator.  He 
provided  diligently  for  the  needs  of  his  sul)jects,  was 
extremely  charitable  to  the  poor,  bettered  the  condi- 
tion of  the  prisons,  and  secured  food  for  the  populace 
in  time  of  scarcity.  He  won  the  good  will  of  artists 
by  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  ancient  master- 
pieces, and  of  scientists  by  commissioning  Bianchini 
to  lay  down  on  the  pavement  of  Sta  Maria  degli  An- 
gioli  the  meridian  of  Rome,  known  as  the  Clementina. 

His  capacity  for  work  was  prodigious.  He  slept 
but  little  and  ate  so  sparingly  that  a  few  pence  per  day 
sufficed  for  his  table.  Everj'  day  he  confessed  and 
celelirated  Mass.  He  entered  minutely  into  the  de- 
tails of  every  measure  which  came  before  him,  and 
with  his  own  hand  prepared  the  numerous  allocutions. 
Briefs,  and  constitutions  afterwards  collected  and  pub- 
lished. He  also  found  time  to  preach  his  beautiful 
homilies  and  was  frecpiently  to  be  seen  in  the  confes- 
sional.    Though  his  powerful  frame  rnore  than  onw 


CLEMENT 


30 


CLEMENT 


sank  under  the  weight  of  his  labours  and  cares,  he  con- 
tinued to  keep  rigorously  the  fasts  of  the  Church,  and 
generally  allowed  himself  but  the  shortest  possible 
respite  from  his  labours. 

In  his  efforts  to  establish  peace  among  the  Powers  of 
Europe  and  to  uphold  the  rights  of  the  Church,  he  met 
with  scant  success;  for  the  eighteenth  century  was 
eminently  the  age  of  selfishness  and  infidelity.  One 
of  his  first  public  acts  was  to  protest  against  the  as- 
sumption (1701)  by  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  of  the 
title  of  King  of  Prussia.  The  pope's  action,  though 
often  derided  and  misinterpreted,  was  natural  enough, 
not  only  because  the  bestowal  of  royal  titles  had  al- 
ways been  regarded  as  the  privilege  of  the  Holy  See, 
but  also  because  Prussia  belonged  by  ancient  right  to 
the  ecciesiastico-militar}'  institute  known  as  the  Teu- 
tonic Order.  In  the  troubles  e.xcited  by  the  rivalry  of 
France  and  the  Empire  for  the  Spanish  succession. 
Pope  Clement  resolved  to  maintain  a  neutral  attitude; 
but  this  was  found  to  be  impossible.  When,  there- 
fore, the  Bourbon  was  crowned  in  Madrid  as  Philip  V, 
amid  the  universal  acclamations  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
pope  acquiesced  and  acknowledged  the  validity  of  his 
title.  This  embittered  the  morose  Emperor  Leopold, 
and  the  relations  between  Austria  and  the  Holy  See 
became  so  strained  that  the  pope  did  not  conceal  his 
satisfaction  when  the  French  and  Bavarian  troops  be- 
gan that  march  on  Vienna  which  ended  so  disas- 
trously on  the  field  of  Blenheim.  Marlborough's  vic- 
torj',  followed  by  Prince  Eugene's  successful  cam- 
paign in  Piedmont,  placed  Italy  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Austrians.  Leopold  died  in  1705  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  oldest  son  Joseph  I,  a  worthy  precursor  of 
Joseph  II.  A  contest  immediately  began  on  the  ques- 
tion known  as  Jxis  primnrum  precum,  involving  the 
right  of  the  crown  to  appoint  to  vacant  benefices. 
The  victorious  Austrians,  now  masters  of  Northern 
Italy,  invaded  the  Papal  States,  took  possession  of 
Piacenza  and  Parma,  annexed  Comacchio  and  be- 
sieged Ferrara.  Clement  at  first  offered  a  spirited 
resistance,  but,  abandoned  by  all,  could  not  hope  for 
success,  and  when  a  strong  detachment  of  Protestant 
troops  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Hesse- 
Cassel  reached  Bologna,  fearing  a  repetition  of  the 
fearful  scenes  of  1527,  he  finally  gave  way  (15  Jan., 
1709),  acknowledged  the  Archduke  Charles  as  King  of 
Spain  "without  detriment  to  the  rights  of  another", 
and  promised  him  the  investiture  of  Naples.  Though 
the  Bourbon  monarchs  had  done  nothing  to  aid  the 
pope  in  his  unequal  struggle,  both  Louis  and  Philip 
became  very  indignant  and  retaliated  by  every  means 
in  their  power  (see  Louis  XIV).  In  the  negotiations 
preceding  the  Peace  of  L"trecht  (1713)  the  rights  of  the 
pope  were  studiously  neglected;  his  nuncio  was  not 
accorded  a  hearing ;  his  dominions  were  parcelled  out 
to  suit  the  convenience  of  either  party.  Sicily  was 
given  to  Victor  Amadeus  II  of  Savoy,  with  whom 
from  the  first  days  of  his  pontificate  Clement  was  in- 
volved in  quarrels  on  the  subjects  of  ecclesiastical  im- 
munities and  appointments  to  vacant  benefices.  The 
new  king  now  undertook  to  revive  the  so-called  Mon- 
archia  Sicula,  an  ancient  but  much-disputed  and 
abused  privilege  of  pontifical  origin  which  practically 
excluded  the  pope  from  any  authority  over  the  Church 
in  Sicily.  When  Clement  answered  with  bann  and 
interdict,  all  the  clergy,  about  3000  in  number,  who 
remained  loyal  to  the  Holy  See  were  banished  the 
island,  and  the  pojje  was  forced  to  give  them  food  and 
shelter.  The  interdict  wa-s  not  raised  till  1718,  when 
Spain  regained  possession,  but  the  old  controversy 
was  repeatedly  resumed  under  the  Bourbons.  Through 
the  machinations  of  Cardinal  Alberoni,  Parma  and 
PiaciMiza  were  granted  to  a  Spanish  Infante  without 
regard  to  the  papal  overlordsliip.  It  was  some  con- 
solation to  the  much-tried  jiopc  that  .Augustus  of  Sax- 
ony. Kim;  of  Poland,  ri'turiicd  to  the  Church.  Clem- 
ent laboured  hard  to  restore  harmony  in  Poland,  but 


without  success.  The  Turks  had  taken  advantage  of 
the  dissensions  among  the  Christians  to  invade  Eu- 
rope by  land  and  sea.  Clement  proclaimed  a  jubilee, 
sent  money  and  ships  to  the  assistance  of  the  Vene- 
tians, and  granted  a  tithe  on  all  benefices  to  the  Em- 
peror Charles  VI.  When  Prince  Eugene  won  the 
great  battle  of  Temesviir,  which  put  an  end  to  the 
Turkish  danger,  no  slight  share  of  the  credit  was  given 
by  the  Christian  world  to  the  pope  and  the  HolyRos- 
ary.  Clement  sent  the  great  commander  a  blessed 
hat  and  sword.  The  fleet  which  Philip  V  of  Spain  had 
raised  at  the  instigation  of  the  pope,  and  with  sub- 
sidies levied  on  church  revenues,  was  diverted  by 
Alberoni  to  the  conquest  of  Sardinia;  and  though 
Clement  showed  his  indignation  by  demanding  the 
dismissal  of  the  minister,  and  beginning  a  process 
against  him,  he  had  much  to  do  to  convince  the  em- 
peror that  he  was  not  privy  to  the  treacherous  trans- 
action. He  gave  a  generous  hospitality  to  the  exiled 
son  of  James  II  of  England,  James  Edward  Stuart, 
and  helped  him  to  obtain  the  hand  of  Clementina, 
John  Sobieski's  accomplished  granddaughter,  mother 
of  Charles  Edward. 

Clement's  pastoral  vigilance  was  felt  in  every  corner 
of  the  earth.  He  organized  the  Church  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  and  sent  missionaries  to  every  distant 
spot.  He  erected  Lisljon  into  a  patriarchate,  7  De- 
cember, 1716.  He  enriched  the  Vatican  Library  with 
the  manuscript  treasures  gathered  at  the  expense  of 
the  pope  by  Joseph  Simeon  Assemani  in  his  researches 
throughout  Egypt  and  Syria.  In  the  imfortunate 
controversy  between  the  Dominican  and  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  in  China  concerning  the  permissibility  of 
certain  rites  and  customs,  Clement  decided  in  favour 
of  the  former.  When  the  Jansenists  provoked  a  new 
collision  with  the  Church  under  the  leadership  of 
Quesnel,  Pope  Clement  issued  his  two  memorable 
Constitutions,  "  Vineam  Domini",  16  July,  1705,  and 
" LTnigenitus ",  10  September,  1713  (see  Unigenitps; 
ViNE.\ji  Domini;  Jan.senism).  Clement  XI  made 
the  feast  of  the  Conception  of  the  B.V.  M.  a  Holy  Day 
of  obligation,  and  canonized  Pius  V,  Andrew  of  Avel- 
lino,  Felix  of  Cantalice,  and  Catherine  of  Bologna. 

This  great  and  saintly  pontiff  died  appropriately  on 
the  feast  of  St.  Joseph,  for  whom  he  entertained  a 
particular  devotion,  and  in  whose  honour  he  com- 
posed the  special  Office  found  in  the  Breviary.  His 
remains  rest  in  St.  Peter's.  His  official  acts,  letters, 
and  Briefs,  also  his  homilies,  were  collected  and  pub- 
lished by  his  nephew.  Cardinal  Annibale  Albani  (2 
vols.,  Rome,  1722-24). 

PoLlDoRi.  De  vitd  et  rebus  gestis  dementis  XI  libri  sex 
(Urbino,  1724),  also  in  Fassini,  Supplemento  to  N.\t.^lis  Alex- 
.4MDER.  Historia  Ecclesiastica  (Bassano,  1778);  Reboulet, 
Histom  de  Clement  XI  (.\vignon,  1752;)  Lafiteau.  Vie  de 
Clement  XI  (Padua,  1752);  Bcdeh  (non-Catholic),  ieften  und 
Thaten  dcs  klugen  und  heruhmten  Papstes  dementis  XI.  (Frank- 
fort 1721);  NoVAES,  Elementi  della  storia  de'  sommi  pontefici 
da  S.  PietTo  fino  a  Pio  VI  (Rome,  1821-25);  Landau, 
Rom,  Wien,  Neapel  wdhrend  des  sponischen  Erbfolgekrieges 
(Leipzig,  ISSo);  Hergenrother-Kirsch,  KirchengeschiMe 
(4th  ed.,  Freihnr^.  10n7\  HI.  See  also,  on  the  Albani,  Vis- 
CONTI  in  Favvr  ''   ■        I '.  and  Von  Reumont  in  Beitrage 

sur  Hal.  Ge.vhir!  \  ;.;.;,,  and  Cesch.  d.  Stadt  Rom  (Berlin, 
1867),  in,  ii,  61J  -  1  I  I  I-  AuTACD  DE  MoNTOK.  History  of  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  i.Ncw  "luik.  1S67),  IL 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  XII,  Pope  (Lorenzo  Cobsini),  b.  at  Flor- 
ence, 7  April,  1652;  elected  12  July,  1730;  d.  at  Rome 
6  February,  1740.  The  pontificate  of  the  saintly 
Orsini  pope,  Benedict  XIII.  from  the  standpoint  of 
the  spiritual  interests  of  the  Church,  had  left  nothing 
to  be  desired.  He  had,  however,  given  over  tem- 
poral concerns  into  the  hands  of  rapacious  minister.?; 
hence  the  finances  of  the  Holy  See  were  in  bad  conili- 
tion;  there  was  an  increasing  deficit,  and  the  papal 
subjects  were  in  a  state  of  exasperation.  It  was  no 
easy  task  to  select  a  man  who  posses.seil  all  the  quali- 
ties demanded  by  the  emergency.  After  deliberating 
for  four  months,  the  Sacred  College  united  on  Cardinal 


CLEMENT 


31 


CLEMENT 


Corsini.  the  best  possible  choice,  were  it  not  for  his 
Seventy-eight  years  and  his  faihng  eyesight. 

A  Corsini  by  the  father's  side  and  by  the  mother's 
a  Strozzi,  the  best  blood  of  Florence  coursed  through 
his   veins.     Innumcralile  were  the  members   of  his 
liovise  who  liad  risen  to  high  positions 
in   Church   and   State,    but   its   chief 
ornament  was  St.  Andrew  Corsini,  the 
canonized  Bishop  of  Fiesole.     Lorenzo 
made  a  brilliant  course  of  studies,  first 
in   the   Roman   College,   then   at   the 
University  of  Pisa,  where,  after  five 
years,  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Laws.     Returning  to  Rome,  he  ap- 
.\RMs  OF         plied  himself  to  the  practice  of  law 
LEMEN    ^  under  the  able  direction  of  his  uncle, 

Cardinal  Neri  Corsini,  a  man  of  the  highest  culture. 
After  the  death  of  his  uncle  and  his  father,  in  1685,  Lor- 
enzo, now  thirty-three  years  old,  resigned  his  right  of 
primogeniture  and  entered  the  ecclesiastical  state. 
From  Innocent  XI  he  purchased,  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  time,  for  30,000  scudi  (dollars)  a  position  of 
prelatial  rank,  and  devoted  his  wealth  and  leisure  to 
the  enlargement  of  the  library  bequeathed  to  him  by 
his  uncle.  In  1091  he  was  made  titular  Archbishop 
of  Nicomedia  and  chosen  nuncio  to  Vienna.  He  did 
not  proceed  to  the  imperial  court,  because  Leopold 
advanced  the  novel  claim,  which  Pope  Alexander 
VIII  refused  to  admit,  of  selecting  a  nuncio  from  a 
list  of  three  names  to  be  furnished  by  the  pope.  In 
1696  Corsini  was  appointed  to  the  arduous  office  of 
treasurer-general  and  governor  of  Castle  Sant'  Angelo. 
His  good  fortune  increased  during  the  pontificate  of 
Clement  XI,  who  employed  his  talents  in  affairs  de- 
manding tact  and  prudence.  On  17  May,  1706,  he 
was  created  Cardinal-Deacon  of  the  Title  of  Santa 
Susanna,  retaining  the  office  of  papal  treasurer.  He 
was  attached  to  several  of  the  most  important  con- 
gregations and  was  made  protector  of  a  score  of  re- 
hgious  institutions.  He  advanced  still  further  under 
Benedict  XIII,  who  assigned  him  to  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Office  and  made  him  prefect  of  the  judicial 
tribunal  known  as  the  Segnatura  di  Giustizia.  He 
was  successively  Cardinal-Priest  of  S.  Pietro  in  Vin- 
coli  and  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Frascati. 

He  had  thus  held  with  universal  applause  all  the 
important  offices  of  the  Roman  Court,  and  it  is  not 
surprising  that  his  elevation  to  the  papacy  filled  the 
Romans  with  joy.  In  token  of  gratitude  to  his  bene- 
factor, Clement  XI,  and  as  a  pledge  that  he  would 
make  that  great  pontiff  his  model,  he  a-ssumcd  the 
title  of  Clement  XII.  Unfortunately  he  lacked  the 
important  qualities  of  youth  and  physical  strength. 
The  infirmities  of  old  age  bore  heavily  upon  him.  In 
the  second  year  of  his  pontificate  he  became  totally 
blind ;  in  his  later  years  he  was  compelled  to  keep  his 
bed,  from  which  he  gave  audiences  and  transacted 
affairs  of  state.  Notwithstanding  his  physical  de- 
crepitude, he  displayed  a  wonderful  activity.  He 
demanded  restitution  of  ill-gotten  goods  from  the 
ministers  who  had  abused  the  confidence  of  his  pred- 
ecessor. The  chief  culprit.  Cardinal  Coscia,  was 
mulcted  in  a  hea\-y  sum  and  sentenced  to  ten  years' 
imprisonment.  Clement  surrounded  himself  with 
capable  officials,  and  won  the  affection  of  his  subjects 
by  lightening  their  burdens,  encouraging  manufacture 
and  the  arts,  and  infusing  a  modem  spirit  into  the  laws 
relating  to  commerce.  The  public  lotterj-,  which  had 
been  suppressed  by  the  severe  morality  of  Benedict 
XIII,  was  revived  by  Clement,  and  poured  into  his 
treasury  an  annual  sum  amounting  to  nearly  a  half 
million  of  scudi  (dollars),  enabling  him  to  undertake 
the  extensive  buildings  which  distinguish  his  reign. 
He  began  the  majestic  fatjade  of  St.  John  Lateran  and 
built  in  that  basilica  the  magnificent  chapel  of  St. 
Andrew  Corsini.  He  restored  the  .\rch  of  Constantine 
and  built  the  governmental  palace  of  the  Consulta  on 


the  quirinal.  He  purchased  from  Cardinal  Albani  for 
60,000  scudi  the  fine  collection  of  statues,  inscriptions, 
etc.  with  which  he  adorned  the  gallery  of  the  Capitol. 
He  paved  the  streets  of  Rome  and  the  roads  leading 
from  the  city,  and  widened  the  Corso.  He  began  the 
great  Fontana  di  Trevi,  one  of  the  noted  ornaments 
of  Rome. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  reunion  of  the  Greeks, 
Clement  XII  founded  at  Ullano,  in  Calabria,  the 
Corsini  College  for  Greek  students.  With  a  similar 
intent  he  called  to  Rome  Greek-Melchite  monks  of 
Mt.  Lebanon,  and  assigned  to  them  the  ancient  church 
of  Santa  Maria  in  Domnica.  He  dispatched  Joseph 
Simeon  Assemani  to  the  East  for  the  twofold  purpose 
of  continuing  his  search  for  manuscripts  and  presiding 
as  legate  over  a  national  council  of  the  Maronites. 
"We  make  no  attempt  to  enumerate  all  the  operations 
which  this  wonderful  blind-stricken  old  man  directed 
from  his  bed  of 
sickness.  His 
name  is  associated 
in  Rome  with  the 
foundation  and 
embellishment  of 
institutions  of  all 
sorts.  The  people 
of  Ancona  hold 
him  in  well-de- 
served veneration 
and  have  erected 
on  the  public 
square  a  statue  in 
his  honour.  He 
gave  them  a  port 
which  excited  the 
en\'y  of  Venice, 
and  built  a  high- 
way that  gave 
them  easy  access 
to  the  interior. 
He  drained  the 
marshes  of  the 
Chiana  near  Lake 
T  r  a  s  i  m  e  n  o  by 
leading  the  waters  through  a  ditch  fourteen  miles 
long  into  the  Tiber.  He  disavowed  the  arbitrary 
action  of  his  legate,  Cardinal  Alberoni,  in  seizing 
San  Marino,  and  restored  the  independence  of  that 
miniature  republic.  His  activity  in  the  spiritual 
concerns  of  the  Church  was  equally  pronounced.  His 
efforts  were  directed  towards  raising  the  prevalent 
low  tone  of  morality  and  securing  discipline,  espe- 
cially in  the  cloisters.  He  issued  the  first  jjapal  decree 
against  the  Freemasons  (17.38).  He  fostered  the  new 
Congregation  of  the  Passionists  and  gave  to  his  fellow- 
Tuscan,  St.  Paul  of  the  Cross,  the  church  and  monas- 
terj-  of  Sts.  John  and  Paul,  with  the  beautiful  garden 
overlooking  the  Colosseum.  He  canonized  Sts.  Vin- 
cent de  Paul,  John  Francis  Regis,  Catherine  Fieschi 
Adorni,  Juliana  Falconieri,  and  apj^roved  the  cult  of 
St.  Gertrude.  He  proceeded  with  vigour  against  the 
French  Jansenists  and  had  the  happiness  to  receive 
the  submission  of  the  Maurists  to  the  Constitution 
"Unigenitus".  Through  the  efforts  of  his  mission- 
aries in  Egj'pt  10,000  Copts,  with  their  patriarch,  re- 
turned to  the  unity  of  the  Church.  Clement  per- 
suaded the  Armenian  patriarch  to  remove  from  the 
diptychs  the  anathema  against  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don  and  St.  Leo  I.  In  his  dealings  with  the  powers 
of  Europe,  he  managed  by  a  union  of  firmness  and 
m.oderation  to  preserve  or  restore  harmony;  but  he 
was  unable  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See 
over  the  Duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza.  It  was  a 
consequence  of  his  blindness  that  he  should  surround 
him.sclf  with  trusted  relatives;  but  he  advanced  them 
only  as  they  proved  their  worth,  and  did  little  for  his 
family  except  to  purchase  and  enlarge  the  palace  built 


CLEMENT 


32 


CLEMENT 


in  Trastevere  for  the  Riarii,  and  now  known  as  the 
Palazzo  Corsini  (purchased  in  1884  by  the  Italian 
Government,  and  now  the  seat  of  the  Regia  Accademia 
dei  Lincei).  In  1754,  his  nephew,  Cardinal  Neri  Cor- 
sini, founded  there  the  famous  Corsini  Library,  which 
in  1905  included  about  70,000  books  and  pamphlets, 
22S8  incunabula  or  works  printed  in  the  first  fifty 
or  sixty  years  after  the  discovery  of  printing,  2511 
manuscripts,  and  600  autographs.  Retaining  his  ex- 
traordinary faculties  and  his  cheerful  resignation  to 
the  end,  he  died  in  the  Quirinal  in  his  eighty-eighth 
year.  His  remains  were  transferred  to  his  magnifi- 
cent tomb  in  the  Lateran,  20  July,  1742. 

Fabron'ius,  De  vitd  et  rebus  gestis  dementis  XII  (Rome, 
1760),  also  in  Fassini,  Suppleniento  to  the  Historia  Ecclesiastica 
of  Natalis  .\lexander  (Bassano,  177S);  Passerini,  Genealo- 
gia  e  Storia  delta  famigtia  Corsini  (Florence,  1858);  Von  Reu- 
MONT,  Gesch.  d.  Sladl  Rom  (Berlin,  1867),  III,  iii,  653-55; 
NovAES,  Elemenli  della  storia  de'  armmi  ptmlcfici  (Rome.  1821- 
25);  Hergenrother-Kihsch,  Kirr}irn<i<  sc/if  /;^'  (4th  ed.,  Frie- 
burg,  1907),  III  (bibliography);  Ajitaedhk  Muntoh,  Htsior;/ 
o/  the  Roman  Pontiffs  (New  York,  I^iiT  .  U 

Ja.mes  F.  Loughlin. 

Clement  XIII,  Pope  (Carlo  della  Torre  Rez- 
zoNico),  b.  at  Venice,  7  March,  1693;  d.  at  Rome,  2 
February,  1769.  He  was  educated  by  the  Jesuits  at 
Bologna,  took  his  degrees  in  law  at  Padua,  and  in  1716 
was  appointed  at  Rome  referendary  of  the  two  depart- 
ments knoi\Ti  as  the  "  Signatura  Jus- 
titia;"  and  the  "Signatura  Gratiie". 
He  was  made  governor  of  Rieti  in 
1716,  of  Fano  in  1721,  and  Auditor 
of  the  Rota  for  Venice  in  1725.  In 
1737  he  was  made  cardinal-deacon, 
and  in  1743  Bishop  of  Padua,  where 
he  distinguished  himself  by  his  zeal  for 
the  formation  andsanctification  of  his 
Arms  of  clergy,  to  promote  which  he  held  a 
Clement  XIII  ^y^^^j  -^  j^^g^  ^^j  published  a  very  re- 
markable pastoral  on  the  priestly  state.  His  personal 
life  was  in  keeping  with  his  teaching,  and  the  Jansenist 
AbbeClement,  a  grudging  witness,  tells  us  that "  he  was 
called  the  saint  (by  liis  people),  and  was  an  exem- 
plary man  who,  notwitlistanding  tlie  immense  reve- 
nues of  his  diocese  and  his  private  estate,  was  always 
without  money  owing  to  the  lavishness  of  his  alnis- 
deeds,  and  would  give  away  even  his  hnen".  In 
1747  he  became  cardinal-priest,  and  on  6  July,  1758, 
he  was  elected  pope  to  succeed  Benedict  XIV.  It 
was  -nith  tears  that  he  submitted  to  the  will  of  the 
electors,  for  he  gauged  well  the  force  and  direction 
of  the  storm  wliich  was  gathering  on  the  political 
horizon. 

Regalism  and  Jansenism  were  the  traditional  ene- 
mies of  the  Holy  See  in  its  government  of  tlie  Church, 
but  a  still  more  formidable  foe  was  rising  into  power 
and  using  the  other  two  as  its  instruments.  This 
was  the  party  of  Voltaire  and  tlie  Encyclopedists,  the 
"Philosophers"  as  they  liked  to  call  themselves. 
They  were  men  of  talent  and  highly  educated,  and  by 
means  of  these  gifts  had  drawn  over  to  themselves 
many  admirers  and  adherents  from  among  the  ruling 
classes,  with  the  result  that  by  the  time  of  Clement 
XIII,  they  had  their  representatives  in  power  in  the 
Portuguese  and  in  all  the  five  Bourbon  Courts.  Their 
enmity  wa.s  radically  against  the  Christian  religion  it- 
self, asputtinga  restraint  on  their  hcence  of  thought  and 
action.  In  their  private  correspondence  they  called 
it  the  Inftime  (the  infamous  one),  and  looked  "forward 
to  its  .speedy  extinction  through  the  success  of  their 
policy;  but  they  felt  tlwit  in  their  relations  with  the  pub- 
lic, and  cspcci;Uly  wit  h  the  sovereigns,  it  was  necessary 
to  feign  some  kind  of  Catholic  belief.  In  planning  this 
war  against  the  Church,  they  were  agreed  that  the 
first  step  must  be  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuits. 
"When  we  have  destroyed  the  Jesuits",  wrote  Vol- 
taire to  Helvetius,  in  1761,  "we  .shall  have  easy  work 
with  the  Injdme. "     And  their  method  was  to  per- 


suade the  sovereigns  that  the  Jesuits  were  the  chief 
obstacle  to  their  Regalist  pretensions,  and  thereby 
a  danger  to  the  peace  of  their  realms;  and  to  support 
this  view  by  the  diffusion  of  defamatory  literature, 
likewise  by  inviting  the  co-operation  of  those  who, 
whilst  blind  to  tlie  character  of  their  ulterior  ends, 
stood  with  them  for  doctrinal  or  other  reasons  in  their 
antipathy  to  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Such  was  the 
political  situation  with  which  Clement  XIII  saw  him- 
self confronted  when  he  began  his  pontificate. 

Portugal. — His  attention  was  called  in  the  first 
instance  to  Portugal,  where  the  attack  on  the  Society 
had  already  commenced.  Joseph  I,  a  weak  and 
voluptuous  prince,  was  a  mere  puppet  in  the  hands 
of  his  minister,  Sebastiao  Carvalho,  afterwards  Mar- 
quis de  Pombal,  a  secret  adherent  of  the  Voltairian 
opinions,  and  bent  on  the  destruction  of  the  Society. 
A  rebellion  of  the  Indians  in  the  Uruguay  Reductions 
gave  him  his  first  opportunity.  The  caiuse  of  the  re- 
bellion was  obvious,  for  the  natives  had  been  ordered 
to  abandon  forthwith  their  cultivated  lands  and 
migrate  into  the  virgin  forest.  But,  as  they  were 
under  the  care  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  Carvalho 
declared  tliat  these  must  have  instigated  the  natives. 
Moreover,  on  3  September,  1758,  Joseph  I  was  shot 
at,  apparently  by  the  injured  husband  of  a  lady  he 
had  setluccd.  Pombal  held  a  secret  trial  in  which  he 
pronounced  the  whole  Tavora  family  guilty,  and 
with  them  three  Jesuit  Fathers,  against  whom  the  sole 
evidence  was  that  they  had  been  friends  of  the 
Tavoras.  Then,  on  the  pretext  that  all  Jesuits 
thought  alike,  he  imprisoned  their  superiors,  some 
hundred  in  number,  in  his  subterranean  dungeons, 
and  wrote  in  the  king's  name  to  Rome  for  permission 
from  the  Holy  Sec  to  punish  the  guilty  clerics. 
Clement  did  not  see  his  way  to  refuse  a  request  backed 
bj'  the  king's  assurances  that  he  had  good  grounds  for 
his  charges,  but  he  begged  that  the  accused  might 
have  a  careful  trial,  and  that  the  innocent  might  not 
be  included  in  a  punishment  the}'  had  not  deserved. 
The  pope's  letter  was  written  with  exquisite  courtesy 
and  consideration,  but  Pombal  pronounced  it  in- 
sulting to  his  master  and  returned  it  to  the  sender. 
Then  he  shipped  off  all  tlie  Jesuits  from  Portugal  and 
its  colonies,  save  the  superiors  who  were  still  detained 
in  their  prisons,  and  sent  them  to  Civitavecchia,  "as 
a  present  to  the  pope",  without  a  penny  from  their 
confiscated  funds  left  to  them  for  their  maintenance. 
Clement,  however,  received  them  kindly,  and  pro- 
vided for  their  needs.  It  was  to  be  expected  that 
diplomatic  relations  would  not  long  continue  after 
these  events;  they  were  severed  in  1760  by  Pombal, 
who  sent  back  the  nuncio,  Acciajuoli,  and  recalled  his 
own  ambassador:  nor  were  these  relations  restored 
till  the  next  pontificate.  Pombal  had  seen  the  neces- 
sity of  supporting  his  administrative  measures  by  an 
endeavour  to  destroy  the  good  name  of  his  victims 
with  the  public.  For  this  purpose  he  caused  various 
defamatory  publications  to  be  written,  chief  among 
which  was  the  "Brief  Relation",  in  which  the  Ameri- 
can Jesuits  were  represented  as  having  set  up  an  inde- 
pendent kingdom  in  South  America  under  their  own 
sovereignty,  and  of  tyrannizing  over  the  Indians,  all  in 
the  interest  of  an  insatiable  ambition  and  avarice. 
These  libels  were  spread  broadcast,  especially  through 
Portugal  and  Spain,  and  many  bishops  from  Spain 
and  elsewhere  wrote  to  the  pope  protesting  against 
charges  so  improbable  in  themselves,  ami  so  incom- 
patible witli  their  experience  of  the  order  in  their  own 
jurisdictions.  The  te.xt  of  many  of  their  letters  and 
of  Clement  XIII's  approving  replies  may  be  seen  in 
the  "Appendices"  to  Pdre  de  Ravignan's  "Clement 
XIII  et  Clement  XIV". 

Franct;. — It  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Society's 
many  enemies  in  I'" ranee  would  be  stimulateil  to  follow 
in  the  fDotstejis  of  Pombal.  Th<'  attack  was  opened 
by  the  Parlement,  which  was  predominantly  Jansen- 


CLEMENT 


33 


CLEMENT 


i.st  ill  its  composition,  in  the  spring  of  1761.  Taking 
aiivantagc  of  the  financial  difficulties  into  wliich  the 
I'>ench  Jesuits  had  been  driven  over  the  affair  of 
Father  Lavalette,  they  proceeded  to  examine  the 
constitutions  of  the  Society  in  which  they  professed 
to  find  grave  improprieties,  and  to  demand  that,  if 
the  Jesuits  were  to  remain  in  the  country,  these  con- 
stitutions should  be  remodelled  on  the  principle  of 
reducing  the  power  of  the  general  and  practically 
substituting  for  him  a  commissioner  appointed  by  the 
Crown.  They  also  drew  up  a  famous  document, 
named  the  "  Extraits  des  assertions",  made  up  en- 
tirely of  garbled  extracts  from  Jesuit  writers,  and 
tending  to  show  that  their  method  was  to  establish 
their  own  domination  by  justifying  almost  every 
form  of  crime  and  licentiousness,  particularly  tyran- 
nicide. Louis  XV,  like  Joseph  I,  had  a  will  enervated 
by  lust,  but  unlike  him,  was  by  no  means  a  fool,  and 
had  besides  an  underlying  respect  for  religion.  Thus 
he  sought,  in  the  first  instance,  to  save  a  body  of  men 
whom  he  judged  to  be  innocent,  and  for  that  purpose 
he  referred  their  constitutions  to  the  French  bishops 
assembled  at  Paris  in  December,  1761.  Forty-five  of 
these  bishops  reported  in  favour  of  the  constitutions, 
and  of  the  Jesuits  being  left  as  they  were,  twenty-seven 
or  more,  not  then  in  Paris,  sending  in  their  adhesion ; 
but  the  king  was  being  drawn  the  other  way  by  his 
Voltairian  statesmen  and  Madame  de  Pompadour, 
and  accordingly  preferred  the  advice  of  the  one 
bishop  who  sided  with  the  Parlement,  Bishop  Fitz- 
James  of  Soissons.  He  therefore  issued  an  edict  in 
March,  1762,  which  allowed  the  Society  to  remain  in 
the  kingdom,  but  prescribed  some  essential  changes 
in  their  institute  with  the  view  of  satisfying  the  Par- 
lement. 

Clement  XIII  intervened  in  various  ways  in  this 
crisis  of  the  French  Jesuits.  He  wrote  to  the  king 
in  June,  1761,  and  again  in  January,  1762,  on  the 
former  occasion  to  implore  him  to  stay  the  proceed- 
ings of  his  Parlement,  on  the  latter  to  protest  against 
the  scheme  of  setting  a  French  vicar-general,  inde- 
pendent of  the  general  in  Rome,  over  the  Freiich 
provinces;  it  was  likewise  on  this  latter  occasion 
that,  whilst  blaming  their  general  for  the  compliance 
of  some  of  his  French  subjects,  he  used  the  famous 
words  "Sint  ut  sunt  aut  non  sint".  To  the  French 
bishops  who  wTote  to  him  protesting  against  the  doings 
of  the  Parlement,  he  replied  in  words  of  thankfulness 
and  approval,  e.g.  to  the  Bishop  of  Grenoble  on  4  April, 
1762,  and  to  the  Bishop  of  Sarlat  (with  special  refer- 
ence to  the  "Extraits  des  assertions")  on  14  Novem- 
ber, 1764;  and  to  the  bishops  collectively  in  June, 
1762,  exhorting  them  to  use  all  their  influence  with 
the  king  to  induce  him  to  resist  his  evil  counsellors. 
To  the  arrit  of  2  August,  1762,  by  which  the  Parle- 
ment suppressed  the  Society  in  France,  and  imposed 
impossible  conditions  on  any  of  its  members  wishing 
to  remain  in  the  country,  Clement  replied  by  an  Allo- 
cution of  3  September,  in  which  he  protested  against 
the  invasion  of  the  Church's  rights,  and  annulled  the 
am'ts  of  the  Parlement  against  the  Society.  Finally, 
when  the  king,  v.eakly  yielding  to  the  pressure  of  his 
entourage,  suppressed  the  French  provinces  by  his 
edict  of  November,  1764,  the  Holy  Father  felt  it  his 
duty,  besought  as  he  was  by  so  many  bishops  from 
all  parts,  to  publi-sh  the  Bull  "Apostolicum",  of  9  Jan- 
uary, 1765.  Its  object  was  to  oppose  to  the  current 
misrepresentations  of  the  Society's  institute,  spiritual 
exercises,  preaching,  missions,  and  theologj',  a  solemn 
and  formal  approbation,  and  to  declare  that  the 
Church  herself  was  assailed  in  these  condemnations 
of  what  she  .sanctioned  in  so  many  ways. 

Sp.^in'. — The  statesmen  who  had  the  ear  of  Charles 
III  were  in  regular  correspondence  with  the  French 
Encyclopedists,  and  had  for  some  years  previously 
been  projecting  a  proscription  of  the  Society  on  the 
same  lines  as  in  Portugal  and  France.  But  this  was 
IV—  3 


not  known  (o  the  public,  or  to  the  Jesuits,  who  be- 
lieved themselves  to  have  a  warm  friend  in  their 
sovereign.  It  came  then  as  a  surprise  to  all  when, 
on  the  night  of  2-3  April,  1767,  all  the  Jesuit  houses 
were  suddenly  surrounded,  the  inmates  arrested  and 
transferred  to  vehicles  ordered  to  take  them  to  the 
coast,  thence  to  be  shipped  off  for  some  unknown 
destination — forbidden  to  take  anything  with  them 
beyond  the  clothes  which  they  wore.  Nor  was  any 
other  explanation  vouchsafed  to  the  outer  world 
save  that  contained  in  tlie  king's  letter  to  Clement 
XIII.  dated  31  .March.  There  it  was  stated  that  the 
king  had  found  it  necessary  to  expel  all  his  Jesuit 
subjects  for  reasons  which  he  intended  to  reserve  for 
ever  in  his  roval  lireast.  l>ut  tliat  he  was  sending  them 


Tomb  of  Clem 


all  to  Civitavecchia  that  they  might  be  under  the 
pope's  care,  and  he  would  allow  them  a  maintenance 
of  100  piastres  (i.  e.  Spanish  dollars)  a  year — a  main- 
tenance, however,  which  would  be  withdrawn  for  the 
whole  body,  should  any  one  of  them  venture  at  any 
time  to  write  anything  in  self-defence  or  in  criticism  of 
the  motives  for  the  e.xpuLsion.  The  pope  wrote  back 
on  16  April  a  very  touching  letter  in  which  he  declared 
that  this  was  the  cruellest  blow  of  all  to  his  paternal 
heart,  beseeching  the  king  to  see  that  if  any  were 
accused  they  should  not  be  condemned  without 
proper  trial,  and  assuring  him  that  the  charges  cur- 
rent against  the  institute  and  the  whole  body  of  its 
members  were  misrepresentations  due  to  the  malice 
of  the  Church's  enemies.  But  nothing  could  be  ex- 
tracted from  the  king,  and  it  is  now  known  that 
this  idea  of  a  royal  secret  was  merely  a  pretext  de- 
vised in  order  to  prevent  the  Holy  See  from  having 
any  say  in  the  matter. 

Foreseeing  the  difficulty  of  so  large  an  influx  of 
expelled  religious  into  his  states,  Clement  felt  com- 
pelled to  refuse  them  permission  to  land,  and  after 
various  wanderings  they  had  to  settle  downi  in  Cor- 
sica, where  they  were  joined  by  their  brethren  who 
had  been  similarly  sent  away  from  Spanish  America. 
When,  a  year  and  a  half  later,  they  were  forced  to 
move  again,  the  pope's  compassion  overcame  his 
administrative  prudence,  and  he  permitted  them  to 


CLEMENT 


34 


CLEMENT 


take  refuge  in  his  territory.  On  the  throne  of  Naples 
was  seated  a  son  of  Charles  III,  and  on  that  of  Parma 
his  nephew.  Botli  were  minors,  and  botli  had  Vol- 
tairian ministers  through  whose  instrumentality  tlieir 
policy  was  directed  from  Madrid.  Accordmgly  the 
Jesuits  in  their  dominions  were  similarly  banished, 
and  their  banisliment  drew  similar  remonstrances 
from  the  pope.  But  iii  the  case  of  Parma  there  was  a 
complication,  for  this  state  having  been  for  centuries 
regarded  as  a  fief  of  the  Holy  See,  the  pope  had  felt  him- 
self bound  to  condemn  by  liis  Monitorium  of  30  Janu- 
ary, 1768,  some  laws  passed  by  the  duke  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  Church's  liberties.  The  Bourbon  Courts 
thereupon  united  in  demanding  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Monitorium,  threatening,  if  refused,  to  deprive  the 
pope  by  armed  force  of  his  territories  of  Avignon  and 
the  Venaissin  in  France,  and  of  Benevento  and  Mon- 
tecorvo  in  Italy.  Finally,  on  18,  20,  22  January, 
1769,  the  ambassadors  of  France,  Spain,  and  Naples 
presented  to  him  identical  notes  demanding  the  total 
and  entire  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  through- 
out the  world.  It  was  this  that  killed  liim.  He  ex- 
pired under  the  .shock  on  tlio  niglit  of  2-3  February. 
In  one  sense,  no  doubt,  his  pontificate  was  a  failure, 
and  he  has  been  blamed  for  a  lack  of  foresiglit  which 
should  have  made  him  yield  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
times.  But  in  a  higher  sense  it  was  a  splendid  suc- 
cess. For  he  had  the  insight  to  see  through  the 
plausible  pretences  of  the  Church's  enemies,  and  to 
discern  the  ultimate  ends  which  they  were  iiursuiiig. 
He  viewed  the  course  of  events  ever  in  t  he  light  of  faith. 
and  was  ever  faithful  to  liis  trust.  He  always  took 
up  .sound  positions,  and  knew  how  to  defend  them 
with  language  conspicuous  for  its  truth  and  justice,  as 
well  as  for  its  mocleration  and  Christian  tenderness. 
His  pontificate,  in  short,  afforded  the  spectacle  of  a 
saint  clad  in  moral  strength  contending  aloneagain-st 
the  powers  of  the  world  and  tlieir  pliysical  might; 
and  such  a  spectacle  is  an  acquisition  forever. 

There  were  other  aspects  under  which  Clement 
XIII  had  to  contend  with  the  prevailing  errors  of 
Regalism  and  Jansenism  in  France,  Germany,  Hol- 
land, Poland,  and  Venice,  but  these  by  comparison 
were  of  minor  moment.  Among  the  pernicious  books 
condemned  by  him  were  tlie  "  Histoire  du  peuple  de 
Dieu"  of  the  Jesuit  Berruyer,  the  ''Esprit"  of  Helv^ 
tins,  the  "Exposition  de  la  doctrine  chr&ienne"  of 
Mesenguy,  the  "Encyclopedie"  of  D'Alembert  and 
Diderot,  and  the  "  De  Statu  Ecclesia;"  of  Febronius. 
He  greatly  encouraged  devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart, 
and  ordered  the  Preface  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  to  be 
recited  on  Sundays. 

Barberi  and  Spetia,  BuUarii  Romani  Continiiatio  (Rome, 
183.5);    CoRDARA.    Commcntarii   in    Dollingeu,    />' 


politischen,     kirchlichcn     und     KvUurgeschirhu       l^sj  .      ii 
Proces-verbaux  du  clerge  franpais  (1882),  VIII:   N'>\  u^,   /,' 


ponlelu 


(Ko 


menti  delta  storia  dt 

MONTOR,  Uistni 

VON   RaNKE,  />('        "  f  Mi'  I    ■•        1     '      ,   I        - 

mentXIVet  lis  J        •      ■\':\<      \  ■  W    .  I,.;-.:  ■      - 

pagniedeJcsusf\'i:'..\-..\.\.  I  m  im  i.-, ///  '  ^^  .',/'..»;',- -;/ 
de  Clement  XIV  (Paris.  IS.-.LII:  Ramunan,  Clrmnil  XllI  et 
ClimerU  XIV  (Paris.  18.54);  Ferrer  del  Rio,  Ilisloria  del 
Reinado  de  Carlos  III  (Madrid,  1S57);  D.\vila  y  Collado, 
Reinado  de  Carlos  III  in  C.vnovas  de  Castillo,  Historia 
General  de  Espatia  (Madrid,  1893);  Smith.  The  S-wppression  of 
tke  Socictu  o1  Jesus  articiea  in  tlie  Month  (1902.  1903);  Rous- 
SEAr.  Expulsion  des  Jesuites  en  Espagne  in  the  Revue  des  ques- 
tions historiques  (Jan.,  1904). 

Sydney  Smith. 

Clement  XIV,  Pope  (Lorenzo — or  Giovanni 
ViNCENZo  Antonio — Ganganelli)  ;  b.  at  Sant'  Arc- 
angelo,  near  Rimini,  31  October,  170.3;  d.  at  Rome,  22 
September,  1774.— .\t  the  death  of  Clement  XIII  the 
Church  was  in  dire  distress.  Gallicanism  and  Jansen- 
ism, Fcbronianism  and  l{ation:ilism  were  up  in  rebel- 
lion again-sl  the  authority  of  the  Roman  pontiff;  the 
rulers  of  France,  Spain,  Naples,  Portugal,  Parma 
were  on  the  side  of  the  sectarians  who  flattcncl  their 
dynastic  prejudices  and,  at  least  in  :ippearance, 
worked  for  the  strengthening  of  the  temporal  power 


XIV 


against  the  spiritual.  The  new  pope  would  have  to 
face  a  coalition  of  mora!  and  political  forces  which 
Clement  XIII  had  indeed  manfully  resisted,  but  failed 
to  put  down,  or  even  materially  to  check.  The  great 
question  between  Rome  and  the  Bour- 
bon princes  was  the  suppression  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  In  France,  Spain, 
and  Portugal  the  suppression  had 
taken  place  de  facto;  the  accession  of  a 
new  pope  was  made  the  occasion  for 
insisting  on  the  abolition  of  the  order 
root  and  branch,  tie  facto  and  de  jure, 
in  Europe  and  all  over  the  world. 

The  conclave  assembled  15  February, 
1769.  Rarely,  if  ever,  has  a  conclave 
been  the  victim  of  such  overweening  interference,  base 
intrigues,  and  unwarranted  jiressure.  The  ambassadors 
of  France  (d'Aubeterre)  and  Spain  (Azpuru)  and  the 
Cardinals  de  Bernis  (France)  and  Orsini  (Naples)  led 
the  campaign.  The  Sacred  College,  consisting  of  forty- 
seven  cardinals,  was  divided  into  Court  cardinals  and 
Zelanti.  The  latter,  favourable  to  the  Jesuits  and  op- 
posed to  the  encroaching  secular  powers,  were  in  a  ma- 
jority. "  It  is  easy  to  foresee  the  rlifficulties  of  our  ne- 
gotiations on  a  stage  where  more  than  three-fourths  of 
the  actors  are  against  us."  Thus  wTote  Bernis  to  Choi- 
seul,  the  minister  of  Louis  XV.  The  immediate  ob- 
ject of  the  intriguers  was  to  gain  over  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  Zelanti.  D'Aubeterre,  inspired  by  Azpuru, 
urged  Bernis  to  insist  that  the  election  of  the  future 
pope  be  made  to  depend  on  his  written  engagement 
to  suppress  the  Jesuits.  The  cardinal,  however,  re- 
fused. Inamemorandum  to  Choiseul,  dated  12  April, 
1769,  he  says:  "To  require  from  the  future  pope  a 
promise  made  in  writing  or  before  witnesses,  to  de- 
stroy the  Jesuits,  would  be  a  flagrant  violation  of  the 
canon  law  and  therefore  a  blot  on  the  honour  of  the 
crowns."  The  King  of  Spain  (Charles  III)  was  will- 
ing to  bear  the  responsibility.  D'Aubeterre  opined 
that  simony  and  canon  law  had  no  standing  against 
reason,  which  claimed  the  abolition  of  the  Society  for 
the  peace  of  the  world.  Threats  were  now  resorted 
to ;  Bernis  hinted  at  a  blockade  of  Rome  and  popular 
insurrections  to  overcome  the  resistance  of  the  Ze- 
lanti. France  and  Spain,  in  virtue  of  their  right  of 
veto,  excluded  twenty-three  of  the  forty-seven  car- 
dinals; nine  or  ten  more,  on  account  of  their  age  or  for 
some  other  reason,  were  not  pupabili:  oiJy  four  or 
five  remained  eligible.  Well  might  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege, as  Bernis  feared  it  would,  protest  against  vio- 
lence and  separate  on  the  plea  of  not  being  free  to  elect 
a  suitable  candidate.  But  d'Aubeterre  was  relent- 
less. He  wished  to  intimidate  the  cardinals.  "A 
pope  elected  against  the  wishes  of  the  Courts",  he 
wrote,  "will  not  be  acknowleilged";  and  again,  "I 
think  that  a  pope  of  that  [[ihilosophical]  temper,  that 
is  without  scniples,  holding  fast  to  no  opinion  and 
consulting  only  his  <nvn  int(Tests,  might  be  accept:ible 
to  the  Courts".  The  ambas.sadors  threatened  to  leave 
Rome  unless  the  coiu-lave  surrendered  to  their  dicta- 
tion. The  arrival  of  the  two  Sixinish  cardinals,  Solis 
and  LaCerda,  added  new  strength  to  the  Court  party, 
Solis  insisted  on  a  written  promise  to  suppress  the 
Jesuits  being  given  by  the  future  pope,  but  Bernis  was 
not  to  be  gained  over  to  such  a  breach  of  the  law. 
Solis,  therefore,  supported  in  the  conclave  by  Cardinal 
Malvezzi  and  outside  by  the  ambassadors  of  France 
and  Spain,  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands.  He 
began  by  sovmding  Cardinal  Ganganelli  as  to  his  will- 
ingness "to  give  tlie  promise  required  by  the  Bourbon 
princes  as  an  indis])ensable  condition  for  election. — • 
Why  Ganganelli?  This  cardinal  was  the  only  friar 
in  the  Sacreil  College.  Of  humble  birth  (his  father 
had  been  a  surgeon  at  Sant'  Arcangelo),  he  had  re- 
ceived his  education  from  the  .lesuits  of  Rimini  and 
the  Piarists  of  Urbino,and.  in  1724.  at  the  age  of  nine- 
teen, had  entered  the  Order  of  I'Viars  Minor  of  St. 


CLEMENT 


35 


CLEMENT 


Francis  and  changed  his  baptismal  name  (Giovanni 
Vincenzo  Antonio)  for  that  of  Lorenzo.  Kis  talents 
and  his  virtues  had  raised  him  to  tlie  dignity  nf  ilcfmi- 
tor  gcneralis  of  his  order  (1741);  Benoilict  XI \'  made 
him  Consultor  of  the  Holy  Office,  and  ('lenient  XlII 
gave  him  the  cardinal's  hat  (1759),  at  the  instance,  it 
is  said,  of  Father  Ricci,  the  General  of  the  Jesuits. 
During  the  conclave  he  endeavoured  to  please  both 
the  Zelanti  and  the  Court  party  without  committing 
himself  to  either.  At  any  rate  he  .signed  a  paper 
which  satisfied  Solis.  Cretineau-Joly,  the  historian 
of  the  Jesuits,  gives  its  text;  the  fviture  pope  declared 
"that  he  recognized  in  the  sovereign  pontiff  the  right 
to  extinguish,  with  good  conscience,  the  Company  of 
Jesus,  provided  he  observed  the  canon  law ;  and  that 
it  was  desirable  that  the  pope  should  do  everything 
in  his  power  to  satisfy  the  wishes  of  the  Crowns". 
The  original  paper  is,  however,  nowhere  to  be  foimd, 
but  its  existence  seems  estalilished  by  sulisequent 
events,  and  also  by  the  testimony  of  Bernis  in  letters 
to  ChnLseul  (2S  July,  and  20  November,  1769).  Gan- 
ganelli  had  thu.s  secured  the  votes  of  the  Court  cardi- 
nals; the  Zelanti  looked  upon  him  as  indifferent  or 
even  favourable  to  the  Jesuits;  d'Aubeterre  had  al- 
ways been  in  his  favour  as  being  "  a  wise  and  moderate 
theologian",  and  C'hoiseul  had  marked  him  as  "very 
good  "  on  the  list  of  papnbili.  Bernis,  anxious  to  have 
his  share  in  the  victory  of  the  sovereigns,  m-ged  the 
election.  On  18  May,  1769,  Ganganelli  was  elected 
by  forty-sLx  votes  out  of  forty-seven,  the  forty- 
seventh  being  his  own  which  he  had  given  to  Cardinal 
Rezzonico,  a  nephew  of  Clement  XIII.  He  took  the 
name  of  Clement  XIV. 

The  new  pope's  first  Encyclical  clearly  defined  his 
policy:  to  keep  the  peace  with  Catholic  princes  in 
order  to  secure  their  support  in  the  war  against  irre- 
ligion.  His  predecessor  had  left  him  a  legacy  of 
broils  with  nearly  every  Catholic  power  in  Europe. 
Clement  hastened  to  .settle  as  many  as  he  could  by 
concessions  and  conciliatory  measures.  Without  re- 
voking the  constitution  of  Clement  XIII  against  the 
young  Duke  of  Parma's  inroads  on  the  rights  of  the 
Church,  he  refrained  from  urging  its  execution,  and 
graciously  granted  him  a  ilispensation  to  marry  his 
cousm,  the  Archtluchess  Amelia,  daughter  of  Maria 
Theresa  of  Austria.  The  King  of  Spain,  soothed  by 
these  concessions,  withdrew  the  uncanonical  edict 
which,  a  year  before,  he  had  issued  as  a  counterblast 
to  the  pope's  proceedings  against  the  infant  Duke  of 
Parma,  the  king's  nephew;  he  also  re-established  the 
nuncio's  tribunal  and  condemned  some  writings 
against  Rome.  Portugal  had  been  severed  from 
Rome  since  1760;  Clement  XIV  began  his  attempt 
at  reconciliaticm  Ijy  elevating  to  the  Sacred  College 
Paulo  de  Carvalho,  brother  of  the  famous  minister 
Pombal ;  active  negotiations  terminated  in  the  re- 
vocation, by  King  Joseph  I,  of  the  ordinances  of  17(i0, 
the  origin  and  cause  of  the  rupture  between  Portugal 
and  the  Holy  See.  A  grievance  common  to  Catholic 
princes  was  the  yearly  publication,  on  Holy  Thursday, 
of  the  censures  re.scrved  to  the  pope;  CIcrnonI  abol- 
ished this  custom  in  the  first  Lentof  his  pontificate. 
But  there  remained  the  ominous  qviestion  of  the 
Jesuits.  The  Bourbon  princes,  though  thankful  for 
smaller  concessions,  would  not  rest  till  they  had  ob- 
tained the  great  object  of  their  machinations,  the 
total  suppression  of  the  .Society.  Although  perse- 
cuted in  France,  Spain,  Sicily,  and  Portugal,  the 
Jesuits  had  still  many  powerful  protectors:  the 
rulers,  as  well  as  the  public  conscience,  protected 
them  and  their  numerous  establishments  in  the  ec- 
clesiastical electorates  of  (iermany,  in  the  Palatinate, 
Bavaria,  Silesia,  Poland,  Switzerlaml,  and  the  many 
countries  subject  to  the  sceptre  of  Maria  Theresa,  not 
to  mention  the  States  of  the  Church  and  the  foreign 
mi.s,sions.  The  Bourbon  princes  were  moved  in  their 
persecution  by  the  spirit  of  the  times,  represented  in 


Latin  countries  by  French  irreligious  philosophism,  by 
Jansenism,  Gallicanism,  and  Erastianism;  probably 
also  by  the  natural  desire  to  receive  the  papal  sanction 
for  their  unjust  proceedings  against  the  order,  for 
which  they  stood  accused  at  the  bar  of  the  Catholic 
conscience.  The  victim  of  a  man's  injustice  often 
becomes  the  object  of  his  hatred;  thus  only  the  con- 
duct of  Charles  III,  of  Pombal,  Tanucci,  Aranda, 
Moniiio  can  be  accounted  for. 

An  ever-recurring  and  almost  solitary  grievance 
against  the  Society  was  that  the  Fathers  disturbed  the 
peace  wherever  they  were  firmly  established.  The 
accusation  is  not  unfounded:  the  Jesuits  did  indeed 
distvirb  the  peace  of  the  enemies  of  the  Church,  for,  in 

the  words  of  d'A-     

lembert  to  Fred- 
erick II,  they  were 
"the  grenadiers  of 
the  pope 's  guard  ". 
CardinaldeBernis, 
now  French  am- 
bassador in  Rome, 
was  instructed  by 
Choiseul  to  follow 
the  lead  of  Sjiain 
in  the  renewed 
campaign  against 
the  Jesuits.  On 
the  22nd  of  July, 
1769,  he  presented 
to  the  Jiope  a 
memorandum  in 
the  name  of  the 
three  ministers  of 
the  B  o  VI  r  b  o  n 
kings.  "  The  three 
monarchs",  it  ran, 
"  still  believe  the  destruction  of  the  Jesuits  to  be  useful 
and  necessary ;  they  have  already  made  their  request  to 
Your  Holiness,  and  they  renew  it  this  day. "  C'lement 
answered  that  "  he  had  his  conscience  and  honour  to 
consult";  he  asked  for  a  delay.  On  30  September 
he  made  some  vague  promises  to  Louis  XV,  wlio  was 
less  eager  in  the  fray  than  Charles  III.  This  latter, 
bent  on  the  immediate  suppression  of  the  order,  ob- 
tained from  Clement  XIV,  under  the  strong  pressure 
of  Azpuru,  the  written  promise  "to  submit  to  His 
Majesty  a  scheme  for  the  absolute  extinction  of  the 
Society"  (30  November,  1769).  To  prove  his  sin- 
cerity the  pope  now  commenced  open  hostilities 
against  the  .Jesuits.  He  refused  to  see  their  general, 
Father  Ricci,  and  gradually  removed  from  his  en- 
tourage their  best  friends;  his  only  confidants  were 
two  friars  of  his  own  order,  Buontempo  and  Francesco; 
no  princes  or  cardinals  surrounded  his  throne.  The 
Roman  people,  dissatisfied  with  this  state  of  things 
and  reduced  to  starvation  by  maladministration, 
openly  showed  their  discontent,  but  Clcinriit,  hound 
by  his  promises  and  caught  in  the  meshes  of  Bourbon 
diplomacy,  was  unable  to  retrace  his  steps.  The  col- 
lege and  seminary  of  Friiscati  were  taken  from  the 
Jesuits  and  handed  over  to  the  bishop  of  the  town,  the 
Cardinal  of  York.  Their  Lenten  catechisms  were 
prohibited  for  1770.  A  congregation  of  cardinals 
hostile  to  the  order  vi.sited  the  Roman  College  and  had 
the  Fathers  expelled;  the  novitiate  and  the  German 
College  were  also  attacked.  The  German  College  won 
its  cause,  but  the  sentence  was  never  executed.  The 
novices  and  students  were  .sent  back  to  their  families. 
A  similar  system  of  persecution  was  extended  to 
Bologna,  Ravenna,  Ferrara,  Modena,  Macerata.  No- 
where did  th(?  Jesuits  offer  any  resistance;  they  knew 
that  their  efforts  were  futile.  FatluT  Garnier  wrote: 
"  You  ask  me  why  the  Jesuits  offer  no  defence:  they 
can  do  nothing  here.  All  approaches,  direct  and  in- 
direct, are  completely  closed,  wallecl  up  with  double 
walls.     Not  the  most  insignificant  memorandum  can 


CLEMENT 


36 


CLEMENT 


find  its  way  in.  There  is  no  one  who  would  undertake 
to  hand  it  in"  (19th  Jan.,  1773). 

On  4  July,  1772,  appeared  on  the  scene  a  new  Span- 
ish ambassador,  Joseph  Monino,  Count  of  Florida 
Blanca.  At  once  he  made  an  onslaught  on  the  per- 
plexed pope.  He  openlj'  threatened  him  with  a 
schism  in  Spain  and  probably  in  the  other  Bourbon 
states,  such  as  had  existed  in  Portugal  from  1760  to 
1770.  On  the  other  hand,  he  promised  the  restitution 
of  Avignon  and  Benevento,  still  held  by  France  and 
Naples.  WTiilst  Clement's  anger  was  roused  by  this 
latter  simoniacal  proposal,  his  good,  but  feeble,  heart 
could  not  overcome  the  fear  of  a  widespread  schism. 
Monino  had  conquered.  He  now  ransacked  the 
archives  of  Rome  and  Spain  to  supply  Clement  with 
facts  justifying  the  promised  suppression.  Monino 
must  be  held  responsible  for  the  matter  of  the  Brief 
"Dominus  ac  Redemptor",  i.  e.  for  its  facts  and  pro- 
visions; the  pope  contributed  little  more  to  it  than 
the  form  of  his  supreme  authority.  Meanwhile  Clem- 
ent continued  to  harass  the  Jesuits  of  his  own  do- 
minions, perhaps  with  a  view  to  preparing  the  Cath- 
olic world  for  the  Brief  of  suppression,  or  perhaps  hop- 
ing by  his  severity  to  soothe  the  anger  of  Charles  III 
and  to  stave  off  the  abolition  of  the  whole  order.  Un- 
til the  end  of  1772  he  still  found  some  support  against 
the  Bourbons  in  King  Charles  Emmanuel  of  Sardinia 
and  in  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa  of  Austria.  But 
Charles  Emmanuel  died,  and  Maria  Theresa,  giving 
way  to  the  importunate  prayers  of  her  son  Joseph  II 
and  her  daughter  the  Queen  of  Naples,  ceased  to 
plead  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Society.  Thus  left 
to  himself,  or  rather  to  the  will  of  Charles  III  and  the 
wiles  of  Monino,  Clement  began,  in  November,  1772, 
the  composition  of  the  Brief  of  abolition,  which  took 
him  seven  months  to  finish.  It  was  signed  8  Jvme, 
177.3;  at  the  same  time  a  congregation  of  cardinals 
was  appointed  to  administer  the  property  of  the  sup- 
pressed order.  On  21  July  the  bells  of  the  Gesu  rang 
the  opening  of  the  annual  novena  preceding  the  feast 
of  St.  Ignatius;  the  pope,  hearing  them,  remarked: 
"  They  are  not  ringing  for  the  saints  but  for  the  dead ' '. 
The  Brief  of  suppression,  signed  on  8  June,  bears  the 
date  21  July,  1773.  It  was  made  know^l  at  the  Gesii 
to  the  general  (Father  Ricci)  and  his  assistants  on  the 
evening  of  16  August;  the  following  day  they  were 
taken  first  to  the  English  (College,  then  to  Castel  Sant' 
Angelo,  where  their  long  trial  was  commenced.  Ricci 
never  saw  the  end  of  it.  He  died  in  prison,  to  his  last 
moment  protesting  his  innocence  and  that  of  his  order. 
His  companions  were  set  free  under  Pius  VI,  their 
judges  having  found  them  "not  guilty". 

The  Brief  "Dominus  ac  Redemptor"  opens  with 
the  statement  that  it  is  the  pope's  office  to  secui-e  in 
the  world  the  unity  of  mind  in  the  bonds  of  peace. 
He  must  therefore  be  prepared,  for  the  sake  of  charity, 
to  uproot  and  destroy  the  things  most  dear  to  him, 
whatever  pains  and  bitterness  their  loss  may  entail. 
Often  the  popes,  his  predecessors,  have  made  use  of 
their  supreme  authority  for  reforming,  and  even  dis- 
solving, religious  orders  which  had  become  harmful 
and  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  nations  rather  than 
promoted  it.  Numerous  examples  are  quoted,  then 
the  Brief  continues:  "Our  predecessors,  in  virtue  of 
the  plenitude  of  power  which  is  theirs  as  Vicars  of 
Christ,  have  suppres.sed  such  orders  without  allowing 
them  to  state  their  claims  or  to  refute  the  grave  accu- 
sations brought  against  them,  or  to  impugn  the  mo- 
tives of  the  pope."  Clement  has  now  to  deal  with  a 
similar  case,  that  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Having 
enumerated  the  princi|5al  favours  granted  it  by 
former  popes,  he  remarks  that  "the  very  tenor  anil 
terms  of  tlie  said  Apostolic  constitutions  show  that 
the  Society  from  its  earliest  days  bore  the  germs  of 
ilissensions  and  jealousies  which  "lore  its  own  members 
asunder,  led  them  to  rise  against  ot  her  religious  orders, 
against  the  secular  clergy  and  llie  universities,  nay 


even  against  the  sovereigns  who  had  received  them  in 
their  states".  Then  follows  a  list  of  the  quarrels  in 
which  the  Jesuits  had  been  engaged,  from  SLxtus  V  to 
Benedict  XIV.  Clement  XIII  had  hoped  to  silence 
their  enemies  by  renewing  the  approbation  of  their 
Institute,  "but  the  Holy  See  derived  no  consolation, 
the  Society  no  help,  Christianity  no  advantage  from 
the  Apostolic  letters  of  Clement  XIII,  of  blessed  mem- 
ory, letters  which  were  wrung  from  him  rather  than 
freely  given".  At  the  end  of  this  pope's  reign  "the 
outcry  and  the  complaints  against  the  Society  increas- 
ing day  by  day ,  the  very  princes  whose  piety  and  hered- 
itary benevolence  towards  it  are  favourably  known  of 
all  nations — our  beloved  Sons  in  Jesus  Christ  the 
Kings  of  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the  two  Sicilies 
— were  forced  to  expel  from  their  kingdoms,  states  and 
provinces,  all  the  religious  of  this  Order,  well  knowing 
that  this  extreme  measure  was  the  only  remedy  to 
such  great  e\ils."  Now  the  complete  abolition  of  the 
order  is  demanded  by  the  same  princes.  After  long 
and  mature  consideration  the  pope,  "  compelled  by 
his  office,  which  imposes  on  him  the  obligation  to  pro- 
cure, maintain,  and  consolidate  with  all  his  power  the 
peace  and  tran(|uillity  of  the  Christian  people — per- 
suaded, moreover,  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  is  no 
longer  able  to  produce  the  abundant  fruit  and  the 
great  good  for  which  it  was  instituted — and  consider- 
ing that,  as  long  as  this  order  subsists,  it  is  impossible 
for  the  Church  to  enjoy  free  and  solid  peace",  resolves 
to  "suppress  and  abolish"  the  Society,  "to  annul  and 
abrogate  all  and  each  of  its  offices,  functions,  and  ad- 
ministrations ".  The  authority  of  the  superiors  was 
transferred  to  the  bishops;  minute  provisions  were 
made  for  the  maintenance  and  the  employment  of  the 
members  ot  the  order.  The  Brief  concludes  with  a 
prohibition  to  suspend  or  impede  its  execution,  to 
make  it  the  occasion  of  insulting  or  attacking  anyone, 
least  of  all  the  former  Jesuits;  finally  it  exhorts  the 
faithful  to  live  in  peace  with  all  men  and  to  love  one 
another. 

The  one  and  only  motive  for  the  suppression  of  the 
Society  set  forth  in  this  Brief  is  to  restore  the  peace  of 
the  Chiu'ch  by  removing  one  of  the  contending  parties 
from  the  battlefield.  No  blame  is  laid  by  the  pope  on 
the  rules  of  the  order,  or  the  personal  conduct  of  its 
members,  or  the  orthodoxy  of  their  teaching.  More- 
over, Father  Sydney  Smith,  S.  J.  (in  "The  Month", 
CII,  02,  July,  1903),  observes:  "The  fact  remains 
that  the  condemnation  is  not  pronounced  in  the 
straightforward  language  of  direct  statement,  but  is 
merely  insinuated  with  the  aid  of  dexterous  phras- 
ing ' ' ;  and  he  contrasts  this  method  of  stat  ing  grounds 
for  the  suppression  of  the  Society 'with  the  vigorous 
and  direct  language  used  by  former  popes  in  sup- 
pressing the  Humiliati  and  other  orders.  If  Clement 
XIV  hoped  to  stop  the  storm  of  unbelief  raging  against 
the  Bark  of  Peter  by  throwing  its  best  oarsmen  over- 
board, he  was  sorely  mistaken.  But  it  is  unlikely 
that  he  entertained  such  a  fallacy.  He  loved  the 
Jesuits,  who  had  been  his  first  teachers,  his  trusty  ad- 
visers, the  best  defenders  of  the  Church  over  which  he 
ruled.  No  personal  animosity  guided  his  action;  the 
Jesuits  themselves,  in  agreement  with  all  serious  his- 
torians, attribute  tlieir  suppression  to  Clement's  weak- 
ness of  character,  unskilled  diplomacy,  and  that  kind 
of  goodness  of  heart  which  is  more  bent  on  doing  what 
is  pleasing  than  what  is  right.  He  w'as  not  built  to 
hold  his  head  above  the  tempest;  his  hesitations  and 
his  struggles  were  of  no  avail  against  the  enemies  of 
the  ordtT,  and  his  friends  found  no  better  excuse  for 
him  than  that  of  St.  Alphonsus:  What  could  the 
poor  pope  do  when  all  the  Courts  insisteil  on  the  sup- 
pression? The  Jesuit  Cordara  expresses  the  same 
mind:  "I  think  we  should  not  condemn  the  pontitT 
wlio,  after  ,so  many  liesitations,  lias  judged  it  his  duty 
to  suppress  the  Society  of  Jesus.  I  love  my  order  as 
mucli  as  any  man,  yet,  had  I  been  in  the  pope's  place 


CLEMENT 


37 


CLEMENT 


I  should  probably  have  acted,  as  he  did.  The  Com- 
pany, founded  and  maintained  for  the  good  of  the 
Church,  perished  for  the  same  good:  it  could  not  have 
ended  more  gloriously." 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  Brief  was  not  promul- 
gated in  the  form  customary  for  papal  Constitutions 
intended  as  laws  of  the  Church.  It  was  not  a  Bull, 
but  a  Brief,  i.  e.  a  decree  of  less  binding  force  and 
easier  of  revocation ;  it  was  not  affixed  to  the  gates  of 
St.  Peter's  or  in  the  Campo  di  Fiore ;  it  was  not  even 
communicated  in  legal  form  to  the  Jesuits  in  Rome; 
the  general  and  his  assistants  alone  received  the  noti- 
fication of  their  suppression.  In  France  it  was  not 
published,  the  Galilean  Church,  and  especially  Beau- 
mont, Archbishop  of  Paris,  resolutely  opposing  it  as 
being  the  pope's  personal  deed,  not  supported  by  the 
whole  Church  and  therefore  not  binding  on  the  Church 
of  France.  The  King  of  Spain  thought  the  Brief  too 
lenient,  for  it  condemned  neither  the  doctrine,  nor  the 
morals,  nor  the  discijiline  of  his  victims.  The  Court 
of  Naples  forbade  its  publication  underpain  of  death. 
Maria  Theresa  allowed  her  son  Joseph  II  to  seize  the 
property  of  the  Jesuits  (some  $10,000,000)  and  then, 
"reserving  her  rights",  acquiesced  in  the  suppression 
"for  the  peace  of  the  Church".  Poland  resisted  a 
while;  the  Swiss  cantons  of  Lucerne,  Fribourg,  and 
Solothurn  never  allowed  the  Fathers  to  give  up  their 
colleges.  Two  non-Catholic  sovereigns,  Frederick  of 
Prussia  and  Catherine  of  Russia,  took  the  Jesuits 
under  their  protection.  Whatever  may  have  been 
their  motives,  whether  it  was  to  spite  the  pope  and 
the  Bourbon  Courts  or  to  please  their  Catholic  sub- 
jects and  preserve  for  them  the  services  of  the  best 
educators,  their  intervention  kept  the  order  alive  until 
its  complete  restoration  in  1804.  Frederick  per- 
severed in  his  opposition  only  for  a  few  years;  in  1780 
the  Brief  was  promulgated  in  his  dominions.  The 
Jesuits  retained  possession  of  all  their  colleges  and  of 
the  University  of  Breslau  until  1806  and  1811,  but 
they  ranked  as  secular  priests  and  admitted  no  more 
novices.  But  Catherine  II  resisted  to  the  end.  By 
her  order  the  bishops  of  \Miit*  Russia  ignored  the 
Brief  of  suppression  and  commanded  the  Jesuits  to 
continue  to  live  in  communities  and  to  go  on  with 
their  usual  work.  Clement  XIV  seems  to  have  ap- 
proved of  their  conduct.  The  empre.ss,  in  order  to 
set  at  rest  the  scruples  of  the  Fathers,  engaged  in  sev- 
eral negotiations  with  the  pope  and  had  her  will.  In 
France,  too,  the  persecuted  Jesuits  were  not  alto- 
gether without  friends.  Madame  Louise  de  France, 
daughter  of  Louis  XV,  who  had  entered  the  Carmelite 
Order  and  was,  with  her  sisters,  the  leader  of  a  band  of 
pious  women  at  the  court  of  her  royal  father,  had 
worked  out  a  scheme  for  re-establishing  the  Jesuits  in 
si.x  provinces  under  the  authority  of  the  bishops. 
Bernis,  however,  defeated  their  good  intentions.  He 
obtained  from  the  pope  a  new  Brief,  addressed  to  him- 
self and  requesting  him  to  see  that  the  French  bishops 
conformed,  each  in  his  diocese,  to  the  Brief  "  Dominus 
ac  Redemptor". 

After  the  death  of  Clement  XIV  it  was  rumoured 
that  he  had  retracted  the  Brief  of  abolition  by  a  letter 
of  29  June,  1774.  That  letter,  it  was  said,  had  been 
entrusted  to  his  confessor  to  be  given  to  the  next  pope. 
It  w.as  pviblished  for  the  first  time  in  1789,  at  Zurich, 
in  P.  Ph.  Wolf's  "  Allgemeine  Geschichte  der  Jesui- 
ten".  Although  Pius  VI  never  protested  against  this 
statement,  the  authenticity  of  the  document  in  ques- 
tion is  not  sufficiently  established  (De  la  Serviere). 

The  first  and  almost  the  only  advantage  the  pope 
reaped  from  his  policy  of  concessions  was  the  restora- 
tion to  the  Holy  .See  of  Avignon  and  Benevento. 
These  provinces  had  been  seized  by  the  Kings  of 
France  and  Naples  when  Clement  XIII  had  excom- 
municato 1  their  kinsman  the  young  Duke  of  Parma 
(1708).  The  restitution,  following  so  clo.sely  on  the 
suppression  of  the  Jesuits,  seemed   the    price    paid 


for  it,  although,  to  save  appearances,  the  dvike  inter- 
ceded with  the  two  kings  in  favour  of  the  pope,  and 
Clement,  in  the  consistory  of  17  January,  1774,  took 
occasion  from  it  to  load  the  Bourbon  princes  with 
praises  they  little  deserved.  The  hostile  and  schis- 
matical  manceiuTes  against  the  Church  continued  un- 
abated in  many  Catholic  countries.  In  France  a 
royal  commission  for  the  reformation  of  the  religious 
orders  had  been  at  work  for  several  years,  notwith- 
standing the  energetic  protests  of  Clement  XIII; 
without  the  pope's  consent  it  had  abolished  in  1770 
the  congregations  of  Grandmont  and  of  the  exempt 
Benedictines;  it  had  threatened  the  Premonstraten- 
sians,  the  Trinitarians,  and  the  Minims  with  the  same 
fate.  The  pope  protested,  through  his  nuticio  in 
Paris,  against 
such  abuses  of  the 
secular  power, 
but  in  vain.  The 
Celestines  and  the 
Camaldolese  wen' 
secularized  th:it 
same  year,  1770. 
The  only  conces- 
sions Louis  X\' 
deigned  to  mak(> 
was  to  submit  to 
Clement  the  gen- 
eral edict  for  the 
reformation  of  the 
French  religious 
before  its  publi- 
cation. This  was 
in  1773.  The  pope 
succeeded  in  ob- 
taining its  modi- 
fication in  several 
points. 

In  1768  Genoa 
had  ceded  the  Is- 
land of  Corsica 
to  France.  At 
once  a  conflict  arose  as  to  the  introduction  of 
"Galilean  usages".  The  pope  sent  a  visitor  Apos- 
tolic to  the  island  and  had  the  gratification  of  pre- 
venting the  adoption  of  usages  in  opposition  to  the 
Roman  practice.  Louis  XV,  however,  revenged  him- 
self by  absolutely  refusing  to  acknowledge  the  pope's 
suzerainty  over  Corsica.  Louis  XV  died  in  1774,  and 
one  is  rather  surprised  at  the  eulogy  which  Clement 
XIV  pronoimced  in  a  consistory  on  "the  king's  deep 
love  for  the  Church,  and  his  admirable  zeal  for  the 
defence  of  the  Catholic  religion".  He  also  hoped  that 
the  penitent  death  of  the  prince  had  secured  his  sal- 
vation. It  may  be  surmised  that  he  was  prompted  by 
a  desire  to  please  the  king's  youngest  daughter, 
Madame  Louise  de  France,  Prioress  of  the  Carmelites 
of  Saint-Denis,  for  whom  he  had  always  shownagreat 
affection,  attested  by  numerous  favours  granted  to 
herself  and  to  her  convent. 

During  Clement  XIV's  pontificate  the  chief  rulers 
in  German  lands  were  Maria  Theresa,  of  Austria,  and 
Frederick  the  Great,  of  Pru.ssia.  Frederick,  by  pre- 
serving the  Jesuits  in  his  dominions,  rendered  the 
Church  a  good,  though  perhaps  unintended,  service. 
He  also  authorized  the  erection  of  a  Catholic  church 
in  Berlin;  the  pope  sent  a  generous  contribution  and 
ordered  collections  for  the  same  purpose  to  be  made 
in  Belgium,  the  Rhineland,  and  Austria.  Maria 
Theresa  lived  up  to  the  title  of  Reyhui  Apnxloliai  l)e- 
stowed  on  her  by  Clement  XIII.  But  the  doctrines 
of  Febronius  were  prevalent  at  her  court,  and  more 
than  once  she  came  into  conflict  with  the  pope.  She 
refused  to  suppress  a  new  edition  of  Febronius,  as 
Clement  XIV  requested;  she  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the 
"Grievances  of  the  fierman  nation",  a  scheme  of  re- 
forms in  the  Church  making  it  more  dependent  on 


JJJHP^^^I 

^!fB 

fm 

B^|i|&iJH^HI^|^^9| 

Monument  of  Clement  XIV — Canov,^ 

(Church  of  the  Apostles,  Rome) 


CLEMENT 


38 


CLEMENT 


the  princes  than  on  the  pope;  she  legislated  for  the 
religious  orders  of  her  dominions  without  consulting 
Rome.  She  maintained  her  edict  on  the  religious 
against  all  the  pope's  remonstrances,  but  withdrew 
her  protection  from  the  authors  of  the  "Grievances", 
the  Electors  of  Cologne,  Mainz,  and  Trier.  She  also 
obtained  from  Clement  (in  1770)  the  institution  of  a 
Ruthenian  bishop  for  the  Ruthenian  Catholics  of 
Hungary.  In  other  parts  of  Germany  the  pope  had 
to  face  similar  difficulties.  The  nimiber  and  wealth 
of  the  religious  houses,  in  some  instances  their  useless- 
ness,  and  occasionally  their  disorders,  tempted  the 
princes  to  lay  violent  and  rapacious  hands  on  them. 
Numerous  houses  were  to  be  suppressed  in  Bavaria 
for  the  endowment  of  the  new  University  of  Ebersberg, 
in  the  Palatinate  the  reception  of  new  religious  was  to 
be  stopped;  Clement  opposed  both  measures  with 
success.  Westphalia  is  indebted  to  him  for  the  Uni- 
versity of  Munster,  erected  27  May,  1773. 

In  Spain  Clement  approved  the  Order  of  the 
Knights  of  the  Immaculate  Cbnception,  instituted  by 
Charles  III.  The  king  also  desired  him  to  define  the 
dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  but  France 
blocked  the  way.  Portugal,  whilst  it  made  a  certain 
outward  show  of  goodwill  towards  Rome,  continued 
to  interfere  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  and  to  impose  on 
colleges  and  seminaries  an  education  more  in  accord 
with  French  philosophism  than  with  the  spirit  of  the 
Church.  At  Naples  the  minister  Tanucci  hindered 
the  recruitment  of  religious  orders;  episcopal  acts  re- 
quired the  roj'al  placet;  the  anti-religious  press  en- 
joyed high  protection.  Poland  and  Russia  were  an- 
other source  of  deep  grief  for  Clement  XIV.  Wliilst, 
politically,  Poland  was  preparing  its  own  ruin,  the 
Piarists  openly  taught  the  worst  philosophism  in 
their  schools  and  refu.sed  to  have  their  houses  visited 
by  the  papal  nuncio  at  Warsaw.  King  Stanislaus 
planned  the  extinction  of  the  religious  orders  and 
favoured  the  Freemasons.  The  pope  was  powerless; 
the  few  concessions  he  obtained  from  Catherine  II  for 
the  Catholics  of  her  new  province  were  set  at  naught 
by  that  headstrong  woman  as  soon  as  it  suited  her 
politics.  Of  her  own  authority  she  created  for  the 
annexed  Catholic  Ruthenians  a  new  diocese  (Mohileff) 
administered  by  a  bishop  (Siestrencewicz)  of  schis- 
matic temper.  Clement  XIV  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  his  nimcio,  Caprara,  favourably  received  at  the 
Court  of  England,  and  of  initiating  measures  for  the 
emancipation  of  English  Catholics.  This  turn  in  the 
relations  between  Rome  and  England  was  due  to  the 
granting  of  royal  honom-s  to  the  king's  brother  when 
he  visited  Rome  in  1772;  the  same  honours  being 
refused  to  the  Pretender.  In  the  East,  the  Nestorian 
Patriarch,  Mar  Simeon,  and  six  of  his  suffragans,  were 
reunited  to  Rome.  In  Rome  the  pope  found  little 
favour  with  either  the  Roman  patriciate  or  the  Sacred 
College;  none  of  the  many  measiu-es  he  took  for  the 
betterment  of  his  people  could  atone,  in  their  eyes, 
for  his  subserviency  to  the  Boiu-bon  Courts  and  for  the 
suppression  of  the  Jesuits.  The  last  months  of  his  life 
were  embittered  l>y  the  consciousness  of  his  failiu-es; 
at  times  he  .seemed  crushed  under  the  weight  of  sor- 
row. On  the  inth  of  September,  1774,  he  took  to  his 
bed,  received  Extreme  Unction  on  the  21st,  and  died 
piously  on  the  22nd  of  the  same  month.  Many  wit- 
nesses in  the  process  of  canonization  of  St.  Alphonsus 
of  Liguori  attested  that  the  saint  had  been  miracu- 
lously present  at  the  death-bed  of  Clement  XIV  to 
console  and  fortify  him  in  his  last  hour.  The  doctors, 
who  opened  the  (le:ul  liudy  in  presence  of  many  .spec- 
tators, ascribed  deatli  tM  scorbutic  and  luemorrhoidal 
di.spositions  of  long  .standing,  aggravated  by  excessive 
labour  and  by  the  haliit  of  provoking  artificial  per- 
spiration even  during  the  greatest  lieat.  Notwith- 
st;indMig  till'  doctors'  certificate,  the  "Spanish  party" 
and  liisti.rical  romancers  attributed  death  to  poison 
administered  by  the  Jesuits.    The  mortal  remains  of 


Clement  XIV  rest  in  the  church  of  the  Twelve  Apos- 
tles.  (See  also  Society  of  Jesus.) 

BuUarium  Romanum;  Clemcntis  XIV  rpistoltr  el  brevia.  ed. 
Theiner  {Paris.  1852);  Cordara.  Mpmoirs  on  the  suppression 
of  the  Jesuits,  published  by  Dollinger  in  Bcilrage  zut  pohli- 
schcn,  kirchtichen  u.  Cidturqeschichte  (Vienna,  1S82). — As  to 
the  Lrttrcs  intere.ssantrs  de  Clement  .Y/V,  published  by  the  Mar- 
chess Caracciolo  in  1776,  Father  Sydney  Smith.  S.  J.,  say.s, 
in  a  note  to  one  of  the  articles  in  The  Month  (CI.  ISO.  Feb.,  1913.3> 
referred  to  below:  "There  has  been  much  discussion  about 
these  letters.  The  Marchese  Caracciolo  in  his  Preface  is  sus- 
piciously reticent  a-s  to  the-channels  through  which  he  obtained 
them,  and  gives  them  in  a  French  translation  instead  of  in  the 
original  Italian.  On  this  account,  and  because  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  some  of  the  contents  come  from  Fra  Lorenzo  [as 
Clement  XIV  was  called  in  religionj,  many  critics  have  rejected 
the  entire  collection  a,s  spurious.  But  von  Reumont  thinks 
U;iingan,ni—P,ip:l  ri.m.nl  ,,in,-  Brirfe  unit  seine  Zeil,  1847. 
Preface -10-421  fti;it  if  i-in  -iit'-l;i!i'C  rt  ijenuine  collection,  though 

some  of  the  leltns  ,.,r.-  -imi -  ,umI  interpolated.     Von  Reu- 

niont  argues  \-cr\'  iii'll\-  ili:it  it  wnuld  hardly  be  possible  to 
fabricate  so  in.-iiiy  letters,  addressed  to  correspondents  most  of 
whonr  were  ali\'e  at  the  time  of  the  publication,  and  yet  impart 
to  them  the  unity,  distinctness,  and  spontaneity  of  a  living 
ch.Tractrr"  Ckktini:  Mi-.Ini.v,  Clhnent  XIV  et  Irs  Jesuites 
iTmi.,  'sir  ,  ^  /•,,,.,  .7,„„„(  XIV,  Lettres  au  P.  Theiner; 
W  .-■■■       /      '  ,  »  .  (Paris.  1884);  RonssEAU,  Ez- 

I  /  7.  (Paris.  1907);  De  la  Serviere 

i->  \  --     1    /'  '  '     '-  /   '.,//,,  (Paris.  1907),  s.  V.  CUmentXIV; 

Thr  hiil.in,  l-:,r,,,r  ii,s:,.^i.  XXXIX,  107;  Smith,  The  Sup- 
pression -'/  ihi  .^nrh  hi  of  Jesus,  articles  in  The  Month  (London. 
1902-31.  XriX.  c.  CI.  CII;  Ravignan.  Clement  X  III  et  Cle- 
ment XIV  (Pans.  is.'>4). 

J.    WlLHELM. 

Clement,  C«sar,  date  of  birth  uncertain;  d.  at 
Brussels  28  Aug.,  1626,  great-nephew  of  Sir  Thomas 
More's  friend,  Dr.  John  Clement.  He  was  a  student 
at  Douai  when  in  1.578  the  college  was  removed  to 
Reims,  but  was  shortly  sent  to  the  English  College, 
Rome,  being  admitted  5th  September,  1579.  He  was 
ordained  priest  in  1585,  but  remained  in  Rome  till 
Oct.,  1587.  He  took  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Theology 
in  Italy,  probably  in  Rome  itself.  Thotigh  originally 
destined  for  the  English  mission,  he  never  went  to 
England,  but  held  the  imjiortant  positions  of  Dean  of 
St.  Gudule's,  Pirussels.  and  vicar-general  of  the  King 
of  Spain's  army  in  Flanders.  He  was  a  great  bene- 
factor to  all  English  exiles,  esiiecially  the  Augustinian 
Canonesses  of  Louvain.  In  1612  he,  with  the  Rev. 
Robert  Chambers,  was  commissioned  from  Rome  to 
make  a  visitation  of  Douai  College  so  as  to  put  an  end 
to  the  dissatisfaction  with  the  administration  there. 
(See  Dodd,  "Church  Hist,  of  Eng.",  Tierney  ed.,  V, 
3  sqq.) 

Dodd,  Church  History  of  Enaland  (London,  1737).  II.  388; 
Morris.  Troubles  of  our  Cath.  Forefathers  (London,  1872),  I, 
40,  41.  47.  ."i";  Douoi/  Diaries  (London,  1877);  Foley,  Records 
Eng.  Pror.  S  .1  (London,  18S0),  VI.  138;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Diet. 
Eng.  C'lili  (I... ml. .11.  1SS5).  I.  497-8;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat. 
Bioq.  il,..ii.|..n,  IssTi,  .\I.  32;  Hamilton.  Chronicles  of  the 
English  .\  u.jusliinon  Canonesses  of  Louvain  (London.  1904-6). 

Edwin  Buhton. 

Clement,  Fr.\N(;'ois.  a  member  of  the  Benedictine 
Congregation  of  Saint-Maur  and  historian,  b.  at 
Beze  in  the  department  of  Cote-d'Or,  France,  1714; 
d.  at  Paris,  29  March,  1793.  He  made  his  first 
studies  at  the  college  of  the  Jesuits  at  Dijon.  Soon 
after  his  profession  in  1731  his  superiors  sent  hini  to 
the  monastery  of  the  "  Blancs-Manteau.x "  at  Paris 
to  assist  in  the  learned  labours  of  the  congregation. 
■To  great  intellectual  gifts  Clement  added  scientific 
acumen  and  an  unflagging  industry  which  especially 
fitted  him  for  his  task.  He  knew  no  fatigue  and  at 
night  gave  barely  two  or  three  hotirs  to  sleep.  He 
first  busied  liimself  mth  the  preparations  for  volumes 

XI  and  XII  of  the  "Histoire  litt^raire  de  la  France"; 
these  volumes  covered  the  years  1141-1167  and  were 
edited  by  Cleinencet.  He  then  edited,  in  collabora- 
tion with  Dom  Brial,  a  fellow- Benedictine,  volumes 

XII  and  XIII  of  the  work  begun  by  Bouquet  in  1738, 
"Recueil  des  historiens  des  (laiiles  et  de  Iti  France" 
(Paris,  1786),  or  as  the  title  is  generally  given  "Scrip- 
tores  reruin  gallicarum  et  franeicanun".  These 
volumes  contain  altogether  439  original  documents, 


CLEMENT 


39 


CLEMENTINES 


accompanied  by  exhaustive  introductions,  numerous 
explanatory  remarks,  and  acute  critical  notes.  Cle- 
ment's chief  work  is  a  revised  edition  of  the  chronology 
first  issued  by  Cleniencet  in  one  volume,  entitled: 
"L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  des  faits  historiqurs". 
The  new  edition  in  wliich  the  original  work  appeared 
in  an  entirely  changed  form  was  puhlislicd  at  Paris 
in  1770.  a"  third  edition  (Paris.  17S;5-17S7)  em- 
braced three  folio  volumes;  in  this  the  original  under- 
went even  greater  alterations,  and  the  labour  on  it 
cost  Clement  more  than  ten  yeans  of  toil.  In  con- 
trast to  Clemencet  he  treated  his  matter  objectively, 
and  was  influenced  neither  by  prejudices  against  the 
Jesuits  nor  by  a  blind  predilection  for  the  Jansenists. 
His  position  met  with  the  approval  of  scholars  and 
he  was  made  a  member  of  the  "  Academie  des  Inscrip- 
tions". The  work  is  still  of  value,  and  it  has  been  well 
called  "the  finest  memorial  of  French  learning  of  the 
eighteenth  century".  Clement  was  engaged  in  the 
preparation  of  a  fourth  and  much  enlarged  edition 
when  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  caused  his  death.  The 
unfinished  work  was  completed  by  Viton  de  Saint- 
Allais  and  appeared  wit  li  additional  matter  in  eight- 
een volumes  (Paris,  1818-19).  Viton  de  Saint- 
Allais  also  published  from  the  literary  remains  of 
Clement  the  treatise  "L'art  de  verifier  les  dates  des 
faits  historiques  avant  I'ere  chrctienne"  (Paris,  1820). 
A  work  of  less  importance  was  one  begun  by  Dom 
Poncet  and  edited  by  Clement,  entitled:  "  Nouveaux 
^claircissements  sur  I'origine  et  le  Pentateuque  des 
Samaritains"  (Paris,  1760).  Clement's  industry  in 
collecting  material  is  shown  by  the  "  Catalogus  manu- 
scriptonnn  codicum  Collegii  Claramontani,  quern 
e.xcipit  catalogus  domus  professa"  Parisiensis,  uterque 
digestus  et  notis  ornatus"  (Paris,  1764).  For  infor- 
mation concerning  his  letters  see  the  "Revue  b^nfi- 
dictine",  XII,  508. 

^rivains  de  la  congregation  de 

Patricids  Schlageh. 

Clement,  Johjj,  President  of  the  College  of  Physi- 
cians and  tutor  to  St.  Thomas  More's  children,  b.  in 
Yorkshire  about  1500;  d.  1  July,  1572,  in  the  Blocstrate, 
St.  John's  parish,  Mechlin.  Educated  at  St.  Paul's 
School  and  Oxford,  St.  Thomas  llore  admitted  Clement 
as  one  of  his  household  to  hel])  in  the  education  of 
his  children  and  to  assist  him  in  linguistic  studies. 
In  1519  we  find  Clement  at  Ct>rpus  Christi  College,  Ox- 
ford, when  Wolsey  constituted  liim  the  Rhetoric 
Reader  in  the  university;  later  he  became  professor  of 
Greek  there.  About  1520  he  married  the  daughter  of 
a  Norfolk  gentleman,  Margaret  (!ibl)s,  wlio  lived  and 
studied  with  More's  family.  Applying  liini.self  to  the 
study  of  medicine,  he  was  admitted  a  Fellow  of  the 
College  of  Physicians  (1  Feb.,  1.52S),  and  was  chosen 
by  Henry  VIII  to  attend  Wolsey  wlien  the  latter  was 
dangerously  ill  at  Esher  (1529).  He  was  consiliarius 
of  the  college  from  1.529  to  1,531,  in  1547,  and  again 
from  1556  to  155S.  He  hekl  the  othce  of  president  in 
1.544,  and  that  of  cen.sor  in  15.55.  After  the  accession 
of  Edward  VI  he  retired  to  Louvain  to  escape  religious 
persecution;  so  obno.xious  wa.s  he  to  the  Protestant 
authorities  that  he  was  exempted  from  the  general 
pardon  granted  by  Edward  VI.  He  returned  to 
England  in  Marj''s  reign  and  practised  his  profession 
in  Essex,  but  fled  al)road  again  when  Elizabeth  came 
to  the  throne.  Mechlin  was  his  last  jilace  of  exile. 
He  lies  buried  in  the  cathedral  church  of  St.  Rum- 
bold  in  that  city.  He  wrote:  "  Epigrammatum  et 
aliorum  canninum  liber";  and  also  translated  from 
Greek  into  I-atin:  (1)  "The  EpLstles  of  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen";  (2)  "The  Homilies  of  Nicephonis 
Calli.stus  concerning  the  Greek  Saints";  (3)  "The 
Epistles  of  Pope  Celestine  I  to  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Alex- 
andria". 

DoDD,  CAurcA  History  (Hrussels.  17;i7-I742),  I.  202;  Pits, 
De   Anglia  Scriplunbus     (Paris.   1G19).  767;    Wool..    Mhenm 


Ozoniensrs,  ed.  Buss  (London,  1813-1820),  I,  401;  Robin- 
son, Hegisters  of  St.  Paul's  School  (London.  .'?.  d.),  19;  Munk, 
College  o/  Physicians  (London,  1878),  I,  26. 

G.  E.  Hind. 


Clementine  Decretals.  Sec  Corpus  Juris  Cano- 
Nici;   Law. 

Clementine  Liturgy.     See  Clement  I,  St.,  Pope. 

Clementines  (K\7)/i^iTia),  (Clementine  Pseudo- 
writings),  the  name  given  to  the  curious  religious  ro- 
mance wliich  has  come  down  to  us  in  two  forms  as 
composed  by  Pope  St.  Clement  I.  The  Greek  form 
is  preserved  only  in  two  MSS.  and  consists  of  twenty 
books  of  homilies.  The  Latin  form  is  a  translation 
made  from  the  Greek  by  Rufinus,  who  died  in  410. 
It  is  called  the  "  Recognitions  ".  Two  later  epitomes 
of  the  Homilies  exist  also,  and  there  is  a  partial 
Syriac  translation,  embracing  Recog.  i-iii,  and  Horn, 
x-xiv,  preserved  in  two  British  Museum  MSS.,  one  of 
which  was  written  in  the  year  411.  Some  fragments 
are  known  in  Arabic  and  in  Slavonic.  The  writings 
are  curious  rather  than  admirable,  and  their  main  in- 
terest lies  in  the  extraordinary  theories  which  they 
have  been  made  to  support  during  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury. The  existence  of  the  Clementine  Homilies  was 
first  made  known  in  1572  and  1578  by  the  Jesuit  Tur- 
rianus,  who  was  a  diligent  searcher  of  libraries.  He 
seems  to  liave  found  a  MS.  of  quite  a  different  version 
from  that  which  we  possess.  The  first  edition  was 
that  of  G.  B.  Cotelier,  1672,  from  the  Paris  MS.,  in 
which  the  20th  book  and  part  of  the  19th  are  wanting. 
This  was  re-edited  in  1847  by  Scliwegler.  The  com- 
plete Vatican  MS.  was  first  used  in  Dressel's  edition, 
18.53,  reprinted  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  II;  another  edition 
by  Lagarde,  1865.  The  "Recognitions"  are  found 
in  numerous  MSS.,  for  they  weie  very  popular  in  the 
Middle  Ages:  indeed  the  strange  history  of  Clement 
and  his  father  Faustus,  or  Faustinianus,  is  said  to 
have  originated  the  Fau.st  legend  (cf.  Ricliardson, 
"  Papers  of  Amer^  Soc.  of  Ch.  Hist. ",  VI,  1894).  The 
first  edition,  by  Faber  Stapulensis,  appeared  in  1504; 
Migne,  P.  Ci.,  I,  gives  a  reprint  of  Gersdorf's  edition 
of  1838.  A  new  and  much-needed  edition  is  expected 
from  E.  C.  Richardson.  To  the  Homilies  are  pre- 
fi.xed  two  letters  and  an  account  of  the  reception  of 
one  of  them.  That  from  Clement  to  James  was  trans- 
lated by  Rufinus  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  Recog- 
nitions (best  edition  by  Fritzsche,  1873). 

Content.s. — Large  portions  of  the  Homilies  (H.) 
and  Recognitions  (R.)  are  almost  word  for  word  the 
same.  Yet  larger  portions  correspond  in  subject 
and  more  or  less  in  treatment.  Other  parts  contained 
only  in  one  of  the  two  works  appear  to  be  referred  to 
or  presuppo.sed  in  the  other.  The  two  works  are 
roughly  of  the  same  length,  and  contain  the  same 
framework  of  romance.  H.  was  considered  to  be 
the  original  by  Neander,  Baur,  Schliemann.  Schwegler, 
and  others.  Lelimann  thouglit  the  first  three  books 
of  R.  to  be  original,  and  H.  for  the  remainder. 
Uhlhorn  argued  that  both  were  recensions  of  an 
earlier  book,  "Preachings  of  Peter",  R.  having  best 
preserved  tlio  narrative,  H.  the  dogmatic  teaching. 
Cave,  Winston,  Rosenmiiller,  Ritschl,  Ililgcnfeld,  and 
others  held  R.  to  be  the  original.  It  is  now  almost 
universally  held  (after  Hort,  Harnack,  Waitz)  that 
H.  and  R.  are  two  versions  of  an  original  Clementine 
romance,  which  was  longer  than  either,  and  em- 
braced most  of  the  contents  of  both.  Sometimes  H., 
sometimes  R.,  is  the  more  faithful  to  the  archetype. 
With  the  elaborate  philosophical  and  dogmatic  dis- 
course which  forms  the  bulk  of  both  works  is  inter- 
woven a  story  which,  when  we  consider  its  date,  may 
be  described  as  positively  exciting  and  romantic.  It 
differs  slightly  in  the  two  books.  The  narrative  is 
addressed  to  fit.  James,  the  Bishop  of  Jeni.salem,  and 
is   related  in  the  person   of  Clement  himself.     He 


CLEMENTINES 


40 


CLEMENTINES 


begins  by  detailing  liis  religious  questionings,  his 
doubts  ii'bout  immortality,  etc.  He  hears  at  Rome 
the  preaching  of  a  man  of  Judea  who  relates  the 
miracles  of  Christ.  This  man  (R.)  was  Barnabas; 
Clement  defends  him  from  the  mob,  and  follows  him 
to  Palestine.  (In  H.,  evidently  the  original  form,  no 
name  is  given.  Clement  sets  out  for  Palestine,  but  is 
driven  by  storms  to  Alexandria;  there  he  is  directed 
by  philosophers  to  Barnabas,  whom  he  defends  from 
the  mob  and  follows  to  Csesarea.)  At  Ccesarea 
Clement  hears  that  Peter  is  there  and  is  about  to 
hold  a  disputation  with  Simon  Magus.  At  Peter's 
lodging  he  finds  Barnabas,  who  introduces  him. 
Peter  invites  Clement  to  accompany  him  from  city 
to  city,  on  his  way  to  Rome,  in  order  to  hear  his  dis- 
courses. Clement  (so  R.,  or  Peter  himself,  H.)  sends 
a  report  of  this  to  James,  from  whom  Peter  has  an 
order  to  transmit  to  him  accounts  of  all  his  teaching. 
So  far  H.  i.  and  R.  i.,  1-21.  Then  the  two  recen- 
sions vary.  The  original  order  may  have  been  as 
follows:  Clement  arises  at  dawn  (H.  ii,  1)  and  finds 
Peter,  who  continues  to  instruct  him  (2-18,  cf.  R.  ii, 
33  and  iii,  61).  Peter  sends  for  two  of  his  disciples, 
Nicetas  and  Aquila,  whom  he  describes  as  foster-sons 
of  Justa.  the  Syro-Phcenician  woman  who  was  healed 
by  Christ.  They  had  been  educated  from  boyhood 
by  Simon  JIagus,  but  had  been  converted  by  Zacchaeus, 
another  disciple  of  Peter  (19-21).  Aquila  relates 
Simon's  parentage  and  his  Samaritan  origin,  and 
declares  that  he  claims  to  be  greater  than  the  God 
who  created  the  world  (H.  ii,  22,  R.  ii,  7).  He  had 
been  a  disciple  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  wlio  is  repre- 
sented in  H.  as  the  head  of  a  sect  of  "daily  baptiz- 
ers";  Dositheus  succeeded  John  as  head  of  it,  and 
Simon  supplanted  Dositheus  (23-4).  In  R.  the 
Baptist  has  been  omitted,  and  the  sect  is  that  of 
Dositheus.  The  woman,  Helena,  whom  Simon  took 
about  with  him,  is  described  (in  R.  she  is  called  the 
moon — R.  ii,  12,  H.  ii,  26),  and  the  sham  miracles  he 
claimed  to  do  (H.  ii,  32,  R.  ii,  10).  He  can  make 
himself  visible  or  invisible  at  will,  can  pass  through 
rocks  as  if  they  were  clay,  tlirow  himself  down  from  a 
mountain  unhurt,  loose  himself  when  bound;  he  can 
animate  statues,  make  trees  spring  up;  he  can  throw 
himself  into  the  fire  without  harm,  can  appear  with 
two  faces:  "I  shall  change  myself  into  a  sheep  or  a 
goat.  I  sliall  make  a  beard  to  grow  upon  little  boys. 
I  shall  ascend  by  flight  into  the  air,  I  shall  exhibit 
abundance  of  gold,  I  shall  make  and  unmake  kings. 
I  shall  be  worshipped  as  God,  I  shall  have  divine 
honours  publicly  assigned  to  me,  so  that  an  image  of 
me  shall  be  set  up,  and  I  shall  be  adored  as  God." 
(R.  ii,  9.)  Next  day  at  noon  Zacchaeus  announces 
that  Simon  lias  put  off  the  promised  dispute  (H.  ii, 
35-7,  R.  ii,  20-1).  Peter  instructs  Clement  tiU 
evening  (H.  ii,  38-53).  [Probably  before  this  should 
come  a  long  passage  of  R.  (i,  22-74)  in  whicli  Peter 
speaks  of  Old  Testament  history  (27-41)  and  then 
gives  an  account  of  the  coming  of  the  true  Prophet, 
His  rejection.  Passion,  and  Resurrection,  and  relates 
the  preaching  to  the  Gentiles.  The  Church  at  Jeru- 
salem having  been  governed  by  James  for  a  week  of 
years,  the  Apostles  return  from  their  travels,  and  at 
James's  request  state  what  they  have  accomplished. 
Caiphas  sends  to  ask  if  Jesus  was  the  Christ.  Here 
Peter,  in  a  digression,  explains  why  the  true  Prophet 
is  called  Christ  and  describes  the  Jewish  sects.  Then 
we  arc  told  how  the  Apostles  argued  before  Caiphas, 
and  refuted  successively  the  Sadducees,  Samaritans, 
Scribes,  Pharisees,  disciples  of  John,  and  Caiphas 
himself.  When  Peter  foretells  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple,  the  priests  are  enraged,  but  Gamaliel  quells 
the  tumult,  and  next  day  makes  a  speech.  St.  James 
preaches  for  seven  days,  and  the  jieople  are  on  the 

Coint  of  being  baptized,  when  an  enemy  (not  named, 
ut  obviously  Simon)  excites  them  against  James, 
who  is  thrown  down  the  steps  of  the  Temple  and  left 


for  dead.  He  is  carried  to  Jericho,  with  5000  dis- 
ciples. On  recovering  he  sends  Peter  to  Ciesarea  to 
refute  Simon.  He  is  welcomed  by  Zacchseus,  who 
relates  Simon's  doings  to  him.  The  author  of  H. 
probably  thought  all  this  story  inconsistent  with 
Acts,  and  omitted  it.]  Next  morning  before  dawn 
Peter  arouses  his  disciples  (H.  iii,  1,  R.  ii,  1),  who  are 
enumerated  (H.  ii,  1,  R.  ii,  1).  Peter  gives  a  private 
preparatory  discourse  (H.)  and  then  goes  out  to  the 
public  discussion  with  Simon.  Only  one  day  of  it  is 
related  in  H.  (iii,  38-57),  but  the  whole  matter  of  the 
three  days  is  given  in  R.  (ii,  24-70,  iii,  12-30,  33-48). 
But  what  H.  has  omitted  R.  gives  largely,  though  in 
a  different  form,  in  xvi,  xvii,  xviii,  and  partly  in  xix, 
as  another  discussion  with  Simon  in  Laodicea.  It  is 
clear  that  R.  has  the  original  order.  Simon,  being 
worsted,  flies  in  the  night  to  Tyre.  Peter  deter- 
mines to  follow,  leaving  Zacchieus  as  bishop  at 
Cssarea  (H.  iii,  58-72,  R.  iii,  6.3-6).  H.  adds  that 
Peter  remained  seven  days  longer  and  baptized 
10,000  people,  sending  on  Nicetas  and  Aquila  to  stay 
at  Tyre  with  Bemice,  daughter  of  their  stepmother, 
Justa  (iii,  73).  But  R.  relates  that  seven  other  dis- 
ciples were  sent  on,  while  Clement  remained  at 
Caesarea  for  three  raontlus  with  Peter,  who  repeated 
in  private  at  night  the  public  instructions  he  gave 
during  the  day.  All  this  Clement  wrote  down  and 
sent  to  James.  In  ch.  74  are  described  the  con- 
tents of  the  ten  books  of  these  .sermons  as  sent  to 
Jerusalem.  H.  now  makes  Clement,  Nicetas,  and 
Aquila  go  on  to  Tyre.  Bemice  tells  them  how 
Simon  has  been  raising  ghosts,  infecting  the  people 
with  diseases,  and  bringing  demons  upon  them,  and 
has  gone  to  Sidon.  Clement  lias  a  discussion  with 
Simon's  disciple  Appion  (H.  v,  7 — vi,  25).  AH  this 
is  omitted  by  R.,  but  the  same  subjects  are  discussed 
in  R.  X,  17-51.  Peter  goes  on  northward  by  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Berytus,  and  Byblus  to  Tripolis  (H.  vii,  5-12). 
(R.  adds  Dora  and  Ptolemais,  omitting  Byblus,  iv,  1.) 
Peter's  discourses  to  the  multitude  at  Tripolis  are 
detailed  in  H.  viii,  ix,  x,  xi,  and  in  R.  (three  days 
only)  iv,  v,  vi,  with  considerable  differences.  Clem- 
ent is  baptized  (H.  xi,  35,  R.  vi,  15).  After  a  stay 
of  three  months  he  goes  through  Ortosias  to  Antara- 
dus  (H.  xii,  1,  R.  vii,  1). 

At  this  point  Clement  recounts  his  history  to  the 
Apostle.  He  was  closely  related  to  the  emperor. 
Soon  after  his  birth  his  mother  had  a  vision  that  unless 
she  speedily  left  Rome  with  her  twin  elder  sons,  she 
and  they  would  perish  miserably.  His  father  there- 
fore sent  them  with  many  servants  to  Athens,  but 
they  disappeared,  and  nothing  could  be  learned  of 
their  fate.  At  last,  when  Clement  was  twelve  years 
old,  his  father  hhnself  set  out  upon  the  search;  and 
he  too  was  no  more  heard  of  (H.  xii,  9-11,  R.  vii, 
8-10).  In  the  island  of  Aradus,  opposite  the  town, 
Peter  finds  a  miserable  beggar  woman,  who  turns  out 
to  be  Clement's  mother.  Peter  unites  them,  and 
heals  the  woman  (H.  xii,  12-23,  R.  vii,  11-23).  H. 
adds  a  discourse  by  Peter  on  philanthropy  (25-33). 
The  party  now  leave  Aradus  (Mattidia,  Clement's 
mother,  journeying  mtli  Peter's  wife)  and  go  by 
Balaneae,  Paltos,  and  Gabala  to  Laodicea  of  Syria. 
Nicetas  and  Aquila  receive  them,  and  hear  Clement's 
story  with  amazement;  they  declare  themselves  to  be 
Faustus  and  Faustinianus,  the  twin  sons  of  Mattidia 
and  brothers  of  Clement.  They  had  been  saved  on  a 
fragment  of  wreck,  and  some  men  in  a  boat  had  taken 
them  up.  They  had  been  beaten  and  starved,  and 
finally  sold  at  Ca>sarea  Stratonis  to  Justa,  who  had 
educated  them  as  her  own  sons.  Later  they  had 
adhered  to  Simon,  but  were  brought  by  Zacchieus  to 
Peter.  Mattidia  is  now  baptized,  and  Peter  dis- 
courses on  the  rewards  given  to  chastity  (H.  xii.  R. 
vii,  24-38).  Next  morning  Peter  is  interrupted  at 
his  prayers  by  an  old  man.  who  assures  him  that 
prayer  is  a  mistake,  since  all  things  are  governed  by 


CLEMENTINES 


41 


CLEMENTINES 


genesis  or  fate.  Peter  replies  (H.  xiv,  1-5— in  R. 
Nicetas);  Aquila  and  Clement  try  also  to  refute  htm 
(viii.  5— ix,  33;  cf.  H.  xv,  1-5),  but  without  success, 
for  the  old  man  had  traced  the  horoscope  of  himself 
and  his  wife,  and  it  came  true.  He  teUs  his  story. 
Clement,  Nicetas,  and  Aquila  guess  that  this  is  their 
father.  Peter  asks  his  name  and  those  of  his  chil- 
dren. The  mother  ruslies  in,  and  all  embrace  in 
floods  of  tears.  Faustus  is  then  converted  by  a  long 
series  of  discourses  on  evil  and  on  mythology  (R.  x, 
1-51,  to  which  correspond  H.  xx,  1-10  and  iv,  7 — 
vi,  25 — the  discussion  between  Clement  and  Appion 
at  Tyre.  The  long  discussions  with  Simon  before 
Faustus  in  H.  xvi,  xvii,  xviii  were  in  their  riglit 
place  in  R.  as  part  of  tlie  debate  at  Cssarea).  Simon 
is  driven  away  by  the  threats  of  Cornelius  the  Cen- 
turion, but  first  he  changes  the  face  of  Faustus  into 
his  own  likeness  by  smearing  it  with  a  magic  juice, 
in  hopes  that  Faushis  will  be  put  to  death  instead  of 
himself.  Peter  frightens  away  Simon's  disciples  by 
what  are  simply  lies,  and  lie  sends  Faustus  to  Antioch 
to  unsay  in  the  person  of  Simon  all  the  abuse  Simon 
has  been  pouring  on  the  Apostle  there.  The  people 
of  Antioch  in  consequence  long  for  Peter's  coming, 
and  nearly  put  the  false  Simon  to  death.  Peter 
restores  him  to  his  proper  form,  and  thenceforth  they 
all  live  liappily. 

A  letter  from  Clement  to  James  forms  an  epilogue 
to  H.  In  it  Clement  relates  how  Peter  before  his 
death  gave  his  last  instructions  and  set  Clement  in 
his  own  chair  as  his  successor  in  the  See  of  Rome. 
James  is  addressed  as  ''Bishop  of  bishops,  who  rules 
Jerusalem,  the  lioly  Church  of  the  Hebrews,  and  the 
Churches  everywhere".  To  him  Clement  sends  a 
book,  "Clement's  Epitome  of  the  Preachings  of 
Peter  from  place  to  place".  Another  letter,  that  of 
Peter  to  James,  forms  an  introduction.  The  Apostle 
urges  tliat  tlie  book  of  his  teachings  is  not  to  be  com- 
mitted to  anyone  before  initiation  and  probation.  A 
note  follows  the  letter,  relating  that  James  on  receipt 
of  the  letter  called  the  elders  and  read  it  to  tliem. 
The  book  is  to  be  given  only  to  one  who  is  pious,  and 
a  teacher,  and  circumcised,  and  even  then  only  a  part 
at  a  time.  A  form  of  promise  (not  an  oath,  which  is 
unlawful)  is  prescribed  for  the  reader,  by  heaven, 
earth,  water,  and  air,  that  he  will  take  extraordinary 
care  of  the  writings  and  communicate  them  to  no 
one;  he  invokes  upon  himself  terrible  curses  in  case 
he  should  be  unfaithful  to  this  covenant.  The  most 
curious  passage  is:  "Even  if  I  should  come  to 
acknowledge  another  God,  I  now  swear  by  him, 
whether  he  exist  or  not."  After  the  adjuration  he 
shall  partake  of  bread  and  salt.  The  elders,  on 
hearing  of  this  solemnity,  are  terrified,  but  James 
pacifies  them.  The  whole  of  this  elaborate  mystifica- 
tion is  obviously  intended  to  explain  ho%v  the 
Clementine  writings  came  to  be  unknown  from 
Clement's  time  until  the  date  of  their  imknown 
author.  Many  parallels  can  be  found  in  modem 
times;  Sir  Walter  Scott's  prefaces — the  imaginary 
Mr.  Oldbuck  and  his  friends — will  occur  to  everyone. 
Nevertheless  a  good  many  modem  critics  accept  the 
"adjuration  "  with  the  utmost  gravity  as  the  secret 
rite  of  an  obscure  and  very  early  sect  of  Judaizers. 

Doctrine. — The  central  and  all-important  doc- 
trine of  the  Clementines  is  the  Unity  of  God.  Though 
transcendent  and  unknowable.  He  is  the  Creator  of 
the  World.  Though  infinite.  He  has  (according  to 
the  Homilies)  shape  and  body,  for  He  is  the  Arche- 
type of  all  beauty,  and  in  particular  the  exemplar 
after  which  man  was  fashioned.  He,  therefore,  even 
has  members,  in  some  eminent  way.  He  is  the  self- 
begotten  or  unbegotton.  from  whom  proceeds  His 
Wisdom  like  a  hand.  To  His  Wisdom  He  said:  "  Let 
MS  make  man",  and  He  is  the  "  Parents"  (i.e.,  Father 
and  Mother)  of  men. 

The  Homilies  also  explain  that  the  elements  pro- 


ceed from  God  as  His  Child.  From  them  the  E\'il 
One  proceeded  by  an  accidental  mingling.  He  is 
therefore  not  the  Son,  nor  even  to  be  called  brother 
of  the  Son.  God  is  infinitely  changeable,  and  can 
assume  all  forms  at  will.  The  Son  proceeds  from  the 
most  perfect  of  these  modifications  of  the  Divine 
nature  and  is  consubstantial  with  that  modification, 
but  not  with  the  Divine  nature  itself.  The  Son  is 
not  God,  therefore,  in  the  full  sense,  nor  has  He  all  the 
power  of  God.  He  cannot  change  Himself,  though 
He  can  be  changed  at  will  by  God.  Of  the  Holy 
Ghost  we  learn  nothing  definite.  The  wiiole  of  this 
extraordinary  teacliing  is  omitted  in  R.,  except  the 
accidental  generation  of  the  devil.  Instead  we  find 
a  long  passage,  R.  iii,  2-11,  in  corrupt  and  unintelli- 
gible Latin,  preserved  also  in  the  early  Syriac  MSS. 
Rufinus  in  his  preface  tells  us  that  he  omitted  it,  and 
in  his  work  on  the  adulteration  of  the  books  of  Origen 
he  declares  that  it  is  so  Eimomian  in  doctrine  that  one 
seems  to  hear  Eunoraius  himself  speaking.  It  is 
naturally  not  found  in  the  best  MSS.  of  R.,  but  as 
preserved  in  many  MSS.  it  is  an  interpolation  by 
some  Arian  editor,  who  seems  to  have  translated  it 
from  the  original  Greek  without  always  understand- 
ing the  meaning.  The  doctrine  is,  as  Rufinus  says, 
the  Arianism  of  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  century. 
The  Son  is  a  creature;  the  Holy  Ghost  the  creature  of 
the  Son. 

Of  demons  much  is  said.  They  have  great  power 
over  the  self-indulgent,  and  are  swallowed  with  food 
by  those  who  eat  too  much.  Magic  is  constantly 
mentioned,  and  its  use  reprobated.  Idolatry  is 
argued  against  at  length.  The  immorality  of  the 
Greek  stories  of  the  gods  is  ridiculed,  and  attempts  at 
mystical  explanation  are  refuted.  Various  virtues 
are  praised:  temperance,  kindness  or  philanthropy, 
chastity  iii  the  married  state;  asceticism  of  a  most 
rigorous  kind  is  practised  by  St.  Peter.  The  intro- 
duction after  the  Deluge  of  eating  meat,  according  to 
the  Book  of  (Jenesis,  is  violently  denounced,  as  having 
naturally  led  to  cannibalism.  The  use  of  meat  is, 
however,  not  forbidden  as  a  sin,  and  is  probably  per- 
mitted as  a  bad,  but  ineradicable,  custom.  There  is 
no  trace  of  any  Judaistic  observance,  for  though  the 
letter  of  Peter  and  the  speech  of  James  allow  the 
books  to  be  given  to  none  who  is  not  "a  circumcised 
believer",  this  is  only  a  part  of  the  mystification,  by 
which  the  number  of  adepts  is  limited  as  far  as  pos- 
sible. 

It  is  now  becoming  recognized  by  all  critics  that 
the  original  writings  were  not  intended  for  the  use  of 
baptized  Christians  of  any  sect.  Most  of  the  latest 
critics  say  they  are  meant  for  catechumens,  and  in- 
deed the  office  of  a  teacher  is  highly  commended;  but 
it  would  be  more  exact  to  say  that  the  arguments  are 
adapted  to  the  needs  of  inquiring  heathens.  Of 
baptism  much  is  said,  but  of  repentance  little.  There 
is  little  characteristically  Christian  doctrine  to  be 
found;  atonement  and  the  sacrifice  of  the  Cross,  sin 
and  its  penalty,  forgiveness,  grace,  are  far  to  seek. 
Once  the  Eucharist  is  mentioned  bv  name:  "Peter 
broke  the  Eucharist"  (H.  xi,  .36,  R.'vi,  15).  Christ 
LS  always  spoken  of  as  "the  true  Prophet",  as  the 
revealer  to  men  of  God,  of  truth,  of  the  answers  to  the 
riddle  of  life.  The  writer  knows  a  complete  system 
of  ecclesiastical  organization.  Peter  sets  a  bishop 
over  each  city,  with  priest  and  deacons  under  hini; 
the  office  of  bishop  is  well  defined.  It  was  princi- 
pally this  fact  which  prevented  critics  of  the  Tubingen 
School  from  dating  H.  and  R.  earlier  than  the  middle 
of  the  second  century.  The  writer  was  not  an 
Ebionite,  since  he  believes  in  the  pre-existence  of  the 
Son,  His  Incarnation  and  miraculous  conception, 
while  he  enjoins  no  Jewish  observances. 

Antagonism  to  St.  Paul  is  commonly  a.ssertod  to  be 
a  characteri.stic  of  the  Clementines.  He  is  never 
mentioned,  for  the  supposed  date  of  the  dialogues  is 


CLEMENTINES 


42 


CLEMENTINES 


before  his  conversion,  and  the  writer  is  very  careful  to 
avoid  anachronisms.  But  his  Epistles  are  regularly 
used,  and  the  grounds  for  supposing  that  Simon 
always  or  sometimes  represents  St.  Paul  are  exceed- 
ingly feeble.  The  latest  critics,  who  still  admit  that 
St.  Paul  is  occasionally  combated,  do  not  attribute 
this  attitude  to  the  Clementine  writer,  but  only  to 
one  of  some  presumed  sources.  In  fact,  there  is  a 
clear  prophetic  reference  to  St.  Paul  as  the  teacher 
of  the  nations  in  R.  iii,  61.  But  it  is  not  safe  to  admit 
any  polemic  against  St.  Paul's  person  in  any  part  of 
the  writings,  for  the  simple  reason  that  there  is  no- 
where any  trace  of  antagonism  to  his  doctrines. 

It  seems  to  be  universally  held  that  the  Clemen- 
tines are  based  upon  the  doctrines  of  the  Book  of 
Elchasai  or  Hel.xai,  which  was  much  used  by  the 
Ebionites.  The  contents  of  it  were  said  to  have  been 
revealed  by  an  angel  ninety-six  miles  high  to  a  holy 
man  Elchasai  in  the  year  100,  and  this  is  gravely  ac- 
cepted by  Hilgenfeld  and  Waitz  as  its  real  date.  It 
does  not,  however,  seem  to  have  been  known  until  it 
was  brought  to  Rome  about  the  year  220,  by  a  cer- 
tain Alcibiades  of  Apamea.  We  know  its  doctrines 
from  the  "  Philosophumcna"  and  from  Epiphanius. 
It  taught  a  second  baptism  (in  running  streams  with 
all  the  clothes  on)  for  the  remission  of  sins,  to  be  ac- 
companied by  an  adjuration  of  seven  elements;  the 
same  process  was  recommended  as  a  cure  for  the  bite 
of  mad  dogs  and  for  similar  evils.  This  is  not  par- 
ticularly like  the  calling  of  four  (not  seven)  elements 
to  witness  a  solemn  promise  by  the  side  of  water 
(without  bathing)  in  the  Clementines.  For  the  rest, 
Elchasai  taught  magic  and  astrology,  made  marriage 
compulsory,  celebrated  the  Eucharist  with  bread  and 
water,  caused  all  believers  to  be  circumcised  and  to  live 
by  the  Jewish  law,  held  that  Christ  was  born  of  a 
human  father.  All  this  is  contradictory  to  the 
Clementines.  The  only  point  of  resemblance  seems 
to  be  that  the  Homilies  represent  Christ  as  having 
been  in  Adam  and  Moses,  wliile  Elchasai  said  He  had 
been  frequently  incarnate  in  Adam  and  since,  and 
would  be  again.  The  Clementine  writer  is  fond  of 
pairs  of  antitheses,  or  irufiVym,  such  as  Christ  and  the 
tempter,  Peter  and  Simon.  But  these  have  no  con- 
nexion with  any  Gnostic  or  Marcionite  antitheses, 
nor  is  there  any  trace  of  the  Gnostic  genealogies.  He 
is  simply  airing  his  own  pseudo-philosophic  specula- 
tions. Polemic  against  Marcionism  has  often  been 
pointed  out.  But  the  denial  of  two  Gods,  a  tran- 
scendental God  and  a  Creator,  is  directed  against  popu- 
lar neo-Platonism,  and  not  against  Marcion.  Again, 
replies  are  made  to  objections  to  Christianity  drawn 
from  immorality  or  anthropomorphism  in  the  Old 
Testament,  but  these  objections  are  not  Marcionite. 
The  writer  is  fond  of  citing  .sayings  of  Christ  not  found 
in  Scripture.  His  Scrijiture  text  has  been  analyzed 
by  Hilgenfeld,  Waitz,  and  others.  He  never  cites  a 
book  of  the  N.  T.  by  name,  which  would  be  an  an- 
achronism at  the  date  he  has  chosen. 

Early  Use  of  the  Clementi.ves. — It  was  long 
believed  that  the  early  date  of  the  Clementines  was 
proved  by  the  fact  that  they  were  twice  quoted  by 
Origen.  One  of  these  quotations  occurs  in  the 
"Philocalia"  of  Sts.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  and  Basil 
(c.  300).  Dr.  Armitage  Robinson  showed  in  his  edi- 
tion of  that  work  (189:i)  that  the  citation  is  an  addi- 
tion to  the  passage  of  Origen  made  by  the  compilers, 
or  possibly  by  a  later  editor.  The  other  citation 
occvirs  in  the  old  Latin  translation  of  Origen  on 
Matthew.  This  translation  is  full  of  interpolations 
and  alterations,  and  the  passage  of  Pseudo-Clement 
is  ajjparently  an  interpolation  by  the  t ranslator  from 
the  Arian  "  Op\is  imperfeotum  in  Matt."  (See  Journal 
of  Theol.  Studies.  III.  .1.3().)  Omitting  Origen,  the 
earliest  witness  is  Eusebius.  In  his  "  Hist.  Eccl.".  Ill, 
xxxviii  (.\.  n.  'A'2Fi)  ][>•  mentions  some  short  writings 
and  adds:   'And  now  some  have  only  the  other  day 


brought  forward  other  wordy  and  lengthy  compo- 
sitions as  being  Clement's,  containing  dialogues  of 
Peter  and  Appion,  of  which  there  is  absolutely  no 
mention  in  the  ancients."  These  dialogues  need  not 
have  been  the  complete  romance,  but  may  have  been 
an  earlier  draft  of  part  of  it.  Next  we  find  the  Clem- 
entines used  by  Ebionites  c.  360  (Epiphanius,  Hser., 
XXX,  15).  They  are  quoted  as  the  "Periodi"  by  St. 
Jerome  in  387  and  392  (On  Gal.,  i,  IS,  and  "Adv. 
Jovin.",  i,  26).  Two  forms  of  the  "Recognitions" 
were  kno\vn  to  Rufinus,  and  one  of  them  was  trans- 
lated by  him  c.  400.  About  408  St.  Paulinus  of 
Nola,  in  a  letter  to  Rufinus,  mentions  having  himself 
translated  a  part  or  all,  perha]5s  as  an  exercise  in 
Greek.  The  "  Opus  imperfectum  "  above  mentioned 
has  five  quotations.  It  is  apparently  by  an  Arian 
of  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century,  possibly  by  a 
bishop  called  Maximus.  The  Syriac  translation  was 
made  before  411,  the  date  of  one  of  the  MSS.  After 
this  time  citations  occur  in  many  Byzantine  writers, 
and  from  the  commendation  given  by  Nicephorus 
Callisti  (fourteenth  century)  we  may  gather  that  an 
orthodox  version  was  current.  In  the  West  the 
translation  by  Riifinus  became  very  popular,  and 
citations  arc  found  in  Syriac  and  Arabic  writings. 

Modern  Theories  of  Origin  .\nd  Date. — Baur, 
the  founder  of  the  "Tubingen  School"  of  New  Testa- 
ment criticism,  rested  his  ideas  about  the  New  Testa- 
ment on  the  Clementines,  and  his  ideas  about  the 
Clementines  on  St.  Epiphanius,  who  found  the  writ- 
ings used  by  an  Ebionite  sect  in  the  fourth  century. 
This  Judseo-Christian  sect  at  that  date  rejected  St. 
Paul  as  an  apostate.  It  was  assumed  that  this 
fourth-century  opinion  represented  the  Christianity 
of  the  Twelve  Apostles;  Paulinism  was  originally  a 
heresy,  and  a  schism  from  the  Jewish  Christianity  of 
James  and  Peter  and  tlie  rest;  Marcion  was  a  leader 
of  the  Pauline  sect  in  its  survival  in  the  second  cen- 
tury, using  only  the  Pauline  Gospel,  St.  Luke  (in  its 
original  form),  and  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  (\\'ithout 
the  Pastoral  l^iistlcs).  The  Clementine  literature 
had  its  first  origin  in  the  Apostolic  Age,  and  belonged 
to  the  original  Jewish.  Pctrine,  legal  Church.  It  is 
directed  wholly  against  St.  Paul  and  his  sect.  Simon 
Magus  never  existed;  it  is  a  nickname  for  St.  Paul. 
The  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  compiled  in  the  second  cen- 
tury, have  borrowed  their  mention  of  Simon  from 
the  earliest  form  of  the  Clementines.  Catholicism 
under  the  presidency  of  Rome  was  the  result  of  the 
adjustment  between  the  Petrine  and  Pauline  sections 
of  the  Church  in  the  second  half  of  the  second  century. 
The  Fourth  Gospel  is  a  monument  of  this  reconcili- 
ation, in  which  Rome  took  a  leading  part,  having  in- 
vented the  fiction  that  both  Peter  and  Paul  were  the 
founders  of  her  Church,  both  having  been  martyred 
at  Rome,  and  on  the  same  day,  in  perfect  union. 

Throughout  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century 
this  theory,  in  many  forms,  was  dominant  in  Ger- 
many. The  demonstration,  mainly  by  English 
scholars,  of  tlio  iiripossibility  of  the  late  dates  ascribed 
to  the  New  Testaiiii'iit  documents  (four  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul  and  the  Apiicalyp.se  were  the  only  documents 
generally  admitted  as  being  of  early  date'i,  and  the 
proofs  of  the  authenticity  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers 
and  of  the  use  of  St.  John's  Gospel  by  Justin,  Papias, 
and  Ignatius  gradually  brought  Baur's  theories  into 
discredit.  Of  the  original  school,  Adolf  Hilgen- 
feld may  be  considered  the  last  survivor  (d.  1907).  He 
was  induced  many  years  ago  to  admit  that  Simon 
Magus  was  a  real  personage,  though  he  persists  that 
in  the  Clementines  he  is  meant  for  St.  Paul.  To  a 
priori  critics  it  counts  as  nothing  that  Simon  holds  no 
Pauline  doctrine  and  that  the  author  shows  no  signs 
of  being  a  Judaeo-Cliristian.  In  1847  Hilgenfeld 
dated  the  original  nucleus  ( Preachings  of  Peter)  soon 
after  the  Jewish  war  of  70;  successive  revisions  of  it 
were    anti-Basilidian,    anti-Valcntinian,    and    anti- 


CLEMENTINES 


43 


CLEMENTINES 


Marcionite  respectively.  Baur  placed  the  completed 
fonn,  H.,  soon  after  the  middle  of  the  second  century, 
and  Schliemann  (1S44)  agreed,  placing  R.,  as  a  revis- 
ion, between  211  and  230.  This  writer  sums  up  the 
opinions  of  liis  predecessors  thus: 

R.  2nd  century:  Slxtus  Senensis,  Blondellus, 
Nourri,  Cotelerius,  Natalis  Alexanc^er,  Cave,  Oudin, 
Heinsius,  Rosenmiiller,  Fliigge,  (iieseler,  Tholuck, 
Bretschneider,    Engelhardt,   (Ifrorer. 

R.  2nd  or  3rd  century:  Schrock,  Stark,  Lumper, 
Krabbe,  Locherer,  Gersdorf. 

R.  3rd  century:  Strunzius  (on  Bardesanes,  1710), 
Weismann  (171S),  Mosheim,  Kleuker,  Schmidt 
(Kirchengesch.). 

R.  4th  century:  Corrodi,  Lentz  (Dogmengesch.). 

H.  2nd  centui-y  (beginning):  Credner,  Bretschnei- 
der, Kern,  Rotlie. 

H.  2nd  centurj':  Clericus,  Beausobre,  Fliigge, 
Munscher,  Hoffmann,  DuUinger,  Hilgers;  (middle  of 
2nd)  Hase. 

H.  end  of  2nd  century:  Schrock,  Ciilln,  Gieseler 
(3rd  ed.),  Schenkel.  (ifrorer,  Lucke. 

H.  .3rd  centurj-:  Mill,  Mosheim,  Gallandi,  Gieseler 
(2nd  ed.). 

H.  2nd  or  3rd  century:  Neander,  Krabbe,  Baur, 
Ritter,  Paniel,  Dahne. 

H.  4th  century:  Lentz. 

Uhlhom  in  his  valuable  monograph  (1854)  placed 
the  original  document,  or  Qrutidschrift,  in  East 
Syria,  after  150;  H.  in  tlie  same  region  after  160;  R. 
in  Rome  after  170.  Lehmann  (1869)  put  the  source 
(Preacliing  of  Peter)  very  early,  H.  and  R.  i-ii  before 
160,  tlie  rest  of  R.  before  170.  In  England  Salmon 
set  R.  about  200,  H.  about  218.  Dr.  Bigg  makes  H. 
the  original,  Syrian,  first  half  of  second  century,  R. 
being  a  recasting  in  an  orthodo.x  sense.  H.  was  orig- 
inally written  by  a  Catholic,  and  the  heretical  parts 
belong  to  a  later  recension.  Dr.  Headlam,  in  a  very 
interesting  article,  considers  that  the  original  form 
was  rather  a  collection  of  works  than  a  single  book, 
yet  all  products  of  one  design  and  plan,  coming  from 
one  writer,  of  a  curious,  versatile,  unequally  devel- 
oped mind.  While  accepting  the  dependence  on  the 
Book  of  Elchasai,  Dr.  Headlam  sees  no  antagonism  to 
St.  Paul,  and  declares  that  the  writer  is  quite  ignorant 
of  Judai.sm.  Under  the  impression  that  the  original 
work  was  known  to  Origen,  he  is  obliged  to  date  it  at 
the  end  of  the  second  century  or  the  beginning  of 
the  third.  In  1883  Bestmann  made  the  Clementines 
the  basis  of  an  unsuccessful  theory  which,  as  Harnack 
puts  it,  "claimed  for  Jewish  Christianity  the  glory  of 
having  developed  by  itself  tlic  wlmle  doctrine,  wor- 
ship, and  constitution  of  Cat  holicisin,  and  of  having 
transmitted  it  to  Gentile  Christianity  as  a  finished 
product  which  onlv  required  to  be  divested  of  a  few 
Jewish  husks"  (H'i.-it.  of  Dogma,  I,  310). 

Another  popular  theory  based  upon  the  Clemen- 
tines has  been  that  it  was  the  Epi.stle  of  Clement  to 
James  which  originated  the  notion  that  St.  Peter  was 
the  first  Bishop  of  Rome.  This  has  been  asserted  by 
no  les.ser  authorities  than  Lightfoot,  Salmon,  and 
Bright,  and  it  has  been  made  an  important  point  in 
the  controversial  work  of  the  Rev.  F.  W.  Puller, 
"Primitive  Saints  and  the  Roman  See".  It  is  ac- 
knowledged that  in  St.  Cyprian's  time  (c.  2.50)  it  was 
universally  believed  that  St.  Peter  was  Bishop  of 
Rome,  and  that  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  type 
and  origin  of  episcopacy.  Modern  criticism  has  long 
.since  put  the  letter  of  Clement  too  late  to  allow  this 
theory  to  be  tenable,  and  now  Wailz  places  it  after 
220,  and  Harnack  after  260.  We  shall  presently  .see 
that  it  probably  belongs  to  the  fourth  centurj'. 

The  "Old  Catholic"  Professor  Langen  in  1890 
elaborated  a  new  theory.  Until  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  in  135,  he  says,  that  city  was  the  centre  of 
the  Christian  Church.  A  new  pivot  was  then  needed. 
The  Church  of  the  capital  made  a  bold  bid  for  the 


vacant  post  of  pre-eminence.  Shortly  after  135  was 
published  the  original  form  of  the  Clementine  ro- 
mance. It  was  a  Roman  forgery,  claiming  for  the 
Church  of  Peter  the  succession  to  a  part  of  the  head- 
ship of  the  Church  of  James.  James  indeed  had  been 
"bishop  of  bishops",  and  Peter's  .successor  could  not 
claim  to  be  more  than  Peter  was  among  the  Apostles, 
prim  us  inter  parcx.  The  Roman  attempt  was  eventu- 
ally successful,  but  not  without  a  struggle.  Csesarea, 
the  metropolis  of  Palestine,  also  claimed  the  succes- 
sion to  Jerusalem.  The  monument  of  this  claim  is 
H.,  a  recension  of  the  Roman  work  made  at  Cssarea 
before  the  end  of  the  second  century  in  order  to  fight 
Rome  with  her  own  weapons.  Cfhe  intention  must 
be  admitted  to  have  been  closely  veiled.)  In  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  the  metropolis  of  the 
Orient,  Antioch,  produced  a  new  edition,  R.,  claiming 
for  that  city  the  vacant  primacy.  Langen 's  view 
has  found  no  adherents. 

Dr.  Hort  com])lained  that  the  Clementines  have 
left  no  traces  in  the  eighty  years  between  Origen  and 
Eusebius,  but  he  felt  obliged  to  date  them  before 
Origen,  and  placed  the  original  c.  200  as  the  work 
of  a  Syrian  Helxaite.  Harnack,  in  his  "History  of 
Dogma",  .saw  that  they  had  no  influence  in  the  third 
century;  he  dated  R.  and  H.  not  earlier  than  the  first 
half  of  that  century,  or  even  a  few  decades  later.  All 
the  foregoing  writers  presupposed  that  the  Clemen- 
tines were  known  to  Origen.  Since  this  has  been 
showii  to  be  not  proven  (1903),  Waitz's  elaborate 
study  has  appeared  (1904),  but  his  view  was  evi- 
dently formed  earlier.  His  view  is  that  H.  is  the 
work  of  an  Aramaean  Christian  after  325  (for  he  uses 
the  word  o/xooiio-ios)  and  earlier  than  411  (the  Syriac 
MS.),  R.  probably  after  3.50,  also  in  the  East.  But 
the  (irunttschrift,  or  archetype,  was  written  at  Rome, 
perhaps  under  the  syncretistic  system  of  cult  in 
favour  at  the  court  of  Alexander  Severus,  probably 
between  220  and  2.50.  Harnack,  in  his  "Chronol- 
ogie"  (II),  gives  260  or  later  as  the  date,  but  he 
thinks  H.  and  H.  may  be  ante-Nicene.  Waitz  sup- 
poses two  earlier  sources  to  have  been  emjilnyed  in 
the  romance,  the  "Preachings  of  Peter"  (origin  in 
first  century,  but  used  in  a  later  anti-llarcionite 
recension)  and  the  "Acts  of  Peter"  (written  in  a 
Catholic  circle  at  Antioch  c.  210).  Harnack  accepts 
the  existence  of  the.se  sources,  but  thinks  neither  was 
earlier  than  about  200.  They  are  carefully  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  the  well-known  second-century 
works,  tlic  "Preaching  of  Peter"  and  "Acts  of 
Peter",  of  which  fragments  still  exist.  These  are 
quoted  by  many  early  writers,  whereas  the  supposed 
sources  of  the  Clementines  are  otherwise  unknown, 
and  therefore  probably  never  existed  at  all.  A  long 
passage  from  Pscudo- Bardesanes'  "  DeFato"  occurs  in 
R.  ix,  19  sqq.  Hilgenfeld,  RitschI,  and  some  earlier 
critics  characteristically  held  that  Bardesanes  u.sed 
the  Clementines.  Merx,  Waitz,  and  most  others  hold 
that  R.  cites  Bardesanes  directly.  Nau  and  Harnack 
are  certainly  right,  that  R.  has  borrowed  the  citation 
at  second  hand  from  Euscbivis  (Praep.  Evang.,  vi,  10, 
11-48,  A.  D.  313). 

Puon.VIlLE  D.XTE  OP  THE  CLEMENTINES. — We  nOW 

know  t hat  the  Clementine  writer  need  not  have  lived 
before  Origen.  Let  us  add  that  there  is  no  reason  to 
think  he  was  a  Judn'o-Christian,  an  Elchasaite,  or 
anti-l'auline,  or  anti-Marcionite,  that  he  employed 
ancient  sources,  that  he  belonged  to  a  secretive  sect. 
We  are  free,  then,  to  look  out  for  indications  of  date 
without  prejudice. 

R.  is  certainly  post-Nicene,  as  Waitz  has  shown. 
But  we  may  go  further.  The  curious  passage  R.  iii, 
2-11,  which  Rufinus  omitted,  and  in  which  he  .seemed 
to  hear  Eunomius  himself  speaking,  gives  in  fact  the 
doctrine  of  Eunomius  so  exactly  that  it  frequently 
almost  cites  the  "  Apologeticus"  (c.  .302-3)  of  that 
heretic  word  for  word.     (The  Eunomian  doctrine  is 


CLEMENT 


44 


CLEMENT 


that  the  essence  of  God  is  to  be  unborn,  consequently 
the  Son  Who  is  begotten  is  not  God.  He  is  a  creature, 
the  first-born  of  all  creation  and  tlie  Image  of  God. 
The  Holy  Ghost  is  the  creature  of  the  Son.)  The 
agreement  with  Eunomius's  f/c^eiris  irl<TT€us  of 
381-3  is  less  close.  -\s  tlie  Eunomian  passage  was 
found  by  Rufinus  in  both  the  recensions  of  Clement 
known  to  him,  we  may  suppose  that  the  interpolation 
was  made  in  the  original  work  by  a  Eunomian  about 
365-70,  before  the  abridgment  R.  was  made  about 
370-80.  (The  word  archie piscopus  used  of  St.  James 
suggests  the  end  of  the  fourth  centurj'.  It  occurs  in 
the  middle  of  that  century  in  some  Meletian  docu- 
ments cited  by  Athanasius,  and  then  not  till  the 
Council  of  Ephesus,  431.) 

H.  has  also  a  disquisition  on  the  generation  of  the 
Son  (xvi,  15-18,  and  .xx,  7-8).  The  writer  calls  God 
auTOTrdriup  and  ainoyivv-qTos,  and  both  Mother  and 
Father  of  men.  His  idea  of  a  changeable  God  and 
an  unchangeable  Son  projected  from  the  best  modi- 
fication of  God  has  been  mentioned  above.  This 
ingenious  doctrine  enables  the  writer  to  accept  the 
words  of  the  Nicene  definition,  while  denying  their 
sense.  The  Son  may  be  called  God,  for  so  may  men 
be,  but  not  in  tlie  strict  .sense.  He  is  ofwoia-ios  rip 
Xlarpi,  begotten  iK  ttjs  ovaias,  He  is  not  Tpeirrbi  or 
dXXoiuTis.  Apparently  He  is  not  Kncrbs,  nor  was 
there  a  time  when  He  was  not,  though  this  is  not 
quite  distinctly  enunciated.  The  writer  is  clearly 
an  Arian  who  manages  to  accept  the  fomiula  of 
Nicaea  by  an  acrobatic  feat,  in  order  to  save  himself. 
The  date  is  therefore  probably  within  the  reign  of 
Constantine  (d.  337).  while  the  great  council  was 
still  imposed  on  all  by  tlie  emperor — say,  about  330. 

But  this  is  not  the  date  of  H.,  but  of  the  original 
behind  both  H.  and  R.;  for  it  is  clear  that  tlie  Euno- 
mian interpolator  of  R.  attacks  the  doctrine  we  find 
in  H.  He  ridicules  avroTrdrap  and  aiiroy^vpriTo!,  he 
declares  God  to  be  uncliangeable,  and  the  Son  to  be 
created,  not  begotten  from  the  Father's  essence  and 
consubstantial.  God  is  not  masculo-femina.  It  is 
clear  that  the  interpolator  had  before  him  the  doctrine 
of  H.  in  a  yet  clearer  form,  and  that  he  substituted 
his  own  view  for  it  (R.  iii.  2-11).  But  it  is  remark- 
able that  he  retained  one  integral  part  of  H.'s  theory, 
viz.,  the  origin  of  the  Evil  One  from  an  accidental 
mixture  of  elements,  for  Rufinus  tells  us  (De  Adult, 
libr.  Origenis)  that  he  found  this  doctrine  in  R.  and 
omitted  it.  The  date  of  the  original  is  therefore 
fLxed  as  after  Niciea,  325,  probably  c.  330;  that  of  H. 
may  be  anywhere  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth 
century.  The  Eunomian  interpolator  is  about 
365-70,   and   the  compilation  of  R.  about   370-80. 

The  original  author  shows  a  detailed  knowledge  of 
the  towns  on  the  Phoenician  coast  from  Caesarea  to 
Antioch.  He  was  an  Arian,  and  Arianism  had  its 
home  in  the  civil  diocese  of  the  Orient.  He  uses  the 
"Pra>p.  Evang."  of  Eusebius  of  Casarea  (written 
about  313).  In  325  that  historian  mentions  the 
dialogues  of  Peter  and  Appion  as  just  published 
— presumably  in  his  own  region;  these  were  prob- 
ably tlie  nucleus  of  tlie  larger  work  completed 
by  the  same  hand  a  few  years  later.  Citations 
of  Pseudo-Clement  are  by  the  Palestinian  Epipha- 
nius,  who  found  the  romance  among  the  Ebionites 
of  Palestine;  by  St.  Jerome,  who  had  dwelt  in  the 
Syrian  desert  and  settled  at  Bethlehem;  by  the 
travelled  Rufinus;  by  the  "Apostolical  Constitutions", 
compiled  in  Syria  or  Palestine.  The  work  is  rendered 
into  Syriac  before  411.  The  Arian  author  of  the 
"Opus  imperfectum"  cited  it  freely.  It  was  in- 
terpolated by  a  I'Ainomian  about"  365-70.  All 
these  indications  suggest  an  Arian  author  before  350 
in  tlic  ICast,  probably  not  far  from  Casarea. 

Tlie  author,  though  an  Arian,  probably  belonged 
nominally  to  the  Catholic  Church.  He  wrote  for  the 
heathens  of  his  day,  and  observed  the  stiff  and  often 


merely  formal  disciplina  arcani  which  the  fourth  cen- 
tury enforced.  Atonement,  grace,  sacraments  are 
omitted  for  this  cause  only.  "The  true  Prophet"  is 
not  a  name  for  Christ  used  by  Christians,  but  the 
office  of  Christ  which  the  author  puts  forward 
towards  the  pagan  world.  He  shows  Peter  keeping 
the  evening  agape  and  Eucharist  .secret  from  Clement 
when  unbaptized;  it  was  no  doubt  a  Eucharist  of 
bread  and  wine,  not  of  bread  and  salt. 

The  great  pagan  antagonist  of  the  third  century 
was  the  neo-Platonic  philosopher.  Porphyry;  but 
under  Constantine  his  disciple  lamblichus  was  the 
chief  restorer  and  defender  of  the  old  gods,  and  his 
system  of  defence  is  that  which  we  find  made  the 
official  religion  by  Julian  (361-3).  Consequently, 
it  is  not  astonishing  to  find  that  Simon  and  his  disci- 
ples represent  not  St.  Paul,  but  lamblichus.  The 
doctrines  and  practices  repelled  are  the  theurgy  and 
magic,  astrology  and  mantle,  absurd  miracles  and 
claims  to  union  with  the  Divinity,  wliich  character- 
ized the  debased  neo-Platonism  of  320-30.  It  is  not 
against  Marcion  but  against  Plato  that  Pseudo- 
Clement  teaches  the  supremacy  of  the  Creator  of  all. 
He  defends  the  Old  Testament  against  the  school  of 
Porphyry,  and  when  he  declares  it  to  be  interpolated, 
he  is  using  Porphyry's  own  higher  criticism  in  a 
clumsy  way.  The  elaborate  discussion  of  ancient 
history,  the  ridicule  cast  on  the  obscene  mythology 
of  the  Greeks,  and  the  philosophical  explanations  of  a 
higher  meaning  are  also  against  Porphyry.  The 
refutation  of  the  grossest  idolatry  is  against  lam- 
blichus. 

It  is  perhaps  mere  accident  that  we  hear  nothing  of 
the  Clementines  from  330  till  360.  But  about  360- 
410  they  are  interpolated,  they  are  revised  and 
abridged  in  H.,  yet  more  revised  and  abridged  in  R., 
translated  into  Latin,  translated  into  Syriac,  and 
frequently  cited.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  it  was 
the  policy  of  Julian  which  drew  them  from  obscurity. 
They  were  useful  weapons  against  the  momentary 
resurrection  of  polytheism,  mythologj',  theurgy,  and 
idolatry. 

The  principal  editions  have  been  mentioned  above.  The 
literature  is  so  enormous  that  a  selection  from  it  must  suffice. 
Somewhat  fuller  lists  will  be  found  in  Harnack,  Chronologies 
II.  in  Bardenhewer,  Patrologic  and  Geschichte  der  kirch- 
Hchen  Litteratur  a.nd  in  Chevalier,  Repertoire, — Schliemann, 
Die  ClemenLinen  (1844);  Hilgenfeld.  Die  Clem.  Recogn.  una 
Horn,  nach  ihrem  Ursprung  und  Inhalt  (Jena,  1848);  Kritische 
Untersuchungen  iiber  die  Evangelien  Jltstin^y  der  Clem.  Horn, 
und  Marcions  (Halle,  1850) ;  Uhlhorn,  Die  Horn,  und  Recogn. 
des  Clemens  Rom/inus  (Gottingen,  1854);  Lehmann,  Die 
rh-m,-rh'-''-r->.rt}  Srhnften  (Gotha,  1869);  Lipsios,  Quellen  der 
r  •■:      '    •      /'  '  ''       (1872)     and    Apokr.     Apostelgeschichte 

(1^-,       II     -    iM.>,   Hi  Diet.   Chr.   Biog.  (1877);  Langen,  Die 

1, ...iKi.   1890);   Funk  in  Kirchenlex.   (1884); 

111 'liu  (  ,.m. /.;.;..  IlomiliesinStudiaBiblicaiOsSoTd.lSdO), 

II;  BubSELL,  The  I^urpose  of  the  World-Process  and  the  Problem 
of  Evil  in  the  Clementine  and  Lactantian  Writings  in  Studia 
Bibtica  (1896),  IV;  W.  CIhawner],  Index  of  noteworthy  words 
and  phrases  found  in  the  Clementine  writings  in  Lightfoot  Fund 
Public.  (London.  1893);  Hort,  Clementine  Recognitions  (lectures 
delivered  in  1884;  pub.  London,  1901);  Mevboom,  De  Clemens 
Roman  (1902);  Headlam,  The  Clementine  Literature  in 
Journ.  Theol.  Stud.  (1903),  III,  41;  Chapman,  Origen  and 
Pseudo-Clement  in  Journ.  Theol.  Stud.,  Ill,  436;  Hilgen- 
feld, Origenes  und  Pseudo-Clemens  in  Zeitschr.  fur  Wiss. 
Theol.  (1903),  XLVI.  342;  Pheuschen  in  Harnack.  GescA. 
der  allchri^il  Liiemtrir  (1893),  I,  212;  and  II.  Chronologic. 
518;  \V\ii/.  th.  I'  '  !'^li>elemeniinen  in  Texte  und  Uniers.,  New 
Series,  X  ,  [:(  h-imw.  The  Date  of  the  Clementines  in  Zeitschr. 
fur  Ni.!.-I<    •     I"  1908).      An   English   translation  of  the 

Recognitmns.  bv  ilie  Kev.  T.  Smith,  D.D.,  will  be  found  in 
the  Antc-y icenc  Library,  III,  and  of  the  Homilies,  Hid.,  XVII 
(Edinburgh,  1871-2). 

John  Ch.\pman. 

Clement  Mary  Hofbauer  (John  Dvoit.(K),  S.\int, 
the  second  founder  of  the  Redemptorist  Congregation, 
called  "the  Apostle  of  Vienna",  b.  at  Tasswitz  in 
Moravia,  26  December,  1751 ;  d.  at  Vienna,  15  March, 
1821.  The  family  name  of  Dvorak  was  better  known 
by  its  German  equivalent,  Hofbauer.  The  youngest 
of  twelve  children,  and  son  of  a  grazier  and  butcher,  ■• 
he  was  six  years  olel  when  his  father  died.     His  great 


CLEMENT 


45 


CLEMENT 


desire  was  to  become  a  priest,  but  liis  family  being 
unable  to  give  him  the  necessary  education  he  became 
a  baker's  assistant,  devoting  all  his  spare  time  to 
study.  He  was  a  servant  in  the  Premonstratensian 
monastery  of  Bruck  from  1771  to  1775,  and  then 
lived  for  some  time  as  a  hermit.  When  the  Emperor 
Joseph  II  abolished  hermitages  he  went  to  Vienna, 
where  he  worked  once  more  as  a  baker.  After  two 
pilgrimages  to  Rome  he  again  tried  a  hermit's  life 
(1782-3),  this  time  under  the  protection  of  Barnaba 
Chiaramonti,  Bishop  of  Tivoli,  afterwards  Pope  Pius 
VII,  taking  the  name  of  Clement,  by  which  he  was 
ever  afterwards  known.  He  once  more  returned  to 
Vienna,  wliere  at  length  by  the  generosity  of  benefac- 
tors he  was  enabled  to  go  to  the  university  and  com- 
plete his  studies.  In  1784  he  made  a  third  pilgrimage 
on  foot  to  Rome  with  a  friend,  Thaddiius  Hubl,  and 
the  two  were  received  into  the  Redemptorist  novitiate 
at  San  Giuliano  on  the  Esquiline.  After  a  shortened 
probation  they  were  professed  on  19  March,  1785,  and 
ordained  priests  a  few  days  later.  They  were  sent, 
towards  the  end  of  the  same  year,  to  found  a  house 
north  of  the  Alps,  St.  Alphonsus.  who  was  still  alive, 
prophesying  their  success.  It  being  impossible  under 
Joseph  II  to  found  a  house  in  Vienna.  Clement  and 
Thaddaus  turned  to  Warsaw,  where  King  Stanislaus 
Poniatowski,  at  the  nuncio's  request,  placed  St. 
Benno's,  the  German  national  church,  at  their  dis- 
posal. Here,  in  1795,  they  saw  the  end  of  Polish  inde- 
pendence. The  labours  of"  Clement  and  his  com- 
panions in  Warsaw  from  1786  to  1808  are  wellnigh 
incredible.  In  addition  to  St.  Benno's,  another  large 
church  was  reserved  for  them,  where  sermons  were 
preached  in  French,  antl  there  were  daily  classes  of 
instruction  for  Protestants  and  Jews.  Besides  this 
Clement  founded  an  orphanage  and  a  school  for  boys. 
His  chief  helper,  Thaddaus  Hiibl,  died  in  1807.  In 
the  next  year,  on  orders  from  Paris,  the  house  at 
Warsaw  and  three  other  houses  which  Clement  had 
founded  were  suppressed,  and  the  Redemptorists 
were  e.xpelled  from  the  Grand  Duchy.  Clement  with 
one  companion  went  to  Vienna,  where  for  the  last 
twelve  years  of  his  life  he  acted  as  chaplain  and 
directpr  at  an  Ursuline  convent.  During  these  years 
he  exercised  a  veritable  apostolate  among  all  classes 
in  the  capital  from  the  Emperor  Francis  downward. 
Unable  to  founil  a  regular  house  of  his  congregation, 
which  was  however  established,  as  he  had  predicted, 
almost  immediately  after  his  death,  he  devoted  him- 
self in  a  special  way  to  the  conversion  and  training  of 
young  men.  "  I  know  but  three  men  of  superhuman 
energy",  his  friend  Werner  had  said,  "Napoleon, 
Goethe,  and  Clement  Hofbauer. "  "Religion  in  Aus- 
tria", said  Pius  VIL  "has  lost  its  chief  support." 
Indeed  it  was  to  Clement  Hofbauer  perhaps  more 
than  to  any  single  individual  that  the  extinction  of 
Josephinism  was  due.  He  was  beatified  by  Leo  XIII, 
29  January,  1888;    canonized  20  May,  1909.      (See 

AUSTRO-HuNO.\RI.\N    MoN.VRCHY,    II,    129.) 

His  life  in  German  bv  Haringer,  translated  into  English  by 
Lady  Herbert  (New  York.  18.S3I.  .\nother  life  bv  O.  R. 
Vassall  Phillips  (New  York,  1S93);  Berthe.  Sainl  Alphonse 
de  Liffuori  (Pans,  1900),  tr.  Life  of  Si.  Alphonsus  de  Liguori 
(Dublin.  1905),  J    MagnIER. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  (properly  Titu.s  Fl.wius 
Clemens,  but  known  in  church  history  by  the  former 
designation  to  distinguish  him  from  Clement  of 
Rome),  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.  about  the  year 
215;  an  early  Greek  theologian  and  head  of  the  cate- 
chetical school  of  .Alexandria.  Athens  is  given  as 
the  starting-point  of  his  journeyings,  and  was  proba- 
bly his  birthplace.  He  became  a  convert  to  the  Faith 
and  travelled  from  place  to  place  in  search  of  higher 
instruction,  attaching  himself  successively  to  differ- 
ent masters:  to  a  Greek  of  Ionia,  to  another  of  Magna 
Griecia,  to  a  third  of  Ccele-Syria,  after  all  of  whom  he 
addressed  himself  in  turn  to  an  Egyptian,  an  Assy- 


rian, and  a  converted  Palestinian  Jew.  At  last  he 
met  Pantsenus  in  Ale.xandria,  and  in  his  teaching 
"found  rest". 

The  place  itself  was  well  chosen.  It  was  natural 
that  Christian  speculation  should  have  a  home  at 
Alexandria.  This  great  city  was  at  the  time  a  centre 
of  culture  as  well  as  of  trade.  A  great  university  had 
grown  up  under  the  long-continued  patronage  of  the 
State.  The  intellectual  temper  was  broad  and  tol- 
erant, as  became  a  city  where  so  many  races  mingled. 
The  philosophers  were  critics  or  eclectics,  and  Plato 
was  the  most  favoured  of  the  old  masters.  Neo- 
Platonism,  the  philosophy  of  the  new  pagan  renais- 
sance, had  a  prophet  at  Alexandria  in  the  person  of 
Ammonius  Saccas.  The  Jews,  too,  who  were  there 
in  very  large  numbers,  breathed  its  liberal  atmosphere, 
and  had  assimilated  secular  culture.  They  there 
formed  the  most  enlightened  colony  of  the  Disper- 
sion. Having  lost  the  use  of  Hebrew,  they  found  it 
necessaiy  to  translate  the  Scriptures  into  the  more 
familiar  Greek.  I'liilo,  their  foremost  thinker,  be- 
came a  sort  of  Jewish  Plato.  Ale.xandria  was,  in 
addition,  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  that  peculiar  mixed 
pagan  and  Christian  speculation  known  as  Gnosti- 
cism. Basilides  and  Valentinus  taught  there.  It  is 
no  matter  of  surprise,  therefore,  to  find  some  of  the 
Christians  affected  in  turn  by  the  scientific  spirit. 
At  an  uncertain  date,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  second 
century,  "a  school  of  oral  instruction"  was  founded. 
Lectures  were  given  to  which  pagan  hearers  were  ad- 
mitted, and  advanced  teaching  to  Christians  separ- 
ately. It  was  an  official  institution  of  the  Church. 
Pantsenus  is  the  earliest  teacher  whose  name  has  been 
preserved.  Clement  first  assisted  and  then  succeeded 
Pantajnus  in  the  direction  of  the  school,  about  a.d. 
190.  He  was  already  known  as  a  Christian  writer 
before  the  days  of  Pope  Victor  (188-199). 

About  this  time  he  may  have  composed  the 
"Hortatory  Discourse  to  the  Greeks"  {npoTpcTmKbs 
npbs  "EXX7)ras).  It  is  a  persuasive  appeal  for  the 
Faith,  written  in  a  lofty  strain.  The  discourse  opens 
with  passages  which  fall  on  the  ear  with  the  effect  of 
sweet  music.  Amphion  and  Arion  by  their  min- 
strelsy drew  after  them  savage  monsters  and  moved 
the  very  stones;  Christ  is  the  noblest  minstrel.  His 
harp  and  lyre  are  men.  He  draws  music  from  their 
hearts  by  the  Holy  Spirit:  nay,  Christ  is  Hunself  the 
New  Canticle,  whose  melody  subdues  the  fiercest  and 
hardest  natures.  Clement  then  proceeds  to  show  the 
transcendence  of  the  Christian  rehgion.  He  con- 
trasts Christianity  with  the  vileness  of  pagan  rites, 
and  with  the  faint  hopes  of  pagan  poets  and  phOoso- 
phers.  Man  is  born  for  God.  The  Word  calls  men 
to  Himself.  The  full  truth  is  found  in  Christ  alone. 
The  work  ends  with  a  description  of  the  God-fearing 
Christian.  He  answers  those  who  urge  that  it  is 
wrong  to  desert  one's  ancestral  religion. 

The  work  entitled  "Outlines"  ( TToTWTriio-ets)  is 
likewise  believed  to  be  a  production  of  the  early 
activity  of  Clement.  It  was  translated  into  Latin 
by  Rufinus  under  the  title  "  Dispositioues".  It 
was  in  eight  books,  but  is  no  longer  e.xtant,  though 
numerous  fragments  have  been  preserved  in  Greek  by 
Eusebius,  CEcumenius,  Maximus  Confessor,  John 
Moschos,  and  Photius.  According  to  Zahn,  a  Latin 
fragment,  "  Adumbrationes  dementis  Alexandrini 
in  epistolas  canonicas",  translated  by  Cassiodorus 
and  purged  of  objectionable  passages,  represents  in 
part  the  text  of  Clement.  Eusebius  represents  the 
"Outlines"  as  an  abridged  commentary,  with  doc- 
trinal and  historical  remarks  on  the  entire  Bible  and 
on  the  non-canonical  "Epistle  of  Barnabas"  and 
"  Apocalypse  of  Peter  ".  Photius,  who  had  also  read  it, 
describes  it  as  a  series  of  explanations  of  Biblical  texts, 
especially  of  Genesis,  Exodus,  the  Psalms,  Ecclesiastes, 
and  the  Pauline  and  Catholic  Epistles.  He  declares 
the  work  sound  on  some  points,  but  adds  that  it  con- 


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46 


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tains  "impieties  and  fables",  sucii  as  the  eternity  of 
matter,  the  creatureship  of  the  Word,  plurahty  of 
Words  (A6701),  Docetism,  metempsychosis,  etc.  Con- 
servative scliolars  are  inclined  to  believe  that  Photius 
has  thro  WE  the  mistakes  of  Clement,  whatever  they 
may  have  been,  into  undue  relief.  Clement's  style 
is  difficult,  liis  works  are  full  of  borrowed  e.xcerpts, 
and  his  teaching  is  with  difficulty  reduced  to  a  coher- 
ent body  of  doctrine.  And  this  early  work,  being  a 
scattered  commentary  on  Holy  Writ,  must  have  been 
peculiarly  liable  to  misconstruction.  It  is  certain 
that  several  of  the  more  serious  charges  can  rest  upon 
nothing  but  mistakes.  At  any  rate,  his  extant  writ- 
ings show  Clement  in  a  better  light. 

Other  works  of  his  are  the  "Miscellanies"  (STpu- 
IMTth)  and  "The  Tutor"  {Ylaihaywybs:) .  The  "Mis- 
cellanies" comprise  seven  entire  books,  of  which  the 
first  four  are  earlier  than  "The  Tutor".  When  he 
had  finished  this  latter  work  he  returned  to  the 
"Miscellanies",  which  he  was  never  able  to  finish. 
The  first  pages  of  the  work  are  now  missing.  What 
has  been  known  as  the  eighth  book  since  the  time  of 
Eusebius  is  nothing  more  than  a  collection  of  e.x- 
tracts  drawn  from  pagan  philosophers.  It  is  likely, 
as  von  Arnim  has  suggested,  that  Clement  had  in- 
tended to  make  use  of  these  materials  together  with 
the  abridgment  of  Theodotus  (Excerpts  from  Theo- 
dotus  and  the  Eastern  School  of  Valentinus)  and  the 
"Eelogae  Prophetical",  E.xtracts  from  the  Prophets 
(not  extracts,  but  notes  at  random  on  texts  or  Scrip- 
tural topics)  for  the  continuation  of  the  "Miscellan- 
ies". In  the  "  Miscellanies  "  Clement  disclaims  order 
and  plan.  He  compares  the  work  to  a  meadow 
where  all  kinds  of  flowers  grow  at  random  and,  again, 
to  a  shady  hill  or  mountain  planted  with  trees  of 
every  sort.  In  fact,  it  is  a  loosely  related  series  of 
remarks,  possibly  notes  of  his  lectures  in  the  school. 
It  is  the  fullest  of  Clement's  works.  He  starts  with 
the  importance  of  philosophy  for  the  pursuit  of 
Christian  knowledge.  Here  he  is  perhaps  defending 
his  own  scientific  labours  from  local  criticism  of  con- 
servative brethren.  He  shows  how  faith  is  related  to 
knowledge,  and  emphasizes  the  superiority  of  revela- 
tion to  philosophy.  God's  truth  is  to  be  found  in 
revelation,  another  portion  of  it  in  philosophy.  It  is 
the  duty  of  the  Christian  to  neglect  neither.  Relig- 
ious science,  drawn  from  this  twofold  source,  is  even 
an  element  of  perfection;  the  instructed  Christian — 
"the  true  Gnostic" — is  the  perfect  Christian.  He  who 
has  risen  to  this  height  is  far  from  the  disturbance 
of  passion;  he  is  united  to  God,  and  in  a  mysterious 
sense  is  one  ^^^th  Him.  Such  is  the  line  of  thought 
indicated  in  the  work,  which  is  full  of  digressions. 

"The  Tutor"  is  a  practical  treati.se  in  three  books. 
Its  purpose  is  to  fit  the  ordinary  Christian  by  a  dis- 
ciplined life  to  become  an  instructed  Christian.  In 
ancient  times  the  pcedagogus  was  the  slave  who  had 
constant  charge  of  a  boy,  his  companion  at  all  times. 
On  him  depended  the  formation  of  the  boy's  charac- 
ter. Such  is  the  office  of  the  Word  Incarnate 
towards  men.  He  first  summons  them  to  be  His, 
then  He  trains  them  in  His  ways.  His  ways  are 
temperate,  orderly,  calm,  and  simple.  Nothing  is 
too  common  or  trivial  for  the  Tutor's  care.  His 
influence  tells  on  the  minute  details  of  life,  on  one's 
manner  of  eating,  drinking,  sleeping,  dressing,  taking 
recreation,  etc.  The  moral  tone  of  this  work  is 
kmdly;  very  beautiful  is  the  ideal  of  a  transfigured 
life  described  at  tlie  close.  In  the  editions  of  Clement 
"The  Tutor"  is  followed  by  two  short  poems,  the 
second  of  which,  addressed  to  the  Tutor,  is  from  some 
pious  reader  of  the  work;  the  first,  entitled  "A 
Hymn  of  the  Saviour  Christ"  ("Tmi-ostoD  Sut^^os  Xpiir- 
ToC),  is,  in  the  manuscripts  which  contain  it,  attributed 
to  Clement.  The  hymn  may  be  the  work  of  Clement 
(Bardenliewer),  or  it  may  be  of  as  early  a  date  as  the 
Gloria  in  Excelsis  (Westcott). 


Some  scholars  see  in  the  chief  writings  of  Clement, 
the  "Exhortation",  "The  Tutor",  the  "Miscel- 
lanies", a  great  trilogy  representing  a  graduated 
initiation  into  the  Christian  life — belief,  discipline, 
knowledge — three  states  corresponding  to  the  three 
degrees  of  the  neo-Platonic  mysteries — purification, 
initiation,  and  vision.  Some  such  underlying  con- 
ception was  doubtless  before  the  mind  of  Clement, 
but  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  realized.  He 
was  too  unsystematic.  Besides  these  more  impor- 
tant works,  he  wTOte  the  beautiful  tract,  "  Who  is  the 
rich  man  who  shall  be  saved?"  (rd  6  irufi/neyos  ttXoiJ- 
<rtos;).  It  is  an  exposition  of  St.  Mark,  x,  17-31, 
wherein  Clement  shows  that  wealtli  is  not  condemned 
by  the  Gospel  as  intrinsically  evil;  its  morality  de- 
pends on  the  good  or  ill  use  made  of  it.  The  work 
concludes  with  the  narrative  of  the  young  man  who 
was  baptized,  lost,  and  again  rewon  by  the  Apostle 
St.  John.  The  date  of  the  composition  cannot  be 
fixed.  We  have  the  work  almost  in  its  entirety. 
Clement  wrote  homilies  on  fasting  and  on  evil-speak- 
ing, and  he  also  used  his  pen  in  the  controversy  on 
the    Paschal    question. 

Duchesne  (Hist .  ancienne  de  I'Eglise,  1, 334  sqq.)  thus 
summarizes  the  remaining  years  of  Clement's  life.  He 
did  not  end  his  life  at  Alexandria.  The  persecution 
fell  upon  Egypt  in  the  year  202,  and  catechumens 
were  pursued  mth  special  intent  of  law.  The 
catechetical  school  suffered  accordingly.  In  the 
first  two  books  of  the  "Miscellanies",  written  at  this 
time,  we  find  more  than  one  allusion  to  the  crisis. 
.\t  length  Clement  felt  obliged  to  withdraw.  We 
find  him  shortly  after  at  Ciesarea  in  Cappadocia 
beside  his  friend  and  former  pupil  Bishop  Alexander. 
The  persecution  is  active  there  also,  and  Clement  is 
fulfilling  a  ministry  of  love.  Alexander  is  in  prison 
for  Christ's  sake,  Clement  takes  charge  of  the  Church 
in  his  stead,  strengthens  the  faithful,  and  is  even 
able  to  draw  in  additional  converts.  We  learn  this 
from  a  letter  written  in  211  or  212  by  Alexander  to 
congratulate  the  Church  of  Antioch  on  the  election  of 
Asclepiades  to  the  bishopric.  Clement  himself 
undertook  to  deliver  the  letter  in  person,  being  known 
to  the  faithful  of  Antioch.  In  another  letter  written 
about  215  to  Origen  Alexander  speaks  of  Clement 
as  of  one  then  dead. 

Clement  has  had  no  notable  influence  on  the  course 
of  theology  beyond  his  personal  influence  on  the 
young  Origen.  His  WTitings  were  occasionally 
copied,  as  by  Hippolytus  in  his  "Chronicon",  by 
Ariiobius,  and  by  "Theodoret  of  Cyrus.  St.  Jerome 
admired  his  learning.  Pope  Gelasius  in  the  catalogue 
attributetl  to  him  mentions  Clement's  works,  but  adds, 
"they  are  in  no  ca.se  to  be  received  amongst  us". 
Photius  in  the  "  Bibliotheca  "  censures  a  list  of  errors 
drawn  from  his  writings,  butshows  a  kindly  feeling  to- 
wards Clement,  assuming  that  the  original  text  had 
been  tampered  with.  Clement  has  in  fact  been  dwarfed 
in  history  by  the  towering  grandeur  of  the  great 
Origen,  who  succeeded  him  at  Alexandria.  Down 
to  the  seventeenth  century  he  was  venerated  as  a 
saint.  His  name  was  to  be  found  in  the  martyrol- 
ogies,  and  his  feast  fell  on  the  fourth  of  December. 
But  when  the  Roman  Martyrologj'  was  revised  by 
Pope  Clement  VIII  his  name  was  dropped  from  the 
calendar  on  the  advice  of  Cardinal  Baronius.  Bene- 
dict XIV  maintained  this  decision  of  his  predecessor 
on  the  grounds  that  Clement's  life  was  little  kno\vn, 
that  he  had  never  obtained  public  cultus  in  the 
Church,  and  that  some  of  his  doctrines  were,  if  not 
erroneous,  at  least  suspect.  In  more  recent  times 
Clement  has  grown  in  favour  for  his  charming  liter- 
ary temper,  his  attractive  candour,  the  brave  spirit 
which  made  him  a  jtioneer  in  theology,  and  his  leaning 
to  the  claims  of  philosophy.  He  is  modern  in  spirit. 
He  was  exceptionally  wi'U-read.  He  had  a  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  whole  r.mge  o{  Biljliial  and  Chris- 


CLEMENT 


47 


CLEMENT 


tian  literature,  of  orthodox  and  heretical  works. 
He  was  fond  of  letters  also,  and  had  a  fine  knowledge 
of  the  pagan  poets  and  philosophers;  lie  loved  to 
quote  them,  too,  and  has  thus  preserved  a  number  of 
fragments  of  lost  works.  The  mass  of  facts  and 
citations  collected  by  him  and  pieced  togetlier  in  his 
writings  is  in  fact  unexampled  in  antiquity,  though  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  he  drew  at  times  upon  the  flori- 
legia,  or  anthologies,  exhibiting  choice  passages  of 
literature. 

Scholars  have  found  it  no  easy  task  to  sum  up  the 
chief  points  of  Clement's  teachmg.  As  has  already 
been  intimated,  he  lacks  technical  precision  and 
makes  no  pretence  to  orderly  exposition.  It  is  easy, 
therefore,  to  misjudge  him.  We  accept  the  dis- 
criminating judgment  of  Tixeront.  Clement's  rule 
of  faith  was  sound  He  admitted  the  authority  of 
the  Church's  tradition.  He  would  be,  first  of  all,  a 
Christian,  accepting  "the  ecclesiastical  rule",  but  he 
would  also  strive  to  remain  a  philosopher,  and  bring 
his  reason  to  bear  in  matters  of  religion.  "Few  are 
they",  he  said,  "who  have  taken  the  spoils  of  the 
Egyptians,  and  made  of  them  the  furniture  of  the 
Tabernacle."  He  set  himself,  therefore,  with  phil- 
osophy as  an  instrument,  to  transform  faith  into 
science,  and  revelation  into  theology.  The  tJnostics 
had  already  pretended  to  possess  the  science  of  faith, 
but  they  were,  in  fact,  mere  rationalists,  or  rather 
dreamers  of  fantastic  dreams.  Clement  would  have 
nothing  but  faith  for  the  basis  of  his  speculations. 
He  cannot,  therefore,  be  accused  of  disloyalty  in 
will.  But  he  was  a  pioneer  in  a  difficult  undertaking, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  failed  at  times  in  his 
high  endeavour.  He  was  careful  to  go  to  Holy  Scrip- 
ture for  his  doctrine;  but  he  misused  the  text  by  his 
faulty  exegesis.  He  had  read  all  the  Books  of  the 
New  Testament  except  the  Second  Epistle  of  St.  Peter 
and  the  Third  Epistle  of  St.  John.  "In  fact".  Tixeront 
says,  "his  evidence  as  to  the  primitive  form  of  the 
Apostolic  writings  is  of  the  highest  value."  Unfor- 
tunately, he  interpreted  the  Scripture  after  the  manner 
of  Philo.  He  was  ready  to  find  allegory  everj'where. 
The  facts  of  the  Old  Testament  became  mere  symbols 
to  him.  He  did  not.  however,  permit  himself  so  much 
freedorti  with  the  New  Testament. 

The  special  field  which  Clement  cultivated  led  him 
to  insist  on  the  difference  between  the  faith  of  the 
ordinarj'  Christian  and  the  science  of  the  perfect,  and 
his  teaching  on  this  point  is  most  characteristic  of 
him.  The  perfect  Christian  has  an  insight  into  "the 
great  mysteries" — of  man,  of  nature,  of  virtue — 
which  the  ordinary  Christian  accepts  without  such 
clear  insight.  Clement  has  seemed  to  some  to  exag- 
gerate the  moral  worth  of  religious  knowledge;  it 
must  however  be  remembered  that  he  praises  not 
mere  sterile  knowledge,  b\it  knowledge  which  turns 
to  love.  It  is  Christian  perfection  that  he  extols. 
The  perfect  Christian — the  true  Gnostic  whom 
Clement  loves  to  describe — leads  a  life  of  unalterable 
calm.  And  here  Clement's  teaching  is  undoubtedly 
coloured  by  Stoicism.  He  is  really  describing  not  so 
much  the  Christian  with  his  sensitive  feelings  and 
desires  under  due  control,  but  the  ideal  Stoic  who  has 
deadened  his  feelings  altogether.  The  perfect  Chris- 
tian leads  a  life  of  utter  devotion;  the  love  in  his  heart 
prompts  him  to  live  always  in  closest  union  with  God 
by  prayer,  to  labour  for  the  conversion  of  souls,  to 
love  his  enemies,  and  even  to  endure  martyrdom  itself. 

Clement  preceded  the  days  of  the  Trinitarian  con- 
troversies. He  taught  in  the  Godhead  three  Terms. 
Some  critics  doubt  whether  he  distinguished  them 
as  Persons,  but  a  careful  reading  of  him  proves  that 
he  did.  The  Second  Tenii  of  the  Trinity  is  the  Word. 
Photius  believed  that  Clement  taught  a  plurality  of 
Words,  whereas  in  reality  Clement  merely  drew  a  dis- 
tinction between  the  Father's  Divine  immanent 
attribute  of  intelligence  and  the  Personal  Word  Who 


is  the  Son.  The  Son  is  eternally  begotten,  and  has 
the  very  attributes  of  the  Father.  They  are  but  one 
God.  So  far,  in  fact,  does  Clement  push  this  notion 
of  unity  as  to  seem  to  approach  Modalism.  And  yet, 
so  loose  a  writer  is  he  that  elsewhere  are  found  dis- 
qineting  traces  of  the  very  opposite  error  of  Subordi- 
nationism.  These,  however,  may  be  explained  away. 
In  fact,  he  needs  to  be  judged,  more  than  writers 
generally,  not  by  a  chance  phrase  here  or  there,  but 
by  the  general  drift  of  his  teaciiing.  Of  the  Holy 
tihost  he  says  little,  and  when  he  does  refer  to  the 
Third  Person  of  the  Blessed  Trinity  he  adheres 
closely  to  the  language  of  Scripture.  He  acknowl- 
edges two  natures  in  Christ.  Christ  is  the  Man-God, 
who  profits  us  both  as  God  and  as  man.  Clement 
evidently  regards  Christ  as  one  Person — the  Word. 
Instances  of  the  interchange  of  idioms  are  frequent 
in  his  writings.  Photius  has  accused  Clement  of 
Docetism.  Clement,  however,  clearly  admits  in 
Christ  a  real  body,  but  he  thought  this  body  exempt 
from  the  common  needs  of  life,  as  eating  and  drink- 
ing, and  the  soul  of  Christ  exempt  from  the  move- 
ment of  the  passions,  of  joy,  and  of  sadness. 

Editions. — The  works  of  Clement  of  Alexandria 
were  first  edited  by  P.  Victorius  (Florence, 1550). 
The  most  complete  edition  is  that  of  J.  Potter, 
"Clementis  Alexandrini  opera  quae  extant  omnia" 
(Oxford,  1715;  Venice,  1757),  reproduced  in  Migne, 
P.  G.,  yill,  IX.  The  edition  of  G.  Dindorf  (Oxford, 
1869)  is  declared  unsatisfactory  by  competent;  judges. 
A  new  complete  edition  by  O.  Stahlin  is  appearing 
in  the  Berlin  "  Griechischen  christlichen  Schrift- 
steller",  etc.  So  far  (1908)  two  volumes  have  been 
published:  the  " Protrepticus  "  and  the  " Pa;dagogus  " 
(Leipzig,  1905),  and  the  "Stromata"  (Bks.  I-VI, 
ibid.,  1906).  The  preface  to  the  first  volume  (pp.  i- 
Ixxxiii)  contains  the  best  account  of  the  manuscripts 
and  editions  of  Clement.  Among  the  separate  editions 
of  his  works  the  following  are  noteworthy:  Hort  and 
Mayor,  "Miscellanies",  Bk.  VII,  with  English  trans- 
lation (London,  1902);  Zahn,  "  Adumlirationes "  in 
"  Forschungen  zur  Gesi-liiohte  des  Neutestament^ 
lichen  Kanons",  III,  ami  "  Supplementum  Clement- 
inum"  (Erlangen,  ISSD;  Koster,  "Quis  dives 
salvetur?"  (Freiburg,  189.3).  The  last-mentioned 
work  was  also  edited  by  P.  M.  Barnard  in  "Cam- 
bridge Texts  and  Studies"  by  W.  Wilson  (1897),  and 
translated  by  him  in  "Early Church Clas-sics"  for  the 
S.  P.  C.  K.  (London,  1901).  For  an  English  transla- 
tion of  all  the  writings  of  Clement  see  Ante-Nicene 
Cliri-M.in   Lil.n.rv  .Xrw  ^-..rk). 

I'.i  ,.,    /'     ■  '  '.,  /■/,,.',..,    '    of  Alexandria  (OxSord.  1886); 

K  \  -1    ,  '  ;   ' ' '    1 1    ,  ^  ;jfys  and  Opinions  of  Clement 

of  .lA.;.j/:  ...  I  ,L"iil.n.  l?j:..  _'iid  ed..  1890);  Westcott  in 
Did.  Christ.  Bwg.  (Boston,  1ST7),  I.  559-67;  Barn.^rd,  The 
Biblical  Text  of  Clement  of  Alexandria  in  Texl.-:  and  Studies 
(CamhrifliTR,  1.S99),  V,  2;  De  Fave.  Clement  d'Alexandrie 
(Pnri-^,  isiisi:  Frkppel,  Clement  d'Alexandrie  (Paris,  1865); 
St  V  n  >  I '     /''    '      !■  znr  Kcnntniss  der  Handschriften  des  Clemens 

Ah        \  r-,  1895):  ZiEGERT,  ZweV  Abhandlungen  ilbcT  T. 

Ft.u     I:  \l,x.   (Heidelberg.   1894);   Hillen,  Clementis 

.(/,.,  ,/,.'  ..  '  NN.  EucharisUte  doctrimi  (Warendorf,  1861); 
\\'iNTLR,  Die  Ethik  des  Klemena  von  Alexandrien  (Leipzig. 
1.SS2);  Ernesti.  Die  Ethik  des  T.  Flavins  Klemens  von  Alex- 
nndnen  (Paderborn,  1900);  Capitaine.  Die  Moral  des  Clemens 
von  Alexandrien  (Paderborn.  lilO:!!:  Wai-.ner.  Der  Christ  und 
die  Welt  nach  Clemens  ••■.  1  .  .  -  ;  ,,  n  (Ootlincen.  1903); 
EicKHOFF.    Das   Neue    T.  Ki.m.tK    Alrrandnnus 

(Schleswig,  1890);  DAnscii.  /'      .  '  nn,  nihehc  Schnftkanon 

und  Klemens  von  Alexani  :•  n  li.-bur!;  im  Br.,  1894); 
KrTTER,  Klemens  Alexandrinus  und  das  Neue  Testament 
(Gie.ssen,  1897);  Deiber,  Clement  d'Alexandrie  et  I'Eglise  in 
Mem.  de  Vlnstitut  trancais  d' Archeologie  orientate  (Cairo,  1904). 
— .Sec  also  the  manuals  of  patrolog.v  (Fessler-Jungmann, 
Bardenhewkr).  the  histories  of  Gnosticism  (Mansel) 
and  of  the  Alexandrine  School  (Gtjericke,  Matter,  J. 
Simon,  Vacherot).  Extensive  bibliographies  are  given  by 
Chevalier  in  Bio-Bibliofjraphie,  s.  v.,  and  by  Richardson  in 
his  hibliograptiical  appendi.x  to  the  Ante-Nicene  Christian 
Library.  Francis   P.   Havey. 

Clement  of  Ireland,  Saint,  also  known  as  Clem- 
ens ScoTt's  (not  to  be  confounded  with  Claudius 
Clemens),  b.  in  Ireland,  towards  the  middle  of  the 


CLENOCK 


48 


CLERC 


eighth  century;  d.  perhaps  in  France,  probably  after 
818.  About  the  year  771  he  set  out  for  France.  His 
biographer,  an  Irish  monk  of  St.  Gall,  who  wrote  his 
Acts,  dedicated  to  Charles  the  Fat  (d.  888),  says  that 
St.  Clement,  with  his  companion  Albinus,  or  Ailbe, 
arrived  in  Gaul,  in  772,  and  announced  himself  as  a 
vender  of  learning.  So  great  was  the  fame  of  Clement 
and  Ailbe  that  Charlemagne  sent  for  them  to  come 
to  his  court,  where  they  stayed  for  some  months. 
Ailbe  was  then  given  the  direction  of  a  monastery 
near  Pavia,  but  Clement  was  requested  to  remain  in 
France  as  the  master  of  a  higher  school  of  learning. 
These  events  may  have  taken  place  in  the  winter  of 
the  j'ear  774,  after  Charlemagne  had  been  in  Italy. 
St.  Clement  was  regent  of  the  Paris  school  from  775 
until  his  death.  It  was  not  until  782  that  Alcuin  be- 
came master  of  the  royal  school  at  Aachen,  but  even 
the  fame  of  Alcuin  in  no  wise  diminished  the  acknowl- 
edged reputation  of  Clement.  No  serious  writer  of 
to-day  thinks  of  repeating  the  legend  to  the  effect 
that  St.  Clement  was  founder  of  the  University  of 
Paris,  but,  as  there  is  a  substratum  of  truth  in  most 
legends,  the  fact  remains  that  this  remarkable  Irish 
scholar  planted  the  mustard  seed  which  developed 
into  a  great  tree  of  learning  at  Paris.  Many  anecdotes 
are  related  of  St.  Clement's  life,  especially  as  regards 
his  success  as  a  teacher  of  youth.  Among  his  pupils 
were  Bruno,  Modestus,  and  Candidus,  who  had  been 
placed  under  his  care  in  803  by  Ratgar,  Abbot  of 
Fulda.  When  Alcuin  retired  to  Tours  in  796,  his  post 
as  rector  of  the  School  of  the  Palace  was  naturally 
given  to  St.  Clement.  In  803,  as  an  old  man,  Alcuin 
wrote  from  his  retirement  to  Charlemagne,  queru- 
lously commenting  on  "  the  daily  increasing  influence 
of  the  Irish  at  the  School  of  the  Palace".  Alcuin  died 
19  May,  804,  and  Charlemagne  survived  till  28  Janu- 
ary, 814.  St.  Clement  is  probably  identical  with  the 
person  of  this  name  W'ho  wrote  the  biography  of 
Charlemagne,  but  the  question  has  not  been  defi- 
nitely settled.  Colgan  says  that  he  was  living  in  818, 
and  gives  the  date  of  Clement's  death  as  20  March 
and  the  place  as  Auxerre,  where  he  was  interred  in 
the  church  of  Saint-Amator. 

Colgan,  Acta  Sand.  Hib.;  Harris  ed.,  Wrilers  of  Ireland, 
III;  'L\moAX,  Ecd.  Hist,  of  Ireland,  III;  VastiKR,  Vet.  Epist. 
Hib.  Sylloge  (Dublin,  1632);  Canisu-s,  Anliquai  Lecliones,  II; 
O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  Ihe  Irish  Saints  (Dublin,  1875),  III. 

W.  H.  Gr.^ttan-Flgod. 

Cienock  (or  Clynog),  Maurice,  date  of  birth  un- 
known, d.  about  1580.  He  was  b.  in  Wales  and 
educated  at  O.xford.  where  he  was  admitted  Bachelor 
of  Canon  Law  in  1548.  During  Mary's  reign  he  be- 
came almoner  and  secretary  to  Cardinal  Pole,  preben- 
dary of  York,  rector  of  Orpington  (Kent),  and  dean 
of  Shoreham  and  Croydon,  and  chancellor  of  the 
jirerogative  court  of  Canterbury.  In  1556  he  was 
made  rector  of  Corwen  in  the  Diocese  of  St.  Asaph, 
and  on  the  deathof  the  Bishopof  Bangor  in  1558  was 
nominated  to  the  vacant  see,  but  was  never  conse- 
crated, owing  to  the  change  of  religion  under  Eliza- 
beth. Surrendering  all  his  preferments,  he  accom- 
panied Bishop  Goldwell  of  St.  Asaph  to  Rome,  where 
they  reside<l  in  the  English  hospital,  of  which  Cienock 
was  a  camemrim  in  1567.  In  1578  he  was  made  its 
warden.  At  the  same  time  Gregory  XIII  ordered  the 
hospital  to  bo  converted  into  a  college  until  England 
should  return  to  the  Church.  The  warden  was  made 
the  first  rector  of  the  college  by  the  pope;  but  Cardi- 
nal Allen  judged  him  unfit,  tliough  he  described  him 
as  "an  honest  and  friendly  man  and  a  great  advancer 
of  the  students'  and  seminaries'  ca>i.s(>"  (Letter  to 
Dr.  Lewis,  12  May,  157!)).  Despite  his  personal  good 
qualities  lie  did  not  prove  a  cmnpeti-nt  ruler.  He 
was  accused  of  unduly  favouring  liis  fcllow-countrv- 
men  at  the  expense  of  the  Engli.sh  stuilcnts.  who 
numbered  thirty-three  as  against  seven  Wclslim.n. 
I'cehng  ran  so  high  that,  as  Alien  wrote,  ".Mi.schief 


and  murder  had  like  to  have  been  committed  in  ip.TO 
collegia"  (letter  cited  above).  The  students,  having 
unsuccessfully  appealed  to  the  pope,  left  the  college, 
and  finally  the  pope,  in  April,  1579,  appointed  Father 
Agazzari,  S.  J.,  rector,  lea-ving  Dr.  Cienock  still  war- 
den of  the  hospital.  He  retired,  however,  in  1580 
to  Rouen,  where  he  took  shi]>  for  Spain,  but  was  lost 
at  sea.  In  contemporary  documents  he  is  frequently 
referred  to  as  "Dr.  Morrice". 

DoDD,  Church  History  (Brussels,  1737),  I,  513.  alsoTlERNEY's 
edition  (London,  1839).  II,  167  sqq.;  Kirk,  Catholic  Miscellany 
(London,  1826),  VI,  255;  Knox,  Historical  Introduction  to 
Douay  Diaries  (London,  1878);  Foley,  Records  Eng.  Prov. 
S.  J.  (London,  1S80),  Introduction;  Knox,  Letters  and  Memo- 
rials of  Cardinal  Allen  (London,  1882);  Gillow,  Bibl.  Did. 
Eng.  Cath.  (London,  1885),  I,  501;  Cooper  in  Did.  Nat.  Bioq. 
(London,  1887),  XI,  37;  Law.  Jesuits  and  Seculars  in  the  Reign 
of  Elizabeth  (London,  1889);  .Sander,  Report  to  Cardinal 
Moroni  in  Cath.  Record  Soc.  Miscellanea  (London,  1905),  I; 
Parsons,  Memoirs  in  Cath.  Record  Soc.  M Lscellaiiea  (London, 
1906),  II. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Cleophas,  according  to  the  Catholic  English  ver- 
sions the  name  of  two  persons  mentioned  in  the  New 
Testament.  In  Greek,  however,  the  names  are  dif- 
ferent, one  being  Cleopas,  abbreviated  form  of  Cleo- 
patros,  and  the  other  Clopas.  The  first  one,  Cleopas, 
was  one  of  the  two  disciples  to  whom  the  risen  Lord 
appeared  at  Emmaus  (Luke,  xxiv,  18).  We  have 
no  reliable  data  concerning  him;  his  name  is  entered 
in  the  martyrology  on  the  25th  of  September.  (See 
Acta  Sanctorum,  Sept.,  VII,  5  sqq.)  The  second, 
Clopas,  is  mentioned  in  St.  John,  xix,  25,  where  a 
Mary  is  called  JVIapfa  17  toO  KXuird,  which  is  generally 
translated  by  "Mary  the  wife  of  Clopas".  This 
name,  Clopas,  is  thought  by  many  to  be  the  Greek 
transliteration  of  the  Aramaic  '2^n,  AlpluEus.  This 
view  is  based  on  the  identification  of  Mary,  the 
mother  of  James  etc.  (Mark,  xv,  40)  with  Mary, 
the  wife  of  Clopas,  and  the  consequent  identity 
of  Alphseus,  father  of  James  (Mark,  iii,  18),  with 
Clopas.  Etymologically,  however,  the  identification 
of  the  two  names  offers  serious  difficulties:  (1)  Al- 
though the  letter //ef/i  is  occasionally  rendered  in  Greek 
by  Kappa  at  the  end  and  in  the  middle  of  words,  it  is 
very  seldom  so  in  the  beginning,  where  the  aspirate  is 
better  protected;  examples  of  this,  however,  are  given 
by  Le\'y  (Sem.  Fremdworter  in  Griech.) ;  but  (2)  even 
if  this  difficulty  was  met,  Clopa.'i  would  suppose  an 
Aramaic  Halophai,  not  Hal  pat.  (3)  The  SjTiac  ver- 
sions have  rendered  the  Greek  Clopas  with  a  Qoph, 
not  with  a  Heth,  as  they  would  have  done  naturally 
had  they  been  conscious  of  the  identity  of  Clopas  and 
Halpai;  Alpha?us  is  rendered  with  a  Heth  (occasion- 
ally Aleph).  For  these  reasons,  others  see  in  Clopas  a 
substitute  for  Cleopas,  with  the  contraction  of  eo  into 
w.  In  Greek,  it  is  true,  eo  is  not  contracted  into  u, 
but  a  Semite,  borrowing  a  name,  did  not  necessarily 
follow  the  rules  of  Greek  contraction.  In  fact,  in 
Mishnic  Hebrew  the  name  Cleopatra  is  rendered 
by  N^DD■l^p,  Clopalra,  and  hence  the  Greek  Cleopas 
might  be  rendered  by  Clopas.  See  also,  Chabot, 
"Journ.  Asiat.",  X,  327  (1897).  Even  if,  etymo- 
logically, the  two  names  are  different  they  may 
have  been  borne  by  one  man,  and  the  question  of  the 
identity  of  Alphseus  and  Clopas  is  still  open.  If  the 
two  persons  are  distinct,  then  we  know  nothing  of 
Clopas  beyond  the  fact  recorded  in  St.  John;  if,  on 
the  contrary,  they  are  identified,  Clopas'  personality 
is  or  may  be  closely  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
brethren  of  the  Lord  and  of  James  the  Less.  (See 
Brethren  of  the  Lord;  James  the  Less.) 

S™E<;r,.   Jakohus    der    Bruder   des   Herrn    (Munich.   1883); 

Ni...i  I  ,  .ili>h.,:is  „,i,l  /v'/,-,i-;,s  in  rAfil'j-fiosi^or  (188S),79  sqq.; 

\Vv  wi  1  .    I  ■-•  I  ,~   ..     A  ' .N   ill    Theolog.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  (1883). 

(;.'ii  ..,  ,  ,1  V.  ,.■  t,  I  I!,  \  I  .  ,  /'  .7  dc  la  Bib.,  s.v.  Atphie ;  also 
ciiiiiiH-iilnnr-.  .Ill  ,!.ilni,  \i\,  j:.  R.    BUTIN. 

Clerc,  AxExis.  See  Commune,  Mahtyrs  qv  the 
Paris. 


CLERC 


49 


CLERIC 


Clerc,  J.-M.     See  Vizagapata.m,  Diocese  of. 

Clerestory,  a  term  formerly  applied  to  any  win- 
dow or  traceried  opening  in  a  church,  e.  g.  in  an  aisle, 
tower,  cloister,  or  screen,  but  now  restricted  to  the 
windows  in  an  aisled  nave,  or  to  the  range  of  wall  in 
which  the  high  windows  are  set.  Sometimes  these 
windows  are  very  small,  being  mere  quatrefoils  or 
spherical  triangles.  In  large  buildings,  however,  they 
are  important  features  both  of  beauty  and  utility. 
The  clerestory  is  especially  used  in  churches  where  the 
division  into  nave  and  side  aisles  permits  the  intro- 
duction of  light  into  the  body  of  the  church  from 
above  the  aisle  roofs.  According  to  Fergusson's 
theory,  the  interior  of  Greek  temples  was  lighted 
by  a  clerestorj',  similar  internally  to  that  found  in 
all  the  great  Egyptian  temples,  but  externally  re- 
quiring such  a  change  of  arrangernent  as  was  nec- 
essary to  adapt  it  to  a  sloping  instead  of  a  flat 
roof.  This  seems  to  have  been  effected  by  counter- 
sinking into  the  roof,  so  as  to  make  three  ridges  in 
those  parts  where  the  light  was  admitted,  though  the 
regular  shape  of  the  roof  was  retained  between  these 
openings.  Thus,  neither  the  ridge  nor  the  continuity 
of  the  lines  of  the  roof  was  interfered  with.  This 
theory  is  borne  out  by  all  the  remains  of  Greek  tem- 
ples that  now  exist,  and  by  all  the  descriptions  that 
have  been  handed  down  from  antiquity.  Simpson, 
however,  regards  the  theory  as  extremely  improbable. 

Fletcher  and  Flktcher,  A  History  of  Archileclure  (Lon- 
don. New  York,  18961.  690;  Gwilt,  Encyc.  of  Arch.  (London, 
1881).  1648;  Parker.  Glossary  of  Arch.  (Oxford,  1850).  I. 
104;  Stcrgis.  Did.  of  Arch,  and  Building  (London.  1904); 
Fergusson,  a  History  of  Architecture  in  all  Countries  (.Hevf 
York) ;  Simpson.  A  History  of  Architectural  Development 
(New  York,  1905).  ^  ^^    „ 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 
Clergy.     See  Cleric. 

Cleric,  a  person  who  has  been  legitimately  re- 
ceived into  the  ranks  of  the  clergy.  By  clergy  in  the 
strict  sense  is  meant  the  entire  ecclesiastical  liier- 
archy.  Consequently  a  cleric  is  one  who  belongs  in 
some  sease  to  the  hierarchy.  For  this  it  is  necessarj' 
that  he  have  received  at  least  the  tonsure  (see  Ton- 
sure). The  clergj'  by  Divine  right  form  an  order  or 
state  which  is  essentially  distinct  from  that  of  the 
laity.  (Cone.  Trid.,Sess.  XXIV,  De  sac.  ord.,  can.  i, 
6.)  Christ  did  not  commit  the  preacliing  of  the 
Gospel  and  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  to 
the  faithful  in  general,  but  to  certain  carefully  defined 
persons,  as  the  Apostles  and  seventy-two  Disciples. 
They  also  received  the  power  oi  governing  the  flocks; 
which  power  is  represented  by  the  Keys,  a  well-known 
Oriental  symbol  for  authority.  That  the  distinction 
between  clergy  and  laity  was  recognized  in  New 
Testament  times  is  plain  from  St.  Paul's  statement 
that  the  bishops  have  been  placed  by  the  Holy  Ghost 
to  rule  the  Churcli  (Acts,  xx,  2S),  for  the  right  to 
rule  impUes  a  correlative  obligation  to  obey.  Pres- 
byters are  continually  distinguished  from  the  laity 
throughout  the  Pauline  Epistles. 

The  word  cleric  (Lat.  clericus  from  clerus)  is  de- 
rived from  the  Greek  xX^pos,  a  "  lot".  In  the  Septua- 
gint,  tills  word  is  used  in  t!ie  literal  sense  quite  fre- 
quently, though  not  in  its  later  technical  sense.  In 
the  First  Epistle  of  St.  Peter  (v,  .3)  it  is  appUed  to  the 
entire  body  of  the  faithful.  The  use  of  the  word  in  its 
present  restricted  meaning  occurs,  however,  as  early 
as  the  third  centurj-.  It  is  found  in  TertuUian  (De 
idol.,  c.  viii),  Origen  (Hom.  in  Jer.,  xi,  3)  and  Clem- 
ent of  Alexandria  (Quis  dives  salvetur,  c.  xlii)  in  this 
sense.  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  exactly  how  the 
word  came  to  have  its  present  determinate  meaning. 
The  "  Pontificale  Romanum"  refers  to  clerics  as  being 
those  whose  "lot"  is  the  Lord  Himself,  and  St. 
Jerome  explicitly  derives  the  name  from  that  fact. 
These  statements  do  not  give  us,  however,  the  steps 
IV.— 4 


by  which  xX^pos,  "lot"  became  "clergy"  or  "cleric". 
Probably  the  best  suggested  explanation  is,  that 
from  lot  or  portion,  it  came  to  mean  a  particular 
lot  or  office  assigned  to  some  one,  and  finally  the 
person  himself  possessing  the  lot  or  office. 

Extension  of  Meaning. — While  cleric  in  its  strict 
sense  means  one  who  has  received  the  ecclesiastical 
tonsure,  yet  in  a  general  sense  it  is  also  employed  in 
canon  law  for  all  to  whom  clerical  privileges  have 
been  extended.  Such  are  the  members  of  religious 
orders:  monks  and  nuns,  and  even  lay  brothers  and 
no\aces.  It  is  also  applied  to  tertiaries  of  the  mendi- 
cant orders.  If  they  be  men,  however,  they  must 
live  in  community,  but  if  they  be  women  they  may 
enjoy  the  privilege  even  when  living  at  home.  Her- 
mits and  virgins,  or  ceUbates  whose  vows  are  approved 
by  the  bishop,  have  Ukewise  clerical  immunities. 
Members  of  the  military  religious  orders,  such  as 
formerly  the  Knights  Templars,  and  at  present  the 
Teutonic  Knights  and  Knights  of  Malta,  rank  as 
clerics.  The  meaning  of  the  word  has  been  so  ex- 
tended as  to  include  even  laics,  men  or  women,  who 
render  service  to  a  regular  community,  such  as  by 
begging,  provided  they  wear  a  clerical  dress  and 
reside  near  the  monastery  or  convent.  The  privi- 
leges enjoyed  by  thus  obtaining  the  benefit  of  clergy 
were  once  great  (see  Immitnity),  and  were  formerly 
recognized  by  secular  governments.  In  modern 
times,  however,  these  privileges  in  as  far  as  they 
were  guaranteeci  by  the  civil  power  have  been  almost 
entirely  swept  away  in  every  country  of  the  world. 
It  is  only  when  there  is  question  of  favours,  or  as 
canonists  say,  in  a  favourable  sense,  that  cleric  has 
tliis  wide  signification.  When  there  is  question  of 
penalties,  on  the  contrary,  it  becomes  so  restricted 
as  to  mean  only  the  lower  orders  of  the  secular  clergy. 
In  Englanil  in  medieval  times  the  term  clerk  acquired 
in  common  parlance  the  significance  of  an  educated 
man. 

Clerical  Religious  Orders. — Among  the  regular 
orders  in  the  strict  sense,  namely  those  whose  mem- 
bers have  solemn  vows,  is  a  large  class  designated  as 
clerks  regular  {clerici  regulares)  because  living  accord- 
ing to  a  rule  (regiila).  In  contradistinction  to  the 
monastic  orders,  these  clerical  orders  were  instituted 
for  the  purpose  of  exercising  a  ministry  similar  to  that 
of  the  secular  clerics,  by  promotion  of  the  Divine 
worship  and  procuring  the  salvation  of  souls.  Their 
main  object  is  the  spiritual  and  temporal  service  of 
their  neighbour  in  educating  youth,  preaching,  serv- 
ing the  sick,  etc.  Orders  of  clerks  regvilar  were  first 
founded  in  the  sixteenth  century.  To  this  class 
belong  the  Jesuits,  Theatines,Barnabites,  and  others. 
Many  religious  congregations,  which  are  not  orders 
in  the  strict  sense,  such  as  tlie  Passionists  and  Re- 
demptorists  follow  a  similar  mode  of  hfe. 

Regionary  Clerics,  who  are  also  called  clerici 
vagantcs  and  accphali.  were  those  who  were  ordained 
without  title  to  a  special  church.  They  were  re- 
ceived into  the  sacred  ministry  by  the  bishops  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  the  dearth  of  the  clergy  in  the 
outlying  districts  of  the  dioceses  where  no  benefices 
existed.  Here  they  were  to  act  as  missionaries  and 
in  course  of  time,  if  possible,  to  gather  together  congre- 
gations who  would  build  and  endow  a  church.  Many 
of  these  clerics  became  mere  wanderers  without  set- 
tled occupation  or  abode,  sometimes  supporting 
themselves  by  filling  temporary  chaplaincies  in  the 
castles  of  noblemen.  In  course  of  time,  numbers 
of  these  untitled  clerics  returned  to  the  settled  por- 
tions of  their  dioceses  and  acted  as  assistants  to  such 
beneficed  clergymen  as  chose  to  accept  their  help. 
Owing  to  the  abu.ses  arising  from  the  unsettled  state 
of  these  vagrant  clerics,  the  Council  of  Trent  (.Sess. 
XXIII,  e.  xvi,  De  ref.)  forbade  the  ordaining  in 
future  of  any  candidate  who  was  not  attached  to  a 
definite  church  or  pious  institute. 


CLERICATO 


50 


CLERICIS 


Obligations  of  Clerics.— (1)  They  must  wear  a 
costume  suited  to  their  state.  While  the  common 
canon  law  does  not  determine  in  every  detail  what 
the  dress  of  clerics  should  be,  yet  many  and  various 
prescriptions  on  the  subject  are  found  in  the  canons, 
the  pontifical  constitutions,  and  the  decrees  of  coun- 
cils. These  ordain  that  the  clerics  are  not  to  wear  the 
dress  of  laymen.  They  must  abstain  from  gaudy 
colours,  unbecoming  their  state.  The  wearing  of 
the  soutane  or  cassock  on  all  occasions,  even  in  public, 
is  prescribed  for  clerics  living  in  Rome,  and  bishops 
may  command  the  same  in  tlieir  dioceses.  In  nou- 
Catholic  countries,  synods  generally  prescribe  that  for 
public  use  the  dress  of  clerics  should  be  such  as  to 
distinguish  them  from  laymen;  that  is  of  black  or  of  a 
sober  colour,  and  that  the  so-called  Roman  collar  be 
worn.  In  private,  clergymen  are  commonly  re- 
quired to  wear  the  soutane.  (2)  Clerics  are  forbidden 
to  engage  in  trade  and  secular  business.  In  the  early 
ages  of  the  Church,  it  was  allowable  to  seek  necessary 
sustenance  by  labour,  and  this  is  not  forbidden  now 
if  the  cleric  does  not  receive  proper  support  from 
ecclesiastical  sources.  What  is  specially  prohibited 
is  to  engage  in  trade  for  the  sake  of  gain.  The  buying 
and  selling,  however,  which  is  necessary  in  the  admin- 
istration of  the  lands  or  the  goods  of  a  benefice  do  not 
fall  under  the  prohibition.  Neither  is  it  forbidden 
to  clerics  nowadays  to  place  their  money  ovit  at  inter- 
est and  receive  the  increment;  for  this  is  equivalent, 
allowing  for  modern  circumstances,  to  the  economic 
management  of  the  lands  of  ecclesiastical  benefices. 
Gambling  in  stocks,  however,  remains  an  illicit  form 
of  trade  for  clergymen  (Lehmkuhl,  Theol.  Mor.,  II, 
n.  612.). 

(3)  There  are  stringent  laws  concerning  the  rela- 
tions of  clerics  with  persons  of  the  other  sex.  They 
must  conform  to  the  canons  in  all  that  regards 
allowing  females  to  dwell  in  their  houses.  Above  all 
must  they  avoid  associating  with  those  whose  moral 
character  causes  the  least  suspicion.  (4)  Unbecom- 
ing amusements  are  also  forbidden  to  them,  such  as 
the  frequenting  of  improper  plays  and  spectacles, 
the  visiting  of  taverns,  indulgence  in  games  of  chance, 
carrying  of  arms,  following  the  chase,  etc.  When  in 
the  above  amusements,  however,  there  is  no  necessary 
impropriety,  lawful  custom  and  .synodal  prescriptions 
may  make  a  participation  in  them  allowable.  (5) 
Clerics  are  bound  to  obey  their  diocesan  bishops  in  all 
matters  determined  by  the  canon  law.  Various 
Roman  decisions  have  declared  that  by  his  ordinary 
authority,  the  bishop  cannot  oblige  clerics  to  render 
to  him  any  service  not  expressed  in  the  canons.  While 
the  obligation  of  obedience  is  binding  on  all  clerics, 
it  is  strengthened  for  priests  by  the  solemn  promise 
made  at  ordination,  and  for  all  holders  of  benefices 
by  the  canonical  oath.  The  obligation  to  be  subject 
to  the  bishop  in  lawful  matters  is  not,  however,  a 
vow. 

Loss  OP  Clerical  Privileges. — Although  the 
sacramental  character  received  in  Sacred  orders  may 
not  be  obhterated,  yet  even  the  higher  orders  of 
clergy  may  be  degraded  from  their  dignity  and  re- 
duced to  what  is  technically  called  lay  communion. 
The  same  holds,  of  course,  likewise  for  the  lower 
clergy.  When,  however,  a  cleric  who  has  received 
only  minor  orders  or  even  tonsure,  after  losing  his 
privileges,  has  been  restored  to  the  clerical  state,  this 
restitution,  even  when  solemn,  is  merely  ceremonious 
and  is  not  considered  as  a  new  conferring  of  tonsure 
or  ininor  orders.  Even  minor  clerics  are  therefore 
considered  to  have  a  stable  connexion  with  the  hier- 
archical order.  See  Minor  Orders;  Deacon;  Sub- 
DEAfo.v;   Prie,st;   Hierarchy;   Laity. 

V/krnz  Jus  Dccretnluim  (Rome,  18991,  II;  Ferrarib, 
"—■npia  BiM   (Rome,  1886),  II;   Laurentics,  Inst.  Jur.  Eccl. 


(Freiburg,  1903). 


William  H.  W.  Fanning. 


Clericato,  Giovanni,  canonist,  b.  16.33,  at  Padua; 
d.  1717.  He  was  of  English  descent,  and  the  name 
is  variously  written  Clericatus,  Chericato,  Cheri- 
CATi,  and  Chiericato,  probably  from  Clark,  the 
original  family  name.  The  charity  of  a  pious  woman 
made  it  possible  for  him  to  satisfy  his  strong  incli- 
nation for  study;  and,  being  raised  to  the  priesthood, 
he  came  to  be  considered  one  of  the  ablest  men  of 
his  tinie  in  matters  of  ecclesiastical  jurisprudence. 
Cariliiial  Barliarigo.  whose  life  he  afterwards  wrote, 
made  him  Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese  of  Padua. 
He  wrote  many  works  on  civil  and  canon  law;  his 
"Decisiones  Sacramentales"  was  published  in  1727, 
and  in  1757  in  three  volumes,  and  merited  the 
encomiums  of  Benedict  XIV  (notific.  32,  n.  6). 
His  name  is  held  in  honour  in  Italian  ecclesiastical 
literature. 

MoRKRi,  Gr.  Did.  Hist.  (Paris.  1759):  Sberti.  Mrmorie 
(Padua,    1790):     Tihaboscbi,   Sloria   ddla   Lfll.    Hat.    (Milan, 

'S2S).  John  H.  Stapleton. 

Clericis  Laicos,  the  initial  words  of  a  Bull  issued 
25  Feb.,  1290,  by  Boniface  VIII  in  response  to  an 
earnest  appeal  of  the  English  and  French  prelates  for 
protection  against  the  intolerable  exactions  of  the 
civil  power  (see  Boniface  VIII).  The  decree  was  in- 
serted among  the  papal  decretals  and  is  found  in 
Lib.  Sextus,  III,  tit.  23.  After  a  preamble  in  which 
the  pope  complains  that  the  laity  are,  and  have  al- 
ways been,  bitterly  hostile  to  the  clergy;  that,  al- 
though they  possess  no  authority  over  ecclesiastical 
persons  or  property,  thej''  impose  all  sorts  of  heavy 
burdens  on  the  clergy  and  seek  to  reduce  them  to 
servitude;  that  several  prelates  and  other  dignitaries 
of  the  Church,  more  fearful  of  giving  offence  to  their 
earthly  rulers  than  to  the  majesty  of  God,  acquiesce 
in  these  abuses,  without  having  obtained  authority  or 
permission  from  the  Apostolic  See ;  he,  therefore,  wish- 
ing to  put  an  end  to  these  iniquitous  proceedings,  with 
the  consent  of  his  cardinals  and  by  Apostolic  author- 
ity, decrees  that  all  prelates  or  other  ecclesiastical  su- 
periors who  under  whatsoever  pretext  or  colour  shall, 
without  authority  from  the  Holy  See,  pay  to  laymen 
any  part  of  their  income  or  of  the  revenue  of  the 
Church ;  also  all  emperors,  kings,  dukes,  counts,  etc. 
who  shall  exact  or  receive  such  payments  incur  eo 
ipso  the  sentence  of  excommunication  from  which, 
except  in  articulo  mortis,  no  one  can  absolve  them  with- 
out special  faculties  from  the  pope;  no  privileges  or 
dispensations  to  be  of  avail  against  the  decree. 

The  two  underlying  principles  of  this  Bull,  viz.  (1) 
that  the  clergy  should  enjoy  equally  with  the  laity  the 
right  of  determining  the  need  and  the  amount  of  their 
subsidies  to  the  Crown,  and  (2)  that  the  head  of  the 
Church  ought  to  be  consulted  when  there  was  ques- 
tion of  diverting  the  revenues  of  the  Church  to  secular 
purposes,  were  by  no  means  strange  or  novel  in  that 
age  of  Magna?  Charta^;  and  outside  of  France  and 
England  it  was  accepted  without  a  murmur.  But 
what  excited  the  wrath  of  the  two  chief  culprits, 
Pliilip  (he  Fair  and  Edward  I,  was  that  from  its  fiery 
tone,  from  the  express  mention  of  sovereigns,  and  the 
grave  ipso  farln  penalties  attached,  they  felt  that  be- 
hind the  decree  there  stood  a  new  Hildebrand  resolved 
to  enforce  it  to  the  letter.  The  Bull  has  been  criti- 
cized for  the  imconventional  vehemence  of  its  tone, 
for  its  exaggerated  indictment  of  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  laity  of  all  ages  towards  the  clergy,  and  for  its 
failure  to  make  clear  the  distinction  between  the  rev- 
enues of  the  purely  ecclesiastical  benefices  and  the  lay 
fees  held  by  the  clergy  on  feudal  tciuire.  The  un- 
scrupulous "advisers  of  Philip  the  Fair  were  quick  to 
take  advantage  of  the  pope's  hasty  language  and,  by 
forcing  him  to  make  explanations,  put  him  on  the  de- 
fensive and  weakened  his  prestige. 

Fop  sources  and  literature,  see  Boniface  VIII. 

James  F.  Louohlin. 


CLERK 


51 


CLERKS 


Clerk,  John,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells;  date  of 
birth  unlcnown;  d.  3  January,  1541.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  Cambridge  (B.A.,  1499;  M.A.,  1502)  and 
Bologna,  where  he  became  Doctor  of  Laws.  When  he 
returned  to  EnRJand  he  attached  himself  to  Cardinal 
VVolsey,  and  much  preferment  followed.  He  became 
Rector  of  Hothfield,  Kent,  150S;  Master  of  the  Maison 
Dieu  at  Dover,  1509;  Rector  of  Portishead  (Somer- 
set) 151.3;  U'ychurch  (Kent),  West  Tarring  (Sussex), 
and  Charlton,  all  in  1514;  South  Molton  (Devonshire) 
and  Archdeacon  of  Colohester,  1519;  Dean  of  Windsor 
and  jvidge  in  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  1519..  He 
was  also  Dean  of  tlie  King's  Chapel.  He  was  useful 
in  diplomatic  commissions  both  to  Wolsey  and  the 
king.  In  1521  he  was  appointed  ambassador  to  the 
Papal  Court,  in  which  capacity  he  presented  King 
Henry's  book  against  Luther  to  the  pope  in  full  con- 
sistory. He  acted  as  Wolsey's  agent  in  Rome  in  the 
conclave  on  the  death  of  Leo  X.  He  returned  to  Eng- 
land to  be  appointed  Master  of  the  Rolls  in  October, 

1 522,  which  office  he  held  till  9  October,  1 523.  When 
Wolsey  resigned  the  See  of  Bath  and  Wells,  in  1523, 
Clerk  was  appointed  bishop  in  his  stead.  As  bishoj}- 
elect  he  went  on  another  political  embassy  to  Rome, 
where  he  received  episcopal  consecration,  6  December, 

1523.  He  remained  in  Rome  for  two  years  and  once 
more  unsuccessfully  represented  Wolsey's  interests 
at  the  conclave  in  which  Clement  VII  was  elected 
pope.  He  left  Rome  in  November,  1525,  but  was  so 
useful  as  a  diplomatic  agent  tliat  he  was  never  long  in 
England,  and  his  diocese  was  administereil  by  his  two 
suffragan  bishoi)s.  When  the  question  of  the  royal 
divorce  was  raised  Clerk  was  appointed  as  one  of  the 
queen's  coimsellors,  but  Wolsey  )iersuaded  him  to 
agree  on  her  behalf  that  she  should  witlidraw  from 
proceedings  at  Rome.  Afterwards  he  joined  in  pro- 
nouncing sentence  of  tiivorce,  and  is  believed  to  have 
a.ssisted  Cranmer  in  works  on  the  sujiremacy  and  tlie 
divorce.  His  last  embassy  was  in  1540,  to  the  Duke 
of  Cleves,  to  explain  the  king's  divorce  of  Anne  of 
Cleves.  On  his  return  he  was  taken  ill  at  Dunkirk, 
not  without  suspicion  of  poison,  but  he  managed  to 
reach  England,  though  only  to  die.  He  lies  buried  at 
St.  Botplph's,  Aklgate,  not  at  Dunkirk,  as  sometimes 
stated. 

Clerk  wrote  "  Oratio  pro  Henrico  VIII  apud  Leonem 
pontif.  Max.  in  exhibitione  operis  regii  contra  Luth- 
erum  in  consistorio  habitam"  (London,  1541),  trans- 
lated into  English  by  T.  W.  (Thomas  Warde?),  1687. 

Leltera  and  State  Papers  of  Henry  VIII  (London,  1S30-52); 
Cherbury,  Life  and  Reign  of  Henri/  Vlll  (London,  1714); 
Hunt  in  Did.  of  Nat.  Biogr..  s.  v.;  i)ODD.  Church  Hist.  (Lon- 
don, 1737),  I,  lSl-2;  Coopeh,  Athcnte.  Cantab.  (Cambridge, 
1.S5S),  I,  77;  GiLLOw,  Bibl.  Diet.  Kng.  Calh.  The  account 
..f  Pitts,  De  Ang.  Scriploribus  (Paris,  1619),  is  erroneous. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Clerke,  .■Vgnes  Mary,  astronomer,  b,  at  Skibbereen, 
County  Cork,  Ireland.  10  February,  1842;  d.  in  Lon- 
don, 20  January,  1907.  At  the  very  beginning  of  her 
study  she  showed  a  marked  interest  in  astronomy, 
and  before  she  was  fifteen  years  old  she  hatl  begun  to 
write  a  history  of  that  science.  In  1861  the  family 
moved  to  Dublin,  and  in  1S63  to  Queenstown.  Sev- 
eral years  later  she  went  to  Italy  where  she  stayed 
until  1877,  chiefly  at  Florence,  studying  at  the  public 
library  and  preparing  for  literary  work.  In  1877  she 
settled  in  London.  Her  first  important  article.  "Co- 
pernicus in  Italy",  was  published  in  the  ''Edinburgh 
Review"  (October,  1877).  She  achieved  a  world- 
wide reputation  in  1885,  on  the  appearance  of  her 
exhaustive  treatise,  "  A  Popular  History  of  .\stronomy 
in  the  Nineteenth  Century".  This  was  at  once  recog- 
nized as  an  authoritative  "work.  Miss  Clerke  was  not 
a  practical  astronomer;  in  1888,  however,  she  spent 
three  months  at  the  Cape  Observatory  as  the  guest  of 
the  director.  Sir  David  Gill,  and  his  wife.  There  she 
became  sufficient Ij'  familiar  with  spectroscopic  work 
to  be  enabled  to  write  about  this  newer  branch  of  the 


science  with  increased  clearness  and  confidence.  In 
1892  the  Royal  Institution  awarded  to  her  the  Acton- 
ian  Prize  of  one  hundred  guineas.  As  a  member  of 
the  British  Astronomical  Association  she  attended  its 
meetings  regularly,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Royal 
Astronomical  Society.  In  1903,  with  Lady  Iluggins, 
she  was  elected  an  honorary  member  of  the  Royal 
Astronomical  Society,  a  rank  previously  held  only  by 
two  other  women,  Caroline  Herschel  and  Mary  Somer- 
ville.  Her  work  is  remarkable  in  a  literary  as  well  as 
in  a  scientific  way.  She  compiled  facts  with  untiring 
diligence,  sifted  them  carefully,  discussed  them  with 
judgment,  and  suggested  problems  and  lines  of  future 
research.  All  this  is  expressed  in  polished,  eloquent, 
and  licautiful  language.  With  this  scientific  tempera- 
ment fihe  loiiihined  a  noble  religious  nature  that  made 
her  acknowli'dge  "with  supreme  conviction"  the  in- 
sufficiency of  science  to  know  and  predict  the  possible 
acts  of  the  Divine  Power.  Her  works,  all  published 
in  London,  include,  "A  Popular  History  of  Astron- 
omy in  the  Nineteenth  Century"  (1885,  4th  revised 
ed.,  1902);  "The  System  of  theStars"  (1890;  2nd  ed., 
1905);  "The  Hersehels  and  Modern  Astronomy" 
(1895);  "The  Concise  Knowledge  Astronomy" — in 
conjunction  with  J.  E.  Gore  and  A.  Fowler  (1898); 
"Problems  in  Astrophysics"  (1903);  "Modern  Cos- 
mogonies" (1906).  To  the  "Edinburgh  Review" 
she  contributed  fifty-five  articles,  mainly  on  subjects 
connected  with  astrophysics.  The  articles  on  astron- 
omers in  the  " Dictionary  of  National  Biography"; 
on  "Laplace"  and  some  on  other  astronomers  and 
astronomical  subjects  in  the  "Encyclopaedia  Britan- 
nica";  and  on  "Astronomy"  in  The  Catholic 
Encyclopedi.4,  were  from  her  pen,  as  well  as  numer- 
ous contributions  to  "Knowledge",  "The  Observa- 
tory", the  London  "Tablet",  and  other  periodicals. 

Ellen  Mary,  sister  of  preceding,  journalist  and 
novelist,  b.  at  Skibbereen,  County  Cork,  Ireland, 
1840;  d.  in  London,  2  March,  1906.  A  gifted  and 
accomplished  writer,  she  was  for  many  years  an  edito- 
rial writer  for  the  London  "Tablet".  Her  knowledge 
of  the  intricacies  of  the  religious  and  political  prob- 
lems of  Continental  Europe  was  remarkable.  A  seven 
years'  stay  in  Italy  made  her  intimately  familiar  not 
only  with  its  language  and  hterature,  but  also  with 
every  phase  of  its  public  life.  She  contributed  a 
series  of  stories,  perfect  in  Italian  phrase,  idiom,  and 
local  colour,  to  periodicals  in  Florence.  Her  pamph- 
lets, "Jupiter  and  His  System"  and  "The  Planet 
Venus",  were  valuable  additions  to  the  literature  of 
popular  astronomy.  In  1899  she  published  "Fable 
and  Song  in  Italy",  a  collection  of  essays  and  studies 
and  specimens  of  Italian  poetry  rendered  into  Eng- 
lish in  the  original  metres.  A  novel,  "Flowers  of 
Fire"  (1902),  was  her  last  work. 

The  Tablet,  files  (London,  March.  1906;  January,  1907); 
Obituary  in  Monthly  A'olices  of  the  K.  A.  S.  (London,  1907); 
Macpherson  in  Popular  Astronomy  (Lontion.  March,  1907); 
The  Messenger  Magazine  (New  Yorii,  March,  1907). 

WiLLI.VM    Fox. 

Clerks  of  St.  Viator.   See  Viator,  St.,  Clerks  of. 

Clerks  of  the  Common  Lite.     See  Common  Life, 

Bretuhkn  of  the. 

Clerks  Regular. — Canonical  Slahts. — By  clerks 
regular  are  meant  those  bodies  of  men  in  the  Church 
who  by  the  very  nature  of  their  institute  unite  the 
perfection  of  the  religious  state  to  the  priestly  office, 
i.  e.  who  while  being  e.ssentially  clerics,  devoted  to  the 
exercise  of  the  ministry  in  preaching,  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacraments,  the  education  of  youth,  and 
other  spiritual  and  corporal  works  of  mercy,  are  at  the 
same  time  religious  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word, 
professing  solemn  vows,  and  living  a  community  life 
according  to  a  rule  solemnly  approved  of  by  the  sov- 
ereign i)ontiff'.  In  the  "Corpiis  Juris  Canonici"the 
term  clerks  regular  is  often  used  for  canons  regular,  and 


CLERKS 


52 


CLERKS 


regular  clerks  are  classed  by  authors  as  a  branch  or 
modern  adaptation  of  the  once  world-famous  family  of 
regular  canons  (see  Canons  and  Canonesses  Regu- 
lar). This  Ls  because  of  the  intimate  connexion  ex- 
isting between  the  two ;  for  while  separated  from  the 
secular  clergy  by  their  vows  and  the  observance  of  a 
community  life  and  a  rule,  they  form  a  distinct  class 
in  the  religious  state,  the  clerical,  in  opposition  to  the 
monastic,  which  includes  monks,  hermits,  and  friars. 
Clerks  regular  are  distinguished  from  the  purely  mo- 
nastic bodies,  or  monks,  in  four  ways;  They  are  pri- 
marily devoted  to  the  sacred  ministrj-;  not  so  the 
monks,  whose  proper  work  is  contemplation  and  the 
solemn  celebration  of  the  liturgy.  They  are  obliged 
to  cultivate  the  sacred  sciences,  which,  if  cultivated  by 
the  monks,  are  yet  not  imposed  upon  them  by  virtue  of 
their  state  of  life.  Clerks  regular  as  clerics  must  re- 
tain some  appearance  of  clerical  dress  distinct  from 
the  habit  and  cowl  of  the  monk.  And  lastly,  because 
of  their  occupations,  they  are  less  given  to  the  prac- 
tice of  austerity  which  is  a  distinct  feature  of  the 
purely  monastic  life.  They  are  distinguished  from  the 
friars  in  this,  that  though  the  latter  are  devoted  to  the 
sacred  ministry  and  the  cultivation  of  learning,  they 
are  not  primarily  priests.  Finally,  clerks  regular  dif- 
fer from  canons  regular  in  that  they  do  not  possess 
cathedral  or  collegiate  churches,  devote  themselves 
more  completely  to  ministerial  work  in  place  of  choir- 
service,  and  have  fewer  penitential  observances  of 
rule. 

History. — The  exact  date  at  which  clerks  regular 
appeared  in  the  Church  cannot  be  absolutely  deter- 
mined. Regular  clerks  of  some  sort,  i.  e.  priests  de- 
voted both  to  the  exercise  of  the  ministry  and  to  the 
practice  of  the  religious  life  are  found  in  the  earliest 
days  of  Christian  antiquity.  Many  eminent  theolo- 
gians hold  that  the  clerks  regular  were  founded  by 
Christ  Himself.  In  this  opmion  the  Apostles  were  the 
first  regular  clerks,  being  constituted  by  Christ  min- 
isters par  excellence  of  His  Church  and  called  by  Him 
personally  to  the  practice  of  the  counsels  of  the  relig- 
ious life  (cf.  Suarez).  From  the  fact  that  St.  Augus- 
tine in  the  fourth  century  estabUshed  in  his  house  a 
community  of  priests  leading  the  religious  life,  for 
whom  he  drew  up  a  rule,  he  has  ordinarily  been  styled 
the  foimder  of  the  regular  clerks  and  canons,  and  upon 
his  rule  have  been  built  the  constitutions  of  the 
canons  regular  and  an  immense  number  of  the  relig- 
ious communities  of  the  Middle  Ages,  besides  those  of 
the  clerks  regular  establi-shed  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
During  the  whole  medieval  period  the  clerks  regular 
were  represented  by  the  regular  canons  who  under 
the  name  of  the  Canons  Regular  or  Black  Canons  of 
St.  Augustine,  the  Premonstratensians  or  White 
Canons,  Canons  of  St.  Norbert,  etc.,  shared  with 
the  monks  the  possession  of  those  magnificent 
abbeys  and  monasteries  all  over  Europe  which,  even 
though  they  are  in  ruins,  compel  the  admiration  of 
the  beholder. 

It  was  not  until  the  sixteenth  century  that  clerks 
regular  in  the  modern  and  strictest  sense  of  the  word 
came  into  being.  Just  as  the  conditions  obtaining  in 
the  thirteenth  century  brought  about  a  change  in  the 
monastic  ideal,  so  in  the  sixteenth  the  altered  circum- 
stances of  the  times  called  for  a  fresh  development  of 
the  ever  fecund  religious  spirit  in  the  Church.  This 
develojiment,  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  times,  was 
had  in  the  various  bodies  of  simple  clerics,  who,  desir- 
ous of  devoting  themselves  more  perfectly  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  priestly  ministry  imder  the  safeguards 
of  the  religious  life,  instituted  the  several  bodies 
which,  under  the  names  of  the  various  orders  of  regular 
clerics,  constitute  in  themselves  and  in  their  imitators 
one  of  the  most  efficient  instruments  for  good  in  the 
Church  militant  to-day.  So  successful  and  popular 
and  well  adapted  to  all  modern  needs  were  the  clerks 
regular,  that  their  mode  of  life  was  chosen  as  the  pat- 


tern for  all  the  various  communities  of  men,  whether 
religious  or  secular,  living  under  rule,  in  which  the 
Church  has  in  recent  times  been  so  prolific.  The  first 
order  of  clerks  regular  to  be  founded  were  the  Thea- 
tines  (q.  v.)  established  at  Rome  in  1524;  then  fol- 
lowed the  Clerks  Regular  of  the  Good  Jesus,  founded  at 
Ravenna  in  1526,  and  abolished  by  Innocent  X  in 
1651 ;  the  Barnabites  (q.  v.)  or  Clerks  Regular  of  St. 
Paul,  MUan,  1530;  The  Somaschi  (q.  v.)  or  Clerks 
Regular  of  St.  Majolus,  Somasca,  1532 ;  the  Jesuits  or 
the  Society  of  Jesus  (q.  v.),  Paris,  1534;  the  Regular 
Clerks  of  the  Mother  of  God,  Lucca,  1583;  the  Regu- 
lar Clerks  Ministering  to  the  Sick,  Rome,  1584;  the 
Minor  Clerks  Regular,  Naples,  1588;  and  the  Piarists 
or  Regular  Clerks  of  the  Mother  of  God  of  the  Pious 
Schools,  Rome,  1597.  Since  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth centurj'  no  new  orders  have  been  added  to  the 
number,  though  the  name  Clerks  Regular  has  been 
assumed  occasionally  by  communities  that  are  techni- 
cally only  religious,  or  pious,  congregations  (see  Con- 
gregations, Religious). 

Suarez,  De  Religione,  tr.  9 ;  Humphrey,  Elements  of  Relig- 
ious Life  (London,  1884) ;  Idem,  The  Religious  Slate  (Lon- 
don. 1903),  11:  Andre-Wagner,  Diet,  de  droit  canonique 
(Paris.  1901);  Vermeersch,  De  Religiosis  Institutis  et  Per- 
sonis  (Bruges.  1904),  I;  Wernz.  J'us  BecrefafiKm  (Rome,  1899). 
HI;  Heltot,  Dict.des  ordres  religieux  (Paris,  1859).  ed.  Migne, 
III;  Heimbuchkr,  Die  Orden  und  Kong,  der  kath.  Kirche 
(Paderborn,  1907),  III.  j^^^   p     x.   MuRPHT. 

Clerks  Regular  of  Our  Saviour,  a  religious  con- 
gregation instituted  in  its  present  form  in  1851,  at 
Benoite-Vaux  in  the  Diocese  of  Verdun,  France.  The 
constitutions  and  spirit  of  the  congregation  are  those 
of  the  Canons  Regular  of  Our  Saviour,  who  were  es- 
tablished as  a  reform  among  the  various  bodies  of 
regular  canons  in  Lorraine  by  St.  Peter  Fourier  (q.  v.), 
canon  of  Chamousay  in  1623,  and  confirmed  by  Urban 
VIII  in  1628.  The  scope  of  the  reformed  order,  as 
outlined  in  the  "Summarium  Constitutionum"  of  St. 
Peter,  was  the  Christian  education  of  youth  and  the 
exercise  of  the  sacred  ministry  among  the  poor  and 
neglected.  The  order  flourished  exceedingly  through- 
out the  Duchy  of  Lorraine  and  made  its  way  into 
France  and  Savoy;  but  was  completely  destroyed  by 
the  French  Revolution.  In  1851  four  zealous  priests 
of  the  Diocese  of  Verdun,  anxious  to  see  revived  the 
apostolic  labours  of  the  sons  of  Fourier,  withdrew  to 
the  retired  shrine  of  Our  Lady  of  Benoite-Vaux,  and 
there  began  a  religious  life  according  to  the  rule  given 
to  his  canons  by  St.  Peter  Fourier.  Three  years  later 
they  received  the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See,  which 
changed  their  name  from  Canons  Regular,  the  title  of 
the  earlier  organization,  to  Clerks  Regular.  During 
the  next  half  eenturj-  the  congregation  spread  and  it 
now  numbers  several  houses,  its  special  work  being  the 
education  of  youth.  The  members  of  the  congrega- 
tion are  of  three  grades,  priests,  scholastics,  and  lay 
brothers.  Though  possessing  the  title  "clerks  regular" 
(q.  V.)  they  are  not  such  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word, 
as  their  vows,  though  perpetual,  are  simple,  according 
to  the  present  practice  of  the  Roman  authorities  of  es- 
tablishing no  new  institutes  of  solemn  vows. 

Heimbucher,  Die  Orden  und  Kong,  der  kath.  Kirche  (Pader- 
born. 1907).  II,  47  sq.;  Helyot,  Diet,  des  ordres  religieux,  (Paris. 
1859),  ed.  Migne,  IV. 

John  F.  X.  MtmPHY. 

Clerks  Regular  of  St.  Paul.     See  Barnabites. 

Clerks  Regular  of  the  Mother  of  God  of 
Lucca,  a  congregation  founded  by  the  Blessed  Gio- 
vanni Lconardi,  son  of  middle-class  parents,  who  was 
born  in  1541  at  Diecimo.  a  small  township  in  the  Re- 
public of  Lucca,  though  at  that  time  the  chief  place 
of  a  fief  of  the. s.ame  name  held  by  the  bishops  of  Lucca 
from  tlie  republic.  .4t  sevi>nteen  years  of  age  he  was 
sent  to  Lucca  to  learn  the  apothecary's  trjide,  but 
having  from  a  tender  age  been  most  piously  inclined, 


CLERKS 


53 


CLERMONT 


he.  after  many  difficulties,  including  the  necessity  of 
educating  himself,  embraced  the  sacerdotal  state,  and 
was  ordained  22  December,  1572.  His  congregation 
may  be  said  to  have  begun  in  1574.  Two  or  three 
young  laymen,  attracted  by  his  sanctity  and  thesweet- 
ness  of  his  character,  had  gathered  round  him  to  sub- 
mit themselves  to  his  sjiiritual  guidance  and  help  him 
in  the  work  for  the  reform  of  manners  and  the  saving 
of  souls  which  he  had  begun  even  as  a  lajTiian.  Gio- 
vanni rented  the  beautiful  little  church  of  Santa 
Maria  della  Rosa,  and  in  a  quarter  close  by,  some- 
thing like  community  life  was  started.  It  was  here, 
when  it  became  e\'ident  that  Giovamii's  lay  helpers 
were  preparing  for  the  priesthood  and  that  some- 
tliing  like  a  religious  order  was  in  process  of  formation, 
that  a  storm  of  persecvition  broke  out  against  the 
devoted  founder.  The  Fathers  of  the  republic  seem 
to  have  had  a  real  fear  that  a  native  religious  order, 
if  spread  over  Italy,  would  cause  the  affairs  of  the 
little  state  to  become  too  well  known  to  its  neigh- 
bours. The  persecution,  however,  was  so  effective 
and  lasting,  that  the  Blessed  Leonard!  ]iractically 
spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  banishment  from  Lucca, 
only  being  now  and  again  admitted  by  special  decree 
of  the  Senate,  unwillingly  extracted  under  papal  pres- 
sure. In  15S0  Giovanni  acquired  secretly  the  ancient 
church  of  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini  (jjopularly  known 
as  Santa  Maria  Nera)  which  his  sons  hold  to  this  day. 
In  1583  the  congregation  was  canonically  erected  at 
the  instigation  of  Pope  Gregory  XIII  by  Bishop  Al- 
essandro  Guidiccioni,  of  Lucca,  and  confirmed  by  the 
Brief  of  Clement  VIII  "Ex  quo  divina  majestas",  13 
October,  1595. 

The  congregation  at  this  time  only  took  simple 
vows  of  chastity,  perseverance,  and  obedience,  and 
was  known  as  the  "Congregation  of  Clerks  Secular  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin".  In  1596  Clement  VIII  nom- 
inated the  Blessed  Giovanni  commissary  Apostolic 
for  the  reform  of  the  monks  of  the  Order  of  Monte 
Vergine,  and  in  1601  the  cardinal  protector  appointed 
him  to  carry  out  a  similar  work  among  the  Vallom- 
brosans.  In  1601  he  obtained  the  church  of  S.  Maria 
in  Portico  in  Rome.  In  the  same  year  Cardinal 
Baronius  became  protector  of  the  congregation.  Gio- 
vanni died  in  Rome  9  October,  1609,  aged  sixty-eight, 
and  was  buried  in  Santa  Maria  in  Portico.  The  present 
church  of  the  congregation  in  Rome,  obtained  in 
1662,  is  Santa  Maria  in  Campitelli  (called  also  Santa 
Maria  in  Portico)  interesting  to  Englishmen  as  the 
first  titular  church  of  the  Cardinal  of  York.  The 
body  of  the  founder  was  removed  to  this  church  and 
lies  there  under  the  altar  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
Giovanni  Leonardi  was  declared  Venerable  in  1701, 
and  beatified  by  Pius  IX  in  1861.  Leo  XIII,  in  1893, 
caused  his  name  to  be  inserted  in  the  Roman  Martyr- 
ology  and  ordered  the  clergy  of  Rome  to  say  his  Mass 
and  Office,  an  honour  accorded  to  no  other  Blessed 
in  that  city  except  the  beatified  popes.  In  1614  Paul 
V  confided  to  the  congregation  the  care  of  the  so- 
called  Pious  Schools.  It  is  in  his  Brief  "  Inter  Pastor- 
ahs"  that  the  congregation  is  first  called  "of  the 
Mother  of  God",  ha\'ing  until  then  been  known  by  its 
original  name  of  "Clerks  Secular  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin".  The  care  of  these  schools  being  considered 
outside  the  scojie  of  the  congregation,  it  was  relieved 
of  their  charge  by  the  same  pontiff  in  1617. 

It  was  not  until  1621  (3  November)  that  Gregory 
XV,  carrjnng  out  what  was  always  in  the  founder's 
mind,  erected  the  congregation  into  a  religious  order 
proper  by  permitting  its  members  to  take  solemn 
vows,  and  it  henceforth  became  the  Clerks  Regular 
of  the  Mother  of  God.  The  Blessed  Leonardi  received 
many  offers  of  churches  during  his  life,  but  with  a 
view  of  concihating  the  governing  body  of  the  re- 
public thought  it  better  to  refuse  them.  In  all  its 
history  the  order  has  never  had  more  than  fifteen 
churches,  and  never  more  than  seven  at  one  time.     It 


was  introduced  into  Naples  in  1632,  Genoa  1669,  and 
Milan  1709.  The  only  churches  of  the  order  now  ex- 
isting are  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini,  Lucca;  Santa 
Maria  in  Camjiitelli,  Rome;  Santa  Maria  in  Portico 
di  Chiaja,  and  Santa  Brigida,  Naples;  the  Madonna 
della  Stella  Migliano  (1902);  and  the  parish  church 
of  S.  Carlo  in  ilonte  Carlo  (1873),  the  only  church  of 
the  order  outside  the  borders  of  modern  Italy.  In 
the  sacristy  of  Santa  Maria  Cortelandini  is  preserved 
a  large  portion  of  a  hair-shirt  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canter- 
bury whose  feast  is  celebrated  there  with  considerable 
ceremony:  in  1908  half  of  this  relic  was  presented  to 
the  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Thomas,  Erdington, 
England.  The  former  residence  of  the  clerks,  who 
kept  a  large  boys'  school  until  the  suppression  in 
1867,  is  now  the  public  library  of  Lucca.  Two  of 
the  original  companions  of  the  holy  founder,  Cesare 
Franciotti  and  Giovanni  Cioni,  have  been  declared 
Venerable.  The  order  justly  enjoys  great  fame  for 
its  learning  and  its  numerous  scholars  and  writers. 
Suffice  it  to  mention  Giovanni  Domenico  Mansi, 
editor  of  the  "Councils"  and  a  hundred  other  works. 
The  arms  of  the  order  are  azure,  Our  Lady  Assumed 
into  Heaven;  and  its  badge  and  seal  the  monogram 
of  the  Mother  of  God  in  Greek  characters. 

Helyot,  lli^l.  Ord.  ReL,  especially  the  Italian  version  by 
FoNTANA,  clerk  of  this  congregation  (Lucca,  1738),  IV,  268- 
295;  BoN'ANxr,  Cat.  Ord.  Relig.,  I;  Marracci,  VUa  del  V.  P. 
Giovanni  Leonardi  (Rome,  1673);  Guerra,  La  Vita  del  B. 
Giov.  Leonardi  (Monza,  1895);  Barbosa,  Jut.  Eccl.  Univ.,  I, 
xli,  162;  BuUar.  Rom.,\\\;  Sarteschu  De  Scriptoribus  Cong. 
Cler.  Matris  Dei.  ^ ,  _, 

Montgomery  Carmichael. 

Clermont  (C'LERMONT-FERRANn),  Diocese  of 
(Claromontensis),  comi^rises  the  entire  department 
of  Puy-de-D6me  and  is  a  suffragan  of  Bourges.  Al- 
though at  first  very  extensive,  in  1317  the  diocese  lost 
Haute-Auvergne 
through  the 
creation  of  the 
Diocese  of  Saint- 
Flour  and  in  1S22 
theBourbonnais, 
on  account  of  the 
erection  of  the 
Diocese  of  Mou- 
lins.  The  first 
Bishop  of  Cler- 
mont was  St. 
Austremonius 
(Stramonius). 
(See  Austremo- 
nius.) Accord- 
ing to  local  tra- 
di1;ion  he  was  one 
of  the  seventy- 
two  Disciples  of 
Christ,  by  birth  a 
Jew,  who  came 
with  St.  Peter 
from  Palestine  to 
Rome  and  subse- 
quently became  the  Apostle  of  Auvergne,  Berry ,  Niver- 
nais,  and  Limousin.  At  Clermont  he  is  said  to  have 
converted  the  senator  Cassius  and  the  paganpriest  Vic- 
torinus,  to  have  sent  St.  Sirenatus  (Cerneuf )  to  Thiers, 
St.  Marius  to  Salers,Sts.  Nectariusand  Antoninus  into 
other  jiarts  of  Auvergne,  and  to  have  been  beheaded 
in  92.  This  tradition  is  based  on  a  life  of  St.  Austremo- 
nius written  in  the  tenth  century  in  the  monastery  of 
Mozat,  where  the  body  of  the  saint  had  rested  from 
761,  and  rewritten  by  the  monks  of  Issoire,  who  re- 
tained the  saint's  head.  St.  Gregory  of  Tours,  born 
in  -Vuvergne  in  544  and  well  versed  in  the  history  of 
that  country,  looks  upon  Avistremonius  as  one  of  the 
seven  envoys  who,  about  250,  evangelized  Gaul;  he 
relates  how  the  body  of  the  saint  w;us  first  interred  at 
Issoire,  being  there  the  object  of  great   veneration. 


Cathedral,   Clkrmont-1- 


CLETUS 


54 


CLETUS 


Clermont  counted  amongst  its  bishops  alarge  number 
of  saints,  as  St.  Urbicus  (c.  312);  St.  Leoguntivis;  St. 
Illidius  (Allyre),  who,  about  385,  cured  the  daughter 
of  the  Emperor  Maximus  at  Trier;  the  saint's  name 
wa.s  given  to  the  petrifying  springs  of  Clermont,  and 
his  life  was  written  by  Gregory  of  Tours;  St.  Ncpo- 
tianus  (d.  38S) ;  St.  Artemius  (d.  about  394) ;  St.  Ven- 
erandus  (Veau,  d.  about  423);  St.  Rusticus  (424-46); 
St.  Namatius  (446-62),  founder  of  the  Clermont  cathe- 
dral, where  he  deposited  the  relies  of  Sts.  Vitalis  and 
Agricola  brought  from  Bologna;  Sidonius  Apollinaris 
(470-79),  the  celebrated  Christian  writer  who  brought 
to  Clermont  the  priest  St.  Amabilis;  St.  Aprunculus 
(d.  about  491);  St.  Ruphrasius  (491-515);  St.  Quin- 
tianus  (d.  about  527),  whose  life  was  written  by  Greg- 
ory of  Tours;  St.  Gallus  (527-51),  of  whom  Gregory  of 
Tours  was  the  biographer  and  nephew;  St.  Avitus 
(second  half  of  the  sixth  century),  founder  of  Notre- 
DameduPort;St. 
Cajsarius  (c.  627) ; 
St.  Gallus  II  (c. 
650) ;  St.  Genesius 
(c.  660) ;  St.  Pra;- 
jectus  (Prix),  his- 
torian of  tlie  mar- 
tyrs of  Clermont 
and  assassinated 
at  Volvic  25  Jan- 
uary, 676;  St. 
Avitus  II  (676- 
91);  St.  Bonitus, 
intimate  friend  of 
Sigebert  1 1  (end 
of  seventh  cen- 
tiirvV  St.  Stabilis 
(SL''i  111 II.  :ind  St. 
SiL'ii(Mii'i.  Among 
Ihi'  Bisiiups  of 
Clermont  should 
also  be  mentioned: 
Pierre  de  Cros 
(1.301-04),  en- 
gaged by  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas  to  complete  his  "Summa";  Etienne 
d'Albert  (1340-42),  later  Pope  Innocent  VI  (1352- 
62);  Guillaumedu  Prat  (1528-60),  founder  of  the  Cler- 
mont College  at  Paris  and  delegate  of  Francis  I  to  the 
Council  of  Trent;  and  Massillon,  the  illustrious  orator 
(1717-42).  The  Diocese  of  Clermont  can  likewise 
claim  a  number  of  monks  whom  the  Church  honours 
as  saints,  viz:  St.  Calevisus  (Calais,  460-541),  a  pupil 
in  the  monastery  of  Menat  near  Riom,  whence  he  re- 
tired to  Maine,  where  he  founded  the  Abbey  of  Ani- 
sole;  St.  Maztius  (d.  527),  founder  at  Royat  near 
Cli-rmont  of  a  monastery  which  became  later  a  Ben- 
edictine priory ;  St.  Portianus  (sixth  century),  founder 
of  a  monastery  to  which  the  city  of  Saint- Pour^ain 
(Allier)  owes  its  origin;  St.  Etienne  de  Muret  (1046- 
1 124),  son  of  the  Viscount  of  Thiers  and  founder  of 
the  Order  of  Grandmont  in  Limousin,  and  St.  Peter 
the  Venerable  (1092-1 156),  of  the  Montboissier  family 
of  Auvcrgne,  noted  as  a  writer  and  Abbot  of  Cluny. 
Several  famous  .lansenists  were  natives  of  Clermont: 
Blaise  Pa.soal,  author  of  the  "  Pen.sees"  (1623-62) ;  the 
Arnauld  family,  and  Soanen  (1647-1740),  Bishop  of 
Senez,  famous  for  his  stubborn  opposition  to  the  Bull 
"Unigenitus".  On  the  other  hand  the  city  of  Riom 
was  the  birthplace  of  Sirmoiid,  the  learned  .lesuit 
(15.">9-165I),  confessor  to  Louis  XIII  and  editor  of 
the  ancient  coutic-ils  of  Gaul.  Other  natives  worthy 
of  mention  in  church  history  were  the  Abb(5  Delille, 
po,a  (1738-1813).  and  Moiitlosicr.  the  publiei.st  (1755- 
183S),  famous  for  liis  UK'nioir  against  tlie  Jesuits  and 
(o  wlioin  Bisliop  Ferou  r.'fuscd  ecclesiastical  burial. 
Pope  Url)an  II  came  to  Clermont  in  1095  to  l)re.sido 
at  th(!  organization  of  the  I'irst  Crusade;  Vopo  Pas- 
chal II  visited  the  city  in  1106,  Callistus  II  in  1120, 


Church  of  Notrk-Dami:  hu 
C'i,KHMnNT-FERH\Ni)  (Kleveiith 
Century  Romanesque) 


Innocent  II  in  11.30,  Alexander  III  in  1164,  and,  in 
1166,  St.  Thomas  Becket.  It  was  also  at  Clermont 
that,  in  1262,  in  presence  of  St.  Louis,  the  marriage  of 
Philip  the  Bold  and  Isabella  of  Aragon  was  solem- 
nized. The  cathedral  of  ( 'lermont,  dating  from  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  is  not  of  equal 
arcliEPological  importance  with  the  church  of  Notre- 
Dame  du  Port,  which  stands  to-day  as  it  was  rebuilt 
in  the  eleventh  century,  and  is  one  of  the  most  beauti- 
ful of  Romanesque  churches  in  the  Auvergnese  style. 
One  of  the  capitals  in  Notre-Dame  du  Port,  ascribed 
to  the  eleventh  century,  is  among  the  most  ancient 
sculptured  representations  of  the  Assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin.  This  cathedral  is  much  frequented 
a-s  a  place  of  pilsrimatic.  as  are  also  Notre  Dame  d'Or- 
cival  and  Notre  Dame  de  Vassiviere  at  Besse.  The 
"dry  mass"  (without  Consecration  or  Communion) 
was  celebrated  in  the  Diocese  of  Clermont  as  late  as 
the  seventeenth  century. 

Before  the  Law  of  1901  was  carried  into  effect, 
there  were  in  the  diocese:  t!apuchins,  Jesuits,  Marists, 
Fathers  of  the  African  Missions,  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  and  Sulpicians.  Several  local  congregations 
of  women  are  engaged  in  teaching,  among  them  being 
the  religious  of  Notre-Dame  de  Clermont,  founded  in 
1835,  with  mother-house  at  Chamalieres ;  the  Sisters  of 
St.  Josejih  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  founded  by  Massil- 
lon in  1723,  with  mother-house  at  Clermont;  the  Sis- 
ters of  the  Heart  of  the  Infant  Jesus,  mother-house  at 
Lezoux ;  and  the  Sisters  of  Mercy,  founded  in  1806, 
with  mother-house  at  Billom.  The  diocese  has  the 
following  religious  institutions:  2  maternity  hospitals, 
40  infant  schools,  1  school  for  the  blind,  4  schools  for 
deaf  mutes,  3  boys'  orphanages,  16  girls'  orphanages,  2 
houses  of  refuge  and  of  protection,  23  hospitals  and 
hospices,  35  houses  for  nursing  sisters,  ami  1  insane 
asylum.  Statistics  for  the  end  of  1905  (the  close  of 
the  period  under  the  Concordat)  show  a  population 
of  529,181,  with  54  parishes,  447  succursal  parishes 
(mission  churches),  and  175  curacies  remunerated  by 
the  State. 

Gregory  of  Tours,  Hisioria  Francorum;  Idem,  Viiai 
Patrum  (nine  out  of  twenty  being  devoted  to  saints  of  Au- 
vercnel;  Oallin  Chrixliana  (nova)  (1715),  II,  222-316,416-418; 
/,,,./.-,, ,,,,„^.,     7:^-f_*S;     Resie,  Histoire  de  I'Eolise  d'Auvergne 

I  ;  \    I-      '  !'■[ ill   It-rrand,  1855);    Morin,  U Auvergne  chret. 

'^^11    (Roanne,    1880);    Duchesne.  Pastes 

./ ,    I,   Jii,   11.31-39,  117-22;  Desdevizes  DU  Desert, 

J^,ljl,.'^,<if>J..<  ,.L,  tuitinaire  des  croisades  a  Clermont-Ferrand 
(Clermont-Ferrand,    1895);    Chev.\lier,  Rep.  des  sources  hist., 

Topo-BM.,  s.  V.  Georges  Goyatj. 

Cletus,  S.4.INT,  Pope. — This  name  is  only  another 
form  for  .Anacletus  (q.  v.),  the  second  successor  of  St. 
Peter.  It  is  true  that  the  Liberian  Catalogue,  a 
fourth-century  list  of  popes,  so  called  because  it  ends 
with  Pope  Liberius  (d.  366),  contains  both  names,  as 
if  they  were  different  persons.  But  this  is  an  error, 
owing  evidently  to  the  existence  of  two  forms  of  the 
same  name,  oni>  an  abbreviation  of  the  other.  In  the 
aforesaid  catalogue  tlie  papal  succession  is:  Petrus, 
Linus,  Clemens,  Cletus,  Anacletus.  This  catalogue, 
however,  is  the  only  authority  previous  to  the  sixth 
century  (Liber  Pontificalis)  for  distinguishing  two 
popes  under  the  names  of  Cletus  and  .Vnacletus.  The 
"Carmen  adv.  Marcionem"  is  of  the  latter  lialf  of  the 
fourth  century,  and  its  papal  list  iirobably  depends  on 
the  Liberian  Catalogue.  The  "  Martyrologium  Hiero- 
nymianum"  (q.  v.)  mentions  both  "  Aninclitus"  and 
"Clitus"  (23  and  31  December),  but  on  each  occasion 
these  names  are  found  in  a  list  of  popes ;  hence  the  days 
mentioned  cannot  be  looked  on  as  specially  conse- 
crated to  the.se  two  persons.  Apart  from  thesis  lists, 
all  other  ancient  papal  lists,  from  the  second  to  the 
fourth  century,  give  as  follows  the  immediate  succes- 
sion of  St.  Peter:  ATras,  ' .Ky4yK\rtToi.  KXiiMIs  (Linus 
Anencletus,  Clemens),  and  this  siici'essioii  is  certainly 
the  right  one.  It  is  that  found  in  St.  Ireiueus  and  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  second  and  third  centuries.  Both 


CLEVELAND 


55 


CLEVELAND 


Africa  and  the  Orient  adhered  faithfully  to  this  list, 
which  is  also  given  in  the  very  ancient  Roman  Canon  of 
the  Mass,  except  that  in  the  iatterC'lctiis  is  the  form  used, 
and  the  same  occurs  in  St.  Epiiilianius,  St.  Jerome, 
Rufinus,  and  in  many  fifth-  and  sixth-century  lists. 
This  second  successor  of  St.  Peter  governed  the 
Roman  Church  from  about  76  to  about  88.  The 
"Liber  Pontificalis"  says  that  his  father  was  Emeli- 
anus  and  that  Clctus  was  a  Roman  by  birth,  and  be- 
longed to  the  quarter  known  as  the  I'/r^s  Patrid.  It 
also  tells  us  that  he  ordained  twenty-fne  priests,  and 
was  buried  in  Valicano  near  the  body  of  St.  Peter. 
There  is  historical  evidence  for  only  the  last  of  these 
statements.  The  feast  of  St.  Cletus  falls,  with  that  of  St. 
Marcellinus,  on  26  April;  this  date  is  already  assigned 
to  it  in  the  first  edition  of  the  "Liber  Pontificalis". 
(See  Clement  I,  Saint,  Pope.) 

LiGHTFOOT,  Apostolic  Fathers,  Pt.  I:  St.  Cicnurnt  of  Rome 
(2nd  ed.,  London,  1890).  201-345;  Ddchesne,  Liber  Ponlifi- 
calis.  I.  LXIX-LXX.  2-3.  52-53;  H\knack,  Gcsch.  dnr  att- 
christl.  Ul.  bis  Eusrbius.  II-I.  144-202;  Aria  S.S..  .^pril.  III. 
409-11;  DE  Smedt,  Dissertationes  sctcctw  in  hist,  cedes.  (Ghent, 
1876),  300-04. 

J.    P.   KiRSCH. 

Cleveland,  Diocese  of  (Clevei>anden.si.s),  estab- 
lished 23  April,  1847,  comprises  all  I  hat  part  of  Ohio 
lying  north  of  the  southern  limits  of  the  Counties  of 
Columbiana,  Stark,  Wayne,  Ashland,  Richland,  Craw- 
ford, Wyandot,  Hancock,  Allen,  and  Van  Wert,  its 
territory  covering  tliirty-six  counties,  an  area  of  15,- 
032  square  miles. 

Eaklv  History. — The  Jesuit  Fathers  Potier  and 
Bonnecamp  were  the  first  missionaries  to  visit  the 
territory  now  witliin  the  limits  of  Ohio.  They  came 
from  Quebec  in  1749  to  evangelize  the  Huron 
Indians  living  along  the  Vermilion  and  Sandusky 
Rivers  in  Northern  Ohio.  Two  years  later  they 
received  the  assistance  of  anotlier  Jesuit,  leather  de 
la  Richardie,  who  had  come  from  Detroit,  Michigan, 
to  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  Shortly  after 
his  arrival  he  induced  a  part  of  the  Huron  tribe  to 
settle  near  the  present  site  of  Sandusky,  where  he 
erected  (17.51)  a  chapel — the  first  place  of  Catholic 
worsliip  within  the  present  limits  of  Ohio.  These 
Huroiis  assumed  the  name  of  Wyandots  when  they 
left  the  parent  tribe.  Although  checked  for  a  time 
by  Father  Potier,  they  took  part  in  the  Indian-French 
War.  Soon  they  became  implicated  in  the  conspiracy 
of  Pontiac,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Jesuits 
were  unjvistly  forced  in  17.52  to  leave  the  territory 
of  Ohio,  Father  Potier  being  the  last  Jesuit  missionary 
among  the  Western  Hurons.  The  Indian  missions, 
established  and  cared  for  by  the  Jesuits  for  nearly 
three  years,  had  now  to  depend  exclusively  on  the 
chance  visits  of  the  priests  attached  to  the  military 
posts  in  Canada  and  Southern  Michigan.  Despite 
the  spiritvial  deprivation  which  this  implied,  the 
Hurons  (Wyandots)  kept  the  Faith  for  many  years, 
although  tlieir  descendants  were  ultimately  lost  to 
the  Church  tlirough  the  successful  efforts  of  Protes- 
tant missionaries,  .\fter  the  forced  retirement  of  the 
Jesuits  no  systematic  efforts  were  made  to  continue 
the  missionary  work  begun  by  them  until  179.5, 
when  the  Rev.  Edmund  Burke,  a  .secular  priest  from 
Quebec,  came  as  chaplain  of  tlie  military  post  at 
Fort  Meigs,  near  the  present  site  of  Maumee.  Father 
Burke  remained  at  the  post  until  February,  1797, 
mini.stering  to  the  Catholic  soldiers  at  the  fort, 
and  endeavouring,  though  with  little  success,  to 
Christianize  the  Ottawa  and  Chippewa  Indians  in 
the  neighbourliood. 

In  the  meantime  the  See  of  Bardstown  was  erected 
(1811)).  embracing  the  entire  State  of  Ohio,  as  well 
as  Michigan  and  Kentucky.  Bishop  Flaget  sent 
(1817)  the  Rev.  Edward  Fenwick,  O.  P.  (later  first 
Bishop  of  Cincinnati),  from  the  Dominican  monastery 
at  Somerset,  Ohio,  to  attend  the  few  Catholic  families 
who  had  settled  in  Columbiana  and  Stark  Counties, 


in  the  north-eastern  part  of  Ohio.  From  that  time 
forward  he  and  other  Dominican  Fathers,  especially 
the  Revs.  Nicholas  D.  Young  and  John  A.  Hill,  con- 
tinvied  to  visit  at  regular  intervals  the  Catholic 
families  in  that  section  of  Ohio  (notably  in  Colum- 
biana, Stark,  Mahoning,  and  Wayne  Counties),  then 
very  sparsely  .settled.  It  is,  therefore,  from  this 
l)criod  that  Catholicity  in  Northern  Ohio  really  dates 
its  beginning.  In  the  course  of  time  the  Dominican 
Fathers  gradually  gave  up  to  the  secular  clergy  their 
pastoral  charges  in  the  above-named  counties  until, 
in  1842,  they  withdrew  altogether.  St.  John's, 
Canton,  was  their  last  mission.  Meanwhile  the 
central  portion  of  Northern  Ohio  (Huron,  Erie, 
Sandusky,  and  Seneca  Counties)  had  received  a  con- 
siderable influx  of  Catholic  immigrants,  principally 
from  Germany.  Similar  conditions  were  obtaining 
elsewhere  in  the  State,  and  the  need  of  more  com- 
]iact  organization  to  minister  to  growing  wants 
made  ('incinnati  an  episcopal  see  in  1822,  with  the 
entire  State  for  its  jurisdiction.  Little  seems  to 
have  been  done,  however,  for  the  northern  part  of 
the  State,  and  but  little  could  be  done,  as  Catholics 
were  so  few.  until  the. advent  of  its  second  bishop, 
John  B.  Purcell.  He  succeeded  (13  Oct.,  1833) 
the  saintly  Bishop  Fenwick,  who,  while  engaged  in 
a  confirmation  tour,  died  at  Woostcr,  Ohio  (26  Seii- 
tember,  I.s;i2)  of  cholera,  then  raging  in  Ohio.  In 
1834  Bishop  Purcell  commissioned  the  Redemptorist 
Fathers,  who  had  just  arrived  in  America,  to 
take  charge  of  the  widely  scattered  German  missions 
then  existing  in  these  counties,  and  to  organize 
others  where  needed.  The  Rev.  Francis  X.  Tschen- 
hens,  C.  SS.  R.,  was  the  first  jiriest  assigned  to  this 
task.  Later  on  he  was  assisted  by  other  members 
of  his  community,  among  them  the  Revs.  Peter 
Czakert,  Francis  Haetscher,  Joseph  Prost,  Simon 
Saenderl,  Louis  M.  Alig,  and  John  N.  Neumann 
(later  Bishop  of  Philadelphia).  The  Redemptorists 
remained  in  Northern  Ohio  until  November,  1842. 
They  were  succeeded,  January,  1844,  by  seven 
Sanguinist  Fathers  (the  Revs.  Francis  S.  Brunner, 
M.  A.  Meier,  J.  Wittmer,  J.  Van  den  Brock,  P.  A. 
Capeder,  J.  Ringele.  and  J.  B.  Jacomet),  who  came 
from  Europe  at  that  time  at  the  solicitation  of  Bishop 
Purcell.  They  settled  at  St.  Alphonsus'  church, 
Peru,  Huron  County,  whence  they  attended  all  the 
missions  formerly  under  the  care  of  the  Redemp- 
torists. They  also  accepted  charge  of  the  scattered 
missions  in  Lorain,  Medina,  and  Wayne  Counties, 
besides  attending  the  Catholic  Germans  in  Cleveland. 
Their  advent  was  hailed  with  delight  wherever  they 
went,  and  their  priestly  labours  were  signally  blessed. 
LTnder  their  vigilant  care  religion  flo\irished.  so  that 
the  healthy  growth  of  Catholicity  in  Northern 
Ohio  may  justly,  imder  God,  be  ascribed  in  large 
measure  to  their  untiring  zeal  and  self-sacrifice. 

The  secular  clergy  are  no  less  deserving  of  mention, 
as  they,  too,  laboured  in  this  part  of  the  Lord's 
vineyard,  amid  trials  and  difheulties,  often  side  by 
side  with  their  bretliren  of  the  religious  orders,  and 
more  often  alone  in  the  widespread  missions  of 
Northern  Ohio.  They  did  yeoman  service,  blazing 
the  way  for  those  who  succeeded  them,  and  laying 
the  foundations  for  many  missions,  which  have  long 
since  <levelo|5eil  into  vigorous  and  prosperous  con- 
gregations. The  first  of  these  secular  clergy  was 
the  Rev.  Ignatius  J.  Mullen,  of  Cincinnati.  Between 
1824  and  1834  ho  frequently  attended  the  missions 
in  Stark,  Columbiana,  Seneca,  and  Sandusky  Counties. 
Other  pioneer  .secular  priests  of  prominence  were: 
the  Hev.s.  Francis  Marshall  (1.S27),  John  M.  Henni 
(later  Bi.shoi)  and  Arehbisho))  of  Milwaukee),  resident 
pastor  of  Canton  (1831-34),  Edmund  Quinn,  at 
TiflSn  (1831-3.5),  William  J.  Horstmann,  at  Glandorf 
(183.5-43),  James  Conlon,  at  Dungannon  (1834-.53), 
Matthias  Wuerz,  at  Canton  (183.5-45),  John  Dillon, 


CLEVELAND 


56 


CLEVELAND 


first  resident  pastor  of  Cleveland  (1835-36),  Basil 
Schorb,  in  charge  of  missions  in  Stark,  Wayne,  and 
Portage  Counties  (1837-43),  Patrick  O'Dwyer,  second 
pastor  of  Cleveland  (1836-38),  where  he  built  the 
first  church  in  1838,  Michael  McAleer,  in  Stark  and 
Columbiana  Counties  (1838^0),  Joseph  McNamee, 
at  Tiffin  (1839-47),  Projectus  J.  Machebeuf  (later 
Bishop  of  Denver),  at  Tiffin  and  Sandusky  (1839-51), 
Aniadeus  Rappe  (later  first  Bishop  of  Cleveland), 
stationed  at  Maumee  for  a  short  time,  and  then,  as 
first  resident  pastor,  at  Toledo  (1840-47),  Louis  de 
Goesbriand  (later  Bishop  of  Burlington,  Vermont), 
at  Louisville,  Toledo,  and  Cleveland  (1840-53),  Peter 
McLauglJin,  resident  pastor  of  Cleveland  (1840-46), 
Maurice  Howard,  at  Cleveland  and  later  at  Tiffin 
(1842-52),  John  J.  Doherty,  at  Canton  (1843-48), 
Jolm  H.  Luhr,  at  Canton,  and  later  at  Cleveland 
(1844-58),  John  O.  Brcdeick,  founder  of  Delphos, 
and  its  first  pastor  (1844-58),  Cornelius  Daley,  first 
resident  pastor  of  Akron,  and  later  stationed  at 
Doylestown  (1844-47),  Philip  Foley,  at  Massillon 
and  Wooster  (1847-48).  The  Rev.  Stephen  Badin, 
proto-priest  of  the  thirteen  original  LTnited  States, 
and  the  Rev.  Edward  T.  Collins  occasionally  came 
from  Cincinnati,  between  1835  and  1837,  to  attend 
the  missions  in  Northern  Ohio,  the  former  those  of 
Canton,  Fremont,  and  Tiffin,  and  the  latter  those  of 
Dungannon,  Toledo,  and  along  the  Maumee  River. 
The  first  permanent  church  in  Northern  Ohio  was 
erected  near  the  present  village  of  Dungannon,  in 
1820,  under  the  direction  of  the  Rev.  Edward  Fen- 
wick,  O.  P.,  the  "Apostle  of  Ohio",  and  later  the  first 
Bishop  of  Cincinnati.  Until  1847  churches  of  brick 
or  wood  were  built  in  the  following  places:  Canton 
(St.  John's,  1823),  Chippewa  (1828),  Randolph,  Canal 
Fulton  (1831),  Tiffin  (St.  Mary's,  1832),  Glandorf, 
Navarre,  New  Riegel  (1833),  Peru  (1834),  Louis- 
ville, La  Porte  (1835).  Shelby  Settlement  (1836), 
McCutchenville  (1837),  Thompson  (1839),  Cleveland, 
East  Liverpool  (1840),  Toledo,  Maumee,  New  Wash- 
ington, Norwalk  (1841).  Sandusky  (Holy  Angels), 
Landeck,  Liberty,  Liverpool,  Sheffield  (St.  Stephen's, 
1842),  Delphos,  Massillon  (St.  Mary's),  Akron  (St. 
Vincent's),  Fremont  (St.  Anne's),  French  Creek 
(1844),  Canton  (St.  Peter's),  Harrisburg.  New  Berlin, 
'Tiffin  (St.  Joseph's),  Providence  (1845),  Sherman 
(1846),  Poplar  Ridge  (1847). 

From  1822  until  October,  1847,  Northern  Ohio 
was  part  of  the  Diocese  of  Cincinnati,  of  which  the 
first  bishop  was  Edward  Fenwick  (1822-32),  and  its 
second  bishop,  John  B.  Purcell,  who  succeeded  in 
October,  1833.  He  petitioned  the  Holy  See,  in 
1846,  for  a  division  of  his  jurisdiction,  then  com- 
prising the  entire  State  of  Ohio.  Tlie  petition  was 
granted  (23  April,  1847),  by  the  appointment  of  the 
Rev.  Louis  Amadeus  Rappe  as  the  first  Bishop  of 
Cleveland,  and  the  assignment  to  his  jurisdiction  of 
"all  that  part  of  Ohio  lying  north  of  40  degrees  and 
41  minutes,  N.  L. "  As  this  division  intersected 
several  counties  it  was  changed  in  January,  1849, 
to  the  present  limits,  as  described  at  the  beginning 
of  this  article. 

Bishops  op  Cleveland. — (1)  Louis  Amadeus 
Rappe,  consecrated  lOth  October,  1847,  was  born 
2  Feb.,  1801,  at  Andrehem,  France.  He  was  or- 
<lained  priest  at  Arras,  France,  14  March,  1829. 
His  cathedral  church  was  St.  Mary's  on  the  "Flats", 
('leveland.  the  first,  and  at  that  time  the  only, 
church  in  hi.s  episcopal  city.  In  November,  1852, 
he  completed  the  present  cathedral,  an  imposing 
brick  structure  of  Gothic  architecture,  still  ranking 
with  the  many  fine  elnirches  of  tlie  diocese.  Dur- 
ing his  administration  of  the  diocese,  which  ended  in 
August,  1,870,  he  convoked  five  diocesan  synods  (1848, 
18.52,  lS5t,  IS.57.  ISOS).  lie  established  "the  diocesan 
seniinary  ( IMS).  , St.  John's  CoUcgi.,  Cleveland  (1854), 
St.  Louis'  ('olleg(>,  Louisville  (IS(iCi);  tliese  two  col- 


leges, however,  being  closed  a  few  years  later,  owing 
to  lack  of  patronage.  Under  his  direction  the  follow- 
ing educational  and  charitable  institutions  were  also 
established:  In  Cleveland,  the  Ursuline  Academy;  St. 
Vincent's  Orphanage,  for  boys;  St.  Marj-'s  Orphanage, 
for  girls  (1851);  St.  Joseph's  Orphanage,  for  girls 
(1862);  Charitv  Hospital  (1865);  House  of  the  Good 
Shepherd  (1869);  Home  for  the  Aged  Poor  (1870).— 
In  'Toledo,  Ursuline  Academy  (1854),  St.  Vincent's 
Orphanage  (1855) :  in  Tiffin.  Ursuline  Academy  (1863), 
St.  Francis'  A.sylum  and  Home  for  the  Aged  (1867). 
He  founded  the  community  of  Sisters  of  Charity  of 
St.  Augustine  (1851),  whose  work  is  the  care  of  or- 
phans, waifs,  and  the  sick.  In  1869  he  introduced 
into  the  diocese  the  Franciscan  and  Jesuit  Fathers, 
giving  to  the  former  the  care  of  St.  Joseph's  church, 
Cleveland,  and  to  the  latter  St.  Mary's,  Toledo. 
Wherever  possible  he  insisted  on  the  support  of  parish 
schools.  He  was  a  strong  advocate  of  total  absti- 
nence, which  he  practised  from  the  time  he  was  a  mis- 
sionary priest  in  North-Western  Ohio  until  his  death. 
He  never  spared  himself  in  the  discharge  of  his  mani- 
fold and  exacting  duties.  By  his  affability  and  disin- 
terestedness he  gained  the  love  of  his  people,  as  also  the 
respect  of  his  fellow-citizens  regardless  of  creed.  He 
resigned  his  see  in  August,  1870  and  retired  to  the  Dio- 
cese of  Burlington,  Vermont,  where  he  did  missionary 
work  almost  to  the  day  of  his  death  (8  September, 
1877).  Between  the  time  of  Bishop  Rappe's  resigna- 
tion and  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  the  Very 
Rev.  Edward  Hannin  administered  the  affairs  of  the 
diocese. 

(2)  Richard  Gilmour,  consecrated  14  April,  1872. 
In  November  of  the  same  year  he  convoked  the 
Sixth  Diocesan  Sjmod,  in  which  many  of  the  statutes 
by  which  the  diocese  is  at  present  governed  were 
promulgated.  It  also  embodied  considerable  of  the 
legislature  of  previous  synods,  notably  that  of  1868. 
This  s3'nod  made  provision  for  a  diocesan  fund  for 
the  support  of  the  seminary,  bishop,  etc.,  and  another 
for  the  support  of  sick  and  disabled  priests,  by  annual 
as.sessnients  on  the  parishes  of  the  diocese.  Among 
other  diocesan  statutes  published  then  were  those 
urging  anew  the  support  of  parochial  schools,  regu- 
lating the  financial  affairs  of  parishes,  and  the  manner 
of  electing  parish  councilmen  and  of  con\eying  church 
property.  Bishop  Gilmour  established  "The  Catho- 
lic Universe",  its  first  issue  appearing  4  July,  1874. 
In  1875  he  organized  "The  Catholic  Central  Associa- 
tion", composed  of  representatives  from  all  the  par- 
ishes and  church  societies  in  Cleveland;  its  influence 
for  the  betterment  of  social  and  religious  conditions 
and  for  the  defence  of  Catholic  interests  was  soon  felt 
not  only  in  Cleveland,  but  elsewhere  as  well,  and  con- 
tinued during  almost  its  entire  existence  of  nearly 
eighteen  years.  It  also  proved  a  tower  of  strength  to 
its  organizer  in  his  forced  contention  for  the  civic 
rights  of  Catholics,  in  the  face  of  bitter  opposition 
from  bigotry  and  a  hostile  press.  In  1875  the  Catho- 
lic school  property  in  Cle^'eland  was  placed  on  the  ta.x 
duplicate  in  spite  of  the  decision  (1874)  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  Ohio,  that  such  property  was  not  tax- 
able. A  suit  of  restraint  was  entered  by  the  bishop, 
and  finally  carried  to  tlie  Supreme  Court,  which  re- 
affirmed its  former  decision.  The  present  episcopal 
residence  was  begun  in  1874  and  completed  two 
years  later.  It  serves  also  as  the  residence  of  the 
cathedral  clergy. — In  1872  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph, 
and  in  1874  the' Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  were  welcomed 
to  the  diocese.  Both  communities  have  flourishing 
academies  in  connexion  with  their  convents,  besides 
supplving  niaiiv  jxirish  schools  with  efficient  teacliers. 
The  .same  also  is  the  ca.so  with  the  Ui-sulines  of  Cleve- 
land, Titlin.  Toledo,  and  ^'ouiigstown.  and  the  Sistei-s 
of  the  Humility  of  Mary.  —The  following  institutions 
were  established  between  1S73  and  1891:  St.  .Xniie's 
Asvluni  and  House  of  Maternitv,  Cleveland  (IS73); 


CLEVELAND 


57 


CLEVELAND 


Ursuline  Convent,  Youngstown  (1874);  St.  Vincent's 
Hospital.  Toledo  (1876);  tit.  Joseph's  Franciscan 
College,  Clevehinil  (1876-80);  Convent  of  Poor  Clares 
(1877);  Ursnline. Academy,  Nottingham  (1877);  St. 
Alexis'  Hospital.  Cleveland  (1884);  St.  Louis'  Or- 
phanage, Louisville  (1SS4);  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor, 
Toledo  (1885);  St.  Ignatius'  College,  Cleveland  (1886); 
St.  Joseph's  Seminary,  for  young  boys,  Nottingham 
(1886).  The  diocesan  seminary  was  remodelled  and 
considerably  enlarged  m  1884-85.  A  diocesan  chan- 
cery office  was  established  (1877)  for  the  transaction 
of  the  official  business  of  the  diocese.  In  1878  the 
first  attempt  was  made  to  gather  historical  data  in 
connexion  with  everj'  parish  and  institution  in  the 
diocese,  and  in  a  few  years  a  great  mass  of  matter, 
covering  the  history  of  Catholicity  in  Northern  Ohio 
and  the  Diocese  of  Cleveland  as  far  back  as  1817,  was 
collected  and  is  now-  a  part  of  the  diocesan  archives. 
In  May,  1882,  tlie  Seventh  Diocesan  Synod  was  held, 
wtiich  resulted  in  the  legislation  at  present  in  force. 
With  the  exception  of  about  half  a  dozen  of  its  262 
statutes,  it  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  decrees  of 
the  Tliird  Plenarj-  Council  of  Baltimore,  held  in 
November,  1884.  Like  his  predecessor.  Bishop 
Gilmour  made  it  obligatory  on  every  parish  at  all 
financially  able  to  support  a  parochial  school.  In 
consequence,  the  Diocese  of  Cleveland  has  more  paro- 
cliial  schools,  in  proportion  to  its  number  of  churches 
and  its  population,  than  any  other  diocese  in  the 
United  States,  and  many  of  its  school  buildings  vie, 
in  size,  appointments,  and  beauty  of  arcliitecture, 
with  the  public-school  buildings.  With  very  few  ex- 
ceptions the  parish  schools  are  in  charge  of  teachers 
belonging  to  male  and  female  religious  communities. 
Bishop  Gilmour  had  an  eventful  episcopate,  lasting 
nineteen  years.  He  left  his  strong,  aggressive  per- 
sonality indelibly  stamped  upon  the  diocese  he  had 
ruled.  During  the  interim  between  his  death  (13 
April,  1891)  and  the  appointment  of  his  successor,  the 
Right  Rev.  Monsignor  F.  M.  Boff  was  administrator 
of  the  diocese. 

(3)  Ign.\tius  Frederick  Horstmann,  chancellor 
of  the  Archdiocese  of  Philadelphia,  was  appointed  to 
succeed  Bishop  Gilmour.  Born  in  Philadelphia,  16 
December,  1840,  after  graduating  from  the  Central 
High  School,  he  attended  St.  Joseph's  College  and 
then  entered  the  diocesan  seminary.  In  1860  he  was 
sent  by  Bishop  Wood  to  the  American  College,  Rome, 
where  he  was  ordained  priest,  10  June,  186.5.  In  the 
following  year  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor  of 
Divinity  and  returning  to  Philadelphia  became  a  pro- 
fessor in  St.  Charles's  Seminary  where  he  remained 
eleven  years  and  was  then  appointed  rector  of  St. 
Marj''s  church,  Philadelphia.  In  1885  he  was  made 
chancellor.  His  consecration  as  Bishop  of  Cleveland 
took  place  in  Philadelphia  25  February,  1892.  He 
died  suddenly  of  heart  disease  on  13  May,  1908,  while 
on  an  official  visit  to  Canton,  Ohio.  He  had  proved 
himself  a  zealous  pastor  of  souls,  a  wise  and  prudent 
ruler,  a  fearless  defender  of  trutli.  Among  the  note- 
worthy accomplishments  of  his  episcopate  were  the 
founding  of  Loyola  High  School,  Cleveland  (1902)- 
St.  John's  College,  Toledo  (1898);  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  diocesan  batid  of  missionaries — the  first  in 
any  diocese  of  the  United  States.  He  w.^s  foremost 
in  encouraging  everj-  missionary  movement,  and  his 
zeal  for  Christian  education  was  one  of  the  dominant 
purposes  of  his  life.  He  served  as  a  trustee  of  the 
Catholic  University  and  in  spite  of  many  duties  found 
time  to  contribute  to  the  "  .\merican  Catholic  Review'' 
and  other  periodicals  and  to  edit  the  -American  edition 
of  "The  Catholic  Doctrine  as  Defined  bv  the  Council 
of  Trent"  and  "  Potter's  Catholic  Bible". 

A  few  months  before  he  died  he  asked  for  an 
auxiliary  bishop  with  jurisdiction  over  the  growing 
foreign  population,  especially  of  the  Slav  races,  in  the 
diocese.     The  Rev.  Joseph  ,M.   Koudelka,   rector  of 


St.  Michael's  church,  Cleveland,  was  named  29  Nov., 
1907,  and  consecrated  25  Feb.,  1908,  being  the  first 
auxiliary  bishop  of  special  jurisdiction  appointed  for 
the  United  States.  He  was  born  in  Bohemia,  15 
August,  1852,  and  emigrated  to  the  United  States 
when  sixteen  years  of  age.  After  making  his  studies 
at  St.  Francis's  Seminary,  Milwaukee,  he  was  or- 
dained priest  8  October,  1875.  He  was  for  some  time 
editor  of  "  Hlas  "  ( Voice),  a  Bohemian  Catholic  weekly 
paper,  and  compiled  a  series  of  textbooks  for  Bohe- 
mian Catholic  schools. 

Recent  Ti.MES. — In  1894  the  "St.  Vincent's  Union", 
composed  of  the  laity  who  contribute  towards  the 
support  of  St.  \'incent's  Orphanage,  Cleveland,  was 
organized ;  and  it  has  proved  of  great  financial  assist- 
ance to  that  institution.  In  1893  Bishop  Horstmann 
opened  the  Calvary  Cemetery,  w-hich  covers  nearly 
250  acres,  near  the  southern  limits  of  Cleveland. 
About  fifty  acres  of  the  cemetery's  whole  area  are 
improved.  In  1892  the  Cleveland  Apostolate  was 
established,  an  association  of  secular  priests,  having 
for  its  object  the  giving  of  lectures  and  missions  to 
non-Catholics.  Besides  making  many  converts  this 
association  has  removed  much  prejudice  and  brought 
about  a  kindlier  feeling  towards  the  Church  and  its 
members.  The  Golden  Juliilee  of  the  diocese  was 
celebrated  13  October,  1897.  It  was  a  memorable 
event,  observed  with  great  reUgious  pomp  in  Cleve- 
land, Toledo,  and  elsewhere.  At  the  bishop's  solici- 
tation the  Jesuit  Fathers  of  Toledo  opened  (Septem- 
ber, 1898)  St.  John's  College.  In  the  same  city  a 
home  for  fallen  women  was  established  (1906)  by  the 
Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd.  A  fine  school  building 
was  erected  (1906)  in  connexion  with  St.  ^■incent's 
Asylum,  Cleveland,  in  which  the  boys  have  every 
facility  for  a  thorough  education.  The  diocese  is  in  a 
prosperous  condition,  spiritually  and  financially,  and 
healthy  growth  is  apparent  in  every  direction. 

CAUSES  OF  Growth. — The  growth  of  the  diocesan 
population  down  to  1860  was  due  chiefly  to  emigra- 
tion from  Ireland  and  Germany.  Since  1870  it  has 
been  receiving  other  large  accessions,  but  from  quite 
another  source.  The  Slav  race,  manifold  in  its 
divisions,  has  been  pouring  in,  more  notably  since 
1895.  The  early  immigrants  were  drawn  b.ither  by 
the  market  for  their  labour  which  the  opening  of  a 
new  country  offered.  The  Irish  found  employment 
on  i)ublic  works,  such  as  the  construction  of  canals 
and  railroads;  tlie  Germans  turned  more  to  agri- 
culture. The  various  branches  of  the  Slav  race  are 
engaged  in  foundries,  mills,  and  factories,  and  many 
are  also  employed  as  longshoremen  and  at  common 
labour.  The  same  holds  also  for  the  Italians,  of 
whom  there  is  a  large  percentage.  Nearly  all  the 
recent  immigration  has  settled  in  cities  like  Cleveland, 
Toledo,  Youngstown,  Lorain,  and  Ashtabula,  where 
emplojTTient  is  had  in  abundance  and  at  a  fair 
wage. 

Statlstics. — In  December,  1907,  the  clergy  num- 
bered .'i8S,  of  whom  315  were  diocesan  priests  and  73 
regulars  (Sanguinists,  Franciscans,  and  Jesuits). 
There  were  21  Brothers  of  Mary  and  5  Christian 
Brothers,  tcaclung  in  6  parocliial  schools.  The 
Sisters  (Sanguinists,  LTrsulines,  Sisters  of  Charity  of 
St.  Augustine.  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  Franciscans, 
Sisters  of  St.  Joseph.  Ladies  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of 
Mary,  Sisters  of  the  Humility  of  Mary,  Grey  Nuns, 
Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  Poor  Clares,  Little 
Sisters  of  the  Poor.  Dominicans.  Sisters  of  St.  .\gnes, 
Sisters  of  Charity.  Sisters  of  T/oref  to,  Felician  S'sters, 
Sisters  of  St.  Benedict,  Sisters-Servants  of  the 
Immaculate  Heart  of  Mary)  number  1141.  of 
whom  684  teach  in  138  parochial  .schools.  The 
parishes  with  resident  pastors  number  241;  mission 
churches.  60;  parochial  schools,  186:  attendance, 
43,544;  1  diocesan  seminary,  with  96  students; 
diocesan  students  in  colleges  and  other  seminaries, 


CLICHTOVE 


58 


CLIFTON 


45;  colleges  and  academies  for  boys,  4;  attendance, 
515  pupils;  academies  for  girls,  11;  attendance, 
2113  pupils;  9  orphanages  and  one  infant  asylum, 
total  number  of  inmates,  1251;  hospitals,  9;  homes 
for  tlie  aged,  3;  Houses  of  Good  Shepherd,  2. — 
The  Catholic  population  is  about  330,000,  and  is 
composed  of  13  nationalities,  exclusive  of  native 
Americans,  viz.  Irish,  German,  Slovak,  Polish,  Bo- 
hemian, Magyar,  Slovenian,  Italian,  Lithuanian, 
Croatian,  Rumanian,  Ruthenian,  Syrian. 

Shkv.  Calholic  Missimis  (New  York,  1S54),  293,  and  in 
r,;.",..-,,  /  ,,  ,  .  iflevchLiMi.  1:5  Sfpti-nil.cr.  \ssl);  Idem.  Hist. 
,/  '•.  .  ,.  '..  I  ';„,-,/,  ,/,  ih.  I  nii.^l  .s(../...  ,Xpw  York,  1S89, 
1^1.  ■       /,/,,..    ,v      l|-,r/,-<n    </r  ^   /-,.,/,,/■       Iran-   S,,l,s  BrunneT.   C. 

rr        ;      -  .■',,,/„■  .u, ,,-./;.. »7 'i'irni.-.i,:,i,  s  <\.  isi'4-30); 

/    '         .  /  ,     ,,,i-„;,;,     .Cli.rn.l,:!'!        I-    ;l       1:     .     li'H    'K.       1      // ,     - 


.\n,-ll,.  r 
Th, 


li.ii'l. 


0/  II,.    l;,.!l,l    1:.  ,■     r    .1    Mn,l,.l„  nl 
■iilliuhc  fniivTsr  (IS  Out.,   1X,S3,  and  :il    Jan.,    1S.S9); 
cmces  of  the  Right  Rev.  Louis  de  Ooesbriand  in  The 
Catholic  Universe  (27  December,  1888). 

George  F.  Houck. 

CUchtove,  JossE  (Jodocus  ClichtovjEus),  a 
theologian,  b.  1472  at  Nieuport  (Flanders);  d.  1543 
at  Chartres  (France).  He  began  his  studies  at  Lou- 
vain  and  went  to  Paris  for  his  philosophical  and  theo- 
logical studies.  After  receiving  the  doctorate  in 
tlieology  (1506)  he  was  appointed  professor  at  the 
Sorbonne.  In  1515  he  was  asked  to  direct  the  studies 
of  Louis  Guillard,  the  Bishoi>elect  of  Tournai,  and 
four  years  later  accompanied  him  to  this  latter  place. 
After  a  short  stay  there,  he  returned  to  Paris,  and  in 
1527  to  Chartres,  whither  Guillard  had  been  trans- 
ferred. He  took  an  active  part  in  the  Council  of  Sens, 
convoked  at  Paris  by  Cardinal  Duprat,  and  he  gath- 
ered in  a  volume  the  various  arguments  brought  for- 
ward against  the  Protestants.  A  eliampion  of  reform 
in  philosojihieal  and  theological  studies  during  the 
earlier  part  of  his  life,  he  devotetl  himself  later  almost 
exclusively  to  combating  the  doctrines  of  Luther. 
His  works  are  numerous  and  belong  to  almost  every 
department  of  theology  and  philosophy.  He  began 
with  commentaries  on  many  Aristotelean  treatises: 
logic,  natural  philosophy,  ethics,  arithmetic,  and 
geometry.  He  also  wrote  studies  on  .several  books 
of  Holy  Scripture,  e<lited  and  commented  the  writ- 
ings of  some  of  the  Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  Church. 
Among  his  original  works  must  be  mentioned  "De 
vera  nobilitate  opasculum"  (Paris,  1512);  "Eluci- 
datorium  ecclesiasticum"  (Paris,  1516);  "De  vita  et 
moribus  sacerdotum"  (Paris,  1519),  and  several  other 
works  of  instruction  and  edification;  "  Antilutherus " 
(Paris,  1524);  "  Pro|iugnaculum  ecclesice  adversus 
Lutheranos"  (Paris,  1520);  "De  Sacramento  Eucha- 
ristia"  contra  fficolampadiimi"  (Paris,  1.526);  "Com- 
jiendium  veritatum  ad  fideni  pertinentium  contra 
erroneas  Lutheranorum  assertiones  ex  dictis  et  actis  in 
concilio  provincial!  Senonensi  apud  Parisios  celebrato  " 
(Paris,  1529);  "Sermones"  (Paris,  1534);  "Convul- 
sio  calumniarura  Ulrichi  Veleni  quibus  S.  Petrum 
tninquam  Romce  fuisse  cavillatur"  (Paris,  1535). 

Clehval,  De  Judoci  Clichtovei  .  .  .  vitti  el  operibus  (Paris, 
189.5):  Idem  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath..  Ill,  236;  Van  deb  Haeg- 
HEN,  Biblioiiraphie  des  oswures  de  .fosse  Ctichtove  in  Bibt.  helgica 
(Ghent,  ISSS). 

C.    A.    DUBH.^T. 

Clifford,  William  (alias  M.^nsell),  divine,  d.  30 
.^pril.  I  r,7(l:l„.w.astlii-son  of  Henry  Clifford,  by  his  wife 
l-:lizabct  I I'i'hinu-lhy.wlio  as  a  widow  joined  the  English 
Augustinian  nuns  at  Louvain,  and  died,  aged  about 
seventy-seven,  3  September,  1642.  Through  humility 
Clifford  never  asserted  his  right  to  the  Barony  of  Cum- 
beriand.  ;\ft<M-  education  and  ordination  at  Douai,  he 
came  on  (he  I'Jiyh'sli  mission.  As  vice-president,  he 
helped  the  llnglish  College  at  Lisbon  througli  difficult 
times,  and  became  superior  of  Touriiay  College  (Paris), 
assigned  by  Cardinal  Hiehelic  ii  t.i  th(''  KngHsli  clergy. 
He  evaded  being  ma<le  bishop  in    l(i(iO,(leelinc<r  in 


1670  the  presidency  of  Douai,  and  closed  his  life 
in  the  Hopital  des  Incurables  in  Paris.  Clifford's 
works  are:  "Christian  Rules  proposed  to  a  vertuous 
Soule"  (Paris,  1615),  dedicated  to  Mrs.  Ursula  Clif- 
ford; "The  Spirituall  Combat",  translated  by  R.  R. 
(Paris,  1656),  dedicated  to  Abbot  Montague;  "Little 
Manual  of  the  Poore  Man's  Dayly  Devotion"  (2nd 
edition,  Paris,  1670),  often  reprinted;  "Observations 
upon  Kings'  Reigns  since  the  Conquest"  (MS.); 
"Collections  concerning  Chief  Points  of  Controversy" 
(MS.) 

Little  Manual,  5th  ed.,  preface;  Dodd,  Church  History.  Ill, 
297;  GiLLow,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Catholics.  I,  514,  s.  v.;  Idem, 
Lisbon  College.  9  and  189;  Cooper  in  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog..  a.  v.; 
ChronU-le  of  .S'(.  Monica's,  Louvain  (Edinburgli,  1904),  I,  127; 
Kirk,  Biographies  (London,  1908),  s.  v. 

P.\TRICK    RVAN. 

Clifton,  Diocese  op  (Cliftoniensis),  England, 
consisting  of  Ciloucestershire,  Somersetshire,  and 
Wiltshire.  It  was  founded  by  Pius  IX  when  he 
restored  the  English  hierarchy  in  1850.  Previously 
to  that  the  diocese  formed  part  of  the  Western  Dis- 
trict, one  of  the  four  vicariates  established  by  Inno- 
cent XI  in  1688,  and  including  Wales  and  the  six 
south-western  counties  of  England.  In  1840  Wales 
became  a  separate  vicariate,  and  thenceforth  the  dis- 
trict consisted  of  the  English  counties  only.  As  the 
vicars  Apostolic  resided  chiefly  at  Bath  in  Somerset, 
when  the  district  was  divided  into  the  two  dioceses 
of  Clifton  and  Plymouth,  it  was  fitting  that  the  last 
Vicar  Apostolic  of  the  Western  District,  Dr.  Joseph 
William  Hendren,  O.S.F.  (1791-1806),  consecrated 
in  1848,  should  become  the  first  Bishop  of  Clifton. 
Thus  the  diocese  is,  in  a  special  sense,  the  representa- 
tive of  the  old  vicariate.  In  this  capacity  the 
Bishop  of  Clifton  retains  possession  of  the  archives 
of  the  Western  District,  one  of  the  most  important 
sources  of  information  for  the  history  of  the  Church 
in  England  from  1780  to  1850.  The  papers  earlier 
in  date  perished  during  the  Gordon  Riots  in  1780. 
Besides  these  valuable  archives  there  is  at  Bishop's 
House  an  interesting  series  of  portraits  of  the  vicars 
Apostolic  of  the  Western  District  and  of  the  bishops 
of  Clifton. 

A  year  after  the  foundation  of  the  new  diocese 
Dr.  Hendren  was  translated  to  the  See  of  Nottingham 
and  was  succeeded  by  Dr.  Thomas  Burgess  (1791- 
1S54).  On  28  June,  18.52,  a  cathedral  chapter,  con- 
sisting of  a  provost  and  ten  canons,  was  erected.  On 
the  death  of  Bishop  Burgess,  27  Nov.,  1854,  there 
was  a  long  vacancy,  and  tlie  administration  of  the 
diocese  was  given  provi.sidiially  to  Archbishop  Erring- 
ton,  coadjutor  to  Cardinal  Wiseman.  This  arrange- 
ment lasted  until  Feb.,  1S57,  when  the  Hon.  and  Rev. 
William  Joseph  Hugh  Clifford  (1823-1893),  son  of 
the  seventh  Lord  Clifford,  was  appointed  bishop, 
being  consecrated  by  Pope  Pius  IX  in  person.  His 
long  pontificate  lasted  for  thirty-six  years,  ending 
with  his  death,  14  Aug.,  1893.  His  successor  was 
Dr.  William  Robert  Brownlow  (18.3(5-1901),  famous 
as  an  archaeologist,  and  whose  well-kno^\^l  work  on 
the  catacombs,  written  conjointly  with  Dr.  James 
Spencer  Northcote,  is  a  classical  work  of  reference. 
Dr.  Brownlow  died  9  Nov.,  1901,  and  was  succeeded 
by  the  Rt.  Rev.  George  Ambrose  Burton,  consecrated 
1  May,  1902.  The  diocese,  which  is  under  the 
patronage  of  "Our  Lady  Conceived  without  Sin" 
and  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  is  divided  into  six  rural 
deaneries.  There  are  57  public  churches  and  chapels, 
besides  24  private  chapels  belonging  to  communities. 
The  clergy  number  about  50  secular  priests  and 
about  SO  regulars,  the  latter  including  the  Benedic- 
tines of  the  famous  abbey  and  school  at  Downside. 
The  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Carmelites,  Cister- 
cians, and  .lesuits  are  also  represented  in  the  diocese. 
The  College  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  Prior  Park, 
founded  by  Benedictines  and  afterwards  conducted 


CLIMACUS 


59 


CLOGHER 


by  secular  priests,  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  Society  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

Catholic  Directories  (185(^-1907);  Brady,  Annals  of  the 
Catholic  Hierarchy  (1877). 

Edwin  Burton. 

Climacus,    John,    Saint.     See    John    Climacus, 

S.\I^fT. 

Climent,  Jose,  Spanish  bishop,  b.  at  Castellon  de 
la  Plana  (Valencia),  17f)6;  d.  there  2.5  Nov.,  1781.  Dis- 
tinguished for  his'  rharities,  educational  cfTorts,  elo- 
quence, and  exempl.ary  life,  he  studied  and  afterwards 
professed  theology  at  the  University  of  Valencia, 
laboured  for  several  years  as  parish  priest,  and 
was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Barcelona  in  1766;  he 
resigned  his  see  in  1775.  His  episcopal  activity 
was  directed  to  the  founding  of  hospitals,  the  estab- 
lishing of  free  schools,  and  tlie  diffusion  of  knowl- 
edge among  the  people  by  means  of  low-priced 
publications.  He  translated  into  Spanish  several 
works,  among  them  Fleury's  "Moeurs  dcs  Israelites 
et  des  Chretiens".  His  pastoral  instructions  con- 
tributed largely  to  his  fame.  That  of  1769,  on  the 
renewal  of  ecclesiastical  studies,  caused  him  to  be  de- 
nounced to  the  court  of  t'harles  III  for  having  eulo- 
gized the  Church  of  Utreclit ;  but  a  commission  com- 
posed of  archbishops,  Ijishops.  and  heads  of  religious 
orders,  appointed  to  examine  his  case,  returned  a 
decision  favourable  to  the  jirelatc.  The  sway  he  held 
over  his  people  was  shown  by  his  success  in  quelling  a 
dangerous  uprising  in  Barcelona  against  military  con- 
scription; but  this  only  served  still  further  to  render 
him  obnoxious  to  a  suspicious  court.  He  refused,  on 
conscientious  grounds,  a  promotion  to  the  wealthy 
See  of  Malaga,  and  withdrew  to  his  native  place.  His 
life  was  published  in  Barcelona  in  178.5. 

MlCHAUD,  Biog.  Univers.  (Paris,  1843-66). 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Clinical  Baptism.     See  Baptism. 

Clitherow,  Margaret,  Venerable,  Martyr,  called 
the  "Pearl  of  York",  b.  about  1556;  d.  25  March, 
1586.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Middleton, 
Sheriff  of  York  (1504-5),  a  wax-chandler;  married 
John  Clitherow,  a  wealthy  butcher  and  a  chamber- 
lain of  the  city,  in  St.  Martin's  church,  Coney  St.,  8 
July,  1571,  and  lived  in  the  Shambles,  a  street  still 
unaltered.  Converted  to  the  Faith  about  three  years 
later,  she  became  most  fervent,  continually  risking  her 
life  by  harbouring  and  maintaining  priests,  was  fre- 
quently imprisoned,  sometimes  for  two  years  at  a 
time,  yet  never  daunted,  and  was  a  model  of  all  vir- 
tues. Though  herhusband  belonged  to  the  Established 
Church,  he  had  a  brother  a  priest,  and  Margaret  pro- 
vided two  chambers,  one  adjoining  her  house  and 
a  second  in  another  part  of  the  city,  where  she  kept 
priests  hidden  and  had  Mass  continually  celebrated 
through  the  thick  of  the  persecution.  Some  of  her 
priests  were  martyred,  and  Margaret  who  desired 
the  same  grace  above  all  things,  used  to  make  secret 
pilgrimages  by  night  to  York  Tyljurn  to  pray  beneath 
the  gibbet  for  this  intention.  Finally  arrested  on  10 
March,  1586,  she  was  committed  to  the  castle.  On 
14  March,  she  was  arraigned  before  Judges  Clinch  and 
Rhodes  and  several  members  of  the  Council  of  the 
North  at  the  Y'ork  assizes.  Her  indictment  was 
that  she  had  harboured  priests,  heard  Mass,  and  the 
like ;  but  she  refused  to  plead,  since  the  only  witnesses 
against  her  would  be  her  own  little  children  and  ser- 
vants, whom  she  could  not  bear  to  involve  in  the  guilt 
of  her  death.  She  was  therefore  condemned  to  the 
peine  forle  el  dure,  i.  e.  to  be  pressed  to  death.  "(!od 
be  thanked,  I  am  not  worthy  of  so  good  a  death  as 
this",  she  said.  Although  she  was  probably  with 
child,  this  horrible  sentence  was  carried  out  on  Lady 
Day,  1586  (Good  Friday  according  to  New  Style). 
She  bad  endured  an  agony  of  fear  the  previous  night, 


but  was  now  calm,  joyous,  and  smiling.  She  walked 
barefooted  to  the  tolbooth  on  Ousebridge,  for  she 
had  sent  her  hose  and  shoes  to  her  daughter  Anne,  in 
token  that  she  should  follow  in  her  steps.  She  had 
been  tormented  by  the  ministers  and  even  now  was 
urged  to  confess  her  crimes.  "  No,  no,  Mr.  Sheriff,  I 
die  for  the  love  of  my  Lord  Jesu",  she  answered.  She 
was  laid  on  the  ground,  a  sharp  stone  beneath  her 
back,  her  hands  stretched  out  in  the  form  of  a  cross 
and  bound  to  two  posts.  Then  a  door  was  placed 
upon  her,  which  was  weighted  down  till  she  was 
crushed  to  death.  Her  last  words  during  an  agony 
of  fifteen  minutes,  were  "Jesu!  Jesu!  Jesu!  have 
mercy  on  me!"  Her  right  hand  is  preserved  at  St. 
Mary's  Convent,  Y'ork,  but  the  resting-place  of  her 
sacred  body  is  not  known.  Her  sons  Henry  and 
William  became  priests,  and  her  daughter  Anne  a 
nun  at  St.  Ursula's,  Louvain.  Her  life,  written  by 
her  confessor,  John  Mush,  exists  in  two  versions.  The 
earlier  has  been  edited  by  Father  John  Morris,  S.  J.,  in 
his  "Troubles  of  our  Catholic  Forefathers",  third 
scries  (London,  1877).  The  later  MS.,  now  at  Y'ork 
Convent,  was  published  by  W.  Nicholson,  of  Thelwall 
Hall,  Cheshire  (London,  Derby,  1849),  with  portrait: 
"  Life  and  Death  of  Margaret  Clitherow  the  martyr 
of  York".  It  also  contains  the  "History  of  Mrs. 
Margaret  Ward  and  Mr-;  Viine  line,  mrirtvrs". 
Challoner.  .l/.i«,  \:  ■■,!■■■      1  ..iMlcin.  1S7S); 

GlLLOW,  Bibl.  Diet.  <■:   /  '  I  :    n     1^^  ,    ,  I;  MiLBURN, 

A  Marhir  of  York  (I, i i  "  in  .    //,,    ;•,„,/   ,,/    York  (with 

pnrtrait).    (London,    lyui..  a  .li;uiia   li>    die    iieiiedictinea  of 
iStanbrook. 

Bede  Gamm. 

Clogher,  Diocese  of  (Clogherensis),  a  suffragan 
of  Armagh,  Ireland,  which compriscstheCountyMona- 
ghan,  almost  the  whole  of  Fermanagh,  the  southern 
portion  of  Tyrone,  and  parts  of  Donegal,  Louth,  and 
Cavan.     It  takes  its  name  from  Clogher,  the  seat  of 


the  Prince  of  Oriel,  with  whose  territory  the  old  Dio- 
cese of  Clogher  was,  practically  sjieaking,  coexten- 
sive. The  see  was  foundetl  by  St.  Patrick,  who 
appointed  one  of  his  hou.schold.  St.  Macarten,  as 
first  bishoj).  There  does  not  seem  to  be  any  evidence 
that  St.  Patrick  governed  Clogher  as  a  distinct  diocese 
licfore  taking  up  his  residence  at  .\rinagh,  as  is  stated 
by  Joccl\ni.  There  is  great  difficulty  in  tracing  the 
succession  of  bishops  in  Clogher,  as  indeed  in  every 
Irish  diocese  from  the  sixth  to  the  eleventh  century, 
on  ac<'ownt  of  the  confusion  of  the  bishops  with  the 
aljbots  of  the  monastic  establishments;  the  difficulty 
is  increased  in  Clogher  in  view  of  the  diversity  exist- 
ing lietween  the  lists  a.s  given  in  the  Iri.sh  Annals,  and 
the  "  Register  of  Clogher".  compiled  by  Patrick  Culin, 
Bishop  of  Clogher  (I519-:i4),  and  Roderick  Ca,ssidy, 
archdeacon  of  the  diocese.  The  "Register  of  Clo- 
gher" is  of  very  little  liistorical  value. 

In  1241  Henry  III  ordered  that  Clogher  should  be 
united  to  Armagh,  on  account  of  the  poverty  of  both 


CLOISTER 


60 


CLOISTER 


dioceses,  but  tliis  was  not  carried  out,  though  under 
Bishop  Dav-id  O'Brogan  large  portions  of  Tyrone 
were  cut  off  from  Clogher  and  given  to  Ardstraw  (now 
united  witli  Derry),  while  the  greater  part  of  the 
present  County  Lo'uth,  including  Dundalk,  Drogheda, 
and  Ardee,  was  taken  over  by  Armagh.  In  1535 
Bishop  Odo,  or  Hugh  O'Cervallan,  was  appointed  to 
the  See  of  Clogher  by  Paul  III,  and  on  the  submission 
of  his  patron  Con  O'Neill  to  Henry  VIII,  tins  prelate 
seems  to  have  accepted  the  new  teacliing,  and  was 
superseded  by  Raymond  MacMahon,  1546.  From 
his  time  there  are  two  lines  of  bishops  in  Clogher,  the 
Catholic  and  the  Protestant.  The  apostate  Miler 
Magrath  was  appointed  Protestant  bishop  by  Queen 
Elizabeth  in  1570,  but  on  liis  promotion  to  Cashel, 
resigned  Clogher  in  the  same  year.  Heber  or  Emer 
MacMahon  (1643-50)  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
war  of  the  Irish  Confederates,  and  on  the  death  of 
Owen  Roe  O'Neill,  was  chosen  general  of  the  Con- 
federate forces.  He  was  defeated  at  ScariffhoUis  near 
Letterkenny,  taken  prisoner  by  Coote,  and  beheaded 
at  Enniskillcn.  Owing  to  the  persecutions  of  the 
Irish  Catholics,  Clogher  was  governed  by  vicars  dur- 
ing the  periods  1612-13,  1650-71,  1687-1707,  1713-27. 
The  chapter  of  Clogher  was  allowed  to  lapse,  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  it  was 
re-established  by  papal  Brief. 

A  very  important  provincial  synod  was  held  at 
Clones  in  1670  by  Oliver  Plunkett,  Archbishop  of 
Armagh  (see  Moran,  Life  of  Plunkett).  The  most 
remarkable  shrines  of  the  diocese  are  at  St.  Patrick's, 
Lough  Derg,  near  Pettigo,  still  frequented  by  thou- 
sands of  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  the  world  (see  St. 
Patrick's  Purgatory);  Devenish  Island  in  Lough 
Erne  (see  McKenna,  Devenish,  its  History  and 
Antiquities,  Dublin,  1897);  Innismacsaint,  also  in 
Lough  Erne,  where  the  "Annals  of  Ulster"  were  com- 
posed; Lisgoole,  Clones,  and  Clogher.  The  most 
celebrated  works  of  ancient  ecclesiastical  art  con- 
nected with  the  diocese  are  the  Domnach  Airigid,  a 
shrine  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  said  to  have 
been  given  by  St.  Patrick  to  St.  Macarten,  and  the 
Cross  of  Clogher,  both  of  them  now  in  the  National 
Museum  in  Dublin.  The  Catholic  population  of  the 
diocese  is  101,162,  distributed  in  forty  parishes  and 
ministered  to  by  about  100  priests. 

Ware-Harris,  Bishops  of  Ireland  (Dublin.  1746);  Maziere 
Brady,  Episropal  Successinn  in  Enqland,  Ireland,  etc.  (Rome, 
1876),  I;   O'Connor.  St.  Patrick's  Purgatory  (Dublin). 

James  MacCaffrey. 

Cloister,  the  EngUsh  equivalent  of  the  Latin  word 
clmimira  (from  claudcre,  "to  shut  up").  This  word 
occurs  in  Roman  law  in  the  sense  of  rampart,  barrier 
[cf.  Code  of  Justinian,  1.  2  .sec.  4;  De  oiRciis  Pra>f. 
Pra>t.  Africa;  (1,  27);  1.  4  De  officiis  mag.  ofiiciorum 
(1,31)].  In  the"  Concordia  Regularum"  ofSt. Bene- 
dict of  Aniane,  c.  xli,  sec.  11,  we  find  it  in  the  sense 
of  "case",  or  "cupboard"  (Migne,  P.  L.,  CIII,  1057). 
In  modem  ecclesiastical  usage,  clausura  signifies,  ma- 
terially, an  enclosed  space  for  religious  retirement; 
formally,  it  stands  for  the  legal  restrictions  opposed  to 
the  free  egress  of  those  who  are  cloistered  or  enclosed, 
and  to  the  free  entry,  or  free  introduction,  of  outsiders 
within  the  limits  of  the  material  clausura. 

I.  Synopsis  of  Existing  Legislation. — The  actual 
legi.slation  distinguishes  between  religious  orders  and 
institutes  with  simple  vows;  institutes  of  men  and 
those  of  women. 

( 1 )  licliijlous  Or(/,Ts.— (a)  ^/a/e.— Material  Clausura. 
—According  to  the  present  common  law,  every 
convent  or  monastery  of  regulars  must,  on  its  comple- 
tion, be  encloistered.  A  convent  is  defined  as  a  build- 
ing which  serves  as  a  fixed  dwelling-place  where  relig- 
ious live  according  to  their  rule,  .'\ccording  to  the 
common  opinion  of  jurists  (Piat,  "  Pra-lectioues  juris 
Regulans",  I.  344,  n.  4;  Wernz,  "Jus  Deeretalium  ', 
65.S,  n.  479)  the  houses  where  only  two  or  three  relig- 


ious dwell  permanently,  and  observe  their  rule  as  they 
can,  are  subject  to  this  law;  it  is  not  necessary  that 
the  rehgious  be  in  a  number  which  secures  them  the 
privilege  of  exemption  from  the  bishop's  jurisdiction. 
The  Congregation  of  Propaganda  seems  to  have  made 
this  opinion  its  own,  in  decreeing  that,  in  missionarj' 
countries,  the  law  of  cloister  applies  to  the  religious 
houses  which  belong  to  the  mission,  and  which  serve 
as  a  fixed  dwelling  for  even  two  or  three  regular  mis- 
sionaries of  the  Latin  Rite  (Collectanea  Propaganda 
Fidei,  Replies  of  26  Aug..  1780,  and  of  5  March,  1787, 
n.  410  and  412,  1st  edit.,  n.  545  and  587,  2d  ed.).  On 
the  other  hand,  the  law  of  cloister  does  not  apply  to 
houses  which  are  simply  hired  by  religious,  and  wliich 
cannot  therefore  be  looked  upon  as  fixed  and  defini- 


Cloister,  Santa  Maria  Novella,  Florence 

five  homes,  nor  to  the  villa-houses  to  which  the  re- 
ligious go  for  recreation  on  fixed  days  or  for  a  few 
weeks  every  year. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  whole  enclosed  space — house 
and  garden — ought  to  be  encloistered.  Custom,  how- 
ever, allows  the  erection,  at  the  entrance  to  the  con- 
vent, of  reception  rooms  to  which  women  may  be 
admitted.  These  reception  rooms  should  be  isolated 
from  the  interior  of  the  convent,  and  the  rehgious 
should  not  have  free  access  to  them.  The  church, 
choir,  and  even  the  sacristy,  when  it  is  strictly  con- 
tiguous to  the  church,  are  neutral  territory;  here 
\\omen  may  enter,  and  the  rehgious  are  free  to  go 
thither  without  special  permission.  It  may  be  asked 
whether  a  strictly  continuous  material  barrier  is  a 
necessary  part  of  the  clausura.  Lehmkuhl  (in  Kir- 
chenlex.,  s.  v.  Clausura)  is  of  the  opinion  that  a  door 
which  can  be  locked  should  separate  the  cloistered 
from  the  other  parts  of  a  house  of  religious.  Pas- 
serini,  however,  thinks  (De  hominum  statibus,  III, 
461,  n.  376)  that  any  intelligible  sign  suffices,  provided 
it  sufficiently  indicates  the  beginning  of  the  cloistered 
part.  And  e^'en  in  the  Roman  law,  the  clausurae 
were  sometimes  fictitious.  Finally,  it  may  be  added 
that  it  is  for  the  provincial  superior  to  fix  tlie  limits  of 
the  cloister  and  the  point  at  which  it  begins,  in  con- 
formity with  the  usages  of  his  order  and  with  the  local 
needs;  of  course  his  power  is  limited  by  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  law. 

Formal  Clausura. — Obstacle  to  the  Free  Egress  of 
the  Religious. — The  cloistered  religious  may  not  go  out- 
side their  material  cloister  without  permission;  still, 
the  religious  man  who  transgresses  this  prohibition 
does  not  incur  any  ecclesiastical  censure.  In  two 
cases,  however,  he  would  commit  a  grave  sin:  if  his 
absence  were  prolonged  (i.  e.  exceeding  two  or  three 
days);  and  if  he  should  go  out  by  night,  (loingout 
at  night  without  permission  is  usually  a  reserved  case. 
But  what  constitutes  going  out  by  night'?     The  pres- 


CLOISTERS 

CERTOSA   DI   S.    MARTINO,    NAPLES 
ST.    JOHN   LATERAN,    ROME 


CLOISTER 


(U 


CLOISTER 


ent  writer  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  common  estima- 
tion (wliich  may  vary  in  different  countries)  defines  it. 
It  consists  in  leaving  the  cloister  without  a  good  and 
serious  motive,  at  a  late  hour,  when  people  would  be 
surprised  to  meet  a  rehgious  outside  liis  monasterj-. 
Canonical  legislation  carefully  provides  that  religious, 
when  not  employed  in  the  functions  of  the  sacred 
niinistrj'.  shall  reside  in  monasteries.  The  Council  of 
Trent  had  already  forbidden  them  to  leave  the  mon- 
asterv-  without  permission  under  pretext  of  meeting 
their  superiors.  If  they  are  sent  to  foUov.-  a  univer- 
sity course,  they  must  reside  in  a  religious  house.  The 
bishop  can  and  must  punish  the  violators  of  this  law 
of  residence  (Sess.  XXIV,  De  Reg.  et  Mon.,  c.  iv). 
Certain  decrees  of  reform,  primarily  intended  for  Italy 
alone,  but  probably  extended  by  usage,  specially  for- 
bid religious  to  go  to  Rome  without  permission  of  the 
superior  general. 

Obstacle  to  the  Entrance  of  Outsiders. — Women  are 
strictly  forbidden  to  enter  the  encloistered  portions  of 
a  house  of  male  religious.  In  his  "  Apostohcae  Sedis" 
(1S69),  sec.  2,  n.  7,  Pius  IX  renewed  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  \-iolators  of  this  law.  This 
excommunication  is  absolutely  reser\-ed  to  the  Holy 
See;  it  affects  the  women  who  enter  as  well  as  the 
superior  or  religious  who  admits  them.  The  penalty 
always  supposes,  of  course,  a  serious  sin  on  the  offend- 
er's part,  but  the  moralists  are  verj'  severe  in  their 
appreciation  of  cases.  The  fact  of  having  just  fuU.y 
crossed  the  bovmdarj-  suffices,  according  to  them,  for 
the  commission  of  a  serious  sin  and  incurs  the  penalty. 
Such  severity  is  comprehensible  when  a  continuous 
material  barrier  separates  the  cloistered  and  non- 
cloistered  parts  of  the  monasterj-;  still,  the  present 
writer  is  rather  inclined  to  exonerate  that  person  from 
a  grievous  sin  who  should  just  step  over  the  boundarj- 
and  ret  ire  immediately.  Where  t  here  is  no  such  bar- 
rier, somewhat  more  latitude  may  be  allowed.  The 
law  makes  exceptions  for  queens  and  women  of  hke 
rank,  as,  for  e.xample,  the  wife  of  the  president  of  a 
republic;  such  persons  may  also  be  accompanied  by  a 
suitable  retinue.  Exception  is  also  sometimes  made 
for  notable  benefactresses,  who  must,  however,  pre- 
viously obtain  a  pontifical  indult.  It  should  be  noted 
that  young  girls  under  twelve  do  not  incur  this  ex- 
communication, but  the  rehgious  who  should  admit 
them  would  incur  the  penalty.  It  is  not  certain  that 
young  girls  under  seven  come  under  the  law;  hence 
the  religious  who  should  admit  them  would  not  com- 
mit a  grave  fault  or  incur  the  excommunication. 

(b)  Female. — Material  Clausura. — Those  parts  of 
the  convent  to  which  the  nuns  have  access  are  all 
within  the  cloister,  the  choir  not  excepted.  Here  the 
law  recognizes  no  neutral  territory.  If  the  convent 
church  be  public,  the  nuns  cannot  go  into  those  parts 
accessible  to  the  jieople.  Further,  the  building  should 
be  so  constructed  that  neither  the  sisters  can  look  out- 
side their  enclosure,  nor  their  neighbours  see  into  the 
court-yards  or  gardens  at  the  disposal  of  the  sisters. 
Before  establishing  a  women's  convent  with  cloister, 
it  is  the  desire  of  the  Holy  See — if  it  be  not  a  condi- 
tion of  validity — that  the  beneplacitum  Apostolicum 
should  be  obtained;  this  is  a  certain  obligation  for 
countries,  like  the  United  States,  which  are  subject 
to  the  Constitution  of  Leo  XIII  "Romanes  Pon- 
tifices",  8  May,  1881.  (See  also  the  Letter  of  7  Dec, 
1901.  of  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda.) 

Formal  Clausura. — Obstacle  to  Egress.^Under  no 
pretext  may  the  sisters  go  outside  their  cloister  with- 
out a  legitimate  cau.se  approved  of  by  the  bishop. 
Such  is  the  legi.slation  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess. 
XXV.  De.  Reg.  et  .Mon.,  c.  v.).  St.  Pius  V,  restrict- 
ing still  more  this  law,  recognized  only  three  legiti- 
mate cau.scs:  fire,  leprosy,  and  contagious  malady. 
Without  keeping  rigorously  to  this  enumeration,  we 
may  say  that  an  analogous  necessity  is  always  re- 
quired in  order  that  the  bishop  may  accord  the  per- 


mission. The  nuns  who  transgress  this  law  incur  an 
excommunication  reserved  absolutely  to  the  Holy  See 
("Apost.  Sedis",  sec.  2,  n.  6). 

Obstacle  to  the  FreeEntrance  of  Outsiders. — The  law 
is  much  more  severe  for  female  than  for  male  houses ; 
in  fact,  even  women  are  rigorously  excluded  from  the 
cloistered  parts.  The  penalty  for  those  who  enter 
and  for  those  who  admit  or  introduce  them  is  the 
same — an  excommunication  absolutely  reserved  to 
the  Holy  See  ("Apost.  Sed.",  sec.  2,  n.  6).  The  pen- 
alty affects  all  those,  and  only  those,  who  have 
reached  the  age  of  reason.  Hence,  in  spite  of  the 
general  terms  of  the  law,  it  seems  probable  that  the 
sister  who  should  introduce  a  child  under  seven 
would  not  incur  the  ecclesiastical  censure.  Tliis  re- 
gime, however,  admits  of  e.xcei>tions;  corporal  or 
spiritual  needs  demand  the  physician's  or  the  confes- 
sor's presence,  the  garden  must  be  cultivated,  the 
building  kept  in  repair.  Hence  general  [lermissions 
are  given  to  doctors,  confessors,  workmen,  and  others. 
The  confessor  of  the  nuns  has  this  permission  in  virtue 
of  his  office,  so  also  the  bishop  who  must  make  the 
canonical  visitation,  and  the  regular  superior.  If  the 
convent  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  regulars,  out- 
siders who  need  to  enter  the  cloister  probably  require 
only  one  permission,  that  of  the  regular  superior,  ex- 
cept where  custom  requires  also  the  permission  of  the 
bishop  or  of  his  delegate  (St.  Alph.,  "Theol.  mor.", 
VII,  224).  Benedict  XIV,  Lehmkuhl,  and  Piat,  bas- 
ing their  view  on  the  jurisprudence  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  the  Council,  hold  that  the  bishop's  permission 
is  always  required.  This  permission,  whether  coming 
from  the  bishop  or  from  the  regular  superior,  should 
be  in  writing,  according  to  the  wording  of  the  law; 
but  an  oral  permission  is  sufficient  to  avoid  the  cen- 
sure (St.  Alph.,  "Theol.  mor.",  VII,  223).  We  may 
follow  the  opinion  of  St.  Alphonsus  (loc.  cit.),  who 
maintains  that  when  one  has  an  evident  reason  for 
entering  within  the  cloister,  he  avoids  both  the  cen- 
sure and  the  sin,  even  though  he  have  only  an  oral 
permission.  It  should  be  observed  that  girl-boarders 
are  subject  to  this  legislation.  Hence  the  solemnly 
professed  nuns  who  wish  to  occupy  themselves  with 
the  education  of  the  young  must  be  pro\4ded  with  a 
pontifical  indult. 

However,  cloistered  nuns  are  not  absolutely  for- 
bidden all  intercourse  with  the  outside  world.  They 
may  of  course  receive  letters;  they  may  also  receive 
visitors  in  the  convent  parlour,  provided  that  they 
remain  behind  the  grating,  or  grille,  erected  there. 
For  such  \isits  a  reasonable  cause  and  a  permission 
from  the  bishop  is  usually  needed.  This  permission, 
however,  is  not  required  in  the  case  of  those  who,  by 
virtue  of  their  office,  are  obliged  to  have  relations 
with  a  convent,  viz.  the  ecclesiastical  sujierior,  the 
confessor  (for  spiritual  affairs),  the  canonical  visitor, 
etc.  Except  in  .\dvent  and  Lent,  relatives  and 
cliildren  are  admitted  once  a  week.  The  conditions 
for  a  visit  by  a  male  religious  are  very  severe ;  accord- 
ing to  some  authors  he  can  only  receive  permission  if 
he  is  a  blood  relation  of  the  first  or  second  degree,  and 
then  only  four  times  a  year.  Further,  although  an 
irregular  \Tsit  on  the  part  of  a  lay  person  or  secular 
priest  does  not  constitute  a  grave  fault,  any  visit 
without  leave  is  a  mortal  sin  for  the  religious.  Such 
is  the  severity  of  the  prohibition  contained  in  the 
decree  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  dated  7 
June,  1669.  However,  the  conditions  commonly  re- 
quired for  a  mortal  sin  must  be  present.  For  that 
reason  some  eminent  theologians  do  not  think  there 
is  a  mortal  sin  if  the  conversation  docs  not  last  for  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  (C.  d'Annibale,  Summula  theol. ,  III, 
n.  228).  It  should  be  noted,  at  the  same  time,  that 
certain  usages  have  mitigated  the  rigour  of  the  fa>vs 
here  mentioned.  In  Spain,  for  instance,  the  permis- 
sion of  the  diocesan  authority  is  never  asked  for  mak- 
ing such  visits.     And  of  course  the  law  itself  affects 


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62 


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only  convents  where  the  inmates  pronounce  solemn 
vows. 

(2)  Instilutcs  tvith  Simple  Vows  Only. — Generally- 
speaking,  in  a  convent  or  monastery  where  there  are 
no  solemn  vows,  there  is  no  cloister  protected  by  the 
excommunications  of  the  '  'Apostolicse  Sedis  " ;  further, 
women  cannot  make  solemn  vows  except  in  a  con- 
vent which  has  the  clausura.  Sometimes,  however, 
this  papal  clausura  is  granted  to  convents  of  women 
who  make  only  simple  vows.  Except  in  this  case 
the  institutes  of  simple  vows  are  not  subject  to  the 
laws  above-described.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  only 
female  convents  in  the  United  States  with  either 
solemn  vows  or  the  papal  clausura  are  those  of  the 
Visitation  Nuns  at  Georgetown,  Mobile,  St.  Louis, 
and  Baltimore.  (See  Bizzarri,  "Collectanea;  Causa 
Americana",  1st  edit.,  X,  page  778,  and  the  decree, 
page  791.)  The  fifth  convent  mentioned  in  the  de- 
cree, Kaskaskia,  no  longer  exists.  The  same  is  true 
of  Belgium  and  France,  with  the  exception  of  the 
districts  of  Nice  and  Savoy.  In  these  countries, 
therefore,  the  nuns  forming  part  of  the  old  religious 
orders  have  only  the  cloister  imposed  by  their  rules 
or  by  such  vows  as  that  of  perpetual  enclosure  taken 
by  the  religious  of  St.  Clare.  It  is  worth  noting  that 
this  vow,  although  it  forbids  the  inmates  to  leave  the 
cloister,  does  not  forbid  them  to  receive  people  from 
outside.  They  are  not,  then,  acting  contrary  to  their 
vow  when  they  admit  secular  i>ersons  to  the  inside  of 
their  convents.  But  in  countries  where  the  absence 
of  solemn  vows  exempts  convents  of  women  from  the 
papal  enclosure,  the  bishop,  whom  the  Council  of 
Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  De  Reg.  et  Mon.,  c.  v.)  constitutes 
the  guardian  of  nuns'  cloister,  can  censure  and  punish 
with  ecclesiastical  penalties  infractions  of  cloister,  and 
can  thus  establish  an  episcopal  clausura  (cf.  Reply, 
"In  Parisiensi",  1  Aug.,  1839).  In  the  institutes  of 
simple  vows,  there  is  nearly  always  a  partial  cloister 
which  reserves  exclusively  to  the  religious  certain 
parts  of  their  convents.  This  partial  cloister  in  the 
nuns'  convents  has  been  committed  to  the  special 
vigilance  of  the  bishops  by  the  Constitution,  "Con- 
ditae",  8  Dec,  1900,  second  part,  and,  if  we  may 
judge  by  the  present  action  of  the  Congregation  of 
Bishops  and  Regulars,  the  clausura  in  this  form  tends 
to  become  obligatory  on  all  such  institutes.  (See 
"Normse"  of  the  Congreg.  of  Bishops  and  Regulars, 
28  June,  1901.) 

II.  Reason's  for  thi.s  Legislation. — Tliis  legisla- 
tion has  for  its  principal  object  to  safeguard  the  virtue 
of  chastity.  The  reUgious  consecrates  his  person  to 
God,  but  he  is  not  on  that  account  impeccable  in  the 
matter  of  chastity;  indeed,  his  very  profession,  if  he 
does  not  live  up  to  his  ideal,  exposes  liim  to  the  danger 
of  becoming  a  scandal  and  a  source  of  the  gravest  harm 
to  religion.  To  this  principal  reason  inculcated  in 
the  Constitution  "Periculoso"  of  Boniface  VIII  may 
be  added  others;  for  instance,  the  calm  and  recollec- 
tion necessary  for  the  religious  hfe.  The  Church  has 
therefore  acted  wisely  in  forestaUing  such  dangers  and 
protecting  those  wlio  aim  at  leading  a  perfect  hfe;  and 
for  tliis  tlie  external  rigour  is  certainly  not  excessive. 
Moreover,  tliis  external  rigour  (as,  e.  g.,  the  grille) 
varies  much  according  to  local  needs  and  circmn- 
stances;  and  it  seems  that  the  recent  institutes  suc- 
ceed admirably  with  their  partial  cloister,  which  is  not 
protected  by  the  severe  penalties  of  the  Church.  The 
more  perfect  form,  however,  is  undoubtedly  better 
adapted  to  the  mystic  life. 

III.  SoiFKCKs  oy  THE  Existing  Legislation. — (1) 
Relii/ioux  OrdiTn. — (a)  ^fale. — There  is  no  pontifical 
constitution  of  universal  application  which  prohibits 
the  egress  of  the  religious.  The  only  written  law  tluit 
might  be  invoked  is  the  decree  of  Clement  MIX, 
"Nullus  Omnino",  25  .lune,  1.599;  and  it  would  be 
difhcuU.  to  prove  tliat  this  Constitution  is  binding  out- 
ride of  Italy.     Hence,  this  element  of  cloister  results 


partly  from  usage,  partly  from  special  laws.  A  con- 
stitution of  universal  bearing  was  projected  at  the 
Vatican  Council  ("De  Clausura",  c.  ii,  "CoUectio 
Lacensis",  VII,  681).  The  interdict  against  the  ad- 
mission of  women  rests  nowadays  on  the  Constitution 
of  Benedict  XIV,  "Regularis  Disciphnae",  .3  Jan., 
1742,  and  on  that  of  Pius  IX,  "Apostohcae  Sedis", 
sec.  2,  n.  7,  12  Oct.,  1869,  which  renews  the  censures 
against  offenders. 

(b)  Female. — Here  the  Apostohcal  Constitutions 
abound.  We  cite  some  of  the  more  recent  which  .sanc- 
tion at  the  same  time  the  two  elements  of  cloister: 
"Salutare",  3  Jan.,  1742,  and  "Per  binas  alias",  24 
Jan.,  1747,  of  Benedict  XIV;  add  also,  for  the  censures, 
the  "  ApostoUca;  Sedis",  sec.  2,  n.  6,  of  Pius  IX. 

(2)  Institutes  with  Simple  Vows  Only. — For  these  in- 
stitutes there  is  no  other  law  of  universal  application 


besides  the  Constitution,  "Conditse  aChristo",  which 
indeed  rather  supposes  than  imposes  a  certain  clau- 
sura. 

IV.  Historical  Development  of  Legislation. — 
From  the  very  first,  the  founders  of  monasteries  and 
the  masters  of  the  spiritual  hfe  sought  to  guard 
against  the  dangers  wliich  commerce  with  the  world 
and  intercourse  with  the  other  sex  offered  to  those  de- 
voted to  the  hfe  of  perfection.  So  we  find  from  the 
earliest  times,  both  in  the  counsels  and  the  rules  of  the 
initiators  of  the  religious  life,  wise  maxims  of  practical 
prudence.  In  the  Synod  of  Alexandria  (362)  we  find 
at  the  head  of  the  minor  ordinances  a  rule  forbidding 
monks  and  religious  cehbates  (continentes)  to  meet 
women,  to  speak  to  them,  and,  if  it  can  be  avoided,  to 
see  them  (Rcvillout,  "Le  Concile  de  Nicee",  II,  475, 
476).  Still,  cloister,  as  we  understand  it  to-day,  did 
not  exist  for  the  first  Eastern  monks.  Their  rules 
concerning  monastic  hospitality  prove  this;  other- 
wise, how  could  St.  Macrina  have  received  the  visits 
of  which  her  brother,  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  speaks 
("Vita  S.  Macrinaj",  in  P.  G.,  XLVI,  975)?  St. 
Basil's  rules,  in  recommending  discretion  in  the  rela- 
tions between  monks  and  nuns,  prove  indirectly  the 
non-existence  of  a  cloister  properly  so  called  (  '  Regu- 
Ife  fusiiLS  tractata;,  Q.  and  R.,  XXX,  P.  G., XXXI,  997; 
"Regula;  brevius  tractata;",  106-11,  P.  G.,  XXXI, 
1155-58).  What  seems  stranger  still  in  our  eyes,  in 
the  East  there  existed  double  monasteries  where,  in 
contiguous  houses,  if  not  actually  under  the  same  roof, 
religious  men  and  women  observed  the  same  rule; 
.sometimes  also  pious  women  (a7a7ri;Ta()  shared  their 
homes  with  monks.  As  regards  .\frica,  in  St.  Augus- 
tine's day  the  visits  of  clerics  or  of  monks  to  the  "  vir- 
gins and  widows"  were  made  only  with  pennission, 
and  in  the  company  of  irreproachable  Christians 
(Cone.  Carth.  Ill,  can.  xxv,  Hardouin,  1, 963);  but  the 


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63 


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cloister  proper  was  unknown,  so  much  so  that  the 
nuns  themselves  used  to  go  out,  tliougli  always  ac- 
companied (Aug.,  Epist.,  ccxi,  P.  L.,  XXXIII,  963). 

In  Europe,  St.  Caesarius  of  Aries  (536)  forbade 
women  to  enter  men's  monasteries,  and  even  pre- 
vented them  from  visiting  the  interior  part  of  a  nun's 
convent  (Regula  ad  monaehos,  xi;  Ad  virgines,  xxxiv, 
P.  L.,  LXVII,  1100,  1114);  so  also  St.  Aurehus,  who 
further  forbade  nuns  to  go  out  except  witli  a  compan- 
ion (Regula  ad  monaehos,  xv;  Ad  virgines,  xii,  P.L., 
LXVIII,  390,  401).  "The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  says 
notliing  about  the  cloister,  and  even  tlie  Rule  of  St. 
Francis  only  forbids  monks  to  enter  convents  of  nuns. 
It  is  worth  noting  tliat  other  religious  so  far  surpassed 
in  severity  the  autliorizations  of  current  law  as  to 
place  their  churches  under  cloister  (Carthusians;  see 
"Guigonis  Consuetudines",  c.  xxi,  P.  L.,  CLIII,  681, 
682),  or  to  proliiljit  tlie  introduction  of  foods  wliicli 
tlie  monks  were  forbitklen  to  use  (Camaldolese).  St. 
Gregory  (P.  L..  LXXVII,  717)  in  his  letter  (.594)  to 
the  Abbot  Valentine  (letter  xlii  or  xl,  bk.  IV)  com- 
plained that  the  said  alibot  used  to  admit  women  into 
his  monastery  frequently,  and  used  to  allow  his  monks 
to  act  as  godfathers  at  baptisms,  thus  associating 
witli  the  women  who  acted  as  godmotliers.  This  last 
permission  appeared  to  him  more  reprehensible  tlian 
the  former.  In  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century  (4.50- 
56)  an  Irish  council  presided  over  by  St.  Patrick  for- 
bade (can.  ix)  tlie  religious  and  consecrated  virgins  to 
lodge  in  the  same  inn,  ride  in  tlie  same  carriage,  or 
frequently  meet  togetlier  (Hard.,  1, 1791).  About  the 
same  time,  tlie  Fourt  li  CEcunienical  Council  (451 )  sub- 
jected to  tlie  bishop's  jurisdiction  the  monks  who 
lived  outside  their  monastery.  In  517  tlie  Council  of 
Epao  (a  locality  which  lias  not  been  identified  hitherto. 
See  Hefele,  "Conciliengeschichte",  II,  681;  Liiiung, 
"Geschichte  des  deutschen  Kirchenreclits",  I,  569,  n. 
2,  identifies  it  with  Albon,  between  Valence  and 
Vienne;  the  "Mon.  C!erm.  Hist.":  Cone.,  I,  17,  referto 
Loning)  prescribed  measures  (can.  xxxviii)  prohibiting 
any  but  women  of  known  integrity  or  priests  on 
duty  from  entering  the  monasteries  of  virgins  {piiel- 
laritm — Hard.,  II,  1051).  In  the  Constitution  ("No- 
vella") 133  of  Justinian  I,  irepl  ixovax^iv,  16  or  IS 
March,  539,  we  meet  with  a  prescription  which  re- 
sembles much  more  closely  our  cloister.  In  the  third 
cliapter  the  emperor  forbids  women  to  enter  men's 
monasteries  even  for  a  burial  service,  and  vice  versa. 
In  the  Council  of  Saragossa  (691)  the  Fathers  assem- 
bled protested  against  the  facility  with  which  lay 
persons  were  admitted  into  monasteries  (Hard.,  III. 
1780).  Next  come  the  Council  of  Freising  (about  800), 
which  forbids  either  laymen  or  clerics  to  enter  nuns' 
convents  (can.  xxi  in  the  collection  reproduced  in 
the  "Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Capitularia  Regum  Fran- 
corum",  I,  28),  and  the  Council  of  Mainz  (813),  which 
forbids  (can.  xii)  monks  to  go  out  without  the  abbot's 
leave,  and  which  seems  (can.  xiii)  to  forbid  absolutely 
all  egress  for  nuns,  even  for  the  abbesses,  except  with 
the  advice  and  peniiission  of  the  bi.shop  (Hard.,  IV, 
1011,  1012).  In  the  acts  of  the  synods  of  829  pre- 
sented to  Louis  !e  Debonnaire,  we  find  a  measure  to 
prevent  monks  from  conversing  with  nuns  without 
the  bishop's  peniiission  ["Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Capitu- 
laria", II,  42,  n.  19  (53)].  The  Second  General  Coun- 
cil of  the  Lateran  (1139)  forbade  nuns  to  dwell  in 
private  houses  (can.  xxvi)  and  expressed  the  wish  that 
they  should  not  sing  in  the  same  choir  with  the  canons 
or  monks  (Hard..  VII,  1222).  The  Third  Council  of 
the  Lateran  (1179)  required  a  cause  of  clear  necessity 
to  justify  clerics  in  visiting  convents  of  nuns.  We 
may  add  here  the  decree  of  Innocent  III  (1198)  in- 
serted in  the  Dccretalia  (I,  31,  7),  which  gives  to  the 
bishop  the  right  to  supplement  the  negligence  of  pre- 
lates who  should  not  compel  wandering  monks  to  re- 
turn to  their  convents. 

Thus  far  we  have  surveyed  the  beginnings  of  the 


present  legislation.  In  1298  Boniface  VIII  promul- 
gated his  celebrated  Constitution  "Periculoso"  (De 
Statu  Regularium,  in  Vl°,  III,  16),  in  which  he  im- 
posed the  cloister  on  all  nuns.  According  to  this  law, 
all  egress  is  forbidden  to  them;  only  persons  of  irre- 
proacliablr'  lifp  are  admitted  to  see  the  sisters,  and 
tli;i(  only  wliiii  there  is  a  reasonable  excuse  previously 
aj  ipn  i\  r,  I  ol  I  .y  t  he  competent  authorities.  The  bishops 
(in  the  coiivtnfs  which  are  subject  to  them,  as  well 
as  in  those  which  depend  immediately  on  the  Holy 
See)  and  the  regular  prelates  (in  other  convents)  are 
charged  to  watch  over  the  execution  of  these  disposi- 
tions. The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  De  Reg. 
et  Mon.,  c.  v),  confirming  these  measures,  con- 
fided to  the  bisliops  all  responsibility  for  the  cloister 
of  nuns;  it  further  directed  that  no  nun  might  go  out 
without  a  written  permit  from  the  bishop,  and  that 
outsiders,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  might  not 
enter  without  a  written  permit  from  the  bishop  or  the 
regular  superior,  which  permit  might  not  be  given 
except  in  case  of  necessity.  St.  Pius  V,  in  his  "Circa 
Pastoralis"  (20  May,  1566),  urged  the  execution  of 
Boniface's  law,  and  imposed  the  cloister  even  on  the 
third  orders.  Shortly  after,  the  same  pontiff,  in  his 
"Decori"  (1  Feb.,  1570),  defined  the  cases  and  the 
manner  in  which  a  professed  nun  might  go  outside 
of  her  cloister.  In  this  connexion  may  also  be 
mentioned  the  "Ubi  Gratiie"  of  Gregory  XIII  (13 
June,  1575),  explained  by  the  Brief  "  Dubiis  "  (23  Dec, 
1581).  The  decree  of  1 1  May,  1669,  and  the  declara- 
tion of  26  Nov.,  1679  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Coun- 
cil, forbid  religious  men  to  see  nuns,  even  at  the  grat- 
ing, except  within  the  limits  referred  to  above. 

This  legislation  is  still  further  confirmed  by  the 
Constitutions  of  Benedict  XIV,  "Cum  sacraruni",  1 
June,  1741,  "Salutare"  of  3  Jan.,  1742,  concerning 
the  entrance  of  outsiders;  "Per  binas  alias",  24  Jan., 
1747,  on  the  same  subject;  and  the  Letter  "Gravis- 
.simo",  31  Oct.,  1749,  to  the  ordinaries  of  the  pontif- 
ical territory  on  access  of  externs  to  the  grilles,  or 
gratings,  through  which  they  might  communicate 
with  cloistered  religious ;  finally,  by  the  Constitution 
"Apostolicae  Sedis",  12  Oct.,  1860,  which  passed  sen- 
tence of  excommunication  on  all  offenders,  and  abro- 
gated all  usages  contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  Pius 
V  on  the  egress  of  cloistered  nuns  (cf.  reply  of  Holy 
Office,  22  Dec,  1880). 

The  Apostolical  constitutions  about  the  cloister  of 
regulars,  and  notably  the  exclusion  of  women,  are  all 
posterior  to  the  Council  of  Trent.  As  regards  the 
entrance  of  women,  we  have  to  quote:  "Regularium  ", 

24  Oct.,  1566,  and  "Decet",  16  July,  1570,  both  of 
St.  Pius  V;  "Ubi  Gratia;",  13  June,  1575,  of  Gregory 
XIII;  "Nullus",  §  IS.  of  Clement  VIII,  25  June, 
1590;  "Regularis  Disciplina; ",  3  Jan.,  1742,  of  Bene- 
dict XIV;  lastly,  the  "Apostolicae  Sedis"  of  Pius  IX 
(1869),  for  the  censures.  Concerning  the  egress  of 
religious,  the  reader  may  refer  to  the  following  con- 
stitutions: "Ad  Romanum  spectat",  §§  20  and  21, 
21  Oct.,  1.5S8,  of  Sixtus  V;  "Decretum  illud",  10 
March,  1601,  of  Clciiunt  VIII  (on  the  question  of 
journeys  to  Rome) ;  also  the  decree  "  Nullus  omnino", 

25  June,  1500,  of  Clement  \"111  (for  Italy). 

V.  Legislation  in  the  Eastern  Chirch. — In  our 
historical  survey  we  have  already  citeil  the  Greek 
.sources  of  legislation  prior  to  the  seventh  century. 
In  603  the  Trullan  Council,  so  called  from  the  hall 
of  the  [lalace  at  Constantinople  where  it  was  held,  is 
more  precise  than  those  which  jireceded  it.  The 
forty-sixth  canon  (Hard.,  Ill,  1670)  forbade  monks 
and  nuns  to  go  out,  except  during  the  day,  for  a 
necessary  cau.se,  and  with  tlie  jirevious  authorization 
of  their  superior;  the  forty-seventh  canon  forbade 
men  to  sleep  in  a  convent  of  women,  and  vice  versa. 
The  Second  Council  of  Nicaea  (787),  which  Photius 
cites  in  liis  "Nomocanon"  (P.  G.,  CIV,  1091),  in  its 
eighteenth  canon  forbids  women  to  dwell  in  men's 


CLONAKD 


64 


CLONFERT 


monasteries  (Hard.,  IV,  497,  498),  and  in  the  twen- 
tieth it  condemns  double  monasteries,  occupied  by 
both  monks  and  nuns  (Hard.,  IV,  499,  500).  Neither 
Balsamon  nor  Aristenes,  in  their  commentaries  on  the 
canons  of  the  councils  (P.  G.,  CXXXVII),  nor  Bla- 
staris  (1332),  in  his  alphabetical  list  of  the  canons 
(P.  G.,  CXLV,  under  the  titles,  "  Hermits  ",  "  Nuns  ", 
col.  45-48, 49-50),  nor  the  Maronite  council  of  1736,  has 
any  more  recent  general  law  to  cite.  This  Maronite 
council  cites  two  other  Maronite  synods  of  1578  and 
1596  (Coll.  Lac,  II,  36).  In  an  article  like  the  pres- 
ent it  would  be  impossible  to  follow  the  evolution  of 
the  Eastern  legislation  and  the  Eastern  usages  in  this 
matter,  owing  to  the  multitude  of  rites  and  of  com- 
munities into  which  the  Orientals  tend  to  split  up. 

We  may  cite  two  Catholic  Maronite  synods  of  Mt. 
Lebanon,  held  in  1736  and  1818.  The  former  of  these 
(De  monasteriis  et  monachis,  IV,  c.ii)  recalls  the  old 
canons,  forbids  double  monasteries,  imposes  on  the 
monks  a  cloister  similar  to  that  of  the  Western  regu- 
lars, penalizing  women  offenders  with  sentence  of 
excommunication,  reserved  to  the  patriarch.  In  the 
third  chapter,  devoted  to  sisterhoods,  the  Fathers 
recognize  that  the  strict  cloister  is  not  of  obligation 
in  their  Church.  They  allow  the  nuns  to  go  out  for 
the  needs  of  their  convent,  but  they  desire  that  the 
nuns  shall  never  go  out  alone.  The  execution  of 
these  decrees  was  very  slow,  and  met  with  much  diffi- 
culty; and  the  synod  of  1818  had  to  be  convened  in 
order  to  finally  separate  the  convents  of  men  from 
those  of  women  (cf.  Coll.  Lac,  II,  365-368,  374,  382, 
490,  491,  496,  576). 

The  provincial  synod  of  the  Ruthenians  of  the 
United  Greek  Rite  (1720)  introduced  what  is  prac- 
tically the  Roman  clausura  the  excommunication 
protecting  their  cloister  is  reserved  to  the  pope  (Coll. 
Lac,  II,  55,  58).  In  the  patriarchal  council  of  the 
Greek  Melchite  United  Church  (1812),  we  find  noth- 
ing but  a  simple  prohibition  to  the  monks  to  go  on 
journeys  without  written  permission  from  their  supe- 
rior, and  to  pass  the  night  outside  of  their  monastery, 
except  when  assisting  the  dying  (Coll.  Lac,  II,  586). 
In  the  Coptic  Catholic  and  the  Syrian  Catholic 
Churches  there  are  at  present  no  religious  whatever. 
It  may  be  affirmed,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the 
cloister  is  often  relaxed  among  Eastern  monks,  espe- 
cially the  schismatics;  the  exclusion  of  women,  how- 
ever, is  very  rigorous  in  the  twenty  convents  of  Mt. 
Athos  and  among  the  Egyptian  monks.  There  we 
find  even  more  than  the  ancient  rigour  of  the  Studists 
for  no  female  animal  of  any  kind  is  allowed  to  exist 
on  the  promontory  (see  St.  Theodore  the  Studite, 
"Epistula  Nicolao  discipulo,  et  testamentum",  §  5, 
in  P.  G.,  XCIX,  941,  1820).  The  Basilian  nuns  of 
the  Russian  Church  also  observe  a  strict  cloister. 

For  Cloister  in  the  architectural  sense,  see  under 
Abbey. 

For  the  historioal  sources  see  Hardouin,  Acta  Condliorum 
(Paris,  1714-15);  Boretius  and  Krause,  Capitularia  Regum 
Francorum  (Hanover,  1883  and  1897);  Revillout,  Le  Concile 
de  Nicie  d'aprcs  les  textes  copies  et  les  diverses  collections  cano- 
niqucs.  Dissertation  critique  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1876—98);  Migne, 
PatrologicB  cursus  complelus  (Paris,  1844-18G2);  Collectio  La- 
ernais:  Acta  et  Dccreta  S.  Condliorum  Recenliorum  (7  vols.,  Frei- 
burc  im  Br.,  1870-90);  Hefele,  Concilieniirschichle  (Freiburg 
imBr.,  1873-1890);  Vbrmeersch,  De  Religmsis  Institutiset  Per- 
sonis:  Sitpplementa  el  Manumenta  (Bruges.  1904). 

For  the  legislation,  almost  all  the  canonists  and  moralists 
might  be  cited.  We  will  however  limit  ourselves  to  some  of 
those  who  have  more  formally  treated  the  matter. — For  the 
ancient  legislation  in  particular,  Bonacina,  Tractatus  de  C'lau- 
surd  et  de  pwnis  earn  viotantibus  impositis,  in  Opera  omnia 
(Lyons,  1654),  I;  Pellizarius,  Manuale  Regularium  (2  vols., 
Lyons,  160,'));  Montani  (ed.),  Traclatio  de  Monialibus  (Editio 
correeta,  Rome,  1761);  Lic.uoni,  Theologia  moralis,  I,  7,  n. 
221-243. — For  authorities  in  modem  lecislation  see  Piat, 
Prateclionrs  juris  regularis  (Tournai,  1898);  Wernz,  Jus 
Decretnlium  diome.  1901),  III,  n.  658;  Hollweck,  Die  kirch- 
hchen  Strafgesetze  (Main?,,  1899);  Heimbucher,  Die  Orden  und 
Congregalionen  der  katholischm  Kirchc  (Paderbom,  1907); 
Vehmeersch,  Dc  Religiosis  InsliluHs  et  Personis.  I,  2nd  ed. 
(BruRes,  1906).— See  also  Dolhaoaray,  La  loi  de  la  clMnre 
darus  lea  couvents  d'hommes  in  Rev.  des  sciences  eccUs.  (1897), 


LXXV,  220  sqq.;  Idem,  La  cloture  religituse,  ibid.  (1896), 
LXXIV,  289  sqq.;  La  cloture  papale  in  Anal.  jur.  ponlif.  (1858), 
III,  423  sqq.,  and  (1861),  V.  513  sqq.;  Andre-Wagner,  Did. 
dc  droit  canoniquc  fParis,  1901),  s.  v.  Cloture;  La  cloture  passive 
in  Anal.  jur.  ponlif.  (1887),  X.WII,  and  (1888),  XXVIII. 

Arthur  Vermeersch. 

Clonard,  School  of. — C^lonard  (Irish,  Cluain 
Eraird,  or  Cluaiii  Iraird,  Erard's  Meadow)  was  situ- 
ated on  the  beautiful  river  Boyne,  just  beside  the 
boundary  line  of  the  northern  and  southern  halves  of 
Ireland.  The  founder  of  this  school,  the  most  famous 
of  the  sixth  century,  was  St.  Finnian,  an  abbot 
and  great  wonder-worker.  He  was  born  at  Myshall, 
County  Carlow,  about  470.  At  an  early  age  he  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  St.  Fortchern,  by  whose  direc- 
tion, it  is  said,  he  proceeded  to  Wales  to  perfect  him- 
self in  holiness  and  sacred  knowledge  under  the  great 
saints  of  that  country.  After  a  long  sojourn  there,  of 
thirty  years  according  to  the  Salamanca  MS.,  he  re- 
turned to  his  native  land  and  went  about  from  place 
to  place,  preaching,  teaching,  and  founding  churches, 
till  he  was  at  last  led  by  an  angel  to  Cluain  Eraird, 
which  he  was  told  would  be  the  place  of  his  resurrec- 
tion. Here  he  built  a  little  cell  and  a  church  of  clay 
and  wattle,  which  after  some  time  gave  way  to  a  sub- 
stantial stone  structure,  and  entered  on  a  life  of  study, 
mortification,  and  prayer.  The  fame  of  his  learning 
and  sanctity  was  soon  noised  abroad,  and  scholars  of 
all  ages  flocked  from  every  side  to  his  monastic  retreat 
— young  laymen  and  clerics,  abbots  and  bishops  even, 
and  those  illustrious  saints  who  were  afterwards  known 
as  the  "  Twelve  Apostles  of  Erin  ".  In  the  Office  of  St. 
Finnian  it  is  stated  that  there  were  no  fewer  than 
3000  pupils  getting  instruction  at  one  time  in  the 
school  in  the  green  fields  of  Clonard  under  the  broad 
canopy  of  heaven.  The  master  excelled  in  exposition 
of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  and  to  this  fact  must  be 
mainly  attributed  the  extraordinary  popularity  which 
his  lectures  enjoyed.  The  exact  date  of  the  saint's 
death  is  uncertain,  but  it  was  probably  552,  and  his 
burial-place  is  in  his  own  church  of  Clonard.  For  cen- 
turies after  his  death  the  school  continued  to  be  re- 
nowned as  a  seat  of  Scriptural  learning,  but  it  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  the  Danes,  especially  in  the  eleventh 
century,  and  two  wretched  Irishmen,  O'Rorke  of 
Breifney  and  Dermod  McMurrough,  helped  to  com- 
plete the  unholy  work  which  the  Northmen  had  begim. 
With  the  transference  by  the  Norman  Bishop  de 
Rochfort,  in  1206,  of  the  See  of  Meath  from  Clonard  to 
Trim,  the  glory  of  the  former  place  departed  forever. 

Irish  Life  in  Book  of  Lismore:  Healy,  Ireland's  Ancient 
Schools  and  Scholars  (Dublin,  1890). 

John  Healy. 

Clonfert,  Diocese  of  (Clonfertensis,  in  Irish 
Cluain-Jearta  Brcnainn),  a  suffragan  see  of  the  metro- 
politan province  of  Tuam,  was  founded  in  557  by  St. 
Brendan  the  Navigator,  in  a  sheltered  cluain  or 
meadow  near  the  Shannon  shore,  at  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  the  County  Cialway.  The  diocese  w'as 
nearly  coextensive  with  the  tribe-land  of  the  Hy 
Many  or  O'Kelly  countrj-.  It  still  contains  twenty- 
four  parishes  in  the  south-east  of  the  County  Galway, 
including  one  small  parish  east  of  the  Shannon,  which 
formed  a  part  of  the  ancient  Hy  Many  territorj'.  The 
renown  of  Brendan  as  a  saint  and  traveller  by  land 
and  sea  attracted  from  the  very  beginning  many 
monks  and  students  to  his  monastery  of  Clonfert,  so 
that  it  became  a  very  famous  school  of  sanctity  and 
learning,  numbering  at  one  time,  it  is  said,  no  less 
than  three  thousand  students.  Brendan  was  not  a 
bishop  himself,  but  he  had  as  coadjutor,  his  nephew 
Moinenn,  who,  after  his  death,  became  an  abbot- 
bishop  and  head  of  the  monastic  school.  At  a  later 
period  a  still  more  celebrated  man,  Cummian  Fada, 
or  Cummian  the  Tall,  presided  over  the  School  and 
Diocese  of  Clonfert.  He  took  a  leading  part  in  the 
famous  Paschal  controversy  and  WTote  a  very  learned 


CLONMACNOISE 


65 


CLONMACNOISE 


work  on  the  subject,  known  as  liis  "Paschal  Epistle", 
which  fortunately  still  survives  (P.  L.,  LXXXVIII) 
and  furnishes  conclusive  e\idence  of  the  varied  learn- 
ing cultivated  in  the  school  of  Clonfert. 

Clonfert  being  on  the  highway  of  the  Shannon  suf- 
fered greatly  from  the  ravages  of  the  Danes,  and  also 
of  some  Irish  chieftains  «ho  imitated  their  bad  ex- 
ample; yet  the  school  and  monastery  lived  on  through 
those  stormy  times,  and  we  have  a  fuller  list  of  bish- 
ops and  abbots  of  Clonfert  than  we  have  of  any  other 
see,  at  least  in  tlie  West  of  Ireland.  It  was  riclily  en- 
dowed with  large  estates  of  fertile  land,  and  hence  we 
find  that  the  Bishop  of  Clonfert,  according  to  a  scale 
fixed  in  1392,  paid  to  the  papal  treasury  on  his  ap- 
pointment three  hundred  florins  in  gold,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tuam  being  taxed  only  at  two  hundred 
florins.  At  the  general  suppression  of  religious  houses 
by  Henrv  VIII,  the  Abbot  O'Gormacan.  with  the 
help  of  f lanrickarde,  contrived  to  hold  the  abbey 
lands  of  Clonfert  until  Iiis  death  in  spite  of  royal  de- 
crees. Roland  de  Burgo  became  bishop  in  1.5.34,  and 
being  an  uncle  of 
the  Earlof  Clan- 
rickardew-asable 
to  keep  his  lands 
and  his  see  for 
more  than  forty 
years  under 
Henry,  Edward 
\"I,  Mary,  and 
Ehzabeth.  He 
was  always  a 
Catholic  prelate, 
although  it  is 
probable  that  he 
took  the  Oath 
of  Supremacy  in 
order  to  get  the 
temporalities 
from  Henry 
VIII.  Queen 
Elizabeth  wrote 
to  Sir  H.  Sydney 
suggesting  the 
founding  of  a 
national  univer- 
sity at  Clonfert, 
on  account  of  its  central  position  on  the  liighway  of 
the  lordly  river,  to  be  endowed  with  the  abbey  lands. 
But  the  project  was  never  carried  out. 

The  old  cathedral  of  Clonfert  still  exists,  and  is  one 
of  the  few  ancient  churches  still  used  for  religious 
worship,  for  it  was  seized  by  the  Protestants  in  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth  and  has  continued  since  in  their 
hands.  There  is,  however,  practically  no  Protestant 
congregation.  The  church  was  small,  being  only 
fiftj'-four  by  tw-enty-seven  feet  in  the  clear,  but  its 
two  characteristic  features,  the  west  doorway  and 
east  windows,  are  very  beautiful  examples  of  the 
Irish  Romanesque.  Brash,  an  e.xpert  authority,  has 
described  the  doorway  with  great  minuteness,  and 
declares  that  in  point  of  design  and  execution  it  is 
not  excelled  by  any  similar  work  that  he  has  seen  in 
these  islands.  Of  the  ea.st  altar-window  he  says,  "the 
design  is  exceedingly  chaste  and  beautiful,  the  mould- 
ings simple  and  effective,  and  the  workmanship  supe- 
rior to  an\-thing  I  have  seen  either  of  ancient  or 
modem  times."  He  attributes  the  building  of  this 
beautiful  Romanesque  church  to  Peter  O'Mordha,  a 
Cistercian  monk,  first  Abbot  of  Boyle  and  afterw-ards 
Bishop  of  Clonfert.  He  belonged  to  a  family  of  the 
highest  artistic  genius,  to  whom  we  also  owe  the  noble 
arches  of  the  old  cathedral  of  Tuam, and  the  beauti- 
ful monastery  of  Cong. 

In  1266,  as  we  learn  from  the  annals  of  Lough  Ce, 
a  certain  John  was  sent  over  from  Rome  as  Bishop- 
elect  of  the  See  of  Clonfert.    He  must  have  received 
IV —  o 


Ancient  Market  Cross.  Cong 


the  sanction  of  the  Crown,  and  could  not  be  inducted 
to  his  see  without  the  help  of  Walter  de  Burgo,  Earl 
of  Ulster.  Hence  we  are  told  he  was  consecrated  at 
the  EngUsh  town  of  Athenry  as  Bishop  of  Clonfert. 
This  was  on  the  Sunday  before  Christmas,  1266.  He 
was  also  appointed  papal  nimcio,  and  we  find  (apud 
Theiner)  a  letter  from  Pope  John  XXI  (1276)  author- 
izing lihn  to  collect  the  crusaders'  tax  for  tlie  recov- 
ery of  the  Holy  Land.  This  John,  one  of  the  few 
Italian  prelates  ever  appointed  to  an  Irish  see,  was  a 
great  benefactor  to  his  cathedral  church,  and  he  is 
believed  to  have  erected  the  statues  and  other  carv- 
ings which  decorate  the  western  end  of  his  cathedral. 
This  can  hardly  be  true,  so  far  as  the  Romanesque 
doorway  is  concerned,  for  the  Romanesque  had  then 
gone  out  for  at  least  half  a  century  as  a  feature  in 
Irish  architecture,  and  given  place  to  the  pointed 
style.  It  is  said  that  he  governed  Clonfert  for  no  less 
than  30  years,  and  was  then  transferred  by  the  pope 
to  the  Archbishopric  of  Benevento  in  Italy,  about 
1296.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  John,  with  his  artistic 
Italian  tastes,  finding  in  his  diocese  a  cathedral  of  the 
best  type  of  the  Irish  Romanesque,  probably  a  hun- 
dred years  old,  did  much  to  renovate  and  decorate 
with  statuary  the  beautiful  building.  This  no  doubt 
would  explain  the  ancient  tradition  that  connects  his 
name  with  the  glories  of  the  old  cathedral.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  note  in  conclusion  that  Concors,  an  Abbot 
of  Clonfert,  was  one  of  tlie  three  plenipotentiaries 
who  were  sent  by  Roderick  O'Conor,  the  last  King 
of  Ireland,  to  conclude  the  Treaty  of  Windsor,  in  the 
year  1175,  by  wliich  Roderick  renounced  forever  the 
sceptre  and  Kingdom  of  Ireland.  The  city  of  St. 
Brendan  is  now  a  vast  sohtude.  The  episcopal  palace 
is  falling  into  ruins;  the  beautifvil  church  is  there,  but 
there  is  no  resident  clergyman,  and  only  two  houses 
— that  of  the  sexton  and  the  police  barrack. 

O'DONOVAN.  Four  MaMers  (Dublin,  1S56\  passim;  Healt. 
Ireland's  Ancient  Schools  and  Scholars  (Dublin,  1890);  Ware- 
Harris,  Lives  of  the  Bishops  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1739);  Arch- 
DALL,  Monasticon  Hibemicum,  ed.  Moran  (Dublin.  1873). 

John  Healy. 

Clonmacnoise,  Abbey  and  School  of,  situated  on 
the  Shannon,  about  half  way  between  Athlone  and 
Banagher,  King's  County,  Ireland,  and  the  most  re- 
markable of  the  ancient  schools  of  I>in.  Its  founder 
was  St.  Ciaran,  sumamed  Mac  an  Tsair,  or  "  Son  of  the 
Carpenter",  and  thus  distinguished  from  his  namesake, 
the  patron  saint  of  Ossory.  He  chose  this  rather  un- 
inviting region  because  he  thought  it  a  more  suitable 
dwelling-place  for  disciples  of  the  Cross  than  the  luxu- 
riant plains  not  far  away.  Ciaran  was  born  at  Fuerty, 
County  Roscommon,  in  512,  and  in  his  early  years  was 
committed  to  the  care  of  a  deacon  named  Justus,  who 
had  baptized  him,  and  from  whose  hands  he  passed  to 
the  school  of  St.  Finnian  at  Clonard.  Here  he  met  all 
those  saintly  youths  who  with  himself  were  after- 
wards known  as  the  "Twelve  Apostles  of  Erin",  and 
he  ipiickly  won  their  esteem.  When  Finnian  had  to 
absent  himself  from  the  monastery,  it  Wiis  to  the  youth- 
ful Ciaran  that  he  deputed  his  authority  to  teach  and 
"give  out  the  prayers";  and  when  Ciaran  announced 
his  intended  departure,  Finnian  would  fain  resign  to 
him  his  rathnir,  orchair.  and  keep  him  in  Clonard.  But 
(^iaran  felt  himself  unripe  for  such  responsibility,  and 
he  knew,  moreover,  he  had  work  to  do  elsewhere. 

After  leaving  Clonard,  Ciaran,  like  most  of  the  con- 
temporary Iri.sh  saints,  went  to  Aran  to  commune 
with  holy  Enda.  One  night  the  two  saints  beheld 
the  same  vision,  "of  a  great  fruitful  tree,  beside  a 
stream,  in  the  middle  of  Ireland,  and  it  protected  the 
island  of  Ireland,  and  its  fruit  went  forth  over  the  sea 
that  surrounded  the  island,  and  the  birds  of  the  world 
came  to  carry  off  somewhat  of  its  fruit".  And  when 
Ciaran  spoke  of  the  vision  to  Enda,  the  latter  said  to 
him:  "The  great  tree  which  thou  beholdest  is  thou 
thyself,  for  thou  art  great  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  men, 


CLONMACNOISE 


66 


CLOTILDA 


and  all  Ireland  will  be  full  of  thy  honour.  This  island 
will  be  protected  under  the  shadow  of  thy  favour,  and 
multitudes  will  be  satisfied  with  the  grace  of  thy  fast- 
ing and  prayer.  Go  then,  with  God's  word,  to  a  bank 
of  a  stream,  and  there  found  a  church."  Ciaran 
obeyed.  On  reaching  the  mainland  he  first  paid  a 
visit  to  St.  Senan  of  Scattery  and  then  proceeded 
towards  the  "  middle  of  Ireland  ",  founding  on  his  way 
two  monasteries,  in  one  of  which,  on  Inis  Ainghin,  he 
spent  over  three  years.  Going  farther  south  he  came 
to  a  lonely  waste  by  the  Shannon,  and  seeking  out  a 
beautiful  grassy  ridge,  called  Ard  Tiprait,  or  the 
"Height  of  the  Spring,"  he  said  to  his  companions: 
"Here  then  we  will  stay,  for  many  souls  will  go  to 
heaven  hence,  and  there  will  be  a  visit  from  God  and 
from  men  forever  on  this  place".  Thus,  on  2.3  Janu- 
ary, 544,  Ciaran  laid  the  foundation  of  his  monastic 
school  of  Clonniacnoise,  and  on  9  May  following  he 
witnessed  its  completion.  Diarmait,  son  of  Cerball, 
afterwards  High  King  of  Ireland,  aided  and  encouraged 
the  saint  in  every  way,  promising  him  large  grants  of 


land  as  an  endowment.  Ciaran's  government  of  his 
monastery  was  of  short  duration ;  he  was  seized  by  a 
plague  which  had  already  decimated  the  saints  of  Ire- 
land, and  died  9  September,  544. 

It  is  remarkable  that  a  young  saint  dying  before  he 
was  thirty-three,  should  have  been  the  founder  of  a 
school  whose  fame  was  to  endure  for  centuries.  But 
Ciaran  was  a  man  of  prayer  and  fasting  and  labour, 
trained  in  all  the  science  and  discipline  of  the  saints, 
humble  and  full  of  faith,  and  so  was  a  worthy  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  Providence  for  the  carrying  out 
of  a  high  design.  St.  Cummian  of  Clonfert  calls  him 
one  of  the  Patrea  Priores  of  the  Irish  Church,  and 
Alcuin,  the  most  illustrious  ahtmnus  of  Clonmacnoise, 
proclaims  him  the  Gloria  Gentis  Scotorum.  His  fes- 
tival is  kept  on  9  September,  and  his  shrine  is  visited 
by  many  pilgrims. 

Ciaran  left  but  little  mark  upon  the  literary  annals 
of  the  famous  school  he  founded.  But  in  the  charac- 
ter which  he  gave  it  of  a  seminary  for  a  whole  nation, 
and  not  for  a  particular  tribe  or  district,  is  to  be  found 
the  secret  of  its  success.  The  masters  were  chosen 
simply  for  their  learning  and  zeal;  the  abbots  were 
elected  almost  in  rotation  from  the  different  prov- 
inces; and  the  pupils  thronged  thither  from  all  parts 
of  Ireland,  as  well  as  from  the  remote  quarters  of 
France  and  England.  From  the  beginning  it  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  the  Irish  bishops  and  the  favour  of 
kings  and  princes  who  were  happy  to  be  buried  in  its 
shadow.  In  its  sacred  clay  .sleep  Diarmait  the  High 
King,  and  his  rival  Guaire,  King  of  Connaught;  Tur- 
lough  O'Conor,  and  his  hapless  son.  Uoderick,  the  last 
King  of  Ireland,  and  m.any  other  royal  benefactors, 
who  believed  th:it  the  prayers  of  Ciaran  would  bring  to 
heaven  all  those  who  were  buried  there. 


But  Clonmacnoise  was  not  without  its  vicissitudes. 
Towards  the  close  of  the  seventh  century  a  plague  car- 
ried off  a  large  number  of  its  students  and  professors ; 
and  in  the  eighth  century  the  monastery  was  burned 
three  times,  probably  by  accident,  for  the  buildings 
were  mainly  of  wood.  During  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries  it  was  harassed  not  only  by  the  Danes,  but 
also,  and  perhaps  mainly,  by  some  of  the  Irish  chief- 
tains. One  of  these,  Felim  MacCriffon,  sacked  the 
monastery  three  times,  on  the  last  occasion  slaughter- 
ing the  monks,  we  are  told,  like  sheep.  Even  the 
monks  themselves  were  infected  by  the  bellicose  spirit 
of  the  times,  which  manifested  itself  not  merely  in  de- 
fensive, but  sometimes  even  in  offensive  warfare. 
These  were  evil  days  for  Clonmacnoise,  but  with  the 
blessing  of  Ciaran,  and  under  the  "shadow  of  his  fav- 
our", it  rose  superior  to  its  trials,  and  all  the  while 
was  the  Alma  Mater  of  saints  and  sages. 

Under  date  794,  is  recorded  the  death  of  Colgu  the 
Wise,  poet,  theologian,  and  historian,  who  is  said  to 
have  been  the  teacher  of  Alcuin  at  Clonmacnoise  (see 
CoELCHu).  Another  alumniisol  vast  erudition,  whose 
gravestone  may  still  be  seen  there,  was  Suibhne,  son  of 
Maclume,  who  died  in  891.  He  is  described  as  the 
"wisest  and  greatest  Doctor  of  the  Scots",  and  the 
annals  of  Ulster  call  him  a  "most  excellent  scribe". 
Tighernach,  the  most  accurate  and  most  ancient  prose 
chronicler  of  the  northern  nations,  belongs  to  Clon- 
macnoise, and  probably  also  Dicuil  (q.  v.),  the  world- 
famed  geographer.  In  this  school  were  composed  the 
"Chronicon  Scotorum",  a  valuable  chronicle  of  Irish 
affairs  from  the  earliest  times  to  11.35,  and  the 
"Leabhar  na  h-Uidhre",  which,  excepting  the  "Book 
of  Armagh",  is  the  oldest  Irish  historical  transcript 
now  in  existence.  In  the  twelfth  century  Clonmac- 
noLse  was  a  great  school  of  Celtic  art,  architecture, 
sculpture,  and  metal  work.  To  this  period  and  to 
this  school  we  owe  the  stone  crosses  of  Tuam  and 
Cong,  the  processional  cross  of  Cong,  and  perhaps  the 
Tara  Brooch  and  the  Chalice  of  Ardagh.  The  ruined 
towers  and  crosses  and  temples  are  still  to  be  seen; 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  the  little  church  of  Ciaran 
which  was  the  nucleus  of  Clonmacnoise. 

Chronicon  Scotorum.  ed  Henxesst  (London,  1S66);  Lives  of 
TrUh  Saints  from  Book  of  Lismore,  ed.  Stokes  (O.xford,  1S90): 
HEALT./rWand's  Ancient  Schools  and  Scholars  {Dublin,  1890). 

John  Healt. 
Clonmacnoise,  Diocese  of.     See  Ardagh. 

Clotilda  (Fr.  Clotilde;  Ger.  Chlothilde),  Saint, 
Queen  of  the  Franks,  b.  probably  at  Lyons,  c.  474;  d. 
at  Tours,  3  June,  545.  Her  feast  is  celebrated  3  June. 
Clotilda  was  the  wife  of  Clovis  1,  and  the  daughter  of 
Chilperic,  King  of  the  Burgimdians  of  Lyons,  and  his 
wife  Caretena.  After  the  death  of  King  Gundovic 
(Gundioch),  the  Kmgdom  of  Burgundy  had  been 
divided  among  his  four  sons,  Chilperic  reigning  at 
Lyons,  Gondebad  at  Vienne,  and  Godegisil  at  Geneva; 
Gondemar's  capital  is  not  mentioned.  Chilperic  and 
probably  Godegisil  were  Catholics,  while  Gondebad 
professed  Arianism.  Clotilda  was  given  a  religious 
training  by  her  mother  Caretena,  who,  accorduig  to 
Sidonius  .\pollinaris  and  FortunatiLS  of  Poitiers,  was 
a  remarkable  woman.  After  the  death  of  Chilperic, 
Caretena  seems  to  have  made  her  home  with  Gode- 
gisil at  Geneva,  where  her  other  daughter.  Sedeleuba, 
or  Chrona,  founded  the  church  of  Saint-\'ictor,  and 
took  the  religious  habit.  It  was  soon  after  the  death 
of  Chilperic  that  Clovis  asked  and  obtained  the  hand 
of  Clotilda. 

From  the  sixth  century  on,  the  marriage  of  Clovis 
and  Clotilda  was  made  the  theme  of  epic  narratives, 
in  which  the  original  facts  were  materially  altered 
and  the  various  versions  found  their  way  into  the 
works  of  different  Prankish  chroniclers,  e.  g.  Gregory 
of  Tours,  Fredeg.arius,  and  the  "Liber  Hi.storia>  . 
These  narratives  have  the  character  common  to  all 


CLOUET 


67 


CLOUET 


nuptial  poems  of  the  rude  epic  poetry  found  among 
many  of  the  Germanic  peoples.  Here  it  will  suffice 
to  summarize  the  legends  and  add  a  brief  statement 
of  the  historical  facts.  Further  information  will  be 
found  in  special  works  on  the  subject.  The  popular 
poems  substituted  for  King  Godegisil,  uncle  and 
protector  of  Clotilda,  his  brother  Gondebad,  who  was 
represented  as  the  persecutor  of  the  young  princess. 
Gondebad  is  supposed  to  have  slain  Chilperic,  thrown 
his  wife  into  a  well,  with  a  stone  tied  around  her  neck, 
and  exiled  her  two  daughters.  Clovis,  on  hearing  of 
the  beauty  of  Clotilda,  sent  his  friend  Aurelian,  dis- 
guised as  a  beggar,  to  visit  her  secretly,  and  give  her 
a  gold  ring  from  his  master ;  he  then  asked  Gondebad 
for  the  hand  of  the  yoimg  princess.  Gondebad,  fear- 
ing the  powerful  King  of  the  Franks,  dared  not  refuse, 
and  Clotilda  accompanied  Aiu-elian  and  his  escort  on 
their  return  journey.  They  hastened  to  reach  Frank- 
ish  territory,  as  Clotilda  feared  that  Aredius,  the  faith- 
ful counsellor  of  Gondebad,  on  his  return  from  Con- 
stantinople, whither  he  had  been  sent  on  a  mission, 
would  influence  his  master  to  retract  his  promise. 
Her  fears  were  justified.  Shortly  after  the  departure 
of  the  princess,  Aredius  returned  and  caused  Gonde- 
bad to  repent  his  consent  to  the  marriage.  Troops 
were  dispatched  to  bring  Clotilda  back,  but  it  was  too 
late,  as  she  was  safe  on  Frankish  soil.  The  details  of 
this  recital  are  purely  legendary.  It  is  historically 
established  that  Chilperic's  death  was  lamented  by 
Gondebad,  and  that  Caretena.lived  untU  506:  she  died 
"full  of  days",  says  her  epitaph,  having  had  the  joy  of 
seeing  her  children  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  religion. 
Aurelian  and  Aredius  are  historical  personages, 
though  little  is  known  of  them  but  their  names,  and 
the  role  attributed  to  them  in  the  legend  is  highly  im- 
probable. 

Clotilda,  as  wife  of  Clovis,  soon  acquired  a  great 
ascendancy  over  him,  of  which  she  availed  herself  to 
exhort  him  to  embrace  the  Catholic  Faith.  For  a  long 
time  her  efforts  were  fruitless,  though  the  king  per- 
mitted the  baptism  of  Ingomir,  their  first  son.  The 
child  died  in  his  infancy,  which  seemed  to  give  Clovis 
an  argument  against  the  God  of  Clotilda,  but  notwith- 
standing this,  the  young  queen  again  obtained  the 
consent  of  her  husband  to  the  baptism  of  their  second 
son,  Clodomir.  Thus  the  future  of  Catholicism  was 
already  assured  in  the  Frankish  Kingdom.  Clovis 
himself  was  soon  afterwards  converted  under  highly 
dramatic  circumstances,  and  was  baptized  at  Reims 
by  St.  Remigius,  in  496  (see  Clovis).  Thus  Clotilda 
accomplished  the  mission  assigned  her  by  Providence; 
she  was  made  the  instrument  in  the  conversion  of  a 
great  people,  who  were  to  be  for  centuries  the  leaders 
of  Catholic  civilization.  Clotilda  bore  Clo\-is  five 
children:  foiu'  sons,  Ingomir,  who  died  in  infancy,  and 
Kings  Clodomir,  Childebert,  and  Clotaire,  and  one 
daughter,  named  Clotilda  after  her  mother.  Little 
more  is  known  of  Queen  Clotilda  during  the  lifetime  of 
her  husband,  but  it  may  be  conjectured  that  she  inter- 
ceded with  him,  at  the  time  of  his  intervention  in  the 
quarrel  between  the  Burgundian  kings,  to  win  him  to 
the  cause  of  Godegisil  as  against  Gondebad.  The 
moderation  displayed  by  Clo\'is  in  this  struggle,  in 
which,  though  victor,  he  did  not  seek  to  turn  the  vic- 
tory to  his  own  advantage,  as  well  as  the  alliance 
which  he  afterwards  concluded  with  Gondebad,  were 
doubtless  due  to  the  influence  of  Clotilda,  who  must 
have  viewed  the  fratricidal  struggle  with  horror. 

Clovis  died  at  Paris  in  511,  and  Clotilda  had  him 
interred  on  what  was  then  Mons  Lucotetius,  in  the 
church  of  theApostles  (later  Sainte-(ienevie\'e),  which 
they  had  built  together  to  serve  as  a  mau.soleum,  and 
which  Clotilda  was  left  to  complete.  The  widowhood 
of  this  noble  woman  was  saddened  by  cruel  trials. 
Her  son  Clodomir,  son-in-law  of  Gondebad,  made  war 
against  his  cousin  Sigismund,  who  had  succeeded 
Gondebad  on  the  throne  of  Burgundy,  captured  him, 


and  put  him  to  death  with  his  wife  and  children  at 
Coulmiers,  near  Orleans.  According  to  the  popular 
epic  of  the  Franks,  he  was  incited  to  this  war  by  Clo- 
tilda, who  thought  to  avenge  upon  Sigismund  the 
murder  of  her  parents ;  but,  as  has  already  been  seen, 
Clotilda  had  nothing  to  avenge,  and,  on  the  contrary, 
it  was  probably  she  who  arranged  the  alliance  between 
Clovis  and  Gondebad.  Here  the  legend  is  at  vari- 
ance with  the  truth,  cruelly  defaming  the  memory  of 
Clotilda,  who  had  the  sorrow  of  seeing  Clodomir  perish 
in  his  unholy  war  on  the  Burgundians;  he  was  van- 
quished and  slain  in  the  battle  of  Veseruntia  (V^ze- 
ronce),  in  .524,  by  Godomar,  brother  of  Sigismund. 
Clotilda  took  under  her  care  his  three  sons  of  tender 
age,  Thcodoald,  Gunther,  and  Clodoald.  Childebert 
and  Clotaire,  however,  who  had  divided  between  them 
the  inheritance  of  their  elder  brother,  did  not  wish  the 
children  to  live,  to  whom  later  on  they  would  have  to 
render  an  account.  By  means  of  a  ruse  they  with- 
drew the  children  from  the  watchful  care  of  their 
mother  and  slew  the  two  eldest;  the  third  escaped 
and  entered  a  cloister,  to  which  he  gave  his  name 
(Saint-Cloud,  near  Paris). 

The  grief  of  Clotilda  was  so  great  that  Paris  became 
insupportable  to  her,  and  she  withdrew  to  Tours, 
where  close  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Martin,  to  whom  she 
had  great  devotion,  she  spent  the  remainder  of  her  life 
in  prayer  and  good  works.  But  there  were  trials  still 
in  store  for  her.  Her  daughter  Clotilda,  wife  of 
Amalaric,  the  Visigothic  king,  being  cruelly  mal- 
treated by  her  husband,  appealed  for  help  to  her 
brother  Childebert.  He  went  to  her  rescue  and  de- 
feated Amalaric  in  a  battle,  in  which  the  latter  was 
killed;  Clotilda,  however,  died  on  the  journey  home, 
exhausted  by  the  hardships  she  had  endured.  Fi- 
nally, as  though  to  crown  the  long  martyrdom  of  Clo- 
tilda, her  two  sole  surviving  sons,  Childebert  and  Clo- 
taire, began  to  quarrel,  and  engaged  in  serious  warfare. 
Clotaire,  closely  pursued  by  Childebert,  who  had  been 
joined  by  Theodebcrt,  son  of  Thierry  I,  took  refuge  in 
the  forest  of  Brotonne,  in  Normandy,  where  he  feared 
that  he  and  his  army  would  be  exterminated  by  the 
superior  forces  of  his  adversaries.  Then,  says  Gregory 
of  Tours,  Clotilda  threw  herself  on  her  knees  before 
the  tomb  of  St.  Martin,  and  besought  him  with  tears 
during  the  whole  night  not  to  permit  another  fratri- 
cide to  afflict  the  family  of  Clo-vis.  Suddenly  a  fright- 
ful tempest  arose  and  dispersed  the  two  armies  which 
were  about  to  engage  in  a  hand-to-hand  struggle ;  thus, 
says  the  chronicler,  did  the  saint  answer  the  prayers 
of  the  afflicted  mother.  This  was  the  last  of  Clotilda's 
trials.  Rich  in  virtues  and  good  works,  after  a  widow- 
hood of  thirty-four  years,  during  which  she  lived  more 
as  a  religious  than  as  a  queen,  she  died  and  was  buried 
in  Paris,  in  the  church  of  the  Apostles,  beside  her  hus- 
band and  children. 

The  life  of  Saint  Clotilda,  the  principal  episodes  of 
which,  both  legendary  and  historic,  are  found  scat- 
tered throughout  the  chronicle  of  St.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
was  written  in  the  tenth  century,  by  an  anonymous 
author,  who  gathered  his  facts  principally  from  this 
source.  At  an  early  period  .she  was  venerated  by  the 
Church  as  a  saint,  and  while  popular  contemporary 
poetry  disfigures  her  noble  personality  by  making  her 
a  type  of  a  savage  fury,  Clotilda  has  now  entered  into 
the  possession  of  a  pure  and  untarnished  fame,  which 
no  legend  will  be  able  to  obscure. 

Vila  Clotiidis  in  Acta  SS..  June,  I.  also  in  Script,  rerum  A/cro- 
vinfficarum,  II;  Kuhth.  Lps  sources  de  I'hist.  de  Clovis  dans 
Grigoire  de  Tours  in  Rev.  des  quest,  hisl.  (Paris.  1888);  Idem,  Les 
sources  de  I'hist.  de  Clovis  dans  Frideaaire.  ibid..  1890:  Idkm. 
Clovis  (2nd  ed.,  Paris,  1901);  Idem.  Sainte  Clotilde  (Sth  ed., 
Paris,  190.5),  GODEFROID    KuRTH. 

Clouet,  the  family  name  of  several  generations  of 
painters. 

I.  Je.\n  (Jean  the  Younger),  b.  at  Tours,  France, 
1485;  d.,  probably  at  Paris,  between  1541  and  1545. 


CLOUTIER 


68 


CLOVBSHO 


He  was  the  son  and  pupil  of  Jean  the  Elder,  a  Flemish 
painter  who  went  to  Paris  from  Brussels  in  1460  and 
afterwards  settled  at  Tours.  Francis  I  made  the  son 
court  painter  at  Paris,  and,  in  1518,  a  valet  de  chambre, 
a  post  of  distinction.  The  court  called  him  familiarly 
"Janet",  a  name  which  became  generic,  comprising 
his  father,  his  son  Frangois,  and  their  numerous  imi- 
tators.    Konsard  sang: 

Peins  moy,  Janet,  peins  moy  je  t'en  supplie. 
His  numerous  portraits  of  royalty  and  nobility  are  all 
in  the  antique,  or  Gothic,  style,  like  that  of  the  Van 
Eycks.  His  outlines  are  sharp  and  precise,  all  the 
lines  are  clear,  and  he  gives  great  attention  to  details. 
Clouet  painted  his  sitter  with  fidelity  and  avoided  the- 
atrical (Italian)  effects,  hence  the  result  is  a  portrait, 
simple,  reticent,  and  naive.  Much  of  his  work  was 
until  recently  attributed  to  Holbein.  In  1524  he 
painted  the  celebrated  portrait  of  Francis  I  in  full 
armour  on  horseback,  and  in  1528  another,  a  life-size 
bust  (now  at  Versailles),  long  ascribed  to  Mabuse. 
Some  authorities  claim  that  of  his  many  pictures  only 
one  is  authentic:  the  portrait  of  Francis  I  in  the 
Louvre.  Other  notable  works  of  Clouet's  are  "  Elea- 
nor of  Spain"  (wife  of  Francis  I)  in  Hampton  Court, 
and  "Margaret  of  Valois"  in  Liverpool. 

II.  FR.\Nfois,  called  FRANfois  Janet  and  MaItrb 
Jehannet,  b.  probably  at  Tours,  between  1500  and 
1520;  d.  at  Paris,  between  1570  and  1580.  He  was 
the  son  and  pupil  of  Jean  the  Younger  and  was  natur- 
alized in  1541.  At  the  age  of  thirty-five  he  succeeded 
his  father  as  court  painter  to  Francis  I,  to  whom  he 
was  also  appointed  a  valet  de  chambre.  Francois  was 
also  court  painter  to  Charles  IX,  at  the  close  of  whose 
reign  all  traces  of  him  disappear.  Clouet's  work  in 
oil,  while  Flemish  in  its  scrupulous  attention  to  de- 
tails, is,  however,  distinctively  French,  and  he  carried 
to  its  highest  the  fame  of  "the  Janets ".  He  was  the 
last  of  the  French  primitifs.  His  pictures  are  painted 
solidly,  in  pale,  delicate  tones,  and  without  chiaro- 
scuro. Clouet's  portraits  are  true,  accurate,  and  de- 
void of  sentimentality;  they  show  forth  the  moral  and 
intellectual  qualities  of  each  sitter;  and  they  "have 
the  charm  of  intime  painting"  (Blanc).  Two  por- 
traits of  great  brilliancy  and  distinction  are  the 
"Francis  II  as  a  Child"  (1547)  now  at  Antwerp,  and 
"Henry  11"  (1553)  in  the  Louvre;  but  Berlin  pos- 
sesses what  are,  perhaps,  his  masterpieces:  "Francis 
II"  and  the  "Due  d'  Anjou"  (Henry  III).  Clouet's 
office  required  him  to  depict  every  great  court  func- 
tion, and  as  late  as  1709  such  a  group  of  pictures  was 
in  existence.  He  made  many  sketches  in  black  and 
red  chalk,  shomng  perfect  draughtsmanship  and 
splendid  modelling.  Castle  Howard  contains  eighty- 
eight  such  drawings,  all  in  the  manner  of  Holbein. 
Clouet  also  painted  miniatures;  that  of  greatest  his- 
torical interest  is  "Mary  Queen  of  Scots"  (Windsor 
Castle),  which  has  never  been  out  of  royal  possession 
since  catalogued,  in  the  time  of  Charles,  as  "by  Jennet 
a  French  limner".  It  is  probably  the  only  authentic 
picture  of  the  unhappy  Mary.  Clouet's  work  was 
highly  valued  during  his  lifetime,  and  he  was  a  power 
at  the  courts  of  Francis  I,  Henry  II,  Francis  II,  and 
Charles  IX.  The  brilliant  men  and  women  about 
these  monarchs  felt  that  "the  Janets"  had  elevated 
art  and  France.  To-day  their  pictures  are  so  highly 
prized  that  many  forgeries  are  made  of  them.  Be- 
sides those  mentioned,  other  great  canvases  by  Fran- 
gois  are  "Elizabeth  of  Austria",  "Charles  IX",  both 
in  the  Louvre,  and  four  portraits  in  Stafford  House 
(London).  Collections  of  his  drawings  are  in  the 
Louvre,  British  Mu.soum,  and  Albertina  Museum 
(Viemia). 

GowER,  Three  Hundred  Portraits  by  Clouet  at  Castle  Howard 
(London.  187.5);  BouciiOT.  Les  Clouet  et  Comeille  (Paris,  1892); 
DK  LAnoRDF.,  La  Ucnaissance  a  la  Cour  de  France  (Paris,  185(>- 
S5);  Charles  IX  et  Francois  Clouet  in  Revur.  des  Deux  Mondes 
(Dec.  18S5);   Pattison,  Renaissance  of  Art  in  France  (I,ondon, 

1*'9>-  Leigh  Hunt. 


Cloutier,  F.-X.     See  Three  Rivers,  Dioce.se  of. 

Clovesho,  Councils  op. — Clovesho,  or  Clofeshoch, 
is  notable  as  the  place  at  which  were  held  several  coun- 
cils of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  The  locality  itself 
has  never  been  successfully  identified.  It  is  supposed 
to  have  been  in  Mercia,  and  probably  near  London 
(Bede,  ed.  Plummer,  II,  214).  Lingard,  in  his  appen- 
dix to  the  "Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church", 
takes  it  to  be  Abingdon,  and  Kemble  (Saxons  in  Eng- 
land, II,  191)  to  be  Tewkesbury,  and  others  have 
thought  it  might  be  Cliff-at-Hoo,  in  Kent,  but  Had- 
dan  and  Stubbs  (Councils,  III,  121,  n.)  consider  all 
these  conjectures  to  be  based  upon  unreliable  evi- 
dence. Whatever  uncertainty  exists  in  determining 
the  place  which  was  known  as  Clovesho,  there  is  no 
doubt  as  to  the  fact  of  the  councils  or  to  the  authen- 
ticity of  their  Acts.  When  Archbishop  Theodore  held 
the  Council  of  Hertford  in  673,  in  which  he  declared 
to  the  assembled  bishops  that  he  had  been  "  appointed 
by  the  Apostolic  See  to  be  Bishop  of  the  Chvirch  of 
Canterbury",  a  canon  was  passed  to  the  effect  that  in 
future  yearly  synods  should  be  held  every  August  "  in 
the  place  which  is  called  Clofeshoch".  (Bede,  H.  E., 
IV,  ch.  V.)  Notwithstanding  this  provision,  it  was 
not  until  seventy  years  later  that  the  first  Council  of 
Clovesho  of  which  we  have  an  authentic  record  was 
assembled.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Canterbury  Cartu- 
lary there  is  a  charter  which  says  that  the  Privilege  of 
King  Wihtred  to  the  churches  was  "confirmed  and 
ratified  in  a  synod  held  in  the  month  of  July  in  a  place 
called  Clovesho"  in  the  year  716;  but  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  document,  though  intrinsically  probable, 
is  held  by  Haddan  and  Stubbs  to  be  dependent  upon 
that  of  the  Privilege  of  Wihtred.  The  councils  of 
Clovesho  of  which  we  have  authentic  evidence  are 
those  of  the  years  742,  747,  794,  798,  803,  824,  and 
825. 

(1)  The  Council  of  Clovesho  in  742  was  presided 
over  by  Ethelbald,  King  of  Mercia,  and  Cuthbert, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  According  to  the  record 
of  its  proceedings  (given  in  Kemble's  "Codex  Diplo- 
maticus  jEvi  Saxonici",  87),  the  council  "diligently 
enquired  into  the  needs  of  religion,  the  Creed  as  de- 
livered by  the  ancient  teaching  of  the  Fathers,  and 
carefully  examined  how  things  were  ordered  at  the 
first  beginning  of  the  Church  here  in  England,  and 
where  the  honour  of  the  monasteries  according  to  the 
rules  of  justice  was  maintained".  The  privilege  of 
King  Wihtred  assuring  the  liberty  of  the  Church  was 
solemnly  confirmed.  Beyond  this,  no  mention  is 
made  of  particular  provisions. 

(2)  The  Second  Council  of  Clovesho,  in  747,  was  one 
of  the  most  important  in  the  history  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church.  Its  acts  were  happily  copied  by  Spel- 
raan  (Councils,  I,  240)  from  an  ancient  Cottonian 
MS.  now  lost.  They  are  printed  in  WUkins,  I,  94;  in 
Mansi,  XII,  .395;  and  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III, 
360.  They  state  that  the  council  was  composed  of 
"bishops  and  dignitaries  of  less  degree  from  the  vari- 
ous provinces  of  Britain",  and  that  it  was  presided 
over  by  Cuthbert,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Ac- 
cording to  the  MS.  preserved  by  William  of  Malmes- 
bury,  "  King  Ethelbald  and  his  princes  and  chiefs 
were  present".  It  was  thus  substantially  represen- 
tative of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  The  Acts  relate 
that  "first  of  all,  the  Metropolitan,  as  president, 
brought  forth  in  their  midst  two  letters  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Lord,  Pope  Zachary,  venerated  throughout  the 
whole  world,  and  with  great  care  these  were  plainly 
read,  and  also  openly  translated  into  our  own  lan- 
guage, according  as  he  himself  by  his  Apostolic  au- 
thority had  commanded".  The  papal  letters  are 
described  as  containing  a  fervent  admonition  to 
amendment  of  life,  addressed  to  the  English  people 
of  every  rank  and  condition,  and  reauiring  that  those 
who  contemned  these  warnings  ana  remained  obsti- 


OLOVIO 


69 


CLOVIO 


nate  in  their  malice  should  be  punished  by  sentence  of 
excommunication.  The  council  then  drew  up  thirty- 
one  canons  dealinc;  mostly  with  matters  of  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  ancl  liturgy. 

The  thirteenth  and  fifteenth  canons  are  note- 
worthy as  showing  the  close  union  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church  with  the  Holy  See.  The  thirteenth  canon  is: 
"That  all  the  most  sacred  Festivals  of  Our  Lord 
made  Man,  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  same,  viz.:  in 
the  Office  of  Baptism,  the  celebration  of  Masses,  in 
the  method  of  chanting,  shall  be  celebrated  in  one 
and  the  same  way,  namely,  according  to  the  sample 
which  we  have  received  in  writing  from  the  Roman 
("hiuch.  And  also,  throughout  the  coiuse  of  the 
whole  year,  the  festivals  of  the  Saints  are  to  be  kept 
on  one  and  the  same  day,  with  their  proper  psalmody 
and  chant,  according  to  the  MartjTology  of  the  same 
Roman  Church."  The  fifteenth  canon  adds  that  in 
the  seven  horn's  of  the  daily  and  nightly  Office  the 
clergy  "  must  not  dare  to  sing  or  read  anything  not 
sanctioned  by  the  general  use,  but  only  that  which 
comes  down  by  authority  of  Holy  Scripture,  and 
which  the  mage  of  the  Roman  Church  allows".  The 
sixteenth  canon  in  like  manner  requires  that  the 
litanies  and  rogations  are  to  be  observed  by  the  clergy 
and  people  with  great  reverence  "  according  to  the  rite 
of  the  Roman  Church".  The  feasts  of  St.  Gregory 
and  of  St.  Augustine,  "who  was  sent  to  the  English 
people  by  our  said  Pope  and  father  St.  Gregory",  were 
to  be  solemnly  celebrated.  The  clergy  and  monks 
were  to  live  so  as  to  be  always  prepared  to  receive 
worthily  the  most  holy  Body  and  Blood  of  the  Lord, 
and  the  laity  were  to  be  exhorted  to  the  practice  of 
frequent  Communion  (Canons  xxii,  xxiii).  Persons 
who  did  not  know  Latin  were  to  join  in  the  psalmody  by 
intention,  and  were  to  be  taught  to  say,  in  the  Saxon 
tongue,  prayers  for  the  living  or  for  the  repose  of  the 
souls  of  the  dead  (Can.  xxvii).  Neit  her  clergj' nor  monks 
were  in  future  to  be  allowed  to  live  in  the  hoiLses  of  the 
people  (Can.  xxix),  nor  were  they  to  adopt  or  imitate 
the  dress  which  is  worn  by  the  laity  (Can.  xxviii). 

(3)  The  record  of  the  Council  of  Clovesho  in  794 
consists  merely  in  a  charter  by  which  Offa,  King  of 
Mercia,  made  a  grant  of  land  for  pious  purposes. 
The  charter  states  that  it  has  been  drawn  up  "in  the 
general  sj'nodal  Coimcil  in  the  most  celebrated  place 
called  Clofeshoas".  At  or  about  the  time  when  the 
papal  legates  presided  at  the  Council  of  Chelsea  in  787, 
Offa  had  obtained  from  Pope  Adrian  I  that  Lichfield 
should  be  created  an  archbishopric  and  that  the 
Mercian  sees  .should  be  subjected  to  its  jurisdiction 
and  withdrawn  from  that  of  Canterbury.  Conse- 
quently at  this  Council  of  Clovesho  in  794,  Higbert  of 
Lichfield,  to  whom  the  pope  had  sent  the  pall,  signs 
as  an  archbi.shop. 

(4)  A  council  was  held  at  Clovesho  in  798  by  Arch- 
bishop Ethelheard  with  Kenulph,  King  of  Mercia,  at 
which  the  bishops  and  abbots  and  chief  men  of  the 
province  were  present.  Its  proceedings  are  related  in 
a  document  by  Archbishop  Ethelheard  (Lambeth 
MS.  1212,  p.  .312;  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  HI,  512).  He 
states  that  his  first  care  was  to  examine  diligently  "in 
what  way  the  Catholic  Faith  was  held  and  how  the 
CTiristian  religion  wa.s  practised  amongst  them".  To 
this  inquiry,  "they  all  replied  with  one  voice:  'Be  it 
known  to  your  Paternity,  that  even  as  it  wa,s  for- 
merly delivered  to  vis  liy  the  Holy  Roman  and  Apostolic 
See,  by  the  mission  of  the  most  Ble.s.sed  Pope  firegory, 
so  do  we  believe,  and  what  we  believe,  we  in  all  sin- 
cerity do  our  best  to  put  into  practice."'  The  rest 
of  the  time  of  the  council  was  devoted  to  questions  of 
church  property,  and  an  agreement  of  exchange  of 
certain  lands  between  the  archbishop  and  the  Abbess 
Cynedritha. 

(.5)  The  Council  of  Clovesho  in  80.3  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  the  series,  as  its  .Vets  contain  the  dec- 
laration of  the  restitution  of  the  Mercian  sees  to  the 


province  of  Canterbury  by  the  authority  of  Pope  Leo 
in.  In  798  King  Kenulph  of  Mercia  addressed  to 
the  pope  a  long  letter,  written  as  he  says  "with  great 
affection  and  himaility",  representing  the  disadvan- 
tages of  the  new  archbishopric  which  had  been  erected 
at  Lichfield  some  sixteen  years  previously  by  Pope 
Adrian,  at  the  prayer  of  King  Offa.  King  Kenulph 
in  this  letter  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  521)  submits 
the  whole  case  to  the  pope,  asking  his  blessing  and 
saying:  "  I  love  you  as  one  who  is  my  father,  and  I  em- 
brace you  with  the  whole  strength  of  my  obedience", 
and  promising  to  abide  in  all  things  by  his  decision. 
"  I  judge  it  fitting  to  bend  humbly  the  ear  of  our  obe- 
dience to  your  holy  commands,  and  to  fulfil  with  all 
our  strength  whatever  may  seem  to  your  Holiness  that 
we  ought  to  do."  Ethelheard,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, went  himself  to  Rome,  and  pleaded  for  the  resti- 
tution of  the  sees.  In  802  Pope  Leo  III  granted  the 
petition  of  the  king  and  the  archbishop,  and  issued  to 
the  latter  a  Bull  in  which  by  the  authority  of  Blessed 
Peter  he  restored  to  him  the  full  jurisdiction  enjoyed 
by  his  predecessors.  The  pope  communicated  this 
judgment  in  a  letter  to  King  Kenulph  (Haddan  and 
Stubbs,  III,  538).  This  decision  was  duly  proclaimed 
in  the  Council  of  Clovesho  held  in  the  following  year. 
Archbishop  Ethelheard  declared  to  the  synod  that 
"by  the  co-operation  of  God  and  of  the  Apostolic 
Lord,  the  Pope  Leo  ",  he  and  his  fellow-bishops  imani- 
mously  ratified  the  rights  of  the  See  of  Canterbury, 
and  that  an  archbishopric  should  never  more  be 
founded  at  Lichfield,  and  that  the  grant  of  the  pallium 
made  by  Pope  Adrian,  should,  "  with  the  consent  and 
permission  of  the  Apostolic  Lord  Pope  Adrian,  be 
considered  as  null,  having  been  obtained  surrepti- 
tiously and  b}'  evil  suggestion".  Higbert,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Lichfield,  submitted  to  the  papal  judgment, 
and  retired  into  a  monastery,  and  the  Mercian  sees  re- 
turned to  the  jurisdiction  of  Canterbury. 

(6-7)  In  824  and  again  in  825  synods  were  held  at 
Clovesho,  "  Beornwulf ,  King  of  Mercia,  presiding  and 
the  Venerable  Archbi.shop  Wulfred  ruling  and  con- 
trolling the  Synod",  according  to  the  record  of  the 
first,  and  "  Wulfred  the  Archbishop  presiding,  and  also 
Beornwulf,  King  of  Mercia",  according  to  the  second. 
The  first  assembly  was  occupied  in  deciding  a  suit 
concerning  an  inheritance,  and  the  second  in  termina- 
ting a  dispute  between  the  archbishop  and  the  Abbess 
Cwenthrytha  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  593,  596). 

It  is  evident  from  the  records  that  the  coimcils  held 
at  Clovesho  and  those  generally  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
period  were  mixed  assemblies  at  which  not  only  the 
bishops  and  abbots,  but  the  kings  of  Mercia  and  the 
chief  men  of  the  kingdom  were  present.  They  had 
thus  the  character  not  only  of  a  church  synod  but  of 
the  W itenfige77iot  or  assembly  fairly  representative  of 
the  Church  and  realm.  Tlie  affairs  of  the  Church 
were  decided  by  the  bLshops  presided  over  by  the  arch- 
bLshop,  while  the  king,  presiding  over  his  chiefs,  gave 
to  their  decisions  the  co-operation  and  acceptance  of 
the  State.  Both  parties  signed  the  decrees,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  of  any  ingerence  of  the  lay  power  in  the 
spiritual  legislation  or  judgments  of  the  Church. 
^^^lile  it  must  be  remembered  that  at  this  period  the 
country  was  not  yet  united  into  one  kingdom,  the 
councils  of  Clovesho,  as  far  as  we  may  judge  from 
their  signatures,  represented  the  primatial  See  of 
Canterbury  and  the  whole  English  Church  south  of 
the  Humber. 

Kemblk.  Codex  IHptomatictis  Mvi  Saxonici  (London,  1839-^ 
48):  Thokpk  eil..  The  Anolo-Saxon  Chronicle  (London.  1861); 
Bede,  Hisloria  Eccl.  Genlis  Anglorum,  ed.  Pldmmer  (Oxford, 
1896);  W1LKIN8,  Concilia  Mairnie  Brilanniir  (London.  1737); 
Haddan  and  Stltbbs,  Councils  and  Ecclfniaslical  Documents 
(Oxford,  1869-78):  Spei.man,  Concilia,  decrrla,  etc.,  in  re 
ecdesiarum  orbis  Britannici  (London,  1639-64). 

J.  Moves. 

Clovio,  tJioHoio  (knovvTi  as  Giulio),  a  famou? 
Italian  miniaturist,  called  by  Vasari  "the  unique" 


CLOVIS 


70 


CLOVIS 


and  "little  Michelangelo",  b.  at  Grizani,  on  the 
coast  of  Croatia,  in  149S;  d.  at  Rome,  157S.  His 
family  appear  to  have  come  from  Macedonia,  and  hLs 
original  name  was  perhaps  Glovid.  Coming  to  Italy 
at  the  age  of  eighteen,  lie  soon  won  renown,  and  be- 
came a  protege  of  Cardinal  Grimani,  for  whom  he 
engraved  medals  and  seals.  One  of  his  first  pictures 
was  a  Madonna  after  an  engravmg  by  Albert  Diirer. 
In  1524  Clovio  was  at  Buda.  at  the  court  of  King 
Louis  II,  for  whom  he  painted  the  "  Judgment  of  Paris  " 
and  "Lucretia".  In  1526  he  returned  to  Rome,  and 
a  year  later,  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Constable 
Bourbon's  banditti,  he  made  a  vow  to  enter  religion 
if  he  could  escape  from  them.  He  accordingly  took 
orders  at  Mantua,  and  illustrated  several  manu- 
scripts for  his  convent,  adopting  in  religion  the  name 
Giulio,  perhaps  in  memory  of  Giulio  Romano,  who 
had  been  one  of  his  early  advisers.  Thanks  to  the 
intervention  of  Cardinal  Grunani,  he  was  soon  re- 
leased from  his  vows,  and  spent  several  years  in  the 
service  of  this  prelate,  for  whom  he  executed  some  of 
his  most  beautiful  works — a  Latin  missal,  1537  (in 
Lord  Hertford's  collection),  and  a  Petrarch  (in  the 
Trivulzio  Library  at  Milan).  He  was  at  Venice  in 
1538,  but  in  1540  was  summoned  to  Rome  by  Pope 
Paul  III.  Cosimo  II  then  lured  him  to  Tuscany, 
and  princes  disputed  over  his  achievements.  Philip 
II  ordered  from  Clovio  a  life  of  his  father,  Charles  V, 
in  twelve  scenes,  and  John  III  of  Portugal  paid  him 
2000  ducats  for  a  psalter,  but  a  prayer  book  which  he 
made  for  Cardmal  Farnese,  and  which  Vasari  calls  a 
"divine  work",  was  considered  Clovio's  masterpiece. 
The  binding  was  made  after  a  design  by  Cellini. 
Clovio  died  in  Rome  at  the  age  of  eighty;  his  tomb 
is  to  be  seen  in  the  church  of  San  Pietro  in  Vincoli, 
and  his  works  are  preserved  in  all  the  libraries  of 
Europe,  especially  that  of  the  Vatican. 

This  famous  artist,  although  one  of  the  most  highly 
esteemed  in  his  own  line,  was  nevertheless  among 
those  who  helped  to  injure  it.  By  introducing  into 
it  the  ideas  and  monumental  style  of  the  Renais.sance 
and  replacing  rich  costumes,  delicate  arabesques,  and 
Gothic  foliage  by  the  nude,  by  antique  ornaments, 
trophies,  medallions,  festoons,  etc.,  Clovio  contributed 
largely  to  the  decadence  of  the  channing  art  of  minia- 
ture-painting, and  his  example  of  extreme  elaboration 
was  imitated  throughout  Europe  at  a  time  when  print- 
ing had  not  yet  su]5planted  manuscripts  for  editions  de 
luxe.  However  sumptuous  his  work,  it  lacked  the 
(quality  which  distinguished  that  done  by  the  French 
illuminators  at  an  earlier  period  for  Charles  V  and  the 
Due  de  Berrj'. 

Vasabi  (ed.  MiLANEsi);  Sakcinski,  Leben  des  Giulio  Clovio 
(Agram,  1852);  Id..  Georg  Clovio  (Agram,  1878);  Bertolotti, 
Don  Giulio  Clovio,  principe  dci  miniatori  (Modena,  1882). 

Louis  Gillet. 

Clovis  (Chlodwig,  or  Chlodowech),  son  of  Chil- 
deric,  King  of  the  Salic  Franks,  b.  in  the  year  466;  d.  at 
Paris,  27  November,  51 1.  He  succeeded  his  father  as 
King  of  the  Franks  of  Tournai  in  481.  His  kingdom 
was  probably  one  of  the  States  that  sprang  from  the 
di\'ision  of  Clodion's  monarchy,  like  those  of  Cambrai, 
Tongres,  and  Cologne.  Although  a  pagan,  Childeric 
had  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  the  bishops  of 
Gaul,  and  when  Clovis  a.scended  the  throne  he  re- 
ceived a  most  cordial  letter  of  conirratulation  from 
St.  Remigius,  Archbishoji  of  Reims.'  The  young  king 
early  began  his  cour.sc  of  coniiucst  bv  attaVking  Sya- 
gruis,  son  of  vi'^gidius  the  Unman  Coiint.  Ha\'ing"es- 
tablish(>d  himself  at  Soissons,  he  acquired  sovereign 
authority  over  so  great  a  part  of  Northern  Gaul  as  to 
be  known  to  his  contemporaries  as  the  King  of  Sois- 
Bons.  Syagrius,  being  dcfcate.l.  (led  for  protection 
toAlaric  II,  King  of  the  Visigotlis,  but  the  latter, 
alarmed  by  a  summons  from  Clovis,  delivered  Sya- 
grius to  his  conqueror,  who  iiad  him  decapitated  in 


486.  Clovis  then  remained  master  of  the  dominions 
of  Syagrius  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Soissons.  It 
would  seem  as  if  the  episode  of  the  celebrated  vase  of 
Soissons  were  an  incident  of  the  campaign  against 
Syagrius,  and  it  proves  that,  although  a  pagan,  Clovis 
continued  his  father's  policy  by  remaining  on  amica- 
ble terms  with  the  Gaulish  episcopate.  The  vase, 
taken  by  the  Frankish  soldiers  while  plundering  a 
church,  formed  part  of  the  booty  that  was  to  be  di- 
vided among  the  army.  It  was  claimed  by  the  bishop 
(St.  Remigius?),  and  the  king  sought  to  have  it 
awarded  to  himself  in  order  to  return  it  intact  to  the 
bishop,  but  a  dissatisfied  soldier  split  the  vase  with  his 
battle-axe,  sajdng  to  the  king:  "You  will  get  only  the 
share  allotted  you  by  fate. "  Clovis  did  not  openly  re- 
sent the  insult,  but  the  following  year,  when  review- 
ing his  army,  he  came  upon  this  same  soldier  and,  re- 
proving him  for  the  defective  condition  of  his  arms,  he 
split  his  skull  with  an  axe.  saying:  "It  was  thus  that 
you  treated  the  Soissons  vase."  This  incident  has 
often  been  cited  to  show  that,  although  in  time  of  war 
a  king  has  unlimited  authority  over  his  army,  after 
the  war  his  power  is  restricted,  and  that  in  the  divis- 
ion of  booty  the  rights  of  the  soldiers  must  be  re- 
spected. 

After  the  defeat  of  Syagrius,  Clovis  extended  his 
dominion  as  far  as  the  Loire.  It  was  owing  to  the  as- 
sistance given  him  by  the  Gaulish  episcopate  that  he 
gained  possession  of  the  country.  'The  bishops,  it  is 
quite  certain,  mapped  out  the  regime  that  afterwards 
prevailed.  Unlike  that  adopted  in  other  barbarian 
kingdoms  founded  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, this  regime  established  absolute  equality  be- 
tween the  Gallo-Roman  natives  and  their  Germanic 
conquerors,  all  sharing  the  sarne  privileges.  Proco- 
pius,  a  Byzantine  writer,  has  given  us  an  idea  of  this 
agreement,  but  we  know  it  best  by  its  results.  There 
was  no  distribution  of  Gaulish  territory  by  the  \'ic- 
tors;  established  in  the  Belgian  [irovinces,  they  hatl 
lands  there  to  which  they  returned  after  each  cam- 
paign. All  the  free  men  in  the  kingdom  of  Clovis, 
whether  they  were  of  Roman  or  of  Germanic  origin, 
called  themselves  Franks,  and  we  must  guard  against 
the  old  mistake  of  looking  upon  the  Franks  after  Clo- 
vis as  no  more  than  Germanic  barbarians. 

Master  of  half  of  Gaul,  Clovis  returned  to  Belgium 
and  conquered  the  two  Salic  kingdoms  of  Cambrai  and 
Tongres  (?),  where  his  cousins  Ragnacaire  and  Chara- 
ric  reigned.  These  events  have  been  made  known  to 
us  only  through  the  poetic  tradition  of  the  Franks, 
which  has  singularly  distortetl  them.  According  to 
this  tradition  Clovis  called  upon  Chararic  to  assist  him 
in  his  war  against  Syagrius,  but  Chararic's  attitude 
throughout  the  battle  was  most  suspicious,  as  he  re- 
frained from  taking  sides  until  he  saw  which  of  the 
rivals  was  to  be  victorious.  Clovis  longed  to  have  re- 
venge. Through  a  ruse  he  obtained  possession  of 
Chararic  and  his  son  and  threw  them  into  prison; 
he  then  had  their  heads  shaved,  and  both  were  or- 
dained, the  father  to  the  priesthood  and  the  son  to  the 
diaconate.  When  Chararic  bemoaned  and  wept  over 
this  humiliation  his  son  exclaimed:  "The  leaves  of  a 
green  tree  have  been  cut,  but  they  will  quickly  bud 
forth  again;  may  he  who  has  done  this  perish  as 
quickly!"  This  remark  was  reported  to  Clovis,  and 
he  had  both  father  and  son  beheaded. 

Tradition  goes  on  to  say  that  Ragnacaire,  King  of 
Cambrai,  was  a  man  of  such  loose  morals  that  he 
hardly  respected  his  own  kindred,  and  Farron,  his 
favourite,  was  equally  licentious.  So  great  was  the 
king's  infatuation  for  this  man  that,  if  given  a  present, 
he  would  accei>t  it  for  himself  and  his  Farron.  This 
filled  his  subjects  with  indignation  and  Clovis,  to  win 
them  over  to  his  siile  before  taking  the  field,  distrib- 
uted among  them  money,  bracelets,  and  baldrics,  all 
in  gilded  copper  in  fraudulent  imitation  of  genuine 
gold.     On  different  occasions   Ragnacaire  sent  out 


CLOVIS 


71 


CLOVIS 


spies  to  ascertain  the  strength  of  Clovis's  army,  and 
upon  returning  they  said:  "It  is  a  great  reinforce- 
ment for  you  and  your  Farron."  Meanwhile,  Clovis 
advanced  and  tlie  battle  began.  Being  defeated, 
Ragnacaire  sought  refuge  in  flight,  but  was  overtaken, 
made  prisoner,  and  brought  to  Clovis,  his  hands 
bound  behind  him.  "Why",  said  his  conqueror, 
"have  you  permitted  our  blood  to  be  hiuniliated  by 
allowing  yourself  to  be  put  in  chains?  It  were  better 
that  you  should  die."  And,  so  saying,  Clovis  dealt 
him  his  death-blow.  Then,  turning  to  Richaire,  Rag- 
nacaire's  brother,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  with 
the  king,  he  said:  "Had  you  but  helped  your  brother, 
they  would  not  have  bound  him",  and  he  slew  Ri- 
chaire also.  After  these  deaths  the  traitors  discovered 
that  they  had  been  given  counterfeit  gold  and  com- 
plained of  it  to  Clo-iis,  but  he  only  laughed  at  them. 
Rignomir,  one  of  Ragnacaire's  brothers,  was  put  to 
death  at  Le  Mans  by  order  of  Clovis,  who  took  posses- 
sion of  the  kingdom  and  the  treasure  of  his  victims. 

Such  is  the  legend  of  C1o\ts;  it  abounds  in  all  kinds 
of  improbabilities,  which  cannot  be  considered  as  true 
history.  The  only  facts  that  can  be  accepted  are  that 
Clo\'is  made  war  upon  Kings  Ragnacaire  and  Chara- 
ric,  put  them  to  death,  and  seized  their  territories. 
Moreover,  the  author  of  this  article  is  of  the  opinion 
that  these  events  occurred  shortly  after  the  conquest 
of  the  territory  of  Syagrius,  and  not  after  the  war 
against  the  Visigoths,  as  has  been  maintained  by 
Gregory  of  Tours,  whose  only  authority  is  an  oral 
tradition,  and  whose  chronology  in  this  matter  is  de- 
cidedly misleading.  Besides,  Gregory  of  Tours  has 
not  given  us  the  name  of  Chararic's  kingdom ;  it  was 
long  believed  to  have  been  established  at  Therouanne, 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  Tongres  was  its  capital 
city,  since  it  was  here  tiiat  the  Franks  settled  on  gain- 
ing a  foothold  in  Belgium. 

In  492  or  49.3  Qovis,  who  was  master  of  Gaul 
from  the  Loire  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Rhenish  King- 
dom of  Cologne,  married  Clotilda,  the  niece  of  Gonde- 
bad.  King  of  the  Burgvmdians.  The  popular  epic  of 
the  Franks  has  transformed  the  story  of  this  marriage 
into  a  veritable  nuptial  poem,  the  analysis  of  which 
will  be  found  in  the  article  on  Clotilda.  Clotilda,  who 
was  a  Catholic,  and  very  pious,  won  tiie  consent  of 
Clovis  to  the  baptism  of  their  son,  and  then  urged 
that  he  himself  embrace  the  Catholic  Faith.  He  de- 
liberated for  a  long  time.  Finally,  during  a  battle 
against  the  Alemanni — wliich  without  apparent  rea- 
son has  been  called  the  Battle  of  Tolbiac  (Ziilpich) — 
seeing  his  troops  on  the  point  of  yielding,  he  invoked 
the  aid  of  Clotilda's  God,  and  promised  to  become  a 
Christian  if  only  victory  should  be  granted  him.  He 
conquered  and,  true  to  his  word,  was  baptized  at 
Reims  by  St.  Reniigius,  bishop  of  that  city,  his  sister 
.\lbofledis  and  three  thousand  of  his  warriors  at  the 
same  time  embracing  Christianity.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
in  his  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Franks,  has  de- 
scribed this  event,  which  took  place  amid  great  pomp 
at  Christmas,  496.  "Bow  thy  head,  O  Sicambrian", 
said  St.  Remigius  to  the  royal  convert.  "Adore 
what  thou  hast  burned  and  burn  what  thou  hast 
adored."  According  to  a  ninth-century  legend  found 
in  the  life  of  St.  Remigius,  written  by  the  celebrated 
Hincmar,  himself  Archbishop  of  Reims,  the  chrism 
for  the  baptismal  ceremony  was  missing  and  was 
brought  from  heaven  in  a  vase  {ampulla)  borne  by  a 
dove.  This  is  what  is  known  as  the  Sainte  Ampoule 
of  Reims,  preserved  in  the  treasurj-  of  the  cathedral 
of  that  city,  and  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  kings 
of  France  from  Philip  .\ugustus  down  to  Charles  X. 

The  conversion  of  Clovis  to  the  religion  of  the 
majority  of  his  subjects  soon  brought  about  the 
union  of  the  Gallo-Romans  with  their  bari)arian  con- 
querors. While  in  all  the  other  Germanic  kingdoms 
foimded  on  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Empire  the  dif- 
ference of  religion  between  the  Catholic  natives  and 


Arian  conquerors  was  a  very  active  cause  of  destruc- 
tion, in  the  Frankish  Kingdom,  on  the  contrary,  the 
fimdamental  identity  of  religious  beliefs  and  the 
equality  of  political  rights  made  national  and  patri- 
otic sentiment  universal,  and  produced  the  most  per- 
fect harmony  between  the  two  races.  The  Frankish 
Kingdom  was  thenceforth  the  representative  and  de- 
fender of  Catholic  interests  throughout  the  West, 
while  to  his  conversion  Clovis  owed  an  exceptionally 
brilliant  position.  Those  historians  who  do  not  un- 
derstand the  problems  of  religious  psychology  have 
concluded  that  Clovis  embraced  Christianity  solely 
from  political  motives,  but  nothing  is  more  erroneous. 
On  the  contrary,  everything  goes  to  prove  that  his 
conversion  was  sincere,  and  the  opposite  cannot  be 
maintained  without  refusing  credence  to  the  most 
trustworthy  e%'idence. 

In  the  year  500  Clovis  was  called  upon  to  mediate 
in  a  quarrel  between  his  wife's  two  uncles,  Kings 
Gondebad  of  Vienne  and  Godegisil  of  Geneva.  He 
took  sides  with  the  latter,  whom  he  heljied  to  defeat 
Gondebad  at  Dijon,  and  then,  deeming  it  prudent 
to  interfere  no  further  in  this  fratricidal  struggle,  he 
returned  home,  leaving  Godegisil  an  auxiliary  corps 
of  five  thousand  Franks.  After  Clovis's  departure 
Gondebad  reconquered  Vienne,  liis  capital,  in  which 
Godegisil  had  established  himself.  This  reconquest 
was  effected  by  a  stratagem  seconded  by  treachery, 
and  Godegisil  himself  perished  on  the  same  occasion. 
The  popular  poetry  of  the  Franks  has  singularly  mis- 
represented this  intervention  of  Clovis,  pretending 
that,  at  the  instigation  of  his  wife  Clotilda,  he  sought 
to  avenge  her  grievances  against  her  uncle  Gondebad 
(see  Clotilda),  and  that  the  latter  king,  besieged  in 
Avignon  by  Clovis,  got  rid  of  his  opponent  through 
the  agency  of  Aredius,  a  faithful  follower.  But  in 
these  poems  there  are  so  many  fictions  as  to  render 
the  history  in  them  indistinguishable. 

An  expedition,  otherwise  important  and  profitable, 
was  undertaken  by  Clovis  in  the  year  506  against 
Alaric  II,  King  of  the  Visigoths  of  Aquitaine.  He 
was  awaited  as  their  deliverer  by  the  Catholics  of 
that  kingdom,  who  were  being  cruelly  persecuted  by 
Arian  fanatics,  and  was  encouraged  in  his  enterprise 
by  the  Emjieror  Anastasius,  who  wished  to  crush  this 
ally  of  Theodoric,  King  of  the  Ostrogoths.  Desjjite 
the  diplomatic  efforts  made  by  the  latter  to  prevent 
the  war,  Clovis  crossed  the  Loire  and  proceeded  to 
Vouill^,  near  Poitiers,  where  he  defeated  and  slew 
Alaric,  whose  demoralized  troops  fled  in  disorder. 
The  Franks  took  possession  of  the  Visigoth  Kingdom 
as  far  as  the  PjTcnees  and  the  Rhone,  but  the  jjart 
situated  on  the  left  bank  of  this  river  was  stoutly 
defended  by  the  armies  of  Theodoric,  and  thus  the 
Franks  were  preventeil  from  seizing  Aries  and  Pro- 
vence. Notwithstanding  tliis  last  failure,  Clovis,  by 
his  conquest  of  Aquitaine,  added  to  the  Frankisli 
crown  the  fairest  of  its  jewels.  So  greatly  did  the 
Emperor  Anastasius  rejoice  over  the  success  attained 
by  Clovis  that,  to  testify  his  satisfaction,  he  sent  the 
Frankish  conqueror  the  insignia  of  the  consular  dig- 
nity, an  lionour  always  highly  appreciated  by  the 
barbarians. 

The  annexation  of  the  Rhenish  Kingdom  of  Cologne 
crowned  the  acquisition  of  Gaul  by  Clovis.  But  the 
history  of  this  conquest,  also,  has  been  disfigured  by 
a  legend  that  Clovis  instigated  Chloderic,  son  of  Sige- 
bert  of  Cologne,  to  assassinate  his  father,  then,  after 
the  jjerpetration  of  this  foul  deed,  caused  Chloderic 
himself  to  be  assassinated,  and  finally  offered  himself 
to  the  Rhenish  Franks  as  king,  protesting  his  inno- 
cence of  the  crimes  that  had  been  committed.  The 
only  historical  element  in  this  old  story,  preserved 
by  Gregory  of  Tours,  is  that  the  two  kings  of  Cologne 
met  with  violent  deaths,  and  that  Clovis,  their  rela- 
tive, succeeded  them  jiartly  by  right  of  birth,  partly 
by  popular  choice.     The  criminal  means  by  which  he 


CLOYNE 


72 


CLOYNE 


is  said  to  have  readied  this  throne  are  pure  creations 
of  the  barbarian  imagination. 

Master  now  of  a  vast  kingdom,  Clevis  displayed 
the  same  talent  in  governing  that  he  had  displayed 
in  conquering  it.  From  Paris,  which  he  had  finally 
made  his  capital,  he  administered  the  various  prov- 
inces through  the  agency  of  counts  (comUen)  estab- 
lished in  each  city  and  selected  by  him  from  the 
aristocracy  of  both  races,  conformably  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  absolute  equality  between  Romans  and  bar- 
barians, a  princiiile  which  dominated  his  entire  policy. 
He  caused  the  Salic  Law  {Lex  Salica)  to  be  reduced 
to  written  form,  revised  and  adapted  to  the  new 
social  conditions  under  which  his  fellow  barbari- 
ans were  subsequently  to  live.  Acknowledging  the 
Church  as  the  foremost  civilizing  force,  he  protected 
it  in  every  way  possible,  especially  by  providing  for 
the  National  Council  of  Orleans  (511),  at  which  the 
bishops  of  Gaul  settled  many  questions  pertaining  to 
the  relations  between  Church  and  State.  Hagio- 
graphic  legends  attribute  to  Clovis  the  founding  of 
a  great  many  churches  and  monasteries  throughout 
France,  and  although  the  accuracy  of  this  claim 
cannot  be  positively  established,  it  is  nevertheless 
certain  that  the  influence  of  the  council  in  this  matter 
must  have  been  considerable.  However,  history  has 
preserved  the  memory  of  one  foundation  which  was 
undoubtedly  due  to  Clovis:  the  church  of  the  Apos- 
tles, later  of  Sainte-Genevieve,  on  what  was  then 
Mons  Lucotetius,  to  the  south  of  Paris.  The  king 
destined  it  as  a  mausoleum  for  himself  and  his  queen 
Clotilda,  and  before  it  was  completed  liis  mortal 
remains  were  there  interred.  Clovis  died  at  the  age 
of  forty-five.  His  sarcophagus  remained  in  the  crypt 
of  Sainte-Genevieve  until  the  time  of  the  French 
Revolution,  when  it  was  broken  open  by  th '  revolu- 
tionists, and  his  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds,  the 
sanctuary  of  the  beautiful  church  being  destroyed 
at  the  same  time. 

The  history  of  this  monarch  has  been  so  hopelessly 
distorted  by  popular  poetry  and  so  grossly  disfigured 
by  the  vagaries  of  the  barbarian  imagination  as  to 
make  the  portrayal  of  his  character  wellnigh  impos- 
sible. However,  from  authentic  accounts  of  him  it 
may  be  concluded  that  his  private  life  was  not  with- 
out virtues.  As  a  statesman  he  succeeded  in  accom- 
plishing what  neither  the  genius  of  Theodoric  the  Great 
nor  that  of  any  contemporary  barbarian  king  could 
achieve:  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  Empire  he 
built  up  a  powerful  system,  the  influence  of  which 
dominated  European  civilization  during  many  cen- 
turies, and  from  which  sprang  France,  Germany, 
Belgium,  Holland,  and  Switzerland,  without  taking 
into  account  that  northern  Spain  and  northern  Italy 
were  also,  for  a  time,  under  the  civilizing  regime  of 
the  Prankish  Empire. 

Clovis  left  four  sons.  Theodoric,  the  eldest,  was 
the  issue  of  a  union  prior  to  that  contracted  with 
Clotilda,  who  was,  however,  the  mother  of  the  three 
others,  Clodomir,  Childebert,  and  Clotaire.  They 
divided  their  father's  kingdom  among  themselves, 
following  the  barbarian  principle  that  sought  promo- 
tion of  personal  rather  than  national  interests,  and 
looked  upon  royalty  as  the  personal  prerogative  of 
the  sons  of  kings.  After  the  death  of  Clovis  his 
daughter  Clotilda,  named  after  her  mother,  married 
Amalric,  King  of  the  Visigoths.  She  died  young,  be- 
ing cruelly  abused  by  this  Arian  prince,  who  seemed 
eager  to  wreak  vengeance  on  the  daughter  of  Clovis 
for  the  tragic  death  of  Alaric  II. 

AiiM>T    ic.l.i.    GBK<ioiiy    OF   TouKs.    HistorCa   ecclesiastica 

'■ '  " ' '"    "    ''"I-  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.  IIR.  Merovingicarum; 

■','  '       ' '•■iclnchte  tier  trdnkischen  KOnigcChilderichund 

','•"'  ■    "I'lgen,  18.57),  tr.  by  MoNon  as //tsioire  criftgu* 

J.  ,,-,  .  /,,,'/,,„-  et  Clovw  (Paris,  1879);  Rajna,  Le  origini 
dell  •iH,,„u  /runrese  (Florence,  1884);  Kurth,  IHstoire  poitique 
(ks  Meromngicns  (Pansi,  1893);  Idkm,  Clovis  (Tours,  1896,  and 
Pana,  1901). 

GODEPROID    KuRTH. 


Cloyne  (Gael.  Ciuain-uania,  Cave-meadow),  Dio- 
cese OF  (Clonensis,  or  Cloynensis),  comprises  the 
northern  half  of  County  Cork.  It  has  140  priests. 
47  parishes,  16  convents,  8  Brothers'  schools,  235 
primary  schools,  and,  for  higher  education,  St.  Col- 
man's  College  and  Loreto  Convent  (Fermoy),  besides 
high  schools  at  Queenstown  and  elsewhere.  St.  Col- 
man's  Cathedral,  Queenstown,  begun  in  1S69  under 
Bishop  Keane,  continued  under  Bishop  McCarthy,  in 
1908  near  completion,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  of 
modern  Gothic  cathedrals.  The  medieval  diocesan 
cathedral,  used  by  Protestants  since  the  sixteenth 
century,  still  stands  at  Cloyne.  St.  Colman  Mac- 
Lenin  (560-601),  diverted  from  his  profession  of  poet- 
historian  by  Sts.  Ita  and  Brendan,  became  (560)  first 


Cathedral,  Cloyne 

Bishop  of  Cloyne.  where  he  got  a  royal  grant  of  land. 
Some  religious  poems,  notably  a  metrical  life  of  St. 
Senan,  are  attributed  to  him. 

Fergal,  Abbot-Bishop  of  Cloyne,  was  massacred  in 
888  by  the  Danes.  There  are  seven  recorded  devas- 
tations of  Cloyne  from  822  to  1 137.  The  ecclesiastical 
records  were  destroyed,  so  that  few  prelates'  names 
before  1137  are  known;  we  have  nearly  all  of  them 
since  that  year.  In  1152  (Synod  of  Kells)  Cloyne 
was  made  one  of  Cashel's  twelve  suffragan  sees. 
From  1265  to  1429  the  bishops  of  Cloyne  were  mostly 
Englishmen.  Effingham  (1284-1320)  probably  built 
Cloyne  cathedral.  Swafham  (1363-1376),  who  wrote 
"Contra  Wicklevistas "  and  "  Condones",  com- 
menced the  "Rotulus  Pipae  Clonensis",  the  rent-roll 
of  the  see.  Robbery  of  church  property  by  nobles 
impoverished  the  Sees  of  Cloyne  and  Cork,  which 
were  united  in  1429,  by  papal  authority,  under 
Bishop  Purcell.  Blessed  Thaddeus  MacCarthy  was 
bishop  from  1490  to  1492.  The  last  Catholic  Bishop 
who  enjoyed  the  temporalities  was  Benet  (1523- 
1536).  Tirry,  appointed  in  1536  by  Henry  V'lII, 
and  Tirry's  successor,  Skiddy,  are  ignored  in  the 
Consistorial  Acts.  Macnamara  succeeded  Behet; 
O'Heyne  succeeded  in  1540;  Landes  in  1568;  Tanner 
in  1574;  MacCreaghe  in  1580;  Tirry  in  1622;  Barry 
in  1647;  Creagh  in  1676;  Sleyne  in  1693;  MacCarthy 
in  1712;  MacCarthy  (Thaddeus)  m  1727.  The 
bishops  of  penal  times  were  ruthlessly  persecuted, 
and  some  suffered  cruel  imprisonment  or  died  in 
exile.  Jolm  O'Brien,  author  of  an  Irish  dictionary, 
poems,  and  tracts,  was  Bishop  of  Cloyne  and  Ross 
(1748-1769).  He  died  in  exile  at  Lyons.  His  suc- 
cessors were  Matthew  MacKenna,  appointed  in  1769; 
William  Coppinger  in  1791;  Michael  Collins  in  1830; 
Bartholoniew  Crotty  in  1833;  David  Walsh  in  1847. 
Since  the  separation  of  Ro.ss  (1819)  the  bishops  of 
Cloyne  have  been:  Timothy  Murphy,  appointed  1849; 
William  Keane,  1857;  .John  MacCarthy,  1874;  Robert 
Browne,  1894. 


CLUNY 


73 


CLUNY 


Over  a  century  ago,  when  persecution  relaxed 
somewhat,  the  diocese,  despoiled  of  all  its  ancient 
churches,  schools,  and  religious  houses,  had  to  be 
fullj'  equipped  anew.  About  100  plain  churches 
were  erected  between  1800  and  1850.  Recently  a 
fourth  of  these  have  been  replaced,  especially  in 
towns,  and  the  new  structures  are  admirably  de- 
signed and  finished.  Between  1800  and  1907,  not- 
withstanding great  difficulties  and  loss  by  emigration, 
besides  10:j  parish  churches,  all  the  existing  schools, 
colleges,  religious  and  charitable  institutions  were 
built,  and  all  are  now  doing  useful  and  excellent  work. 

BRAnv.  Rerords  of  Cork.  Cloynr.  and  Ross  (Dublin.  1864); 
Bradt,  Episcopal  Succession  in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland 
(Rome,  1876):  Caulfield,  ed..  Rotulus  Pipce  Clonen^is  (Cork, 
1869);  Archdall  (ed.  MoranI,  Monasticon  Hibernicum 
(Dublin.  1873);  Irish  Catholic  Directory  (Dublin,  1907). 

John  0'Riord.\n. 


head  of  an  order  consisting  of  some  314  monasteries. 
These  were  spread  over  France,  Italy,  the  Empire, 
Lorraine,  England,  Scotland,  and  Poland.  Accord- 
ing to  the  "Bibliotheca  Cluniacensis"  (Paris,  1614) 
825  houses  owed  allegiance  to  the  Abbot  of  Cluny  in 
the  fifteenth  century.  Some  writers  have  given  the 
number  as  2000,  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  this  is 
an  exaggeration.  It  may  perhaps  include  all  those 
many  other  monasteries  which,  though  not  joining 
the  congregation,  adopted  either  wholly  or  in  part 
the  Cluny  constitutions,  such  as  Fleury,  Hirschau, 
Farfa,  and  many  others  that  were  subject  to  their 
influence. 

During  the  first  250  years  of  its  existence  Cluny 
was  governed  by  a  series  of  remarkable  abbots,  men 
who  have  left  their  mark  upon  the  history  of  Western 
Europe  and  who  were  prominently  concerned  with 


^■s:^^- 


(Fr. 


Cluny,  CoNGREG.^TioN  OF  (Cluni,  Cltigni,  or 
(.'lugny),  the  earliest  reform,  which  became  prac- 
tically a  distinct  order,  within  the  Benedictine  fam- 
ily. It  originated  at  Cluny,  a  town  in  Saone-et- 
Loire.  fifteen  miles  north-west  of  Macon,  where  in 
910  William  the  Pious,  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  founded 
an  abbey  and  endowed  it  with  his  entire  domain. 
Over  it  he  placed  St.  Berno.  then  Abbot  of  Gigny, 
imder  whose  guidance  a  somewhat  new  and  stricter 
form  of  Benedictine  Hfe  was  inaugurated.  The  re- 
forms introduced  at  Cluny  were  in  some  measure 
traceable  to  the  influence  of  St.  Benedict  of  Aniane, 
who  had  put  forward  his  new  idea,s  at  the  first  great 
meeting  of  the  abbots  of  the  order  held  at  Aachen 
(.\ix-la-Chapelle)  in  817,  and  their  development  at 
f'luny  resulted  in  many  departures  from  precedent, 
chief  among  which  was  a  higldy  centralized  form  of 
government  entirely  foreign  to  Benedictine  tradition. 
The  reform  quickly  siirea<l  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
Abbey  of  Cluny,  partly  by  the  founding  of  new 
houses  and  partly  by  the  incorporation  of  those  al- 
ready existing,  and  as  all  these  remained  dependent 
upon  the  mother-house,  the  Congregation  of  Cluny 
came  into  being  almost  automatically.  Under  St. 
Berne's  successors  it  attained  a  very  widespread  in- 
fluence, and  by  the  twelfth  century  (L'luny  was  at  the 


all  the  great  political  questions  of  their  day.  Among 
these  were  Sts.  Odo,  Mayeul,  Odilo,  and  Hugh,  and 
Peter  the  Venerable.  Under  the  last  named,  the 
ninth  abbot,  who  ruled  from  1122  to  1156,  Cluny 
reached  the  zenith  of  its  influence  and  prosperity,  at 
which  time  it  was  second  only  to  Rome  as  the  chief 
centre  of  the  Christian  world.  It  became  a  home  of 
learning  and  a  training  school  for  popes,  four  of  whom, 
Gregory  VII  (Hildebrand).  Urban  II,  Paschal  II,  and 
Urban  V,  were  called  from  its  cloisters  to  rule  the 
Universal  Church.  In  England  the  Cluniac  houses 
numbered  thirty-five  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution. 
There  were  three  in  Scotland.  The  earliest  founda- 
tion was  that  of  the  i>riory  of  St.  Pancras  at  Lewes 
(1077),  the  prior  of  which  usually  held  the  position 
of  vicar-general  of  the  .\bbot  of  Cluny  for  England 
and  Scotland.  Other  important  English  houses  were 
at  Castlcacre,  Montacute,  Northampton,  and  Ber- 
mondsey. 

After  the  twelfth  century  the  power  of  Cluny  de- 
clined somewhat,  and  in  the  sixteenth  it  suffered 
much  through  the  civil  and  religious  wars  of  France 
and  their  consequences.  The  introduction  also  of 
commendatory  abbots,  the  first  of  whom  was  ap- 
liointcd  in  l.i28,  was  to  some  extent  res|ionsible  for 
its  decline.     Amongst  the  greatest  of  its  titular  prel- 


CLYNN 


74 


COBO 


ates  were  Cardinals  Richelieu  and  Mazarin,  who 
tried  to  restore  it  to  some  of  its  former  greatness, 
though  their  efforts  did  not  meet  with  much  success. 
Claude  de  Vert,  Prior  of  Saint-Pierre,  Abbeville  (d. 
1708),  was  another  would-be  reformer  of  the  congre- 
gation, inspired  no  doubt  by  the  example  of  the 
Maurists. 

The  abbey-church  of  Cluny  was  on  a  scale  com- 
mensurate with  the  greatness  of  the  congregation, 
and  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  It  was  no  less  than  5.55  feet  in  length,  and  was 
the  largest  church  in  Christendom  until  the  erection 
of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.  It  consisted  of  five  naves,  a 
narthex,  or  ante-church,  and  several  towers.  Com- 
menced by  St.  Hugh,  the  sixth  abbot,  in  1089,  it  was 
finished  and  consecrated  by  Pope  Innocent  II  in 
1131-.32,  the  narthex  being  added  in  1220.  Together 
with  the  conventual  buildings  it  covered  an  area  of 
twenty-five  acres.  At  the  suppression  in  1790  it  was 
bought  by  the  town  and  almost  entirely  destroyed. 
At  the  present  day  only  one  tower  and  part  of  a  tran- 
sept remain,  whilst  a  road  traverses  the  site  of  the 
nave.  The  community  of  the  abbey,  which  had 
numbered  three  hundred  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
dwindled  down  to  one  hundred  in  the  seventeenth, 
and  when  it  was  suppressed,  in  common  with  all  the 
other  religious  houses  in  France,  its  monks  numbered 
only  forty. 

The  spirit  and  organization  of  the  congregation 
was  a  distinct  departure  from  Benedictine  tradition, 
though  its  monks  continued  all  along  to  be  recog- 
nized as  members  of  the  Benedictine  family.  Pre- 
vious to  its  inception  every  monastery  had  been  inde- 
pendent and  autonomous,  though  the  observance  of 
the  same  rule  in  all  constituted  a  bond  of  union ;  but 
when  Cluny  began  to  throw  out  offshoots  and  to  draw 
other  houses  under  its  influence,  each  such  house,  in- 
stead of  forming  a  separate  family,  was  retained  in 
absolute  dependence  upon  the  central  abbey.  The 
superiors  of  such  houses,  which  were  usually  priories, 
were  subject  to  the  Abbot  of  Cluny  and  were  his 
nominees,  not  the  elect  of  their  own  communities,  as 
is  the  normal  Benedictine  custom.  Every  profession, 
even  in  the  most  distant  monastery  of  the  congrega- 
tion, required  his  sanction,  and  every  monk  had  to 
pass  some  years  at  Cluny  itself.  Such  a  system  cut 
at  the  root  of  the  old  family  ideal  and  resulted  in  a 
kind  of  feudal  hierarchy  consisting  of  one  great  cen- 
tral monastery  and  a  number  of  dependencies  spread 
over  many  lands.  The  Abbot  of  Cluny  or  his  repre- 
sentative made  annual  visitations  of  the  dependent 
houses,  and  he  had  for  his  assistant  in  the  government 
of  so  vast  an  organization  a  coadjutor  with  the  title 
of  Grand-Prior  of  Cluny.  The  abbot's  monarchical 
status  was  somewhat  curtailed  after  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury by  t  he  holding  of  general  chapters,  but  it  is  evi- 
dent that  he  possessed  a  very  real  power  over  the 
whole  congregation,  so  long  as  he  held  in  his  own 
hands  the  appointment  of  all  the  dependent  priors. 
(For  the  sources  of  information  as  to  tlie  rule,  govern- 
ment, and  conventual  observance  of  the  congregation, 
see  bibliography  at  end  of  this  article.)  With  regard 
to  the  Divine  Office,  the  monks  of  Cluny  conformed  to 
the  then  prevailing  custom,  introduced  into  the  mon- 
asteries of  France  by  St.  Benedict  of  Aniane,  of  adding 
numerous  extra  devotional  exercises,  in  the  shape  of 
psalms  {psalmi  jamiliares,  speciales,  prostrati,  and  pro 
tribulatioiie)  and  votive  offices  (Our  Lady,  Tlie  Dead, 
All  Saints,  etc.)  to  the  daily  canonical  hours  pre- 
scribed by  the  Bei\edictine  Rule. 

The  library  of  Cluny  was  for  many  centuries  one 
of  the  richest  and  most  important  in  France  and  the 
storehouse  of  a  vast  number  of  most  valuable  MSS. 
When  the  abbey  was  sacked  by  the  Huguenots,  in 
1SG2,  many  of  these  priceless  treasures  perished  and 
others  were  dispersed.  Of  those  that  were  left  at 
Cluny,  some  were  burned  by  the  revolutionary  mob 


at  the  time  of  the  suppression  in  1790,  and  others 
stored  away  in  the  Cluny  town  hall.  These  latter, 
as  well  as  others  that  had  passed  into  private  hands, 
have  been  gradually  recovered  by  the  French  Gov- 
ernment and  are  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale 
at  Paris.  There  are  also  in  the  British  Museum, 
London,  about  sixty  charters  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  Cluny.  The  ''Hotel  de  Cluny"  in  Paris, 
dating  from  13.34,  was  formerly  the  town  house  of 
the  abbots.  In  1833  it  was  made  into  a  pubhc  mu- 
seum, but  apart  from  the  name  thus  derived,  it  pos- 
sesses practically  nothing  connected  ^rith  the  abbey. 
For  the  rule,  constitutions,  etc..  see  Bernard  of  Cluny, 
Ordo  Cluniacensis  in  Hekrgott,  Vctus  DiscipUna  Monastica 
(Paris,  1791);  and  Udalric  of  Cluny,  Consuetudines  Clunia- 
ceiises  in  P.  L..  CXLIX  (Paris,  1SS2).  For  the  history  of  the 
Congregation,  etc..  Ducket.  Charters  and  Records  of  Cluni 
(Lewes,  1890);  M.utlaxd,  Dark  Ages  (London,  1845);  Ma- 
billon,  Annales  O.  S.  B.  (Paris,  1703-39).  III-V;  S.unte- 
Marthe,  Gallia  Christiana  (Paris.  1728),  IV,  1117;  Helyot. 
Hist,  des  ordres  religieux  (Paris.  1792).  V;  Migne,  Did.  des 
abbayes  (Paris,  1856);  La\isse.  Hisl.  de  France  (Paris,  1901), 
II,   2;     Lorain,    Hist,    de  Vnbh- ,.  <  i.:,'i     (Paris,     1845); 

Champly,  Hist,  de  Cluny  (M:i' -       1^''''  .     IIrimbucher,  Die 
Orden  und  Kongregationen  der  I  K  nhe   (Paderbom, 

1896),    I;     Herzog    and   Hai-.k,    I!.  <,l.  ,>.  nldopadie     (Leipzig, 
1898),  III;    S.iCKUR,  Die  Cluniacenser  (HMe  a.  S.,  1892-94). 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Clynn  (or  Cltn),  John,  Irish  Franciscan  and  an- 
nalist, b.  about  1300;  d.,  probably,  in  1349.  His 
place  of  birth  is  unknown,  and  the  date  given  is  only 
conjecture;  but,  as  he  was  appointed  guardian  of  the 
Franciscan  convent  at  Carrick  in  1336,  it  is  concluded 
that  he  was  then  at  least  30  years  of  age.  He  was 
afterwards  in  the  Franciscan  convent  at  Kilkenny, 
and  there  he  probably  died.  He  is  credited  by  Ware, 
in  "Writers  of  Ireland",  \Wth  having  written  a  work 
on  the  kings  of  England  and  another  on  the  super- 
iors of  his  o^\'n  order;  but  these  works  have  not  been 
published,  and  his  celebrity  rests  on  his  "Annals  of 
Ireland",  from  the  birth  of  Christ  to  the  year  1349. 
Beginning  with  the  earliest  period,  and  written  in 
Latin,  the  entries  are  at  first  meagre  and  uninter- 
esting; but  from  1315  Clynn  deals  mth  what  he  him- 
self saw,  and,  though  such  things  as  the  building  of  a 
choir  and  the  consecration  of  an  altar  would  interest 
only  his  own  order  and  time,  other  entries  throw 
much  light  on  the  general  history  of  the  country. 
Being  Anglo-Irish,  he  speaks  harshly  of  the  native 
chiefs;  but  neither  does  he  hesitate  to  condemn  the 
Anglo-Irish  lords,  their  impatience  of  restraint,  their 
contempt  for  the  Government  at  Dublin,  their  op- 
pression of  the  poor.  His  account  of  the  plague  in 
134S-9  is  vivid.  Surrounded  by  dead  and  dying,  he 
laid  do^Ti  his  pen,  wondering  if  any  of  the  sons  of 
Adam  would  be  spared,  and  the  scribe  who  copied  the 
work  adds  that  at  this  date  it  seems  the  author  died. 
His  "Annals"  were  edited  by  Richard  Butler  for  the 
Irish  Archseological  Society   (December,   1849). 

Ware-Harris,  n'riters  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1764);  Webb, 
Compendium  of  Irish  Biography  (DubUn,  1878). 

E.  A.  D' Alton. 

Coadjutor  Bishop.     See  Bishop. 

Coat  of  Arms.     See  Heraldry. 

Cobo,  Bernabe,  b.  at  Lopera  in  Spain,  1582;  d.  at 
Lima,  Peru,  9  October.  16.57.  He  went  to  America  in 
1596,  visiting  the  Antilles  and  Venezuela  and  landing 
at  Lima  in  1599.  Entering  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
14  October,  1601,  he  was  sent  by  his  superiors  in 
1615  to  the  mission  of  Juli,  where,  and  at  Potosf, 
Cochabamba,  Oruro,  and  La  Paz,  he  laboured  until 
1618.  He  was  rector  of  the  college  of  .Arequipa  from 
1(>1S  until  1()21,  afterwards  at  Pisco,  and  finally  at 
Callao  in  the  same  capacity,  as  late  as  1630.  He  was 
then  sent  to  Mexico,  and  remained  there  until  1650, 
when  lie  returned  to  Peru.  Such  in  brief  w.as  the  life  of 
a  man  whom  the  past  centuries  have  treated  with 
unparalleled,  and  certainly  most  ungrateful,  neglect. 


GOCCALEO 


75 


COCHEM 


Fatlier  C'obo  was  beyond  all  doubt  the  ablest  and  most 
thorough  student  of  nature  and  man  in  Spanish  Amer- 
ica durmg  the  seventeenth  century.  Yet,  the  first, 
and  almost  only,  acknowledgment  of  his  worth  dates 
from  the  fourth  year  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
distinguished  Spanish  botanist  Cavanilles  not  only 
paid  a  handsome  tribute  of  respect  to  the  memory 
of  Father  Cobo  in  an  address  delivered  at  the  Royal 
Botanical  Gardens  of  Madrid,  in  1S04,  but  he  gave 
the  name  of  Cobcea  to  a  genus  of  plants  belonging 
to  the  BignoniaceiE  of  Mexico,  Cohoca  scandens  being 
its    most    striking    representative. 

Cobo's  long  residence  in  both  Americas  (sixty-one 
years),  his  position  as  priest  and,  several  times,  as 
missionary,  and  the  consequently  close  relations  in 
which  he  stood  to  the  Indians,  as  well  as  to  Creoles 
and  half-brei-ds,  gave  him  unusual  opportunities  for 
obtaining  reliable  information,  and  he  made  the 
fullest  use  of  these.  We  have  from  his  pen,  two 
works,  one  of  which  (and  the  most  important)  is, 
unfortunately,  incomplete.  It  is  also  stated  that 
he  WTote  a  work  on  botany  in  ten  volumes,  which, 
it  seems,  is  lost,  or  at  least  its  whereabouts  is  unknown 
to-day.  Of  his  main  work,  to  which  biographers 
give  the  title  of  "Historia  general  de  las  Indias", 
and  which  he  finished  in  1653,  only  the  first  half  is 
known  and  has  appeared  in  print  (in  four  volumes, 
at  Seville,  1S90  and  years  succeeding).  The  remain- 
der, in  whicli  lie  treats,  or  claims  to  have  treated,  of 
every  geographical  and  political  subdiNasion  in  detail, 
has  either  never  been  finished  or  is  lost.  His  other 
book  appeared  in  print  in  1882,  and  forms  part  of 
the  "History  of  the  New  World"  mentioned,  but 
he  made  a  separate  manuscript  of  it  in  1639,  and 
so  it  came  to  be  published  as  "Historia  de  la  fun- 
daci6n  de  Lima",  a  few  years  before  the  publica- 
tion of  the  principal  manu-script.  The  "History  of 
the  New  World"  places  Cobo,  as  a  chronicler  and 
didactic  writer,  on  a  plane  higher  than  that  occupied 
by  his  contemporaries  not  to  speak  of  his  prede- 
cessors. It  is  not  a  dry  and  dreary  catalogue  of 
events;  man  appears  in  it  on  a  stage,  and  that  stage 
is  a  conscientious  picture  of  the  nature  in  which  man 
has  moved  and  moves.  The  value  of  this  work  for 
several  branches  of  science  (not  only  for  history) 
is  much  greater  than  is  believed.  The  book,  only 
recently  published,  is  very  little  known  and  appre- 
ciated. The  "History  of  the  New  World"  may,  in 
American  literature,  be  compared  with  one  work 
only,  the  "General  and  Natural  History  of  the 
Indies",  by  Oviedo.  But  Oviedo  wrote  a  full  cen- 
tury earlier  than  Cobo,  hence  the  resemblance  is 
limited  to  the  fact  that  both  authors  seek  to  include 
all  Spanish  America — its  natural  features  as  well 
as  its  inhabitants.  The  same  may  be  said  of  Gomara 
and  Acosta.  Cobo  enjoyed  superior  advantages  and 
made  good  use  of  them.  A  centviry  more  of  knowl- 
edge and  experience  was  at  his  command.  Hence 
we  find  in  his  book  a  wealth  of  information  which 
no  other  author  of  his  time  imparts  or  can  impart. 
And  that  knowledge  is  systematized  and  in  a  meas- 
ure co-ordinated.  On  the  animals  and  plants  of  the 
new  continent,  neither  Nieremberg,  nor  Herniindez, 
nor  Monardes  can  compare  in  wealth  of  information 
with  Cobo.  In  regard  to  man,  his  pre-Columbian 
past  and  vestiges,  Cobo  is,  for  the  South  American 
west  coast,  a  source  of  primary  importance.  We  are 
astonished  at  his  many  and  close  observations  on 
customs  and  manners.  His  descriptions  of  some  of 
the  principal  ruins  in  South  America  are  usually 
very  correct.  In  a  word  it  is  evident  from  these 
two  works  of  Cobo  that  he  was  an  investigator  of 
great  perspicacity  and,  for  his  time,  a  scientist  of 
unusual  merit. 

Torres  Saldamando.  Aniifjuos  Jesuitas  del  Peru  (I^iraa. 
1882);  Cadanilles,  Ditcurso  gohre  algunog  holdnicos  egpanolrs 
dtl  tielo  XVII  in  the  Anale»  de  hUtona  natural  (Madrid,  1804). 
Ad.  F.  Bandelieu. 


Coccaleo,  Viator.^,  a  Capuchin  friar,  so  called  from 
his  birthplace,  Coccaglio  in  Lombardy,  date  of  birth 
unknown;  d.  1793.  For  a  time  he  was  lector  in  theol- 
ogy and  wrote  several  works  that  give  him  a  place 
among  the  noteworthy  theologians  in  a  period  of  theo- 
logical decline.  These  arc:  ''Tentamina  theologico- 
scholastica"  (Bergamo,  1768-74);  "Tentaminum 
thoologicorum  in  moralibus  Synojisis  "  (Venice,  1791); 
"  Instituta  moralia"  (Milan,  1700).  His  defence  of 
papal  supremacy,  "Italus  ad  Justinum  Febronium" 
(Lucca,  1768;  Trent,  1774),  is  one  of  the  principal 
apologies  against  Febronius.  Besides  writing  several 
works  against  Jansenism,  he  took  part  in  the  discus- 
sion concerning  the  devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart  and 
the  sanctification  of  Holy  Days,  inailc  fanuuis  by  the 
Synod  of  Pistoja  (178(1)',  and' jMiblishi-.l:  "  Kiflrssioni 
sopra  I'origine  e  il  fine  di'lla  divoziunc  del  S.  Cuore  di 
Gesv'i"  (Naples,  1780) ;  "  Riposta  sul  dubljio,  se  la  solfl 
Messa  basti  a  santificare  le  feste"  (Bologna,  1781'^ 
To  these  may  be  added  his  studies  on  the  text  and 
meaning  of  the  poem  of  Prosper  of  Aquitaine,  "  Contra 
Ingratos"  (2  vols.,  Brescia,  1756  and  1763)  and  his 
work  on  the  philosophic  spirit  of  Prosper's  epigrams 
(Brescia,  1760). 

John  of  Ratisbon,  Appendix  ad  BibUothec.  Script.  C'apuc- 
cinorum  (Rome,  1S52),  40;   Scheeben-,  Dogmatik,  I,  455. 

John  M.  Lenhart. 

Cochabamba,  Diocese  op  (Cocabamben.sis). — 
The  city  from  which  this  diocese  takes  its  name  is  the 
capital  of  the  department  of  Cochabamba,  Bolivia. 
Founded  in  1563  it  was  called  originally  Oropesa.  It 
is  situated  on  the  Rio  de  la  Rocha  and  is  the  second 
largest  city  and  one  of  the  most  important  commercial 
centres  of  the  republic.  According  to  the  census  of 
1902,  the  population  is  over  40,000,  of  whom  practi- 
cally all  are  Catholics. 

The  Diocese  of  Cochabamba  was  erected  by  a  Bull 
of  Pius  IX,  25  Jime,  1847,  and  is  a  suffragan  of  Char- 
cas  (La  Plata).  It  was  the  fourth  diocese  established 
in  Bolivia,  the  Archdioce.se  of  Charcas  (La  Plata)  and 
the  Dioceses  of  La  Paz  and  Santa  Cruz  having  been 
created  early  in  the  seventeenth  century.  It  com- 
prises the  department  of  Cochabamba  and  part  of  the 
adjoining  department  of  Beni.  The  population, 
mostly  Catholic,  in  1902  was  over  330,000.  Besides 
a  number  of  schools  and  charitable  institutions  the 
diocese  has  55  parishes,  80  churches  and  chapels,  and 
160  priests. 

K,itif  rsations-Lex.  (St.  Louis,  Missouri.  1903),  s.  v.;  Ger- 
arrhin  Caltolica  (Rome,  1908). 

Cochem,  Martin  of,  a  celebrated  German  theolo- 
gian, preacher  and  ascetic  writer,  b.  at  Cochem,  a  small 
town  on  the  Moselle,  in  1630 ;  d.  in  the  convent  at  Wag- 
hausel,  10  September,  1712.  He  came  of  a  family 
devotedly  attached  to  the  Faith,  and  while  still  young 
entered  the  novitiate  of  the  Capuchins,  where  hedis- 
tingui^hod  himself  by  his  fervour  and  his  fidelity  to 
the  religious  rule.  After  his  elevation  to  the  priest- 
hood, he  was  assigned  to  a  professorship  of  theology,  a 
position  which  for  several  years  he  filled  most  credit- 
ably. However,  it  was  in  another  sphere  that  he  was 
to  exercise  his  zeal  and  acquire  fame.  Of  the  evils 
which  befell  Europe  in  conseciuence  of  the  Thirty 
Years  War,  the  plague  was  by  no  means  the  least,  and 
when,  in  1666,  it  made  its  appearance  in  the  Rhenish 
country,  such  were  its  ravages  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  close  the  novitiates  and  houses  of  study.  Just 
at  tliis  crisis.  Father  Martin  was  left  without  anj' 
special  charge  and,  in  company  with  his  fellow  monks, 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  bodily  and  spiritual  com- 
fort of  the  afflicted.  What  mo.st  distressed  him  was 
the  religious  ignorance  to  which  a  large  number  of  the 
faithful  ha<l  fallen  victims  on  account  of  being  deprived 
of  their  jiastors.  To  combat  this  sad  condition,  he 
resolved  to  compo.se  little  popular  treatises  on  the 
truths  and  duties  of  religion,  and  in  166G  he  published 


COCHIN 


70 


COCHIN 


at  Cologne  a  r^siimg  of  Christian  doctrine  that  was 
very  well  received.  It  was  a  revelation  to  his  supe- 
riors, who  strongly  encouraged  the  author  to  continue 
in  this  course. 

Thenceforth  Father  Martin  made  a  specialty  of 
popular  preaching  and  religious  writing  and,  in  the 
Archdioceses  of  Trier  and  Ingelheim,  which  he  trav- 
ersed thoroughly,  multitudes  pressed  about  him,  and 
numerous  conversions  followed.  The  zealous  priest 
continued  these  active  ministrations  up  to  the  time  of 
his  death,  and  even  when  he  had  passed  his  eightieth 
year  he  still  went  daily  to  the  chapel  of  his  convent, 
where,  with  the  aid  of  an  ear-trumpet,  he  heard  the 
confessions  of  the  sinners  who  flocked  to  him.  The 
intervals  between  missions  he  devoted  to  his  nimier- 
ous  writings,  the  most  voluminous  of  which  is  an  ec- 
clesiastical history  in  2  vols,  fol.,  composed  for  apolo- 
getic purposes  and  provoked  by  the  attacks  made 
upon  the  Church  by  Protestantism.  However,  the 
author  brought  it  down  only  to  the  year  1100.  Father 
Martin's  other  works  embrace  a  great  variety  of  sub- 
jects: the  life  of  Christ,  legends  of  the  saints,  edifying 
narratives,  the  setting  forth  of  certain  points  in  Chris- 
tian asceticism,  forms  of  prayer,  methods  to  be  fol- 
lowed for  the  worthy  reception  of  the  sacraments,  etc. 
These  widely  different  themes  have  as  points  of  simi- 
larity a  pleasing,  graceful  style,  great  erudition,  and  a 
truly  seraphic  eloquence.  They  bespeak  for  their 
author  sincere  piety  and  deep  religious  sentiment, 
coupled  with  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  popular 
heart  and  the  special  needs  of  the  time.  But  the  best 
known  of  all  the  learned  Capuchin's  works  is  unques- 
tionably "Die  heilige  Messe",  upon  which,  according 
to  his  own  statement,  he  spent  three  entire  years, 
perusing  Holy  Writ,  the  councils,  Fathers  and  Doc- 
tors of  the  Church,  and  the  lives  of  the  saints,  in  order 
to  condense  into  a  small  volume  a  properly  abridged 
accoimt  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  As  soon  as  it  appeared 
this  book  proved  a  delight  to  the  Catholics  of  Ger- 
many, nor  has  it  yet  lost  any  of  its  popularity,  and, 
since  its  translation  into  several  languages,  it  may  be 
said  to  have  acquired  universal  renown. 

It  demanded  a  great  expenditure  of  energy  on  the 
part  of  the  worthy  religious  to  bring  these  iniderta- 
kings  to  a  successful  issue.  Even  when  in  his  convent 
he  spent  most  of  the  day  in  directing  souls  and  follow- 
ing the  observances  prescribed  by  the  Capuchin  Rule, 
hence  it  was  time  set  aside  for  sleep  that  he  was  wont 
to  give  to  his  literary  labours.  Sometimes  after  the 
Oflfice  of  Matins  he  would  obtain  permission  of  the 
sujjerior  to  go  to  Frankfort  to  confer  with  his  publisher 
and,  this  accomplished,  he  would  retiu'n  on  foot  to  his 
convent  at  Konigstein,  catechizing  little  children, 
hearing  confessions,  and  visiting  the  sick  along  the 
way.  While  still  in  the  midst  of  his  labours  he  was 
attacked  by  an  illness  to  which  he  soon  succumbed, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-two.  The  works  published  dur- 
ing Father  Martin's  lifetime  are:  "Die  Kirchenhis- 
torie  nach  der  Methode  des  Baronius  und  Raynaldus 
bis  1100"  (Dillingen,  1693):  "Die  christliche  Lehre"; 
"Heilige  Geschichten  und  Exempel";  "  Wohlriechen- 
der  Myrrhengarten"  (Cologne,  1693);  "Btichlein 
iiber  den  Ablass"  (Dillingen,  1693);  "Exorcismen  und 
fiir  Kranke"  (Frankfort,  1695);  "Goldener  Himmels- 
schliissel"  (Frankfort,  1695);  "Gebetbuch  fiir  Solda- 
tcn"  (Aug.sburg,  1698);  "Anmuthungen  wiihrend  der 
hcilisicn  Messe"  (Augsburg,  1697) ;  "  Die  Legenden  der 
Ilc'iligen"  (Augsburg,  1705);  "Leben  Christ!"  (Frank- 
fort, 1GS9;  Augsburg,  1708);  "Gebete  unter  der  heili- 
gen  Me.sse"  (Augsburg,  1698);  "Kern  der  heiligen 
Messe"  (Cologne,  1699);  "Liliengarten"  (Cologne, 
1699);  "Gobet1)Uch  fiir  hrilisje  Zciten"  (Augsburg, 
1704);  "  Die  heilige  M(,'ss,.  fur  die  Wcltlcute"  (Cologne, 
1704);  "Traktat  ul)cr  die  g(Ut lichen  Vortrefflich- 
kciten"  (Miiinz,  1707);  "Geistlidier  Baunigarten" 
(Mainz  and  Heidelberg,  1709) ;  "  Neue  niystische  C.old- 
giiibeu"  (Cologne,  1709);   "  I'Lxemepolbuch  "  (Augs- 


burg, 1712).  This  list  does  not  include  all  the  author's 
writings.  In  1896  there  appeared  a  small  work  never 
before  published,  "Das  Gebet  des  Herzens",  which 
at  the  end  of  its  third  year  went  into  a  seventh  edition. 
Ilg,  Gciftt  den  heiligen  Franrisciif<  Sirnphicus  (.\ugsburg, 
1883);  Eludes  franciscaines  (Paris),  III,  44S:  Analrcta  Ord. 
Min.  Cap.,  XXIII,  279;  Sister  Maria  Bernardine,  Marlin 
van  Cochem,  sein  Lebcn,  sein  Wirkcn,  seine  Zeil  (.Mainz,  1886). 

F.  Candide. 

Cochin,  Diocese  of  (Cochinensis),  on  the  Mala- 
bar coast,  India.  The  diocese  was  erected  and  con- 
stituted a  suffragan  of  the  Diocese  of  Goa,  of  which  it 
had  previously  formed  a  part,  by  the  Bull  "Pro  excel- 
lenti  prseeminentia"  of  Paul  IV,  4  Feb.,  1558  (cf.  Bul- 
larium  Patronatus  Portugallia>  Regum,  I,  193).  It 
was  later  reorganized  according  to  the  Concoidat  of 
23  June,  1886,  between  Leo  XIII  and  King  Luiz  I  of 
Portugal,  and  the  Constitution  "Humanae  Salutis 
Auctor"  of  the  same  pope,  1  Sept.,  1886.  It  is  suf- 
fragan to  the  patriarchal  See  of  Goa  (cf.  .lulio  Biker, 
CoUecgao  de  Tractados,  XIV,  112-437).  The  diocese 
consists  of  two  strips  of  territory  along  the  sea-coast, 
the  first  about  fifty  miles  long,  by  eight  in  its  broadest 
part,  the  second  thirty  miles  in  length.  There  are 
two  important  towns.  Cochin  and  Alleppi  (Alapalli), 
in  which  t'ne  higher  educational  and  charitable  insti- 
tutions of  the  diocese  are  situated. 

I.  History. — The  chief  religions  professed  in  Mala- 
bar at  the  arrival  of  the  Portuguese  were:  Hinduism, 
Christianity  (the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  or  Nesto- 
rians),  Islam,  and  Judaism,  the  last  represented  by 
a  large  colony  of  Jews.  From  these  the  Catholic 
community  was  recruited,  mostly  from  the  Nesto- 
rians  anil  the  Hindus.  Islam  also  contributed  a  fair 
share,  especially  when  Portugal  was  supreme  on  this 
coast;  among  the  Jews  conversions  were  rare.  To 
Portugal  belongs  the  glory  of  having  begun  regular 
Catholic  missionary  work  in  India,  and  Cochin  has 
the  honour  of  being  the  cradle  of  Catholicism  in  India. 
The  first  missionaries  to  India  were  eight  Franciscan 
friars,  who  set  sail  from  Lisbon  on  the  fleet  of  Pedro 
Alvarez  Cabral  (q.  v.),  9  March,  1500:  Father  Hen- 
rique de  Coimbra,  Superior;  Fathers  Gaspar,  Fran- 
cisco da  Cruz,  Simao  de  Guimaraens,  Luiz  do  Salva- 
dor, Masseu,  Pedro  Netto,  and  Brother  Joao  da 
Vitoria.  Three  of  them  were  slain  at  Calicut  in  the 
massacre  of  16  Nov.,  1500.  The  survivors  arrived 
at  Cochin  on  or  about  the  26th  of  that  month,  and 
settled  there  (except  the  superior,  who  went  back 
with  the  fleet  to  obtain  more  help  for  the  mission), 
thus  laying  the  foundation  of  the  Diocese  of  Cochin 
(Histor.  Seraf.  Chron.  da  Ordem  de  S.  Francisco  na 
Provincia  de  Portugal,  III,  489,  494,  495).  They 
were  followed  by  large  contingents  of  zealous  mis- 
sionaries, who  worked  from  the  city  of  Cochin  as  a 
centre.  The  harvest  of  souls  was  rich,  the  Christians 
multiplied  along  the  coast  and  in  the  interior,  and  in 
course  of  time  a  bishop  was  assigned  to  them. 

The  Nestorian  Christians  in  the  vicinity  of  Cochin 
naturally  attracted  the  attention  of  the  missionaries, 
and  Fathers  Simao  de  Guimaraens  and  Luiz  do  Sal- 
vador were  soon  occupied  in  refuting  their  errors  and 
reforming  their  discipline  and  customs  (Hist.  Seraf., 
Ill,  497).  These  two  missionaries  were  the  pioneers 
of  the  Faith  among  the  Nestorian  Christians.  Mem- 
bers of  the  same  order  continued  this  missionary 
work  till  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when 
these  missions  were  handed  over  to  the  Jesuits,  who 
continued  the  good  work  with  such  earnestness  and 
zeal  that  most  of  the  Nestorian  Christians  were  con- 
verted before  1600.  The  chief  public  record  of  their 
conversion  is  to  be  found  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
Synod  of  Diainper  (or  Udiamperur),  held  in  June, 
1.599,  by  Aleixo  de  Menezes,  Archbishop  of  Goa, 
Metropolitan  and  Primate  of  the  East  ("  Bull.  Patron. 
Port,  reg.",  a  collection  of  papal  and  royal  documents 
pertaining  to  the  Portuguese  missions  in  India,  App. 


COCHIN 


77 


COCHIN 


torn.  I,  147  sqq. ;  see  also  "Subsidium  ad  Bull.  Patr. 
Port.",  Alleppi,  19():<).  In  December,  1502,  the 
Nestorian  or  Syrian  Christians  (they  used  the  Syrian 
language  in  their  liturgy)  presented  to  Vasco  da 
Gama,  who  had  arrived  at  Cochin,  the  sceptre  of  their 
former  kings,  and  applied  to  him  for  assistance  against 
their  Mohammedan  neighbours.  Gama  formally  ac- 
cepted the  sceptre  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Portu- 
gal. The  Syrian  bishop  of  those  Christians  promised 
obedience  to  the  pope  through  the  Franciscan  mis- 
sionaries, and  two  Nestorian  priests  accompanied 
Gama  to  Lisbon  en  route  for  Rome.  Thus  began  the 
protectorate  of  the  Portuguese  over  the  Syrian  Chris- 
tians, a  protectorate  which  lasted  for  160  years  (cf. 
Joao  de  Barras,  "Asia",  Dec.  I,  bk.  V,  ch.  viii;  also 
"  Historia  Serafica  ").  Till  1542  the  Franciscans  were 
the  only  regular  missionaries  in  India,  though  they 
had  the  co-operation  of  some  secular  priests,  as  Father 
Pedro  Gonsalves,  Vicar  of  Santa  Cruz  church  in  the 
city  of  Cochin,  and  Father  Miguel  Vaz,  a  zealous 
preacher  of  the  Faith,  as  well  as  of  some  isolated  mem- 
bers of  other  religious  communities,  who  had  come 
out  as  chaplains  to  the  fleets  ("Commentaries  do 
Grande  Affonso  d'Albuquerque",  3d  ed.,  1774,  I,  ch. 
V,  19-20,  and  "Ethiopia  Oriental",  II,  bk.  II,  ch.  i). 

Among  the  pioneer  priests  of  Cochin  mention 
should  be  made  of  the  Franciscans  Joiio  d'Elvas  and 
Pedro  d'Amarante,  who  till  1507  preached  the  Gospel 
at  Vypeen,  Palliport,  Cranganore,  and  other  impor- 
tant places;  Father  Manuel  de  S.  Mathias,  with  his 
eleven  companions,  who  laboured  for  the  conversion 
of  the  pagans  at  Porrocad,  Quilon,  Trivellam,  and 
elsewhere;  Father  Vincent  de  Lagos,  who  in  1540 
established  the  college  of  Cranganore  to  train  the 
Nestorian  Christians  in  the  purity  of  Catholic  Faith, 
a  college  highly  praised  by  St.  Francis  Xavier,  and 
the  first  built  in  India.  In  1542  it  had  eighty  students 
(Amado,  Hist,  da  Egreja  em  Portugal  e  colonias, 
Vol.  VII,  Pt.  II,  117-21). 

After  St.  Francis  Xavier's  arrival  in  India,  6  May, 
1542,  the  Society  of  Jesus  quickly  spread  over  India, 
and  the  members  were  always  most  successful  in  the 
missions  under  their  charge.  St.  Francis  often  visited 
Cochin,  where  the  citizens  gave  him  the  church  of 
Madrede  Deus,  and  asked  him  to  establish  in  the 
city  a  residence  of  the  Society.  It  was  accordingly 
founded  by  Father  Balthazar  Gago,  S.  J.,  in  1550. 
In  the  same  year  Father  Nicolao  Lancelot,  S.  J.,  built 
the  residence  and  college  of  Quilon,  and  Affonso 
Cipriano,  S.  J.,  the  residence  of  Mylapore;  soon  after 
the  residence  and  college  of  Punicail  were  established, 
and  the  residence  of  Manar.  In  1560  the  King  of 
Portugal  built  for  the  Society  of  Jesus  the  college  of 
Cochin,  and  in  1562  a  novitiate  of  the  Society  was 
established  there.  In  1601  the  Jesuit  Province  of 
Malabar  was  founded,  and  Cochin  was  made  the  resi- 
dence of  the  provincial.  Among  the  early  Jesuits 
must  be  mentioned  in  addition  to  St.  Francis  Xavier, 
foremost  of  missionaries.  Fathers  Mansilha,  Criminal, 
B.  Nunes,  H.  Henriques,  F.  Peres,  F.  Rodrigues; 
Brothers  Adam  Francisco,  N.  Nunes.  Later,  the 
Dominicans,  Augustinians,  and  other  orders  followed 
the  Society  of  Jesus  to  India.  The  Dominicans  built 
their  monastery  and  college  at  Cochin  in  1553;  some 
years  later  their  example  was  followed  by  the  Augus- 
tinians, and  still  later  by  the  Cajiuchins.  Cochin  thus 
became  the  stronghold  of  the  Faith,  and  it  was  the 
missionaries  of  Cochin  who  carried  the  Gospel  through- 
out all  Southern  India  and  Ceylon,  everywhere  estab- 
lishing missions,  and  building  churches,  charitable  and 
educational  institutions,  all  of  which  were  endowed 
by  the  kings  of  Portugal. 

Apart  from  the  heroic  zeal  of  the  priests,  the  most 
powerful  clement  in  the  propagation  of  the  Faith  was 
the  protection  the  Portuguese  Government  always 
accorded  to  the  converts.  It  provided  them  with 
good  situations,  employing  them  in  civil  offices,  freed 


them  from  the  molestations  of  their  masters,  elevated 
them  in  the  social  scale,  exempted  them  from  the 
operation  of  Hindu  law,  appointed  for  them  a  judicial 
tribunal  composed  of  Catholics,  which  in  rural  dis- 
tricts was  presided  over  by  the  local  priest.  It  in- 
duced the  rajahs  to  treat  the  converts  kindly,  and 
obliged  them  to  allow  their  converted  subjects  all  the 
civil  rights,  e.  g.  of  inheritance,  which  their  Hindu 
relatives  enjoyed.  ("  CoUecijao  de  Tractados  ",  treaties 
made  with  the  rajahs  of  Asia  and  East  Africa,  passim 
in  the  first  thirteen  vols.;  also  "Archivo  Portuguez 
Oriental",  Nova  Goa,  1861,  Fasc.  Ill,  parts  I  and  II 
passim;  "Oriente  Conquistado ",  Bombay  reprint, 
1881,  I,  II;  P.  Jarric,  S.  J.,  "Thesaurus  Rerum  Indi- 
carum",  Cologne,  1615, 1,  III,  on  the  Malabar  Missions 
of  the  Society.) 

The  above-mentioned  Bull  of  Paul  IV,  by  which 
the  diocese  was  constituted,  raised  the  collegiate 
church  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Santa  Cruz),  the  parish 
church  of  Cochin,  to  the  dignity  of  cathedral  of  the 
diocese,  and  established  therein  a  chapter  consisting  of 
five  dignitaries  and  twelve  canons.  At  the  same  time 
the  pope  gave  the  patronage  of  the  new  diocese  and  see 
to  the  kings  of  Portugal  (Bull.  Patr.  Port.  Reg.,  1, 194). 

Until  1506  Hindu  law,  which  was  rigorou.sly  ob- 
served, forbade  the  use  of  lime  and  stone  in  other 
constructions  than  temples.  Hence  the  early  Portu- 
guese, to  avoid  displeasing  the  rajah,  built  their 
houses  of  wood.  Finally  the  viceroy,  Francisco  de 
Almeida,  induced  the  Rajah  of  Cochin  to  permit  him 
the  use  of  lime  and  stone,  and  on  3  May,  1506,  the 
first  stone  for  the  fortress  and  city  was  laid  by  the 
viceroy  with  great  pomp.  It  was  the  feast  of  the 
Finding  of  the  Holy  Cross,  which  thus  became  the 
patronal  feast  of  the  city,  and  gave  to  the  parish 
church  its  title.  The  church  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Santa 
Cruz)  was  begun  in,  or  rather  before,  1506,  for  in  1505 
we  find  Portuguese  soldiers  contributing  towards  the 
construction  of  the  church  of  Cochin  1000  xerafins 
(.about  $150,  a  large  sum  four  hundred  years  ago), 
the  result  of  an  auction  of  the  rich  booty  of  a  naval 
combat  (Gaspar  Correa,  "Lendas  da  India",  I,  .522; 
II,  182).  Some  years  later  this  church  was  raised  to 
collegiate  rank,  endowed  by  the  king,  and  provided 
with  a  ■vicar  and  six  beneficed  ecclesiastics.  It  was 
a  magnificent  building,  the  mother  church  of  the 
ancient  Diocese  of  Cochin,  which  the  Malabar,  Coro- 
mandel  and  Fishery  Coasts,  and  Ceylon  once  obeyed, 
and  under  whose  teaching  and  discipline  they  flour- 
ished. There  are  now  not  less  than  eleven  bishoprics  in 
the  territory  of  the  original  Diocese  of  Cochin.  The 
first  Bishop  of  Cochin  was  the  Dominican,  Father  Jorge 
Themudo,  an  illustrious  missionary  on  this  coast. 
The  Brief  "Pastoralis  officii  cura  nos  admonet"  of 
Gregory  XIII,  13  Dec,  1572,  permitted  the  Bishop 
of  Cochin,  on  occasion  of  the  vacancy  of  the  See  of 
Goa,  to  take  possession  of  that  see  and  administer 
it  till  the  Holy  See  provided  for  the  vacancy.  This 
is  why  many  bishops  of  Cochin  were  appointed 
archbishops  of  Goa. 

In  1577  Brother  Joao  Gonsalves,  S.  J.,  engraved  at 
Cochin,  for  the  first  time,  the  Malealam  type,  from 
which  was  printed  the  first  Malealam  book,  "Out- 
lines of  Christian  Doctrine", written  in  Portuguese  by 
St.  Francis  Xavier  for  the  use  of  children.  In  1578 
Fr.  Jo.ao  de  Faria,  S.  J.,  engraved  at  Punicail  the  Tamil 
type,  with  which  the  "Flos  Sanctorum"  was  printed 
in  Tamil  for  the  Fishery  Coast  (Paulinus  a  S.  Bar- 
tholomso,  "India  Orient.  Christiana",  Rome,  1794, 
179  sqq.;  "Oriente  Conquistado",  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I,  Cong. 
I,  Div.  I,  §  23). 

Cochin  was  taken,  6  Jan.,  1663,  by  the  Dutch,  after  a 
siege  of  six  months.  The  city  was  reduced  in  size; 
the  clergy  were  expelled;  the  monasteries  and  col- 
leges, bishop's  palace  and  2  hospitals,  13  churches  and 
chapels,  were  razed  to  the  groimd.  The  church  of 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  belonging  to  the  Franciscan 


COCHIN 


78 


COCHIN 


monastery,  was  spared  by  the  conquerors  and  con- 
verted to  their  own  rehgious  use.  When  the  Enghsh 
expelled  the  Dutch,  20  Oct.,  179.5,  they  kept  this 
church  for  the  same  ])urpose;  it  stands  to-day  a  wit- 
ness to  the  events  of  the  past  four  centuries,  and  is 
considered  the  oldest  existing  church  in  India.  The 
magnificent  cathedral  was  turned  by  the  Dutch  into  a 
warehouse  for  merchandise.  In  1806  it  was  blown  up 
by  the  English. 

From  1663  until  the  diocese  was  reorganized  in 
1886,  the  bishops  of  Cochin  resided  at  Quilon.  In 
1896  work  was  begun  on  the  Cathedral  of  the  Holy 
Cross  of  Cocliin  by  Bishop  Ferreira,  amid  great  sacri- 
fices. In  April,  1897,  when  almost  complete,  the 
building  collapsed,  entailing  a  heavy  loss.  Bishop 
Ferreira  died  at  Goa,  4  May,  the  same  year.  Bishop 
Oliveira  Xavier  took  charge  of  the  diocese  in  March, 
1898,  removed  the  debris  of  the  fallen  building  and 
successfully  carried  the  work  to  completion.  The 
cathedral  was  opened  for  Divine  worship,  9  Aug.,  1903. 
Brother  Moscheni,  the  famous  Italian  jjainter  of 
India,  belonging  to  the  Jesuit  mission  of  Mangalore,  was 
secured  to  decorate  the  cluirch,  but  had  hardly  finished 
the  sanctuary  when  he  died ,  1 4  Nov. ,  1905.  The  cathe- 
dral was  consecrated  19  Nov.,  1905,  by  Bishop  Pereira 
of  Damaun,  Archbishop  ad  honorem  of  Cranganore. 

II.  Religious  Conditions. — TheChurcliof  Cochin 
has  suffered  some  rigorous  persecutions.  The  most 
severe  was  that  of  1780,  commenced  by  Nagam  Pillay, 
Dewan  of  Travancore,  in  which  20,000  converts  fled 
to  the  mountains,  to  escape  his  cruelties,  and  many 
died  as  martyrs.  Father  Joao  Falcao,  S.  J.,  was  tlie 
only  priest  left  to  console  the  sufferers.  There  were 
other  less  severe  persecutions  in  1787,  1809,  and  1829 
(Paulinus  a  S.  Bartholoma"0,  "India  Orient.  Chris- 
tiana", 165  sqq. ;  also  "Church  History  of  Travan- 
core", Madras,  1903,  Introduction,  55).  In  a  general 
way  there  has  always  been  a  kind  of  mild  persecution 
or  animosity  on  the  part  of  Hindu  Governments  and 
authorities  against  Christians.  Tiie  growth  of  the 
Catholic  Church  is  at  present  affected  especially  by 
the  "Law  of  Disability"  in  force  in  the  Native  States  of 
Malabar,  by  which  a  convert  becomes  a  stranger  to  his 
family,  and  forfeits  all  rights  of  inheritance.  The 
government  schools,  in  which  the  young  are  reared  in 
religious  indifferent  ism,  form  also  a  remarkable  hin- 
drance to  conversions,  especially  among  the  higher 
classes. 

III.  Statistics. — In  all,  twenty  Bishops  of  Cochin 
have  actually  taken  possession  of  the  see  ("Mitras 
Lusitanas  noOriente",  I,  III;  "Annuario  da  Arch,  de 
Goa",  1907).  The  total  population  of  the  diocese  is 
398,000;  Catholics,  97,259.  The  number  of  conver- 
sions averages  300  a  year.  The  diocese  contains  30 
parishes,  9  missions,  77  churches  and  chapels,  62 
secular  priests  (58  natives  of  India),  4  Jesuits;  8 
Anglo-vernacular  parochial  schools,  with  an  attend- 
ance of  480  boys  and  128  girls,  77  vernacular  paro- 
chial schools,  with  an  attendance  of  6592.  The  Sis- 
ters of  the  Canossian  Congregation  number  15  in  two 
convents.  The  following  educational  and  charitable 
institutions  arc  at  Cochin:  Santa  Cruz  High  School 
for  boys,  under  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  and  St.  Mary's 
High  School  for  girls  under  the  Canossian  Sisters, 
both  of  which  prepare  students  for  the  Indian  univer- 
sities; they  have  an  average  daily  attendance  respec- 
tively of  335  and  153;  at  Alleppi  the  Jesuit  Fathers 
conduct  the  Leo  XIII  High  School  for  boys,  with  an 
average  daily  attendance  of  380;  an  orphanage  with 
16  orphans;  a  catechumcnate  with  5  catechumens;  a 
printing  office;  an  industrial  school.  They  also  have 
cliarge  of  the  preparatory  seminary  of  the"  diocese,  in 
which  20  stvidents  are  now  enrolled.  For  philosophy 
and  theology  students  are  sent  either  to  the  patri- 
archal seminary  at  Rachol,  Goa,  or  to  the  papal  sem- 
inary at  Kandy,  Ceylon;  at  the  former  there  are  now 
6,  at  the  latter  5,  students  from  Cochin.     The  Canos- 


sian Sisters  at  Alleppi  conduct  the  following  institu- 
tions for  girls:  St.  Joseph's  Intermediate  School,  at- 
tendance 160;  a  normal  training  school,  attendance  7; 
a  technical  school,  attendance  29;  an  orphanage  with 
56  orphans;  a  catechumcnate,  attendance  21,  and  a 
dispensary  for  the  benefit  of  the  ]>oor.  The  religious 
associations  of  the  diocese  are  as  follows:  confraterni- 
ties, 64;  congregations  of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, 3 ;  Association  of  the  Holy  Family,  1 ;  Conferences 
of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  2 ;  Society  for  the  relief  of  the 
Souls  in  Purgatory,  2;  Sodalities  of  the  Children  of 
Mary,  6;  Misericordia  Confraternity,  1;  The  Apostle- 
ship  of  Prayer  is  establislied  in  all  the  parish  churches, 
and  the  Association  of  Christian  Doctrine  in  all 
churches  and  chapels  of  the  diocese.  (See  Goa; 
Portugal;  Indi.\..) 

Besides  documents  mentioned  above  see  also  Madras  Cath. 
Directory  (1908) ;  Mullbauer.  Kathol.  Miss,  in  OsHndien  (Frei- 
burg. 1852) ;  DE  SiLVA.  The  Calh.  Ch.  in  India  (Bombay,  1885)  ; 
Werner,  Orfc.  Terrarum  (Freiburg,  1890). 

J.  Monteiro  d'Aguiar. 

Cochin,  Jacques-Denis,  preacher  and  philanthro- 
pist, b.  in  Paris,  1  January,  1726;  d.  there  3  June,  1783. 
His  father,  Claude- Denis  Cochin  (d.  1786),  Avas a  famous 
botanist.  Jacques-Denis  followed  a  course  of  theo- 
logical studies  in  the  Sorbonne  and  was  graduated 
with  the  degree  of  Doctor.  In  1755  he  was  ordained 
priest.  The  next  year  he  was  given  charge  of  the  par- 
ish of  Saint-Jacques-du-Haut-Pas.  There  he  spent 
his  whole  life  working  for  the  material  as  well  as  the 
spiritual  betterment  of  his  people.  He  won  great 
fame  for  the  unction  and  strength  of  his  preaching. 
His  pubhshed  works  include:  Four  books  of  Sunday 
sermons  (Paris,  1786-1808);  "Exhortations  on  the 
Feasts,  Fasts  and  Ceremonies  of  the  Church  "  (Paris, 
1778);  "Retreat  Exercises"  (Paris,  1778);  "Spiritual 
Writings",  a  posthumous  work  pubhshed  by  his 
brother  (Paris,  1784).  Cocliin  is  noted  especially  for  his 
philanthropy.  The  needs  of  his  own  parish  suggested 
the  foundation  of  a  hospital.  The  idea,  conceived  in 
1780,  resulted  in  the  completion  of  a  building  of  which 
the  Sisters  of  Charity  took  charge.  The  inscription  on 
the  building.  Pauper  clamavil  et  Dominus  exaudint 
eum,  is  an  index  of  Cocliin's  intentions.  He  devoted 
his  whole  fortune  to  the  work.  The  hospital  was  in- 
augurated with  thirty-eight  beds;  to-day  the  number 
is  nearly  four  hundred.  It  was  originally  called  H6- 
pital  Saint-Jacques.  In  1801  the  General  Council 
of  the  Paris  hospitals  gave  it  the  name  of  its  charitable 
founder,  wliich  it  still  preserves. 

J.  B.  Delaun-a-y. 

Cochin,  PiERRE-Suz.ANNE-.\uGUSTiN,  b.  in  Paris,  12 
Dec,  1823 ;  d.  at  Versailles,  13  March,  1872.  He  took 
an  early  interest  in  economical  and  political  questions 
and  contributed  articles  to  the  "Annates  de  Charity" 
and  "Le  Correspondant ".  In  1850  he  was  elected 
vice-mayor,  and  in  1853  mayor  of  the  tenth  district 
of  Paris.  His  publications  won  for  him  membership 
in  the  Academic  des  sciences  morales  et  politiques 
(1864).  He  was  at  that  time  prominent  among  the 
"  Liberal  Catholics",  an  ardent  friend  of  Montalembert 
and  Lacordaire,  and  was  supported  by  his  party  for 
the  office  of  deputy  of  Paris.  He  received  6000 
votes,  but  his  democratic  opponent  won  by  an  over- 
whelming majority.  Among  his  many  religious, 
pedagogical,  and  sociological  works  we  may  name: 
Essai  sur  la  vie,  lesmethodes  d'inst  ruction  et  d'^du- 
cation,  et  les  ^tablissements  de  Pestalozzi"  (Paris, 
1848) ;  "  Lettre  sur  I'^tat  du  pauperisrae  en  Angle- 
terre"  (Paris,  1854);  "Progres  de  la  science  et  de 
I'industrie  au  point  de  vue  chr^tien"  (Paris,  1854); 
"Abolition  de  I'esclavage"  (Paris,  1861),  crowned  by 
the  French  .\cademy;  "Quelques  mots  sur  la  vie  de 
J^sus  de  Renan"  (1863);  Condition  des  ouvriers 
frangais"  f  18(32);  "  Espdrances  chretiennes  "  (post- 
humous publication).  J.  B.  Del.aunat. 


COCHIN 


79 


CO-CONSECRATORS 


Cochin  China.    See  French  Indo-China. 

Cochlaeus,  Johann  (properly  Dobeneck),  sur- 
nameii  Cochl.eus  (from  cochlea,  a  snail  shell)  after  his 
birthplace  Wendelstein,  near  .Schwabach,  humanist 
and  Catholic  controversialist,  b.  1479;  d.  11  Jan., 
1552,  in  Breslau.  His  early  education  he  received  at 
the  house  of  his  uncle,  Hirspeck.  About  1500  he  be- 
gan his  humanistic  studies  under  Grienniger  at  Nu- 
remberg. From  1504  he  pursued  his  studies  at  Co- 
logne and  there  relations  sprang  up  between  Cochla-us 
and  the  champions  of  humanism.  In  1510  he  ob- 
tained the  rectorate  in  the  Latin  school  of  St,  Law- 
rence in  Nuremberg,  where  the  "Quadri\'ium  Gram- 
matices"  (1511  and  repeatedly  afterwards)  and  the 
"Tetrachordum  Musices"  appeared.  At  Nuremberg 
he  became  an  intimate  friend  of  Pirkheimer.  With 
the  latter's  three  nephews  he  went  to  Bologna  to  con- 
tinue his  humanistic  and  legal  studies.  His  main  ob- 
ject, however,  was  to  pursue  a  course  of  theology,  in 
which  he  obtained  his  doctorate  in  1517,  and  then  by 
the  advice  of  Pirkheimer  went  to  Rome.  There,  under 
the  influence  of  the  Oratorio  del  Divino  Amore,  Coch- 
laeus turned  his  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  a  religious 
life.  Ordained  at  Rome,  he  went  to  Frankfort,  and 
after  some  hesitation,  arising  no  doubt  from  consid- 
eration for  his  friends,  he  entered  the  arena  as  the  op- 
ponent of  the  Lutheran  movement.  His  first  works 
were  "De  L'troque  Sacerdotio"  (1520)  and  several 
smaller  writings  published  in  rapid  succession.  In  1521 
he  met  the  nuncio  Aleander  at  Worms  and  worked 
untiringly  to  bring  about  the  reconciliation  of  Luther. 
During  the  following  years  he  wrote  tracts  against 
Luther's  principal  theses  on  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion, on  the  freedom  of  the  will,  and  on  the  teaching  of 
the  Church  (especially  the  important  work,  "De  Gratia 
Sacramentorum",  1522;  "De  Baptismo  parvulorum", 
1523;  "A  Commentary  on  154  Articles";  etc.).  Lu- 
ther, to  the  vexation  of  Cochlteus  wrote  in  answer  only 
a  single  work,  "  Adversus  Armatum  Virura  Cocleum". 

After  a  short  sojourn  at  Rome  Cochkeus  accom- 
panied Compeggio  to  the  negotiations  at  Nuremberg 
and  Ratisbon.  The  Lutheran  movement  and  the 
Peasants'  War  drove  him  to  Cologne  in  1525.  From 
there  he  wrote  against  the  rebellion  and  Luther,  its 
real  author.  In  1526  he  received  a  canonry  at  Jlay- 
ence  and  accompanied  Cadinal  Albrecht  of  Branden- 
burg to  the  Diet  of  Speyer.  After  Emser's  death 
Cochla>us  took  his  place  as  secretary  to  Duke  George 
of  Saxony,  whom  he  defended  against  an  attack  of 
Luther  based  on  the  false  charge  of  an  alliance  be- 
tween the  Catholic  princes  at  Breslau  (cf .  The  Affair  of 
Otto  V.  Pack).  Conjointly  with  Duke  George  he  la- 
boured strenuously  in  15-30  to  refute  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  and  later  directed  against  Melanchthon, 
its  author,  his  bitter  "Philippics".  Because  of  a 
pamphlet  against  Henrj'  VIII  of  England  he  was 
transferred  in  1535  to  a  canonrj'  in  Meissen.  After 
the  duke's  death,  owing  to  the  advance  of  the  Reform- 
ation, his  further  stay  in  Saxony  became  quite  impos- 
sible. For  the  time  being  he  found  a  refuge  as  canon 
first  at  Breslau  and  later  at  Eichstatt.  With  indomi- 
table ardour  he  published  pamphlet  after  pamphlet 
against  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  against  Zwingli, 
Butzer,  BuUinger  Cordatus,  Ossiander,  etc.  Almost 
all  of  these  publications,  however,  were  written  in 
haste  and  bad  temper,  without  the  necessary  revision 
and  theological  thoroughness,  consequently  they  pro- 
duced no  effect  on  the  masses.  His  greatest  work 
against  Luther  is  his  strictly  historical  "  Comment  aria 
de  Actis  et  Scriptis  M.  Luther"  (extending  to  his 
death),  an  armourj'  of  Catholic  polemics  for  aU  siic- 
ceeding  time.  Forced  to  resign  his  benefice  at  Eich- 
statt in  1548,  Cochlajus  remained  for  a  short  time  in 
Mayence  to  edit  a  work  of  Abbot  Conrad  Braun.  In 
1549,  however,  he  returned  to  Breslau  where  he  died 
shortlj'  after.     Naturally  of  a  quiet  and  studious  dis- 


position he  was  drawn  into  the  arena  of  polemics  by 
the  religious  schism.  There  he  developed  a  produc- 
ti\'ity  and  zeal  unparalleled  by  any  other  Catholic  theo- 
logian of  his  time.  He  did  not,  however,  possess  the 
other  requisites  for  success  in  the  same  degree.  Among 
his  two  hundred  and  two  publications  (catalogued  in 
Spahn,  p.  341  sq.)  are  to  be  found,  besides  tracts  bear- 
ing on  the  topics  of  the  day,  also  editions  of  ecclesias- 
tical writers  and  historical  publications.  Among  these 
latter  the  work  "Historia;  Hussitarura  XII  Libri" 
(1549)  is  of  great  value  even  to-day  because  of  the 
authorities  used  therein. 

De  W'eldige-Kremer,  De  Joannis  Cochlcei  Vili'i  et  Scripti-t 
(Miiiister.  1S65):  Otto,  Johannes  Coehlaus  {BresKau,  1874); 
Gess,  Johannes  Cochloeus  (Berlin,  1S9S);  SrHLECHT,  IV  Coch- 
Iceusbncfc  in  Hislor.  Jahrbuch  XX  (1899),  768  sq. 

Joseph  Sauer. 

Co-consecrators  are  the  bishops  who  assist  the 
presiding  bishop  in  the  act  of  consecrating  a  new 
bishop.  It  is  a  very  strict  rule  of  the  Church  that 
there  should  be  two  such  assistant  bishops,  or  three 
bishops  in  all — though  an  exception  is  made  for  mis- 
sionary countries  where  it  is  practically  impossible  to 
bring  so  many  bishops  together,  the  Holy  See  there 
allowing  two  priests  to  act  as  assistants  to  the  conse- 
crator.  The  part  assigned  by  the  Roman  Pontifical 
in  its  present  form  to  the  assistant  bishops  is,  after 
helping  to  place  the  book  of  the  Gospels  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  elect,  to  join  the  consecrator  in  laying 
hands  on  his  head,  and  in  saying  over  him  the  words 
Accipe  Spuilum  Sanctum.  But  it  is  the  consecrator 
alone  who,  with  extended  hands,  says  the  Eucharistic 
prayer,  which  constitutes  the  "essential  form"  of  the 
rite.  In  the  Oriental  rites,  I'niat  and  schismatic,  no 
words  of  any  kind  are  assigned  to  the  assistant  bish- 
ops; this  was  also  the  case  with  the  ancient  Western 
rites,  the  words  Accipe  Spirilum  Sanctum  being  a  late 
medieval  addition. 

Hi.sTORY  OF  THE  UsAGE. — In  the  earliest  times  the 
ideal  was  to  assemble  as  many  bishops  as  possible  for 
the  election  and  consecration  of  a  new  bishop,  and  it  be- 
came the  rule  that  the  comprovincials  at  least  should 
participate  under  the  presidency  of  the  metropolitan  or 
primate.  But  this  was  found  impracticable  in  a  matter 
of  such  frequency ;  so  in  the  Council  of  Nica'a  we  find  it 
enacted  that  "a  bishop  ought  to  be  chosen  by  all  the 
bishops  of  his  province,  but  if  that  is  impossible  because 
of  some  urgent  necessity,  or  because  of  the  length  of 
the  journey,  let  three  bishops  at  least  assemble  and  pro- 
ceed to  the  consecration,  having  the  written  permis- 
sion of  the  absent"  (can.  iv).  There  was,  indeed,  one 
exception,  which  is  referred  to  in  the  letter  of  Pope 
Siricius  to  the  African  bishops  (386),  "That  a  single 
bishop,  unless  he  be  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  must  not 
ordain  a  bishop".  This  exception  has  long  since  been 
discontinued,  but  it  bears  witness  to  the  reason  forwhich 
the  intervention  of  several  bishops  was  ordinarily  re- 
quired, a  reason  expressly  stated  by  St.  Isidore  (about 
601)  in  his  "De  Eccles.  Off."  (Bk.  II,  ch.  v,  no.  11  in 
P.  L.,  LXXXIII,  785):  "[The  custom]  that  a  bishop 
should  not  be  ordained  by  one  bishop,  but  by  all  the 
comprovincial  bishops,  is  known  to  have  been  insti- 
tuted on  account  of  heresies,  and  in  order  that  the 
tyrannical  authority  of  one  person  should  not  attempt 
anything  contrary  to  the  faith  of  the  Church."  Such 
a  consitleration  was  not  applicable  to  the  ca.sc  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome.  In  these  provisions  of  the  earliei 
councils  the  conditions  of  the  time  were  presupposed. 
Gradually  other  conditions  supervened,  and  the  right 
of  apjiointing  to  the  episcopate  was  reserved  to  the 
metropolitans  in  the  case  of  simple  bishops,  and  to  the 
Holy  See  in  the  case  of  metropolitans,  and  finally  in 
all  cases  to  the  Holy  See.  But  the  practice  of  requir- 
ing at  least  three  Ijishops  for  the  consecration  cere- 
mony, though  no  longerneeded  for  its  ancient  purpose, 
has  ahvays  been  retained  as  befitting  the  solemnity  of 
the  occasion. 


cocussus 


80 


CODEX 


The  Mode  of  Their  Co-operation. — The  ques- 
tion has  been  raised,  Do  the  co-consecrators  equally 
with  the  consecrator  impart  the  sacramental  gift 
to  the  candidate?  That  they  do  has  been  contended 
on  the  ground  of  a  well-known  passage  in  Martene's 
"De  Antiquis  Ecclesiip  Ritibus"  (II,  viii,  art.  10), 
in  which  he  says  that  "beyond  the  possibility 
of  a  doubt  they  are  not  witnesses  only  but  co-opera- 
tors." But  Martene's  reference  to  Ferrandus's 
"Breviatio  Canonum"  (P.  L.,  LXVII,  948),  and 
through  Ferrandus  to  the  decree  of  Nicsea  and  the 
words  of  St.  Isidore  already  quoted,  shows  that  his 
meaning  is  that  they  are  not  mere  witnesses  to  the 
fact  that  the  consecration  has  taken  place,  but,  by 
taking  part  in  it,  make  themselves  responsible  for  its 
taking  place.  Moreover,  though  Gasparri  (De  Sacra 
Ordinatione,  II,  265)  thinks  otherwise,  it  is  not  easy 
to  see  how  the  assistant  bishops  can  be  said  to  comply 
with  the  essentials  of  a  sacramental  administration. 
They  certainly  do  not  in  the  use  of  the  Oriental  rites, 
nor  did  they  in  the  use  of  the  ancient  Western  rite, 
for  they  pronounced  no  words  which  partook  of  the 
nature  of  an  essential  form.  And,  though  in  the 
modem  rite  they  say  the  words  Accipe  Spirihtm 
Sanctum,  which  approximate  to  the  requirements  of 
such  a  form,  it  is  not  conceivable  that  the  Church  by 
receiving  these  words  into  her  rite  wished  to  transfer 
the  office  of  essentia!  form  from  the  still-persisting 
Eucharistic  Preface,  which  had  held  it  previously 
and  was  perfectly  definite,  to  new  words  which  by 
themselves  are  altogether  indefinite. 

Besides  the  authors  quoted,  see  Thomassin,  Vetu^  et  nova 
Ecdesiai  Disciplina,  II,  pt,  II,  Bk  II.  ch.  iv;  Duchesne,  Ori- 
gines  du  culle  Chretien  (Paris,  1903);  Pontijicale  Romanum,  ed. 
Catalani  (Paris,  1801);  Martinucci,  Manvale  ss.  Cirrimoni- 
arum  (Rome,  1869);  Kenrick.  Form  of  the  Consecration  of  a 
Bishop  (Baltimore,  1886);  Woods,  Episcopal  Consecration  in 
the  Anglican  Church  in  The  Messenger  (New  York,  November, 
1907) ;  Bernard,  Cours  de  Liturgie  romaine:  he  Pontifical 
(Paris,  1902)  I,  318-22.  SYDNEY   F.   SmiTH. 

Cocussus  ^Cocusus,  Cucussus,  Cucusus),  a  titular 
see  of  .^j-mema.  It  was  a  Roman  station  on  the  road 
from  Cilicia  to  Cssarea,  and  belonged  first  to  Cappa- 
docia  and  later  to  Armenia  Secunda.  St.  Paul  the 
Confessor,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  was  exiled 
thither  by  Constantius  and  put  to  death  by  the  Arians 
in  350  (Socrates,  Hist,  eocl.,  II,  xxvi).  It  was  also 
the  place  of  exile  to  which  St.  John  Chrysostom  was 
banished  by  Arcadius;  his  journey,  often  interrupted 
by  fever,  lasted  seventeen  days  (Sozomen,  Hist,  eccl., 
VIII,  xxii).  The  great  doctor  was  received  most 
kindly  by  the  bishop  and  a  certain  Dioscurus.  He 
lived  three  years  at  Cocussus  (404-407),  and  wrote 
thence  many  letters  to  the  deaconess  Olympias  and 
his  friends.  The  Greek  panegyric  of  St.  Gregory  the 
Illuminator,  Apostle  of  Armenia,  attributed  to  St. 
John  Chrysostom  (Migne,  P.  G.,  LXIII,  943),  is  not 
authentic;  an  Armenian  text,  edited  by  Alishan 
(Venice,  1877),  may  be  genuine.  Cocussus  appears  in 
the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles  and  in  the  "Notitiae 
episcopatuum",  as  late  as  the  twelfth  century,  as  a 
suffragan  of  Melitene.  The  name  of  St.  John  Chrys- 
ostom's  host  is  unknown.  Bishop  Domnus  was  rep- 
resented  at  Chalcedon  in  451.  Longinus  subscribed 
the  letter  of  the  bishops  of  Armenia  Secunda  to  Em- 
])eror  Leo  in  458.  John  subscribed  at  Constantinople 
in  553  for  his  metropolitan.  Another  John  was  pres- 
ent at  the  TruUan  Council  in  692  (Lequien,  I,  452). 
The  army  of  the  first  crusaders  passed  by  Cocussus. 
In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  there  were 
Armenian  bishops  of  Cocu.ssus.  It  is  to-day  a  village 
called  Guksun  by  tlie  Turks,  Kokison  by  the  Arme- 
nians, in  the  caza  of  Hadjin,  vilayet  of  Adana.  The 
site  is  most  iiicturesque,  but  the  climate  is  very  severe 
during  winter,  owing  to  the  altitude,  4000  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea. 

Ramsay.  Hist.  Geogr.  of  Asia  Minor,  passim;  Aushan, 
Sutouan  (Venice,  1899),  217-21. 

S.  Petrid^s. 


Code  of  Justinian.     See  Law. 

Codex,  the  name  given  to  a  manuscript  in  leaf 
form,  distinguishing  it  from  a  roll.  The  code.x  seems 
to  have  come  into  use  about  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  century;  the  material  ordinarily  employed  in  it 
was  parchment,  but  discover}'  has  sho'wn  that  papyrus 
was  sometimes  used  ui  the  making  of  codices,  though 
really  too  brittle  to  be  a  satisfactory  material.  The 
great  MSS.  of  the  Bible  are  in  codex  form  and  gener- 
ally of  parchment ;  hence  the  name.  Codex  Vaticanus 
etc.  For  convenience'  sake,  we  group  here  the  four 
great  codices  of  the  Greek  Bible,  Vaticanus,  Sinaiti- 
cus,  Alexandrinus,  and  Ephrsemi,  together  with  the 
Greek  Codex  Bezte,  so  remarkable  for  its  textual  pecu- 
liarities; also.  Codex  Amiatinus,  the  greatest  MS.  of 
the  Vulgate.  For  other  codices,  see  Manuscripts  of 
THE  Bible,  or  the  particular  designation,  as  Armagh, 
Book  of;  Kells,  Book  of;  etc. 

Codex  Alexandrinus,  a  most  valuable  Greek 
manuscript  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  so  named 
because  it  was  brought  to  Europe  from  Alexandria 
and  had  been  the  property  of  the  patriarch  of  that  see. 
For  the  sake  of  brevity,  Walton,  in  his  polyglot  Bible, 
indicated  it  by  the  letter  A  and  thus  sei;  the  fashion 
of  designating  Biblical  manuscripts  by  such  symbols. 
Codex  A  was  the  first  of  the  great  uncials  to  become 
known  to  the  learned  world.  When  Cyril  Lucar, 
Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  was  transferred  in  1621  to 
the  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople,  he  is  believed  to 
have  brought  the  codex  with  him.  Later  he  sent  it 
as  a  present  to  Iving  James  I  of  England ;  James  died 
before  the  gift  was  presented,  and  Charles  I,  in  1627, 
accepted  it  in  his  stead.  It  is  now  the  chief  glorj-  of 
the  British  Museum  in  its  MS.  department  and  is  on 
exhibition  there. 

Codex  A  contains  the  Bible  of  the  Catholic  Canon, 
including  therefore  the  deutero-canonical  books  and 
portions  of  books  belonging  to  the  Old  Testament. 
Moreover,  it  joins  to  the  canonical  books  of  Macha- 
bees,  the  apocrj'phal  III  and  IV  Machabees,  of  very 
late  origin.  To  the  New  Testament  are  added  the 
Epistle  of  St.  Clement  of  Rome  and  the  homily 
which  passed  under  the  title  of  II  Epistle  of  Clement 
— the  only  copies  then  known  to  be  extant.  These 
are  included  in  the  list  of  N.-T.  books  which  is  pre- 
fixed and  seem  to  have  been  regarded  by  the  scribe  as 
part  of  the  New  Testament.  The  same  list  shows 
that  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  now  missing,  were  ori- 
ginally contained  in  the  volume,  but  the  space  which 
separates  this  book  from  the  others  on  the  list  indi- 
cates that  it  was  not  ranked  among  New- Testament 
books.  An  "Epistle  to  Marcellinus"  ascribed  to  St. 
Athanasius  is  inserted  as  a  preface  to  the  Psalter,  to- 
gether with  Eusebius's  summary  of  the  Psalms;  Ps. 
cli  and  certain  selected  canticles  of  the  O.  T.  are 
affixed,  and  liturgical  uses  of  the  psalms  indicated. 
Not  all  the  books  are  complete.  In  the  O.  T.  there 
is  to  be  noted  particularly  the  lacuna  of  thirty  psalms, 
from  1,  20,  to  Ixxx,  11 ;  moreover,  of  Gen.,  xiv,  14-17; 
XV,  1-5,  16-19;  xvi,  6-9;  III  (I)  K.,  xii,  20— xiv,  9. 
The  New  Testament  has  lost  the  first  twenty-five 
leaves  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  as  far  as  chapter 
XXV,  6,  likewise  the  two  leaves  running  from  John,  vi, 
50,  to  viii,  52  (which,  however,  as  the  amount  of  space 
shows,  omitted  the  formerly  much  disputed  passage 
about  the  adulterous  woman),  and  three  leaves  con- 
taining II  Cor.,  iv,  1.3 — xii,  6.  One  leaf  is  missing 
from  I  Clem.,  and  probably  two  at  the  end  of  II  Clem. 
Codex  A  supports  the  Sixtine  Vulgate  in  regard  to  the 
conclusion  of  St.  Mark  and  John,  v,  4,  but,  like  all 
Greek  MSS.  before  the  fourteenth  century,  omits  the 
text  of  the  three  heavenly  witnesses,  I  John,  v,  7. 
The  order  of  the  O.-T.  books  is  peculiar  (see  Swete, 
"Introd.  to  O.  T.  in  Greek").  In  the  N.  T.  the  order 
is  Gospels,  Acts,  Catholic  Epistles,  Pauline  Epistles, 


CODEX 


81 


CODEX 


Apocalypse,  with  Hebrews  placed  before  the  Pastoral 
Epistles.  Originally  one  large  volume,  the  codex  is 
now  bound  in  four  voliunes,  bearing  on  their  covers 
the  arms  of  Charles  I.  Three  volumes  contain  the 
Old  Testament,  and  the  remaining  volume  the  New 
Testament  with  Clement.  The  leaves,  of  thin  vellum, 
12J  inches  high  by  10  inches  broad,  number  at  present 
773,  but  were  originally  822,  according  to  the  ordinary 
reckoriing.  Each  page  has  two  columns  of  49  to  51 
lines. 

The  codex  is  the  first  to  contain  the  major  chapters 
with  their  titles,  the  Ammonian  Sections  and  the 
Eusebian  Canons  complete  (Scrivener).  A  new  para- 
graph is  indicated  by  a  large  capital  and  frequently 


Vaticanus.  In  the  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  and 
still  more  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles  and  the  Apocalypse, 
Codex  A  approaches  nearer,  or  belongs,  to  the  neutral 
type.  This  admixture  of  te.xtual  types  is  explained 
on  the  theorj'  that  A  or  its  prototype  was  not  copied 
from  a  single  MS.,  but  from  several  MSS.  of  varying 
value  and  diverse  origin.  Copyist's  errors  in  this 
codex  are  rather  frequent. 

Codex  Alexandrinus  jjlayed  an  important  part  in 
developing  the  textunl  criticism  of  the  Bible,  par- 
ticularly of  the  New  Testament.  Grabe  edited  the 
Old  Testament  at  Oxford  in  1707-20,  and  this  edition 
was  reproduced  at  Zurich  1730-32,  and  at  Leipzig, 
1750-51,   and  again  at  Oxford,   by  Field,   in   1859; 


by  spacing,  not  by  beginning  a  new  line;  the  enlarged  AVoide  published  the  New  Testament  in  1786,  which 
capital  is  placed  in  the  margin  of  the  next  line,  though,  B.  H.  Cowper  reproduced  in  1860.  The  readings  of 
curiously,  it  may  not 
correspond  to  the  be- 
ginning of  the  para- 
graph or  even  of  a 
word.  The  manu- 
script is  written  in 
uncial  characters  in  a 
hand  "at  once  firm, 
elegant,  simple";  the 
greater  part  of  Volume 
III  is  ascribed  by 
(iiregory  to  a  different 
hand  from  that  of  the 
others;  two  hands  are 
discerned  in  the  N. 
T.  by  Woide,  three 
by  Sir  E.  Maunde 
Thompson  and  Ken- 
yon — experts  differ 
on  these  points.  The 
handwriting  is  gener- 
ally judged  to  belong 
to  the  beginning  or 
middle  of  the  fifth 
century  or  possibly 
to  the  late  fourth.  An 
.\rabic  note  states 
that  it  was  written  by 
Thecla  the  martyr; 
and  Cyril  Lucar  the 
Patriarch  adds  in  his 
note  that  tradition 
says  she  was  a  noble 
Egyptian  woman  and 
wrote    the    codex 


y-  i  o  M'l  x>voVexo  rr » « r-J  k<  ^J'''Y  f  "^ ' 
I  -c>VOV<^'  to  xY''<-i  >  o  N/!  t  -ST  •  io' !  e  v«'" 

•ry-  f  r  f  «<0  r-lOOC)  i  ti  y  IJ  x>vv  (ov»*-r-|^ 

•ro vOY'i" ►<  f^i'*-*^' » • '^^^Y'<<-x<^' ■ 
0'^CVOr■^■|■^50C:IC•^■oo^JO^/1>-^oY 

(  j  ,v  r^-i -I  O I X  t  rrx)  Ki >»>v«?iX<h> o  n- 

V  I.,!   >  t>-l  ■7>.t~J  t">  »-J-l  •,V>-IS/^  >^P''  '  j>-' 


Codex  A  were  noted 
in  Walton's  Polyglot, 
1657,  and  in  every 
important  collation 
since  made.  Baber 
published  an  edition 
of  the  Old  Testament 
in  facsimile  type  in 
1816-28;  but  all  pre- 
vious editions  were 
superseded  by  the 
magnificent  photo- 
graphic facsimile  of 
both  Old  and  New 
Testaments  produced 
by  the  care  of  Sir  E. 
Alaunde  Thompson 
(the  N.T.  in  1879,  the 
O.T.  in  1881-83),  with 
an  introduction  in 
which  the  editor  gives 
the  best  obtainable  de- 
scrijHion  of  the  codex 
(London,  1S79-SO). 

Westcott  and  Hort. 
Thr  Xrw  Teslamenl  in  the 
Oriqinal  Greek  (New 
York,  1887);  Nestle, 
Textual  Criticism  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament 
(London,  1901);  Greg- 
ory. Canon  and  Text  of 
the  New  Teslamenl  (New 
York.  1907);  Kenvon, 
Handbook  to  the  Textual 
Criticism  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment (London.  1901); 
SwETE,  Introduction  to 
the  Old  Testament  in  Greek  (Cambridee.  1900);  Idem.  Old  Testa- 
ment in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1894);  Scrivener-Miller.  Intro- 
duction to  the  Criticism  of  the  New  Testament  (London.  1894). 

John  F.  Fenlon. 
Codex  Amiatinus,  the  most  celebrated  manuscript 


shortly  after  the  N'icene  Council.  But  nothing  is 
known  of  such  a  martyr  at  that  date,  and  the  value  of 
this  testimony  is  weakened  by  the  presence  of  the 
Eusebian  Canons  (d.  340)  and  destroyed  by  the  in- 
sertion of  the  letter  of  Athanasius  (d.   .373).     On  the 

other  hand,  the  absence  of  the  Euthalian  divisions  is  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  Bible,  remarkable  as  the  best 
regarded  by  Scrivener  as  proof  that  it  can  hardly  be  witness  to  the  true  text  of  St.  Jerome  and  as  a 
later  than  4.50.  This  is  not  decisive,  and  Gregory  fine  specimen  of  medieval  calligraphy,  now  kept  at 
would  bring  it  down  even  to  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  Florence  in  the  Bibliotheca  Laurentiana.  The  sym- 
century.  The  character  of  the  letters  and  the  history  bol  for  it  is  written  am  or  A  (Wordsworth).  It  is  pro- 
of the  manuscript  point  to  Egypt  as  its  place  of  origin,  seri-ed  in  an  immense  tome,  measuring  in  height  and 
The  text  of  Codex  A  is  considered  one  of  the  most  breadth  19}  inches  by  13J  inches,  and  in  thickness  7 
valuable  witnesses  to  the_Septuagint.     It  is  foimd,  inches — so  impressive,  as  Hort  says,  as  to  fill  the 


however,  to  bear  a  great  affinity  to  the  text  embodied 
in  Origen's  He.xapla  and  to  have  been  corrected  in 
numberless  passages  according  to  the  Hebrew.  The 
text  of  the  Septuagint  codices  is  in  too  chaotic  a  con- 
dition, and  criticism  of  it  too  little  advanced,  to  per 


beholder  with  a  feeling  akin  to  awe.  Some  consider 
it,  with  White,  as  perhaps  "the  finest  book  in  the 
world";  still  there  are  several  manuscripts  which  are 
as  beautifully  written  and  have  besides,  like  the 
Book  of  Kells  or  Book  of  Lindisfarne,  those  exquisite 


mit  of  a  sure  judgment  on  the  textual  value  of  the  great  ornaments  of  which  Amiatinus  is  devoid.     It  contains 

manuscripts.     The  text  of  the  New  Testament  here  1029  leaves  of  strong,  smooth  vellum,  fresh-looking 

is  of  a  mixed  character.     In  the  Gospels,  we  have  the  to-day,   despite   their  great   antiquity,   arranged   in 

best  example  of  the  so-called  Syrian  type  of  text,  the  quires  of  four  sheets,  or  quaternions.     It  is  ^Titten 

ancestor  of  the  traditional  and  less  pure  form  found  in  uncial  characters,  large,  clear,  regular,  and  beauti- 

in  the  textiis  receptus.     The  Syrian  text,  however,  is  ful,  two  columns  to  a  page,  and  43  or  44  lines  to  a 

rejected  by  the  great  majority  of  scholars  in  favour  column.     .\  little  space  is  often  left  between  words, 

of  the  "neutral"  type,  best  represented  in  the  Codex  but  the  writing  is  in  general  continuous.     The  text  is 
IV.— 6 


CODEX 


82 


CODEX 


divided  into  sections,  which  in  the  Gospels  correspond 
closely  to  the  Ammonian  Sections.  There  are  no 
marks  of  punctuation,  but  the  skilled  reader  was 
guided  into  the  sense  by  stichometric,  or  verse-like, 
arrangement  into  cola  and  commata,  which  corre- 
spond roughly  to  the  principal  and  dependent  clauses 
of  a  sentence.  This  manner  of  writing  the  scribe  is 
believed  to  have  modelled  upon  the  great  Bible 
of  Cassiodorus  (q.  v.),  but  it  goes  back  perhaps  even 
to  St.  Jerome;  it  may  be  shown  best  by  an  example: — 

QUIA    IN    POTESTATE    ERAT 

SERMO    IPSIUS 
Et   in   SYNAGOGA   ERAT   HOMO    HABEN.S 

D.EMONIUM    INMUNDUM 
ET   EXCLAMAVIT   VOCE   MAGNA 

DICENS  _ 

SINE   QUID   NOBIS   ET   TIBI    IHU 

NAZ.\RENE    VENISTI   PERDERE    NOS 
SCIO   TE    QUI   SIS   SCS    Dl 
ET   INCREPAVIT   ILLI    IHS   DICENS 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  section  "  Et  in"  and  the 
cola  begin  at  about  the  same  perpendicular  line,  the 
commata  begin  further  in  under  the  third  or  second 
letter,  and  so  likewise  does  the  continuation  of  a 
colon  or  comma  which  runs  beyond  a  single  line 
(see  facsimile  page).  This  arrangement,  besides 
aiding  the  intelligence  of  the  text,  gave  a  spacious, 
varied,  and  rather  artistic  appearance  to  the  page. 
The  initial  letter  of  a  section  was  often  written  in  ink 
of  a  different  colour,  and  so  also  was  the  first  line  of 
a  book.  Beyond  that  there  was  no  attempt  at 
decorating  the  text. 

The  codex  (or  pandect)  is  usually  said  to  contain  the 
whole  Bible;  but  it  should  be  noted  that  the  Book  of 
Baruch  is  missing,  though  the  Epistle  of  Jeremias, 
usually  incorporated  with  it,  is  here  appended  to  the 
Book  of  Jeremias.  Besides  the  text  of  the  Scriptural 
books,  it  contains  St.  Jerome's  "Prologus  Galeatus" 
and  his  prefaces  to  individual  books;  the  capitula,  or 
summaries  of  contents;  and,  in  the  first  quaternion, 
certain  materials  which  have  been  much  discussed 
and  have  proved  of  the  greatest  service  in  tracing  the 
history  of  the  codex,  among  them  dedicatory  verses, 
a  list  of  the  books  contained  in  the  codex,  a  picture 
of  the  Tabernacle  (formerly  thought  to  be  Solomon's 
Temple),  a  division  of  the  Biblical  books  according  to 
Jerome,  another  according  to  Hilary  and  Epiphanius, 
and  a  third  according  to  Augustine.  Part  of  Solo- 
mon's prayer  (III  K.,  viii,  22-30)  in  an  Old  Latin 
text  is  reproduced  at  the  end  of  Ecclesiasticus.  A 
Greek  inscription  at  the  beginning  of  Leviticus,  re- 
cording that  "the  Lord  Servandus  prepared"  this 
codex  or  part  of  it,  has  entered  largely  into  the  dis- 
cussion of  its  origin. 

The  recovery  of  the  history  of  Codex  Amiatinus, 
which  has  important  bearings  upon  the  history  of 
the  Vulgate  itself  and  of  the  text  of  the  Bible,  was 
due  to  the  labours  of  many  scholars  and  the  insight 
of  one  man  of  genius,  de  Rossi.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  pandect,  as  we  have  'mentioned,  there  are  certain 
dedicatory  verses;  they  record  the  gift  (of  the  codex) 
to  the  venerable  convent  of  St.  Saviour  by  a  certain 
Peter  who  was  abbot  from  the  extreme  territory  of 
the  Lombards.     The  Latin  text  is  as  follows: — 

CE.VOBHM  AD    EXIMII   MERITO 

VENERABILE    SALVATOKIS 
QUEM   CAPUT   ECCLESI.B 

DEDICAT  ALT.\   FIDES 
FF.TUVS    LAXGOIIAUnoKIM 

EXTREMIS    DE    PINIH.    ABBAS 
DEVOTI    AFFECTUS 

PIGNOKA   MITTO    MEI 

St.  Saviour's  is  the  numo  of  the  monastery  on 
Monte  Amiata  (whence  .4OTm;(n«.s)  near  Siena;  here 
this  codex  was  kept  from  tlie  ninth  century  till  the 


year  1786,  when  it  was  brought  to  Florence  after  the 
suppression  of  the  monastery.  Naturally,  the  codex 
was  supposed  to  be  a  gift  to  this  house,  but  nothing 
was  known  of  the  donor.  Bandini,  the  librarian  of 
the  Laurentiana,  into  whose  hands  the  codex  came, 
noticed  that  the  names  of  neither  the  donor  nor  of 
the  recipient  belonged  to  the  original  dedication. 
They  were  written  in  a  different  hand  over  parts 
of  the  original  inscription,  as  betrayed  by  evident 
signs  of  erasure.  The  letters  italicized  above  were 
by  the  second  hand,  while  the  initial  letter  c  of  the 
first  line  and  the  E  in  the  fifth  were  original.  Ban- 
dini noticed,  also,  that  cenobium  replaced  a  shorter 
word  and  that  the  last  five  letters  of  salvatoris  were 
written  on  parchment  that  had  not  been  erased,  and 
so  that  the  ten  letters  of  this  word  replaced  five  of 
the  original  word.  The  metre  also  was  entirely  at 
fault.  The  clue  for  reconstructing  the  original  lines 
he  found  in  the  expression  caput  ecclesice,  which  he 
judged  referred  to  St.  Peter.  And  as  in  the  Middle 
Ages  a  favourite  title  for  the  Apostolic  See  was  culmen 
aposlolicum,  he  reconstructed  the  line  in  this  fashion: — 

CULMEN   AD    EXLMII   MERITO    VENERABILE    PETRI 

This  conjecture  produced  a  correct  hexameter  verse, 
retained  the  original  initial  c,  supplied  a  word  of 
proper  length  at  the  beginning  and  another  at  the 
end,  and  afforded  a  sense  fitting  in  perfectly  with  the 
probabilities  of  the  case.  In  the  fifth  line,  instead  of 
Petrus  Langobardorum,  Bandini  suggested  Servandus 
Lain,  because  of  the  inscription  about  Servandus 
mentioned  above.  This  Servandus  was  believed  to 
be  the  friend  of  St.  Benedict,  to  whom  he  made  a 
visit  at  Monte  Cassino  in  541 ;  he  was  abbot  of  a 
monastery  near  the  extremity  of  Latiurri. 

These  conjectures  were  accepted  by  the  learned 
world ;  Tischendorf ,  for  instance,  writing  seventy-five 
years  later,  said  Bandini  had  so  well  proved  his  case 
that  no  doul>t  n.-iiKiini'il.  Acrnrdinuly,  it  was  settled 
that  the  Codi\  Aiiiini  iims  d.iiid  licni  the  middle  of 
the  sixth  cculurv,  «:i>  the  (l^l(•^l  manuscript  of  the 
Vulgate,  and  was  written  in  Southern  Italy.  A  few 
protests  were  raised,  however;  that,  for  instance,  of 
Paul  de  Lagarde.  He  had  edited  St.  Jerome's  trans- 
lation of  the  Hebrew  Psalter,  using  freely  for  that 
purpose  a  codex  of  the  ninth  century;  Amiatinus  he 
judged,  with  a  not  unnatural  partiality,  to  be  "in  all 
probability"  from  the  hand  of  the  scribe  of  his  ninth- 
century  Psalter,  written  "at  Reichenau  on  the  Lake 
of  Constance".  But,  to  quote  Corssen,  it  was  G.  B. 
de  Rossi,  "  that  great  Roman  scholar,  whose  never- 
failing  perspicacity  and  learning  discovered  at  once 
the  birthplace  of  our  famous  manuscript"  (Academy, 
7  April,  1888). 

De  Rossi  followed  Bandini  in  his  reconstruction  of 
the  first  verse,  but  he  thought  it  unlikely  that  an 
abbot,  presenting  a  book  to  the  pope  at  Rome,  should 
speak  of  "the  extreme  limits  of  Latium",  really  but 
a  short  distance  from  Rome.  Anziani,  the  librarian 
of  the  Laurentiana,  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  space 
erased  to  make  room  for  Petrus  Langobardorum  "was 
greater  than  called  for  by  the  conjecture  of  Bandini. 
De  Rossi  was  at  the  time  engaged  on  an  inquirj-  into 
the  ancient  historj'  of  the  Vatican  Lilirary,  and, 
recalling  a  passage  of  Bcde,  he  divined  that  the  lost 
name  was  Ceoljridus.  The  erasures,  which  were 
irregular,  seeming  to  follow  the  letters  very  closely, 
corresponded  perfectly  to  this  conjecture.  He  pro- 
posed then  the  verse: — 

CEOLFRIDUS   DRITONUM    EXTREMIS    DE    FINIB.  ABBAS 

The  i^hrase  exactly  suited  an  abbot  from  the  end  of 
the  world,  as  England  was  then  regarded  and  styled; 
and  the  story  of  (\>olfrid  made  de  Ro-ssi's  conjecture 
acceptable  at  once,  especially  to  English  scholars. 
Ceolfrid  was  thi;  disciple  of  Benedict  Biscop  (n.  v.), 
who  founded  the  monasteries  of  Wcarmouth  anu  Jar- 


#'^  >     '  ■:     .        ".••:■  '■ 

f     SiNe  quiCvNOBis  eTTiBi  iHm  : 
saqrequjS8ss&6i   !^         : 

^u J  \U  I LLo  NibiLque  ^ 

ereoNLpqiLieBXNTa!^ 
.  Adwuicecp  OiceNTes 
qaoOcsT  hbcua^Buw 

c[U'i\  iNpoi^es^T\TeeTu»RT(jie 
la^peRXTspiRraBUs 


CODEX  AMIATINUS 

SECTION  OF  A  COLUMN.      LUKE,  IV,  32-37 

VIII    CENTURY.      MS.  IN  THE  BIBLIOTHECA  LAURENTIANA,    FLORENCE 


CODEX 


83 


CODEX 


row  in  Northumberland  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh 
century.  England,  in  those  days,  was  the  most  de- 
voted daughter  of  the  Roman  See,  and  Abbot  Bene- 
dict was  enthusiastic  in  his  devotion.  His  monas- 
teries were  dependent  directly  on  Rome.  Five  times 
during  his  life  he  journeyed  to  Rome,  usually  bringing 
back  with  him  a  library  of  books  presented  by  the 
pope.  (Volfrid,  who  had  accompanied  him  on  one  of 
these  \isits.  became  his  successor  in  686  and  inherited 
his  taste  for  books;  Bede  mentions  three  pandects  of 
St.  Jerome's  translation  which  he  had  made,  one  of 
which  he  determined  in  his  old  age,  in  716,  to  bring 
to  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome.  He  died  on  the 
way,  but  his  gift  was  carried  to  the  Holy  Father,  then 
Ciregory  II.  This  codex  de  Rossi  identified  with  Ami- 
atinus. 

This  conjectiu-e  was  hailed  by  all  as  a  genuine  dis- 
covery of  great  importance.  Berger,  however,  ob- 
jected to  Britonum,  suggesting  .4 njZorum.  Hort  soon 
placed  the  matter  beyond  the  possibility  of  doubt. 
In  an  anonjTnous  life  of  Ceolfrid,  the  chief  source  of 
Bede's  information,  which,  though  twice  published, 
had  been  overlooked  by  all,  Hort  found  the  story 
about  Ceolfrid  journeying  to  Rome  and  carrying  the 
pandect  inscribed  with  the  verses: — 

corpu.s  ad  eximii  5ierit0  vener.\bile  petri 
Dedicat  ecclbsle  quem  caput  alta  fides 

CeOLPRIDDS,  AnGLORU.M  EXTIMIS  de  FINIBUS  ABB.iS 

— etc.  Despite  the  variations,  there  could  be  no  doubt 
of  their  identity  with  the  dedicatory  verses  of  Amia- 
tinus;  Corpus  was  of  course  the  original,  not  Culnien, 
and  Anglorum,  not  Britonum:  the  other  differences 
were  perhaps  due  to  a  lapse  of  memory,  or  this  version 
may  represent  the  original  draft  of  the  dedication. 
De  Rossi's  chief  point  was  proved  right.  It  estab- 
lished the  fact  that  Amiatinus  originated  in  Northum- 
berland about  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century, 
having  been  made,  as  Bede  states,  at  Ceolfrid's  order. 
It  does  not  follow,  however,  that  the  scribe  was  an 
Englishman;  the  writing  and  certain  peculiarities  of 
orthography  have  led  some  to  believe  him  an  Italian. 
We  know  that  these  two  monasteries  had  brought  over 
a  Roman  musician  to  train  the  monks  in  the  Roman 
chant,  and  they  may  also,  for  a  similar  purpose,  have 
procured  from  Italy  a  skilled  calligrapher.  The  hand- 
writing of  Amiatinus  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to 
some  fragments  of  St.  Luke  in  a  Durham  MS.,  to  N.-T. 
fragments  bound  up  with  the  Utrecht  Psalter,  and  to 
the  Stonyhurst  St.  John;  these  facts,  together  with 
Bede's  statement  that  Ceolfrid  had  three  pandects 
WTJtten,  indicate  that "  there  was  a  large  and  flourisliing 
school  of  calligraphy  at  Wearmouth  or  Jarrow  in  the 
seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  of  which  till  lately  we 
had  no  knowledge  at  all"  (White).  This  conclusion 
is  confirmed  by  peculiarities  in  the  text  and  in  certain 
of  the  summaries. 

The  contents  of  the  first  quaternion  of  Amiatinus 
coincide  so  remarkably  with  descriptions  of  the  cele- 
brated Codex  Grandior  of  Cassiodorus  that  it  has  been 
supposed  the  leaves  were  transferred  from  it  bodily; 
the  conjecture  has  been  rendered  more  credible  by  the 
fact  that  this  codex  was  actually  seen  in  England  by 
Bede,  perhaps  before  Amiatinus  was  carried  to  Rome. 
Moreover,  the  contents  of  our  codex  do  not  correspond 
exactly  to  the  list  prefixed  which  purports  to  give  the 
contents.  These  rea.sons,  however,  would  only  prove 
that  the  Codex  Grandior  served  as  the  model,  which 
seems  indubitable ;  w-hile,  on  the  other  hand,  weighty 
reasons  have  been  urged  against  the  other  attractive 
hj-pothesis  Csee  ^^'hite  and  de  Rossi). 

Despite  the  lowering  of  its  date  by  a  century  and  a 
half,  Amiatinus  holds  the  first  place  for  purity  of  text 
among  the  manuscripts  of  the  Vulgate.  Its  excel- 
lence is  best  explained  on  the  ground  that  its  proto- 
tjTie  was  an  ancient  Italian  manuscript,  perhaps  one 
of  those  brought  from  Rome  by  Benedict  Biscop,  per- 


haps one  brought  by  Adrian,  abbot  of  a  monastery 
near  Naples,  when  in  668  he  accompanied  Benedict  and 
Theodore  to  England.  It  is  remarkable  that  Amiatinus 
and  the  other  Northumbrian  codices  are  nearest  in 
text  to  Italian  MSS.,  especially  to  .Southern  Italian, 
and  to  MSS.  betraying  Italian  descent.  The  group  to 
which  it  belongs  bears  the  clo.sest  relationship  to  the 
best-esteemed  Greek  MSS.  extant,  X,  B.  (Cf.  Manu- 
scripts of  the  Bible;  Criticism,  Biblical,  sub-title 
Textual.)  In  the  Old  Testament,  the  text  is  not  of 
equal  purity  throughout;  Berger,  e.  g.,  notes  the  in- 
feriority of  Wisdom  and  Ecclesiasticus,  and  Tischen- 
dorf  of  JIachabees.  The  Psalter  does  not  present  the 
Vulgate  text,  but  St.  Jerome's  translation  from  the 
Hebrew  (cf.  Psalter;  Vulgate).  The  excellence  of 
the  Amiatine  text  is  not  a  new  discovery:  it  was  well 
known  to  the  SLxtine  revisers  of  the  Vulgate,  who  used 
it  constantly  and  preferred  it,  as  a  rule,  to  any  other. 
To  this  is  largely  due  the  comparative  purity  of  the 
official  Vulgate  text  and  its  freedom  from  so  many  of 
the  corruptions  found  in  tlie  received  Greek  text, 
which  rests,  as  is  well  known,  on  some  of  the  latest 
and  most  imperfect  Greek  MSS. 

White.  The  Codex  Amiatinus  and  Us  Birthplace  in  Studia 
Biblica  (Oxford.  1S90).  11;  Wordsworth  and  White,  Novum 
Tcslamentum  Laline  (Oxford,  1S9S);  DE  Rossi.  La  Bibbia 
Offertn  da  Ceolfrido  (Rome,  1887.  containing  a  photographic 
facsimile  of  the  dedicatory  verses):  Berger.  Histoire  de  la 
Vulgate  (Paris.  1893);  Batiffol  in  Vigodroux,  Diet,  de  la 
Bible  (Paris.  1892),  s.  v.  Amiatinus,  with  facsimile  of  part  of  a 
page  of  St.  Luke.  .\  series  of  letters  to  the  Academy,  1886-89, 
by  Wordsworth,  Hort,  Corssen,  Sanday,  Hamann,  Browne, 
etc.,  constitute  the  most  exhaustive  discussion.  The  text  of 
the  N.  T.  was  published  by  Tischendorf  (18.50.  1854)  and  by 
Tregelles  (1857);  O.  T.  not  yet  published,  but  collated  in 
Heyse  and  Tischendorf,  Biblia  Latina  (Leipzig.  18731.  The 
Palajographical  Society  has  published  two  facsimile  pages. 
John  F.  Fenlon. 

Codex  Bezae  (Codex  Cantabrigiensis),  one  of  the 
five  most  important  Greek  New  Testament  MSS., 
and  the  most  interesting  of  all  on  account  of  its  pecu- 
har  readings;  scholars  designate  it  by  the  letter  D 
(see  Criticism,  Biblical,  sub-title  Textual).  It  re- 
ceives its  name  from  Theodore  Beza ,  the  friend  and  suc- 
cessor of  Calvin,  and  from  the  University  of  Cambridge, 
which  obtained  it  as  a  gift  from  Beza  in  1581  and  still 
possesses  it.  The  text  is  bilingual,  Greek  and  Latin. 
'The  manuscript,  written  in  uncial  characters,  forms  a 
quarto  volume,  of  excellent  vellum,  10  x  8  inches, 
with  one  column  to  a  page,  the  Greek  being  on  the 
left  page  (considered  the  place  of  honour),  the  paral- 
lel Latin  facing  it  on  the  right  page.  It  has  been 
reproduced  in  an  excellent  photographic  facsimile, 
published  (1899)  by  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

The  codex  contains  only  the  Four  Gospels,  in  the 
order  once  common  in  the  West,  Matthew,  John, 
Luke,  Mark,  then  a  few  verses  (11-15),  in  Latin  only, 
of  t  he  Third  Epist  le  of  St .  John ,  and  the  Acts.  "There 
are  missing,  however,  from  the  MS.  of  the  original 
scribe,  in  the  Greek,  Matt.,  i,  1-20;  [iii,  7-16];  vi,  20- 
ix,  2;  xxvii,  2-12;  John  i,  16-iii,  26;  [xviii,  14-xx, 
13];  [Mk.  x\a,  15-20];  Acts,  viii,  29-x,  14;  xxi,  2-10, 
16-18;  xxii,  10-20;  xxii,  29-xxviii,  31;  in  the  Latin, 
Matt.,  i,  1-11;  [ii,  21-iii,  7];  vi,  8-viii,  27;  xxvi,65- 
xxvii,  1;  John,  i,  1-iii,  16;  [xviii,  2-xx,  1];  [Mk.,  xvi, 
6-20];  Acts,  viii,  20-x,  4;  xx,  31-xxi,  2,  7-10;  x.xii, 
2-10;  xxiii,  20-xx\aii,  31.  The  passages  in  brackets 
have  been  supplied  by  a  tenth-century  hand.  It  will 
be  noticed  tliat  St.  Luke's  Gospel  alone,  of  the  books 
contained,  is  preser\-ed  complete.  The  condition  of 
the  book  shows  a  gap  between  the  Gospels  and  Acts; 
and  the  fragment  of  III  John  indicates  that,  as  in 
other  ancient  MSS.,  the  Catholic  Epistles  were  placed 
there.  The  fact  that  the  Epistle  of  Jude  does  not 
immediately  precede  Acts  is  regarded  as  pointing  to 
its  omission  from  the  codex;  it  may,  however,  have 
V)ccn  placed  elsewhere.  We  cannot  tell  whether  the 
MS.  contained  more  of  the  New  Testament,  and  there 
is  no  indication  that  it  was,  like  the  other  great  uncial 


CODEX 


84 


CODEX 


MSS.,  ever  joined  to  the  text  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Besides  the  hand  of  the  original  scribe,  there  are  cor- 
rections in  several  different  hands,  some  probably 
contemporarj'  with  the  original,  later  liturgical  anno- 
tations and  the  nortes  sanctorum,  or  formulae  for  telling 
fortunes;  all  these  are  important  for  tracing  the  his- 
tory of  tlie  MS. 

Beza  wrote  in  tlie  letter  accompanying  his  gift 
tliat  the  MS.  was  obtained  from  the  raonasterj'  of  St. 
Irenaeus  in  Lyons,  during  the  war  in  1562.  Lyons 
was  sacked  by  the  Huguenots  in  that  year  and  this 
MS.  was  probably  part  of  the  loot.  The  reformer  said 
it  had  lain  in  the  monastery  for  long  ages,  neglected 
and  covered  with  dust;  but  his  statement  is  rejected 
by  most  modern  scholars.  It  is  claimed,  in  fact,  that 
this  codex  is  the  one  which  was  used  at  the  Council  of 
Trent  in  1546  by  William  Dupr^  (English  writers  per- 
sist in  calling  this  Frenchman  a  Prato),  Bishop  of 
Clermont  in  Auvergne,  to  confirm  a  Latin  reading  of 
John,  xxi,  si  eum  volo  manere,  which  is  found  only  in 
the  Greek  of  tliis  codex.  Moreover,  it  is  usually  iden- 
tified with  Codex  ^,  whose  peculiar  readings  were 
collated  in  154G  for  Stephens'  edition  of  the  Greek 
Testament  by  friends  of  his  in  Italy.  Beza  liimself, 
after  having  first  denominated  his  code.x  Lugduncnsis, 
later  called  it  Clarornontanns ,  as  if  it  came  not  from 
Lyons,  but  from  Clermont  (near  Beauvais.  not  Cler- 
mont of  Auvergne).  All  this,  throwing  Beza's  orig- 
inal statement  into  doubt,  indicates  that  the  MS.  was 
in  Italy  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteentli  century,  and 
has  some  bearing  upon  the  locality  of  the  production. 

It  has  commonly  been  held  that  the  MS.  originated 
in  Southern  France  about  the  beginning  of  the  sLxth 
centu:y.  No  one  places  it  at  a  later  date,  chiefly  on 
the  evidence  of  the  handwriting.  France  was  chosen, 
partly  because  the  MS.  was  found  there,  partly  be- 
cause churches  in  Lyons  and  t  he  .South  were  of  Greek 
foundation  and  for  a  long  time  continued  the  use  of 
Greek  in  the  Liturgy,  while  Latin  was  the  vernacular 
— for  some  such  community,  at  any  rate,  this  bilin- 
gual codex  was  produced — and  partly  because  the 
text  of  D  bears  a  remarkable  resemblance  to  the  text 
quoted  by  St.  Irenseus,  even,  says  Nestle,  in  the  mat- 
ter of  clerical  mistakes,  so  that  it  is  possibly  derived 
from  his  very  copy.  During  the  past  five  years,  how- 
ever, the  opinion  of  the  best  English  textual  critics 
has  been  veering  to  Southern  Italy  as  the  original 
home  of  D.  It  is  pointed  out  that  the  MS.  was  used 
by  a  church  practising  tlie  Greek  Rite,  as  the  hturgi- 
cal  annotations  concern  the  Greek  text  alone;  that 
these  annotations  date  from  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh 
century,  exactly  the  period  of  the  Greek  Rite  in 
Southern  Italy,  wliile  it  had  died  out  elsewhere  in 
Latin  Christendom,  and  show  that  the  Byzantine 
Mass-lections  were  in  use,  which  cannot  have  been 
the  case  in  Southern  France.  The  corrections,  too, 
which  concern  the  Greek  text  and  but  rarely  the 
Latin,  the  spelling,  and  the  calendar  all  point  to 
Southern  Italy.  These  arguments,  however,  touch 
only  the  home  of  the  MS.,  not  its  birthplace,  and 
MSS.  have  travelled  from  one  end  of  Europe  to  the 
other.  Ravenna  and  Sardinia,  vv-here  Greek  and 
Latin  influences  also  met,  have  likewise  been  sug- 
gested. It  can  only  be  said  that  the  certainty  with 
which  tin  recently  it  was  ascribed  to  Southern  France 
has  been  shaken,  and  tlie  probabilities  now  favour 
Southern  Italy. 

Following  Scrivener,  scholars  universally  dated  it 
from  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  but  there  is 
a  tendency  now  to  place  it  a  hundred  years  earlier. 
Scrivener  himself  admitted  that  the  handwriting  was 
not  inconsistent  with  this  early  date,  and  only  as- 
signed it  a  later  date  by  reason  of  the  Latinity  of  the 
annotations.  But  the  corrupt  Latin  is  not  itself  in- 
compatible with  an  earlier  date,  while  the  freedom 
with  which  tlic  Latin  N.  T.  text  is  handled  indicates 
a  time  when  the  Old  Latin  version  was  still  current. 


It  probably  belongs  to  the  fifth  centurj'.  Nothing 
necessitates  a  later  date. 

The  type  of  text  found  in  D  is  very  ancient,  yet  it 
has  survived  in  this  one  Greek  MS.  alone,  though  it  is 
found  also  in  the  Old  Latin,  the  Old  Syriac,  and  the 
Old  Amienian  versions.  It  is  the  so-called  Western 
Text,  or  one  type  of  the  Western  Text.  All  the 
Fathers  before  the  end  of  the  third  century  used 
a  similar  text  and  it  can  be  traced  back  to  sub- 
Apostolic  times.  Its  value  is  discussed  elsewhere. 
D  departs  more  widely  than  any  other  Greek  codex 
from  the  ordinary  text,  compared  with  which  as  a 
standard,  it  is  characterized  by  numerous  additions, 
paraphrastic  renderings,  inversions,  and  some  omis- 
sions. (For  collation  of  text,  see  Scrivener,  Bezse 
Codex,  pp.  xlix-lxiii;  Nestle,  Novi  Test.  Grteci  Sup- 
plementum,  Ciebhardt  and  Tischendorf  ed.,  Leipzig, 
1896.)  One  interpolation  is  worth  noting  here.  Af- 
ter Luke,  vi,  5,  we  read;  "On  the  same  day  seeing 
some  one  working  on  the  Sabbath,  He  said  to  him: 
'O  man,  if  you  know  what  you  do,  blessed  are  you; 
but  if  you  do  not  know,  you  are  cursed  and  a  trans- 
gressor of  the  law'."  The  most  important  omission, 
probably,  is  the  second  mention  of  the  cup  in  Luke's 
account  of  the  Last  Supper. 

The  Latin  text  is  not  the  Vulgate,  nor  yet  the  Old 
Latin,  whicli  it  resembles  more  closely.  It  seems  to 
be  an  independent  translation  of  the  Greek  that  faces 
it,  though  the  fact  that  it  contains  two  thousand  varia- 
tions from  its  accompanying  Greek  text  have  led  some 
to  doubt  tills.  Of  this  number,  however,  only  seven 
hundred  and  sixteen  are  said  to  be  real  variant  read- 
ings, and  some  of  these  are  derived  from  the  Vulgate. 
If  the  translation  be  independent,  both  the  Vulgate 
and  Old  Latin  have  influenced  it  greatly;  as  time 
went  on,  the  influence  of  the  Vulgate  grew  and  proba- 
bly extended  even  to  modifications  of  the  Greek  text. 
Cha.se,  however,  traces  many  of  the  variants  to  an 
original  Syriac  influence.  The  text,  which  was  in  so 
great  honour  in  the  Early  Church,  possesses  a  fasci- 
nation for  certain  scholars,  who  occasionally  prefer  its 
readings;  but  none  professes  to  have  really  sohed  the 
mystery  of  its  origin. 

Scrivener,  Beztr  Codex  te.xt,  introduction,  and  notes  (Cam- 
bridge. 1864);  Idem.  An  Introduction  to  the  Textual  Criticism 
of  the  New  Testament  (London.  1S94);  Harris.  Study  of  Codex 
Bezce,  in  the  Cambridge  Texts  and  Studies  (Cambridge,  1893); 
Idem.  Four  Lectures  on  the  Western  Text  (London,  1894);  Idem, 
The  Annotators  of  the  Codex  Beza  (London,  1901);  Westcott 
AND  HoRT.  Greek  New  Testament  (New  York),  II;  Chase,  The 
Old  Syriac  Element  in  the  Text  of  Codex  Bezce  (London.  1893); 
Idem,  The  Syro-Latin  Texts  of  the  Goapch  (London.  18951; 
BnRKlTT.  The  Date  of  Codex  lir-r,  in  T'-r  Inumal  of  Theolog- 
ical Studies  (July,  1902);  valn'l.^  -in  h.-^  by  Lake  and 
Brightman.  ihid.,    vol.     I;     T. i     —      '  i/     of    the   Gospels 

(London.  1898);  Idem.  .4r(a  .1, '.  lihiss's  reconstruc- 
tion of  Western  Text  of  Act.,.  .I.iii.zit.  1S9(J);  Weiss.  Der 
Codex  D  in  der  Aposlelgeschichte  (I^ipzig.  1897). 

John  F.  Fenlon. 


Codex  Canonum. 

Ancient. 


See  C.\NONS,  Collection  op 


Codex  Ephraemi  Rescriptus  (symbol  C),  last  in 
the  group  of  the  four  great  uncial  MSS.  of  the  Greek 
Bible,  received  its  name  from  the  treatises  of  St. 
Ephra?m  the  Syrian  (translated  into  Greek)  which 
were  written  over  the  original  text.  This  took  place 
in  the  twelfth  century,  the  ink  of  the  Scriptural  text 
having  become  [lartially  effaced  through  fading  or 
rubbing.  Several  Biblical  codices  are  palimpsests 
(see  Manuscripts  of  the  Bible),  of  which  t'odex 
Ephrtemi  is  the  most  important.  After  the  fall  of 
Constantinople  it  was  brought  to  Florence;  thence  it 
was  carried  to  Paris  by  Catherine  de'  Medici,  and  has 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  National  Library. 

Through  Pierre  .\Hx.  Mont faucon,  and  Boivin,  atten- 
tion w.as  called  to  the  underlying  text,  and  .some  of  its 
readings  given  to  the  workl.  The  first  complete  col- 
lation of  tlic  \.  T.  was  made  by  Wetstein  (1716). 
Tischendorf   published   tlie  N.   T.   in    184,3  and  the 


CODEX 


85 


CODEX 


O.  T.  in  1845.  Tlie  torn  condition  of  many  leaves,  the 
faded  state  of  the  ink,  and  the  covering  of  the 
original  writing  by  the  later  made  the  decipherment 
an  extremely  difficult  task ;  some  portions  are  hope- 
lessly illegible.  Tischendorf,  then  a  young  man,  won 
his  reputation  through  this  achievement.  His  results, 
however,  have  not  been  checked  by  other  scholars, 
and  so  cannot  yet  be  accepted  without  caution. 

The  codex,  of  good  vellum,  measures  12^  inches  by 
9  inches ;  there  is  but  one  column  to  a  page,  G  being 
the  earliest  example  of  this  kind.  The  writing  is  a 
little  larger  than  that  of  X,  A,  and  B ;  the  first  hand 
inserted  no  breathings  or  accents,  and  only  an  occa- 
sional apostrophe.  The  period  is  marked  by  a  single 
point.  Large  capitals  are  frequent,  as  in  A.  The 
margin  of  the  Gospels  contains  the  Ammonian  Sec- 
tions, but  not  the  numbers  of  the  Eusebian  Canons, 
which  were  probably  written  in  vermilion  and  have 

To  ^e  e  T I  xn  K  lA  H>.-i 

THNTCONCXKey 
OH  6  M  CU  kTh  CT^G 

CI  HcucnenoiH 

M  e  N  CD  N  1  N  XM IKH 
T*^M  H  CXAeyOMGNK 
;^1  O  R  X  C  » X  G I  AH  \C  A 

X€YTON  nXJ'XAKlJL. 

EXWONTecexoH^ 

>C  Kp  I  N  XJ  H  CAXTpT 

oMeNeyxpecTO)* 
Tcu  ocD  H,e  Txe-YAx 

BlXCKXfXfeOycKAJ 

rxp  o  e"c  H  M  CD  M  n-jf 

KXTXNXXICKON 
H  cp  I  XX.*i.e  Xcb  I  XM« 


another.  "Sometimes",  says  Kenyon,  "it  agrees 
with  the  neutral  group  of  manuscripts,  sometimes 
with  the  Western,  not  imfrequently  with  the  Alexan- 
drian and  perhaps  oftenest  with  the  Syrian".  From 
certain  displacements  in  the  .Apocalypse,  Hort  infers 
that  the  book  was  copied  from  a  codex  of  small  leaves. 
Such  an  exemplar  would  not  be  used  in  church  serv- 
ices and  would  have  no  guarantee  of  a  good  text.  Pos- 
sibly the  rest  of  the  MS.  was  copied  from  similar 
codices. 

Tischendorf,  Codex  Ephrwmi  Syri  Rcscri-ptus  (Leipzig, 
1843-184.';);  Swete.  Old  Testament  in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1891). 
II.  pp.  xiii,  xiv.     See  also  bibliography  of  Codex  Alexan- 

DRINUS. 

John   F.  Fenlon. 

Codex  Sinaiticus  (symbol  X,  though  Swete  and 
•a  few  otlier  scholars  use  S),  a  Greek  manuscript  of  the 
()1(1  ami  .\ew  Testaments,  of  the  greatest  antiquity 

f  M  I  N  TON  AO  ro  N 
TO Y©y<^  N  XN  X0€ 
<JDfOyNT€CTMN«K 
BXCINTHCANXCT|i 

<d>HCM  iMeicexiTH' 

hlCTIN 

IcxcexeecKAicH 

M  e  PO  N  O  ATTO  C  K 

e  I  CToyc  XI  CD  N  X' 
/^ixxxxicrjoiKi 

XAICKXiXeNXiCMi 

nxfX^'efecoeKX 

AONrXfXXf  ITI^e 

K  A I  oyce  eTH  n  Ki^» 

XI  AN  Oy  8  pCJU  MX'I»J 
GNOlCOYK<JL>d>e 

XHOH  CAN  Oineri 
nXTOYNT€C 


R,  xu,  2(-xin, 


Library,  St.  Pktersburg 


7-9,  IV  Century. 


faded  away.  The  Euthalian  chapters  are  missing; 
the  subscriptions  are  brief.  From  these  indications 
and  the  character  of  the  writing.  Codex  C  is  placed  in 
the  first  half  of  the  fifth  century,  along  with  A.  Tisch- 
endorf distinguished  two  scribes  (contemporaries), 
one  for  O.  T.,  the  other  for  N.  T.,  and  two  correctors, 
one  (C)  of  the  si.xth,  the  other  (C)  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury; he  conjectured  that  Egypt  was  the  place  of 
origin.  With  the  exception  of  Tischendorf  no  modern 
has  really  studied  the  MS. 

Originally  the  whole  Bible  seems  to  have  been  con- 
tained in  it.  At  present,  of  the  O.  T.  only  some  of  the 
Hagiographa  survive,  in  an  imperfect  state,  namely 
nearly  all  of  Ecclesiastes,  about  half  of  Eeclesiasticus 
and  Wisdom,  with  fragments  of  Proverbs  and  ('anti- 
cles — in  all  64  leaves.  .Vbout  two-thirds  of  the  N.  T. 
(145  leaves)  remain,  including  portions  of  all  the 
books  except  II  Tlic.ss.  and  II  John;  no  book  is  com- 
plete. The  text  of  C  is  said  to  be  very  good  in  Wis- 
dom, very  bad  in  Eeclesiasticus,  two  books  for  which 
its  testimony  is  important.  The  N.  T.  text  is  very 
mixed ,  the  scribe  seems  to  have  had  before  hun  M.SS. 
of  different  types  and  to  have  followed  now  one  now 


and  value;  foimd  on  Mount  Sinai,  in  St.  Catherine's 
Monastery,  by  Constantine  Tischendorf.  He  was 
visiting  there  in  1844,  imder  the  patronage  of  Fred- 
erick Augustus,  King  of  Saxony,  when  he  discovered 
in  a  rubbish  basket  forty-three  leaves  of  the  Septua- 
gint,  containing  portions  of  1  Par.  (Chron.),  Jer., 
Neh.,  and  Esther;  he  was  permitted  to  take  them. 
He  also  saw  the  books  of  Isaias  and  I  and  IV  Mach., 
belonging  to  the  same  codex  as  the  fragments,  but 
could  not  obtain  possession  of  them;  warning  the 
monks  of  their  value,  he  left  for  Europe  and  two  years 
later  published  the  leaves  he  had  brought  with  him 
under  the  name  of  Codex  Friderico-.\ugiistai.us,  after 
his  patron.  They  are  preserved  at  Leipzig.  On  a 
second  visit,  in  185.3,  he  found  only  two  short  frag- 
ments of  Genesis  (which  he  printed  on  his  return)  and 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  rest  of  the  codex.  In  1859 
he  made  a  third  visit,  this  time  under  the  patronage 
of  the  Czar,  .\lexander  II.  This  visit  seemed  likewise 
fruitless  when,  on  the  eve  of  his  departure,  in  a  chance 
conversation  with  the  steward,  he  learned  of  the  ex- 
istence of  a  manuscript  there;  when  it  was  shown  to 
him,  he  saw  the  very  manuscript  he  had  sought  con- 


CODEX 


86 


CODEX 


taining,  beyond  all  his  dreams,  a  great  part  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  the  entire  New  Testament,  besides  the 
Epistle  of  Barnabiis,  and  part  of  the  "Shepherd"  of 
liermas,  of  which  two  works  no  copies  in  the  original 
<  ireek  were  known  to  exist.  Thinking  it  "  a  crime  to 
sleep  ",  Tischendorf  spent  the  night  copying  Barnabas; 
he  had  to  leave  in  the  morning,  after  failing  to  per- 
suade the  monks  to  let  him  have  the  manuscript.  At 
Cairo  he  stopped  at  a  monastery  belonging  to  the 
same  monks  (they  were  of  the  Orthodox  Greek 
C^hurch)  and  succeeded  in  having  the  manuscript  sent 
to  him  there  for  transcription;  and  finally,  in  obtain- 
ing it  from  the  monks  as  a  present  to  the  Czar,  Tisch- 
endorf's  patron  and  the  protector  of  their  Church. 
Years  later,  in  18G9,  the  Czar  rewarded  the  two  mon- 
asteries with  gifts  of  money  (7000  and  2000  roubles 
each)  and  decorations.  The  manuscript  is  treasured 
in  the  Imperial  Library  at  St.  Petersburg.  Tischen- 
dorf published  an  account  of  it  in  1860;  and,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  czar,  printed  it  in  facsimile  in 
1862.  Twenty-one  lithographic  plates  made  from 
photographs  were  included  in  this  edition,  which  was 
issued  in  four  volumes.  The  following  year  he  pub- 
lished a  critical  edition  of  the  New  Testament.  Fi- 
nally, in  1867,  he  published  additional  fragments  of 
Genesis  and  Numbers,  which  had  been  used  to  bind 
other  volumes  at  St.  Catherine's  and  had  been  dis- 
covered by  the  Archimandrite  Porfirius.  On  four  dif- 
ferent occasions,  then,  portions  of  the  original  manu- 
script have  been  discovered;  they  have  never  been 
published  together  in  a  single  edition. 

The  Codex  Sinaiticus,  which  originally  must  have 
contained  the  whole  Old  Testament,  has  suffered 
severely  from  mutilation,  especially  in  the  historical 
books  from  Genesis  to  Esdras  (inclusive) ;  the  rest  of 
the  O.  T.  fared  much  better.  The  fragments  and 
books  extant  are:  several  verses  from  Gen.,  xxiii  and 
xxiv,  and  from  Nvmi.,  v,  vi,  vii;  I  Par.,  ix,  27-xix, 
17;  Esdras,  ix,  9  to  end;  Nehemias,  Esther,  Tobias, 
Judith.  Joel,  Abdias,  Jonas,  Nahum,  Habacuc,  Sopho- 
nias,  Aggeus,  Zacharias,  Malachias,  Isaias,  Jeremias, 
Lamentations,  i,  1-ii,  20 ;  I  Mach.,  IV  Mach.  (apocry- 
phal, while  the  canonical  II  Mach.  and  the  apocryphal 
III  Mach.  were  never  contained  in  this  codex).  A 
curious  occurrence  is  that  Esdras,  ix,  9,  follows  I  Par., 
xix,  17  without  any  break;  the  note  of  a  corrector 
shows  that  seven  leaves  of  I  Par.  were  copied  into  the 
Book  of  Esdras,  probably  by  a  mistake  in  the  binding 
of  the  MS.  from  which  N  was  copied.  Our  Esdras  is 
called  in  this  codex,  as  in  many  others,  Esdras  B.  This 
may  indicate  that  it  followed  Esdras  A,  as  the  book 
called  by  Jerome  III  Esdras  (see  Esdr.^s)  is  named  in 
ancient  codices ;  the  proof  is  by  no  means  sure,  how- 
ever, as  IV  Mach.  is  here  designated  Mach.  D,  as  was 
usual,  although  the  second  and  third  books  of  Mach. 
were  absent  from  the  MS.  The  New  Testament  is  com- 
plete, likewise  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas;  si.x  leaves  fol- 
lowing Barnabas  are  lost,  which  probably  also  con- 
tained uncanonical  literature :  the  "  Shepherd ' '  of 
Hermas  is  incomplete,  and  we  cannot  tell  whether  other 
works  followed.  In  all,  there  are  346t  leaves.  The 
orderof  theN.  T.  is  to  be  noted,  St.  Paul's  Epistles  pre- 
ceding Acts ;  Hebrews  following  II  Thess.  The  manu- 
script is  on  good  parchment;  the  pages  measure  about 
15  inches  by  13i  inches;  there  are  four  columns  to  a 
page,  except  in  the  poetical  books,  which  are  WTittcn 
stichometrically  in  two  columns  of  greater  width; 
there  are  48  lines  to  a  column,  but  47  in  the  Catholic 
Epistles.  The  four  narrow  columns  give  the  page  the 
app<'arance  of  an  ancient  roll ;  it  is  not  impossible,  as 
Kenyon  .says,  that  it  was  in  fact  copied  from  a  papjTUs 
roll.  It  is  written  in  uncial  characters,  well  formed, 
without  accents  or  breathings,  and  with  no  punctua- 
tion except  (at  times)  the  apostrophe  and  the  single 
point  for  a  period.  Tisrhendorf  judged  that  there 
were  four  hands  engaged  in  the  writing  of  the  manu- 
script;  in  this  he  has  been  generally  "followed.     He 


has  been  less  happy  in  obtaining  acceptance  of  his 
conjecture  that  one  of  these  scribes  also  wrote  the 
New  Testament  of  the  Vatican  Codex.  He  recog- 
nized seven  correctors  of  the  text,  one  of  them  con- 
temporaneous with  the  writing  of  the  MS.  The 
Ammonian  Sections  and  the  Eusebian  Canons  are  in- 
dicated in  the  margin,  probably  by  a  contemporary 
hand;  they  seem  to  have  been  unknown  to  the 
scribe,  however,  who  followed  another  division.  The 
clerical  errors  are  relatively  not  numerous,  in  Greg- 
ory's judgment. 

In  age  this  manuscript  ranks  alongside  the  Codex 
Vaticanus.  Its  antiquity  is  shown  by  the  writing,  by 
the  four  colmnns  to  a  page  (an  indication,  probably, 
of  the  transition  from  the  roll  to  the  codex  form  of 
MS.),  by  the  absence  of  the  large  initial  letters  and  of 
ornaments,  by  the  rarity  of  punctuation,  by  the  short 
titles  of  the  books,  the  presence  of  divisions  of  the  text 
antedating  Eusebius,  the  addition  of  Barnabas  and 
Hermas,  etc.  Such  indications  have  induced  experts 
to  place  it  in  the  fourth  century,  along  with  B  and 
some  time  before  A  and  C;  this  conclusion  is  not  seri- 
ously questioned,  though  the  possibility  of  an  early 
fifth-century  date  is  conceded.  Its  origin  has  been 
assigned  to  Rome,  Southern  Italy,  Egypt,  and  Ciesa- 
rea,  but  cannot  be  determined  (Kenyon,  Handbook  to 
the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  N.  t.,  London,  1901, 
p.  56  sqq.).  It  seems  to  have  been  at  one  time  at 
Csesarea;  one  of  the  correctors  (probably  of  seventh 
century)  adds  this  note  at  the  end  of  Esdras:  "This 
codex  was  compared  with  a  verj^  ancient  exemplar 
which  had  been  corrected  by  the  hand  of  the  holy 
martyr  Pamphilus  [d.  309];  which  exemplar  contained 
at  the  end  the  subscription  in  his  own  hand:  'Taken 
and  corrected  according  to  the  Hexapla  of  Origen: 
Antonius  compared  it:  I,  Pamphilus,  corrected  it'." 
Pamphilus  was,  with  Eusebius,  the  founder  of  the  library 
at  Casarea.  Some  are  even  inclined  to  regard  N  as  one 
of  the  fifty  MSS.  which  Constantine  bade  Eusebius  of 
Csesarea  to  have  prepared  in  331  for  the  churches  of 
Constantinople ;  but  there  is  no  sign  of  its  having  been 
at  Constantinople.  Nothing  is  known  of  its  later  his- 
tory till  its  discovery  by  Tischendorf.  The  te.xt  of  X 
bears  a  very  close  resemblance  to  that  of  B,  though  it 
cannot  be  descended  from  the  same  immediate  ances- 
tor. In  general,  B  is  placed  first  in  point  of  purity 
by  contemporary  scholars  and  X  ne.xt.  This  is  especi- 
ally true,  for  the  N.  T.,  of  the  Gospels.  The  differ- 
ences are  more  frequent  in  the  O.  T.  where  X  and 
A  often  agree. 

The  editions  of  Tischendorf  (see  above):  Swete.  Introduc- 
tion to  the  Old  Testament  in  Greek  (Cambridge,  1900);  see  also 
works  on  N.-T.  criticism  mentioned  under  Codex  .\lex.4n- 
DRl.N-us. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Codex  Vaticanus  (Codex  B),  a  Greek  manuscript, 
the  most  important  of  all  the  manuscripts  of  Holy 
Scripture.  It  is  so  called  because  it  belongs  to  the 
Vatican  Library  {Codex  Vaticanus,  1209). 

This  codex  is  a  quarto  volume  written  in  uncial 
letters  of  the  fourth  century,  on  folios  of  fine  parch- 
ment bound  in  quinterns.  Each  page  is  divided  into 
three  columns  of  forty  lines  each,  with  from  sixteen 
to  eighteen  letters  to  a  line,  except  in  the  poetical 
books,  where,  owing  to  the  stichometric  division  of 
the  lines,  there  are  but  two  columns  to  a  page.  There 
are  no  capital  letters,  but  at  times  the  first  letter  of  a 
section  extends  over  the  margin.  Several  hands 
worked  at  the  manuscript;  the  first  writer  inserted 
neither  pauses  nor  accents,  and  made  use  but  rarely 
of  a  simple  punctuation.  Unfortunately,  the  codex 
is  mutilated;  at  a  later  date  the  missing  folios  were 
replaced  by  others.  Thus,  the  first  twenty  original 
folios  are  mi.ssing;  a  part  of  folio  178,  and  ten  foHos 
after  fol.  348;  also  the  final  quinterns,  whose  number 
it  is  impossible  to  establish.  There  are  extant  in  all 
759  original  fohos. 


CODEX 


87 


CODEX 


The  Old  Testament  (Septuagint  Version,  except 
Daniel,  which  is  taken  from  the  Version  of  Theodo- 
tion)  takes  up  617  folios.  On  account  of  the  afore- 
mentioned lacunae,  the  Old  Testament  text  lacks  the 
following  passages :  Gen.,  i-xlvi,  28;  II  lungs,  ii,  5-7, 
10-13;  Pss.  cv,  27-cxxx\'ii,  6.  The  order  of  the 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  is  as  follows:  Genesis  to 
Second  Paralipomenon,  First  and  Second  Esdras, 
Psalms.  Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticle  of  Canticles, 
Job,  AA'isdom,  Ecelesiasticus,  Esther.  Judith,  Tobias, 
the  Minor  Prophets  from  Osee  to  Malachy,  Isaias, 
Jeremias,  Baruch,  Lamentations  and  Epistle  of  Jere- 
mias,  Ezechiel,  Daniel;  the  Vatican  Codex  docs  not 
contain  the  Prayer  of  Manasses  or  the  Books  of 
Machabees.  The  Xew  Testament  begins  at  fol.  618. 
Owing  to  the  loss  of  the  final  quinterns,  a  portion  of 
the  Pauline  Epistles  is  missing:  Heli.,  ix.  14-xiii,  2.5, 
the  Pastoral  Letters.  Ejiislle  to  Philemon;    also  the 


discovered  by  him,  is  rightly  considered  to  be  the 
oldest  extant  copy  of  the  Bible.  Like  the  Codex 
Sinaiticus  it  represents  what  Westcott  and  Hort  call 
a  "neutral  text",  i.  e.  a  text  that  antedates  the  modi- 
fications found  in  all  later  manuscripts,  not  only  the 
modifications  found  in  the  less  ancient  .\ntiochene 
recensions,  but  also  those  met  with  in  the  Eastern  and 
Alexandrine  recensions.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
Vatican  Codex,  written  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth 
century,  represents  the  text  of  one  of  those  recensions 
of  the  Bible  which  were  current  in  the  third  centurj', 
and  that  it  belongs  to  the  family  of  manuscripts  made 
use  of  by  Origen  in  the  composition  of  his  Hexapla. 
The  originarhome  of  the  Vatican  Codex  is  uncertain. 
Hort  thinks  it  was  written  at  Rome ;  Rendel  Harris, 
Armitage  Robinson,  and  others  attribute  it  to  Asia 
Minor.  A  more  common  opinion  maintains  that  it 
was  written  in  EL'Vpt.      Annitaui'  Hnbinson  believes 


e n  oj  H  c e Kr-ro no w h r~ 

':  e  N  CD  m  O  N  K  yXa>  J  6  yk*^ 

N  €^T  r  ^'n  H  il  R  b  Tus  N  f  H 

p  eu.Tcot^  Ko'ruj  N  'I'n- 

I  e  f  e  M  1  o  'i'^o Y n  fcx^" 

T o;y  4  k:  c  to  m  at-q  C"^ 

x'x'KAvi  <^f  Kiceeic/Cn- 

-r  o\  s  *^.c  1 A  e  a>  c  N  X  m-y 


X  O  A  O  M  O^C  OP  XO)  O  MQ M.^ 

T^rrpYKYcrpior      ' 
xnecTHXA^rcK^H  rym 


>PKMcXc 

—  .  ^  _ , .,^  H  fYX*.' 

iCy-ro  Y  T'O  N  T !»  X")C M  V— 
K:X  I  T  M  W  K  *^  P  2V. )  KhlXYPf.^ 

n X  j>, e  b"  n Tx Ki  d m  i  mxky ' 
•ra>M  lei'ecoKfnoxAXH 

CouK.x  Vaticancs,  III  Esdras  (.\puck\i-hai,  ■.  i.  46 


T  A  nv  O  C ITXJX I  XN  X  R  I  il>v 

'  cx  I  e  n  X-iproyqnro yc 
K  xc  j^  e  \  cycb  N  xx  xaai 
CD  KJ  6  Y  TO  ijC/i  €  KTe  I  haT 

TO  Y^  N  e  XM 1  c  Ko  Y^xY 

K  Y  "^^/^  '^  To  Y  xr  To  Y » t  f -Y 

K  X I  p  Y  *^^<t>  ^ '  <^X  M  TO  ^ 

w  €  X  »^  j  c  Koy  Kiti  n  X  p 
0  €'n  o  Y  Ki  I  n  p  G-  c  R  -ft~y 
hcK  t'  M  e  uj  Te'p  o  yA.x  XA. 
n  KM  Tx  c  n^x  p  e  au>  k^  n_ 
e  J  c  T>^c  X  e  i|  >^c  xyTtu 
Kxi  n KWjrx'rxi e^eX-cK'^ 
u  Toy-K^-jiiKi  er^AAJ-r 

TXM  el  KrPXK^  » TA-C  K I  It"' 

TO  Y<^  TO  y  K^Y  »<■  ^ '  X^  ^ 
R  x c  I  tvi  Hf>ic x  n  o ©  H  h><^ 

^H  XXXSO^MTGCXni-INcr 
KXN  CIOSXK  YAdJNXkii 


Apocalypse.  It  is  possible  that  there  may  also  be 
some  extra-canonical  writings  missing,  like  the  Epistle 
of  Clement.  The  order  of  the  New  Testament  books 
is  as  follows:  Gospels,  Acts  of  the  .\postles.  Catholic 
Epistles,  St.  Paul  to  the  Romans,  Corinthians  (I-II), 
Galatians,  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Thessalonians  (I- 
II),  Hebrews. 

In  the  Vatican  Codex  we  find  neither  the  Ammonian 
Sections  nor  the  Eusebian  Canons  (q.  v.).  It  is,  how- 
ever, divided  into  sections,  after  a  manner  that  is 
common  to  it  with  the  Codex  Zacynthius  (Cod.  S),  an 
eighth-century  Scriptural  manuscript  of  St.  Luke. 
The  .\cts  of  the  .\postles  exhibit  a  special  division  into 
thirty-six  chapters.  The  Catholic  Epistles  bear  traces 
of  a  double  division,  in  the  first  and  earlier  of  which 
some  believe  that  the  Second  Epistle  of  Peter  was 
wanting.  Tlie  division  of  the  Pauline  Epistles  is  quite 
peculiar:  they  arc  treated  as  one  book,  and  nuniliered 
continuously.  It  is  clear  from  this  enumeration  that 
in  the  copy  of  the  Scriptures  reproduced  by  the  \ati- 
can  Codex  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  wa.s  placed 
between  the  Epi.stle  to  the  Galatians  and  the  l'-[)istle 
to  the  Ephesians. 

The  Vatican  Codex,  in  spite  of  the  views  of  Tischen- 
dorf,  who  held  for  the  priority  of  the  Codex  Sinaiticus, 


that  both  the  \'aticanus  and  the  Sinaiticus  were  origi- 
nally together  in  some  ancient  librarj'.  His  opinion 
is  based  on  the  fact  that  in  the  margins  of  both  manu- 
scripts is  found  the  same  special  system  of  chapters 
for  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  taken  from  the  division 
of  Euthalius,  and  found  in  two  other  important  codices 
(Amiatinus  and  Fuldensis)  of  the  Latin  Vulgate. 
Tischendorf  believed  that  three  hands  had  worked  at 
the  transcription  of  the  Vatican  Codex.  He  identified 
(?)  the  first  hand  (B').  or  transcriber,  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment with  the  transcriber  of  a  part  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  some  folios  of  the  New  Testament  in  the 
Codex  Sinaiticus.  This  primitive  text  was  revised, 
shortly  after  its  original  transcription,  with  the  aid  of 
a  new  manuscript,  by  a  corrector  (B' — For  the  Old 
Testament  B'  is  quoted  by  Swete  as  B*).  Six  centu- 
ries .after  (according  to  some),  a  third  hand  (B',  B") 
retraced  the  faded  letters,  leaving  but  very  little  of 
the  original  imtouched.  According  to  Fabiani,  how- 
ever, this  retracing  was  done  early  in  the  fifteenth 
century  by  the  monk  Clemens  ((/ui  swruin  XV  ineunle 
floniiase  indetur).  In  modern  times  (fifteenth-six- 
teenth century)  the  mi-ssing  folios  were  added  to  the 
codex,  in  order,  as  Tregelles  conjectures,  to  prepare  it 
for  use  in  the  Vatican  Library.     Old  catalogues  show 


CODRINGTON 


CO-EDUCATION 


that  it  was  there  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The  addi- 
tion to  the  New  Testament  was  listed  by  Scrivener  as 
Cod.  263  (in  Gregorj-,  293)  for  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  Cod.  91,  for  the  Apocalypse.  Napoleon 
I  had  the  codex  brought  to  Paris  (where  Hug  was 
enabled  to  study  it),  but  it  was  afterwards  returned 
to  the  Holy  See,"  with  some  other  remnants  of  Roman 
booty,  and  replaced  in  the  Vatican  Library.  There 
are  various  collations,  editions,  and  studies  of  the 
Vatican  Codex.  The  collations  are:  (1)  that  of 
Bartolocci  (Giulio  di  S.  Anastasia),  formerly  librarian 
of  the  Vatican;  it  was  done  in  1669  and  is  preserved 
in  MS. — Gr.  Suppl.  53  of  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale — 
at  Paris  (quoted  under  the  sigla:  Blc);  (2)  that  of 
Birch  (Bch)  published  at  Copenhagen  in  1798  for  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Epistles,  in  1800  for  the 
Apocalypse,  in  1801  for  the  Gospels ;  (3)  that  executed 
for  Bentley  (Btly)  by  the  Abbate  Mico  about  1720  on 
the  margin  of  a  copy  of  the  Greek  New  Testament 
which  was  published  at  Strasburg,  1524,  by  Cephalaeus; 
this  copy  is  among  Bentley's  books  in  the  library  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge — the  collation  itself  was 
published  in  Ford's  appendix  to  Woide's  edition  of 
the  Codex  Alexandrinus  in  1799;  (4)  a  list  of  the 
alterations  executed  by  the  original  copyist  or  by  his 
correctors,  edited  at  the  request  of  Bentley  by  the 
Abbate  Rulotta  with  the  aid  of  the  Abbate  de  Stosch 
(Rlt) ;  this  list  was  supposed  to  have  perished,  but  it 
is  extant  among  the  Bentley  papers  in  the  library  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  under  the  sigla:  B.  17.20; 
(5)  in  1860  Alford,  and  in  1862  Cure,  examined  a 
select  number  of  the  readings  of  the  Vatican  Codex, 
and  published  the  results  of  their  labours  in  the  first 
volume  of  Alford's  Greek  Testament.  Many  other 
scholars  have  made  special  collations  for  their  own 
purposes,  e.  g.  Tregelles,  Tischendorf,  Alford,  etc. 
Among  the  works  written  on  the  Vatican  Codex  we 
may  indicate:  Bourgon,  "Letters  from  Rome"  (Lon- 
don, 1861).  In  the  second  volume  of  the  Catalogue 
of  Vatican  Greek  MSS.,  executed  according  to  the 
modern  scientific  method  for  the  cataloguing  of  the 
Vatican  Library,  there  is  a  description  of  the  Codex 
Vaticanus. 

As  to  the  editions  of  this  code.x,  the  Roman  edition 
of  the  Septuagint  (1587)  was  based  on  the  Vaticanus. 
Similarly,  the  Cambridge  edition  of  Swete  follows  it 
regularly  and  makes  use  of  the  Sinaiticus  and  the 
Alexandrinus  only  for  the  portions  that  are  lacking 
in  the  Vaticanus.  The  first  Roman  edition  appeared 
in  1858,  under  the  names  of  Mai  and  Vercellone,  and, 
under  the  same  names,  a  second  Roman  edition  in 
1859.  Both  editions  were  severely  criticized  by 
Tischendorf  in  the  edition  he  brought  out  at  Leipzig 
in  1867,  "Novum  Testamentum  Vaticanum,  post  A. 
Mali  aliorumque  imperfectos  labores  ex  ipso  codice 
editum",  with  an  appendix  (1869).  The  third  Roman 
edition  (Verc.)  appeared  under  the  names  of  Vercel- 
lone (died  1869)  and  Cozza-Luzi  (died  1905)  in  1868- 
81 ;  it  was  accompanied  by  a  photographic  reproduc- 
tion of  the  text:  "Bibliorum  SS.  Grsecorum  Cod.  Vat. 
1209,  Cod.  B,  denvio  phototypice  expressus,  jussu  et 
cura  pra'sidimi  BibliothecEe  Vatican^"  (Milan,  1904- 
()).  This  edition  contains  a  masterly  anonymous 
introduction  (by  Giovanni  Mercati),  in  which  the 
w'riter  corrects  many  inexact  statements  made  by 
previous  writers.  Until  recently  the  privilege  of  con- 
sulting this  ancient  manuscript  quite  freely  and  fully 
was  not  granted  to  all  who  sought  it.  The  material 
condition  of  the  Vatican  Codex  is  better,  generally 
speaking,  than  that  of  its  contemporaries;  it  is  fore- 
seen, however,  that  within  a  century  it  will  have 
fallen  to  pieces  unless  an  efficacious  remedy,  which  is 
being  earnestly  sought  for,  shall  be  discovered. 

The  Biblical  Dictionaries  of  Vigouroux  and  H.^stings; 
^nlrndnctions  of  Cornki.t.  Briggs.  Strack;  Tischendorf. 
Synopsis  Emnaclica  (7th  ed..  Leipzig.  189S);  Idem.  Protcno- 
nena  to  the.  New  Testament  (20(h  ed.,  or  editio  ociavo  major, 
Leipzig,  1869;   cdilio  octavo  minor,  Leipzig,  1S72),  revised  after 


Tischendorf'.'!  death  by  Gregory  (Leipzig.  1SS4);  Swete,  The 
Old  Testament  in  Greek,  I,  p.  xvii;  Westcott  and  Hort,  The 
New  Testament  in  Greek,  inlrod.,  p.  50;  Alford,  The  Greek 
Testament  (Cambridge,  1898),  I,  107;  Armitage  Robinson, 
Euthaliana,  ch.  xxxvii. 

U.  Benign:  . 

Codrington,  Thom.\s  (d.  1691?),  Catholic  divine, 
chiefly  knowai  for  his  attempt  to  introduce  into  Eng- 
land the  "  Institute  of  Secular  Priests  Living  in  Com- 
munity", founded  in  Bavaria  by  Bartholomiius 
Holzhauser.  He  was  educated  and  ordained  priest 
at  Douai,  where  he  taught  humanities  for  a  time. 
Later  on  he  lived  with  (Cardinal  Howard  at  Rome, 
acting  as  his  cliaplain  and  secretary.  He  returned 
to  England  in  July,  1684,  and  on  the  accession  of 
James  II  in  the  following  year,  he  was  appointed  one 
of  the  royal  chaplains  and  preachers  in  ordinary. 
^^^lile  he  was  in  Rome  he  had  joined  the  institute 
above  mentioned,  in  which  Cardinal  Howard  took  a 
great  personal  interest,  and  his  return  to  England 
seemed  to  the  superior.  Father  Hofer,  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  extending  the  institute.  .Accord- 
ingly Mr.  Codrington  and  his  companion,  Mr.  John 
Morgan,  were  appointed  procurators  to  introduce  the 
institute  into  England.  The  object  of  the  society, 
the  constitutions  of  which  had  been  approved  by 
Innocent  XI  in  1680,  was  to  encourage  community- 
life  among  t  he  secular  clergJ^  This  was  to  be  attained 
by  priests  residing  together,  and  doing  their  work 
from  a  common  centre,  all  being  subject  to  the  bishop. 
In  this  work  he  received  much  assistance  from  Car- 
dinal Howard,  who  addressed  letters  both  to  the 
secular  clergj-  and  to  the  dean  of  the  chapter,  e.xhort- 
ing  all  English  priests  to  join  the  institute.  Even 
before  leaving  Rome  he  had  been  active  in  propa- 
gating the  institute,  and  had,  with  his  colleagues, 
endeavoured  not  only  to  introduce  it  into  all  the 
English  colleges  abroad,  but  even  to  make  it  obliga- 
torj'  on  the  superiors  by  a  decree.  Some  progress  was 
in  fact  made,  but  before  much  could  be  effected  the 
Revolution  took  place,  and  in  1688  James  II  fled  from 
England.  Mr.  Codrington  followed  his  patron  abroad 
to  Saint-Gennain,  where  he  continued  to  act  as 
chaplain  until  his  death,  which  took  place  about  1691. 
For  some  years  strenuous  efforts  were  made  to  spread 
the  institute  in  England,  and  in  1697  special  consti- 
tutions, designed  to  meet  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  English  priests,  were  published  with  a  preface, 
which  shows  that  several  of  the  leading  missioners 
liad  joined  it.  The  chapter,  however,  were  unre- 
lenting, on  the  ground  tliat  it  was  unsuitable  in  Eng- 
land and  would  lead  to  dissensions  among  the  clergy, 
and  ultimately  Bishop  Giffard  suppressed  it.  Mr. 
Codrington  published  a  sermon  preached  before  the 
king  and  queen,  28  Nov.,  1686,  and  another  preached 
before  the  queen-dowager,  6  Feb.,  1687.  The  former 
of  these  was  republished  in  the  1741  reprint  entitled 
"Catholic  Sermons". 

DoDD,  Church  History.  Ill,  484;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng. 
Cath..  I,  520  (London,  1885);  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog..  XI, 
210  (London.  1S87);  KlRK,  Biographies  of  English  Catholics 
(London,  1908). 

Edwin  Burton. 

Co-education. — The  term  is  now  generally  reserved 
to  the  practice  of  educating  the  sexes  together;  but 
even  in  this  sense  it  has  a  variety  of  meanings,  (a) 
Mere  juxtaposition;  this  implies  the  use  of  the  same 
buildings  and  equipment  under  the  same  teaching 
staff  for  the  education  of  both  sexes,  but  does  not 
oblige  the  sexes  to  follow  the  same  methods  or  to  live 
under  the  same  regimen,  (b)  Co-ordinate  education; 
the  .students  are  taught  by  the  same  methods  and  the 
same  teachers  and  are  governed  by  the  same  general 
administration;  but  each  -sex  has  its  own  classes  and, 
in  the  ca^^e  of  a  university,  its  separate  college,  (c) 
Identical  education ;  both  sexes  are  taught  "  the  same 
things,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  same  place,  by  the 


CO-EDUCATION 


89 


CO-EDUCATION 


same  faculty,  with  the  same  methods  and  under  the 
same  regimen.  This  admits  age  and  proficiency,  Ijut 
not  sex,  as  a  factor  in  classification ' '  (Clarke,  op.  cit.  be- 
low, p.  121).  It  is  in  this  third  and  narrowest  sense 
that  co-education  has  been  the  subject  of  widespread 
discussion  for  some  time  past.  In  the  United  States 
especially  the  practice  has  grown  rapidly  during  the 
last  fifty  years,  while  in  European  countries  it  has  de- 
veloped more  slowly. 

Extent. — Etemeninry  Schools. — At  present  co-edu- 
cation is  practically  universal  in  the  elementary 
grades  of  the  public  schools  of  the  United  States.  It 
also  prevails  to  a  large  extent  in  the  elementary  grades 
of  private  and  denominational  schools,  including  those 
which  are  under  Catholic  direction,  notably  the  pa- 
rochial schools. — Secondary  Schools. — According  to 
tlie  Commissioner's  Report  for  1905-6,  there  were  in 
the  United  States  40  public  high  schools  for  boys  only, 
with  22,044  students,  and  29  schools  for  girls  only, 
with  23,203  students;  while  the  co-educational  high 
schools  numbered  7,962  having  on  their  rolls  283,264 
boys  and  394,181  girls;  the  difference  indicated  by 
these  last  figures  is  noteworthy.  During  the  same 
year  there  were  imder  pri\ate  direction  304  high 
schools  for  boys  only,  with  22,619  students;  500  high 
schools  for  girls  only,  with  27,081  students;  while  the 
private  co-educational  schools  numbered  725  with  an 
attendance  of  26,487  boys  and  25,568  girls.  From 
these  statistics  it  appears  that  even  in  private  high 
schools  the  nimiber  of  boys  is  larger  where  co-education 
prevails  than  it  is  in  schools  exclusively  for  boys;  and 
that  the  number  of  girls  in  co-educat  ional  schools  is  not 
very  far  below  the  nimiber  in  schools  exclusively  for 
girls. — Higher  and  Technical  Edur:il ional  Institutions. — 
Of  622  universities,  colleges,  and  technological  schools 
reporting  to  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education 
for  the  year  ended  June,  1906,  there  were  for  men  only, 
158;  for  women  only,  129;  for  both  men  and  women, 
335.  Comparison  with  earlier  statistics  .shows  a  de- 
cided advance  in  co-education.  In  1889-90  the 
women  in  co-educational  colleges  numbered  8075,  in 
schools  of  technology,  707,  and  in  colleges  for  women 
only,  1979;  the  men  in  all  colleges  numbered  44.926. 
In  1905-6  there  were  31,443  women  in  co-educational 
colleges  and  6653  in  colleges  for  women  only;  the 
number  of  men  students  was  97,738. 

The  tendency  in  Europe,  generally  speaking,  is  to  ad- 
mit women  to  university  courses  of  study,  but  under 
restrictions  which  vary  considerably  from  one  country 
to  another.  In  Germany,  women,  for  the  most  part, 
attend  the  university  as  "hearers",  not  as  matricu- 
lated students.  The  custom  in  England  is  that  women 
should  reside  in  colleges  of  their  own  while  receiving 
the  benefit  of  university  education.  There  is  also 
considerable  variety  in  the  regulations  concerning  the 
granting  of  degrees  to  women.  Replies  to  an  inquiry 
issued  by  the" Engl i.sh  Department  of  Education  in 
1897,  with  later  revision  (United  States  Commission- 
er's Report  for  1904,  chap,  xx),  .showed  that  of  112 
universities  on  the  Continent,  in  Great  Britain,  and  in 
the  British  colonies,  86  made  no  distinction  between 
men  and  women  students,  6  admitted  women  by 
courtesy  to  lectures  and  examinations,  20  permitted 
them  to  attend  some  lectures  only;  of  these  20  uni- 
versities, 14  were  German  and  6  Austrian.  The  pro- 
portion of  women  students  to  the  total  enrollment  in 
the  universities  of  Central  Europe  is  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing table: — 

Austria Total  No.  of  Student.?,  22.749;  Women,  1.32.3 

France 33,818;         „  1.922 

Germany .'■>1.53.i:         „  1.9.3.8 

Switzerland 9.483;         „  2..594 

In  England,  provision  for  the  higher  education  of 
women  began  with  the  founding  of  Queen's  College, 
London  (1848)  and  Bedford  College  (1S49).  In  1878 
the  University  of  London  admitted  women  to  exam- 
inations and  degrees.     The  Honour  degree  examina- 


tions of  Cambridge  were  opened  to  women  (students 
of  Girton  and  Newnham  colleges)  in  1881 ;  some  of  the 
Oxford  examinations  were  opened  to  women  (stu- 
dents of  Somerville  College  and  Lady  Margaret  Hall) 
in  1884;  the  Scottish  universities  admitted  women  in 
1S92;  the  University  of  Durham  in  1805;  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wales  from  its  foundation  in  1S93.  In  Ire- 
land, both  the  Royal  University  and  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  receive  women  students.  It  should,  how- 
ever, be  noted  that  the  number  of  women  following 
university  courses  in  England  is  still  comparatively 
small.  In  1905-6,  the  colleges  mentioned  above  in 
coimexion  with  Oxford  had  in  residence  136  students, 
and  those  at  Cambridge,  316.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
movement  is  stronger  in  some  of  the  recently  founded 
universities.  Thus  the  institutions  for  women  affili- 
ated with  the  London  University  (Bedford,  Halloway, 
Westfield,  and  Royal  Free  Hospital)  in  1905-6  num- 
bered 628  students.  It  may  therefore  be  said  that  co- 
education in  Europe,  though  it  has  made  a  beginning, 
is  by  no  means  so  prominent  a  feature  of  the  schools  as 
it  is  in  the  United  States.  Its  growth  and  effects  are 
for  this  reason  best  studied  in  American  institutions; 
and  in  these  the  historical  facts  are  the  more  impor- 
tant inasmuch  as  they  are  said  to  furnish  ample  justi- 
fication of  the  policy. 

Causes. — The  explanation  of  these  facts  is  to  be 
sought  in  a  variety  of  conditions,  some  of  which  are 
naturally  connected  with  the  general  development  of 
the  country  while  others  may  be  called  artificial,  in  the 
sense  that  they  are  the  application  of  theories  or  poli- 
cies rather  than  direct  responses  to  needs,  or  final  solu- 
tions of  problems.  Thus  it  is  significant  that  co-edu- 
cation has  found  its  stronghold  in  the  Northern,  Cen- 
tral, and  Western  States  of  the  L^nion  which  profited 
most  by  the  Congressional  land  grants  of  1787  and 
1862  and  by  similar  grants  on  the  part  of  the  .several 
States.  It  was  easy  to  argue,  on  the  basis  of  demo- 
cratic principles,  that  institutions  supported  by  public 
funds  should  offer  the  same  advantages  to  all  citizens. 
From  the  founding  of  Oberlin  College,  Ohio  (1833), 
which  was  the  first  institution  of  its  class  to  introduce 
co-education  (1837),  the  policy  spread  at  such  a  rate 
that  by  1880  more  than  half  the  colleges,  and  by  1900 
nearly  three-fourths,  had  adopted  it.  In  the  more 
conservative  East  segregation  was  the  general  prac- 
tice until  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
But  the  precedent  established  by  Boston  University 
(1869)  and  by  Cornell  (1872)  was  soon  followed  by 
many  other  Eastern  institutions. 

A  still  more  powerful  factor  has  been  the  public 
high  school,  which  since  1850  has  held  an  important 
place  in  the  educational  system.  .Some  schools  of 
this  class,  notably  those  in  the  West,  were  co-educa- 
tional from  the  start;  others  were  opened  at  first  for 
boys  only,  but  eventually  they  admitted  girls  on 
the  same  terms ;  this  was  the  case  in  the  larger  cities 
of  the  East.  In  1891,  only  15  out  of  628  leading 
cities  of  the  country  had  separate  high  schools,  in  1901 
the  number  had  fallen  to  12.  The  growth  of  these 
schools  coincided  with  the  movement  in  favour  of 
higher  education  for  women.  The  leaders  of  this 
movement  insisted  on  the  right  of  women  to  have 
equal  advantages  with  men  in  the  line  of  education; 
they  quite  overlooked  or  disregarded  the  fact  that 
equality  in  this  ca.se  does  not  mean  identity.  But  any 
defect  in  their  reasoning  on  the  subject  was  more  than 
compensated  for  by  their  enthusiasm  and  perseverance. 
Their  efforts,  however,  were  in  accordance  with  the 
demands  made  by  industrial  changes.  The  introduc- 
tion of  labour-saving  machinery'  which  gradually 
brought  about  the  factory  organization  of  industry, 
took  from  woman,  one  by  one,  her  traditional  employ- 
ments in  the  home  and  compelled  her  to  seek  now  oc- 
cupations in  fields  hitherto  occupied  exclusively  by 
man:  hence  the  verj*  natural  demand  for  ocpial  educa- 
tional opportunities,  not  merely  to  .secure  the  more 


CO-EDUCATION 


90 


CO-EDUCATION 


complete  development  of  woman's  faculties,  but  also 
as  a  necessary  means  to  equip  her  for  her  new  position. 
The  demand  of  course  grew  piore  imperative  as  the 
professions  were  opened  to  women.  Once  it  was  ad- 
mitted that  a  woman  might,  for  instance,  take  up  the 
practice  of  medicine,  it  was  quite  obvious  as  a  matter 
of  public  policy  that  she  should  receive  the  training 
given  to  every  phy.sician.  How  fully  her  claims  have 
been  recognized  will  appear  from  statistics  given  above 
of  the  growth  of  universities,  colleges,  and  schools  of 
technology  since  1889. 

The  rapid  spread  of  co-education  aroused  intense 
interest  not  only  among  educators  but  also  in  the 
mind  of  the  public  at  large.  The  subject  was  dis- 
cussed from  every  point  of  view,  moral,  medical,  and 
economic,  no  less  than  educational.  Special  inquiries 
were  sent  out  by  school  committees,  State  boards,  and 
the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  with  a  view 
to  obtaining  statistics  and  expressions  of  opinion. 
Replies  to  these  inquiries  served  as  a  basis  for  numer- 
ous reports,  such  as  that  of  the  Boston  School  Com- 
mittee (Document  19,  1890)  and  that  of  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Education  based  on  the  inquiry  of  1S91. 
(See  Commissioner's  Report  for  1900-1901,  chap, 
xxviii.)  The  outcome  of  the  discussion  may  be  sum- 
marized as  follows:  (1)  the  tendency  towards  co-edu- 
cation as  a  universal  policy  was  freely  admitted  by  all 
parties;  (2)  considerable  divergence  of  opinion  was 
manifested  as  to  the  wisdom  of  co-education,  particu- 
larly in  secondary  schools;  (3)  in  many  cases  the 
issue  was  obscured  by  treating  co-education  as  though 
it  were  synonymoas  with  the  higher  education  of 
women. 

In  order  to  set  this  phase  of  the  question  in  a  some- 
what clearer  light,  it  should  be  noted  first  of  all  that 
the  reasons  advanced  in  favour  of  the  higher  educa- 
tion of  women,  valid  as  they  certainly  are,  do  not  of 
themselves  require  that  this  education  shall  be  identi- 
cal with  that  given  to  men.  Passing  over  for  the 
present  the  question  whether  both  sexes  should  study 
the  same  subjects  by  identical  methods  for  the  same 
length  of  time,  or  even  supposing  that  this  question 
should  be  answered  in  the  affirmative,  one  is  not 
thereby  compelled  to  admit  that  co-education  is  the 
only  acceptable  policy.  The  efficient  work  of  those 
colleges  which  are  exclusively  for  women  tells  strong- 
ly in  favour  of  separate  education.  On  the  other  hand , 
it  should  be  remarked  that  the  unification  of  the 
schools  into  a  system  does  not  necessarily  imply  co- 
education all  the  way  through.  While  endorsing  the 
practice  in  the  elementary  school  for  certain  reasons 
and  in  tjie  university  for  other  reasons,  one  may  con- 
.sistently  refuse  to  approve  its  introduction  in  the  sec- 
ondary school.  A  third  consideration  turns  on  the 
moral  factor.  Tliis  is,  and  always  has  been,  of  para- 
mount importance  in  Catholic  education.  Whatever 
advantages  of  an  intellectual  sort  may  be  claimed  for 
tlie  co-educational  school,  these  must,  from  the  Catholic 
point  of  view,  be  waived  if  they  carmot  be  obtained 
without  danger  to  morality.  This  view  of  course  is 
shared  by  many  non-Catholic  parents  and  teachers, 
some  of  whom  have  made  it  the  basis  of  their  criticism 
of  co-education.  Doubtless,  too,  it  would  have  counted 
for  more  in  the  discussion  if  the  whole  problem  of 
inoral  education  had  received  the  attention  bestowed 
in  late  years  on  everj'thing  pertaining  to  purely  intel- 
lectual culture.  Where  that  problem  is  overlooked  or 
lightly  dismissed,  some  of  the  most  serious  objections 
to  co-education  naturally  lose  their  force,  while  too 
much  weight  is  attached  to  some  of  the  reasons  on  the 
opposite  side. 

Phactice  and  Attitude  of  Catholic  Schools. — 
As  noted  above  co-education  prevails  in  most  of  the 
Catholic  elementary  schools.  That  women  should 
also  share  in  the  advantages  of  higher  education  is 
quite  in  keeping  with  Catholic  policy.  .\n  instance  of 
this  is  the  authorization  granted  by  Rome  for  women 


to  follow,  under  requisite  conditions,  courses  at  the 
English  universities  (Decision  of  Propaganda,  13 
July,  1907).  Another  is  furnished  by  such  institu- 
tions as  the  Anna-Stift,  a  university  school  for  Cath- 
olic teaching  sisters  founded  at  the  University  of 
Miinster  in  1899  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  German 
bishops.  Instruction  is  given  by  university  profes- 
sors not  in  the  halls  of  the  university  but  in  the  insti- 
tute itself,  an  arrangement  that  is  equivalent  to  what 
has  been  mentioned  above  as  co-ordinate  education. 
(See  Engelkemper  in  Cath.  Univ.  Bulletin,  May, 
1908.)  But  in  secondary  schools,  the  Catholic  policy 
is  decidedly  opposed  to  co-education.  The  high 
schools,  academies,  and  colleges  for  boys  are  altogether 
separate  from  those  for  girls.  Boys  are  taught  by 
male  teachers,  girls  by  women,  usually  religious. 
Nothing  in  fact  so  strongly  emphasizes  the  Catholic 
attitude  in  this  matter  as  the  work  of  various  orders  of 
men  established  to  teach  boys,  and  of  no  less  various 
orders  of  women  to  teach  girls.  This  is  the  century- 
old  practice  of  the  Church,  and  it  is  observed  in  all 
countries.  Catholics,  moreover,  have  followed  with 
interest  the  discussions  concerning  co-education ;  and 
though  in  many  other  respects  they  have  adopted  in 
their  own  work  the  methods  approved  by  experience 
in  non-Catholic  schools,  they  have  not  been  convinced 
by  the  arguments  advanced  in  favour  of  the  co-educa- 
tional plan. 

From  the  viewpoint  of  economy  co-education 
might  seem  the  wiser  plan ;  but  as  a  matter  of  fact,  by 
increasing  the  number  of  pupils  in  each  class  it  throws 
a  heavier  burden  on  the  teacher  and  it  makes  difficult 
if  not  impossible  that  individual  instruction,  the  need 
of  which  is  now  so  generally  recognized.  A  saving 
that  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the  school  is  hardly  de- 
sirable. The  advantage  also  that  is  claimed  on  the 
score  of  improved  discipline,  is  more  apparent  than 
real.  While  the  boys  probably  part  with  some  of 
their  roughness  it  is  by  no  means  certain  that  the  deli- 
cacy of  feeling  and  the  refinement  of  manner  that  are 
expected  in  girls,  gain  much  by  the  association. 
Moreover,  if  there  is  a  demand  for  better  discipline, 
the  right  way  to  meet  it  is  to  train  teachers  more  thor- 
oughly in  the  art  of  school  management.  A  skilful 
teacher  will  easily  control  a  class  either  of  boys  or  of 
girls  by  arousing  and  maintaining  their  interest  in 
what  is  really  the  work  of  the  school.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  can  do  no  harm  to  young  people,  especially 
boys,  to  cultivate  betimes  a  spirit  of  obedience  to  law 
for  its  own  sake,  and  not  merely  teach  them  to  behave 
themselves  out  of  deference  for  the  opposite  sex. 
There  is  no  doubt  a  decided  benefit  to  be  gotten  from 
social  intercourse,  provided  this  is  accompanied  by 
the  proper  conditions.  The  place  for  it  is  in  the  home, 
under  the  super^asion  of  parents,  who  will  see  to  it 
that  their  children  have  the  right  kind  of  associates, 
and  will  not  leave  them  to  the  chance  companionships 
which  the  mixed  school  affords.  It  has  often  been 
held  that  the  co-educational  system  extends  to  the 
school  the  "good  effects  that  flow  from  the  mutual  in- 
fluence of  mingling  the  sexes  in  the  family  circle"; 
but  this  contention  evidently  overlooks  the  profound 
difference  between  the  home  situation  which  asso- 
ciates children  by  natural  ties  of  kindred,  and  the  situ- 
ation in  school  where  these  ties  do  not  e.xist.  And  it 
further  forgets,  apparently,  that  the  home  influence 
itself  has  latterly  been  weakened  in  many  ways  and  by 
various  causes;  how  far  co-education  has  contributed 
to  this  result  is  of  course  another  question.  At  any 
rate,  it  avails  nothing  to  argue  that  because  boys  and 
girls  live  together  in  the  same  family,  it  is  more  nat- 
ural that  they  should  be  educated  in  the  same  classes. 
Wlien  appeal  is  taken  to  the  "natural"  order  of 
things,  the  decision  is  plainly  in  favour  of  separate 
schools. 

On  physiological  grounds,  identical  education  pre- 
sents  serious   difficulties.     As   no   arrangement  has 


COEFFETEAU 


91 


COEFFETEAU 


been  devised,  and  as  none  can  be  devised,  to  make  the 
conditions  of  study  exactly  the  same  for  both  sexes, 
co-education  really  means  that  girls  are  subjected  to  a 
regimen  intended  and  conducted  for  boys.  To  the 
physical  strain  which  is  thus  imposed  on  them,  girls  as 
a  rule  are  not  equal ;  in  particular  they  are  apt  to  suf- 
fer from  that  very  rivalry  which  is  often  cited  as  a  de- 
sirable feature  of  the  mixed  school.  If  education  is 
to  take  as  its  first  principle  conformity  to  nature,  it 
must  certainly  make  allowance  for  dilTerences  of  or- 
ganism and  function.  This  need  becomes  the  more 
imperative  in  proportion  as  the  dependence  of  .mind 
upon  organic  processes  is  more  fully  realized  and 
turned  to  practical  account  in  educational  work.  It 
then  appears  beyond  question  that  from  a  psychologi- 
cal standpoint  woman  should  have  a  different  training 
from  that  which  men  receive.  There  is  no  question 
here  as  to  the  superiority  or  inferiority  of  either  sex, 
nor  will  it  profit  to  say  that  "soul  has  no  gender". 
The  fact  is  that  each  sex  has  its  own  mental  constitu- 
tion and  its  special  capacities.  To  develop  these  is 
the  work  of  education;  but  this  does  not  mean  that 
unlike  natures  shall  be  moulded  into  asuperficial  resem- 
blance to  each  other.  Even  if  it  were  desirable  to 
have  the  finished  product  exactly  the  same  in  both 
sexes,  it  does  not  follow  that  this  result  is  to  be  ob- 
tained by  subjecting  men  and  women  to  the  same  dis- 
cipline. Educationists  are  agreed  that  the  need  of 
the  developing  mind  is  the  first  t.iing  to  be  consulted 
in  framing  methods  and  in  organizing  the  work  of  the 
school.  They  rightly  condemn  not  only  a  system 
which  treats  the  boy  as  though  he  were  a  man,  but  also 
any  feature  of  method  that  fails  to  secure  adaptation, 
even  in  detail,  of  the  teaching  to  the  present  condition 
of  the  pupil's  mind.  Yet  many  of  them,  strangely 
enough,  insist  that  the  same  training  shall  be  given  to 
boys  and  girls  in  the  secondary  schools,  that  is  at  a 
period  which  Ls  chiefly  characterized  by  the  manifesta- 
tion of  profound  mental  differences  between  one  sex 
and  the  other.  The  attempt  now  so  generally  made 
to  obviate  the  physiological  and  psychological  diffi- 
culties of  co-education  by  adapting  the  work  of  the 
school  to  the  capacities  and  requirements  of  girls,  can 
evidently  have  but  one  result,  and  that  not  a  desirable 
one,  so  far  as  Ijoys  are  concerned. 

It  must  further  be  pointed  out  on  vocational 
grounds  that,  since  woman's  work  in  the  world  is  nec- 
es.sarily  different  from  man's,  there  should  be  a  corre- 
sponding difference  in  the  preparation.  Here  again  it 
is  singular  that  while  the  whole  trend  of  our  schools  is 
towards  specialization  in  view  of  the  needs  of  after-life, 
no  such  consideration  should  be  had  for  diversity  of 
calling  based  on  diversity  of  .sex.  The  student  is  en- 
couraged to  take  up  as  early  as  possible  the  special 
lines  of  work  that  fit  him  for  his  chosen  career  in  busi- 
ness, in  literary  work,  or  in  any  of  the  professions ;  yet 
for  the  essential  duties  of  life,  widely  different  as  these 
are,  men  and  women  receive  an  identical  education. 
However  great  be  the  share  which  woman  is  to  take 
in  "the  public  expression  of  the  ideal  energies,  for 
morality  and  religion,  for  education  and  social  re- 
forms, and  their  embodiment,  not  in  the  home,  but  in 
the  public  consciousness" — it  still  remains  true  that 
her  success  as  a  supporter  of  these  ideal  endeavours  is 
closely  bound  up  with  the  right  discharge  of  those  du- 
ties which  are  at  once  the  lot  and  the  privilege  of  her 
sex.  Any  influence  that  tends  to  make  those  duties 
less  sacred  to  her  or  less  attractive,  is  a  menace  to  her 
individual  perfection  and  may  lead  to  far-reaching 
calamity.  The  lowering  of  sex  tension,  which  is  the 
strongest  argiunent  brought  forward  to  support  co- 
education from  the  view-point  of  moralit}',  tm-ns  out 
on  closer  inspection  to  be  a  fatal  objection;  it  proves 
too  much.  'The  "  indifference"  which  it  is  said  to  pro- 
duce has  its  consequences  beyond  the  limit  of  school- 
life,  and  these  if  left  to  work  out  their  own  results 
would  be,  as  they  undoubtedly  are  in  many  instances, 


antagonistic  to  the  essential  interests  of  family  and 
home,  and  eventuallj'  of  the  national  life  as  well. 

The  element  of  religious  instruction,  essential  to 
Catholic  schools,  has  a  peculiar  significance  in  the 
present  proljleni.  It  not  onlj'  gives  free  scope  to  ideal 
and  jesthetic  tendencies,  but  it  also  provides  effectual 
safeguards  against  the  dangers  to  which  adolescence 
is  exposed.  As  President  Hall  has  said,  "every  glow 
of  esthetic  appreciation  for  a  great  work  of  art,  every 
thrill  aroused  by  an  act  of  sublime  heroism,  every 
pulse  of  religious  aspiration  weakens  by  just  so  much 
the  potential  energy  of  passion  because  it  has  found 
its  kinetic  equivalent  in  a  higher  form  of  expression" 
(Pedagogical  Seminary,  March,  190S).  The  "pro- 
phylactic value"  of  religious  training  is,  from  the 
Catholic  point  of  view,  far  greater  than  that  of  the 
conditions  which  co-education  involves  and  on  which 
it  depends  for  the  development  of  character  and 
morals.  But  this  value  of  course  can  be  got  only  by 
teaching  religion  with  the  same  thoroughness  and  the 
same  perfection  of  method  that  characterizes  the  teach- 
ing of  other  subjects,  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
the  duties  which  religion  imposes  on  both  the  sexes 
not  merely  pleasing  items  of  knowledge,  but  also  vital 
elements  in  habit  and  action.  (See  Education; 
Schools.) 

For  extended  biblioarraphies  see  U.  S.  Commisnioner's  Report 
for  1900-01.  xx\iii;  ibid,  for  1903.  xx;  Clarke,  Sex  in  Educa- 
tion (Boston.  1S73>  Van  pf  W^rHPR.  Woman's  Unfitness  for 
Higher  Education  t^f^-^y  y"r^~  loiiii-  Kimvs,  Ueber  die  (jemein- 
sameErziehungb'vh  '.'  -  hcrcn  ^chulcn  {Wajn- 
bura.  18S9):  Haki.  -  -  Sexes  in  Revort  on 
Public  Schools  of  Sf  /  ,,  I)e  Gjlrmo.  Differ- 
entiation in  the  Hii!J,t  i  L.; ..  ..,    H  ..:;un  in  Educ.  Rev.,  25, 

301;    Shields,  The  Educalun  of  Uur  Uuis  (New  York,  1907). 

Thomas  E.  Shield.s. 

CoeSeteau,  Nicolas,  preacher  and  controver- 
sialist, b.  1574,  at  Chateau-du-Loir,  province  of  Maine, 
France;  d.  Paris,  21  April,  162.3.  He  entered  the 
Dominican  convent  of  Sens,  1588,  and  after  his  pro- 
fession, 1590,  was  sent  to  St-Jacques,  the  house  of 
studies  at  Paris.  There  in  1595  he  began  to  teach 
philosophy.  On  4  May,  1600,  he  received  the  doctor- 
ate and  was  appointed  regent  of  studies,  which  posi- 
tion he  filled  until  1606  and  again  from  1609  to  the 
spring  of  1612.  He  also  served  two  terms  as  prior  and 
was  vicar-general  of  the  French  congregation  from 
1606  to  1009.  At  this  time  Coeffeteau  had  already 
acquired  distinction  by  his  preaching  at  Blois,  Char- 
tres.  Angers,  and  in  Paris.  Queen  Margaret  of  Va- 
lois  had  made  him  her  almoner  in  1602,  and  in  1608 
he  received  the  appointment  of  preacher  in  ordinary 
to  King  Henry  IV.  In  June,  1617,  he  was  proposed 
by  Louis  XIII  and  confirmed  by  Pope  Paul  V  as  titu- 
lar Bishop  of  Dardania  and  Administrator  of  the  Dio- 
cese of  Metz.  By  his  vigilance  and  zealous  preaching 
he  checked  the  spread  of  Calvinistic  errors,  renewed 
and  re-established  Divine  services,  and  restored  eccle- 
siastical discipline,  especially  in  the  great  abbeys  of 
Metz  and  in  the  monasteries  of  the  diocese.  After 
four  years  he  was  transferred,  22  .\ug.,  1021,  to  the 
Diocese  of  Marseilles;  but  ill-health  kejjt  him  from  his 
see.  He  secured  Francois  de  Lomenie  as  his  coadjutor, 
but  he  himself  remained  at  Paris  until  his  death.  He 
was  buried  in  St.  Thomas's  chapel  of  the  convent  of 
St-Jacques.  Coeffeteau's  writings  are  chiefly  polemi- 
cal. Five  treatises  on  the  Eucharist  were  occasioned 
by  a  controversy  with  Pierre  du  Moulin,  Calvinist 
minister  of  Charenton.  Another  series  on  ecclesiasti- 
cal and  pontifical  authority  was  prompted  by  the 
action  of  the  French  Protestants  in  relation  to  political 
and  religious  disturl)ances  in  England.  At  the  re- 
fpiest  of  firogorj-  X^'.  Coeffeteau  wrote  a  refutation  of 
the  "  De  Republica  Chri.stiana"  by  the  apostate  Arch- 
bi.shop  of  Spalato,  Marc'  Antonio  de  Dominis.  In  all 
these  writings,  at  a  time  in  which  partisanship  was 
wont  to  be  violent,  Coeffeteau  maintained  an  ocjuable 
temper   and   a   praiseworthy   spirit   of   moderation, 


COELCHU 


92 


COENRED 


always  handling  his  subjects  objectively  and  dispas- 
sionately. His  erudition  was  extraordinary  and  he 
was  possessed  of  a  rare  and  penetrating  critical  judg- 
ment. On  the  question  of  papal  power  and  author- 
ity, Coeffeteau's  position  is  described  as  that  of  a  mod- 
ified Gallicanism.  He  held  that  the  infallibility  of  the 
pope  or  of  an  (Ecumenical  council  was  restricted  to 
matters  of  faith  and  did  not  bear  upon  questions  of 
fact  or  of  persons.  A  council,  he  held,  was  not  supe- 
rior to  a  pope  except  in  the  case  of  schism,  when  it 
could  depose  the  doubtful  incumbent  to  elect  one 
whose  right  and  authority  would  be  beyond  question. 
In  this  Coeffeteau  differed  from  the  Sorbonne,  which 
asserted  the  council's  superiority  in  all  cases.  Be- 
sides being  called  the  father  of  French  eloquence, 
Coeffeteau  was  a  recognized  master  of  the  French 
language.  He  was  the  first  to  use  it  as  a  means  of 
theological  expression,  and  the  purity  of  his  diction, 
especially  in  his  historical  writings  and  translations, 
is  admitted  and  commended  by  manj'  excellent 
authorities. 

QuETIF-EcHARD,  Scriplores  Ord.  Pr(rd.,  II,  434;  CouLON  in 
Vacant.  DM.  de  thiol,  cath.  (Pari.s.  1906),  fa3c.  XVIII,  col. 
267;    Urbain,  Nicolas  Coeffeteau  (Paris,  1894). 

John  R.  Volz. 

Coelchu,  al.so  Colg.v,  Colcu  (Lat.  Colcus),  a  dis- 
tinguished Aljbot  of  the  School  of  Clonmacnoise  in  Ire- 
land, wlio  flourished  during  the  latter  half  of  the 
eighth  century.  He  had  been  a  student  of  this  school, 
and  had  devoted  himself  especially  to  the  study  of  St. 
Paul,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  his  special  patron. 
Coelchu  was  remarkable  for  his  learning,  and  was 
surnamed  the  Scribe,  and  also  the  Wise.  Colgan  (Acta 
Sanctorum  Hiberniie)  mentions  one  tract  from  the  pen 
of  Coelchu  which  was  then  extant,  and  which  was  en- 
tirely of  a  devotional  character.  He  is  generally  as- 
sumed to  be  the  person  with  whom  Alcuin  apparently 
had  some  correspondence.  A  letter  of  Alcuin's  to 
him  has  been  published  by  Ussher  (Sylloge,  Ep.'  xviii) 
and  republished  by  Colgan.  It  is  headed  "Albini 
Magistri  ad  Colcum  lectorem  in  Scotia.  Benedieto 
magistro  et  pio  patri  Colcu  Alcuinus  humilis  levita 
salutem".  There  can  hardly  be  any  doubt  that  the 
Colcu  spoken  of  was  the  .Xbbot  of  Clonmacnoise,  and 
that  the  writer  of  the  letter  was  Alcuin,  not  Albin  the 
companion  of  Clement,  though  there  is  no  reason  for 
concluding  from  the  style  of  the  address  that  Alcuin 
had  ever  been  a  student  of  Coelchu 's  at  Clonmacnoise. 
In  this  letter  Alcuin  gives  Coelchu  an  accoimt  of  the 
state  of  religion  on  the  Continent,  mentions  Joseph, 
one  of  Coelchu's  pupils  then  in  France,  speaks  of  dis- 
putes between  King  Charles  and  Offa  of  Mercia,  on  ac- 
count of  which  he  himself  was  likely  to  be  sent  as 
negotiator  into  England.  This  clearly  proves  that  the 
letter  was  written  shortly  before  790.  He  sends  Coel- 
chu presents  of  money  from  King  Charles  and  from 
himself  for  the  monastery  of  Clonmacnoise  and  for  other 
monks  in  Ireland,  and  asks  their  prayers  for  himself 
and  the  king.  There  is  another  reference  to  Coelchu 
in  Alcuin's  letter  to  Joseph,  mentioned  already  in  the 
letter  to  Coelchu.  Though  Coelchu  was  spoken  of  as 
the  Scribe  or  Doctor  of  all  the  Irish,  none  of  his  writ^ 
ings  have  come  down  to  us. 

Colgan  Ada  SS.  fftfeemtcr  (Louvain,  1645),  20  Feb..  378; 
Ussher.  Sylloge  (Dublin,  1632),  Ep.  xviii;  Ware-Harris. 
Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1739-64),  511;  Mabillon,  Annates 
U.S.  B.,  ad  annum  790;  Lanigax,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ire- 
land (Dublin,  1829),  III,  228-232. 

Jame.s  MacCaffrey. 

Coelde,  Theodore  (Theodore  of  Munster;  Theo- 
DOHK  of  O.snabrCck;  Dkrick,  Dederick,  or  Diete- 
liirn,  C6i.de),  Friar  Minor  and  mis.sionary,  b.  at 
.Miinsfer,  in  14.'5.5;  d.  at  Louvain,  11  December,  1515. 
lie  was  a  different  jierson  from  the  Dominican,  Theo- 
dore of  Miinster,  and  from  the  iVugustinian,  Theodore 
of  Osnabriick;  and  was  called  Tli'eodnrc  von  Munster 
(Theodoricus  a  Monastcrio)  from  the   place  of   bus 


birth;  and  Theodore  von  Osnabriick  from  his  father's 
native  town.  Coelde  made  his  first  studies  at  Cologne, 
and  entered  the  Order  of  the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine 
at  an  early  age.  In  1454  he  was  received  into  the 
Franciscan  Order  in  the  Netherlands.  When  the 
plague  broke  out  at  Brussels  in  1489,  Coelde  went 
about  administering  the  last  sacraments  to  the  dying; 
and  when  the  sacristan  accompanying  him  fell  a 
victim  to  the  plague,  Coelde  attached  the  lantern  to 
his  girdle,  and,  with  the  pyx  in  one  hand  and  the  bell 
in  the  other,  continued  his  ministrations.  Before 
the  end  of  the  plague,  more  than  thirty-two  thousand 
had  received  the  last  rites  of  the  Church  from  the 
heroic  friar.  In  1470  Coelde  composed  a  brief,  popu- 
lar treatise  on  the  truths  of  the  Catholic  Faith,  entitled 
"  Kerstenspiegel "  or  "Christenspiegel"  (The  Chris- 
tian's Mirror),  which  is  considered  to  be  the  first 
German  catechism.  It  went  through  thirty-two  edi- 
tions in  Low  German  and  two  in  High  German,  and 
came  to  be  used  throughout  Germany  and  the  Nether- 
lands as  the  principal  work  of  popular  instruction  in 
religious  matters.  At  the  request  of  his  friend  and 
admirer,  Archbishop  Hermann,  he  wrote  a  series  of 
me<iitations  on  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  which  appeared 
probably  about  the  same  time  as  the  "  Christen- 
spiegel". In  1618  the  remains  of  Coelde  were  ex- 
humed, and,  after  the  suppression  of  the  Franciscan 
convent  at  Louvain,  were  transferred  to  Saint-Trond, 
where  they  now  repose  behind  the  liigh  altar. 

Schlager.  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  kdlnischen  Frfin^ 
ziskaner-Ordensprovinz  (Cologne,  1904),  190,  passim;  ScHOUT- 
EN8,  Martyrologium  Minorilico-Belgicum  (Hoog.straetei,  1902), 

211,213.  Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Coello,  Alonzo  S.vnchez.     See  SXnchez-Coello, 

Alonzo. 

Coemgen  (or  Kevin),  Saint,  Abbot  of  Glenda- 
lough,  Ireland,  b.  about  498,  the  date  being  very  ob- 
scure; d.  .3  June,  618;  son  of  Coemlog  and  Coemell. 
His  name  signifies  fair-begotten.  He  was  baptized  by 
St.  Cronan  and  educated  by  St.  Petroc,  a  Briton. 
From  his  twelfth  year  he  studied  under  monks,  and 
eventually  embraced  the  monastic  state.  Subse- 
quently he  founded  the  famous  monastery  of  Glen- 
dalough  (the  Valley  of  the  Tw-o  Lakes),  the  parent  of 
several  other  monastic  foundations.  After  visiting 
Sts.  Coluraba,  Comgall,  and  Cannich  at  LTsneach 
(Usny  Hill)  in  Westmeath,  he  proceeded  to  Clonmac- 
noise, where  St.  Cieran  had  died  three  days  before, 
in  544.  Having  firmly  established  his  community, 
he  retired  into  solitude  for  four  years,  and  only  re- 
turned to  Glendalough  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  his 
monks.  He  belonged  to  the  second  order  of  Irish 
saints  and  probably  was  never  a  bishop.  So  nu- 
merous were  his  followers  that  Glendalough  became 
a  veritable  city  in  the  desert.  His  festival  is  kept 
throughout  Ireland.  Glendalough  became  an  episco- 
pal see,  but  is  now  incorporated  with  Dublin.  St. 
Kevin's  house  and  St.  Kevin's  bed  of  rock  are  still  to 
be  seen:  and  the  Seven  i  liuirlirsof  Glendalough  have 
for  centuries  been  vImi  III   !iy  pilnrims. 

O'Hanlon,  Lu>es  o/ /r,  'i  >-,,„'/>  iHul.lin,  1875),  VI,  28  sqq.; 
Healy,  Ireland's  Ancirnl  ."^cliaals  and  Scholars  (Dublin,  1890); 
Lanigan,  Ecclesiastical  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1829),  II; 
Olden  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v. 

CoLUMBA  Edmonds. 

Coenred  (or  Cenred,  also  Coenr.s;d,  Coinred, 
Kenred,  and  Chrenrf.d),  King  of  Mercia  (reigned 
704-709);  date  of  birth  and  death  unknown.  He 
was  the  son  of  King  Wulfhero  and  his  Queen  Eormen- 
gild.  When  Wulfhere  died,  in  (i75.  (_'oenretl  was  prob- 
ably too  young  to  succeed,  and  his  uncle  .Ethelred 
ascended  the  throne.  The  A.  S.  Chronicle  speaks  of 
Coenred  becoming  King  of  the  Southumbrians  (a 
name  very  rarely  uscil)  in  702,  and  succeeding  to  the 
throne  of  Mercia  in  704,  when  .Ethelred  retired  to  the 
cloister.    Southumbria  proljably  designates  the  north- 


C(EUR   D'ALENE 


93 


COFFIN 


ern  portion  of  Mercia,  which  Jilthelred  recovered  from 
Northumbria.  It  is  inferred  that  the  people  of  this 
region  rebelled  against  ^thelred  and  chose  Coenred 
for  their  king,  and  later  induced  Jithelred  to  resign 
the  whole  of  Mercia  in  favour  of  Coenred  in  704.  A 
reaction  against  the  Southumbrians  took  place  in  709, 
when  Coenred  abdicated  in  favour  of  Coelred,  the  son 
of  ^■Ethelred.  Coenred  then  accompanied  Otfa,  King 
of  the  East  Saxons,  to  Rome,  where  he  received  the 
monastic  habit  from  Pope  Constantine.  He  was 
)iresent  at  a  council  of  the  Mercian  clergy  in  705,  and 
his  name  appears  on  several  charters  granting  lands 
to  Waldhere,  Bishop  of  London,  to  Cuthswith,  Abbess 
of  Worcester,  and  also  to  the  Abbey  of  Evesham.  It 
does  not  appear  that  he  was  ever  married.  A  great 
lover  of  peace,  and  of  a  pious  disposition,  he  was  more 
suited  for  the  cloister  than  the  throne.  St.  Beile  tells 
us  that  he  befriended  St.  Wilfrid  when  in  exile,  and 
relates  in  detail  his  efforts  to  convert  to  a  better  life 
one  of  his  chief  nobles,  who  finally  died  in  despair. 

LlNGARD,  Hi^l.  of  England,  I.  iii;  Anglo-S<ixon  Chronicle  ad 
aim.  702,  "OU,  7oa;  Bede,  Ecd.  Hist.,  bk.  V.  xiii,  xix,  x.>dv; 
WiLUAM  OF  Malmesbury,  Gest.  Reg.  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  i,  iii; 
Idem.  Gesl.  Pont.,  239,  317,  351-2,  386;  H.\ddaj<  and  Stubbs. 
Councils,  III,  2(3. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

CoBur  d'Alene  Indians,  a  small  tribe  of  Salishan 
stock  formerly  ranging  along  the  lake  and  river  of  the 
same  name  in  Northern  Idaho,  U.  S.  A.,  and  now 
residing  upon  a  reservation  established  in  1873  within 
the  same  boundaries.  The  name  by  which  they  are 
commonly  known,  signifying  ''awl  heart",  is  said, 
although  doubtfully,  to  have  been  originally  a  nick- 
name given  by  the  French  traders  to  a  chief  of  the 
tribe  noted  for  his  stinginess.  They  call  themselves 
Skits  wish.  When  first  noticed  by  the  American  ex- 
plorers, Lewis  and  Clark,  in  1805,  the  Coeur  d'.41ene 
were  a  wandering,  poverty-stricken  people,  dwelling 
in  mat-covered  communal  houses  on  the  border  of  the 
lake,  and  subsisting  chiefly  upon  fish  and  wild  roots. 
In  disposition  they  were  peaceful,  brave  and  honest, 
and  at  a  later  period,  having  acquired  through  the 
P'rench  and  Iroquois  employees  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company  an  idea  of  the  Catholic  religion,  many  of 
them,  as  well  as  the  Flatheads,  Nez  Perces,  and  others, 
vohmtarily  adopted  a  system  of  Christian  prayers  and 
church  forms.  In  1841  the  Jesuit,  Nicholas  Point,  a 
companion  of  De  Smet,  established  the  Sacred  Heart 
(now  De  Smet)  mission  among  them,  with  such  won- 
derful success  that  within  ten  years  the  entire  tribe 
had  become  Christian,  civilized,  and  comfortably  self- 
supporting. 

In  his  official  report  to  the  Indian  Office  in  1854, 
Governor  Stevens  of  Washington  says:  "It  is  indeed 
extraordinary  what  the  good  fathers  have  done  at  the 
CiBur  d'.^lene  mission.  They  have  a  splendid  church 
nearly  finished  by  the  labours  of  the  fathers,  laymen, 
and  Indians;  .a  large  barn;  a  horse  mill  for  flour;  a 
small  range  of  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
priests  and  laymen;  a  store  room;  a  milk  or  dairy 
room;  a  cook  room,  and  good  arrangements  for  their 
pigs  and  cattle.  They  are  putting  up  a  new  range  of 
quarters,  and  the  Indians  have  some  twelve  comforta- 
ble log  cabins.  The  church  was  designed  by  the  .supe- 
rior of  the  mission,  Pere  Avile,  a  man  of  skill  as  an 
architect,  and  undouljtedly,  judging  from  his  well- 
thumbed  books,  of  various  accomplishments.  Pere 
Gazzoli  showed  me  several  designs  for  the  altar,  all  of 
them  characterized  by  good  taste  and  harmony  of 
proportion.  The  church,  a-s  a  specimen  of  architect- 
ure, would  do  credit  to  anyone,  and  has  been  faith- 
fully .sketched  by  our  artist,  Mr.  Stanley.  The  mas- 
sive timbers  supporting  the  altar  were  from  larch 
trees  five  feet  in  diameter,  and  were  raised  to  their 
place  by  the  Indians,  simply  with  the  uiil  of  a  piiliey 
and  rope.  They  have  a  large  cultivated  field  of  some 
200  acres,  and  a  prairie  of  from  2000  to  3000  acres. 


They  own  a  hundred  pigs,  eight  yoke  of  oxen,  twenty 
cows,  and  a  liberal  proportion  of  horses,  mules,  and 
young  animals.  The  Indians  have  learned  to  plough, 
sow,  till  the  soil  generally,  milk  cows,  and  do  all  the 
duties  incident  to  a  farm.  They  are  some  of  them 
expert  wood  cutters,  and  I  saw  some  thirty  or  forty 
Indians  at  work  getting  in  the  harvest."  .\11  this  in 
thirteen  years  in  the  heart  of  the  wilderness,  two 
thousand  miles  from  the  frontier  town  of  St.  Louis! 

The  mission  still  continues  to  mould  the  tribal  life, 
and  official  reports  show  that  the  same  high  standard 
is  maintained,  each  year  showing  an  advance  in  pros- 
perity and  general  intelligence.  The  tribe  is  increas- 
ing, and  numbered  492  souls  in  1906. 

'Minimal  Report  nf  the  Commission  "/  /.,  ,.  \  ,-.,,.«  :ish- 
ington.    1S31-1906);     Lewis   and    <  i       i  ,    "  '       rnds 

(New  York,   1905);    Moo.ney,  art.    W      ,  i    '/  ■/.   ■•/ 

Am.erican  Indians  (Washington,  190,  ;  Sim  \,  '\-'ii.,;i,  l/j.s- 
sioTis  (New  York,  1S55);  De  Smet,  Orrgon  .Mt.s.^ions  I. New 
Y'ork,  1847):  Stevens,  in  Report  of  Commission  of  Indian 
Affairs  (Washington,  1854). 

James  Mooney. 

Coffin  (alias  Hatton),  Edward,  English  Jesuit  and 
missionary,  b.  at  Exeter,  1570;  d.  17  April,  1626,  at 
Saint -Omer's  College.  After  studies  at  Reims  and 
Ingolstadt,  he  was  ordained  at  the  English  (College, 
Rome,  and  sent  to  England.  In  1598  he  entered  tne 
Society.  On  his  way  to  the  novitiate  in  Flanders,  he 
was  seized  by  the  Dutch,  near  Antwerp,  and  taken 
to  England,  where  he  was  imprisoned  for  five  years. 
Banished  from  England  in  1603,  he  acted  for  twenty 
years  as  confessor  at  the  English  College,  Rome.  He 
vohmteered  for  England  again,  but  died  on  the 
journey.  He  wrote  the  preface  to  Father  Persons's 
"Discussion  of  Mr.  Barlowe's  .\nswer"  (Saint-Omer, 
1612);  Refutation  of  Hall,  Dean  of  Worcester's  "  Dis- 
course for  the  Marriage  of  Ecclesiastical  Persons" 
(1619);  "Art  of  Dying  AVell",  from  the  Latin  of 
Bellarmine  (1621);  "True  Relation  of  Sickness  and 
Death  of  Cardinal  Bellarmine",  by  C.  E.  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus  (1622),  tr.  into  Latin,  "De  Morte",  etc. 
(Saint-Omer,  1623,  8vo.);  "Marci  Antonii  de  Dom- 
inis  Palinodia"  (Saint-Omer,  1623),  tr.  by  Dr. 
Fletcher  in  1827  as  "My  Motives  for  Renouncing  the 
Protestant  Religion";  "  De  Martyrio  PP.  Roberts, 
Wilson  et  Napper"  (Stonyhurst  MSS.,  Anglia,  III, 
n.  103). 

Oliver.  Collectanea  S.  J.,  55;  Foley,  Records,  I,  69;  VI,  178, 
and  677;  VII  (i),  145;  Morris.  Troubles,  I,  166;  Douay  Diaries. 
pp.  18,  207,  213;  SoMMERVOGEL,  Bibliolh'ique,  II,  col.  1270; 
GiLLOw,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng,  Cath.,  I,  522;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat. 
Biog. .  s.  V. 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Coffin,  Robert  Aston,  ecclesiastical  writer  and 
bishop,  b.  at  Brighton,  England,  19  July,  1819;  d.  at 
Teignmouth,  Devonshire,  6  April,  1885.  He  re- 
ceived his  secondary  education  at  Harrow  and  in  1837 
went  to  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  where  he  took  his 
B..\.  degree  with  honours  in  1840.  He  then  prepared 
himself  for  the  ministry  and,  having  received  Anglican 
orders  from  the  Bishop  of  Oxford,  ho  was  appointed  in 
1843  vicar  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  Oxford.  While  at 
Oxford  he  had  become  a  follower  of  Dr.  Newman,  and 
like  so  many  others  w-ho  had  joined  the  Oxford  or 
Tractarian  Movement  he  left  the  .\nglican  Chiirch  and 
was  received  into  the  Catholic  Cluirch  at  Prior  Park 
on  the  feast  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  3  Dec,  1845,  two 
months  after  the  reception  of  Dr.  Newman.  Having 
spent  a  year  a.s  tutor  in  the  family  of  Mr.  Ambrose  de 
Lisle,  he  followed  Newman  to  Rome  to  prejiare  hinv 
self  for  the  i)riesthood,  and  was  ordainetl  31  Oct., 
1847,  by  the  cardinal  vicar.  In  the  meantime  Dr. 
Newman  had  been  authorized  by  Pius  I X  to  found  the 
Oratory  of  St.  Philip  Neri  in  England.  When,  in 
June,  i848,  the  Oratory  was  established.  Father  Cof- 
fin with  other  convert  priests  joined  it,  and  he  was 
a|ipointed  superior  of  St.  Wilfrid's,  Cotton  Hall.  The 
next  year  he  followed  a  strong  attraction  he  had  felt 


COGITOSUS 


94 


COHEN 


since  his  conversion  for  the  Congregation  of  the  Most 
Holy  Redeemer,  left  the  Oratory,  and  entered  the 
Redemptorist  novitiate  at  Saint-Trond,  in  Belgium. 
Having  made  his  profession  on  2  February,  1852,  he 
returned  to  England  and  began  his  long  and  fruitful 
career  as  a  zealous  Redemptorist  missionary.  From 
1855  to  1865  he  was  rector  of  St.  Mary's,  Clapham, 
and  from  the  latter  year  till  1882  he  held  the  office  of 
provincial  of  the  English  Redemptorists.  These 
offices,  however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  zealously 
labouring  with  pen  and  tongue,  for,  from  1852  to 
1872,  he  was  almost  constantly  engaged  in  giving 
missions  and  clergy  retreats  throughout  England, 
Ireland,  and  Scotland,  and  in  publishing  many  asceti- 
cal  books. 

After  the  death  of  Dr.  Danell,  the  second  Bishop  of 
Southwark,  Father  Coffin  was  chosen  as  his  successor, 
and  was  consecrated  in  Rome  by  Cardinal  Howard, 
in  the  church  of  S.  Alfonso,  11  June,  1882,  taking 
possession  of  his  see  on  27  July.  After  an  illness  of 
several  months,  borne  with  great  fortitude.  Bishop 
Coffin  died  at  Teignmouth,  in  the  house  of  the  Re- 
demptorists which  he  himself  had  founded  when  pro- 
vincial. "Although  his  name  was  at  no  time  con- 
spicuously before  the  world,  his  influence  had  been 
widely  and  deeply  felt,  and  few  ecclesiastics  in  Eng- 
land were  held  in  greater  esteem  or  affection.  By  the 
publication  of  many  of  the  works  of  St.  Alphonsus,  by 
his  labours  as  a  preacher  and  missionary  in  his  younger 
days,  by  his  numerous  retreats,  especially  to  the 
clergy,  and  still  more  by  his  government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  the  Congregation  of  the  Most  Holy  Redeemer 
in  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  during  nearly 
twenty  years,  he  performed  a  quiet,  solid  and  endur- 
ing work  which  will  be  felt  for  many  generations" 
("The  Tablet",  London).  Among  his  publications 
are  the  following  English  translations  of  the  Italian 
works  of  St.  Alphonsus:  "The  Glories  of  Mary"  (Lon- 
don, 18.52,  1868);  "The  Mysteries  of  the  Faith: 
The  Incarnation"  (London,  1854);  "The  Christian 
Virtues"  (London,  1854);  "The  Mysteries  of  the 
Faith:  The  Eucharist"  (London,  1855);  "Visits  to 
the  Most  Holy  Sacrament"  (London,  1855);  "The 
Eternal  Truths"  (London,  1857);  "A  Devotion  in 
Honour  of  St.  Joseph"  (London,  1860);  "The  Mys- 
teries of  the  Faith:  The  Redemption"  (London, 
1861);  "Hymns  and  Verses  on  Spiritual  Subjects" 
(London,  1863).  He  also  published  a  translation  of 
"The  Oratory  of  the  Faithful  Soul"  by  Blosius  (Lon- 
don, 1848),  and  several  pastoral  letters. 

GiLLOw,  Bibl.  Diet,  of  Eng.  Calh..  s.  v.;  The  Tablet  (London, 
11  April,  1885).  B.  GlTLDNER. 

Cogitosus,  an  Irishman,  an  author,  and  a  monk  of 
Kildare;  the  date  and  place  of  his  birth  and  of  his 
death  are  unknown;  it  is  uncertain  even  in  what  cen- 
tury he  lived.  In  the  one  work  which  he  wrote,  his 
life  of  St.  Brigid,  he  asks  a  prayer  pro  me  nepote  cul- 
pabili,  from  which  both  Ware  and  Ussher  conclude  that 
he  wa.s  a  nephew  of  St.  Brigid,  and,  accordingly,  he 
is  put  down  by  them  among  the  writers  of  the  sixtli 
century.  But  the  word  nepos  may  also  be  applied  to 
one  who,  like  the  prodigal,  had  lived  riotously,  and  it 
may  be,  that  Cogitosus,  recalling  some  former  lapses 
from  virtue,  so  uses  the  word  of  himself.  At  all 
events,  his  editor,  Vossius,  is  quite  satisfied  that  Cogi- 
tosus was  no  nephew  of  St.  Brigid,  because  in  two 
genealogical  menologies  which  Vossius  had,  in  which 
were  enumerated  the  names  of  fourteen  holy  men  of 
that  saint's  family,  the  name  of  Cogitosus  is  not  to  be 
found.  Nor  did  tlie  latter  live  in  the  sixth  centuiy, 
because  he  .speaks  of  a  long  succe.s.sion  of  bishops  aiid 
abbe.s.ses  at  Kildare,  .showing  tliat  Iw  writes  of  a  jieriod 
long  after  the  time  of  St.  Brigid,  who  died  in  525,  and 
of  St.  Coiileth,  who  died  a  few  years  earlier.  Besides 
this,  tlu'  description  of  the  church  of  Kildare  belongs 
to  a  nuich  later  time ;  and  the  author  calls  St.  Conleth 


an  archbishop,  a  term  not  usual  in  the  Western  Church 
until  the  opening  of  the  nmth  century.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  describes  Kildare  before  it  was  plundered  by 
the  Danes,  in  835,  and  before  St.  Brigid's  remains 
were  removed  to  Down.  The  probabihty  therefore  is 
that  he  lived  and  wrote  the  life  of  St.  Brigid  about  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  His  work  is  a  pane- 
gyric rather  than  a  biography.  He  gives  so  few 
details  of  the  saint's  life  that  he  omits  the  date  and 
place  of  her  birth  and  the  date  of  her  death ;  nor  does 
he  make  mention  of  any  of  her  contemporaries,  if  we 
except  St.  Conleth,  the  first  Bishop  of  Kildare,  and 
Macaille  from  whom  she  received  the  veil.  He  gives 
the  names  of  her  parents,  but  is  careful  to  conceal  the 
fact  that  she  was  illegitimate,  and  that  her  mother 
was  a  slave.  On  the  other  hand,  he  dwells  with  evi- 
dent satisfaction  on  her  piety,  her  humility,  her  char- 
ity, her  zeal  for  religion,  the  esteem  in  which  she  was 
held  by  all.  And  he  narrates  at  length  the  many 
miracles  she  wrought,  and  tells  of  the  immbers  who 
came  as  pilgrims  to  Kildare,  attracted  by  her  fame. 
In  his  anxiety  to  exalt  her  he  says  she  had  as  abbess 
authority  over  all  the  abbesses  of  Ireland,  although 
as  a  matter  of  fact  she  could  govern  only  those  who 
followed  her  rule;  and  his  statement  that  she  ap- 
pointed the  Bishop  of  Kildare  could  not,  of  course, 
mean  that  she  conferred  any  jurisdiction.  Cogitosus 
writes  in  fairly  good  Latin,  much  better  indeed  than 
might  be  expected  in  that  age,  and  his  description  of 
the  church  of  Kildare  with  its  interior  decorations  is 
specially  interesting  for  the  history  of  early  Irish  art 
and  architecture. 

Lanigan,  EccUsiaslical  History  (Dublin.  1822);  Mignk.  P. 
L.,  LXXII;  Healy,  Ancient  Schools  and  Scholars  (Dublin. 
1896);    Ware  and  Harris.  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin.  1764). 

E.  A.  D 'Alton. 

CogoUudo,  Diego  Lopez  de,  one  of  the  chief  histo- 
rians of  Yucatan.  His  work,  the  "Historia  de  Yuca- 
tan", which  appeared  at  Madrid  in  1688,  and  was  re- 
printed in  1842  and  1867,  is  an  important  work,  full 
of  information  personally  gathered  at  a  time  when 
older  sources,  written  and  oral,  that  have  now  partly 
disappeared,  were  accessible.  Cogolludo  consulted 
and  used  the  writings  of  Bishop  Diego  de  Landa  to  a 
considerable  extent,  hut  many  of  his  statements  must 
be  taken  with  cautious  criticism.  He  was  a  native  of 
Alcala  de  Henares  in  Spain,  and  took  the  habit  of  St. 
Francis  at  the  convent  of  San  Diego,  31  ILarch,  1629. 
He  emigrated  to  Yucatan,  where  he  became  succes- 
sively lector  in  theology,  guardian,  and  finally  pro- 
vincial of  his  order. 

Beristain  de  Souza,  Biblioteca  hispano-americana  (Mexico, 
1816-1828-  2nd  ed.  Amecameca,  1883);  SaviEn,  Monograph  of 
Authors  (New  York,  1861);  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Rela- 
tion des  ehoses  de  Yucatan  par  Diego  de  Landa  (1860);  Steph- 
ens, Incidents  of  Travel  in  Yitcaian  (New  York.  i84:i);  B.ande- 
LIER.  Notes  on  the  Bibliography  of  Yucatan  and  Central  America 
(Proceedings  of  the  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  1880); 
Ancona,  Historia  de  Yucatan  (.Mt^rida.  1.S75);  Bancroft,  The 
Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  (New  York,  1875). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Cohen,  Hermann,  a  Discalced  Carmelite  (Augus- 
tin-Marie  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  generally  known 
as  F.\THER  Hermann),  b.  at  Hamburg,  Germany,  10 
November,  1820;  d.  at  Spandau,  20  Janu.ary,  1871. 
The  son  of  a  Jewish  merchant,  he  devoted  himself  to 
music,  which  he  studied  under  Liszt  at  Paris,  where 
he  joined  a  brilliant  but  frivolous  circle,  to  the  detri- 
ment of  his  morals.  One  day,  in  May,  1847,  while 
leading  the  choir  at  Benediction  in  the  church  of 
Sainte -Valerie,  he  felt  himself  touched  by  Divine 
grace,  and,  after  a  short  sojourn  at  Ems,  resolved  to 
become  a  Christian.  Baptized  28  August,  he  insti- 
tuted with  De  la  Bnuillerie  the  pious  practice  of  the 
nocturnal  adoration;  he  entered  the  Carmelite  no- 
vitiate at  Broussey,  made  his  profession  7  October, 
18.50,  ami  was  orilained  priest  19  .\pril  of  the  following 
year.    His  fiery  eloquence  and  the  stir  caused  by  his 


COIMBATORE 


05 


COIMBRA 


conversion  made  him  a  favourite  preacher,  notwith- 
standing insufficient  studies.  He  was  instrumental 
in  the  foundation  of  convents  at  Bagneres-de-Bigorrc 
(1853),  Lyons  (1857).  the  "Desert"  of  Tarasteix  near 
Lourdes  (1857),  and  in  London  (1S62),  where  he  had 
been  known  during  his  artistic  career.  After  some 
years  spent  in  England  he  went  on  a  preaching  tour 
thuough  Germany  and  France  and  ultimately  retired 
to  Tarastei.x.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-German 
War  he  fled  to  Switzerland,  andlaterontookchargeof 
the  lazaretto  at  Spandaii,  where  he  contracted  small- 
pox. He  was  buried  in  St.  Hedwig's  church,  Berlin. 
Among  his  works  are  "LeCatholicisme  en  Angleterre", 
a  speech  delivered  at  Mechlin,  also  in  English  (Paris, 
1804);  "Gloire  a  Marie"  (1849);  "Amour  a  Jesus" 
(1851);  "Fleurs  du  Carmel";  " Couronnement  de  la 
Madonne";  "Thabor"  (1870),  five  collections  of  sa- 
cred songs  with  accompaniment,  pious  but  somewhat 
shallow;  this  also  holds  good  of  his  mass  (1856). 

Gergeres.  Conversion  du  pianiste  Hermann  (Paris,  1861); 
MoREAU,  Hermann  au  Saint  Desert  de  Tarasteix  (Paris.  1875); 
Stlvain,  Vie  du  R.  P.  Hermann  (Paris,  1881);  tr.  German 
(Aachen,  1881);   Italian  (Turin,  1883). 

B.  Zimmerman. 

Coimbatore  (Koimbatuh),  Diocese  op  (Coijiba- 
TUREN.sis). — The  city  of  Coimbatore  is  the  capital  of 
the  district  of  Coimbatore  in  Madras,  British  India, 
situated  on  the  River  Noyel.  Its  population  in  1901 
was  53,080;  of  these  3,000  are  Catholics.  The  dio- 
cese embraces  the  Collectorate  of  Coimbatore  (e.xcept 
the  Taluk  of  the  C'ollegal),  the'Nilgiris  with  the  south- 
eastern ^^'J■Tlaad,  the  Taluks  of  Palghat,  CoUancodoo, 
Tamalpuram,  and  part  of  Wallavanad,  the  Chittur 
Taluks,  and  the  Ncllianipathy  Hills  in  the  Cochin 
territory.  In  1846  Coimbatore  was  separated  from 
the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Pondicherry,  and  in  1850 
was  made  a  vicariate  Apostolic.  On  1  Sept.,  1886, 
it  was  constituted  a  diocese,  and  the  Right  Rev.  Joseph 
Louis  Bardon,  Bishop  of  Telmessus,  who  had  been 
vicar  Apostolic,  was  chosen  as  its  first  bishop. 

The  total  population  of  the  diocese  is  2,500,000,  of 
whom  37,080  are  Catholics.  There  are  41  European 
and  13  native  priests.  In  the  ecclesiastical  seminary 
are  14  students.  The  diocese  has  2  religious  com- 
munities, of  men  and  3  of  women.  There  are  for  boys 
a  second-grade  college,  a  middle  school,  and  a  high 
school ;  and  for  girls  eighteen  convent  schools.  There 
are  also  07  elementary  schools,  with  4239  pupils. 
There  are  2  hospitals,  4  orphanages,  and  an  industrial 
school. 

The  Madras  Catholic  Direclorj/,  for  1907;  The  Statesman's 
IVar  Boofc  (London,  1906);  Konvcrsations-Lexikon  (St.  Louis, 
1905). 

Leo  A.   Kelly. 

Coimbra,  Dioce.se  of  (Conimbricensis),  in  Portu- 
gal, suffragan  of  Braga,  in  the  province  of  Beira. 
The  cathedral  city  has  13,369  inhabitants.  The  first 
known  bishop  was  Lucentius,  who  assisted  (563)  at 
the  First  Council  of  Braga,  the  metropolitan  See  of 
Coimbra,  until  the  latter  was  attached  to  the  ecclesi- 
astical province  of  Merida  (650-62).  Titular  bishops 
of  Coimbra  continued  the  succession  under  the  Arab 
conquest,  one  of  whom  witnessed  the  consecration  of 
the  church  of  Santiago  de  Compostela  in  876.  The 
see  was  re-established  in  1088,  after  the  reconquest 
of  the  city  by  the  Christians  (1064).  The  first 
bishop  of  the  new  series  was  Martin.  Among  the 
more  famous  bishops  have  been  Pedro  (1300), 
chancellor  of  King  Diniz,  and  Manoel  de  Menezes 
(1573-78),  rector  of  the  university,  who  fell  with 
Dorn  Sebastian  on  the  field  of  Kassr-el-Kebir.  The 
old  cathedral  of  Coimbra,  built  in  the  first  half  of  the 
twelfth  century,  partly  at  the  expense  of  Bishop 
Miguel  and  his  chapter,  is  a  remarkable  monument 
of  Romanesque  architecture;  the  new  cathedral,  a 
Renai.ssance  building  dating  from  15S0,  is  of  little 
interest.     The  episcopal  palace  was  also  built  in  (he 


sixteenth  century.  The  principal  monastery  of  the 
diocese  is  that  of  Santa  Cruz,  founded  in  1131  by 
Alfonso  VII,  and  for  some  time  the  most  important  in 
the  kingilom  by  reason  of  its  wealth  and  privileges. 
Its  prior  was  authorized  by  Anastasius  IV  and  Celes- 
tinc-  III  to  wear  the  episcopal  insignia.  In  1904  the 
diocese  had  a  population  of  875,853,  divided  among 
;«)S  jiari-shes. 

FuiBEZ,  Espafm  Sagrada  (Madrid,  1759),  XIV,  71-96; 
BoRGES  DE  FiGUEiREDo,  Coimbra  antiga  e  modema  (Lisbon, 
1886). 

University  op  Coimbra. — The  earliest  certain 
information  concerning  a  univensity  in  Portugal  dates 
from  1288,  when  the  Abbot  of  Alcobaza,  several 
priors  of  convents,  and  parish  priests  made  known  to 
Nicholas  IV  that  they  had  obtained  from  King 
Diniz  the  foundation  of  a  "Studium  Generale"  at 
Lisbon,  and  had  arranged  among  themselves  to  defray 
the  salaries  of  the  doctors  and  masters  from  the 
revenues  of  their  monasteries  and  churches;  they 
besought  the  pope  to  confirm  tliis  agreement  and  to 
protect  the  work  they  were  undertaking  "for  the 
service  of  God  and  the  glory  of  their  country".  In  a 
Bull  of  9  August,  1290,  addressed  to  the  "University 
of  the  masters  and  students  of  Lisbon",  the  pope 
acceded  to  their  request  and  expressed  liis  satisfac- 
tion with  the  creation  of  this  new  seat  of  studies. 
This  Bull  "sanctions  taxation  of  lodgings  in  the 
Paris  and  Bologna  fashion,  grants  dispensation  from 
residence  to  masters  and  students  and  authorizes  the 
Bishop  of  Lisbon  (or,  sede  vacante,  the  Vicar-capit- 
ular) to  confer  the  jus  ubiqve  docendi  on  all  faculties 
except  Theology."  Frequent  quarrels  between  the 
students  and  the  citizens  led  the  King  of  Portugal  to 
request  the  pope  to  transfer  the  new  school  to  Coimbra, 
a  more  tranquil  place,  and  to  grant  at  the  same  time 
to  the  new  foundation  all  the  "privileges"  of  the 
former  one.  The  transfer  took  place  15  February, 
1308,  on  which  date  King  Diniz  issued  the  charter  of 
foundation,  quite  similar  to  tliat  of  Alfonso  the  Wise 
for  the  University  of  Salamanca  in  Castile.  The 
sciences  then  taught  at  Coimbra  were  canon  and 
civil  law,  medicine,  dialectic,  and  grammar.  Theol- 
ogy was  taught  in  the  convents  of  the  Dominicans 
and  the  Franciscans.  For  reasons  unknown  to  us, 
the  university  was  again  moved  to  Lisbon  in  1339, 
by  order  of  Alfonso  IV.  In  1354  it  returned  to 
Coimbra,  only  to  be  again  transferred  to  Lisbon  in 
1377.  From  this  time  until  its  final  transfer  to 
Coimbra  in  1537,  the  university  enjoyed  greater 
prosperity.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century 
theology  appears  regularly  as  one  of  the  sciences 
taught  there. 

During  the  reign  of  John  III  (1521-57)  important 
reforms  were  carried  out,  and  the  university  reached 
the  acme  of  its  career.  The  faculties  liitherto  widely 
scattereil  in  cUfferent  edifices  were  brought  together 
under  one  roof  in  the  "  Palacio  del  Rey  ",  and  new  and 
illustrious  professors  were  invited  from  Ca.stile;  for 
the  faculty  of  theology,  Alfonso  de  Prado  and  Anto- 
nio lie  Fonseca,  the  latter  a  doctor  of  Paris;  for  the 
faculty  of  law,  the  famous  canonist  Martin  de  Aspil- 
cueta  (Doctor  Navarrus),  Manuel  de  Costa,  and 
Antonio  Suarez,  all  three  from  Salamanca;  and  for 
medicine,  Francisco  Franco  and  Rodrigo  Reinoso. 
The  classical  languages  and  literatures  were  taught 
in  the  Colegio  de  las  Artes,  as  a  preparation  for  the 
graver  studies  of  the  university;  this  college  was  at 
first  quite  independent  of  the  latter,  but  was  event- 
ually incorporated  with  it  and  confided  to  the  Jesuits. 
One  of  its  first  professors  was  the  Scotch  Latinist, 
George  Buchanan,  later  a  follower  of  John  Knox  and 
a  reviler  of  Mary  Stuart.  The  colleges  of  Sao  Pedro 
and  Sao  Paulo  were  founded  for  graduates  (doctors) 
who  purposed  to  devote  themselves  to  teaching; 
other  colleges  were  founded  for  the  students  of  various 
religious  orders  in  which  they  might  follow  the  com- 


COLA 


96 


COLBERT 


mon  life  while  pursiung  their  studies  at  the  university. 
New  reforms  were  inaugurated  in  1770,  when  (23 
December)  King  Jose  I.  on  the  initiative  of  the 
Marquis  de  Porabal.  appointed  a  commission  to  con- 
sider the  reorganization  of  the  university.  The 
commission  ath'ised  tlie  creation  of  two  new  faculties, 
mathematics  and  natural  pliilosophy,  lea\'ing  intact 
the  older  faculties  of  theology,  canon  law,  civil  law, 
and  medicine.  New  professors  were  brought  from 
Italy,  Miehele  Franzini  for  mathematics,  and  Domen- 
ieo  Vandelli  for  natural  liistory.  The  former  Jesuit 
college,  confiscated  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
Society  from  Portugal,  was  turned  over  to  the  faculty 
of  medicine   for   its   clinics   and   laboratories.     The 


deeply  religious,  but  his  religion  was  tinctured  with 
the  evils  of  the  day,  Gallicanism  and  Jansenism.  It 
was  Colbert  who  suggested  to  Louis  XIV  the  conven- 
ing of  the  famous  Assembly  of  the  Clergy  in  1682 
which  formulated  the  four  propositions  of  Gallican- 
ism. In  the  conflicts  which  arose  between  tlie  court 
of  France  and  Rome  Colbert  used  his  influence  against 
Rome.  Protestants  looked  to  him  as  to  their  protec- 
tor. The  Jansenist  De  Bourseys  was  his  evil  genius 
as  well  as  his  informant  on  religious  questions.  In- 
fluenced by  De  Bourseys,  he  failed  to  see  the  real  dan- 
ger of  Jansenism,  and  by  treating  it  with  levity,  gave 
it  encouragement.  The  Colbert  family  gave  to  the 
Church  a  number  of  nuns  and  ecclesiastics.     Charles 


laboratories  for  physics,  chemistry,  and  natural  liis- 
tory were  also  located  there;  finally  a  botanical  gar- 
den was  added.  At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century 
metallurgy  was  taught  by  Jose  Bonifacio  de  Andrade, 
and  hydraulics  by  Manoel  Pedro  de  Mello,  both 
scholars  of  repute.  In  1907  the  University  of  Coim- 
bra  had  five  faculties,  theology,  law,  medicine,  mathe- 
matics, and  philosophy.  Its  professors  numbered 
(1905-06)  68,  and  its  students  2916.  The  library 
now  contains  about  100,000  volumes.     (See  Conim- 

BRICKNSES.) 

Uenitle,  Die  Enlstehung  der  Universitalen  des  MiUdalters 
bui  llm  (Berlia.  1885),  519-534;  Visconde  de  Vill.4-Major, 
bsposu;ao  succmta  da  organisafao  actual  da  Universidade  de 
Cptmbra.  etc.  (Coimbra,  1878);  Braoa,  Hisioria  da  Univer- 
sidade deCotmbra  (Lisbon,  1892-1902).  I-IV;  Minerva,  Jahr- 
buch  der  getehrten  Welt  (Strasburg,  1907). 

Eduaudo  de  Hinojos.4. 

Cola  di  Rienzi.    See  Rienzi. 

Colbert,  Jean-Baptiste,  Marquis  de  Seignelay, 
statesnuin,  b.  at  Reims,  France,  1619;  d.  at  Paris, 
1683.  Noticed  by  Mazarin  and  recommended  by  him 
to  Louis  XIV  he  became  at  Uk  hitter's  death,  con- 
troller of  finances.  Through  the  control  of  finances  he 
organized  nearly  ev(-ry  public  service  in  France.  Of 
him.  Mine,  de  S<H'igni5  said:  "M.  de  Colbert  thinks  of 
finances  only  and  never  of  religion."  This  should 
not,  however,   be  taken  too  literally.     Colbert  was 


Gerinsays:  "His  sisters  controlled  the  great  abbeys 
of  Sainte-Marie  de  Chaillot,  of  Sainte-Claire  de  Reims 
and  of  the  LeLys  near  Melun.  One  of  his  brothers 
(Nicolas,  1627-1676)  Bishop  of  Lugon  and  afterwards 
of  Auxerre,  having  died,  he  caused  to  be  appointed 
in  his  place  his  cousin  Andre  (1647-1702)  who  was  a 
member  of  the  assembly  of  1682,  with  another  of  his 
cousins,  Colbert  de  St.  Pouange,  Bishop  of  Montau- 
ban. "  This  passage  omits  the  following  three  best 
known  kinsmen  of  the  great  Colbert. 

II. — J.\CQUES-NlCOLAS        COLBERT         (1655-1707). 

Archbishop  of  Rouen.  Fisquet  (La  France  pontifi- 
cale,  Rouen,  p.  253)  describes  him  as  a  wortliy  anil 
learned  prelate  giving  his  principal  care  to  the  training 
of  his  clerics.  C.  Gerin  (loc.  cit.,  p.  188),  however,  re- 
proaches him  for  being  worldly,  a  spendtlirift,  and,  in 
spite  of  his  pompous  declarations  of  orthodo.xy,  no  less 
sympathetic  to  Jansenism  than  his  cousin,  the  Bishop 
of  Montepellier. 

III. — Charles-Joachim  Colbert  (1667-1738), 
Bishop  of  Montepellier,  and  a  militant  Jansenist.  He 
first  api^eared  to  submit  to  the  Bull  "  Vineam  Dom- 
ini" of  Innocent  XI,  1705,  but  when  Clement  XI 
issued  the  Bull  "Ihiigenitus",  1713,  he  openly  sided 
with  the  appellants  Soaneii  of  .'^eiirz,  de  la  Broue  of 
Mirepoi.x,  and  Langle  of  Bouloi^ne.  The  works  pub- 
lished under  his  name  (Mont('p(lli(-r,  17-10)  are  prob- 


COLE 


97 


COLERIDGE 


ably,  at  least  in  part,  from  tlie  pen  of  his  advisers, 
Gaultier  and  Croz,  who  are  moreover  charged  with 
the  perversion  of  their  m;uster.  In  1702,  one  of  his 
priests,  the  Oratorian  Pouget,  published,  at  his  re- 
quest, the  "Catecliisme  de  Montpellier "  a  remarka- 
ble book  but  tinctured  with  Jansenism  and  condemned 
by  the  Holy  See,  1712  and  1721. 

IV. — Michel  Colbert  (1633-1702),  an  ascetic 
writer  and  superior  of  tlie  Premonstrants.  His  elec- 
tion was  somewhat  irregular  and  had  to  be  validated 
by  papal  rescript.  He  is  the  author  of  "  Lettres  d'un 
Abb^  k  ses  religieux"  and  "Lettre  de  Consolation". 

FisQUET,  La  France  pontificate  (Paris,  s.  d.)  under  the  vari- 
ous dioceses  referred  to  above;  Gerin,  Rerherdies  sur  Vassem- 
bUe  du  dergp  de  K,s:i  (Pari.s,  1S69);  Besoigne,  Vie  dcs  Qualre 
i^veques  engages  dans  la  cause  de  Port-Royal  (Cologne,  1756); 
Clement,  Histoire  de  Colbert  (Pari.s.  1875);  Rapin,  Memoires 
(Paris.  1S65);  Jal.  Dirt,  critique  (Paris,  1867);  Gauchie  in 
Rev.  Hisl.  Bed.  (Louvain,  1903),  III,  983;  Wakeman,  Europe 
(New  York,  1905),  202. 

J.    F.    SOLLIER. 

Cole,  Henry,  confessor  of  the  Faith,  b.  at  Gods- 
hill,  Isle  of  Wight,  about  1500;  d.  in  the  Fleet  Prison, 
February,  1579  or  1580.  He  was  educated  at  Win- 
chester and  New  College,  Oxford,  admitted  a  per- 
petual fellow  there  (1523),  received  the  degree  of 
B.C.L.  (1525),  and  then  went  to  Italy  for  seven 
years,  residing  chiefly  at  Padua.  During  his  career 
he  was  successively  prebendary  of  Yatminster  (1539), 
rector  of  Chelmsford,  Essex,  prebendary  of  Holborn, 
Sweting  (1541),  and  Wenlakesbarn  (1542),  warden  of 
New  College  (1542-51),  and  rector  of  Newton  Longue- 
ville  in  Buckinghamshire.  Created  a  D.C.L.  at  0.xford 
(1540),  he  resigned  his  fellowship  the  same  year.  At 
first  he  conformed  to  the  Protestant  religion,  but  af- 
terwards saw  his  error,  returned  to  the  Catholic  Faith 
about  1547,  and  eventually  resigned  all  his  prefer- 
ments. In  Mary's  reign  he  became  Archdeacon  of 
Ely,  a  canon  of  Westminster  (1554),  vicar-general 
of  Cardinal  Pole  (1557),  and  a  judge  of  the  archiepisco- 
pal  Court  of  Audience.  He  was  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners who  restored  Tunstal  and  Bonner  to  their 
bishoprics,  a  disputant  against  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and 
Latimer  at  Oxford  (1554),  a  delegate  for  the  visitation 
of  Oxford  (1556),  and  Visitor  of  .\11  Souls  College  in 
1558,  in  which  year  he  received  the  rectory  of  Wroth- 
am,  and  was  sent  to  Ireland  with  a  commission  for 
the  suppression  of  heresy  there.  Cardinal  Pole  ap- 
pointed Cole  one  of  his  executors.  During  Elizabctli's 
reign  he  remained  true  to  the  Catholic  Faith  and  took 
jiart  in  the  discussions  begun  at  Westminster  in  15.59. 
Then  began  his  sufferings:  first,  he  was  fined  .500 
marks  (.$1600),  then  dejjrived  of  all  his  preferments, 
committed  to  the  Tower  (20  May,  1560),  and  finally 
removed  to  the  Fleet  (10  Jime),  where  he  remained 
for  nearly  twenty  years,  until  his  death.  He  wrote: 
letters  to  Dr.  Starkey  and  Sir  Richard  Morj'sin 
from  Padua,  1530,  and  Paris,  1537;  "Disputation 
with  Cranmer,  Ridley  and  Latimer  at  Oxford",  in 
Fox's  "Acts  and  Monuments";  "Sum  and  effect  of 
his  sermon  at  Oxford  when  Archbishop  Cranmer  was 
burnt",  in  Fox's  "Acts  and  Monuments";  "Answer 
to  the  first  proposition  of  th(^  Protestants  at  the  dis- 
putation before  the  Lords  at  Westminster,  1559",  in 
Burnet's  "Hist.  Reform.  Records";  "Copieof  a  Ser- 
mon at  Panic's  Crosse  1.5()0"  (London,  1560);  "Let- 
ters to  John,  Bishop  of  Sarura"  (London,  1560); 
"Answers  to  certain  parcels  of  the  Letters  of  the 
Bishop  of  Sarum",  in  Jewel's  works. 

Wood.  Athrnir  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bubs  (London,  1S13),  I. 
■150;  Cooper.  Alhenoe  Cantabrigiense-i  (Cambridge,  1S5S-61),  I, 
417;  Habhdall,  History  of  New  College  (London,  1901),  109, 
110;  DoDD.  Church  History  of  England,  ed.  Tierney  (London, 
1839-43),  n,  136,  137,  cl.xii,  cccxvi;   III.  159. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Coleman,  Edward.  controversiali.st   politician,  and 
.secretarj-  of  the  Duchess  of  York,  date  of  birth  un- 
known ;  executed  at  Tyburn,  3  December,  1678.  He  was 
IV.—  7 


the  son  of  a  Suffolk  clergyman,  and,  after  a  distin- 
guished career  at  Cambridge,  became  a  Catholic  and 
was  employed  by  tlie  Duchess  of  York.  As  her  secre- 
tary he  became  acquainted  with  continental  states- 
men from  whom  he  sought  pecuniary  help  when  in 
difficulties.  In  1675  he  offered  his  services  in  favour  of 
Catholicism  to  Pere  La  Chaise,  the  confessor  of  Louis 
XIV;  again  in  1676  he  was  in  communication  with 
Father  Saint-Germain,  offering  his  assistance  to  pre- 
vent a  rupture  between  England  and  France.  These 
attempts  to  procure  money  failed,  but  he  succeeded 
later  in  obtaining  £3500  from  three  successive  French 
ambassadors  whom  he  supplied  with  daily  informa- 
tion regarding  the  proceedings  of  Parliament.  He 
became  a  suspected  character,  and  on  the  discovery 
of  the  Titus  Oates  Plot,  conceived  in  1678  for  the  ruin 
of  the  Duke  of  York  whose  Catholicity  was  suspected, 
Coleman  was  named  as  one  of  the  conspirators.  Con- 
scious of  liis  innocence  he  took  no  steps  to  protect 
himself,  allowed  liis  papers  to  be  seized,  and  gave  Iiim- 
self  up  for  examination.  He  was  tried  28  Nov.,  1678, 
being  accused  of  corresponding  with  foreign  powers 
for  the  subversion  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  of 
consenting  to  a  resolution  to  murder  the  king.  His 
defence  was  that  he  had  only  endeavoured  to  procure 
liberty  of  conscience  for  Catholics  constitutionally 
through  Parliament,  and  had  sought  money  abroad 
to  further  this  object.  He  denied  absolutely  any 
complicity  with  the  plot  against  the  king's  life.  His 
foreign  correspondence  of  1675  and  1676,  when  ex- 
amined, proved  him  to  be  an  intriguer,  but  contained 
nothing  that  could  connect  him  in  any  w-ay  with  de- 
signs on  the  king's  life.  However,  in  spite  of  the 
flagrantly  false  testimony  of  Oates  and  Bedloe,  he  was 
found  guilty,  drawai  to  Tyburn,  and  there  executed. 
He  was  a  good  Unguist,  writer,  and  controversialist. 
His  controversy  with  Drs.  Stillingfleet  and  Burnet 
resulted  in  the  conversion  of  Lady  Tyrwhit  to  the 
Catholic  religion.  His  writings  were:  "Reasons  for 
Dissolving  Parliament" ;  "  Two  Letters  to  M.  La  Chaise, 
the  French  King's  Confessor"  (London,  1678,  re- 
printed in  Cobbett's  "  Parliamentary  History");  "The 
Tryal  of  Edward  Coleman"  etc.  (London,  1678); 
"Legacies;  a  Poem",  etc.  (London,  1679). 

LiNGARD,  Hist,  of  England  (ed.  1854),  IX,  175,  177,  178, 
191;  GiLLOw,  Bibl.  Diet,  of  English  Cath.,  s.  v. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Coleridge,  Henry  James,  writer  and  preacher, 
b.  20  .September,  1822,  in  Devonshire,  England;  d. 
at  Roehampton,  13  April,  1893.  He  was  the  son  of 
Sir  John  Taylor  Coleridge,  a  Judge  of  the  King's 
Bench,  and  brother  of  John  Duke,  Lord  Coleridge, 
Chief  Ju.^tice  of  England.  His  grandfather,  Captain 
James  Coleridge,  was  brother  to  Samuel  Taylor  Cole- 
ridge, the  poet  and  pliilosopher.  He  was  sent  to  Eton 
at  the  age  of  thirteen,  and  thence  to  Oxford,  having 
obtained  a  scholarship  at  Trinity  College.  His  uni- 
versity career  was  distinguished;  in  1S44  he  took  the 
highest  honours  in  the  classical  schools,  and  was  elected 
to  a  fellowship  at  Oriel,  then  the  blue  ribbon  of  the 
university.  In  1848  he  received  Anglican  orders. 
The  Tractarian  movement  being  then  at  its  height, 
Coleridge,  with  many  of  his  tutors  and  friends,  joined 
its  ranks  and  was  an  ardent  disciple  of  Newman  till 
his  conversion.  He  was  one  of  those  who  started 
"The  Guardian"  newspaper  as  tlie  organ  of  the  Higli 
Church  party,  being  for  a  time  its  Oxford  sub-editor. 
Gradually  various  incidents,  the  secession  of  Newman, 
Dr.  Hampden's  appointment  as  Regius  Professor  of 
Theologj',  the  condemnation  and  suspension  of  Dr. 
Pusey,  the  condemnation  and  deprivation  of  W.  G. 
Ward,  and  the  decision  in  the  celebrated  Gorham  case, 
seriously  shook  his  confidence  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. In  consequence  Dr.  Hawkins,  Provost  of  Oriel, 
declined  to  admit  him  as  a  college  tutor,  and  he  there- 
fore accepted  a  curacy  at  Alphington,  a  parish  recently 


COLET 


COLET 


separated  from  that  of  Ottery  St.  Mary,  the  home  of 
his  family,  where  his  father  had  built  for  hmi  a  house 
and  school.  Here,  with  most  congenial  work,  he  was 
in  close  connexion  with  tho.se  to  whom  he  was  already 
bound  by  a  singular  atfection.     His  doubts  as  to  his 


Colet,  John,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  and 
founder  of  St.  Paul's  School,  London;  b.  in  London, 
1467;  d.  there  18  Sept.,  1519.  He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Sir  Henry  Colet,  twice  Lord  Mayor  of  London. 
Having  finished  his  schooling  in  London,  he  was  sent 


reUgiouB  position  continued,  however,  to  grow,  and  to  Oxford,  but  no  particulars  of  his  hfe  there  have 
earlv  in  1S52  he  determined  that  he  could  no  longer  been  preser\'ed,  not  even  the  name  of  his  college, 
remain  in  the  Anglican  Communion.  While  at  Oxford  he  determined  to  become  a  priest 

On  Quinquagesima  Sunday  (February  22)  he  bade  and  even  before  ordination  obtained  through  family 
farewell  to  Alphington,  and  in  April,  after  a  retreat  at  influence  much  preferment,  including  the  livings  of 
Claphani  under  the  Redemptorist  Fathers,  he  was  re-  St.  Mary  Dennington,  Suffolk,  St.  Dunstan,  Stepney, 
ceived  into  the  Catholic  Church.  Detennined  to  be  and  benefices  in  the  counties  of  Huntingdon,  North- 
a  priest,  he  proceeded  in  the  following  September  to  ampton,  York,  and  Norfolk.  In  1493  he  began  a  tour 
Rome  and  entered  the  Accademia  dei  Nobili,  where  through  France  and  Italy,  studjnng  as  he  went  and  ac- 
he had  for  companions  several  of  his  old  Oxford  friend.s,  quiring  that  love  of  the  new  learning  which  marked 
and  others,  including  the  future  Cardinals  Manning  his  after-life.  Returning  to  England  in  1496,  he  pre 
and  Vaughan.  He  was 
ordained  in  1856  and  six 
months  later  took  the  de- 
gree of  D.D.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1857  he  returned 
to  England,  and  on  the 
7th  of  September  entered 
the  Jesuit  novitiate,  which 
was  then  at  Beaumont 
Lodge,  Old  Windsor,  his 
novice  master  being  Father 
Thomas  Tracy  Clarke,  for 
wliom  to  tlie  end  of  liis  life 
he  entertained  the  highest 
admiration  and  esteem. 
In  1859  he  was  sent  to 
the  Theological  College  of 
St.  Beuno's,  North  Wales, 
as  professor  of  Scripture, 
and  remained  there  until, 
in  1865,  he  was  called  to 
London  to  become  the  first 
Jesuit  editor  of  "The 
Month",  a  magazine 
started  under  other  man- 
agement in  the  previous 
year.  Then  commenced 
a  course  of  indefatigable 
hterary  labour  by  which 
he  is  best  known.  Besides 
the  editorship  of  "The 
Month",  to  which,  after 
the  death  of  Father  Wil- 
liam Maher,  in  1877,  lie 
added  that  of  "The  Mes- 
senger",  and    for    which 

he  was  one  of  the  mo.st  prolific  writers.  Father 
Coleridge  projected  and  carried  on  the  well  known 
Quarterly  Series  to  wliich  he  himself  largely  con- 
tributed, both  with  his  great  work  "The  Public  Life 
of  Our  Lord"  and  others,  such  as  "The  Life  and 
Letters  of  St.  Francis  Xavier"  and  "The  Life  and 
Letters  of  St.  Teresa".  W^orthy  of  mention  also  is 
his  Hannony  of  the  Gospels,  "Vita  Vitte  Nostrae", 
a  favourite  book  for  meditation,  published  also  in  an 
English  version.  Studies  based  on  the  New  Testa- 
ment were  his  work  of  predilection,  a  taste  which  seems 


^  loxN'NESCourrvs 

iTe  daf{i>3  mkrjaJHfumaSma  n^ 


^ 


pared  for  ordination,  and 
became  deacon  on  17  Dec, 
1497,  and  priest  on  25 
March,  1497-8.  He  lec- 
tured at  Oxford  on  St. 
Paul's  Epistles,  introduc- 
ing a  new  treatment  by 
abandoning  the  purely 
textual  commentary  then 
usual,  in  favour  of  a  study 
of  the  personaUty  of  St. 
Paul  and  of  the  text  as  a 
whole.  In  1498  he  met 
Erasmus  at  Oxford,  with 
whom  he  immediatel}'  be- 
came intimate,  arousing  in 
him  especially  a  distrust  of 
thelaterschoolmen.  Colet's 
lectures  on  the  New  Testa- 
ment continued  for  five 
years,  until  in  1504  he  was, 
made  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,, 
proceechng  D.D.  before  he- 
left  Oxford.  In  London, 
he  became  the  intimate 
friend  and  spiritual  adviser 
of  Sir  Thomas  More.  At 
the  death  of  his  father  in 
1505  he  inherited  a  for- 
tune, which  he  devoted  to 
public  purposes.  His  ad- 
ministration of  the  cathe- 
dral was  vigorous,  and  in 
1509  he  began  the  founda- 
tion of  the  great  school  with 
which  his  name  will  ever 


be  associated.  The  cost  of  the  buildings  and  en- 
domiients  is  estimated  at  forty  thousand  pounds 
in  present  value.  The  object  was  to  provide  a 
sound  Christian  education.  Greek  was  to  be  at 
least  of  equal  importance  with  Latin.  William  Lillj' 
was  the  first  head  master,  but  Colet  exercised  a 
close  personal  supervision  over  the  school,  even 
composing  some  of  the  textbooks.  In  1512  he  was 
accused  of  advanced  views  and  was  in  difficulties  with 
his  bishop,  but  on  the  trial  Archbishop  Warham  dis- 
n>issed  the  charges  as  frivolous.  It  may  well  be  that 
to  have  been  acquire(J,  at  least  in  part,  from  his  old  Colet,  irritated  liy  olixious  abuses  and  not  seeing  how 
Oxford  tutor,  Isaac  Williams.     For  a  time  he  was  also      far  the  reaction  would  go,  used  language  on  certain 


superior  of  his  religious  brethren  in  Fanii  Street,  Lon- 
don. In  1881  faiUng  health  obUged  him  to  resign 
"The  Month"  to  another  Oxonian,  Father  Richard 
F.  Clarke,  but  he  continued  to  labour  on  "The  Life 
of  Our  Lord",  which  he  earnestly  desired  to  finish. 
In  1890  a  paralytic  seizure  compelled  him  to  withdraw 
to  the  novitiate  at  Roehampton,  where,  wth  indom- 
itable spirit,  he  succeeded  in  completing  his  magnum 
opus  before  passing  away. 

The  chief  sourcea  fcir  lii.f  life  are  articles  in  The  Month,  June 
1893,  by  his  friend  Jamks  r.\TTEii80N,  Bishop  of  Emiimus,  and 
Fathkk  RlCHAHu  F.  Clarke.  S.  J. 

John  Gehard. 


points  which  in  the  liglit  of  after-events  is  regrettable, 
but  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  his  own  orthodoxy  and 
devotion.  In  1518  he  completed  the  revised  statutes 
of  his  school.  At  his  death  the  following  year  he  was 
buried  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral.  His  school  remained 
on  its  original  site  until  18S4,  when  it  was  removed  to  , 
Hammersmith. 

Colet's  works  are:  "Convocation  Sermon  of  1512";; 
"A  righte  fruitfull  admonition  concerning  the  order 
of  a  good  Christian  man's  hfe"  (1534);  "Joannia 
Coleti  Theologi  olim  Decani  T>\v\  Pauli  ^ditio" 
(1527,  and  often  reprinted),   the  original  of  almost 


COLETI 


99 


COLGAN 


all  Latin  Grammars  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries:  "Opus  de  Sacranientis  Ecclesiae "  (ISO"), 
which  with  the  following  treatises,  long  preserved 
in  MS.,  was  finally  edited  by  the  Rev-.  J.  H.  Lup- 
ton,  sur-master  of  the  school;  two  treatises  on 
the  "Hierarchies"  of  Dionysius  (1869);  "An  Expo- 
sition of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans"  (1873); 
"An  Exposition  of  St.  Paul's  first  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians"  (1874);  "Letters  to  Radulphus"  on  the 
Mosaic  account  of  the  Creation,  and  some  minor  works 
(1876);  "Statutes  of  St.  Paul's  School"  (often  re- 
printed). Pitts  (de  Ang.  Scriptoribus,  P.aris,  1619) 
gives  several  additional  works  by  Colet.none  of  which 
are  extant.  Many  of  his  letters  are  in  the  works  of 
Erasmus. 

The  account  of  Colet  by  EnASMns  in  Bpistotm  (Leyden),  III, 
cccxxxv,  tr.  LuPTOx  (London,  1883),  was  the  foundation  of 
most  of  his  biographies  published  before  the  end  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  .Since  then  there  have  been  several  lives  pui)- 
lished,  none  by  a  Catholic  writer.— Knight,  Life  of  John 
Cole!  (London,  1724;  republished  Oxford,  1823;  written  with 
strong  Protestant  bias);  Seebohm.  Oxford  Reformers:  Colet, 
Erasmus  and  Afore  (London,  18671;  Luiton,  Life  of  John 
Colel  (London,  1887).  For  a  bibliography  see  LnpTON,  In- 
Irodticlion  to  Colet's  Letters  to  Radulphus;  G.\rdiner.  Register 
of  St.  Paul's  School  (London,  1884);  Lef.  in  Diet.  Nnl.  Bioq. 
(London.  1887),  XI,  321-328,  with  account  of  various  Colet 
M&S.  still  existing. 

Edwin  Burton. 


Coleti  (CoLETTi),  NicoL.\,  priest  and  historian,  b.  at 
Venice,  1680;  d.  in  the  .same  city,  176,5.  He  studied 
at  Padua,  where  he  received  the  degree  of  Doctor. 
He  was  sent  to  the  church  of  San  Moisc  at  Venice,  and 
there  devoted  himself  to  historical  and  antiquarian 
research.  His  first  work  of  importance  was  a  new 
edition  of  Ughelli's  "Italia  Sacra"  published  in  ten 
vohm^ies  from  1717  to  1722.  Besides  correcting 
many  errors,  Coleti  continued  Ughelli's  history  to  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Coleti  then 
undertook  the  compilation  of  his  large  work  entitled 
"Collectio  Conciliorum  ".  Up  to  this  time  there  had 
been  two  standard  histories  of  the  cotmcils,  that  of 
Labbe  and  Cossart  (Paris,  1671-72),  and  that  of  Har- 
douin  (Paris,  1715).  Baluze  had  begun  a  similar 
work,  but  only  the  first  volume  had  appeared.  Co- 
leti's  collection  was  based  on  that  of  Labbe,  though  he 
availed  himself  of  the  labours  of  Baluze  and  H.ir- 
douin.  The  work  was  published  by  his  brother  Sebas- 
tiano  at  Venice  from  1728  to  17.3,3  in  twenty-three  vol- 
umes. The  last  two  were  called  "  Apparatus  primus  " 
and  "Apparatus  .secundus",  containing  the  indexes, 
for  which  the  collection  was  especially  valuable. 
Other  works  of  Colcti's  were  "Scries  episcoporum 
Cremonensium  aucta"  (Milan,  1749);  "Monumenta 
ecclesia;  Venetse  S.  Moisis"  (1758) — this  is  valuable  to 
the  historian  for  the  ancient  documents  it  makes 
knov\'n.  Coleti  also  annotated  a  manuscript  of  Maf- 
fei  now  preser\'ed  in  the  Biblioteca  Vallicellana  at 
Rome  .and  bearing  the  title:  "  Supplementum  .\ca- 
cianura  monumenta  nunquam  edita  continens,  qua; 
marchio  Scipio  Maffeius  a  vetustissimis  Veronesis  cap- 
ituli  codicibus  eruit  atque  illustravit.  editum  Venetiis 
apud  Sebastianum  Coleti  anno  1728".  In  addition  to 
the  above,  two  posthumous  di.ssertations,  .said  to  have 
been  published  by  his  brothers,  have  been  .attributed 
to  Coleti,  but  the  only  mention  of  them  is  found  in  an 
old  catalogue. 

Vacant.  Diet,  de  theol.  calh.,  s.  v.;  Hurter,  Nomendator; 
Richard  and  Girattd,  Biblioteca  Sacra,  s.  v.;  Dandolo,  La 
caduta  delta  republica  di  Venezia  (Venice,  IS.'S.'i). 

Leo  A.  Kelly. 

Colette  (diminutive  of  Niooletta,  Colett.v), 
Saint,  founder  of  the  Colettine  Poor  Clares  (Clar- 
isses),  b.  13  Jan.,  1.381,  at  Corbie  in  Picardy,  France; 
d.  at  Ghent,  6  March,  1447.  Her  father,  Robert 
Boellet,  was  the  carpenter  of  the  famous  Benedictine 
Abbey    of.  Corbie:,   her   mother's   name,  was    Mar- 


guerite Moyon.  Colette  joined  successively  the  Be- 
guines,  the  Benedictines,  and  the  Urbanist  Poor 
Clares.  Later  she  lived  for  a  while  as  a  recluse.  Hav- 
ing resolved  to  reform  the  Poor  Clares,  she  turned  to 
the  antipope,  Benedict  XIII  (Pedro  de  Luna),  then 
recognizeil  by  France  as  the  rightful  pope.  Benedict 
allowed  her  to  enter  the  order  of  Poor  C'lares  and  em- 
l»wered  her  by  scver.al  Bulls,  dated  1406,  1407,  1408, 
and  1412  to  found  new  convents  and  complete  the  re- 
form of  the  order.  With  the  approval  of  the  Countess 
of  Geneva  and  the  Franciscan  Henri  de  la  Beaume,  her 
confessor  and  spiritual  guide,  Colette  began  her  work 
at  Beaume,  in  the  Diocese  of  Geneva.  She  remained 
there  but  a  short  time  and  soon  opened  at  Besangon 
her  first  convent  in  an  almost  abandoned  house  of 
Urbanist  Poor  Clares.  Thence  her  reform  spread  to 
Auxonne  (1410),  to  Poligny,  to  Ghent  (1412),  to 
Heidelberg  (1444),  to  Amiens,  etc.  To  the  seventeen 
convents  founded  during  her  lifetime  must  be  added 
another  begun  by  her  at  Pont-;VMousson  in  Lorraine. 
She  also  inaugurated  a  reform  among  the  Franciscan 
friars  (the  Coletani),  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Ob- 
servants. These  Coletani  remained  obedient  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  ])rovincial  of  the  Franciscan  convents, 
and  never  att:iinpd  much  importance  even  in  France. 
In  1448  they  liad  only  tliirteen  convents,  and  together 
with  other  small  branches  of  the  Franciscan  Order 
were  suppressed  in  1517  by  Leo  X.  In  addition  to  the 
strict  rules  of  the  Poor  Clares,  the  Colettines  follow 
their  special  const ilut ions  sanctioned  in  14.34  by  the 
General  of  the  I'laiiciscans,  William  of  Casale,  ap- 
proved in  14  IS  l)v  .\ieholas  V,  in  1458  by  Pius  II,  and 
in  14S2  by  Sixliis  IV. 

St.  (HI.  ttc  \\:is  beatified  23  January,  1740,  and  can- 
onized -'1  .M;iy,  1S07.  She  was  not  only  a  woman  of 
sincere  iiiety,  but  also  intelligent  and  energetic,  and 
exercised  a  remarkable  moral  jiower  over  all  her  asso- 
ciates. She  was  very  austere  and  mortified  in  her 
life,  for  which  God  rewarded  her  by  supernatural 
favours  and  the  gift  of  miracles.  For  the  convents 
refonned  by  her  she  prescribed  extreme  poverty,  to  go 
barefooted,  and  the  observance  of  perpetual  fast  and 
abstinence.  The  Colettine  Sisters  are  found  to-day, 
outside  of  France,  in  Belgium,  Germany,  Spain,  Eng- 
land, and  the  United  States. 

Bizouard,  Hist,  de  Sainte  Colette  et  des  Clarisses  en  Bourgogne 
(Besancon,  1890);  aEHMMX.  Sainte  Colette  de  Corbie  (Paris, 
1903);  Pino.x,  >'■.,■,  '■..', if^  in  Les  Saints  (Paris.  1907.  2d 
ed.);    DE  .'^ini      ,    ;      /  ;     i       .v,m€s  (Paris.  1907),  XVII; 

Sellier,  I'i.  '      '  '  I   ins.  1854,  1861).  tr.  S(.  Ciorc, 

St.  Colette,  nn,'  !■:.  !'■:':■,  '-,,,  ihililjn,  1864);  Analecta  Bolland 
(1904>,  Vn,  Itiu  1,  lol.i-to.  tor  the  contemporary  accounts  of 
her  hfe  see  Acta  .S.S.,  1,  539-89. 

Michael  Bihl. 

Colgan,  John,  hagiographer  and  historian,  b.  in 
County  Donegal,  Ireland,  about  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century;  d.  probably  in  1(357.  Having 
joined  the  Franciscan  Order  he  was  sent  to  study  in 
the  Irish  Franciscan  College  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua 
at  Louvain.  Here  he  is  said  to  have  acted  as  pro- 
fessor of  theology  for  some  time,  but  he  soon  forsook 
the  professorial  chair  in  order  to  devote  himself  to  the 
Iri.sh  studies  for  which  that  college  is  justly  famous. 
Father  Hugh  Ward  (d.  1635)  had  projected  a  com- 
plete history  of  the  Irish  saints,  and  for  this  purpose 
had  sent  some  of  his  brethren,  notably  Michael 
O'Clery,  to  Ireland  to  collect  materials.  Ward  dtedl 
before  he  could  make  any  progress  in  his  work,  b'uti 
the  materials  that  had  been  gathered  remained.l 
Colgan,  being  a  competent  master  of  the  li-ish  Idn- 
guage,  had  tluis  ready  ;it  hand  a  collection  of  nianu- 
.scripts  une(|ual!ed  in 'thk;  <l(^pnrtment  of ,  Iri.sh  hagi^ 
ology.  He  imdftrthok  a  great  work,  to  lie  published! 
in  six  volunree,  ddaliitg  with  (lie  whole  range  of  Irish 
ecclesiastical' history  and  antiquities.  In  1645  he 
publfshed  at  Louvain  the  third  volume  of  this  series 
(Acta   Sanctorum.  Hiberniae,    etc.),    containing^  the. 


COLGAN 


100 


COLIN 


lives  of  the  Irish  saints  whose  feasts  occur  in  the  cal- 
endar for  the  months  of  January,  February,  and 
March.  The  lives  of  the  saints  whose  feasts  occur  in 
the  succeeding  months  were  to  have  been  published 
in  the  last  three  volumes  of  the  series.  Wadding,  in 
his  "Annales  Minorum",  informs  us  that  the  volume 
dealing  with  the  saints  for  April,  May,  and  June  was 
in  the  press  at  Colgan's  death ;  this  seems  incorrect, 
since,  if  the  work  had  been  so  far  advanced,  it  would 
have  been  published  by  some  one  of  the  many  com- 
petent colleagues  who  assisted  Colgan. 

The  second  volume  of  the  series,  entitled  "Trias 
rhaumaturga",  etc.,  appeared  at  Louvain  in  1647. 
It  deals  with  the  three  great  national  saints  of  Ire- 
land, Patrick,  Brigid,  and  Columbcille.  In  it  are  con- 
tained seven  of  the  ancient  lives  of  St.  Patrick,  five 
of  St.  Columba,  and  six  of  St.  Brigid.  For  a  long  time 
the  "Trias  Thaumaturga"  was  nearly  the  only  source 
of  information  on  St.  Patrick,  and  even  since  the 
Whitley  Stokes  edition  of  the  "Vita  Tripartita" 
(Rolls  Series),  Colgan's  work  cannot  be  dispensed 
with.  It  should  be  noted  that  Colgan  gives  a  Latin 
version  of  the  "Vita  Tripartita"  which  represents  a 
different  text  from  that  edited  by  Stokes;  Colgan's 
manuscript  seems  to  have  entirely  disappeared.  Be- 
sides the  "Lives"  in  the  "Trias  Thaumaturga",  there 
are  also  contained  in  this  volume  many  valuable 
"Appendices",  dealing  with  the  ecclesiastical  antiqui- 
ties of  Ireland,  and  critical  and  topographical  notes, 
which,  though  not  always  correct,  are  of  invaluable 
a.ssistance  to  the  student.  In  1655  he  published  at 
Antwerp  a  life  of  Duns  Scotus,  in  which  he  undertook 
to  prove  that  this  great  Franciscan  doctor  was  born  in 
Ireland,  and  not  in  Scotland,  as  was  then  frequently 
asserted.  In  the  "Bibliotheca  Franciscana"  Colgan 
is  said  to  have  died  in  1647,  but  this  is  evidently  a 
mistake,  as  a  note  in  his  work  on  Duns  Scotus  proves 
clearly  that  he  was  alive  in  1655. 

Colgan's  work  on  Irish  hagiology  is  of  undoubted 
value.  Though  unfortunately  of  very  weak  constitu- 
tion, he  was  a  man  of  great  ability  and  industry,  and 
with  a  sound  critical  sense.  His  knowledge  of  the 
Irish  language  enabled  him  to  turn  to  good  account 
the  vast  collection  of  manuscripts  (now  unfortunately 
for  the  greater  part  lost)  which  had  been  collected  at 
the  instigation  of  Ward,  while  his  acquaintance  with 
the  traditions  existing  among  the  native  Irish  of  his 
time,  about  the  various  names  of  persons  and  places, 
gave  him  an  advantage  over  writers  of  the  present 
day.  It  m\ist  be  remembered,  however,  that  Colgan, 
though  a  fluent  Irish  speaker,  had  not,  and  from  the 
nature  of  things  could  not  have,  a  knowledge  of  the 
grammatical  forms  of  Old  and  Middle  Irish.  Hence 
his  judgments  about  the  dating  of  the  manuscripts 
and  about  the  meaning  of  certain  difficult  expressions 
ought  not  to  be  put  forward  as  irreversible.  In  other 
words,  Colgan  should  be  judged  l>y  the  criteria  of  his 
time;  from  this  point  of  view  his  work  on  the  eccle- 
siastical history  of  Ireland  is  unequalled.  But  his 
opinions  are  not  decisive  evidences  of  truth  at  the 
present  day,  especially  when  pitted  against  the  views 
of  the  most  skilled  students  of  Old  and  Middle  Irish 
grammar  and  texts.  His  principal  works  are :  ".\cta 
Sanctorum  veteris  et  majoris  Scotije  seu  Hiberni*, 
Sanctonmi  Insulje,  partim  ex  variis  per  Europara 
MS.  Codicibus  exscripta,  partim  ex  antiquis  monu- 
mcntis  et  jirobatis  Auctoribus  eruta  et  congest;?; 
omnia  Notis  et  .\ppendicibus  illustrata.  Tomus 
primus  ciui  de  Sacris  Hibernise  Antiquitatibus  est 
tertius,  Januariimi,  Februarium  et  Martium  com- 
plectens"  (Louvain,  1645);  "Triadis  Thaumaturgae, 
seu  Divorum  Patricii  Columba-  et  Brigidae,  trium 
Veteris  et  M.ajoris  Scotia-,  seu  Ilibernije,  Sanctorum 
Insuhc,  communium  I'litrononun  Acta,  Tomus  Se- 
cundus  Sacr.anim  ejusdcni  Insula-  .\ntiiiuitatum" 
(Louvain,  1647);  "Tractatusde  Vita,  I'atria.  Scriptis 
Johannis  Scoti,  Doctoris  Subtilis"  (.Vntwerp,  1655). 


Besides  these  he  left  in  manuscript  "De  Apostolatu 
Hibernorura  inter  exteras  Gentes  cum  Indice  Alpha- 
betico  de  exteris  Sanctis"  (852  pages) ;  "  De  Sanctis  in 
Anglia,  Britannia  Aremorica,  in  reliqua  Gallia,  in 
Belgio"  (1068  pages);  "De  Sanctis  in  Lotharingia  et 
Burgundia,  in  Germania  ad  senestram  et  dexteram 
Rheni,  in  Italia"  (920  pages).  Some  of  these  in- 
valuable manuscripts,  though  eagerly  sought  for,  have 
not  yet  been  traced  (see  Gilbert,  National  MSS.  of 
Ireland,  London,  1884;  or  Doherty,  op.  cit.  below, 
81-82). 

Wadding-Sbaralea,  Scriptores  Ordinis  Minonivi  (ed.  Rome. 
1S06;  Quaracchi,  1908sqq.l;  Bibliotheca  Vnn-ersa  Franciscana 
(Madrid,  1732);  Ware-Harris,  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin, 
1746):  Doherty,  Inis-Owen  and  Tirconnell,  being  some  account 
of  Antiquities  and  Writers  of  the  County  of  Donegal  (Dublin, 
1S95),  49-52,  71-106;  Hyde,  A  Literary  History  of  Ireland 
(New  York,  1902). 

James  MacCaffrey. 
Colgan,  Joseph.     See  Madra.s,  Archdiocese  of. 

Colima,  Diocese  of  (ColimensisV — The  city  of  Co- 
lima,  the  capital  of  the  State  of  the  same  name  in  Mex- 
ico, is  situated  on  the  Colima  River,  at  an  altitude  of 
1400  feet,  and  was  founded  in  the  year  1522  by  Gon- 
zalo  de  Sandoval.  Its  population  in  1900  was  20,698. 
The  Diocese  of  Colima  was  erected  by  Leo  XIII,  11 
December,  1881,  by  the  Constitution  "Si  principum". 
Before  its  erection  as  a  diocese,  Colima  formed  part  of 
the  .\rchdiocese  of  Guadalajara  (Guadalaxara),  of 
which  it  is  now  a  suffragan.  It  includes  all  the  State 
of  Colima  and  the  southern  part  of  the  State  of  Jalisco. 
The  population  in  1901  numbered  72,500,  many  of 
whom  are  Indians. 

Gerarchia  Catt.  (Rome,  1908);  Konrersations-Lex.  (St.  Louis, 
Missouri,  1903),  s.  v.* 

Colin,  Frederic-Louis,  Superior  of  the  Sulpicians 
in  Canada,  b.  at  Bourges,  France,  in  1835;  d.  at 
Montreal,  27  November,  1902.  After  pursuing  a 
course  of  scientific  studies  he  entered  the  Seminary 
of  Saint-Sulpice  at  Paris  where  he  was  ordained  priest 
in  1859.  Transferred  to  Canada  in  1862  he  at  first 
took  up  parochial  work;  later  he  became  successively 
professor  of  theology  and  director  of  the  higher  sem- 
inary at  Montreal.  From  1881  until  his  death  he  was 
superior  of  the  priests  of  Saint-Sulpice  in  Canada. 
Colin  distinguished  himself  both  as  an  orator  and  as  a 
man  of  action.  Many  of  his  sermons  have  been 
printed;  among  them  are  one  to  the  papal  zouaves 
returning  from  Rome  (1871),  and  a  funeral  oration 
on  Mgr.  Bourget  (1885).  For  twenty  years  Father 
Colin  was  the  promoter  in  Montreal  of  higher  educa- 
tion for  the  clergy  and  laity.  For  the  clergy  he 
founded  the  Canadian  College  at  Rome  (1885),  in- 
tended to  enable  young  Canadian  priests  to  pursue  a 
higher  course  of  ecclesiastical  studies  by  attending 
the  Roman  universities;  besides  this  he  established 
the  seminary  of  philo.sophy  at  Montreal  (1892). 

For  the  benefit  of  laymen  Colin  estabhshed,  despite 
many  obstacles,  the  Laval  University.  Aided  by  Fer- 
dinand Brunetiere,  on  whom  he  exercised  a  salutary 
influence,  he  advocated  the  erection  of  a  chair  of 
French  literature  to  be  occupied  by  a  lecturer  from 
France,  and  he  liimself  defrayed  the  costs.  In  this 
way  he  quickened  interest  in  the  French  language 
ami  literature  among  the  intelligent  classes  of  Canada 
and  introduced  the  "custom  of  calling  on  French  and 
Belgian  .specialists  for  the  higher  scientific  and  com- 
mercial instruction  of  young  French-Canadians.  To 
Father  Colin  is  also  due  the  practice  of  in-viting  a 
preacher  from  abroad  to  deliver  the  Lenten  sermons 
at  Notre-Dame  of  Montreal.  His  wise  ad\-ice  was 
also  much  sought  for  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
authorities. 

L'I'nivers  (Paris.  15  Jan.,  1903);  nmiNETli-iRE  in  Le  (laulois 
(30  Dec,  1902);  liullelin  Irimestriel  rfr.s-  ancirrui  ilcvrs  de  Saint- 
^lUpice  (February,  1903);  Semaine  rcligieiisc  de  Montreal  (6 
and  13  Dec,  1902). 

A.    FOURNET. 


COLIN 


101 


COLISEUM 


Colin,  Jean-Claude-Marie,  a  French  priest, 
founder  of  the  Marists,  b.  at  Saint-Bonnet-le-Troncy, 
now  in  thie  Diocese  of  Lyons,  7  Aug.,  1790;  d.  at  Notre- 
Dame-de-la-Neyliere  (Rhone)  28  Feb.,  1875.  After 
hLs  preliminary  studies  at  St-Jodard,  AHx,  and  Ver- 
rieres,  he  entered  the  Grand-Seminaire  de  Saint- 
Irenee,  at  Lyons,  and  was  ordained  priest  in  1816. 
The  idea  of  a  religious  society  dedicated  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin  originated  with  a  group  of  seminarians  at 
Saint-Ir^nle.  Although  the  most  retiring  and  mod- 
est of  the  group,  Colin  became  the  real  founder. 
While  serving  as  assistant  pastor  at  Cerdon,  then  in 
the  Diocese  of  Lyons,  he  drew  up  provisional  rules 
which  met  the  warm  approval  of  such  men  as  Bigex, 
Bishop  of  Pignerol,  Bonald,  Bishop  of  Puy,  Frays- 
sinous,  minister  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  etc.  The 
town  of  Cerdon  having  passed  to  the  newly  reorga- 
nized Diocese  of  Belley,  Colin  obtained  from  its  bishop, 
Mgr.  Devie,  permission  to  take  a  few  comjianions  and 
preach  missions  in  the  neglected  parts  of  the  diocese. 
Their  number  increased,  and  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  the  bishop,  who  wished  to  make  the  society  a  dioc- 
esan congregation,  Colin  obtained  (18-36)  from  Greg- 
ory XVI  the  canonical  approbation  of  the  Society  of 
Marj'  as  an  order  with  simple  vows.  In  the  same  year 
Father  Colin  was  chosen  superior  general. 

During  the  eighteen  years  of  his  administration 
(18.36-1854)  Colin  showed  great  activity,  organizing 
the  different  branches  of  his  society,  foimdingin  France 
missionarj'  houses  and  colleges,  and  above  all  sending 
to  the  various  missions  of  Oceanica,  which  had  been 
entrusted  to  the  Marists,  as  many  as  seventy-four 
priests  and  forty-three  brothers,  several  of  whom 
gave  up  their  lives  in  the  attempt  to  convert  the  na- 
tives. In  185-1  he  resigned  the  ofHce  of  superior 
general  and  retired  to  Notre-Dame-de-la-Neyliere, 
where  he  spent  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  revising 
and  completing  the  constitutions  of  the  Society,  im- 
pressing on  them  the  spirit  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  a 
spirit  of  humility,  self-denial,  and  unwavering  loyalty 
to  the  Holy  See,  of  which  he  was  himself  a  perfect 
model.  Two  years  before  his  death  he  had  the  joy  of 
seeing  the  Constitutions  of  the  Society  of  Mary  defin- 
itively approved  by  the  Holy  See,  28  Feb.,  1873. 
The  cause  of  the  beatification  of  Father  CoUn  is  now 
(1908)  before  the  Congregation  of  Rites. 

Le  Tres-Reverend  Pi-re  Colin  (Lyons,  1898);  Le  Tris-Rivcrend 
Pcre  Colin  (Lyons,  1900);  Summarium  processus  ordinarii  in 
causa  J.  C.  M.  Colin  (Rome,  1905). 

J.    F.   SoLLIER. 

Coliseum,  The,  known  as  the  Flavian  Amphithea- 
tre, commenced  a.  d.  72  by  Vespasian,  the  first  of  the 
Flavian  emperors,  dedicated  by  Titus  A.  D.  80. 
The  great  structure  ri.ses  in  four  stories,  each  story 
exhibiting  a  different  order  of  architecture;  the  first 
Doric,  the  second  Ionic,  the  third  Corinthian,  the 
fourth  Composite.  The  material  is  the  famous  trav- 
ertine. The  site  was  originally  a  marshy  hollow, 
bounded  by  the  Ca-han,  the  Oppian,  the  Velian,  and 
the  Palatine  Hills,  which  Nero  had  transformed  into 
the  fish-pond  of  his  Golden  House.  Its  form  is  that 
of  an  eUipse.  790  feet  in  circumference,  its  length  620, 
its  width  .525,  and  its  height  157  feet.  The  arena,  in 
which  took  place  the  gladiatorial  combats  (ludi  qladi- 
atorii)  and  fights  with  tlie  wild  beasts,  for  which  the 
Cohseum  was  erected,  was  of  wood,  covered  with 
sand.  Surrounding  the  arena  was  a  low  wall,  sur- 
mounted by  a  railing  high  enough  to  protect  the  audi- 
ence from  danger  of  invasion  by  the  furious,  non- 
human  contestants.  As  an  additional  security 
against  this  peril,  guards  patrolled  the  passageway 
between  tliis  wall  and  the  pntliiim.  or  marble  terrace, 
on  which  were  the  seats  of  the  senators,  the  members 
of  the  sacred  colleges,  and  other  privileged  .spectators. 
From  the  southern  side  of  the  jjodiuiu  projected  the 
suqgentum.  or  imperial  gallery,  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  emperor  and  his  attendants.     Next  to  these 


sat  the  Vestals.  Back  of  the  podium  twenty  tiers  of 
seats  were  reserved  for  the  three  divisions  of  the 
eqviestrian  order;  the  upper  tiers  of  seats  were  occu- 
pied by  the  ordinary  citizens.  Last  of  all  was  a 
Corinthian  colonnade  in  which  the  lower  orders  were 
accommodated  w-ith  standing  room  only.  The  Coli- 
seum .  according  to  the  "  Chronographia  "  of  .354,  could 
contain  87,000  spectators.  Professor  Huelsen  (quoted 
by  Lanciani),  however,  has  calculated  that  it  will 
seat  not  more  than  45,000  people.  From  the  external 
cornice  projected  a  circle  of  pine  masts,  from  which 
awnings  could  readily  be  suspended  over  parts  of  the 
audience  for  the  moment  exposed  to  the  sun's  rays; 
the  imperial  gallery  was  covered  with  a  special  can- 
opy. The  arena  was  never  shaded.  Nothing  is 
known  of  the  architect  of  the  Coliseum,  although  an 
inscription,  afterwards  shown  to  be  a  forgerj',  attrib- 
uted its  design  to  a  Christian. 

The  Coliseum  int  the  Middle  Ages. — Although 
seriously  damaged  by  two  earthquakes  in  the  fifth 
century,  it  is  generally  held  that  the  Coliseum  was 
practically  intact  in  the  eighth  century  when  Bede 
WTote  the  well-known  lines: 

Quandiu  stabit  coliseus,  stabit  et  Roma; 

Quando  cadit  coliseus,  cadet  et  Roma; 

Quando  cadet  Roma,  cadet  et  mund\is. 
(Wliile  stands  the  Coliseum.  Rome  shall  stand;  when 
faUs  the  Coliseum,  Rome  shall  fall;  when  Rome  falls, 
the  world  shall  fall.)  Lanciani  attributes  the  col- 
lapse of  the  western  portion  of  the  shell  to  the  earth- 
quake of  September,  1349,  mentioned  by  Petrarch. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century  it  came  into 
the  hands  of  the  Frangipani  family,  with  whose  palace 
it  was  connected  by  a  series  of  constructions.  Dur- 
ing the  temporary  eclipse  of  the  nobility  in  the  four- 
teenth centurj',  while  the  popes  resided  in  Avignon,  it 
became  the  property  of  the  municipality  of  Rome 
(1312).  The  last  shows  seen  in  the  Coliseum  were 
given  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century,  one  by 
Eutaricus  Cilica,  son-in-law  of  Theodoric,  in  519,  and 
a  second  in  523  by  Anicius  Maximus.  The  story  of  a 
bull-fight  in  1332,  in  which  eighteen  youtlis  of  the 
Roman  nobility  are  said  to  have  lost  their  lives,  is 
apocrj-phal  (Delehaye,  L' Amphitheatre  Flavien,  5). 
In  1386  the  municipality  presented  a  third  of  the 
Coliseum  to  the  "Compagnia  del  Salvatore  ad  .sancta 
sanctorum"  to  be  used  as  a  hospital,  which  trans- 
action is  commemorated  by  a  marble  bas-relief  bust 
of  Our  Saviour,  between  two  candles,  and  the  arms  of 
the  municipality,  above  the  sixty-third  and  sLxty- 
fifth  arches.  During  the  next  four  centuries  the 
enormous  mass  of  stone  which  had  formed  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  structure  served  as  a  quarry  for  the 
Romans.  Besides  other  buildings,  four  churches 
were  erected  in  tlie  vicinity  from  this  material.  One 
document  attests  that  a  single  contractor  in  nine 
months  of  the  year  1452  carried  off  2522  cartloads  of 
travertine  from  the  Coli-seum.  This  contractor  was 
not  the  first,  however,  to  utihze  the  great  monument 
of  ancient  Rome  as  a  quarry;  a  Brief  of  Eugenius  IV 
(1431-47),  cited  by  Lanci.ani,  threatens  dire  penalties 
against  those  who  would  dare  remove  from  the  Coli- 
seum even  the  smallest  stone  [rel  minimum  dicli 
colisei  lapidem).  The  story  of  Cardinal  Farnese  who 
obtained  permission  from  his  uncle,  Paul  III  (15.34- 
49),  to  take  from  the  Coliseum  as  much  stone  as  he 
could  remove  in  twelve  hours  is  well  known;  his  emi- 
nence had  4000  men  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the 
privilege  on  the  day  appointed.  But  a  new  tradition, 
which  gradually  took  hold  of  the  public  mind  during 
the  seventeenth  centurv',  put  an  end  to  this  vandal- 
ism, and  effectually  aided  in  preserving  the  most  im- 
portant existing  monument  of  imi^erial  Rome. 

The  Coliseum  and  the  Martvu.s.  -Pope  St.  Pius 
V  (1566-72)  is  said  to  have  recommended  persons 
desirous  of  obtaining  relics  to  procure  some  sand 
from  the  arena  of  the  Cohseum,  which,  the  pope  de- 


COLLADO 


102 


COLLADO 


clared,  was  impregnated  with  the  blood  of  martyrs. 
The  opinion  of  the  saintly  pontiff,  however,  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  shared  by  his  contemporaries. 
The  practical  Sixtus  V  (1.5S5-90)  was  only  prevented 
by  death  from  converting  the  Coliseum  into  a  manu- 
factory of  woollen  goods.  In  1671  Cardinal  Altieri 
regarded  so  little  the  Coliseum  as  a  place  consecrated 
by  the  blood  of  Christian  martyrs  that  he  authorized 
its  use  for  bull-fights.  Nevertheless  from  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century  the  conviction  attributed 
to  St.  Pius  V  gradually  came  to  be  shared  by  the 
Romans.  A  writer  named  Martinelli,  in  a  work  pub- 
lished in  1653,  put  the  Coliseum  at  tlie  head  of  a  list  of 
places  sacred  to  the  martyrs.  Cardinal  Carpegna 
(d.  1679)  was  accustomed  to  stop  liis  carriage  when 
passing  by  the  CoUseum  and  make  a  commemoration 
of  the  martyrs.  But  it  was  the  act  of  Cardinal  Altieri, 
referred  to  above,  wliich  indirectly  effected  a  general 
change  of  public  opinion  in  tliis  regard.  A  pious 
personage,  Carlo  Tomassi  by  name,  aroused  by  what 
he  regarded  as  desecration,  pubUshed  a  pamphlet 
calling  attention  to  the  sanctity  of  the  Cohseum  and 
protesting  against  the  intended  profanation  author- 
ized by  Altieri.  The  pamphlet  was  so  completely 
successful  tliat  four  years  later,  the  jubilee  year  of 
1675,  theexteriorarcades  were  closed  by  order  of  Clem- 
ent X;  from  this  time  the  CoUseum  became  a  sanc- 
tuarj'.  At  the  instance  of  St.  Leonard  of  Port  Mau- 
rice, Benedict  XIV  (1740-5S)  erected  Stations  of  the 
Cross  in  the  Coliseum,  wluch  remained  until  Febru- 
ary, 1S74,  when  they  were  removed  by  order  of  Com- 
mendatore  Rosa.  St.  Benedict  Joseph  Labre  (d.  17S.3) 
passed  a  life  of  austere  devotion,  living  on  alms, 
within  the  walls  of  the  CoUseum.  "Pius  VII  in 
1805,  Leo  XII  in  1825,  Gregory  XVI  in  1845,  and 
Pius  IX  in  1852,  contributed  UberaUy  to  save  the 
amphitheatre  from  further  degradation,  by  support- 
ing the  fallen  portions  with  great  buttresses"  (Lan- 
ciani).  Thus  at  a  moment  when  the  Coliseum  stood 
in  grave  danger  of  demolition  it  was  saved  by  the 
pious  belief  which  placed  it  in  the  categorj"  of  monu- 
ments dearest  to  Christians,  the  monuments  of  the 
early  martyrs.  Yet,  after  an  exhaustive  examina- 
tion of  the  documents  in  the  case,  the  learned  BoUan- 
dist.  Father  Delehaye,  S.  J.,  arrives  at  the  conclusion 
that  there  are  no  historical  grounds  for  so  regarding  it 
(op.  cit.).  In  the  Jliddle  Ages,  for  example,  when  the 
sanctuaries  of  the  martyrs  were  looked  upon  with  so 
great  veneration,  the  Coliseum  was  completely  neg- 
lected; its  name  never  occurs  in  the  itineraries,  or 
guide-books,  compiled  for  the  use  of  pilgrims  to  the 
Eternal  City.  The  "  Mirabilia  Romse  ",  the  first  manu- 
scripts of  which  date  from  the  twelfth  century,  cites 
among  the  places  mentioned  in  the  "  Passions"  of  the 
martyrs  the  Circus  Flaminius  ad  pontem  JudcBorum, 
but  in  this  sense  makes  no  allusion  to  the  Coliseum. 
We  have  seen  how  for  more  than  a  century  it  served 
as  a  strongliold  of  the  Frangipani  family;  such  a  dese- 
cration would  have  been  impossible  had  it  been  popu- 
larly regarded  as  a  shrine  consecrated  by  the  blood, 
not  merely  of  innumerable  martyrs,  but  even  of  one 
hero  of  the  Faith.  The  intervention  of  Eugenius 
IV  was  based  altogether  on  patriotism;  as  an  ItaUan 
the  pope  could  not  look  on  passively  while  a  great 
memorial  of  Rome's  past  was  being  destroyed. 
"  Nam  demoliri  urbis  monuraenta  nihil  aliud  est  quam 
ipsius  urbis  et  totius  orbis  excellent  iaiii  diininuere." 
Thus  in  the  Middle  Ages  no  traditidu  existed  in 
Rome  which  associated  the  martyrs  in  any  way  with 
tlie  Coliseum;  it  was  only  in  the  seventeenth  centuiy, 
and  in  the  mamiCT  indicated,  that  it  came  to  be  re- 
garded with  veneration  as  a  scene  of  early  Christian 
heroism.  Indeed,  little  attention  was  paid  by  the 
Christians  of  the  first  age  to  the  actual  place  of  a 
martyr's  sufferings;  tlie  sand  stained  with  his  blood 
was,  when  possible,  gathered  up  and  trea.sured  as  a 
precious  rcUc,  but  that  was  all.     The  devotion  of  the 


Christian  body  centred  wholly  around  the  place  where 
the  martyr  was  interred.  Father  Delehaye  calls  at- 
tention to  the  fact  that  although  we  know  from  trust- 
worthy historical  sources  of  the  execution  of  Chris- 
tians in  the  garden  of  Nero,  yet  popular  tradition 
preserved  no  recollection  of  an  event  so  memorable 
(op.  cit.,  37).  The  Acts  of  Roman  Martyrs,  it  is  true, 
contain  indications  as  to  the  places  where  various 
martyrs  suffered :  in  ampkUheatro,  in  Tellure.  etc.  But 
these  Acts  are  often  merely  pious  legends  of  the  fifth, 
sixth,  and  following  centuries  built  up  by  unknown 
writers  on  a  few  reliable  historical  facts.  The  decree 
formerly  attributed  to  Pope  Gelasius  (492-96)  bears 
witness  to  tlie  slight  consideration  in  which  this  class 
of  Uterature  was  held  in  the  Roman  Church;  to  read  it 
in  the  churches  was  forbidden,  and  it  was  attributed 
to  unknown  writers,  wholly  unciuaUfied  for  tlieir  self- 
imposed  task  (secundum  antiquam  consuetudinem, 
singular!  cautela,  in  sancta  Romana  ecclesia  non 
leguntur,  quia  et  eorum  qui  conscripsere  nomina 
penitus  ignorantur,  et  ab  infidelibus  et  idiotis  super- 
flua  aut  minus  apta  quam  rei  ordo  fuerit  esse  putan- 
tur.— Tiiiel.  Epist.  Rom.  Pont.,  I,_  458).  The 
evidence,  therefore,  which  we  possess  in  the  Roman 
Acts  in  favour  of  certain  martyrs  suffering  in  the 
Colisemn  is,  for  these  reasons  among  others,  regarded 
by  Father  Delehaye  as  inconclusive.  He  does  not 
deny  that  there  may  have  been  martyrs  who  suffered 
in  the  Coliseum,  but  we  know  nothing  on  the  subject 
one  way  or  the  other.  (Je  ne  veux  pas  nier  qu'U  y  ait 
eu  des  martyrs  de  I'amphitheatre  Flavien;  mais  nous 
ne  Savons  pas  non  plus  s'il  y  en  a  eu,  et  en  tout  cas 
leurs  noms  nous  sont  inconnus. — Op.  cit.,  37.)  It  is, 
of  course,  probable  enough  that  some  of  the  Christians 
condemned  ad  bestias  suffered  in  the  Coliseum,  but 
there  is  just  as  much  reason  to  suppose  that  they  met 
their  death  in  one  of  the  other  places  dedicated  to  the 
cruel  amusements  of  imperial  Rome;  for  instance,  in 
the  Circus  Flaminius,  the  Gainum,  the  Circus  of  Ha- 
drian, the  Amphitheatrum  Castrense,  and  tlie  Stadium 
of  Domitian.  Even  as  regards  St.  Ignatius  of  An- 
tioch,  the  evidence  that  he  was  martyred  in  the  Coli- 
seum is  far  from  decisive;  the  terms  employed  by  St. 
Jolm  Chrysostom  and  Evagrius  in  reference  to  tliis 
matter  convey  no  precise  meaning  (Delehaye,  op.  cit., 
43).  The  same  is  true  of  the  term  used  by  Theodoret 
in  reference  to  the  death  of  St.  Telemachus,  who 
sacrificed  his  life  to  put  an  end  to  the  bloody  specta- 
cles which,  as  late  as  the  early  fifth  centurj',  took 
place  in  Rome.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact 
of  the  heroic  death  of  St.  Telemachus.  but  there  is,  on 
the  other  hand,  no  clear  proof  that  its  scene  was  the 
CoUseum.  Theodoret,  the  only  writer  who  records 
the  incident,  says  that  it  happened  eU  ri  (rrdSiov 
(in  the  stadium),  a  different  place  from  the  Coliseum. 
Deleh.we:,  L'amphithMlrc  Flnmm  (Brussels,  1897); 
Lanciani,  Ruins  and  Excavations  of  Ancient  Rome  (Boston, 
1S97);  Parker,  The  Flavian  Amphitheatre  (London,  1876); 
GoRi,  Lc  mcmorie  storiche  dclV  anfiteatro  Flaviano  (Rome, 
1874);  VON  Reumont,  Gesch.  dcr  Stadl  Rom  (Berlin.  1867-70), 
passim;  Gregorovius,  History  of  the  City  of  Rome  in  the 
Middle  Ages.  tr.  H.umilto.n  (London.  1894-1902). 

M.iURICE   M.    H.iSSETl'. 

Collado,  Diego,  missionary,  b.  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century  at  Miajadas,  in  the  province  of 
Estremadura,  Spain.  He  entered  the  Dominican  Or- 
der at  Salamanca  about  1600,  and  in  1619  went  to 
Japan,  where  the  Christians  were  suffering  persecu- 
tion. After  the  martyrdom  of  Luis  Flores,  a  fellow- 
Dominican,  in  1622,  Collado  repairixl  to  Rome,  and 
later  to  Spain,  in  the  interests  of  the  Oriental  missions. 
He  obtained  important  coiieessions,  though  not  with- 
out incurring  some  animosity.  Beai'ing  Apostolic 
and  royal  letters,  he  returned  to  the  Orient  in  1635. 
The  following  year  he  endeavoured  to  establish  in  the 
Philippines  an  independent  convent  devoted  solely  to 
the  Chinese  and  Japanese  missions,  but,  owing  to  the 
opposition  of  the  Spanish  civil  authorities,  his  effort 


THE  COLISEUM,   ROME 


COLLATION 


103 


COLLECT 


was  unsuccessful.  Recalled  to  Spain,  he  was  ship- 
wrecked, in  1638,  on  his  way  to  Manila.  He  coukl 
have  saved  himself,  but  he  remained  with  the  unfor- 
tunates among  his  fellow-voyagers,  hearing  their  con- 
fessions and  preparing  them  for  death.  The  follow- 
ing are  his  more  important  writings:  "Ars  gram- 
matical aponicae  lingua;"  (Rome,  16.31,  16.32);  "Dic- 
tionarium  sive  thesauri  lingiuE  japonicae  compendium" 
(Rome,  1632);  "Modus  eonfitendi  et  examinandi 
poenitentem  japonensem  formula  suamet  lingua  ja- 
ponica"  (Rome,  1631,  1632);  "Formula  protestandae 
fidei"  (Rome);  "Historia  eclesiastica  de  los  sucesos 
de  la  cristianidad  del  Japon  desde  el  ano  de  MDCII, 
que  entro  en  el  la  orden  de  predicadores  hasta  el  de 
MDCXXI  por  el  P.  Hi_acintho  Orfancl,  anadida  hasta 
el  fin  del  ano  MDCXXII  por  el  Padre  Krav  Diego 
Collado"  (Madrid,  1632,  1633);  "Dictionarium  ling- 
uae sinensis  cum  explicafione  latina  et  hispanica  ehar- 
actere  sinensi  et  latino"  (Rome,  16.32). 

QUETIF  AND  EcHAHU.  Script.  Ord.  PrcFil.,  II.  497. 

John  R.  Voi.z. 
Collation,  Richt  of.     See  Benefice. 
CoUationes  Patrum.     See  Cassian,  John. 

Collect,  the  name  now  used  only  for  the  short 
prayers  before  the  Epistle  in  the  Ma.ss,  which  occur 
again  at  Lauds,  Terce,  Sext,  None,  and  Vespers.  The 
word  collecia  corresponds  to  the  Greek  o-i/i-alis.  It  is 
a  noun,  a  late  form  for  coHectio  (so  missa  for  missw, 
oblala  for  oblatio,  ascensii,  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramen- 
tarj',  for  ascensio,  etc.).  The  original  meaning  seems 
to  have  been  this:  it  was  used  for  the  service  held  at  a 
certain  church  on  the  days  when  there  was  a  station 
somewhere  else.  The  people  gathered  together  and 
became  a  "collection"  at  this  first  church;  after  cer- 
tain prayers  had  been  .said  they  went  in  procession  to 
the  station-church.  Just  before  they  started  the 
celebrant  said  a  prayer,  the  ornlio  ad  coUerlum  {ad  col- 
lectionem  jmpuli);  the  name  would  then  be  the  .same 
as  oralio  sujxr  populum,  a  title  that  still  remains  in 
our  Missal,  in  Lent  for  instance  after  the  Post-Com- 
munion. This  prayer,  the  collect,  would  be  repeated 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Mass  at  the  station  itself 
(Bona,  Rer.  liturg.,  II,  5).  Later  writers  find  other 
meanings  for  the  name.  Innocent  III  says  that  in 
this  prayer  the  priest  collects  together  the  prayers  of 
all  the  people  (De  Sacr.  altaris  myst.,  II,  27;  see  also 
Benedict  XIV,  De  .SS.  Mi.ssiE  sacr.,  II,  5).  The  Secret 
and  Post-Communion  are  also  collects,  formed  on  the 
same  model  as  the  one  before  the  Epistle.  Now  the 
name  is  only  used  for  the  first  of  the  three.  Originally 
there  was  only  one  collect  (and  one  Secret  and  Post- 
Communion)  for  each  Mass.  The  older  sacramen- 
taries  never  provide  more  than  one.  Amalarius  of 
Metz  (d.  847)  says  (De  officiis  eccl.,  in  P.  L.,  CV,  985 
sqq.)  that  in  his  time  some  priests  began  to  s.ay  more 
than  one  collect,  but  that  at  Rome  only  one  was  used. 
Micrologus  [De  eccl.  observ.,  probably  by  Bernold  of 
Constance  (d.  1100),  in  P.  L.,  CLI,  973  .sqq.]  defemls 
the  old  custom  and  says  that  "one  Prayer  should  be 
said,  as  one  Epistle  and  one  Gospel".  However,  the 
number  of  collects  was  multiplied  till  gradually  our 
present  rule  wa.s  evolved. 

The  way  in  which  our  collects  are  now  said  at  Mass 
is  the  fragment  of  a  more  elaborate  rite.  Of  this 
longer  rit«  we  .still  have  a  vestige  on  Good  Friday. 
The  celebrant,  after  greeting  the  people  (Dominus 
vohiscum),  invited  them  to  pray  for  some  intention: 
Oremus,  ditedissimi  nobis,  etc.  The  deacon  said: 
Flectamus  genua,  and  all  knelt  for  a  time  in  silent 
prayer.  The  subdeacon  then  told  them  to  stand  up 
again  (Levatr),  and,  all  standing,  the  celebrant  clo.sed 
the  private  prayers  with  the  short  form  that  is  the 
collect.  Of  this  rite — except  on  Good  Friday — the 
shortening  of  the  Mass.  which  has  afTected  all  its  parts, 
has  only  left  the  greeting  Oremus  and  the  collect  itself. 


Here,  as  always,  it  is  in  Holy  Week  that  we  find  the 
older  form.  It  shoukl  be  noted,  then,  that  the  Oremus 
did  not  refer  immediately  to  the  collect,  but  rather  to 
the  silent  prayer  that  went  before  it.  This  also  ex- 
plains the  shortness  of  the  older  collects.  They  are 
not  the  prayer  itself,  but  its  conclusion.  One  short 
sentence  summed  up  the  petitions  of  the  people.  It 
is  only  since  the  original  meaning  of  the  collect  has 
been  forgotten  that  it  has  become  itself  a  long  petition 
with  various  references  and  clauses  (compare  the  col- 
lects for  the  Simdays  after  Pentecost  with  those  for 
the  modern  feasts).  On  all  feast-days  the  collect 
naturally  contains  a  reference  to  the  event  whose 
memory  we  celebrate.  Its  preparation  is  the  kissing  of 
the  altar  and  the  Dominus  robiscum.  Before  inviting 
the  people  to  make  this  prayer  the  celebrant  greets 
them,  and,  before  turning  his  back  to  the  altar  in  order 
to  do  so,  he  salutes  it  in  the  usual  way  by  kissing  it. 
The  form  Dominus  vobiscum  is  the  common  greeting 
in  the  West.  It  occurs  in  the  Galilean,  Milanese,  and 
Mozarabic  Liturgies  under  the  form:  Dominus  sit 
semper  i^obiscum.  Germanus  of  Paris  notes  it  as  the 
priest's  (not  bishop's)  greeting  (P.  L.,  LXXVII,  89). 
It  is  taken  from  the  Bible.  When  Booz  came  from 
Bethlehem  he  said,  "The  Lord  be  with  you",  to  the 
reapers  (Ruth,  ii,  4),  and  St.  Gabriel  used  the  same 
form  to  Our  Lady  at  the  Annunciation  (Luke,  i,  28; 
cf.  II  Thess.,  iii,  10).  \  bishop  here  says,  Paxvobis, 
imless  the  Mass  has  no  Gloria,  in  which  case  his  greet- 
ing is  the  same  as  that  of  the  priest  (Ritus  celebr., 
V,  1).  This  distinction  is  as  old  as  the  tenth  century 
(Ordo  Rom.,  XIV,  79,  notes  it).  The  Pax  is  a  joj'ful 
and  solemn  grci'tiiig  to  be  left  out  on  days  of  penance. 
Its  connexiim  with  tlie  Gloria,  that  has  just  gone  be- 
fore (el  in  terra  jja.r  Itaminihus),  is  obvious.  The  greet- 
ing of  peace  leipv"''!  ira<nv)  is  the  common  one  in  the 
Eastern  liturgies.  In  either  case  the  answer  is:  Et 
cum  spiritu  tun.  This  is  a  Hebraism  that  occurs  con- 
stantly in  both  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
"Thy  spirit"  simply  means  "thee"  (cf.  e.  g.  Dan., 
iii,  86;  Gal.,  vi,  18;  Phil.,  iv,  23;  Philem.,  25).  Xe/esh 
(Heb.),  Xafs  (.A.r.),  with  a  pronominal  suffix,  in  all 
Semitic  languages  means  simply  the  person  in  ques- 
tion. The  Eastern  liturgies  have  the  same  answer, 
Koi  /iera  toO  TrvevpaTb^  ffov  (and  with  thy  spirit),  as  in 
the  .Apostolic  Constitutions  (Brightman,  Eastern  Lit. 
3,  13),  or  Kal  t(Jj  Trveiiiarl  aov  (ibid.,  49,  137,  etc.). 

At  the  Dominus  robiscur,i  the  celebrant,  facing  the 
people,  extends  and  then  again  joins  his  hands.  It 
is  here  a  gesture  of  greeting.  With  folded  hands  he 
turns  back  to  the  altar  and  goes  to  the  Mi.ssal  at  the 
Epistle  side.  Here,  again  extending  and  joining  the 
hands  and  bowing  towards  the  cross,  he  sings  or  says 
Oremus.  and  then,  with  uplifted  hands  (not  above  the 
shoulder,  Ritus  Celebr.,  V,  1),  goes  on  at  once  with  the 
collect  or  collects.  The  present  rule  about  the  collects 
is  this:  on  doubles  only  one  collect  is  said  (that  of  the 
feast),  unless  any  other  feast  be  commemorated,  or  the 
pope  or  bishop  order  an  oratio  imperata.  The  im- 
perata  is,  moreover,  omitted  on  doubles  of  the  first 
class.  Palm  Sunday,  Maundy  Thursday,  the  eves  of 
Christmas,  Easter,  and  Whitsunday,  in  Requiems,  and 
solemn  votive  Masses.  On  doubles  of  the  second  class 
it  is  left  out  in  high  and  sung  Masses,  and  may  be  s;ud 
at  the  others  or  not,  at  the  celebrant's  discretion. 
For  a  very  grave  cause  an  imperata  may  be  ordered 
to  be  said  always,  even  on  these  occasions.  It  always 
comes  la.st  (De  Herdt,  I,  72).  The  collect  of  the 
Blessed  .'Sacrament,  to  be  said  when  it  is  exposed,  and 
that  for  the  pope  or  bishop  on  the  anniversary  of  their 
election,  coronation,  or  consecration,  are  particular 
cases  of  imperatie.  The  rules  for  commemoration  of 
feasts,  octaves,  ember  days,  and  ferias  of  Advent  and 
I^ent  are  given  in  the  rubrics  of  the  Missal  (Ruhr. 
Gen.,  VII;  cf.  De  Herdt,  I,  70-71).  On  semi-doubles, 
.'^undays,  and  d.ays  within  an  octave,  three  collects 
must  be  saitl;   but  on  Passion  Sunday,  on  Sundays 


COLLECTAEIUM 


104 


COLLECTIONS 


within  an  octave  and  throughout  the  octaves  of  Eas- 
ter and  Whitsunday  there  are  only  two  (Ruhr.  Gen., 
IX ;  De  Herdt,  I,  75,  where  the  rules  for  these  collects 
will  be  found).  But  in  these  cases  the  number  may 
be  greater,  if  there  arc  commemorations.  On  sim- 
ples, ferias,  and  in  Requiems  and  (not  solemn)  votive 
Masses,  the  celebrant  may  also  add  collects,  as  he 
chooses,  provided  the  total  number  be  an  uneven  one 
and  do  not  exceed  seven  (Ruhr.  Gen.,  IX,  12;  De 
Herdt,  I,  83). 

The  rule  about  the  uneven  numbers,  on  which  the 
S.  Congr.  Rit.  has  insisted  several  times  (2  December, 
1684;  2  September,  1741;  30  June,  1896),  is  a  curious 
one.  The  limit  of  seven  prevents  the  Mass  from  being 
too  long.  In  any  case  the  collect  of  the  day  always 
comes  first.  It  has  Oremus  before  it  and  the  long 
conclusion  (Per  Dominum,  etc.).  The  second  collect 
has  a  second  Oremus,  and  all  that  follow  are  joined 
togetlier  without  intermediate  ending  nor  Oremus  till 
the  last,  which  again  has  the  long  conclusion.  This 
separates  the  collect  of  the  day  from  the  others  and 
gives  it  a  special  dignit}',  as  a  remnant  of  the  old  prin- 
ciple that  it  alone  should  be  said.  The  conclusions  of 
the  collects  vary  according  to  their  form  and  refer- 
ences (Ruhr.  Gen.,  IX,  17).  The  people  (choir  or 
server)  answer  Amen.  During  the  conclusions  the 
celebrant  folds  his  hands  and  bows  towards  the  cross 
at  the  words  Dominum  nostrum  Jesum  Christum.  It 
shoultl  be  noted  that  the  great  majority  of  the  collects 
are  addressed  to  God  the  Father  (so  all  the  old  ones; 
the  common  form  is  to  begin :  Deus,  qui) ;  a  few  later 
ones  (as  on  Corpus  Christi,  for  example)  are  addressed 
to  God  the  Son,  none  to  the  Holy  Ghost.  At  low 
Mass  collects  are  said  aloud  so  that  they  can  be  heard 
by  the  people,  at  high  (or  sung)  Mass  they  are  sung 
to  the  festive  tone  on  doubles,  semi-doubles,  and  Sun- 
days. On  simples,  ferias,  and  in  Masses  for  the  dead, 
they  have  the  simple  ferial  tone  (entirely  on  one  note, 
fa).  The  rules  of  the  tones,  with  examples,  are  in  the 
"  Cteremoniale  Episcoporum  ",  I,  xxvii.  At  high  Mass 
the  deacon  and  subdeacon  stand  in  a  straight  line 
behind  the  celebrant  (the  deacon  on  the  top  step,  the 
subdeacon  in  piano)  with  joined  hands.  At  the  col- 
■ects,  in  high  Mass,  the  people  should  stand.  This  is 
the  old  position  for  public  prayer;  originally  the  sub- 
deacon explicitly  told  them  to  do  so  (Levate).  The 
ciLstom  of  standing  during  the  collects,  long  neglected, 
is  now  being  happily  revived.  At  low  Mass  they  kneel 
all  the  time  except  durine  the  Gospel  (Ruhr.  Gen., 
XVII,  2). 

Rubricae  generates  Mvssalis,  VII,  IX.  XVI.  XVII;  Rilus  cete- 
brandi,  \;  Cceremoniate  Episcoporum,  I,  xxvii;  Benkdict  XIV, 
De  SS.  MissfE  Sacrificio.  II,  v;  Gihr.  Das  hi'itige  Messopfer 
(Freiburg  im  Br..  1S97),  II,  §  39.  374-399.  See  also  the  sacra- 
nientaries.  texts,  and  commentaries  quoted  in  the  article  Cvnon 
OF  THE  Mass. 

ADRI.iN   FORTESCUE. 

Collectaxium  (sometimes  Collect.\rius,  Collec- 
T.^NEUM,  Oration.^le,  Capitul.^re),  the  book  which 
contains  the  Collects.  In  the  Proprium  de  Tempore 
of  the  Roman  Missal  the  title  Staiio,  with  the  name 
of  some  saint  or  mystery,  is  frequently  prefixed  to 
the  Introit  of  the  Mass.  It  signifies  that  in  early 
times,  probably  down  to  the  fourteenth  century,  the 
clergy  and  people  celebrated  on  those  days  the  Divine 
mysteries  in  the  churches  dedicated  in  honour  of  that 
saint  or  mystery.  Before  going  in  procession  to  the 
statio  they  assembled  in  some  nearby  church  to  re- 
ceive tlie  pontiff,  who  recited  a  pniyer  which  was 
called  the  Collect.  This  name  was  given  to  the 
prayer  either  because  it  -mas  recited  for  the  assembled 
people,  or  because  it  rontained  the  sum  and  substance 
of  all  favours  asked  by  the  pontiff  for  himself  and  the 
peojile.  (ir  because  in  an  :thriilge(l  form  it  represented 
the  spirit  atid  fruit  of  the  feast  or  mystery.  In  course 
of  time  it  was  used  to  .signify  the  prayers,  proper, 
votive,  or  prescribed  by  the  ecclesiastical  superiors 
(.imperatw),  recited  before  the  Epistle,  as  well  as  the 


Secrets  and  the  Post-Communions.  Later  it  was  ap- 
plied to  the  prayers  said  at  Divine  Office  or  any  litur- 
gical service. 

Zacc.vria,  Biblioltieca  Ritualis  fRome.  1776),  I;  Bernard, 
CouTs  de  Liturgie  Romaine:  La  Messe  (I'aris,  1S98),  II:  V\n 
DER  Stappen,  Sacra  Liturgia  (Mechlin,  1902),  II;  Carpo. 
Compendiosa  Bibliottieca  Liturgica  (Bologna,  1879);  Gihr 
The  Holy  Sacrifice  of  ttte  Mass,  tr.  (St.  Louis,  Missouri.  1903). 
A.    J.    SCHULTE. 

Collections. — The  offerings  of  the  faithful  in  their 
special  relation  to  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  will 
claim  fuller  and  more  general  treatment  imder  Offer- 
tory and  Mass  Stipend.  We  will  confine  ourselves 
here  to  the  particular  development  which  took  the 
form  of  a  contribution  in  money,  corresponding  par- 
ticularly to  what  is  conveyed  by  the  French  word 
qui'te.  Of  collections  for  general  church  purposes  we 
find  mention  already  in  the  days  of  St.  Paul,  for  we 
read  in  I  Cor.,  xvi,  1-2:  "Now  concerning  the  collec- 
tions that  are  made  for  the  saints,  as  I  have  given 
order  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,  so  do  ye  also.  On 
the  first  day  of  the  week  let  every  one  of  you  put  apart 
with  himself,  laying  up  what  it  shall  well  please  him ; 
that  when  I  come,  the  collections  be  not  then  to  be 
made."  Tliis  seems  to  imply  that  on  every  Sunday 
(the  first  day  of  the  week  )  contributions  were  made, 
probably  when  the  faithful  assembled  for  "  the  break- 
ing of  bread"  (Acts,  xx,  7),  and  that  then  contribu- 
tions were  put  by,  if  not  required  for  some  immediate 
and  local  need,  e.  g.  the  relief  of  the  poor,  in  order  that 
St.  Paul  might  assign  them  for  the  use  of  other  more 
destitute  churches  at  a  distance  (cf.  II  Cor.,  viii  and 
ix).  How  far  such  offerings  were  allocated  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  clergy  and  how  far  to  the  poor  there  is 
nothing  to  tell  us,  but  it  is  plain  that  as  a  matter  of 
principle  the  claims  both  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  poor 
were  recognized  from  the  very  first.  (For  the  clergy 
see  I  Cor.,  ix,  8-11 ;  II  Thess.,  iii,  8;  I  Tim.,  v,  17-18; 
and  for  the  poor  see  Acts,  iv,  34-35,  vi,  1,  xi,  29-30; 
I  Tim.,  V,  16,  etc.)  Again  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
from  an  early  date  such  alms  were  administered  ac- 
cording to  some  organized  sj'stem.  The  very  institu- 
tion of  deacons  and  deaconesses  proves  this,  and  we 
can  appeal  to  the  existence  in  certain  places,  for  ex- 
ample at  Jerusalem,  of  a  roll  {breve  ecclesiasticum,  see 
the  recently  recovered  "Life  of  St.  Melania",  §  35) 
bearing  the  names  of  those  in  receipt  of  relief.  Greg- 
orj'  of  Tours  gives  the  name  of  matricularii  (De  Mirac. 
B.  Martin.,  iii,  22)  to  those  who  wgie  entered  on  this 
roll.  Speaking  generally,  the  allocation  of  all  offer- 
ings was  recognized  as  belonging  to  the  bishop  (i.  e.  in 
the  period  before  the  modern  system  of  parishes  and 
parish  priests  had  evolved  itself  with  any  clearness), 
and  the  rule  was  formally  enunciated  in  the  West  that 
all  offerings  were  to  be  divided  by  the  bishop  into  four 
parts:  the  first  for  the  clergy,  the  second  for  the  poor, 
the  third  for  the  fabric  and  up-keep  of  the  churches, 
and  the  last  part  for  the  bishop  himself,  that  he  might 
the  better  exercise  the  hospitality  which  was  ex- 
pected of  him.  Tills  arrangement  seems  to  date  back 
at  least  to  the  time  of  Pope  Simplicius  (475),  and  a 
hundred  years  later  it  is  stated  by  Pope  Gregory  the 
Great  in  the  following  form  when  he  was  consulted  by 
St.  .\ugustine  about  the  English  Church  which  he  had 
just  founded:  "It  is  the  custom  of  the  Apostolic  See 
to  deliver  to  ordained  bishops  precepts  that  of  everj' 
oblation  which  is  made  there  ought  to  be  four  portions, 
one,  to  wit,  for  the  btshop  and  his  household,  on  ac- 
count of  hospitality  and  entertainment,  another  for 
the  clergy,  a  third  for  the  poor,  a  fourth  for  the  repair- 
ing of  churches"  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccles.,  I,  xx\-ii). 

.\t  a  later  date  we  find  some  modification  of  this 
rule,  for  in  the  Capitularies  of  Louis  the  Pious  a  third 
of  the  offerings  are  assigned  to  the  clergy  and  two- 
thirds  to  the  poor  in  more  prosperous  districts,  while  a 
half  is  to  be  given  to  each  in  poorer  ones.  During  all 
this  earlier  period  offerings  in  money  do  not  seem  to 


COLLECTIONS 


105 


COLLECTIONS 


have  been  connected  with  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass, 
but  they  were  either  put  into  an  alms-box  perma- 
nently set  up  in  the  church  or  they  were  given  in  col- 
lections made  on  certain  specified  occasions.  With 
regard  to  the  former  TertuUian  already  speaks  (Apol., 
xxxix,  Migne,  P.  L.,  I,  470)  of  "some  sort  of  chest" 
which  stood  in  the  chiu'ch  and  to  which  the  faithful 
contributed  without  compulsion.  It  seems  to  have 
been  commonly  called  gazophylacium  or  corhona  (Cyp- 
rian, ''De  op.  et  eleemos.";  .Jerome,  Ep.  xxvii,  14). 
The  collections  on  the  other  hand  probably  took  place 
on  days  of  which  notice  was  given  beforehand.  Apart 
from  a  mention  in  the  "Apology"  of  Justin  Martyr  (I, 
Ixvii),  from  which  we  should  suppose  that  a  collection 
was  made  every  Sunday,  our  principal  source  of  in- 
formation is  the  series  of  six  sermons  "DeCoUectis", 
delivered  by  St.  Leo  the  Great  in  different  years  of  his 
pontificate  iMigne,  P.  L.,  LIV,  158-168).  All  these, 
according  to  the  brothers  Ballerini,  probably  have 
reference  to  a  collection  annually  made  on  6  July,  on 
which  day  in  pagan  times  certain  games  were  held  in 
honour  of  Apollo,  at  which  a  collection  took  place. 
The  Church  seems  to  have  continued  the  custom  and 
converted  it  into  an  occasion  of  almsgiving  for  pious 
purposes  upon  the  octave  day  of  the  feast  of  Sis.  Peter 
and  Paul.  It  may  be  noted  that  both  Tertuilian 
(De  Jejun.,  xiii,  Migne,  P.  L.,  II,  972)  and  St.  Leo  seem 
to  regard  such  contribvitions  of  money  as  a  form  of 
mortification,  and  consequently  sanctification,  clasely 
connected  with  fa.sting.  Thafsimilar  collections  were 
everywhere  common  in  the  Early  Church  and  that  con- 
siderable pressure  was  sometimes  brought  to  bear  to 
extort  contributions  we  learn  from  a  letter  of  St.  Greg- 
orj-  the  Great  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXVII,  1060). 

As  already  noted,  these  methods  of  gathering  alms 
seem  to  have  had  nothing  directly  to  do  with  the  lit- 
urgy. The  offerings  which  were  invariably  made  by  the 
faithful  both  in  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Church 
during  the  Holy  Sacrifice  were  long  confined  to  simple 
bread  and  wine,  or  at  least  to  such  things  as  wax,  can- 
dles, oil,  or  incense  which  had  a  direct  relation  to  the 
Divine  service,  .\ccording  to  the  so-called  .Apostolic 
Canons  (see  Canons,  Apostolic)  other  forms  of  prod- 
uce which  might  be  offered  for  the  support  of  the 
clergy  were  to  be  taken  to  the  residence  of  the  bishop, 
where  he  lived  a  sort  of  community  life  with  his 
priests  (see  Funk,  Didascalia  et  Constitutiones  Apos- 
tolorum,  I,  564).  However,  the  bread  and  wine 
which  were  brought  to  the  altar  at  the  Offertory-  of  the 
Mass  were  commonly  presented  in  quantities  far  in  ex- 
cess of  what  was  needed  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  and 
they  thus  formed,  and  were  intended  to  form,  a  sub- 
stantial contribution  towards  the  maintenance  of 
those  who  served  in  the  sanctuary.  Various  enact- 
ments were  passed  during  the  Carlovingian  jieriod 
with  the  object  of  urging  the  people  to  remain  faithful 
to  this  practice,  but  it  seems  gradually  to  have  died 
out,  save  in  certain  functions  of  solemnity,  e.  g.  the 
Mass  celebrated  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  when 
two  loaves  and  two  small  casks  of  wine  are  presented 
to  the  celebrant  at  the  Offertorj'.  On  the  other  hand, 
this  oblation  of  breatl  and  wine  seems  to  have  been  re- 
placed in  many  localities  by  a  contribution  in  money. 
At  what  period  the  substitution  began  is  not  quite 
clear.  Some  have  thought  that  a  trace  of  this  prac- 
tice is  to  be  recognized  as  early  as  St.  Isidore  of  Sev- 
ille (595)  who  speaks  of  the  archdeacon  "receiving  the 
money  collected  from  the  communion"  (Ep.  ad 
Leudof.,  xii).  A  less  ambiguous  example  may  be 
found  in  a  letter  of  St.  Peter  Damian  (c.  10.50)  where 
there  is  mention  of  gold  coins  being  offered  by  the 
wives  of  certain  princes  at  his  Mass  (Migne.  P.  L. , 
CXLIV,  .360).  In  any  ca.so  it  is  certain  that  from  the 
twelfth  to  the  fifteenth  century  a  money  offering, 
known  in  England  as  the  "  mas-s-penny",  was  com- 
monly made  at  the  Offertory  all  over  the  Western 
Church.     Kings  and  personages  of  high  rank  often 


had  a  special  coin  which  they  presented  at  Mass  each 
day  and  then  redeemed  it  afterwards  for  a  specified 
sum.     Chaucer  says  of  his  Pardoner: — 

Well  could  he  read  a  lesson  or  a  storie 
But  althebest  he  sang  an  offertorj'e; 
For  well  he  wyste,  when  that  song  was  songe, 
He  moste  preach  and  well  affyle  his  tongue 
To  Wynne  silver,  as  he  right  wel  cowde, 
Therefore  he  sang  full  merrily  and  lowde. 

The  offering  was  voluntary,  and  each  one  brought 
what  he  had  to  give  to  the  altar-rail.  Burckard  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centurj-  gives  this  direction: 
"  If  there  be  any  who  wish  to  offer,  the  celebrant  comes 
to  the  epistle  corner  and  there  standing  bareheaded 
with  his  left  side  turned  towards  the  altar,  he  removes 
the  maniple  from  his  left  arm  and  taking  it  in  his  right 
hand,  he  presents  the  end  of  it  to  kiss  to  those  who 
offer,  saying  to  each :  '  May  thy  sacrifice  be  accepta- 
ble to  God  .\lmighty',  or  'Mayst  thou  receive  a  hun- 
dredfold and  i.(i>si'ss  -tiTnal  life'."  This  rubric  was 
not  retainrd  m  th,  first  dUicial  and  authoritative  edi- 
tion of  the  Itonuiii  Missal,  printed  in  1570.  Possibly 
the  struggle  for  precedence  in  going  up  to  make  the 
offering,  of  which  we  read  in  Chaucer,  tended  to  bring 
this  method  of  contributing  into  di.sfavour  and  led  to 
the  carrying  round  of  an  alms-dish  or  bag  from  bench 
to  bench  as  is  commonly  done  at  present.  Collections 
for  specified  objects,  e.  g.  the  building  of  a  church,  the 
construction  of  a  bridge,  the  relief  of  certain  cases  of 
distress,  etc.  have  at  all  times  been  common  in  the 
Church,  and  during  the  Middle  .-Ages  the  people  were 
constantly  slimulatcd  to  give  more  generously  to  par- 
ticular f\uiils  f.ir  |. lolls  purposes,  e.  g.  the  Crusades,  by 
the  grant  of  s|n'ci;il  Indulgences.  These  grants  of  In- 
dulgence were  often  entrusted  to  preachers  of  note 
("Pardoners")  who  carried  them  from  town  to  town, 
collecting  money  and  using  their  eloquence  to  recom- 
mend the  good  work  in  question  and  to  enhance  the 
spiritual  privileges  attached  to  it.  This  led  to  many 
abuses.  The  Council  of  Trent  frankly  recognized 
them  and  abolished  all  grants  of  Indulgence  which 
were  conditional  upon  a  pecuniary  contribution  to- 
wards a  specified  object.  Other  collections  during 
the  Middle  -Ages  were  associated  with  special  objects  of 
piety — for  example,  noteworthy  shrines,  statues,  or 
relics.  Some  few  specimens  still  remain  of  stone  alms- 
boxes  joined  to  a  bracket  upon  which  some  statue 
formerly  stood,  or  united  to  Easter  sepulchres, 
shrines,  etc.  One  collection,  that  for  the  Holy  Places, 
was  commonly  associated  with  the  creeping  to  the 
Cross  on  Good  Fridays,  as  it  still  is  to-day. 

The  strain  put  upon  the  charity  of  the  lay-folk  in 
the  Middle  .\ges  by  the  large  number  of  mendicant 
orders  was  often  severely  felt.  Some  remedy  was 
provided  by  confining  the  appeals  of  tho.se  who  soli- 
cited alms  to  certain  assigned  districts.  The  mendi- 
cants so  licensed  were  in  England  often  known  as 
"  limitours  ".  .\  like  difficulty  is  not  unfamiliar  in  our 
own  day.  and  the  principle  has  con.sequently  been  rec- 
ognized that  a  bishop  has  a  right  to  prohibit  strangers 
from  collecting  alms  in  his  diocese  without  authoriza- 
tion. Although  it  is  not  always  easy  to  exercise  ade- 
quate control  over  these  appeals,  a  certain  check  may 
be  put  upon  importunate  ecclesiastics  by  withholding 
permission  to  say  Mass  in  the  diocese.  ThLs  method 
of  exercising  pressure,  to  be  followe<l  by  complaint  to 
the  Congregation  of  Propaganda  in  c:ise  such  prohibi- 
tions are  neglected,  is  indic;iti'd  in  a  strongly  worded 
decree  drawn  up  by  the  Third  Plenary  Coimcil  of  Bal- 
timore (n.  295).  Similar  regulations  requiring  that 
the  bishop's  authorization  .should  be  obtained  before 
strangers  can  be  allowed  to  collect  money  for  chari- 
table purpo.ses  in  the  diocese  also  prevail  in  England. 
Hi'strictions  are  further  commonly  imposed,  either  by 
synodal  decrees  or  by  the  command  of  the  bishop, 
upon   certain  methods  of    collecting    money  which 


COLLECTIVISM 


106 


COLLECTIVISM 


may  be  judged  according  to  local  circumstances 
to  be  likely  to  give  scandal  or  to  be  attended  with 
danger  to  souls.  The  sometimes  intricate  and  deli- 
cate questions  arising  from  the  collection  of  money  by 
religious  when  entrusted  with  quasi-parochial  func- 
tions have  been  legislated  for  in  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tution "Romanes  Pontifices"  of  8  May,  1881. 

There  is  a  short  article  s.  v.  Collecten  in  the  Kirchenlcxikon, 
but  there  seems  to  be  no  one  source  of  information  which  brings 
together  in  moderate  compass  the  facts  tiiscussed  above.  The 
reader  may,  however,  be  referred  for  various  points  to  different 
treatises,  of  which  the  following  are  the  most  noteworthy: 
FODR.VERET  in  Dict.  de  theot.  calh.  (19051,  s.  v.  Bicns  ccclesias- 
luiiits:  Tbalhoff.r,  Liturgik  (Freiburg,  1893),  Vol.  II,  Ft.  I; 
GiHH,  The  Mass  (tr.  Freiburg.  1902),  496-514;  H.idd.v.n.  Sctd.*- 
MORK,  and  Armfield  in  Diet.  ('hn:.L  Aitliq.,  s.  vv.  Ahns:  Obla- 
tions: Foot:  Scud.\mork.  .V..^;  I  In.  1876), 
346sq.;  BoNDROiT.OfC'ip'.ci/ ,  I  nuvain, 
1900);  BiEDERLACK,  Dr  r.nn.  ilnns- 
bruck,  1892);  Wernz,  ./:/.i /). .  r.  ■  ""i-^  III,  134 
Bq.;  Laurentius.  InsHtutionc^  Juris  Kceh sin.^liei  (Freiburg. 
1908),  631-657. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Collectivism. — This  terra  is  sometimes  employed 
as  a  substitute  for  socialism.  It  is  of  later  origin,  and  is 
somewhat  more  precise  in  use  and  content.  Social- 
ism, while  sufficiently  definite  in  the  minds  of  those 
who  have  a  right  to  class  themselves  as  socialists,  is 
frequently  employed  in  a  loose  way  by  others.  The 
single-ta.x  theory,  government  ownership  of  public 
utilities  such  as  railways  and  telegraphs,  stricter 
public  regulation  of  industry,  and  even  moderate 
measures  of  social  reform,  are  sometimes  called  social- 
ism by  indi\'iduals  and  newspapers.  Collectivism  is 
scarcely  ever  used  except  to  designate  that  system  of 
industry  in  which  the  material  agents  of  production 
would  be  owned  and  managed  by  the  public,  the  collec- 
tivity. And  it  usually  indicates  merely  the  economic 
side  of  socialism,  without  reference  to  any  philo- 
sophical, psychological,  ethical,  or  historical  assump- 
tions. Socialism  means  primarily  an  ideal  industrial 
order  as  just  described,  but  it  is  also  quitr-  properly 
used  to  characterize  the  entire  idealngirni  foundation 
upon  which  International  or  Marxian  .sdcialists  build, 
as  well  as  the  concrete  movement  that  is  actively 
striving  for  the  realization  of  this  ideal  order.  Hence 
economic  determinism,  the  class  struggle,  and  the 
catastrophic  concentration  of  industry  would  be 
called  socialist  rather  than  collectivist  theories.  Not- 
withstanding these  advantages  of  definiteness,  the 
word  coUectivisi/i  has  not  been  widely  employed,  even 
in  France  and  Belgium;  nor  does  it  promise  to  sup- 
plant the  older  term  in  the  future. 

WTiile  collectivism  implies  the  substitution  of  col- 
lective for  private  property  in  the  means  of  produc- 
tion, it  is  susceptible  of  considerable  diversity  in  its 
application  throughout  the  realm  of  industry.  One 
of  the  most  thoroughgoing  of  the  German  socialists, 
Karl  Kautsky,  in  his  forecast  of  what  might  be 
expected  to  happen  the  day  after  the  industrial 
revolution,  suggests  that  when  the  State  has  taken 
possession  of  the  capitalistic  industries  it  could  sell 
a  portion  of  them  to  the  labourers  who  work  them, 
another  portion  to  co-operative  associations,  another 
to  mtmicipalities,  and  still  another  to  provincial  sub- 
divisions of  the  nation  (in  America,  the  several  States). 
All  industries  that  had  already  become  monopolized 
and  national  in  scope  would,  of  course,  be  operated 
by  the  nation,  and  the  national  form  of  industry 
would  probably  be  the  predominant  one  ultimately. 
Land  would  be  collectively  owned,  but  not  always  col- 
lectively operated.  According  to  Kautsky,  the  small 
non-capitalistic  farms  (embracing  by  far  the  greater 
part  of  all  agricultural  land)  might  well  remain  in 
the  hands  of  indivitlual  farmers.  While  not  owning 
the  ground  that  he  tilled,  and  while — in  all  probability 
— paying  rent  to  the  State  in  proportion  to  the  value 
of  the  land,  the  small  farmer  would  own  and  manage 
his  agricultural  business,  the  machinery,  seeds,  horses, 
etc.,  that  he  used,  and  the  product  that  he  produced. 


Thus  his  position  would  approximate  that  of  a  farmer 
under  the  single-tax  system.     He  would  not  be  a 

wage-receiver  in  the  employ  of  the  industrial  State. 
Finally  there  are  certain  non-agricultural  small  in- 
dustries which  could  continue  to  be  privately  owned 
and  managed.  This  is  especially  true  of  those  in 
which  hand  labour  predominates,  and  which  produce 
for  immediate  consimiption,  for  example,  the  work 
of  barbers,  artists,  custom-tailors,  and  dressmakers. 
Since  the  supreme  aim  of  collectivism  is  the  abolition 
of  that  capitalistic  regime  which  enables  one  man  or 
one  corporation  arbitrarily  to  exploit  the  labour  and 
the  necessities  of  many  men,  it  obviou.sly  does  not — 
in  theory  at  least — imply  equal  compensation  for  all 
individuals,  nnrtlir  di'st ruction  of  individual  initiative, 
nor  the  estalili>liiiirnt  of  a  bureaucratic  despotism. 
Hence  the  theorctiral  possibility  of  different  rates  of 
pay,  of  many  and  di\er,se  industrial  imits,  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  small  industries,  and  of  private 
property  in  the  goods  that  minister  to  immediate 
enjoyment.  As  the  American  socialist  John  Spargo 
puts  it,  "  we  want  .social  ownership  only  of  those 
things  which  cannot  be  controlled  by  private  owners 
except  as  means  of  exploiting  the  labour  of  others  and 
making  them  bondsmen"  (Capitalist  and  Labor,  etc., 
120).  As  in  the  matter  of  the  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  the  means  of  production,  so  with  regard  to  the 
ultimate  directive  power,  the  governmental  functions, 
collectivism  does  not  theoretically  necessitate  the  des- 
potic supremacy  of  a  highly  centralized  State.  Indeed, 
the  Continental  sociali.sts,  who  detest  the  military 
governments  luider  which  they  live,  favour  decentrali- 
zation ritliii  tlian  the  opposite;  hence  so  many  of 
them  lay  >ti-.-^ii|iiin  the  development  of  the  local  polit- 
ical unit,  and  thi  inevitable  increase  of  provincial  and 
municipal  functions  in  the  collectivist  State.  Their 
ideal,  and  the  ideal  of  collectivists  generally,  is  a  State 
organized  un  industrial  lines,  in  which  each  industry, 
whether  local  or  national,  and  its  workers  will  be  sub- 
stantially autonomous,  and  in  which  government  of 
persons  will  be  replaced  by  an  administration  of  things. 
From  this  outline  of  what  may  be  regarded  as  the 
prevailing  theory  of  collectivism,  it  appears  that  many 
of  the  arg\inicnts  against  collectivism  have  lost  some- 
thing of  their  former  strength  and  pertinency.  This 
is  particularly  true  of  those  objections  which  assume 
a  completely  centralized  management  of  industry, 
equal  compensation  for  all  workers,  and  the  entire 
absence  of  individual  initiative  in  production.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  very  diversity  of  industrial  direc- 
tion, the  vast  scope  given  to  local  and  provincial 
autonomy,  and  the  very  small  part  assigned  to  coer- 
cive and  repressive  activity  in  the  collectivist  system 
would  undoubtedly  prove  fatal  to  its  efficiency  and 
stability.  To  suppose  that  the  local  industrial  unit, 
say,  the  municipal  gas  works,  or  the  local  branch  of 
the  national  shoe  manufacture,  could  be  operated 
effectively  on  a  basis  of  complete  industrial  democ- 
racy, requires  a  faith  surpassing  that  of  children. 
The  workers  would  lack  the  incentive  to  hard  work 
that  comes  from  fear  of  discharge,  and  would  be 
under  constant  temptation  to  assume  that  they  were 
more  active  and  more  efficient  than  their  equally  paid 
fellows  in  other  workshops  of  the  same  class.  Hence 
sufficient  centralization  to  place  the  control  of  indus- 
try outside  of  the  local  unit  or  branch  would  seem  to 
be  indispensable.  This  means  a  combination  of 
industrial  and  (jolitical  power  that  could  easily  put 
an  end  to  freedom  of  action,  speech,  and  ■nTiting. 
Since  the  form  of  authority  would  be  democratic,  the 
people  could  no  doubt  vote  such  a  government  out 
of  power;  but  in  the  concrete  the  people  means  the 
majority,  and  a  majority  might  continue  for  a  long 
series  of  years  to  impose  intolerable  conditions  on  a 
minority  almost  equal  in  munbers.  For  collectivism 
there  seems  to  be  no  middle  ground  between  ineffi- 
ciency and  despotism.     An  industrial  system  which 


COLLE 


107 


COLLEGE 


would  increase  rather  than  lessen  social  ills  is  obvi- 
ously contraiy  to  the  interests  of  morality  and  relig- 
ion. P'urthermore,  any  collect!  vist  regime  which  should 
seize  private  land  or  capital  without  compensation 
is  condemned  by  the  Catholic  doctrine  concerning 
the  lawfulness  of  private  ownership  and  the  unlaw- 
fulness of  theft.  Setting  aside  these  questions  of 
feasibility  and  compensation  are  we  obliged  to  say, 
or  permitted  to  say,  that  collectivism  as  described  in 
this  article  has  been  formally  condemned  by  the 
Cathohc  Church?  In  the  Encyclical  "Rerum  Nova- 
rum"  (On  the  Condition  of  Labour),  Pope  Leo  XIII 
clearly  denounced  those  extreme  forms  of  sociali.sm 
and  communism  which  aim  at  the  abolition  of  all  or 
practically  all  private  property.  Perhaps  the  near- 
est approach  to  an  official  pronouncement  on  the  sub- 
ject of  essential  and  purely  economic  collectivism  is 
to  be  found  rn  the  same  document,  where  the  Holy 
Kather  declares  that  man's  welfare  demands  private 
ownership  of  "stable  possessions"  and  of  "lucrative 
property".     (See  Socialism.) 

Ely,  Socialism  and  Social  Reform  {New  York,  1894);  Van- 
DERVELDE,  ColUctivism  and  Industrial  Revolution,  tr.  (Chicago, 
1904);  Kadtsky,  The  Social  Revolution,  tr.  (Chicago,  190S); 
Leo  XIII,  Rerum  Novarum;  Devas  in  The  Dublin  Review 
(London,  Oct.,  1906). 

John  A.  Rtan. 

Colle  di  Val  d'Elsa  (Collis  Hetruscus),  Diocese 
OF  (CoLLENSis),  suffragan  to  Florence.  Colle  is  sit- 
uated in  the  province  of  Sienp.,  Tuscany,  on  the  top 
of  a  lofty  hill  which  overlooks  the  River  Elsa.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  built  by  the  inhabitants  of  Gracchi- 
ano,  who  had  suffered  greatly  in  the  frequent  wars  be- 
tween Florence  and  Siena.  The  Gospel  is  supposed 
to  have  been  preached  there  by  St.  Martial,  a  reputed 
disciple  of  St.  Peter.  Colle  had  at  first  a  collegiate 
church,  exempt  from  the  ordinarj'  jurisdiction  of  the 
neighbouring  bishop,  and  widely  known  through  the 
merits  of  its  archpriest,  St.  Albert,  who  flourished 
about  1202.  In  1598,  Clement  VIII,  at  the  request 
of  Grand  Duke  Ferdinand  of  Tuscany,  erected  the  Di- 
ocese of  Colle,  the  first  bishop  being  Usimbardo  Usim- 
bardi.  The  diocese  has  72  parishes,  117  churches  and 
chapels,  115  secular  and  20  regular  priests,  3  religious 
houses  of  men  and  3  of  women. 

Cappeluetti,  Le  chiese  d'ltalia  (Venice,  1844),  275-77;  Ann. 
eccl.  (Rome,  1907),  408-10. 

U.  Benigni. 

College. — The  word  college  (Fr.  college,  It.  collegia, 
Sp.  colegio),  from  the  Latin  collegium,  originally  signi- 
fied a  community,  a  corporation,  an  organized  society, 
a  body  of  colleagues,  or  a  society  of  persons  engaged  in 
some  common  pursuit.  From  ancient  times  there  ex- 
isted in  Rome  corporations  called  collegia,  with  vari- 
ous ends  and  objects.  Thus  the  guilds  of  the  artisans 
were  known  as  collegia  or  sodalicia;  in  other  collegia 
persons  associated  together  for  .some  special  religious 
worship,  or  for  the  purpo.se  of  mutual  a.ssistance.  This 
original  meaning  of  the  word  college  is  preserved  m 
some  modern  corporations,  as  the  College  of  Physi- 
cians, or  the  College  of  Surgeons  (London,  Edinburgh). 
There  were  in  Rome  other,  more  official  bodies  which 
bore  the  title  collegium,  as  the  Collegium  tribunorum, 
Collegium  augurum,  Collegium  pontifwum,  etc.  In  a 
similar  sense  the  word  is  now  used  in  such  terms  as  the 
College  of  Cardinals  (or  the  Sacred  College),  the  Col- 
lege of  Electors,  the  College  of  Justice  (in  Scotland), 
the  (Jollege  of  Heralds  (in  England). 

From  the  fourteenth  century  on  the  word  college 
meant  in  particular  "a  community  or  corporation  of 
secular  clergy  living  together  on  a  foundation  for  relig- 
ious service".  The  church  supported  on  this  endow- 
ment was  called  a  collegiate  church,  liecause  the  eccle- 
siastical services  and  solemnities  were  performed  by  a 
college,  i.  e.  a  body  or  staff  of  clergymen,  consisting  of 
a  provost,  or  dean,  canons,  etc.;  later,  the  term  "col- 
legiate "  or  "  college  church ' '  was  usually  restricted  to  a 


church  connected  with  a  large  educational  institution. 
Some  of  these  institutions,  besides  carrying  out  the 
Divine  service  in  their  church,  were  required  to  take 
charge  of  an  almshouse,  or  a  hospital,  or  some  educa- 
tional establishment.  It  is  here  that  we  find  the 
word  college  introduced  in  connexion  with  education, 
a  meaning  which  was  to  become  the  most  prominent 
during  succeeding  centuries.  It  seems  that  in  the 
English  rmiversities  the  term  was  first  applied  to  the 
fmuidatinns  of  the  so-called  second  period,  typified  by 
New  College,  Oxford,  1379;  from  these  the  name 
gradually  sjiread  to  the  earlier  foundations  (Merton, 
Balliol)  which  originally  were  designated  by  the  term 
aula  or  iloinun;  then  it  was  taken  by  the  foundations 
of  the  third  period,  the  colleges  of  the  Renaissance. 
As  used  in  educational  history,  college  may  be  de- 
fined, in  general,  as  "  a  society  of  scholars  formed  for 
the  purposes  of  study  or  instruction";  and  in  particu- 
lar as  "  a  self-governing  corporation,  either  independ- 
ent of  a  imiversity,  or  in  connexion  with  a  university, 
as  the  College  of  the  Sorbonne  in  the  ancient  Univers- 
ity of  Paris,  and  the  colleges  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge ".  In  some  instances,  where  in  a  university  only 
a  single  college  was  founded  or  survived,  the  terms 
"college"  and  "university"  are  co-extensive  and  in- 
terchangeable. This  is  the  case  in  Scotland  and,  to  a 
great  extent,  in  the  United  States.  Although  in  the 
United  States  many  small  institutions  claim  the  am- 
bitious title  of  university,  it  is  more  appropriate  to  ap- 
ply this  term  to  those  institutions  which  have  several 
distinct  faculties  for  professional  study  and  thus  re- 
semble the  imiversities  of  Europe.  They  differ,  how- 
ever, from  the  continental  universities  in  one  impor- 
tant point,  namely,  in  the  undergraduate  department 
which  is  connected  with  the  university  proper.  In 
some  places,  as  in  Harvard,  the  term  "  college"  is  now 
in  a  special  sense  applied  to  the  undergraduate  school. 
This  is  the  most  common  and  most  proper  acceptation 
of  the  term:  an  institution  of  higher  learning  of  a 
general,  not  professional,  character,  where  after  a  reg- 
ular course  of  study  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  or, 
in  recent  years,  some  equivalent  degree,  e.  g.  Bachelor 
of  Philosophy,  or  Bachelor  of  Science,  is  given.  (See 
Arts,  Bachelor  of,  and  Degrees,  Academic.)  It 
is  this  meaning  of  college  which  will  be  treated  in  this 
article ;  all  professional  schools  called  colleges  are  ex- 
cluded, such  as  teachers'  colleges  (training  schools  for 
teachers),  law  and  medical  colleges,  colleges  of  dentis- 
try, pharmacy,  mechanical  engineering,  agriculture, 
business,  mines,  etc.  Nor  wilt  colleges  be  included 
which  are  divinity  schools  or  theological  .seminaries, 
as  the  numerous  colleges  in  Rome,  e.  g.  the  Collegium 
Germanicum,  Collegiimi  Latino-Americanum,  Colle- 
gium Grajcum,  or  the  English,  Irish,  Scotch,  North- 
American  Colleges,  and  many  other  similar  institu- 
tions. 

As  the  origin  and  evolution  of  the  college,  or  of  its 
equivalent,  have  not  been  the  same  in  different  coun- 
tries, it  will  be  necessary,  in  order  to  avoid  confusion, 
to  treat  separately  of  the  colleges  jieculiar  to  England. 
These  deserve  special  attention  for  the  further  rea.son 
that  the  American  college  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  Eng- 
lish college.  Even  at  the  present  day  the  distinguish- 
ing characteristic  of  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  is  the  existence  of  the  colleges.  Nothing 
like  it  is  to  be  found  in  any  other  country,  and  the  re- 
lation between  these  colleges  and  the  university  is 
very  puzzling  to  foreigners.  The  colleges  are  distinct 
corporations,  which  manage  their  own  property  and 
elect  their  own  officers;  the  university  has  no  legal 
power  over  the  colleges,  although  it  has  jurisdiction 
over  the  individual  members  of  the  colleges,  be- 
cause they  are  members  al.so  of  the  university.  Mr. 
Bryco  has  used  the  relation  between  the  university 
and  the  colleges  as  an  illustration  of  the  relations  be- 
tween the  Federal  Government  and  the  separate 
States  of  the  American  Union.     But  one  great  differ- 


COLLEGE 


108 


COLLEGE 


ence  has  been  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Rashdall:  "in 
place  of  the  strict  limitation  of  spheres  established  by 
the  American  Constitution,  the  jurisdiction  of  both 
University  and  College,  if  either  chose  to  exercise  them, 
is  legally  'unlimited."  Expulsion  from  a  College  would 
not  mvolve  expulsion  from  the  University,  unless  the 
University  chose  so  to  enact;  nor  could  expulsion 
from  the  University  prevent  a  man  from  continuing  to 
be  a  member  or  even  a  Fellow  of  a  College.  The  Uni- 
versity's monopoly  of  the  power  of  granting  degrees  is 
the  oiily  connecting  link  which  ensures  their  harmoni- 
ous co-operation"  (Universities  of  Europe,  II,  793). 
The  professors  at  Oxford  are  university  officials;  tu- 
tors and  lecturers  are  college  officials;  these  two 
bodies  form  two  different  systems.  The  majority  of 
students  receive  the  greater  part  of  their  education 
from  the  tutors  and  lecturers.  (For  further  details 
see  "The  University  of  Oxford"  in  "Ir.  Eccl.  Rec", 
Jan.,  1907.) 

Although  at  the  present  day  the  collegiate  system  is 
peculiar  to  the  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
it  was  not  so  formerly,  nor  can  England  claim  the  hon- 
our of  having  had  the  first  colleges.  This  distinction 
belongs  to  the  University  of  Paris,  the  greatest  school 
of  medieval  Europe.  To  understand  the  origin  of  the 
colleges  and  their  character,  it  is  necessary  to  know 
the  social  conditions  in  which  the  medieval  students 
lived.  Large  numbers  of  youths  flocked  to  the  fa- 
mous university  towns ;  there  may  have  been  6000  or 
7000  students  at  Paris,  5000  ai  Bologna,  2000  at  Tou- 
louse, 3000  at  Prague,  and  betweeijr2000  and  3000  at 
Oxford.  Writers  of  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle 
Ages  have,  it  is  true,  asserted  that  in  preceding  cen- 
turies Paris  had  over  30,000,  and  Oxford  from  20,000 
to  30,000  students;  some  popular  writers  of  our  days 
have  repeated  these  statements,  but  the  foremost  his- 
torians who  have  dealt  with  this  subject,  as  Rashdall, 
Brodrick,  Paulsen,  Thorold  Rogers,  and  many  others, 
have  proved  that  these  fabulous  numbers  are  gross 
exaggerations  (Rashdall,  op.  cit.,  II,  581  sqq.).  Still 
the  numbers  were  large,  many  students  very  young, 
some  not  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  old; 
many  lived  in  private  houses,  others  in  halls  or  hostels; 
the  discipline  was  lax,  and  excesses  and  riots  were  fre- 
quent; above  all,  the  poorer  students  were  b.adly 
lodged  and  badly  fed,  and  were  at  the  mercy  of  un- 
scrupulous and  designing  men  and  women.  Generous 
persons,  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  active  charity,  which 
was  very  pronounced  during  these  centuries,  sought  to 
alleviate  the  lot  of  the  poor  students.  The  result  was 
the  foundation  of  the  "houses  of  scholars",  later 
called  colleges.  Originally  they  were  nothing  but  en- 
dowed hospicia,  or  lodging  and  boarding-houses  for 
poor  students;  the  idea  of  domestic  instruction  was 
absent  in  the  early  foundations.  The  first  Parisian 
colleges  were  homes  for  ecclesiastical  students,  "aca- 
demical cloisters  specially  planned  for  the  education 
of  secular  clergy".  About  1180  the  College  of  the 
Eighteen  was  founded  (so  called  from  the  number  of 
students);  then  Saint-Thomas  de  Louvre  (1186),  and 
several  others  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 
The  most  famous  of  the  colleges  in  Paris  was  the  Sor- 
bonne  (see  Sorbonne,  College  of  the)  founded 
about  1257,  and  intended  for  sixteen,  later  for  thirty- 
six,  students  of  theology.  In  succeeding  centuries 
the  Sorbonne  came  to  stand  for  the  whole  theological 
faculty  of  the  ITniversity  of  Paris.  In  the  course  of 
time  the  university  set  aside  the  original  autonomy  of 
the  colleges  and  gained  com|ilete  control  over  them ; 
in  this  the  colleges  of  Paris  differed  widely  from  the 
English  colleges.  Another  difference  lay  in  the  fact 
that  most  I';iiglish  rollct'es  admitted  students  for  fac- 
ulties other  than  the  tlunlogical.  The  first  English 
college,  Halliol,  founded  about  1261,  at  Oxford,  was 
largely  an  imitation  of  the  earlier  foundations  of  Paris, 
and  differed  from  the  general  t yp(>  of  Fnglish  colleges. 
The  real  beginning  of  the  English  college  system  was 


the  foundation  of  Walter  de  Merton,  who'  afters\-ards 
became  Bisho])  of  Rochester.  Merton  College,  estab- 
lished 1263  or  1264,  became  the  archetype  of  the  col- 
leges of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  The  scholars  were 
to  begin  the  study  of  the  arts,  and  then  to  proceed  to 
theology,  a  few  to  the  study  of  canon  and  civil  law. 
Besides  the  thirteen  full  members  of  the  society  (the 
socii,  or  Fellows),  a  nimiber  of  young  boys  were  to  be 
admitted  (twelve  at  first),  as  "secondary  scholars", 
who  were  to  be  instructed  in  "grammar"  until  they 
were  enabled  to  begin  the  study  of  arts. 

The  foundation  of  the  secular  colleges  was  greatly 
stimulated  by  the  presence  of  the  regular  colleges,  i.  e. 
the  establishments  of  the  religious  orders  in  connexion 
with  the  universities.  The  religious  orders  early  prof- 
ited by  the  advantages  offered  in  these  educational 
centres,  and  in  their  turn  had  a  considerable  share  in 
the  further  development  of  the  universities,  particu- 
larly the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans.  (See  Univer- 
sity.) The  Dominicans  established  a  house  of  study 
in  the  University  of  Paris  in  1218,  the  Franciscans 

1219,  the  Benedictines  1229,  the  Augustinians  in 
1259.     At  Oxford  the  Dominicans  opened  a  house 

1220,  the  Franciscans  1224.  Their  example  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  Benedictines,  who  founded  Gloucester 
Hall  and  Durham  College.  These  religious  houses 
formed  each  a  miniature  Studium  in  the  midst  of  a 
great  university.  The  young  members  of  the  orders 
lived  in  well-organized  communities  which  gave  free- 
dom from  cares  and  favoured  quiet  study,  whereas 
other  students  were  left  to  contend  with  the  many 
hardships  and  temptations  which  surrounded  them  on 
all  sides.  It  was  natural  that  men  who  realized  the 
advantages  of  such  a  well-regulated  life  should  en- 
deavour to  adapt  this  system  to  the  needs  of  students 
who  had  no  intention  of  entering  religious  communi- 
ties. "  The  secular  college  would  never  perhaps  have 
developed  into  the  important  institution  which  it  act- 
ually became  but  for  the  example  set  by  the  colleges  of 
the  mendicants"  (Rashdall,  op.  eit.,  I,  478).  An  er- 
roneous view  has  been  expressed  by  some  writers,  viz., 
that  the  foundation  of  the  colleges  was  a  symptom  of 
the  growing  opposition  to  ecclesiastical  control  of  edu- 
cation, and  especially  a  sign  of  hostility  to  the  reli- 
gious orders.  The  majority  of  secular  colleges  were 
founded  by  zealous  ecclesiastics,  in  England  especially 
by  bishops,  most  of  whom  were  very  friendly  to  the 
religious  orders.  Mr.  Bass  Mullinger  admits  that 
Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  seems  to  have  been  founded 
with  the  intention  of  furthering  "Ultramontane  inter- 
ests" (Hist,  of  Un.  of  Cambridge,  41).  Hugh  de  Bal- 
sham,  a  Benedictine,  was  the  founder  of  Peterhouse, 
the  first  college  at  Cambridge  (1284) ;  the  third  Cam- 
bridge college,  Pembroke  Hall,  was  founded  in  1347  by 
Marie  de  Valence,  a  friend  of  the  Franciscans;  one  of 
two  rectors  was  to  be  a  Friar  Minor,  and  the  foundress 
adjured  the  fellows  to  be  kind,  devoted,  and  grateful 
to  all  religious,  "especially  the  Friars  Minor".  Gon- 
ville  Hall,  Cambridge,  was  founded  in  1350  by  Ed- 
mund Gonville,  an  equally  warm  friend  of  the  Do- 
minicans, for  whom  he  made  a  foundation  at  Thet- 
ford.  The  same  can  be  shown  with  regard  to  Oxford. 
To  give  an  instance,  according  to  the  statutes  of  Bal- 
liol,  one  of  the  outside  "procurators"  was  to  be  a 
Franciscan.  The  indirect  influence  of  religious  insti- 
tutions is  discernible  also  in  the  semi-monastic  fea- 
tures of  colleges,  some  of  which  have  survived  to  our 
own  times,  as  the  common  life  and  obligatory  attend- 
ance at  chapel.  With  regard  to  the  latter  point  it  is 
surprising  to  learn  that  the  earlier  colleges  enjoined 
attendance  at  Mass  only  on  Sundays,  Holy  Days,  and 
vigils.  At  Oxford,  the  statutes  of  New  College  are.  as 
far  as  is  known,  the  first  whi<'h  re(iuire  daily  attend- 
ance at  Mass;  towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century 
this  daily  attendance  was  enforced  also  on  the  stu- 
dents living  in  the  Malls  (Rashdall,  op.  cit.,  II,  506, 
651). 


COLLEGE 


109 


COLLEGE 


The  members  of  a  college  were  one  another's  xocii, 
or  "Fellows".  In  the  beginning  the  terms  "Schol- 
lars"  and  "Fellows"  were  interchangeable,  but  grad- 
ually the  term  "Fellows"  was  restricted  to  the  senior 
or  governing  members,  the  term  "Scholars"  to  the 
junior  members.  The  Senior  Scholars  or  Fellows 
were  largely  employed  in  looking  after  college  busi- 
ness, in  later  times  particularly  in  teaching  the  Junior 
Scholars.  In  the  early  foundations  it  was  understood 
that  the  inmates  should  receive  most  of  their  instruc- 
tion outside  the  walls  of  the  college ;  but  where  young- 
er members  were  admitted,  it  wa.s  necessary  to  exer- 
cise supervision  over  their  studies,  and  give  some  in- 
struction supplementing  the  public  lectures.  This 
supplementary  teaching  gradually  became  more 
prominent;  although  it  is  not  known  exactly  when 
this  important  educational  revolution  took  place,  it 
seems  to  belong  chiefly  to  the  fifteenth  century;  fi- 
nally the  colleges  practically  monopolized  instruction. 
The  number  of  students  living  in  the  colleges  w;is 
small  at  first;  most  statutes  provided  only  for  be- 
tween twelve  and  thirty  or  forty,  a  few  for  seventy  or 
more.  Most  of  the  students  continued  to  live  outside 
the  colleges  in  licensed  halls  or  private  lodgings.  The 
lodging-house  system  was  checked  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and  later  the  colleges  absorbed  most  of  the 
student  population.  But  from  the  first  the  colleges 
reacted  favourably  on  the  whole  student  body  and  ex- 
ercised a  most  salutary  influence  on  the  manners  and 
morals  of  the  university  towns.  As  Cardinal  New- 
man has  said:  "Colleges  tended  to  break  the  anarchi- 
cal spirit,  gave  the  example  of  laws,  and  trained  up  a 
set  of  students  who,  as  being  morally  and  intellectu- 
ally superior  to  other  members  of  the  academical  body 
became  the  depositaries  of  academical  power  and  in- 
fluence" (Hist.  Sketches,  III,  221).  Thus  the  uni- 
versity itself  was  largely  benefited  by  the  colleges;  it 
derived  from  them  order,  strength,  and  stability.  It 
is  true,  at  a  much  later  date,  the  university  was  sacri- 
ficed to  the  colleges,  and  the  colleges  themselves  be- 
came inactive;  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the  found- 
ers, who  had  established  them  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  poor,  they  were  occupied  by  the  wealthy,  espe- 
cially after  the  paying  boarders,  "commoners",  or 
"pensioners",  became  numerous.  They  were  at  times 
sinecures  and  clubs  rather  than  places  of  serious 
study. 

William  of  Wykeham,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  found- 
ed the  first  college  outside  a  university,  namely  Win- 
chester College,  in  1.379,  for  seventy  boys  who  were  to 
be  educated  in  "grammar",  i.  e.  literature.  Gram- 
mar colleges  had  indeed  existed  before,  in  connexion 
with  universities  and  cathedrals ;  but  \\'inchester  was 
the  first  elaborate  foundation  for  grammatical  educa- 
tion, independent  of  either  a  cathedral  or  a  university. 
From  Winchester  College  the  students  were  to  enter 
New  College,  Oxford,  founded  by  the  same  patron  of 
education.  The  example  of  Winchester  was  imitated 
in  the  foundations  of  Eton  (1440),  and  in  the  post- 
Reformation  schools  of  Harrow,  Westminster  (both  on 
older  foundations),  Rugby,  Charterhouse,  Shrews- 
bury, and  Merchant  Taylors.  These  institutions  de- 
veloped into  the  famous  "public  schools".  During 
this  [)eriod,  as  for  a  long  time  after  there  was  no  such 
hard  and  fast  line  between  the  higher  and  more  ele- 
mentary instruction  as  exists  at  the  present  day. 
Many  grammar  schools  of  England  did  partly  college 
work.  Contrarj'  to  the  common  opinion,  as  voiced  by 
Green,  MuUinger,  and  others,  the  number  of  grammar 
schools  before  the  Reformation  was  verj-  great.  Mr. 
Leach  states  that  "three  hundred  grammar  schools  is 
a  moderate  estimate  of  the  number  in  the  year  1.5.35, 
when  the  floods  of  tlie  great  revolution  were  let  loose. 
Most  of  them  were  swept  away  either  under  Henrj'  or 
his  son ;  or  if  not  swept  away,  they  were  plundered 
and  damaged"  (English  Schools  at  the  Reformation, 
5-6).     Be  it  remembered  that  the  term  "grammar 


school"  is  used  in  the  sense  common  in  England,  de- 
noting a  higher  school  where  the  classical  languages 
form  the  staple  subject  of  instruction. 

A  most  powerful  influence  on  the  further  develop- 
ment of  the  colleges  was  exercised  by  the  hmnanistic 
movement.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  during  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  the  study  of  the  clas- 
sics had  been  comparatively  neglected,  as  men's 
minds  were  absorbed  in  scholastic  studies.  John  of 
Salisbury  and  Roger  Bacon  complained  bitterly  about 
the  neglect  of  the  study  of  the  languages.  (Cf. 
Sandys,  Hist,  of  Class.  Scholarship,  568  sqq.)  This 
was  completely  changed  when  the  enthusiasm  for  the 
ancient  classics  began  to  spread  from  Italy  throughout 
Western  Christendom.  The  "new  learning"  gradu- 
ally made  its  victorious  entry  into  the  old  seats  of  learn- 
ing, while  new  schools  were  established  everywhere, 
until,  about  the  year  1500,  "Catholic  Europe  pre- 
sented the  aspect  of  a  va.st  commonwealth  of  scholars" 
(Professor  Hartfelder,  in  Schmid's  "Geschichte  der 
Erziehung",  II,  ii,  140).  The  schools  of  Vittorino  da 
Feltre,  "the  first  modern  schoolmaster",  and  of 
Guarino  da  Verona,  became  the  models  for  schools  in 
other  countries.  English  scholars  had  early  come  in 
contact  with  Italian  humanists  and  schools;  Grocyn, 
Linacre,  William  Latimer,  William  Lily,  Dean  Colet 
were  humanists,  and  tried  to  introduce  the  new  learn- 
ing into  the  English  schools.  The  influence  of  the 
Renaissance  is  most  clearly  noticed  in  St.  Paul's 
School,  founded  by  Dean  Colet  in  1512,  and  in  the 
statutes  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  1516,  where 
greater  stress  is  laid  on  the  study  of  Latin  and  Greek 
than  in  any  previous  fotmdation.  When  humanism 
had  gained  the  day,  largely  through  the  encourage- 
ment and  influence  of  men  like  Bishop  John  Fisher, 
Thomas  More,  and  Cardinal  Wolsey,  English  college 
education  had  assumed  the  form  and  character  which 
were  to  remain  for  centuries.  The  medieval  curricu- 
lum of  the  trivium  and  quadrivium  (see  Arts,  The 
Seven  Liberal)  had  not  been  entirely  abandoned ;  it 
survived  in  the  new  scheme  of  education,  but  greatly 
changed  and  modified.  Henceforth  the  classical  lan- 
guages were  the  principal  subject  of  instruction,  to 
which  mathematics  formed  the  most  important  addi- 
tion. "Letters"  were  the  essential  foundation;  the 
rest  were  considered  accessory,  subsidiary.  This  hu- 
manistic type  of  schools  lasted  longer  in  England  than 
in  any  other  country. 

In  the  medieval  universities  outside  of  France  and 
England  there  existed  colleges,  but  nowhere  did  they 
obtain  the  importance  and  the  influence  which  they 
gained  in  Paris,  and  most  of  all  in  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge. The  colleges  in  the  German  universities,  e.  g. 
at  Prague,  Vienna,  Cologne,  as  well  as  the  Scotch  col- 
leges, were  primarily  intended  for  the  teachers,  and 
only  secondarily,  if  at  all,  for  the  students.  For  the 
students  hostels,  called  bnrsce,  were  established  which 
were  merely  lodging-houses.  The  colleges  of  the 
Netherlands,  especially  those  of  Louvain,  came  near- 
er the  English  type.  The  most  famous  college  was 
the  Collegium  Trilingue  at  Louvain,  founded  in  1517 
by  Busleidcn,  after  the  model  of  the  College  of  the 
Three  Languages  at  Alcald,  the  celebrated  foundation 
of  Cardinal  Ximenes  for  the  study  of  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew.  At  present,  there  is,  on  the  European  conti- 
nent, no  exact  equivalent  of  the  English  colleges,  but 
as  far  as  the  subjects  of  instruction  are  concerned,  the 
French  It/ri'e  and  college,  the  German  gymnasnum,  and 
similar  institutions,  in  their  higher  classes,  resemble 
the  English  colleges.  Many  celebrated  gymnasia  of 
Teutonic  coimtries  developed  from  pre-Reformation 
schools.  In  Schmid's  "Geschichte  der  Erziehung" 
(V,  i,  50  sqq.)  there  is  a  long  list  of  such  schools  which 
grew  out  of  medieval  institutions,  e.  g.  the  Elbing 
gymnasium  (Protestant),  established  in  15.36,  which 
developed  from  a  Senatorial  school  founded  in  1.300; 
the  Marienburg  gymnasium,  from  a  Latin  school  es- 


COLLEGE 


no 


COLLEGE 


tablished  by  the  Teutonic  Knights  in  the  fourteenth 
century;  the  Beriin  gymnasium  (1540),  formerly  St. 
Peter's  School  (1276);  the  Mary  Magdalen  Gymna- 
sium of  Breslau,  a  Prote^ant  school  (1528),  which 
grew  out  of  City  School  (1267);  the  Gymnasium  II- 
lustre  of  Brieg  (1569),  a  combuiation  of  the  ancient 
Cathedral  School  and  the  City  School ;  the  Lutheran 
school  of  Sagan  (1541),  originally  a  Franciscan  school 
(1294).  During  the  RenaLssance  and  Reformation 
period  a  few  institutions  of  this  kind  went  by  the 
name  of  Collegium,  but  more  were  styled  Gymnasium, 
Lyceum,  Atheneeum,  Pcedogogium,  or  Academia,  al- 
though these  names  in  some  cases  were  given  to 
schools  which  were  rather  universities.  Institutions 
of  collegiate  rank  were  also  termed  Studia  Particularia, 
to  distinguish  them  from  a  Studium  Generals,  or  uni- 
versity. In  its  character  the  gymnasium  was  a  hu- 
manistic school,  the  classical  languages  being  the 
main  subject  of  instruction.  Not  only  the  Catholic 
colleges  of  the  post-Reformation  period,  but  also  the 
Protestant  school  systems,  were  based  on  the  pre- 
Reformation  schools,  particularly  those  of  the  Nether- 
lands. The  famous  school  of  Zwickau  in  Saxony  was 
organized  between  1535  and  1546  by  Plateanus,  a  na- 
tive of  Liege,  on  the  model  of  the  school  of  the 
Brethren  of  the  Common  Life  in  Liege.  John  Sturm 
had  studied  in  the  same  school  at  Liege,  in  the  Col- 
legium Trilingue  at  Lou  vain,  and  in  the  University  of 
Paris,  and  from  these  schools  he  derived  most  of  the 
details  of  his  gymnasium  at  Strasburg,  which  was  one 
of  the  most  typical  and  most  celebrated  of  early  Prot- 
estant schools.  Sturm's  ideas  in  turn  largely  influ- 
enced another  class  of  German  institutions,  the  fa- 
mous Filrstenschulen  of  Grimma,  Pforta,  etc.  Again, 
Melanchthon,  honoured  by  the  title  of  "  founder  of  the 
German  gymnasium",  based  his  system  on  the  educa- 
tional principles  of  Erasmus  and  other  humanists. 

Many  features  of  college  life  are  legacies  of  the  past ; 
some  have  already  been  pointed  out,  namely  attend- 
ance at  chapel  and  the  common  life  in  the  great 
boarding-schools.  Various  forms  of  distinctly  aca- 
demical dress  have  grown  out  of  college  practices ;  no 
particular  form  of  garment  was  prescribed  by  uni- 
versity authority  in  medieval  institutions,  but  in  col- 
leges they  soon  began  to  wear  a  "livery"  of  uniform 
colour  and  material.  The  modern  viva  voce  examin- 
ation is  the  successor  of  the  former  oral  disputation, 
the  examiners  now  taking  the  place  of  the  "  oppo- 
nents" of  olden  times.  As  has  been  shown,  the  sup- 
port of  poor  and  deserving  scholars  was  the  root  idea 
of  the  foundation  of  colleges ;  the  scholarships  in  Eng- 
lish and  American  schools,  the  bursarships  and  slip- 
endia  in  the  schools  of  Germany  and  other  countries, 
have  sprung  from,  and  perpetuate,  the  same  idea.  In 
the  provision  for  the  Senior  Scholars,  in  the  fellow- 
ships of  the  medieval  colleges,  and  in  the  practice  of 
endowing  professorships  with  prebends,  there  was  an 
early  systematic  attempt  at  solving  the  question  of 
professors'  salaries.  In  these  and  other  features, 
modern  college  systems  are  intimately  linked  with  the 
Catholic  past. 

Rashdall.  The  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages 
(Oxford,  1895),  I.  II;  Bbodrick,  History  of  the  University  at 
Oxford  (London,  1886);  Mulunger.  The  University  of  Cam- 
bridge (2  vols..  Cambridge.  1883);  Idem.  History  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Cambridge  (London,  1888);  Denifle  and  Chatelain, 
Chartularium  Univcrsitatis  Parisiensis  (Paris,  1889-1896); 
BoDQUiLTXiN,  The  IMivc-rsity  of  Paris  in  Catholic  University 
BuUelin  (July,  Oct.,  1895.  Jan.,  1896);  Brother  Azarias,  Uni- 
versity Colleges  in  Am.  Calh.  Q.  Rev.  (Oct.,  1.S93.  Jan..  1894); 
Woodward.  Vittorino  da  Feltre  and  other  Ilinuani.-^l  Educators 
(Cambridge.  1897);  Idem,  Studies  in  Bducniu.n  dnrinf}  the  .Age 
of  the  Rcnni.Manw  (Cambridge,  1906);  Einstk.in.  The  Italian 
Henaissance  in  England  (New  York,  1902);  Russell.  German 
Higher  Schools  (New  Vork.  1899);  Paulsen,  Gesch.  des  gelehrten 
Unterrichts  auf  den  deutschen  Schulen  und  Universitdten  (2nd  ed., 
2  vols.,  I^cipzig,  1896);  SrHMiD,  Geschichte  der  Erziehmin  (.Stutt- 
gart. 1889  and  1901).  II,  ii  and  V,  i;  N'lusus.  ;/is(onV/i( 
Sketches,    III:     Rise  and  Progress   of    friiV  ,,        ,  liinniiiKlv 

written,  hut  with  no  great  value  as  histr,r\  I  .-i  ili.  Inslury 
of  the  word:  New  English  Dictionary  on  lli-,l,Tiral  VViiictp/is. 
ed.  MuHKAV  (Oxford,  1893).  II. 


The  American  College. — The  continuity  of  edu- 
cational ideals,  and  the  diversity  of  their  application, 
according  to  national  needs  and  characteristics,  is 
well  illustrated  by  the  American  college.  As  regards 
its  origin,  it  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  English  college,  in 
particular  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge,  where 
John  Harvard  had  been  educated.  In  more  than  one 
respect,  especially  in  the  fundamental  idea  of  liberal 
training  as  the  jjroper  preparation  for  the  higher  or 
professional  studies,  it  perpetuates  the  educational 
traditions  which  spread  from  Paris,  and  later  from  the 
humanistic  schools  of  Italy,  to  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, and  thence  were  transplanted  to  the  New 
World.  However,  the  elements  derived  from  Europe 
were  modified  from  the  very  beginning  and  have  been 
still  more  changed  since  the  foundation  of  Harvard,  so 
much  so  that  at  present  there  is  no  exact  counterpart 
of  the  American  college  in  any  other  country.  There- 
are  at  present  (1908)  in  the  United  States  over  four 
hundred  and  seventy  institutions  which  confer  de- 
grees and  are  called  universities  or  colleges,  not  count- 
ing those  which  are  for  women  exclusively.  In  some 
cases,  as  has  well  been  said,  the  name  "university"  is 
but  a  "majestic  synonym  for  college",  and  some  of 
the  colleges  are  only  small  high  schools.  Before  the 
American  Revolution  11  colleges  were  founded,  chief 
among  them  Harvard  (1636),  William  and  Mary 
(1693),  Yale  (1701),  Princeton  (1746),  University  of 
Pennsylvania  (1751),  Columbia  (1754),  Brown  (1764), 
Dartmouth  (1770);  from  the  Revolution  to  1800,  12, 
one  of  them  Catholic,  at  Georgetown,  District  of  Co- 
lumbia; 33  from  1800  to  1830;  ISO  from  1830  to 
1865;  and  about  240  from  1865  to  1908.  The  older 
foundations  in  the  East  are  independent  of  State  con- 
trol, but  possess  charters  sanctioned  by  legislation. 
Many  of  the  more  recent  foundations,  especially  in 
Western  and  Southern  States,  are  supported  and  con- 
trolled by  the  State;  on  the  other  hand,  denomina- 
tional control  has  largely  disappeared  from  the  old 
colleges  and  is  excluded  from  most  new  foundations. 
At  present  about  one-half  of  the  colleges  are  registered 
as  non-sectarian.  From  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  efforts  were  made  to  offer  to  women 
the  same  educational  opportunities  as  to  men.  Mount 
Holyoke  Seminary,  Massachusetts  (1837),  and  Elmira 
College  (1855),  were  nearly  equivalent  to  the  colleges 
for  men.  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie,  New  York 
(1865),  however,  has  been  styled  the  "legitimate  par- 
ent" of  the  colleges  for  women,  as  it  established  the 
same  standard  as  that  of  colleges  for  men.  Vassar 
College,  Wellesley  College  (1876),  Smith  College 
(1S75),  Mount  Holyoke  College  (1893),  Bryn  Mawr 
(1885),  and  the  Woman's  College,  Baltimore  (1885), 
are  the  most  important  women's  colleges  in  the 
United  States.  Others  are  affiliated  with  colleges  or 
universities  for  men,  as  Radcliffe,  with  Harvard. 
Many  Western  and  Southern  colleges  are  co-educa- 
tional. 

The  American  college  has  been  the  main  repositorj' 
of  liberal  education,  of  an  advanced  education  of  gen- 
eral, not  technical  or  professional,  character.  The 
"old-fashioned"  college  had  a  four-year  course  of 
prescribed  studies:  Latin  and  Greek,  the  inheritance 
of  the  humanistic  period,  and  mathematics,  to  which 
had  been  added  in  the  course  of  time  natural  sciences, 
the  elements  of  philosophy,  and  still  later,  English  lit- 
erature. Modern  languages,  especi;dly  French,  were 
taught  to  some  small  extent.  Since  the  Civil  War 
changes  have  been  introduced  which  are  truly  revolu- 
tionary. Some  colleges  have  grown  into  universities 
with  different  faculties  after  the  model  of  European, 
especially  German,  universities;  these  institutions 
have  two  principal  departments,  the  tmiversity 
proper,  for  gniduate,  or  professional  work,  and  the 
collegiate  depiLrtiiuMit  in  the  stricter  sense  of  the 
word.  But  this  very  collegiate  course  has  undergone 
a  far-reaching  transformation;   the  line  of  separation 


COLLEGE 


111 


COLLEGE 


between  university  and  college  proper  has  been  largely 
effaced,  so  that  the  college  is  a  composite  institution, 
of  a  secondary  and  higher  nature,  giving  instruction 
which  in  Europe  is  given  partly  by  the  secondary 
schools,  partly  by  the  iniiversities.  The  causes  of  this 
and  other  changes  are  manifold.  The  nineteenth  cen- 
tury saw  the  extraordinary  development  of  the  "high 
school",  a  term,  which  in  the  United  States,  means  a 
secondary'  school  with  a  four-year  course  between  the 
elementarj'  (public)  school  and  the  college.  In  1900, 
there  were  over  6000  public  and  nearly  2000  private 
schools  of  this  grade  with  over  6.30,000  pupils,  more 
than  one-half  of  these  being  female  students.  Part  of 
the  work  of  these  schools  was  fomierly  done  in  the 
college.  The  result  of  this  separation  and  develop- 
ment of  the  secondary  schools  was,  first,  an  increase  of 
the  age  of  applicants  for  college,  and,  secondly,  higher 
entrance  requirements.  In  consequence  of  the  in- 
crease of  age,  many  students  now  pass  directly  from 
the  high  school  to  professional  studies,  a.s  few  profes- 
sional schools  require  a  college  diploma  for  admission. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  order  to  gain  a  year  or  two, 
some  colleges  have  shortened  the  course  from  fotir  to 
three  years  (Johns  Hopkins);  others  have  kept  the 
four-year  college  course,  but  allow  the  students  to  de- 
vote the  last  year,  or  even  the  last  two  years  partly  to 
professional  work  (Harvard,  Columbia). 

A  second  cause  of  the  modifications  mentioned,  and 
one  that  affected  the  college  seriously  was  the  exces- 
sive expansion  of  the  college  curriculum,  the  pressure 
of  many  new  subjects  for  recognition,  some  of  which 
pertain  rather  to  professional  schools.  The  advance 
in,  and  enthusiasm  for,  the  natural  sciences  during  the 
nineteenth  centurj-  effected  changes  in  the  schools  of 
all  civilized  countries.  In  many  quarters  there  was  a 
clamour  for  "practical"  studies,  and  the  old  classical 
course  was  decried  as  useless,  or  merely  ornamental ;  its 
very  foundation,  the  theory  of  mental  or  formal  dis- 
cipline, well  expressed  in  the  term  gymnasium  for 
classical  schools  in  Germany,  has  been  vigorously  as- 
sailed, but  not  disproved.  At  present  the  pendulum 
seems  to  swing  away  from  the  utilitarian  views  of 
Spencer  and  others,  and  the  conviction  gains  ground 
that  the  classics,  although  they  can  no  longer  claim 
the  educational  monopoly,  are  after  all  a  most  valu- 
able means  of  liberal  culture  and  the  best  preparation 
for  professional  studies.  To  meet  the  difficulty  aris- 
ing from  the  multitude  of  new  studies  and  the  growing 
demand  for  "practical"  courses,  the  elective  system 
was  introduced.  This  system,  in  its  more  extreme 
form,  is  by  many  regarded  as  detrimental  to  serious 
work;  few  students  are  able  to  make  a  wi.se  choice; 
many  are  tempted  to  choose  subjects,  not  for  their  in- 
trinsic value,  but  because  they  are  more  easy  or  agree- 
able; they  follow  the  paths  of  least  resistance  and 
avoid  the  harder  studies  of  greater  educational  value. 
To  avoid  these  evils  a  compromise  has  been  invented 
in  some  colleges  in  the  form  of  a  tnodificd  election, 
the  group  system,  which  allows  the  choice  of  a  certain 
field  of  studies,  of  groups  of  subjects  regulated  by  the 
faculty.  Some  choice  in  certain  branches  has  been 
found  profitable,  but  it  is  now  a  very  general  opinion 
that  the  elective  system  can  be  employed  in  the  col- 
lege only  with  many  limitations  and  safeguards,  and 
that  certain  valuable  literary,  or  "culture"  studies  in 
the  best  sense  of  the  term,  should  be  obligatory. 
American  educators  of  the  highest  repute  have  come 
to  regard  early  specialization  as  a  dangerous  pedagog- 
ical error,  and  they  maintain  that  the  elective  princi- 
ple has  its  proper  place  in  the  university.  Another 
result  of  the  encroachment  of  the  university  on  the 
college  is  the  disappearance  of  the  old-fashioned 
teacher  with  a  good  general  knowledge  and  practical 
skill  as  an  educator ;  his  place  is  taken  by  the  specialist. 
who  more  resembles  the  university  professor,  who  lec- 
tures rather  than  teaches,  and  comes  little  in  contact 
with  the  individual  student;    the  classes  are  broken 


up,  and  courses  take  their  place.  This  means  the  loss 
of  an  important  educational  factor,  namely,  the  per- 
sonal influence  of  the  teacher  on  the  pupil.  The 
larger  colleges  are  particularly  ex|50sed  to  this  danger; 
in  the  smaller  colleges  there  is  more  personal  inter- 
course between  the  faculty  and  the  students,  generally 
also  stricter  discipline. 

The  American  college  is,  at  the  present  time,  in  a 
state  of  transition,  in  a  condition  of  unrest  and  fer- 
mentation. The  questions  of  the  length  of  the  college 
course,  of  the  proper  function  of  the  college,  of  its  re- 
lation to  university  work,  of  the  elective  system,  of 
the  relative  value  of  classics  and  modern  languages, 
natural  and  social  sciences — all  these  are  topics  of 
general  discussion  and  matters  of  vital  importance, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  questions  beset  with  great  diffi- 
culties. Hence  it  is  not  surprising  to  find  prominent 
educators  ranged  on  different  sides,  some  advocating 
far-reaching  changes,  others,  more  conservative,  warn- 
ing against  hazardous  experiments.  Modern  condi- 
tions undoubtedly  demand  changes  in  the  college;  it 
would  be  most  desirable  if  the  old  literary  curriculum 
and  instruction  in  sciences  and  other  new  subjects 
could  be  combined  into  a  harmonious  system.  The 
present  tendency  of  the  college  seems  to  be  to  under- 
take too  much  in  subjects  and  methods,  instead  of  re- 
maining the  culmination  of  secondary  training,  the 
final  stage  of  general  education. 

Monographs  on  Education  in  the  United  Slates,  ed.  Nicholas 
Murray  Butlkr.  particularly  West,  The  American  College 
(.\lbany,  1890':  Schwickerath.  Jesuit  Education  (St.  Louis, 
1905),  with  sfierial  reference  to  American  college  conditions, 
chapter  x:  Tlir  Inlrllrclual  Scope:  xi:  Prescribed  Courses  or 
Elrclive  Studies-:  xii:  Classical  Studies:  Special  Reports  on 
Educational  Subjects  (London.  1902),  IX-XI;  Educational  Re- 
view (.\cw  York,  Jan.,  1901;  May,  1902;  Sept.,  1906,  etc.); 
articles  in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  and  in  The  Forum. 

Robert  Schwickerath. 


College  (in  C.\non  Law),  a  collection  (Lat.  colle- 
gium) of  persons  imited  together  for  a  common  object 
so  as  to  form  one  body.  The  members  are  conse- 
quently said  to  be  incorporated,  or  to  form  a  cor- 
poration. Colleges  existed  among  the  Romans  and 
Greeks  from  the  earliest  times.  The  Roman  laws  re- 
quired at  least  three  persons  for  constituting  a 
college.  Legal  incorporation  was  made,  at  least 
in  some  cases,  by  decrees  of  the  Senate,  edicts  of 
the  emperor,  or  by  special  laws.  There  were,  how- 
ever, general  laws  imder  which  colleges  could  be 
formed  by  private  persons,  and  if  the  authorities 
judged  that  the  members  had  conformed  to  the  letter 
and  spirit  of  these  laws,  they  had  incontestable  rights 
as  collegia  Icgitima;  if  the  requisites  were  not  adhered 
to  they  could  be  suppressed  by  administrative  act. 
The  colleges  could  hold  property  in  common  and  could 
sue  and  be  sued.  In  case  of  failure  this  common 
property  could  be  seized,  but  that  of  the  individual 
members  was  not  liable  to  seiziu-e.  The  Roman  col- 
legium was  never  instituted  as  a  corporation  sole ;  still, 
when  reduced  to  one  member,  that  individual  suc- 
ceeded to  all  the  rights  of  the  corporation  and  could 
employ  its  name  (J.  F.  Keating,  "  Roman  Legisla- 
tion on  Collegia  and  Sodalicia"  in  "The  Agape",  Lon- 
don, 1901,  p.  180  sqq.).  Colleges  were  formed  among 
the  ancient  Romans  for  various  purposes.  Some  of 
these  had  a  religious  object,  as  the  college  of  the  Arval 
Brothers,  of  the  Augurs,  etc. ;  others  were  for  admin- 
istrative purposes,  as  of  qusstors,  tribunes  of  the 
people;  others  again  were  trade  imions  or  guilds,  as 
the  colleges  of  bakers,  carpenters.  The  early  Roman 
Christians  are  said  to  have  sometimes  held  church 
property  during  times  of  persecution  under  the  title  of 
collegium.  For  the  evidence  of  this,  see  H.  Leclercq, 
Manuel  d'Arch^olog.  Chr^t.  (Paris,  1907,  I,  261-66). 
It  is  not  admitted  by  Mgr.  Duchesne,  Hist.  anc.  de 
I'Eglise  (Paris  1906,  I). 

Canon    Law. — Most    of   the    prescriptions    of   the 


COLLEGE 


112 


COLLEGE 


ancient  civil  law  were  received  into  the  church  law  and 
they  are  incorporated  in  the  "Corpus  Juris".  By 
canonists,  a  college  has  been  defined  as  a  collection  of 
several  rational  bodies  forming  one  representative 
body.  Some  authors  consider  Mnu'cra^i/  and  com- 
munity as  synonymous  terms  with  college,  but  others 
insist  that  there  are  points  of  difference.  Thus,  there 
are  canonists  who  define  university  as  a  collection  of 
bodies  distinct  from  one  another,  but  employing  the 
same  name  specially  conferred  upon  them.  Pirhing 
remarks  that  a  community  of  priests  attached  to  the 
same  church  do  not  form  a  college  unless  they  are  mem- 
bers of  one  body  whose  head  is  a  prelate  elected  by 
that  body.  According  to  canon  law  three  persons  are 
required  to  form  a  college.  Some  authors  maintained 
that  two  were  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  because  Pope 
Innocent,  alluding  to  St.  Matthew,  xviii,  20,  says  that 
no  presbyter  is  to  be  chosen  for  a  church  where  two  or 
three  form  the  congregation,  except  by  their  canonical 
election.  As  congregation  here  evidently  means  col- 
lege, these  wi'iters  contend  that  two  can  therefore 
form  a  college.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the 
pontiff  is  simply  alBrming  that  the  right  of  election 
will  remain  with  an  already  constituted  college  even 
though  only  two  of  its  members  remain  after  the  death 
of  the  prelate.  Pirhing  gives  as  the  reason  why  two 
cannot  constitute  a  college,  that  though  it  be  not  neces- 
sary that  the  college  actually  have  a  head,  yet  it  must 
be  at  least  capable  of  giving  itself  a  presiding  officer, 
or  rector  of  the  college.  If,  then,  there  be  only  two 
members  and  one  be  constituted  the  head,  the  other 
can  not  form  the  body,  for  the  body  requires  several 
members,  and  the  head  is  distinct  from  the  body.  He 
does  not  mean  to  assert,  however,  that  if  a  college  be 
reduced  to  two  members,  it  can  not  preserve  its  cor- 
porate rights.  On  the  contrary,  the  canon  law  ex- 
plicitly affirms  that  one  surviving  member  can  con- 
serve the  privileges  of  the  corporate  body,  not  for  him- 
self personally,  but  for  the  college.  When  a  legally 
constituted  college  has  been  reduced  to  two  members, 
one  can  elect  the  other  as  prelate.  If  the  college  be 
reduced  to  one  member,  it  becomes  a  virtual,  not  an 
actual,  corporation.  The  single  remaining  member 
can  exercise  the  acts  belonging  to  the  college,  and 
although  he  can  not  elect  himself  prelate,  yet  he  can 
choose  or  nominate  some  other  proper  person  to  the 
prelacy.  He  may  also  commit  the  election  to  other 
persons,  or  even  to  one,  as  the  bishop. 

The  ancient  canonists,  when  stating  that  three 
constitute  a  college,  give  also  the  numbers  requisite 
for  other  canonical  bodies,  thus:  five  are  necessary 
to  form  a  imiversity,  two  a  congregation,  more  than 
two  a  family,  and  ten  a  parish.  Among  conspicuous 
ecclesiastical  colleges  may  be  mentioned  the  Sacred 
College  of  Cardinals  (see  Cardinal)  and  cathedral  and 
collegiate  chapters  (see  Chapter  and  Collegiate). 
The  name  college  is  specially  applied  also  to  corporate 
educational  bodies  within  the  Church,  as  without  it. 
Before  the  Reformation,  and  even  in  the  first  years  of 
Queen  Elizabeth,  the  colleges  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
were  always  spoken  of  as  ecclesiastical  corporations. 
By  the  present  English  law  they  are  purely  lay  cor- 
porations, even  though  all  their  members  be  clergy- 
men. The  title  "Apostolic  College"  is  applied  in 
Rome  to  those  institutions  which  are  immediately 
subject  to  and  controlled  by  the  Holy  See,  and  are 
consccpiently  exempt  from  any  other  spiritual  or  tem- 
poral autb.ority;  the  students  are  declared  to  be 
under  the  direct  protection  of  the  pope.  Such  insti- 
tutions are,  among  others,  the  College  of  the  Propa- 
ganda, the  German,  English,  Irish,  and  Scotch  Col- 
leges, and  the  North  and  South  American  Colleges. 
(For  the  Apostles  of  Jesus  Chri.st  as  a  collective 
authority,  see  College,  Ai-cstolic.) 

PinHlNc-..  Jus  Canonimm  l'riiivrs:,m  (Venire,  17591,1;  Fer- 
raris, liiblioth.  Canon.  (Hc.nie,  ISNC),  11:  Smith,  Dictionary  oj 
IjTcek  and  HoTnan  AntiquilivK  (London,  19011, 

William  II.  W.  Fanning. 


College,  Apostolic. — This  term  designates  The 
Twelve  Apostles  as  the  body  of  men  commissioned  by 
Christ  to  spread  the  kingdom  of  God  over  the  whole 
world  and  to  give  it  the  stability  of  a  well-ordered 
society:  i.  e.  to  be  the  founders,  the  foundation,  and 
pillars  of  the  visible  Church  on  earth.  The  name 
"  apostle  "  connotes  their  commission.  For  an  Apostle 
is  a  missionary,  sent  by  competent  authority,  to  ex- 
tend the  Gospel  to  new  lands:  a  tradition,  beginning 
with  the  sending  of  The  Twelve,  has  consecrated  this 
meaning  of  the  term  to  the  exclusion  of  all  others 
which  it  might  derive  from  its  etymology.  When  we 
speak  of  the  Apo.stles  as  a  "college",  we  imply  that 
they  worked  together  under  one  head  and  for  one 
purpose.  Referring  the  reader  to  the  article  Apos- 
tles for  the  Scriptural  and  positive  treatment  of  the 
question,  we  may  now  deal  with  its  dogmatic  aspects. 

It  is  evident,  a  priori,  that  Revelation  must  be 
transmitted  and  communicated  by  means  of  envoys 
and  teachers  accredited  by  God.  The  consideration 
of  the  nature  of  revelation  and  its  object  shows  that 
no  other  theory  is  practically  possible.  In  fact, 
Christ  founded  a  teaching,  governing,  and  ministering 
Apostolate,  whose  charter  is  contained  in  Matthew, 
xxviii,  18-20.  "  All  power  is  given  to  Me  in  Heaven 
and  in  earth.  Going  therefore  [in  virtue  of,  and 
endowed  with,  this  My  sovereign  power:  "As  the 
Father  hath  sent  Me,  I  also  .send  you  "  (John,  xx,  21)], 
teach  ye  [iJ-aB-nreiiaaTe — make  to  yourselves  disciples, 
teach  as  having  power — Mark,  i,  22]  all  nations;  bap- 
tizing them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son, 
and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  Teaching  them  [SiSdu/con-fs] 
to  observe  all  things  wliatsoever  I  have  commanded 
you  \iveTei\aiJ.-qv]:  and  behold  I  am  with  you  all 
days,  even  to  the  consummation  of  the  world. "  This 
college  of  rulers,  teachers,  and  ministers  of  the  sacra- 
ments was  placed  under  the  headship  of  St.  Peter, 
the  rock  upon  whom  the  foundations  of  the  Church 
were  established.  The  many  texts  referring  to  this 
subject  (see  Apostles)  may  be  summarized  as  fol- 
lows: After  accomplishing  His  own  mission,  Jesu3 
Christ,  in  virtue  of  His  absolute  power  and  authority, 
sent  into  the  world  a  body  of  teachers  and  preachers 
presided  over  by  one  head.  They  were  His  repre- 
sentatives, and  had  for  their  mission  to  publish  to  the 
world  all  revealed  truth  until  the  end  of  time.  Their 
mission  was  not  exclusively  personal;  it  was  to  ex- 
tend to  their  successors.  Mankind  were  bound  to  re- 
ceive them  as  Christ  Himself.  That  their  word  might 
be  His  word,  and  might  be  recognized  as  such.  He 
promised  them  His  presence  and  the  aid  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  to  guarantee  the  infallibility  of  tlieir  doctrine; 
He  promised  external  and  supernatural  signs  as 
vouchers  of  its  authenticity;  He  gave  their  doctrine 
an  effective  sanction  by  holding  out  an  eternal  reward 
to  those  who  should  faithfully  adhere  to  it,  and  by 
threatening  with  eternal  punishments  those  who 
should  reject  it.  This  concept  ion  of  the  Apostolate  is 
set  forth  in  the  writings  of  St.  Paul  and  realized  in  the 
practice  of  all  the  Apostles  (Rom.,  x,  8-19;  Eph., 
iv,  7-14).  It  runs  through  the  whole  Catholic  tradi- 
tion, and  is  the  very  soul  of  the  Church  at  the  present 
day.  The  College  of  the  Apostles  lives  forth  in  the 
episcopate,  which  gradually  took  its  place  and  filled  its 
functions.  There  are,  however,  between  the  attri- 
butes of  the  original  Apostles  and  those  of  the  suc- 
ceeding hierarchy  some  differences  arising  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  Apostles  were  personally 
chosen  and  trained  bv  Christ  to  lay  the  foundation  of 
the  Church.  That  circumstance  creates  for  them  an 
exceptional  and  iiitransunissible  eminence  over  their 
successors. 

(1)  Although  both,  bishops  and  Apostles,  are  ap- 
pointed by  Divine  authority,  yet  the  Apostles  re- 
ceived thr-ir  connnissiori  immediately  from  Christ, 
whereas  the  bishops  receive  theirs  but  mediately,  \.  e. 
through    the    medium    of    I'.uman    nufhority.     The 


COLLEGE 


11.3 


COLLEGE 


power  of  order  and  jurisdiction  is  the  same  in  tlie 
Apostles  and  in  their  successors,  but,  whereas  tlie 
Apostles  received  it  from  the  Divine  Founder  Himself, 
the  bishops  receive  it  through  the  channel  of  other 
bishops.  Immediate  commission  implies,  in  the  mis- 
sionarj',  the  power  to  produce,  at  first  hand,  creden- 
tials to  prove  that  he  is  the  envoy  of  God  by  doing 
works  which  God  alone  can  work.  Hence  the  f/i<jr- 
isma,  or  gift,  of  miracles  granted  to  the  Apostles,  but 
withheld  from  the  generality  of  their  successors  whose 
mission  is  sufficiently  accredited  through  their  connex- 
ion with  the  original  .\postolate. 

(2)  Another  prerogative  of  the  Apostles  is  the'  uni- 
versality of  their  mi.ssion.  They  were  sent  to  esta- 
blish the  Church  wherever  men  in  need  of  salvation 
were  to  be  found.  Their  field  of  action  had  no  limits 
but  those  of  their  own  convenience  and  choice,  at 
least  if  we  take  them  collectively;  directions  by  the 
chief  Apostle  are  not  excluded,  for  on  them  may 
have  depended  the  good  order  and  the  success  of 
their  work. 

(.3)  A  third  Apostolic  prerogative  is  the  plenitude 
of  power.  As  planters  of  the  Church  the  Apostles 
required  and  possessed  the  power  to  speak  with  full 
authority  in  their  own  name,  without  appealing  to 
higher  authorities;  also  the  power  to  found  and  or- 
ganize local  churches,  to  appoint  and  consecrate 
bishops  and  to  invest  them  with  jurisdiction.  The 
limit  to  their  powers  in  this  respect  was:  not  to  undo 
the  work  already  done  by  their  colleagues.  Such 
power,  if  needed,  could  have  been  exercised  only  by 
the  head  of  the  Church. 

(4)  A  fourth  privilege  of  the  Apostles  is  their  per- 
sonal infallibility  in  preaching  the  Ciospel.  Their 
successors  in  the  hierarchy  owe  what  infallibility  they 
pos.sess  to  the  Divine  assistance  watching,  with  un- 
failing care,  over  the  magisterium,  or  teacliing  office, 
as  a  whole,  and  over  its  head;  the  Apostles  received, 
each  personally,  the  Holy  Ghost,  Who  revealed  to 
them  all  the  truth  they  had  to  preach.  This  Pente- 
costal gift  was  necessarj-  in  order  to  establish  each 
particular  church  on  the  solid  foundation  of  unshak- 
able truth. 

The  prerogatives  of  the  Apostles  as  founders  of  the 
Church  were,  of  course,  personal;  they  were  not  to  be 
transmitted  to  their  successors  because  to  these  they 
were  not  necessary.  What  was  passed  on  is  the  ordi- 
nary function  of  teaching,  ruling,  ministering,  i.  e.  the 
powers  of  order  and  jurisdiction.  The  .\postolate 
was  an  extraordinarj-  and  only  temporarj-  form  of  the 
episcopate;  it  was  superseded  by  an  ordinary  and 
permanent  hierarchy  as  soon  as  its  constitutional 
work  was  done.  There  is,  however,  one  Apostle  who 
has  a  successor  of  equal  powers  in  the  Roman  poni  iff. 
Above  the  prerogatives  of  his  colleagues  ISt.  Peter 
had  the  unique  distinction  of  being  the  prinrif)leof  the 
Church's  unity  and  cohesion.  As  the  Church  has  to 
endure  to  the  end  of  time,  so  has  the  unifying  and 
preserving  office  of  St.  Peter.  Without  such  a  prin- 
ciple, witliout  a  head,  the  body  of  the  Bride  of  Christ 
would  be  no  better  than  a  disjointed  congeries  of 
members,  unworthy  of  the  Divine  Bridegroom.  In 
fact  the  connexion  of  the  Church  with  Christ  and  the 
Apostles  would  be  loosened  and  weakened  to  the 
breaking-point.  The  history  of  Churches  separated 
from  Rome  affords  abundant  proof  of  this  statement. 
In  the  Roman  pontiffs,  then,  the  Apo.stolate  is  still 
living  and  acting.  Hence  from  the  earliest  times  the 
office  of  the  pope  has  been  honoured  «nth  the  title  of 
Apostolatc,  a.s  continuing  the  functions  of  the  Apos- 
tles; the  Roman  See  has,  in  the  same  order  of  ideas, 
been  styled  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  reigning  pope, 
in  the  Sliddle  Ages,  u.sed  to  be  addressed  Aposlnhlii.i 
vester  and  Apnslolicus.  In  the  Litany  of  the  Saints 
we  pniy:  "That  Thou  wouldst  vouchsafe  to  preserve 
our  apostolic  prelate  [domnnm  nostrum  apoxlolicum] 
and  all  orders  of  the  Church  in  lioly  religion." 
IV.— 8 


The  difference  between  the  Apostolatc  of  St.  Peter 
and  that  of  his  successors  bears  on  two  points  only: 

(1)  St.  Peter  was  chosen  and  appointed  directly  by 
Our  Lord;  the  pope  receives  the  same  Divine  appoint- 
ment through  the  channel  of  men;  the  electors  desig- 
nate the  person  on  whom  God  bestows  the  office. 

(2)  The  papal  infallibility  also  differs  from  that  of  St. 
Peter.  The  pope  is  only  infallible  w-hen,  in  the  full 
exercise  of  his  authority,  ex  cathedra,  he  defines  a  doc- 
trine concerning  faith  or  morals  to  be  held  by  the 
whole  Church.  His  infallibility  rests  on  the  Divine 
assistance,  on  the  permanent  presence  of  Christ  in  the 
Church.  The  infallibility  of  St.  Peter  and  the  -Apos- 
tles rested  on  their  being  tilled  and  penetrated  by  the 
light  of  the  indwelling  Holy  Spirit  of  truth.  The 
charix7na  of  working  miracles,  granted  to  the  Apostles, 
is  not  continued  in  the  popes.  If  it  was  necessary  to 
con\'ince  the  first  believers  that  the  hand  of  God  was 
laying  the  foundations  of  the  Cliurch,  it  ceases  to  be 
so  when  the  strength,  the  beauty,  and  the  vastness  of 
the  structure  proclaims  to  the  world  that  none  but 
the  Father  in  Heaven  could  have  erected  it  for  the 
good  of  His  children. 

ScHEEBEN,  Manual  nf  Cnlholic  Thcologu,  tr.  Wilhelm  and 
SCANNELL  (London,  1906),  1,  8,  9,  11. 

J.  Wilhelm. 

College  de  France,  The,  was  founded  in  the 
interest  of  higher  education  by  Francis  I.  He  had 
planned  the  erection  of  this  college  as  far  back  as 
1517,  but  not  until  1.5.30,  and  then  under  the  inspira- 
tion of  Bade  and  Jean  du  Bellay,  did  he  realize  his 
idea.  As  the  L'niversity  of  Paris  taught  neither 
Hebrew  nor  Greek,  he  established  chairs  of  these  two 
languages,  and  secured  for  them  the  best  teachers 
obtainable,  Paradisi  and  Guidacerio  Vatable  for 
Hebrew,  and  Peter  Danes  and  Jacques  Toussaint  for 
Greek.  Their  salaries  were  paid  from  the  king's 
coffers,  and  they  were  to  receive  students  gratuitously, 
a  ruling  which  caused  great  rivalry  on  the  part  of 
the  professors  of  the  L^niversity  of  Paris,  who  de- 
pended on  tuition  fees.  The  professors  of  the  college 
were  accused  before  Parliament  by  Noel  Beda,  on 
the  plea  that  the  'S'ulgate  would  lose  its  authority 
since  Hebrew  and  Greek  were  taught  publicly. 
G.  de  Marcillac  defended  the  "Royal  Lectors",  as 
they  were  called,  and  won  their  case.  Later  on 
they  were  accused  of  a  leaning  towards  Calvinism, 
and  the  Parliament  forbade  them  to  read  or  interpret 
any  of  the  Sacred  Books  in  Hebrew  or  Greek;  how- 
ever, the  protection  of  the  king  prevented  the  execu- 
tion of  the  sentence. 

In  1534  a  chair  of  Latin  eloquence  was  added  to 
the  college.  The  succeeding  kings  favoured  the 
college.  During  the  Revolution  the  courses  were 
unmolested;  the  Convention  evpn  raised  the  salaries, 
by  decree,  from  one  and  two  thousand  francs  to  three 
thousand.  The  College  de  France  was  first  ruled 
by  the  Grand  Aumonier  de  France,  who  appointed  the 
professors  until  1661,  when  it  became  a  part  of  the 
University  of  Paris,  from  which  it  was  afterwards 
separated  for  a  time,  and  finally  reaffiliated  in  1766. 
In  1744  the  king  himself  took  it  under  his  direct 
authority.  In  1795  the  minister  of  the  interior  was 
in  charge;  in  1831  the  minister  of  public  works; 
in  1832  the  minister  of  public  instruction,  who  has 
retained  the  charge  to  the  present  day.  It  is  inde- 
pendent of  the  university,  and  administered  by  its 
own  faculty.  The  college  has  been  known  by  differ- 
ent names:  in  1534  it  was  called  the  "("ollege  of  the 
Three  Languages";  under  Louis  XIII,  the  "College 
Royal";  during  the  Revolution,  the  "College  Na- 
tional"; Napoleon  called  it  the  "College  Impdrial", 
and  under  tlie  Restoration,  it  bore  the  name  of 
"College  Royal".  Through  the  munificence  of 
kings  and  governments  the  college  grew  steadily. 
In   1545  Francis  added  to  the  three  chairs  of  Ian- 


COLLEGE 


114 


COLMAN 


guage  already  established  another  with  two  teachers 
for  mathematics,  one  teacher  for  medicine,  and  one 
for  philosophy.  Charles  IX  introduced  surgery; 
Henry  III  gave  it  a  course  in  Arabic  languages; 
Henry  IV,  botany  and  astronomy.  Louis  XIII 
gave  it  canon  law  and  Syriac;  Louis  XV,  French 
literature;  Louis  XVIII  endowed  it  for  the  Sanskrit 
and  Chinese  literatures.  In  1831  political  economy 
was  introduced,  and  since  then  the  progress  of  the 
sciences  has  necessitated  new  chairs,  such  as  those 
of  organic  chemistry,  pliysio-psychology,  etc. 

Renan  clearly  characterized  tlie  tendencies  and 
methods  of  the  College  de  France.  In  comparing 
them  with  those  of  the  University  of  Paris,  he  wrote: 
"The  Sorbonne  guards  the  depo.sit  of  acquired  know- 
ledge— it  does  not  receive  sciences  before  they  have 
shown  the  life  in  them — on  the  contrary  the  College 
de  France  favours  the  sciences  in  the  process  of 
formation.  It  favours  scientific  research."  An  edict 
of  1572  forbade  any  but  Catholics  to  teach  in  the 
College  de  France.  This  law  was  strictly  obeyed 
as  long  as  the  college  remained  under  Catholic  au- 
thority, but  in  recent  times  it  has  had  among  its 
professors  sucli  enemies  of  Catholicism  as  Michelet, 
Renan,  and  Havet.  On  the  whole,  however,  the 
faculty  of  the  College  de  France  has  counted  in  its 
ranks  brilliant  men  irrespective  of  creed,  such  as 
Aubert,  Lalande,  Daubenton,  Delille,  Cuvier,  Vau- 
quelin.  Ampere.  Biot,  RoUin,  Sylvestre  de  Sacy, 
Abel  R^musat,  Boissonade,  Daunou,  Burnouf,  Tissot, 
etc.  In  1907  there  were  fifty-nine  professors  and 
instructors. 

DvVAuLeCvIli-aede  Francs  (T-.m^    I'.U;  ii.   l/.moi're 

historique  et  litteraire  sur  te  Coll'n'  ^      ■,        ;  \ols., 

Pari.M,  17S3);BoucHON  and  Bra M'  '      '  Imnce 

(Pari.s,  1873);  Lefranc,  Histoirc  </ '  '  ^  :;-  '■  /  ""'  '  l'ari«, 
1892);  Renan,  Questions  contemporninrs  (P.iris.  1868),  143 
Bqq.;  Lefranc,  Les  Origincs  du  College  de  France  in  Revue 
Intern,  de  VEnseign.  (15  May,  1890). 

J.  B.  Del.\unay. 
College  of  Cardinals.     See  Cardinal. 

Collegiate  (  Lat.  coUegiatus,  from  coUegium),  an  ad- 
jective applied  to  those  churches  and  institutions 
whose  members  form  a  college  (see  College).  The 
origin  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  chapters,  springing 
from  the  common  life  of  clerics  attached  to  cathedrals 
and  other  important  churches,  has  been  treated  in  the 
article  Chapter,  where  special  attention  is  given  to 
what  regards  cathedral  capitulars  (see  Chapter). 
Collegiate  churches  were  formed  on  the  model  of 
cathedral  churches,  and  the  collegiate  canons  have 
rights  and  duties  similar  to  the  capitulars  of  a  cathe- 
dral, except  that  they  have  no  voice  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  diocese,  even  when  the  see  is  vacant. 
Their  main  object  is  the  solemn  celebration  of  the 
Divine  Office  in  choir.  Already  in  the  time  of  Charle- 
magne many  wealthy  collegiate  churches  had  been 
founded  throughout  his  empire,  especially  in  Ger- 
many and  France,  of  which  that  at  Aachen  was  the 
most  celebrated.  In  England  there  was  also  a  large 
number  of  these  institutions,  and  at  the  Reformation, 
when  they  were  dissolved,  the  revenues  of  some  of 
them  were  used  for  founding  public  schools.  The 
founding  of  a  collegiate  church  gives  the  founder  no 
right  to  nominate  its  members  unless  he  have  received 
a  special  papal  indult  to  that  effect. 

For  the  erection  of  collegiate  institutions,  the  au- 
thority of  the  Holy  See  is  necessary.  The  pope  refers 
the  matter  to  the  consideration  of  the  Congregation 
of  theCouncil,  which  makes  a  favourable  report  if  cer- 
tain conditions  arc  found  fulfilled,  such  as:  the  dignity 
of  the  city,  the  large  number  of  clergy  and  people,  the 
size  and  beauty  of  the  church  structure,  the  splendour 
of  its  belongings,  and  the  sufficiency  of  the  income. 
Although  the  bishop  cannot  erect  a  collegiate  church, 
yet,  if  the  college,  owing  to  the  death  of  canons  or 
other  similar  cause,  should  cease  as  an  active  corpora- 
tion but  still  retain,  de  jure,  its  status  as  a  college,  the 


bishop  can  restore  it,  for  this  would  not  be  a  canonical 
erection.  As  the  ordinary  cannot  erect  a  collegiate 
church,  so  neither  can  he  red\ice  it  to  a  merely  paro- 
chial status,  and  still  less  has  he  the  power  to  suppress 
one.  Only  the  pope  can  formally  dissolve  a  collegiate 
foundation.  A  church  loses  its  collegiate  dignity  by 
the  will  of  the  members,  or  the  act  of  the  supreme  ec- 
clesiastical authority,  or  the  death  of  all  the  canons. 
When  the  right  of  an  institution  which  claims  the  col- 
legiate dignity  is  disputed,  the  question  is  to  be  de- 
cided by  certain  signs  which  create  a  presumption  in 
its  favour.  These  are,  among  others,  an  immemorial 
reputation  as  a  collegiate  institution,  a  common  seal 
proper  to  a  college,  capitular  meetings  of  the  members 
under  the  presidency  of  a  dean,  the  making  of  con- 
tracts in  the  name  of  the  college,  the  right  of  electing 
a  prelate,  the  cure  of  souls  dependent  on  the  chapter. 

Although  collegiate  churches  are  ordinarily  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop,  yet  its  members  are  not 
obliged  to  render  any  service  to  the  ordinary  outside 
of  their  own  churches,  except  in  case  of  necessity  or 
through  contrary  custom.  Neither  can  the  cathedral 
chapter  interfere  with  the  chapter  of  a  collegiate 
church  when  the  latter  remains  within  its  own  right 
and  privileges.  Collegiate  churches  are  distinguished 
into  insignes  (famous)  and  non  insignes.  There  are, 
however,  no  rules  given  in  canon  law  to  discern  one 
from  the  other.  Canonists  declare  that  a  church  is 
insignis  if  it  be  the  mother  church  of  the  locality,  have 
right  of  precedence  in  solemn  functions,  be  of  ancient 
foundation,  and  conspicuous  by  its  structure  and  the 
number  of  its  dignitaries  and  members,  and  likewise 
be  situated  in  a  famous  or  well-populated  city.  The 
canons  of  a  church  which  is  inttignis  have  precedence 
over  the  canons  of  other  collegiate  institutions  at 
synods  and  in  public  processions.  When  a  parochial 
church  is  elevated  to  collegiate  rank,  the  right  to  the 
cure  of  souls  does  not  necessarily  pass  to  the  chapter, 
but  may  remain  with  the  parish  priest.  When  the 
chapter  has  the  right  of  presentation  and  its  votes  are 
equally  divided,  the  bishop  may  decide  as  to  which 
part  of  the  canons  has  presented  a  candidate  of  .su- 
perior merit  to  the  other.  If,  however,  the  merits  of 
the  candidates  be  equal,  the  decision  must  be  referred 
to  the  pope,  if  the  chapter  cannot  agree  after  taking 
two  ballots.  The  chapters  of  collegiate  churches,  by 
common  law,  have  the  right  of  electing  or  presenting 
candidates  for  the  dignities  and  canonries  of  their 
chapter.  ITie  rights  of  confirmation  and  installation 
belong  to  the  bishop.  Many  innovations  on  these 
rights  have  been  made  by  special  decrees  or  customs, 
and,  according  to  the  prevailing  discipline,  account 
must  be  taken  of  the  so-called  pontifical  reservations, 
or  the  rights  which  the  pope  has  reserved  to  himself, 
especially  as  regards  the  highest  dignity  of  the  chap- 
ter, and  also  of  the  legitimate  privileges  possessed  by 
patrons  in  Spain,  Austria,  Bavaria,  etc.  of  nominating 
and  presenting  candidates.  These  privileges  are  still 
in  force  in  many  instances. 

Wernz,  Jus  Decrelalium  (Rome,  1899)  II;  De  Liica,  Prirlrr- 
tiones  Jur.  Can.  (Rome,  1897),  II;  Ferraris,  Bihliothcca  Canon- 
ica  (Rome,  1886),  II;  Lucini,  De  Visit.  S.  Limmum  (Rome, 

1899),  III.  William  H.  W.  F.\nning. 

Collins,  Richard.  See  Hexham  and  New  Cas- 
tle, Diocese  of. 

Colman,name  of  several  Irish  saints: — (I)Colman, 
Bisliop  and  patron  of  Ivilmacduagh,  b.  at  Kiltartan 
c.  560;  d.  20  October,  6.32.  He  lived  for  many 
years  as  a  hermit  in  Arranmore,  where  he  built  two 
churches,  both  forming  the  present  group  of  ruins 
at  Kilmur\'y.  Thence  he  sought  greater  seclusion 
in  the  woods  of  Burren,  in  592,  and  at  length, 
in  610,  founded  a  monastery,  which  became  the 
centre  of  the  tribal  Diocese  of  Aidhne,  practically 
coextensive  with  the  present  See  of  Kilmacduagh. 
Althougli  the  "Martyrology  of  Donegal"  assigns  his 
feast  to  2  February,  yet  the  weight  of  evidence  and 


COLMAN 


115 


COLMAR 


the  tradition  of  the  diocese  point  to  29  October,  on 
wliicli  day  his  festival  has  been  kept  from  time  im- 
memorial, and  wliich  was  fLxed  by  a  rescript  of  Pope 
Benedict  XIV,  in  1747,  as  a  major  double. 

Marlyrology  of  Dan cgal .ed. Todd  and  Reeves  (Dublin.  1864) ; 
Customs  of  Hy-Fiachrach^ed.  O'  Donovan;  Lanigan,  Eccle- 
siastical History  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1829);  II;  Colgan,  Acta 
Sanct.  Hib.  (Louvain,  1645);  Petrie,  Round  Towers  (Dublin, 
1845);  Fahey,  Hist,  and  Ant.  of  Kilmacduagh  (1893). 

(2)  CoLMAN,  of  Templeshambo.  was  also  a  Con- 
nacht  saint,  and  has  been  confounded  with  the  patron 
of  Kilmacduagh.  but  he  lived  somewhat  earlier,  and 
the  sphere  of  his  ministry  lay  in  the  present  County 
Wexford.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Saint  Aidan, 
who  appointed  him  Abbot  of  Templeshambo,  the 
mother  church  of  Enniscorthy.  Many  legends  are 
told  of  Saint  Colman  and  of  his  holy  well  with  its 
sacred  ducks,  but  certain  it  is  that  he  laboured  zeal- 
ously at  the  foot  of  Mount  Leinster,  his  monastery 
being  known  as  Temple  Sean  Bothe.  He  died  c.  595 
on  27  October,  on  which  daj'  his  feast  is  recorded  in  the 
■"  Martyrology  of  Donegal". 

Customs  of  Hy-Fiachrach:  Coloan,  Ada.  Sanct.  Hib.:  Mar- 
tyrology of  Donegal;  Fahet.  Hist,  and  Ant.  of  Kilmacduagh 
(1893);  Grattan-Flood. //tsl.  o/ i.'nnwcar/A!/ (1898);  Shear- 
man, Loca  Patriciana  (Dublin.  1882). 

(3)  Colman  Mac  Lenine,  founder  and  patron  of 
the  See  of  Cloyne,  b.  in  Munster,  c.  510;  d.  24  Novem- 
ber, 601.  He  was  endowed  with  extraordinary 
poetic  powers,  being  styled  bj''  his  contemporaries 
"Royal  Bard  of  Munster".  The  Ardrigh  of  Ireland 
gave  him  Clojme,  in  the  present  County  Cork,  for 
his  cathedral  abbey,  in  560,  and  he  laboured  for 
more  than  forty  years  in  his  extensive  diocese. 
Several  of  his  Irish  poems  are  still  extant,  notably 
a  metrical  panegyric  on  St.  Brendan.  Colgan  men- 
tions a  metrical  life  of  St.  Senan  by  him.  His  feast 
is  observed  on  24  November.  Another  St.  Colman 
is  also  venerated  on  the  same  day,  as  recorded  by 
St.  Aengus  in  his  "Felire": — 

Mac  Lenine  the  most  excellent 
With  Colman  of  Duth-chuilleann. 
Archdall.  Monasticcm  Hibemicum,  ed.  Moran  (1873); 
Coloan.  Acta  Sanct.  Hib.;  Hyde.  Literary  History  of  Ireland 
(New  York,  1901);  Smith,  History  of  Cork;  Olden.  Some 
Notices  of  St.  Colman  of  Cloyne  (1881);  Stokes.  Anecdota 
Ozon.  (1890). 

(4)  Colman,  founder  of  the  Abbey  and  Diocese  of 
Mayo,  b.  in  Connacht,  c.  605;  d.  8  August,  676.  He 
became  a  monk  of  lona,  and  so  famous  were  his 
virtues  and  learning,  as  testified  by  St.  Bede,  that  on 
the  death  of  St.  Finan,  in  661,  he  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Lindisfarne.  During  his  brief  episcopacy, 
the  Synod  of  Whitby  was  held,  in  664,  as  a  result  of 
which  (St.  Colman  being  a  determined  protagonist 
of  the  old  Irish  computation),  owing  to  the  decision  of 
lung  Oswy  on  the  Paschal  controversy,  he  resigned 
his  see.  Between  the  years  665  and  667  St.  Colman 
founded  several  churches  in  Scotland,  and,  at  length, 
accompanied  by  thirty  disciples,  sailed  for  Ireland, 
settling  down  at  Innisboffin.  County  Mayo,  in  668. 
Less  than  three  years  later  he  erected  an  abbey,  ex- 
clusively for  the  English  monks  in  Mayo,  subsequently 
known  as  "Mayo  of  the  Saxons".  His  last  days  were 
spent  on  the  island  of  Innisboffin.  His  feast  is  cele- 
brated 8  August. 

Healy,  Insula  Sanctorum  et  Doctorum  (1902);  O'Hanlon. 
Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  VIII;  Moran,  Irish  Saints  in  Great 
Britain  (1903):  Knox,  Notes  on  the  Dioceses  of  Tuam  (1904); 
Bede.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  England,  ed.  Plummer  (Lon- 
don. 1907). 

(5)  Colman.  b.  in  Dalaradia,  c.  4,50;  date  of 
death  uncertain.  His  feast  is  celebrated  7  June.  He 
founded  the  See  of  Dromore,  of  which  he  is  patron  anil 
over  which  he  presided  as  bishop.  He  studied  at 
Noendrum  (Mahee  Island),  under  St.  Mochae  or 
Coelan,  one  of  the  earliest  disciples  of  St.  Patrick. 
Many  interesting  .stories  are  told  of  his  edifying  life 
at  Noendrum  and  the  miracles  he  worked  there.  To 
perfect  his  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures  St.  Colman 


went  to  the  great  school  of  Emly,  c.  470  or  475,  and 
remained  there  some  years.  At  length  he  returned 
to  Mahee  Island  to  see  his  old  master,  St.  Mochae,  and 
remained  under  his  guidance  for  a  long  period,  acting 
as  assistant  in  the  school.  Among  his  many  pupils 
at  Mahee  Island,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, was  St.  Finian  of  Moville. 

Colgan.  Acta  Sand.  Hib.;  Healy,  Insula  Sanctorum  et 
Docioram  (4th  ed.);  O'Lavekty.  Down  and  Connor,  I;  O'Han- 
lon, Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  VI;   Butler,  Lives  of  the  Saints. 

(6)  Colman  Elo  and  Colman  MacCathbad  are 
also  famed  in  Irish  hagiology.  The  former  was 
founder  and  first  Abbot  of  Muckamore,  and  from  the 
fact  of  being  styled  ' '  Coarb  of  MacNisse  ",  is  regarded 
as  Bishop  of  Connor.  He  was  born  c.  555  in  Glenelly, 
in  the  present  County  Tyrone,  and  d.  at  Lynally  in 
611,  26  September,  on  which  day  liis  feast  is  celebrated. 
Hestudied  under  his  maternal  uncle,  St.  Columcille, 
who  procured  for  him  the  site  of  a  monastery  now 
known  as  Lynally  (Lann  Elo).  Hence  liis  designation 
of  Colmanellus  or  Colman  Elo.  Subsequently  he 
founded  the  Abbey  of  Muckamore,  and  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Connor.  He  is  also  known  as  St.  Colman 
Macusailni.  The  latter  saint,  distinguished  as  Mac- 
Cathbad, whence  Kilmackevat,  County  Antrim,  was 
Bishop  of  Kilroot,  a  minor  see  afterwards  incorpo- 
rated in  the  Diocese  of  Connor.  He  was  a  contem- 
porary of  St.  Ailbe,  and  his  feast  has  been  kept  from 
time  immemorial  on  16  October. 

(7)  St.  Colman,  one  of  the  patrons  of  Austria,  was 
also  an  Irish  saint,  who,  journeying  to  Jerusalem,  was 
martjTed  near  Vienna,  in  1012."  13  October,  on  which 
day  his  feast  is  observed.  His  life,  written  by  Erch- 
enfrid  of  Melk,  is  in  "Acta  SS.",  VI,  357  and  "  Mon. 
Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  IV,  647. 

Adamnan.  Life  of  St.  Columba;  0'La\-ebty,  Doum  and  Con- 
nor, V;  Calendar  of  Donegal;  Colgan,  Acta  Sanct.  Hib.; 
O'Hanlon.  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  IX;  Bdtler.  Lives  of 
the  Saints;  Hogan,  St.  Colman  of  Austria;  Urwalex.  Der 
kOnigliche  Pilger  St.  Colomann  (Vienna.  1880). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Colman,  Walter,  Friar  Minor  and  English  martyr; 
date  of  b.  uncertain;  d.  in  London,  1045.  He  came  of 
noble  and  wealthy  parents  and  when  quite  young  left 
England  to  study  at  the  English  College  at  Douai. 
In  1625  he  entered  the  Franciscan  Order  at  Douai, 
receiving  in  religion  the  name  of  Christopher  of  St. 
Clare,  by  which  he  is  more  generally  known.  Having 
completed  his  year  of  novitiate,  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land at  the  call  of  the  provincial.  Father  John  Jen- 
nings, but  was  immediately  imprisoned  because  he 
refused  to  take  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.  Released 
through  the  efforts  of  his  friends,  he  went  to  London, 
where  he  was  employed  in  the  duties  of  the  sacred 
ministry  antl  where,  during  his  leisure  moments,  he 
composed  "The  Duel  of  Death"  (London,  1632  or 
1633),  an  elegant  metrical  treatise  on  death,  which  he 
dedicated  to  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  coiLsort  of 
Charles  I.  When  the  persecution  broke  out  anew  in 
1641,  Colman  returned  to  England  from  Douai, 
whither  he  had  gone  to  regain  his  health.  On  8  Dec. 
of  the  same  year  he  was  brought  to  trial,  together 
with  six  other  priests,  two  of  whom  were  Benedic- 
tines and  four  members  of  the  secular  clergj'.  They 
were  all  condemned  to  be  hanged,  drawn,  and  quar- 
tered on  13  Dec,  but  through  the  interposition  of  the 
French  aml)assador  the  execution  was  stayed  indefin- 
itely. Colman  lingered  on  in  Newgate  for  several 
years  until  he  died,  exhausted  by  starvation  and  the 
hardships  of  the  dungeon  where  he  was  confined. 

Thaddeus,  The  Franciscans  in  England  (London.  1898)  62 
72.  106;  Cooper  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v.  Colman;  Hope. 
Franciscan  Martyrs  in  England  (London.  1878),  xi.  123  sqq  ;' 
Mason.  Cerlamen  Seraphicum  (Quaracchi,  1885).  211.  228;  Leo', 
Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St  Francis 
(Taunton,  1887),  IV,  368. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Colmar,  Joseph  Ludwig,  Bishoj)  of  Mainz;  b. 
at  Strasburg,  '22  June,  1760;  d.  at  Mainz,   15  Dec, 


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1818.  After  his  ordination  (20  Dec,  1783)  he  was 
professor  of  history  and  Greek  at  the  Royal  Seminary, 
and  curate  at  St.  Stephen's,  Strasburg.  During  the 
reign  of  terror,  brought  about  at  Strasburg  by  the 
apostate  monk,  Eulogius  Schneider,  he  secretly  re- 
mained in  the  city,  and  under  various  disguises  admin- 
istered the  sacraments.  After  the  fall  of  Robespierre 
he  went  about  preaching  and  instructing,  and  worked 
so  successfully  for  the  restoration  of  religion  in  the 
city  of  Strasburg  that  Napoleon  appointed  him  Bishop 
of  Mainz;  he  was  consecrated  at  Paris,  24  August, 
1802.  The  metropolitan  see  of  St.  Boniface  had  been 
vacant  for  ten  years ;  the  cathedral  had  been  profaned 
and  partially  destroyed  in  1793;  a  new  diocese  had 
been  formed  under  the  old  title  of  Mainz,  but  subject 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin;  revolution,  war,  and 
secularization  of  convents,  monasteries,  and  the  prop- 
erty of  the  former  archdiocese  had  ruined  his  new  dio- 
cese spiritually  and  financially.  Colmar  worked  like 
a  true  apostle;  he  rebuilt  and  reconsecrated  the  pro- 
faned cathedral,  and  by  his  influence  saved  the  ca- 
thedral of  Speyer  which  was  about  to  be  destroyed  by 
order  of  the  Government.  After  many  difficulties  he 
opened  a  seminary  (1804),  which  he  placed  under  the 
direction  of  the  Venerable  Libermann;  he  visited 
every  parish  and  school,  and  reorganized  the  liturgical 
services,  confraternities,  devotions,  and  processions, 
which  the  Revolution  had  swept  away.  His  principal 
aim  was  to  organize  a  system  of  catechetical  instruc- 
tion, to  inspire  his  priests  with  apostolic  zeal,  and  to 
guard  them  against  the  false  enlightenment  of  that 
age.  He  was  an  active  adversary  of  Wessenberg  and 
the  rationalistic  liberal  tendencies  represented  by  him 
and  the  lUuminati.  He  tried  to  reintroduce  several 
religious  communities  in  his  diocese,  but  accom- 
plished, however,  only  the  restoration  of  the  Institute 
of  Mary  Ward  (Dames  Anglaises).  Shortly  before  his 
death  he  established  the  Sisters  of  Divine  Providence 
in  the  Bavarian  part  of  his  diocese  (the  former  Dio- 
cese of  Speyer).  During  the  epidemic  of  1813  and 
1814.  after  the  battle  of  Leipzig,  he  personally  served 
the  sick  and  dying.  Colraar  edited  a  collection  of  old 
German  church  hymns  (1807)  and  several  excellent 
prayer  books.  His  sermons  were  published  in  seven 
volumes  (Mainz,  1836;  Ratisbon,  1879). 

Selbst,  /.  L.  Colmar  (1902);  Remling,  Gesch.  der  Bischofe 
von  iSpeyeT  (,Speyer,  1867);  see  also  life  by  S.\usen  in  both 
editions  of  Colmar's  sermons. 

Frederick  G.  Holweck. 

Cologne  (Ger.  Koln  or  Coln),  German  city  and 
archbishopric. 

The  City. — Cologne,  in  size  the  third  city  of  Pru.ssia, 
and  the  capital  of  the  district  {Regierungsbezirk)  of 
Cologne,  is  situated  in  the  lowlands  of  the  lower 
Rhine  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  Its  area  is  45 
square  miles;  its  population  (1  December,  1905), 
428,722,  of  whom  339,790  are  Catholics,  76,718 
Protestants,   11,035  of  other  sects. 

The  history  of  Cologne  goes  back  to  the  first  century 
before  Christ.  After  Marcus  Agrippa  transplanted 
the  Ubii  from  the  right  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine 
(38  B.  c),  Ara  Ubiorum,  the  centre  of  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious life  of  this  tribe,  occupied  the  site  of  the  mod- 
ern Cologne.  In  A.  D.  50  Agrippina,  the  daughter  of 
Germanicus,  founded  here  a  colony  of  veterans  called 
Colonia  Agrippina;  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  settle- 
ments mingled  freely  with  each  other,  while  the  Ger- 
mans gradually  a.ssumed  Roman  customs.  After  the 
revolt  of  the  Batavians,  Cologne  was  made  the  capital 
of  a  Roman  province  and  was  repeatedly  the  residence 
of  the  imperial  court.  At  an  early  date  Christianity 
came  to  Cologne  with  the  Roman  soldiers  and  traders; 
according  to  Irensus  of  Lyons,  it  was  a  bishop's  see 
as  early  as  the  second  century.  However,  Saint  Ma- 
temus,  a  contemporary  of  ('onstantine,  is  the  first 
historically  certain  Bisliop  of  Cologne.  As  a  result  of  its 
favourable  situation,  the  city  survived  the  stormy  per- 


iod of  the  migrations  of  the  Teutonic  tribes.  Wlien  the 
Ripuarian  Franks  took  possession  of  the  country  in 
the  fifth  century,  it  became  the  residence  of  their  king. 
<-)n  account  of  the  scr\-ices  of  the  Bishops  of  Cologne 
to  the  Merovingian  kings,  the  city  was  to  have  been 
the  metropolitan  .see  of  Saint  Boniface,  but  Mainz  was 
chosen,  for  unknown  reasons,  and  Cologne  did  not  be- 
come an  archbishopric  until  the  time  of  Charlemagne. 
The  city  suffered  heavily  from  invasions  of  the  North- 
men, especially  in  the  autumn  of  881,  but  recovered 
quickly  from  these  calamities,  especially  during  the 
reign  of  the  Saxon  emperors  and  of  such  vigorous 
archbishops  as  Bruno,  Heribert,  Piligrim,  and  others. 

In  the  course  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  cen- 
turies Cologne  attained  great  prosperity.  The  basis 
of  this  prosperity  was  the  commercial  activity  of  the 
city,  which  placed  it  in  relation  not  only  with  North- 
ern Europe,  but  also  with  Hungary,  Venice,  and 
Genoa.  The  local  crafts  also  flourished ;  the  spinners, 
weavers,  and  dyers,  the  woollen-drapers,  goldsmiths, 
sword-cutlers,  and  armour-makers  of  Cologne  were  es- 
pecially celebrated.  The  ecclesiastical  importance  of 
the  city  was  equally  great;  no  city  north  of  the  Alps 
was  so  rich  in  great  churches,  sanctuaries,  relics,  ami 
religious  communities.  It  was  known  as  the  "  German 
Rome  ",  and  was  annually  visited  by  pilgrims,  especially 
after  Rainald  of  Dassel,  Archbishop  of  Cologne  (1159- 
67),  brought  thither  the  remains  of  the  Three  Magi 
from  Milan.  Learning  was  zealously  cultivated  in  the 
cathedral  school,  in  the  collegiate  chapters,  and  the 
cloisters;  famous  philosophers  taught  here,  among 
them  Rupert  of  Deutz,  Caesarius  of  Heisterbach,  Duns 
Scotus,  and  Blessed  Albertus  Magnus.  The  arts  also 
floiu-ished,  on  account  of  the  numerous  churches  and 
civil  buildings.  With  the  growth  of  the  municipal 
prosperity,  the  pride  of  the  citizens  and  their  desire 
for  independence  also  increased,  and  caused  them  to 
feel  more  dissatisfied  with  the  sovereignty  of  the  arch- 
bishop. This  resulted  in  bitter  feuds  between  the 
archbishops  and  the  city,  which  lasted  for  two  cen- 
turies with  varying  fortunes.  The  first  uprising  oc- 
curred under  Anno  II,  at  Easter  of  the  year  1074;  the 
citizens  rose  against  the  archbishop,  but  were  de- 
feated within  three  days,  and  severely  punished. 
They  received  important  concessions  from  Archbishop 
Henrj'  I  of  Molenark  (1225-38)  and  his  successor,  the 
powerful  Conrad  of  Hostaden  (1238-1261),  who  laid 
the  corner-stone  of  the  cathedral.  The  bloody  battle 
of  Worringen  in  1288,  in  which  the  citizens  of  Cologne 
allied  with  Brabant  took  prisoner  Archbishop  Sieg- 
fried of  Westerburg  (1274-97),  resulted  in  an  almost 
complete  freedom  for  the  city;  to  regain  his  liberty, 
the  archbishop  recognized  the  political  independence 
of  Cologne,  but  reserved  certain  rights,  notably  the 
administration  of  justice. 

A  long  period  of  peace  with  the  outside  world  fol- 
lowed. Cologne  joined  the  Hanseatic  League  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  and  became  an  imperial  free  city 
in  the  fourteenth.  On  the  other  hand  internal  dissen- 
sions frequently  disturbed  the  city.  After  the  close  of 
the  twelfth  century  the  government  of  the  city  was  in 
the  hands  of  patrician  families,  who  filled  all  the  of- 
fices in  the  city  government  with  members  of  their 
own  order.  In  time  the  craft  organizations  (guilds) 
increased  in  strength  and  demanded  a  share  in  the 
government.  As  early  as  1370,  in  the  uprising  of  the 
weavers,  they  gained  the  upper  hand  for  a  short  time, 
but  it  was  not  until  1396  that  the  rule  of  the  patri- 
cians was  finally  abolished.  On  14  September  of  that 
year  the  new  democratic  constitution  was  adopted,  in 
accordance  witli  which  only  representatives  of  the 
guilds  sat  in  the  city  council.  The  last  act  of  the 
patricians  was  the  foundation  of  the  university 
(1388),  which  rapidly  began  to  prosper.  By  their 
firmness  and  wisilom  the  new  rulers  maintained 
themselves  against  the  patricians,  against  .Arch- 
bishop Dietrich  of  Mors  (1419),  and  against  Charles 


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the  Bold,  who,  in  alliance  with  Archbishop  Ruprecht, 
sought  to  bring  the  city  again  under  archicpiscopal 
rule.  It  also  suppressed  domestic  uprisings  (for  in- 
stance in  1181  and  1512).  Throughout  this  period 
the  city  retained  its  place  as  the  first  city  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire,  in  which  learning,  the  fine  arts,  and  the 
art  of  printing  were  vigorously  cultivated. 

In  the  religious  upheavals  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
Cologne  remained  true  to  Catholic  doctrine,  thanks 
chiefly  to  the  activity  of  the  university,  where  such 
men  as  Cochlaeus,  Ortwin  Gratianus,  Jacob  of  Hoog- 
straeten,  and  others  taught.  Under  their  influence, 
the  city  council  held  fast  to  Catholic  tradition  and  en- 
ergetically opposed  the  new  doctrines,  which  foimd 
many  adherents  among  the  people  and  the  clergj-. 
Cologne  remained  a  stronghold  of  the  old  beliefs,  and 
gave  active  support  to  the  Counter- Reformation 
(q.  v.),  which  found  earnest  champions  in  Johannes 
Gropper,  the  Jesuits,  Saint  Peter  Canisius,  and  others. 
The  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  were  a  time 
of  decadence  for  the  city;  its  importance  diminished 
especially  after  the  Thirty  Years  War  (1618—18)  in 
which  it  was  loyal  to  the  emperor  and  the  empire,  and 
was  never  captured.  The  university  eventually  lost 
its  prestige,  because  through  over-caution  it  opposed 
the  most  justifiable  reforms;  trade  was  diverted  to 
other  channels ;  only  its  ecclesiastical  glory  remained 
to  the  city,  which  was  governed  by  a  narrow-minded 
class  of  tradesmen  and  often  suffered  from  the  dissen- 
sions between  council  and  citizens  (in  1679-86  and  the 
bloody  troubles  cau.sed  by  Nicholas  Giilich).  The  out- 
break of  the  French  Revolution  found  it  a  community 
with  but  slight  power  of  resistance.  The  French  entered 
Cologne,  26  October,  1794,  and  the  citizens  were  soon 
severely  oppressed  by  requisitions,  forced  loans,  and 
contributions.  On 27 September,  1797,theoldcitycon- 
stitution  was  finally  annulled,  the  French  administra- 
tive organization  established,  and  the  city  made  a  part 
of  the  French  department  of  the  Roer  of  which  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  (.Vachen)  was  the  capital.  The  university 
was  discontinued  in  1798;  it  had  dragged  out  a  mis- 
erable existence  owing  to  the  establishment  of  the 
University  of  Bonn  and  the  confused  policy  of  the  last 
archbishops.  After  the  downfall  of  French  domina- 
tion in  Germany,  Cologne  was  apportioned  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  to  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia.  It 
was  made  neither  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the 
Rhenish  Province,  nor  the  seat  of  the  university,  but 
it  was  restored  to  its  rank  of  metropolitan  see,  and  in 
the  nineteenth  century,  under  Prussian  rule,  became 
the  third  largest  city  of  Prussia  and  attained  unusual 
prosperity,  economic,  intellectual,  and  ecclesiastical. 

Only  brief  ecclesiastical  statistics  can  be  given  here. 
In  1907,  besides  the  archbishop  and  assistant  bishop, 
there  were  in  Cologne  214  priests,  of  whom  24  were 
members  of  the  cathedral  chapter  and  38  were  parish 
priests,  and  128  others  engaged  in  pastoral  occupations. 
There  are  12  Dominicans  and  9  Franciscans.  The 
two  deaneries  of  the  city  embrace  39  parLsh,  and  3 
military,  churches;  in  addition  to  the  39  parish 
churches,  there  are  22  lesser  churches  and  26  chapels. 
Religious  societies  are  numerous  and  powerful; 
among  more  than  400  religious  societies  and  brother- 
hoods we  may  mention:  Societies  of  Saint  Vincent, 
Saint  Elizabeth,  and  Saint  Charles  Borromeo,  Marian 
congregations  for  young  men  and  for  young  women, 
rosary  confraternities,  A.ssociations  of  the  Holy  Child- 
hood, Holy  Family,  of  Christian  Mothers,  etc.  Among 
the  trades  organizations  the  most  powerful  are  the 
four  Catholic  Gcsellenvereine,  with  4  hospices  and  IS 
Catholic  workingniens'  unions.  The  male  religious 
orders  and  congregations  are  represented  by  Domini- 
cans, Franci.scans,  Alexian  Brothers,  Brothers  of 
Charity,  and  Brothers  of  .Saint  Francis;  the  female 
orders  and  congregations  by  Sisters  of  Saint  Benedict, 
the  Borromean  Sisterhood,  the  Cellites,  Sisters  of 
Saint  Dominic,   Sisters  of  Saint  Francis,  Sisters  of 


the  Good  Shepherd,  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus, 
the  Ursulinc  Sisters,  and  Sisters  of  Saint  Vincent;  a 
total  of  43  religious  houses  with  about  1140  inmates. 
The  Alexian  Brothers,  the  Brothers  of  Charity,  and 
the  Brothers  of  Saint  Francis,  as  well  as  almost  all  the 
female  religious  orders,  conduct  numerous  charitable 
and  educational  institutions. 

Among  the  churches  of  Cologne,  the  foremost  is  the 
cathedral,  the  greatest  monument  of  Gothic  archi- 
tecture in  Germany.  Its  corner-stone  was  laid  by 
Archbishop  Conrad  of  Hostaden,  14  August,  1248; 
the  sanctuary  was  dedicated  in  1322 ;  the  nave  made 
ready  for  religious  services  in  1388;  the  southern  tower 
was  built  to  a  height  of  about  180  feet  in  1447;  then 
the  work  of  building  was  interrupted  for  almost  four 
hundred  years.  During  the  French  Revolution  the 
cathedral  was  degraded  to  a  hay  barn.  In  the  nine- 
teenth centurj-  the  work  of  building  was  resumed, 
thanks  above  all  to  the  efforts  of  Sulpice  Boisseree, 
who  excited  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Crown  Prince, 
afterwards  King  Frederick  William  IV,  for  the  com- 
pletion of  the  work.  The  restoration  was  begun 
in  1823 ;  in  1842  the  Cathedral  Building  Society  was 
founded,  and  generous  contributions  from  all  parts 
of  Germany  resulted.  The  interior  was  finished  15 
October,  1863,  and  opened  for  Divine  service;  and 
15  October,  1880,  the  completion  of  the  entire 
cathedral  was  appropriately  celebrated  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  German  emperor.  The  whole  edifice 
covers  an  area  of  about  7370  square  yards;  it  has 
a  nave  445  feet  long,  five  aisles,  and  a  transept 
282  feet  wide  with  three  aisles;  the  height  of  the  nave 
is  about  202  feet,  that  of  the  two  towers,  515  feet. 
Among  the  niunerous  works  of  art,  the  most  famous 
are  the  picture  ^Dombihl)  painted  by  Stephen  Loch- 
ner  about  1450,  the  triptych  over  the  high  altar,  the 
96  choir  seats  of  the  sanctuary,  and  the  shrine  in 
which  arc  kept  the  relics  of  the  Three  Kings  in  the 
treasury  of  the  sacristy.  The  last  is  considered  the 
most  remarkable  medieval  example  of  the  goldsmith's 
art  extant.  Among  the  other  churches  of  the  city, 
the  most  noteworthy  of  those  dating  from  the  Roman- 
esque period  are  Saint  Gereon,  Saint  Ursula,  Saint 
Mary  in  the  Capitol,  Saint  Pantaleon,  and  the  church 
of  the  Apostles;  from  the  Transition  and  the  Gothic 
periods.  Saint  Cunibert,  Saint  Mary  in  Lyskirchen, 
and  the  church  of  the  Minorites;  from  more  recent 
times,  the  Jesuit  church.  Saint  Mary  Pantaleon,  and 
Saint  Mauritius.  The  city  contains  about  25  chari- 
table institutions  under  Catholic  management. 

The  Archblshopric. — According  to  ancient  legend 
a  disciple  of  Saint  Peter  was  the  first  Bishop  of  Cologne, 
but  the  first  historically  authenticated  bishop  was 
Saint  Maternus,  who  was  present  in  314  at  the  Synod 
of  Aries.  Among  the  earliest  bishops  the  most  promi- 
nent are:  Euphrates,  who  took  part  in  the  Council  of 
Sardica  (344)  and  in  346  was  deposed  as  a  heretic  by  a 
general  synod  of  Gaul ;  Saint  Severinus  (347-400),  Saint 
Cunibert  (623-63?),  councillor  of  the  Frankish  kings 
Dagobert  and  Sigibert;  Anno  I  (711-15),  who  brought 
the  remains  of  Saint  Lambert  from  Maastricht  to  Lifige; 
Saint  ,\gilulfus  (747-51 ) ;  Hildebold  (785-819),  chancel- 
lor underCharlemagne  and,  in  799,  first  metropolitan  of 
Cologne,  whose  suffragan  sees  were,  Liege,  Utrecht, 
Miinster,  Bremen,  Osnabriick,  and,  after  829,  Minden. 
During  the  vacancy  of  the  archicpiscopal  office  (842- 
50)  Bremen  was  cut  off  from  the  .\rchdiocese  of  Co- 
logne, in  spite  of  the  protests  of  Gunthar  (850-71). 
Willibert  (870-89)  assisted  Ludwig  the  German  to 
overcome  Charles  the  Bald,  by  which  action  the  arch- 
bishopric became  finally  a  part  of  the  German  Em- 
pire. Under  Hermann  I  (890-924)  Bremen  was  defin- 
itively separated  from  Cologne.  In  954  Bruno  I 
(953-65)  was  made  Duke  of  Lorraine  by  his  brother, 
the  Emperor  Otto  the  Great ;  in  this  way  the  founda- 
tion was  laid  for  the  temporal  power  of  the  archbish- 
opric of  Cologne.     For  though  Bruno's  successors  did 


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not  inherit  the  ducal  rank,  they  retained  a  consider- 
able territory  (the  Kdliiyati,  or  district  of  Cologne),  in 
time  increased  by  the  family  possessions  and  acquisi- 
tions of  many  archbishops.  Saint  Heribert  (999-1021) 
was  very  active  in  promoting  the  welfare  of  his  dio- 
cese, was  made  chancellor  for  Italy  by  Otto  III,  and 
aided  Henry  II  at  the  time  of  his  expedition  to  Rome 
in  1004.  Piligrini  {1021-.36),  who  accompanied 
Henry  II  and  Conrad  II  on  their  expeditions  to  Italy, 
obtained  for  himself  and  for  his  successors  the  office  of 
imperial  chancellor  for  Italy.  Hermann  II  (1036-56) 
was  followed  by  Saint  Anno  II,  who  did  much  for  the 
authority  and  honour  of  the  See  of  Cologne;  at  the 
same  time  he  was  the  first  archbishop  to  come  into 
open  conflict  with  the  city,  now  rapidly  growing  in 
numbers  and  wealth. 

As  princes  of  the  German  Empire,  the  archbishops 
were  very  frequently  involved  in  dissensions  between 
popes  and  emperors,  often  to  the  injury  of  their 
Church,  since  they  were  frequently  in  opposition  to 
the  pope.  Frederick  I  (1100-31)  was  the  last  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  to  be  invested  with  the  episcopal 
ring  and  crosier:  in  1111,  during  the  three-days'  fight 
in  tlie  streets  of  Rome,  he  saved  the  Emperor  Henry 

V  from  defeat,  after  his  imprisonment  of  Pope  Pas- 
chal II,  but  in  1 1 14  abandoned  the  imperial  party.  His 
successor,  Bruno  II  (1132-37),  was  again  imperial 
chancellor  for  Italy,  which  office,  after  the  incumbency 
of  Arnold  II  of  Wied  (1151-56),  was  permanently  at^ 
tached  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Cologne.  Rainald  of 
Dassel  (1159-67),  the  chancellor  of  Frederick  Bar- 
barossa,  and  Philip  I  of  Heinsberg  (1107-91)  increased 
the  prestige  of  the  see;  the  latter  prelate,  after  the 
fall  of  Henry  the  Lion,  obtained  as  a  fief  for  himself 
and  his  successors  the  western  part  of  the  Duchy  of 
Saxony,  under  the  title  of  Duke  of  Westphalia  and 
Engem.  One  of  the  most  energetic  archbishops  in 
the  following  years  was  Saint  Engelbert  (q.  v.).  In 
his  short  reign  (1216-21)  he  furthered  the  moral  and 
religious  life  by  several  synods,  and  by  the  favour  he 
showed  the  new  orders  of  Franciscans  and  Domini- 
cans; he  also  restored  order  within  the  limits  of  his 
see,  and  successfully  opposed  the  continued  efforts  for 
civic  independence.  The  long  political  conflict  be- 
tween the  archbishops  and  the  city,  during  which 
Conrad  of  Hostaden  ( 1 238-6 1 )  and  Engelbert  II  of  Falk- 
enburg(1261-74)  made  many  concessions,  was  finally, 
as  above  stated,  settled  in  favour  of  the  city,  under  Sieg- 
fried of  Westerburg  (1274-97).  The  reconciliation  of 
the  archbishops  with  the  city  effected  by  Wikbold  of 
Holte  (1297-1304)  brought  with  it  increasing  influence 
in  the  affairs  of  the  German  Empire.  To  the  injurj'  of 
his  see,  Henry  II  of  Virneburg  (1304-32)  allied  himself 
with  Frederick  the  Handsome,  while  Walram  of  Jiilich 
(1332-49)  obtained  many  privileges  from  the  Em- 
peror Charles  IV,  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  imperial 
dignity  against  Louis  of  Bavaria.  In  his  time  the 
Black  Death  spread  over  Germany  and  entailed  great 
misery.  In  1356,  under  William  of  Gennep  (1349- 
62),  the  dignity  of  imperial  elector,  recognized  since 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  as  belong- 
ing to  the  archiepiscopal  office,  was  formally  acknowl- 
edged by  the  Golden  Bull.  Kuno  of  Falkenstein 
(1306-71),  also  Archbishop  of  Trier,  added  (1370)  to 
the  temporalities  of  the  see  the  County  of  Arnsberg. 
After  his  r(;signation  he  was  succeeded  by  Frederick 
III  of  Saarwerden  (1370-1414),  who  adhered  to  LTrban 

VI  on  the  occasion  of  the  Western  Schism;  after  I'r- 
baii's  death  he  followed  a  vacillating  policy.  His  suc- 
cessor, Dietrich  II  of  Mors  (1414-63),  sought  to  make 
('ologne  the  strongest  territorial  power  in  Western 
Germany,  but  he  wa.s  unfortunate  in  his  political  en- 
terprises, and  brought  a  heavT-  burden  of  debt  on  his 
see.  Under  him  the  city  of  Soest  was  lost  to  Cologne. 
After  his  di^ath,  and  before  the  appointment  of  a  new 
archbishop,  the  cathedral  chanter,  the  nobility  (liU- 
Urschajt),  and  the  cities  of  the  archiepiscopal  state 


{Erzstijf)  concluded  an  agreement  (Erblandsvereini- 
gung)  with  regard  to  the  archbishop's  hereditary  lands, 
whereby  the  prelate's  rights  as  temporal  lord  were 
considerably  limited  in  the  archiepiscopal  State,  whose 
territory,  it  must  be  remembered,  did  not  coincide 
with  the  ecclesiastical  limits  of  the  archdiocese.  This 
agreement  was  henceforth  sworn  to  by  each  arch- 
bishop at  his  election.  Ruprecht  von  der  Pfalz  (1463- 
80)  squandered  the  revenues  of  the  see,  sought  by 
force  to  gain  control  of  the  cities  and  castles  previ- 
ously mortgaged,  and  thereby  entered  into  conflicts 
with  the  holders  of  the  mortgages.  Violence,  arson, 
and  devastation  visited  the  diocese  in  consequence. 
In  1478  Ruprecht  was  captured  and  remained  a  pris- 
oner until  liis  death.  His  successor,  Hermann  IV  of 
Hesse,  devoted  his  energj-  to  the  restoration  of  order, 
paid  a  part  of  the  public  debt,  and,  by  the  diocesan 
synod  of  1483,  whose  decrees  he  vigorously  enforced, 
furthered  the  intellectual  and  moral  elevation  of  clergj' 
and  people.  Philip  II  of  Daun  (1508-15)  walked  in 
the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor. 

The  government  of  Hermann  V  of  Wied  (1515-47) 
brought  trouble  and  disaster  on  his  see.  At  the  Diet 
of  '\^'orms  he  at  first  opposed  tlie  religious  doctrines 
of  Luther.  He  urged  the  banning  of  the  Reformer 
and  held  a  provincial  synod  in  1536;  gradually,  how- 
ever, he  turned  away  from  the  Catholic  Faith,  chose 
adherents  of  Luther  for  his  counsellors,  and  allowed 
the  new  doctrines  to  be  preached  in  his  diocese. 
^Vhen  he  openly  favoured  the  spread  of  Protestant- 
ism, he  was  suspended  in  1546,  and  forced  to  resign 
(1547).  By  the  advice  of  excellent  men,  such  as 
Cropper,  Billick,  and  others,  Adolph  III  of  Schauen- 
burg  ( 1546-56)  took  strong  measures  against  the  prea- 
chers brought  in  by  Hermann,  and  published  vigorous 
decrees  against  immoral  priests.  His  brother  An- 
ton (1556-58)  followed  a  similar  course.  Under 
Johann  Gebhard  of  Mansfeld  (1558-02)  Utrecht  (q. 
V.)  ceased  to  be  a  suffragan  of  Cologne,  and  the  Dean- 
ery of  Zyfliich  was  incorporated  with  the  newly 
founded  See  of  Roermond.  After  the  brief  reign  of 
Frederick  IV  of  Wied  (1562-67)  and  that  of  the  vig- 
orousSalentinof  Isenburg(1567-77),  who  resigned  be- 
cause he  did  not  wish  to  take  priest's  orders,  Gebhard 
II  Truchsess  of  Waldburg  (q .  v. ) .  succeeded  to  the  office. 
He  followed  the  evil  course  of  Hermann  of  Wied.  At 
first  loyal  to  the  Church,  be  became  a  Calvinisi  in 
1582,  owing  to  his  passion  for  Agnes  von  Mansfeld, 
and  sought  to  Protestantize  the  see  in  1583;  he  was 
put  imder  the  ban  of  the  empire  and  deposed,  and 
Duke  Ernest  of  Bavaria  chosen  as  his  successor. 
With  Protestant  aid  Gebhard  sought  to  keep  posses- 
sion of  his  diocese.  But  the  War  of  Cologne  (Kot- 
nischer  Krieg),  which  lasted  five  years,  and  brought 
untold  misery  on  the  land,  ended  in  victory  for  the 
Catholic  party.  These  attempts  of  Hermann  of 
Wied  and  Gebhard  to  alienate  the  archdiocese  from 
the  Catholic  Faith  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  per- 
manent papal  nunciature  in  Cologne  which  existed 
from  1584  to  the  extinction  of  the  archiepiscopal  State 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  (see  Nuncio; 
Secul.\riz.\tion). 

Ernest  of  Bavaria  (1583-1612)  was  the  first  of  the 
five  princes  of  the  house  of  Wittelsbach  who  held  the 
Electorate  of  Cologne  until  1761.  Ferdinand  of  Ba- 
varia (1612-50),  Maximilian  Henrj'  (1650-SS),  Joseph 
Clemens  (1688-1723),  and  Clemens  Augustus  I  (1727- 
61)  succeeded  him.  Following  the  tradition  of  their 
princely  house,  these  five  archbishops  were  intensely 
loyal  to  the  Church,  and  upheld  Catholicism  in  the 
archdiocese,  which,  however,  had  lost  122  parishes  in 
consequence  of  the  Reformation.  However,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  repeated  imion  of  several  bishoprics  in 
the  hands  of  these  Bavarian  prelates,  the  political  ad- 
ministration of  the  territory  was  held  to  be  of  primary, 
its  religious  govermnent  of  secondary,  importance. 
Moreover,  the  foreign  policy  of  these  five  Bavarian 


THE  CATHEDRAL,  COLOGNE 


COLOGNE 


119 


COLOGNK 


archbishops  was  not  always  fortunate.  By  their  alli- 
ance with  France,  especially  during  the  Spanish  and 
Austrian  Wars  of  Succession,  they  furthered  the  polit- 
ical dissolution  of  the  old  German  Empire  (begun  in 
the  Thirty  Years  War)  and  encouraged  the  anti-Haps- 
burg  policy  of  France  which  aimed  at  the  final  over- 
throw of  the  German  imperial  power.  Similarly,  their 
friendly  relations  to  France  favoured  the  introduction 
of  rationalism  into  Cologne.  This  spirit  of  opposition 
to  the  Church  and  to  the  authority  of  the  popes  liad  a 
still  stronger  hold  upon  Archbishop  Maximilian  Freil- 
erick  of  Konigseck  (1761-84).  In  1771  he  founded 
an  academy  at  Bonn  in  opposition  to  the  loyal  Cath- 
olic University  of  Cologne,  and  in  1781  issued  in  fav- 
our of  the  new  academy  an  order  according  to  which 
attendance  at  the  University  of  Cologne  was  punished 
by  inability  to  hold  any  office,  either  ecclesiastical  or 
civil,  in  the  diocese.  The  last  Elector  of  Cologne, 
Maximilian  Francis  of  Austria  (1785-1801),  took  part 
in  the  anti-papal  Congress  of  Ems  (q.  v.),  nominated 
Eulogius  Schneider  as  professor  in  the  Academy  of 
Bonn,  which  he  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  University  in 
1786,  and  instituted  reforms  similar  to  those  enacted 
by  his  brother,  the  Emperor  Joseph  II,  in  Austria.  As 
brother  of  Marie  Antoinette,  he  was  at  first  opposed 
to  the  French  Revolution,  but  soon  adopted  a  policy 
of  inactivity  which  ultimately  resulted  in  the  loss  of 
independence  both  by  the  city  and  the  electorate. 
At  the  approach  of  the  victorious  French  army  the 
elector  left  his  residence  at  Bopn.  never  to  see  it  again. 
The  French  entered  Cologne,  26  October,  1794,  and 
Bonn,  8  November.  The  conquered  territory  be- 
tween the  Meuse,  the  Rhine,  and  the  Moselle  was  di- 
vided into  four  departments  governed  by  a  civil  com- 
missioner at  Mainz,  and  incorporated  with  France  by 
the  Peace  of  Luneville  in  1801.  In  1796  all  the  ecclesi- 
astical property  in  the  part  of  the  archdiocese  held  by 
the  French  was  seized  by  the  civil  authority;  in  1802 
all  religious  orders  and  congregations  were  suppressed 
and  their  property  confiscated.  By  the  Concordat 
of  1801  between  the  Apostolic  See  and  Napoleon  I, 
nearly  all  of  the  former  archdiocese  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Rhine  was  given  to  the  newly  founded  See  of 
Aachen  (q.  v.).  The  old  ecclesiastical  organization 
remained  imdisturbed  in  the  archdiocesan  territory 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine.  After  the  death  of 
Maximilian  Francis  (1801),  the  cathedral  chapter, 
which  had  taken  refuge  in  Arnsberg,  chose  the  Aus- 
trian Archduke  Anthony  as  his  successor,  but  he  never 
occupied  his  see,  owing  to  Prussian  opposition.  In 
180.3  the  remainder  of  the  electorate  was  secularized, 
an  inglorious  end  for  the  ancient  Archbishopric  of 
Cologne.  The  loss  to  the  Catholic  Church  in  Ger- 
many was  great.  The  archbishopric,  i.  e.  the  territory 
in  which  the  archbishop  was  also  temporal  ruler,  in- 
cluded in  its  Rhenish  territory  alone  (without  West^ 
phalia)  60  square  miles  and  about  199,000  inhabi- 
tants (in  1797),  of  whom  180,000  were  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine. 

In  1750  the  archdiocese  contained  860  pari.shes  with 
as  many  parish  churches,  300  benefices,  400  chapels, 
42  collegiate  chapters,  21  abbeys  (10  Benedictine,  4 
Premonstratensian,  7  Cistercian),  5  Benedictine  pro- 
vostships,  18  Minorite  and  24  Franciscan  monas- 
teries, 2  Franciscan  houses  of  the  Third  Order.  There 
were  also  20  Capuchin  houses,  6  Dominican,  3  Car- 
thusian. 11  Augustinian,  8  of  Knights  of  the  Cross,  9 
Jesuit  (suppressed  m  1773),  2  Servite,  and  2  Alexian. 
The  Brothers  of  Saint  Anthony,  the  Carmelites,  the 
Zionites,  the  Brothers  of  Saint  Martin  had  each  one 
house.  There  were  five  establishments  of  the  Teu- 
tonic Order  and  nine  of  the  Knights  of  Malta.  The 
female  orders  had  a  total  of  146  nunneries  (see  below, 
Mooren.  II,  426  sqq.).  The  lo.ss  in  costly  gold  and 
silver  church  plate,  vestments  and  the  treasures  of  the 
libraries  and  archives,  is  incalculable.  When  the  dis- 
orders of  the  Napoleonic  regime  had  passed,  the  arch- 


diocese was  re-established  by  Pius  VII.  Its  territory 
had  previously  been  made  a  part  of  Prussia  by  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  in  1815.  On  16  July,  1821,  by 
the  Bull  "De  Salute  animarum"  the  Archdiocese  of 
Aachen  was  abolished,  the  church  of  St.  Peter  in  Co- 
logne was  again  made  a  metropolitan  church,  and  the 
territories  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Cologne  defined  anew, 
with  its  present  boundaries,  except  for  a  few  unim- 
portant changes.  It  then  included  44  deaneries  and 
Ctfir,  parishes  (5.36  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  and 
140  on  the  right  bank).     On  the  20th  of  December, 

1824,  Ferdinand  August  von  Spiegel  was  named  by  the 
pope  as  the  first  archbishop  of  the  new  see;  on  20  May, 

1825,  he  took  charge  of  the  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment, which  had  been  carried  on  by  the  vicar  capit- 
ular, Johann  Hermann  Joseph  von  Caspars  zu  Weiss, 
from  1801  till  his  death  (1822),  and  after  that  time 
by  Prothonotary  Johann  WilhelmSchmitz.  Archbishop 
von  Spiegel's  administration  (1824-35)  was  in  many 
ways  beneficial.  He  alleviated  many  evils  which  had 
crept  in  during  the  previous  years  and  made  serious 
efforts  for  the  education  of  the  clergy  and  for  the  re- 
organization of  his  diocese;  nevertheless,  he  was  too 
subservient  to  the  Prussian  Government,  and  entered 
into  a  secret  agreement  with  it  in  regard  to  mixed 
marriages,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  ecclesiastical 
marriage  laws.  His  successor,  Clemens  Augustus, 
Freiherr  von  Droste  zu  Vischering,  who  vigorously 
opposed  the  spread  of  the  Hermesian  heresy,  soon 
came  into  conflict  with  the  Prussian  Government  on 
the  question  of  mixed  marriages,  as  a  result  of  which 
he  ^.as  taken  prisoner,  20  November,  1837,  and  con- 
fined in  the  castle  of  Minden.  This  event  caused 
great  excitement  throughout  Germany,  and  helped  to 
revive  the  religious  life  and  activity  of  the  German 
Catholics.  \\'hen  Frederick  William  IV  came  to  the 
throne,  the  archbishop  resigned  his  office  in  favour  of 
his  coadjutor,  Johann  von  GeLssel  (q.  v.),  BLshop  of 
Speyer.  As  archbishop  (1845-64),  he  displayed  a 
most  auspicious  acti\'ity  and  infused  fresh  religious 
vigour  into  his  diocese.  Great  injury  was  done  the 
Church  of  Cologne  by  the  Prussian  Kulturknmpf . 
During  its  course  Archbishop  Paul  Melchers  (1866- 
85)  was  imprisoned  by  the  Government  in  1874  (till 
9  October),  and  then  was  forced  to  leave  his  diocese. 
The  number  of  priests  fell  from  1947  to  about  1500, 
and  many  parishes  remained  for  years  without  a 
priest.  After  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Rome 
and  Prussia,  Archbishop  Melchers  abdicated  his 
see.  His  successors,  Philip  Krementz  (1885-99; 
cardinal,  1893),  Hubert  Simar  ( 1899-1902),  and  Anton 
Fischer  (since  6  November,  1902;  cardinal  since  22 
June,  1903)  devoted  themselves  to  repairing  the  evil 
done  by  the  Kulturkampj  and  developing  to  a  prosper- 
ous state  the  religious  and  ecclesiastical  life  of  the 
diocese. 

Statistics. — The  Archdiocese  of  Cologne  includes 
the  Prussian  administrative  districts  of  Cologne  and 
Aachen,  the  greater  part  of  the  district  of  Diisseldorf 
and  small  portions  of  the  distri(^ts  of  Coblenz,  Trier, 
and  Arnsberg,  altogether,  4219  square  miles,  with 
about  2,700,000  Catholics  (census  of  1  December, 
1900,  2,522.648).  The  parishes  in  1907  numbered 
917,  with  51  deaneries;  the  priests  included  1934  secu- 
lar priests  (of  whom  214  were  stationed  in  the  cathe- 
dral city),  208  regulars,  and  about  60  priests  from 
other  dioceses.  The  metropolitan  chapter  consists 
of  1  cathedral  provost  (Domprolnst),  1  cathedral  dean 
{Dnnulechant),  10  residential,  and  4  honorary  canons. 
The  archbishop  is  chosen  by  the  cathedral  chapter, 
the  Bishops  of  Trier,  Miinster,  and  Paderborn  are  his 
suffragans.  Within  the  city  of  Cologne  there  are  39 
parishes  and  3  military  churches  grouped  in  two  dean- 
eries. In  addition  to  the  cathedral  chapter  there  is  a 
collegiate  chapter  at  Aachen  (q.  v.).  The  educa- 
tional institutions  under  ecclesiastical  control  include 
the  archiepiscopal  seminary  for  priests  at    Cologne, 


COLOGNE 


120 


COLOGNE 


naries  for  boys  at  INeuss    Jiu  j         j^^. 

and  Opladen  4  h,gh  ^f  ~'^,^'f^°,''„X(^^^^^  latter  con- 
boys,  and  26  boarding-schools  tor  iris  ^  ^^^^^^ti^n 
ducted  by  female  '^^f^^f^J^^il.Xo^  theology 
of  the  clergy  there  f  the  Catholic  ta^.^.^^.^^^ 

at  the  Univerei  y  o^  to  the  Cologne)  seminary  for 
feasors,  in  addition  tp  xi""  Vcrl?siastical  teachers 
priests   already   ment^n^dE<,des^^^^^^^^  (gymnasia, 

foftL'-Xlatiot^al'T^at^Tetween'the  Church 

^^^^iSS^rdSrof  nln  in  the  archdiocese  have 
42  cstabU^ments  with  about  ^'^1^']^^%^^''^^^ 

Sers"%  "b^o^-  oTchar^/ieT,  BUers  of 
laTnt  Francis  (6),  Benedictine  Sister.  o^Jerpe^^ 
Adoration  (3),  Borromean  bisters  (p^/^^^'t^^^'d'^.i,! 
Sisters  of  C^^t  (4)   Congrega  ion  o   the  Blessed^^  ^^ 

P;"-s-]?9)Sist*rsoriIStDom 

^''     If  nJi-nted  Dartlv  to  pastoral  and  mission  work, 
men  are  de\  otea  paru^  '.^  y         ,         t  ^onien  devote 

the  archdiocese;  <^°™P.f ''j^^f^^llfehen     Wohlthatig- 

not  limited  to  a  single  parish  are  as  f o""^^ « •  1°^,,^?" 
SreVations  and  71  societies  for  young  men,  160  Catho- 
de fvoMng-men's  clubs,  74  Catholic  Jo"™^^:"?:  iont 
ocations(G..sdto«ereme),  26  miners'   assoc.^^^^^^^ 

29  congregations  and  societies  °f  ™"'^'VV"V' mes  and 
ties  fo?  women  employed  m  stores,  55  tomes  ana 
Bchools  for  working-women,  22  homes  f^r  the  insane 
and  idiots,  10  homes  for  'servant  girls,  9  refugesjor 
fallen  women,  90  orphanages;  also  the  E  izabeth  socie 
ties  and  225  conferences  of  the  Society  ol  &aini 
Vincent   de   Paul,   the    Saint    Regis    societies,    and 

""^""e  most  important  churches  are  the  cathe.lral 
(Dom)  of  Cologne  (see  above),  the  cathedral  of  A.u  In 
(q.  v.),  the  churches  at  Cologne  mentioned  abo%t,  tiie 


cathedral  churches  at  Bonn  and  Essen,  the  /jhurch  of 
Saint  Quirinus  in  Neuss,  the  churches  of  the  former 
Abbots  of  Werden,  Knechtstederi,  Cornelimunster, 
and  Steinfeld,  the  double  church  m  Schwarz-Rhem- 

dorf,  etc.  .     .    „  ;„ 

A  complete  bibliography  of  *he  city  by  Kr^de^g  .s  jn^enm 

Die  KunsldenkrmilerJ.r  ■';"""^"'''  ^^"^'^'^j"^- j;,^  UniversMt 

huln  (Cplome,  1SJJ\;.,1:  f ''^^n  Frankreich  md  der  Nieder- 
sital  Kiin  (Bonn,  189  \  ^^^i^^^/ Kurstaat  Koln  seit  dem  SO 
rhein  oderGeschichUvon  *'««'  "^^j'^se):  Idem,  Geschichte 
if''SA"fr(Fvoltcolo^??andNru7s;'lS63-80);  Quellen 
der  Sladt  h.oin  ya  •?"%■,  ,.'rf  j  i^  E^,jEp.  and  Eckebtz  (6 
^";  '"'fMoJn/'UeS-TQ^      C^^^^^  dcutsche^    Smdte 

™  s-YT?  vVv  (I  eirai-  1875-77);  MiUeilungen  aus  dem  Stadt- 
''°'l--^  ,L  i-c;«  «2"  vo  sT  Cologne,  18S3-1904):  Kolner 
anhw    von    •'V''"j  *  ,,   >„!,;i,,„rfpr(J  ed  by  Hoeniger (2  vols., 

D™ti«XM™  a.'"dem  26.  Jahrhundert  (4  vols  Leipzig  and 
Drnkwuramenena  ^^.^^    Bauten    (Cologne     188Sh 

P>  nK      fun  von  Koln  (Berlin,  1889);  Korth.  KoM  im 

M  „  ,    ^  r;;njnK  goodbibUography;  Stein  AW™.ur 

;  ■  I  .  'i^ssung  und  Verwallimg  der  Stadt  *■'»",'"' V; 

'"   ;  ;'  /  /  rM'>vols    Bonn,  1893-95  ;  U^RW.  Kolnische 

,,„.i  ,     •''  ■  V;  "''^y;;;,°Vzfi((Dusseldorf,  1895);   Scheibler 

^iTA^.'^ti^tGZ%^,ederK,^ne^^^^ 

^^,h  100   photogravur.^     "l/.vSaitersll^  ob!,  Bonn   1897-98); 

J^„       II,.     I.nt,     r   K^nl  ^^^^     (Bonn,     1898  . 

'■-"""■'  ''■  \'  ;  ,,'V  M,.  s.h.nswurdigkeitcn  (2pth  ed  Col- 
H"^','-'  \'  ■V,'".  {  ['  ,  K.'ln.rZunflurkunden  (2  vols  Bonn. 
OKHH.  lutLv;  H   ^.  l';;j  ,  •;  j^;,^  Topographie  der  Stadt  Koln  xm 

ed..  Munich.  1842);    B°^^'|\-I,'^J    isTOl-     ScHMlTZ,  Der  Dom 

Kolner  Doms  (Cologne  andJNei^^.   i^^u^    Cologne,  1868-76); 

,u  Koln  (150  tables,  "'/h  'J,^YlO  nlatei  «ith  text,  Frankfort. 

WiETH.vsE,  Der  Dom  zu  '};'''  X^'K,,  Koln  (4th  ed.,  Cologne. 

1884-1889);    Helmken    D,_r  D-m  -  '  ^^^  Haarlem,  1904). 

1899);    Lindner,  •D'''^^^''™  :L  ,ha      real  o   the  Archdiocese  of 
The  older  sources  and^ork>J^ha^treai  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^^ 

Cologne  are  given   by    w.^LTLK  i  bibliographical 

?:/fil^'"i^SSal\yTo"r•the'?ndiv.Klualarchbisho^^^^^^^ 


18661.    a-l."S.      run    uiuiiv/s.=y ■■ 

nr!t/iB».,»,»  "  "";„iu,  'nr'the  individual  archbishops,  are  jouna 
references,  especially  .or  the. noiv  a  ^g;^  ^j    cologne,  1905), 

'■is^thflist'rffhe^^sfs^lt  btshops,  general  vicars  and  nuncios     . 
''l'°r,  1   ™.      The    most    important    worlds   of    rrfcr^i-.c    nre^ 
of    Cologne  Jlhe    mot   ),  '  ^„^  „„d  „e«e  £r-;  ,  '^  ,  ■'     ^ 

BiNTEMM    AND    MOOREN      r^  in  2  Vols.,   DilSScM     :  I      1-"-     "■■ 

vols.,  Mainz,  }fi^Jl)^^-ll{%r  die  Gexehichle  d.  -    .'y  -< 

L.\COMBLET,    <- ™;"'3'^"?oin_r<sV      LaCOMBLET,    A,Ju,     ; ..  I     d'C 

(4  vols.,  Dusseldorf,  lS-i.0-58),  J^t<=°  pusseldorf,  1832-70); 
Geschichte  des  '^'f^^'^'^'.'^^Lndt^mriechi.gc^^^^^^  des 
Seibehtz,  'i;!"'T,  TJ.U  Wberg  1839-54);  Mering  and 
Herzosfums  TF,"itfa(''i  'J. ^"'^••.■^J,;,;'5;,,^^  ,,o„  Koln  (2  vols., 
Reischert,  Ui;    '■    '  '  ■'     '        ,;  iitchenGerichteinderErz- 

Cologne.  1842- 1  I       '  ,,^     i        ,  s   Geschichte  der  Relorma- 

diocese  Koln  (i''<-  ■  '■   ''    '    ',  ,,  Koln  (Cologne.  1849); 

»'n    ""    fi'T' "  Slolislik  des  vormals  ^nr 

K'-iri-' "'  '  "  .    /■.     '  ,     I  n.pstadt,  1869);  P0DI.ECH, 

/  '■     '  ,  A  M  .11/    1879);    DcMONT.  De- 

'■'  '  ',     ,    :   ,  ,        .     ,,  .('ologne,     1879);     Idem, 

.^...f'■'"'     -',       ,,  /  ..s.-  Koln  (Cologne,   1883- 

Gtschichtcdc^  I  ,,  ;  ,  I  h  ,i„ngeschichleim  Anschluss 
1900),  I-X;     I.I  '     ":  ,        ,       if.,  und  ErzftiscAo/c  (Col- 

an  dieGeschich',  ,,/,,■    Rhnnprovinz    (Bonn, 

ogne,    1883);     (.  ;  '      ,-■■:'  J.-^h^rhnftichen 

1894-1901);   Ki  ■'  ,,,,-,,    J.    j^N- 

bzw.  erzbisch.'jl':'         -      '  .  HVs(/a/frt 

sen.  Die  Her:.''  /,      -    ■       ■  .       .    ■      :.  ronK..ln 

(Munich,  1S9.L>>,  [•.•'''  '  '  ■'■  ,„.....  ^.„|  1 1 1  ,,,  |,ie,-.^.l'.nl7  );S.^tJER- 
imMillelnlter(.vo\.  II.  "o"";i^"'';  ^„ '/.Ufe  ^  Khcmlande  aus 
LAND,  ['rfcimdcn  und  «/.9fff»/ L^n  Bonn,  1902-05;  vol.  IV  in 
dem  valikam.^hen  ^"''.'''p'';"'- J„//„dV7Kircfc«.  und  KapeUe^  im 
press.  1907);  Korth,  D'f/<''''>"nrenaerivi  ^^^  ^^^^^_ 

?:;,6/,,(,.m  A%./n  (DusseldorMp04^,   A.  «jMm^^^^^^^j^^ 

prori„z  (Dusseldorf,  IS^t" 2ls^'\\'o^'"  Aus  Kurkoln  im  16. 
Westlalen   (Paderborn     1893     ),    »OLF,  ^^^  Erzbischofe 

Jahrhundert  Berlin  1906),  E«.vl.^t»^«^^  Urkundenbuch^ 
von  Koln  9H'',"-^''P  w  ■^7.;„l^■cjlfnW%s(/a;e•nt.om  Jahre  ISOO- 
vol.  VII.  Die  (^''■*"'"'«*l^"'"i5^The  Reformation  period  see: 
ISUO  (Munster.  18— -190! '■  .J^",'  kolnischen  Kirchenprovmz 
Dbouven,  D«  Kfro™"''™  {f,vfr(Bonn  18?6);  Lossen,  Der 
zur  Zeit  Hermanns  V.  ion  '"'2.,.'  u  Munich.  1897),  also 
kolnische  KTOff  (I,  Y,",';"-;,,,  „;,,-,  pt.  i.  I'aderborn,  1895  and 
tfunlialurbcnchte  aus  [>''f ■]''•:{''%„",,  is92  and  1894).  .  The 
1899;  Tt.  III.  vols.  1  and  11.  i*<;^"'",-,,,,,,,,.„  ,,,,,  historiscJien 
most  u:oi-ii:.iit  iH.,,.p:.:.i-  '"  ,.  ,  . : ..  /.  . -,!,,,cese  Kuln 
Veriur  ■ ':    .  '         ■'    :     '  -  j'h'-lnicher   des 

^'^""^  •"■'L  V','  Z,illurar^cMl>  "".'  '-"••'  >  l-'".1882-). 
Wcstdcul.irhr  Zeil.irhrifl  turl.,i  senu  o,, 

with  supplementary  volumes.  Joseph   LlNS. 

„    P„,  nrNF Though    famous    all 

tuSS  MidX  A^rfor  it.  cathedral  and  cloister 


COLOMBA 


121 


COLOMBIA 


schools  and  for  eminent  scholars — .-Ubertus  Magnus, 
St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  Dims  Scotus — Cologne  had 
no  university  until  near  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  when  Urban  VI,  at  the  instance  of  the  Town 
Council,  issued  (21  May,  1388)  the  Bull  of  foundation. 
The  university  was  inaugurated  the  following  year 
with  twenty-one  mugiMri  and  737  matriculated 
students.  Further  privileges  were  granted  by  Boni- 
face IX  (1389,  1394),  Duke  Wilhelm  von  Geldem 
(1396),  and  Emperor  Frederick  III  (1442);  while 
special  favour  was  .shown  the  university  by  Gregory 
XII  (1406),  Nicholas  V  (1447),  and  Pius  II;  the  last- 
named  pope  addressed  his  "Bull  of  Retractation" 
(In  minoribus  agentes)  to  the  Rector  and  University 
of  Cologne  (26  April,  1463).  Tlie  university  was 
represented  at  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle, 
and  was  involved  in  the  controvensy  regarding  the 
authority  of  coimcil  and  pope.  It  took  sides  with 
the  antipope  Felix  V,  but  eventually  submitted  to 
Nicholas  V.  The  Renaissance  movement  met  with 
opposition  at  Cologne,  though  among  its  professors 
were  the  humanists  Ctesarius,  Buschius,  Glareanus, 
Gratius,  Phrissemius,  and  Sobius.  During  the  same 
period  may  be  mentioned  the  theologians  Arnold  of 
Tongres  and  Hoogstraaten,  O.  P.  All  these  were  in- 
volved in  the  confliet  which  centred  about  Reuchlin 
(q.  v.)  and  which  did  the  university  gi-eat  harm. 
The  "Epistolae  obscurorum  virorum"  were  directed 
against  the  theologians  of  Cologne.  At  the  time  of 
the  Reformation,  but  few  of  the  professors  joined  the 
Protestant  movement ;  the  university  as  a  whole  was 
strong  in  its  defence  of  the  Catholic  Faith  and  some 
of  its  students,  as  Cochlaeus  and  Eck,  were  afterwards 
foremost  champions  of  the  Church.  Failing  on  the 
other  hand  to  introduce  the  reforms  needed  in  its  own 
work  and  organization,  the  university  declined  rapidly 
during  the  sixteenth  century.  The  vicissitudes  of 
war,  lack  of  means,  and  withdrawal  of  its  students 
reduced  it  to  a  nominal  existence  in  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries.  In  178(3  the  founding  of 
the  University  of  Bonn  (q.  v.)  decided  the  fate  of 
Cologne,  which  was  unable  to  withstand  its  more 
vigorous  rival.  The  French  troops  entered  Cologne 
in  October,  1794;  in  April,  1796,  the  university  was 
closed. 

Rashdall,  Universities  of  /  /-  "  '^  -  1/  '■''■  \ges  (Ox- 
ford. 1895).  II.  251;  Bianco./'  '  /.  "(Cologne. 
1855);  KKVSSETi.  Die  Matrik;  I  <:  /  .  A  ,  v'  bis  I'.Kl 
(Bonn,  1S92>;  Demfle,  Du  L  lua  ,^,!..:,  n  ,1. ..  Millelallers 
(Berlin,  1885). 

E.  A.  Pace. 

Colomba  of  Rieti,  Bles.sed,  b.  at  Ricti,  in  Um- 
bria,  Italy,  1467;  d.  at  Perugia,  l.'iOl.  Blessed  Co- 
lomba of  Rieti  is  always  called  after  her  birthplace, 
though  she  actually  spent  the  greater  part  of  her  life 
away  from  it.  Her  celebrity  is  based — as  it  w-as  even 
inher  lifetime — mainly  on  two  things:  the  highly  mi- 
raculous nature  of  her  career  from  its  verj'  beginning, 
and  her  intense  devotion  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament. 
She  was  one  amongst  a  number  of  saintly  Dominican 
women  who  seem  to  have  l)een  e.xpressly  raised  up 
by  God  in  protest  against,  and  as  a  .sharp  contrast  to, 
the  irreligion  and  immorality  prevalent  in  Italy 
during  the  fifteenth  .and  sixteenth  centuries.  The.se 
women,  nearly  all  of  the  Third  Order,  had  an  intense  de- 
votion to  St.  Catherine  of  Siena,  and  made  it  their 
aim  to  imitate  her  as  nearly  as  possible.  Many 
seculars,  men  as  well  as  women,  shared  this  devo- 
tion, amongst  these  being  Ercole  I,  Duke  of  Ferrara, 
who  had  a  deep  admiration  for  Colomba  and  for 
some  other  holy  Dominican  religious,  her  contempor- 
aries, the  most  notable  of  whom  were  Blessed 
Osanna  of  Mantua  and  Blessed  Lucy  of  Narni.  For 
the  latter  Krcole's  veneration  was  so  great  that  he 
never  rested  until  he  had  got  her  to  come  with  some 
of  her  nuns  to  live  in  Ferrara,  where  he  built  her  a 
convent  and  where  she   died   after  many  troubles. 


She  began  when  quite  a  girl  to  practise  austere  pen- 
ances and  to  subsist  almost  entirely  on  the  super- 
natural food  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  and  continued 
this  for  the  greater  part  of  her  life.  At  nineteen 
she  joined  the  Dominican  Tcrtiaries,  of  whom  there 
were  many  in  the  town,  though  still  living  at  home; 
and  she  soon  won  the  veneration  of  her  fellow  towns- 
people by  her  personal  holiness  as  well  as  by  some 
miracles  that  she  worked.  But  Colomba  was  not  des- 
tined to  remain  in  Rieti.  In  1488  she  left  home  and 
went  to  Perugia,  where  the  inhabitants  received  her 
as  a  saint,  and  in  the  course  of  time  built  her  the 
convent  of  St.  Cathe- 
rine, in  which  she 
assembled  all  the 
Third  Order  Domini- 
canesses, who  desired 
her  as  superior  in 
spite  of  her  youth. 
In  1494,  when  a  ter- 
rible plague  was  rag- 
ing in  Perugia,  she 
offered  herself  as  vic- 
tim for  the  city.  The 
plague  was  staj'ed. 
but  Colomba  henself 
was  struck  down  by 
the  scourge.  She 
recovered  only  to 
have  her  sanctity  se- 
verely tried  by  wide- 
ly spread  calumnies, 
which  reached  Rome, 
whence  a  commis- 
sion was  sent  to  ex- 
amine into  her  life. 
She  was  treated  for 
some  time  as  an  im- 
postor, and  deposed 
from  her  office  of 
prioress;  but  finally 
her  innocence  trium- 
phed. In  1495  Alex- 
ander VI,  having 
heard  of  Colomba's 
holiness  and  mir- 
acles from  his  son 
the  Cardinal  Caesar 
Borgia,  who  had 
been  living  in  Per- 
ugia, went  himself  to  the  city  and  saw  her.  She 
is  said  to  have  gone  into  an  ecstasy  at  his  feet, 
and  also  to  have  boldly  told  him  of  all  personal 
sins.  The  pope  was  fully  satisfied  of  her  great 
sanctity,  and  set  the  seal  of  his  approval  on  her 
mode  of  life.  In  the  year  1499  she  was  consulted,  by 
authorities  who  were  examining  into  the  matter,  con- 
cerning the  stigmata  of  Blessed  Lucy  of  Narni,  and 
spoke  warmly  in  favour  of  their  being  genuine,  and 
of  her  admiration  for  Blessed  Lucy's  holiness.  Her 
relics  are  still  venerated  at  Perugia,  and  her  feast  is 
kept  by  her  order  on  20  May. 

Alberti.  Vita  della  b.  Colomba  da  Rieti  sepolla  a  Penigia 
(Bologna.  152U;  Papebroch,  Comment.  priFv.  in  Acta  SS., 
May,  V,  319-20;  Rotelli.  Vila  delta  b.  Colomba  da  Rieti 
(M<jnza.  1875);  Sf.bastiano  degli  Angeli,  ed.  Viretti,  Vita 
della  b.  Colomba  da  Ricti  (Perugia,  1777),  tr.;  Gard.n'er,  Poe(« 
and  Dukes  in  Ferrara  (London,  1904). 

F.  M.  Cape8. 

Colombia,  REPUBLir  of  (formerly  United  States 
OF  Colomdia),  forms  the  north-west  corner  of  the 
South  American  C'ontinent.  It  is  bounded  on  the 
north  by  the  Caribbean  Sea,  on  the  east  by  Venezuela, 
on  the  south  by  Brazil  and  Peru,  on  the  south-west  by 
Ecuador.  The  Pacific  Ocean  bounds  it  on  the  west 
and  on  the  north-west  the  Republic  of  Panama  and  tlie 
Gulf  of  Darien.     Its  area  is  variously  calculated  at 


COLOMBIA 


122 


COLOMBIA 


from  450  000  to  about  500,000  square  miles,  but  exact 
data  are  not  obtainable.  Colombia  has  at  least  eleven 
active  or  dormant  volcanoes,  the  tallest  of  which, 
Huila,  rises  to  about  19.000  feet  and  seems  to  be  the 
highest  point  in  the  country.  Almost  on  the  Carib- 
bean shores  are  the  mud- volcanoes  of  Turbaco.  1  he 
republic  is  highly  favoured  by  nature  in  most  parts 
of  its  territory,  and  capable  of  producing  nearly  every 
staple.  It  is' very  rich  in  useful  tropical  plants.  The 
animal  kingdom,  too,  is  far  better  represented  than 
farther  south  along  the  Pacific  coast.  The  climate 
shows  aU.  possible  varieties,  from  the  moist  heat  of 
the  lowlands  to  the  bitter  cold  of  the  mountain  wastes. 
Since  1870  no  census  of  the  population  has  been  at- 
tempted. To-day  the  number  of  inhabitants  is  vari- 
ously estimated,  four  millions beinga  likely  conjecture. 
One  estimate  (made  in  1904)  gives  3,917,000  souls; 
another,  two  years  later,  4,080,000,  of  which  4,08.3.000 
for  the  sixteen  departments,  120,000  for  the  federal 
district,  and  427,000  for  the  intendancies.  Four- 
fifths  at  least  of  this  population  resides  in  the  moun- 
tainous western  half,  the  eastern  lowlands  being  mostly 
helil  by  wild  Indian  bands.  The  number  of  aborigines 
is  given  at  about  1.50,000,  without  reliable  basis,  how- 
ever, for  this  estimate.  The  most  populous  city  is  the 
capital,  Bogota,  situated  at  an  altitude  of  9000  feet 
above  the  .sea,  with  85,000  inhabitants;  Medellin,  in 
the  department  of  Antioquia  (4000  feet  above  the  sea) 
comes  next,  with  50,000  souls,  then  Barranquilla, 
Colombia's  most  active  seaport,  with  32,000  (later  ac- 
counts say  55,000).  Negroes  and  mulattoes  are  num- 
erous, and  mestizos  form  a  large  proportion  of  the  jjeo- 
ple.  In  the  mountains  the  pure  Indian  has  been  re- 
duced by  amalgamation  to  a  small  proportion  of  the 
inhabitants  and  most  of  the  aboriginal  stocks  have 
completely  disappeared  as  such.  Near  the  Gulf  of 
Maracaibo  the  Goajiros  still  maintain  autonomy,  but 
the  Tayronas,  Panches,  Musos,  are  practically  extinct. 
Around  Bogotd  there  are  descendants  of  the  Chibchas 
(q.  v.),  a  sedentary  tribe  once  of  considerable  numeri- 
cal importance,  for  aborigines. 

Hi.sTORY. — The  earliest  information  concerning  the 
territory  which  was  to  become  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  Republic  of  Colombia  goes  back  to  the  year 
1500  and  comes  down  to  us  from  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas 
and  Alonzo  de  Ojeda.  But  even  a  few  months  before 
the.se  explorers,  Christoval  Guerra  and  Pero  Alonzo 
Nino  had  coasted  Venezuela  and,  possibly,  the  north- 
ern shores  of  Colombia,  gathering  pearls  and  gold. 
Bastidas  saw  the  snowy  range  of  Santa  Marta  in  1.500, 
and  Ojeda  settled  on  the  coast  near  by.  The  Spanish 
colonies  on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  (since  1903,  the  Re- 
public of  Panama,  but  previously  a  province  of  Colom- 
bia) and  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea  by  Balboa 
(q.  V.)  directed  the  course  of  exploration  of  Colombia 
to  its  north-western  and  Pacific  sections.  The  banks 
of  large  rivers,  Atrato,  (^lauca,  and  Magdalena,  were  also 
explored  and  conquered  at  an  early  period.  The  val- 
leys, especially  that  of  the  Cauca,  were  inhabited  by 
comparatively  numerous  agricultural  tribes,  who  also 
gathered  gold  by  washing  and  worked  it  into  figures, 
ornaments,  and  sometimes  vessels.  Much  of  the  pre- 
cious metal  was  found  in  graves.  The  Indians  of  Antio- 
quia, Ancerma,  Call,  and  Lile,  though  living  in  vil- 
lages, were  cannibals,  and  wars  of  extermination  had 
to  be  waged  against  them.  The  languages  of  these  peo- 
ples have  wellnigh  disappeared,  as  well  as  the  tribes 
themselves,  and  their  classification  in  four  principal 
groups,  Catios,  Nutabes,  Tahamies.  and  Yamacies  (of 
which  the  first  two  held  both  banks  of  the  Cauca),  re- 
quires confirmation.  In  western  Colombia  the  Span- 
iards penetrated  to  the  northern  confines  of  Ecuador 
(Pasto,  Popayan)  comparatively  early,  and  there  met 
other  explorers  from  their  own  people  coming  up  from 
Quito.     This  led  to  strife  and  even  to  bloodshed. 

The  valley  of  the  Magdalena  formed  the  natural 
route  into  the  interior.    The  Indian  tribes  around. 


and  to  the  south  of,  the  Santa  Marta  Mountains 
(Chimilas,  Panches,  Tayronas,  Musos)  were  of  a  sed- 
entary and  warlike  character,  and  offered  a  protracted 
resistance.  It  seems  that  they  belonged  to  the  lin- 
guistic stock  of  the  Chibcha  (or  Muysca).  and  con.sid- 
erable  gold  was  found  among  them,  chiefly  in  burial 
places.  Up  to  1536,  Tamalameque  (about  9°N.  lat.) 
had  been  the  most  southern  point  reached  from  Santa 
Marta.  In  the  beginning  of  that  year,  however,  an 
important  expedition  was  set  on  foot  under  the  com- 
mand of  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Lugo,  with  the  object  of 
penetrating  into  the  unknown  mountains  to  the  south. 
Lugo  soon  died,  but  his  lieutenant  Gonzalo  Xim^nez 
de  Quesada  persevered,  and  reached  the  plateau,  where 
he  found  the  numerous  tribes  of  the  Chibcha  estab- 
lished in  formal  settlements,  and  rich  in  gold  and 
in  emeralds  obtained  from  the  country  of  the  Musos 
where  they  are  still  obtained.  By  August,  1538,  Cun- 
dinamarca  (by  which  name  theChibcha  range  is  mostly 
known)  was  occupied  by  Quesada  after  considerable 
warfare  with  the  natives,  and  the  city  of  Santa  F^  tie 
Bogota  was  founded  as  capital  of  the  "  Kingdom  of 
New  Granada",  which  continued  the  official  designa- 
tion of  Colombia  until  its  independence  was  achieved. 
Upon  the  conquest  of  the  Chibcha  country  followed 
expeditions  to  the  east  and  south-east,  in  quest  of  the 
"Gilded  Man"  (el  Dorado)  with  little  more  than  geo- 
graphical results.  These  expeditions  led  towards  the 
region  now  forming  the  Republic  of  Venezuela. 

The  establishment  of  a  German  administration  in 
Venezuela,  by  the  Welser  family,  in  1529,  also  led  the 
Spaniards  and  Germans  into  Colombia  from  the  East. 
Ambrosius  Dalfinger  (1529-32)  reached  Tamalameque 
and,  in  1538,  when  Quesada  was  beginning  to  organize 
his  recent  conquest  at  Bogotd,  he  was  surprised  by  the 
arrival  of  a  force  from  Venezuela  commanded  by  the 
German  leader  Nicolas  Federmann.  Shortly  after 
this  another  body  of  Spaniards  reached  the  plateau  of 
Cundinamarca  from  the  Cauca  Valley.  This  was  the 
expedition  headed  by  Sebastian  Belalcazar  of  Quito. 
Each  of  the  three  commanders  having  acted  independ- 
ently, each  claimed  the  territory  as  his  conquest,  but 
Quesada  succeeded  in  buying  his  rivals  off,  and  re- 
mained master  of  the  field,  thus  avoiding  bloodshed. 

New  Granada,  under  its  own  audiencia  established 
in  1563,  formed  part  of  the  Spanish  Viceroyalty  of  Peru 
until  1718,  was  then  severed  from  Peru  for  four  years, 
then  again  placed  under  an  audiencia,  and  finally,  in 
1751,  con.stitiited  a  separate  viceroyalty.  During  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  ports  of  the  Colombian  coast 
were  exposed  to  the  formidable  attacks  of  pirates.  In 
1671  the  notorious  Morgan  took  Panama  and  sacked  it. 
and  the  most  horrilile  cruelties  were  committed  upon 
its  inhabitants.  Two  years  later  it  was  the  turn  of 
Santa  Marta.  In  1079  the  French  Baron  de  Pointe 
took  and  pillaged  Cartagena  (founded  1510).  Relig- 
ious strife,  too,  between  the  secular  and  some  of  the 
regular  clergy,  and  between  the  bishops  and  the  civil 
authorities,  troubled  Cartagena,  Popayan,  and  other 
dioceses.  Extreme  measures  of  taxation,  exorbitant 
duties,  provoked  a  popular  uprising  in  1781.  The 
country  remained  in  a  state  of  ferment,  which  was  ag- 
gravated by  the  downfall  of  Spain  before  the  power  of 
Napoleon.  Miranda  made  in  1806  an  attempt  at  in- 
surrection, directed  in  the  first  instance  against  Ven- 
ezuela, but  threatening  New  Granada  as  well,  had  it 
succeeded.  On  20  July,  1810,  a  revolutionary  junta 
met  at  Bogota,  and  in  the  following  year  "  The  United 
Provinces  of  New  Granada"  were  proclaimed.  These 
embraced  also  Venezuela  and  Ecuador,  and  soon  two 
parties  appeared  among  the  revolutionists,  so  that, 
previous  to  1816,  three  civil  wars  had  taken  place. 
Bolivar,  who  appeared  upon  the  scene  in  1810,  was  im- 
able  to  establish  harmony.  Spain  could  do  almost 
nothing  to  recover  its  colonies  until  1S15,  when  a  re- 
spectable force  under  General  Morillo  landed  in  Ven- 
ezuela.    This  united  the  factions  again,  and  for  five 


ECCLESIASTICAL  MAP  OF 

COLOMBIA,  ECUADOR  AND 
PANAMA 


2  Seal  of  Arclibishopric 
X     "    «  Bishopric 
7     .•     ••  Vicariate  Aposlolic 
j      ».    41  Prefecture  Apostolic 
@  Capitals  of  Countries 
9  Capitals  of  Dcpactcnoots  or  Provii 
— —  Cables 
Indian  lrit>es  in  ITALICS 


1  Arrl,l>:^'  .::■;.    -r 

2  Dioc-es(_'  ot  ".nrz.i 
S  Diocese  of  I'asto 

Chder  the  .TlF 

EXTHAOR.    E<  <  t,.    A^■FllKS 

^  A.  'Vic.  Apost,  of  Casanare jTamare. 

B.  Vic.  Apost.  of  (ioajira i 


COLOMBIA    (Continued) 

C.  Pref.  Apost-  <.'aqin;tft Mucua. 

D.  Pi-ef.  ApoBt.  Llanos  de  S.  Mar- 

E.  Pref.  Apost  intendenza  6ri-| 
entale i 

N*.  B. — Of  the  above.  A  and  C  are  situated  in 
the  Territories  of  the  same  name,  and  F.  in  the 
disputed  Territory  bordering  on  Ecuador. 

ECUADOR 

ECfL.   PKOV.  OV   (^11X0 

1  Archbishopric  of  (^uitu Quito. 

2  Diocese  or  Cuenca Cuenca. 

3  Diocese  of  Ibarra Ibarra. 

4  Diocese  of  Loja { Loja. 

5  Diocese  of  (Guayaquil |OuayaquiL 

6  Dioceee  of  Porto%iejo Portoviejo. 

T  Diocese  of  Kiobatnha Kiobamba. 

ViCABIATES  APOSTOUC  UNDER  THB  JlTRISDICTIOS 

Cong,  of  EIxtraok.  Ecci>.  Af 

A.  Canelos  and  Macaa 1  .     ,      ,  ...       . 

B.  Mendez  and  Oualaqulza I  ^f*^  *?'    *>««"- 

C.  Napo ("  t-.wn« 

D.  Zamora J  ° 

The  above  four  are  situated  in  the  "  Provincia 

del  Oriente."  I 


COLOMBIA 


123 


COLOMBIA 


years  a  war  of  extermination  was  carrier!  on  in  the 
three  states.  During  that  period  the  Republic  of 
Colombia  was  proclaimed,  in  1819.  The  revolutionists 
suffered  many  reverses,  for  Morillowas  an  able  military- 
leader.  Of  the  actions  fought  in  this  bloody  war,  that 
at  Sogamoso  (12  June,  1819)  decided  the  fate  of  the 
remnants  of  the  Spanish  army,  and  the  engagement  at 
Carabobo,  near  Valencia  in  Venezuela  (24  June,  1821), 
was  the  last  of  any  consequence.  The  Republics  of 
Colombia.  Ecuador,  and  Venezuela  became  united 
under  the  name  of  Colombia.  In  1829,  however,  Ecua- 
dor and  Venezuela  seceded,  and  Colombia  was  left 
alone. 

In  1831  Colombia  became  "The  Republic  of  New 
Granada".  Thirty  years  later  it  called  itself  "  United 
States  of  Colombia".  In  ISSfi,  the  "sovereign  states" 
were  reduced  to  departments  of  a  "centralized  repub- 
lic" styled  "  The  Republic  of  Colombia",  under  which 
name  it  is  known  to-day.  No  country  of  Spanish 
America  has  been,  since  its  independence,  so  often  and 
so  violently  disturbed,  internally,  as  Colombia.  With 
a  single  exception  (Parra,  1876-80),  every  presidential 
term  has  been  marked  by  one  or  more  bloody  revolu- 
tions. Panama  seceded  for  a  while,  in  1856.  The 
events  of  1903  made  the  separation  between  Colombia 
and  Panama  definitive.  Since  1904,  conditions  seem  to 
have  at  last  become  more  settled.  Reorganization, 
after  so  many  periods  of  disorder  and  anarchy,  seems 
to  be  the  aim  of  the  present  Government  of  Colombia. 

Hardly  was  the  territory  now  known  a.s  the  Repub- 
lic of  Colombia  discovered,  when  the  Church,  working 
in  accord  with  the  King  of  Spain,  hastened  to  the 
natives.  In  spite  of  the  honest  intentions  of  the  Span- 
ish kings,  their  agents  were  in  many  cases  obstacles  to 
the  religious  progress  of  the  country.  What  progress 
was  attained  was  due  to  the  efforts  of  the  Dominican, 
Franciscan,  Jesuit,  and  other  missionaries.  This  great 
work  was  often  opposed  by  the  colonists  and  govern- 
ment officials  who  looked  solely  to  their  own  worldly 
lirosperity.  The  religious  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  with 
whose  historj'  the  name  of  the  Colombian  city  of  Carta- 
gena is  so  gloriously  associated  (see  Peter  Claver, 
S.\int),  were  also  the  first  during  the  Colonial  period 
to  found  colleges  for  secondary  instruction;  eight  or 
ten  colleges  were  opened  in  which  the  youth  of  the 
country,  and  the  sons  of  the  Spaniards,  were  educated. 
In  the  Jesuit  College  of  Bogota  the  first  instruction  in 
mathematics  and  physics  was  given.  In  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Jesuits  by  Charles  III  the  Church  in  New 
Granada  lost  her  principal  and  most  efficacious  aid  to 
the  ci^^lization  of  the  country,  which  was  practically 
paralysed  for  many  years.  To  this  day  the  traveller 
may  see  the  effects  of  this  arbitrary  act  in  the  immense 
plains  of  the  regions  of  Casanare,  converted  in  the 
space  of  one  century  into  pasture  lands  for  cattle,  but 
which  were  once  a  source  of  great  wealth,  and  which 
would  have  been  even  more  so. 

It  is  only  within  the  last  ten  years  that  the  Catholic 
Church,  owing  to  the  peace  and  liberty  which  she  now 
enjoys,  ha.s  turned  her  eyes  once  more  to  Casanare; 
a  vicariate  Apostolic  ha.s  been  erected  there,  governed 
by  a  bishop  of  the  Order  of  St.  Augustine,  who  with 
the  members  of  his  order  labours  among  the  savages 
and  semi-savages  of  these  plains. 

Present  Conditions. — The  legi-slative  power  of  the 
nation  is  vested  in  a  Congress  consisting  of  the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Representatives.  Senators  are 
elected  for  six  years.  Each  senator  has  two  substi- 
tutes elected  with  him.  Every  department  is  entitled 
to  three  senators,  and  the  whole  body  is  renewed,  upon 
the  completion  of  the  term  of  service  of  one-third  of  its 
members,  every  two  years.  One  representative  and  two 
substitutes  correspond  to  a  population  of  50,000,  and 
their  term  of  office  is  four  years.  Congress,  besides 
legi.slation,  ha.s  power  to  interfere  with  the  action  of  the 
executive  in  matters  of  contracts  and  treaties.  The 
executive  is  headed  by  the  president,  who  has  a  vice- 


president  and  a  substitute  (or  dcsignado);  the  last 
takes  office  in  case  both  president  and  vice-president 
become  incapacitated.  While  the  presidential  term 
has  varied  from  six  to  four  years,  the  actual  incumbent 
(1908),  Rafael  Reyes,  is  in  possession  of  the  office  for 
ten  years.  There  is  a  cabinet  of  ministers  and  a  con- 
.sultative  body  called  the  "Council  of  State",  com- 
posed of  six  members  with  the  vice-president  at  its 
head.  The  president  appoints  the  members  of  the 
Supreme  Court  for  life,  or  during  good  behaviour. 
The  judicial  districts  have  their  superior  as  well  as 
inferior  courts.  Courts  of  Commerce  may  be  insti- 
tuted when  necessary,  and  trial  by  jury  obtains  in 
criminal  cases.  The  Constitution  of  1SS6,  amended 
in  1904  and  1905,  explicitly  provides  (Art.  38)  that 
"the  Catholic  Apostolic  Roman  Religion  is  that  of  the 
Nation;  the  public  authorities  will  protect  it  and 
cause  it  to  be  respected  as  an  essential  element  of 
social  order.  It  being  imderstood  that  the  Catholic 
Church  is  not  and  shall  not  be  official,  and  shall  pre- 
serve its  independence".  The  next  following  article 
guarantees  to  all  persons  freedom  from  molestation 
"on  account  of  religious  opinions",  and  Art.  40  lays 
it  down  that  "the  exercise  of  all  cults  not  contrary  to 
Christian  morality  or  the  laws  is  permitted".  A  con- 
cordat, entered  into  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 
Republic  of  Colombia  in  1887,  now  regulates  in  detail 
the  relations  between  Church  and  State.  These  rela- 
tions are  at  present  (1908)  thoroughly  cordial,  while 
dissenters  are  in  no  way  interfered  with  on  account  of 
their  religious  peculiarities.  The  ecclesiastical  organi- 
zation of  Colombia  consists  of  four  pro^^nces:  Bogota, 
with  four  suffragans,  Ibaguf^,  Nueva  Pamplona, 
Socorro,  and  Tunja;  Cartagena,  with  two  suffragans, 
Santa  Marta  anil  Panama;  .Medellin.  with  two  suffra- 
gans, Antioquia  an<l  .Manziales;  and  Popayan,  with 
two  suffragans,  Garzon  and  Pasto.  There  are  al.so 
two  vicariates  Apostolic:  Casanare  and  Goajira;  and 
three  prefectures  Apostolic."  Caqueta,  Piani  di  S. 
Martino,  and  Intcndenza  Orientate.  (See  Bogota, 
Cartagen.\,  etc.) 

Article  41  of  the  Constitution  provides  that  "public 
education  .shall  be  organized  and  directed  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Catholic  Religion.  Primary  instruction 
at  the  expense  of  the  public  funds  shall  be  gratuitous 
and  not  obligatorj'.  "  There  are  no  educational  statis- 
tics attainable  of  any  recent  date.  In  1897  it  was 
stated  there  were  2026  colleges  and  primary  schools 
with  143,076  pujiils.  Of  private  educational  estab- 
lishments no  data  exist.  Only  the  faculties  of  medi- 
cine and  natural  sciences  are  in  operation  at  the  na- 
tional capital.  .\  School  of  Arts  and  Trades  is  con- 
ducted by  the  .Salesians,  and  there  are  normal  schools 
in  five  departments.  Secondary  institutions  are  al- 
most exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
and  religious  corporations.  The  minister  of  public 
instruction  is  the  official  head  of  the  department  of 
education. 

The  material  development  of  Colombia  has  neces- 
sarily been  much  retarded  by  the  political  disturb- 
ances which  have  occurred  since  the  first  (|uarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century  and  have  made  its  liistory  a  contin- 
uous succession  of  civil  wars.  In  1898  Colombia  had 
8600  miles  of  telegraph,  but  the  service  is  very  defective. 
Railroad  lines  are  in  operation  with  an  aggregate 
length  of  411  miles,  the  longest  being  only  65  miles. 
The  metric  system  has  been  in  use  for  weights  and 
measures  since  1857.  Metallic  currency  has  nearly 
disappeared,  inconvertible  paper  forming  the  circu- 
lating medium.  Th(^  re-establishment  of  gold  coinage 
has  lately  been  proposed.  The  paper  currency,  in 
1906,  had  lost  99  per  cent  of  its  nominal  value,  10,000 
Colombian  pesos  ( paper  currency)  being  equal  to  100 
dollars.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that  with  internal 
peace  these  unfortunate  conditions  will  rapidly  change 
for  the  better,  since  ("olotnbia  h.is  unlimited  natural 
resources.     The  history  of  the  foreign  debt  of  this 


COLOMBO 


124 


COLOMBO 


republic  is  a  series  of  borrowings  and  attempted  settle- 
ments of  accumulated  capital  and  interest,  rendered 
impossible  by  political  disturbances.  The  budget  for 
1905-1906  amounted  to  £4,203,823.  There  are  no 
official  or  general  statistics  of  either  exports  or  im- 
ports. Partial  data,  however,  may  give  some  general 
idea  of  the  principal  articles  of  Colombian  produce. 
The  Colombian  gold  mines  up  to  1845  yielded  £71,- 
200,000.  Another  source  states  it  at  £115,000,000 
up  to  1886.  The  same  authority  (Restrepo)  estimates 
the  silver-production  during  the  same  period  at  £6,- 
600,000.  The  average  output  of  rock-salt  from  1883  to 
1897  has  been  1 1 ,000  tons  per  year.  The  exploitation 
of  the  emerald  mines  in  the  Province  of  Musos  yielded 
the  Government,  in  1904,  £10,000,  but  the  production 
was  not  always  so  high  in  former  times.  Among 
vegetable  products  coffee  takes  the  first  rank  for  ex- 
]iort,  but  the  annual  figures  have  varied  according  to 
the  political  state  of  the  country.  Thus,  in  1S99,  be- 
fore the  revolution,  254,410  bags  of  coffee  were  ex- 
ported from  Barranquilla.  In  the  year  following  only 
86,917.  Peace  being  restored,  574,270  bags  could  be 
shipped  from  the  same  port  in  1904.  In  the  same  year 
24,000  tons  of  bananas  left  Barranquilla  for  the  United 
States,  and  tobacco  and  india-rubber  may  soon  figure 
largely  in  Colombian  export  lists. 

For  the  periods  embracing  the  struggle  for  independence  see 
the  bibhogranhy  to  the  articles:  Bolivia,  Ecuador,  and  Vene- 
zuela, to  wnich  we  add:  Bexedetti,  Historia  de  Colombia 
(Lima,  1SS7);  also  a  concise  but  quite  fair  sketch  in  the  vol. 
Bresil  of  the  Univcrs  pittoresque  (1S38),  by  F.amin,  Colombie  et 
Guyanes:  Petre,  The  Republic  of  Colombia  (London,  1906); 
Scruggs,  The  Colombian  and  Venezuelan  Republics  (Boston, 
1902). — On  the  protracted  negotiations  as  to  the  Colombia-Costa 
Rica  boundaries  see  Fernandez,  Coleccion  de  Doaimentos  para 
la  historia  de  Costa  Rica  (San  Jos^,  lSSl-1886).  The  North 
American  Review  (New  York)  for  1902  contains  a  paper  by 
.Morales,  The  Political  and  Economical  Situation  of  Colombia. — 
On  the  volcanoes  of  Colombia,  Stubel,  Die  Vulkanberge  von 
Colombia  (Dresden.  1906). — On  the  Panama  question,  Johnson, 
Four  Centuries  of  the  Panama  Canal  (New  York.  1906).  Of  the 
numerous  books  of  travels  in  Colombia  in  the  first  half  of  the 
past  century  may  be  mentioned  Humboldt,  Relation  histori- 
que  du  voyage  aux  regions  cquinoxiales  du  nouveau  continent 
(Paris.  181(5-22);  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  et  monuments  des  petiples 
indigines  de  V Amcrique  (Paris,  1816);  Mollien.  Voj/ngp  dans  la 
rcpublique  de  Colombia  (Paris,  1824).  For  the  polifitvil  history 
of  the  past  century,  Constitucifjn  del  es/(p/-'  "'  '  -  '  ■  ■  .;  de  In- 
dias  snncionada  en  Ih  de  Junie  del  ano  de  /■  ,,,),./,  s^t  Jji- 
dtpendencia  (Cartagena,  1S12);  Constitu, ,  •  /.  :■•  .',>.l,Uca  de 
Colombia  (Bogotd,  1888).  In  Spanish  hliiauiie  iiuui  the  six- 
teenth century  early  exploration  and  colonization  of  Colombia 
is  extensively  treated,  notably  in  Enciso,  Suma  de  geografia 
(1519,  1530.  and  1549):  Gomara,  Historia  general  de  las  Indias 
(Antwerp,  1554)  ;  Herrera,  Historia  general  &ca.  (Madrid, 
1601-15  and  1726-30;  Antwerp,  1728).  Colombian  writers 
from  the  sixteenth  century:  de  Ques.ad.v,  Tres  ratos  de  Suezca 
(1568);  Castellanos,  Elegias  de  varonrs  itustres  dc  Indias; 
Piedrahita,  Historia  general  de  las  conqui^ta^  drl  Shirro  Reijno 
de  Granada  (Antwerp,  1688);  deZamora,  //  ./-w/rT  r/.  /,;  proin'n- 
cia  de  San  Antonio  del  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Gniii'i'hi  ./,  /  <h,/,  ,i  ,lr  Pre- 
dicadores  (Barcelona,  1701);  Cassani,  Hi.-'t"i  I'l  ./.  la  jirnrincia 
de  la  compatiia  de  Jesus  del  Nuevo  Reyno  Jt  iirunadu  uMadrid, 
1741);  Julian,  La  Perla  de  la  America  (Madrid,  1787) — import- 
ant especially  on  the  Goajiros  Indians.  From  the  nineteenth 
century;  Docum.  incditos  de  Indias  and  Documentos  para  la  his- 
toria de  Esparia.  Of  the  highest  value  for  the  extin'-f  In^iinn 
tribes  of  the  Rio  Cauca  and  its  valleys  as  well  a^  t  m  i!i.>  ^^ .  i 
coast  of  Colombia  in  general,  Cieza  de  Leon,  C.  '  .  ■  /' 
(Part  I,  Antwerp,  1554);  Andagova,  Relaciiin  d,  i..  ,,,  ...  ,., 
Pcdrarias  Diivila,  tr.  in  Hackluyl  Soc.  XXXIV. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Colombo,  AncHDiocE.SE  of,  situated  on  the  western 
seaboard  of  the  Island  of  Ceylon,  includes  two  of  the 
nine  jjrovinces  into  which  the  island  is  divided,  viz. 
the  Western  and  the  Northwestern.  The  history  of 
the  see  begins  in  1518,  when  Christianity  was  intro- 
duced by  the  Franciscans.  The  religion  spread  rap- 
idly, the  town  and  the  surrounding  districts  were  soon 
erected  into  a  diocese,  and  Don  Juan  de  Monteiro  was 
created  first  Bi.shop  of  Colombo.  This  prelate  re- 
ceived into  the  church  Don  Juan  Dharmajiala,  the 
grand.son  of  the  Cingalese  King  Buwenekabalui  VII. 
The  young  prince  succeeded  his  gr:iiiilf;ither  in  1542. 
Six  years  after  his  accession,  Colombo  contained  a 
Catholic  population  of  12,000,  with  two  parish 
churches,  Our  Lady's  and  St.  Laurence's,  four  monas- 


teries or  convents  under  the  Cordeliers,  Dominicans, 
Augustinians,  and  Capuchins,  and  a  college  conducted 
by  the  Jesuits. 

In  1.597  Don  Juan  Dhamiapala  died.  By  that  time 
the  Portuguese  had  established  their  authority 
throughout  the  whole  island  except  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Kandy  in  the  centre  of  the  island,  and  religion  was 
free  to  develop  in  Jaffna  and  in  the  other  parts  of  Cey- 
lon. But  peace  was  of  short  duration,  for  the  Dutch 
arrived  in  the  island  and,  after  a  struggle  of  more  than 
fifty  years,  succeeded  in  obtaining  possession  of  all  the 
territory  that  had  been  held  by  the  Portuguese;  Co- 
lombo fell  in  1656  and  Jaffna  in  1658.  Thenew  rulers 
made  no  secret  of  their  attitude  towards  the  Church, 
for  in  1642  they  concluded  with  the  King  of  Kandy  a 
treaty  by  which  "all  priests,  friars  and  clergymen" 
were  to  be  banished  from  Ceylon.  The  Refonned 
Church  of  Holland  was  declared  established,  and  a 
scries  of  severe  penal  enactments  against  Catholics 
followed.  Catholic  education  was  forbidden.  Catho- 
lic worship  abolished,  and  harbouring  a  priest  was  de- 
clared a  capital  offence.  In  1796  Colombo  was  taken 
by  the  English,  and  one  of  their  first  acts  was  to  repeal 
all  the  Dutch  laws  against  the  Catholics  (1806);  soon 
afterwards  the  rights  restored  to  the  Catholics  of  the 
United  Kingdom  by  the  Emancipation  Act  were  con- 
ceded to  their  coreligionists  in  Ceylon. 

During  the  Dutch  period  the  ecclesiastical  adminis- 
tration of  the  island  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the 
Bishop  of  Cochin  on  the  neighbouring  continent;  but 
in  1830  Gregory  XVI  constituted  Ceylon  a  vicariate 
Apostolic  and  the  first  vicar  Apostolic,  Don  Vincente 
de  Rozario,  was  consecrated  in  1836.  In  1845  Propa- 
ganda found  it  necessary  to  increase  the  number  of 
missionaries  in  the  island,  and  sent  the  Sylvestrine 
Benedictines  for  that  purpose.  In  1847  Jaffna  in  the 
north  of  the  island,  was  severed  from  the  Vicariate  of 
Colombo,  and  erected  into  a  separate  vicariate  with 
Bishop  H.  Bettachini  as  vic:ir  Apostolic.  At  his 
death  in  1857,  the  in'itln  in  \  i(:iriate  was  given  over 
to  the  Oblates  of  Mary  lniiii;i(iil;ite  who  had  arrived  in 
Ceylon  two  years  :iffi'r  tin-  Benedictines.  Bishop 
Semeria,  O.  M.  I.,  \v:is  :i]>|«iiiiied  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
Jaffna,  while  Bishop  Hi:i\i,  i ).  S.  B.,  succeeded  Bishop 
Caetano  Antonio  (1843-57;  as  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Co- 
lombo. 

A  further  partition  was  made  in  1883,  when  the 
southern  vicariate  was  divided  into  two,  Colombo  and 
Kandy.  The  Benedictines  retained  the  latter,  the 
former  being  given  to  the  Oblates,  in  whose  hands  it 
has  since  remained,  and  Bishop  C.  Bonjean,  O.  M.  I., 
was  transferred  from  Jaffna  to  Colombo.  Three  years 
later  (1886)  the  hierarchy  was  established  in  Ceylon, 
and  the  above-mentioned  Bishop  of  Colombo,  Dr. 
Bonjean,  was  made  metropolitan  with  two  suffragan 
sees,  Jaffna  and  Kandy.  In  1893  two  new  dioceses 
were  created  and  entrusted  to  the  Jesuits,  Galle  in  the 
South  being  severed  from  Colombo,  and  Trincomali  in 
the  East,  separated  from  Jaffna.  In  the  same  year 
Bishop  Melizan,  O.  M.  I.,  was  transferred  from  Jaffna 
to  Colombo  as  successor  to  Bishop  Bonjean  who  had 
died  in  1892;  Bishop  Melizan  was  succeeded  in  1905 
by  Bishop  Antoine  Coudcrt,  O.  M.  I.,  from  1898  coad- 
jutor, with  right  of  succession. 

According  to  the  last  census  returns  the  total  popu- 
lation of  the  archdiocese  is  1,274,000,  of  whom  206,000 
are  Catholics.  There  are  100  missionaries,  91  Ob- 
lates and  9  secular  priests,  and  295  churches  and 
chapels.  The  Cathedral  of  Santa  Lucia,  a  fine  build- 
ing in  the  Ren:ussance  style,  has  acconmiodations  for 
6000.  Att:iclied  to  the  cathedral  arc  an  English 
school  for  boys  :iiid  one  for  girls,  the  former  with  over 
a  tho\is:iii.l  piipil^,  bring  tauglit  by  tlie  brothers  of  the 
Christi:in  Sell.., lis.  wliilein  Hie  latter,  the  Sisters  of  the 
Good  .SliL'ijhcrd  give  instruction  to  500  girls.  All  the 
charitable  institutions  in  the  arclulioeese,  and  many 
educational  institutions  of  the  archdiocese  are  in  the 


COLOMBO 


125 


COLONNA 


hands  of  religious  congregations.  These  are  as  fol- 
lows: Brothers  of  Christian  Schools,  47  engaged  in 
teaching;  native  Brothers  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  20, 
teaching;  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  23.  over 
schools  and  orphanages ;  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Family, 
23,  schools,  orphanages,  and  hospitals;  Franciscan 
Sisters  (Missionaries  of  Mary),  49,  school,  orphanages, 
and  hospitals;  native  Sisters  of  St.  Francis  Xavier, 
117,  teaching;  native  Sisters  of  St.  Peter,  108,  teach- 
ing. Three  of  the  iirincipal  government  hospitals 
have  been  entrusted  to  the  sisters.  A  government 
reformatory  for  youthful  offenders  is  in  charge  of  the 
dilates,  the  number  of  boys  varying  from  1.50  to  200. 
.\liovit  the  same  number  of  old  people  are  provided 
with  a  liome  by  the  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor  in  Co- 
lombo. In  the  397  schools  of  the  archdiocese  35,520 
children  are  educated.  Of  these  schools  202  are  for 
boys,  w  ith  20,826  pupils,  and  195  for  girls  with  14,694 
pupils.  The  management  of  the  schools  is  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  missionaries ;  but  there  is  a  govern- 
ment examination  every  year,  on  the  results  of  which 
a  grant  is  paid  to  the  superintendent  of  schools.  The 
archdiocese  maintains  for  teachers  of  both  sexes  nor- 
mal schools  recognized  by  the  Government.  Higher 
education  in  English  is  provided  for  girls  at  the  vari- 
ous convents  in  Colombo,  and  for  boys  at  St.  Josejih's 
College  (800  students)  conducted  by  the  Oblate 
Fathers.  The  training  of  aspirants  for  the  priesthood 
is  carried  on  in  two  seminaries:  the  preparatory  sem- 
inary of  St.  Aloysius  with  24  students  and  St.  Ber- 
nard's theological  seminary  with  20  students.  There 
are  9  orphanages,  1  for  boys  and  8  for  girls,  which  pro- 
vide education  for  673  orphans  (104  boys  and  569 
girls).  Two  papers,  both  bi-weekly,  are  published  at 
the  Colombo  Catholic  Press,  the  "Ceylon  Catholic 
Messenger"  in  English,  and  the  "Nanartha  Pradi- 
paya"  in  Cingalese.  The  management  and  editorial 
control  of  both  papers  are  in  the  hands  of  the  mission- 
aries. A  Cingalese  monthly  of  a  religious  character  is 
issued  from  the  press  of  the  boys'  orphanage.  Co- 
lombo has  conferences  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  and  of 
the  Ladies  of  Charity.  The  Bonjcan  Memorial  Hall  is 
the  head-quarters  of  the  Ceylon  Catholic  I'nion,  estab- 
lished in  1902,  with  branches  in  all  the  principal  parts 
of  the  island.     A  Catholic  Club  was  opened  in  1900. 

BATPANblER,  Ann.  punt.  calh.  (190S);  Catholic  Director;/ 
(Madras,  190S);  Ceylon  Handbook  and  Directorii  (Colombo, 
190S);    Tennent,  A  History  of  Ceylon  (London,  1S60). 

Antoine  Coudert. 

Colombo,  Matted  Realdo,  Italian  anatomist  and 
discoverer  of  the  pulmonary  circulation,  b.  at  Cre- 
mona in  1516;  d.  at  Rome,  15.59.  He  studied  medi- 
cine at  Padua  with  Vesalius,  became  his  assistant,  and 
in  1544  his  successor  a.s  lecturer  on  surgery  and  anat^ 
omy.  In  1545  Cosimo  de'  Medici,  who  was  reorganiz- 
ing the  University  of  Pisa,  held  out  such  inducements 
to  Colombo  that  he  became  the  first  professor  of  anat- 
omy there.  Colombo  occupied  this  post  until  1548, 
when  he  received  a  call  to  the  chair  of  anatomy  in  the 
Papal  LTnivcrsity  at  Rome.  This  he  held  until  his 
death.  During  all  his  years  of  teaching  at  Padua, 
Pisa,  and  Rome,  he  continued  to  make  original  re- 
searches in  anatomy.  The  results  of  his  investiga- 
tion were  published  imder  the  title,  "De  Re  Anato- 
mica  Libri  XV"  (Venice,  1.5.59).  The  most  important 
feature  of  this  book  is  an  accurate  and  complete  ilc- 
.scription  of  the  pulmonary  circulation.  Colombo 
says:  "The  blood  is  carried  by  the  artery-like  vein 
to  the  lungs,  and  being  there  made  thin  is  brought 
back  thence  together  with  air  by  the  vein-like  artery 
to  the  left  ventricle  of  the  heart."  Colombo  knew 
that  this  was  an  original  observation,  for  he  ad<ls: 
"This  fact  no  one  h.as  hitherto  observed  or  recorded 
in  writing;  yet,  it  may  be  most  readily  observed  by 
any  one."  Harvey,  in  his  work,  "On  the  Motion  of 
the  Heart  and  Hlood  in  Animals",  quotes  Colombo 
more  than  once  and  gives  him  credit  for  many  origi- 


nal observations  in  anatomy.  Apparently  lest  there 
should  be  any  diminution  of  Harvey's  glory,  English 
writers  on  the  history  of  medicine  have,  as  a  rule, 
failed  to  give  Colombo  the  credit  which  he  deserves 
and  which  Harvey  so  readily  accorded  him.  Colombo 
made  as  many  as  fourteen  di.ssections  in  one  year  at 
Rome.  Several  hundred  people  sometimes  attended 
liis  anatomical  demonstrations,  and  cardinals,  arch- 
bishops, and  other  high  ecclesiastics  were  often  pres- 
ent. Colombo  is  famous  as  a  teacher  of  anatomy  and 
physiology,  and  first  used  living  animals  to  demon- 
strate various  functions,  especially  the  movements  of 
the  heart  and  lungs.  He  said  one  coidd  learn  more  in 
an  hour  in  this  way  than  in  three  months  from  Galen. 
His  book  was  dedicated  to  Pope  Paul  IV,  of  whom  he 
was  an  intimate  jiersonal  friend. 

The  best  authoritv  for  Colombo's  work  in  anatomy  is  his 
De  Re  Anatomicd  {\in\ce.\hm;  Paris,  1562V  The  most  com- 
plete life  is  that  by  Tolun  in  Pfiugers  Archie.  XXI-XXII. 
In  English  there  is  a  good  sketch  by  Fisher,  Annals  of  Anal- 
omy  and  Surgery  (Brooklyn,  1880). 

James  J.  Walsh. 

Colonia,  a  titular  see  of  Armenia.  Procopius  (De 
sedif..  Ill,  iv)  informs  us  that  Justinian  restored  a 
fortress  which  had  been  captured  by  Pompey,  then 
fortified  it  and  called  it  Colonia.  This  city  figures  in 
the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles  and  in  the  "Notitia; 
episcopatuum"  as  a  suffragan  of  Sebaste,  metropolis 
of  Armenia  Prima.  Lequien  (I,  429)  mentions  five 
bishops:  Euphronius,  later  transferred  to  Nicoiiolis, 
a  friend  and  correspondent  of  St.  Basil;  Eustathius 
in  458;  St.  John  the  Silent,  who  died  a  monk  at  St. 
Sabas,  near  Jerusalem,  in  557;  Proclus,  e.xiled  by 
the  Emperor  Justin  in  518  as  a  Severian;  Callinicus 
in  680  and  692.  Benay  published  in  "  Echos  d'Orient" 
(IV,  93)  a  curious  Byzantine  inscription  concerning 
a  drungarius  of  Colonia.  In  the  ninth  century  the 
city  was  the  capital  of  a  Byzantine  theme.  Its 
modern  name  is  Koilu  Hissar;  it  is  the  chief  town  of 
a  caza  in  the  vilayet  of  Sivas,  and  has  about  1800 
inhabitants,  among  them  600  Greeks,  200  Armenians, 
and  a  few  Protestant  and  Catholic  Armenians  (Cuinet, 
Turquie  d'Asie,  I,  792).  Another  Colonia,  later  Tax- 
ara,  situated  in  Cappadocia  Tertia,  was  a  suffragan  of 
Mocessus;  seven  bishops  are  mentioned  by  Lequien 
(I,  413).  S.  Petrides. 

Colonia,  Dominique  de.     See  Drama,  Jesuit. 

Colomia,  a  celebrated  family  which  played  an  im- 
portant role  in  Italy  during  medieval  and  Renais- 
sance times,  and  which  still  flourishes  in  several 
branches  in  Rome  and  Naples.  It  is  commonly  sup- 
posed to  have  been  originally  an  offshoot  of  the  Counts 
of  Tusculum,  deriving  the  family  name  from  the  castle 
of  Colonna  situated  on  a  spur  of  the  Alban  hills,  some 
five  miles  from  Tusculum.  The  name  makes  its  first 
appearance  in  authentic  history  in  the  person  of 
Petrus  de  Columna,  owner  of  Colonna.  Monte  Porzio, 
and  Zagarolo,  and  claimant  of  Palestrina,  whose  cas- 
tles were  seized  by  Paschal  II,  a.  d.  1101,  in  punish- 
ment of  his  lawless  depredations.  With  the  destruc- 
tion of  Tusculum  by  the  Romans  in  1 191,  the  name  of 
the  ancient  counts  disappears  forever,  whilst  the 
Colonna  come  prominently  to  the  front.  From  the 
first  their  policy  was  anti-papal  and  Cihibelline,  not  so 
much  from  love  of  the  emperors  as  from  the  desire  to 
maintain  towards  the  popes  an  attitude  of  quasi- 
independence.  They  exercised  plenary  jurisdiction 
over  their  va.ssals  in  matters  civil  and  criminal  and 
frequently  contracted  alliances  with  foreign  potentates 
without  consulting  the  wishes  or  interests  of  their 
sovereign.  They  were  in  perpetual  feud  with  their 
Guelph  neighbo\irs,  in  particular  with  the  rival  house 
of  the  Orsini.  They  so  frequently  inoirred  the  papal 
censure^s  on  account  of  their  rebellious  conduct,  that  it 
became  the  general  but  erroneous  opinion  of  the  Ro- 
man people  that  the  yearly  excommunication  of  the 


COLONNA 


126 


COLONNA 


folonna  was  one  of  the  main  purposes  of  the  Bull  "  In 
?oena  Domini".  Nevertheless,  members  of  the  fam- 
ily were  quite  often  appointed  by  friendly  pontiffs  to 
high  offices  of  Church  and  State.  Rarely  were  they 
without  at  least  one  representative  in  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege, and  at  one  of  the  most  critical  jimctures  in  the 
annals  of  the  Church,  the  election  to  the  papacy  of 
Cardinal  OdoColonna,  Martin  V,  put  an  end  to  the  dis- 
astrous Western  Schism.  Twice  in  the  course  of  its 
history  this  powerful  house  was  threatened  with  anni- 
hilation (see  Boniface  VIII;  Alex.4.nder  VI),  but  on 
both  occasions  the  restoration  of  its  members  was  as 
speedy  as  their  fall. 

The  long  line  of  Colonnese  cardinals  was  opened  in 
1192,  when  Giovanni  the  Elder  was  created  Cardinal- 
Priest  of  S.  Prisca  by  Celestine  III.  He  was  made 
Bishop  of  Sabina  by  Innocent  III,  and  was  employed 
on  important  legations  to  Germany,  Spain,  Sicily,  and 
France.  He  was  the  powerful  friend  of  St.  Francis, 
and  was  largely  instrumental  in  obtauiing  from  the 
pope  the  approval  of  the  Franciscan  Rule.  He  is  re- 
membered at  Amalfi  for  his  munificence  in  building 
and  endowing  a  spacious  hospital.  He  died  at  Rome, 
1209.  Three  years  later  Pope  Innocent  elevated  to 
the  cardinalate  a  nephew  of  the  cardinal,  known  as 
Giovanni  the  Yovmger,  Cardinal-Priest  of  S.  Prassetle. 
He  was  sent  to  the  Orient  as  legate  in  1217  and  re- 
turned to  Rome  in  1222  bringing  with  him  the  Pillar 
of  the  Scourging,  which  remains  to  the  present  day  in 
the  chajiel  he  built  for  it  in  his  titular  chiu-ch.  He 
also  built  and  endowed  two  hospitals  near  the  Lateran 
for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  of  pilgrims.  In  1240, 
after  a  futile  attempt  to  reconcile  Pope  Gregory  IX 
and  Frederick  II,  the  cardinal,  as  head  of  his  family, 
together  with  the  other  Ghibellines  of  Rome,  went 
over  to  the  emperor  and  openly  rebelled  against  the 
Holy  See.  He  died  in  1245.  Matthew  Paris  (ad.  an. 
1244)  describes  him  as  "a  vessel  filled  with  pride  and 
insolence;  who,  as  he  was  the  most  illustrious  and 
powerful  in  secular  possessions  of  all  the  cardinals, 
was  the  most  efficacious  author  and  fosterer  of  discord 
between  the  emperor  and  the  pope". 

As  a  punishment  of  their  Ghibellinism,  no  scion  of 
the  house  was  admitted  into  the  Sacred  College  until 
1278,  when  the  magnanimous  Orsini  pope,  Nicholas 
III,  the  son  of  that  Matteo  Rosso  who  had  razed  all 
the  Colonna  strongholds  in  Rome,  in  token  of  amnesty 
elevated  to  the  dignity  of  the  purple  Giacomo  Colonna 
with  the  title  of  Cardinal-Deacon  of  S.  Maria  in  Via 
Lata.  About  ten  years  later,  Honorius  IV  created 
Pietro,  nephew  of  Giacomo,  Cardinal-Deacon  of  the 
Title  of  S.  Eustaehio.  These  were  the  two  cardinals 
whose  bitter  quarrel  with  Boniface  VIII  ended  so  dis- 
astrously for  that  pontiff  and  for  the  prestige  of  the 
medieval  papacy.  Deposed  and  degraded  in  1297, 
they  were  reinstated  in  their  dignities  and  possessions 
by  Clement  V  in  1305.  Both  died  at  Avignon,  Gia- 
como in  1.318,  Pietro  in  1326.  These  unruly  cardi- 
nals continued  the  deeply  religious  traditions  of  their 
family,  foimding  and  endowing  the  hospital  of  S. 
Giacomo  for  incurables  and  the  Franciscan  convent  of 
S.  Silvestro  in  Capite,  in  which  they  deposed  the  re- 
mains of  the  saintly  sister  of  Giacomo,  the  nun  Beata 
Margarita.  Their  munificence  as  patrons  of  art  is  at- 
tested by  many  masterpieces  in  the  Roman  churches, 
notably  Turrita's  mosaics  in  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  pro- 
nounced by  Gregorovius  "the  finest  work  of  all  the 
mosaic  paintings  in  Rome".  The  learned  Cardinal 
Egidio  Colonna  well  deserves  a  special  article  (see 
Colonna,  Eoinio).  One  year  after  Pietro's  death, 
his  nephew  Giovanni,  a  son  of  the  noble  Senator  Stef- 
ano,  whose  immediate  family  remained  faithful  to 
the  Holy  See  during  the  troublous  times  of  Louis  the 
Bavariiui,  whilst  his  kinsman  Sciarra,  led  the  schis- 
matical  party,  was  raised  to  the  cardinalate  by  John 
XXII,  with  the  title  of  S.  .\ngelo.  He  was  universally 
esteemed,  especially  by  men  of  letters.     He  wrote  the 


"  Lives  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  from  St.  Peter  to  Boni- 
face VIII".  At  his  death,  1348,  his  intimate  friend, 
Petrarch,  wrote  the  beautiful  sonnet,  "Rotta  e  I'alta 
Colonna".  At  the  beginning  of  the  Great  Schism 
Urban  created  two  Colonna  cardinals,  Agapito  and 
Stefano,  but  they  both  died  shortly  after.  Then  fol- 
fowed  Odo  Colonna,  later  Pope  Martin  V  (q.  v.),  who, 
in  1430  bestowed  the  purple  upon  his  youthful  nephew 
Prospero.  The  latter,  becoming  involved  in  the  re- 
bellion of  his  family  against  Eugene  IV,  was  deprived 
of  his  benefices  and  sentenced  to  perpetual  exile,  but 
was  reinstated  by  Nicholas  V,  and  died  in  1463, 
lauded  by  the  Humanists  as  a  Mscenas  of  arts  and 
letters.  In  the  heated  conclave  of  1458  it  was  Pros- 
pero Colonna  who  decided  the  election  of  Piccolomini 
in  the  famous  words,  "  I  also  vote  for  the  Cardinal  of 
Siena,  and  make  him  pope". 

Prospero's  nephew,  Giovanni,  was  the  representa- 
tive of  his  family  during  the  pontificates  of  Si.xtus  IV, 
Innocent  VIII,  Alexander  VI,  Pius  III,  and  Julius  II. 
Created  Cardinal-Deacon  of  S.  Maria  in  Aqviiro  in  his 
twenty-fourth  year  by  Pope  Sixtus,  he  was  committed 
to  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  two  years  later,  when  that 
pontiff  and  the  Colonna  began  their  bitter  feud.  After 
an  imprisonment  of  over  a  year,  he  regained  his  lib- 
erty. One  cannot  feel  much  sympathy  with  him  in 
his  misfortunes  during  the  pontificate  of  the  Borgia 
pope,  who  could  not  have  been  elected  without  his 
vote.  When  Alexander  VI  began  his  war  of  extermi- 
nation against  the  Roman  barons,  Colonna,  more  for- 
timate  than  Cardinal  Orsini,  made  his  escape  and  did 
not  return  to  Rome  till  the  pope  had  passed  away. 
He  himself  died  in  1508.  Although  Julius  II  restored 
to  the  Colonna  their  possessions  and  dignities,  and  by 
the  Pax  Romana,  1511,  put  an  end  to  the  hereditary 
feuds  of  the  rival  houses,  yet,  their  old-time  position  of 
quasi-independence  was  never  again  attained.  The 
two  secular  heads  of  the  family,  Prospero  andFabrizio, 
acquired  great  fame  as  generals  in  the  armies  of  the 
Church  and  of  Charles  V.  Fabrizio's  daughter  was 
the  highly  gifted  Vittoria  (q.  v.).  Prospero's  nephew, 
Pompeo,  was  chosen  to  represent  the  family  in  the 
Church.  He  consented  veiy  reluctantly,  for  the 
sword  was  more  congenial  to  him  than  the  Bre\aary. 
He  received  a  large  accumulation  of  benefices,  was 
created  cardinal  by  Leo  X,  in  1517,  and  \'ice-chan- 
cellor  by  Clement  VII.  In  return,  he  took  the  side  of 
the  emperor  in  his  quarrel  with  the  pope.  On  20 
Sept.,  1526,  took  place  the  onslaught  on  Rome,  and 
the  desecration  of  St.  Peter's  and  the  Vatican,  which 
covers  his  memory  with  eternal  infamy.  He  also 
joined  with  Constable  Bourbon  in  the  capture  of 
Rome,  May,  1527;  but,  horrified  by  the  brutality  of 
the  sack  of  his  native  city,  he  did  his  best  to  shield  his 
unfortunate  countrymen  within  the  walls  of  the  Can- 
cellaria.  The  indulgent  Clement  absolved  and  rein- 
stated him  three  years  later.  He  became  viceroy  of 
Naples  and  died  in  1532.  The  good  name  of  the  house 
was  redeemed  by  the  next  Colonnese  cardinal,  Marcan- 
tonio,  who  was  carefully  trained  in  piety  and  learning 
by  the  Franciscan  friar,  Felice  Peretti,  later  Sixtus' V. 
He  was  created  Cardinal-Priest  of  SS.  XII  Apostoli,  in 
1565,  closely  imitated  St.  Charles  Borromeo  in  estab- 
lishing seminaries  and  restoring  discipline,  was  libra- 
rian of  the  Vatican,  fostered  learning,  and  was  ex- 
tremely charitable  to  the  poor.  Before  his  death,  in 
1597,  his  kinsman  Aseanio  Colonna  was  elevated  to 
the  purple  by  Sixtus  V  in  1,586.  .\ltliough  he  owed 
his  cardinalate  largely  to  the  favour  of  Philip  II,  yet 
he  did  not  permit  his  gratitude  to  extinguish  his  jia- 
triotism.  It  was  his  defection  from  the  Sjianish  ranks 
at  a  critical  moment  during  the  conclave  of  1592  that 
defeated  the  aspirations  of  Philip's  candidate,  Cardi- 
nal Sansevcrina  and  led  to  the  election  of  Clement 
VIII.  In  his  well-known  exclamation:  "I  see  that 
God  will  not  have  Sanseverina,  neither  will  Aseanio 
Colonna",  brc^ithes  the  haughty  spirit  of  his  race.     He 


OOLONNA 


127 


COLONNA 


died  in  1608,  making  the  Lateran  hLs  heir.  Succeed- 
ing cardinals  of  the  house  of  Colonna  were  Oiro- 
lamo,  created  by  Urban  VIII  in  1628,  d.  1666;  Carlo, 
freated  by  Clement  XI  in  1706,  d.  1739;  Prospero, 
created  by  Clement  XII  in  1739,  d.  1743;  Giro- 
lamo,  created  by  Benedict  XIV  1743,  d.  1763; 
Prospero,  of  the  Sciarra  branch,  created  simultaneously 
with  his  kinsman  in  1743,  d.  Prefect  of  the  Propa- 
ganda in  1765;  finally,  Marcantonio,  created  l)y  Cle- 
ment XIII  in  1759.  d.  in  1803.  Thovigh  all  were  con- 
spicuous for  learning  and  piety  and  for  tilling  high 
offices  at  the  Roman  court  or  in  the  most  important 
dioceses  of  Italy,  they  need  only  a  passing  notice. 
The  most  illustrious  lay  prince  of  the  Colonna  was 
Marcantonio,  who  at  the  great  sea-fight  of  Lepanto, 
7  Oct.,  1571,  commanded  the  papal  galleys  and  on  his 
return  to  Rome  was  awarded  a  memorable  triumph. 
To  cement  the  friendship  between  the  houses  of  Co- 
lonna and  Orsini,  Sixtus  V  married  their  chiefs  to  his 
nieces  and  ordained  that  they  and  their  descendants 
should  enjoy  the  dignity  of  Assistant  Princes  at  the 
Pontifical  Throne. 

LiTTA,  Famiglie  celebri  italiane,  s.  v. ;  Coppi,  Memorie  Col- 
onneKi  (Rome.  1857),  with  genealogical  table.s;  von  Reu- 
MONT.  Beilriige  zur  ilal.  Oesch.  (1857),  V,  3-117,  an  excel- 
lent accuunt ;  the  histories  of  the  city  of  Rome  by  von 
Hkumont,  Ghecokovius,  Grisar,  etc. 

Ja.mes  F.  Loughlin. 

Colonna,  Egidio  (iEoiDius  a  Columna),  a  Scho- 
lastic philosopher  and  theologian,  b.  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  thirteenth  century,  probably  1247,  in 
Rome;  hence  the  name  ^Egidius  Romaxus,  or  Giles 
OF  Rome,  by  wliich  he  is  generally  known;  d.  at 
Avignon,  22  Dec,  1316.  Having  entered  the  Order 
of  the  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine  at  Rome,  he  was 
sent  to  Paris  for  his  philosophical  and  theological 
.studies,  and  became  there  the  disciple  of  Thomas 
.\i|uinas.  Egidio  Colonna  was  the  first  Augustinian 
appointed  to  teacli  in  the  University  of  Paris,  and  his 
deep  learning  earned  for  him  the  title  of  Doctor  fun- 
dati.iximus.  In  1281,  ,at  the  Thirty-sixth  Council  of 
Paris,  in  wliich  several  differences  between  bishops 
and  mendicant  orders  were  arranged,  he  sided  with 
the  bishops  against  the  regulars.  Referring  to  this, 
a  contemporarj'  philosopher,  Godfrey  of  Fontaines, 
mentioned  him  as  the  most  renowned  theologian  of 
the  whole  city  (qui  modo  melior  de  tota  villa  in 
omnibus  reputatur).  King  Philip  III  entrusted  to 
him  the  education  of  his  son,  who  later,  in  1285, 
ascended  the  throne  as  Philip  IV.  When  the  new 
king,  after  his  coronation  at  Reims,  entered  Paris, 
F.gidio  gave  tlie  address  of  welcome  in  the  name  of 
the  university,  insisting  on  justice  as  the  mo.st  im- 
portant virtue  of  a  king.  (For  the  text,  see  Ossinger, 
in  work  cited  below.)  Some  time  before  this  several 
of  liis  opinions  had  been  found  reprehensible  by 
Archbishop  Etienne  Tempier  of  Paris,  and  in  12.S5 
Pope  Honorius  IV  asked  him  for  a  public  retracta- 
tion. This,  however,  was  far  from  lessening  his 
reputation,  for  in  1287  a  decree  of  the  general  cliaptcr 
of  the  Augu.stinians  held  in  Florence,  after  remarking 
that  Egidio's  doctrine  "shines  throughout  the  whole 
world"  (venerabilis  magistri  nostri  ^Egidii  doctrina 
mundum  universum  illustrat),  commanded  all  meiii- 
ber.j  of  the  order  to  accept  and  defend  all  his  opin- 
ions, written  or  to  be  written.  After  filling  several 
important  positions  in  his  order  he  was  elected  super- 
ior general  in  1292.  Three  years  later  Pope  Boniface 
VIII  appointed  him  .\rchbishop  of  Bourges,  France, 
although  Jean  de  Savigny  had  already  been  desig- 
nated for  this  .see  by  Pope  Celestine  V.  The  Frencli 
nobility  protested  on  the  ground  that  Colonna  was  an 
Italian,  but  his  appointment  was  maintained  and  ap- 
proved by  the  king.  He  was  present  at  the  Cotmcil 
of  Vienne  (1311-1312)  in  which  the  Order  ol  Knights 
Templars  was  suppressed. 

The  writings  of  Egidio  Colonna  cover  the  fields  of 


philosophy  and  theology.  There  is  no  complete  edi- 
tion of  his  works,  but  several  treatises  have  been  pub- 
lished separately.  In  Holy  Scripture  and  theology 
he  wrote  commentaries  on  the  "Hexameron",  the 
"Canticle  of  Canticles",  and  the  "Epistle  to  the 
Romans";  several  "Opuscula"  and  "Quodlibeta", 
various  treatises,  and  especially  commentaries  on 
Peter  the  Lombard's  "Four  Books  of  Sentences". 
In  philosophy,  besides  commentaries  on  almost  all 
the  works  of  Aristotle,  he  wrote  several  special  trea- 
tises. But  his  main  work  is  the  treatise  "  De  regimine 
principimi",  written  for,  and  dedicated  to,  his  pupil, 
Philip  IV.  It  passed  through  many  editions  (the 
first,  .\ugsburg.  1473)  and  was  translated  into  several 
languages.  The  Roman  edition  of  1607  contains  a 
life  of  Egidio.  The  work  is  divided  into  three  books: 
the  first  treats  of  the  individual  conduct  of  the  king, 
the  nature  of  his  true  happiness,  the  choice  and  ac- 
quisition of  virtues,  and  the  ruling  of  passions;  the 
second  deals  with  family  life  and  the  relations  with 
wife,  children,  and  servants;  the  third  considers  the 
State,  its  origin,  and  the  proper  mode  of  governing  in 
times  of  peace  and  war.  Egidio's  pedagogical  writ- 
ings have  been  published  in  German  by  Kaufmann 
(Freiburg,  1904). 

The  attitude  of  Egidio  Colonna  in  the  difliculties 
between  Pope  Boniface  VIII  and  King  Philip  IV 
was  long  believed  to  have  been  favourable  to  the 
king.  But  the  contrarj-  is  now  certain,  since  it  has 
been  proved  that  lie  is  the  author  of  the  treatise  "  De 
potestate  ecclesiastica",  in  which  the  rights  of  the 
pope  are  vindicated.  The  similarity  between  this 
treatise  and  the  Bull  "  Unam  Sanctam"  seems  to 
support  the  view  taken  by  some  writers  that  Egidio 
was  tlie  author  of  the  Btlll.  He  had  already  taken 
an  active  part  in  ending  the  discussions  and  contro- 
versies concerning  the  validity  of  Boniface's  election 
to  the  papacy.  In  his  treatise  "De  renunciatione 
Papie  sive  Apologia  pro  Bonifacio  VIII"  he  shows 
the  legitimacy  of  Celestine's  resignation  and  conse- 
quently of  Boniface's  election.  In  philosophy  and 
tlieology  he  generally  follows  the  opinions  of  his 
master,  St.  Thomas,  whose  works  he  quotes  as 
scripta  communia.  The  "Defensorium  seu  Correc- 
torium  corruptorii  librorum  Sancti  Thoniie  Aquina- 
tis"  against  the  Franciscan  William  de  la  Mare  of 
Oxford  is  by  some  attributed  to  Egidio;  but  this 
remains  uncertain.  Nevertheless,  on  many  points 
he  holds  independent  views  and  abandons  the 
Thomistic  doctrine  to  follow  the  opinions  of  St. 
Augustine  and  of  the  Franciscan  School.  He  even 
errs  in  asserting  that,  before  the  fall,  grace  had  not 
been  given  to  Adam,  an  opinion  which  he  wrongly 
attributes  to  St.  Augustine.  After  the  decree  of  the 
general  chapter  of  1287,  mentioned  above,  the  opin- 
ions of  Egidio  Colonna  were  generally  accepted  in  the 
Augustinian  Order.  He  thus  became  the  founder 
of  the  ^Egidian  School.  Among  the  most  prominent 
representatives  of  this  scliool  must  be  mentioned 
Giacorao  Capoccio  of  Viterbo  (d.  1307)  and  Augus- 
tinus  Triumphus  (d.  1.328),  both  contemporaries  of 
Egidio,  and  also  students  and  professors  in  the  I'ni- 
versity  of  Paris;  Prosper  of  Reggio,  Albert  of  Padua, 
Gerard  of  Siena,  Henry  of  Frimar,  Thomas  of 
Strasburg — all  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tur\'.  For  some  time  after  this  other  opinions  pre- 
vailed in  the  Augustinian  Order.  But  as  late  as  the 
seventeenth  century  should  be  mentioned  Raffaello 
Bonhcrba  (d.  1681)  who  wrote  "Disputationes  totius 
pliilosophiie  ...  in  quibus  omnes  philosophicie  in- 
ter I).  Thomam  et  Scotum  controversiae  principaliter 
ctnn  doctrina  nostri  vEgidii  ColumniE  ilhistrantur" 
(Palenno,  1645,  1671);  and  Augiistino  Arpe  (d.  1704) 
who  wrote  "Summa  totius  theologi.T  .Egidii  Co- 
hniin:c"  (Bologna,  1701,  and  Genoa,  1704).  Fedcrico 
Nicol6  Gavardi  (d.  1715),  the  most  important  inter- 
preter of  Colonna,  composed  "Theologia  exanticjuata 


COLONNA 


128 


COLOPHON 


iuxta  orthodoxam  S.  P.  Augustini  doctrinam  ab  jEgi- 
dio  Columna  doctore  fundatissimo  expositam  ..." 
(6  vols,  fol.,  Naples  and  Rome,  1683-1696);  this  work 
was  abridged  by  Anselm  Horraannseder  in  his  "  He- 
catombe  theologioa"  (Presburg,  1737).  Benignus 
Sichrowsky  (d.  1737)  wrote  also  "  Philosophia  vin- 
dicata  ab  erroribus  pliilosophorum  gentiliuni  iuxta 
doctrinam  S.  Augustini  et  B.  yEgidii  ColumnEE " 
(Nuremberg,  1701). 

OssiNGER.  BM.  Augusiiniana  (Ingolstadt  and  Vienna,  1768); 
Denifle  and  Chatel.un,  Chart.  Univ.  Parisiensis  (Paris,  1889 
— ),  I,  II,  see  Index:  Feret,  La  faculte  de  tkeol.  de  Paris 
et  ses  doct.  le^  plus  celebres  au  moyen  age  (Paris,  1896),  III, 
459-475;  HuRTER,  Nomendator  (3d  ed.,  Innsbruck,  1906),  II, 
481-486  and  passim  for  ^gidian  School:  L.\jard,  Giltes  de 
Rome  in  Hist.  litt.  de  la  France  (Paris,  18SS1.  XXX.  421-566; 
Mattioli,  Studio  critico  sopra  Egidio  Roni.i  -   ■  f^'  'v,  ,7  in  Anlol- 

offia  Agostiniana  (Rome,  1896),  I;  Sc /  n.n  Rom 

(Stuttgart,  1902);  Werner,  Die  Sc/io/<i'  '    1/     1.,  Ill, 

Der  Auguslinismus  des  spat.  M .  A.  (Vit-rid  r  1  ^^  .  ;  ^i  heeben 
in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.  .See  also  Chevaliek.  At  p.  de^  f<<jurces  hist. 
(2d  ed..  Paris,  1905),  s.  v.  Gilles. 

C.    A.    DUBR.W. 

Colonna,  Giovanni  Paolo,  b.  at  Bologna,  16.37; 
d.  in  the  same  city,  28  November,  1695.  After  study- 
ing under  Agostino  Fillipucci  in  his  native  city,  An- 
tonio Abbatini  and  Oragio  Benevoli  in  Rome,  Colonna 
became  organist  at  the  church  of  S.  Apollinaris  in  the 
latter  city.  In  1659  he  accepted  the  post  of  choir- 
master at  the  church  of  S.  Petronio  in  Bologna.  He 
not  only  was  a  charter  member  of  the  Accademia  Fil- 
armonica  but  founded  a  school  of  his  own  which  has 
produced  distinguished  musicians,  among  them  Gio- 
vanni Maria  Buononcini.  Colonna  was  one  of  the 
most  noted  church  composers  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury and  has  left  a  large  number  of  works  (masses, 
psalms,  motets,  litanies,  antiphons,  requiems,  lamen- 
tations) for  from  one  to  eight  voices  with  either  organ 
or  orchestra  accompaniment.  These  comjiositions 
are  but  seldom  performed  at  present,  l^oth  on  account 
of  their  not  having  the  form  or  the  spirit  of  the  great 
period  of  church  music,  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries,  and  because  of  the  elaborate  apparatus 
required  for  their  performance. 

lllEMANN,  Musik  Lexikon:  IN'i  k-tt:--,  U:  !,.:^i  ,,/  Music 
(New  York,  1886);    Kornmi:lij  i     h.       '-  h.  s  Lexi- 

kon: WooiA>mDGB,  The  Oxford  11'        ,        W  ,         <  i    i    id,  1901- 
05);    Gaspkri,  Dei  miisicisli  Bot"  .'  ,    ,     l.>i..:'M.t,   i^,-,  SO). 
Jo.SEl'H    (  ITTEN. 

Colonna,  Vittoria,  Italian  poet,  b.  at  Marino, 
1490;  d.  at  Rome,  February  25,  1547.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Fabrizio  Colonna,  lord  of  various  Roman 
fiefs  and  grand  constable  of  Naples.  Her  mother, 
Agnese  da  Montefeltro,  was  a  daughter  of  Federigo 
da  Montefeltro,  first  Duke  of  Urbino.  In  1509  Vitto- 
ria was  married  to  Ferrante  Francesco  d'Avalos, 
Marquis  of  Pescara,  a  Neapolitan  nobleman  of  Span- 
ish origin,  who  was  one  of  the  chief  generals  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.  Pescara's  military  career  culmi- 
nated in  the  victory  of  Pa  via  (24  February,  1525), 
after  which  he  became  involved  in  Morone's  conspir- 
acy for  the  liberation  of  Italy,  and  was  tempted  from 
his  allegiance  to  the  emperor  by  the  offer  of  the  crown 
of  Naples.  Vittoria  earnestly  dissuaded  him  from 
this  scheme,  declaring  (as  her  cousin.  Cardinal  Pom- 
pco  Colonna,  tells  us)  that  she  "preferred  to  die  the 
wife  of  a  most  brave  marquis  and  a  most  upright  gen- 
eral, than  to  live  the  consort  of  a  king  dishonoured 
with  any  stain  of  infamy".  Pescara  died  in  the  fol- 
lowing November,  leaving  his  young  heir  and  cousin, 
Alfonso  d'Avalos,  Marchese  del  Vasto,  imder  Vitto- 
ria's  care. 

Vittoria  henceforth  devoted  herself  entirely  to 
religion  and  literature.  We  find  her  usually  in  vari- 
ous monasteries,  at  Rome,  Viterbo,  and  elsewhere, 
living  in  conventual  simplicity,  the  centre  of  all  that 
was  noblest  in  the  intellectu.al  and  .spiritual  life  of  the 
times.  She  had  a  pecuhar  genius  for  friendship,  and 
the  wonderful  spiritvial  tie  tliat  united  her  to  Michel- 
angelo Buonarroti  made  the  romance  of  that  great 


artist's  life.  Pietro  Bembo,  the  literary  dictator  of 
the  age,  was  among  her  most  fervent  admirers.  She 
was  closely  in  touch  with  Ghiberti,  Contarini,  Gio- 
vamii  Morone,  and  all  that  group  of  men  and  women 
who  were  working 
for  the  reformation 
of  the  C'hurch  from 
within.  For  a  while 
she  had  been  drawn 
into  the  controversy 
concerning  justifi- 
cation by  faith,  but 
was  kept  within  t!ir 
limits  of  orthodoxy 
by  the  influence  of 
the  beloved  friend 
of  her  last  years. 
Cardinal  Reginald 
Pole,  to  whom  she 
declared  she  owed 
her  salvation.  Her 
last  wish  was  to  be 
buried  among  the 
nuns  of  S.  Anna  de' 
Funari  at  Rome ; 
but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  her  body 
ultimately  rested 


(Col 


there,  or  was  removed  to  the  side  of  her  husband  at 
San  Domenico  in  Naples. 

Vittoria  is  undoubtedly  greater  as  a  personality 
than  as  a  poet.  Her  earlier  "Rime",  which  are 
mainly  devoted  to  the  glorification  of  her  husband, 
are  somewhat  monotonous.  Her  later  sonnets  are 
almost  exclusively  religious,  and  strike  a  deeper  note. 
A  longer  poem  in  terza-rima,  the  "Trionfo  di  Cristo", 
shows  the  influence  of  Dante  and  Savonarola,  as  well 
as  that  of  Petrarch.  Her  latest  and  best  biographer, 
Mrs.  Jerrold,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  a  number 
of  beautiful  and  faithful  translations  of  Vittoria's 
poetry,  has  drawn  a  suggestive  analogy  between  it 
and  the  work  of  Christina  Rossetti.  Many  of  Vitto- 
ria's letters,  and  a  prose  meditation  upon  the  Passion 
of  Christ,  have  also  been  preserved. 

ViscoNTi,  Rime  di  Vittoria  Colonna  (Rome,  1840);  Liizio. 
Vittoria  Colonna  (Mantua,  1884);  Ferrero  and  Mi  ller,  Cart- 
eggio  di  Vittoria  Colonna,  Marchesa  di  Pescara  (Florence,  1892); 
Reumont,  tr.  by  MC'ller  and  Ferrero,  Vittoria  Colonna, 
Vita,  Fede,  e  Poesia  nel  secolo  decimosesto  (Turin,  1892);  Tordi, 
Vittoria  Colonna  in  Orvieto  (Perugia,  1895);  Jerrold.  Vittoria 
Colonna,  with  some  account  of  her  Friends  and  her  Times  (Lon- 
don and  New  York,  1906). 

Edmund  G.  Gardner. 

Colonnade,  a  number  of  columns  symmetrically 
arranged  in  one  or  more  rows.  It  is  termed  mono- 
style  when  of  one  row,  polystyle  when  of  many.  If 
surrounding  a  building  or  court,  it  is  called  a  peri- 
style; when  projecting  beyond  the  line  of  the  build- 
ing a  portico.  Sometimes  it  supports  a  building, 
sometimes  a  roof  only.  For  ecclesiastical  architec- 
ture the  most  famous  specimen  is  tlie  colonnade  of 
St.  Peter's,  erected  1665-67  by  Bernini,  with  284 
columns  and  162  statues  of  saints  on  balustrades 
(see  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  II,  s.  v.  Bernini). 

Anderson  and  Spiers,  The  Architecture  of  Greece  and  Rome 
(London,  1903) ;  Gwilt,  Encyclopcedia  of  Architecture  (London. 
ISSl). 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 

Colophon,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  It  was  one 
of  the  twelve  Ionian  cities,  between  Lebedos  (ruins 
near  llyp.-^ili-Ilis.-iar)  and  Ephesus  (.\ya-Solouk).  In 
Greek  aniiiiuify  two  sons  of  Codrus,  King  of  Athens, 
establislied  a  colony  there.  It  was  the  birthplace  of 
the  philoso))her  Xenophanes  and  the  poet  Minmer- 
mus.  It  was  destroyed  by  Lysimaclius,  one  of  the 
successors  of  Alexander.  Notium  ser\'ed  as  the  port , 
and  in  the  neighbourhood  was  the  village  of  Clarus, 
with  its  famous  temple  and  oracle  of  Apollo  Clarius. 


COLORADO 


129 


COLORADO 


liere  Calclias  vied  with  Mopsiis  in  divinatory  science, 
le  cavalry  of  Colophon  was  renowned.  It.s  pine- 
ees  supplied  a  rosin  or  coloiihony  highly  valued  for 
e  strings  of  nmsieal  inslrumcnts.  In  Roman  times 
)lophon  lost  its  importance;  the  name  was  trans- 
rred  to  the  site  of  Notiuni,  and  the  latter  name  dis- 
)peared  between  the  Pelo])onnosian  War  and  the 
ne  of  Cicero.  The  "Notitia;  cpiscopatuum"  men- 
)ns  Colophon  or  Colophone,  as  late  as  the  twelfth  or 
irteenth  century,  as  a  suffragan  of  Ephesus.  Le- 
lien  (I,  723)  gives  the  names  of  only  four  bishops: 
.  Sosthenes  (I  Cor.,  i,  1)  and  St.  Tyehieus  (Tit.,  iii, 
)  are  merely  legendary;  Euthalius  was  present  aX 
e  Council  of  Ephesus  in  4.31,  and  Alexander  was 
ve  in  451.  The  ruins  of  the  city  are  at  the  Castro 
Ghiaour-Keui,  an  insignificant  village  in  the  vilayet 
Smyrna,  caza  of  Koush-.\dasi. 

Chandler.  Travels  in  Asia  Minor,  XXXI:  Ahrtjndel. 
ven  Churches  in  Asia,  303;  Texier.  Asie  Mineure.  356; 
iNTRiER,  in  Mus(Bon  and  Library  of  the  Evangelical  School  at 
lyrna  (Greek),  III,  1S7:  Schuchhardt,  in  Athen.  MitteiL 
«6),  398. 

S.  Petrides. 

Colorado,  the  thirty-fifth,  in  point  of  admission,  of 
(•  I'nited  States  of  America.  It  lies  between  the 
til  and  41st  degrees  of  N.  latitude  and  the  102nd  and 
'Jtli  ilegrecs  of  W.  longitude,  tlie  meridian  lines 
iking  its  shape  a  parallelogram  as  exact  as  the  eurva- 
re  of  the  earth  will  allow, 
hen  its  original  terri- 
rial  limits  were  discussed 
was  suggested  that  the 
?st  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 
ins  was  a  natural  bound- 
y,  and  it  was  on  the 
ply  of  Colonel  William 
Ipin,  who  became  iis 
St  governor,  that  rail- 
ads  and  political  unity 
d  superseded  natural 
undaries,  that  it  was 
iced  squarely  across  the 
.•ide  and  so  has  its  moun- 
in  centre  with  a  slope  to  either  ocean.  After  the 
iff-dwellers,  its  Indian  tribes  were  the  Utes  and 
apahoes.  It  became  part  of  French  and  Spanish 
nerica,  and  was  covered  by  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
ase  (1803),  the  Texas  cession  (1850),  and  the  cession 
im  Mexico  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo 
US).  Its  area  is  103,900  square  miles.  The  third 
the  State  east  of  Denver  is  a  part  of  the  great 
uns,  level  and  arid.  The  altitude  at  the  base  of  the 
it«  capitol  is  exactly  one  mile;  going  east,  it  falls 
about  4000  feet  at  the  State  line.  Through  the 
itre,  north  and  south,  runs  the  main  Rocky  Moun- 
n  range  containing  the  highest  peaks  of  these 
)imtains,  thirty-two  of  which  exceed  14,000  feet  and 
?eral  so  nearly  the  same  height  that  it  is  a  matter 
dispute  as  to  which  is  the  highest,  probably  Mount 
issive,  14,498  feet.  On  their  western  slope  they 
•m  a  plateau  country.  Between  encircling  ranges 
;  natural  parks  (South,  Middle.  North,  San  Luis, 
tes)  at  an  altitude  of  about  9000  feet,  which  are 
table  stock-raising  lands.  The  Rio  (irande,  Arkan- 
i,  and  Platte  Rivers  all  rise  in  this  State,  flowing 
jth  and  east,  and  the  Great  Colorado  River  flowing 
st  has  its  headwaters  here.  The  Grand  Canon  of 
;'  Arkansas,  Mount  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  the  Gar- 
n  of  the  Gods,  are  the  principal  scenic  attractions. 
Climate. — The  climate  is  exceptionally  dry,  health- 
,  and  invigorating.  The  summers  are  cool  and  the 
nters  moderate.  There  is  an  average  of  181  clear 
ys  out  of  365.  Manitou,  Glenwood,  and  Sulphur 
rings  are  noted  sanatoria.  The  annual  rainfall  is 
V,  but  so  widely  variant  in  localities  that  no  intel- 
ible  average  can  be  stated.  Extremes  are  12  and 
inches. 

IV.-9 


Populntion. — By  the  census  of  1900  the  population 
was  5.39,700:  whites,  .529,046;  negroes,  8,570;  Indians, 
1437;  Chinesc,599.  The  estimate  by  the  Slate  Board 
of  Health  for  1906  was  615,570.  The  greatest  num- 
berof  immigrants  arc  from  States  on  the  same  parallel. 
There  are  many  native-born  citizens  of  Spanish  de- 
scent in  the  southern  counties.  Representatives  from 
every  country  in  Europe  are  included  among  the  popu- 
lation, but  none  localized  in  colonies  to  any  extent; 
88  per  cent  of  the  population  are  native-born ;  4  per 
cent  are  illiterate.  Denver,  the  State  capital  and 
largest  city,  has  a  population  approximating  200,000. 
Pueblo,  Colorado  Springs,  Leadville,  Trinidad,  and 
Greeley  are  the  larger  cities. 

Resources. — Mining  and  agriculture  are  the  princi- 
pal industries.  The  manufacture  of  steel  has  been 
started,  and  commerce  is  incident  to  all  other  indus- 
tries, but  the  mine  and  ranch  are  the  exploited  feat- 
ures of  the  commonwealth.  In  both  gold  and  silver, 
Colorado  is  the  largest  producer  of  any  of  the  States. 
In  1906,  gold  to  the  value  of  $23,506,069,  and  13,.381,- 
575  ounces  of  silver  were  mined.  There  was  also  a 
heavy  production  of  lead,  zinc,  and  iron.  Coal  under- 
lies a  very  large  area,  much  larger  than  in  Pennsyl- 
vania; the  output  for  1906  being  11,240,078  tons  bi- 
tuminous and  68,343  tons  anthracite.  Cripple  Creek, 
Ouray,  and  Leadville  are  the  most  active  mining 
camps,  but  the  mineral  belt  covers  every  mountain 
county  from  Routt  in  the  north-west  corner  to  the 
New  Mexico  line.  The  Georgetown  district  claims 
to  produce  the  highest  grade  of  silver  ore  mined  in  the 
United  States. 

The  average  wheat  yield  is  about  twenty-one 
bushels  to  the  acre.  East  of  the  foothills  is  a  deep 
loam  overlying  a  gravel  subsoil,  and  wherever  water 
can  be  got  the  land  is  very  productive.  The  western 
slope,  including  the  valleys  between  the  mountain 
ranges,  has  ;in  even  richer  soil,  especially  adapted  to 
fruit  jiroduction.  .Ml  the  grains  and  fruits  of  the  tem- 
perate zcinc  .ire  i)roduced,  but  those  crops  which  seem 
best  adapted  to  local  conditions  are  wheat,  apples, 
potatoes,  cantaloupes,  and  the  sugar-beet.  The  value 
of  the  outp\it  of  agriculture,  dairv,  and  poultry  for 
1906  was  $72,600,000;  fruit,  .$7,000,000.  Until  re- 
cently no  land  not  imder  ditch  was  considered  safe  to 
farm,  the  annual  rainfall  not  ensuring  a  crop.  But 
such  land  is  now  cultivated  under  scientific  methods 
called  "dry  farming",  so  that  the  value  of  this  land  in 
Eastern  Colorado  has  doubled  within  the  last  three 
years.  Nevertheless  irrigation  is  the  specific  incident 
of  Colorado  farming.  It  has  been  studied  to  secure 
the  most  economic  results,  and  ultimately  no  water 
will  leave  the  State,  all  being  caught  and  stored  in 
reservoirs.  In  1900  there  were  7374  miles  of  main 
ditches  covering  by  laterals  390  acres  to  the  mile. 
The  estimated  value  of  the  manufactures,  outside  of 
smelting,  for  1906  is  $15,000,000.  Six  railroad  lines 
enter  the  State  from  the  east  and  two  cross  its  west- 
ern boundary.  Every  town  of  any  size  in  the  State 
has  railroad  connexion.  The  railway  mileage  in  1905 
was  5081. 

Edumtion. — Public  education  with  compulsory  at- 
tendance is  provided  for  the  whole  State,  with  a  high 
school  in  every  large  town.  The  university,  located  at 
Bouliicr,  is  supported  by  an  annu.al  two-fifths  of  a  mill 
State  ta.x  which  gives  it  an  ample  foundation.  It 
gives  law,  medical,  engineering,  and  academic  courses. 
In  1906  it  had  840  students,  besides  525  in  the  prepar- 
atory school.  There  are  also  the  University  of  Denver 
(Methodist),  Colorado  College  at  f'olorado  Springs 
(secular),  the  Jesuit  College  of  the  Sacrcid  Heart,  and 
the  I,oretto  Heights  Academy  at  Denver.  The  State 
Nonu:il  .School  is  at  Greeley.  Other  schools  are  the 
.\gri(iiltural  College  at  Fort  Collins  and  the  School  of 
Mines  at  (iolden,  with  special  State  institutions  for  the 
deaf  and  blind.  The  principal  school  .support  comes 
from  the  ownership  of  the  16th  and  36th  sections  of 


COLORADO 


130 


COLORADO 


each  non-mineral  township,  the  value  of  which  is  be- 
yond accurate  approximation,  besides  school  district 
ownership  of  over  $9,000,000.  The  total  number  of 
pupUs  enrolled  in  1906  was  144,007.  The  teachers 
numbered  4600  and  the  schoolhouses  2010.  The 
expenditure  for  that  year  was  $4,486,226.78.  The 
pupils  attending  parochial  schools  number  5905 
students;  in  Catholic  colleges,  261 ;  girls  in  academies, 
595;  total  youth  under  Catholic  care  7574.  There 
is  a  total  of  537  sisters  in  charge  of  hospitals  and 
schools. 

History. — Coronado  (q.  v.)  probably  crossed  the 
south-east  comer  of  the  State  in  his  celebrated  expedi- 
tion of  1541-2,  and  FrancLsco  Escalante  explored  its 
southern  border  in  1776.  The  first  immigration  was 
Spanish  from  New  Mexico,  at  Pueblo,  Trinidad,  and 
other  places  south  of  the  Arkansas  River.  In  1806 
Zebulon  M.  Pike  crossed  the  plains  on  an  official  ex- 
ploration and  gave  his  name  to  Pike's  Peak.  Long's 
expedition  was  iu  1819.  John  C.  Fremont  and  Kit 
Carson  explored  the  mountain  passes  in  the  forties. 
In  1858  gold  was  discovered  in  Cherry  Creek,  which  led 
to  the  Pike's  Peak  excitement  and  immigration  of  1859. 
That  year  is  the  date  of  the  first  real  settlement  of  the 
country  by  English-speaking  people.  (\)lcirado  was 
organized  as  a  Territory  in  1801,  and  admitted  as  a 
State  in  1876,  with  a  constitution  formed  in  that  year. 
This  explains  its  sentimental  title  of  "  The  Centen- 
nial State".     The  State  motto  is  Nil  Sine  Xumine. 

Colorado  coming  in  as  an  organized  territory  just 
as  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  the  question  of  loyalty  or 
secession  agitated  the  population,  but  the  Union  men 
were  in  overwhelming  majority.  The  Territory  con- 
tributed two  regiments  to  the  Union  Army.  Since 
1876  the  State  has  generally  gone  Republican,  but 
being  so  large  a  producer  of  silver  it  supported  the 
Democratic  ticket  so  long  as  the  double  standard  of 
money  remained  an  issue.  There  have  been  two  or 
three  occasions  since  admission  when  the  State  has 
paid  the  price  for  encouraging  innovations  parading 
themselves  as  reforms.  In  1894  Governor  Da\'is  H. 
Waite,  elected  as  a  Populist  but  really  a  Socialist, 
ordered  out  the  State  troops  in  opposition  to  the 
armed  police  of  Denver;  cannon  were  trained  on  the 
City  Hall  and  only  his  yielding  at  the  last  moment 
prevented  what  threatened  to  be  a  serious  civil  revo- 
lution. Under  his  administration  the  militia  were  or- 
dered out  in  the  interest  of  the  striking  miners  at 
Cripple  Creek,  and  later  in  1904  they  were  ordered  to 
the  same  district  under  Governor  Peabody  in  support 
of  the  mine-owners.  Drastic  deportations  and  vigi- 
lance-committee violence  were  committed  by  the 
State  authorities,  excusable,  as  they  alleged,  owing  to 
the  extreme  conditions.  This  led  to  an  exciting  election 
in  the  fall  of  that  year,  in  which  Alva  Adams,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  was  undoubtedly 
elected  and  received  his  certificat«,  but  was  allowed 
to  hold  office  only  until  a  recount  by  the  legislature 
was  decided  against  him  and  Jesse  McDonald,  the 
Republican  candidate  for  lieutenant-governor,  was 
given  the  seat. 

Woman  suffrage  was  adopted  by  popular  vote  in 
189.3.  It  has  since  been  in  full  operation,  but  its 
results  for  good  have  been  nil.  Only  during  the  first 
few  sessions  were  one,  two,  and,  at  most,  three  women 
elected  to  the  legislature  out  of  its  100  members.  No 
woman  has  been  elected  to  any  State  office  except  to 
that  of  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Instead 
of  being  represented  in  conventions  by  nearly  half, 
women  delegates  now  are  scarcely  seen  in  such  bodies. 
As  a  political  factor  they  have  not  made  either  of  the 
great  parties  stronger  or  weaker. 

Religious  Factors. — The  State  constitutes  one  dio- 
cese, with  its  see  at  Denver.  Citizens  of  Spanish 
descent,  about  20,000,  are  practically  all  Catholics, 
and  there  are  8,000  to  10,000  Catholic  Austrians  and 
Poles  at  Trinidad,  Denver,  and  Pueblo.    The  Catholic 


population  is  estimated  Q908)  at  about  100,000. 
Among  the  Catholics  prominent  in  the  development 
of  Colorado  may  be  mentioned  Gen.  Bela  M.  Hughes, 
the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor  at  the  first 
State  election;  Casimiro  Barela  and  James  T.  Smith, 
both  in  the  legislature  or  executive  departments  of 
the  State  Government  for  over  thirty  years ;  Peter  W. 
Breene  and  Francis  Carney,  who  held  the  lieutenant- 
governorship ;  .Senator  H.  A.  W.  Tabor,  Hon.  Bernard 
J.  O'Connell  of  Georgetown,  Martin  Currigan,  and  John 
K.  Mullen  of  Denver.  John  H.  Reddin,  an  attorney 
of  Denver,  was  the  organizer  of  the  Knights  of  Colum- 
bus in  this  State.  The  Catholic  Church  numerically 
exceeds  any  one  of  the  Protestant  denominations. 
Tlie  next  in  numbers  is  the  Methodist,  and  then  comes 
the  Presbyterian.  Although  the  State  adjoins  Utah 
there  are  very  few  Monnons. 

Absolute  freedom  of  worship  is  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution,  and  there  is  apparently  no  disposition 
to  infringe  this  law.  In  no  State  is  there  better  feel- 
ing between  the  Church  and  non-Catholic  denomina- 
tions. The  common  law  of  Sunday  prevails  with  no 
specific  statutory  change.  In  the  cities  the  matter  is 
left  to  local  ordinance.  Stores  in  all  towns  large  and 
small  are  generally  closed.  In  nearly  all  the  cities 
liquor  is  sold  under  licence.  In  Colorado  Springs, 
Boulder,  and  Greeley  it  is  prohibited.  In  1907  a  local 
option  law  was  passed  allowing  any  city,  ward,  or 
precinct  to  prohibit  all  sales  of  liquor  except  by  drug- 
gists on  prescription.  Little  or  no  attempt  is  made 
in  the  large  cities  and  the  mountain  towns  to  enforce 
the  Sunday  liquor  law;  but  the  reverse  is  the  rule  in 
most  of  the  smaller  towns  in  Eastern  Colorado. 

Legal  Oaths. — A  statutory  form  of  oath  is  pre- 
scribed: the  affiant  shall  with  his  or  her  hand  up- 
lifted swear  "by  the  ever  living  God".  It  has  been 
unchanged  since  the  first  revision  of  the  statutes. 
Any  person  having  conscientious  scruples  against  tak- 
ing an  oath  is  allowed  to  solemnly  affirm.  Interrupt- 
ing religious  meetings  by  profane  swearing  is  made  a 
misdemeanour  by  statute.  The  use  of  profane  lan- 
guage is  everywhere  prohibited  by  city  or  town 
ordinance. 

The  State  Penitentiary  is  at  Carion  City.  Each 
county  has  its  jail  for  confinement  of  persons  held  for 
trial  or  convicted  of  misdemeanours.  There  is  a 
State  School  of  Reform  for  boys  and  another  for  girls. 
The  latter  was  created  by  an  Act  providing  substan- 
tially that  all  its  officers  must  be  women,  and  has  been 
as  conspicuous  for  mismanagement  as  the  school  for 
boys  has  been  for  successful  results.  The  legislature 
in  1907  created  a  Juvenile  Court  for  the  care  of  neg- 
lected children. 

Charitable  Institutions  and  Bequests. — Charitable 
institutions  of  any  sort  may  be  incorporated  under 
the  Acts  relating  to  corporations  not  organized  for 
profit.  Barring  the  question  whether  the  old  Eng- 
lish statutes  of  mortmain  would  be  held  in  force  under  a 
Colorado  statute  adopting,  with  limitations,  the  com- 
mon law  and  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  prior  to 
the  fourth  year  of  James  I  (1607),  which  point  has 
never  been  decided  in  this  State,  there  is  no  limitation 
on  the  power  of  such  institutions  to  take  property  by 
deed  or  will  and  no  limitations  on  the  power  of  a  testa- 
tor to  bequeath  his  property  to  them,  except  that 
neither  husband  nor  wife  can  by  will  deprive  the 
survivor  of  one  half  of  his  or  her  estate. 

Church  Property  Exemptions. — Any  church  organi- 
zation may  incorporate  under  provisions  relating  to 
religious  societies  (Rev.  Stats,  of  1908,  §§  1018  to 
1033) ;  but  title  to  Catholic  Church  property  as  a  rule 
is  held  by  the  bishop  and  the  parishes  have  ordinarily 
no  need  to  organize  under  these  laws.  Churches, 
schools,  hospitals,  and  cemeteries  not  organized  for 
profit  are  exempt  from  taxation.  Public  aid  to  any 
sectarian  purpose  is  prohibited  by  the  Constitution. 
Clergymen  are  not  in  terms  exempt  from  jury  duty, 


^  2 

a!    Z 


5  ^ 


COLOSSI 


131 


COLOSSIANS 


t  are  always  excused  as  a  matter  of  custom.  They 
»  specifically  exempt  from  military  duty.  Each 
inch  of  the  legislature  selects  a  chaplain  who  opens 
ssions  with  prayer.  Christmas  is  a  legal  holiday; 
lod  Friday  is  not.  Confessions  made  to  any  clergy- 
in  or  priest  are  protected  against  disclosure. 
Marriage  and  Divorce. — Marriage  is  a  civil  contract 
t  may  be  performed  by  a  clergyman  of  any  denomi- 
tion.  The  law  of  divorce  is  extremely  loose.  It 
ly  bo  granted  for  any  of  the  usual  statutory  reasons, 
t  the  greatest  abuse  of  the  law  is  under  the  phrase 
lied  the  sentimental  cruelty  clause,  where  the  stat- 
;  says  it  may  be  granted  where  either  party  has  been 
ilty  of  acts  of  cruelty  and  that  such  acts  of 
lelty  may  consist  as  well  in  the  infliction  of  mental 
ffering  as  of  bodily  violence".  Under  this  clause 
y  discontented  man  or  wife  can  frame  a  complaint 
lich  will  state  a  case  for  divorce.  The  number  of 
.'orces  has  greatly  increased  since  the  adoption  of 
iman  suffrage.  No  one  thing  has  done  more  to 
engthen  the  moral  influence  of  the  Catholic  Church 
this  State  and  command  respect  and  gather  cou- 
rts from  the  denominations  than  its  firm  stand 
ainst  divorce. 

rhe  ratio  of  deaths  by  suicide  in  1906  was  one  in 
3ry  84,  or  1.18  per  cent,  and  the  statistics  of  the 
ite  Board  of  Health  do  not  indicate  any  notable 
Tease  since  1900. 

Robert  S.  Morrison. 

Colossae,  a  titular  see  of  Phrygia  in  Asia  Minor, 
apressed  in  1894.  Little  is  known  about  its  his- 
y.  The  later  name,  Colassoe,  is  probably  the  old 
rygian  form.  Colossce  was  at  one  time  the  cliief  city 
South- Western  Phrj-gia,  lying  on  the  trade-route 
m  Sardis  to  Cetense ;  it  produced  fine  wool,  the  colour 
which  was  called  colossinus.  The  ruin  of  the  city 
s  brought  about  by  the  change  of  road  system,  the 
nidation  of  Laodicea,  eleven  miles  distant,  and 
•ere  earthquakes.  It  retained  municipal  indepen- 
iicc,  but  at  the  time  of  Strabo  (XII,  viii,  4)  it  was 

small  town".  It  had  its  own  coinage  under  the 
pire.  St.  Paul  (probably  about  61)  addressed  an 
stle  from  Rome  to  the  inhabitants  of  Colossae,  who 
i  perhaps  been  evangelized  by  him.  Colossae  was 
;  home  of  his  companions,  Archippus  and  Philemon, 
his  very  dear  sister,  Appia,  and  of  Onesimus  and 
laphras,  who  probably  founded  the  Church  of  Colos- 
.  The  ruins  of  the  city  are  visible  near  ChonEe,  in 
!  vilayet  of  Smyrna,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Lycus 
churuk  Su) ;  they  include  the  acropolis,  an  aque- 
ct,  theatre,  etc.  There  is  also  a  curious  {petrifying 
er,  the  Ak  Su.  Under  the  Byzantine  Empire  the 
ritory  of  Colossae  rose  again  to  importance,  and  a 
ong  fortress  was  built  (perhaps  by  Justinian)  at 
onae,  three  miles  south-south-east  of  Colos.sae.  The 
itre  of  population  long  remained  at  the  old  site, 
t  about  the  eighth  century  it  was  moved  to  a  shelf 

land  beneath  the  castle.  Chona?  (vulgar  Greek 
lon&i,  Turk.  Honas)  is  still  a  little  village,  twelve 
les  east  of  Denizli ;  it  has  been  rendered  famous  by 

miraculous  church  of  St.  Michael.  Colossae  was  a 
Iragan  of  Laodicea  in  Phrygia  Pacatiana.     Besides 

Epaphras,  two  bishops  are  mentioned:  Epiphanius 
4')1  and  Cosmas  in  692;  Archippus  and  Philemon, 
lecially  the  latter,  are  very  doubtful.  Chonae  was 
kIc  an  archbishopric  about  8.58-60,  and  in  some 
er"Notiti£eepiscopatuum"  appears  as  a  metropolis 
ihout  suffragans.  Many  titulars  are  known:  Dosi- 
!us  at  Nicaea,  in  787;  Samuel,  a  friend  of  Photius, 
.0  sent  him  to  Rome,  was  present  at  the  Council  of 
nstantinople  in  866;  Constantine,  in  1028;  Nicho- 
,  in  1066  and  1080;  in  114.S  Nicctas,  the  godfather 
the  historian  Nicetas  .Vcominatus,  who  was  born  at 
ona',  a.s  was  his  brother  Michael,  the  famous  Metro- 
litan  of  Athens. 
>Equi£N,  1,  813;    Hamilton,  Re^earchw  in  Asia  Minor 


(London,  1S42).  I,  507-14;  Ramsay.  The  Cilics  and  Bishopries 
of  Phrygia.  20S-34;  Idem,  The  Letters  to  the  Seren  Churches  of 
.Asia  (London  and  New  York,  1905):  Le  Camds,  Voyage  aux 
sept  Eglises;  Bonnet,  Narraiio  de  miraculo  a  Michaele  arch- 
angelo  Chonis  palraio  (Paris,  1880). 

S.  Petrides. 

Oolossians,  Epistle  to  the,  is  one  of  the  four  Cap- 
tivity Epistles  written  by  St.  Paul  during  his  first 
imprisonment  in  Rome — the  other  three  being  Ephe- 
sians,  Philemon,  and  Philippians.  That  they  were 
written  in  prison  is  stated  in  the  Epistles  themselves. 
The  writer  mentions  his  "chain"  and  his  "bonds" 
(Eph.,  vi,  20;  Coloss.,  iv,  3,  18;  PhUip.,  i,  7,  13,  17); 
he  names  his  fellow  prisoners  (Coloss.,  iv,  10;  Philem., 
23);  he  calls  himself  a  prisoner  (Eph.,  iii,  1;  iv,  1; 
Philem.,  9):  "Paul  an  old  man,  and  now  a  prisoner". 
It  was  supposed  by  some  that  the-se  letters  were  writ- 
ten during  the  two  years'  captivity  at  Caesarea;  but  it 
is  now  generally  acknowledged  (by  all  who  admit  their 
authenticity)  that  they  were  written  during  the  years 
itnmediately  following,  in  Rome,  during  the  time  that 
"  Paul  was  suffered  to  dwell  by  himself,  with  a  soldier 
that  kept  him.  .  .  .  And  he  remained  two  whole  years 
in  his  own  hired  lodging ;  and  he  received  all  that  came 
in  to  him"  (.\cts,  xxviii,  16-30).  As  St.  Paul  had  ap- 
pealed to  the  emperor,  he  was  handed  over,  to  await 
his  trial,  to  the  prefect  of  the  Praetorian  Guard,  who 
was  at  that  time  probably  the  famous  Burrhus,  the 
friend  of  Seneca.  He  allowed  the  .\postle  to  live  near 
the  imperial  palace  in  what  was  known  as  custodia 
militaris,  his  right  wrist  being  connected  day  and 
night,  by  means  of  a  chain,  to  the  left  arm  of  a  soldier, 
who  was  relieved  at  regular  intervals  (Conybeare, 
Howson,  Lewin).  It  was  in  such  circumstances  that 
these  Epistles  were  written,  some  time  between  A.  d. 
61  and  63.  It  cannot  be  objected  that  there  is  no 
mention  in  them  of  the  earthquake  spoken  of  by  Taci- 
tus and  Eusebius  as  having  destroyed  Laodicea ;  for 
there  is  no  evidence  that  its  effects  reached  Colossae, 
and  Eusebius  fixes  the  date  later  than  these  letters. 
Colossians,  Ephesians,  and  Philemon  were  written  and 
despatched  at  one  and  the  same  time,  while  Philip- 
pians was  composed  at  a  somewhat  different  period  of 
the  captivity.  The  first  three  are  all  very  closely  con- 
nected. Tychicus  is  the  messenger  in  Eph.,  vi,  21  and 
Coloss.,  iv,  7,  8,  9.  In  the  latter  he  is  accompanied  by 
Onesimus,  in  whose  favour  the  Epistle  to  Philemon 
was  written.  In  both  Colossians  and  Philemon  greet- 
ings are  sent  from  Aristarchus,  Mark,  Epaphras,  Luke, 
and  Demas,  and  there  is  the  closest  literary  affinity 
between  EjAesians  and  Colossians  (see  Authenticity 
OF  the  Epistle  below). 

Readers  Addressed. — Three  cities  are  mentioned 
in  Colossians,  Colossae  (i,  2),  Laodicea,  and  Hierapolis 
(iv,  13.)  These  were  situated  about  120  miles  east 
from  Ephesus  in  Phrygia,  in  Western  Asia  Minor, 
Colossic  and  Laodicea  being  on  the  banks  of  the  Lycus, 
a  tributary  of  the  Mjeander.  All  three  were  within  two 
or  three  hours'  walk  from  one  another.  Sir  William 
Ramsay  has  shown  that  these  towns  lay  altogether 
outside  the  routes  followed  by  St.  Paul  in  his  mission- 
ary journeys;  and  it  is  inferred  from  Coloss.,  i,  4,  6,  7, 
8  and  ii,  1,  that  they  were  never  visited  by  the  Apostle 
himself.  The  great  majority  of  the  Colossian  Chris- 
tians apjiear  to  have  been  Gentile  converts  of  Greek 
and  Phrygian  extraction  (i,  26,  27;  ii,  13),  though  it  is 
probable  that  there  was  a  small  proportion  of  Jews 
living  amongst  them,  as  it  is  known  that  there  were 
many  scattered  over  the  surrounding  districts  (Jose- 
phus.  Ant.,  XII,  iii,  4,  and  Lightfoot). 

Why  Written. — Colossians  was  written  as  a  warn- 
ing against  certain  false  teachers,  about  whom  St.  Paul 
had  probably  heard  from  Epaphras,  his  "fellow-pris- 
oner" and  the  founder  of  the  Church  of  the  Colossians. 
The  most  diverse  opinions  have  been  held  regarding 
these  seducers.  They  were  called  philosophers  by 
Tertullian,  Epicureans  by  St.  Clement  of  Alexandria, 


COLOSSIANS 


132 


COLOSSIANS 


Jews  by  Eichhorn,  heathen  followers  of  Pythagoras  by 
Grotius.  They  have  also  been  called  Chaldean  magi- 
cians, Judaizing  Christians,  Essenes,  Ebionites,  Cabbal- 
ists.  Gnostics,  or  varying  combinations  of  all  these  (see 
Jacquier,  Histoire,  I,  316;  Cornely,  Introduction, 
III,  514).  The  main  outlines  of  their  errors  are,  how- 
ever, stated  with  sufficient  clearness  in  the  Epistle, 
which  contains  a  t%vo  fold  refutation  of  them:  first,  by 
a  direct  statement  of  the  true  doctrine  on  Christ,  by 
■which  the  very  foundations  of  their  erroneous  teaching 
are  shown  to  be  baseless;  and  secondly,  by  a  direct 
polemic  in  which  is  laid  bare  the  hoUowness  of  what 
they  put  forth  under  the  specious  name  of  "  philos- 
ophy". Here,  philosophy  in  general  is  not  con- 
demned, but  only  the  philosophy  of  those  false  teach- 
ers (Hort,  Jud.  Chr.,  118).  This  was  not  "according 
to  Christ",  but  according  to  the  "tradition  of  men", 
and  was  in  keeping  only  with  the  very  alphabet  of 
worldly  speculation  {Kara  to.  a-Toixeia  toO  Kbaiwv — see 
Gal.,  iv,  3).  Josephus  and  Philo  apply  the  word 
"philosophy "to  Jewish  teaching,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  it  was  applied  so  in  Coloss.,  ii ;  some  of  its 
details  are  given  in  16-23:  (1)  The  false  teachers 
wished  to  introduce  the  observance  of  Sabbaths,  new- 
moons,  and  other  such  days.  (2)  They  forbade  the 
eating  and  drinking  and  even  the  very  tasting  and 
touching  of  certain  things.  (3)  Under  the  false  pre- 
tence of  humility  they  inculcated  the  worship  (dpri<TK(la) 
of  angels,  whom  they  regarded  as  equal  or  superior  to 
Christ.  The  best  modern  commentators.  Catholic  and 
non-Catholic,  agree  with  St.  Jerome  that  all  these 
errors  were  of  Jewish  origin.  The  Essenes  held  the 
most  exaggerated  ideas  on  Sabbath  observance  and 
external  purism,  and  they  appear  to  have  employed 
the  names  of  the  angels  for  magical  purposes  (Bel. 
Jud.,  II,  vii.  2-13;  Lightfoot,  Col.  and  Dissertations). 
Many  scholars  are  of  opinion  that  the  "elements  of 
this  world"  ((TToixeia  toO  Kbaiiov)  mean  elemental 
spirits;  as,  at  that  time,  many  Jews  held  that  all  ma- 
terial things  had  special  angels.  In  the  Book  of 
Henoch  and  the  Book  of  Jubilees  we  read  of  angels  of 
the  stars,  seasons,  months,  days  of  the  year,  heat,  cold, 
frost,  hail,  winds,  clouds,  etc.  Abbott  (Eph.  and 
Coloss.,  p.  248)  says  that  "the  term  properly  used  of 
the  elements  ruled  by  these  spirits  might  readily  be 
applied  to  the  spirits  themselves,  especially  as  there 
was  no  other  convenient  term ' '.  At  any  rate,  angels 
play  an  important  part  in  most  of  early  apocryphal 
books  of  the  Jews,  e.  g.  in  the  two  books  just  men- 
tioned, the  Book  of  the  Secrets  of  Henoch,  the  Test- 
ament of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  etc. 

It  may  be  noted  in  passing,  that  the  words  of  the 
Epistle  against  the  superstitious  worship  of  angels 
cannot  be  taken  as  condemning  the  Catholic  invoca- 
tion of  angels.  Dr.  T.  K.  Abbott,  a  candid  non-Cath- 
olic scholar,  has  a  very  pertinent  passage  which  bears 
on  this  point  (Eph.  and  Coloss.,  p.  268):  "Zonaras 
.  .  .  says  there  was  an  ancient  heresy  of  some  who 
said  that  we  should  not  call  on  Christ  for  help  or 
access  to  God,  but  on  the  angels.  .  .  .  This  latter 
view,  however,  would  place  Christ  high  above  the 
angels,  and  therefore  cannot  have  been  that  of  Colos- 
sians,  who  required  to  be  taught  the  superiority  of 
Christ."  The  objection  sometimes  brought  from  a 
passage  of  Theodoret.  on  the  Council  of  Laodicea,  is 
clearly  and  completely  refuted  by  Estius  (Comm.  in 
Coloss.,  II,  18).  Another  difficulty  may  be  mentioned 
in  connexion  with  this  portion  of  the  Epistle.  The 
statement  that  the  vain  philosophy  was  in  accordance 
with  "  the  tradition  of  men"  is  not  any  disparagement 
of  Apostolic  traditions,  of  which  St.  Paul  him.self 
speaks  as  follows:  "Therefore,  brethren,  stand  fast; 
and  hold  the  traditions  which  you  have  learned, 
whether  by  word  or  by  our  Epistle'''  (II  The.ss.,  ii,  14). 
"  Now  I  praise  you,  brethren,  that  in  all  things  you  are 
mindful  of  me:  and  keep  my  ordinances  as  I  have  de- 
livered them  to  you"  (I  Cor.,  xi,  2.— See   also   II 


Thess.,  iii,  6;  I  Cor.,  vii,  17;  xi,  23;  xiv,  33;  II  Cor.,  i, 
18;  Gal.,  i,  8;  Coloss.,  ii,  6,  7 ;  II  Tim.,  i,  13,  14;  ii,  2; 
iii,  14;  II  John,  i,  12;  III  John,  13).  Finally,  the 
very  last  verse,  dealing  with  the  errors  (ii,  23),  is  con- 
sidered one  of  the  most  difficult  passages  in  the  whole 
of  the  Scriptures.  "  \A'hich  things  have  indeed  a  shew 
of  wisdom  in  superstition  and  humility,  and  not  spar- 
ing the  body:  not  in  any  honour  to  the  filling  of  the 
flesh."  The  last  words  of  this  verse  have  given  rise  to 
a  multitude  of  the  most  conflicting  interpretations. 
They  have  been  taken  as  a  condenmation  of  bodily 
mortification,  and  as  an  exhortation  to  it.  Modern 
commentators  devote  much  space  to  an  envmieration 
of  the  many  opinions  and  to  an  exhaustive  study  of 
these  words  without  any  satisfactory  result.  There  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  opinion  of  Hort,  Haupt,  and 
Peake  (Exp.  Greek  Test.,  535)  is  the  right  one,  viz. 
that  the  correct  reading  of  this  verse  became  irrevoca- 
bly lost,  in  transcription,  in  very  early  times. 

Contents. — First  Part  (i,  n). — The  Epistle  con- 
sists of  two  parts,  the  first  two  chapters  being  dog- 
matico-polemical;  and  the  last  two  practical  or  moral. 
In  the  first  part  the  writer  shows  the  absurdity  of  the 
errors  by  a  direct  statement  of  the  supereminent  dig- 
nity of  Christ,  by  Whose  blood  we  have  the  redemp- 
tion of  sins.  He  is  the  perfect  image  of  the  invisible 
God,  begotten  before  all  creatures.  By  Him  and  for 
Him  were  created  all  things  in  heaven  and  on  earth, 
visible  and  invisible,  spiritual  as  well  as  material,  and 
by  Him  are  all  things  upheld.  He  is  the  Head  of  the 
Church  and  He  has  reconciled  all  things  through  the 
blood  of  His  cro,ss,  and  the  Colossians  "  also  he  hath 
reconciled  .  .  .  through  death".  St.  Paul,  as  the  Apos- 
tle of  the  Gentiles  and  a  prisoner  for  their  sakes,  ex- 
horts them  to  hold  fast  to  Christ  in  Whom  the  pleni- 
tude of  the  Godhead  dwells,  and  not  to  allow  them- 
selves under  the  plausible  name  of  philosophy,  to  be 
re-enslaved  by  Jewish  traditions  based  on  the  Law  of 
Moses,  which  was  but  the  shadow  of  which  Christ 
was  the  reality  and  which  was  abrogated  by  His  com- 
ing. They  are  not  to  listen  to  vain  and  rudimentary 
speculations  of  the  false  teachers,  nor  are  they  to  suf- 
fer themselves  to  be  deluded  by  a  specious  plea  of  hu- 
mility to  put  angels  or  demons  on  a  level  with  Christ, 
the  creator  of  all,  the  master  of  angels,  and  conqueror 
of  demons. 

Second  Part  [iii,  iv). — In  this  portion  of  the  Epistle 
St.  Paul  draws  some  practical  lessons  from  the  fore- 
going teaching.  He  appeals  to  them  that  as  they  are 
risen  with  Christ  they  should  mind  the  things  that  are 
above;  put  off  the  old  man  and  put  on  the  new.  In 
Christ  there  is  to  be  neither  Gentile  nor  Jew,  barbarian 
nor  Scythian,  bond  nor  free.  The  duties  of  wives  and 
husbands,  children  and  servants  are  next  given.  He 
recommends  constant  prayer  and  thanksgiving,  and 
tells  them  to  walk  with  wisdom  towards  them  that  are 
without,  letting  their  speech  be  always  in  grace  sea- 
soned with  salt,  that  they  may  know  how  to  answer 
every  man.  After  the  final  greeting,  the  Apostle  ends 
with:  "The  salutation  of  Paul  with  my  own  hand. 
Be  mindful  of  my  bands.  Grace  be  with'  you,;, 
Amen ' '.  \ 

Authenticity  of  the  Epistle. — External  Evi- 
dence.— The  external  evidence  for  the  Epistle  is  so 
strong  that  even  Davidson  has  gone  to  the  extent  of 
saying  that  "it  was  unanimously  attested  in  ancient 
times".  Considering  its  brevity,  controversial  char- 
acter, and  the  local  and  ephemeral  nature  of  the  errors 
dealt  with,  it  is  surprising  how  frequently  it  was  us(?d 
by  early  writers.  There  are  traces  of  it  in  some  of  the 
Apostolic  Fathers,  and  it  was  known  to  the  writer  of 
file  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  to  St.  Polycarp,  and  Theo- 
philus  of  Antioch.  It  was  quoted  by  Justin  Martyr, 
lrena>us,  Tertulli.an,  Clement  of  .Alexandria,  etc. 
From  the  Muratorian  Fragnwut  and  early  versions  it 
is  evident  that  it  was  contained  in  the  very  first  col- 
lections of  St.  Paul's  Epistles.     It  was  used  as  Scrip- 


Uti* 


(Wh 


COLOSSIANS 


133 


COLOSSIANS 


tiirr  early  in  the  second  century,  by  Marcion,  the  Val- 
iiitinians,  and  by  other  heretics  mentioned  in  the 
"  I'hilosophoumena";  and  they  would  not  have  ac- 
copted  it  had  it  originated  among  their  opponents 
after  they  broke  away  from  the  Church. 

Internal  Evidence. — The  Epistle  clauns  to  have  been 
written  by  St.  Paul,  and  the  internal  evidence  shows 
rliise  connexion  with  Philippians  (von  Soden)  and  Phil- 
oiiion,  which  are  admitted  to  be  genuine  letters  of  St. 
Paul.  Renan  concedes  that  it  presents  several  traits 
"hicli  are  opposed  to  the  hypothesis  of  its  being  a  for- 
il'Tv,  and  of  this  number  is  its  connexion  with  the 
I]pistle  to  Philemon.  It  has  to  be  noted,  too,  that 
the  moral  portion  of  the  Epistle,  consisting  of  the 
!  i-t  two  chapters,  has  the  closest  affinity  with  similar 
pillions  of  other  Epistles,  while  the  whole  admirably 
lit.  in  with  the  known  details  of  St.  Paul's  life,  and 
throws  considerable  light  upon  them. 

t  'lijECTiONS. — As  the  historical  evidence  is  much 
>tri merer  than  that  for  the  majority  of  classical  writ- 
1'  ^-.  it  may  be  asked  why  its  genuineness  was  ever 

Hi  d  in  que-stion.  It  was  never  doubted  until  18.38, 
V  t' II  Meyerhoff,  followed  by  others,  began  to  raise 
ohj.'c-tions  against  it.  It  will  be  convenient  to  deal 
with  these  objections  under  the  following  four  heads: 
(I  )  Style;  (2)  Christologj-;  (.3)  Errors  dealt  with;  and 
I  1  '  Similarity  to  Ephesians. 

1  )  Sliih'. — (a)  In  general,  on  comparing  the  Epistle 
\W']i  Corinthians,  Romans,  and  Galatians,  it  will  be 
-'  1  ;i  that  the  style,  especially  in  the  earlier  part,  is 
1;'  i\  y  and  cnmiilicated.  It  contains  no  sudden  ques- 
\  ]•«<<.  Tio  crushing  dilemra.as,  no  vehement  outbursts  of 
swiiping  Pauline  eloquence.  Some  of  the  sentences 
ail  long  and  involved,  and  though  the  whole  is  set 
forth  in  a  lofty  and  noble  strain,  the  presentment  is 
niiifonn,  and  not  quite  in  the  manner,  say,  of  Gala- 
ti  MIS.     Hence  it  is  objected  that  it  could  not  have 

I  "I  II  written  by  St.  Paul.     But  all  this  can  be  very 

II  iturally  explained  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the 
l^l'istle  was  written  after  several  years  of  monotonous 
roiilinement,  when  Christianity  had  taken  firm  root, 
wlicii  the  old  type  of  Judaizerhad  become  extinct  and 
.■^1  Paul's  position  securely  established.  His  advanc- 
iiii:  years,  also,  should  be  taken  into  account.  It  is 
1 1'  •!!  r,  moreover,  to  compare  this  Epistle,  or  but  parts 

■t  it,  with  onli/  certain  portions  of  one  or  two  of  the 
r  irlicr  ones.  There  are  long  and  involved  sentences 
sr, ttcred  throughout  Romans,  I  and  II  Corinthians, 
ainl  Calatians,  and  the  generally  admitted  Epistle  to 
tin'  I'hilipiiians.  It  has  also  to  be  observed  that 
n.iny  of  the  old  Pauline  expressions  and  methods  of 

II  Manning  are  most  naturally  and  inextricably  inter- 
\vi  .\cn  with  the  very  tissue  and  .substance  of  the  Epis- 
tli  ,  .\mple  proofs  for  all  these  statements  and  others 
tlinnighout  this  article,  are  given  in  works  mentioned 
in  the  bibliography.  Dr.  Sanday  has  voiced  the 
opinion  of  fair-minded  critics  when  he  says  that  no- 
li I'iy  can  view  the  Epistle  as  a  whole,  without  being 
inn.rcssed  by  its  unbreakable  unity  and  genuine  Paul- 
ino I  haracter. 

li)  Many  of  St.  Paul's  favourite  expressions  are 

w  lilting.     From  eight  to  a  dozen  words  not  unfre- 

ipiiiitly  u.sed  by  him  in  earlier  writings  are  absent 

from  this  short  Epistle;  and  about  a  dozen  connecting 

particles,  which  he  employs  elsewhere,  are  also  miss- 

iiii;      ( )ne  or  two  instances  will  show  how  such  objec- 

1 1'  IK  may  readily  be  solved,  with  the  aid  of  a  concord- 

The    worcLs     Sf^aios,    (rojrtjpta,    .and    ci/ws    are 

found    in    the     Epistle.      Therefore,    etc. — But 

;  is  waritiiig  both  in  I  Cor.  and  I  Thess. ;  {roirrjpia 

:  roiitainid  either  in  I  Cor.  or  Gal.;   pdfwi  is  not 

toil  at  all  in  1  The.ss.  or  II  Cor.      In  the  same  way 

(u  nil  regard  to  connecting  particles)  ipa,  which  is  not 

III  this  Epistle,  is  not  found  either  in  Philipp.  or  the 
lii-t  hundred  verses  of  I  Cor.,  a  space  much  longer 
thin  the  whole  of  th<!  Epistle;  ipa  oin,  which  is  fre- 
|Mrnt  in  Romans,  is  not  met  with  in  I  and  II  Cor.  and 


only  once  in  Gal.     (See  the  details  of  the  argument  in 
Abbott  and  Jacquier.) 

(c)  It  is  objected  that  the  Epistle  contains  many 
strange  words,  nowhere  else  used  by  St.  Paul.  That, 
however,  is  precisely  what  we  should  expect  in  an 
Epistle  of  St.  Paul.  Every  Epistle  written  by  him 
contains  many  words  employed  by  him  nowhere  else. 
Alford  gives  a  list  of  thirty-two  &wa^  \ey6p.€va  in  this 
Epistle,  and  of  these  eighteen  occur  in  the  second 
chapter,  where  the  errors  are  dealt  with.  The  same 
thing  occurs  in  the  earlier  Epistles,  where  the  Apostle 
is  speaking  of  new  subjects  or  peculiar  errors,  and 
there  fiiral  \ey6fj.(m  most  abound.  This  Epistle  does 
not  show  more  than  the  ordinary  proportion  of  new 
words  and  in  this  respect  compares  favourably  with 
the  genuine  II  Cor.  Furthermore,  the  compound 
words  found  in  the  Epistle  have  their  analogues  in 
similar  passages  of  the  authentic  Epistle  to  the  Ro- 
mans. It  would  be  most  absurd  to  bind  down  to  a 
narrow  and  set  vocabulary  a  writer  of  such  intellec- 
tual vigour  and  literary  versatility  as  St.  Paul.  The 
vocabularj'  of  all  writers  changes  with  time,  place,  and 
subject-matter.  Salmon,  Mahaffy,  and  others  have 
pointed  out  that  similar  changes  of  vocabulary  occur 
in  the  writings  of  Xenophon,  who  was  a  traveller  like 
St.  Paul.  Compare  the  earlier  and  later  letters  of 
Lord  Acton  (edited  by  Abbot  Gasquet)  or  of  Cardinal 
Newman. 

(2)  Christologtf. — It  has  been  objected  that  the  ex- 
alted idea  of  Christ  presented  in  the  Epistle  could  not 
have  been  written  by  St.  Paul.  In  answer  to  this  it 
will  be  sufficient  to  quote  the  following  passage  from 
the  genuine  Epistle  to  the  Phili|ipiaiis:  "Who  [Christ 
Jesu.s]  being  in  the  form  of  God,  tliciut;ht  it  not  robbery 
to  be  equal  with  God:  but  emptied  himself,  taking  the 
form  of  a  servant"  (ii,  6,  7,  etc.  See  Romans,  i,  3,  4; 
Gr.  text,  viii,  3;  I  Cor.,  viii,  6;  II  Cor.,  viii,  9;  Gal.,  iv, 
6,  etc.).  That  the  Christology  of  the  Epistle  does  not 
differ  in  any  essential  point  from  that  of  St.  Paul's 
other  Epistles  is  seen  from  an  impartial  study  of  these 
latter.  The  subject  has  been  scientifically  worked  out 
by  Pere  Rose  (Rev.  bibl.,  1903),  M.  Lepin  (Jesus  Mes- 
sie,  341),  Sanday  (Criticism  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  lect. 
vii,  Oxford,  1905),  Knowling  (The  Testimony  of  St. 
Paul  to  Christ,  London,  1905),  Lacey  (The  Historic 
Christ,  London,  1905),  etc.  Nor  can  the  words  (i,  24) : 
I  ...  "fill  up  those  things  that  are  wanting  of  the 
sufferings  of  Christ,  in  my  flesh,  for  his  body,  which  is 
the  church",  present  any  difficulty  when  it  is  remem- 
bered that  he  had  just  said  that  Christ  had  reconciled 
all  through  the  blood  of  His  cross,  and  that  the  correct 
meaning  of  duTauaTrX-qpOi  ra  va-rep-^fiara  tCiv  dXl^euiv  toO 
XpiffTou  iv  TTj  ffapKi  fjLou  inr^p  rod  aufiaros  avroO,  S  iariv 
71  iKKX-qala  is:  "I  am  filling  up  those  Christian 
sufferings  that  remain  for  me  to  endure  for  the 
sake  of  the  Church  of  Christ",  etc.  Compare  II  Cor., 
i,  5,  "For  as  the  sufferings  of  Christ  abound  in  us" 
(tA  iradrifjiaTa  ToO  \pt<TTOu). 

(3)  Errur.i  dealt  with. — The  objection  under  this 
heading  need  not  detain  us  long.  Some  years  ago  it 
was  freiiuently  a.sserted  that  the  errors  combated  in 
this  Epistle  were  Gnostic  errors  of  the  second  century, 
and  that  the  I'^pistle  was  therefore  written  many  years 
after  St.  Paul's  death.  But  this  opinion  is  now  con- 
sidered, even  by  the  most  advanced  critics,  as  ex- 
ploded and  antiquated.  Nobody  can  read  the  writ- 
ings of  these  Gnostics  without  becoming  convinced 
that  terms  employed  by  them  were  used  in  a  quite  dif- 
ferent sense  from  that  attached  to  them  in  the  Epis- 
tle. Haur  himself  appears  to  have  had  considerable 
misgivings  on  the  point.  The  errors  of  Judaic  Gnos- 
ticism, condemned  in  the  Epistle,  were  quite  embry- 
onic when  compared  with  the  full-blown  Greek  Gnos- 
ticism of  the  second  century  (.see  Lightfoot,  Coloss., 
etc.). 

(4)  Similnritu  to  Epiieaianx. — The  principal  objec- 
tion to  the  Epistle  is  its  great  similarity  to  Ephesians. 


COLOURS 


134 


COLOURS 


Davidson  stated  that  out  of  155  verses  in  the  latter 
Epistle  78  were  identical  with  Colossians.  De  Wette 
held  that  Ephesians  was  but  a  verbose  amplification 
of  Colossians.  Baur  thought  Ephesians  thesuperior  let- 
ter, and  Renan  asked  how  can  we  suppose  the  Apostle 
spending  his  time  in  making  a  bald  transcription  of 
himself.  But,  as  Dr.  Salmon  pointed  out,  an  Apostle 
might  write  a  circular  letter,  that  is,  he  might  send  to 
different  places  letters  couched  in  identical  words. 
Many  theories  have  been  elaborated  to  explain  these 
undoubted  resemblances.  Ewald  maintained  that 
the  substance  was  St.  Paul's,  while  the  composition 
was  left  to  Timothy.  Weiss  and  Hitzig  had  recourse 
to  a  theory  of  interpolations.  But  the  theory  that 
has  gained  the  greatest  amount  of  notoriety  is  that  of 
H.  J.  Holtzmann.  In  his  "  Ivritik  der  Epheser-  und 
Kolosser-Briefe  "  (1872)  he  instituted  a  most  elaborate 
and  exhaustive  comparison  between  the  two  Epistles. 
He  took  a  number  of  passages  which  seemed  to  prove 
the  priority  of  Ephesians  and  an  equal  number  which 
were  just  as  conclusive  that  Colossians  was  the  earlier. 
The  natural  conclusion  would  be  that  all  these  simi- 
larities were  due  to  the  same  author  writing  and 
dispatching  these  Epistles  at  one  and  the  same  time. 
But  Holtzmann's  explanation  was  quite  different.  He 
supposed  that  St.  Paul  wrote  a  short  epistle  to  the 
Colossians.  From  the  study  of  this  epistle  a  later 
writer  composed  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  Then 
taking  St.  Paul's  short  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  he 
made  interpolations  and  additions  to  it  from  his  own 
composition  to  the  Ephesians,  and  thus  built  up  our 
present  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and  that  with  such 
success  that  the  thing  was  never  suspected  until  the 
nineteenth  century.  This  intricate  and  complicated 
theory  did  not  gain  a  single  adherent,  even  amongst 
the  most  advanced  critical  school.  Hilgenfeld  re- 
jected it  in  1873;  but  its  best  refutation  is  von  So- 
den's  detailed  criticism  of  1885.  He  held  that  only 
about  eight  verses  could  be  regarded  as  interpolations. 
Sanday  in  Smith's  "Diet,  of  the  Bible"  (I,  625) 
pointed  out  that  von  Soden's  lines  of  demarcation 
were  purely  imaginary,  and  Pfleiderer  showed  the  in- 
consistency involved  in  his  rejection  of  these  verses. 
The  results  of  these  criticisms  and  of  further  study 
convinced  von  Soden,  in  1891,  that  the  whole  Epistle 
was  genuine,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  verse — a 
verse  now  generally  held  to  be  genuine.  In  1894  Ju- 
licher  stated  that  the  best  solution  was  to  admit  the 
authenticity  of  both  Epistles,  though  he  speaks  more 
hesitatingly  in  "Encyc.  Bibl.",  1889.  J.  Weiss  made 
an  abortive  attempt  to  resuscitate  Holtzmann's  mori- 
bund theory  in  1900. 

Whilst  Holtzmann's  facts  are  incontestable,  and  only 
go  to  prove  the  community  of  authorship,  his  explana- 
tion (in  which  he  seems  to  have  lost  faith)  is  rejected 
by  scholars  as  artificial  and  unreal.  It  affords  no  ex- 
planation of  many  things  connected  with  these  Epis- 
tles. It  does  not  explam  how  the  early  Christians 
allowed  a  genuine  letter  of  St.  Paul  to  become  com- 
pletely lost,  without  trace  or  mention,  for  the  sake  of 
two  forgeries  of  much  later  date.  Each  Epistle,  taken 
by  itself,  shows  such  imity  and  connexion  of  argu- 
ment and  language,  that  if  the  other  were  not  in  exists 
ence  no  one  would  have  suspected  the  slightest  degree 
of  interpolation.  The  parts  rejected  as  interpola- 
tions break  the  unity  of  argument  and  flow  of  ideas. 
Why  should  a  forger,  cajiable  of  writing  the  bulk  of 
both  E|.)istles,  take  the  troul)le  to  interpolate  verses 
and  half  of  his  own  production  from  one  Epistle  into 
the  other,  and  that  in  quite  a  different  connexion? 
Besides,  as  Princijial  Salmoiid  observes,  there  is  not  a 
dull  sameness  of  style  in  both  Epistles.  Ephesians  is 
round,  full,  rhythmical;  Colossians  more  pointed, 
logical,  and  concise.  E{)liesians  has  several  references 
to  the  ().  T. ;  (Jolossians  only  one.  There  are  different 
new  words  in  each,  and  there  are  whole  passages  in 
the  one  and  nothing  like  them  found  in  the  other. 


The  expressions  supposed  to  have  come  from  Colos- 
sians occur  quite  naturally  in  Ephesians,  but  by  no 
means  in  the  same  context  and  cormexion,  and  vice 
versa.  As  Holtzmann's  hypothesis  has  completely 
broken  down,  his  study  of  the  Epistles  shows  such 
close  relationship  between  them  that  there  can  be  only 
one  other  possible  explanation:  that  both  are  the  gen- 
uine writings  of  one  man,  and  that  man  was  St.  Paul. 
Paley,  who  wrote  his  "Horse  Paulinae"  in  1790,  set 
forth  this  side  of  the  argument  long  before  these  ob- 
jections were  thought  of;  and  the  fact  that  he  can  still 
be  quoted,  without  qualification,  in  this  connexion,  is 
the  best  proof  of  the  futility  of  all  such  objections. 
He  says  (Horie  Paulina,  London,  1790,  215): — 

"Whoever  writes  two  letters  or  discourses  nearly 
upon  the  same  subject  and  at  no  great  distance  of 
time,  but  without  any  express  recollection  of  what  he 
had  written  before  will  find  himself  repeating  some 
sentences  in  the  very  order  of  the  words  in  which  he 
had  already  used  them;  but  he  will  more  frequently 
find  himself  employing  some  principal  terms,  with  the 
order  inadvertently  changed,  or  with  the  order  dis- 
turbed by  the  intermixture  of  other  words  and 
phrases  expressive  of  ideas  rising  up  at  the  time,  or  in 
many  instances  repeating  not  single  words,  nor  yet 
whole  sentences,  but  parts  and  fragments  of  sentences. 
Of  all  these  varieties  the  examination  of  our  two  epis- 
tles will  furnish  plain  examples,  and  I  should  rely  on 
this  class  of  instances  more  than  on  the  last,  because 
although  an  impostor  might  transcribe  into  a  forgery 
entire  sentences  and  phrases,  yet  the  dislocation  of 
words,  the  partial  recollection  of  phrases  and  sen- 
tences, the  intermixture  of  new  terins  and  new  ideas 
with  terms  and  ideas  before  used,  which  will  appear 
in  the  examples  that  follow,  and  which  are  the  natural 
products  of  writing  produced  under  the  circumstances 
in  which  these  epistles  are  represented  to  have  been 
composed — would  not,  I  think,  have  occurred  to  the 
invention  of  a  forger,  nor,  if  they  had  occurred  would 
they  have  been  so  easily  executed.  This  studied  vari- 
ation was  a  refinement  in  forgery  which  I  believe  did 
not  exist,  or  if  we  can  suppose  it  to  have  been  prac- 
tised in  the  instances  adduced  below,  why,  it  may  be 
asked,  was  not  the  same  art  exercised  upon  those 
which  we  have  collected  in  the  preceding  class?"  He 
then  goes  on  to  illustrate  all  these  jjoints  by  numerous 
examples  taken  from  all  parts  of  these  Epistles. 

St.  Jerome,  Ep.  cxxi.  Ad  Algas.,  q.  x  in   Opera  (Venice, 
176G).   I.    Pt.    I,  878:     CoRNELY,    Inlrod.    (Paris,    1897),   HI; 
Salmon,  hitrod.  to  Sew  Test.  (London,  1S97);   J.\cquier.  His- 
loire  dcs  Livrcs  du  Nouveau  Test.  (Paris.  1906),  I;  EsTlos,  Com- 
mfjitarius  (Mainz,  1844) ;   Bisping,  Erkldrung  der  Briefe  an  die   i 
Eph.,  Philip.,  Kol.    (Miinster,    1855);    McE\tlly,   Exposition  j 
(Dublin,  1860);    Al,ronD,  New  Test.  Critical  and  Exenrlical  Com- 
mentary (London,  1856);    Elucott,  Critical  and  Grammatical 
Comm,    (London,  1857);    'Llc,uTVy^^^^.  < 'nta^.^ians  and  Philevum 
(London,  1879);  Idem,  Diss,'i-t.it,.<i,    ,.u  ;/..  Apostolic  Age  (Lon-  , 
don,  1875);  S.ind.iy  in  Smith, /),-/,.;  (/m  /j'iA/c  (London,  1893);    I 
VON  SoDEN,  Z>te  Briefe  an  dir  Koln.^.^.r.   etc.    (Leipzig,  1893);    i 
Salmond,  Ephesians:    Peake,  Colossians  in  Exp.  Greek  Test.    . 
(London,  1903).      One  of  tlie   best  boolcs  on   the  subject  is 
.\bbott,  Ephesians  and  Colossians.     See  also  The  International 
Critical  Commentary,  ed.  Clark  (Edinburgh,     1907);     Hort. 
Judaic  Christianity  (London,  1898).  C.   AheRNE. 

Colours,  Liturgical. — By  a  law  of  her  liturgy  the 
Church  directs  that  the  vestments  worn  by  her  sacred 
ministers,  and  the  drapery  used  in  the  decoration  of 
the  altar  should  correspond  in  colour  to  that  which  is 
prescribed  for  the  Office  of  the  day.  The  colours  thus 
sanctioned  by  the  Church  in  connexion  with  her  pub- 
lic worship  arc  called  the  liturgical  colours.  Here  it 
will  be  enough  to  examine  (1)  their  number;  (2)  the 
drapery  and  \'estmcnts  alTected  by  them;  (3)  their 
obligation;  (4)  their  antiquity,  and  (5)  their  symbol- 
ism. 1 

I.  Number. — In  the  Roman  Rite,  since  Pius  V,  col-j 
ours  are  five  in  number,  viz. :  white,  red.  green,  violet," 
and  black.  Ro.se  colour  is  employed  only  on  Ijctare 
and  (laudete  Sundays.  Blue  is  prescribed  in  somedio- 
ceses  of  Spain  for  the  Mass  of  the  Immaculate  Concep- 


COLTON 


135 


COLUMBA 


tion.  White  is  the  colour  proper  to  Trinity  Sunday, 
the  feasts  of  Our  Lord,  except  those  of  His  Passion, 
the  feasts  of  the  Blessecl  Virgin,  angels,  confessors.vir- 
gins  and  women,  who  are  not  martyrs,  the  Nativity  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  chief  feast  of  St.  John  the 
Evangelist,  the  feast  of  the  Chains  and  of  the  Chair  of 
St.  Peter,  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  .\1I  Saints,  to  the 
consecration  of  churches  iu\d  altars,  the  anniversaries 
'of  tlif  election  and  coronation  of  the  pope  and  of  the 
iKrtion  and  consecration  of  bishops;  also  for  the  oc- 
tiiM's  of  these  feasts  and  the  Offices  de  tempore  from 
Holy  Saturday  to  the  vigil  of  Pentecost;  it  is  used  for 
\  I  It  i\o  Masses  when  the  feasts  have  white,  and  for  the 
iiui'tial  Mass;  also  in  services  in  connexion  with  the 
I'.lrssed  Sacrament,  at  the  burial  of  children,  in  the  ad- 
iii  II  list  ration  of  baptism,  Holy  Viaticimi,  and  matri- 
Mi'iiiy. 

K'hI  is  used  the  week  of  Pentecost,  on  the  feasts  of 
•  liii^t's  Passion  and  His  Precious  Blood,  the  Finding 
.iihl  l-^levation  of  the  Cross,  the  feasts  of  Apostles  and 
111  iityrs;  and  in  votive  Masses  of  these  feasts.  It  is 
ii-ril  nn  Holy  Innocents  if  the  feast  occur  on  Sunday 
nnl  always  on  its  octave. 

I  .rcen  is  employed  in  Offices  '/<  tiHijinir  from  the 
M  i:i\(-  of  the   lijiiphany  to  Septii:ii;c'~iiiKi,  and  from 

I  III'  ni-tave  of  Pentecost  to  Advent,  cxrcpi  nn  ember- 
l,i\  -  and  vigils  during  that  time,  and  on  Sundays  oc- 
i,  :iii!>  within  an  octave. 
\  inlet  is  used  during  Advent  and  from  Septuages- 
irii  I  to  Easter,  on  vigils  that  are  fast  days,  and  on 
i'iiil)cr-days,  except  the  vigil  of  Pentecost  and  the 
■ml  iiT-days  during  the  octave  of  Pentecost.  Violet  is 
iNi .  used  for  Mass  on  rogation-days,  for  votive  Masses 
4  the  Passion  and  of  penitential  character,  at  the 
:)li-^ing  of  candles  and  of  holy  water.  The  stole  used 
111  t  III'  administration  of  penance  and  of  extreme  uno- 
II 111  and  in  the  first  part  of  the  baptismal  ceremonies 
iiu-l  be  violet. 

Black  is  used  in  offices  for  the  dead,  and  on  Good 
f-nday. 

I I  —The  drapery  and  vestments  affected  by  the 
I  \\  I  if  liturgical  colours  are  (a)  the  antependium  of  the 

ill  M'.  and  as  a  matter  of  appropriateness,  the  taber- 
irliveil;  (b)  the  bur.se  and  chalice  veil ;  (c)  maniple, 
-toll',  chasuble,  cope,  and  humeral  veil;  (d)  maniple, 
■  lull',  tunic,  and  dalmatic  of  the  .sacred  ministers,  and 
1 1 -I  I  the  broad  stole  and  folded  chasuble  when  em- 
ilnyi-il.  All  these  must  correspond  with  the  rules 
n  -nibing  the  use  of  each  colour.  The  rubrical  pre- 
nifitions  regard  the  main  or  con.stitutive  portion  of 
,11  h  vestment,  so  that  the  borders  or  other  orna- 
III  iiial  accessories  do  not  determine  the  quality  of 
I  ill  iiir.  Neither  does  the  lining,  but  the  Roman  prac- 
iri  is  to  have  it  in  harmony  with  the  vestment  itself, 
,cilii\v  however  being  generally  adopted  instead  of 
II no  white. 

III  Oblig.\tion. — The  obligation  of  using  any  par- 
ii  iilar  colour  begins  with  the  First  Vespers  of  the 
Mhio  of  which  it  is  characteristic,  or  with  the  Matins 
I  I  hr  ( )frice  has  no  First  Vespers,  and  ceases  as  soon  as 
]>•■  fi iUowing  Office  begins.  Vestments  made  of  pure 
■111  li  of  gold  may  be  employed  for  red,  white,  and  green 
111  ins  (Decret.  Authent.'  nn.  .3145,  3646,  ed.  1900); 
■111  li  of  silver  may  be  u.sed  instead  of  white.  Multi- 
I  1  iired  vestments  caimot  be  used  except  for  the  pre- 
I luiint  colour. 

I\.  .-Vntiquity. — Benedict  XIV  (De  Sacro  Sacri- 

i(i.)  MLssa?  I,  VIII,  n.  16)  says  that  up  to  thefourth 

■ciiiury  white  was  the  only  liturgical  colour  in  use. 

>tlicr  colours  were  introduced  soon  afterwards.     In- 

11"  int  III  (d.  1216)  is  among  the  first  to  emphasize  a 

li-iinction.     He    mentions    four    principal    colours, 

\liiio,  red,  green,  black  (DeSac.  Alt.  Mys..  I,  Ixv)  as  of 

^(  III  ral  use,  and  one,  viz.  \-iolet,  as  occasionally  em- 

I.     This  latter  was  regularly  used  from  the  thir- 

'i  century.     An  "Ordo  Romanus"  of  the  four- 

I  century  enumerates  five.     Between  the  twelfth 


and  sixteenth  centuries  blue  and  yellow  were  common 
but  they  may  not  be  used  without  very  special  authori- 
zation (Cong,  of  Rites,  Sept.,  18:^7). 

V.  Symbolism. — Outside  of  Rome  uniformity  of 
observance  was  effected  in  the  second  quarter  of  the 
nineteenth  century  by  the  abrogation  of  other  uses. 
In  the  Western  Church  only  the  Ambrosian  Rite 
(q.  v.)  retains  its  peculiar  colours.  Most  of  the  Ori- 
ental rites  have  no  prescribed  liturgical  colours.  The 
Greek  Rite  (q.  v.)  alone  has  a  fixed  usage  but  even 
among  them  it  is  not  of  strict  obligation.  The  Ruthe- 
nians  follow  the  Roman  regulation  since  1S91.  The 
variety  of  liturgical  colours  in  the  Cluirch  arose  from 
the  mystical  meaning  attached  to  them.  Thus  white, 
the  symbol  of  light,  typifies  innocence  and  purity,  joy 
and  glory;  red,  the  language  of  fire  and  blood,  indi- 
cates burning  charity  and  the  martyrs'  generous  sacri- 
fice; green,  the  hue  of  plants  and  trees,  bespeaks  the 
hope  of  life  eternal;  violet,  the  gloomy  cast  of  the 
mortified,  denotes  affliction  and  melancholy;  while 
black,  the  universal  emblem  of  mourning,  signifies  the 
sorrow  of  death  and  the  sombreness  of  the  tomb. 

Legg,  Notes  on  History  of  Lilimjira!  Colours  (London,  1882); 
Van  der  Stappen,  De  Celebm'-n,,,-  1/,»,-,r  (Mechlin,  1902),  120- 
133;  Macalister.  Ecclcsiaslufil  I'    'iii,  ,  '    i  Ijondon,  1896);  pp, 

223-28);  Bk.kvu.  Die  tilur,,,,  .'     i..:r / ,»,;  (Freiburg  im  Br. 

1907),  pp.  728-00;  Gihr,  Th.  ILJ  ,  .^,.,  ,;„,  ojthe  Mass  (tr.,  St. 
Louis,  1902),  297-312;  Kook,  <7,i,,, /,  „/  Our  Fathers  (2nd 
edition,  London,  1904),  II,  213  .sq.;  Wilpert,  Gcxoandung  der 
Christen  (Freiburg,  1898). 

Patrick  Mourisroe. 
Colton,  Charles  H.     See  Buffalo,  Diocese  of. 

Columba,  Saint,  of  Terryglass,  son  of  Crinthainn 
and  a  disciple  of  St.  Finnian  of  Clonard.  When  the 
latter  was  in  extremis,  from  the  plague,  Columba  admin- 
istered Holy  Viaticum.  Having  completed  his  stud- 
ies, he  took  charge  of  Caemhan,  Fintan,  and  Mocumin, 
w'ho  are  numbered  among  the  saints.  He  founded  the 
celebrated  monastery  of  Tirdaglas,  or  Terryglass,  548. 
It  is  said  that  he  visited  Tours  and  brought  thence 
rehcs  of  St.'  Martin.  He  died  of  the  plague,  13  De- 
cember, 552,  and  was  buried  ■svithin  the  precincts  of 
his  own  monastery  at  Terrj-glass.  Some  fifteen  other 
saints  of  Ireland,  bearing  the  name  Columba,  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Martyrologj'  of  Cionnan. 

Butler,  Lives  of  Saints.  XII;  Lanigan.  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  Ireland  (Dublin.  1829). II,  71:  Henry  Br.idshaw  See.  Mar- 
tyrology  of  Gorman  (1895).  p.  345;  Ussher,  Works  (Dublin, 
1847),  VI,  533. 

Columba  Edmonds. 

Columba,  Saint. — There  are  two  saints  of  this 
name,  virgins  aiul  martjTS. 

(1)  St.  Columba  of  Sens,  who  suffered  towards  the 
end  of  the  third  century,  probably  under  the  Em- 
peror Aurelian.  She  is  said  to  have  been  beheaded 
near  a  fountain  called  d'Azon;  and  the  tradition  is 
that  her  body  was  left  by  her  murderers  on  the  ground, 
until  it  was  buried  by  a  man  called  Aubertus,  in 
thanksgiving  for  his  restoration  to  sight  on  his  in- 
voking her.  A  chapel  was  afterwards  built  over  her 
relics;  and,  later  on,  rose  the  Abbey  of  Sens,  which  at 
one  time  was  a  place  of  pilgrimage  in  her  honour.  She 
is  also  said  to  have  been  patroness  of  the  parish  church 
of  Chcvilly  in  the  Diocese  of  Paris,  but  her  whole  his- 
tory is  somewhat  legendary. 

Butler.  Lives  of  the  Saints,  IV,  592;  Brdll^e,  Hisloire  de 
I'Abbayr  royale  de  Sens  (1852),  containing  a  rhymed  life  of  the 
martyr  published  at  Paris  in  1660.  This  book  wa.s  written 
partly  in  the  hope  of  restoring  popular  devotion  to  St.  Columba. 

(2)  St.  Columba,  a  Spanish  nun,  of  whom  it  is  re- 
lated that  she  was  beheaded  by  the  Moors  at  the  mon- 
astcrj'  of  Tabanos  in  853.  Her  body  is  said  to  have 
been  thrown  into  the  Guadalquivir,  but  was  rescued 
by  the  Christians.  Her  relics  were  kept  and  vener- 
ated in  Old  Castile  at  two  churches,  the  priorj'  of  St. 
Columba  and  the  royal  Abbey  of  Our  Lady  at  Nagara. 

Butler,  Lives  of  Ihe'Saints,  III.  491;  Sutsken  in  Acta  SS., 
Sept.,  V,  618  sqq.;  BOiL  hagiogr.  lal.  (1899),  283  sq. 

F.  M.  Capes. 


COLUMBA 


136 


COLUMBA 


Columba,  Saint,  Abbot  op  Iona,  b.  at  Gartan, 
County  Donegal,  Ireland,  7  December,  521 ;  d.  9  June, 
597.  He  belonged  to  the  Clan  O'Donnell,  and  was  of 
royal  descent.  His  father's  name  was  Fedhlimdh  and 
that  of  his  mother  Eithne.  On  his  father's  side  he 
was  great-great-grandson  of  Niall  of  the  Nine  Hos- 
tages, an  Irish  king  of  the  fourth  century.  His  bap- 
tismal name  was  Colum,  which  signifies  a  dove,  hence 
the  latinized  form  Columba.  It  assumes  another 
form  in  Colum-cille,  the  suffix  meaning  "of  the 
Churches".  He  was  baptized  at  Tulach-Dubhglaise, 
now  Temple-Douglas,  by  a  priest  named  Cruilhne- 
chan,  who  afterwards  became  his  tutor  or  foster- 
father.  When  sufficiently  advanced  in  letters  he 
entered  the  monastic  school  of  Moville  under  St.  Fin- 
nian,  who  had  studied  at  St.  Ninian's  "Magnum  Mon- 
asterium"  on  the  shores  of  Galloway.  Columba  at 
Moville  embraced  monastic  life  and  received  the  diac- 
onate.  In  the  same  place  hissanctity  first  manifested  it- 
self by  miracles.  By  his  prayers,  tradition  says,  he  con- 
verted water  into  wine  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice  (Adam., 
II,  i).  Having  completed  his  training  at  Moville,  he 
travelled  southwards  into  Leinster,  where  he  became  a 
pupil  of  an  aged  bard  named  Gemman.  On  leaving 
him,  Columba  entered  the  monastery  of  Clonard,  gov- 
erned at  that  time  by  Finnian,  a  man  remarkable,  like 
liis  namesake  of  Mo\'ille,  for  sanctity  and  learning. 
Here  he  imbibed  the  traditions  of  the  Welsh  Church, 
for  Finnian  had  been  trained  in  the  schools  of  St. 
David.  Here  also  he  became  one  of  those  twelve 
Clonard  disciples  known  in  subsequent  history  as  the 
Twelve  Apostles  of  Ireland.  About  this  same  time 
he  was  promoted  to  the  priesthood  by  Bishop  Etchen 
of  Clonfad.  The  story  that  St.  Finnian  wished  Co- 
lumba to  be  consecrated  bishop,  but  through  a  mis- 
take only  priest's  orders  were  conferred,  is  regarded  by 
competent  authorities  as  the  invention  of  a  later  age 
(Reeves,  Adam.,  226). 

Another  preceptor  of  Columba  was  St.  Mobhi, 
whose  monastery  at  Glasnevin  was  frequented  by 
such  famous  men  as  St.  Canice,  St.  Comgall,  and  St. 
Ciaran.  A  pestilence  which  devastated  Ireland  in  544 
caused  the  dispersion  of  Mobhi's  disciples,  and  Co- 
lumba returned  to  Ulster,  the  land  of  his  kindred. 
The  following  years  were  marked  by  the  foundation 
of  several  important  monasteries,  Derry,  Durrow,  and 
Kells.  Derry  and  Durrow  were  always  specially  dear 
to  Columba.  While  at  Derry  it  is  said  that  he  planned 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  and  Jerusalem,  but  did  not  pro- 
ceed farther  than  Tours.  Thence  he  brought  a  copy 
of  the  Gospels  that  had  lain  on  the  bosom  of  St.  Martin 
for  the  space  of  100  years.  This  relic  was  deposited 
in  Derry  (Skene,  Celtic  Scotland,  II,  483).  Columba 
left  Ireland  and  passed  over  into  Scotland  in  56.3.  The 
motives  for  this  migration  have  been  frequently  dis- 
cussed. Bede  simply  says:  "Venit  de  Hibernia  .  .  . 
praedicaturus  verbum  Dei"  (H.  E.,  Ill,  iv);  Adamnan: 
"pro  Cliristo  perigrinari  volens  enavigavit"  (Praef., 
^I).  Later  writers  state  that  his  departure  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  he  hatl  induced  the  clan  Neill  to  rise 
and  engage  in  battle  against  King  Diarmait  at  Cool- 
drevny  in  561.  The  reasons  alleged  for  this  action  of 
Columba  are:  (1)  The  king's  -violation  of  the  right  of 
sanctuary  belonging  to  Columba's  person  as  a  monk, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  murder  of  Prince  Curnan,  the 
saint's  kinsman;  (2)  Diarmait's  adverse  judgment 
concerning  the  copy  Columba  had  secretly  made  of  St. 
Finnian 's  psalter.  Columba  is  said  to  have  supported 
by  his  prayers  the  men  of  the  North  who  were  fighting, 
while  Finnian  did  the  same  for  Diarmait's  men.  The 
latter  were  defeated  with  a  loss  of  three  thousand. 
Columba '.-^  conscience  smote  him,  and  he  had  recourse 
to  his  confessor,  St.  Molaise,  who  imposed  this  severe 
penance:  to  leave  Ireland  anil  preach  the  Gospel  so  as 
to  gain  as  many  .souKs  to  Christ  as  lives  lost  at  Cool- 
drevny,  and  never  more  to  look  upon  his  native  land. 
Some  writers  hold  that  these  are  legends  invcntecl  by 


the  bards  and  romancers  of  a  later  age,  because  there 
is  no  mention  of  them  by  the  earliest  authorities 
(O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Ir.  Saints,  VI,  3.53).  Cardi- 
nal Moran  accepts  no  other  motive  than  that  assigned 
by  Adamnan,  "a  desire  to  carry  the  Gospel  to  a  pagan 
nation  and  to  win  souls  to  God".  (Lives  of  Irish 
Saints  in  Great  Britain,  67).  Archbishop  Healy,  on 
the  contrary,  considers  that  the  saint  did  incite  to 
battle,  and  exclaims:  "O /e/jj  ru/pa  .  .  .  which  pro- 
duced so  much  good  both  for  Erin  and  Alba"  (Schools 
and  Scholars,  311). 

Iona. — Columba  was  in  his  forty-fourth  year  when 
he  departed  from  Ireland.  He  antl  his  twelve  com- 
panions crossed  the  sea  in  a  currach  of  wiekerwork 
covered  with  hides.  They  landed  at  Iona  on  the  eve 
of  Pentecost,  12  May,  563.  The  island,  according 
to  Irish  authorities,  was  granted  to  the  monastic  colon- 
ists by  King  Conall  of  Dalriada.  Columba's  kinsman. 
Bede  attributes  the  gift  to  the  Picts  (Fowler,  p.  Ixv). 
It  was  a  convenient  situation,  being  midway  between 
his  countrymen  along  the  western  coast  and  the  Picts 
of  Caledonia.  He  and  his  brethren  proceeded  at  once 
to  erect  their  humble  dwellings,  consisting  of  a  church, 
refectory,  and  cells,  constructed  of  wattles  and  rough 
planks.  After  spending  some  years  among  the  Scots 
of  Dalriada,  Columba  began  the  great  work  of  his  life, 
the  conversion  of  the  Northern  Picts.  Together  with 
St.  Comgall  and  St.  Canice  (Kenneth)  he  visited  King 
Brude  in  his  royal  residence  near  Inverness.  Admit- 
tance was  refused  to  the  missionaries,  and  the  gates 
were  closed  and  bolted;  but  before  the  sign  of  the  cross 
the  bolts  flew  back,  the  doors  stood  open,  and  the 
monks  entered  the  castle.  Awe-struck  by  so  evident 
a  miracle,  the  king  listened  to  Columba  with  reverence 
and  was  baptized.  The  people  soon  followed  the  ex- 
ample set  them,  and  thus  was  inaugurated  a  move- 
ment that  extended  itself  to  the  whole  of  Caledonia. 
Opposition  was  not  wanting,  and  it  came  chiefly  from 
the  Druids,  who  officially  represented  the  paganism  of 
the  nation. 

The  thirty-two  remaining  years  of  Columba's  life 
were  mainly  spent  in  preaching  the  Christian  Faith  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  glens  and  wooded  straths  of 
Northern  Scotland.  His  steps  can  be  followed  not 
only  through  the  Great  Glen,  but  eastwards  also,  into 
Aberdeenshire.  The  "Book  of  Deer"  (p.  91)  tells  us 
how  he  and  Drostan  came,  as  God  had  shown  them, 
to  Aberdour  in  Buchan,  and  how  Bede,  a  Pict,  who 
was  high  steward  of  Buchan,  gave  them  the  town  in 
freedom  forever.  The  preaching  of  the  saint  was  con- 
firmed by  many  miracles,  and  he  prox-ided  for  the  in- 
struction of  his  converts  by  the  erection  of  numer- 
ous churches  and  monasteries.  One  of  his  journeys 
brought  him  to  Glasgow,  where  he  met  St.  Mungo,  the 
apostle  of  Strathclyde.  He  frequently  \'isited  Ire- 
land ;  in  575  he  attended  the  sjiiod  of  Drumceatt,  in 
company  with  the  Scottish  King  Aidan,  whom  shortly 
before  he  had  inaugurated  successor  of  Conall  of  Dal- 
riada. When  not  engaged  in  missionary  journeys,  he 
always  resided  at  Iona.  Numerous  strangers  sought 
him  there,  and  they  received  help  for  soul  and  body. 
From  Iona  he  governed  those  numerous  communities 
in  Ireland  and  Caledonia,  which  regarded  him  as  their 
father  and  founder.  This  accounts  for  the  unique 
position  occupied  by  the  successors  of  Columba,  who 
governed  the  entire  province  of  the  Northern  Picts, 
although  they  had  received  priest's  orders  only.  It 
was  considered  unbecoming  that  any  successor  in  the 
office  of  .\bbot  of  Iona  should  possess  a  dignity  higher 
than  that  of  the  founder.  The  bishojis  were  regarded 
as  being  of  a  superior  order,  but  subject  nevertheless 
to  the  j\irisdiction  of  the  abbot.  At  Lindisfarne  the 
monks  revi^rted  to  the  ordinary  law  and  were  subject 
to  a  bisho).  (Bede,  H.  E.,  IV,  xivii). 

Coluinlia  is  said  never  to  have  spent  an  hour  with- 
o\it  stu<ly,  prayer,  writing,  or  similar  occupations. 
When  at  home  he  was  frequently  engaged  in  trans- 


COLUMBANUS 


137 


COLUMBANUS 


?(  Titling.  On  the  eve  of  his  death  he  was  engaged  in 
till  worlc  of  transcription.  It  is  stated  that  he  wrote 
.■>()()  books  with  his  own  hand,  two  of  whicli.  "Tlie 
Honk  of  Durrow"  and  the  psalter  called  "The  Ca- 
thai-h".  have  been  preserved  to  the  present  time. 
Tlir  psalter,  enclosed  in  a  shrine,  was  originally  carried 
into  battle  by  the  O'Donnells  as  a  pledge  of  victor^'. 
."Several  of  his  compositions  in  Latin  and  Irish  have 
collie  down  to  us,  the  best  known  being  the  poem 
■  \ltus  Prosator",  published  in  the  "Liber  Hym- 
nnriiin",andalsoin  another  form  by  the  late  Marcjucss 
of  Hute.  There  is  not  sufficient  evidence  to  prove 
f  liiil  the  rule  attributed  to  him  was  really  his  work. 

In  the  spring  of  .597  he  knew  that  his  end  was  ap- 
proaching. On  Saturday,  S  June,  he  a.scended  the 
liill  overlooking  his  monastery  and  blessed  for  the  la.st 
time  the  home  so  dear  to  him.  That  afternoon  he 
«ii^  present  at  ^'espers,  and  later,  when  the  bell  sum- 
moned the  community  to  the  midnight  service,  he 
forestalled  the  others  and  entered  the  church  without 
a--istance.  But  he  sank  before  the  altar,  and  in  that 
plinc  breathed  forth  his  .soul  to  God,  surrovmded  by 
1:1-  disciples.  This  happened  a  little  after  midnight 
lici  ween  the  Sth  .and  9th  of  June,  .597.  He  was  in  the 
sc\cnty-seventh  year  of  his  age.  The  monks  buried 
him  within  the  monastic  enclosure.  After  the  lapse 
of  a  centurj-  or  more  his  bones  were  disinterred  and 
placed  within  a  suitable  shrine.  But  lis  Northmen 
ai'l  Oanes  more  than  once  invaded  the  island,  the 
relies  of  St.  Columba  were  carried  for  purposes  of 
safety  into  Ireland  and  deposited  in  the   church  of 

I  lownpatrick.  Since  the  twelfth  century  historj'  is 
siliiit  regarding  them.  His  books  and  garments  were 
lielil  in  veneration  at  lona,  they  were  exposed  and 
carried  in  procession,  and  were  the  means  of  working 
miiaeles  (Adam.,  II,  .xlv).  His  feast  is  kept  in  Scot- 
laii'l  and  Ireland  on  the  9th  of  June.  In  the  Scottish 
Province  of  St.  Andrews  and  Edinburgh  there  is  a 
\l:t-~.  and  Office,  proper  to  the  festival,  whicli  ranks  as 
:i  double  of  the  second  cla.ss  with  an  octave.  He  is 
pat  ron  of  two  Scottish  dioceses,  .\rgyle  and  the  Isles 
and  Dunkeld.  According  to  tradition  St.  Columba 
was  tall  and  of  dignified  mien.  Adamnan  says: 
'He  was  angelic  in  appearance,  graceful  in  speech, 
li'ily  in  work"  (Praef.,  II).  His  voice  was  strong, 
saeet.  and  sonorous,  capable  at  times  of  being  heard  at 
a  L'leat  distance.     He  inherited  the  ardent  tempera- 

'   and  strong  pa.ssions  of  his  race.     It  has  been 

imes  .said  that  he  was  of  an  angrj-  and  vindic- 

-pirit,  not  only  because  of  his  supposed  part  in 

I I  ,i  1  lattle  of  C'ooldrevny,  but  also  because  of  instances 
related  by  .\damnan  (II,  xxiii  sq,).  But  the  deeds 
tliat  roused  his  indignation  were  wrongs  done  to 
"tiers,  and  the  retribution  that  overtook  the  perpe- 
iioors  was  rather  predicted  than  actually  invoked. 
W'  it  ever  faults  were  inherent  in  his  nature  he  over- 
r  ■  e.  and  he  stands  before  the  world  conspicuous  for 
!  lility  and  charity  not  only  towards  his  brethren. 
1    !'    towards  strangers  also.     He  was  generous  and 

0  iriii-hearted.  tender  and  kind  even  to  dimib  crea- 

1  lo-.  He  w;is  ever  ready  tosjTnpathize  with  the  joys 
omI  sorrows  of  others.  His  fa.sts  and  vigils  were  car- 
ri'  1  to  a  great  extent.  The  stone  pillow  on  which  he 
~lept  is  said  to  be  still  preserved  in  lona.  His  cha.s- 
iitv  of  body  and  purity  of  mind  are  extolled  by  all 
In-  biographers.  N'otwithstanding  his  wonderful  au- 
sieriiies,  .\damnan  assures  us  he  was  beloved  by  all, 

lor  a  holy  joyousncss  that  ever  beamed  from  his 
countenance  revealed  the  gladness  with  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  filled  his  soul".     (Prsef.,  II.) 

InFLUENTE,  .\Nn    .^TTITtDE    TOW.\RDS    RoME. He 

\'  1-  not  only  a  great  missionary  .saint  who  won  a  whole 
kmtrdom  loChrist.  btit  he  was  a  statesman,  a. scholar,  a 
po,  1  :ind  the  founder  of  niuneroiLs  churches  and  mon- 
a-ti  ri<'s.  His  name  is  dear  to  Scotsmen  and  Iri.shmen 
alike.  .\nd  because  of  his  great  and  noble  work  even 
iion-C'atholics  hold  his  memory  in  veneration.     For 


the  purposes  of  controversy  it  has  been  maintained  by 
spme  that  St.  Columba  ignored  papal  supremacy,  be- 
cau.se  he  entered  upon  his  mission  without  the  pope's 
authorization.  Adamnan  is  silent  on  the  subject;  but 
his  work  is  neither  exhaustive  as  to  Columba's  life, 
nor  does  it  pretend  to  catalogue  the  implicit  and  ex- 
plicit belief  of  his  patron.  Indeed,  in  those  days  a 
mandate  from  the  pope  was  not  deemed  essential  for 
the  work  which  St.  Columba  undertook.  This  may  be 
gathered  from  the  words  of  St.  flregorj'  the  Oreat, 
relative  to  the  neglect  of  the  British  clergj-  towards 
the  pagan  Saxons  (Haddan  and  Stubbs,  III,  10 1. 
Columba  was  a  son  of  the  Irish  Church,  which  taught 
from  the  days  of  St.  Patrick  that  matters  of  greater 
moment  should  be  referred  to  the  Holy  See  for  set- 
tlement. St.  Cohmibanus.  Columba's  fellow-coimtrj'- 
man  and  fellow-churchman,  asked  for  papal  judg- 
ment {judicium)  on  the  Easter  question;  so  did  the 
bishops  and  abbots  of  Ireland.  There  is  not  the 
sliglitest  evidence  to  prove  that  St.  Columba  differed 
on  this  point  from  his  fellow-countrymen.  Moreover, 
the  Stowe  Missal,  which,  according  to  the  best  au- 
thority, represents  the  Mass  of  the  Celtic  Church  dur- 
ing the  earl}'  part  of  the  seventh  century,  contains  in 
its  Canon  prayers  for  the  pope  more  emphatic  than 
even  those  of  the  Uonian  Liturgy.  To  the  furtlier  ob- 
jection as  to  the  supposed  absence  of  the  cultus  of 
Our  Lady,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  the  same 
Stowe  Missal  contains  before  its  Canon  the  invoca- 
tion "Sancta  Maria,  ora  pro  nobis",  which  epitomizes 
all  Catholic  devotion  to  the  Bles.sed  Virgin.  As  to 
the  Easter  difficulty,  Bede  thus  sums  up  the  reasons 
for  the  discrepancy:  "He  [Columba]  left  successors 
distinguished  for  great  charitv.  Divine  love,  and  strict 
attention  to  the  rules  of  discipline;  following  indeed 
uncertain  cycles  in  the  computation  of  the  great  fes- 
tival of  Easter,  because,  far  away  as  they  were  out  of 
the  world,  no  one  had  supplied  tliem  with  the  synodal 
decrees  relating  to  the  Paschal  obser\-ance"  (H.  E., 
Ill,  iv).  As  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  no  proper  sym- 
bolical representation  of  St.  Columba  exists.  "The 
few  attempts  that  have  been  made  are  for  the  most 
part  mistaken.  A  suitable  pictorial  representation 
would  exiiibit  him  clothed  in  the  habit  and  cowl  usu- 
ally worn  by  the  Basilian  or  Benedictine  monks,  with 
Celtic  tonsure  and  crosier.  His  identity  could  be  best 
determined  by  showing  him  standing  near  the  shell- 
strewn  shore,  with  rurrach  hard  by,  and  the  Celtic 
cross  and  ruins  of  lona  in  the  background. 

Reeves,  S.  Columba  by  Atlamnan  (Edinburgh,  1874);  Fow- 
ler, Adamnani  Vila  -S.  Coiumbcp  (Oxford,  1894);  Lan'1(;a.n-, 
Ecclesiastical  Uisl.  of  Ireland  (Dublin.  1829);  Skene,  Cellic 
Scotland  (Edinburgh.  1897);  Healy,  Ireland's  Ancimt  SrhnoU 
and  Scholars  (Dublin,  lS90f;  MoRAN,  Irish  Saints  in  Great 
Britain  (Dublin,  1903);  O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints 
(Dublin,  187fi),  \'T;  Edmonds,  Early  Scottiih  Church,  Doctrine 
and  Discipline  (Edinburgh,  1906);  Dowden,  Celtic  Church 
(London,  18941;  .Montalembert,  Monks  of  the  West  (Edin- 
burgh, I86i\  Columba  Ed.monds. 

Columbanus,  S.^int,  Abbot  of  Luxeuil  and  Bobbio, 
b.  in  West  Lcinster,  Ireland,  in  543;  d.  at  Bobbio, 
Italy,  21  Nov..  615.  His  life  was  written  by  Jonas, 
an  Italian  monk  of  the  Columban  community,  at 
Bobbio,  c.  643.  This  author  lived  during  the  abbacy 
of  Attala,  Columbanus's  immediate  succes.sor,  and  his 
informants  had  been  companions  of  the  saint.  Mabil- 
lon  in  the  second  volume  of  his  "  Acta  Sanctoriun  O.  S. 
B."  gives  the  life  in  full,  together  with  an  appendix  on 
the  miracles  of  the  saint,  written  by  an  anonymous 
member  of  the  Bobbio  community. 

Columbanus,  whose  birth  took  place  the  year  St. 
Benedict  died,  was  from  chihlhood  well  instmcted. 
He  was  handsome  and  prepossessing  in  appearance, 
and  this  exposed  him  to  the  shameless  temptations 
of  .several  of  his  countrywomen.  He  also  had  to 
struggle  with  his  own  tem|)tations.  At  la.st  he  betook 
hinL-ielf  to  a  religious  woman,  who  advised  him  thus: 
"Twelve  years  ago  I  fled  from  the  world,  and  shut 


COLUMBANUS 


138 


COLUMBANUS 


myself  up  in  this  cell.  Hast  thou  forgotten  Samson, 
David  and  Solomon,  all  led  astray  by  the  love  of 
women?  There  is  no  safety  for  thee,  young  man,  ex- 
cept in  flight."  He  thereupon  decided  to  act  on  this 
advice  and  retire  from  the  world.  He  encountered 
opposition,  especially  from  his  mother,  who  strove  to 
detain  him  by  casting  herself  before  hun  on  the  thresh- 
old of  the  door.  But,  conquering  the  feelings  of 
nature,  he  passed  over  the  prostrate  form  and  left  his 
home  forever.  His  first  master  w;is  Sinell,  Abbot  of 
Gluaninis  in  Lough  Erne.  Under  his  tuition  he  com- 
posed a  commentarj'  on  the  Psalms.  He  then  betook 
himself  to  the  celebrated  monastery  of  Bangor  on  the 
coast  of  Down,  which  at  that  time  had  for  its  abbot 
St.  Comgall.  There  he  embraced  the  monastic  state, 
and  for  many  years  led  a  life  conspicuous  for  fervour, 
regularity,  and  learning.  At  about  the  age  of  forty 
he  seemed  to  hear  incessantly  the  voice  of  God  bidding 
him  preach  the  Gospel  in  foreign  lands.  At  first  his 
abbot  declined  to  let  him  go,  but  at  length  he  gave 
consent. 

Columbanus  set  sail  with  twelve  companions ;  their 
names  have  thus  come  down  to  us :  St.  Attala,  Colum- 
banus the  Younger,  Cimimain,  Domgal,  Eogain, 
Eunan,  St.  Gall,  Gurgano,  Libran,  Lua,  Sigisbert,  and 
Waldoleno  (Stokes,  "Apennines",  p.  112).  The  little 
band  passed  over  to  Britain,  landing  probably  on  the 
Scottish  coast.  They  remained  but  a  short  time  in 
England,  and  then  crossed  over  to  France,  where  they 
arrived  probably  in  585.  At  once  they  began  their 
apostolic  mission.  Wherever  they  went  the  people 
were  struck  by  their  modesty,  patience,  and  humility. 
France  at  that  period  needed  such  a  band  of  monks 
and  preachers.  Owing  partly  to  the  incursions  of 
barbarians,  and  partly  to  the  remissness  of  the  clerg)', 
vice  and  impiety  were  prevalent.  Columbanus,  by 
his  holiness,  zeal,  and  learning,  was  eminently  fitted 
for  the  work  that  lay  before  him.  He  and  his  fol- 
lowers soon  made  their  way  to  the  court  of  Gontram, 
King  of  Burgundy.  Jonas  calls  it  the  court  of  Sigis- 
bert, Iving  of  Austrasia  and  Burgundy,  but  this  is 
manifestly  a  blunder,  for  Sigisbert  had  been  slain  in 
575.  The  fame  of  Columbanus  had  preceded  him. 
Gontram  gave  him  a  gracious  reception,  inviting  him 
to  remain  in  his  kingdom.  The  saint  complied,  and 
selected  for  his  abode  the  half-ruined  Roman  fortress 
of  Annegray  in  the  solitudes  of  the  Vosges  Mountains. 
Here  the  abbot  and  his  monks  led  the  simplest  of 
lives,  their  food  oftentimes  consisting  of  nothing  but 
forest  herbs,  berries,  and  the  bark  of  yoimg  trees. 
The  fame  of  Columbanus's  sanctity  drew  crowds  to  his 
monastery.  Many,  both  nobles  and  rustics,  asked  to 
be  admitted  into  the  community.  Sick  persons  came 
to  be  cured  through  his  prayers.  But  Columbanus 
loved  solitude.  Often  he  would  withdraw  to  a  cave 
seven  miles  distant,  with  a  single  companion,  who 
acted  as  messenger  between  himself  and  his  brethren. 
After  a  few  years  the  ever-increasing  number  of  his 
disciples  obliged  him  to  build  another  monastery. 
Columbanus  accordingly  obtained  from  King  Gontram 
the  Gallo-Roman  castle  named  Luxeuil,  some  eight 
miles  distant  from  .\nnegray.  It  was  in  a  wild  dis- 
trict, thickly  covered  with  pine  forests  and  brushwood. 
This  foundation  of  the  celebrated  Abbey  of  Luxeuil 
took  place  in  590.  But  these  two  monasteries  did  not 
suffice  for  the  numbers  who  came,  and  a  third  had  to 
be  erected  at  Fontaines.  The  superiors  of  thesehouses 
always  remained  subordinate  to  Cohnnbanus.  It  is 
said  that  at  this  time  he  was  able  to  institute  a  per- 
petual service  of  praise,  known  as  Laus  perennis,  by 
which  choir  succeeded  choir,  both  day  and  night 
(Montalembert,  Monks  of  t-he  West,  II,  405).  For 
these  flourishing  comnmnities  he  wrote  his  rule, 
which  embodies  the  customs  of  Bangor  and  other 
Celtic  monasteries. 

For  welhiigh  twenty  years  Columbanus  resided  in 
France  and  during  that  time  observed  the  unreformed 


paschal  computation.  But  a  dispute  arose.  The 
Frankish  bishops  were  not  too  well  disposed  towards 
this  stranger  abbot,  because  of  his  ever-increasing  in- 
fluence; and  at  last  they  showed  their  hostility. 
They  objected  to  his  Celtic  Easter  and  his  exclusion 
of  men  as  well  as  women  from  the  precincts  of  his 
monasteries.  The  councils  of  Gaul  held  in  the  first 
half  of  the  sixth  century  had  given  to  bishops  absolute 
authority  over  religious  communities,  even  going  so 
far  as  to  order  the  abbots  to  appear  periodically  before 
their  respective  bishops  to  receive  reproof  or  advice, 
as  might  be  considered  necessarj'.  These  enactments, 
being  contrary  to  the  custom  of  the  Celtic  monasteries, 
were  not  readily  accepted  by  Columbanus.  In  602  the 
bishops  assembled  to  judge  him.  He  did  not  appear, 
lest,  as  he  tells  us,  "he  might  contend  in  words",  but 
instead  addressed  a  letter  to  the  prelates  in  which  he 
speaks  with  a  strange  mixture  of  freedom,  reverence, 
and  charity.  In  it  he  admonishes  them  to  hold 
synods  more  frequently,  and  advises  that  they  pay 
attention  to  matters  equally  important  with  that  of 
the  date  of  Easter.  As  to  his  paschal  cycle  he  says: 
"  I  am  not  the  author  of  this  divergence.  I  came  as  a 
poor  stranger  into  these  parts  for  the  cause  of  Christ, 
Our  Saviour.  One  thing  alone  I  ask  of  you,  holy 
Fathers,  permit  me  to  live  in  silence  in  these  forests, 
near  the  bones  of  seventeen  of  my  brethren  now 
dead."  AVhen  the  Frankish  bishops  still  insisted  that 
the  abbot  was  wrong,  then,  in  obedience  to  St.  Pat- 
rick's canon,  he  laid  the  question  before  Pope  St. 
Gregory.  He  dispatched  two  letters  to  that  pontiff, 
but  they  never  reached  him,  "through  Satan's  inter- 
vention". The  third  letter  is  extant,  but  no  trace  of 
an  answer  appears  in  St.  Gregory's  correspondence, 
owing  probably  to  the  fact  that  the  pope  died  in  604, 
about  the  time  it  reached  Rome.  In  this  letter  he  de- 
fends the  Celtic  custom  with  considerable  freedom, 
but  the  tone  is  affectionate.  He  prays  "the  holy 
Pope,  his  Father",  to  direct  towards  him  "the  strong 
support  of  his  authority,  to  transmit  the  verdict  of  his 
favour".  Moreover,  he  apologizes  "for  presuming  to 
argue,  as  it  were,  with  him  who  sits  in  the  Chair  of 
Peter,  Apostle  and  Bearer  of  the  Keys".  He  directed 
another  epistle  to  Pope  Boniface  IV,  in  which  he  prays 
that,  if  it  be  not  eontraiy  to  the  Faith,  he  confirm  the 
tradition  of  his  elders,  so  that  by  the  pajial  decision 
(judicium)  he  and  his  monks  may  be  enabled  to  follow 
the  rites  of  their  ancestors.  Before  Pope  Boniface's 
answer  (which  has  been  lost)  was  given,  Columbanus 
was  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Frankish  bishops. 
As  we  hear  no  further  accusations  on  the  Easter  ques- 
tion— not  even  in  those  brought  against  his  successor, 
Eustasius  of  Luxeuil  in  624 — it  would  appear  that 
after  Columbanus  had  removed  into  Italy  he  gave  up 
the  Celtic  Easter  (cf.  Acta  SS.  O.  S.  B.,  II,  p.  7). 

In  addition  to  the  Easter  question  Columbanus  had 
to  wage  war  against  vice  in  the  royal  household.  The 
young  King  Thierry,  to  whose  kingdom  Luxeuil  be- 
longed, was  living  a  life  of  debauchery.  He  was  com- 
pletely in  the  hands  of  his  grandmother.  Queen  Brune- 
hault"(Brunehild).  On  the  death  of  King  Gontram 
the  succession  passed  to  his  nephew,  Childebert  II,  son 
of  Brunehault.  At  his  death  the  latter  left  two  sons, 
Theodebert  II  and  Thierry  II,  both  minors.  Theode- 
bert  succeeded  to  .\ustrasia,  Thierry  to  Burgundy,  but 
Brunehault  constituted  herself  their  guardian,  and 
held  in  her  own  power  the  government  of  the  two 
kingdoms.  .\s  she  advanced  in  years  she  sacrificed 
everything  to  the  passion  for  sovereignty,  hence  she 
encouraged  Thierrj'  in  the  practice  of  concubinage  in 
order  that  tliere  might  be  no  rival  queen.  Thierry, 
however,  had  a  veneration  for  Cohnnbanus,  and  often 
visited  him.  On  these  occasions  the  saint  admoni.shed 
and  rebuked  him,  but  in  vain.  Bruncluuilt  became 
enraged  with  Cohnnbaiuis,  anil  stirred  up  the  bishops 
and  nobles  to  find  fault  with  his  rules  regarding  mon- 
astic enclosure.     Finally,  Thierry  and  his  party  went 


COLUMBANt}S 


139 


COLUMBANUS 


Luxeuil  and  ordered  the  abbot  to  conform  to  the 
iijes  of  the  country.  Cohmibanus  refused,  wlierr- 
on  he  was  taken  prisoner  to  BesanQoii  to  await  fiir- 
iT  orders.  Taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  rc- 
laint  he  speedily  returned  to  his  monastery.  On 
aring  this,  Thierry  and  Brunehault  sent  soldiers  to 
i\e  hini  back  to  Ireland.  None  but  Irish  monks 
•re  to  accompany  him.  Accordingly,  he  was  hurried 
.Severs,  made  to  embark  on  the  Loire,  and  thus  pro- 
cil  to  Nantes.  At  Tours  he  visited  the  tomb  of  St. 
iirtin  and  sent  a  message  to  Thierrj-  that  within  three 
:irs  he  and  his  children  would  perish.  At  Nantes, 
fore  the  embarkation,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  his 
inks,  full  of  affection.  It  is  a  memorial  of  the  love 
id  tenderness  which  existed  in  that  otherw'ise  austere 
il  p;issionate  soul.  In  it  he  desires  all  to  obey 
lala,  whom  he  requests  to  abide  with  the  com- 
iiiiity  unless  strife  should  arise  on  the  Easter  qucs- 

■  11.     His  letter  concludes  thus:   "They  come  to  tell 

■  the  ship  is  ready.  .  .  .  The  end  of  my  parchment 
inpels  me  to  finish  my  letter.  Love  is  not  orderly; 
IS  this  which  has  made  it  confused.  Farewell,  dear 
arts  of  mine;  pray  for  me  that  I  may  live  in  God." 
•  .-ioon  as  they  set  sail,  such  a  storm  arose  that  the 
i|>  was  driven  ashore.  The  captain  would  have 
'tiling  more  to  do  with  these  holy  men;  they  were 
lis  free  to  go  where  they  pleased.  Columbanus 
ade  his  way  to  the  friendly  King  Clothaire  at  Sois- 
iis   in   Neustria,   where  he  was  gladly  welcomed. 

■  ■thaire  in  vain  pressed  him  to  remain  in  his  terri- 
r>-.     Columbanus  left  Neustria  in  Oil  for  the  court 

King  Theodebert  of  .\ustrasia.  At  Metz  he  re- 
ived an  honourable  welcome,  and  then  proceeding 
Mainz,  he  embarked  upon  the  Rhine  in  order  to 
irh  the  Suevi  and  Alamanni,  to  whom  he  wished 
preach  the  Gospel.  Ascending  the  river  and  its 
ihutaries,  the  Aar  and  the  Limmat,  he  came  to  the 
ike  of  Zurich.  Tuggen  was  chosen  as  a  centre  from 
ueh  to  evangelize,  but  the  work  was  not  successful, 
stead  of  producing  fruit,  the  zeal  of  Columbanus 
ily  excited  persecution.  In  despair  he  resolved  to 
iss  on  by  way  of  .Arbon  to  Bregenz  on  Lake  Con- 
ince,  where  there  were  still  some  traces  of  Chris- 
iiiity.  Here  the  saint  found  an  oratory  dedicated 
St.  Aurelia,  into  w'hich  the  people  had  brought  three 
iss  images  of  their  tutelary  deities.  He  commanded 
<iall,  who  knew  the  language,  to  preach  to  the 
habitants,  and  many  were  converted.  The  images 
•re  destroyed,  and  Columbanus  blessed  the  little 
irch,  placing  the  relics  of  St.  Aurelia  beneath  the 
I  ir.  .4  monastery  was  erected,  and  the  brethren 
ithwith  observed  their  regular  life.  After  about  a 
ar,  in  consequence  of  another  rising  against  the 
iiimunity,  Columbanus  resolved  to  cross  the  Alps 
111  Italy.  An  additional  reason  for  his  departure 
IS  the  fact  that  the  arms  of  Thierry  had  prevailed 
linst  Theodebert,  and  thus  the  country  on  the 
nk.s  of  the  Upper  Rhine  had  become  the  property 
his  enemy. 

On  his  arrival  at  Milan  in  612,  Columbanus  met 

til  a  kindly  welcome  from  Kng  Agilulf  and  Queen 

M'odelinda.     He  immediately  began  to  confute  the 

ians  and  wrote  a  treatise  against  their  teaching, 

lich  has  been  lost.     At  the  request  of  the  king,  he 

'te  a  letter  to  Pope  Boniface  on  the  debated  sub- 

I  Iff  "The  Three  Chapters".     These  writings  were 

-  idered  to  favour  Nestorianism.    Pope  St.  Gregorj', 

Mver,  tolerated  in  Lombardy  those  persons  who 

liiided  them,  among  whom  was  King  .Agilulf.     Col- 

ihanus  would  probably  have  taken  no  active  part 

this  matter  had  not  the  king  pressed  him  so  to  do. 

It   on  this  occasion  his  zeal  certainly  outran  his 

wledge.     The  letter  opens  with  an  apology  that  a 

ish  Scot"  should  lie  charged  to  write  for  a  Lom- 

■il  king.     He  acquaints  the  pope  with  the  imputa- 

is  brought  against  him,  and  he  is  particularly  severe 

h  the  memory  of  Pope  VigiUus.     He  entreats  the 


ki 
•■  tool 


pontiff  to  prove  his  orthodoxy  and  assemble  a  council. 
He  says  that  his  freedom  of  speech  accords  with  the 
usage  of  his  country.  "Doubtless",  Montalembert 
remarks,  "some  of  the  expressions  which  he  employs 
would  be  now  regarded  as  disrespectful  and  justly 
rejected.  But  in  those  young  and  vigorous  times, 
faith  and  austerity  could  be  more  indulgent"  (II, 
440).  On  the  other  hand,  the  letter  expresses  the 
most  affectionate  and  impassioned  devotion  to  the 
Holy  See.  The  whole,  however,  may  be  judged  from 
this  fragment :  "We  Irish,  though  dwelling  at  the  far 
ends  of  the  earth,  are  all  disciples  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
Paul  .  .  .  Neither  heretic,  nor  Jew,  nor  schismatic  has 
ever  been  among  us;  but  the  Catholic  Faith,  just  as 
it  w-as  first  ili'hv.  i-.d  to  us  by  yourselves,  the  succes- 
sors of  the  A|"'-ih -,  is  held  by  us  unchanged  .  .  .  We 
are  bound  |'/r  n  nn,\  tn  theChair  of  Peter,  and  although 
Rome  is  great  and  renowned,  through  that  Chair  alone 
is  she  looked  on  as  great  and  illustrious  among  us  .  .  . 
On  account  of  the  two  Apostles  of  Christ,  you  [the 
pope]  are  almost  celestial,  aiul  Rome  is  the  head  of 
the  whole  world,  and  of  the  Churches".  If  zeal  for 
orthodoxy  caused  him  to  overstep  the  limits  of  discre- 
tion, his  real  attitude  towards  Rome  is  sufficiently 
clear.  He  declares  the  pope  to  be:  "his  Lord  and 
Father  in  Christ",  "The  Chosen  Watchman",  "The 
Prelate  most  dear  to  all  the  Faithful",  "The  most 
beautiful  Head  of  all  the  (^hurches  of  the  whole  of 
Europe",  "Pastor  of  Pastors",  "The  Highest",  "The 
First",  "The  First  Pastor,  set  higher  than  all  mor- 
tals", "Raised  near  unto  all  the  Celestial  Beings", 
"Prince  of  the  Leaders",  "His  Father",  "His  imme- 
diate Patron",  "The  Steersman",  "The  Pilot  of  the 
Spiritual  Ship"  (Allnatt,  "Cathedra  Petri",  100). 

But  it  was  necessary  that,  in  Italy,  Columbanus 
should  have  a  settled  abode,  so  the  king  gave  him  a 
tract  of  land  called  Bobbio,  between  Milan  and  Genoa, 
near  the  River  Trebbia,  situated  in  a  defile  of  the 
Apennines.  On  his  way  thither  he  taught  the  Faith 
in  the  town  of  Mombrione,  which  is  called  San  Colom- 
bano  to  this  day.  Padre  della  Torre  considers  that 
the  saint  made  two  journeys  into  Italy,  and  that  these 
have  been  confounded  by  Jonas.  On  the  first  occasion 
he  went  to  Rome  and  received  from  Pope  Gregory 
many  sacred  relics  (Stokes,  Apennines,  132).  This 
may  po,ssihily  explain  the  traditional  spot  in  St. 
Peter's,  where  St.  Gregory  and  St.  Columba  are  sup- 
posed to  have  met  (Moran,  Irish  SS.  in  Great  Britain, 
105).  At  Bobbio  the  saint  repaired  the  half-ruined 
church  of  St.  Peter,  and  erected  his  celebrated  abbey, 
which  for  centuries  was  a  stronghold  of  orthodo.xy  in 
Northern  Italy.  Thither  came  Clothaire's  messen- 
gers inviting  the  aged  abbot  to  return,  now  that  his 
enemies  were  dead.  But  he  could  not  go.  He  sent 
a  request  that  the  king  would  always  protect  his  dear 
monks  at  Luxeuil.  He  prepared  for  death  by  retiring 
to  his  cave  on  the  mountain-side  overlooking  the 
Trebbia,  where,  according  to  a  tradition,  he  had  dedi- 
cated an  oratory  to  Our  Lady  (Montalembert,  "Monks 
of  the  West",  II,  444).  His  body  has  been  preserved 
in  the  abbey  chtirch  at  Bobbio.  and  many  miracles  are 
said  to  have  been  wrought  there  through  his  interces- 
sion. In  1482  the  relics  were  placed  in  a  new  shrine 
and  laid  beneath  the  altar  of  the  crj'pt,  where  they  are 
still  venerated.  But  the  altar  and  shrine  are  once 
more  to  be  restored,  and  for  this  end  in  1907  an  appeai 
was  made  by  Cardinal  Logue,  and  there  is  every  pros- 
pect of  the  work  being  speeilily  accomplished.  The 
sacristy  at  Bobbio  possesses  a  portion  of  the  skull  of 
the  saint,  his  knife,  wooden  cup,  bell,  and  an  ancient 
water  vessel,  formerly  containing  sacred  relics  and 
said  to  have  been  given  him  by  St.  Gregory.  Accord- 
ing to  certain  authorities,  twelve  teeth  of  the  saint 
were  taken  from  the  tomb  in  the  fifteenth  century  and 
kept  in  the  treasury,  but  these  have  now  disappeared 
(Stokes,  Apennines,  p.  1S;{).  St.  Columbamis  is 
named  in  the  Roman  Martyrology  on  21  November, 


COLUMBUS 


140 


COLUMBUS 


but  his  feast  is  kept  by  the  Benedictines  and  through- 
out Ireland  on  24  November.  Among  his  principal 
miracles  are:  (1)  procuring  of  food  for  a  sick  monk  and 
curing  the  wife  of  his  benefactor;  (2)  escape  from  hurt 
when  surrounded  by  wolves ;  (3)  obedience  of  a  bear 
which  evacuated  a  cave  at  his  bidding;  (4)  producing 
a  spring  of  water  near  his  cave;  (5)  repletion  of  the 
Luxeuil  granary  when  empty;  (6)  multiplication  of 
bread  and  beer  for  his  community;  (7)  curing  of  the 
sick  monks,  who  rose  from  their  beds  at  his  request 
to  reap  the  harvest;  (8)  giving  sight  to  a  blind  man 
at  Orleans ;  (9)  destruction  by  his  breath  of  a  cauldron 
of  beer  prepared  for  a  pagan  festival;  (10)  taming  a 
bear,  and  yoking  it  to  a  plough. 

Like  other  men,  Columbanus  was  not  faultless.  In 
the  cause  of  God  he  was  impetuous  and  even  head- 
strong, for  by  nature  he  was  eager,  passionate,  and 
dauntless.  These  qualities  were  both  the  source  of 
his  power  and  the  cause  of  mistakes.  But  his  virtues 
were  very  remarkable.  He  shared  with  other  saints 
a  great  love  for  God's  creatures.  As  he  walked  in  the 
woods,  the  birds  would  alight  upon  his  shoulder  that 
he  might  caress  them,  and  the  squirrels  would  run 
down  from  the  trees  and  nestle  in  the  folds  of  his  cowl. 
The  fascination  of  his  saintly  personality  drew  numer- 
ous communities  around  him.  That  he  possessed  real 
affection  for  others  is  abundantly  manifest  in  his  letter 
to  his  brethren.  Archbishop  Healy  eulogizes  him 
thus:  "A  man  more  holy,  more  chaste,  more  self- 
denying,  a  man  with  loftier  aims  and  purer  heart  than 
Columbanus  was  never  born  in  the  Island  of  Saints" 
(Ireland's  Ancient  Schools,  378).  Regarding  his  atti- 
tude towards  the  Holy  See,  although  with  Celtic 
warmth  and  flow  of  words  he  could  defend  mere  cus- 
tom, there  is  nothing  in  his  strongest  expressions 
which  implies  that,  in  matters  of  faith,  he  for  a  mo- 
ment doubted  Rome's  supreme  authority.  His  influ- 
ence in  Europe  was  due  to  the  conversions  he  effected, 
and  to  the  rule  that  he  composed.  What  gave  rise 
to  his  apostolate?  Possibly  the  restless  energy  of  the 
Celtic  character,  which,  not  finding  sufficient  scope  in 
Ireland,  directed  itself  in  the  cause  of  Christ  to  foreign 
lands.  It  may  be  that  the  example  and  success  of 
St.  Columba  in  Caledonia  stimulated  him  to  similar 
exertions.  The  example,  however,  of  Columbanus  in 
the  sixth  century  stands  out  as  the  prototype  of  mis- 
sionary enterprise  towards  the  countries  of  Europe, 
so  eagerly  followed  up  from  England  and  Ireland  by 
such  men  as  Killian,  Virgilius,  Donatus,  Wilfrid, 
Willibrord,  Swithbert,  and  Boniface.  If  Colum- 
banus's  abbey  in  Italy  became  a  citadel  of  faith  and 
learning,  Luxeuil  in  France  became  the  nursery  of 
saints  and  apostles.  From  its  walls  went  forth  men 
who  carried  his  rule,  together  with  the  Gospel,  into 
France,  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  Italy.  There  are 
said  to  have  been  sixty-three  such  apostles  (Stokes, 
Forests  of  France,  254).  These  disciples  of  Colum- 
banus are  accredited  with  founding  over  one  hundred 
different  monasteries  (ib.,  74).  The  canton  and  town 
still  bearing  the  name  of  St.  Gall  testify  how  well  one 
disciple  succeeded. 

Columbanus  has  left  us  his  own  writings.  They 
demonstrate  that  his  attainments  were  of  no  mean 
order.  He  continued  his  literary  studies  till  the  very 
eve  of  his  death.  His  works  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXX) 
include:  (1)  "Penitential"  which  prescribes  penances 
according  to  guilt,  a  useful  guide  in  the  absence  of 
elaborate  treatises  on  moral  theology;  (2)  "Seventeen 
Short  Sermons";  (3)  "SLx  Epistles";  (4)  "Latin 
Poems";  (5)  "A  Monastic  Rule".  This  last  is 
much  shorter  than  that  of  St.  Benedict,  consisting  of 
only  ten  chapters.  The  first  six  of  these  treat  of 
obedience,  silence,  food,  poverty,  humility,  and  chas- 
tity. In  these  there  is  much  in  common  with  the 
Benedictine  code,  except  that  the  f;usting  is  more 
rigorous.  Chapter  vii  deals  with  the  choir  Offices. 
Sunday  Matins  in  winter  consisted  of  seventy-five 


psalms  and  twenty-five  antiphons — three  psalms  to 
each  antiphon.  In  spring  and  autumn  these  were  re- 
duced to  thirty-six,  and  in  summer  to  twenty-four. 
Fewer  were  said  on  weekdays.  The  day  hours  con- 
sisted of  Terce,  Se.xt,  None,  and  Vespers.  Three 
psalms  were  said  at  each  of  these  Offices,  except  Ves- 
pers, when  twelve  psalms  were  said.  Chapter  x  regu- 
lates penances  for  offences,  and  it  is  here  that  the  Rule 
of  St.  Columbanus  differs  so  widely  from  that  of  St. 
Benedict.  Stripes  or  fasts  were  enjoined  for  the 
smallest  faults.  The  habit  of  the  monks  consisted  of 
a  tunic  of  undyed  wool,  over  which  was  worn  the 
cuculla,  or  cowl,  of  the  same  material.  A  great  deal 
of  time  was  devoted  to  various  kinds  of  manual  labour. 
The  Rule  of  St.  Cohunbanus  was  approved  of  by  the 
Council  of  Macon  in  627,  but  it  was  destined  before  the 
close  of  the  century  to  be  superseded  by  that  of  St. 
Benedict.  For  several  centuries  in  some  of  the 
greater  monasteries  the  two  rules  were  observed  con- 
jointly. In  art  St.  Columbanus  is  represented  bearded 
wearing  the  monastic  cowl;  he  holds  in  his  hand  a 
book  within  an  Irish  satchel,  and  stands  in  the  midst 
of  wolves.  Sometimes  he  is  depicted  in  the  attitude 
of  taming  a  bear,  or  with  sunbeams  over  his  head 
(Husenbeth,  "Emblems",  p.  33). 

Mabillon.  Acta  Sanctorum  O.  ,S.  B„  II;  Migne,  Palrnlogia 
Latina.  LXXX;  Lanig.an,  Ecclesiastical  Hist,  of  Ireland  (Dub- 
lin. 1S29).  II,  IV;  MoNTALEMBERT,  Monks  of  the  West  (Edin- 
burgh, 1861),  II;  MoRAN,  Essays  on  Early  Irish  Ch.  (Dublin, 
1864);  Dalgairns.  Aposlles  of  Europe  (London,  1876).  I; 
Mann,  Lives  of  the  Popes  (London,  1902),  I;  Botler,  Lives  of 
the  Saints,  IV,  383  sqq.;  Healy,  Ireland's  Ancient  Schools  and 
Scholars  (Dublin,  1890);  Stokes.  Sir  Months  inthe  Apennines 
(London,  1892);  Idem,  Three  Months  in  the  Forests  of  France 
(London,  1895);  see  Hole  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.,  s.  v.,  and 
Hunt  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v.  Martin,  Saint  Colomban  {r,UO- 
Clo)  in  Les  Saints  (Paris,  1908).  There  is  lacking  a  satisfac- 
tory edition  of  the  works  of  Columbanus.  Valuable  contri- 
butions have  been  made  in  the  pages  of  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
Kirchengeschichle  by  Seebass.  notably  his  addition  of  the 
Pasnitentiale  of  Columbanus.  the  rule  of  the  saint  (no  longer 
extant  in  its  original  form),  in  same  review  (Leipzig,  1894, 
XIV,  441  sqq.,  and  1895.  XV,  360  sqq.).  Cf.  the  dissertation 
of  Seebass,  JJeber  Columbans  Ktostcrregel  und  Bussbiich  (Dres- 
den, 1883) ;  Chevalier,  Bio~bibl.,  s.  v.,  and  Topo-bibl.,  s.  w. 
Bobbio,  Luxeuil. 

CoLUMBA  Edmonds. 

Columbus,  Christopher  (It.  Cristoforo  Colom- 
bo; Sp.  Cristoval  Colon),  b.  at  Genoa,  or  on  Geno- 
ese territory,  probably  1451 ;  d.  at  Valladolid,  Spain, 
20  May,  1506.  His  family  was  respectable,  but  of 
limited  means,  so  that  the  early  education  of  Colum- 
bus was  defective.  Up  to  his  arrival  in  Spain  (1485) 
only  one  date  has  been  preserved.  His  son  Fernando, 
quoting  from  his  father's  writings  says  that  in  Febru- 
ary, 1467,  he  navigated  the  seas  about  "Tile"  (proba- 
bly Iceland).  Columbus  himself  in  a  letter  to  King 
Ferdinand  says  that  he  began  to  navigate  at  the  age  of 
fourteen,  though  in  the  journal  of  his  first  voyage  (no 
longer  in  existence),  in  1493,  he  was  said  to  have  been 
on  the  sea  twenty-three  years,  which  would  make  him 
nineteen  when  he  first  became  a  mariner.  The  early 
age  at  which  he  began  his  career  as  a  sailor  is  not  sur- 
prising for  a  native  of  Genoa,  as  the  Genoese  were 
most  enterprising  and  daring  seamen.  Cohmibus  is 
said  in  his  early  days  to  have  been  a  corsair,  especially 
in  the  war  against  the  Moors,  themselves  merciless 
pirates.  He  is  also  supposed  to  have  sailed  as  far 
south  as  the  coast  of  Guinea  before  he  was  sixteen 
years  of  age.  Certain  it  is  that  while  quite  young  he 
became  a  thorough  and  practical  navigator,  and  later 
acquired  a  fair  knowledge  of  astronomy.  He  also 
gained  a  wide  acquaintance  with  works  on  cosmo- 
graphy such  as  Ptolemy  and  the  "Imago  Mundi"  of 
Cardinal  d'Ailly,  besides  entering  into  communication 
with  the  cosmographers  of  his  time.  The  fragment  of 
a  treatise  written  by  him  and  called  by  his  son  Fer- 
nando "The  Five  Habitable  Zones  of  the  Earth" 
.shows  a  degree  of  information  imusual  for  a  sailor  of 
his  day.  As  in  the  case  of  most  of  the  docinnents  re- 
lating to  the  life  of  Columbus  the  genuineness  of  the 


COLUMBUS 


141 


COLUMBUS 


li  Iters  written  in  1474  by  Paolo  Toscanelli,  a  renowned 
I'liysicist  of  Florence,  to  Columbus  and  a  ineinbor  of 
I  111'  liou.sehold  of  King  Alfonso  V  of  Portugal,  has  been 
:iil:iikeil  on  the  ground  of  the  youth  of  Columbus,  al- 
ili.iugh  they  bear  signs  of  authenticity.  The  experi- 
ences and  researches  referred  to  fit  in  satisfactorily 
with  the  subsequent  achievements  of  Columbus.  For 
the  rest,  the  early  part  of  Columbus's  life  is  inter- 
\vi)ven  with  incidents,  most  of  which  are  unsupported 
Iv  evidence,  though  quite  possible.  His  marriage 
linut  1475  to  a  Portuguese  lady  whose  name  is  given 


Cell  of  Prior  Ju.in  Perez.  La  Rabida 

imetimes  as  Doiia  Felipa  Moniz  and  sometimes  as 
I  >nna  Felipa  Perestrella  seems  certain. 

( 'olumbus  seems  to  have  arrived  in  Portugal  about 
1471,  although  1474  is  also  mentioned  and  supported 
I A  certain  indications.  He  vainly  tried  to  obtain  the 
-ii|i|)ort  of  the  King  of  Portugal  for  his  scheme  to  dis- 
1  liver  the  Far  East  by  sailing  westward,  a  scheme 
-upposed  to  have  been  suggested  by  his  brother  Bar- 
tlinlomew,  who  is  said  to  have  been  earning  a  liveli- 
liniid  at  Lisbon  by  designing  marine  charts.  Colum- 
liiis  went  to  Spain  in  14S.5,  and  probably  the  first 
.i-;<istance  he  obtained  there  was  from  the  Duke  of 
Medina  Celi,  Don  Luis  de  la  Cerda,  for  whom  he  per- 
I'  irnied  some  service  that  brought  him  a  compensation 
I  .t  :i(J(X)  maravedis  in  May,  1487.  He  lived  about  two 
yars  at  the  home  of  the  duke  and  made  unsuccessful 
■  iideavours  to  interest  him  in  his  scheme  of  maritime 
'  xploration.  His  attempts  to  secure  the  help  of  the 
i  1 1  ike  of  Medina  Sidonia  were  equally  unproductive  of 
rrvults.  No  blame  attaches  to  these  noblemen  for  de- 
I  lining  to  undertake  an  enterprise  which  only  rulers  of 
nations  could  properly  carry  out.  Between  148.5  and 
1  ISS  Columbus  began  his  relations  with  Dona  Beatriz 
1  jiriquez  de  ,\rana,  or  Harana,  of  a  good  family  of  the 
rity  of  Cordova,  from  which  sprang  his  much  beloved 
-oil  Fernando,  next  to  Christopher  and  his  brother 
I'.artholomew  the  most  gifted  of  the  Colombos. 

Late  in  1485  or  early  in  1486  Columbus  appeared 
t  A  ice  before  the  court  to  submit  his  plans  and  w-hilc 
iIm    Duke  of  Medina  Celi  may  have  a.ssisted  him  to 

ine  extent,  the  chief  support  came  from  the  royal 
t  n  asurer,  Alonzo  de  Quintanilla,  Friar  Antonio  de 
Marchena  (confounded  by  Irving  with  Father  Perez 
'I  La  Rabida),  and  Diego  de  Dcza,  Bishop  of  Placen- 
na.  Columbus  himself  declared  that  these  two  priests 
A 'TO  always  his  faithful  friends.  Marchena  also  ob- 
1, lined  for  him  the  valuable  sympathy  of  Cardinal 
I  Kinzalez  de  Mendoza.  Through  the  influence  of  the.se 
men  the  Government  appointed  a  junta  or  commission 
of  ecclesia.stics  that  met  at  Salamanca  late  in  1486  or 
I  arly  in  1487,  in  the  Dominican  convent  of  SanEstc- 
lian  to  investigate  the  scheme,  which  they  finally  re- 
jicted.  The  commission  had  no  connexion  with  the 
ciUbrated  University  of  Salamanca,  but  wa.s  under  the 
L'liidance  of  the  prior  of  Prado.  It  seems  that  Colum- 
bus gave  but  scant  and  unsatisfactory  information  to 


the  commission,  probably  through  fear  that  his  ideas 
might  be  improperly  made  use  of  and  he  be  robbed  of 
the  glory  and  advantages  that  he  expected  to  derive 
from  his  project.  This  may  account  for  the  rejection 
of  his  proposals.  The  prior  of  Prado  was  a  Hierony- 
mite,  while  Columbus  was  under  the  especial  protec- 
tion of  the  Dominicans.  Among  his  early  friends  in 
Spain  was  Luis  de  Santangel,  whom  Irving  calls  "re- 
ceiver of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  Aragon",  and 
who  afterwards  advanced  to  the  queen  the  funds  nec- 
essary for  the  first  voyage.  If  Santangel  was  receiver 
of  the  church  revenues  and  probably  treasurer  and 
administrator,  it  was  the  Church  that  furnished  the 
means  (17,()tJ0  ducats)  for  the  admiral's  first  voyage. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  blame  King  Ferdinand  for  de- 
clining the  proposals  of  Columbus  after  the  adverse 
report  of  the  Salamanca  commission,  which  was  based 
upon  objections  drawn  from  Seneca  and  Ptolemy 
rather  than  upon  the  opinion  of  St.  Augustine  in  the 
"  De  Civitate  Dei".  The  king  was  then  preparing  to 
deal  the  final  blow  to  Moorish  domination  in  Spain 
after  the  struggle  of  seven  centuries,  and  his  financial 
resources  were  taxed  to  the  utmost.  Moreover,  he 
was  not  easily  carried  away  by  enthusiasm  and,  though 
we  now  recognize  the  practical  value  of  the  plans  of 
I  olumbus,  at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  it 
seemed  dubious,  to  say  the  least,  to  a  cool-headed 
ruler,  wont  to  attend  first  to  immediate  necessities. 
The  crushing  of  the  Moorish  power  in  the  peninsula 
was  then  of  greater  moment  than  the  search  after  dis- 
tant lands  for  which,  furthermore,  there  were  not  the 
means  in  the  royal  treasury.  LTnder  these  conditions 
Columbus,  always  in  financial  straits  himself  and  sup- 
ported by  the  liberality  of  friends,  bethought  himself 
of  the  rulers  of  PVance  and  England.  In  14.SS  his 
brother  Bartholomew,  as  faithful  as  sagacious,  tried  to 
induce  one  or  the 

other  of  them  to  ^ 

accept  the  plans  •  ^   • 

of    Christopher,  . 

but  failed.     The  C        /^       .J"    . 

idea      was     too  *  •'  * 

novel  to  appeal  „^ 

to  either.  Henry  y\         y^ 

VII  of  England 
was  too  cautious  .H'V'"  H  f  A  PA/^.  / 
to  entertain  pro-  ./l/"  t  L  'l-t.  fr  ^  y 
posals     from     a  / 

comparatively  Sigsatcre  of  Columbus 

unknown  .sea- 
farer of  a  foreign  nation,  and  Charles  VIII  of  Franco 
was  too  much  involved  in  Italian  affairs.  The  pros- 
pect was  disheartening.  Nevertheless,  Columbus, 
with  the  assistance  of  his  friends,  concluded  to  make 
another  attempt  in  Spain.  He  proceeded  to  court 
again  in  1491,  taking  with  him  his  son  Diego.  The 
court  being  then  in  camp  before  Granada,  the  last 
Moorish  stronghold,  the  time  could  not  have  been 
more  inopportune.  Another  jimta  was  called  before 
Granada  while  the  siege  was  going  on,  but  the  commis- 
sion again  reported  unfavourably.  This  is  not  sur- 
prising, as  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  could  not  undertake 
schemes  that  would  involve  a  great  outlay,  and  divert 
his  attention  from  the  momentous  task  he  was  en- 
gaged in.  Columbus  always  directed  his  proposals  to 
the  king  and  as  yet  the  queen  had  taken  no  official 
notice  of  them,  as  she  too  was  heart  and  soul  in  the  en- 
terprise destined  to  restore  Spain  wholly  to  Christian 
rule. 

Tlie  junta  before  Granada  took  place  towards  the 
end  of  1491 ,  and  its  decision  was  such  a  blow  to  Colum- 
bus that  he  loft  the  court  and  wandered  away  with  his 
boy.  Before  leaving,  however,  he  witnessed  the  fall  of 
Granada.  2  January,  1492.  His  intention  was  to  re- 
turn to  Cordova  and  then,  perhaps,  to  go  to  France. 
On  foot  and  reduced  almost  to  beggary,  he  reached 
the  Franciscan  convent  of  La  Rdbida  probaVjly  in 


/ 


COLUMBUS 


142 


COLUMBUS 


January,  1492.  The  prior  was  Father  Juan  Perez,  the 
confessor  of  the  queen,  frequently  confounded  with 
Fray  Antonio  Marchena  by  historians  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  who  also  erroneously  place  the  arrival 
of  Columbus  at  La  Rabida  in  the  early  part  of  his  so- 
journ in  Spain.  Columbus  begged  the  friar  who  acted 
as  door-keeper  to  let  his  tired  son  rest  at  the  convent 
over  night.  While  he  was  pleading  his  cause  the  prior 
was  standing  near  by  and  listening.  Something 
struck  him  in  the  appearance  of  this  man,  with  a  for- 
eign accent,  who  appeared  to  be  superior  to  his  actual 
condition.  After  providing  for  his  immediate  wants 
Father  Perez  took  him  to  his  cell,  where  Columbus 
told  him  all  his  aspirations  and  blighted  hopes.  The 
result  was  that  Columbus  and  his  son  stayed  at  the 
convent  as  guests  and  Father  Perez  hurried  to  Santa 
F6  near  Granada,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the 
queen  to  take  a  personal  interest  in  the  proposed 
undertaking  of  the  Italian  navigator. 


the  Nina,  both  caravels,  i.  e.  undecked,  with  cabins 
and  forecastles.  These  three  ships  carried  altogether 
120  men.  Two  seamen  of  repute,  Martin  Alonso  Pin- 
zon  and  his  brother  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  well-to-do- 
residents  of  Palos  commanded,  the  former  the  Pinta, 
the  latter  the  Nina,  and  experienced  pilots  were 
placed  on  both  ships.  Before  leaving,  Columbus  re- 
ceived the  Sacraments  of  Penance  and  Holy  Eucharist, 
at  the  hands  (it  is  stated)  of  Father  Juan  Perez,  the 
officers  and  crews  of  the  little  squadron  following  his 
example.  On  .3  August,  1492,  the  people  of  Palos  with 
heavy  hearts  saw  them  depart  on  an  expedition  re- 
garded by  many  as  foolhardy. 

Las  Casas  claims  to  have  used  the  journal  of  Colum- 
bus's first  voyage,  but  he  admits  that  he  made  an 
abridged  copy  of  it.  What  and  how  much  he  left  out . 
of  course,  is  not  known.  But  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind 
that  the  journal,  as  published,  is  not  the  original  in  its 
entirety.     The  vessels  touched  at  the  Canaries,  and 


( Ile.^tored  from  the 


Circumstances  had  changed  with  the  fall  of  Gra- 
nada, and  the  Franciscan's  appeal  was  favourably  re- 
ceived bv  Isabella,  who,  in  turn,  influenced  her  hus- 
band. Colmnbus  was  called  to  court  at  once,  and 
20,000  maravedis  were  assigned  him  out  of  the  queen's 
private  resources  that  he  might  appear  in  proper  con- 
dition before  the  monarch.  Some  historians  assert 
that  Luis  de  Santangel  decided  the  queen  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  Columbus,  but  the  credit  seems  rather  to 
belong  to  the  prior  of  La  Rdbida.  The  way  had  been 
well  prepared  by  the  other  steadfast  friends  of  Colum- 
bus, not  improbably  Cardinal  Mendoza  among  others. 
At  all  events  negotiations  progressed  so  rapidly  that 
on  17  April  the  first  agreement  with  the  Crown  was 
signed,  and  on  .30  April  the  second.  Both  show  an 
unwise  liberality  on  the  part  of  the  monarchs,  who 
made  tlu^_  highest  office  in  what  was  afterwards  the 
West  Indies  hereditary  in  the  family  of  Columbus. 
Preparations  were  immediately  begim  for  the  equip- 
ment of  the  expedition.  The  squadron  with  which 
Columbus  set  out  on  his  first  voyage  consisted  of  three 
vessels — the  Santa  Maria,  completely  decked,  which 
carried  the  flag  of  Columbus  as  admiral,  the  Pinta,  and 


then  proceeded  on  the  voyage.  Conditions  were  most 
favourable.  Hardly  a  wind  ruffled  the  waters  of  the 
ocean.  The  dramatic  incident  of  the  mutiny,  in  which 
the  discouragement  of  the  crews  is  said  to  have  cul- 
minated before  land  was  discovered,  is  a  pure  inven- 
tion. That  there  was  dissatisfaction  and  grumbling 
at  the  failure  to  reach  land  seems  to  be  certain,  but  ho 
acts  of  insubordination  are  mentioned  either  by  Col- 
umbus, his  commentator  Las  Casas,  or  his  son  Fer- 
nando. Perhaps  the  most  important  event  during  the 
voyage  was  the  observation,  17  September,  by  Colum- 
bus himself,  of  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle, 
which  Las  Casas  attributes  to  a  motion  of  the  polar 
star.  The  same  author  intimates  that  two  distinct 
journals  were  kept  by  the  admiral,  "because  he  al- 
ways rcjircscntril  [fcii^noil]  to  the  people  that  he  was 
makiiiy  litllr  hiaihvay  in  order  that  the  voyage  should 
not  seem  long  to  them,  so  that  he  kept  a  record  by  two 
routes,  the  shorter  being  the  fictitious  one,  and  the 
longer  the  true  one".  He  must  therefore  either  have 
kept  two  log-books,  or  he  must  have  made  two  differ- 
ent entries  in  the  same  book.  At  any  rate  Las  Casas 
seems  to  have  had  at  his  command  both  sets  of  data, 


COLUMBUS 


143 


COLUMBUS 


since  he  gives  thcin  almost  from  day  to  day.  This 
precautionary  measure  indicates  that  Columbus 
feared  insubordination  and  even  revolt  on  the  part  of 
the  crews,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  mutiny 
really  broke  out.  Finally,  at  ten  o'clock,  p.  m.,  11  Oc- 
tober, Columbus  himself  descried  a  light  which  indi- 
cated land  and  wa.s  so  recognized  by  the  crew  of  his 
vessel.  It  reappeared  several  times,  and  Columbus 
felt  sure  that  the  shores  so  eagerly  expected  were  near. 
At  2  a.  m.  on  12  October  the  land  was  seen  plainly  by 
one  of  the  Pinta's  crew,  and  in  the  forenoon  Columbus 
landed,  on  what  is  now  called  Watling's  Island  in  the 
Bahama  group.  West  Indies.  The  discoverers  named 
the  island  San  Salvador.  The  Indians  inhabiting  it 
belonged  to  the  widespread  Arawak  stock  (q.  v.)  and 
are  said  to  have  called  the  island  Guanahani.  Imme- 
diately after  landing  Columbus  took  possession  of  the 
island  for  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

The  results  of  the  first  voyage,  aside  from  the  dis- 
covery of  what  the  admiral  regarded  as  being  ap- 
proaches to  India  and  China,  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows:  partial  recognition  of  the  Bahamas;  the  dis- 
covery and  exploration  of  a  part  of  Cuba,  and  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  Spanish  settlement  on  the  coast  of 
what  is  now  the  Island  of  Haiti  or  Santo  Domingo. 
Cuba  Columbus  named  Juana,  and  Santo  Domingo, 
Hispaniola. 

It  was  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  large  island  of 
Santo  Domingo  that  Columbus  met  with  the  only  seri- 
ous mishap  of  his  first  voyage.  Having  established 
the  nucleus  of  the  first  permanent  Spanish  settlement 
in  the  Indies,  he  left  about  three  score  men  to  hold  it. 
The  vicinity  was  comparatively  well  peopled  by  na- 
tives, Arawaks  like  those  of  the  Bahamas,  but  slightly 
more  advanced  in  culture.  A  few  days  previous  to  the 
foundation  Martin  .\lonso  Pinzon  disappeared  with  the 
caravel  Pinta  which  he  commanded  antl  only  rejoined 
the  admiral  on  6  January,  1493,  an  act,  to  say  the 
least,  of  disobedience,  if  not  of  treachery.  The  first 
settlement  was  officially  established  on  Christmas 
Day,  1492,  and  hence  christened  "La  Navidad".  On 
the  same  day  the  admiral's  ship  ran  aground.  It  was  a 
total  loss,  and  Columbus  was  reduced  for  the  time  be- 
ing to  the  Niiia,  as  the  Pinta  had  temporarily  deserted. 
Happily  the  natives  were  friendly.  After  ensuring,  as 
well  as  he  might,  the  safety  of  the  little  colony  by  the 
establishment  of  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians, 
Columbus  left  for  Spain,  where,  after  weathering  a 
frightful  storm  during  which  he  was  again  separated 
from  the  Pinta,  he  arrived  at  Palos,  15  March,  1493. 

From  the  journal  mentioned  we  also  gather  (what 
is  not  stated  in  the  letters  of  Columbus)  that  while  on 
the  northern  shores  of  Santo  Domingo  (Hispaniola) 
the  admiral  "learned  that  behind  the  Island  Juana 
[Cuba]  towards  the  South,  there  is  another  large  island 
in  which  there  is  much  more  gold.  They  call  that 
island  Yamaye.  .  .  .  And  that  the  island  Espafiola  or 
the  other  island  Yamaye  was  near  the  mainland,  ten 
days  distant  by  canoe,  which  might  be  sixty  or  seventy 
leagues,  and  that  there  the  people  were  clothed 
[dressed]".  Yamaye  is  Jamaica,  and  the  mainland 
alluded  to  as  sixty  or  seventy  leagues  distant  to  the 
south  (by  south  the  west  is  meant),  or  150  to  175  Eng- 
lish miles  (the  league,  at  that  time,  being  counted  at 
four  millns  of  3000  Spanish  feet),  was  either  Yucatan  or 
Honduras.  Hence  the  admiral  brought  the  news  of 
the  existence  of  the  American  continent  to  Europe  as 
early  as  1493.  That  he  believed  the  continent  to  be 
Eastern  Asia  does  not  diminish  the  importance  of  his 
information. 

Columbus  had  been  careful  to  load  his  ships  with  all 
manner  of  products  of  the  newly  discovered  countries 
and  he  also  took  some  of  the  natives.  ^\Tiether, 
among  the  samples  of  the  vegetable  kingdom,  tobacco 
was  included,  is  not  yet  satisfactorily  ascertaineil. 
Nor  is  it  certain  that,  when  upon  his  return  he  i)r(!- 
sented  himself  to  the  monarchs  at  Barcelona,  an  impos- 


ing public  demonstration  took  place  in  his  honour. 
That  he  was  received  with  due  distinction  at  court  and 
that  he  displayed  the  proofs  of  his  discovery  can  not 
be  doubted.  The  best  evidence  of  the  high  apprecia- 
tion of  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain  is  the  fact,  that 
the  prerogatives  granted  to  him  were  confirmed,  and 
everything  possible  was  done  to  enable  him  to  con- 
tinue his  explorations.  The  fact  that  Columbus  had 
found  a  country  that  appeared  to  be  rich  in  precious 
metals  was  of  the  utmost  importance.  Spain  was 
poor,  having  been  robbed,  ages  before,  of  its  metallic 
wealth  by  the  Romans.  As  gold  was  needed  the  dis- 
covery of  a  new  source  of  that  precious  metal  made  a 
strong  impression  on  the  people  of  Spain,  and  a  rush  to 
the  new  regions  was  inevitable. 

Columbus  started  on  his  second  voyage  to  the  Indies 
from  Cadiz,  25  September,  1493,  with  three  large  ves- 
sels and  thirteen  caravels,  carrying  in  all  about  1500 
men.  On  his  first  trip  he  had  heard  about  other, 
smaller  islands  lying  some  distance  south  of  Hispani- 
ola, and  said  to  be  inliabited  by  ferocious  tribes  who 
had  the  advantage  over  the  Arawaks  of  being  intrepid 
seafarers,  and  who  made  constant  war  upon  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Greater  .\ntilles  and  the  Bahamas, 
carrying  off'  women  and  children  into  captivity.  They 
were  believed  to  practise  cannibalism.  These  were 
the  Caribs  (q.  v.)  and  the  reports  about  them  were 
true,  outside  of  some  exaggerations  and  fables  like  the 
story  of  the  Amazons.  Previous  to  the  arrival  of  Col- 
umbus the  Caribs  had  driven  the  Arawaks  steadily 
north,  depopulated  some  of  the  smaller  islands,  and 
were  sorely  pressing  the  people  of  Hispaniola,  parts  of 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  even  Jamaica.  Columbus 
wished  to  learn  more  about  these  people.  The  help- 
less condition  of  the  Arawaks  made  him  eager  to  pro- 
tect them  against  their  enemies.  The  first  land 
sighted,  3  November,  was  the  island  now  known  as 
Dominica,  and  almost  at  the  same  time  that  of  Marie 
Galante  was  descried.  Geographically  the  second 
voyage  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  Caribbean  Is- 
lands (including  the  French  Antilles),  Jamaica,  and 
minor  groups.  Columbus  having  obtained  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  ferocious  customs  of  the  Caribs,  re- 
garded them  as  dangerous  to  the  settlements  he  pro- 
posed to  make  among  the  Arawaks  and  as  obstacles  to 
the  Christianization  and  civilization  of  these  Indians. 
The  latter  he  uitended  to  make  use  of  as  labourers,  as 
he  soon  perceived  that  for  some  time  to  come  Euro- 
pean settlers  would  be  too  few  in  numbers  and  too 
new  to  the  climate  to  take  advantage  of  the  resources 
of  the  island.  The  Caribs  he  purposed  to  convert 
eventually,  but  for  the  time  being  they  must  be  con- 
sidered as  enemies,  and  according  to  the  customs  of 
the  age,  their  captors  had  the  right  to  reduce  them  to 
slavery.  The  Arawaks  were  to  be  treated  in  a  concili- 
atory manner,  as  long  as  they  did  not  show  open  hos- 
tility. Before  long,  however,  there  was  a  change  in 
these  relations. 

,\fter  a  rapid  survey  of  Jamaica,  Columbus  hastened 
to  the  northern  coast  of  Haiti,  where  he  had  planted 
the  colony  of  La  Navidad.  To  his  surprise  the  little 
fort  had  disappeared.  There  were  to  be  seen  only 
smouldering  ruins  and  some  corpses  which  were  identi- 
fied as  Spanish.  The  natives,  previously  so  friendly, 
were  shy,  and  upon  being  questioned  were  either  mute 
or  contradictory  in  their  replies.  It  was  finally  ascer- 
tained that  another  tribe,  living  farther  inland  and 
hostile  to  those  on  the  coast,  had  fallen  upon  the  fort, 
killed  most  of  the  inmates,  and  burnt  the  buildings. 
Those  who  escaped  had  perished  in  their  flight.  But 
it  also  transpired  that  the  coast-people  themselves  had 
taken  part  in  the  massacre.  Columbus,  while  out- 
wardly on  good  terms  with  them,  was  on  his  guard 
and,  in  consequence  of  the  aversion  of  his  people  to  a 
site  where  only  disaster  had  befallen  them,  moveil 
some  distance  farther  east  and  established  on  the  coast 
the  larger  settlement  of  Isabella.     This  stood  ten 


COLUMBUS 


144 


COLUMBUS 


leagues  to  the  east  of  Gape  Monte  Cristo,  where  the 
ruins  are  still  to  be  seen. 

The  existence  of  gold  on  Haiti  having  been  amply 
tiemonstrated  on  the  first  voyage,  Columbus  inaugu- 
rated a  diligent  search  for  places  where  it  might  be 
found.  The  gold  trinkets  worn  by  the  Indians  were 
washings  or  placeres,  but  mention  is  also  made,  on  the 
first  voyage,  of  quartz  rock  containing  the  precious 
metal.  But  it  is  likely  that  the  yellow  mineral  was 
iron  pyrites,  probably 'gold-bearing  but,  in  the  back- 
ward state  of  metallurgy,  worthless  at  the  time.  Soon 
after  the  settlement  was  made  at  Isabella  the  colonists 
began  to  complain  that  the  mineral  wealth  of  the 
newly  discovered  lands  had  been  vastly  exaggerated 
and  one,  who  accompanied  the  expedition  as  expert  in 
metallurgy,  claimed  that  the  larger  nuggets  held  by 
the  natives  had  been  accumulated  in  the  course  of  a 
long  period  of  time.  This  very  sensible  supposition 
was  unjustly  criticized  by  Irving,  for  since  Irving's 
time  it  has  been  clearly  proved  that  pieces  of  metal  of 
unusual  size  and  shape  were  often  kept  for  generations 
by  the  Indians  as  fetishes. 

"  A  more  important  factor  which  disturbed  the  Span- 
iards was  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate.  The  set- 
tlers had  to  go  through  the  slow  and  often  fatal  pro- 
cess of  acclimatization.  Columbus  himself  suffered 
considerably  from  ill-health.  Again,  the  island  was 
not  well  [  !  n  i  U  1  w  ithfoo  1  suit  ible  for  the  newcomers. 
lli(  1  o]  ul  ition  notwithstanding  the  exaggerations  of 
Lis  Casas  and 
others,  was  sparse. 
Isibella  with  its 
fifteen  liundred 
S|  mish  immi- 
^r  lilts  was  certain- 
1\  the  most  popu- 
I  11  f'ttlement.  At 
111  t  there  was  no 
(1 1  li  with  the  na- 
ti\  es,  but  parties 
sent  by  Columbus 
into  the  interior 
came  in  contact 
V.  ith  hostile  tribes. 
For  the  protection 
of  the  colonists 
The  Landint.  of  CoLUMBns  Columbus  built  in 

(W.Kul-enKraviiig,  printed  at  Hdreiice.  ,.  ;,-,torir.r  n  littlp 
1493.  Original  m  Briti.*  Museum)  'he  interior  allttle 
fort  called  hanto 
Tomas.  He  also  sent  West  Indian  products  and  some 
Carib  prisoners  back  to  Spain  in  a  vessel  under  the 
command  of  Antonio  de  Torres.  Columbus  suggested 
that  the  Caribs  be  sold  as  slaves  in  order  that  they 
might  be  instructed  in  the  Christian  Faith.  This  sug- 
gestion was  not  adopted  by  the  Spanish  monarchs, 
and  the  prisoners  were  treated  as  kindly  in  Spain  as 
the  friendly  Arawaks  who  had  been  sent  over. 

The  condition  of  affairs  on  Hispaniola  (Haiti)  was 
not  promising.  At  Isabella  and  on  the  coast  there 
was  grumbling  against  the  admiral,  in  which  the  Bene- 
dictine Father  Buil  (Boil)  and  the  other  priests  joined, 
or  which,  at  least,  they  did  not  discourage.  In  the  in- 
terior there  was  trouble  with  the  natives.  The  com- 
mander at  Santo  Tomds,  Pedro Marga rite,  isusuallyac- 
cused  of  cruelty  to  the  Indians,  but  Columbus  himself 
in  his  Memorial  of  30  January,  14!U,  commends  the 
conduct  of  that  officer.  However,  he  had  to  send  him 
reinforcements,  which  were  commanded  by  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda. 

Anxiou.sly  following  up  his  theory  that  the  newly 
discovcri'd  islands  were  but  outlying  posts  of  Eastern 
Asia  and  that  further  explorations  would  soon  lead 
him  to  the  coast  of  Cliina  or  to  the  Moluccas,  Colum- 
bus, notwithstanding  the  precarious  condition  of  the 
colony,  left  it  in  charge  of  his  brother  Diego  and  four 
counsellors  (one  of  whom  was  Father  Buil),  and  with 
three  vessels  set  sail  towards  Cuba.     During  liis  ab- 


sence of  five  months  he  explored  parts  of  Cuba,  discov- 
ered the  Isle  of  Pines  and  several  groups  of  smaller 
islands,  and  made  the  circuit  of  Jamaica,  landing  there 
almost  every  day.  When  he  returned  to  Isabella  (29 
September,  1494),  he  was  dangerously  ill  and  in  a  stu- 
por. MeanwhUe  his  brother  Bartholomew  had  ar- 
rived from  Spain  with  a  small  squadron  and  supplies. 
He  proved  a  welcome  auxiliary  to  the  weak  Diego,  but 
could  not  prevent  serious  trouble.  Margarite,  an- 
gered by  interference  with  his  administration  in  the  in- 
terior, returned  to  the  coast,  and  there  was  joined  by 
Father  Buil  and  other  malcontents.  They  seized  the 
three  caravels  that  had  arrived  under  the  command  of 
Bartholomew  Columbus,  and  set  sail  in  them  for  Spain 
to  lay  before  the  Government  what  they  considered 
their  grievances  against  Columbus  and  his  administra- 
tion. 

That  there  was  cause  for  complaint  there  seems  to 
be  no  doubt,  but  it  is  almost  impossible  now  to  deter- 
mine who  was  most  at  fault,  Columbus  or  his  accusers. 
He  was  certainly  not  as  able  an  administrator  as  he 
was  a  navigator.  Still,  taking  into  consideration  the 
difficulties,  the  novelty  of  the  conditions,  and  the  class 
of  men  Columbus  had  to  handle,  and  placing  over 
against  this  what  he  had  already  achieved  on  Haiti, 
there  is  not  so  much  ground  for  criticism.  The 
charges  of  cruelty  towards  the  natives  are  based  upon 
rather  suspicious  authority,  Las  Casas  being  the  prin- 
cipal source.  There  were  errors  and  misdeeds  on  both 
sides,  which,  however,  might  not  have  brought  about 
a  crisis  had  not  disappointment  angered  the  settlers, 
who  had  based  their  expectations  on  the  glowing  re- 
ports of  Columbus  himself,  and  disposed  them  to  at- 
tribute all  their  troubles  to  their  opponents. 

Before  the  return  of  Columbus  to  Isabella,  Ojeda  had 
repulsed  an  attempt  of  the  natives  to  surprise  Santo 
Tomas.  Thereupon  the  Indians  of  various  tribes  of 
the  interior  now  formed  a  confederation  and  threat- 
ened Isabella.  Columbus,  however,  on  his  return, 
with  the  aid  of  fire-arms,  sixteen  horses,  and  about 
twenty  blood-hounds  easily  broke  up  the  Indian  league. 
Ojeda  captured  the  leader,  and  the  policy  of  kindness 
hitherto  pursued  towards  the  natives  was  replaced  by 
repression  and  chastisement.  According  to  the  cus- 
toms of  the  times  the  prisoners  of  war  were  regarded  as 
rebels,  reduced  to  slavery,  and  five  hundred  of  them 
were  sent  to  Spain  to  be  sold.  It  is  certain  that  the 
condition  of  the  Indians  became  much  worse  there- 
after, that  they  were  forced  into  unaccustomed  la- 
bours, and  that  their  numbers  began  to  diminish  rap- 
idly. That  these  harsh  measures  were  authorized  by 
Columbus  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

While  the  Spanish  monarchs  in  their  dispatches  to 
Columbus  continued  to  show  the  same  confidence  and 
friendliness  they  could  not  help  hearing  the  accusa- 
tions made  against  him  by  Father  Buil,  Pedro  Mar- 
garite, and  the  other  malcontents,  upon  their  return 
to  Spain.  It  was  clear  that  there  were  two  factions 
among  the  Spaniards  in  Haiti,  one  headed  by  the  ad- 
miral, the  other  composed  of  perhaps  a  majority  of  the 
settlers  including  ecclesiastics.  Still  the  monarchs  en- 
joined the  colonists  by  letter  to  obey  Columbus  in 
everything  and  confirmed  his  authority  and  privileges. 
The 'incriminations,  however,  continued,  and  charges 
were  made  of  nepotism  and  spoliation  of  royal  revenue. 
There  was  probably  some  foundation  for  these  charges, 
though  also  much  wilful  misrepresentation.  Unable 
to  ascertain  the  true  condition  of  affairs,  the  sovereigns 
finally  decided  to  send  to  the  Indies  a  special  commis- 
sioner to  investigate  and  report.  Their  choice  fell 
upon  Juan  de  Aguado  who  had  gone  with  Columbus  on 
his  first  voyage  and  with  whom  he  always  had  been  on 
friendly  terms.  .-Vguado  arrived  at  Isabella  in  Octo- 
ber, 149.''>.  while  Columbus  was  absent  on  a  journey  of 
exploration  across  the  island.  No  clash  appears  to 
have  occurred  between  Aguado  and  Bartholomew  Col- 
umbus, who  was  in  charge  of  the  colony  during  his 


^^S:j,  :i&>;_;!^^  ,r^  fifyi 


SOME  PORTRAITS  OF  COLUMBUS 

^AVA.   MrsErM.   mai,„,o  (p,,,,,«  c^-K^•ow^-  t.L.v.- 

SEVILLE,   1504)  ^"^  CE\  ASCO  PORTRAIT,  GENOA 
MADRID,     THE     KIXO'S      LIBRARY      (A.VTOSIO      DEL 

RIXCOV)  UFFIZI  GALLERY,  FLORENCE 

THE  SO-CALLED  •■  DE  BRY  "  PORTRAIT  {VERSAILLES)  ^AHBLE  B,-,x 

'  MARBLE  BrsT,  PINACOTHECA,  ROME 


COLUMBUS 


145 


COLUMBUS 


brother's  absence,  much  less  with  the  admiral  himself 
upon  the  latter's  return.  Soon  after,  reports  of  im- 
portant gold  discoveries  came  from  a  remote  quarter 
of  the  island  accompanied  by  specimens.  The  arrival 
of  Agiiado  convinced  Columbus  of  the  necessity  for  his 
appearance  in  Spain  and  that  new  discoveries  of  gold 
would  strengthen  his  position  there.  So  he  fitted  out 
two  ships,  one  for  himself  and  one  for  Aguado,  placing 
in  them  two  hundred  dissatisfied  colonists,  a  captive 
Indian  chief  (who  died  on  the  voyage),  and  thirty  In- 
dian prisoners,  and  set  sail  for  Spain  on  10  March, 
1196,  leaving  his  brother  Bartholomew  at  Isabella  as 
trmporary  governor.  As  intercourse  between  Spain 
and  the  Indies  w;is  now  carried  on  at  almost  regular  in- 
iirvals  Bartholomew  was  in  communication  with  the 
mot  her  country  and  was  at  least  tacitly  recognized  as 
liis  lirother's  substitute  in  the  government  of  the  In- 
dies,    t'olumbus  reached  Cadiz  11  June,  149(5. 

The  story  of  his  landing  is  quite  dramatic.  He  is  re- 
ported to  have  gone  ashore,  clothed  in  the  Franciscan 
i;arb,  and  to  have  manifested  a  dejection  which  was 
wholly  uncalled  for.  His  health,  it  is  true,  was  greatly 
impaired,  and  his  companions  bore  the  marks  of  great 
physical  suffering.  The  impression  created  by  their 
ajipearance  was  of  course  not  favourable  and  tended  to 
ronfirm  the  reports  of  the  opponents  of  Colum.bus 
about  the  n,it\ire  of  the  new  country.  This,  as  well  as 
the  disappointing  results  of  the  search  for  precious 
metals,  did  not  fail  to  have  its  influence.  The  mon- 
archs  saw  that  the  first  enthusiastic  reports  had  been 
exaggerated  and  that  the  enterprise  while  possibly 
hicrative  in  the  end,  would  entail  large  expeiulitures 
for  some  time  to  come.  Bishoi)  Fonseca,  who  was  at 
the  head  of  colonial  affairs,  urged  that  great  caiition 
sliould  be  exercised.  What  was  imputed  to  Bishop 
I'onseca  as  jealousy  was  only  the  sincere  desire  of  an 
lionest  functionary  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  Oown 
without  blocking  the  way  of  an  enthusiastic  but  some- 
what visionary  genius  who  had  been  unsuccessful  as  an 
.administrator.  Later  expressions  (1505)  of  Columbus 
indicate  that  his  personal  relations  to  Fonseca  were  at 
I  he  time  far  from  unfriendly.  But  the  fact  that  Col- 
umlMis  had  jirojiosed  the  enslaving  of  American  na- 
tives ami  actually  sent  a  number  of  them  over  to  Spain 
li.ul  alienated  the  sympathy  of  the  queen  to  a  certain 
dei;ree,  and  thus  weakened  his  position  at  court. 

N'everth<'less,  it  was  not  difficult  for  Columbus  to  or- 
L;iiiize  a  third  expedition.  Columbus  started  on  hi.s 
third  voyage  from  Seville  with  si.x  vessels  on  :iO  May. 
I  l!(8.  He  directed  his  course  more  southward  than 
!»'fore,  owing  to  reports  of  a  great  land  lying  west  and 
~i  iiith  of  the  .\ntilles  and  his  belief  that  it  w.as  the  con- 
liiient  of  .Asia.  He  touched  at  the  Island  of  Madeira, 
and  later  at  Gomera,  one  of  the  Canarj'  Islands  (q.  v.), 
whence  he  sent  to  Haiti  three  vessels.  Sailing  south- 
«  ard,  he  went  to  the  Cape  Verde  Islands  and,  turning 
llience  almost  due  west,  arrived  on  31  July,  1498,  in 
sit;ht  of  what  is  now  the  Island  of  Trinidad  which  was 
so  named  by  him.  Opposite,  on  the  other  side  of  a 
tiirlmlent  channel,  lay  the  lowlands  of  north-eastern 
South  .America.  Alarmed  by  the  turmoil  cau.sed  by 
t  he  meeting  of  the  waters  of  the  Orinoco  (which  emp- 
lies  through  several  channels  into  the  .Atlantic  oppo- 
site Trinidad)  with  the  Guiana  current,  Columbus 
kept  close  to  the  southern  shore  of  Trinidad  as  far  as 
i  I  s  south-we.stern  extremity,  where  he  found  the  water 
still  more  turbulent.  He  therefore  gave  that  place 
the  name  of  Boca  del  Drago,  or  Dragon's  Mouth.  Be- 
fore venturing  into  the  seething  waters  Columbu.s 
(Tossed  over  to  the  mainland  and  cast  anchor.  He 
was  under  the  impression  that  this  was  an  island,  but  a 
\iLst  stream  of  fresh  water  gave  evidence  of  a  conti- 
nent. Columbus  landed,  he  and  his  crew  being  thus 
I  lie  first  Europeans  to  set  foot  on  South  .American  soil. 
I  he  natives  were  friendly  and'gladly  exchanged  pearls 
1  ir  European  trinkets.  This  discovery  of  pearls  in 
\merican  waters  was  important  and  very  welcome. 
IV.-IO 


A  few  days  later  the  admiral,  setting  sail  again,  was 
borne  by  the  currents  safely  to  the  Island  of  Margar- 
ita, where  he  foimd  the  natives  fishing  for  pearls,  of 
which  he  obtained  three  bags  by  barter. 

Some  of  the  letters  of  Columbus  concerning  his  third 
voyage  are  written  in  a  tone  of  despondency.  Owing 
to  his  physical  condition,  he  viewed  things  with  a  dis- 
content far  from  justifiable.  And,  as  already  said,  his 
views  of  the  geographical  situation  were  somewhat 
fanciful.  The  great  outpour  opposite  Trinidad  he 
justly  attributed  to  the  emptying  of  a  mighty  river 
coming  from  the  west,  a  river,  so  large  that  only  a  con- 
tinent could  afford  it  space.  In  this  he  was  right,  but 
in  his  eyes  that  continent  was  Asia,  and  the  sources  of 
that  river  must  be  on  the  highest  point  of  the  globe. 
He  was  confirmed  in  this  idea  by  his  belief  that  Trini- 
dad was  nearer  the  Equator  than  it  actually  is  and 
that  near  the  Equator  the  highest  land  on  earth  should 
be  found.  He  thought  al.so  that  the  sources  of  the 
Orinoco  lay  in  the  Earthly  Paradise  and  that  the  great 
river  was  one  of  the  four  streams  that  according  to 
Scripture  flowed  from  the  Garden  of  Eden.  He  had 
no  accurate  knowledge  of  the  form  of  the  earth,  and 
conjectured  that  it  was  pear-shaped. 

Oa  15  August,  fearing  a  lack  of  supplies,  and  suffer- 
ing severely  from  what  his  biographers  call  gout  and 
from  impaired  eyesight,  he  left  his  new  discoveries  and 
steered  for  Haiti.  On  19  August  he  sighted  that  is- 
land some  distance  west  of  where  the  present  capital  of 
the  Republic  of  Santo  Domingo  now  stands.  During 
his  ab.sence  his  brother  Bartholomew  had  abandoned 
Isabella  and  established  his  head-quarters  at  Santo 
Domingo  so  called  after  his  father  Domenico.  During 
the  ab.sence  of  Columbus  events  on  Haiti  had  been  far 
from  satisfactory.  His  brother  Bartholomew,  who 
was  then  known  as  the  adelantado,  had  to  contend 
with  several  Indian  outbreaks,  which  he  subdued 
partly  by  force,  partly  by  wise  temporizing.  These 
outbreaks  were,  at  least  in  part,  due  to  a  change  in  the 
class  of  settlers  by  whom  the  colony  was  reinforced. 
The  results  of  the  first  .settlement  far  from  justified  the 
buoyant  hopes  based  on  the  exaggerated  reports  of  the 
first  voyage,  and  the  pendulum  of  public  opinion 
swung  back  to  the  opposite  extreme.  The  clamour  of 
opposition  to  Columbus  in  the  colonies  and  the  dis- 
couraging reports  greatly  increased  in  Spain  the 
disappointment  with  the  new  territorial  acquisitions. 
That  the  climate  was  not  healthful  seemed  proved  by 
the  appearance  of  Columbus  and  his  companions  on 
his  return  from  the  second  voyage.  Hence  no  one 
was  willing  to  go  to  the  newly  discovered  country,  and 
coinicts,  suspects,  and  iloubtful  characters  in  general 
who  were  glad  to  escape  the  regulations  of  justice  were 
the  only  reinforcements  that  could  be  obtained  for  the 
colony  on  Hispaniola.  As  a  result  there  were  con- 
flicts with  the  aborigines,  sedition  in  the  colony,  and 
finally  open  rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  ade- 
lantado and  his  brother  Diego.  Columbus  and  his 
brothers  were  Italians,  and  this  fact  told  against  them 
among  the  malcontents  and  lower  oflieials,  but  that  it 
influenced  the  monarchs  and  the  court  authorities  is  a 
gratuitous  charge. 

As  long  as  they  had  not  a  common  leader  Bartholo- 
mew liad  little  to  fear  from  the  malcontents,  who  sepa- 
rate<l  from  the  rest  of  the  colony,  and  formed  a  settle- 
ment apart.  They  abused  the  Indians,  thus  ca\ising 
almost  uninterrupted  trouble.  However,  they  soon 
found  a  leader  in  the  person  of  one  Roldan,  to  whom 
the  admiral  had  entrusted  a  prominent  office  in  the 
colony.  There  must  have  been  .some  cause  for  com- 
plaint against  the  government  of  Bartholomew  and 
Diego,  else  Roldan  could  not  have  .so  increased  the 
number  of  his  followers  as  to  make  himself  formidable 
to  (he  brothers,  undermining  their  authority  at  their 
own  head-quarters  and  even  among  the  garrison  of 
.Santo  Domingo.  Bartholomew  was  forced  to  com- 
Ijroraise  on  unfavourable  terms.     So,  when  the  ad- 


COLUMBUS 


146 


COLUMBUS 


miral  arrived  from  Spain  he  found  the  Spanish  settlers 
on  Haiti  divided  into  two  camps,  the  stronger  of 
which,  headed  by  Roldan,  was  hostile  to  his  authority. 
That  Roldan  was  an  utterly  unprincipled  man,  but 
energetic  and  above  all,  shrewd  and  artful,  appears 
from  the  following  incident.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of 
Columbus  the  three  caravels  he  had  sent  from  Gomera 
with  stores  and  ammimition  struck  the  Haitian  coast 
where  Roldan  had  established  himself.  The  latter 
represented  to  the  commanders  of  the  vessels  that  he 
was  there  by  Columbus's  authority  and  easily  obtained 
from  them  military  stores  as  well  as  reinforcements  in 
men.  On  their  arrival  shortly  afterwards  at  Santo 
Domingo  the  caravels  were  sent  back  to  Spain  by  Col- 
umbus. Alarmed  at  the  condition  of  affairs  and  his 
own  impotence,  he  mformed  the  monarchs  of  his  criti- 
cal situation  and  asked  for  immediate  help.  Then  he 
entered  into  negotiations  with  Roldan.  The  latter 
not  only  held  full  control  in  the  settlement  which  he 
commanded,  but  had  the  sympathy  of  most  of  the  mili- 


tary garrisons  that  Columbus  and  his  brothers  relied 
upon  as  well  as  of  the  majority  of  the  colonists.  How 
Columbus  and  his  brother  could  have  made  them- 
selves so  impopular  is  explained  in  various  ways. 
There  was  certainly  much  unjustifiable  ill  will  against 
them,  but  there  was  also  legitimate  cause  for  discon- 
tent, which  was  adroitly  exploited  by  Roldan  and  his 
followers. 

Seeing  himself  almost  powerless  against  his  oppo- 
nents on  the  island,  the  admiral  stooped  to  a  compro- 
mise. Roldan  finally  imposed  his  own  conditions. 
He  was  reinstated  in  his  office  and  all  offenders  were 
pardoned;  and  a  number  of  them  retiu-ned  to  Santo 
Domingo.  Cohunbus  also  freed  many  of  the  Indian 
tribes  from  tribute,  but  in  order  still  further  to  ap- 
pease the  former  mutineers,  he  instituted  the  system 
of  reparlimienios,  by  which  not  only  grants  of  land  were 
made  to  the  whites,  but  the  Indians  holding  these  lands 
or  living  on  them  were  made  perpetual  serfs  to  the 
new  owners,  and  full  jurisdiction  over  life  and  prop- 
erty of  these  Indians  became  vested  in  the  white  set- 
tlers. This  measure  had  the  most  disastrous  effect  on 
the  aborigines,  and  Columbus  has  been  severely  blamed 
for  it,  but  he  was  then  in  such  straits  that  he  had  to  go 
to  anyextreme  to  pacify  his  opponents  until  assistance 
could  reach  him  from  Spain.  By  the  middle  of  the 
year  1500  peace  apparently  reigned  again  in  the  col- 
ony, though  largely  at  the  expense  of  the  prestige  and 
authority  of  Columbus. 

Meanwhile  reports  and  accusations  had  reached  the 
court  of  Spain  from  both  parties  in  Haiti.  It  became 
constantly  more  evident  that  Cokmibus  was  no  longer 
master  of  the  situation  in  the  Indies,  and  that  some 
ste[is  were  nec(^ssary  to  save  the  situation.  It  might 
be  said  that  the  Vmwi  had  merely  to  support  Colum- 
bus whether  right  or  wrong.  But  the  West  Indian 
colony  had  grown,  and  its  settlers  had  their  connex- 
ions and  sui)portcrs  in  Spain,  who  claimed  some  atten- 
tion and  prudent  considerat  ion.     The  clergy  who  were 


familiar  with  the  circumstances  through  personal  ex- 
perience for  the  most  part  disapproved  of  the  manage- 
ment of  affairs  by  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  Queen 
Isabella's  irritation  at  the  sending  of  Indian  captives 
for  sale  as  slaves  had  by  this  time  been  allayed  by  a 
reminder  of  the  custom  then  in  vogue  of  enslaving  cap- 
tive rebels  or  prisoners  of  war  addicted  to  specially  in- 
human customs,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Caribs. 
Anxious  to  be  just,  the  monarchs  decided  upon  send- 
ing to  Haiti  an  officer  to  investigate  and  to  punish  all 
offenders.  This  visitador  was  invested  with  full  pow- 
ers, and  was  to  have  the  same  authority  as  the  monarchs 
themselves  for  the  time  being,  superseding  Columbus 
himself,  though  the  latter  was  Viceroy  of  the  Indies. 
The  ii'sito  was  a  mode  of  procedure  employed  by  the 
Spanish  monarchs  for  the  adjustment  of  critical  ma1> 
ters,  chiefly  in  the  colonies.  The  visitador  was  selected 
irrespective  of  rank  or  office,  solely  from  the  standpoint 
of  fitness,  and  not  infrequently  his  mission  was  kept 
secret  from  the  viceroy  or  other  high  official  whose  con- 
duct he  was  sent  to  investigate ;  there  are  indications 
that  sometimes  he  had  summary  power  over  life  and 
death.  A  visita  was  a  much  dreaded  measure,  and  for 
very  good  reasons. 

The  investigation  in  the  West  Indies  was  not  called 
a  visita  at  the  time,  but  such  it  was  in  fact.  The  visi- 
tador chosen  was  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  of  whom  both 
Las  Casas  and  Oviedo  (friends  and  admirers  of  Cohun- 
bus) speak  in  favourable  terms.  His  instructions 
were,  as  his  office  required,  general,  and  his  faculties,  of 
course,  discretionary;  there  is  no  need  of  supposing  se- 
cret orders  inimicaltoCohimbustoexplainwhai.  after- 
wards happened.  The  admiral  wasdirected,  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  him  and  entrusted  to  Bobadilla,  to  turn 
over  to  the  latter,  at  least  temporarily,  the  forts  and  all 
public  property  on  the  island.  No  blame  can  be  at- 
tached to  the  monarchs  for  this  measure.  After  an  ex- 
periment of  five  years  the  administrative  capacity  of 
Columbus  had  failed  to  prove  satisfactory.  Yet,  the 
vice-regal  power  had  been  vested  in  him  as  an  hereditary 
riglit.  To  continue  adhering  to  that  clause  of  the  ori- 
ginal contract  was  impracticable,  since  the  colony  re- 
fused to  pay  heed  to  Columbus  and  his  orders.  Hence 
the  suspension  of  the  viceregal  authority  of  Columbus 
was  indefinitely  prolonged,  so  that  the  office  was  re- 
duced to  a  mere  title  and  finally  fell  into  disuse.  The 
curtailment  of  revenue  resulting  from  it  was  compara- 
tively small,  as  all  the  emoluments  proceeding  from 
his  other  titles  and  prerogatives  were  left  untouched. 
The  tale  of  his  being  reduced  to  indigence  is  a  baseless 
fabrication. 

A  man  suddenly  clothed  with  unusual  and  discre- 
tionary faculties  is  liable  to  be  led  astray  by  une.x- 
pected  circumstances  and  tempted  to  go  to  extremes. 
Bobadilla  had  a  right  to  expect  implicit  obedience  to 
royal  orders  on  the  part  of  all  and.  above  all,  from  Col- 
imibus  as  the  chief  servant  of  the  Crown.  When  on  24 
August,  1500,  Bobadilla  landed  at  Santo  Domingo  and 
demanded  of  Diego  Columbus  compliance  with  the 
royal  orders,  the  latter  declined  to  obey  until  directed 
by  the  admiral  who  was  then  absent.  Bobadilla,  pos- 
sibly predisposed  against  Columbus  and  his  brothers 
by  the  reports  of  others  and  by  the  sight  of  the  bodies 
of  Spaniards  dangling  from  gibbets  in  full  view  of  the 
port,  considered  the  refusal  of  Diego  as  an  act  of  direct 
insubordination.  The  action  of  Diego  was  certainly 
unwise  and  gave  colour  to  an  assvunption  that  Colum- 
bus and  his  brothers  considered  themselves  masters  of 
the  country.  This  implied  rebellion  antl  furnished  a 
pretext  to  Bobadilla  for  measures  imjustifiably  harsh. 
As  visitador  he  had  absolute  authority  to  do  as  he 
thought  best,  especially  against  the  rebels,  of  whom 
Columbus  appe;irc'd  in  his  eyes  as  the  chief. 

Within  a  fiw  days  after  the  landing  of  Bobadilla, 
Diego  and  Bartholomew  Cohimbus  were  imprisoned 
and  put  in  irons.  The  admiral  liimself,  who  returneil 
with  the  greatest  possible  speed,  shared  their  fate. 


COLUMBUS 


147 


COLUMBUS 


The  three  brothers  were  separated  and  kept  in  close 
confinement,  but  they  eould  hear  from  their  cells  the 
imprecations  of  the  people  against  their  rule.  Boba- 
dilla  charged  them  with  being  rebellious  subjects  and 
seized  their  private  property  to  pay  their  personal 
debts.  He  liberated  prisoners,  reduced  or  abolished 
imposts,  in  short  did  all  he  could  to  place  the  new  order 
of  things  in  favourable  contrast  to  the  previous  man- 
agement. No  explanation  was  offered  to  Columbus 
for  the  hansh  treatment  to  which  he  was  subjected,  for 
a  \'isitador  had  only  to  render  account  to  the  king  or 
according  to  his  special  orders.  Early  in  October, 
1500,  the  three  brothers,  still  in  fetters,  were  placed  on 
board  ship,  and  sent  to  Spain,  arriving  at  Cadiz  at  the 
end  of  the  month.  Their  treatment  while  aboard 
seems  to  have  been  considerate;  Villejo,  the  comman- 
der, offered  to  remove  the  manacles  from  Columljus's 
hands  and  relieve  htm  from  the  chains,  an  offer,  how- 
ever, which  Cohmibus  refused  to  accept.  It  seems, 
nevertheless,  that  he  did  not  remain  manacled,  else  he 
could  not  have  written  the  long  and  piteous  letter  to 
the  nurse  of  Prince  Juan,  recounting  his  misfortunes 
on  the  vessel.  He  dispatched  this  letter  to  the  court 
at  Granada  before  the  reports  of  Bobadilla  were  sent. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  as  a  prisoner 
was  received  with  luifeigned  indignation  by  the  mon- 
archs,  who  saw  that  their  agent  BoijadiUa  h;id  al)uscil 
the  trust  placed  in  him.  The  people  also  saw  t  lie  in j  us- 
tice,  and  everything  was  done  to  relieve  ( 'i>hniih\is  fnun 
his  humiliating  condition  and  assure  him  of  the  royal 
favour,  that  is,  everything  except  to  reinstate  him  as 
Governor  of  the  Indies.  This  fact  is  mainly  responsi- 
ble for  the  accusation  of  duplicity  and  treachery  which 
is  made  against  Kng  Ferdinand.  Critics  overlook  the 
fact  that  in  addition  to  the  reasons  already  mentioned 
no  new  colonists  could  be  obtained  from  Spain,  if  Col- 
umbus were  to  continue  in  office,  and  that  the  expedi- 
ent of  sending  convicts  to  Haiti  had  failed  disastrously. 
Moreover,  the  removal  of  Columbus  was  practically  im- 
plied in  the  instructions  and  powers  given  to  Boba- 
dilla, and  the  conduct  of  the  admiral  during  Aguado's 
mission  left  no  room  for  doubt  that  he  would  submit  to 
the  second  investigation.  He  would  have  done  so,  but 
Bobadilla,  anxious  to  make  a  display  and  angered  at 
the  delay  of  Diego  Columbus,  exceeded  the  spirit  of  his 
instructions,  expecting  thereby  to  rise  in  royal  as  well 
as  in  poi)ular  favour. 

In  regard  to  the  former  he  soon  found  out  his  mis- 
take. His  successor  in  the  governorship  of  Haiti  was 
soon  appointed  in  the  person  of  Nicolas  de  Ovando. 
Bobadilla  was  condemned  to  restore  to  Columbus  the 
property  he  had  sequestered,  and  was  recalled.  The 
largest  fleet  sent  to  the  Indies  up  to  that  time  sailed 
under  Ovando  on  1.3  February,  1502.  It  is  not  with- 
out significance  that  2500  people,  some  of  high  rank, 
flocked  to  the  vessels  that  were  to  transport  the  new 
governor  to  the  Indies.  This  shows  that  with  the 
change  in  the  administration  of  the  colony  faith  in  its 
future  was  restored  among  the  Spanish  people. 

By  this  time  the  mental  condition  of  Columbus  had 
become  greatly  impaired.  While  at  court  for  eighteen 
months  vainly  attempting  to  obtain  his  restoration  to 
a  position  for  which  he  was  becoming  more  and  more 
unfitted,  he  was  planning  new  schemes.  Convinced 
that  his  third  voyage  had  brought  him  nearer  to  .^sia,  he 
proposed  to  the  monarchs  a  project  to  recover  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  by  the  western  route,  that  would  have  led 
him  across  South  America  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He 
fancied  that  the  large  river  he  had  discovered  west  of 
Trinidad  flowed  in  a  direction  opposite  to  its  real 
course,  and  thought  that  by  following  it  he  could  reach 
the  Red  Sea  and  thence  cross  over  to  Jerusalem.  So 
preoccupied  was  he  with  these  ideas  that  he  made  ar- 
rangements for  depositing  part  of  his  revenue  with  the 
bank  of  Genoa  to  be  used  in  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy 
Land.  This  alone  disposes  of  the  allegation  that  Col- 
umbus was  left  without  resources  after  his  Uberation 


from  captivity.  He  was  enabled  to  maintain  a  posi- 
tion at  court  corresponding  to  his  exalted  rank,  and 
favours  and  privileges  were  bestowed  on  both  of  his 
sons.  The  project  of  testing  the  views  of  Columbus  in 
regard  to  direct  communication  with  Asia  was  seri- 
ously considered,  and  finally  a  fourth  voyage  of  ex- 
ploration at  the  expense  of  the  Spanish  Government 
was  conceded  to  Columbus.  That  there  were  some 
misgivings  in  regard  to  his  physical  and  mental  condi- 
tion is  intimated  by  the  fact  that  he  was  given  as  com- 
panions his  brother  Bartholomew,  who  had  great  in- 
fluence with  him,  and  his  favourite  son  Fernando. 
Four  vessels  carrying,  besides  these  three  and  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  Crown  to  receive  any  treasure  that 
might  be  found,  about  150  men,  set  sail  from  San 
Lucar  early  in  May,  1502.  Columbus  was  enjoined 
not  to  stop  at  Haiti,  a  wise  measure,  for  had  the  ad- 
miral landed  there  so  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Ovando, 
there  would  have  been  danger  of  new  disturbances. 


(CoiUeinporaneoU: 


Disobeying  these  instructions,  Columbus  attempted  to 
enter  the  port  of  Santo  Domingo,  but  was  refu.sed  ad- 
mission. He  gave  proof  of  his  knowledge  and  experi- 
ence as  a  mariner  by  warning  Ovando  of  an  approach- 
ing hurricane,  but  was  not  listened  to.  He  himself 
sheltered  his  vessels  at  some  distance  from  the  har- 
bour. The  punishment  for  disregarding  the  friendly 
warning  came  swiftly;  the  large  fleet  which  had 
brought  Ovando  over  was,  on  sailing  for  .Spain,  over- 
taken by  the  tempest,  and  twenty  shijis  were  lost,  with 
them  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  the  gold  destined  for  the 
Crown.  The  admiral's  share  in  the  gold  obtained  on 
Haiti,  four  thousand  pieces  directly  sent  to  him  by  his 
representative  on  the  island,  was  not  lost,  and  on  be- 
ing delivered  in  Spain,  was  not  conEscated.  Hence  it 
is  difficult  to  see  how  Columbus  could  have  been  in 
neetl  during  the  last  years  of  his  life. 

The  vessels  of  Columbus  having  suffered  compara- 
tively little  from  the  tempest,  he  left  the  coast  of  Haiti 
in  July,  1.502,  and  was  carried  by  wind  and  current  to 
the  coast  of  Honduras.  From  .'50  July,  1502,  to  the 
enti  of  the  following  April  he  coasted  Central  America 
beyond  Colon  to  Cape  Tiburon  on  the  South  Americjin 
Continent.  On  his  frequent  landings  he  fovmd  traces 
of  gold,  heard  reports  of  more  civilized  tribes  of  na- 
tives farther  inland,  and  persistent  statements  about 
another  ocean  lying  west  and  south  of  the  land  he  was 
coasting,  the  latter  being  represented  to  him  as  a  nar- 
row strip  dividing  two  vast  seas.     The  mental  condi- 


COLUMBUS 


148 


COLUMBUS 


tion  of  Columbus,  coupled  with  his  physical  disabili- 
ties, prevented  him  from  interpreting  these  important 
indications  otherwise  than  as  confirmations  of  his 
vague  theories  and  fatal  visions.  Instead  of  sending 
an  exploring  party  across  the  isthmus  to  satisfy  him- 
self of  the  truth  of  these  reports,  he  accepted  this  tes- 
timony to  tl'.e  existence  of  a  sea  beyond,  which  he 
firmly  believed  to  be  the  Indian  Ocean,  basing  his  con- 
fidence on  a  dream  in  which  he  had  seen  a  strait  he 
supposed  to  be  the  Strait  of  Malacca.  As  his  crews 
were  exasperated  by  the  hardships  and  deceptions,  his 
ships  worm-eaten,  and  he  himself  emaciated,  he 
turned  back  towards  Haiti  with  what  he  thought  to  be 


Monument  to  to 


(jLNOA   (0\N2IO     1S02) 


the  tidings  of  a  near  approach  to  the  Asiatic  continent. 
It  had  been  a  disastrous  voyage;  violent  storms  con- 
tinuously harassed  the  little  squadron,  two  ships  had 
been  lost,  and  the  treasure  obtained  far  from  com- 
pensated for  the  toil  and  suffering  endured.  This  was 
all  the  more  exasperating  when  it  became  evident  that 
a  much  richer  reward  could  be  obtained  by  penetrating 
inland,  to  which,  however,  Columbus  would  not  or 
perhaps  could  not  consent. 

On  23  June,  1503,  Columbus  and  his  men,  crowded 
on  two  almost  sinking  caravels,  finally  landed  on  the 
inhospitable  coast  of  Jamaica.  After  dismantling  his 
useless  craft,  and  using  the  material  for  temporary 
shelter,  he  sent  a  boat  to  Haiti  to  ask  for  assistance 
and  to  dispatch  thence  to  Spain  a  vessel  with  a  pitiful 
letter  giving  a  fantastic  account  of  his  sufferings 
which  in  it.self  gave  evidence  of  an  over-excited  and 
disordered  mind. 

Ovando  to  whom  Columbus's  request  for  help  was 
delivered  at  Jaragua  (Haiti)  cannot  be  acquitted  of 
unjustifiable  delay  in  sending  assistance  to  the  .ship- 
wrecked and  forsaken  admiral.  There  is  no  founda- 
tion for  assuming  that  ho  acted  under  the  orders  or  in 
accordance  with  the  wLshesof  the  sovereigns,     ('olum- 


bus  had  become  useless,  the  colonists  in  Haiti  would 
not  tolerate  his  presence  there.  The  only  practical 
course  was  to  take  him  back  to  Spain  directly  and  re- 
move him  forever  from  the  lands  the  discovery  of 
which  had  made  him  immortal.  In  spite  of  his  many 
sufferings,  Columbus  was  not  utterly  helpless.  His 
greatest  trouble  came  from  the  mutinous  spirit  of  his 
men  who  roamed  about,  plundering  and  maltreating 
the  natives,  who,  in  consequence,  became  hostile  and 
refused  to  furnish  supplies.  An  eclipse  of  the  moon 
predicted  by  Columbus  finally  brought  them  to  terms 
and  thus  prevented  starvation.  Ovando,  though  in- 
formed of  the  admiral's  critical  condition,  did  nothing 
for  his  relief  except  to  permit  Columbus's  representa- 
tive in  Haiti  to  fit  out  a  caravel  with  stores  at  the  ad- 
miral's expense  and  send  it  to  Jamaica;  but  even  this 
tardy  relief  did  not  reach  Columbus  until  June,  1504. 
He  also  permitted  Mendez,  who  had  been  the  chief 
messenger  of  Columbus  to  Haiti,  to  take  passage  for 
Spain,  where  he  was  to  inform  the  sovereigns  of  the  ad- 
miral's forlorn  condition.  There  seems  to  be  no  ex- 
cuse for  the  conduct  of  Ovando  on  this  occasion.  The 
relief  expedition  finally  organized  in  Haiti,  after  a 
tedious  and  somewhat  dangerous  voyage,  landed  the 
admiral  and  his  companions  in  Spain,  7  November, 
1504. 

A  few  weeks  later  Queen  Isabella  died,  and  grave 
difficulties  beset  the  king.  Columbus,  now  in  very 
feeble  health,  remained  at  Seville  until  May,  1.505, 
when  he  was  at  last  able  to  attend  court  at  Valladolid. 
His  reception  by  the  king  was  decorous,  but  without 
warmth.  His  importunities  to  be  restored  to  his  posi- 
tion as  governor  were  put  off  with  future  promises  of 
redress,  but  no  immediate  steps  were  taken.  The 
story  of  the  utter  destitution  in  which  the  admiral  is 
said  to  have  died  is  one  of  the  many  legends  with  which 
his  biography  has  been  distorted.  Columbus  is  said  to 
have  been  buried  at  Valladolid.  His  son  Diego  is  au- 
thority for  the  statement  thathis  remains  were  buried  in 
the  Carthusian  Convent  of  Las  Cuevas,  Seville,  within 
three  years  after  his  death.  According  to  the  records 
of  the  convent,  the  remains  were  given  up  for  trans- 
portation to  Haiti  in  1536,  though  other  documents 
place  this  event  in  1537.  It  is  conjectured,  however, 
that  the  removal  did  not  take  place  till  1541,  when  the 
cathedral  of  Santo  Domingo  was  completed,  though 
there  are  no  records  of  this  entombment.  When,  in 
1795,  Haiti  passed  under  French  control,  Spanish  au- 
thorities removed  the  supposed  remains  of  Columbus 
to  Havana.  On  the  occupation  of  Cuba  by  the  United 
States  they  were  once  more  removed  to  Seville  (1898). 

Columbus  was  unquestionably  a  man  of  genius.  He 
was  a  bold,  skilful  navigator,  better  acquainted  with 
the  principles  of  cosmography  and  astronomy  than  the 
average  skipper  of  his  time,  a  man  of  original  ideas, 
fertile  in  his  plans,  and  persistent  in  carrying  them 
into  execution.  The  impression  he  made  on  those 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact  even  in  the  days  of  his 
poverty,  such  as  Fray  Juan  Perez,  the  treasurer  Luis 
de  Santangel,  the  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  and  Queen 
Isabella  herself,  shows  that  he  had  great  powers  of 
persuasion  and  was  possessed  of  personal  magnetism. 
His  success  in  overcoming  the  obstacles  to  his  expedi- 
tions and  surmounting  the  difficulties  of  his  voyages 
exhibit  him  as  a  man  of  imusiial  resources  and  of  un- 
flinching determination.  Cohmibus  was  also  of  a 
deeply  religious  nature.  Whatever  influence  scientific 
theories  and  the  ambition  for  fame  and  wealth  may 
have  had  over  him,  in  advocating  his  enterprise  he 
never  failed  to  insist  on  the  conversion  of  the  pagan 
peoples  that  he  would  discover  as  one  of  the  primary 
objects  of  his  undertaking.  Even  when  clouds  had 
settled  over  his  career,  after  his  return  as  a  prisoner 
from  the  lands  he  had  iliscovered.  he  was  ready  to  de- 
vote all  his  possessions  and  the  remaining  years  of  his 
life  to  set  sail  again  for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  Christ's 
•Sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  the  infidel. 


COLUMBUS 


149 


COLUMBUS 


Other  members  of  the  Columbus  family  also  ac- 
'piirrd  fame: — 

DiKcio,  the  first  son  of  Christopher  and  heir  to  his 
t  itlis  and  prerogatives,  was  b.  at  Lisbon,  1476,  and  d. 
at  Montalvan,  near  Toledo,  23  February,  1526.  He 
was  made  a  page  to  Queen  Isabella  in  1492,  and  re- 
mained at  court  until  1508.  Having  obtained  confir- 
mation of  the  privileges  originally  conceded  to  his 
father  (the  title  of  viceroy  of  the  newly  discovered 
ciiuiitries  excepted)  he  went  to  Santo  Domingo  in 
1 509  as  Admiral  of  the  Indies  and  Governor  of  Hispani- 
iila.  The  authority  of  Diego  Velazquez  as  governor, 
however,  had  become  too  firmly  established,  and 
I  )iego  was  met  by  open  and  secret  opposition,  especi- 
ally from  the  royal  Audiencia.  VLsiting  Spain  in  1520 
he  wa.s  favourably  received  and  new  honours  bestowed 
upon  him.  However,  in  1523,  he  had  to  return  again 
til  Sjiain  to  answer  charges  against  him.  The  re- 
luaiinler  of  his  life  was  taken  up  by  the  suit  of  the  heirs 
I  if  Columbus  against  the  royal  treasury,  a  memorable 
legal  contest  only  terminated  in  1564.  Diego  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  no  extraordinary  attainments,  but 
ijf  considerable  tenacity  of  character. 

Ferdinand,  better  known  as  Fernando  Colon, 
second  son  of  Christopher,  by  Doiia  Beatriz  Enriquez, 
a  lady  of  a  noble  family  of  Cordova  in  Spain,  was 
li.  at  Cordova,  15  August,  1488;  d.  at  Seville, 
12  July,  1539.  As  he  was  naturally  far  more 
gifted  than  his  half-brother  Diego,  he  was  a  fa- 
vourite with  his  father,  whom  he  accompanied  on 
the  last  voyage.  As  early  as  1498  Queen  Isabella 
had  made  him  one  of  her  pages  and  Columbus 
in  his  will  (1505)  left  him  an  ample  income,  which 
was  subsequently  increased  by  royal  grants.  Fer- 
nando had  decided  literary  tastes  and  wrote  well  in 
Spanish.  While  it  is  stated  that  he  wrote  a  history  of 
the  West  Indies,  there  are  now  extant  only  two  works 
by  him:  "  Descripcion  y  cosmografia  de  Espaiia",  a  de- 
tailed geographical  itinerary  begun  in  1517,  published 
at  Madrid  in  the  "  Boletin  de  la  Real  Sociedad  geogrd- 
fica"  (1906-07) ;  and  the  life  of  the  admiral,  his  father, 
written  about  1534,  the  Spanish  original  of  which  has 
been  lost.  It  was  publi-shed  in  an  Italian  translation 
by  Ulloa  in  1571  as  "Vita  dell'  ammiragho",  and  re- 
translated into  Spanish  by  Barcia,  "  Historiadores 
priniitivos  de  Indias"  (Madrid,  1749).  As  might  be 
expected  this  biography  is  sometimes  partial,  though 
Fernando  often  sides  with  the  Spanish  monarchs 
against  his  father.  Of  the  highest  value  is  the  report 
by  Fray  Roman  Pane  on  the  customs  of  the  Haitian 
Indians  which  is  incorporated  into  the  text.  (See 
Akawaks.)  Fernando  left  to  the  cathedral  chapter  of 
Seville  a  library  of  20,000  volumes,  a  part  of  which  still 
exists  and  is  known  as  the  Biblioteca  Colombina. 

Bartholomew,  elder  brother  of  Christopher,  b.  pos- 
sibly in  1445  at  Genoa ;  d.  at  Santo  Domingo,  May,  1515. 
Like  Christopher  he  became  a  seafarer  at  an  early  age. 
After  his  attempts  to  interest  the  Kings  of  France  and 
England  in  his  brother's  projects,  his  life  wiis  bound 
up  with  that  of  hLs  brother.  It  was  during  his  time 
that  bloodhounds  were  introduced  into  the  West  In- 
des.  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  and  some  military 
talent,  and  during  Christopher's  last  voyage  took  the 
leadership  at  critical  moments.  After  1506  he  prob- 
ably went  to  Rome  and  in  1509  back  to  the  West  In- 
dies with  his  nephew  Diego. 

Diego,  younger  brother  of  Christopher  and  hi.s 
companion  on  the  second  voyage,  b.  probably  at 
Genoa;  d.  at  Santo  Domingo  after  1509.  After  his 
release  from  chains  in  Spain  (1500)  he  became  a 
priest  and  returned  to  the  West  Indies  in  1509. 

The  trart  of  Christopher  CoLrMBrs.  Dr  prima  in  mari 
Jndico  htslratione,  was  published  "w-ith  the  Bellum  Chrislianorum 
principum  of  Robkrt,  .\bbot  of  Saint-Rkmi  (Basle,  1.133). — 
Codici  diplomatico-Colombo-Armricano,  ossia  Raccolta  di  docu- 
menli  spellanli  a  Cr.  f'of.  etc.  (Genoa.  1823);  Anon.,  Cr.  Col. 
aiutato  dei  minorile  nella  scoperta  dfl  nuovo  mondo  (Genoa, 
1846);  S\NOUINETTI,  Vila  di  Colombo  (Genoa,  1846);  Bossi, 
Vitadi  Cr.Col.  (Milan,  1818);   Hpotorno, /W/o  orijiru:  c  rfcHa 


palria  di  Cr.  Col.  (Genoa.  1819);  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los 
viajcs  y  descubrimientos  .  .  .  desde  fines  del  siglo  XV  (Madrid, 
1S2.'>).  I,  II;  Avezac-Macava,  Anncc  veritable  de  la  naissance 
de.  Chr.  Cnl.  (Paris.  1873);  Roselly  de  Lorgnea.  Vie  et 
voyages  dc  Chr.  Col.  (Paris,  1861),  from  wliirh  wa-s  rompiied 
by  Barry.  Life  of  Chr.  Col.  (New  York,  1869);  Roselly  de 
LoRiiXES,  Satan  conire  Chr.  Col.  (Genoa,  1S46);  Columbus, 
Ferdin.\nd.  French  tr.  by  Mcller,  Hist,  de  la  vie  el  des  decou- 
vertes  de  Chr.  Col.  (Paris,  s.  d.);  Major  (tr.),  Select  Letters  of 
Chr.  Col.  (London,  1847  and  1870);  Harrisse,  Fernando  Coli}n 
historiador  de  su  padre  (Seville,  1S7I);  Vignaud,  La  maison 
d'.Alba  et  le.'i  archives  eolombiennes  (Paris,  1904);  IJhagon,  La 
Patria  de  Colon  ^egim  los  documentos  de  las  ordenes  militares 
(Madrid.  1^92  i;  Uziello  in  Congresso  geografico  italiano:  Atti 
for  April,  1901,  TuscanelH.  Colombo  e  Vespucci  (Milan,  1902); 
WiNSOR,  Chrisloplur  Columbus  (Boston,  1891);  Adams,  Christo- 
pher Columbu.i.  in  Makers  of  America  (New  York,  1892);  DuRO. 
Collin  y  la  Hi.-iloria  P.istuma  (.Wadrid.  18S5):  Thacher,  Chris- 
topher Columbus:  His  Life.  His  Work,  His  Remains  (3  vols.. 
New  York.  1903-1904) ;  Irving.  Life  and  Voyages  of  Christo- 
pher Columhus  (3  vols..  New  York,  1808) ;  Peter  Martyr,  De 
orbenovo  (Alcald.  1530);  Las  Casas,  Historic  de  las  Indias  in 
Documentos  para  la  historia  de  Espana;  Ovtedo,  Hist,  general 
(Madrid,  1850).  The  last  three  authors  had  personal  inter- 
course with  Columbus,  and  their  works  are  the  chief  source  of 
information  concerning  him.  Clarke.  Christopher  Columbus 
in  The  Am.  Cath.  Quart.  Rev.  (1892) ;  Shea.  Columbus,  This  Cen- 
turies Estimate  of  His  Lifeand  Work  (ibid.) ;  U.  S.  Cath.  Hist. 
Soc.  The  Cosmographia:  Inlroduelio  of  Martin  Waldseemiitler 
(New  York.  1908).  j^^    p    Bandelier. 

Columbus,  Diocese  of. — The  Diocese  of  Columbus 
comprises  that  part  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  south  of  40 
degrees  and  41  minutes,  lying  between  the  Ohio  River 
on  the  east  and  the  Scioto  River  on  the  west,  and  also 
the  Counties  of  Delaware,  Franklin,  and  Morrow, 
twenty-nine  counties  of  the  eighty-eight  into  which 
the  State  of  Ohio  is  di\nded;  it  contains  13,685  square 
miles.  This  portion  of  the  State  belonged  originally 
to  tlie  Diocese  of  Cincinnati,  and  was  recommended 
to  Rome  for  erection  as  a  see  by  tlie  Fathers  of  the 
Second  Plenary  Council,  of  Baltimore,  held  in  1866. 
It  was  not  until  3  March,  1868,  that  the  official  docu- 
ments were  issued  erecting  the  diocese  and  naming  as 
its  first  bishop  Sylvester  Horton  Ro.secrans,  who  had 
been  coiLseerated  Auxiliary  Bishop  of  Cincinnati  and 
Titular  Bishop  of  Pomi»iopolis,  25  March,  1862.  The 
portion  of  Ohio  assigned  to  this  diocese  was  in  1868 
to  a  large  extent  but  sparsely  populated;  no  railroad 
had  as  yet  penetrated  some  of  the  counties,  and  the 
bishop  was  forced  to  make  many  of  the  journeys  on 
his  visitations  by  stage,  wagon,  or  steamboat.  The 
Dominican  Fathers  were  the  earliest  missionaries  in 
Ohio,  locating  at  St.  Joseph's,  Perry  County,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and  from  their 
number  was  chosen  the  first  Bishop  of  Cincinnati, 
Edward  Fenwick.  The  first  place  of  Catholic  wor- 
ship in  Ohio  was  at  St.  Joseph's,  Perry  County.  This 
chapel  was  built  of  logs  and  was  blessed  6  December, 
1818,  by  Rev.  Edward  Fenwick  and  his  nephew.  Rev. 
N.  D.  Young,  both  natives  of  Maryland,  and  receiving 
their  jurisdiction  from  Bishop  Flaget,  who  was  then 
the  only  bishop  between  the  AUeghenies  and  the  Miss- 
issipjii.  The  congregation  consisted  of  ten  families. 
An  humble  convent  was  built  near  by,  and  its  inmates 
were  one  jVinerican,  N.  D.  Young,  one  Irishman,  Thos. 
Martin,  and  one  Belgian,  Vincent  De  Rymaeher.  The 
second  chajiel  erected  in  Ohio  was  also  in  this  diocese, 
bles.sed  in  1822,  near  what  is  now  Danville,  Knox 
County,  (hen  known  as  Sapp's  Settlement,  a  colony 
from  nearCumberland.Maryland.many  of  its  members 
direct  descendants  of  the  colonLstsof  Lord  Baltimore. 
This  chapel  was  built  of  logs  and  was  blessed  by 
Dominican  Fathers  and  the  humble  congregation 
ministered  to  by  them.  Within  a  few  miles  of  this 
second  Catholic  settlement  in  Ohio  is  the  college  town 
of  Gambier,  seat  of  Kenyon  College  and  the  Episcopa- 
lian Seminary  of  the  Diocese  of  Ohio,  over  which  in 
1868  presided,  before  his  conversion.  Dr.  James  Kent 
Stone,  afterwards  Father  Fidelis  of  the  Congregation  of 
St.  Paul  of  the  Cross.  From  its  walls  have  gone  forth 
many  illustrious  men  who  in  after-life  turned  their 
eyes  to  the  Church,  among  them  Bishop  Rosecrans 
and  ills  brother,  General  Rosecrans,  Henry  Richards, 


COLUMN 


150 


COLUMN 


father  of  Rev.  James  Havens  Richards,  S.  J.,  and 
William  Richards. 

In  its  early  days  the  diocese  was  largely  an  agricul- 
tural district,  the  first  settlers  from  Pennsylvania  and 
Maryland  being  tillers  of  the  soil.  Later  came  the 
emigrants  from  Ireland  and  Germany,  who  were  fol- 
lowed by  priests  of  their  native  lands.  At  the  present 
time  mining  and  manufacturing  have  so  far  advanced 
as  to  predominate  and  control.  Immigration  has  also 
added  to  the  variety  of  races  among  the  Catholic 
population;  notably  Poles,  Hungarians,  Greeks,  Lith- 
uanians, and  Slavs  may  be  found  among  the  mining 
population  of  the  eastern  and  southern  parts  of  the 
diocese :  while  Belgians  are  numerous  among  the  work- 
men employed  in  the  manufacture  of  glass,  an  indus- 
try that  has  risen  of  late  years  to  prominence  in 
Ohio,  owing  to  the  discovery  of  natural  gas,  which  is 
an  important  feature  in  this  business.  The  native- 
born  descendants  of  the  pioneer  Catholics  have  taken 
a  notable  place  in  the  walks  of  business  and  profes- 
sional life,  especially  in  the  larger  centres  of  popula- 
tion. The  bishop  and  a  large  number  of  the  clergy 
are  natives  of  the  State.  All  this  has  worked  a  de- 
cided change  in  the  attitude  of  non-Catholics  towards 
the  Church  and  their  Catholic  fellow-citizens. 

Sylvester  Horton  Roseerans,  the  first  bishop,  died 
21  October,  187S.  He  was  succeeded  by  John  .Am- 
brose Watterson,  who  was  consecrated  8  August. 
1S80,  and  died  17  April,  1899.  The  next  bishop  was 
Henry  Moeller,  consecrated  25  August,  1900,  j.iro- 
nioted  to  the  Arcliiepiscopal  See  of  Areo]>olis  and 
made  Coadjutor  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cincinnati,  27 
April,  1903.  The  fourth  bishop,  James  Joseph  Hart- 
ley, was  consecrated  25  February,  1904. 

There  are  142  jiriests — 105  secular  and  .37  regular — 
in  the  diocese,  with  34  brothers  and  450  sisters.  The 
total  population  of  the  diocese  is  about  1,000,000;  of 
tliis  number  80,000  are  Catholics.  The  parishes  num- 
ber 75,  with  45  parochial  schools  and  9361  pupils, 
4520  boys  and  4841  girls.  There  are  two  orphan 
a.sylums,  with  460  orphans ;  a  Convent  of  thcGood  Shei> 
herd,  with  207  inmates;  four  hospitals,  treating  4000 
patients  annually;  a  preparatory  seminary,  with  22 
students;    a   theological   seminary,    "The  Pontifical 


..  CoLUMBrs 


College  Josephinum  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Faith",  with  161  students;  a  col- 
lege, with  100  students;  and  three  academies,  with 
4.'iO  pupils. 

/[he  Diocese  ofCohimbus  has  given  to  the  Church  two 
bishops,  Fit  zgcrald  of  Lit  tic  Hock  and  ( ;allagher  of  G.al- 
veston;  whiU'  flic  names  of  Ilenni,  Arclibisliop  of  Mil- 
waukee, Laniy,  Arclil)i.shop  of  Santa  Fe,  Ue  Goesbri- 
and,  Bishop  of  Hurhngton,  Vermont,  may  be  found  on 
the  baptismal  registers  of  the  early  mission  churches 


of  the  diocese.  The  State  and  nation  also  have  re- 
ceived many  a  notable  service,  both  in  war  and  peace, 
from  sons  of  the  diocese.  General  Philip  H.  Sheridan 
was  in  his  boyhood  a  resident  of  Somerset,  Perry  Co., 
the  cradle  of  Catholicity  in  Ohio.  General  W.  S. 
Roseerans,  brother  of  the  first  bishop  of  the  diocese, 
both  converts,  General  Don  Carlos  Buell,  Generals 
Hugh  and  Charles  Ewing  of  the  Ewing  family  of  Lan- 


caster; Frank  Hurd,  Constitutional  lawyer,  Rep- 
resentative in  Congress,  and  free  trade  advocate,  J. 
A.  MacGahan,  Bulgaria's  liberator,  whose  remains 
were  brought  by  the  LTnited  States  Government  from 
Constantinople  to  Perry  County,  are  a  few  of  the 
names  on  the  diocesan  roll  of  honour. 

Howe,  Historical  Collections  of  Ohio  (Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
1900):  American  Catholic  Historical  Researches  (Philadelphia, 
July,  1896);  files  of  Catholic  Telegraph  (Cincinnati),  and  Cath- 
olic Columbian  (Columbus) -f/.  S.  Catholic  Magazine  (Balti- 
more, January,  1847),  The  Catholic  Church  in  Ohio. 

L.    W.    MtJLHANE. 

Column,  in  architecture  a  round  pillar,  a  cylindrical 
solid  body,  or  a  many-sided  prism,  the  body  of  which 
is  sometimes  reeded  or  fluted,  but  practically  cylin- 
drical in  shape,  and  which  supports  another  body  in 
a  vertical  direction.  A  column  has,  as  its  most  essen- 
tial portion,  a  long  solid  body,  called  the  shaft,  set 
vertically  on  a  stylobate,  or  on  a  congeries  of  mould- 
ings which  forms  its  base,  the  shaft  being  surmounted 
by  a  more  or  less  bulky  mass,  wliich  forms  its  capital. 
Columns  are  distinguished  by  the  names  of  the  styles 
of  architecture  to  which  they  belong;  thus  there  arc 
Hindu,  Egyptian,  Grecian.  Roman,  and  Gothic  col- 
umns. In  classic  architecture  they  are  further  dis- 
tinguished by  the  name  of  the  order  to  which  they 
belong,  as  Doric,  Ionic,  Composite,  or  Tuscan  col- 
umns. Tliey  may  also  be  characterized  by  some 
jieculiarity  of  position,  of  construction,  of  form,  or 
of  ornament,  as  attached,  twisted,  cabled,  etc.  Col- 
umns are  either  insulated  or  attached.  They  are  said 
to  be  attached  or  engaged  when  they  form  part  of  a 
wall,  projecting  one-half  or  more,  but  not  the  whole, 
of  their  substance.  Cabled  or  rudented  columns  are 
such  as  have  their  flutings  filled  with  cables  or  astra- 
gals to  about  the  third  of  the  height.  Carolitic  col- 
umns have  their  shafts  foliated.  In  the  earliest  col- 
umnar architecture,  th.atof  the  Egj-ptians,  and  in  the 
Greek  Doric,  there  were  no  bases.  Capitals,  how- 
ever, are  universal,  but  are  mainly  decorative  in  char- 
acter. In  Grecian  and  Roman  architecture  the  pro- 
portions are  settled,  and  vary  according  to  the  order. 
The  term  is  sometimes  applii'd  to  the  jiillars  or  piers 
in  Norman  and  Gothic  architecture.  In  modern 
visage  the  term  is  applied  to  supports  of  iron  or  wood. 

Fi.F.TOHER,  .4  Ilisloni  of  Architeclim.  690;  Cwilt.  Enci/c. 
of  Architecture,  1261;  Paiiker,  Glossary  of  Architecture  I,  lOS; 
Weale,  Diet,  of  Terms:  Bond.  Gothic  Architecture  in  England, 
233:  Sturgib,  Z)id.  of  Architecture  anel  Building  (London.  1904). 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 


COMACCHIO 


151 


COMAYAGUA 


Comacchio,  Diocese  of  (Comaclensis),  suffragan 
of  Ravenna.  Comacchio  is  a  town  in  the  province 
of  Ferrara  in  the  Romagna,  Italy,  situated  on  islands 
near  the  mouths  of  the  Po,  and  connected  with  the 
sea  by  a  canal  built  by  Cardinal  Palotta.  The  an- 
cient name  of  the  town  was  Cymaclum.  The  first 
known  Bishop  of  Comacchio  was  Pacatianus,  present 
in  503  at  a  synod  held  in  Rome  under  Pope  Symma- 
chus.  St.  Gregory  the  Great  reckons  the  see  among 
the  suffragans  of  Raverma.  In  708  a  certain  Vincen- 
tius  is  mentioned  as  Bishop  of  Comacchio.  In  the 
seventh  century  Gregory,  the  youthful  son  of  Isaac, 
Exarch  of  Ravenna,  died  at  Comacchio  in  a  monas- 
tery dedicated  to  St.  Maurus,  as  is  recorded  in  a  Greek 
inscription.  During  the  fifteenth  century  the  town 
was  held  by  the  Venetians,  but  was  retaken  in  1.509 
by  Alfonso  II,  Duke  of  Ferrara,  and  fortified  by  him. 
At  the  death  of  Alfonso  in  1.597,  Comacchio,  with  the 
rest  of  the  Duchy  of  Ferrara  passed  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  Holy  See.  One  of  its  bishops,  Alfonso 
Pandolfo  (1631),  was  a  polished  writer  and  poet,  and 
established  the  Accademia  del  Fluttuanli.  In  the 
vicinity  of  Comacchio  is  the  ancient  shrine  of  Santa 
Maria  in  Aula  Regia,  approached  by  a  long  portico 
of  142  arches,  built  in  1647  by  the  papal  legate.  Cardi- 
nal Giovanni  Stefano  Dongo.  In  1708  Emperor 
Joseph  I,  on  the  pretence  of  ha\'ing  an  ancient  claim 
on  the  city  seized  Comacchio,  wliich  was,  however, 
restored  in  1724.  In  1796  the  town  was  occupied  by 
the  French.  The  famous  Behedictine  Abbey  of  Pom- 
posa  is  in  the  Diocese  of  Comacchio.  The  diocese  has 
a  population  of  40,630,  with  1 14  parishes,  24  churches 
and  oratories,  26  secular  and  6  regular  priests,  1  re- 
ligious house  of  men,  and  1  of  women. 

Cappelletti.  Le  chiexe  d'ltalia  (Venice,  1844),  It,  579; 
CoRRADiNus,  Relatio  jurium  sedui  apost,  in  civil.  Comaclensem 
(Rome.  1741);  Chevalier,  Topo-Bibl.  (Paris,  1894-99),  s.  v.; 
Ann,  ecci.  (Rome,  1907). 

U.  Benigni. 

Comana,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  According  to 
ancient  geographers,  Comana  was  situated  in  Cappa- 
docia  (Cataonia).  Eustathius  (Comment,  ad  Dionys., 
694)  surnames  it  Chryse,  "Golden".  Another  sur- 
name in  ejiigraphy  is  Hieropolis,  owing  to  a  famous 
temple  of  the  SjTian  goddess  Enyo  or  Ma.  Strabo 
and  Ca-sar  visited  it;  the  former  (XI,  521 ;  XII,  535, 
537)  enters  into  long  details  about  its  position  on  the 
Sarus  (Seihoun),  the  temjile  and  its  hieroduli.  St. 
Basiliscus  was  put  to  death  at  Comana  and  was  buried 
there;  according  to  Palladius,  the  historian  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  he  was  bishop  of  the  city,  but  this  is  very 
doubtful.  Its  bishop,  Elpidius,  was  present  at  the 
Council  of  Nicsea,  in  325.  Leontius,  a  Semi-Arian,  held 
the  see  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Jovian.  Heraclius 
appeared  at  Chalcedon  in  451:  Comana  was  then  a 
suffragan  of  Melitene,  the  raetro]3olis  of  Armenia  Se- 
cunda;  since  then  it  figures  as  such  in  most  of  the 
"Notitiaeepiscopatuura"  to  the  twelfth  century.  Two 
other  bishops  are  known:  Hormizes,  or  Hormisdas, 
about  458  (letter  to  the  Emperor  Leo;  see  also 
Photius,  Biblioth.,  Cod.  51)  and  Theodorus  at  the 
Fifth  (Ecumenical  Council,  in  553.  The  ruins  of 
Comana  are  visible  ten  miles  north-west  of  Guksun 
(Cocussus),  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana  (Lequien,  I,  447; 
Ramsay,  Hist.  Geogr.  of  Asia  Minor,  passim).  An- 
other Comana,  suffragan  of  NeocEPsarea,  was  situated 
in  Pontus  Polemiacus;  it  had  also  a  temple  of  Mil, 
and  was  surnamed  Hierocssarea.  It  was  captured 
by  Sulla,  83  b.  c.  Slx  bishops  are  mentioned  by 
Lequien  (I,  517);  the  first  is  St.  Alexander  the  Char- 
coal-Seller, consecrated  by  St.  Gregory  the  Wonder- 
Worker.  This  town  is  to-day  Gomenek,  orGomanak, 
a  village  .south-west  of  Neocsesarea  (Niksar),  in  the 
vilayet  of  Sivas.  Lequien  (I,  1009)  gives  another 
Comana  in  Paniphylia  Prima,  suffragan  of  Side;  the 
true  name  is  Conana.  Zoticus,  who  lived  at  the  time 
of  Montanus,  was  Bishop  of  Conana,  or  of  Comama, 


not  of  Comana  in  Cappadocia.  Cosmas  of  Conana 
appeared  at  Constantinople  in  680.  Conana  is  to-day 
Gunen,  in  the  vilayet  of  Adana. 

Smith,  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Geogr.  (London,  1878),  I,  649. 
S.    PETEIDliS. 

Comayagua,  Diocese  op,  suffragan  to  Guatemala, 
includes  the  entire  Republic  of  Honduras  in  Central 
America,  a  territory  of  about  46,250  square  miles,  and 
a  population  (1902),  exclusive  of  uncivilized  Indians, 
of  684,400,  mostly  baptized  Catholics.  It  also  in- 
cludes a  group  of  islets  in  the  Bay  of  Honduras  (Rua- 
tdn,  Bonacca,  Utila,  Barbareta,  and  Moret).  The 
surface  is  mountainous,  with  many  fertile  plains  and 
plateaux.  Communication  is  difficult,  as  there  are 
few  good  roads,  but  a  railroad  from  Puerto  Cortez  to 
La  Pimienta  (sixty  miles)  is  destined  to  reach  the 
Pacific.  The  mineral  wealth  is  great,  and  the  trade 
in  bananas  very  lucrative.  The  climate  in  the  in- 
terior is  usually  healthy,  but  fevers  are  frequent  along 
the  low  coast.  The  capital  of  the  State,  Tegucigalpa, 
has  17,000  inhabitants.  The  first  missionaries  were 
Franciscans,  though  the  records  of  their  labours  have 
disappeared  in  the  disastrous  conflagrations  that  the 
wars  of  the  nineteenth  centurj-  visited  on  Comayagua, 
and  in  which  the  archives  of  the  cathedral  perished. 
The  diocese  was  established  in  1527  by  Clement  VII, 
and  confirmed  in  15.39  by  Paul  III.  It  is  supposed 
that  Bishop  Pedrasa,  who  went  in  that  year  to  Tru- 
j  illo,  was  the  first  bishop.  Under  the  fourth ,  Jeronimo 
de  Corella,  Pius  IV  transferred  (1561)  the  see  to 
Nueva  Valladolid,  now  Comayagua.  The  prosperous 
missions  among  the  savage  Indians  on  the  north  coast 
were  broken  up  in  1601  by  English  pirates;  colonists 
and  missionaries  were  scattered,  and  the  Indians  (now 
about  90,000)  relapsed  into  their  original  savagery. 
The  revolution  of  1821  did  great  damage  to"  the 
Church.  Before  that  time  there  were  more  than  300 
ecclesiastical  foundations,  and  public  worship  was 
everywhere  carried  on  with  dignity.  Tlie  revolution- 
ary Government  confiscated  the  ecclesiastical  property 
to  the  value  of  more  than  a  million  pesos,  according  to 
a  presidential  message  of  1842.  Since  then  parishes 
depended  for  public  worship  on  precarious  alms,  and 
the  clergy  diminished  in  number.  Nevertheless, 
tithes  were  still  paid  to  the  Church,  and  from  them 
the  bishop,  the  cathedral  services,  and  the  seminary 
were  supported.  The  latter  was  open  only  to  externs 
and  only  the  sciences  were  taught;  ecclesiastics  and 
young  men  destined  for  the  law  were  educated  there 
together. 

Between  1878  and  1880  the  new  president  of  Hon- 
duras, imposed  by  Guatemala,  confiscated  anew  the 
ecclesiastical  resources  put  together  by  the  faithful, 
the  parochial  properties,  residences  of  clergy  and 
churches,  abolished  the  tithes,  and,  to  complete  the 
ruin  of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  suppressed  in  the  uni- 
versity the  courses  of  canon  law  and  moral  theology, 
and  in  the  colleges  even  (he  study  of  Latin.  Tliese 
oppressive  acts  hampered  greatly  the  proper  forma- 
tion of  the  clergy,  public  worship,  and  the  administra- 
tion of  the  diocese.  Lately  the  seminary  has  been  re- 
opened, but  despite  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State  the  former  is  subject  to  many  restrictions.  The 
civil  government  is  no  longer  hostile,  but  in  its  name 
provincial  and  local  authorities  exhil)it  no  little  hos- 
tility to  the  pari.sh  priests.  The  episcopal  city,  which 
has  SOOO  inhabitants,  suffered  much  from  the  civil 
wars  of  the  period  of  federation  (1823-39)  and  has 
never  regained  its  former  size  or  prosperity.  Bishop 
Joseph  Maria  Martinez  Cabanas  (1908)  is  the 
twenty-eighth  or  twenty-ninth  of  the  line.  The  five 
parish  priest-s  of  the  Department  of  Com:xyagua  re[)re- 
sent  the  former  cathedral  canons,  and  assist  the  bishop 
on  occiislons;  at  his  death  they  elect  the  vicar  capitu- 
lar. There  are  seventy  secular  priests,  and  no  regu- 
lars ;  the  Government  has  never  tolerated  the  return 


COMBEFIS 


152 


COM  GALL 


of  the  latter  since  their  expulsion  (1821).  There  is  a 
missionary  on  the  northern  coast  and  at  Comayagua 
a  Salesian  Father.  The  wealthier  classes  of  the  dio- 
cese, with  very  few  exceptions,  are  indifferent  to  reli- 
gion. There  are  no  parochial  schools,  as  the  people 
of  the  pueblos  are  unable  to  support  them,  after  pay- 
ing taxes  for  the  public  schools ;  moreover  the  clergy 
are  unable  to  conduct  them,  being  obliged  at  all  times 
to  move  about  from  one  small  town  to  another  and 
among  the  wirlely  scattered  villages  and  the  moun- 
tains.      (See  GUATEMAL.V.) 

Werner,  Orbis  Itrrarum  Catholicua  (Freiburs,  1890 1; 
Stheit,  Kttlholischi-r  Mtssionsntlas  (Steyl,  1907);  The  Slalcs- 
man's  Year-Book  (London,  1907). 

Feliciano  Herrera. 

Combefis,  FnAXfois,  patrologist,  b.  November, 
1605,  at  Marmande  in  Guyerme;  d.  at  Paris,  2.3  March, 
1679.  He  made  his  preliminary  studies  in  the  Jesuit 
College  at  Bordeaux,  and  joined  the  Dominican  Order 
in  1624.  After  finishing  his  theological  course,  he  be- 
came professor  of  theology,  and  tauglit  in  several 
houses  of  his  order.  In  1640  he  was  transferred  to 
Paris  where  the  opportunities  for  research  afforded  by 
the  libraries  led  him  to  abandon  teaching  and  to  under- 
take the  publication  of  patristic  texts.  He  published 
successively  the  works  of  Amphilochius  of  Iconium, 
of  Methodius  of  Patara,  and  of  Andreas  of  Crete,  to- 
gether with  some  hitherto  unedited  writings  of  St. 
John  Chrysostom.  In  1648  appeared  his  "Novum 
.\uctarium  Graeco-Latins  Bibliothecae  Patrum"  in 
two  parts,  exegetical  and  historico-dogmatic.  The 
"Historia  haeresis  monothelitarum  sanctseque  in  eam 
se.xtse  synodi  actorum  vindicis",  which  formed  part 
of  the  historical  section  of  this  work,  met  with 
much  opposition  in  Rome,  principally  because  it  was 
at  variance  -n-ith  the  opinions  of  Bellarmine  and  Bar- 
onius.  The  character  of  the  work  in  which  Combefis 
was  engaged  met  so  thoroughly  the  approval  of  the 
French  clergj'  that  in  an  assembly  of  the  French 
bishops  held  in  Paris,  16.55,  an  annual  subsidy  was 
voted  to  enable  him  to  carrj'  on  his  publications,  the 
sum  voted  being  subsequently  doubled.  This  gener- 
ous action  produced  the  most  fruitful  results,  and  the 
number  of  his  publications  increased  every  year.  In 
1656  he  edited  St.  John  Chrj'sostom's  "De  edu- 
candis  Liberis",  in  1660  a  collection  of  Acts  of  the 
martyrs.  In  1662  there  appeared  the  "  Bibliotheca 
Patrum  Concionatoria",  or  "Preachers'  Library  of 
the  Fathers",  a  rich  and  comprehensive  work,  pre- 
pared in  the  most  painstaking  manner  from  all  the 
available  manuscripts,  and  containing  a  short  his- 
torical account  of  all  the  authors  whose  names  ap- 
peared in  the  work.  Another  important  work,  "  Auc- 
tarium  Novis.^imum  Bibliothecoe  Patrum",  appeared 
at  Paris  in  1672.  The  three  following  years  saw 
many  publications  from  the  pen  of  Combefis.  In 
1674  appeared  "Ecclesiastes  Gracus,  i.  e.  illustrium 
Graecorum  Patrum  ac  oratorum  digest!  sermones  ac 
tractatus",  etc.  In  1675  appeared  "Theodoti  Ancy- 
rani  adv.  Nestorium  liber  et  S.  Germani  patriarchte 
Constantinop.  in  S.  Mariae  Dormitionem  et  Transla- 
tionem  oratio  historica",  and  in  the  same  year  an 
edition  of  the  works  of  Maximus  Confessor  in  two  vol- 
umes with  a  Latin  translation.  A  third  volume  of 
the  works  of  Maximus  Confessor  was  ready  when 
Combefis  died.  Perhaj^s  the  most  important  of 
the  w^orks  of  Combefis  is  his  edition  of  St.  Basil  in 
two  volumes,  "Basilius  magnus  ex  integro  recensitus, 
textus  ex  fide  optimorum  codicum  ubique  castigatus, 
auctus,  illustratus,  baud  incerta  quandoque  conjec- 
turii  emcndatus.  Versiones  recognita;  ",  etc.  (Paris, 
1679).  This  is  a  work  of  the  highest  merit  and  shows 
the  critical  .skill  of  Combefis  at  its  liost,  though  later 
surpas.sed  by  the  famous  Maurist  edition  (Paris, 
1721-30).  Besides  these  and  scxcrul  other  critical 
editions  of  works  of  the  Fathers,  there  are  in  exist- 
ence some  polemical  works  of  Combefis  which  have 


little  value  for  the  present  time.  Though  known  to 
all  the  learned  men  of  his  time,  and  widely  celebrated 
even  in  his  lifetime  for  his  great  learning,  Combefis 
always  remained  a  mild  and  obedient  monk. 

Qtjetif-Echard.  Script.  Ord.  Freed.,  II,  678  sq.;  Peratilt, 
Recueil  des  rloges  des  hommes  ilht.stres  du  17^  siecle;  Dupin, 
Bibliotheca,  XIII,  99;  Nicebon,  .T/emoir«i,  XI,  1859;  Ittig,  De 
bibliothecis  et  catenis  Patrum  (Leipzig,  1707),  145  sq. 

Patrick  J.  Healy. 

Comboni,  Daniel,  missionary,  b.  15  March,  1831,  in 
Limone  San  Giovanni  near  Brescia.  Italy;  d.  10  Oct., 
1881,  at  Ivhartoum.  Educated  in  Mazza's  Institute, 
Verona,  he  learned,  in  addition  to  theology,  several 
languages  and  medicine.  Ordained  priest  in  1854,  he 
was  sent  (1857)  by  Don  Mazza  to  Central  Africa,  but 
returned  (1859)  because  of  ill  health.  After  teaching 
in  Mazza's  Institute  from  1861-64  he  published  "Pi- 
ano per  la  rigenerazione  dell'  Africa"  (Turin,  1864) 
and  visited  France,  Spain,  England,  Germany,  and 
Austria  to  collect  fimds.  In  Verona  Comboni  estab- 
lished (1867)  his  Istiluto  ilcUe  Misaiotti  per  la  Nigrizia 
to  educate  priests  and  brothers  for  the  missions,  and 
the  Istituto  dflle  Pie  Miidri  to  supply  female  help;  he 
also  opened  similar  institutions  in  Cairo,  Egypt,  to  ac- 
climatize missionaries  for  the  fever-stricken  regions  of 
Central  Africa.  Appointed  (1872)  Pro-vicar  Apos- 
tolic of  Central  Africa  (vicariate  since  1846),  embrac- 
ing Nubia,  Egvptian  Sudan,  and  the  territory  south  to 
the  Lakes  (with  nearly  100,000,000  inhabitants)  Com- 
boni began  his  great  work  with  only  two  missions,  El- 
Obeid  (Kordofan)  and  Khartoum.  Others  rapidly 
followed:  Berber,  Delen,  Malbes  (near  El-Obeid).  In 
1877  Comboni  was  made  Vicar  Apostolic  of  Central 
Africa  and  titular  Bishop  of  Claudiopolis.  His  death 
was  pronounced  a  "great  loss"  by  Leo  XIII. 

Comboni  aroused  the  interest  of  Europe  in  negro 
missions,  and  journeyed  five  times  from  Africa  to  Eu- 
rope to  secure  missionaries  and  funds.  By  means  of 
his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  khedive  and  the 
Governor  of  the  Sudan  he  effectually  checked  the 
slave-trade.  Besides  his  "  Quadro  storico  delle  Sco- 
perte  .Africane"  (1880)  he  contributed  material  for 
scientific  works,  notably  on  geography.  Mitterrutz- 
ner's  works  on  the  Dinka  and  Bari  dialects  (Brixen, 
1866,  1867)  are  based  on  Comboni's  manuscripts.  He 
was  a  "language  genius"  (Cardinal  Simeoni),  master 
of  six  European  tongues,  of  Arabic,  and  the  dialects  of 
the  Dinka,  Bari,  and  Nuba  negroes.  His  "Istituto", 
since  1.S94  the  Congregation  of  the  Sons  of  the  vSacred 
Heart,  continues  his  work  in  Central  Africa.  Mgr. 
Geyer  (appointed  vicar  Apostolic  in  1903)  was  assisted 
in  1907  by  29  priests,  23  brothers,  and  35  sisters  minis- 
tering to  11  churches,  9  schools,  and  6  orphanages. 

Comboni's  account  of  his  worlc  is  in  Annalen  d.  Verbreitung 
d.  Glaubens  (Munich,  1878).  XLVI,  94-114,  233-256;  Geyer, 
Danifl  Coinboni,  eine  Lebetisskizze  in  Annalen,  etc.  (Munich, 
1882),  L,  172-238;  Kalholische  Missionen  (Freiburg.  1882), 
159-162;  Geyer,  Khartoum,  ein  Zentrum  d.  KuUur  in  Inner- 
Africa  (Vienna,  1907). 

John  M.  Lenhart. 
Comforter.     See  P.^.raclete. 

Comgall,  Saint,  founder  and  abbot  of  the  great 
Irish  monastery  at  Bangor,  flourished  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. The  year  of  his  liirth  is  uncertam,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  testimony  of  the  Irish  innals  it  must  be 
placed  between  510  and  520;  his  death  is  said  to  have 
occurred  in  602  ("  Annals  of  Tighernach ' '  and  " Chron- 
icon  Scotorum"),  or  597  (Annals  of  Innisfallen). 
He  was  born  in  Dalaradia  in  lister  near  the  place  now 
known  as  Magheramorne  m  the  present  County  An- 
trim. He  seems  to  have  served  first  as  a  soldier,  and 
on  his  release  from  milit:iry  service  he  is  said  to  have 
studied  at  Clonard  with  St.  I'iniiian.  and  at  Clonmac- 
noi.se  with  >St.  Ciaran,  who  died  in  549.  We  next  find 
him  in  Ulster  in  an  island  on  Lough  Erne  accom- 
panied by  a  few  friends  following  a  very  severe  form 


COMMA 


153 


COMMANDMENTS 


of  monastic  life.  He  intended  to  go  to  Britain,  but 
was  dissuaded  from  this  step  by  Lugidius,  tlic  bishop 
who  ordained  him,  at  whose  advice  he  remained  in  Ire- 
land and  set  himself  to  spread  the  monastic  life 
throughout  the  country.  The  most  famous  of  the 
many  monasteries  said  to  have  been  fountlcd  l)y  St. 
I  'oragall  is  Bangor,  situated  in  the  present  County 
1  lown.  on  the  southern  shore  of  Belfast  Lough  and  di- 
netly  opi^osite  to  Carrickfergus.  According  to  the 
Irish  annals  Bangor  was  founded  not  later  than  .'),'>2, 
thciiigh  Usslier  and  most  of  the  later  writers  on  the 
subject  assign  the  foundation  to  the  year  555.  Ac- 
cording to  Adamnan's  "Life  of  Columba",  there  was 
a  very  close  connexion  between  Comgall  and  Columba, 
though  there  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient  author- 
ity for  stating  that  Comgall  was  the  disciple  of  Col- 
umba in  any  strict  sense.  He  is  also  said  to  have  been 
the  friend  of  St.  Brendan,  St.  Cormac,  St.  Cainnech, 
and  Finbarr  of  Moville.  After  intense  suffering  he 
icceived  the  i'ucharist  from  St.  Fiacra  and  expired  in 
the  monastery  at  Bangor. 

Comgall  belonged  to  what  is  known  as  the  Second 
( »rder  of  Irish  Saints.  These  flourished  in  the  Irish 
Church  during  the  sixth  century.  They  were  for  the 
most  part  educated  in  Britain,  or  received  their  train- 
ing from  those  who  had  grown  up  under  the  influence 
of  the  British  scnools.  They  were  the  founders  of  the 
ureat  Irish  monastic  schools,  and  contributed  much  to 
the  spread  of  monasticism  in  the  Irish  Church.  It  is 
in  interesting  question  how  far  Comgall,  or  men  like 
liim,  had  advanced  in  their  establishments  at  Bangor 
and  elsewhere  in  introducing  the  last  stages  of  monas- 
I  icism  then  developed  on  the  Continent  by  St.  Bene- 
dict. In  other  words,  did  St.  Comgall  give  his  monks 
at  Bangor  a  strict  monastic  rule  resembling  the  Rule 
I  >f  St.  Benedict?  There  has  come  down  to  us  a  Rule  of 
St.  Comgall  in  Irish,  but  the  evidence  would  not  war- 
rant us  in  saying  that  as  it  stands  at  present  it  could 
be  attributed  to  him.  The  fact,  however,  that  Col- 
umbanus,  a  disciple  of  Comgall  and  himself  a  monk 
of  Bangor,  drew  up  for  his  Continental  monasteries  a 
"Regula  Monachorum"  would  lead  us  to  believe  that 
there  had  been  a  similar  organization  in  Bangor  in  his 
time.  This,  however,  is  not  conclusive,  since  Colum- 
banus  might  have  derived  inspiration  from  the  Bene- 
dictine Rule  then  widely  spread  over  South-Western 
Europe.  St.  Comgall  is  mentioned  in  the  "  Life  of 
Columbanus"  by  Jonas,  as  the  superior  of  Bangor, 
under  whom  St.  Columbanus  had  studied.  He  is  also 
mentioned  under  10  May,  his  feast-day  in  the  "Felire" 
of  Oengus  the  Culdee  published  by  Whitley  Stokes  for 
the  Henry  Bradshaw  Society  (2nd  ed.),  and  his  name 
is  commemorated  in  the  Stowe  Missal  (MacCarthy), 
and  in  the  Martyrology  of  Tallaght. 

Two  lives  of  St.  Comgall  are  published  in  the  Ada  SS.,  10 
May;  Ada  Sandorum  O.  S.  Benedidi,  H;  MS.  live.s  of  the 
saint  are  found  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Rawlinson,  B.  505, 
485,  and  in  the  British  Museum,  Harley  6576;  Oengus  the 
Culdee,  ed.  Stokes,  for  the  Henry  Bradshaw  Society  (London, 
1905):  UssHER,  Anliquitates  Ecelesiar.  Briit.  (Dublin,  1635); 
O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints  (Dublin),  10  May. 

James  MacCaffrey. 

Comma  Johanneum.     See  Three  Witne.sses. 

Commandments  of  God,  called  also  simply  The 
CoMMANDMF.NTs,  or  I )f.cai.ogue  (Gr.  5^K0,  ten,  and 
X(57os,  a  word),  the  Ten  Words  or  Sayings,  the  latter 
name  generally  applieil  by  the  Greek  Fathers;  ten  pre- 
cepts bearing  on  the  fundamental  obligations  of  re- 
ligion and  morality  and  embodying  the  revealed  ex- 
pression of  the  Creator's  will  in  relation  to  man's  whole 
duty  to  God  and  to  his  fellow-creatures.  They  are 
found  twice  recorded  in  the  Pentateuch,  in  Ex.,  xx  and 
Dent.,  V,  but  are  given  in  an  abridged  form  in  the  cate- 
chiams.  Written  by  the  finger  of  God  on  two  tables  of 
stone,  this  Divine  code  was  received  from  the  Almightj' 
by  Moses  amid  the  thunders  of  Mount  Sinai,  and  by 
him  made  the  ground-work  of  the  Mosaic  Law.  Christ 
resumed  these  Commandments  in  the  double  precept 


of  charity — love  of  God  and  of  the  neighbour ;  He  [iro- 
clainie<l  them  as  binding  under  the  New  Law  in  Matt., 
\i\  an.l  in  Ihc  Sermon  on  the  Mount  (Matt.,  v).  He 
al  M  ini|.lili.J  or  interpreted  them,  e.  g.  by  declaring 
uiiih  1 1  ,,-,ai y  oalhs  equally  unlawful  with  false,  by  con- 
denuung  halrrd  and  calumny  as  well  as  murder,  by 
enjoining  even  love  of  enemies,  and  by  condemning  in- 
dulgence of  evil  desires  as  fraught  with  the  same  mal- 
ice as  adultery  (Matt.,  v).  The  Church,  on  the  other 
hand,  after  changing  the  day  of  rest  from  the  Jewish 
Sabbath,  or  seventhday  of  the  week,  to  the  first,  made 
the  Third  Commandment  refer  to  Sunday  as  the 
day  to  be  kept  holy  a.s  the  Lord's  Day.  The  Council 
of  Trent  (Sess.  VI,  can.  xix)  condemns  those  who  deny 
that  the  Ten  Commandments  are  binding  on  Chris- 
tians. 

There  is  no  numerical  division  of  the  Command- 
ments in  the  Books  of  Moses,  but  the  injunctions  are 
distinctly  tenfold,  and  are  found  almost  identical  in 
both  sources.  The  order,  too,  is  the  same,  except  for 
the  final  prohibitions  pronounced  against  concupis- 
cence, that  of  Deuteronomy  being  adopted  in  prefer- 
ence to  Exodus.  A  confusion,  however,  exists  in  the 
numbering,  which  is  due  to  a  difference  of  opinion  con- 
cerning the  initial  precept  on  Divine  worship.  The 
system  of  numeration  found  in  Catholic  Bibles  is  based 
on  the  Hebrew  text,  was  made  by  St.  Augustine 
(fifth  century)  in  his  book  of  "Questions  on  Exodus" 
("Quajstioniun  in  Heptateuchum  libri  VII",  Bk.  II, 
Question  Ixxi),  and  was  adopted  by  the  Coimcil  of 
Trent.  It  is  followed  also  by  the  German  Lutherans, 
except  those  of  the  school  of  Bucer.  This  arrange- 
ment makes  the  First  Commandment  relate  to  false 
worship  and  to  the  worship  of  false  gods  as  to  a  single 
subject  and  a  single  class  of  sins  to  be  guarded  against 
— the  reference  to  idols  being  regarded  as  a  mere  ap- 
plication of  the  precept  to  adore  but  one  God  and  the 
prohibition  as  directed  against  the  particular  offence 
of  idolatry  alone.  According  to  this  manner  of  reck- 
oning, the  injunction  forbidding  the  use  of  the  Lord's 
Name  in  vain  comes  second  in  order;  and  the  decimal 
number  is  safeguarded  by  making  a  division  of  the  final 
precept  on  concupiscence — the  Ninth  pointing  to  sins 
of  the  flesh  and  the  Tenth  to  desires  for  the  unlawful 
possession  of  goods.  Another  division  has  been 
adopted  by  the  English  and  Helvetian  Protestant 
Churches  on  the  authority  of  Philo  Judsus,  Josephus 
Origcn,  and  others,  whereby  two  Commandments  are 
made  to  cover  the  matter  of  worship,  and  tluis  the 
numbering  of  the  rest  is  advanced  one  higher;  and  the 
Tenth  embraces  both  the  Ninth  and  Tenth  of  the 
Catholic  division.  It  seems,  however,  as  logical  to 
separate  at  the  end  as  to  group  at  the  beginning,  for, 
while  one  single  object  is  aimed  at  under  worship,  two 
specifically  different  sins  are  forbidden  under  covet- 
ousness;  if  adultery  and  theft  belong  to  two  distinct 
species  of  moral  wrong,  the  same  must  be  said  of  the 
desire  to  commit  these  evils. 

The  Supreme  Law-Giver  begins  by  proclaiming  His 
Name  and  His  Titles  to  the  obedience  of  the  creature 
man:  "I  am  the  Lord,  thy  C!od.  .  .  ."  The  laws 
which  follow  have  regard  to  God  and  His  representa- 
tives on  earth  (first  four)  and  to  our  fellow-man  (last 
six).  Being  the  one  true  God,  He  alone  is  to  be 
adored,  and  all  rendering  to  creatures  of  the  worship 
which  belongs  to  Him  falls  under  the  ban  of  His  dis- 
pleasure; the  making  of  "graven  things"  is  con- 
demned :  not  all  pictures,  images,  and  works  of  art,  but 
such  as  are  intended  to  be  adored  and  served  (First). 
.Associated  with  God  in  the  minds  of  men  and  repre- 
senting Ilim,  is  His  Holy  Name,  which  by  the  .Second 
Commandment  is  declared  worthy  of  all  veneration 
and  respect  and  its  profanation  reprobated.  And  He 
claims  one  day  out  of  the  seven  as  a  memorial  to  Him- 
self, and  this  must  be  kept  holy  (Third).  Finally, 
parents  being  the  natural  proviilence  of  their  offspring, 
invested  with  authority  for  their  guidance  and  correc- 


COMMANDMENTS 


154 


COMMANDMENTS 


tion,  and  holding  the  place  of  God  before  them,  the 
child  is  bidden  to  honour  and  respect  them  as  His  law- 
ful representatives  (Fourth).  The  precepts  which 
follow  are  meant  to  protect  man  in  his  natural  rights 
against  the  injustice  of  his  fellows.  His  life  is  the  ob- 
ject of  the  Fifth ;  the  honour  of  his  body  as  well  as  the 
source  of  life,  of  the  Sixth;  his  lawful  possessions,  of 
the  Seventh ;  his  good  name,  of  the  Eighth.  And  in 
order  to  make  him  still  more  secure  in  the  enjoyment 
of  his  rights,  it  is  declared  an  offence  against  God  to 
desire  to  wrong  him:  in  his  family  rights  by  the  Ninth 
and  in  his  property  rights  by  the  Tenth. 

This  legislation  expresses  not  only  the  Maker's  posi- 
tive will,  but  the  voice  of  nature  as  well — the  laws 
which  govern  our  being  and  are  written  more  or  less 
clearly  in  every  human  heart.  The  necessity  of  the 
written  law  is  explained  by  the  obscuring  of  the  un- 
written in  men's  souls  by  sin.  These  Divine  mandates 
are  regarded  as  binding  on  everj"  human  creature,  and 
their  violation,  with  sufficient  reflection  and  consent 
of  the  will,  if  the  matter  be  grave,  is  considered  a  griev- 
ous or  mortal  offence  against  God.  They  h.^v^e  always 
been  esteemed  as  the  most  precious  rules  of  life  and  are 
the  basis  of  all  Christian  legislation. 

HuMMELAUER,  Comment,  in  Ex.  et  Lev.  (Paris,  1S97),  196 
sqq.;  Idem,  Comment,  in  Deul.  (Paris.  1901),  230  sqq. — For  ex- 
planations of  the  Commanilments,  see  Catechism  of  the  Council 
of  Trent.  Pt.  HI.  ch.  i,  and  other  catechisms;  Slater.  Manual  of 
Moral  neology  (New  York.  190S),  I. 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Commandments  of  the  Church. — We  shall  con- 
sider: I.  the  nature  of  the  Commandments  of  the 
Church  in  general;  II.  the  history  of  the  Command- 
ments of  the  Church;   III.  their  classification. 

L  Nature  of  these  Commandments. — The  au- 
thority to  enact  laws  obligatory  on  all  the  faithful  be- 
longs to  the  Church  by  the  very  nature  of  her  constitu- 
tion. Entrusted  with  the  original  deposit  of  Christian 
revelation,  she  is  the  appointed  public  organ  and  in- 
terpreter of  that  revelation  for  all  time.  For  the  ef- 
fective discharge  of  her  high  office,  she  must  be  em- 
powered to  give  to  her  laws  the  gravest  sanction. 
These  laws,  when  they  bind  universally,  have  for  their 
object:  (1)  the  definition  or  explanation  of  some  doc- 
trine, either  by  way  of  positive  pronouncement  or  by 
the  condemnation  of  opposing  error;  (2)  the  prescrip- 
tion of  the  time  and  manner  in  which  a  Divine  law, 
more  or  less  general  and  indeterminate,  is  to  be  ob- 
served, e.  g.  the  precept  obliging  the  faithful  to  receive 
the  Holy  Eucharist  during  the  paschal  season  and  to 
confess  their  sins  annually;  (3)  the  defining  of  the 
sense  of  the  moral  law  in  its  application  to  difficult 
cases  of  conscience,  e.  g.  many  of  the  decisions  of  the 
Roman  Congregations;  (4)  some  matter  of  mere  dis- 
cipline serving  to  safeguard  the  observance  of  the 
higher  law,  e.  g.  the  Commandment  to  contribute  to 
the  support  of  one's  pastors  (Vacant,  Diet,  de  th^ol. 
cath.,  s.  v.).  All  these  laws  when  binding  on  the  faith- 
ful universally  are  truly  commandments  of  the  Church. 
In  the  technical  sense,  however,  the  table  of  these 
Commandments  does  not  contain  doctrinal  pronounce- 
ments. Such  an  inclusion  would  render  it  too  com- 
plex. Tlie  Commandments  of  the  Church  (in  this  re- 
stricted sense)  are  moral  and  ecclesiastical,  and  as  a 
particular  code  of  precepts  are  necessarily  broad  in 
character  and  limited  in  number. 

II.  History  of  the  Commandments. — We  outline 
here  only  in  a  general  way  the  history  of  the  form  and 
number  of  the  precepts  of  the  Church.  The  discussion 
of  the  content  of  the  several  Commandments  and  of 
the  penalties  imposed  by  the  Church  for  violation  of 
these  Commandments  will  be  found  under  the  various 
subjects  to  which  they  refer.  We  do  not  find  in  the 
early  history  of  the  Church  any  fixed  and  formal  body 
of  Church  Commandments.  As  early,  however,  as  the 
time  of  Constantino,  especial  insistence  was  put  upon 
the  obligation  to  hear  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days, 


to  receive  the  sacraments  and  to  abstain  from  con- 
tracting marriage  at  certain  seasons.  In  the  seventh- 
century  Penitentiary  of  Theodore  of  Canterbury  we  find 
penalties  imposed  on  those  who  contemn  the  Sundav 
and  fail  to  keep  the  fasts  of  the  Church  as  well  as  legis- 
lation regarding  the  reception  of  the  Eucharist;  but 
no  reference  is  here  made  to  any  precepts  of  the 
Church  accepted  in  a  particular  sense.  Neither  do  we 
discover  such  special  reference  in  one  of  the  short  ser- 
mons addressed  to  neophytes  and  attributed  to  St. 
Boniface,  but  probably  of  later  date,  in  which  the 
hearers  are  urged  to  observe  Sunday,  pay  tithes  to  the 
Church,  observe  the  fasts,  and  receive  at  times  the 
Holy  Eucharist.  In  German  books  of  popular  in- 
struction and  devotion  from  the  ninth  century  on- 
wards special  emphasis  was  laid  on  the  obligation  to 
discharge  these  duties.  Particularly  does  this  appear 
in  the  forms  prepared  for  the  examination  of  con- 
science. According  to  a  work  written  at  this  time  by 
Regino,  Abbot  of  Prum  (d.  915), entitled  "Libri  duo  de 
synodalibus  causis  et  disciplinis ",  the  bishop  in  his 
visitation  is,  among  other  inquiries,  to  ask  "  if  any  one 
has  not  kept  the  fast  of  Lent,  or  of  the  ember-days,  or 
of  the  rogations,  or  that  which  may  have  been  ap- 
pointed by  the  bishop  for  the  staying  of  any  plague; 
if  there  be  any  one  who  has  not  gone  to  Holy  Commu- 
nion three  times  in  the  year,  that  is  at  Easter,  Pente- 
cost and  Christmas;  if  there  be  any  one  who  has  with- 
held tithes  from  God  and  His  saints ;  if  there  be  any- 
one so  perverse  and  so  alienated  from  God  as  not  to 
come  to  Church  at  least  on  Sundays ;  if  there  be  any- 
one who  has  not  gone  to  confession  once  in  the  year, 
that  is  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  and  has  not  done  pen- 
ance for  his  sins"  (Hafner,  Zur  Geschichte  der  KJrch- 
engebote,  in  Theologische  Quartalschrift,  LXXX,  104). 
The  insistence  on  the  precepts  here  implied,  and 
the  fact  that  they  were  almost  invariably  grouped  to- 
gether in  the  books  already  referred  to,  had  the  inevi- 
table effect  of  giving  them  a  distinct  character.  They 
came  to  be  regarded  as  special  Commandments  of  the 
Church.  Thus  in  a  book  of  tracts  of  the  thirteenth 
century  attributed  to  Celestine  V  (though  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  work  has  been  denied)  a  separate  tractate 
is  given  to  the  precepts  of  the  Church  and  is  divided 
into  four  chapters,  the  first  of  which  treats  of  fasting, 
the  second  of  confession  and  paschal  Communion,  the 
third  of  interdicts  on  marriage,  and  the  fourth  of 
tithes.  In  the  fourteenth  century  Ernest  von  Pardu- 
vitz,  Archbishop  of  Prague,  instructed  his  priests  to 
explain  in  popular  sermons  the  principal  points  of  the 
catechism,  the  Our  Father,  the  Creed,  the  Command- 
ments of  God  and  of  the  Church  (Hafner,  loc.  cit., 
115).  A  century  later  (1470)  the  catechism  of  Diet- 
rich Coelde,  the  first,  it  is  said,  to  be  written  in  Ger- 
man, explicitly  set  forth  that  there  were  five  Com- 
mandments of  the  Church.  In  his  "  Summa  Theolo- 
gica"(part  I,  tit.  xvii,  p.  12)  St.  Antoninus  of  Flor- 
ence (1439)  enumerates  ten  precepts  of  the  Church 
universally  binding  on  the  faithful.  These  are:  to 
observe  certain  feasts,  to  keep  the  prescribed  fasts,  to 
attend  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days,  to  confess  once 
a  year,  to  receive  Holy  Communion  during  paschal 
time,  to  pay  tithes,  to  abstain  from  any  act  upon 
which  an  interdict  has  been  placed  entailing  excom- 
munication, to  refrain  also  from  any  act  interdicted 
under  pain  of  excommunication  lata;  scnlentiw,  to 
avoid  association  with  the  excommunicated,  finally 
not  to  attend  Mass  or  other  religious  f mictions  cele- 
brated by  a  priest  living  in  open  concubinage.  In  the 
sixteenth  century  the  Spanish  canonist,  Martin  Aspil- 
cueta  (15S6),  gives  a  list  of  five  principal  precepts  of 
the  Church.  These  are:  to  hear  Mass  on  Holy  Days  of 
obligation,  to  fast  at  certain  prescribed  times,  to  pay 
tithes,  to  go  to  confession  once  a  year  and  to  reeerve 
Holy  Communion  at  Easter  (Enchiridion,  sive  man- 
uale  confessariorum  et  poenitentium,  Rome,  1588, 
ch.xxi,  n.  1).     At  this  time,  owing  to  the  prevalence  of 


COMMEMORATION 


155 


COMMENDATORY 


heresy,  there  appeared  many  popular  works  in  defence 
of  the  authority  of  the  Church  and  setting  forth  in  a 
special  manner  her  precepts.  Such  among  others 
were  the  "SummaDoctrinaeChristianae"  (1555)  of  St. 
Peter  Canisius  and  the  "Doctrina  Christiana"  of 
Bellarmine  (1589).  It  is  plain,  however,  that  the 
precepts  of  the  Church,  as  a  particular  and  distinct 
body  of  laws,  were  recognized  long  before  the  six- 
teenth century ;  the  contention  that  they  were  first 
definitely  formulated  by  St.  Peter  Canisius  is  un- 
warranted. 

III.  Cl,^ssific.\tion. — The  Church  in  her  supreme 
authority  has  defined  nothing  regarding  the  form  and 
mimber  of  the  Commandments  of  the  Church.  The 
Covmcil  of  Trent  while  recommending  in  a  general  way 
in  its  twenty-fifth  session  the  observance  of  these  pre- 
cepts says  nothing  regarding  them  as  a  particular  body 
of  laws.  Neither  is  any  specific  mention  made  of  them 
in  the  "Catechismus  ad  parochos"  published  by  order 
of  the  council  and  known  as  the  "  Catechism  of  the  Coim- 
cil  of  Trent"  or  "  Roman  Catechism".  We  have  seen 
that  St.  Antoninus  of  Florence  enumerates  ten  such 
commandments  while  Martin  Aspilcueta  mentions 
only  five.  This  last  number  is  that  given  by  St.  Peter 
Canisius.  According  to  this  author  the  precepts  of  the 
Church  are:  To  observe  the  feast  days  appointed  by 
the  Church;  to  hear  Mass  reverently  on  these  feast 
days ;  to  obser\'e  the  fasts  on  the  days  during  the  sea- 
sons appointed ;  to  confess  to  one's  pastor  annually ;  to 
receive  Holy  Communion  at  least  once  a  year  and  that 
around  the  feast  of  Easter.  Owing  imdoubtedly  to 
the  influence  of  Canisius,  the  catechisms  generally 
used  at  present  throughout  Germany  and  Austria- 
Hungary  have  adopted  the  above  enmrieration.  The 
fourth  precept  has,  however,  been  amended  so  as  to 
allow  of  confession  being  made  to  anj'  duly  authorized 
priest. 

In  Spanish  America  the  number  of  church  pre- 
cepts is  also  five;  this  being  the  number,  as  we  have 
seen,  set  down  by  Aspilcueta  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
Here,  however,  the  First  and  Second  commandment  in 
the  table  of  Canisius  are  combined  into  one,  and  the 
precept  to  pay  tithes  appears.  It  is  to  be  noted,  also, 
that  the  precept  of  annual  confession  is  more  specific ; 
it  enjoins  that  this  confession  be  made  in  Lent,  or  be- 
fore, if  there  be  danger  of  death.  (Synod  of  Mexico, 
1585,  Lib.  I,  tit. i,  in  Hardouin,  Cone,  X,  1596.)  French 
and  Italian  catechists  reckon  six  precepts  of  the  church, 
the  enumeration  given  by  Bellarmine.  According  to 
this  writer  the  Commandments  of  the  Church  are:  To 
hear  Mass  on  Sundays  and  Holy  Days;  to  fast  during 
Lent,  on  prescribed  vigils,  and  the  ember-days;  to  ab- 
stain from  meat  on  Fridays  and  Saturdays;  to  go  to 
confession  once  a  year;  to  receive  Holy  Communion  at 
Easter ;  to  pay  tithes ;  and  finally  not  to  solemnize  mar- 
riage during  the  prohibited  times. 

The  French  catechisms,  following  that  of  Bossuet, 
omit  the  last  two  precepts,  but  retain  the  same 
number  as  that  given  by  Bellarmine.  This  they 
do  by  making  two  Commandments  cover  the  ob- 
ligations to  observe  Sunday  and  the  Holy  Days, 
and  two  also  regarding  the  obligations  of  fast  and 
abstinence.  It  will  be  readily  observed  that  the 
omission  by  French  writers  of  the  Commandment  to 
pay  tithes  was  owing  to  local  conditions.  In  a  "Ca- 
techism of  Christine  Doctrine"  approved  by  Cardinal 
Vaughan  and  the  bishops  of  England,  six  Command- 
ments of  the  Church  are  enumerated.  These  are:  (1) 
To  keep  the  .Sundays  and  Holy  Days  of  obligation  holy, 
by  hearing  Mass  and  resting  from  servile  work ;  (2)  to 
keep  the  days  of  fasting  and  abstinence  appointed  by 
the  Church ;  (.3)  to  go  to  confession  at  least  once  a  year ; 
(4)  to  receive  the  Blessed  Sacrament  at  least  once  a 
year  and  that  at  Raster  or  thereabouts;  (5)  to  contri- 
bute to  the  support  of  our  pastors;  (0)  not  to  I7iarrv 
within  a  certain  degree  of  kindred  nor  to  solemnize 
marriage  at  the  forbidden  times.     This  list  is  the  same 


as  that  which  the  Fathers  of  the  Third  Plenary  Coun- 
cil of  Baltimore  (1886)  prescribed  for  the  United  States. 

Antoninus,  Summa  Theoiogica,  part  I,  tit.  xvii,  p.  12  (Ve- 
rona, 1740);  Aspilcueta,  Enchiridion  sive  manuale  confess 
sariorum  et  pcentienliutn  (Rome,  1588),  c.  xxi,  n.  I,  p.  289  sqq.; 
Saint  Peter  Canisius,  Summa  Doctrin(e  ChristiancB  (ed.  1833), 
I,  3S7;  Bellarmine,  Doctrina  Christiana  (1614);  Saint  Al- 
PHONSUS  LiGUORi.  Theologia  Moralis,  III,  n.  1004;  Ballerini- 
Palmieri,  Opus  Theologicum  Morale  (Prato,  1890),  II,  776; 
Hafner  in  Theologiache  Qriartalschrifl,  (1898).  LXXX.  99; 
Vacant  in  Dictionnaire  de  theolngie  calholique  article  Command- 
ments de  VEglise;  Slater,  Manual  of  Moral  Theology  (New 
York,  190S).  I, 

John  Webster  Melody, 

Commemoration  (in  LixtrnGv)  is  the  recital  of  a 
part  of  the  Office  or  Mass  assigned  to  a  certain  feast  or 
day  when  the  whole  cannot  be  said.  When  two 
Offices  fall  on  the  same  day  and  when,  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  rubrics,  one  of  them  cannot  be  transferred 
to  another  day,  it  is  in  part  celebrated  by  way  of  a 
commemoration.  Offices  have  different  degrees  of 
importance  (doubles,  semi-doubles,  etc.)  assigned 
them  at  their  institution,  and  it  is  this  that  mainly 
determines  precedence  in  cases  of  conflict. 

At  Mass  a  commemoration  consists  in  saying  the 
collect,  Secret,  and  Post-Communion  proper  to  the 
feast  or  day  wliich  is  being  commemorated.  In  the 
Office  commemorations  occur  at  Lauds  and  Vespers 
and  consist  in  reciting  the  antiphons,  with  their  ver- 
sicles  and  responses,  of  the  Benedictus  and  Magnificat 
respectively,  adding  in  each  case  an  oremus  with  the 
oratio  proper.  These  are  called  special  commemora- 
tions as  distinguished  from  the  common,  which  are 
certain  prayers  said  in  Mass  with  corresponding  ones 
in  the  Office  when  the  latter  is  of  an  inferior  rite. 
These  commemorative  prayers  of  the  Mass  vary 
according  to  the  season  of  the  year.  When  two  or 
more  special  commemorations  have  to  be  made,  the 
order  is  determined  by  the  rank  or  relative  impor- 
tance of  the  feasts  and  Offices.  WTien  two  Offices  fall 
on  the  same  day  there  is  said  to  be  "occurrence"; 
and  when  the  second  Vespers  of  a  preceding  Office 
coincides  with  the  first  Vespers  of  the  following  there 
is  "  concurrence."  When  one  of  the  two  occurring, 
or  concurring.  Offices  is  verj'  solemn  and  the  other 
relatively  unimportant,  all  mention  of  the  latter  is 
omitted. 

Ruhricm  generates  Breviarii  Romani,  IX:  Rubricae  generates 
Mi.'^f'alis  VII;  de  Herdt,  Sacrm  LiturgifF  Praxis  (Louvain, 
1903),  II,  326  sq.  Gavantus,  De  Commemorationihiis,  sect, 
iii,  11,  33;  Kossino  in  Kirchenlexikon ,  III,  693. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Commemoration  of  St.  Paul.     See  Paul,  Saint. 

Commemoration  of  the  Dead.  See  Canon  op 
THE  Mass.,  undrr  III,  ('ommcmoratio  pro  dcjunelU. 

Commemoration  of  the  Faithful  Departed.    See 

All  Souls'  D.vy. 

Commemoration  of  the  Living.  See  Canon  of 
THE  Mass,  under  III,  Commcmoralio  pro  virU. 

Commendatory  Abbot,  an  ecclesiastic,  or  some- 
times a  lajTiian,  who  holds  an  abbey  in  commenHnm, 
that  is,  wlio  draws  its  revenues  and,  if  an  ecclesiastic, 
may  also  have  some  jurisdiction,  but  does  not  exercise 
any  authority  over  its  inner  monastic  discipline. 
Originally  only  vacant  abbeys,  or  such  as  were  tem- 
porarily without  an  actual  superior,  were  given  in 
commondam,  in  the  latter  ca.se  only  until  an  actual 
superior  was  elected  or  appointed.  An  abbey  is 
held  in  cnmmenslnm,  i.  e.  provisorily,  in  distinction  to 
one  held  in  iitulum,  which  is  a  permanent  benefice. 
.'Vs  early  as  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  (.590- 
604)  vacant  abbeys  were  given  in  commendam  to 
bishops  who  had  been  driven  from  their  episcopal  sees 
by  the  invading  barbarians.  The  practice  began  to 
be  serioii.sly  abused  in  the  eighth  century  when  the 
.\nglo-Saxon  and  Prankish  kings  assumed  the  right  to 
set  commendatory  abbots  over  monasteries  that  were 


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156 


COMMENDONE 


occupied  by  religious  communities.  Often  these  com- 
mendatory abbots  were  laymen,  vassals  of  the  kings, 
or  others  who  were  authorized  to  draw  the  revenues 
and  manage  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  monasteries  in 
reward  for  military  services.  While  the  notorious 
Marozia  was  influential  in  Rome  and  Italy,  and  during 
the  reigns  of  Henry  IV  of  Germany,  Philip  I  of  France, 
William  the  Conqueror,  William  Rufus,  Henry  I  and 
II  of  England,  the  abuse  reached  its  climax.  The 
most  worthless  persons  were  often  made  commenda- 
tory abbots,  who  in  many  cases  brought  about  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  ruin  of  the  monasteries.  When 
in  1122  the  dispute  concerning  investiture  was  settled 
in  favoiu'  of  the  Church,  the  appointment  of  laymen 
as  commendatory  abbots  and  many  other  abuses  were 
abolished.  The  abuses  again  increased  while  the 
popes  resided  at  Avignon  (1309-1377)  and  especially 
during  the  schism  (1378-1417),  when  the  popes,  as 
well  as  the  antipopes,  gave  numerous  abbeys  in  com- 
mendam  in  order  to  increase  the  number  of  their  ad- 
herents. 

After  the  eighth  century  various  attempts  were 
made  by  popes  and  councils  to  regulate  the  appoint- 
ment of  commendatory  abbots,  still  the  abuses  con- 
tinued. Boniface  VIII  (1294-1303)  decreed  that  a 
benefice  with  the  cure  of  souls  attached  should  be 
granted  in  commendam  only  in  great  necessity  or 
when  evident  advantage  would  accrue  to  the  Church, 
but  never  for  more  than  six  months  (c.  15,  VI,  De 
elect.,  1,  6).  Clement  V  (1305-14)  revoked  benefices 
which  had  been  granted  by  him  in  commendam  at  an 
earlier  date  (Extr.  comm.,  c.  2,  De  praeb.,  3,  2).  The 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  cap.  xxi,  de  Regulari- 
bus)  determined  that  vacant  monasteries  should  be 
bestowed  only  on  pious  and  virtuous  regulars,  and  that 
the  principal  or  mother-house  of  an  order  and  the 
abbeys  and  priories  founded  immediately  therefrom 
should  no  longer  be  granted  in  commendam.  The 
succeeding  Bull  "Superna"  of  Gregory  XIII,  and  the 
Constitution  "Pastoralis"  of  Innocent  X  greatly 
checked  the  abuses,  but  did  not  abolish  them  entirely. 
Especially  in  France  they  continued  to  flourish  to  the 
detriment  of  the  monasteries.  Finally,  the  French 
Revolution  and  the  general  seciJarization  of  monas- 
teries in  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  de- 
stroyed the  evil  with  the  good.  Since  that  time  com- 
mendatory abbots  have  become  very  rare,  and  the 
former  abuses  have  been  abolished  by  wise  regula- 
tions. There  are  still  a  few  commendatory  abbots 
among  the  cardinals,  and  Pope  Pius  X  is  Commenda- 
tory Abbot  of  the  Benedictine  monastery  at  Subiaco 
near  Rome.  The  powers  of  a  commendatory  abbot 
are  as  follows:  If  the  monastery  is  occupied  by  a 
religious  commimity  where  there  is  a  separate  mensn 
abhatialis,  i.  e.  where  the  abbot  and  the  convent  have 
each  a  separate  income,  the  commendatory  abbot, 
who  must  then  be  an  ecclesiastic,  has  jurisdiction  in 
foro  exlerno  over  the  members  of  the  community  and 
enjoys  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an  actual  abbot, 
and  if,  as  is  generally  the  case,  the  monastery  has  a 
special  superior,  he  is  subject  to  the  commendatory 
abbot  as  a  claustral  prior  is  subject  to  his  actual  abbot. 
If  there  is  no  separate  mensa  abhatialis,  the  power  of 
the  commendatory  abbot  extends  only  over  the  tem- 
poral affairs  of  the  mona.stery.  In  case  of  vacant 
monasteries  the  commendatory  abbot  generally  has 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  an  actual  abbot. 

I  MOMABSIN,  Vetus  ct  uova  Ecdeaim  discipline  circa  bmeficia 
(Vonite.  1730).  Pt.  II,  lib.  II.  capp.  x-xxi;  Bacmer,  Johannes 
MabiUon  (Augabure,  1892),  31  sqq.;  Gatrio,  Die  Ablei  Mur- 
hnrh  (Strasbure,  1895)  II,  247  sqq.;  Szc/.vriiELSKV.  Liber  pen- 
Ihicus  de  commcndatariis  reatdarium  prcelatis  (Wilna,  16S1); 
Devoti,  Inslilul.  ainon.  (Ghent,  18.')2),  I,  683  sqq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Oommendone,  Giovanni  Francesco,  Cardinal  and 
Papal  Nuncio,  b.  at  Venice,  17  March,  1.523;  d.  at 
Padua,  26  Dec,  1584.     After  receiving  a  thorough 


education  in  the  humanities  and  in  jurisprudence  at 
the  University  of  Padua,  he  came  to  Rome  in  1550. 
The  ambassador  of  Venice  presented  him  to  Pope 
Julius  III,  who  was  so  favourably  impressed  by  the 
unusual  learning  of  the  youthful  scholar  that  he 
appointed  him  one  of  his  secretaries.  After  suc- 
cessfullj'  performing  various  papal  missions  of  minor 
importance,  he  accompanied  Cardinal  Legate  Dandino 
to  the  Netherlands,  whence  Pope  Julius  III  sent  him  in 
1553  on  an  important  mi.ssion  to  Queen  Mary  Tudor, 
who  had  just  succeeded  Edward  VI  on  the  English 
throne.  He  was  to  treat  with  the  new  queen  concern- 
ing the  restoration  of  the  Catholic  Faith  in  England. 
Accompanied  by  Penning,  a  servant  and  confidant  of 
Cardinal  Reginald  Pole,  Commendone  arrived  in  Lon- 
don on  8  Aug.,  1553.  Though  Mary  Tudor  was  a 
loyal  Catholic,  she  was  surrounded  at  court  by  numer- 
ous opponents  of  papal  authority,  who  made  it  ex- 
tremely difficult  for  Commendone  to  obtain  a  secret 
interview  with  her.  By  chance  he  met  John  Lee,  a 
relation  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  an  attendant  at 
court,  with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted  in  Italy, 
and  Lee  succeeded  in  arranging  the  interview.  Mary 
received  Commendone  kindly,  and  expressed  her  desire 
to  restore  the  Catholic  Faith  and  to  acknowledge  the 
spiritual  authority  of  the  pope,  but  considered  it  pru- 
dent to  act  slowly  on  account  of  her  powerful  oppo- 
nents. Commendone  hastened  to  Rome,  arriving 
there  on  11  September,  and  informed  the  pope  of  the 
joyful  news,  at  the  same  time  handing  him  a  personal 
letter  from  the  queen.  Commendone  continued  to 
hold  the  office  of  papal  secretary  under  Paul  IV,  who 
esteemed  him  very  highly  and  in  return  for  his  services 
appointed  him  Bishop  of  Zante  in  1555.  In  the  sum- 
mer of  155G  he  accompanied  Cardinal  Legate  Scipione 
Rebiba  on  a  papal  mission  to  the  Netherlands,  to  the 
courts  of  Emperor  Charles  V  and  King  Philip  II,  the 
consort  of  Queen  Mary  of  England.  Commendone 
had  received  instructions  to  remain  as  nuncio  at  the 
court  of  Philip,  but  he  was  recalled  to  Rome  soon 
after  his  arrival  in  the  Netherlands.  On  16  Septem- 
ber of  the  same  year  the  pope  sent  him  as  extraordi- 
nary legate  to  the  Governments  of  Urbino,  Ferrara, 
Venice,  and  Parma  in  order  to  obtain  help  against  the 
Spanish  troops  who  were  occupying  the  Campagna 
and  threatening  Rome. 

In  1560,  when  Pius  IV  determined  to  reopen  the 
Council  of  Trent,  Commendone  was  sent  as  legate  to 
Germany  to  in^^te  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  Es- 
tates to  the  council.  He  arrived  in  Vienna  on  3  Jan., 
1561,  and  after  consulting  with  Emperor  Ferdinand, 
set  out  on  14  January  for  Naiunburg,  where  the  Prot- 
estant Estates  were  holding  a  religious  convention. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Delfino,  Bishop  of  Lesina, 
who  had  been  sent  as  papal  nuncio  to  Ferdinand  foiu- 
months  previously  and  was  still  at  the  imperial  court. 
Having  arrived  at  Nauraburg  on  28  Januarj',  they 
were  admitted  to  the  convention  on  5  February  and 
urged  upon  the  assembled  Protestant  Estates  the 
necessity  of  a  Protestant  representation  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent  in  order  to  restore  religious  union,  but  all 
their  efforts  were  of  no  avail.  From  Naumburg, 
Commendone  traveled  northward  to  in^^te  the  Es- 
tates of  Northern  CJermany.  He  went  by  way  of 
Leipzig  and  Magdeburg  to  Berlin,  where  he  arrived  on 
19  February  and  was  well  received  by  Joachim  of 
Miinsterberg,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  Joachim 
spoke  respectfully  of  the  pope  and  the  Catholic 
Church  and  expressed  his  desire  for  a  religious  recon- 
ciliation, but  did  not  promise  to  appear  at  the  council. 
Here  Commendime  met  al.so  the  son  of  Joachim,  the 
young  Arehbislicip  Sigismund  of  Magdeburg,  who 
promised  to  appear  at  the  council  but  did  not  keep 
his  word.  Leaving  Berlin,  Commendone  visited 
Beeskow,  WollVnbjittel,  Hanover,  Hildesheim,  Iburg, 
Paderborn,  Cologne,  Cleves,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Aachen,   inviting  all  the  Estates  he  met  in  these 


COMMENTARIES 


157 


COMMENTARIES 


places.  From  Aachen  he  turned  to  Liibeck  with  the 
intention  of  crossing  the  sea  to  invite  Kings  Frederick 
II  of  Denmark  and  Eric  XIV  of  Sweden.  The  King 
of  Denmark,  however,  refused  to  receive  the  legate, 
while  the  King  of  Sweden  invited  him  to  England, 
whither  he  had  planned  to  go  in  the  near  future. 
Queen  Elizabeth  of  England  had  forbidden  the  papal 
nuncio  Hieronimo  Martinengo  to  cross  the  English 
Channel  when  he  was  sent  to  invite  the  queen  to  the 
council,  hence  it  was  very  improbable  that  she  would 
allow  Commendone  to  come  to  England.  He  there- 
fore repaired  to  Antwerp,  awaiting  further  instruc- 
tions from  Rome.  Being  recalled  by  the  pope,  he  re- 
turned to  Italy  in  Dec,  1561,  by  way  of  Lorraine  and 
Western  Germany.  Although  his  mission  was  with- 
out any  results  as  regards  Protestant  representation 
at  the  Council  of  Trent,  still  his  spotless  character 
and  his  strong  and  imselfish  pleas  for  a  return  to 
Catholic  unity  made  a  deep  impression  upon  many 
Protestant  Estates.  The  numerous  letters  which 
Commendone  wrote  during  this  mission  to  St.  Charles 
Borromeo  present  a  sad  but  faithful  picture  of  the 
ecclesiastical  conditions  in  Germany  during  those 
times.  These  and  others  were  published  in  "Miscel- 
lanea di  Storia  Italiana"  (Turin,  1869,  VI,  1^240). 

In  Jan.,  156.3,  the  legates  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
sent  Commendone  to  Emperor  Ferdinand  at  Inn.s- 
bruck,  to  treat  with  him  regarding  some  demands 
which  he  had  made  upon  the  council  in  his  "  Libel  of 
Reformation".  In  October  of  the  same  year  Pius 
IV  sent  him  as  legate  to  King  Sigismund  of  Poland 
with  instruction  to  induce  this  ruler  to  give  political 
recognition  to  the  Tridentine  decrees.  Yielding  to 
the  requests  of  Conmiendone  and  of  Hosius,  Bishop 
of  Ermland,  Sigismund  not  only  enforced  the  Triden- 
tine reforms,  but  also  allowed  the  Jesuits,  the  most 
hated  enemies  of  the  Reformers,  to  enter  Poland. 
While  still  in  Poland,  on  the  recommendation  of  St. 
Charles  Borromeo,  Commendone  was  created  cardinal 
on  12  March,  1565.  He  remained  in  Poland  until  the 
death  of  Pius  IV  (9  Dec,  1565),  and  before  returning 
to  Italy  he  went  as  legate  of  the  new  pope,  Pius  V,  to 
the  Diet  of  Augsburg,  which  was  opened  by  Maximilian 
II  on  23  March,  1566.  He  had  previously  warned  the 
emperor  under  pain  of  excommiuiication  not  to  dis- 
cuss religion  at  the  diet.  He  also  seized  the  opportu- 
nity to  exhort  the  assembled  Estates  to  carry  into  exe- 
cution the  Tridentine  decrees.  In  Sept.,  1568,  Pius  V 
sent  him  a  second  time  as  legate  to  Maximilian  II.  In 
union  with  Biglia,  the  resident  nuncio  at  Vienna,  he 
was  to  induce  the  emperor  to  make  no  new  religious 
concessions  to  the  Protestant  Estates  of  Lower  Aus- 
tria and  to  recall  several  concessions  which  he  had 
already  made.  WTiile  engaged  in  this  mission,  Com- 
mendone was  also  empowered  by  a  papal  Brief  dated 
10  Oct.,  1568,  to  make  an  apostolic  visitation  of  the 
churches  and  monasteries  of  Germany  and  the  adja- 
cent provinces.  An  account  of  this  visitation  in  the 
Dioceses  of  Passau  and  Salzburg  in  the  year  1569  is 
published  in  "Studien  und  Mittheilungen  aus  dem 
Benedictiner  und  Cist<!rcienser  Orden"  (Briinn,  189.'^, 
XIV,  .38.5-398  and  567-589).  In  Nov..  1571,  Pius  V 
sent  him  as  legate  to  the  emperor  and  to  King  Sigis- 
mund of  Poland  in  the  interest  of  a  crusade.  After 
the  death  of  King  Sigismund,  in  1572,  he  promoted 
the  election  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Anjou,  as  King  of 
Poland,  thereby  incurring  the  displeasure  of  the  em- 
peror. Upon  his  return  to  Italy  in  1573,  Gregory 
XIII  appointed  him  a  member  of  the  newly  founded 
Congregalin  Gcrm/niicn,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to 
safeguard  Catholic  interests  in  Germany.  He  was  so 
highly  esteemed  by  the  Sacred  College  that,  when 
Gregory  XIII  fill  dLUigerou.sly  ill,  it  was  generally  be- 
lieved that  Ciiiiiiucncldne  would  be  elected  pope,  but 
he  was  outlived  by  '  !regory. 

Graziam.  VjI,i  Comnunilnni  CaulinaliK  (Paris,  1669).  Kr.  Ir. 
by  Flechier  (Paris,  1671,  and  Lyons,  1702);  The  Camhritloe 
Modem  HkIotii  (Umdon  and  New  York,  1907).  II  and  (1905), 


III.  passim;  Pallwicino. /sMna  del  Concilio  di  Trcnfo  (Rome, 
1846).  II.  13.  15.  III.  24;  Prisao.  Die  Legaten  Commendone  und 
Capacini  in  Berlin  (Neuss.  1846);  Reiman.  Die  Sendung  des 
Numius  CoTnmendone  nock  DeutscJil.  im  Jahre  1561  in  Forsch- 
ungen  zur  devtsch.  Gesch.  (Gottineen.  1867).  237-80;  Susta. 
Die  Tomuiche  Kurie  und  das  Konzil  von  Trient  unter  Pius  IV. 
(Wien,  1904).  I;  Schwarz.  Der  Briefwechsel  des  K.  Maximilian 
IT.  mil  Pap.it  Pius  V.  (Paderbom.  1889);  Graziani.  De  scriplis 
invita  Minerva,  cum  adnotationibus  H.  Lagomarsini  (Florence. 
1745-6). 

Michael  Ott. 


Commentaries  on  the  Bible. — "To  write  a  full 
history  of  exegesis",  says  Farrar,  "would  require  the 
.space  of  many  volumes."  Nor  is  this  surprising 
when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  number  of  commen- 
taries on  such  a  recent  writer  as  Dante  reached  the 
grand  total  of  thirteen  hundred  at  the  beginning  of 
the  twentieth  century.  As  the  ground  to  be  covered 
is  so  extensive,  only  the  barest  outline  can  be  given 
here.  The  bibliography  at  the  end  will  enable  the 
reader  to  pursue  the  subject  further.  We  touch  upon 
the  salient  points  of  Jewi.sh,  patristic,  medieval,  and 
modern  (Catholic  and  non-Catholic)  commentaries. 
We  begin  with  the  Jewish  writers,  and  deal  briefly 
with  the  Targums,  Mishna,  and  Talmuds;  for,  though 
these  cannot  be  regarded  as  Bible  commentaries,  in 
the  proper  sense  of  the  word,  they  naturally  lead  up  to 
these  latter.  Those  who  require  further  information 
on  this  head  may  be  referred  to  the  special  articles 
in  The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  and  to  the  works 
mentioned  in  the  bibliography.  Special  attention  is 
directed  to  the  list  of  the  best  modern  non-Catholic 
commentaries  in  English  (V  (3)].  The  article  is  divi- 
ded as  follows:  I.  Jewish  Commentaries;  II.  Patristic; 
III.  Medieval;  IV.  Modern  Catholic;  V.  Non- 
Catholic. 

I.  Jewish  Commentaries. — (1)  Philo. — There  was 
a  story  among  the  Jews  in  the  Middle  Ages  to  the 
effect  that  Aristotle  accompanied  Alexander  the 
Great  to  Jerusalem,  and,  with  characteristic  Greek 
craftiness,  obtained  possession  of  the  wisdom  of  Solo- 
mon, which  he  subsequently  palmed  off  on  his  coun- 
trymen as  his  own.  This  accounted  for  everything 
that  was  good  in  Aristotle;  the  defects  were  the  only 
thing  peculiar  to  the  philosopher.  That  Greek  litera- 
ture, in  general,  got  its  inspiration  from  Moses  wa.s  an 
uncritical  idea  that  dated  back  as  far  as  Philo,  the 
great  Jewish  writer  of  Alexandria.  A  visitor  to  Alex- 
andria at  the  time  when  Christ  was  preaching  in  Gali- 
lee would  find  there  and  in  its  vicinity  a  million  Jews 
using  the  Scptu-agint  as  their  Bible,  and  could  enter 
their  magnificent  Great  Synagogue  of  which  they 
were  justly  proud.  Whoever  had  not  seen  it  was  not 
supposed  to  have  beheld  the  glory  of  Israel.  The 
members  of  their  Sanhedrin,  according  to  Sukkah, 
were  seated  on  seventy-one  golden  thrones  valued  at 
tens  of  thous.'inds  of  talents  of  gold;  and  the  building 
was  so  vast  that  a  flag  had  to  be  waved  to  show  the 
people  when  to  respond.  At  the  head  of  this  .assembly, 
on  the  highest  throne,  was  seated  the  alabarch,  the 
brother  of  Philo.  Philo  himself  w.as  a  man  of  wealth 
and  learning,  who  minglrd  with  all  classes  of  men  and 
frequented  the  theatre  and  the  great  library.  Equally 
at  home  in  the  Septuagint  aiul  the  Greek  classics,  he 
was  struck  and  perplexed  by  the  many  beautiful  and 
noble  thoughts  contained  in  the  latter,  which  could 
bear  comparison  with  many  passages  of  the  Bible. 
As  this  difliculty  must  have  frequently  presented  it- 
self to  the  minds  of  his  coreligionists,  he  endeavoured 
to  meet  it  by  saying  that  all  that  was  great  in  So- 
crates, Plato,  etc.  originatetl  with  Moses.  He  set 
about  reconciling  Pagan  |)hilosophy  with  the  Old  Tes- 
tament, and  for  this  purpose  he  made  extensive  use  of 
the  allegorical  method  of  interpretation.  Many  pas- 
sai;r.s  of  the  Pentateuch  were  not  intended  to  be  taken 
literally,  I'liey  were  liter.ally  false,  but  allegorically 
true,  lie  did  not  hit  upon  the  distinction,  made 
later   by    St.   Thomas   Acjuinas  and  other  Catholic 


COMMENTARIES 


158 


COMMENTARIES 


thinkers,  between  natural  and  revealed  religion.  The 
Bible  contains  not  only  revealed  but  also  natural 
religion,  free  from  error  and  with  Divine  sanction. 
Pagan  systems  may  have  natural  religion  highly 
developed,  but  with  much  concomitant  error.  Though 
this  distinction  did  not  occur  to  Philo,  his  exegesis 
served  to  tide  over  the  difficulty  for  the  time  amongst 
the  Hellenistic  Jews,  and  had  great  influence  on 
Origen  and  other  Alexandrian  Christian  writers. 

(2)  The  Targums. — In  order  to  get  on  the  main 
lines  of  Jewish  interpretation  it  is  necessary  to  turn  to 
the  Holy  Land.  Farrar,  in  his  "Life  of  Christ",  says 
that  it  has  been  suggested  that  when  Christ  visited 
the  Temple,  at  twelve  years  of  age,  there  may  have 
been  present  among  the  doctors  Jonathan  ben  LTzziel, 
once  thought  the  author  of  the  Yonathan  Targum, 
and  the  venerable  teachers  Hillel  and  Shammai,  the 
handers-on  of  the  Mishna.  The  Targums  (the  most 
famous  of  which  is  that  on  the  Pentateuch  erroneously 
attributed  to  Onkelos,  a  misnomer  for  AquUa,  accord- 
ing to  Abrahams)  were  the  only  approach  to  anjrthing 
like  a  commentary  on  the  Bible  before  the  time  of 
Christ.  They  were  interpretative  translations  or 
paraphrases  from  Hebrew  into  Aramaic  for  the  use  of 
the  synagogues  when,  after  the  Exile,  the  people  had 
lost  the  knowledge  of  Hebrew.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  any  of  them  were  committed  to  writing  be- 
fore the  Christian  Era.  They  are  important  as  indi- 
cating the  character  of  the  Hebrew  text  used,  and  be- 
cause they  agree  with  the  New  Testament  in  inter- 
preting certain  passages  Messianically  which  later 
Jews  denied  to  have  any  Messianic  bearing. 

(3)  The  Mishna  and  Talmuds. — Hillel  and  Shammai 
were  the  last  "pair"  of  several  generations  of  "pairs" 
of  teachers.  These  pairs  were  the  successors  of  the 
early  scribes  who  lived  after  the  Exile.  These  teach- 
ers are  said  to  have  handed  down  and  expanded  the 
Oral  Law,  which,  according  to  the  uncritical  view  of 
many  Jews,  began  with  Moses.  This  Oral  Law, 
whose  origin  is  buried  in  obscurity,  consists  of  legal 
and  liturgical  interpretations  and  applications  of  the 
Pentateuch.  As  no  part  of  it  was  written  down,  it 
was  preserved  by  constant  repetition  (Mishna).  On 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  several  rabbis,  learned  in 
this  Law,  settled  at  Jamnia,  near  the  sea,  twenty- 
eight  mUes  west  of  Jerusalem.  Jamnia  became  the 
head-quarters  of  Jewish  learning  until  135.  Then 
schools  were  opened  at  Sepphoris  and  Tiberias  to  the 
west  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee.  The  rabbis  comforted 
their  countrymen  by  teaching  that  the  study  of  the 
Law  (Oral  as  well  as  Written)  took  the  place  of  the 
sacrifices.  They  devoted  their  energies  to  arranging 
the  Unwritten  Torah,  or  Law.  One  of  the  most  suc- 
cessful at  this  was  Rabbi  Akiba  who  took  part  in  the 
revolt  of  Bar-Kokba,  against  the  Romans,  and  lost 
his  life  (135).  The  work  of  systematization  was  com- 
pleted and  probably  committed  to  writing  by  the 
Jewish  patriarch  at  Tiberias,  Rabbi  Jehudah  ha-Nasi 
"The  Prince"  (150-210).  He  was  of  noble  birth, 
wealthy,  learned,  and  is  called  by  the  Jews  "Our  Mas- 
ter the  Saint"  or  simply  Rabbi  par  excellence.  The 
compilation  made  by  this  Rabbi  is  the  Mishna.  It  is 
written  in  New  Hebrew,  and  consists  of  six  great  divi- 
sions or  orders,  each  division  containing,  on  an  aver- 
age, about  ten  tractates,  each  tractate  being  made  up 
of  several  chapters.  The  Mishna  may  be  said  to  be  a 
compilation  of  Jewish  traditional  moral  theology, 
liturgy,  law,  etc.  There  were  other  traditions  not 
embodied  in  the  work  of  Rabbi,  and  these  are  called 
additional  Mishna. 

The  discussions  of  later  generations  of  rabbis  all 
centred  round  the  text  of  the  Mishna.  Interpreters 
or  "speakers"  laboured  upon  it  both  in  Palestine  and 
Babylonia  (until  500),  and  the  results  are  comprised 
in  the  Palestinian  and  Babylonian  Talmuds.  The 
word  Talmud  means  teaching,  doctrine.  Each  Tal- 
mud consists  of  two  parts,  the  Mishna  (in  Hebrew),  in 


sixty-three  tractates,  and  an  explanation  of  the  same 
(Gemara),  ten  or  twelve  times  as  long.  The  explana- 
tory portion  of  the  Palestinian  Talmud  is  written  in 
Western  Aramaic  and  that  of  the  Babylonian  Talmud 
in  Eastern  Aramaic,  which  is  closely  allied  to  Syriac 
or  Mandaic.  The  passages  in  the  Gemara  containing 
additional  Mishna  are,  however,  given  in  New  He- 
brew. Only  thirty-nine  tractates  of  the  Mishna  have 
Gemara.  The  Talmud,  then,  consists  of  the  Mishna 
(traditions  from  450  b.  c.  till  A.  d.  200),  together  with 
a  commentary  thereon,  Gemara,  the  latter  being 
composed  about  a.  d.  200-500.  Next  to  the  Bible 
the  Babylonian  Talmud  is  the  great  religious  book  of 
orthodox  Jews,  though  the  Palestinian  Talmud  is 
more  highly  prized  by  modern  scholars.  From  the 
year  500  till  the  Middle  Ages  the  rabbis  (gennim)  in 
Babylonia  and  elsewhere  were  engaged  in  comment- 
ing on  the  Talmud  and  reconciling  it  with  the  Bible. 
A  list  of  such  commentaries  is  given  in  "The  Jewish 
Encyclopedia  ". 

(4)  The  Midrashim. — Simultaneously  with  the 
Mishna  and  Talmud  there  grew  up  a  number  of 
Midrashim,  or  commentaries  on  the  Bible.  Some  of 
these  were  legalistic,  like  the  Gemara  of  the  Talmud; 
but  the  most  important  were  of  an  edifying,  homi- 
letic  character  (Midrash  Haggadah).  These  latter 
are  important  for  the  corroborative  light  which  they 
throw  on  the  language  of  the  New  Testament.  The 
Gospel  of  St.  John  is  seen  to  be  steeped  in  early 
Jewish  phraseology,  and  the  words  of  Ps.  cix,  "The 
Lord  said  to  my  Lord",  etc.  are  in  one  place  applied 
to  the  Messias,  as  they  are  in  St.  Matthew,  though 
Rashi  and  later  Jews  deprived  them  of  their  Messianic 
sense  by  applying  them  to  Abraham. 

(5)  Karaite  Commentators. — When  the  nature  of 
the  Talmud  and  other  such  writings  is  considered,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  they  produced  a  violent  reaction 
against  Rabbinism  even  among  the  Jews  themselves. 
In  spite  of  the  few  gems  of  thought  scattered  through 
it  at  long  intervals,  there  is  nothing  in  any  literature 
so  entirely  uninviting  as  the  Talmud.  The  oppos- 
ition to  these  "traditions  of  men"  finally  took  shape. 
Anan  ben  David,  a  prominent  Babylonian  Jew  in  the 
eighth  century,  rejected  Rabbinism  for  the  wTitten 
Old  Testament  and  became  the  founder  of  the  sect 
known  as  Karaites  (a  word  indicating  their  preference 
for  the  written  Bible).  This  schism  produced  great 
energy  and  ability  on  both  sides.  The  principal 
Karaite  Bible  commentators  were  Mahavendi  (ninth 
century);  Abul-Faraj  Harun  (ninth  century),  exegete 
and  Hebrew  grammarian;  Solomon  ben  Yerucham 
(tenth  centiu-y) ;  Sahal-ben  Mazliach  (d.  950),  Hebrew 
grammarian  and  lexicographer;  Joseph  al-Bazir  (d. 
930) ;  Japhet  ben  Ali,  the  greatest  Karaite  commen- 
tator of  the  tenth  century;  and  Judah  Hadassi  (d. 
1160). 

(6)  Middle  A^fs.— Saadiah  of  Fayum  (d.  892),  the 
most  powerful  WTiter  against  the  Karaites,  translated 
the  Bible  into  Arabic  and  added  notes.  Besidescorn- 
mentaries  on  the  Bible,  Saadiah  wrote  a  systematic 
treatise  bringing  revealed  religion  into  harmony  with 
Greek  philosophy.  He  thus  became  the  forerunner 
of  Maimonides  and  the  Catholic  Schoolmen.  Solomon 
ben  Isaac,  called  Rashi  (b.  1040)  wrote  very  popular 
explanations  of  the  Talmud  and  the  Bible.  Abraham 
Ibn  Ezra  of  Toledo  (d.  1168)  had  a  good  knowledge  of 
Oriental  languages  and  wrote  learned  commentaries 
on  the  Old  Testament.  He  was  the  first  to  maintain 
that  Isaias  contains  the  work  of  two  prophets.  Moses 
Maimonides  (d.  1204),  the  greatest  Jewish  scholar  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  of  whom  his  coreligionists  said  that 
"from  Moses  to  Moses  there  was  none  like  Moses", 
wrote  his  "  Guide  to  the  Perplexed",  whicJi  was  read 
by  St.  Thomas.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of  Aristotle, 
who  was  to  him  the  representative  of  natural  knowl- 
edge as  the  Bible  was  of  the  supernatiu-al.  There 
were  the  two  Kimchis,  especially  David  (d.  1235)  of 


COMMENTARIES 


159 


COMMENTARIES 


1  Narbonne.  who  was  a  celelirated  grammarian,  lexicog- 
rapher, and  commentator  inclined  to  the  literal  sense. 
He  was  followed  by  Xachmanides  of  Catalonia  (d. 
1270),  a  doctor  of  medicine  who  wrote  commentaries 
of  a  cabbalistic  tendency;  Immanuel  of  Rome  (b. 
1270);  and  the  Karaites,  Aaron  ben  Joseph  (1294), 
and  Aaron  ben  E^lias  (fourteenth  centui-y). 

(7)  Modem. — Isaac  Abarbanel  (b.  Lisbon,  1437  ;d. 
Venice,  150S)  was  a  statesman  and  scholar.  None  of 
his  predecessors  came  so  near  the  modern  ideal  of  a 
commentator  as  he  did.  He  prefixed  general  intro- 
ductions to  each  book,  and  was  the  first  Jew  to  make 
extensive  use  of  Christian  commentaries.  Elias 
Lev-ita  (d.  1549)  and  Azarias  de  Rossi  (d.  1577)  have 
also  to  be  mentioned.  Moses  Mendelssohn  of  Berlin 
(d.  1786),  a  friend  of  Lessing,  translated  the  Penta- 
teuch into  German.  His  commentaries  (in  Hebrew) 
are  close,  learned,  critical,  and  acute.  He  has  had 
much  influence  in  modernizing  Jewish  methods. 
Mendelssohn  has  been  followed  by  Wessely,  Jaroslaw, 
Homberg,  Euchel,  Friedlander,  Hertz,  Herxheimer, 
Philipiison,  etc.,  called  "Biurists",  or  expositors. 
The  modern  liberal  school  among  the  Jews  is  repre- 
sented by  Munk,  Luzzato,  Zunz,  Geiger,  Fiirst,  etc.  In 
past  agesthe  Jews  attributed  both  the  Written  and  the 
Unwritten  Torahs  to  Moses ;  some  modern  Jews  seem 
disposed  to  deny  that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  either. 
II.  Patristic  Commentahies. — The  hi.story  of 
Christian  exegesis  may  be  roughly  divided  into  three 
periods:  the  Age  of  the  Fathers,  the  Age  of  Catenae 
and  Scholia  (seventh  to  sixteenth  century),  and  the 
Age  of  Modern  Commentaries  (sixteenth  to  twentieth 
century).  Most  of  the  patristic  commentaries  are  in 
the  form  of  liomilies,  or  discourses  to  the  faithful,  and 
range  over  the  whole  of  .Scripture.  There  are  two 
schools  of  interpretation,  that  of  Alexandria  and  that 
of  Antioch. 

(1)  Alexandrian  School. — The  chief  writers  of  the 
Alexandrian  School  were  Pantsenus,  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Origen,  Dionysius  of  Alexandria,  Didy- 
mus  the  blind  priest,  OjtU  of  Alexandria,  and 
Pierius.  To  these  may  be  added  St.  Ambrose,  who, 
in  a  moderate  degree,  adopted  their  system.  Its  chief 
characteristic  was  the  allegorical  method.  This  was, 
doubtless,  founded  on  passages  in  the  Gospels  and  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  but  it  received  a  strong  impulse 
from  the  writings  of  Alexandrian  Jews,  especially  of 
Philo.  The  great  representative  of  this  school  was 
Origen  (d.  254).  From  his  very  earliest  years  Origen 
manifested  such  extraordinary  marks  of  piety  and 
genius  that  he  was  held  in  the  very  highest  reverence 
by  his  father,  himself  a  saint  and  martjT.  Origen 
became  the  master  of  many  great  saints  and  .scholars, 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  being  St.  Gregory  Thauma- 
turgus;  he  was  known  as  the  "Adamantine"  on 
account  of  his  incessant  application  to  study,  writing, 
lecturing,  and  works  of  piety.  He  frequently  kept 
seven  amanuenses  actively  employed:  it  was  said  he 
became  the  author  of  6000  works  (Epiphanius,  Har., 
Ixiv,  6.3);  according  to  St.  Jerome,  who  reduced  the 
number  to  2000  (Contra.  Rufin.,  ii,  22),  he  left  more 
writings  than  any  man  could  read  in  a  lifetime 
(Ep.  xxxiii,  ad  Paulam).  Besides  his  great  laboiu-s 
on  the  Hexapla  he  WTote  scholia,  homilies,  and  com- 
rnentaries  on  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament.  In 
his  scholia  he  gave  short  explanations  of  difficult 
passages  after  the  manner  of  his  contemporaries, 
the  annotators  of  the  Greek  classics.  Most  of  the 
scholia,  in  which  he  chiefly  sought  the  literal  sense, 
are  unfortunately  lost,  but  it  is  supposed  that 
their  substance  is  embodied  in  the  WTitings  of  St. 
John  Chrysostom  and  other  Fathers.  In  his  other 
works  Origen  pushed  the  allegorical  interpretation  to 
the  utmost  extreme.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  his 
writings  were  of  great  value,  and  with  the  exception 
of  St.  Augustine,  no  WTiter  of  ancient  times  had  such 
influence.     It  is  lamentable  that  this  great  man  fell 


into  .serious  error  on  the  origin  of  souls,  the  eternity 
of  hell,  etc. 

(2)  Antiochene  School. — The  writers  of  the  Anti- 
ochene  School  disliked  the  allegorical  method,  and 
sought  almost  exclusively  the  literal,  primary,  or 
historical  sense  of  Holy  Scripture.  The  principal 
WTiters  of  this  school  were  St.  Lucian,  Eusebiiis  of 
Nicomedia,  Maris  of  Chalcedon,  Eudoxius,  Theognis 
of  Nica-a,  Asterius,  Arius  the  heresiarch,  Diodorus  of 
Antioch  (Bishop  of  Tarsus),  and  his  three  great  pupils, 
Theodore  of  Hlopsuestia,  Theodore's  brother  Poly- 
chromius,  and  St.  John  Chrysostom.  With  these 
may  be  counted  St.  Ephraem  on  account  of  his 
preference  for  the  literal  sense.  The  great  represen- 
tatives of  this  school  were  Diodorus,  Theodore  of 
Mopsuestia,  and  St.  John  Chrysostom.  Diodorus, 
who  died  Bishop  of  Tarsus  (394),  followed  the  literal 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  mystical  or  allegorical  sense. 
Theodore  was  born  at  Antioch,  in  347,  became  Bishop 
of  Mopsuestia,  and  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
Church,  429.  He  was  a  powerful  thinker,  but  an 
obscure  and  prolix  WTiter.  He  felt,  intense  dLslike  for 
the  mystical  sense,  and  explained  the  Scriptures  in 
an  extremely  literal  and  almost  rationalistic  manner. 
His  pupil,  Nestorius,  became  a  founder  of  heresy; 
the  Nestorians  translated  his  books  into  Syriac  and 
regarded  Theodore  as  their  great  "Doctor".  This 
made  Catholics  suspicious  of  his  writings,  which  w'ere 
finally  condemned  after  the  famous  controversy  on 
The  Three  Chapters.  Theodore's  commentary  on 
St.  John's  Gospel,  in  SjTiac,  has  recently  been  pub- 
lished, with  a  Latin  translation,  by  a  Catholic  scholar. 
Dr.  Chabot.  St.  John  Chrysostom,  priest  of  Antioch, 
became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  398.  As  an 
interpreter  of  Holy  Scripture  he  stands  in  the  very 
first  rank  of  the  Fathers.  He  left  homilies  on  most 
of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  whole  of  antiquity  to  equal 
his  WTitings  on  St.  Matthew's  Gospel  and  St.  Paul's 
Epistles.  WTien  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  was  asked  by 
one  of  his  brethren  whether  he  would  not  like  to  be 
the  owner  of  Paris,  so  that  he  could  dispose  of  it  to 
the  King  of  France  and  with  the  proceeds  promote 
the  good  works  of  his  order,  he  answered  that  he 
would  prefer  to  be  the  possessor  of  Chrysostom's 
"Sujier  Matthjeum".  This  reply  may  be  taken  as 
the  true  expression  of  the  high  admiration  in  w'hich 
the  writings  of  St.  Chrysostom  have  ever  been  held 
in  the  Church.  St.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  said  of  him 
that  if  the  Apostle  St.  Paul  could  have  used  Attic 
speech  he  would  have  explained  his  own  Epistles  in 
the  identical  words  of  St.  John  Chrysostom. 

(3)  Intermediate  School. — The  other  Fathers  com- 
bined what  was  best  in  both  these  systems,  some  lean- 
ing more  to  the  allegorical  and  some  to  the  literal  sense. 
The  principal  were  Isidore  of  Pelusium,  Theodoret,  St. 
Basil,  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  St.  Gregorj'  of  Nyssa, 
St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  Ambrosiaster,  St.  Jerome,  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  aijd  Pelagius.  St. 
Jerome,  perhaps  the  greatest  Biblical  scholar  of  an- 
cient times,  besides  his  famous  translations  of  the 
Scripture,  and  other  works,  left  many  useful  commen- 
taries, some  of  great  merit.  In  others  he  departed  too 
much  from  the  literal  meaning  of  the  text.  In  the 
hurrj-  of  composition  he  did  not  always  sufficiently 
indicate  when  he  was  quoting  from  different  authors, 
and  this,  according  to  Richard  Simon,  accounts  for  his 
apparent  discrepancies. 

III.  Medieval  Co.mmentaries. — The  medieval 
writers  were  content  to  draw  from  the  rich  treasures 
left  them  by  their  predecessors.  Their  commentaries 
consisted,  for  the  most  part,  of  pa.ssage«  from  the 
Fathers,  which  they  connected  together  as  in  a  chain, 
catena  (q.  v.).  We  cannot  give  more  than  the  names 
of  the  principal  writers,  with  the  centurj-  after  each. 
Though  they  are  not  all  known  as  catenists  they  may 
be  regarded  as  such,  for  all  practical  purposes. 


COMMENTARIES 


160 


COMMENTARIES 


(1)  Greek  Catenists. — Procopius  of  Gaza  (sixth  cen- 
utry)  was  one  of  the  first  to  write  a  catena.  He  was 
followed  by  St.  Maxinius,  Martyr  (seventli),  St.  John 
Damascene  (eighth),  Oljanpiodonis  (tenth),  CEcunie- 
nius  (tenth),  Nicetas  of  Constantinople  (eleventh), 
Theophylactus,  Archbishop  in  Bulgaria  (eleventh), 
Euthymius  Zigabenus  (twelfth),  and  the  writers  of 
anonymous  eaten*  edited  by  Cramer  and  Cardinal 
Mai. 

(2)  Latin  Calenistf:,  Scholiasts,  etc. — The  principal 
Latin  commentators  of  this  period  were  the  Venerable 
Bede,  Walafrid  Strabo,  Anselm  of  Laon,  Hugh  of  Saint- 
Cher,  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  Nicholas  de  Lyra. 
The  Venerable  Bede  (seventh  to  eighth  centurj'),  a 
good  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar,  wrote  a  useful  com- 
mentary on  most  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and  the  New 
Testament.  It  is  in  reality  a  catena  of  passages  from 
Greek  and  Latin  Fathers  judiciously  selected  and  di- 
gested. Walafrid  Strabo  (ninth  century),  a  Bene- 
thctine,  wrote  the  "Glossa  Ordinaria"  on  the  entire 
Bible.  It  is  a  brief  explanation  of  the  literal  and 
mystical  sense,  based  on  Rabanus  Maurus  and  other 
Latin  writers,  and  was  one  of  the  most  popular  works 
during  the  Middle  Ages,  being  as  well  known  as  "The 
Sentences"  of  Peter  Lombard.  Anselm,  Dean  of 
Laon,  and  professor  at  Paris  (twelfth  century),  wrote 
the  "Glossa  Interlinearis".  so  called  because  the  ex- 
planation was  inserted  between  the  lines  of  the  Vulgate. 
The  Dominican  cardinal,  Hugh  of  Saint-Cher  (Hugo  de 
Sancto  Caro,  thirteenth  century),  besides  his  famous 
"Concordance",  composed  a  short  commentary  on 
the  whole  of  the  Scriptures,  explaining  the  literal, 
allegorical,  analogical,  and  moral  sense  of  the  text. 
His  work  was  called  "Postillce",  i.  e.  post  ilia  (j<erha 
textus),  because  the  explanation  followed  the  words  of 
the  text.  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  (thirteenth  century) 
left  commentaries  on  Job,  Psalms,  Epistles  of  St. 
Paul,  and  was  the  author  of  the  well-known  "  Catena 
Aurea"  on  the  Gospels.  This  consists  of  quotations 
from  over  eighty  Greek  and  Latin  Fathers.  He 
throws  much  light  on  the  literal  sense  and  is  most 
happy  in  illustrating  difficult  points  by  parallel  pas- 
sages from  other  parts  of  the  Bible.  Nicholas  de 
Lyra  (thirteenth  century),  a  converted  Jew,  joined 
the  Franciscans  in  1291,  and  brought  to  the  service  of 
the  Church  his  great  knowledge  of  Hebrew  and  rab- 
binical learning.  He  wrote  short  notes  or  "  Postillse" 
on  the  entire  Bible,  and  set  forth  the  literal  meaning 
with  great  ability,  especially  of  the  books  written 
in  Hebrew.  This  work  was  most  popular,  and  in 
frequent  use  during  the  late  Middle  Ages,  and 
Luther  was  indebted  to  it  for  his  display  of  learning. 
A  great  impulse  was  given  to  exegetical  studies  by 
the  Council  of  Vienne  which  decreed,  in  1311,  that 
chairs  of  Hebrew,  Chaldean,  and  Arabic  should 
be  established  at  Paris,  Oxford,  Bologna,  and  Sala- 
manca. 

Besides  the  great  writers  already  mentioned  the 
following  are  some  of  the  principal  exegetes,  many  of 
them  Benedictines,  from  patristic  times  till  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent:  Cassiodorus  (sixth  century);  St.  Isidore 
of  Seville  (seventh);  St.  Julian  of  Toledo  (seventh); 
Alcuin  (eighth) ;  Rabanus  Maurus  (ninth);  Druthmar 
(ninth);  Remigius  of  Auxerre  (ninth);  St.  Bruno  of 
Wurzburg,  a  distinguished  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar; 
St.  Bruno,  founder  of  the  Carthusians  (eleventh); 
Gilbert  of  Poiree;  St.  Rupert  (twelfth);  Alexander  of 
Hales  (thirteenth);  Albertus  Magnus  (thirteenth); 
Paul  of  Burgos  (fourteenth  to  fifteenth);  Alphonsus 
Tostatus  of  Avila  (fifteenth);  Ludolph  of  Saxony; 
and  Dionysivis  the  Carthusian,  who  wrote  a  pious 
commentary  on  the  whole  of  the  Bible;  Jacobus 
Fab(!r  Stapulensis  (fifteenth  to  sixteenth);  Gagnaeus 
(fifteenth  to  sixteenth).  Erasmus  and  Cardinal  Ca- 
jetan  (sixteenth)  wrote  in  a  scientific  spirit,  but  have 
been  justly  blamed  for  some  rash  opinions. 

IV.  MoDKRN  Catholic  CoMMENXAniES. — The  in- 


flux ot  Greek  scholars  into  Italy  on  the  fall  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  Christian  and  anti-Christian  Renais- 
sance, the  invention  of  printing,  the  controversial  ex- 
citement cau.sed  by  the  rise  of  Protestantism,  and  the 
[lublication  of  polyglot  Bibles  by  Cardinal  Ximenes 
and  others,  gave  renewed  interest  to  the  study  of  the 
Bible  among  Catholic  scholars.  Controversy  showed 
them  the  necessity  of  devoting  more  attention  to  the 
literal  meaning  of  the  text,  according  to  the  wise  prin- 
ciple laid  down  by  St.  Thomas  in  the  beginning  of  his 
"Summa  Theologica". 

It  was  then  that  the  sons  of  St.  Ignatius,  who 
founded  his  order  in  15.34,  stepped  into  the  front  rank 
to  repel  the  attacks  on  the  Church.  The  Ratio  Studi- 
orum  of  the  Jesuits  made  it  incumbent  on  their  pro- 
fessors of  Scripture  to  acquire  a  mastery  of  Greek, 
Hebrew,  and  other  Oriental  languages.  Salmeron, 
one  of  the  first  companions  of  St.  Ignatius,  and  the 
pope's  theologian  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  was  a  dis- 
tinguished Hebrew  scholar  and  voluminous  commen- 
tator. Bellarmine,  one  of  the  first  Christians  to 
write  a  Hebrew  grammar,  composed  a  valuable  com- 
mentary on  the  Psalms,  giving  an  exposition  of  the 
Hebrew,  Septuagint,  and  Vulgate  texts.  It  was  pub- 
lished as  part  of  Cornelius  a  Lapide's  conmientary  on 
the  whole  Bible.  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  S.  J.  (b.  1566), 
was  a  native  of  the  Low  Countries,  and  was  well 
versed  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  During  forty  years  he 
devoted  himself  to  teaching  and  to  the  composition  of 
his  great  work,  which  has  been  highly  praised  by 
Protestants  as  well  as  Catholics.  Maldonatus,  a 
Spanish  Jesuit,  born  1534,  wrote  commentaries  on 
Isaias,  Baruch,  Ezechiel,  Daniel,  Psalms,  Proverbs, 
Canticles  (Song  of  Solomon),  and  Ecclesiastes.  His 
best  work,  however,  is  his  Latin  commentary  on  the 
Four  Gospels,  which  is  generally  acknowledged  to  be 
one  of  the  best  ever  written.  AVhen  Maldonatus  was 
teaching  at  the  University  of  Paris  the  hall  was  filled 
with  eager  students  before  the  lecture  began,  and  he 
had  frecjuently  to  speak  in  the  open  air.  Great  as  was 
the  merit  of  the  work  of  Maldonatus,  it  was  equalled 
by  the  commentary  on  the  Epistles  by  Estius  (b.  at 
Ciorcum,  Holland,  1542),  a  secular  priest,  and  superior 
of  the  College  at  Douai.  These  two  works  are  still  of 
the  greatest  help  to  the  student.  Many  other  Jesuits 
were  the  authors  of  valuable  exegetical  works,  e.  g. : 
Francis  Ribera  of  Castile  (b.  1514);  Cardinal  Toletus 
of  Cordova  (b.  1532);  Manuel  Sa  (d.  1596);  Bon- 
frere  of  Dinant  (b.  1573);  Mariana  of  Talavera 
(b.  1537);  Alcazar  of  Seville  (b.  1554);  Barradius 
"the  Apostle  of  Portugal";  Sdnchez  of  Alcali  (d. 
1628);  Serarius  of  Lorraine  (d.  1609);  Lorinus  of 
Avignon  (b.  1559);  Tirinus  of  Antwerp  (b.  1580); 
Menochius  of  Pavia;  Pereira  of  Valencia  (d.  1610); 
and  Pineda  of  Seville. 

The  Jesuits  were  rivalled  by  Arias  Montanus  (d. 
1598),  the  editor  of  the  Antwerp  Polyglot  Bible;  Six- 
tus  of  Siena,  O.  P.  (d.  1569);  John  Wild  (Ferus),  O.  S. 
F.;  Dominic  Soto,  O.  P.  (d.  1560);  Masius  (d.  1573); 
Jansen  of  Ghent  (d.  1576);  Genebrard  of  Cluny  (d. 
1597);  Agellius  (d.  1608");  Luke  of  Bruges  (d.  1619); 
Calasius,  O.  S.  F.  (d.  1620);  Malvenda,  O.  P.  (d.  1628); 
Jansen  of  Ypres;  Simeon  de  Muis  (d.  1644);  Jean 
Morin,  Oratorian  (d.  1659);  Isaac  Le  Maistre  (de 
Sacy) ;  John  Sylveira,  Carmelite  (d.  1687) ;  Bossuet  (d. 
1704);  Richard  Simon,  Oratorian  (d.  1712);  Calmet, 
Oratorian,  who  WTOte  a  valuable  dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  of  which  there  is  an  English  translation,  and  a 
highly  esteemed  commentary  on  all  the  books  of 
Scripture  (d.  1757);  Louis  de  Carrieres,  Oratorian  (d. 
1717);  Piconio,  Capuchin  (d.  1709);  Lamy,  Oratorian 
(d.  1715);  Guarin,  O.  S.B.  (d.  1729) ;  Houbigant,  Ora- 
torian (d.  1783);  Smits,  Recollect  (1770);  Le  Long, 
Oratorian  (d.  1721);  Brentano  (d.  1797).  During 
the  nineteenth  century  the  following  were  a  few  of  the 
Catholic  writers  on  the  Bible:  Scholz,  Hug,  Jahn,  Le 
Hir,  AUioli,  Mayer,  van  Essen,  Glaire,  Beelin,  Hane- 


COMMENTARIES 


KU 


COMMENTARIES 


berg,  Meignan,  Reithmayr,  Patrizi,  Loch,  Bisping 
(his  commentary  on  the  New  Testament  styled  "ex- 
cellent" by  VigouroiLx),  Corluy,  Fillion,  Lesotrc,  Tro- 
chon  (Introductions  and  Comm.  on  Old  and  Now 
Test.,  "La  .Sainte  Bible",  27  vols.),  Schegg,  Bacuez, 
Kenrick,  McEvilly,  Arnauld,  Schanz  (a  most  valuable 
work,  in  German,  on  the  Gospels),  Fouard,  Maas, 
Vigouroux  (works  of  Introduction),  Ward,  McIntjTe, 
etc.  Catholics  have  also  published  important  scientif- 
ical  books.  There  is  the  great  Latin  "  Cursus"  on  the 
whole  of  the  Bible  by  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  Cornely, 
Knabenbauer,  and  Hummelauer.  The  writings  of 
Lagrange  (Lcs  .luges),  Condamin  (Isaie).Calmes  (Saint 
Jean),  Van  Hoonacker  (Les  Douze  Petits  Prophetes), 
etc.,  are  all  valuable  works.  For  a  list  of  modern 
Catholic  publications  on  the  Scripture,  the  reader 
may  be  referred  to  the  "'Revue  biblique",  edited  by 
Lagrange  (.Jerusalem  and  Paris),  and  the  "Biblische 
Zeitschrif t ",  published  by  Herder  (Freiburg  im 
Breisgau).  For  further  information  concerning  the 
principal  Catholic  commentators  see  respective 
irticles. 

V.  NoN-C.'VTHOLic  Commentaries. — (1)  In  Gen- 
ial.— Tlie  commeiitaries  of  the  first  Reformers, 
Luther,  Melanchthon,  Calvin,  Zwingli,  etc.,  are  mostly 
:ontroversial,  and  are  now  seldom  quoted  by  scholars, 
rheir  immediate  successors  were  too  energetically  en- 
gaged in  polemics  among  themselves  to  devote  much 
time  to  regular  works  of  exegesis.  The  following 
wrote  on  Holy  Scripture  during  the  17th  and  18th  cen- 
turies. Lutherans :  Gerhard ;  Geier ;  Calov ;  S.  Sehmid ; 
I.  H.  Michaelis;  Lange.  Cal\'inists:  Drusius;  Louis  de 
Dieu  (great  Oriental  scholar) ;  Cappel ;  Bochart ;  Coc- 
3eius;  Vitringa.  Socinians:  John  Crell  and  Jonas 
Schlichting.  Arminians:  Hugo  Grotius  (a  man  of 
^eat  erudition);  Litnbroch;  John  le  Clerc  (rationalis- 
tic). English  Writers:  Brian  Walton  (London  Poly- 
;lot),  John  Lightfoot  (Hora»  Heb.  et  Talm.),  both 
nines  of  learning;  Pearson,  etc.,  editors  of  "Critici 
3acri ' '  (compiled  from  the  best  Continental  writers, 
Catholic  and  Protestant);  Mayer;  S.  Clarke  (brief 
udicious  notes);  Wells;  Gill;  John  Wesley;  Dodd;  W. 
Lowth ;  R.  Lowth ;  and  the  editors  of  the  Reformer's 
Bible.  During  the  nineteenth  century:  Priestly 
180.3);  Burder  (1809);  D'Oyly  and  Mant  (1820);  A. 
larke  (1826,  learned);  Boothroyd  (182.3,  Hebrew 
icholar);  Thomas  Scott  (1822,  popular);  Matthew 
Senry  (1827,  a  practical  comm.  on  Old  and  New 
Test.);  Bloomfield  (Greek  Test.,  with  Eng.  notes, 
1832,  good  for  the  time) ;  Kuinoel  (Philological  Comm. 
)n  New  Test.,  1828) ;  Oldshausen  (18.39);  Haevernick 
;i.S4.5);  Baumgarten  (1859);  Tholuck  (1.S43);  Trench 
Parables.  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  Miracles,  N.  T.  Syn. 
—very  useful);  "The  Speakers  Commentary"  (still 
valuable);  Alford  (Greek  Test.,  with  critical  and 
xeg.  comm.,  1856,  good);  Franz  Delitzsch  (1870), 
3brard  Hengstenberg  (1869);  Wordsworth  (The 
"reek  Test.,  with  notes,  1877);  Keil;  Ellicott  (Epp. 
)f  St.  Paul,  highly  esteemed);  Conybeare  and 
lowson  (St.  Paul,  containing  much  useful  informa- 
tion) ;  Lange,  together  with  Schroeder,  Fay,  Cassel, 
Bacher,  Zoeckler,  Moll,  etc.  (Old  and  N.  Test.,  1864- 
rS);  Lewin  (.St.  Paul,  1878);  Beet;  Cook;  Gloag; 
Perowne;  Bishop  Lightfoot  (Epp.  of  St.  Paul);  West- 
ott.  There  were  many  commentaries  published  at 
^mbridge,  Oxford,  London,  etc.  (.see  publishers' 
latalogues,  and  notices  in  "Expositor",  "Expository 
rime.s",  and  "Journal  of  Theological  Studies"). 
Dther  writers  are  Farrar,  A.  B.  Davidson,  Fausset, 
Plummer,  Plumptre,  Salmon,  Swete,  Bruce,  Dods, 
itanley,  Driver,  Kirkpatrick,  .Sanday,  Green,  Hovey, 
Sobinson,  Schaff.  Briggs,  Moore,  Gould,  etc.  "The 
nternational  Critical  Commentary"  is  a  work  by 
nany  distinguished  American  and  English  scholars. 
rhere  are  also  the  Bible  dictionaries  of  Kitto,  Smith. 
ind  Hastings.  Many  of  these  works,  especially  the 
ater  ones,  are  valuable  for  their  scientific  method, 
lY— 11 


though  not  of  equal  value  for  their  views  or  conclusions. 
[See  below  (3)  The  best  modem  (non-C.)  Commentaries 
in  English.] 

(2)  Rationalistic  Commentaries.  —  The  English 
deists.  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury  (d.  1648),  Hobbes, 
Blount,  Toland,  Lord  Shaftesbury  (d.  1713),  Mande- 
ville,  Collins,  Woolston  (1731),  Tindal,  Morgan, 
Chubb,  Lord  Bolingbroke  (d.  1751),  Annet,  and  Da\id 
Hume  (d.  1776),  while  admitting  the  existence  of  God, 
rejected  the  supernatiu-al,  and  made  desperate  at- 
tacks on  different  parts  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testa- 
ment. They  were  ably  refuted  by  such  men  as  New- 
ton, Cudworth,  Boyle,  Bentley,  Lesley,  Locke,  Ibbot, 
Whiston,  S.  Clarke,  Sherlock,  Chandler,  Gilbert  West, 
George  Lord  Lytton,  Waterland,  Foster,  Warburton, 
Leland,  Law,  Lardner,  Watt,  Butler.  These  replies 
were  so  effective  that  in  England  deism  practically 
died  with  Hume.  In  the  meantime,  unfortunately, 
the  opinions  of  the  English  rationalists  were  dissemi- 
nated on  the  Continent  by  Voltaire  and  others.  In 
Germany  the  ground  was  prepared  by  the  philosophy 
of  Christian  Wolff  and  the  writings  of  his  disciple 
Semler.  Great  scandal  was  caused  by  the  posthu- 
mous WTitings  of  Raimarus,  which  were  published  by 
Lessing  between  1774-78  (The  Fragments  of  Wolfen- 
buttel).  Lessing  pretended  that  he  discovered  the 
manuscript  in  the  ducal  library  of  Wolfenbiittel  and 
that  the  author  was  unknown.  According  to  the 
"Fragments",  Moses,  Christ,  and  the  Apostles  were 
impostors.  Lessing  was  vigorously  attacked,  espe- 
cially by  Gotze ;  but  Lessing,  instead  of  meeting  his 
opponent's  arguments,  with  great  literary  skill 
turned  him  to  ridicule.  The  rationalists,  however, 
soon  realized  that  the  Scriptures  had  too  genuine  a 
ring  to  be  treated  as  the  results  of  imposture.  Eich- 
horn,  in  his  "Introd.  to  the  Old  Test."  (1789),  main- 
tained that  the  Scriptures  were  genuine  productions, 
but  that,  as  the  Jews  saw  the  intervention  of  God  in 
the  most  ordinary  natural  occurrences,  the  miracles 
should  be  explained  naturally,  and  he  proceeded  to 
show  how.  Paulus  (1761-1850),  following  the  lead 
of  Eichhorn,  applied  to  the  Gospels  the  naturalistic 
method  of  explaining  miracles.  When  Paulus  was  a 
boy,  his  father's  mind  became  deranged,  he  constantly 
saw  his  deceased  wife  and  other  ministering  angels, 
and  he  perceived  miracles  everywhere.  After  a  time 
the  young  Paulus  began  to  shake  off  this  nightmare 
and  amused  himself  by  taking  advantage  of  his  fath- 
er's weakness,  and  playing  practical  jokes  upon  him. 
He  grew  up  with  the  most  bitter  dislike  for  every- 
thing supernatural,  and  his  judgment  became  almost 
as  warped  as  that  of  his  father,  but  in  the  opposite 
direction.  The  Apostles  and  early  Christians  ap- 
peared to  him  to  be  people  just  like  his  worthy  parent, 
and  he  thought  that  they  distorted  natural  facts 
through  the  medium  of  their  excited  imaginations. 
This  led  him  to  give  a  naturalistic  explanation  of  the 
Gospel  miracles. 

The  common  sense  of  the  German  rationalists  soon 
perceived,  however,  that  if  the  authenticity  of  the 
Sacred  Books  were  admitted,  with  Eichhorn  and 
Paulus,  the  naturalistic  explanation  of  these  two 
writers  was  quite  as  absurd  as  the  impostor  system  of 
Raimarus.  In  order  to  do  away  with  the  superna- 
tural it  was  necessary  to  get  rid  of  the  authenticity 
of  the  books;  and  to  this  the  observations  of  Richard 
Simon  and  Astruc  readily  lent  themselves.  G.  L 
Bauer,  Heyne  (d.  1812),  and  Creuzer  denied  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  greater  portion  of  the  Pentateuch 
and  compared  it  to  the  mythology  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans.  The  greatest  advocate  of  such  views  was 
de  Wette  (1780-1849),  a  pupil  of  Paulus,  of  the  hol- 
lowness  of  whose  method  he  soon  became  convinced. 
In  his  "Introd.  to  the  Old  Test."  (1806)  he  main- 
tained that  the  miraculous  narratives  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment were  but  popular  legends,  which,  in  passing 
from  mouth  to  mouth,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  be- 


COMMENTARIES 


162 


COMMENTARIES 


came  transformed  and  transfused  with  the  marvellous 
and  the  supernatural,  and  were  finally  committed  to 
writing  in  perfectly  good  faith.  Strauss  (1808-74), 
in  his  "Das  Leben  Jesu"  (1835)  applied  this  mythical 
explanation  to  the  Gospels.  He  showed  most  clearly 
that  if  with  Paulus  the  Gospels  are  allowed  to  be  au- 
thentic, the  attempt  to  explain  the  miracles  naturally 
breaks  down  completely.  Strauss  rejected  the  au- 
thenticity and  regarded  the  miraculous  accounts  in 
the  Gospels  as  naive  legends,  the  productions  of  the 
pious  imaginations  of  the  early  generations  of  Chris- 
tians. The  views  of  Strauss  were  severely  criticized 
by  the  Catholics,  Kuhn,  Mack,  Hug,  and  Sepp,  and  by 
the  Protestants  Neander,  Tholuck,  Ullman,  Lange, 
Ewald,  Riggenbach,  Weiss,  and  Keira.  Baur  es- 
pecially, the  founder  of  the  Tiibingen  School,  proved 
that  Strauss  ran  counter  to  the  most  clearly  estab- 
lished facts  of  early  Christian  history,  and  showed  the 
folly  of  denying  the  historical  existence  of  Christ  and 
His  transcendent  personality.  Even  Strauss  lost  aU 
confidence  in  his  own  system.  Baur,  unfortimately, 
originated  a  theory  which  was  for  a  time  in  great 
vo^ue,  but  which  was  afterwards  abandoned  by  the 
majority  of  critics.  He  held  that  the  New  Testa- 
ment contains  the  writings  of  two  antagonistic  par- 
ties amongst  the  Apostles  and  early  Christians.  His 
principal  followers  were  Zeller,  Schwegler,  Planck, 
Koslin,  Ritseh,  Hilgenfeld,  Volkmar,  Tobler,  Keim, 
Hosten,  some  of  whom,  however,  emancipated  them- 
selves from  their  master. 

Besides  the  writers  already  mentioned,  the  follow- 
ing wrote  in  a  rationalistic  spirit:  Ernesti  (d.  1781), 
Semler  (1791),  Berthold  (1822),  the  RosenmuUers, 
Crusius  (1843),  Bertheau,  De  Wette,  Hupfeld,  Ewald, 
Thenius,  Fritzsche,  Justi,  Gesenius  (d.  1842),  Lon- 
gerke,  Bleek,  Bunsen  (1860),  Umbreit,  Kleinert, 
Knobel,  Nicolas,  Hirzel,  Kuenen,  J.  C.  K.  von  Hoff- 
mann, Hitzig  (d.  1875),  Schulz  (1869),  B.  Weiss, 
Renan,  Tuch,  H.  A.  W.  Meyer  (and  his  continuators 
Huther,  Luneman,  Dusterdieck,  Bruckner,  etc.), 
Wellhausen,  Wieseler,  Julicher,  Beyschlag,  H.  Holtz- 
mann,  and  his  collaborators  Schmiedel,  von  Soden, 
etc.  Holtzmann,  while  practically  admitting  the 
authenticity  of  the  Gospels,  especially  of  St.  Mark, 
endeavours  to  explain  away  the  miracles.  He  ap- 
proaches the  subject  with  his  mind  made  up  that 
miracles  do  not  happen,  and  he  tries  to  get  rid  of 
them  by  cleverly  attempting  to  show  that  they  are 
merely  echoes  of  Old  Testament  miracle  stories.  In 
this  he  is  quite  as  unsuccessful  as  Paulus,  who  saw  in 
them  only  the  counterpart  of  the  distorted  imaginings 
of  his  unfortunate  father.  Holtzmann  is  severely 
taken  to  task  by  several  writers  in  the  "International 
Critical  Commentary".  The  attempt  to  get  rid  of 
the  supernatural  has  completely  failed;  but  the 
activity  of  so  many  acute  minds  has  thrown  great 
light  on  the  language  and  literature  of  the  Bible. 

(3)  The  Best  Modern  {non-Catholic)  Commentaries  in 
English. — There  is  a  very  useful  list  of  such  commen- 
taries in  "The  Expository  Times"  (vol.  XIV,  Jan. 
and  Feb.,  1903,  151,  203),  by  Henry  Bond,  Librarian 
of  Woolwich.  It  is  the  result  of  opinions  which  he 
obtained  from  many  of  the  most  renowned  English 
scholars.  The  number  of  votes  given  for  the  different 
works  is  printed  after  each  name;  but  no  name  ap- 
pears on  the  list  unless  it  received  more  than  five 
votes.  The  editor.  Dr.  James  Hastings,  added  judi- 
cious notes  and  observ'ations  (270,  358).  The  follow- 
ing list  is  based,  in  great  measure,  on  these  papers, 
supplemented  from  other  sources.  The  works  are 
distinguish(!d  :is  follows:  (e)  excellent;  (g)  good; 
(f)  fair.  Some  of  those  marked  (g)  and  (f)  were 
excellent  for  the  time  in  which  they  were  published; 
and  they  may  still  be  regarded  as  "serviceable.  The 
characterization  of  each  is,  of  course,  from  the  non- 
Catholic  point  of  view. 
Old    Testament. — Introduction:    Driver,   "Introd. 


to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Test.",  written  from 
a  "Higher  Critical"  standpoint;  on  the  other  side  is 
the  powerful  book  by  Orr,  "The  Problem  of  the  01  r 
Testament"  (London,  1906).  Both  contain  anipl 
literatures. — Genesis:  Skinner,  in  "Internatioinl 
Critical  Commentary";  Spurrell  (g)  (notes  on  the 
text);  Delitzsch  (g),  and  Dillmann  (g);  Dods  in 
"Handbook  Series". — Exodus:  There  is,  at  present, 
no  first-class  commentary  on  Exod.;  Kennedy  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comni.";  Chadwick  (g). — Leviticus:  Sten- 
ning  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Kalish  (g)  the  best  in 
English;  Driver  and  W'hite  (f)  in  Polychrome 
Bible;  Ginsburg  (London);  Kellog  (f)  (London). — 
Numbers:  Buchanan  Gray  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Kittell,  "History  of  the  Hebrews";  there  is  little  else 
to  refer  to,  as  the  others  are  out  of  date. — Deuter- 
onomy: Driver  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Harper 
(g). — Josue:  Smith  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Maclear 
(f). — Judges:  Moore  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Watson  (f);  Lias  (f). — Ruth:  Briggs  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Coram.". — Samuel:  Smith  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Kirkpatrick  (e). — Kings:  Brown  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Lumby,  an  excellent  popular  work. — • 
Chronicles  (Paralip.):  Curtis  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
also  his  article  in  Hastings,  "  Diet,  of  the  Bible" ;  Ben- 
nett (g);  Barnes  (g). — Esdras  and  Neheraias:  Batten 
in  "Int.  Crit.  Coram.";  Ryle's  is  an  excellent  popular 
commentary;  Adeney  (f). — Esther:  Paton  in  "Int. 
Crit.  Comm.";  Lange  (f);  Adeney  (f). — Job:  There 
appears  to  be  no  first-rate  students'  commentary  on 
Job ;  Davidson's  is  an  excellent  popular  book ;  earlier 
works  of  Driver,  Gibson,  and  Cox  are  fair. — Psalms: 
Briggs  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Delitzsch  (e); 
Kirkpatrick  (e);  Perowne  (g);  Cheyne  (f). — Prov- 
erbs: Toy  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.''. — Ecclesiastes: 
Barton  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Strong  (e);  Tyler 
(g) ;  Plumptre,  a  good  popular  comm. ;  Delitzsch  (f) ; 
Wright  (f). — Song  of  Solomon  (Canticles):  Briggs  in 
"Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Harper,  a  valuable  work;  Gins- 
burg (f). — Isaias:  Driver  and  Gray  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Smith  (e);  Delitzsch  (g);  Cheyne  (f). — ■ 
Jeremias:  Kirkpatrick  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
Streane  an  excellent  popular  work;  that  of  Ball 
and  Bennett  is  good;  Orelli  (f). — Lamentations: 
Briggs  in  "Int.  Crit.  Coram.";  Streane  and  Adeney, 
good  popular  books. — Ezechiel:  Cooke  and  Bur- 
ney  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Cobern  (g);  Toy  (f)  in 
"Polychrome  Bible";  Davidson  (e),  an  excellent 
popular  commentarj'. — Daniel:  Peters  in  "Int.  Crit. 
Comm.";  Kennedy  (g);  Bevan  (g);  Driver  has  a 
first-class  popular  commentary. — Amos  and  Osee: 
Harper  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  three  excellent 
popular  works  are  by  Smith,  Driver,  and  Cheyne. — 
Other  Minor  Prophets:  Smith,  etc.,  in  "Int. 
Crit.  Comm.";  Smith  (e);  Davidson  (g),  and 
Perowne  (g);  Orelli  (f);  Dods,  "Post-exilian  Proph- 
ets", in  Handbook  Series;  Low  (g);  Zechariah  (g); 
Pusey  (f). 

New  Testament. — Introduction:  Salmon,  "Introd. 
to  the  New  Test.",  an  excellent  book;  Westcott, 
"Canon  of  the  New  Test."  (7th  ed.,  1896);  Lightfoot, 
"Essays  on  Supernatural  Religion"  (1893),  a  power- 
ful reply  to  the  attacks  of  an  anonymous  rationalist 
on  the  New  Test.;  also  his  "Dissertations  on  the 
Apostolic  Age",  and  Biblical  Essays;  Ramsay,  "St. 
Paul  the  Traveller",  "Was  Christ  born  in  Bethle- 
hem?", etc.;  Harnack,  "St.  Luke  the  Physic-an", 
defends  the  authenticity  of  the  Gospel  and  Acts; 
Hawkins,  "  Horse  Synopticie".  Text:  "Variorum  New 
Test.";  Weymouth,  "The  Resultant  Greek  Test.", 
showing  the  Greek  readings  of  eleven  great  editions; 
Westcott  and  Hort,  "The  New  Test,  in  Greek",  vol. 
II,  Introd.;  Salmon,  "Some  Criticism  of  the  Text" 
(1897),  a  criticism  of  Westcott  and  Hort;  "The  Ox- 
ford Debate  on  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New 
Test."  (Oxford,  1897);  Kenyon,  "Our  Bible  and  the 
Ancient  Manuscripts",  an  invaluable  book;   also  his 


t 


COMMINES 


163 


COMMINES 


'Handbook  of  the  Textual  Criticism  of  the  New 
r.st."  (1901);  Hammond,  "Outlines  of  Text.  Crit. 
:i|  plied  to  N.  Test."  (0.-rford) ;  Nestle  (also  tr.),  and  the 
exhaustive  work  by  von  Soden  (both  in  German). — St. 
.Matthew's  Gospel:  Allen  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
.Mi  yer  (e),  one  of  the  older  works,  but  still  used,  Dr. 
Hastings  says,  by  some  of  the  finest  scholars,  who 
kei'p  it  always  near  at  hand;  Bruce  (?)  in  "Exp. 
(^■vck  Test.";  Alford  (f);  Morison  (g);  Carr  (g); 
-I  amb.  Greek  Test."— St.  Mark:  Swete  (e);  Gould 
(l;  I  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Hort  (g)  Lindsay,  an  ex- 
cflloiit  little  book. — St.  Luke:  Plummet  (e)  in  "Int. 
(lit,  Comm.";  Wright  (g),  "St.  Luke's  Gospel  in 
Crvk";  Godet  (g);  Parrar  (g).— St.  John:  Westcott 
(.■!  in  "Speaker's  Comm.",  the  most  highly  praised 
cf  all  the  commentaries  on  St.  John's  Gospel;  Ber- 
iiatd  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Godet  (g);  Milligan  and 
.M.  ailton  (g) ;  Dods  in  "  E.xp.  Gr.  Test."  (g) ;  Reith  (g). 
Acts:  Knowling  (e),  "Exp.  Gr.  Test.",  one  of  the 
lie-t  commentaries  on  .\cts  in  any  language;  Turner 
ill  'Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Rendall  (g);  Lumby  (g) 
Karkii.-'n  (g);  Page  (g). — Romans:  Sanday  and  Head- 
lam  (e)  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.",  one  of  the  best  com- 
ing iitaries  in  existence  on  Romans,  rendering  all  other 
laiLjlish  commentaries  superfluous. — I  Corinthians: 
I\(il)(Ttson  and  Walker  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Evans 
(■_■!  in  "Speaker's  Comm.";  Findlay  (g)  in  "Exp. 
Civk  Test.";  Edwards  (g);  Ellicott  (g);  Godet  (f); 
M  is.sio  in  Century  Bible  (g). — II  Corinthians:  Meyer 
(l;i.  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Bernard  (g)  in  "E.xp. 
lli.ck  Test.";  Waite  (g)  in  "Speaker's  Commen- 
larv". — Galatians:  Lightfoot  (e)   (London,  1S74),  a 

I  nia.sterpiece  of  exegesis;  Burton  in  "Int.  Crit. 
'Mtiim.";  Rendall  (g)  in  "Exp.  Greek.  Test.";  Ellicott 
u) :  Ramsay  (g);  Sanday  (g). — Ephesians:  Abbott  (e) 

II  "  Int.  Crit.  Comm."  (Edinburgh);  Armitage  Robin- 
■oii  I  e) ;  Macpherson  (g);  Ellicott  (g);  Salmond  (g)  in 
'  i:xp.  Greek  Test.";  Alford  (f)  (London);  Meyer  (f); 
Miller,  good  but  daring. — Philippians  and  Philemon: 
(yightfoot  (e),  another  masterpiece ;  Vincent  (e)  in  "  Int. 

Fit.  Comm.";  Ellicott  (f);  Moule  (g),  "Philippian 
-fii  hes",  and  in  "Camb.  Greek  Test." — Colossians: 

htfoot  (e), another  great  work;  Abbott  (e)  in  "Int. 
III.  Comm."  (in  the  same  volume  as  Ephesians); 
'ike  (g)  in  "Exp.  Greek  Test.";  Maclaren  (g); 
.llaott  (f);  Findlay  (f)  in  "Pulpit  Comm.";  Moule 
l;>,  "Colossian  Studies". — Thessalonians:  Milligan 
'  ,  liighly  esteemed;  Frame  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
:nirott  "(e);  Meyer  and  Alford  (f);  Findlay  (e); 
Penney  (g);  Mason  (g). — Pastoral  Epistles:  Lock  in 
'Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Ellicott  (e);  Bernard  (g)  in 
'  (  imb. Greek  Test.";  Meyer  (f);  Lilley  (g)  in  "Hand- 
iniil;  Series";  to  these  must  be  added  the  valuable 
Mink  by  James,  "The  Genuineness  and  Authorship  of 
Iv  Pastoral  Ejjistles"  (190G). — Hebrews:  Westcott 
•  ■).  on  a  level  with  Lightfoot,  the  greatest  work  on 
Iilirews;  Nairne  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Davidson 
^  ' :  Farrar  (g). — Ep.  of  St.  James:  Mayor  (e);  Ropes 
a  Int.  Crit.  Comm.";  Alford  and  Meyer  (f);  Plump- 
'). — Epp.  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude:  Bigg  (e)  in 
Crit.  Comm.";  Hort  (e),  a  splendid  fragment; 
1      innan  (g),  "I  Peter";    Salmon  (g),  "I   Peter" 

Popular  Commentary ' '. — Epp.  of  St.  John :  West^ 
ott  (e),  another  of  his  great  works;  Haupt  (g)  and 
luther  (g);  Watson  (g),  "I  John". — Revelation 
Apocalypse):  Swete  (e),  the  greatest  commentary 
n  the  Apocalypse;  Charles  in  "Int.  Crit.  Comm."; 
lilligan  (e);  Simcox  (g);  Hort  (e). 

Jewish  Commentators. — .-^brah.^ms,  Short  History  of  Jewish 
iteraturc  (London,  1906);  Graetz,  History  of  the  Ji-w^ 
Philadelphia.  1891-98) ;  Oesterley  and  Box,  The  Religion  and 
Worship  of  the  Synagogue  (London,  1907);  Bacher,  Bible  Eic- 
:sxs\n  Jewish  Encye.:  Schechter,  Talmud  in  Hist.  Did.  Bib.; 
ARRAR,  History  of  Interpretation  (London.  1886);  von  Schurer, 
he  Jewish  People  in  the  Time  of  Jesus  Christ  (Edinburgh.  1902). 
atristic  Commentaries. — BARDENnEWER,  Gesch.  der  altkirch- 
chen  Litteratur  (Freiburg.  1902-3):  Idem,  Patroloqie  (1894; 
r.  tr..  Paris,  1899);  Turner  in  Hast..  Diet,  of  the  Bible,  extra 
»!.;  Ehrhard,  .Mtchr.  Litteratur  (Freiburg.  19(X)).  Later  Com- 
lentatois. — Calmet,  Diet.  Bib.,  I;  Dixon.  General  Introd.  to  the 


S.  Scriptures  (Dublin,  1872),  II;  GiGOT,  General  Introd.  to  the 
Holy  Scriptures  (New  York,  1900);  Richard  Simon,  Histoire 
critique  dcs  principaux  commentateurs  du  N.  T.  (Rotterdam, 
1689);  HoRNE.  Introd.  to  the  Scriptures  (London.  1834),  II; 
HuRTER,  Nomenclator;  Vigooroux,  Manuel  biblique  (Paris, 
1882);  Idem,  Les  Livres  saints  et  la  critique  rationaliste  (Paris, 
1886),  II. 

C.    .A.HERNB. 

Commines  (also  Comines  or  Comynes),  Philippe 
DE,  French  historian  and  statesman,  b.  in  Flanders 
probably  before  1447;  d.  at  the  Chateau  d'.Ajgenton, 
France,  about  1511.  He  was  the  son  of  Colard  van 
den  Clyte,  chief  bailiff  of  Flanders  for  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  and  of  Marguerite  d'Armuyden.  His 
family  owned  the  seigniory  of  Commines  on  the  Lys, 
and  .some  of  his  ancestors  had  been  aldermen  of  Ypres. 
He  was  brought  up  as  a  knight,  spoke  Flemish  and 
French,  but  complains  that  he  had  never  learned 
Latin — in  the  course  of  his  travels  he  had  learned 
Italian.  In  1464  Commines  was  presented  at  the 
court  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  Lille  and  became 
squire  to  the  duke's  son,  the  Count  of  Charolais,  after- 
wards Charles  the  Bold.  From  1464  to  1472  he  was 
in  the  service  of  Charles,  took  part  in  his  expeditions, 
and  in  1465  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Montlh^ry. 
After  the  death  of  Philip  the  Good  he  was  made 
chamberlain  to  the  new  Duke  of  Burgundy  (1467). 
During  the  interview  held  at  P^ronne  (1468)  Com- 
mines was  taken  into  Charles  the  Bold's  corifidence 
and  then  turned  to  Louis  XI  whom  he  secretly  in- 
formed of  his  master's  intentions.  He  nevertheless 
remained  in  the  service  of  Charles  who  entrusted  him 
with  various  missions  to  the  governor  of  Calais  (1470), 
to  Brittany,  and  to  Spain  (1471).  Nevertheless,  on 
8  August,  1472,  he  suddenly  abandoned  Charles  the 
Bold  during  the  duke's  expedition  in  Normandy 
and  went  to  Ponts-de-C6  to  join  Louis  XL  The 
latter  loaded  him  with  favours  and  estates,  and  in 
1473  arranged  his  marriage  with  Helene  de  Cham- 
bes,  a  wealthy  heiress  whose  dowry  was  the  seig- 
niory of  .\rgenton  in  Poitou.  Commines  now  became 
one  of  the  king's  confidants  and  chief  diplomatic 
agents. 

However,  after  the  death  of  Charles  the  Bold,  the 
frankness  with  which  Commines  urged  moderation 
upon  the  king  aroused  passing  disfavour,  but  in  1478 
Louis  XI  appointed  him  to  conduct  some  difficult 
negotiations  with  the  princes  of  Italy.  After  the  con- 
spiracy of  the  Pazzi  he  saved  the  power  of  the  Medici, 
allies  of  France,  who  were  threatened  by  the  pope  and 
the  dukes  of  Milan;  in  1479  he  protected  the  young 
Duke  of  Savoy  against  Lodovico  il  Moro,  and  in  1481 
succeeded  in  maintaining  French  influence  in  Savoy. 
Upon  the  death  of  Louis  XI,  however,  in  1  18.3,  at  which 
event  he  was  present,  Commines  permitted  himself, 
however,  to  be  drawn  into  the  faction  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  and  conspired  against  the  regent,  Anne  of  Beau- 
jeu.  In  1487  he  was  arrested,  confined  at  Loches  in 
one  of  the  iron  cages  used  by  Louis  XI,  and  after- 
wards banished  by  Parliament  to  his  own  estates ;  he 
was  also  deprived  of  his  principality  of  Talmont  which 
was  reclaimed  by  the  La  Tremoille  family.  In  1491 
he  returned  to  court  and,  although  opposed  to  the  ex- 
pedition of  Charles  VIII  into  Italy,  he  neverthelesa 
accompanied  it  and  was  sent  to  Venice,  where  he  was 
utterly  powerless  to  prevent  the  intrigues  that  cul- 
minated in  the  league  against  Charlis  VIII  (1495). 
After  the  battle  of  Fornovo,  he  reti.rned  to  Venice 
and  Milan,  where  he  was  totally  unsuccessfid. 

On  the  accession  of  Louis  XII  in  1498,  Commines, 
for  some  imknown  reason,  lost  caste  at  court  and  only 
reappeared  there  in  1.505,  thanks  to  the  influence  of 
Anne  of  Brittany.  His  "Memoires"  give  but  meagre 
information  as  to  himself  and  leave  many  points  in 
doubt ;  even  the  exact  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are 
uncertain,  and  but  little  is  known  of  the  part  he  played 
at  Pcronne,  of  his  defection  in  1472,  his  retirement  at 
the  accession  of  Louis  XII,  and  of  other  matters.  The 


COMMISSARIAT 


16-1 


COMMISSIONS 


"Memoires"  constitute  a  political  history  of  Europe 
from  1464  to  1498  and,  according  to  the  preface,  are 
material  intended  exclusively  for  the  use  of  Angelo 
Cato,  Archbishop  of  Vienne,  who  was  to  write  a  Latin 
history  of  Louis  XL  The  first  part  of  the  work,  deal- 
ing with  the  period  between  1464  and  1483,  was  pre- 
pared between  1489  and  1491,  that  containing  the  ac- 
count of  the  reign  of  Charles  VIII  being  completed  in 
1498.  Commines  is  rather  analytic  than  graphic,  de- 
votes himself  more  to  ascertaining  the  causes  of  events 
than  to  describing  the  events  themselves ;  his  language 
seems  inferior  to  his  thought  and  his  style  is  abrupt 
and  periphrastic.  The  thought  bears  the  impress  of 
the  realistic  politics  of  the  Renaissance,  but  the  man- 
ner of  expression  is  still  medieval.  The  work  has  been 
preserved  in  manuscript  and  in  sixteenth-century  edi- 
tions, the  first  edition  being  that  of  Galliot  du  Pre 
(Paris,  1524,  fol.).  A  manuscript,  written  about 
1530,  and  recovered  by  de  Mandrot,  is  the  only  one 
containing  the  complete  text.  The  chief  editions  are 
those  of  Mile  Dupont  in  the  publications  of  the  So- 
ciety de  I'Histoire  de  France  (Paris,  1847,  3  vols.), 
Chantelauze  (Paris,  1881),  and  de  Mandrot  (Paris, 
1903,  2  vols.).  Commines'  tomb,  on  which  is  a  kneel- 
ing figure  of  him  and  also  one  of  his  wife,  Helena  de 
Chambes,  is  preserved  in  the  Louvre. 

Introduction  to  the  editions  of  Mlle  Dupont  and  de 
Ma.ndrot;  Kervtn  de  Lettenhove,  Letlres  et  negotiations  de 
Philippe  de  Commines  (Brussels,  1S74);  Fier\tlle,  Docujnents 
inedits  svr  Philippe  de  Commines  (Paris,  ISSl);  Chantelauze, 
Philippe  de  Comm^ynes  in  the  Correspondant  (1880-81);  Scoble, 
tT.  in  Bohn's  Library  of  French  Memoirs  (London,  1855),  I,  II. 
Commines'  tomb  is  reproduced  in  Petit  de  JuLLEvaLLE,  Histoire 
de  la  littirature  franfaise  (Paris,  1896),  11,330. 

Louis  Brehier. 

Commissariat  of  the  Holy  Land,  in  the  Order  of 
Friars  Minor  the  territory  or  district  assigned  to  a  com- 
missary, whose  duty  it  is  to  collect  alms  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Holy  Places  in  Palestine  committed  to 
the  care  of  the  Friars  Minor;  also,  in  a  more  restricted 
sense,  the  convent  where  the  aforesaid  commissary 
resides.  The  commissary,  who  is  always  a  member 
of  the  order,  receives  his  appointment  by  letters 
patent  from  the  minister  general,  to  whom  he  is  bound 
to  transmit  every  year  a  detailed  account  of  the  alms 
received.  These  alms  may  not,  rmder  any  circum- 
stances, without  express  permission  of  the  Holy  See, 
be  applied  to  other  purposes,  however  pious  and  meri- 
torious, under  grave  ecclesiastical  penalties.  The 
alms  taken  up  by  the  bishops  at  the  annual  collections 
for  the  Holy  Land  are  conveyed  to  the  custos  in  Jeru- 
salem through  the  commissary  in  whose  district  the 
dioceses  of  the  bishops  are  situated.  There  are  at 
present  forty  commissariats  throughout  the  Christian 
world.  The  most  ancient  is  that  of  Naples,  founded 
in  1333,  when  Robert  of  .4njou  redeemed  the  Holy 
Places  from  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  In  English-speak- 
ing countries  there  are  seven — three  in  the  United 
States,  one  in  Canada,  one  in  Great  Britain,  one  in 
Ireland,  and  one  in  Australia.  The  Commissariat  of 
the  United  States  was  founded  in  1882,  and  the  com- 
missary resides  in  the  new  convent  of  Moimt  St. 
Sepulchre,  Washington,  D.  C.  In  1902,  commissariats 
were  erected  in  California  and  at  St.  Louis. 

Conspectus  Omnium  Missionum  Ord.  FF.  Mirwrum  exhibitus 
Capitido  Generali  Rom(B  habita  die  SO  Mail,  190S  (Rome,  1903); 
Regula  et  Constitutiones  Generales  Fratr.  Minorum  (Rome, 
1897);  several  Bulls  and  Briefs  issued  at  different  periods  by 
the  Holy  See,  of  which  the  following  are  the  principal:   SixTus 

V,  Nostri  pastoralit  (13  Dec,  1589);  Paul  V.  Ccetestis  Regis 
(22  Jan.,  1618);  Urban  VIII,  Alias  a  felicis  (18  June,  1634)  in 
Bull.  Rom..  XV,  320  sqq.;  Benedict  XIV.  Emanarunt  niiprr 
(20  AuE..  1743)  in  Bultar.  Benedict..  XIV  (Prato,  1845),  I,  313; 
Pius  VI,  Inter  ca:tera  (31  July,  1778)  in  Bull.  Rom.  Cont.  (Turin), 

VI,  pt.  I,  505;  Leo  XIII,  Salvatoris  (26  Dec.,  1887).  See  also 
S.  C.  a.  Offlcii  (28  June.  1876);  S.  C.  Prop.  Fide  (20  Feb.,  1891) 
in  Collectanea  H.  C.  Prop.,  u.  1632,  1638. 

Gregory  Cleary. 

Commissary  Apostolic  (Lat.  Commissarius  Apos- 
Utlicus),  one  who  has  received  power  from  a  legitimate 


superior  authority  to  pass  judgment  in  a  certaui  cause 
or  to  take  informations  concerning  it.  When  such  a 
delegate  has  been  appointed  by  the  pope,  he  is  called 
a  commissary  Apostolic.  The  custom  of  appointing 
such  commissaries  by  the  Holy  See  is  a  very  ancient 
one.  A  noteworthy  instance  is  the  commission  issued 
to  St.  Cryil  of  Alexandria  by  Pope  Celestine  I,  in  the 
early  part  of  the  fifth  century,  by  which  that  holy 
patriarch  was  empowered  to  judge  Nestorius  in  the 
pope's  name.  English  history  furnishes,  among  other 
instances,  that  of  the  commission  which  constituted 
Cardinals  Wolsey  and  Campeggio  papal  representa- 
tives for  the  judicial  hearing  of  the  divorce  case  of 
Henry  VIII.  Sometimes  Apostolic  commissions  are 
constituted  permanently  by  the  Holy  See.  Such  are 
the  various  Roman  congregations  presided  over  by 
the  cardinals.  The  full  extent  of  the  authority  of 
commissaries  Apostolic  must  be  learnt  from  the  di- 
ploma of  their  appointment.  The  usual  powers 
which  they  possess,  however,  are  defined  in  the  com- 
mon Law  of  the  Church.  Commissaries  are  empow- 
ered not  only  for  judicial  but  also  for  executive  pur- 
poses. When  a  papal  commission  mentions  explicitly 
certain  persons  and  certain  things  as  subject  to  the 
authority  of  a  commissarj',  and  then  adds  in  general 
that  "other  persons  and  other  things"  (quidam  alii  et 
res  aliir)  are  also  included,  it  is  understood  that  the 
latter  phrase  refers  only  to  persons  and  things  of  equal 
or  lower  importance  than  those  that  are  expressly 
named,  and  under  no  circumstances  can  the  commis- 
sary's power  extend  to  what  is  higher  or  more  digni- 
fied (Cap.  XV,  de  rescript.).  If  a  bishop  be  appointed 
commissary  Apostolic  in  matters  that  already  belong 
to  his  ordinary  jurisdiction,  he  does  not  thereby  re- 
ceive a  delegated  jurisdiction  superadded  to  that 
w'hich  he  already  possessed;  such  an  Apostolic  com- 
mission is  said  to  excite,  not  to  alter,  the  prelate's 
ordinary  jurisdiction. 

As  a  commissary  Apostolic  is  a  delegate  of  the  Holy 
See,  an  appeal  may  be  made  to  the  pope  against  his 
judgments  or  administrative  acts.  When  several 
commissaries  have  been  appointed  for  the  same  case, 
they  are  to  act  together  as  one ;  but  if,  owing  to  death 
or  any  other  cause,  one  or  other  of  the  commissaries 
should  be  hindered  from  acting,  the  remaining  mem- 
bers have  full  power  to  execute  their  commission.  In 
case  the  commissaries  be  two  in  number  and  they  dis- 
agree in  the  judgment  to  be  given,  the  matter  must  be 
decided  by  the  Holy  See.  A  commissary  Apostolic 
has  the  power  to  subdelegate  another  [person  for  the 
cause  committed  to  him,  unless  it  has  been  expressly 
stated  in  his  diploma  that,  owing  to  the  importance  of 
the  matter  at  issue,  he  is  to  exercise  jurisdiction  per- 
sonally. By  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  the  pope  can 
constitute  a  layman  commissary  .4postolic  for  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  but  according  to  the  common  law  only 
prelates  or  clerics  of  the  higher  orders  should  receive 
such  a  commission  (Lib.  Sext.,  c.  II,  de  rescr.,  1,  3). 
The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  c.  xvi,  de  Ref.)  pre- 
scribes that  each  bishop  should  transmit  to  the  Holy 
See  the  names  of  four  persons  capable  of  receiving 
such  delegation  for  his  diocese.  It  has  consequently 
become  customary  for  the  pope  to  choose  commissaries 
Apostolic  from  the  locality  where  they  arc  to  investi- 
gate or  pass  judgment  or  execute  a  mandate. 

Humphrey,  Urbs  et  Orbis  (London,  1899);  .^ndre-W.^gneh 
Diet,  de  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  I;  Pignatelli,  Consult, 
Canon.  (Venice,  1894),  IX. 

WiLLL«i  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Commissions,  EccLEtSiASxioAL.  bodies  of  ecclesias- 
tics juridically  established  ami  to  whom  are  com- 
mitted certain  specified  fimctions  or  charges.  Thej 
are:  I.  Pontifical;  II.  Roman  Prelatitial;  III 
Diocesan. 

I.  Pontifical  commissions  are  special  committees  o: 
cardinals  created  by  the  pope  for  some  particula 


COMMODIANUS 


165 


COMMODIANUS 


purpose,  e.  g.  for  the  proper  interpretation  and  de- 
fence of  Sacred  Scripture  (see  BiBi,ic.4i  Commission), 
for  historical  studies  (see  Ecclesiastical  History), 
for  the  codification  of  tlie  canon  law  (see  Law),  for 
thesupervTsioii,  correction,  etc.  of  the  liturgical  books 
of  the  Roman  Church,  e.  g.  the  Breviary,  Missal, 
Pontifical,  Ritual,  etc.  (see  Brevl\ry;  Liturgy),  for 
the  restoration  and  perfection  of  ecclesiastical  music 
(see  Gregorian  Chant),  for  the  reunion  of  dissenting 
churches  (see  Eastern  Church),  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Faith  (see  Italy;  Rome). 

II.  Prelatitial  commissions  are  composed  of  Roman 
prelates,  secretaries,  consultors,  etc.,  and  may  be 
presided  over  by  a  cardinal.  Such,  e.  g.,  are  the  Com- 
mission of  Sacred  Archcpology  (see  Arch.eology),  for 
the  preservation  and  illustration  of  the  Christian 
antiquities  of  Rome,  the  commission  for  the  adminis- 
tration of  Peter's-pence  (q.  v.),  and  the  Palatine 
Commission  (established  by  Leo  XIII)  for  the  settle- 
ment of  controversies  or  lawsuits  between  the  per- 
sonnel of  the  Vatican  or  other  papal  residences.  Most 
of  these  commissions,  however,  are  attached  to  the 
Roman  Congregations,  as  special  departments  or 
sections,  and  are  described  in  the  article  Congrega- 
tions, Roman,  e.  g.  the  Liturgical  Commission  at- 
tached to  the  Congregation  of  Rites ;  the  commissions 
for  the  examination  of  episcopal  reports,  for  the 
revision  and  correction  of  the  liturgical  books  of  the 
Eastern  Church  (q.  v.),  and  for  the  examination  of 
religious  institutes  in  Propaganda  territory,  all  three 
attached  to  the  Congregation  of  Propaganda;  for  the 
examination  of  new  religious  institutes  attached  to 
the  Congregation  of  Bisliops  and  Regulars;  for  the 
selection  of  bishops  in  Italy  (now  suppressed  and 
its  attributions  vested  in  the  Congregation  of  the 
Inquisition). 

III.  The  diocesan  commissions  provided  for  by  gen- 
eral ecclesiastical  law  are  four:  the  commission  for 
seminaries  (in  two  sections  for  spiritual  and  temporal 
concerns,  respectively),  according  to  the  Coimcil  of 
Trent  (Sess.  XXIII,  cap.  xviii,  De  ref.),  for  which  see 
Seminary,  Ecclesiastical;  the  commission  of  ex- 
aminers of  the  clergy  (see  Examiners,  Synodal),  to 
aid  in  the  control  of  all  competition  for  vacant  paro- 
chial benefices;  the  commission  on  sacred  music  (Motu 
proprio  of  Pius  X,  22  Nov.,  1903)  for  the  improvement 
of  the  character  and  execution  of  ecclesiastical  music 
in  the  churches;  a  vigilance  committee  (Conisilium  a 
■eigilanlia)  for  the  repression  of  modernism  (Pius  X, 
"Pascendi  Dominici  Gregis",  8  Sept.,  1907).  In 
many  dioceses  of  England  there  exist  diocesan  school 
commissions  or  associations.  There  exists  also  in 
England  (since  1853)  for  each  diocese  a  commission 
of  investigation  for  criminal  and  disciplinary  causes 
of  ecclesiastics  (Taunton,  210-213);  a  similar  com- 
mission for  the  dioceses  of  the  United  States,  estal> 
lished  by  Propaganda  in  1878,  was  abrogated  in  1884 
in  favour  of  a  new  form  of  procedure,  detailed  in  the 
Instruction  of  that  year,  Cum  Magnopere".  For 
Ireland  see  "  Acta  et  Decreta ",  by  the  Synod  of 
Maynooth  (1900),  p.  7.5;  and  for  Scotland,  Taunton, 
op.  cit.,  214-20.  The  scope,  authority,  and  attribu- 
tions of  these  bodies  are  described  either  in  the  pontifi- 
cal documents  that  create  them,  or  in  the  legislation 
pertaining  to  the  Roman  congregations,  or  in  the 
common  ecclesiiistical  law  and  its  authoritative  inter- 


pretations. 

B^TTANDIER.  .-Inn. 
Drr  Pnpsf,  die  Refjien 
Rnm  (Munich.  1904>; 
don,  1906).  209-22. 


Vonl.  ealh.  (Pari.s    18991;    Baumgarte 

Tund  Vcrwahung  der  hciliqen  KirrJir 
AUNTON,  The  Law  of  the.  Church  (Lo 

Thom.\s  J.  Shahan. 


Commodianus,  a  Cliristian  jioet,  the  date  of  who.so 
birth  is  \m(iTtaln,  but  generally  placed  at  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century,  or  l)etween  the  end  of 
Diocletian's  perseo\ition  and  the  issuing  of  the  edict 
of  Maxentius  (305-11).    It  has  lately  been  asserted, 


however,  that  Commodianus  livetl  under  Julian  or 
even  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century.  He  is  not 
known  outside  of  his  own  writings  except  through  a 
notice  by  Gennadius,  "De  Viris  Illustribus"  (ch.  xv), 
and  the  condemnation  of  Pseudo-Gelasius.  who  pro- 
hibits the  reading  of  his  books  ("  De  Libris  recipiendis 
et  non  recipiendis",  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  LIX,  163)  Gen- 
nadius seems  to  draw  his  information  chiefly  from  the 
works  themselves,  and  claims  that  Commodianus  im- 
itated Tertullian,  Lactantius,  and  Papias.  From  two 
passages  in  his  manuscrijits  it  was  gleaned  that  Com- 
modianus came  from  Gaza  in  Palestine  and  had  been 
invested  with  the  episcopal  dignity,  but  the  first  of 
these  passages  has  a  very  uncertain  meaning,  and  the 
second  has  been  attributed  to  the  mistake  of  a  copy- 
ist. Commodianus  declares  that  he  is  not  a  "doc- 
tor", which  has  led  to  the  belief  that  he  was  a  layman. 
He  styles  himself  "mendicant  of  Christ",  mendicus 
Christi,  but  that  could  also  mean  "one  who  implores 
Christ"  oi  "one  who  begs  for  Christ".  What  is  cer- 
tain, however,  is  that,  after  various  religious  expe- 
riences, such  as  associating  with  pagans  and  jiractis- 
ing  the  occult  sciences,  and  probably  conforming  to 
the  religious  doctrines  and  rites  of  the  Jews,  he 
adopted  Christianity,  having  been  converted  by  read- 
ing the  Bible. 

His  works  are  a  collection  of  "Instructions"  and  a 
"Carmen  apologeticum".  The  former  consists  of 
eighty  acrostic,  or  abecedarian,  essays,  divided  into 
two  books.  The  plan  of  this  work  and  the  Biblical 
quotations  introduced  therein  reveal  the  influence  of 
St.  Cyprian's  "Testimonia".  The  first  book  is  against 
the  Ji'w.s  and  jiagans,  the  second  being  addressed  to 
dilfcrcnt  catci^ories  of  the  faithful:  catechumens,  bap- 
tizeil  ('hristians,  penitents,  matrones,  clerks,  priests, 
and  bishops.  In  parts  its  tone  is  decidedly  satirical. 
The  author  is  manifestly  engrossed  with  ethics,  and 
recommends  alms-deeds  above  all  else.  The  "Car- 
men apologeticum"  has  a  misleading  title,  thanks  to 
Pitra,  its  first  editor  (1852).  It  may  be  divided  into 
four  parts:  a  preamble  (1-88);  a  resuin6  of  the  doc- 
trine on  God  and  Christ  (89-578);  a  demonstration 
of  the  necessity  of  faith  for  salvation  (579-790) ;  and 
a  description  of  the  end  of  the  world  (791-1060).  It 
is  jirincipally  this  picture  that  has  made  the  name  of 
Commodianus  famous.  According  to  it  the  Chris- 
tians are  a  prey  to  a  seventh  persecution — the  num- 
ber is  sjTiibolical  and  indicates  the  last  persecution. 
The  Goths  surprise  and  destroy  Rome.  Suddenly 
Nero,  the  Antichrist  of  the  West,  reappears,  recap- 
tures Rome  from  the  Goths,  associates  himself  with 
two  Cfesars  and  maltreats  the  Christians  for  three 
and  a  half  years.  Then  a  second  Antichrist,  the  man 
from  Persia,  comes  from  the  East,  conquers  Nero, 
burns  Rome,  establishes  himself  in  Judea,  and  works 
wonders.  But  God,  with  an  army  of  the  blessed,  ad- 
vances from  beyond  Persia  in  a  triumphal  march; 
Antichrist  is  overcome,  and  Christ  and  His  saints 
settle  in  Jerusalem.  To  learn  what  follows  we  must 
consult  the  "  Instructions"  (II,  1-4).  First  of  all  the 
elect  rise  from  the  dead  and  for  1000  years  lead  lives 
of  |)leasure  and  happiness.  At  the  end  of  that  time 
the  world  is  destroyed  by  fire,  Chri-st  appears,  and  all 
the  dead  arise  for  the  Liist  Judgment,  which  leads 
either  to  the  joys  of  Paradise  or  the  pains  of  Hell. 

The  sources  of  Commodianus 's  information  were 
the  Bible — principally  the  Apocalypse,  the  Proi>hets, 
and  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras — the  Sibylline  oracles, 
Tertullian,  Minucius  Felix,  Cyprian,  and  Lactantius. 
From  Terence,  Lucretius,  Horace,  Cicero,  and  most  of 
all  from  Virgil,  he  borrows  modes  of  expression.  His 
theology  is  not  reliable;  besides  Millenarianism,  he 
seems  to  i)rofess  Monarchianism  and  Patripassianisin, 
two  heresies  in  regard  to  the  Trinity.  His  language 
is  not  only  crude,  but  incorrect,  and  it  would  be  a 
mistake  to  seek  in  ("ommodianus  the  origin  of  versi- 
fication based  on  accent.    Although  unacquainted 


COMMODUS 


166 


COMMON 


with  prosody,  he  tries  to  write  in  dactylic  hexameter, 
and  succeeds  in  only  03  out  of  more  than  2000  verses. 
However,  tiis  shortcomings  are  somewhat  atoned  for 
by  his  use  of  parallelism,  rhyme,  and  the  acrostic, 
and  the  regular  division  of  his  verses;  moreover,  in 
spite  of  its  defects,  his  work  is  decidedly  energetic. 
He  has  well-defined  formulae,  he  conjures  up  magnifi- 
cent pictures,  and  among  the  many  artists  and  writers 
who  have  attempted  a  portrayal  of  the  end  of  the 
world,  Commodianus  occupies  a  prominent  place. 
His  works  have  been  edited  by  Ludwig  (Leipzig, 
1877-7S)  and  by  Dombart  (Vienna,  1877,  in  "Corpus 
scriptorum  eccles.  latinorum",  XV).  The  poem 
against  Marcio,  attributed  by  P'>nif>  critics  to  Com- 
modianus, is  the  work  of  ;iii  iiiil::'  ir. 

ScHANZ,  Geschichte  dcr  ronn  ,  ■    ■    I  r  m  the  Handbuch 

der  klassischen  Altertumswissi  n  ,  /,  ^i  i,  M  iLLr;u  i  Munich, 
1905),  VIII.  pt.  Ill,  427-36;  .Mon(  i  m  ,,  /;  ■  .  ,  ;  ".  ,  ,  ,;,. 
i'^/rigue  c/ircftcnne  (Paris,  1905).  Ill,   iM    ^'',    ii      '  /^  nn- 

modian  von  Gaza,  ein  arelatcnsischer  /..■     "  1 '  '/.- 

des  fUnften  Jahrhunderls  (Paderbom,  liini'.i  iIh'  lin  n^  nuiilipil 
in  this  title  is  very  uncertain,  see  Revue  cnliquc  d'liistoire  et  de 
litterature  (Paris,  1907),  II,  199. 

Paul  Lejat. 

Commodus  (ilARCus  AureliusCommodtjs  Antoni- 
nus), Roman  Emperor,  b.  161 ;  d.  at  Rome,  31  Decem- 
ber, 192.  He  was  the  son  of  Marcus  Aurelius  and 
Annia  Faustina, 
and  was  the  first 
among  the  Roman 
emperors  to  enjoy 
the  distinction  of 
being  born  in  the 
])urple.  His  reign, 
ISO- 193,  was  the 
turning-point  in 
the  greatness  of 
Rome.  Some  his- 
torians have  at- 
ti  mpted  to  exon- 
iiate  Commodus 
tiom  the  charge 
oi  innate  deprav- 
itv  and  to  attrib- 
ite  the  failure 
i)t  his  career  to 
w  e  ikness  of  char- 
acter and  vicious 
associates.  It  is, 
how  ever,  undeni- 
able that  a  con- 
dition, which  re- 
sulted in  the  slow 
but  inevitable  de- 
struction of  the  Roman  power,  was  brought  about  by 
the  lack  of  cajjacity  and  evil  life  of  Commodus,  coupled 
•with  the  overcentralization  in  Roman  administration 
by  which,  since  the  time  of  .\ugustus,  the  most  absolute 
power  in  the  State  and  religious  affairs  had  been  gradu- 
ally vested  in  the  person  of  the  emperor.  Everystage 
in  the  career  of  Commodus  was  marked  by  greed  and 
suspicion,  producing,  as  might  be  expected  in  those 
times,  wholesale  confiscation  and  numerous  murders. 
One  result  of  his  cruel  policy  was  to  divert  attention 
for  a  time  from  the  Christians  and  to  lead  to  a  partial 
cessation  of  jjersecution.  No  edicts  were  issued 
against  the  Christians  who,  though  persecuted  by  the 
proconsuls  in  some  provinces,  enjoyed  a  period  of 
respite  and  comparative  immunity  from  pursuit. 
Then;  were  many  Christians  at  the  court  of  Commo- 
dus and  in  the  person  of  Marcia,  the  concubine  or 
morganatic  wife  of  the  emperor,  they  had  a  powerful 
advocate  through  whose  kind  offices  on  one  occasion 
many  Christian  prisoners  were  released  from  the 
mines  in  Sardinia.  Commodus  was  murdered  by 
stranghng,  one  of  the  conspirators  being  Marcia. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Christians  were  in  any 
way  coimected  with  his  death. 


The  works  of  Dig  Cassius.  Herodian,  Aurelius  Victor, 
and  Edthopius,  and  the  Scriplores  HistoricB  Augusta!  are  the 
principal  pagan  sources.  Tertdllian,  Hippolytus.  and  Eu- 
SEBius  are  the  principal  Christian  sources.  The  Roman  histo- 
ries of  Gibbon,  Merivale,  Duruy,  and  Schiller  should  also 
be  consulted. 

Patrick  J.  Healy. 

Common.     See  Breviary. 

Common  Law.     See  L.\w. 

Common  Life,  Brethren  of  the,  a  community 
founded  by  Geert  De  Groote,  of  rich  burgher  stock,  b. 
at  Deventer  in  CTclderland  in  1340;  d.  1384.  Having 
read  at  Cologne,  at  the  Sorbonne,  and  at  Prague,  he 
took  orders  and  obtained  preferment — a  canon's  stall 
at  Utrecht  and  another  at  Aachen.  His  relations 
with  the  German  GoUesfreunde  and  the  writings  of 
Ruysbroek,  who  later  became  his  friend,  gradually 
inclined  him  to  mysticism,  and  on  recovering  from 
an  illness  in  1373  he  resigned  his  prebends,  bestowed 
his  goods  on  the  Carthusians  of  Arnheim,  and  lived 
in  solitude  for  seven  years.  Then,  feeling  himself 
constrained  to  go  forth  and  preach,  he  went  from 
place  to  place  calling  men  to  repentance,  proclaiming 
the  beauty  of  Divine  love,  and  bewailing  the  relaxa- 
tion of  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  the  degradation  of 
the  clergy.  The  effect  of  his  sermons  was  marvellous ; 
thousands  hung  on  his  lips.  "The  towns",  says 
Moll,  "were  filled  with  devotees;  you  might  know 
them  by  their  silence,  their  ecstasies  during  Mass, 
their  mean  attire,  their  eyes,  flaming  or  full  of  sweet- 
ness."  A  little  band  of  these  attached  themselves  to 
Groote  and  became  his  fellow-workers,  thus  becoming 
the  first  "Brethren  of  the  Common  Life".  The  re- 
former, of  course,  was  opposed  by  the  clerks  whose  evil 
lives  he  denounced,  but  the  cry  of  heresy  was  raised 
in  vain  against  one  who  was  no  less  zealous  for  purity 
of  faith  than  for  purity  of  morals.  The  best  of  the 
secular  clergy  enrolled  themselves  in  his  brotherhood, 
which  in  due  course  was  approved  by  the  Holy  See. 
Groote,  however,  did  not  live  long  enough  to  perfect 
the  work  he  had  begun.  He  died  in  1384,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Florence  Radewyns,  who  two  years  later 
founded  the  famous  monastery  of  Wiadesheim  which 
was  thenceforth  the  centre  of  the  new  association. 

The  Confraternity  of  the  Common  Life  resembled 
in  several  respects  the  Beghard  and  Beguine  communi- 
ties which  had  flourished  two  centuries  earlier  and 
were  then  decadent.  The  members  took  no  vows, 
neither  asked  nor  received  alms;  their  first  aim  was 
to  cultivate  the  interior  life,  and  they  worked  for  their 
daily  bread.  The  houses  of  the  Brethren  were  more 
closely  knit  together,  and  the  brothers  and  sisters 
alike  occupied  themselves  exclusively  with  literature 
and  education,  and  priests  also  with  preaching. 
Wlien  Groote  began,  learning  in  the  Netherlands  was 
as  rare  as  virtue ;  the  University  of  Louvain  had  not 
yet  been  founded,  and  the  fame  of  the  schools  of 
Li^ge  was  only  a  memory.  Save  for  a  clerk  here  and 
there  who  had  studietl  at  Paris  or  Cologne,  there  were 
no  scholars  in  the  land;  even  amongst  the  higher 
clergy  there  were  many  who  were  ignorant  of  Latin, 
and  the  burgher  was  quite  content  if  when  his  children 
left  school  they  were  able  to  read  and  ■WTite.  Groote 
determined  to  change  all  this,  and  his  disciples  accom- 
plished much.  Through  their  unflagging  toil  in  the 
scriptorium  and  afterwards  at  the  press  they  were 
able  to  multiply  their  spiritual  writings  and  to  scatter 
them  broadc:ist  throughout  the  land,  instinct  with 
the  spirit  of  the  "Imitation".  Amongst  them  are  to 
be  found  the  choicest  flowere  of  fifteenth-century 
Flemish  prose.  Tlie  Brethren  spared  no  pains  to 
obtain  good  masters,  if  necessary  from  foreign  [larts, 
for  their  schools,  which  became  centres  of  spiritual 
and  intellectual  life;  amongst  those  whom  they 
trained  or  who  were  associated  with  them  were  men 
like  Thomas  .\  Kcmpis,  Dierick  Maertens,  Gabriel 
Biel,  and  the  Dutch  Pope  Adrian  VI. 


COMMON 


167 


COMMON 


Before  the  fifteenth  century  closed,  the  Brethren 
of  the  Common  Life  had  studded  all  Germany  and 
the  Netherlands  with  schools  in  which  the  teaching 
was  given  for  the  love  of  God  alone.  Gradually  the 
ciiiirse,  at  first  elementary,  embraced  the  humanities, 
|iliilosophy,  and  theology.  The  religious  orders 
li Hiked  askance  at  these  Brethren,  who  were  neither 
monks  nor  friars,  but  the  Brethren  found  protectors 
HI  Popes  Eugenius  IV,  Pius  II,  and  Sixtus  IV.  The 
i;reat  Cardinal  Nicholas  of  Cusa  had  been  their  pupil 
:ii\d  became  their  stanch  protector  and  benefactor. 
He  was  likewise  the  ])atron  of  Rudolph  Agricola,  who 
in  his  youth  at  Zwolle  had  sat  at  the  feet  of  Thomas 
:'i  Kempis ;  and  so  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life, 
ilirough  Cusa  and  Agricola,  influenced  Erasmus  and 
citlier  adepts  in  the  New  Learning.  More  than  half 
I'f  the  crowded  schooLs — in  1500  Deventer  counted 
(i\('r  two  thousand  students — were  swept  away  in  the 
irligious  troubles  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Others 
1  iuguished  until  the  French  Revolution,  while  the 
rise  of  universities,  the  creation  of  diocesan  seminaries, 
:Liui  the  competition  of  new  teaching  orders  gradually 
extinguished  the  schools  that  regarded  Deventer  and 
\\  iridesheim  as  their  parent  establishments.  A  life 
it  De  Groote  is  to  be  found  among  the  works  of 
1  iiomas  a  Kempis. 

IiELPRAT.  Over  dc  Broederschap  van  Groot  (Utrecht,  1830); 
I\  TTLEWELL.  Thomas  A  Kempis  and  the  Brothers  of  the  Com- 
rh.nLife  (London,  1S82). 

Ernest  Gilli.\t-Smith. 

Common  Sense,  Philosophy  of. — The  term  com- 
mon sense  designates  (1)  a  special  faculty,  the  sensus 
communis  of  the  Aristotelean  and  Scholastic  philos- 
ophy; (2)  the  sum  of  original  principles  fotmd  in 
all  normal  minds;  (.3)  the  ability  to  judge  and  reason 
in  accordance  with  those  principles  {recta  rntio,  good 
sense).  It  is  the  second  of  these  meanings  that  is 
implied  in  the  philosophy  of  common  sense — a  mean- 
ing well  expressed  by  F^nelon  when  he  identifies 
common  sense  with  "  those  general  ideas  or  notions 
which  I  can  neither  contradict  nor  examine,  but 
according  to  which  I  examine  and  decide  on  every- 
thing; so  that  I  smile  rather  than  answer  whenever 
anything,  is  propo.sed  to  me  that  obviously  runs 
counter  to  those  unchangeable  ideas"  (De  I'existence 
de  Dieu,  p.  XXII,  c.  ii).  The  philosophy  of  common 
sense  sometimes  called  Scottish  philosophy  from  the 
nationality  of  its  exponents  (though  not  all  Scottish 
philosophers  were  adherents  of  the  Common  Sense 
School),  represents  one  phase  of  the  reaction  against 
the  idealism  of  Berkeley  and  Hume  which  in  Germany 
was  represented  by  Kant.  The  doctrine  of  ideas, 
which  Locke  had  adopted  from  Descartes,  had  been 
made  use  of  by  Berkeley  as  the  foundation  of  his 
theory  of  pure  idealism,  which  resolved  the  external 
world  into  ideas,  without  external  reality,  but  directly 
impressed  on  the  mind  by  Divine  power.  Hume,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  contended  that  there  was  no  ground 
for  assuming  the  existence  of  any  mental  substance 
as  the  subjective  recipient  of  impressions  and  ideas, 
all  that  we  know  of  mind  being  a  succession  of  states 
produced  by  experience.  Thus,  between  the  two, 
both  subject  and  object  disappeared,  and  philosophy 
ended  in  mere  scepticism. 

Thomas  Reid  (1710-1796),  whose  dissent  from 
Locke's  doctrine  of  ideas  had  been  to  some  extent 
anticipated  by  Francis  Hutcheson  (1694-1746),  set 
out  to  vindicate  the  common  sense,  or  natural  judg- 
ment, of  mankind,  by  which  the  real  existence  of  both 
subject  and  object  is  held  to  be  directly  known 
(natural  realism).  He  argued  that  if  it  cannot  be 
proved  that  there  is  any  real  external  world  or  con- 
tinuously existing  mind,  the  true  conclusion  Ls  not 
that  these  have  no  existence  or  are  unknowable,  but 
that  our  consciousness  of  them  is  an  ultimate  fact, 
which  neither  needs  nor  is  capable  of  proof,  but  is 
itself  the  ground  of  all  proof.     "All  knowledge  and 


all  science  must  be  built  upon  principles  that  are  self- 
evident;  and  of  such  principles  every  man  who  has 
common  sen.se  is  a  competent  judge"  (Works,  ed. 
186,3,  p.  422).  Dugald  Stewart  (175.3-1828),  who 
followed  Reid's  method  without  serious  modification, 
was  more  jirecise,  and  gave  greater  prominence  than 
Reid  to  his  doctrine  of  "suggestion",  or  the  associa- 
tion of  ideas.  Dr.  Thomas  Brown  (1778-1820),  while 
accepting  Reid's  main  principle,  carried  the  analysis 
of  the  )5henomena  of  perception  further  than  either 
Reid  or  Stewart,  resolving  some  of  their  first  princi- 
ples into  elements  of  experience,  particularly  in  his 
treatment  of  the  notion  of  causality.  Sir  James 
Mackinto.sh  (1765-1832)  adopted  the  principles  of 
common  sense,  but  accepted  the  utilitarian  criterion 
of  morality,  held  by  the  school  of  Hartley,  and  applied 
the  analytic  method  to  the  moral  faculty  which  Reid 
had  taken  to  be  "an  original  power  in  man".  Sir 
\yilliam  Hamilton  (I7SS-ls5(i)  illustrated  the  prin- 
ciple of  common  sense  with  witlcr  learning  and  greater 
philosophical  acumen  than  any  of  his  predecessors. 
He  was  much  influenced  by  Kant,  and  he  introduced 
into  his  system  distinctions  which  the  Common  Sense 
School  had  not  recognized.  While  professing  himself 
a  natural  realist,  he  held  a  somewhat  extreme  doctrine 
of  the  relativity  of  knowledge.  His  comments  on 
Reid  indicate  many  ambiguities  and  inaccuracies  on 
the  part  of  that  author.  James  Oswald  (1727-1793) 
made  use  of  Reid's  principles  in  support  of  religious 
belief,  and  James  Beattie  (1735-1803)  in  defence  of 
the  existence  of  a  moral  faculty. 

The  conmion  sense  philosophy,  adopting  the  Bacon- 
ian method  of  "interrogation",  or  analysis,  rejects, 
as  contrary  to  the  universal  convictions  of  mankind, 
the  notion  of  ideas  as  a  terlium  quid  intervening  be- 
tween the  object  perceived  and  the  perceiving  subject. 
All  knowledge  comes  by  way  of  sensation;  and  the 
reality  of  the  external  object  is  implied  in  sensation, 
together  with  the  metaphysical  principles  of  the 
existence  of  bodily  and  mental  substance,  of  causality, 
and  of  design  and  intelligence  in  causation.  What 
sensation  is  in  itself  it  is  impossible  to  say;  it  is  an 
ultimate  fact,  and  cannot  be  described  or  defined. 
But  sensations  are  clearly  not  images  or  ideas  of  the 
objects  which  cause  them;  there  is  no  resemblance 
between  the  pain  of  a  wound  and  the  point  of  a  sword. 
Reid  and  his  successors  insist  on  the  distinction  be- 
tween primary  and  secondary  qualities,  the  former 
(extension,  figure,  hardness,  etc.)  being  "suggested" 
by  sensations  as  essentially  belonging  to  the  object 
perceived,  and  the  latter  (as  colour,  taste,  smell,  etc.) 
being  no  more  than  sensations  in  the  subject  arising 
from  qualities  of  the  object  which  are  only  accidental 
or  contingent.  Hamilton,  however,  subdivides  sec- 
ondarj'  qualities  into  secondary  and  secundo-primary, 
a  distinction  now  generally  considered  to  be  ill- 
founded.  The  mental  powers  are  divided  into  intel- 
lectual and  active,  a  distinction  corresponding  to  the 
peripatetic  classification  of  cognitive  and  appetitive. 
All  cognition  has  thus  an  intellectual  element,  and 
takes  place  by  way  of  suggestion,  or  association  (a 
theory  in  which  Reid  was  anticipated  by  Hutcheson). 
In  cognition  the  mind  is  partly  active  and  partly 
passive;  the  notion  that  it  is  a  mere  receptacle  for 
ideas  is  rejected.  Consciousness  is  regarded  by  Reid 
as  a  separate  faculty,  somewhat  resembling  the  scho- 
lastic sensus  communis:  Brown  and  Hamilton  dissent 
from  this  view,  holding  "consciousness"  to  be  merely 
a  general  expression  for  the  fundamental  condition  of 
all  mental  activity.  The  idea  of  causality,  which 
implies  the  universal  necessity  of  causation,  cannot 
be  educed  from  experience,  since  necessity  (as  opposed 
to  mere  invariableness)  cannot  be  known  by  expe- 
rience; it  is  therefore  an  original  principle  in  the 
mind.  In  like  manner,  the  will  is  known  imme- 
diately as  free;  its  freedom  is  not  susceptible  of  proof 
but  is  intuitively  recognized;  and  it  is  from  the  eon- 


COMMUNE 


168 


COMMUNE 


sciousness  of  will-power  in  ourselves  that  we  derive 
our  notion  of  causation.  Brown,  however,  while  ac- 
cepting Reid's  intuitional  view  of  the  idea  of  causality, 
inclines  towards  Hume  in  his  definition  of  causation 
as  no  more  than  invariable  sequence;  he  also  differs 
from  Reid  in  malcing  will  a  modification  of  desire  or 
appetite.  The  belief  in  the  uniformity  of  nature,  on 
which  all  scientific  discovery  is  based,  is  held  by  Reid 
to  be  an  original  principle  in  the  mind.  Conscience, 
or  the  moral  sense,  is  taken  to  be  an  original  faculty 
by  the  Common  Sense  School  in  general,  with  the 
exception  of  Mackintosh,  who  derives  the  so-called 
faculty  in  great  measure  from  the  influence  of  social 
experience  upon  the  will. 

The  psychological  analysis  of  this  school  is  valu- 
able; but  its  main  principle  has  been  considerably 
weakened  by  contact  with  Kantian  criticism  and  the 
evolutionist  doctrine,  and  with  Hamilton  lost  much 
of  its  polemical  effectiveness.  "Tlie  philosophy  of 
Common  Sense,  devised  by  Reid  as  a  safeguard  against 
Scepticism  and  Idealism,  was  so  transmuted  l)y 
Hamilton  as  to  lead  back  again  to  the  conclusion  that 
nothing  can  be  known,  and  consequently  that  nothing 
can  be  affirmed  or  denied,  beyond  the  fleeting  phenom- 
ena of  consciousness"  (Laurie,  Scottish  Philosophy, 
p.  291).  In  France,  Royer-Collard  (1763-1845)  in- 
troduced the  principles  of  the  Scottish  School ;  Jouffroy 
(1796-1842)  translated  the  works  of  Reid;  and 
Cousin  (1792-1867)  in  his  "Philosophic  ^cossaise" 
praised  Reid's  philosophy  in  the  highest  terms.  It 
may  be  safely  said  that  the  materialistic  tendency  of 
French  speculation  was  checked  by  the  influences 
derived  from  the  philosophy  of  common  sense. 

HuTCHEsON,  Essay  on  the  Passions  and  Affections  (London, 
172S);  Idem,  Metaphysical  Synopsis  (London,  1742);  Idem, 
System  of  Moral  Phil.  (Glasgow,  1755);  Reu),  Works,  with 
preface,  notes,  and  dissertation  by  Hamilton  (Edinburgh, 
1846);  new  ed.  by  Mansel  (1863);  Buffier.  Premieres  Verili-s 
(tr.  London,  1781),  "with  a  detection  of  the  plagiarism,  conceal- 
ment and  ingratitude  of  Drs.  Reid,  Beattie  and  Oswald". 
JotjFFRoY.  (Eiivres  completes  dc  Reid  (Paris,  1829);  Oswald, 
Appeal  to  Common  Sense  (Edinburgh,  1768);  Beattie,  Essay  on 
Truth  (Aberdeen,  1770);  Idem,  Elements  of  Moral  Science 
(1790);  Priestley.  Examination  of  Reid,  etc.  (London,  1774); 
Stewart.  Complete  Works  (Cambridge,  Mass..  1829-31);  ed. 
with  additions  and  memoir  by  Sir  W.  H.amilton  and  com- 
pleted by  Veitch  (Edinburgh.  1858);  Brown.  Inquiry  into 
Relation  of  Cause  and  Effect  (Edinburgh,  1804);  Idem.  Lectures 
on  the  Phil,  of  the  Human  Mind  (Edinburgh.  1820);  Mackin- 
tosh, On  the  Progress  of  Ethical  Philosophy  in  Encyc.  Brit. 
(1830);  ed.  with  preface  by  Wbewell  (Philadelphia,  1832); 
Idem,  two  papersin  Edinburgh  Review.  XXVII.  XXXVI ;  Ham- 
ilton. Lectures,  ed.  Mansel  and  Veitch  (London,  Edinburgh, 
and  Boston.  1860);  Idem.  Btsays  in  Edinburgh  Review  (1829- 
30-32);  Idem.  Metaphysics,  ed.  Bowen  (Cambridge,  Mass.. 
1870);  see  Mill.  Exam,  of  Hamilton's  Philosophy  (London, 
1865);  McCosH,  Scottish  Philosophy  (London,  1875);  Seth  (A. 
S.  Pringle-Pattison).  Scottish  Philosophy  (Edinburgh  and 
London.  1885  and  1900);  Ferrier,  Reid  and  the  Philosophy  of 
Common  Sense  (1847)  in  Ferrier's  Works  (Edinburgh  and 
London,  1883),  III,  407;  see  also  Maher,  Psychology  (London, 
1903),  33,  49.  102  sqq.;  James,  Pragmatism  (London  and  New 
York,  1907),  lect  v.;  Laurie,  Scottish  Philosophy  in  its  Na- 
tional Development  (London  anci  Glasgow,  1902). 

A.  B.  Sharpe. 

Commune,  Martyrs  of  the  Paris,  the  secu- 
lar priests  and  the  religious  who  were  murdered  in 
Paris,  in  May,  1871,  on  account  of  their  sacred  calling. 
They  may  be  divided  into  three  groups:  (1)  those  who 
on  the  24th  of  May  were  executetl  within  the  prison  of 
La  Roquette;  (2)  the  Dominican  Fathers,  who,  on  the 
following  day,  were  shot  down  at  the  Barriere  d 'Italic; 
(.■?)  the  priests  and  religious,  who,  on  the  26th  of  May, 
were  massacred  at  Belleville.  The  revolutionary 
party  which  took  possession  of  the  city  after  the  siege 
of  Paris  by  the  Prussians  began,  in  the  last  days  of 
March,  to  arrest  the  priests  and  religious  to  whom 
personal  character  or  official  position  gave  a  certain 
prominence.  No  reason  was  given  for  these  arbitrary 
measures,  except  the  hatred  with  which  the  leaders  of 
the  Commune  regarded  the  Catholic  Church  and  her 
ministers. 

(1)  At  the  head  of  the  first  group  of  martyrs  is  the 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  Monseigneur  Georges  Darboy,  to 


whom  the  discomforts  of  his  prison  life  were  pecul- 
iarly tiying  on  account  of  his  feeble  health.  His  fellow 
sufferers  were;  the  Abbe  Deguerry,  cur^  of  the  im- 
portant parish  of  La  Madeleine,  an  old  man,  well  ad- 
vanced in  years,  but  bright  and  vigorous;  the  Abb6 
AUard,  a  secular  priest,  who  had  rendered  good  service 
to  the  wounded  during  the  siege,  and  two  Jesuits, 
Fathers  Ducoudray  and  Clerc.  The  first  was  rector 
of  the  Ecole  Sainte-Genevieve,  a  well  known  prepara- 
tory school  for  the  army;  the  second  had  been  a  dis- 
tinguished naval  oflicer;  both  were  gifted  and  holy 
men.  To  these  five  ecclesiastics  was  added  a  magis- 
trate, Senator  Bonjean.  After  several  weeks  of  con- 
finement, first  in  the  prison  of  Mazas,  then  at  La  Ro- 
quette, these  six  prisoners  were  executed  on  24  May. 
'There  was  no  pretence  made  of  judging  them,  neither 
was  any  accusation  brought  against  them.  The  revo- 
lutionary party  still  heW  possession  of  the  east  side  of 
Paris,  but  the  regidar  army,  whose  head-quarters  were 
at  Versailles,  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  leaders  of 
the  Commune,  made  desperate  by  failure,  wished  to 
inflict  what  evil  they  could  on  an  enemy  they  no  longer 
hoped  to  conquer.  The  priests  had,  one  and  all,  en- 
dured their  captivity  with  patience  and  dignity;  the 
Jesuits,  their  letters  prove  it,  had  no  illusions  as  to 
their  probable  fate;  Archbishop  Darboy  and  the  Abb6 
Deguerry  were  more  sanguine.  "  What  have  they  to 
gain  by  killing  us?  What  harm  have  we  done  them?" 
often  said  the  latter.  The  execution  took  place  in  the 
evening.  The  archbishop  absolved  his  companions, 
who  were  calm  and  recollected.  They  were  told  to 
stand  against  a  wall,  within  the  precincts  of  the  prison, 
and  here  they  were  shot  down  at  close  quartere  by 
twenty  men,  enlisted  for  the  purpose.  The  arch- 
bishop's hand  was  raised  to  give  a  liist  blessing: 
"Here,  take  my  blessing",  exclaimed  one  of  the  mur- 
derers and  by  discharging  his  gun  he  gave  the  signal 
for  the  execution. 

(2)  The  Dominican  Fathers,  who  perished  the  fol- 
lowing day.  25  May,  belonged  to  the  College  of 
Arcueil,  close  to  Paris.  Their  superior  was  Father 
Captier,  who  founded  the  college  and  under  whose 
government  it  had  prospered.  With  him  were  four 
religious  of  his  order;  Fathers  Bourard,  Delhorme, 
Cottrault,  and  Chatagneret,  and  eight  laymen,  who 
belonged  to  the  college,  either  as  professors  or  as  serv- 
ants. They  were  arrested  on  the  19th  of  May  and 
imprisoned  in  the  outlying  fort  of  Bicetre,  where  they 
suffered  from  hunger  and  thirst.  On  the  25th  of  May 
they  were  transferred  from  Bicetre  to  a  prison  within 
the  city,  situated  on  the  Avenue  d'ltalie.  The  ex- 
citement and  anarchy  that  reigned  in  Paris,  and  the 
insults  that  were  levelled  at  the  prisoners  as  they 
were  led  from  one  prison  to  another  prepared  them 
for  the  worst;  they  made  their  confession  and  pre- 
pared for  death.  Towards  five  in  the  afternoon,  they 
were  commanded  to  go  into  the  street  one  by  one: 
Father  Captier,  whose  strong  faith  sustained  his  com- 
panions' courage,  turned  to  them:  "Let  us  go,  my 
friends,  for  the  sake  of  God".  The  street  wasfilled 
with  armed  men  who  discharged  their  guns  at  the 
prisoners  as  they  passed.  Father  Captier  was  mor- 
tally wounded;  his  companions  fell  here  and  there; 
some  were  killed  on  the  spot;  others  lingered  on  till 
their  assassins  put  them  out  of  pain.  Their  dead 
bodies  remained  for  twenty-four  hours  on  the  ground, 
exposed  to  every  insult ;  only  the  next  morning,  when 
the  troops  from  Versailles  had  conquered  the  Com- 
mune, were  they  claimed  by  the  victims'  friends  and 
conveyed  to  Arcueil. 

C.i)  The  third  group  of  martyrs  perished  on  the  26th 
of  May ;  the  revolutionists  were  now  driven  back  by 
the  steady  advance  of  the  regular  troops,  and  only  the 
heights  of  Belleville  were  still  in  possession  of  the 
Commune.  Over  fifty  prisoners  were  taken  from  the 
prison  of  La  Roquette  and  conducted  on  foot  to  this 
last  stronghold  of  the  revolution.     Among  them  were 


OOMMUNICATIO 


169 


COMMUNION 


eleven  ecclesiastics:  three  Jesuits,  four  members  of 
the  Congregation  of  the  Sacred  Hearts  of  Jesus  and 
Mary,  three  secular  priests,  and  one  seminarist.  All 
displayed  heroic  courage;  the  best  known  among 
them  was  Father  Olivaint,  rector  of  the  Jesuit  house 
of  the  Rue  de  SinTes,  who  thirsted  for  martjTdom. 
After  a  painful  journey  through  the  streets,  which 
were  filled  with  an  infuriated  rabble,  the  prisoners 
were  driven  into  an  enclosure,  called  the  cite  Vin- 
cennes,  on  the  heights  of  Belleville.  Here  they  were 
literally  hacked  to  pieces  by  a  crowd  of  men,  women, 
and  even  children.  There  was  no  attempt  to  organize 
a  regular  execution  like  the  one  at  La  Roquette;  the 
massacre  lasted  an  hour,  and  most  of  the  iiodies  were 
disfigured  beyond  recognition.  Only  a  few  hours 
later  the  regular  troops  forced  their  way  to  La  Ro- 
quette, delivered  the  prisoners  that  still  remained 
there,  and  took  possession  of  Belleville,  the  last 
stronghold  of  the  Commune. 

Dti  Camp.  Cnnvulsions  de  Pnri.i  (Paris.  1883);  Reynier.  Fie 
du  R.  P.  Caplur.  fowlnleur  ,1,  fEcole  d'Arcueil  (Paris,  1875); 
DE  PoNLEVov,  Ac!rs  dr  la  cnpttviti'  et  de  la  mart  des  RR.  PP. 
Olivninl.  Dimiulmn,  Cauberl.  Clirc,  de  Bengy  (Paris,  1894); 
FouLON,  Hist,  de  la  vie  et  des  a:uvres  de  MgT  Darboy  (Paris, 

1889).  Barbara  de  Courson. 

Communicatio  Idiomatum,  a  technical  expression 
in  the  theology  of  the  Incarnation.  It  means  that 
the  priipertie.s  of  the  Divine  Word  can  be  ascribed  to 
the  man  Christ,  and  that  the  properties  of  the  man 
Christ  can  be  predicated  of  the  Word.  The  language 
of  Scripture  and  of  the  Fathers  shows  that  such  a 
mutual  interchange  of  predicates  is  legitimate;  in  this 
article  its  source  and  the  rules  determining  its  use  will 
be  briefly  considered. 

I.  Source. — The  source  of  the  communicatio  idio- 
matum is  not  to  be  sought  in  the  close  moral  union 
between  Christ  and  God  as  maintained  by  the  Nesto- 
rians,  nor  in  Christ's  fullness  of  grace  and  supernatural 
gifts,  nor,  again,  in  the  fact  that  the  Word  owns  the 
human  nature  of  Christ  by  right  of  creation.  God  the 
Father  and  the  Holy  Ghost  have  the  same  right  and 
interest  as  the  Son  in  all  created  things  except  in  the 
human  natiu-e  of  Jesus  Christ.  This  the  Son  by 
Assumption  has  made  His  own  in  a  way  that  it  is  not 
theirs,  i.  e.  by  the  incommunicable  property  of  per- 
sonal union.  In  Christ  there  is  one  person  with  two 
natures,  the  human  and  the  Divine.  In  ordinary 
language  all  the  properties  of  a  subject  are  predicated 
of  its  person;  consequently  the  properties  of  Christ's 
two  natures  must  be  predicated  of  His  one  person, 
since  they  have  only  one  subject  of  predication.  He 
Who  is  the  Word  of  God  on  account  of  His  eternal 
generation  is  also  the  subject  of  human  properties; 
and  He  Who  is  the  man  Christ  on  account  of  having 
assumed  human  nature  is  the  subject  of  Divine 
attributes.     Christ  is  God;  God  is  man. 

II.  Use. — The  communicatio  idiomatum  is  based 
on  the  oneness  of  person  subsisting  in  the  two  natures 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Hence  it  can  be  used  as  long  as  both 
the  subject  and  the  predicate  of  a  sentence  stand  for 
the  person  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  present  a  common  sul> 
ject  of  predication.  For  in  this  case  we  simply  affirm 
that  He  Who  svibsists  in  the  Divine  nature  and  pos- 
sesses certain  Divine  properties  is  the  same  as  He  Who 
subsists  in  the  human  nature  and  possesses  certain 
human  properties.  The  following  considerations  will 
show  the  application  of  this  principle  more  in  detail: — 

(1)  In  general,  concrete  terms  stand  for  the  person: 
hence,  statements  interchanging  the  Divine  and  hu- 
man properties  of  (Jhrist  are,  generally  speaking,  cor- 
rect if  both  their  subjects  and  predicates  be  concrete 
terms.  We  may  safely  say,  "  God  is  man  ",  though  we 
must  obser\'e  certain  cautions:  (a)  Tlie  concrete 
human  names  of  Christ  desiribt^  His  person  according 
to  His  human  nature.  They  |>nsuppose  the  Incarna- 
tion, and  their  application  to  Christ  previoiLsly  to  the 
completion  of  the  hypostatic  union  would  involve  the 


Nestorian  view  that  Christ's  human  nature  had  its 
own  subsistence.  Consequently,  such  expressions  as 
''man  became  God"  are  to  be  avoided,  (b)  Concrete 
terms  used  reduplicatively  emphasize  the  nature 
rather  than  the  person.  The  statement  ''  God  as  God 
has  suffered''  means  that  God  according  to  His  Divine 
nature  has  suffered:  needless  to  say,  such  statements 
are  false,  (e)  Certain  expressions,  though  correct  in 
themselves,  are  for  extrinsic  reasons,  inadmissible;  the 
st,atement  "One  of  the  Trinity  was  crucified"  was 
misapplied  in  a  Monophysite  sense  and  was  therefore 
forbidden  by  Pope  Hormisdas;  the  .\rians  misinter- 
preted the  words  "Christ  is  a  creature";  both  .Brians 
and  Nestorians  raLsused  the  expressions  "Christ  had  a 
beginning"  and  "Christ  is  less  than  the  Father"  or 
•'less  than  God";  the  Docetists  abused  the  terms 
"incorporeal"  and  "impassible". 

(2)  Abstract  terms  generally  stand  for  their  re- 
spective nature.  Now  in  Christ  there  are  two  natures. 
Hence  statements  interchanging  the  Divine  and 
human  properties  of  Christ  are,  generally  speaking, 
incorrect  if  their  subject  and  predicate,  either  one  or 
both,  be  abstract  terms.  We  cannot  say,  "the 
Divinity  is  mortal",  or,  "the  humanity  is  increated". 
The  following  cautions,  however,  must  be  added: 
(a)  Aside  from  the  personal  relations  in  God  there  is 
no  real  distinction  admissible  in  Him.  Hence  ab- 
stract names  and  attributes  of  God,  though  standing 
formally  for  the  Divine  nature,  imply  really  also  the 
Divine  persons.  Absolutely  speaking,  we  may  re- 
place a  concrete  Divine  name  by  its  corresponding 
abstract  one  and  still  keep  the  communicatio  idio- 
matum. Thus  we  may  say,  "Omnipotence  was  cruci- 
fied", in  the  sense  that  He  Who  is  omnipotent 
(Omnipotence)  is  the  same  as  He  Who  was  crucified. 
But  such  expressions  are  liable  to  be  misunderstood 
and  great  care  must  be  exercised  in  their  use.  (b) 
There  is  less  danger  in  the  use  of  those  abstract  terms 
which  express  attributes  appropriated  to  the  Second 
Person  of  the  Trinity.  We  may  say,  "  Eternal  Wis- 
dom became  man",  (c)  There  is  no  communicatio 
idiomatum  between  the  two  natures  of  Christ,  or 
between  the  Word  and  the  human  nature  as  such  or 
its  parts.  The  fimdamcntal  error  of  the  Ubiquitists 
(q.  v.)  consists  in  predicating  of  the  human  nature  or 
of  humanity  the  properties  of  the  Divine  nature.  We 
cannot  say  that  "the  Word  is  the  humanity",  and 
still  less  that  "the  Word  is  the  soul"  or  "the  body  of 
Christ". 

(3)  In  statements  which  interchange  the  Divine  and 
the  hvunan  properties  of  Christ,  care  must  be  taken  not 
to  deny  or  destroy  one  of  Christ's  natures  or  its  prop- 
erties. This  is  apt  to  be  done:  (a)  In  negative  sen- 
tences: though  it  be  true  that  Christ  did  not  die 
according  to  His  Divine  nature,  we  cannot  say, 
"Christ  did  not  die",  without  impairing  His  human 
nature;  (b)  in  exclusive  sentences:  if  we  say,  "Christ 
is  only  God"  or  "Christ  is  only  man",  we  destroy 
either  His  human  or  His  Divine  nature;  (c)  in  the  use 
of  ambiguous  terms:  the  .\rians,  the  Nestorians,  and 
the  .\doptionLsts  misused  the  term  "servant",  infer- 
ring from  the  expression,  "Christ  is  the  servant  of 
God",  conclusions  agreeing  with  their  respective 
heresies.  (For  the  use  of  the  communicatio  idioma- 
tum in  a  wider  sense,  i.  e.  as  applied  to  the  Body  of 
Christ  and  the  Sacramental  Species,  see  Eucharist. 
See  also  Incarn.\tion;  Jesus  Chri.st.) 

St.  Thomas.  Sumtnn  Thi„l.,  III.  Q.  xvi;  Iiiem.  Led.  ii  in  I 
Cor.,  ii:  Petaviils.  T)<  Inamuitmnr,  W.  I.'»  Ifi  (especially  for 
doctrine  of  the  F'atlicr.;':  W'll.lliJAt  AVn  S(\nni:ll.  A  Manual 
of  Catholic  Theolng,,  ( I,.in<l.Mi,  Isosi.  II;  Fii\NZEi.iN,  De  Verba 
Inmrnalo  (Rome,  LS.Sl  I;  PoEiLi:,  Lehrbuch  d.  Dogmalik  (Pader- 
born,  19031,  II.  A.   J.    Maas. 

Communion,  Hoi.v.     See  Holy  Communion. 

Communion-Antiphon. — The  term  Communion 
(('(immuitio)  is  used,  not  only  for  the  reception  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist,  but  also  as  a  shortened  form  for  the 


COMMUNION 


170 


COMMUNION 


antiphon  (Aniiphona  ad  Communionem)  that  was 
originally  sung  while  the  people  were  receiving  the 
Blessed  Sacrament,  but  which  has  now  been  displaced, 
so  as  to  follow  that  moment.  In  the  Ambrosian  Rite 
this  antiphon  is  called  the  Transilorium,  apparently 
because  the  celebrant  after  the  Communion  goes  over 
{transit)  to  the  Epistle  side  of  the  altar  to  read  it.  It 
is  the  fourth  and  last  of  the  changeable  parts  of  the 
Mass  (Proprium)  sung  by  the  choir  (Introit,  Gradual, 
Offertory,  Communion),  and  is  at  least  as  old  as  the 
fourth  century.  In  St.  Augustine's  time  (d.  430), 
together  with  the  Offertory-Autiphon,  it  had  lately 
been  introduced  into  Africa ;  he  wrote  a  treatise  (Con- 
tra Hilarium)  to  defend  their  use  (Duchesne,  Origines, 
160, 179).  But  the  present  Communion  is  only  a  frag- 
ment of  the  older  chant.  It  was  originally  a  psalm, 
with  the  Gloria  Patri,  preceded  and  concluded  by  an 
antiphon.  The  First  Roman  Ordo  (about  770)  con- 
tains the  direction:  "As  soon  as  the  pontiff  begins 
to  give  Communion  in  the  Senatorium  [where  the 
most  distinguished  people  stood]  at  once  the  choir 
begins  the  antiphon  for  the  Communion,  singing  it 
alternately  with  the  subdeacons;  and  they  go  on  until 
all  the  people  have  received  Communion.  Then  the 
pontiff  makes  a  sign  to  them  to  sing  the  Gloria  Patri; 
and  so,  when  they  have  repeated  the  antiphon  [repe- 
tito  versu]  they  st«p"  (ed.  Atchley,  144).  This  is  the 
first  definite  rubric  we  have  about  the  Communio.  It 
shows  us  that  it  was  to  be  sung  while  the  celebrant 
goes  around  to  Communicate  the  people ;  and  that  it 
consisted  of  a  psalm,  sung  alternately  with  its  anti- 
phon, as  were,  at  that  time,  also  the  Introit  and  Offer- 
tory. So  also  Micrologus  (Bernold  of  Constance,  d. 
1100)  says  that  when  the  people  Communicate, 
"meanwhile  the  antiphon  is  sung  which  takes  its 
name  from  the  Communion,  to  which  a  psalm  must 
be  added  with  its  Gloria  Patri  if  need  be"  (ch.  xviii  in 
Migne,  P.  L.,  C'LI,  973  sq.).  It  was,  then,  like  the 
other  three  parts  that  make  up  the  Proprium  of  the 
choir,  a  chant  to  be  sung  so  as  to  fill  up  the  time  while 
the  clergy  were  engaged  in  some  action. 

The  two  changes  in  its  history  are  that  it  has  been 
removed  to  its  place  after  the  Communion  and  has 
been  shortened.  Its  postponement  began  in  the 
twelfth  century.  Abbot  Rupert  of  Deutz  (d.  113.5) 
says:  "The  chant  that  we  call  the  Communion,  which 
we  sing  after  the  heavenlv  food,  is  a  thanksgi\'ing" 
(De  div.  off.,  II,  xviii,  in  M'igne,  P.  L.,  CLXX,  13  sq.), 
and  Durandus:  "The  aatiphon,  which  is  called  Post- 
communion  by  many  because  it  is  sung  after  the  Com- 
munion ..."  (Rationale,  IV,  56).  But  he  goes  on  to 
describe  the  final  collect  as  that  which  "is  properly 
called  Post-communion"  (ib.,  57).  There  are  other 
instances  of  this  antiphon  occasionally  being  called 
Post-Communion.  The  reason  of  its  removal  seems 
to  have  been,  on  the  one  hand,  the  place  of  the  .\gnus 
Dei,  which  at  that  time  began  to  be  sung  during  the 
Communion,  and  to  be  repeated  thrice,  thus  taking  up 
more  time  (Gihr,  Messopfer.  671);  on  the  other  hand, 
the  gradual  lessening  of  the  number  of  communicants 
at  high  Mass.  Its  shortened  form  is  part  of  the  cur- 
tailing of  all  the  prayers  of  the  Mass  that  was  the  re- 
sult of  the  multiplication  of  low  Mas.ses.  Only  in 
requiems  have  we  a  remnant  of  the  older  form.  Here 
after  the  first  verse  (Lux  sterna)  follows  an  antiphon 
(Cum  Sanctis  tuis),  then  the  "Requiem  oeternam" — 
last  vestige  of  the  psalm — and  the  antiphon  is  re- 
peated. Otherwise  the  Communion  is  always  one 
.short  antiphon,  sung  by  the  choir  immediately  after 
the  Agnus  Dei,  and  said  by  the  celebrant  after  the 
Communion.  It  is  generally  a  verse  from  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, referring,  not  to  the  I'loly  Kucluirist,  but  rather 
to  the  feast  which  is  celeliratcd  or  to  the  special  season 
{de  tempore)  or  to  the  purpose  (in  votives)  for  which  the 
Mass  is  ofTered.  Bvit  not  seldom  it  is  a  text  taken 
from  some  other  source,  or  specially  composed  for  this 
use.     It  is  always  said  by  the  priest  at  the  altar.  Since 


the  common  use  of  low  Mass,  in  which  he  substitutes 
the  choir's  part  himself,  the  rule  is  that  the  priest  also 
says  whatever  is  sung  by  them.  As  soon  as  he  has  ar- 
ranged the  chalice  and  paten  in  the  middle  of  the  altar 
(at  high  Mass  the  subdeacon  does  this,  and  takes  them 
to  the  credence-table)  he  goes  with  joined  hands  to  the 
Missal,  which  has  been  replaced  at  the  Epistle  side, 
and  there,  the  hands  still  joined,  reads  the  Commun- 
ion from  the  Proprium.  He  then  comes  back  to  the 
middle  for  the  Dominus  vobiscum  before  the  Post- 
Communion. 

Rubrical  Generales.  XIII,  1;  Ritus  eel.  XI,  1;  Atchley,  Ordo 
Romcnus  Primus  (London,  1905);  Benedict  XIV,  DeSS.  Missm 
Sacrijicio,  II,  xxiv;  GlHR.  Das  heilige  Messopfer  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1S971.  II.  171.  706-708;  Duchesne,  Origines  du  culte  Chre- 
tien (2nrl  ed..  Paris,  1S9S).  166,  179;  De  Herdt,  .S.  Liturgia 
Praxis  (9tli  ed..  Louvain.  1894).  389-390.  480-^83;  Mohan, 
Essays  an  the  Origin.  Doctrine  and  Discipline  of  the  Early  Irish 
Church  (Dublin  1864)  165-66;  also  P.  L..  LXX,  580. 

Adri.^n  Fortescue. 

Communion-Bench,  an  adaptation  of  the  sanctu- 
ary-guard or  altar-rail.  [See  sub-title  AUar-Rdil  s.  v. 
Alt.\r  (In  Liturgy).]  Standing  in  front  of  this  bar- 
rier, in  a  space  called  the  chancel,  or  pectoral,  the 
faithful  were  wont  in  early  times  to  receive  Holy  Com- 
munion, the  men  taking  the  Consecrated  Bread  into 
their  hands  and  the  women  receiving  it  on  a  white 
cloth,  called  the  domenical,  while  deacons  adminis- 
tered the  Precious  Blood  which  each  took  through  a 
reed  of  gold  or  silver.  About  the  twelfth  century 
when  the  custom  arose  of  receix'ing  under  one  kind 
only,  the  priests  placed  the  small  Hosts  on  the  tongues 
of  the  commimicants  at  the  chancel-rail.  Later  on, 
about  the  fifteenth  century  the  practice  was  intro- 
duced of  receiving  Holy  Commimion  kneeling,  and  so 
the  altar-rail  gradually  came  to  assume  a  form  better 
suited  to  its  modern  use,  and  like  what  it  is  at  present 
(Bourasse,  Diet.  D'Arch.,  Paris,  1851).  When  large 
crowds  approach  the  altar  on  special  occasions  so  that 
the  ordinary  accommodation  for  receiving  is  not  ade- 
quate, a  row  of  prie-Dieu  or  benches  provided  with 
Commimion  cloths  or  cards,  with  a  lighted  candle  at 
the  end  of  each  row,  may  be  arranged  aroimd  the 
chancel.     (Cong,  of  Rites,  Deer.  3086,  Nov.  ed.) 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Communion-Cloth.    See  Altajr,  under  Altar-Rail. 

Communion  of  Children. — In  order  to  get  some 
insight  into  the  historical  aspect  of  this  subject  it  will 
be  useful  to  dwell  upon  (1)  the  ancient  practice,  and 
(2)  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church  in  regard  to  the 
Communion  of  children. 

(1)  Ancient  Practice. — It  is  now  well  established 
that  in  the  early  days  of  Christianity  it  was  not  un- 
common for  infants  to  receive  Communion  immedi- 
ately after  they  were  baptized.  Among  others  St. 
Cj-prian  (Lib.  de  Lapsis,  c.  .xxv)  makes  reference  to 
the  practice.  In  the  East  the  custom  was  pretty  uni- 
versal, and  even  to  this  day  exists  in  some  places,  but 
in  the  West  infant  Communion  was  not  so  general. 
Here,  moreover,  it  was  restricted  to  the  occasions  of 
baptism  and  dangerous  illness.  Probably  it  origi- 
nated in  a  mistaken  notion  of  the  absolute  necessity  of 
the  Blessed  Eucharist  for  salvation,  founded  on  the 
words  of  St.  John  (vi,  54).  In  the  reign  of  Charle- 
magne an  edict  was  published  by  a  Council  of  Tours 
(813)  prohibiting  the  reception  by  young  children  of 
Communion  imless  they  were  in  danger  of  death 
(Zaccaria,  Bibl.  Rit.,  II,  p.  161)  and  Odo,  Bishop  of 
Paris,  renewed  this  prohibition  in  1175.  Still  the 
custom  died  hard,  for  wc  find  traces  of  it  in  Hugh  of 
St.  Victor  (De  Sacr.,  I,  c.  20)  and  Martene  (De  Ant.  Ecc. 
Rit.,  I  bk.,  I,  c.  15)  alleges  that  it  had  not  altogether 
disappeared  in  his  own  day.  The  manner  of  Commu- 
nicating infants  was  by  dipping  the  finger  in  the  con- 
secrated chalice  and  tlien  a]iplying  it  1o  the  tongue  of 
the  child.  This  would  seem  to  imply  that  it  was  only 
the  Precious  Blood  that  was  administered,  but  evi- 


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171 


COMMUNION 


donee  is  not  wanting  to  show  that  the  other  Conse- 
crated Species  was  also  given  in  similar  circumstances 
(cf.  Sebastiano  Giribaldi,  Op.  Mor.,  I,  c.  72).  That  in- 
fants and  children  not  yet  come  to  the  use  of  reason 
may  not  only  validly  but  even  fruitfully  receive  the 
Blessed  Eucharist  is  now  the  universally  received 
opinion,  but  it  is  opposed  to  Catholic  teaching  to  hold 
that  this  sacrament  is  necessaiy  for  their  salvation 
(Council  of  Trent,  Sess.  XXI,  can.  iv). 

II.  Present  Discipline. — The  existing  legislation 
with  regard  to  the  Communion  of  children  has  been 
definitely  settled  by  the  Fourth  Latcran  Council,  which 
was  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Trent.  According  to  its  provisions  chil- 
dren may  not  be  admitted  to  the  Blessed  Eucharist 
until  they  have  attained  to  years  of  discretion,  but 
when  this  period  is  reached  then  they  are  bound  to  re- 
ceive this  sacrament.  '\\'hen  may  they  be  said  to  have 
attained  the  age  of  discretion?  In  the  best-supported 
view  of  theologians  this  phrase  means,  not  the  attain- 
ment of  a  definite  number  of  years,  but  rather  the  ar- 
rival at  a  certain  stage  in  mental  development,  when 
children  become  able  to  discern  the  Eucharist  ic  from 
ordinary  bread,  to  realize  in  some  measure  the  dignity 
and  excellence  of  the  Sacrament  of  the  .\ltar,  to  be- 
lieve in  the  Real  Presence,  and  adore  Christ  under  the 
sacramental  veils.  De  Lugo  (De  Euch.,  disp.  xiii,  n. 
36,  Ben.  XIV,  De  Syn.,  vii)  says  that  if  children  are 
observed  to  assist  at  Mass  with  devotion  and  attention 
it  is  a  sign  that  they  are  come  to  this  discretion. 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  a  keener  religious  sense,  so  to 
speak,  is  demanded  for  the  reception  of  Communion 
than  for  confession.  Moreover,  it  is  agreed  that  children 
in  danger  of  death  ought  to  be  admitted  to  Communion 
even  though  they  may  not  have  the  same  degree  of 
fitness  that  would  be  required  in  ordinary  circum- 
stances. In  answer  to  a  question  as  to  whether  a  cer- 
tain episcopal  ordinance  should  be  \ipheld  that  fixed  a 
definite  age-limit  under  which  children  could  not  be 
admitted  to  First  Communion,  the  Congregation  of 
the  Council  replied  in  the  aflfirmative,  provided,  how- 
ever, that  those  children  adjudged  to  have  reached  the 
discretion  required  by  the  Councils  of  Lateran  and 
Trent  might  not  be  excluded  (21  July,  1888).  This 
reply  bears  out  the  interpretation  already  given  of 
"the  years  of  discretion"  and  it  may  be  said  in  the 
wordsof  the  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (pt.  II,  e. 
iv,  q.  6.3)  that  "no  one  can  better  determine  the  age 
at  which  the  sacred  mysteries  should  be  given  to  young 
children  than  their  parents  and  confessor". 

The  duty  of  preparing  candidates  for  First  Commu- 
nion is  the  most  important  that  can  fall  to  the  lot  of  a 
pastor  (O'Kane,  Rubrics  of  Rom.  Kit.,  p.  391).  This  is 
amply  recognized  by  the  Church  in  every  countrj',  for 
almost  every  diocese  has  its  statutes  regulating  with 
scrupulous  exactness  all  the  preliminaries  of  this 
sacred  and  solemn  event  (cf.  Deer,  of  III  Plen.  Bait., 
no.  217,  218,  etc.).  A  long  course  of  religious  instruc- 
tion is  usually  prescribed  while  the  moral  training  and 
virtuous  formation  of  the  mind  is  also  urgently  in- 
sisted upon.  In  regard  to  First  Communion  it  may 
be  observed:  (I)  that  it  should  take  place  during  pas- 
cal time;  (2)  that  it  should  be  received  as  a  rule  in  the 
parochial  church,  unless  the  consent  of  the  pastor  is 
had  for  receiving  it  elsewhere;  (.3)  that  no  effort 
should  be  spared  to  fix  the  occasion  indelibly  on  the 
mind  of  the  young  communicant;  and  (4)  that  for 
this  purpose  the  Mass  at  which  it  is  received  should  be 
celebrated  with  special  solemnity,  boys  and  girls  being 
suitably  attired  and  assigned  to  separate  sections  of 
the  church.  A  short  address  may  be  given  in  this 
case  immediatelv  before  the  distribution  of  Commu- 
nion (De  Ilerdt'  Praxis  Lit.,  I,  277;  Rom.  Rit.,  De 
Euch.,  t.  XXIII).  The  decree  "Sacra  Tridentina 
Synodus",  published  Dec,  190.5,  about  daily  Commu- 
nion applies  to  all  persons,  young  and  old,  who  have 
made  their  First  Communion  ( Anal.  Eccl. ,  1906,  p.  833) . 


In  addition  to  the  ordinary  handbooks  on  Christian  doctrine, 
see  also:  De  Lugo,  De  Sand.  Euch.  Sacr.,  disp.  xiii;  Liguori, 
Tlieot.  Mor..  I,  lib.  VI;  Lehmkuhl.  Thcol.  Mor.  Comp..  II; 
Gaspabrj,  Tract.  Can.  de  Euch.,  II;  GuiR.  L'Eucharislie. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Communion  of  Saints  {communio  sanctorum, 
Koivuuia  ayiuiv.  a  fellowshiii  of,  or  with,  the  saints),  the 
doctrine  expressed  in  the  second  clause  of  the  ninth 
article  in  the  received  text  of  the  Apostles'  Creed;  I 
believe  .  .  .  the  Holy  Catholic  Church,  the  Commu- 
nion of  Saints.  This,  probably  the  latest,  addition  to 
the  old  Roman  Symbol,  is  found  in  the  Gallican  Lit- 
urgy of  the  seventh  century  (P.  L.,  LXXII,  .349,  597) ; 
in  some  letters  of  the  Pseudo-Augustine  (P.  L., 
XXXIX,  2189,  2191,  2194),  now  credited  to  St. 
(\esarius  of  .\rlcs  (c.  .543);  in  the  "De  Spiritu  Sancto" 
(P.  L.,  LXII,  11),  ascribed  to  Faustus  of  Riez  (c.  460); 
in  the  "Explanatio  Symboli"  (P.  L.,  LII,  871)  of 
Nicetas  of  Remesiana  (c.  400) ;  and  in  two  documents 
of  uncertain  date,  the  "Fides  Hieronyini"  (Analecta 
Maredsolana,  1903),  and  an  Armenian  confession 
(Hahn,  Bibliothek  der  Symbole,  §  128).  On  these 
facts  critics  have  built  various  theories.  Harnack 
(Das  apost.  Glaubensbekenntniss,  Berlin,  1892,  p.  31) 
holds  the  addition  to  be  a  protest  against  Vigilantius, 
who  condemned  the  veneration  of  the  saints;  and  he 
connects  that  protest  with  Faustus  in  Southern  Gaul 
and  probably  also  with  Nicetas  in  Pannonia,  who  was 
influenced  by  the  "Catecheses"  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusa- 
lem. Swete  (The  Apostles'  Creed,  London,  1894) 
sees  in  it  at  first  a  reaction  against  the  separatism  of 
the  Donatists,  therefore  an  African  and  Augustinian 
conception  bearing  only  on  church  membership,  the 
higher  meaning  of  fellowship  with  the  departed  saints 
having  been  introduced  later  by  Faustus.  Morin 
thinks  that  it  originated,  with  an  anti-Donatist  mean- 
ing, in  Ai-menia,  whence  it  passed  to  Pannonia,  Gaul, 
the  British  Isles,  Spain,  etc.,  gathering  new  meanings 
in  the  course  of  its  travels  till  it  finally  resulted  in  the 
Catholic  synthesis  of  medieval  theologians.  These 
and  many  other  conjectures  leave  undisturbed  the 
traditional  doctrine,  ably  represented  by  Kirsch,  ac- 
cording to  which  the  communion  of  saints,  whereso- 
ever it  was  introduced  into  the  Creed,  is  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  Scriptural  teaching,  and  chiefly  of 
the  baptismal  formula;  still  the  value  of  the  dogma 
does  not  rest  on  the  solution  of  that  historical  prob- 
lem. 

Catholic  Doctrine. — The  communion  of  saints  is 
the  spiritual  solidarity  which  binds  together  the  faith- 
ful on  earth,  the  souls  in  purgatory,  and  the  saints  in 
heaven  in  the  organic  unity  of  the  same  mystical  body 
under  Christ  its  head,  and  in  a  constant  interchange  of 
supernatural  offices.  The  participants  in  that  soli- 
darity are  called  saints  by  reason  of  their  destination 
and  of  their  partaking  of  the  fruits  of  the  Redemption 
(I  Cor.,  i,  2 — Greek  Text).  The  damned  are  thus  ex- 
cluded from  the  communion  of  saints.  The  living, 
even  if  they  do  not  belong  to  the  body  of  the  true 
Church,  share  in  it  according  to  the  measure  of  their 
union  with  Christ  and  with  the  soul  of  the  Church. 
St.  Thomas  teaches  (III,  Q.  viii,  a.  4)  that  the  angels, 
though  not  redeemed,  enter  the  communion  of  saints 
because  they  come  under  Christ's  power  and  receive  of 
His  gratia  capitis.  The  solidarity  itself  implies  a  vari- 
ety of  inter-relations;  within  the  (■hurch  ^Iilitant,  not 
only  the  participation  in  the  same  faith,  .sacraments, 
and  government,  but  also  a  mutual  exchange  of  ex- 
amjilcs.  prayers,  merits,  and  satisfactions;  between 
the  Chiu-ch  on  earth  on  the  one  hand,  and  purgatory 
and  heaven  on  the  other,  suffrages,  invocation,  inter- 
cession, veneration.  These  connotations  belong  here 
only  in  so  far  as  they  integrate  the  transcendent  idea 
of  spiritual  solidarity  between  all  the  children  of  God. 
Thvis  understood,  the  communion  of  saints,  though 
forni.-dly  defined  onlv  in  its  particular  bearings  (Coun- 
cil of  Trent,  Sess.  XXV,  decrees  on  purgatory;  on  the 


COMMUNION 


172 


COMMUNION 


invocation,  veneration,  and  relics  of  saints  and  on 
sacred  images;  on  indulgences),  is,  nevertheless,  a 
dogma  commonly  taught  and  accepted  in  the  t'hurch. 
(See  Holden, " Di'vina>  fidei  analysis" in Migne,  "Theo- 


that  the  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Pt.  I, 
cli.  x)  seems  at  first  sight  to  limit  to  the  living  the  bear- 
ing of  the  phrase  contained  in  the  Creed,  but  by  mak- 
ing the  communion  of  saints  an  exponent  and  fimction, 
as  it  were,  of  the  preceding  clause,  "  the  Holy  Catholic 
Church  ",  it  really  extends  to  what  it  calls  the  Church's 
"constituent  parts,  one  gone  before,  the  other  follow- 
ing every  day";  the  broad  principle  it  enunciates 
thus:  "every  pious  and  holy  action  done  by  one  be- 
longs and  is  profitable  to  all,  through  charity  which 
seeketh  not  her  own ' '. 

In  this  vast  Catholic  conception  rationalists  see  not 
only  a  late  creation,  but  also  an  ill-disguised  reversion 
to  a  lower  religious  type,  a  purely  mechanical  process 
of  justification,  the  substitution  of  impersonal  moral 
value  in  lieu  of  personal  responsibility.  Such  state- 
ments are  met  best  by  the  presentation  of  the  dogma 
in  its  Scriptural  basis  and  its  theological  formulation. 
The  first  spare  yet  clear  outline  of  the  communion  of 
saints  is  found  in  the  "  kingdom  of  God ' '  of  the  Synop- 
tics, not  the  individualistic  creation  of  Harnack  nor 
the  purely  eschatological  conception  of  Loisy,  but  an 
organic  whole  (Matt.,  xiii,  31),  which  embraces  in  the 
bonds  of  charity  (Matt.,  xxii,  39)  all  the  children  of 
God  (Matt.,  xix,  28;  Luke,  xx,  36)  on  earth  and  in 
heaven  (Matt.,  vi,  20),  the  angels  themselves  joining 
in  that  fraternity  of  souls  (Luke,  xv,  10).  One  cannot 
read  the  parables  of  the  kingdom  (Matt.,  xiii)  without 
perceiving  its  corporate  nature  and  the  continuity 
which  links  together  the  kingdom  in  our  midst  and  the 
kingdom  to  come.  (See  Rose,  Studies  on  the  Gospel.) 
The  nature  of  that  communion,  called  by  St.  John  a 
fellowship  with  one  another  ("a  fellowship  with  lis" — 
I  John,  i,  3)  because  it  is  "a  fellowship  with  the 
Father,  and  with  his  Son",  and  compared  by  him  to 
the  organic  and  vit<al  union  of  the  vine  and  its 
branches  (John,  xv).  stands  out  in  bold  relief  in  the 
Pauline  conception  of  the  mystical  body.  Repeatedly 
St.  Paul  speaks  of  the  one  body  whose  head  is  Christ 
(Col.,  i,  18),  whose  energizing  principle  is  charity 
(Eph.,  iv,  16),  whose  members  are  the  saints,  not  onlj' 
of  this  world,  but  also  of  the  world  to  come  (Eph.,  i, 
20;  Heb.,  xii,  22).  In  that  communion  there  is  no  loss 
of  individuality,  yet  such  an  interdependence  that  the 
saints  are  "members  one  of  another"  (Rom.,  xii,  5), 
not  only  sharing  the  same  blessings  (I  Cor.,  xii,  13)  and 
exchanging  good  offices  (ibid.,  xii,  25)  and  prayers 
(Eph.,  vi,  18),  but  also  partaking  of  the  same  corpor- 
ate life,  for  "the  whole  body  ...  by  what  every 
joint  supplieth  .  .  .  maketh  increase  .  .  .  unto  the 
edifying  of  itself  in  charity"  (Eph.,  iv,  16). 

Recent  well-known  researches  in  Christian  epi- 
graphy have  brought  out  clear  and  abundant  proof  of 
the  principal  manifestations  of  the  communion  of 
saints  in  the  early  Church.  Similar  evidence,  care- 
fully sifted  by  Kirsch,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Apostolic 
Fathers  with  an  occasional  allusion  to  the  Pauline 
conception.  For  an  attempt  at  the  formulation  of 
the  dogma  we  have  to  come  down  to  the  Alexandrian 
School.  Clement  of  .Alexandria  shows  the  "gnos- 
tic's" intimate  relations  with  the  angels  (Strom.,  VI, 
xii,  10)  and  the  departed  souls  (ibid.,  VIII,  xii,  78); 
and  he  all  but  fornuilates  the  thesaurus  ecclesicv  in  his 
presentation  of  the  vicarious  martyrdom,  not  of  Christ 
alone,  but  also  of  the  Apostles  and  other  martyrs 
(ibid.,  IV,  xii,  87).  Origen  enlarges,  almost  to  exag- 
geration, on  the  idea  of  \'icarious  martyrdom  (Exhort, 
ad  martyr.,  ch.  1)  and  of  conunimion  between  man  and 
angels  (De  orat.,  xxxi) ;  and  accDunts  for  it  by  the  uni- 
fying power  of  Christ's  Redemption,  id  calestibus  ter- 


renn  soriaret  (In  Le\'it.,  hom.  iv)  and  the  force  of  char- 
ity, stranger  in  heaven  than  upon  earth  (De  orat.,  xi). 
With  St.  Basil  and  St.  John  Chrysostom  the  commu- 
Jiion  of  saints  has  become  an  obvious  tenet  used  as  an 
answer  to  such  popular  objections  as  these:  what  need 
of  a  communion  with  others?  (Basil,  Ep.  cciii);  an- 
other has  sinned  and  I  shall  atone?  (Chrysostom, 
Hom.  i,  de  poenit.).  St.  John  Damascene  has  only  to 
collect  the  sayings  of  the  Fathers  in  order  to  support 
the  dogma  of  the  invocation  of  the  saints  and  the 
prayers  for  the  dead. 

But  the  complete  presentation  of  the  dogma  comes 
from  the  later  Fathers.  After  the  statements  of  Ter- 
tuUian,  speaking  of  "  common  hope,  fear,  joy,  sorrow, 
and  suffering"  (De  pcenit.,  ix  and  x);  of  St.  (Cyprian, 
explicitly  setting  forth  the  communion  of  merits  (De 
lapsis,  xvii) ;  of  St.  Hilary,  giving  the  Eucharistic 
Communion  as  a  means  and  symbol  of  the  commimion 
of  saints  (in  Ps.  Ixiv,  14),  we  come  to  the  teaching  of  St. 
Ambrose  and  St.  Augustine.  From  the  former,  the 
thesaurus  ecclesicc,  the  best  practical  test  of  the  com- 
munion of  saints,  receives  a  definite  explanation  (De 
poenit.,  I,  xv;  De  officiis,  I,  xix).  In  the  transcendent 
view  of  the  Church  taken  by  the  latter  (Enchir.,  Ivi) 
the  communion  of  saints,  though  never  so  called  by 
him,  is  a  necessity;  to  the  Civitas  Dei  must  needs  cor- 
respond the  unitas  caritatis  (De  unitate  eccl.,  ii), 
which  embraces  in  an  effective  union  the  saints  and 
angels  in  heaven  (Enarr.  in  Psalmos,  XXXVI,  iii,  4), 
the  just  on  earth  (De  bapt..  Ill,  xvii),  and,  in  a  lower 
degree,  the  sinners  themselves,  the  putrida  membra  of 
the  mystic  body;  only  the  declared  heretics,  schismat- 
ics, and  apostates  are  excluded  from  the  society, 
though  not  from  the  prayers,  of  the  saints  (Senn. 
cxxxvii).  The  Augustinian  concept,  though  some- 
what obscured  in  the  catechetical  expositions  of  the 
Creed  bv  the  Carlo vingian  and  later  theologians  (P. 
L.,  XCIX,  CI,  CVIII,  CX,  CLII,  CLXXXVI),  takes 
its  place  in  the  medieval  synthesis  of  Peter  Lombard, 
St.  Bonaventure,  St.  Thomas,  etc.  (See  Schwane- 
Degert,  Hist,  des  dogmes,  V,  229.) 

Influenced  no  doubt  by  early  writers  like  Yvo  of 
Chartres  (P.  L.,  CLXII,  6061),  Abelard  (P.  L., 
CLXXXIII,  630),  and  probablv  -Alexander  of  Hales 
(III,  Q.  Ixix,  a.  1),  St.  Thomas  "(Expos,  in  symb.,  10) 
reads  in  the  neuter  the  phrase  of  the  Creed,  cominunio 
sanctorum  (participation  of  spiritual  goods),  but  apart 
from  the  point  of  grammar  his  conception  of  the  dog- 
ma is  thorough.  General  principle:  the  merits  of 
Christ  are  communicated  to  all,  and  the  merits  of  each 
one  are  communicated  to  the  others  (ibid.).  The 
manner  of  participation:  both  objective  and  inten- 
tional, in  radice  opens,  ex  irdcntione  facicnfis  (Suppl., 
Ixxi,  a.  1).  The  measure:  the  degree  of  charity  (Ex- 
pos, in  symb.,  10).  The  benefits  communicated:  not 
the  sacraments  alone  but  the  superabundant  merits  of 
Christ  and  the  saints  forming  the  thesaurus  ecclesiw 
(ibid,  and  Quodlib.,  II,  Q.  viii,  a.  16).  The  p.artici- 
pants:  the  three  parts  of  the  Church  (Expos,  in 
symb.,  9);  consequently  the  faithful  on  earth  ex- 
changing merits  and  satisfactions  (I-II,  Q.  c.xiii,  a.  6, 
and  Suppl.,  Q.  xiii,  a.  2),  the  souls  in  purgatory  profit- 
ing by  the  suffrages  of  the  living  and  the  intercession 
of  the  saints  (Suppl.,  Q.  Ixxi),  the  saints  themselves 
receiving  honour  and  giving  intercession  (II-II,  Q. 
Ixxxiii.aa.  4,  11;  III,Q.  xxv,  a.  6),  and  also  the  angels, 
as  noted  above.  Later  Scholastics  and  post-Reforma- 
tion theologians  have  added  little  to  the  Thomistic 
presentation  of  the  dogma.  They  worked  rather 
around  than  into  it.  defending  such  points  as  were  at- 
tacked by  heretics,  showing  the  religious,  ethical,  and 
social  value  of  the  Catholic  conception;  and  they  in- 
troduced the  distinction  between  the  body  and  the 
soul  of  the  Church,  between  actual  membership  and 
membership  in  desire,  completing  the  theory  of  the 
relations  between  church  membership  and  the  com- 
munion of  saints  which  had  alreaily  been  outlined  by 


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173 


COMMUNION 


St.  Optatus  of  Mileve  and  St.  Augustine  at  the  time  of 
tlie  Donatist  controversy.  (See  Church.)  One  may 
regret  that  the  plan  adopted  by  tlie  Schoohnen  af- 
forded no  comprehensive  view  of  the  whole  dogma, 
but  rather  scattered  the  various  components  of  it 
through  a  vast  synthesis.  This  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  a  compact  exposition  of  the  communion  of  saints 
is  to  be  sought  less  in  the  works  of  our  standard  theo- 
logians than  in  our  catechetical,  apologetic,  pastoral, 
and  even  ascetic  literature.  It  may  also  partly  ex- 
plain, without  excusing  them,  the  gross  misrepresenta- 
tions noticed  above. 

In  the  Anglo-S.\xon  Church. — That  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  held  the  doctrine  of  the  commimion  of  saints 
may  be  judged  from  the  following  account  given  by 
Lingard  in  his  ''  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Church".  They  received  the  practice  of  vene- 
rating the  saints,  he  says,  together  with  the  rudiments 
of  the  Christian  religion;  and  they  manifested  their 
devotion  to  them  both  in  public  and  private  worship: 
in  public,  by  celebrating  the  anniversaries  of  indi- 
vidual saints,  and  keeping  annually  the  feast  of  All- 
Hallows  as  a  solemnity  of  the  first  class;  and  in  their 
private  devotions,  by  observing  the  instructions  to 
worship  God  and  then  to  "pray,  first  to  Saint  Marj', 
and  the  holy  apostles,  and  the  holy  martyrs,  and 
all  God's  saints,  that  they  would  intercede  for  them 
to  God".  In  this  way  they  learned  to  look  up  to  the 
saints  in  heaven  with  feelings  of  confidence  and  affec- 
tion, to  consider  them  as  friends  and  protectors,  and 
to  implore  their  aiil  in  the  hour  of  distress,  with  the 
hope  that  God  would  grant  to  the  patron  what  he 
might  otherwise  refuse  to  the  supplicant. 

Like  all  other  Christians,  the  .\nglo-Saxons  held  in 
special  veneration  "the  most  holy  mother  of  God, 
the  perpetual  virgin  Saint  Mary  (Beatissima  Dei  geni- 
tri.x  et  perpetua  virgo. — Bede,  Horn,  in  Purif.).  Her 
praises  were  sung  bj'  the  Saxon  poets;  hymns  in  her 
honour  were  chanted  in  the  public  service;  churches 
and  altars  were  placed  under  her  patronage ;  miracu- 
lous cures  were  ascribed  to  her;  and  four  annual 
feasts  were  observed  commemorating  the  principal 
events  of  her  mortal  life:  her  nativity,  the  Annuncia- 
tion, her  purification,  and  a.ssumption.  Next  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin  in  their  devotion  was  Saint  Peter, 
whom  Christ  had  chosen  for  the  leader  of  the  Apostles 
and  to  whom  he  had  given  the  keys  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven,  "with  the  chief  exercise  of  judicial  power 
in  the  Church;  to  the  end  that  all  might  know  that 
whosoever  should  separate  himself  from  the  unity  of 
Peter's  faith  or  of  Peter's  fellowship,  that  man  could 
never  attain  absolution  from  the  bonds  of  sin,  nor 
admission  through  the  gates  of  the  heavenly  king- 
dom" (Bede).  These  words  of  the  Venerable  Bede 
refer,  it  is  true,  to  Peter's  successors  as  well  as  to 
Peter  himself,  but  they  also  evidence  the  veneration 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons  for  the  Prince  of  the  Apostles,  a 
veneration  which  they  manifested  in  the  number  of 
churches  dedicated  to  his  memory-,  in  the  pilgrimages 
made  to  his  tomb,  and  by  the  presents  sent  to  the 
church  in  which  hLs  remains  rested  and  to  the  bishop 
who  sat  in  his  chair.  Particular  honours  were  paid 
also  to  Saints  Gregory  and  Augustine,  to  whom  they 
were  chiefly  indebted  for  their  knowledge  of  Chris- 
tianity. They  called  Gregory  their  "  foster-father  in 
Christ"  and  them.selves  "his  foster-children  in  bap- 
tism"; and  spoke  of  Augustine  as  "  the  first  to  bring 
to  them  the  doctrine  of  faith,  the  sacrament  of  baj)- 
tism,  and  the  knowledge  of  their  heavenly  country". 
While  these  saints  were  honouretl  by  the  whole  people, 
each  separate  nation  revered  the  memory  of  its  own 
apostle.  Thus  Saint  Aidan  in  Northumbria,  Saint 
Birinus  in  Wessex,  and  Saint  Felix  in  East  Anglia 
were  venerated  as  the  protectors  of  the  countries 
which  had  been  the  scenes  of  their  labours.  All  the 
saints  so  far  mentioned  were  of  foreign  extraction; 
but  the  Anglo-Saxons  soon  extended  their  devotion 


to  men  who  had  been  bom  and  educated  among  them 
and  who  by  their  virtues  and  zeal  in  propagating 
Christianity  had  merited  the  honours  of  sanctity. 

This  accoimt  of  the  devotion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons 
to  those  whom  they  looked  up  to  as  their  friends  and 
protectors  in  heaven  is  necessarily  brief,  but  it  is 
amply  sufficient  to  show  that  they  believed  and  loved 
the  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  saints. 

Protestant  Views. — Sporadic  errors  against  spe- 
cial points  of  the  communion  of  saints  are  pointed  out 
by  the  Synod  of  Gangra  (Mansi,  II,  1103),  St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  (P.  G.,  XXXIII,  1116),  St.  Epiphanius 
(ibid.,  XLII,  504),  Asterius  Amasensis  (ibid.,  XL, 
3.32),  and  St.  Jerome  (P.  L.,  XXIII,  362).  From  the 
forty-second  proposition  condemned,  and  the  twenty- 
ninth  question  asked,  by  Martin  V  at  Constance  (Den- 
zinger,  nos.  518  and  573),  we  also  know  that  Wyclif 
and  Hus  had  gone  far  towards  denying  the  dogma 
itself.  But  the  commimion  of  saints  became  a  direct 
issue  only  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  The  Lu- 
theran Churches,  although  commonly  adopting  the 
Apostles'  Creed,  still  in  their  original  confessions, 
either  pass  over  in  silence  the  communion  of  saints  or 
explain  it  as  the  Church's  "  uTiion  with  Jesus  Christ  in 
the  one  true-  faith"  (Luther's  Small  Catechism  in 
Schaff,  "The  Creeds  of  Christendom",  III,  80),  or  as 
"the  congregation  of  saints  and  true  believers"  (Augs- 
burg Confession,  ibid.,  Ill,  12),  carefully  excluding,  if 
not  the  memorj",  at  least  the  invocation  of  the  saints, 
because  Scripture  "propoundeth  unto  us  one  Christ, 
the  Mediator,  Propitiatory,  High-Priest,  and  Interces- 
sor" (ibid..  Ill,  26).  The  Reformed  Churches  gener- 
ally maintain  the  Lutheran  identification  of  the  com- 
munion of  saints  with  the  body  of  believers  but  do  not 
limit  its  meaning  to  that  body.  Calvin  (Inst,  chret., 
IV,  1,  3)  insists  that  the  phrase  of  the  Creed  is  more 
than  a  definition  of  the  Church ;  it  conveys  the  mean- 
ing of  such  a  fellowship  that  whatever  benefits  God 
bestows  upon  the  believers  they  should  mutually  com- 
municate to  one  another.  That  view  is  followed  in 
the  Heidelberg  Catechism  (Schaff,  op.  cit..  Ill,  325), 
and  emphasized  in  the  Galilean  Confession,  wherein 
communion  is  made  to  mean  the  efforts  of  believers  to 
mutually  strengthen  themselves  in  the  fear  of  God 
(ibid..  Ill,  375).  Zwingli  in  his  articles  admits  an  ex- 
change of  prayers  between  the  faithful  and  hesitates 
to  condemn  prayers  for  the  dead,  rejecting  only  the 
saints'  intercession  as  injurious  to  Christ  (ibid.,  Ill, 
200  and  206).  Both  the  Scotch  and  Second  Helvetic 
Confessions  bring  together  the  Militant  and  the  Tri- 
umphant Church,  but,  whereas  the  former  is  silent  on 
the  signification  of  the  fact,  the  latter  says  that  they 
hold  communion  with  each  other:  "nihilominus  ha- 
bent  ills  inter  sese  communionem,  vel  conjunctionem  " 
(ibid..  Ill,  272  and  459). 

The  double  and  often  conflicting  influence  of  Luther 
and  Calvin,  with  a  lingering  memory  of  Catholic  or- 
thodoxy, is  felt  in  the  Anglican  Confessions.  On  this 
point  the  Thirty-nine  .\rticles  are  decidedly  Lutheran, 
rejecting  as  they  do  "the  Romish  Doctrine  concerning 
Purgatory,  Pardons,  Worshipping  and  Adoration  as 
weU  of  Images  as  of  Relics,  and  also  Invocation  of 
Saints ' ',  because  they  see  in  it "  a  fond  thing,  vainly  in- 
vented, and  grounded  upon  no  warranty  of  Scripture, 
but  rather  re])ugnant  to  the  Word  of  God"  (Schaff, 
III,  501).  On  the  other  hand,  the  Westminster  Con- 
fession, while  ignoring  the  SutTering  and  the  Trium- 
phant Church,  goes  beyond  the  Calvinistic  view  and 
falls  little  sliort  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  with  regard  to 
the  faithful  on  earth,  who,  it  says,  "being  unitijd  to 
one  another  in  love,  have  communion  in  each  other's 
gifts  and  graces"  (ibid.,  Ill,  659).  In  the  United 
States,  the  Methodist  Articles  of  Religion,  1784  (ibid., 
III.  807),  as  well  as  the  Reformed  Episcopal  Articles 
of  Religion,  1875  (ibid..  Ill,  814),  follow  the  teachings 
of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  whereas  the  teaching  of 
the  Westminster  Confession  is  adopted  in  the  Phila- 


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174 


COMMUNION 


delphia  Baptist  Confession,  1688,  and  in  the  Confes- 
sion of  the  Cumberland  Presbyterian  Church,  1829 
(ibid.,  Ill,  771).  Protestant  theologians,  just  as 
Protestant  confessions,  waver  between  the  Lutheran 
and  the  Calvinistic  view.  There  is,  however,  in  the 
present  instance  a  decided  leaning  towards  the  Cath- 
olic doctrine  pure  and  simple  in  such  English  or  Amer- 
ican divines  as  Pearson  (Exposition  of  the  Creed,  Ox- 
ford, 184.3),  Luckock  (Intermediate  State,  New  York, 
1891),  Mortimer  (The  Creeds,  New  York,  1902), 
Waudrey  (The  Meaning  of  the  Doctrine  of  tlie  Com- 
munion of  Saints,  London,  1904),  etc. 

The  cause  of  the  perversion  by  Protestants  of  the 
traditional  concept  of  the  communion  of  saints  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  alleged  lack  of  Scriptural  and  early 
Christian  evidence  in  favour  of  that  concept;  well- 
informed  Protestant  writers  have  long  since  ceasetl  to 
press  that  argument.  (See  Lange  and  Martenseii 
quoted  by  Hettinger,  op.  eit.  below,  p.  381.)  Nor  is 
there  any  force  in  the  oft-repeated  argument  that  the 
Catholic  dogma  detracts  from  Christ's  mediatorship,  for 
it  is  plain,  as  St.  Thomas  had  already  shown  (Suppl., 
Q.  Ixxii,  a.  2,  ad  1),  that  the  ministerial  mediator- 
ship  of  the  saints  does  not  detract  from,  but  only  en- 
hances, the  magisterial  mediatorship  of  Christ.  Some 
writers  have  traced  that  perversion  to  the  Protestant 
concept  of  the  Church  as  an  aggregation  of  souls  and  a 
multitude  of  units  bound  together  by  a  community  of 
faith  and  pursuit  and  by  the  ties  of  Christian  sjnn- 
pathy,  but  in  no  way  organized  or  interdependent  as 
members  of  the  same  body.  This  explanation  is  de- 
fective because  the  Protestant  concept  of  the  Church 
is  a  fact  parallel  to,  but  in  no  way  causative  of,  their 
view  of  the  communion  of  saints.  The  true  cause 
must  be  found  elsewhere.  As  early  as  1519,  Luther, 
the  better  to  defend  his  condemned  theses  on  the 
papacy,  used  the  clause  of  the  Creed  to  show  that  the 
communion  of  saints,  and  not  the  papacy,  was  the 
Church:  "non,  ut  aliqui  somniant,  credo  ecclesiam 
esse  praelatum  .  .  .  sed  .  .  .  communionem  sanc- 
torum" (Werke,  II,  190,  Weimar,  1884).  This  was 
simply  playing  on  the  words  of  the  Symbol.  At  that 
time  Luther  still  held  the  traditional  communion  of 
saints,  little  dreaming  that  he  would  one  day  give  it 
up.  But  he  did  give  it  up  when  he  formulated  his 
theory  on  justification.  The  substitution  of  the  Prot- 
estant motto,  "Christ  for  all  and  each  one  for  him- 
self", in  place  of  the  old  axiom  of  Hugh  of  St.  Victor, 
"Singula  sint  omnium  et  omnia  singulorum"  (each 
for  all  and  all  for  each— P.  L.,  CLXXV,  416),  is  a  logi- 
cal outcome  of  their  concept  of  justification:  not  an 
interior  renovation  of  the  soul,  nor  a  veritable  regen- 
eration from  a  common  Father,  the  second  Adam,  nor 
yet  an  incorporation  with  Christ,  the  head  of  the  mys- 
tical body,  but  an  essentially  individualistic  act  of 
fiducial  faith.  In  such  a  theology  there  is  obviously 
no  room  for  that  reciprocal  action  of  the  saints,  that 
corporate  circulation  of  spiritual  blessings  through  the 
members  of  the  .same  family,  that  domesticity  and 
saintly  citizenship  which  lie  at  the  very  core  of  the 
Catholic  communion  of  saints.  Justification  and  the 
communion  of  saints  go  hand  in  hand.  The  efforts 
which  are  being  made  towards  reviving  in  Protestant- 
ism the  old  and  still  cherished  dogma  of  the  commu- 
nion of  saints  must  remain  futile  imless  the  true  doc- 
trine of  justification  be  also  restored.  (See  Dead, 
Prayeus  for  the;  Justification;  Saints.) 

Besides  references  in  the  text,  see  Nataus  Alexander.  TheoL 
dogm.  et  moraL  secundum  ordinetn  Catech.  Trid.  (Paris,  1714); 
FouRGEZ,  Lc  Sy"^o^«^  des  Apdtres  expose  et  d^endu  (Paris,  1S61); 
BfeRlNOEB,  Lcs  Indulgences  (Paris,  1890).  I,  20;  Moehler.  tr. 
Robertson,  Symbolism  (New  York,  1894);  Hettinger,  tr. 
Felcourt,  Apoloaie  du  chrisiianisme  (Paris,  s.  d.),  11,  380; 
Tyrrell.  The  Mvslicnl  Body  in  Hard  Sayings  (New  York, 
1902);  Wiseman,  Principal  Doctrines  and  Practices  of  the  Catholic 
Church  (New  York.  s.  d.);  De  Waal,  /(  simholo  apostolico  illus 
trato  dalle  iscrizioni  dei  primi sccoli  (Home,  1896):  KlRSfii,  Die 
Lehre  von  der  Gemcinsehajt  dcr  Heilini-n  (Mainz,  1900);  Morin, 
Sanctorum  Communionem  in  liev.  d'hist.  et  lilt,  relifj.  (1904); 
Bernard  and  BotJR,  Communion  des  Saints  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  cath. 


Bareille,  Le  Symbole  in  Le  Catechisme  Romain  (Montre- 
jeau,  1906).  II,  648.  Also  dogmatic  theologies  of  Schouppe, 
JuNGMANN.  HuRTER.  PAQrET,  ctc,  and  sermons  of  Newman, 
Manning,  Mos8abre,  etc.  J.   E.   SoLLIER. 

Communion  of  the  Sick. — This  diif ers  from  ordi- 
nary Communion  as  to  the  class  of  persons  to  whom  it  is 
administered,  as  to  the  dispositions  with  which  it  may 
be  received,  and  as  to  the  place  and  ceremonies  of  ad- 
ministration.    In  her  anxious  solicitude  for  the  s[5ir- 
itual  welfare  of   her  children  the  Church  earnestly 
desires  that  those  who  are  unable  through  illness  to 
receive  the  Blessed  Eucharist  in  the  usual  way  at  the 
altar,  should  not  be  deprived  of  the  consolations  of 
this  sacrament,  and,  accordingly,  she  exhorts  her  pas- 
tors to  satisfy  always  the  pious  desires,  not  only  of  all 
who  are  stricken  with  a  dangerous  sickness  and  re- 
quire strength  to  prepare  them  for  the  final  struggle, 
but  also  of  those  who  may  wish  to  comjily  with  the 
paschal  precept  and  cannot  do  so  in  church,  and,  in 
fine,  of  everyone  who  hungers  after  this  life-giving 
bread  even  from  mere  devotion.     When  Communion 
is  administered  to  persons  in  danger  of  death  and  likely 
to  receive  it  for  the  last  time  it  is  called  the  Viaticum. 
With  this  form  of  Communion  there  is  no  need  to  deal 
at  present,  as  everything  concerning  it  will  be  treated 
afterwards  in  its  own    jilace   (see  Viaticum).     The 
present  article  is  concerned  with  Communion  which  is 
given  to  persons  in  their  own  houses  who,  though  not 
dangerously  ill,  yet  are  so  physically  indisposed  that 
they  cannot  without  very  grave  inconvenience  go  to 
church  to  receive  in  the  ordinary  way.     In  the  first 
place,  then,  the  pastor  is  bound  to  minister  Communion 
in  their  homes  to  such  as  have  to  fulfil  their  paschal 
duty  and  cannot  do  so  in  church  owing  to  illness. 
The  pastor's  obligation  in  the  matter  is  not,  of  course, 
purely  personal,  and  hence  it  can  be  discharged  ^dcari- 
ously.     Again  he  is  bound,  though  not  so  strictly,  to 
satisfy  the  reasonable  desires  of  all  sick  persons  who 
are  confined  to  their  homes  by  infirmity  of  any  kind 
and  who  wish  to  receive  the  Blessed  Eucharist.     The 
Roman  Ritual  observes  that  these  pious  wishes  should 
be  especially  gratified  on  the  occasion  of  a  solemn  festi- 
val or  other  celebration  of  the  kind  (Tit.  IV,  cap.  iv). 
Di.sposiTiONS. — The    sick    who    desire    to    receive 
Communion  out  of  mere  devotion  were  hitherto  bound 
to  receive  it  before  tasting  any  food  or  drink.     Even 
those  who  had  to  fufil  their   paschal  duty  and  who 
could  not  fast  up  to  a  suitable  hour  in  the  morning 
would  not  be  exempted  from  the  obligation  of  fasting, 
according  to  many  theologians.     A  recent  Instruction 
of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council,  dated  7  Decem- 
ber, 1906,  has  modified  very  considerably  the  regu- 
lations hitherto  prevailing  in  regard  to  the  obligation 
of  observing  the  natural  fast  from  the  pre\'ious  mid- 
night, as  far  at  least  as  the  sick  are  concerned.     In  ac- 
cordance with  the  provisions  of  this  new  decree  all 
persons  confined  to  (heir  homes  by  reason  of  indispo- 
sition may  be  Communicated  even  though  not  fasting, 
provided  (1)  that  they  have  been  sick  for  a  month;  (2) 
that  they  have  medical  testimony  as  to  their  inability 
to  fast;  (3)  that  there  is  no  certain  hope  of  a  speedy 
recovery;  and   (4)   that  orJy  liquid  food  is  taken. 
Wlien  these  specified  conditions  are  present  Commu- 
nion may  be  given  once  or  twice  a  week  to  those  who 
live  in  houses  where  Mass  is  celebrated  daily,  as  in 
convents,  and  once  or  twice  a  month  to  others  not  so 
placed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  observe  that  the  same  dis- 
positions of  soul  are  required  in  the  sick  as  in  all  other 
persons  for  the  fruitful  reception  of  Holy  Communion. 
Ceremonies. — The  Roman  Ritual  (Tit.  IV,  c.  iv) 
prescribes,  in  detail,  all  the  ceremonies  to  be  observed 
when  Communion  is  given  to  the  sick.     The  manner 
of  carrying  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  of  administer- 
ing it  is  accurately  described.   The  Consecrated  Species 
should  be  borne  with  all  due  honour,  reverence,  and 
dignity,  in  solemn  procession,  with  lights,  and  all  the 
other  customary  formalities.     This,  however,  is  ac- 


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COMMUNION 


cording  to  the  general  law  of  the  Church.  Many  coun- 
tries, at  the  present  day.  in  which  this  solemn  and 
public  conveyance  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  is  not  pos- 
sible, have  obtained  an  Apostolic  indult  in  virtue  of 
which  the  Sacred  Species  may  be  carried  privately  and 
without  any  pomp  or  external  ceremonial  (Second  Plen. 
t'ounc.  of  Bait.,  n.  264),  but  it  must  always  be  enclosed 
in  a  silver  box  or  pyx,  which  should  be  securely  fast- 
ened around  the  person.  Other  cases  of  exception 
arc  also  recognized  (Ben.  XIV,  "Inter  Unigenas"). 
Whilst  carrj-ing  the  Blessed  Sacrament  in  this  private 
manner,  the  priest  need  not  wear  any  sacred  vestment, 
but  in  the  actual  administration  he  should  wear  at 
least  a  stole,  soutane,  and  surplice  (Cong,  of  Rites,  n. 
2().50).  The  sick  chamber  should  be  neatly  and 
chastely  arranged.  Near  the  bed  there  ought  to  be  a 
table  covered  with  a  white  cloth,  with  a  crucifix,  two 
candles,  small  vessel  of  clean  water.  Holy  Water  and 
sprinkler,  and  communion-card.  It  only  remains  to 
say  that  the  form  used  in  gi\'ing  Communion  in  pri- 
vate houses  should  be  the  usual  one,  the  Accipe 
jrater  or  soror,  etc.  being  restricted  to  the  administra- 
tion of  the  Viaticum. 

Ril.  Rom.,  De  Com.  Inf.,  Tit.  IV,  Cap.  iv;  Catalani,  Com- 
mintarium  in  Hit.  Rom.  {Rome,  1850).  I;  Baruffaldi,  Rit. 
Rom.,  Com.  Inf.  (Florence,  1847);  O'Kane,  Noles  on  Rubrics 
of  Rom.  Ril.  (Dublin,  1867);  Van  Der  Stiffen,  De  Adm. 
.'<ncr.  (Mechlin,  1902);  Gasparri,  Trad.  Can.  de  Euch.  (Paris, 
1900),  IT;  Lehmkohl,  Comp.  Theol.  Mor.  (Freiburg,  1896),  II; 
GiHR.  L'Eueharistie. 

P.\TRICK   MORRISROE. 


Communion  under  Both  Kinds. — Communion 
under  one  kind  is  the  reception  of  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Eucharist  under  the  species  or  appearance  of  bread 
alone,  or  of  wine  alone;  Communion  under  two  or 
both  kinds,  the  distinct  reception  under  the  two  or 
both  species,  sub  utrdque  specie,  at  the  same  time.  In 
the  present  article  we  shall  treat  the  subject  under  the 
following  heads:  I.  Catholic  Doctrine  and  Modern 
Discipline;  II.  History  of  Disciplinary  Variations; 
III.  Theological  Speculation. 

I.  CATHOLIC  Doctrine  and  Modern  Discipline. — 
(1)  Under  this  head  the  following  points  are  to  be 
noted;  (a)  In  reference  to  the  Eucharist  as  a  sacrifice, 
the  Communion,  under  both  kinds,  of  the  celebrating 
priest  belongs  at  least  to  the  integrity,  and,  according 
to  some  theologians,  to  the  essence,  of  the  sacrificial 
rite,  and  may  not,  therefore,  be  omitted  without  vio- 
lating the  sacrificial  precept  of  Christ:  "Do  this  for 
a  commemoration  of  me"  (Luke,  xxii,  19).  This  is 
taught  implicitly  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXI, 
c.  i;  XXII.  c.  i).  (b)  There  is  no  Divine  precept 
binding  the  laity  or  non-celebrating  priests  to  receive 
the  sacrament  under  both  kinds  (Trent,  Sess.  XXI, 
c.  i).  (c)  By  reason  of  the  hypostatic  union  and  of 
the  indivisibility  of  His  glorified  himianity,  Christ  is 
really  present  and  is  received  whole  and  entire,  body 
and  blood,  soul  and  Divinity,  under  either  species 
alone;  nor,  as  regards  the  fruits  of  the  sacrament,  is 
the  communicant  under  one  kind  deprived  of  any 
grace  necessary  for  salvation  (Trent,  Sess.  XXI,  c.  iii). 
(d)  In  reference  to  the  sacraments  generally,  apart 
from  their  substance,  salvd  eorum  substantid,  i.  e. 
apart  from  what  has  been  strictly  determined  by  Di- 
vine institution  or  precept,  the  Church  has  authority 
to  determine  or  modify  the  rites  and  usages  employed 
in  their  administration,  according  as  she  judges  it  ex- 
pedient for  the  greater  profit  of  the  recipients  or  the 
better  protection  of  the  sacraments  themselves  against 
irreverence.  Hence  "although  the  usage  of  Com- 
munion under  two  kinds  was  not  infrequent  in  the 
early  ages  [nh  initio]  of  the  Christian  religion,  yet,  the 
custom  in  this  respect  having  changed  almost  uni- 
versally |(<j(is.«'me]  in  the  course  of  time,  holy  mother 
the  Church,  mindful  of  her  authority  in  the  .adminis- 
tration of  the  Sacraments,  and  influenced  by  weighty 
and  just  reasons,  has  approved  the  custom  of  com- 


municating under  one  kind,  and  decreed  it  to  have  the 
force  of  a  law,  which  may  not  be  set  aside  or  changed 
but  by  the  C'hurch's  own  authority"  (Trent,  Sess. 
XXI,  c.  ii).  Not  only,  therefore,  is  Communion  under 
both  kinds  not  obligatory  on  the  faithful,  but  the 
chalice  is  strictly  forbidden  by  ecclesiastical  law  to  any 
but  the  celebrating  priest.  These  decrees  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Trent  were  directed  against  the  Reformers  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  who,  on  the  strength  of  John,  vi, 
54,  Matt.,  xxvi,  27,  and  Luke,  xxii,  17,  19,  enforced 
in  most  cases  by  a  denial  of  the  Real  Presence  and  of 
the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  maintained  the  existence  of 
a  Divine  precept  obliging  the  faithful  to  receive  under 
both  kinds,  and  denounced  the  Catholic  practice  of 
withholding  the  cup  from  the  laity  as  a  sacrilegious 
mutilation  of  the  sacrament.  A  century  earlier  the 
Hussites,  particularly  the  party  of  the  Calixtines,  had 
asserted  the  same  doctrine,  without  denying,  however, 
the  Real  Presence  or  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass,  and  on 
the  strength  principally  of  John,  vi,  54;  and  the 
Council  of  Constance  in  its  thirteenth  session  (1415) 
had  already  condemned  their  position  and  affirmed  the 
binding  force  of  the  existing  discipline  in  terms  prac- 
tically identical  with  those  of  Trent  (see  decree  ap- 
proved by  Martin  V,  1418,  in  Denzinger,  Enchiridion, 
n.  585).  It  is  to  be  observed  that  neither  council  in- 
troduced any  new  legislation  on  the  subject;  both 
were  content  with  declaring  that  the  existing  custom 
had  already  acquired  the  force  of  law.  A  few  priv- 
ileged exceptions  to  the  law  and  a  few  instances  of  ex- 
press dispensation,  occurring  later,  will  be  noticed 
below  (II). 

(2)  Regarding  the  merits  of  the  TJtraquist  contro- 
versy, if  we  assume  the  doctrinal  points  involved — viz. 
the  absence  of  a  Divine  precept  imposing  Communion 
under  both  kinds,  the  integral  presence  and  reception 
of  Christ  under  either  species,  and  the  discretionary 
power  of  the  Church  over  everything  connected  with 
the  sacraments  that  is  not  Divinely  determined — the 
question  of  giving  or  refusing  the  chalice  to  the  laity 
becomes  purely  practical  and  disciplinary,  and  is  to  be 
decided  by  a  reference  to  the  twofold  purpose  to  be  at- 
tained, of  safeguarding  the  reverence  due  to  this  most 
august  sacrament  and  of  facilitating  and  encouraging 
its  frequent  and  fervent  reception.  Nor  can  it  be 
doubted  that  the  modern  Catholic  discipline  best  se- 
cures these  ends.  The  danger  of  spilling  the  Precious 
Blood  and  of  other  forms  of  irreverence;  the  incon- 
venience and  delay  in  administering  the  chalice  to 
large  numbers ;  the  difficulty  of  reservation  for  Com- 
munion outside  of  Mass;  the  not  unreasonable  objec- 
tion, on  hygienic  and  other  grounds,  to  promiscuous 
drinking  from  the  same  chalice,  which  of  itself  alone 
would  act  as  a  strong  deterrent  to  frequent  Commu- 
nion in  the  case  of  a  great  many  otherwise  well-dis- 
posed people;  these  and  similar  "weighty  and  just 
reasons"  against  the  Utraquist  practice  are  more  than 
sufficient  to  justify  the  Church  in  forbidding  it.  Of 
the  doctrinal  points  mentioned  above,  the  only  one  that 
need  be  discussed  here  is  the  question  of  the  existence 
or  non-existence  of  a  Divine  precept  imposing  Com- 
munion sub  utrdque.  Of  the  texts  brought  forward  by 
Utraquists  in  proof  of  such  a  precept,  the  command, 
"Drink  ye  all  of  this"  (Matt.,  xxvi,  27),  and  its  equiv- 
alent in  St.  Luke  (xxii,  17,  i.  e.  supposing  the  reference 
here  to  be  to  the  Eucharistic  and  not  to  the  paschal 
cup),  cannot  fairly  be  held  to  apply  to  any  but  those 
present  on  the  occasion,  and  to  them  only  for 
that  particular  occasion.  Were  one  to  insist  that 
Christ's  action  in  administering  Holy  Communion 
under  both  kinds  to  the  Apostles  at  the  Last  Supper 
was  intended  to  lay  down  a  law  for  all  future  recipi- 
ents, he  should  for  the  same  reason  insist  that  several 
other  temporary  and  accidental  circumstances  con- 
nected with  the  first  celebration  of  the  Eucharist 
(v.  g.  the  preceding  paschal  rites,  the  use  of  un- 
leavened bread,  the  taking  of  the  Sacred  Species  by  the 


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176 


COMMUNION 


recipients  themselves)  were  likewise  intended  to  be 
obligatory  for  all  future  celebrations.  Tiie  institution 
under  both  kinds,  or  the  separate  consecration  of  the 
bread  and  wine,  belongs  essentially,  in  Catholic  opin- 
ion, to  the  sacrificial,  as  distinct  from  the  sacramental, 
character  of  the  Eucharist;  and  when  Christ,  in  the 
words,  "Do  this  for  a  commemoration  of  me"  (Luke, 
xxii,  19),  gave  to  the  Apostles  both  the  command  and 
the  power  to  offer  the  Eucharistic  sacrifice,  they  imder- 
stood  Him  merely  to  impose  upon  them  and  their  suc- 
cessors in  the  priesthood  the  obligation  of  sacrificing 
stth  utrdque.  This  obligation  the  Church  has  rigorously 
observed. 

In  John,  vi,  54,  Christ  says:  "Except  you  eat  the 
flesh  of  the  Son  of  man,  and  drink  his  blood,  you  shall 
not  have  life  in  you";  but  in  verses  52  and  59  he 
attributes  life  eternal  to  the  eating  of  "this  liread" 
(which  is  "my  flesh  for  the  life  of  the  world"),  with- 
out mention  of  the  drinking  of  His  blood:  "  if  anyone 
eat  of  this  bread  he  shall  live  forever".  Now  the 
Utraquist  interpretation  would  suppose  that  in  verse 
54  Christ  meant  to  emphasize  the  distinction  between 
the  mode  of  reception  "by  eating"  and  the  mode  of 
reception  "by  drinking",  and  to  include  both  modes 
distinctly  m  the  precept  He  imposes.  But  such 
literalism,  extravagant  in  any  conne.xion,  would  result 
in  this  case  in  putting  verse  54  in  opposition  to  52  and 
59,  interpreted  in  the  same  rigid  way.  From  which 
we  may  infer  that,  whatever  special  significance  at- 
taches to  the  form  of  expression  employed  in  verse  54, 
Christ  did  not  have  recourse  to  that  form  for  the  pur- 
pose of  promulgating  a  law  of  Communion  sub  utrdque . 
The  twofold  expression  is  employed  by  Christ  in  order 
to  heighten  the  realism  of  the  promise — to  emphasize 
more  vividly  the  reality  of  the  Eucharistic  presence, 
and  to  convey  the  idea  that  His  Body  and  Blood  were 
to  be  the  perfect  spiritual  aliment,  the  food  and  drink, 
of  the  faithful.  In  the  Catholic  teaching  on  the 
Eucharist  this  meaning  is  fully  verified.  Christ  is 
really  and  integrally  present,  and  really  and  integrally 
received,  under  either  kind ;  and  from  the  sacramental 
point  of  view  it  is  altogether  immaterial  whether  this 
perfect  reception  takes  place  after  the  analogy  in  the 
natural  ortler  of  solid  or  of  liquid  food  alone,  or  after 
the  analogy  of  both  combined  (cf.  Ill  below).  In  I 
Cor.,  xi,  2S,  to  which  Utraquists  sometimes  appeal,  St. 
Paul  is  concerned  with  the  preparation  required  for  a 
worthy  reception  of  the  Eucharist.  His  mention  of 
both  species,  "this  bread  and  the  chalice",  is  merely 
incidental,  and  implies  nothing  more  than  the  bare 
fact  that  Communion  under  both  kinds  was  the  pre- 
vailing usage  in  Apostolic  times.  From  the  verse 
immediately  preceding  (27)  a  difficulty  might  be 
raised  against  the  dogmatic  presuppositions  of  the 
great  majority  of  Utraquists,  and  an  argument  ad- 
vanced in  proof  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  integral 
presence  and  reception  of  Christ  under  either  species. 
"  Whosoever",  says  the  Apostle,  "shall  eat  this  bread, 
or  drink  the  chalice  of  the  Lord  unworthily,  shall  be 
guilty  of  the  body  and  of  the  blood  of  the  Lord",  i.  e. 
whoever  receives  either  unworthily  is  guilty  of  both.  But 
it  is  unnecessary  to  insist  on  this  argument  in  defence 
of  the  Catholic  position.  We  are  justified  in  conclud- 
ing that  the  N.  T.  contains  no  proof  of  the  existence 
of  a  Divin(!  precept  binding  the  faithful  to  Communi- 
cate under  both  kinds.  It  will  appear,  further,  from 
the  following  historical  survey,  that  the  Church  has 
never  recognized  the  existence  of  such  a  precept. 

II.  History  of  Disciplin.iry  Vahi.\tions. — From 
the  First  to  the  Twelfth  Century. — It  may  be  stated  as  a 
general  fact,  that  down  to  the  twelfth  century,  in  the 
West  as  well  as  in  the  ICast,  public  L'omnmnion  in  the 
churches  was  ordinarily  administered  and  received 
under  both  kinds.  That  such  was  the  practice  in 
Apostolic  times  is  implied  in  I  Cor.,  xi,  28  (see  above), 
nor  does  the  abbreviated  reference  to  the  "breaking 
of  bread"  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (ii,  46)  prove 


anything  to  the  contrary.  The  witnesses  to  the  same 
effect  for  the  sub-Apostolic  and  subsequent  ages  are 
too  numerous,  and  the  fact  itself  too  clearly  beyond 
dispute,  to  require  that  the  evidence  should  be  cited 
here.  But  side  by  side  with  the  regular  liturgical 
usage  of  Communion  sub  utrdqve,  there  existed  from 
the  earliest  times  the  custom  of  communicating  in 
certain  cases  under  one  kind  alone.  This  custom  is 
exemplified  (1)  in  the  not  infrequent  practice  of 
private  domestic  Commimion,  portion  of  the  Euchar- 
istic bread  being  brought  by  the  faithful  to  their 
homes  and  there  reserved  for  this  purpose;  (2)  in  "the 
Communion  of  the  sick,  which  was  usually  adminis- 
tered under  the  species  of  bread  alone;  (3)  in  the 
Communion  of  children  which  was  usually  given,  even 
in  the  churches,  under  the  species  of  wine  alone,  but 
sometimes  under  the  species  of  bread  alone;  (4)  in 
the  Communion  under  the  species  of  bread  alone  at 
the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified,  and,  as  an  optional 
practice,  in  some  churches  on  ordinary  occasions. 
To  these  examples  may  be  added  (5)  the  practice  of 
the  intinctio  panis,  i.  e.  the  dipping  of  the  consecrated 
bread  in  the  Precious  Blood  and  its  administration 
per  modum  cibi.  We  will  notice  briefly  the  history 
of  each  of  these  divergent  practices. 

(1)  During  the  third  century,  in  Africa  at  least,  as 
we  learn  from  Tertullian  and  .'^t.  Cyprian,  the  practice 
on  the  part  of  the  faithful  of  liringing  to  their  homes 
and  reserving  for  )iri\-atc  Cuninuuiion  a  portion  of  the 
Eucharistic  bread,  wouki  appear  to  have  been  univer- 
sal. Tertullian  refers  to  this  private  domestic  Com- 
munion as  a  commonplace  in  Christian  life,  and  makes 
it  the  basis  of  an  argument,  addressed  to  his  wife, 
against  second  marriage  with  an  infidel  in  case  of  his 
own  death:  "Non  sciet  maritus  quid  secreto  ante 
omnem  cibum  gustes,  et  si  sciverit  esse  panem,  non 
ilium  credet  esse  qui  dicitur?"  (\d  Uxor.,  c.  v,  P.  L., 
I,  1296).  There  can  be  question  here  only  of  the 
species  of  bread,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  two 
stories  told  by  St.  Cyprian:  the  one  of  a  man  who, 
before  Communion,  had  attended  an  idolatrous  func- 
tion, and  on  retiring  from  the  altar  and  opening  his 
hand,  in  which  he  had  taken  and  carried  the  Sacred 
Species,  found  nothing  in  it  but  ashes;  the  other  of 
a  woman  who  "  cum  arcam  suam,  in  qua  Domini 
sanctum  fuit.  manibus  indignis  tentasset  aperire,  igne 
inde  surgente  deterrita  est"  (De  Lapsis,  26.  P.  L., 
IV,  486).  This  custom  owed  its  origin  most  probably 
to  the  dangers  and  uncertainties  to  which  Christians 
were  subject  in  times  of  persecution;  but  we  have  it 
on  the  authority  of  St.  Basil  (Ep.  xciii,  P.  C,  XXXII, 
485)  that  in  the  foiu-th  century,  when  the  persecutions 
had  ceased,  it  continued  to  be  a  general  practice  in 
Alexandria  and  Egypt;  and  on  the  authority  of  St. 
Jerome  (Ep.  xlviii,  15,  P.  L.,  XXII,  506)  that  it 
still  existed  at  Rome  towards  the  end  of  the  same 
century.  It  is  impossible  to  say  at  what  precise 
period  the  practice  disappeared.  The  many  obvious 
objections  against  it  would  seem  to  have  led  to  its 
abolition  in  the  West  without  the  need  of  formal  legis- 
lation. The  third  canon  attributed  to  the  Council"  of 
Saragossa  (380)  and  the  fourteenth  canon  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Toledo  (400),  excommunicating  those  who  do 
not  consume  in  the  church  the  Eucharist  received 
from  the  priest  (Hefele,  Conciliengesch.,  I,  744;  II,  79), 
were  directed  against  the  Priscillianists  (who  refused 
to  consume  any  portion  of  the  Eucharistic  bread  in 
the  church),  and  do  not  seem  to  have  been  intended 
to  prohibit  the  practice  of  reserving  a  portion  for 
private  Commimion  at  home.  In  the  East  the  prac- 
tice continued  long  after  its  disappearance  in  the 
West,  and  in  the  eighth  century  the  faithful  were  able 
to  avail  themselves  of  it  as  a  means  of  avoiding  as- 
sociation with  the  Iconoclastic  heretics  (Pargoire, 
L'Eglise  byzantine,  Paris,  1905,  p.  3.'J9  sq.).  It  had 
already  been  adopted  by  the  anchorites,  as  St.  Basil 
(loc.  cit.)  tells  us,  and  continued  to  be  a  feature  of 


COMMUNION 


177 


COMMUNION 


anchoretic  life  as  late  as  the  ninth  century  (see  Theo- 
dore Studita  (d.  826),  Ep.  i,  57,  ii,  209,  in  P.  G.. 
XCIX.  1115,  1661). 

(2)  That  Communion  of  the  sick  under  the  species 
of  bread  alone  was  the  ordinary  usage  at  Alexandria 
in  the  middle  of  the  third  century  is  proved  by  the 
account  of  the  deatli-bed  Conuuunion  of  the  old  man 
Serapionastold  by  Eusobius  (H.  E.,  VI,  xliv,  in  P.  G., 
XX,  629),  on  the  authority  of  Dionysius  of  jVlexandria 
(d.  264).  It  is  recorded  of  St.  Basil  that  he  received 
Holy  Communion  several  times  on  the  day  of  his 
death,  and  under  the  species  of  bread  alone,  as  may 
be  inferred  from  the  biographer's  words  (Vita  Basilii, 
iv,  P.  G.,  XXIX.  .315).  We  have  it  on  the  authority 
of  Paulinus,  secretary  and  biographer  of  St.  Ambrose, 
that  the  saint  on  his  death-bed  received  from  St. 
Honoratus  of  Vercelli  "  Domini  corpus,  quo  accepto, 
ubi  glutivit,  emisit  spiritum,  bonum  viaticum  secum 
ferens"  (Vita  Ambr.,  47,  P.  L.,  XIV,  43).  These 
testimonies  are  sufficient  to  establish  the  fact  that, 
in  the  early  centuries,  reservation  of  the  Eucharist 
for  the  sick  and  dying,  of  which  the  Council  of  Nica-a 
(325)  speaks  (can.  xiii)  as  "  the  ancient  and  canonical 
rule",  was  usual  under  one  kind.  The  reservation  of 
the  species  of  wine  for  use  as  the  Viaticum  would  have 
involved  so  many  practical  difficulties  that,  in  the 
absence  of  clear  evidence  on  the  subject,  we  may  feel 
sure  that  it  was  never  the  general  practice.  We  are 
told  by  St.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol.,  I,  67,  P.  G.,  VI,  429) 
that  on  Sundays,  after  the  celebration  of  the  Sacrifice, 
the  Eucharistic  elements  were  received  by  all  present 
and  carried  by  the  deacons  to  those  absent.  But  this 
would  have  been  jjossible  only  in  small  and  compact 
communities,  and  that  it  was  not  a  general  custom 
and  did  not  long  survive  may  be  inferred  from  the 
fact  that  no  subsequent  mention  of  it  is  to  be  found. 
St.  Jerome  (Ep.  cxxv,  20,  P.  L.,  XXII,  1085)  speaks 
of  St.  Exuperius  of  Toulouse,  "qui  corpus  Domini 
canistro  vimineo,  sanguinem  portat  in  vitro",  but  this 
example  of  a  private  devotional  practice,  which  is  also 
exceptional  in  its  way,  throws  no  light  on  the  usage  of 
Communion  for  the  sick.  It  is  recorded  in  the  life  of 
St.  Mary  of  Eg>-pt  (21  sq.,  P.  L.,  LXXIII,  686)  that 
the  Abbot  Zosimos  brought  Communion  under  both 
kinds  to  her  solitary  retreat  in  the  desert,  and  in  later 
times  there  are  several  examples  of  dying  persons 
communicating  sub  ulrdque.  But  everything  leads 
us  to  suppose  that  such  Communions,  as  a  rule,  were 
administered  in  connexion  with  Mass,  celebrated  in 
the  house  of  the  sick  person  or  in  the  immediate 
\'icinity;  and  this  supposition  is  strongly  confirmed 
by  the  well-known  fact  that  the  sick  were  sometimes 
carried  to  the  church  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  both 
the  Eucharist  and  Extreme  Unction  (see  Chardon, 
Hist.  Du  Sacrem.  de  I'Eucharistie,  c.  v,  Migne,  Theol. 
Cursus  Completus,  XX,  282).  It  is  to  be  noted, 
finally,  that  the  sick  who  could  not  consume  the  Host 
were  allowed  to  receive  under  the  species  of  wine 
alone  (Council  of  Toledo,  675,  can.  ii,  Mansi,  XI, 
143-4). 

(.3)  It  was  the  practice  in  the  Early  Church  to  give 
the  Holy  Eucharist  to  children  even  before  they  at- 
tained the  use  of  reason.  It  is  implied  by  St.  Cvprian 
(De  Lapsis,  25,  P.  L.,  IV,  484)  that  the  chahce"  alone 
was  offered  to  them;  and  St.  Augustine,  in  his  inci- 
dental references  to  child-Communion,  speaks  of  it  as 
administered  under  either  species  (Ep.  ccxvii,  5, 
P.  L.,  XXXIII,  984  sq.),  or  under  the  species  of  wine 
alone  (Opus  Imp.,  II,  30,  P.  L.,  XLV,  1154).  St. 
Paulinus  of  Nola,  speaking  of  newly-baptized  children, 
states  that  the  priest  "cruda  salutiferis  imbuit  ora 
cibis"  (Ep.  xxxii,  5,  P.  L.,  LXI,  333),  which  is 
applicable  only  to  the  species  of  wine.  In  the  East 
also,  in  some  churches  at  least,  children,  especially 
suckling  infants,  conmiunicated  under  the  species  of 
wine  alone  (see  Dom  Martene,  De  Antiq.  Eccl.  Ritibus, 
I,  xiv;  Gasparri,  Tract.  Canon,  de  SS.  Eucharistia, 
IV.— 12 


II,  n.  1121).  There  are  examples,  on  the  other  hand, 
both  in  the  Western  and  Eastern  Churches,  of  Com- 
munion administered  to  children  under  the  species  of 
bread  alone.  Thus  the  Council  of  Macon  (586)  de- 
creed that  the  fragments  of  consecrated  bread  remain- 
ing over  after  the  Sunday  Communion  were  to  be  con- 
sumed by  children  (innocentefi)  brought  to  the  church 
for  that  purpose  on  the  following  Wednesday  oi' 
Friday  (Labbe-Cossart,  VI,  675);  and  Evagrius  (d. 
594)  tells  us  that  a  similar  custom  existed  at  Constan- 
tinople from  ancient  times  (Hist.  Eccl.,  IV,  36,  P.  G., 
LXXXVI.  2769). 

(4)  The  Mass  of  the  Presanctified,  in  which  the 
essence  of  the  sacrifice  as  such  is  wanting,  admits  of 
Communion  only  under  the  species  of  bread.  The 
custom  of  celebrating  in  this  manner  was  introduced 
in  the  East  by  the  Council  of  Laodicea  in  the  fourth 
century  (can.  xlix)  and  confirmed  by  the  Second 
Council  in  Trullo  in  692  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  I,  772).  It 
was  the  rule  for  all  fast  days  during  Lent,  and  the  faith- 
ful were  in  the  habit  of  receiving  at  it  (Pargoire,  op. 
cit.,  p.  341  sq.).  This  custom  is  still  maintained  in 
the  East  (Gasparri,  op.  cit.,  I,  n.  68).  In  the  West  the 
Mass  of  the  Presanctified,  celebrated  only  on  Good 
Friday,  is  mentioned  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary  (P. 
L.,  LXXIV,  1105)  and  in  later  sources,  and  in  the  be- 
ginning the  faithful  used  to  commimicate  at  it.  .\part 
from  the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified  the  faithful  were 
sometimes  allowed  to  receive  vnider  the  species  of 
bread  alone,  even  at  the  public  Communion  in  the 
church.  From  an  incident  recorded  by  Sozomen 
(H.  E.,  VIII.  V,  P.  L.,  LXVII,  1528  sq.)  as  having 
occurred  at  Constantinople  in  the  time  of  St.  John 
Chrj'sostom,  it  would  seem  to  follow  that  the  recep- 
tion of  the  consecrated  bread  alone  was  sufficent  to 
satisfy  the  requirements  of  the  then  existing  disci- 
pline. The  point  of  the  story  is,  that  the  unconverted 
wife  of  a  converted  Macedonian  heretic,  being  com- 
pelled by  her  husband  to  communicate  in  the  Catholic 
Church,  secretly  substituted  at  the  moment  of  recep- 
tion a  piece  of  ordinarj'  bread,  which  her  servant  had 
brought  for  the  purpose,  but  was  balked  in  her  deceit- 
ful design  by  a  miracle,  which  petrified  the  bread  with 
the  marks  of  her  teeth  iipon  it.  In  the  West,  as  is 
clear  from  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Serm.  xlii,  5,  P.  L., 
LIV,  279  sq),  the  Manichseans  at  Rome,  towards  the 
middle  of  the  fifth  century,  sometimes  succeeded  in 
communicating  fraudulently  in  the  Catholic  Church: 
"ore  indigno  corpus  Chri-sti  accipiunt,  sanguinem 
autem  redemptionis  nostraehaurireomninodeclinant". 
This  sacrikijii  simulatio  on  the  part  of  the  heretics 
would  have  been  impossible,  unless  it  was  customary 
at  the  time  for  at  least  some  of  the  faithful  to  receive 
under  one  kind  alone.  That  those  detected  in  this 
simulatio  are  ordered  by  St.  Leo  to  be  excluded  alto- 
gether from  Communion,  implies  no  reprobation  on 
the  merits  of  Communion  under  one  kind ;  and  the 
same  is  true  of  the  decree  attributed  by  Gratian  to 
Pope  Gelasius,  "aut  Integra  sacramenta  percipiant, 
aut  ab  integris  arceantur"  (De  Consec,  D.  II,  c.  xii, 
P.  L.,  CLXXXVII,  1736).  In  the  monastic  rule 
attributed  to  St.  Columbanus  (d.  615)  it  is  prescribed 
that  novices  and  those  not  properlv  instructed  "ad 
calicem  non  accedant"  (P.  L.,  LXXX,  220).  This 
also  seems  to  imply  the  usage  in  some  cases  of  Com- 
munion under  one  kind ;  and,  as  a  further  instance  of 
divergence  in  this  direction  from  Communion  strictly 
suh  utrfiquc,  may  be  mentioned  the  practice,  intro- 
duced about  this  time,  of  substituting  for  consecrated 
wine,  in  tlieCommunion  of  the  faithful,  ordinary  wine, 
into  which  a  few  drops  of  the  coiLsecrated  wine  had 
been  poured.  According  to  the  "Ordo  Romanus 
Prinnis",  which  in  its  present  form  dates  from  the 
ninth  century,  this  usage  was  followed  at  the  pontifical 
Ma.ss  in  Ronie  (see  Mabillon,  P.  L.,  LXXVIII,  875, 
SS2,  90:{).  It  was  ailopted  also  in  several  other 
churches  (Dom  Martene,  op.  cit.,  I,  ix).     Some  theolo- 


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178 


COMMUNION 


gians  of  the  period  held  with  Amalarius  of  Metz  (d. 
837)  (De  Eccl.  off.,  I,  15,  P.  L.,  CV,  1032)  that  in  this 
case  the  common  wine  received  a  certain  consecration 
by  the  infusion  of  the  consecrated  drops;  but  the 
majority,  including  St.  Bernard  (Ep.  Ixix,  2,  P.  L., 
CLXXXII,  181),  denied  that  there  was  any  consecra- 
tion in  the  proper  sense,  or  that  the  reception  of  tliis 
chalice  was  strictly  speaking  the  reception  of  the 
Precious  Blood. 

(5)  The  practice  of  the  intinctio  panis,  mentioned 
above,  which  is  the  last  disciplinary  variation  to  be 
noticed  during  this  period,  was  already  forbidden  by 
the  Council  of  Braga  in  675  (Mansi,  XI,  155),  but,  as 
appears  from  the  "Micrologus"  (xix,  P.  L.,  CLI,  989 
sq.),  was  reintroduced  in  the  eleventh  century.  It 
was  condemned  once  more  by  the  Council  of  Clermont 
(1095)  under  the  presidency  of  Urban  II,  but  with  the 
limitation  "nisi  per  necessitatem  et  per  cautelam" 
(Mansi,  XX,  818).  The  exception  "per  cautelam" 
allows  the  intinctio  when  it  might  be  necessarj-  as  a 
precaution  against  the  spilling  of  the  Precious  Blood, 
but  the  later  prohibition  of  Paschal  II  (Ep.  535,  P.  L., 
CLXIII,  442)  makes  an  exception  only  "in  parvulis 
ac  omnino  infirmis  qui  panem  absorbere  non  possunt". 
Notwithstanding  these  prohibitions  the  practice  sur- 
vived in  many  places,  as  we  learn  from  Robert  PuUejTi 
(d.  1146;  Sent.  VIII,  iii,  P.  L.,  CLXXXVI,  964),  who 
condemns  it.  Its  prohibition  is  renewed  as  late  as 
1175  by  a  Council  of  London  or  Westminster  (Hefele, 
op.  cit.,  V,  688).  There  is  no  evidence  of  the  intinctio 
in  the  East  during  the  first  ten  centuries,  but  its 
existence  in  the  eleventh  century  is  one  of  the  groimds 
of  reproach  advanced  by  Cardinal  Humbert  (d.  1061) 
against  the  Greeks  (Adv.  Grsec.  calumnias,.  33,  P.  L., 
CXLIII,  957  sq.).  According  to  Dom  Martene  (d. 
1739)  the  practice  still  existed  in  the  East  in  his  own 
time  (op.  cit.,  I.  13);  while  the  custom  of  pouring 
some  drops  of  the  Precious  Blood  on  the  consecrated 
bread,  which  was  then  dried  by  heating  and  reserved 
during  a  whole  year  for  the  Communion  of  the  sick, 
may  be  considered  as  a  kind  of  intinctio.  This  latter 
custom  was  prohibited  by  Benedict  XIV  for  the  Italo- 
Greeks  in  1752,  but  the  usage,  where  it  existed  among 
them,  of  receiving  the  Host  on  a  spoon  with  some 
drops  of  the  Precious  Blood,  was  allowed  to  be  re- 
tained (Gasparri.  op.  cit.,  II,  1177). 

It  is  abundantly  clear  from  this  brief  survey  of  dis- 
ciplinary variations  during  the  first  twelve  centuries 
that  the  Church  never  regarded  Communion  under 
both  kinds  as  a  matter  of  Divine  precept. 

Since  the  Twel/th  Century. — The  final  suppression 
of  the  intinctio  was  followed  in  the  thirteenth  century 
by  the  gradual  abolition  for  the  laity  of  Communion 
under  the  species  of  wine.  The  desuetude  of  the 
chalice  was  not  yet  universal  in  St.  Thomas'  time 
(d.  1274):  "provide  in  quibusdam  ecclesiis  observa- 
tur",  he  says,  "ut  populo  sanguis  sumendus  non 
detur,  sed  solum  a  sacerdote  sumatur"  (Summa,  III, 
Q.  Ixxx,  a.  12).  TheCouncil  of  Lambeth  (1281)  directs 
that  the  consecrated  wine  is  to  be  received  by  the 
priest  alone,  and  non-consecrated  wine  distributed  to 
the  faithful  (Mansi.  XXIV,  405).  It  is  impossible  to 
say  exactly  when  the  new  custom  became  universal, 
or  when,  by  the  Church's  approval,  it  acquired  the 
force  of  law.  But  such  was  already  the  case  long 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  Hussite  disturbances,  as  is 
clear  from  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Constance  (see 
I  above).  The  Council  of  Basle  granted  (1433)  the 
use  of  the  chalice  to  the  Calixtines  of  Bohemia  under 
certain  conditions,  the  chief  of  wliich  was  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  Christ's  integral  presence  imder  either 
kind.  This  concession,  which  had  never  been  ap- 
proved by  any  pope,  was  |)ositively  revoked  in  1462 
by  the  Nuncio  Fantini  on  the  order  of  Pius  II.  The 
Council  of  Trent  while  defining  the  points  already 
mentioned,  referred  to  the  pope  the  decision  of  the 
question  whether  the  urgent  petition  of  the  German 


emperor  to  have  the  use  of  the  chalice  allowed  in  his 
dominions  should  be  granted;  and  in  1564  Pius  IV 
authorized  some  German  bishops  to  permit  it  in 
their  dioceses,  provided  certain  conditions  were  ful- 
filled. But,  owing  to  the  inconveniences  that  were 
found  to  result,  this  concession  was  withdrawn  in  the 
following  year.  Benedict  XIV  states  (De  Missae 
Sacrif.,  II,  xxii.  n.  32)  that  in  his  time  the  kings  of 
France  had  the  privilege  of  communicating  sub 
vtrdque  at  their  coronation  and  on  their  death-bed. 
In  the  eighteenth  century  the  deacon  and  subdeacon 
officiating  at  High  Mass  in  the  Church  of  Saint-Denis, 
Paris,  on  Sundays  and  solemn  feasts,  and  at  Cluny  on 
all  feasts  of  obligation,  were  allowed  to  receive  sub 
utrdquc  (Benedict  XIV,  loc.  cit.).  The  only  surviving 
example  of  this  pri\'ilege  is  in  the  case  of  the  deacon 
and  subdeacon  officiating  in  the  solemn  Mass  of  the 
pope. 

III.  Theological  Specul.4.tion. — The  definition 
of  the  Coimcil  of  Trent,  to  the  effect  that  the  com- 
municant imder  one  kind  is  deprived  of  no  grace  neces- 
sary for  salvation  (see  I),  was  intended  merely  to 
negative  the  LTtraquist  contention,  and  is  not  to  be 
understood  as  implj-ing  that  Communion  under  one 
kind  involves  incompleteness  of  sacramental  causal- 
ity or  a  ciu-tailment  of  sacramental  grace.  The  coun- 
cil had  no  thought  of  deciding  this  point,  which  had 
been  held  to  be  an  open  question  by  theologians  since 
the  twelfth  century  and  has  continued  to  be  treated 
as  such  down  to  om-  own  day.  Without  attempting 
to  sketch  the  history  of  the  discussion,  we  will  state 
here  very  briefly  the  ultimate  form  which  the  question 
has  assumed  and  the  opposing  answers  that  have  been 
given. 

It  is  a  recognized  principle  in  sacramental  theology 
that  the  sacraments  cause  what  they  signify,  and  the 
present  discussion  turns  upon  the  interpretation  of 
this  principle  in  reference  to  the  Holy  Eucharist. 
Does  the  principle  mean,  not  merely  that  the  external 
rites  are  intended  to  signify,  in  a  sufficiently  distinc- 
tive way,  the  special  graces  they  were  instituted  to 
confer,  but  that  their  efficacy  in  the  production  of 
grace  is  measiu-ed  by  the  degree  of  clearness  (where 
degrees  are  admissible)  with  which  the  sacramental 
signification  is  expressed?  In  the  Eucharist  grace  is 
symbolized  as  a  spiritual  refection  or  aliment,  after 
the  analogy  of  corporal  nourishment ;  and  this  signifi- 
cation is  admittedly  expressed  with  greater  clearness 
in  the  distinct  reception  of  both  species  than  in  Com- 
munion under  one  kind.  Are  we  to  hold,  therefore, 
that  Commimion  sub  utrcique,  being  a  more  perfect 
symbol  of  a  complete  refection,  confers  a  fuller  degree 
of  sacramental  grace  than  Communion  under  one 
kind,  or  in  other  words,  that  by  Divine  institution 
there  is  a  twofold  causality  or  two  distinct  lines  of 
causality  in  the  Eucharist,  corresponding  to  the  two 
modes  of  reception,  and  that  both  lines  of  causality 
are  required  for  the  complete  production  of  its  fruits? 
A  minority  of  the  great  theologians  have  answered 
this  question  in  the  affirmative,  e.  g.  Vasquez  (in  III, 
Q.  Ixxx,  a.  12,  disp.ccxv,  c.ii),DeLugo  (DeSac.  Euch., 
disp.  xii,  iii,  68  sq.),  the  Salmanticenses  (De  Euch. 
Sac,  disp.  X,  52  sq.).  Arguing  on  the  lines  indicated, 
these  theologians  hold  that  per  se  Communion  under 
both  kinds  confers  more  grace  than  Communion  imder 
one  kind,  and  admit  that  the  modern  discipline  of  the 
Church  witlnlraws  this  opportunity  of  more  abimdant 
grace  from  the  faithful.  But  in  doing  so  it  inflicts, 
they  maintain,  no  notable  spiritual  privation,  with- 
holding no  grace  that  is  even  remotely  necessary  for 
salvation;  while,  indirectly,  the  many  advantages 
resulting  from  this  discipline,  particularly  the  in- 
creased reverence  for  the  sacrament  which  it  secures 
and  the  ailditional  opportunities  for  frequent  Com- 
munion which  it  provides,  more  than  make  up  for 
whatever  loss  is  involved. 

The  majority  of  theologians,  however,  rightly  deny 


COMMUNISM 


179 


COMMUNISM 


that  Communion  under  one  kind  involves  per  se  any 
loss  or  curtailment  of  sacramental  grace.  St.  Thomas 
(III,  Q.  l.xxx,  a.  12,  ad  3)  and  St.  Bonaventure  (In 
Sent.  IV,  XI,  punct.  ii,  a.  1,  q.  2)  may  fairly  be  claimed 
for  this  view,  which  is  defended  by  Cajetan  (In  III,  q. 
Ixxx,  a.  12,  II),  Dominicus  Soto  (In  Sent.  IV,  XII,  q. 
i,  a.  12),  Bellarmine  (De  Sac.  Euch.,  IV,  33),  Suarez 
(In  III,  q.  Ixxix,  a.  8,  disp.  Ixiii,  VI,  S,  sq.),  Sylvius 
(In  III,  q.  Ixxx,  a.  12,  q.  2),  Gonet  (De  Sac.  Euch., 
disp.  viii,  a.  4,  n.  69),  and  a  host  of  later  writers. 
While  admitting  that  the  sacraments  cause  what  they 
signify,  these  theologians  deny  that  the  extent  of  their 
causality  is  dependent  on  the  mode  or  degree  of  per- 
fection m  which  this  signification  is  realized,  or  that 
there  is  any  ground  for  distinguishing  a  twofold 
causality  in  the  Eucharist  depending  on  tlie  twofold 
manner  of  reception.  There  is  all  the  more  reason  for 
denying  this  in  the  case  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  since 
both  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  are  really  present, 
and  the  complete  refection  intended  by  Christ  is  really 
received,  under  either  species  alone;  and  since,  more- 
over, in  the  production  of  whatever  grace  is  given,  in 
additionto  the  grace  of  mere  presence,  the  more  impor- 
tant cause  is  Christ  Himself  in  His  sacred  humanity  per- 
sonally present  in  the  recipient.  Must  we  hold  that 
Christ  limited  the  grace-giving  efficacy  of  His  invis- 
ible presence  so  as  to  make  it  dependent  on  the  acci- 
dental mode  in  which  that  presence  is  visibly  sj-m- 
bolized  rather  than  on  the  presence  itself?  Or  that 
He  curtailed  the  spiritually  nutritive  effects  of  what  is 
de  facto  complete  as  an  aliment  and,  as  such,  is  suffi- 
ciently symbolized  by  either  species,  merely  because 
the  physical  analogy  in  the  manner  of  reception  is  not 
reproduced  as  literally  and  completely  as  it  might  be? 
Even  in  the  natural  order  we  do  not  always  insist  on 
the  distinction  between  eating  and  drinking  in  refer- 
ence to  our  bodily  refection,  and  in  the  spiritual  and 
supernatural  sphere,  where  there  is  question  of  the 
soul's  refection  by  Divine  grace,  it  is  surely  an  over- 
straining of  the  law  of  sacramental  symbolism  to  urge 
that  distinction  as  insistently  as  do  theologians  of  the 
first  opinion.  Such  briefly  is  the  line  of  argument  by 
which  the  common  opinion  is  supported.  It  only  re- 
mains to  add  that  in  this  opinion  the  reception  of  the 
chalice  may  augment,  per  accidens,  the  grace  of  the 
sacrament,  by  securing  a  longer  continuance  of  the 
species  and  thereby  of  the  Real  Presence,  and  by 
helping  to  prolong  or  renew  the  fervent  dispositions 
of  the  recipient. 

Among,  and  in  addition  to,  the  authore  and  works  mentioned 
in  the  course  of  this  article,  the  following  are  particularly  note- 
worthy: Hedley,  The  Holy  Eucharist  (in  the  Westminster 
Library  series,  London,  1907),  ch.  vi,  p.  84  sq.;  Dalg.urns, 
The  Holv  Communion  (DubUn.  1861).  vi;  St.  Thomas,  Sum. 
Theol.  III.  Q.  Ixxx.  a.  12;  St.  Bonaventcee,  In  Sent.  IV,  XI, 
punct.  ii,  a.  1,  q.  ii  (Quaracchi);  Cajetax,  In  III,  Q.  Ixxx.  a.  12, 
also  De  Comm.  sub  utraque  specie,  tr.  XII  inter  opuscuta; 
Bellarmine,  De  Sacram.  Euch.,  IV,  30  sq.;  Bona,  Rer. 
Liturg.,  II,  xvii-xx;  Bossuet,  Traite  de  la  Comm.  sou.t  les  deux 
psprces:  La  tradition  drfendue  sur  la  maiticre  de  la  Comm.  sous 
une  espece;  Benedictt  XIV.  De  Sacrosancio  Miss(e.  Sacrificio, 
II,  c.  xxii,  n.  18,  sq.;  Chardon,  Histoire  du  Sacrement  de  I'Eu- 
charittie  in  Migne,  Theol.  Cursus  Complctus,  XX:  Probst, 
Sacramente  und  Sacramcntalicn  in  den  drci  erstcn  ,Iahrhunderten 
(Tubingen,  1872);  Corblet,  Histoire  du  Sacrement  de  I'Eu- 
charistie  (Paris,  1885);  Gasparri,  Tractalus  Canonicus  de  SS. 
Euchari.itia  (Paris,  1897),  I:  Hecser  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  723 
sqq.;    DcBLANCHY  in  Diet,  de  theol.  cath..  III.  ,'>.^2  sqq. 

P.  J.  Toner. 

Communism  (Lat.  communis). — In  its  more  general 
signification  communism  refers  to  any  social  system 
in  which  all  property,  or  at  least  all  productive  prop- 
erty, is  owned  by  the  group,  or  community,  instead  of 
by  individuals.  Thus  understood  it  comprises  com- 
munistic anarchism,  socialism,  and  communism  in  the 
strict  sense.  Communistic  anarchism  (as  distin- 
guished from  the  philosophic  variety)  would  abolish 
not  only  private  property,  but  political  government. 
Socialism  means  the  collective  ownership  and  man- 
agement not  of  all  property,  but  only  of  the  material 
agencies  of  production.  Communism  in  the  strict  sense 


demands  that  both  production-goods,  such  as  land, 
railways,  and  factories,  and  consumption-goods,  such 
as  dwellings,  furniture,  food,  and  clothing,  should  be 
the  property  of  the  whole  community.  Previous  to 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  term  was 
used  in  its  more  general  sense,  even  by  socialists. 
Marx  and  Engels  called  the  celebrated  document  in 
which  they  gave  to  socialism  its  first  "scientific"  ex- 
pression, the  "Communist  Manifesto".  They  could 
scarcely  do  otherwise,  since  the  word  Socialism  was 
used  for  the  first  time  in  the  year  1833,  in  England. 
Before  long,  however,  most  of  the  followers  of  the 
new  movement  preferred  to  call  their  economic  creed 
Socialism  and  themselves  Socialists.  To-day  no  so- 
cialist who  believes  that  individuals  should  be  allowed 
to  retain  ownership  of  consumption-goods  would  class 
himself  as  a  communist.  Hence  the  word  is  at  pres- 
ent pretty  generally  employed  in  the  narrower  sense. 
Its  use  to  designate  merely  common  ownership  of 
capital  is  for  the  most  part  confined  to  the  unin- 
formed, and  to  those  who  seek  to  injure  socialism  by 
giving  it  a  bad  name. 

Communism  in  the  strict  sense  is  also  distinguished 
from  socialism  by  the  fact  that  it  usually  connotes  a 
greater  degree  of  common  life.  In  the  words  of  the 
Rev.  W.  D.  P.  Bliss,  "socialism  puts  its  emphasis  on 
common  productio7i  and  dixtribution;  communism,  on 
life  in  common"  ("Handbook  of  Socialism",  p.  12). 
Communism  aims,  therefore,  at  a  greater  measure  of 
equality  than  socialism.  It  would  obtain  more  uni- 
formity in  the  matter  of  marriage,  education,  food, 
clothing,  dwellings,  and  the  general  life  of  the  com- 
munity. Hence  the  various  attempts  that  have  been 
made  by  small  groups  of  persons  living  a  common  life 
to  establish  common  ownership  of  industry  and  com- 
mon enjoyment  of  its  products,  have  generally  been 
described  as  experiments  in  communism.  In  fact 
socialism,  in  its  proper  sense  of  ownership  and  opera- 
tion of  capital-instruments  by  the  entire  democratic 
State,  has  never  been  tried  anyivherc.  This  calls  to 
mind  the  further  distinction  that  communism,  even 
as  a  present-day  ideal,  implies  the  organization  of  in- 
dustry and  life  by  small  federated  communities, 
rather  than  by  a  centralized  State.  William  Morris 
thus  distinguishes  them,  and  hopes  that  socialism  will 
finally  develop  into  communism  ("Modern  Social- 
ism", edited  by  R.  C.  K.  Ensor,  p.  88).  Combining 
all  these  notes  into  a  formal  definition,  we  might  say 
that  complete  communism  means  the  common  owner- 
ship of  both  industry  and  its  products  by  small  fed- 
erated communities,  living  a  common  life. 

Hlstory. — The  earliest  operation  of  the  commu- 
nistic principle  of  which  we  have  any  record,  took 
place  in  Crete  about  1.300  B.  c.  All  the  citizens  were 
educated  by  the  State  in  a  uniform  way,  and  all  ate 
at  the  public  tables.  According  to  tradition,  it  was 
this  experiment  that  moved  Lycurgus  to  set  up  his 
celebrated  regime  in  Sparta.  Under  his  rule,  Plu- 
tarch informs  us,  there  was  a  common  system  of  edu- 
cation, g^minastics,  and  military  training  for  all  the 
youth  of  lioth  sexes.  Public  meals  and  public  sleep- 
ing apartments  were  provided  for  all  the  citizens. 
The  land  was  redistributed  so  that  all  had  equal 
shares.  .Although  marriage  existed,  it  was  modified 
by  a  certain  degree  of  promiscuity  in  the  interest  of 
race-culture.  The  principles  of  equality  and  common 
life  were  also  enforced  in  many  other  matters.  As 
Plutarch  says,  "no  man  was  at  liberty  to  live  as  he 
pleased,  the  city  being  like  one  great  camp  where  all 
had  their  stated  allowance".  In  several  other  re- 
spects, however,  the  regime  of  Lycurgus  fell  short  of 
normal  communism:  though  the  land  was  equally 
distributed  it  was  privately  owned;  the  political  sys- 
tem was  not  a  democracy  but  a  limited  monarchy, 
and  later  an  oligarchy;  and  the  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship and  equality  were  not  enjoyed  by  the  entire 
population.     The  Helots,  who  performed  all  the  dis- 


COMMUNISM 


180 


COMMUNISM 


agreeable  work,  were  slaves  in  the  worst  sense  of  that 
term.  Indeed,  the  purpose  of  the  whole  organization 
was  military  and  political  rather  than  economic  and 
social.  As  Lycurgus  was  inspired  by  the  Cretan  ex- 
periment, so  Plato  was  impressed  by  the  achievement 
of  Lycurgus.  His  "Republic"  describes  an  ideal 
commonwealth  in  which  there  was  to  be  community 
of  property,  meals,  and  even  of  women.  The  State 
was  to  control  education,  marriage,  births,  the  occu- 
pation of  the  citizens,  and  the  distribution  and  en- 
joyment of  goods.  It  would  enforce  perfect  equality 
of  conditions  and  careers  for  all  citizens  and  for  both 
sexes.  Plato's  motive  in  outlining  this  imaginary 
social  order  was  individual  welfare,  not  State  aggran- 
dizement. He  wanted  to  call  the  attention  of  the 
world  to  a  State  which  was  unique  in  that  it  was  not 
composed  of  two  classes  constantly  at  war  with  each 
other,  the  rich  and  the  poor.  But  his  model  com- 
monwealth was  to  have  slaves. 

The  communistic  principle  governed  for  a  time  the 
lives  of  the  first  Christians  of  Jerusalem.  In  the 
fourth  chapter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  learn 
that  none  of  the  brethren  called  anything  that  he 
possessed  his  own;  that  those  who  had  houses  and 
lands  sold  them  and  laid  the  price  at  the  feet  of  the 
Apostles,  who  distributed  "to  everyone  according  as 
he  had  need".  Inasmuch  as  they  made  no  distinc- 
tion between  citizens  and  slaves,  these  primitive 
Christians  were  in  advance  of  the  communism  of 
Plato.  Their  commimism  was,  moreover,  entirely 
voluntary  and  spontaneous.  The  words  of  St.  Peter 
to  Ananias  prove  that  individual  Christians  were 
quite  free  to  retain  their  private  property.  Finally, 
the  arrangement  did  not  long  continue,  nor  was  it 
adopted  by  any  of  the  other  Christian  bodies  outside 
of  Jerusalem.  Hence  the  assertion  that  Christianity 
was  in  the  beginning  communistic  is  a  gross  exaggera- 
tion. And  the  claim  that  certain  Fathers  of  the 
Church,  notably  Ambrose,  Augustine,  Basil,  Chrys- 
ostom,  and  Jerome,  condemned  all  private  property 
and  advocated  communism,  is  likewise  unwarranted. 
Most  of  the  religious,  that  is.  ascetic  and  monastic 
orders  find  communities  which  have  existed,  both 
within  and  without  the  Christian  fold,  exhibit  some 
of  the  features  of  communism.  The  Buddhist  monks 
in  India,  the  Essenes  in  Judea,  and  the  Therapeutte 
in  Egypt,  all  excluded  private  ownership  and  led  a 
common  life.  The  religious  communities  of  the  Catli- 
olic  Church  have  always  practised  common  owner- 
ship of  goods,  both  productive  (whenever  they  pos- 
sessed these)  and  non-productive.  Their  communism 
differs,  however,  from  that  of  the  economic  com- 
munists in  that  its  primary  object  is  not  and  never 
has  been  social  reform  or  a  more  just  distribution  of 
goods.  The  spiritual  improvement  of  the  individual 
member  and  the  better  fulfilment  of  their  charitable 
mission,  such  as  instructing  the  yomig  or  caring  for 
the  sick  and  infirm,  are  the  ends  that  they  have 
chiefly  sought.  These  communities  insist,  moreover, 
that  their  mode  of  life  is  adapted  only  to  the  few. 
For  these  reasons  we  find  them  always  apart  from  the 
world,  making  no  attempt  to  bring  in  any  consider- 
able portion  of  those  without,  and  observing  celibacy. 
One  important  feature  of  economic  communism  is 
wanting  to  nearly  all  religious  communities,  namely, 
common  ownership  and  management  of  the  material 
agents  of  production  from  which  they  derive  their 
sustenance.  In  this  respect  they  are  more  akin  to 
wage-earning  bodies  than  to  communistic  organiza- 
tions. 

During  the  Middle  Ages  communism  was  held,  and 
in  various  degrees  practised,  by  several  heretical 
sects.  In  this  they  professed  to  imitate  the  example 
of  the  primitive  ('hri.stians.  Their  communism  was, 
therefore,  like  that  of  the  monastic  orders,  religious 
rather  than  economic.  On  the  other  hand,  the  motive 
of  the  religious  orders  was  Christ's  counsel  to  seek  per- 


fection .  Chief  among  the  communistie  heretical  sects 
were :  the  Catharists,  the  Apostolics,  the  Brothers  and 
Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit,  the  Hussites,  the  Moravians, 
and  the  Anabaptists.  None  of  them  presents  facts 
of  any  great  importance  to  the  student  of  commun- 
ism. The  next  notable  event  in  the  history  of  com- 
munism is  the  appearance  of  .St.  Thomas  More's  "  Uto- 
pia" (1516).  The  purpose  of  this  romantic  account 
of  an  ideal  commonwealth  was  economic,  not  military 
or  religious.  The  withdrawal  of  large  tracts  of  land 
from  cultivation  to  be  used  for  sheep-raising,  the  cur- 
tailment of  the  tenant's  rights  to  the  common,  and 
the  rise  in  rents  had  already  begun  to  produce  that 
insecurity,  poverty,  and  pauperism  which  later  on  be- 
came so  distressing  in  England,  and  which  still  consti- 
tute a  most  perplexing  problem.  By  way  of  contrast 
to  these  conditions.  More  drew  his  ideal  picture  of  the 
State  of  Utopia.  In  his  conception  of  industrial  con- 
ditions, needs,  and  tendencies.  More  was  ages  ahead 
of  his  time.  "  I  can  have  ",  he  says,  "  no  other  notion 
of  all  the  other  governments  that  I  see  or  know  than 
that  they  are  a  conspiracy  of  the  rich,  who  on  pretence 
of  managing  the  public  only  pursue  their  private  ends, 
and  devise  all  the  ways  and  arts  they  can  find  out: 
first,  that  they  may  without  danger  preserve  all  that 
they  have  so  ill  acquired,  and  then  that  they  may  en- 
gage the  poor  to  toil  and  labour  for  them  at  as  lowrates 
as  possible,  and  oppress  them  as  much  as  they  please." 
This  reads  more  like  an  outburst  from  some  radical 
reformer  of  the  twentieth  century  than  the  testimony 
of  a  state  chancellor  of  the  early  sixteenth.  In  "  Uto- 
pia" all  goods  are  held  and  enjoyed  in  common,  and 
all  meals  are  taken  at  the  public  tables.  But  there  is 
no  community  of  wives.  The  disagreeable  work  is 
done  by  slaves,  but  the  slaves  are  all  convicted  crim- 
inals. Concerning  both  the  family  and  the  dignity 
.and  rights  of  the  individual,  "Utopia"  is,  therefore, 
on  higher  groimd  than  the  "Republic".  There  are 
several  other  descriptions  of  ideal  States  which  owe 
their  inspiration  to  "Utopia".  The  most  important 
are:  "Oceana"  (1656)  by  James  Harrington ;  "The 
City  of  the  Sun"  (1625)  by  Thomas  Campanella  (q. 
V.)";  and  Francis  Bacon's  "New  Atlantis"  (1629). 
None  of  them  has  been  nearly  so  widely  read  nor  so 
influential  as  their  prototyjie.  Campanella,  who  was. 
a  Dominican  monk,  represents  the  authorities  of  "  The 
City  of  the  Sun"  as  compelling  the  best-developed 
women  to  mate  with  the  best-developed  men,  in  order 
that  the  children  may  be  as  perfect  as  possible. 
Children  are  to  be  trained  by  the  State  not  by  the 
parents,  for  they  "are  bred  for  the  preservation  of 
the  species  and  not  for  individual  pleasure". 

The  comprehensive  criticism  of,  and  revolt  against 
social  institutions  carried  on  by  French  writers  in  the 
eighteenth  century  naturally  included  theories  for  the 
reconstruct  ion  of  the  economic  order,  (iabriel  de  Mably 
(Doutes  proposes  aux  philosophes  economiques,  176S) 
who  seems  to  have  borrowed  partly  from  Plato  and 
partly  from  Rousseau,  declared  that  community  of 
goods  would  secure  equality  of  condition  and  the 
highest  welfare  of  the  race ;  but  he  shrank  from  ad- 
vocating this  as  a  practical  remedy  for  the  ills  of  his 
own  time.  Morelly  (Code  de  la  nature,  1755)  agreed 
with  Rousseau  that  all  social  evils  were  due  to  msti- 
tutions,  and  urged  the  ownership  and  management  of 
all  property  anil  industry  by  the  State.  Both  tie  Mably 
and  Morelly  were  apostate  priests.  Morelly's  views 
were  adopted  by  one  of  the  French  Revolutionists, 
F.  N.  Baboeuf,  who  was  the  first  modern  to  take 
practical  steps  toward  the  formation  of  a  communistic 
society.  His  plans  included  compulsory  labour  on 
the  part  of  all,  and  public  di.stribution  of  the  product 
according  to  individual  noeiis.  To  convert  his  theo- 
ries into  reality,  he  founded  the  "Society  of  Equals" 
(1796)  and  projected  an  armed  insurrection;  but  the 
conspirators  were  soon  betrayed  anti  their  leader 
guillotmed    (1797).     Count   Henri   de    Saint-Simon, 


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181 


COMMUNISM 


whose  theories  received  their  final  shape  in  his  "Nou- 
veau  Christianisme"  (1825),  did  not  demand  common 
ownership  of  all  property.  Hence  he  is  looked  upon 
as  the  first  socialist  rather  than  as  a  communist.  He 
was  the  first  to  emphasize  the  division  of  modern 
society  into  employers  and  workingmen,  and  the  first 
to  advocate  a  reconstruction  of  the  industrial  and 
political  order  on  the  basis  of  labour  and  in  the  par- 
ticular interest  of  the  working  classes.  According  to 
his  view,  the  State  should  become  the  director  of 
industry,  assigning  tasks  in  proportion  to  capacity 
and  rewards  in  proportion  to  work.  He  is  also  a 
socialist  rather  than  a  communist  in  his  desire  that 
reforms  should  be  brought  about  by  the  central 
Government,  instead  of  by  local  authority  or  volun- 
tary associations.  Charles  Fourier  (Traits  de  I'as- 
sociation  domestique-agricole,  1822)  did  not  even  ask 
for  the  abolition  of  all  capital.  Yet  he  was  more  of  a 
communist  than  Saint-Simon  because  his  plans  were 
to  be  carried  out  by  the  local  communities,  to  which 
he  gave  the  name  of  "phalanxes",  and  because  the 
members  were  to  live  a  common  life.  All  would  dwell 
in  one  large  building  called  the  "phalansterie".  Tasks 
were  to  be  assigned  with  some  regard  to  the  prefer- 
ences of  the  individual,  but  there  were  to  be  frequent 
changes  of  occupation.  Every  worker  would  get  a 
minimum  wage  adequate  to  a  comfortable  livelihood. 
The  surplus  product  would  be  divided  among  labour, 
capital,  and  talent,  but  in  such  a  way  that  those  doing 
the  most  disagreeable  work  would  obtain  the  highest 
compensation.  Marriage  would  be  terminable  by  the 
parties  themselves.  An  attempt  to  establish  a  pha- 
lan.x  at  Versailles  in  1832  resulted  in  complete  failure. 
Etienne  Cabet  drew  up  a  communistic  programme 
in  his  "  Voyage  en  Icarie"  (1840),  which  was  modelled 
upon  the  work  of  Sir  Thomas  More.  He  would  abolish 
private  property  and  private  education,  but  not  mar- 
riage nor  the  family  life.  Goods  were  to  be  produced 
and  distributed  by  the  community  as  a  whole,  and  there 
was  to  be  complete  equality  among  all  its  members. 
In  1848  he  emigrated  with  a  band  of  his  disciples  to 
America,  and  established  the  community  of  Icaria  in 
Texas.  In  1849  they  moved  to  the  abandoned  Mor- 
mon settlement  of  Nauvoo,  Illinois.  Here  the  com- 
munity prospered  for  several  years,  until  the  usual 
solvent  appeared  in  the  shape  of  internal  dissension. 
In  18.50  the  small  minority  that  sided  with  Cabet 
settled  at  Cheltenham,  near  St.  Louis,  while  the 
greater  number  moved  to  Southern  Iowa,  where  they 
established  a  new  community  to  which  they  gave  the 
old  name  of  Icaria.  The  latter  settlement  flourished 
until  1878,  when  there  began  a  final  series  of  disrup- 
tions, secessions,  and  migrations.  The  last  band  of 
Icarians  was  dissolved  in  1895.  At  that  time  the 
community  numbered  only  twenty-one  members;  in 
Nauvoo  there  were  five  hundred.  Icaria  has  been 
called  "the  most  tj-pical  experiment  ever  made  in 
democratic  communism"  and  "more  wonderful  than 
any  other  similar  colony,  in  that  it  endured  so  long 
without  any  dogmatic  basis".  The  Icarians  prac- 
tised no  religion.  In  his  "Organisation  du  travail" 
(1840)  Louis  Blanc  demanded  that  the  State  establish 
national  workshops,  with  a  view  to  ultimate  State 
ownership  and  management  of  all  production.  After 
the  Revolution  of  1848  the  French  Government  did 
introduce  several  national  workshops,  but  it  made  no 
honest  effort  to  conduct  them  according  to  the  ideas 
of  M.  Blanc.  They  were  all  unsuccessful  and  short- 
lived. Like  Saint-Simon,  Louis  Blanc  was  a  socialist 
rather  than  a  communist  in  his  theories  of  social  re- 
organization, property,  and  individual  freedom.  From 
his  time  forward  all  the  important  theories  and  move- 
ments concerning  the  reorganization  of  society,  in  the 
other  countries  of  Europe  as  well  as  in  France,  fall 
properly  under  the  head  of  socialism.  The  remainder 
of  the  history  of  communism  describes  events  that 
occurred  in  the  LTnited  States.     In  his  "  American 


Communities"  William  A.  Hinds  enumerates  some 
thirty-five  different  associations  in  which  commu- 
nistic principles  were  either  partially  or  wholly  put 
into  operation. 

Co.MMUNisTic  Societies  in  the  United  States. — 
The  Ephrata  Community  (Pennsylvania)  was,  with 
two  unimportant  exceptions,  the  earliest.  It  was 
founded  in  17.S2  by  Conrad  Beissel,  a  German,  who 
had  for  some  years  led  the  life  of  a  religious  hermit. 
Three  men  and  two  women  who  shared  his  \-iews  on 
the  Sabbath  were  permitted  to  join  him,  and  thus 
the  six  became  a  community.  The  members  held 
property  in  common,  laboured  in  common,  lived  in 
common,  and  observed  complete  equality  of  condi- 
tions. They  regarded  celibacy  as  preferable  to  the 
wedded  state,  and  during  the  early  years  of  the 
community  the  majority  remained  immarried.  Their 
primary  aim,  therefore,  was  religious  and  spiritual 
instead  of  social  and  economic.  The  community 
never  had  more  than  three  hundred  members;  in  1900 
it  had  only  seventeen. 

The  most  important  communistic  organization  in 
the  United  States  is  that  of  the  Shakers.  Their  first 
community  was  founded  at  Mt.  Lebanon,  N.  Y.,  in 
1787.  At  present  there  are  thirty-five  separate  com- 
munities with  a  total  membership  of  one  thousand; 
once  they  aggregated  five  thousand.  Like  the  Ephra- 
tans,  the  Shakers  are  a  religious  sect  and  live  a  com- 
munity life  for  a  religious  purpose.  The  founders  of 
their  first  American  settlement  were  a  band  of  English 
Quakers  to  whom  the  name  Shakers  was  given  because 
of  their  bodily  agitations  under  the  supposed  influence 
of  spiritual  forces  in  their  religious  meetings.  In  the 
Shaker  communities  property  is  held  in  common  (ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  members  who  have  not  reached 
the  Third,  or  Senior  Order),  meals  are  taken  in  com- 
mon, there  is  a  common  hour  for  rising,  modes  of 
dress  are  uniform,  and  there  are  minute  rules  govern- 
ing manners  and  conduct  generally.  While  all  mem- 
bers are  on  a  footing  of  equality,  the  government  is 
hierarchical  rather  than  democratic.  They  make  con- 
fession of  sin  before  entering,  observe  celibacy,  ab- 
stain from  alcoholic  drinks,  discourage  the  use  of 
tobacco,  and  endeavour  to  avoid  "  all  worldly  usages, 
manners,  customs,  loves  and  affections,  which  inter- 
pose between  the  individual  citizen  of  the  heavenly 
kingdom  and  his  duties  and  privileges  therein".  Ow- 
ing to  its  principles  and  practices.  Shaker  communism 
is  as  little  suited  to  the  generality  of  menasnionas- 
ticism.  Their  membership  is  recruited  mostly 
through  religious  revivals  and  the  reception  of  home- 
less children.  Nevertheless  the  community  has  not 
been  a  complete  failure  as  regards  those  who  have 
remained  faithful  to  its  life.  "  For  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years",  they  maintain,  "they  have  lived  pros- 
perous, contented,  happy  lives,  making  their  land 
bloom  like  the  fairest  garden;  and  during  all  these 
years  have  never  spent  among  themselves  a  penny  for 
police,  for  lawyers,  for  judges,  for  poor-houses,  for 
penal  institutions  or  any  like  'improvements'  of  the 
outside  world." 

Two  communities  that  had  a  considerable  resem- 
blance to  each  other  were  the  Harmonists,  established 
in  Pennsylvania  in  1805  by  George  Rapp,  and  the 
Separatists  of  Zoar,  founded  in  1818  by  Joseph  Bau- 
meler  in  Ohio.  Both  communities  were  German, 
were  religious  rather  than  economic,  held  the  same 
religious  views,  and  practised  celibacy.  Early  in 
their  hi.story  the  .Separati-sts  abandoned  celibacy,  but 
continued  to  regard  it  as  a  higher  state  than  marriage. 
The  Harmonists  had  at  one  time  one  thousand  mem- 
bers, but  by  the  year  1900  di-ssensions  had  reduced 
them  to  nine.  The  Separatists  never  numbered  more 
than  five  hundred.  They  ceased  to  exist  as  a  com- 
munity in  1898.  The  New  Harmony  Community 
was  established  in  1825  on  land  in  Indiana  th.at  had 
once  been  occupied  by  the  Harmonists.     Its  founder 


COMMUNISM 


182 


COMMUNISM 


was  Robert  Owen,  a  Welshman,  who  had  managed 
with  remarkable  success  the  New  Lanark  mills  in  Scot- 
land. He  was  the  first  to  introduce  the  ten-hour  day 
into  factories  and  to  refuse  to  employ  very  young 
children  and  pauper  children.  He  also  established 
the  first  infant  schools  in  England.  He  made  the 
village  of  New  Lanark  a  model  of  good  order,  temper- 
ance, thrift,  comfort,  and  contentment.  He  was  a 
humanitarian  and  reformer  who  did  not  shrink  from 
large  sacrifices  on  behalf  of  his  theories.  Encouraged 
by  the  success  of  his  efforts  at  New  Lanark,  and  be- 
heving  that  men  were  good  by  nature  and  needed  only 
the  proper  environment  to  become  virtuous,  strong, 
intelligent,  and  contented,  he  began  to  dream  of  a 
communism  that  should  be  world-wide.  He  would 
have  all  persons  gathered  into  villages  of  between 
three  hundred  and  two  thousand  souls,  each  of  whom 
was  to  have  from  one-half  to  one  and  one-half  acres  of 
land.  The  dwellings  of  each  village  would  be  arranged 
in  a  parallelogram,  with  common  kitchens,  eating- 
houses,  and  .schools  in  the  centre.  Individual  prop- 
erty was  to  be  abolished.  Such  were  the  plans  that 
he  intended  to  try  for  the  first  time  in  the  community 
of  New  Harmony.  Before  the  end  of  its  first  year 
this  community  had  nine  hundred  souls  and  thirty 
thousand  acres  of  land.  Before  two  years  had  passed 
dissensions  had  arisen,  two  new  communities  had  been 
formed  by  seceders,  and  the  original  community  had 
been  dissolved.  Several  other  communistic  settle- 
ments which  owed  their  existence  to  the  teaching  and 
example  of  Owen,  were  established  in  different  States, 
but  none  of  them  outlived  New  Harmony.  Like  the 
latter,  they  all  expressly  rejected  any  religious  basis. 
This  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for 
their  early  dissolution.  Toward  the  end  of  his  life 
Owen  gave  up  his  materialistic  notions,  and  admitted 
the  supreme  importance  of  spiritual  forces  in  the  for- 
mation of  sound  character. 

The  Oneida  Community  of  Oneida,  N.  Y.,  was 
founded  in  1848  by  J.  H.  Noyes.  Its  purpose  was 
primarily  religious,  "the  establishment  of  the  king- 
dom of  God".  At  one  period  it  had  five  hundred 
members.  For  more  than  thirty  years  its  members 
practised  not  only  community  of  property  and  of  life 
generally,  but  also  of  women,  through  their  so-called 
"complex  marriages".  The  rearing  of  children  was 
partly  a  parental  but  chiefly  a  community  function. 
In  deference  to  public  sentiment  outside,  the  practice 
of  "complex  marriage"  was  in  1879  discontinued. 
They  then  divided  themselves  into  two  classes,  "  the 
married  and  the  celibate,  both  legitimate  but  the  last 
preferred".  However,  nearly  all  of  them  got  married 
within  a  very  short  time.  In  1881  the  community 
was  converted  into  a  joint-stock  company,  the  mem- 
bers owning  individual  shares.  Financially,  the  new 
corporation  has  been  a  success,  but  most  of  its  common- 
life  features  disappeared  with  "complex  marriage". 

Between  1840  and  1S50  some  thirty  communities 
modelled  upon  the  phalanxes  of  Fourier  were 
established  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States. 
Only  one  lasted  longer  than  six  years,  and  the 
great  majority  disappeared  within  three  years.  Their 
rise  was  due  chiefly  to  the  writings  and  efforts 
of  an  exceptionally  able,  cultured,  and  enthusiastic 
group  of  writers  which  included  Horace  Greeley,  Albert 
Brisbane,  George  Ripley,  Parke  Goodwin,  William 
Henry  Channing,  Charles  A.  Dana,  Nathaniel  Haw- 
thorne, and  Elizabeth  Peabody.  The  most  notable 
of  these  experiments  was  the  one  at  Brook  Farm. 
Although  it  took  the  form  of  a  joint-stock  company, 
paying  five  per  cent  interest,  it  exemplified  the  prin- 
ciples of  communism  in  many  particulars.  The  in- 
dustries were  managed  by  the  community  and  all  the 
members  took  turns  at  the  various  tasks;  all  received 
the  same  wages,  all  were  guaranteed  support  for  them- 
selves and  their  dependents,  and  all  enjoyed  the  same 
advantages  in  the  matter  of  food,  clothing,  and  dwell- 


ings. For  the  first  two  years  (1841-43)  the  life  was 
charming;  but  the  enterprise  was  not  a  success  finan- 
cially. In  1844  the  organization  was  converted  into 
a  Fourieristic  phalanx,  which  had  an  unsuccessful 
existence  of  a  few  brief  months.  Brook  Farm  failed 
thus  early  because  it  had  too  many  philosophers  and 
too  few  "hard-fisted  toilers". 

The  Amana  Community  (Iowa)  was  begun  in  1855 
by  a  band  of  Germans  who  called  themselves  "True 
Inspirationists",  on  account  of  their  beHef  that  the 
inspiration  of  the  Apostolic  age  is  still  vouchsafed  to 
Christians.  Their  distinctive  religious  tenets  reach 
back  to  the  Pietists  of  the  seventeenth  century,  but  as 
an  organization  they  began  at  Hesse,  Germany,  in 
1714.  They  came  to  America  to  escape  religious  per- 
secution, not  to  practise  communism.  According  to 
their  own  testimony,  the  communistic  feature  was 
introduced  solely  as  a  means  to  a  better  Christian  life. 
The  community  tolerates  marriage  but  prefers  celi- 
bacy. Those  who  marry  suffer  a  declme  in  social 
standing,  and  are  compelled  to  wait  for  some  time 
before  they  can  regain  their  former  position.  One 
of  their  "  Rules  for  Daily  Life ' '  reads  thus :  "  Fly  from 
the  society  of  woman-kind  as  much  as  possible,  as  a 
very  highly  dangerous  magnet  and  magical  fire." 
The  families  live  separately,  but  eat  in  groups  of  from 
thirty-five  to  fifty.  All  property  belongs  to  the  com- 
munity. In  order  the  better  to  achieve  their  supreme 
purpose — self-denial  and  the  imitation  of  Christ — 
their  life  is  very  simple,  and  barren  not  only  of  luxury 
but  of  any  considerable  enjoyment.  The  Amana 
Community  has  for  a  long  time  been  the  largest  com- 
munity in  existence,  numbering  between  seventeen 
and  eighteen  hundred  members.  During  sixty  years 
the  members  of  this  community  have  lived  in  peace, 
comfort,  and  contentment,  having  neither  lawyers, 
sheriffs,  nor  beggars. 

None  of  the  other  communistic  settlements  of 
America  presents  features  worthy  of  special  mention. 
Of  all  the  experiments  made  only  the  Amana  Com- 
munity and  the  Shakers  survive.  Societies  like  the 
Co-operative  Brotherhood  and  the  Equality  Com- 
monwealth of  the  State  of  Washington  are  examples 
of  co-operation,  or  at  most  of  socialism.  Besides, 
the}'  are  all  very  young  and  very  small. 

C;eneralization.s  Dk.^wn  from  Communistic  Ex- 
periments.— The  history  of  communistic  societies 
suggests  some  interesting  and  important  generaliza- 
tions. First:  All  but  three  of  the  American  commu- 
nities, namely  those  founded  by  Robert  Owen,  the 
Icarians,  and  the  Fourieristic  experiments,  and  abso- 
lutely all  that  enjoyed  any  measure  of  success,  were 
organized  primarily  for  religious  ends  under  strong 
religious  infiuences,  and  were  maintained  on  a  basis 
of  definite  religious  convictions  and  practices.  Many 
of  their  founders  were  looked  upon  as  prophets.  The 
religious  bond  seems  to  have  been  the  one  force 
capable  of  holding  them  together  at  critical  moments 
of  their  history.  Mr.  Hinds,  who  is  himself  a  firm 
believer  in  communism,  admits  that  there  must  be 
unit}'  of  belief  either  for  or  against  religion.  The  im- 
portance of  the  spiritual  and  ascetic  elements  is 
further  shown  by  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  more 
successful  communities  either  enjoined,  or  at  least 
preferred,  celibacy.  If  communism  needs  the  ascetic 
element  to  this  extent  it  is  evidently  unsuited  for 
general  adoption. 

Second:  It  would  seem  that  where  religion  and 
asceticism  are  not  among  the  primary  ends,  com- 
munity of  wives  as  well  as  of  property  easily  suggests 
itself  to  communists  as  a  normal  and  logical  feature 
of  their  system.  Even  Campanella  declared  that  "  all 
private  property  is  acquired  and  improved  for  the 
reason  that  each  one  of  us  by  himself  has  his  own 
home  and  wife  and  children"!  Speaking  of  the  de- 
cline of  the  Oneida  Community,  Mr.  Hinds  says: 
"Tlic  first  step  out  of  communism  was  taken  when 


COMMUNITY 


183 


'  mine  and  thine '  were  applied  to  husband  and  wife ; 
then  followed  naturally  an  exclusive  interest  in  chil- 
dren ;  then  the  desire  to  accumulate  individual  prop- 
erty for  their  present  and  future  use."  The  founder 
of  this  community  was  of  opinion  that  if  the  ordinary 
principles  of  marriage  are  maintained,  comnnmistio 
associations  will  present  greater  temptations  to  un- 
lawful love  than  ordinary  society.  Communism 
therefore  seems  to  face  the  Scylla  of  celibacy  and  the 
Charybdis  of  promiscuity. 

Third:  All  the  American  communities  except  those 
founded  by  Owen,  were  composed  of  picked  and  select 
souls  who  were  filled  with  enthusiasm  and  willing  to 
make  great  sacrifices  for  their  ideal.  Owen  admitted 
recruits  indiscriminately,  but  keenly  regretted  it  after- 
wards ;  for  he  recognized  it  as  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  premature  failure.  Moreover,  the  other  commu- 
nities separated  themselves  from  and  discouraged  con- 
tact with  the  outside  world.  Most  of  the  deserters 
were  members  who  had  violated  this  injunction,  and 
become  enamoured  of  worldly  ways. 

Fourth:  The  success  attained  by  the  American  com- 
munities was  in  a  very  large  measure  due  to  excep- 
tionally able,  enthusiastic,  and  magnetic  leaders.  As 
soon  as  these  were  removed  from  leadership  their 
communities  almost  invariably  began  to  decline 
rapidly.  This  fact  and  the  facts  mentioned  in  the 
last  paragraph  add  weight  to  the  conclusions  drawn 
from  the  first  two,  namely  that  communism  is  utterly 
unsuited  to  the  majority. 

Fifth:  It  is  possible  for  small  groups  of  choice 
spirits,  especially  when  actuated  by  motives  of  religion 
and  asceticism,  to  maintain  for  more  than  a  century 
a  communistic  organization  in  contentment  and  [)ros- 
perity.  The  proportion  of  laziness  is  smaller  and  the 
problem  of  getting  work  done  simpler  than  is  com- 
monl}'  assumed.  And  the  habit  of  common  life  does 
seem  to  root  out  a  considerable  amoimt  of  human 
selfishness. 

Finally:  The  complete  equality  sought  by  commu- 
nism is  a  well-meant  but  mistaken  interpretation  of  the 
great  moral  truths,  that,  as  persons  and  in  the  sight  of 
God,  all  human  beings  are  equal;  and  that  all  have 
essentially  the  same  needs  and  the  same  ultimate 
destiny.  In  so  far  as  they  are  embodied  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  common  ownership,  these  truths  have  found 
varied  expressions  in  various  countries  and  civiUza- 
tions.  Many  economic  historians  maintain  that  com- 
mon ownership  was  everywhere  the  earliest  form  of 
land  tenure.  It  still  prevails  after  a  fashion  in  the 
country  districts  of  Russia.  Within  the  last  half- 
centurj',  the  sphere  of  common  or  public  ownership 
has  been  greatly  extended  throughout  almost  all  of 
the  Western  world,  and  it  is  certain  to  receive  still 
wider  expansion  in  the  future.  Nevertheless,  the 
verdict  of  experience,  the  nature  of  man,  and  the 
attitude  of  the  Church,  all  assure  us  that  complete 
communism  will  never  be  adopted  by  any  consider- 
able section  of  any  people.  While  the  Church  sanc- 
tions the  principle  of  voluntary  communism  for  the 
few  who  have  a  vocation  to  the  religious  life,  she  con- 
demns universal,  compulsory,  or  legally  enforced 
communism,  inasmuch  as  she  maintains  the  natural 
right  of  every  individual  to  possess  private  property. 
She  has  reprobated  communism  more  specifically  in 
the  Encyclical  "Rerum  Novarum"  of  Pope  Leo 
XIII.  For  the  theories  condemned  in  that  docu- 
ment under  the  name  of  socialism  certainly  include 
communism  as  described  in  these  pages.  See  Col- 
lectivism, Socialism;  Property. 

Plato,  Republic  (London,  1892);  Cathrein,  Sncuilism.  tr. 
from  the  German  by  Gettelman.n  (New  York,  1904):  Pohl- 
MANN,  Gfschichtc  des  aniiken  C omrmtnismus  und  Smialittmus 
(Munich.  189.3-1001);  Capart,  La  -proprUU  individueUe  et  le 
colleclivisme  (N.amur,  1898);  Kai-tsky,  Communism  in  Central 
Europe  at  the  Time  of  the  Rrformnlion  (London,  1897);  Mor- 
LEY,  Ideal  Commonwealths  (London,  188.5).  comprisine  Pm- 
tarch'b  Lycurgua,  More's  Utopia,  Bacon's  New  Atlantis, 
CKiiF\tiEi.hJi.'B,Cilu  of  the  Sun,  and  IIaia.' a  Mundus  alter  el  idem- 


Harrington,  Commonwealth  of  Oceana  (London,  1887);  Lich- 
TENBERGER.  Le  socialisme  au  XVIII'  siicle  (Paris,  1895); 
Ely,  Frcr),  „„,!  r;.-rn,an  Socialism  (New  York,  1883);  NoRn- 
HOFF.  (,,,,,,  ,,  Societies  of  the  United  States  (New  York, 
187.51;  W.  :-,  ,  I  ninmunism  and  Socialism  (New  York, 
1880';  11  ,.!■  '  art  Communities  (Chicago,  1902) ;  Stam- 
HAMMEK.  IJiiLdL.^  .^o-ialismus  und  Communismus  (Jeua,  1S93'- 

1900).  John  A.  Ryan. 

Community.  See  Monasticism  ;  Religious  Orders. 

Como,  DiocEiSE  OF  (Comensis)  . — Como  is  an  import- 
ant town  in  the  province  of  Lombardy  (Northern  Italy), 
picturesquely  situated  on  Lake  Como,  the  ancient 
Lac-US  Larius.  The  city  is  of  Celtic  origin  and  was 
called  Comum.  In  195  b.  c.  it  became  a  Roman  col- 
ony. Destroyed  by  the  Rhaetian  Gauls,  it  was  recon- 
structed by  Pomjjeius  Strabo  and  called  Novocomum. 
It  shared  the  vicissitudes  of  tlie  surrounding  region. 
In  the  tenth  century  the  Bishops  of  Como  were  also  its 
temporal  lords.  In  the  eleventh  century  the  city  be- 
came a  free  commune.  In  11.5.3  Cbmo  was  devas- 
tated by  the  Milanese  on  account  of  its  attachment  to 
Frederick  Barbarossa,  who  rebuilt  the  city  in  1158. 
Then  followed  tlie  rule  of  the  Rusca  family.  In  1355 
Franchin  Rusca  freely  ceded  the  town  to  the  Visconti, 
from  whicli  time  it  shared  the  fortune  of  the  Duchy  of 
Milan.  Como  is  now  the  centre  of  the  silk  industry 
in  Italy,  and  according  to  the  census  of  1901  had  a 
population  of  38,902.     It  has  been  the  birthplace  of 


many  famous  men,  among  them  the  elder  and  the 
younger  Pliny,  the  historian  Paulus  Jovius,  Pope 
Innocent  XI.  and  the  physicist  Volta.  Local  leg- 
end credits  the  conversion  of  Como  to  the  apostolate 
of  St.  Hermagoras  of  Aquileia  (died  c.  70).  Until 
1528  Como  was,  indeed,  a  suffragan  of  Aquileia  (later 
of  Venice)  and  followed  the  Aquileian  Rite.  The 
first  known  bishop  was  St.  Felix,  ordained  by  St. 
Ambrose  in  379,  ami  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  was 
the  first  bishop.  Many  Bishops  of  Como  are  venerated 
as  saints:  St.  Probinus  (391);  St.  Amantius  (420);  St. 
.\bundius  (4,50),  sent  as  legate  to  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon  by  St.  Leo  the  tJreat ;  St.  Consul  (469) ;  St.  Ex- 
uperantius  (495);  St.  Eusebius  (512);  St.  Eutychius 
(525);  St.  Euphus  (532);  St.   Flavianus   (535);  St. 


COMPAGNIE 


184 


COMPAGNIE 


Prosper  (560);  St.  John  Orcus  (565);  St.  Agrippinus 
(.568);  St.  Rubianus  (586);  St.  Martinianus  (615);  St. 
Victorinus  (628),  opponent  of  Arianism  as  propagated 
by  the  Lombards;  Alberico  (1010),  founder  of  the 
,\bbey  of  Sant'Abondio;  Rainaldo  (1061),  expelled  by 
Henry  IV  for  his  loyalty  to  Gregory  VII ;  Guglielmo 
della"  Torre  (1204),  builder  of  many  churches  and 
founder  of  a  hospital:  Benedetto  Asinaga  (1328),  who 
fled  from  the  persecution  of  the  Rusca,  Lords  of  Como; 
Lucchino  Borsano  (1.396),  who  began  the  new  cathe- 
dral; the  learned  reformer,  Gian  Antonio  Volpi  (1559). 
The  cathedral  of  Como  is  a  splendid  monument  of 
Christian  art.  It  was  begun  in  1396,  and  was  com- 
pleted only  in  1595;  later  the  cupola  and  some  small 
chai)els  were  added  (1730-44).  In  1528  Como  was 
placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Milan.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  340,000,  has 
325  parishes,  3  religious  houses  of  men  and  12  of  women. 
Cappelletti,  Le  chiese  d'Jtalia  (Venice,  1844),  XI,  307-443; 
Canttj,  Sioria  della  cittk  e  diocesi  di  Como  (Como,  1829-31); 
BoLDONi,  Storia  della  Cattedrale  di  Como  (Como,  1821);  Ann. 
£crf.  (Rome.  1907),  411-18.  U.     BenIGNI. 

Compagnie  du  Saint-Sacrement,  a  Catholic  secret 
society  which  included  among  its  members  many 
Catholic  celebrities  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It 
was  founded  in  March,  1630,  at  the  Convent  of  the 
Capuchins  in  the  Faubourg  Saint-Honore  by  Henri  de 
Levis,  Due  de  Ventadour,  who  had  just  escorted  his 
wife  to  the  Convent  of  Mont-Carmel ;  Henri  de  Pichery , 
officer  of  Louis  XIII's  household;  Jacques  Adh^mar 
de  Monteil  de  Grignan,  a  future  bishop,  and  Philippe 
d'Angoumois,  the  Capuchin.  Amongst  those  who 
soon  joined  it,  should  be  mentioned  Pere  Suffren,  a 
Jesuit,  confessor  to  Louis  XIII  and  Marie  de'  Medici; 
the  son  and  grandson  of  Coligny,  the  Protestant  ad- 
miral, and  Charles  de  Condren,  General  of  the  Orator- 
ians.  In  1 63 1  this  association  was  called  the  Company 
of  the  Most  Blessed  Sacrament.  It  was  organized 
under  the  authority  of  a  board  composed  of  nine 
members,  changed  every  three  months,  and  which  in- 
cluded a  superior,  usually  a  layman,  and  a  spiritual  di- 
rector who  was  a  priest.  The  associates  met  weekly 
and  their  organization  was  simultaneously  a  pious 
confraternity,  a  charitable  society,  and  a  militant 
association  for  the  defence  of  the  Church. 

The  company  was  an  absolutely  secret  one.  Louis 
XIII  covertly  encouraged  it  but  it  never  wished  to 
have  the  letters  patent  that  would  have  rendered  it 
legal,  .\rchbi.shop  Gondi  of  Paris  refused  his  bless- 
ing to  the  company  although,  in  1631,  Louis  XIII 
wrote  him  a  personal  letter  requesting  him  to  confer  it. 
The  Brief  obtained  from  the  pope  in  1633  by  the  Count 
de  Brassan,  one  of  the  members,  was  of  no  importance 
and  the  company,  eager  to  secure  a  new  one,  was 
granted  only  a  few  indulgences  which  it  would  not  ac- 
cept, as  it  did  not  wish  to  be  treated  as  a  simple  con- 
fraternity. Guido  Bagni,  nuncio  from  1645  to  1656, 
often  attended  the  sessions  of  the  company  but  its  ex- 
istence was  never  regularly  acknowledged  by  an  offi- 
cial document  from  Rome.  The  rule  of  secrecy 
obliged  members  "not  to  speak  of  the  company  to 
those  who  do  not  belong  to  it  and  never  to  make 
known  the  names  of  the  individuals  composing  it". 
New  members  were  elected  by  the  board  and  it  was 
soon  decided  that  no  congri'ganisle,  i.  e.  member  of 
a  lay  congregation  directed  by  ecclesiastics,  could  be 
eligible.  Matters  of  an  especially  delicate  nature  were 
not  discussed  at  the  weekly  meetings,  these  being  fre- 
quently attended  by  a  hundred  members,  but  were 
reserved  for  the  investigation  of  the  board.  The  com- 
pany printed  nothing  and  the  keeping  of  written  min- 
utes was  conducted  with  the  utmost  caution.  There 
were  fifty  important  branches  outside  of  Paris,  about 
thirty  being  unknown  even  to  the  bishops.  Among 
other  members  were  the  Prince  de  Conti,  tlie  Mar^chal 
de  Schomberg,  the  Baron  de  Renty,  Magistrates 
Lamoignon,  de  Mesnes,  and  Le  FcSvre  d'Ormesson; 


Alain  de  Solminihac,  Bishop  of  Cahors,  now  declared 
Venerable;  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  Olier,  and  Bossuet. 

The  association  laboured  zealously  to  correct  abuses 
among  the  clergy  and  in  monasteries,  to  insure  good 
behaviour  in  the  churches,  to  procure  missions  for 
country  parishes,  and  it  had  the  honour  of  urging  the 
establishment  of  a  Seminary  of  Foreign  Missions  for 
the  evangelizing  of  infidels.  It  also  endeavoured  to 
reform  the  morals  of  the  laity  by  encouraging  the  ef- 
fective crusade  of  the  Marquis  de  Salignac-F^nelon 
against  duelling.  Moreover,  it  was  interested  in  the 
care  of  the  poor,  the  improvement  of  hospitals,  and 
the  administration  of  galleys  and  prisons ;  and  that  the 
poor  might  have  legal  advice,  it  created  what  are  to- 
day known  as  the  secretariats  du  peuple.  It  protected 
the  fraternities  of  shoemakers  and  tailors  organized 
by  the  Baron  de  Renty  and  assisted  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul  in  most  of  his  undertakings.  In  1652  when 
Louis  XIV,  conqueror  of  the  Fronde,  re-entered  Paris 
and  the  city  was  flooded  with  peasants,  fugitive  reli- 
gious, and  hungry  priests,  the  members  of  the  company 
multiplied  their  generous  deeds,  demanded  alms  from 
their  fellow-members  outside  of  Paris,  sent  priests  to 
hear  the  confessions  of  the  sick  in  districts  that  had 
been  decimated  by  war,  founded  parish  societies  for 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  and  established  at  Paris  a  gen- 
eral storehouse  stocked  with  provisions,  clothing,  and 
agricultural  implements  to  be  distributed  among  the 
impoverished  peasants.  At  that  time  the  company 
spent  .300,000  livres  (equal  to  300,000  dollars)  in  char- 
ity each  year.  Finally,  it  was  instrmnental  in  bring- 
ing about  the  ordinance  establishing  the  General  Hos- 
pital where  Christophe  du  Plessis,  the  magistrate,  and 
St.  Vincent  de  Paul  organized  the  hospitals  for  mendi- 
cants. 

Even  those  historians  to  whom  the  secret  character 
of  this  association  is  obnoxious,  give  due  credit  to  its 
admirable  charities,  but  they  attack  its  action  in  re- 
gard to  Protestants.  The  company  laboured  dili- 
gently to  increase  conversions  and  organized  the 
preaching  of  missions  for  Protestants  in  Lorraine, 
Dauphin^,  and  Limousin  and  fotmded  establishments  in 
Paris,  Sedan,  Metz,  and  Puy  for  young  converts  from 
Protestantism.  Moreover,  it  strove  to  suppress  the 
outrages  perpetrated  by  Protestants  against  the  Cath- 
olic religion  and  opposed  the  oppression  of  Catholics 
by  Protestants  in  a  Protestant  city  like  La  Rochelle. 
Finally,  without  seeking  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  the  Company  nevertheless  remained  con- 
stantly on  the  alert,  lest  any  concession  be  made  to 
Protestants  beyond  what  the  formal  text  of  the  edict 
demanded  and  its  members  sent  documents  to  Jean 
Filleau,  a  Poitiers  lawyer,  who  for  twenty-five  years 
issued  "Catholic  decisions"  from  a  juridical  point  of 
view,  on  the  interpretation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 
The  protestation  of  the  general  assembly  of  the  clergy 
in  1656  against  the  infringement  of  the  edict  by  Prot- 
estants, was  the  outgrowth  of  a  long  documental 
work  prepared  by  the  members.  In  1660,  Lechassier 
who  was  Maitre  des  Comptes  and  also  one  of  the 
company,  forwarded  to  all  the  country  branches  a 
questionnaire,  i.  e.  a  series  of  questions  asked  with  a 
view  to  helping  the  inquiry,  of  thirty-one  articles  on 
the  infringement  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  by  Protes- 
tants. The  answers  were  collected  by  Forbin-Janson, 
Bishop  of  Digne,  who  took  active  part  in  the  assembly 
of  clergy,  the  result  being  that  commissaries  were  sent 
into  the  provinces  for  the  purpose  of  setting  right  these 
abuses.  But,  in  its  own  turn,  the  company  violated 
the  Edict  of  Nantes  (of  which  Art.  27  declared  Hugue- 
nots wholly  eligible  to  ]i\ihlic  office),  and,  by  secret 
manii'uvring,  one  day  preventeil  twenty-five  young 
Protestants  from  being  recei\ed  as  attorneys  at  the 
Parleiufut  of  Paris.  "The  members  thought  they 
were  doing  right",  explained  Pere  de  la  Brii^re, 
"  neverthele.ss,  if  we  consider  not  their  intention,  but 
the  very  nature  of  their  act  and  of  their  procedure,  it  is 


COMPANY 


ISf) 


COMPENSATION 


impossible  to  doubt  that  they  were  guilty  of  an  iniq- 
uity". According  to  the  testimony  of  Pere  Rapin  and 
the  Coiuit  d'ArgcnsDU.  these  proceedings  of  the  Com- 
pany were  the  starting-point  of  the  pohcy  that  was  to 
culminate  in  1085  in  tlie  revocation  of  the  lidict  of 
Nantes. 

The  year  1660  witnessed  the  decline  of  the  company. 
In  consequence  of  incidents  that  had  occurred  at 
Caen,  it  was  vigorously  attacked  in  a  libel  by  Charles 
du  Four,  Abbot  of  Aulnay,  and  denounced  to  Cardi- 
nal Mazarin  by  Francjois  Harlay  de  Champvallon, 
Archbishop  of  Rouen.  On  13  December,  1660,  the 
members  held  a  last  general  meeting  at  which,  amid 
expressions  of  regret  and  deep  emotion,  it  was  decided 
to  suspend  their  Thursday  sessions  and  to  add  "  ten  or 
twelve  elders"  to  the  members  of  the  board  so  that 
the  company  might  continue  to  act  provisionally; 
then  these  elders  and  the  board  selected  eight  indi- 
viduals who  were  to  correspond  with  the  country 
branches,  one  of  the  eight  being  Bossuet.  On  13  De- 
cember, 1660,  Parliament  issued  a  decree  prohibiting 
all  illicit  assemblies,  confraternities,  congregations,  and 
communities  but  Lamoignon,  a  member  of  the  com- 
pany and  the  first  president,  succeeded  in  preventing 
it  from  being  designated  by  name.  It  seems  that  the 
flieetings  of  the  board  and  the  elders,  held  regularly 
enough  in  166-1  to  be  instnmiental  in  obtaining  the  in- 
terdiction of  "Tartuffe",  ceased  almost  altogether  in 
1665.  The  General  Hospital  and  the  Seminary  of 
Foreign  Jlissions  continued  -to  exist  as  magnificent 
legacies  of  this  association  which  Mazarin  and  many 
hostile  historians  who  came  after  him,  scornfully  called 
the  "Cabal  of  Devotees". 

D'Argenson,  Annales  de  la  compagnie  du  Saint-Sacrement 
(Marseiiles,  1900),  an  important  document;  Rapin,  Memoires 
(Paris,  1865),  II:  Clair,  La  compagnie  du  Saint-Sacrement:  une 
page  de  Vhistoire  de  la  charite  au  XVI^  siecle  in  Etudes  (1888, 
1889):  Rabbe,  Utk  socicte  secrete  catholique  au  XVll^  sihde  in 
Revue  Historique,  1  Nov.,  1899:  very  hostile);  Cherot,  Lettre 
h  M.  Rabbe  in  Etudes,  20  Nov.,  1889);  Allier,  La  cabale  des 
devots  (Paris,  1902,  very  hostile);  Rebelliau,  Un  episode  de 
Vhistoire  relifjieuse  du  XVJl^  siecle  in  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,  1  July,  1  Aug.  and  1  Sept.,  1903:  a  great  effort  at  im- 
partiality:  and  DE  LA  BRit:RE,  Ce  que  jut  la  cabale  des  devots 
(Paris,  1906),  an  excellent  resume. 

Gegrge.'s  Goyaw. 
Company  of  Mary.     See  Mary,  Missionaries  op 

THE    C.IMI'.W'V    OF. 

Company  of  St.  Ursula.     See  Ursulines. 

Compensation,  as  considered  in  the  present  article 
denotes  the  price  paid  for  human  exertion  or  labour. 
Wherever  men  have  been  free  to  sell  their  labour  they 
have  regarded  its  compensation  as  a  matter  that  in- 
volved questions  of  right  and  wrong.  This  conviction 
has  been  shared  by  mankind  generally,  at  least  in 
Christian  countries.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fourth 
century,  the  Emperor  Diocletian  issued  an  edict 
which  fixed  the  maximum  prices  for  the  sale  of  all 
goods,  and  appointed  a  legal  schedule  of  wages  for 
nineteen  different  cla,s.ses  of  workingmen.  In  the  pre- 
amble of  the  edict  the  emperor  declares  that  his  mo- 
tive is  to  establish  justice  among  his  people  (Levas- 
seur,  "Classes  ouvrieres  avant  1789",  I,  112-114). 
Throughout  the  Middle  Ages  and  down  almost  to  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  there  was  con- 
siderable legal  regidation  of  wages  in  most  of  the 
countries  of  Europe.  This  practice  indicated  a  belief 
that  the  compensation  of  labour  ought  to  be  brought 
under  the  rule  of  law  and  fairness,  as  the.sc  legislators 
conceived  fair  dealing. 

The  Fathers  of  the  Church  implicitly  asserted  the 
right  of  the  labourer  to  sutficient  compensation  for  the 
maintenance  of  his  life  when  they  declared  that  God 
wished  the  earth  to  be  the  common  heritage  of  all 
men,  and  when  they  denounced  as  robbers  the  rich 
who  refused  to  share  their  surplus  goods  with  the 
needy.  The  theologians  and  canonists  of  the  Middle 
Ages  held  that  all  commodities  should  be  sold  at  that 


price  which  the  social  estimate  regarded  as  just;  but 
they  insisted  that  in  arriving  at  this  estimate  the  com- 
munity ought  to  take  into  account  the  utility,  the 
scarcity,  and  the  cost  of  production  of  the  commodity. 
Inasmuch  as  the  cost  of  production  at  that  time  was 
chiefly  labour-cost,  or  wages,  a  just  price  for  goods 
would  necessarily  include  a  just  price  for  the  labour 
that  produced  the  goods.  St.  Thomas  reflects  the 
common  view  when  he  says  that  labour  as  well  as 
goods  should  bring  a  just  price  (Summa  Theologica, 
I-II,  Q.  cxiv,  a.  1).  Langenstein,  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  is  more  specific ;  for  he  declares  that  anyone 
can  ascertain  the  just  price  of  the  wares  that  he  has  to 
sell  by  referring  to  the  cost  of  living  of  one  in  his  sta- 
tion in  life  (De  Contractibus,  Pt.  I,  cap.  xii).  Since  the 
seller  of  the  goods  was  generally  the  maker  of  them  also, 
Langenstein's  rule  was  equivalent  to  the  doctrine  that 
the  compensation  of  the  master-workman  should  be 
sutficient  to  furni.sh  him  a  decent  livelihood.  And  we 
know  that  his  remuneration  did  not  differ  greatly 
from  that  of  the  journeyman.  From  the  meagre  ac- 
counts that  have  come  down  to  us,  we  are  probably 
justified  in  concluding,  with  Professor  Brants,  that 
these  standards  of  compensation  and  the  methods  of 
enforcing  them  generally  secured  to  the  medieval 
labourer  a  livelihood  which  the  notions  of  the  time 
regarded  as  becoming  (Theories  economiques  aux  xiii"* 
et  xive  siecles,  p.  123).  .\t  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  we  find  such  writers  as  Molina  and 
Bonacina  asserting  that  the  customary  compensation 
of  a  place  is,  generally  speaking,  just  compensation, 
and  assuming  that  the  worker  has  a  right  to  a  living 
from  his  labour. 

To-day  Catholic  teaching  on  compensation  is  quite 
precise  as  regards  the  just  minimum.  It  may  be  sum- 
marized in  these  words  of  Pope  Leo  XIII  in  the  fa- 
mous Encyclical "  Rerum  Novarum  "(15  May,  189 1 ),  on 
the  condition  of  the  working  classes:  "there  is  a  dictate 
of  nature  more  ancient  and  more  imperious  than  any 
bargain  between  man  and  man,  that  the  remunera- 
tion must  be  sufficient  to  support  the  wage-earner  in 
reasonable  and  frugal  comfort.  If  through  necessity 
or  fear  of  a  worse  evil  the  workman  accepts  harder 
conditions,  because  an  employer  or  contractor  will 
give  him  no  better,  he  is  the  victim  of  fraud  and  in- 
justice."  Shortly  after  the  Encyclical  appeared. 
Cardinal  Goossens,  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  asked 
the  Holy  See  whether  an  employer  would  do  wrong 
who  should  pay  a  wage  sufficient  for  the  sustenance  of 
the  labourer  himself  but  not  for  that  of  his  family. 
An  unofficial  response  came  through  Cardinal  Zig- 
liara,  saying  that  such  conduct  would  not  be  contrary 
to  justice,  but  that  it  might  sometimes  violate  char- 
ity, or  natural  righteousness — i.  e.  reasonable  grati- 
tude. As  a  consequence  of  the  teaching  of  Leo  XIII, 
there  has  been  widespread  discussion,  and  there  exists 
an  immense  literature  among  the  Catholics  of  Europe 
and  America  concerning  the  minimum  just  wage. 
The  present  Catholic  position  may  be  summarized 
somewhat  as  follows:  First,  all  writers  of  authority 
agree  that  the  employer  who  can  reasonably  afford  it 
is  morally  obliged  to  give  all  his  employees  compensa- 
tion sufficient  for  decent  individual  maintenance,  and 
his  adult  male  employees  the  equivalent  of  a  decent 
living  not  only  for  themselves  but  for  their  families; 
but  not  all  place  the  latter  part  of  the  obligation  under 
the  head  of  strict  justice.  Second,  some  writers  base 
this  doctrine  of  a  minimum  just  wage  upon  the  prin- 
ciple of  just  price,  according  to  which  compens;ition 
should  be  equivalent  to  labour,  while  others  declare 
that  it  is  implicitly  contained  in  the  natural  right  of 
the  labourer  to  obtain  a  decent  livelihood  in  the  only 
way  that  is  open  to  him,  namely,  through  his  labour- 
contract  and  in  the  form  of  wages.  The  latter  is  vm- 
doubtedly  the  view  of  Leo  XIII,  as  is  evident  from 
these  words  of  the  Encyclical:  "It  follows  that  each 
one  has  a  right  to  procure  what  is  required  in  order  to 


COMPENSATION 


186 


COMPETENCY 


live;  and  the  poor  can  procure  it  in  no  other  way  than 
by  work  and  wages. ' ' 

Authoritative  Cathohc  teaching  does  not  go  be- 
yond the  ethical  minimum,  nor  declare  what  is  com- 
pletely just  compensation.  It  admits  that  full  and 
exact  justice  will  frequently  award  the  worker  more 
than  the  minimum  equivalent  of  decent  living,  but  it 
has  made  no  attempt  to  define  precisely  this  larger 
justice  with  regard  to  any  class  of  wage-earners.  And 
wisely  so;  for,  owing  to  the  many  distinct  factors  of 
distribution  involved,  the  matter  is  exceedingly  com- 
plicated and  difficult.  Chief  among  these  factors  are, 
from  the  side  of  the  employer,  energy  expended,  risk 
undergone,  and  interest  on  his  capital;  from  the  side 
of  the  labourer,  needs,  productivity,  efforts,  sacrifices, 
and  skill;  and  from  the  side  of  the  consumer,  fair 
prices.  In  any  completely  just  system  of  compensa- 
tion and  distribution  all  these  elements  would  be  given 
weight;  but  in  what  proportion?  Should  the  man 
who  produces  more  than  his  fellow-worker  always  re- 
ceive a  larger  reward,  regardless  of  the  effort  that  he 
has  made?  Should  skill  be  more  highly  compensated 
than  work  that  is  degrading  and  disagreeable?  Even 
if  all  men  were  agreed  as  to  the  different  factors  of  dis- 
tribution and  their  relative  importance,  from  the  side 
of  capital  and  labour,  there  would  remain  the  problem 
of  justice  to  the  consumer.  For  example,  ought  a 
part  of  the  benefits  arising  from  improvements  in  the 
productive  processes  to  go  to  him?  or  should  they  all 
be  appropriated  by  the  agents  of  production?  Pope 
Leo  XIII  showed  his  practical  wisdom  when,  instead 
of  dealing  in  detail  with  this  question,  he  insisted 
strongly  on  the  practice  of  arbitration.  When  wage- 
disputes  are  submitted  to  fair  arbitration,  all  the  cri- 
teria and  factors  of  distribution  above  enumerated  are 
usually  taken  into  account,  and  accorded  weight  in 
conformity  with  practical  justice.  This  is  not,  indeed, 
the  same  as  ideal  justice,  but  in  most  cases  it  will  ap- 
proximate that  goal  as  closely  as  is  feasible  in  a  world 
that  is  not  absolutely  perfect. 

Levasseur,  Les  classes  ouvricres  en  France  avant  17S9  (Paris. 
1900):  Capart,  La  propriele  individuelle  et  le  coUectivisme 
(Namur,  1898);  Brants,  Les  theories  economiques  aux  xiiie  et 
xiV  siedes  (Paris,  1S95);  Garnier,  De  Videe  du  juste  prix 
(Paris,  1900);  Ashley,  English  Economic  History  (London, 
1893);  Palgrave,  Dictionary  of  Political  Economy  (New  York, 
1891),  s.  V.  Government  Regulation  oj  Industry:  Leo  XIII, 
Encyclical,  Return  Novarum;  Vermeersch,  Quwsiiones  de 
Justitid  (Bruges,  1901);  Pottier,  De  Jure  et  Justitid  (Li^ge, 
1900):  Meyer  et  al..  Die  soziale  Frage,  reprinted  from  the 
Ktimmen  aus  Maria-Laach;  Kyan,  A  Living  Wage  (New  York, 
1906). 

John  A.  Ryan. 

Compensation,  Occult. — An  extra-legal  manner 
of  recovering  from  loss  or  damage;  the  taking,  by 
stealth  and  on  one's  private  authority,  of  the  value  or 
e<iuivalent  of  one's  goods  from  a  person  who  refuses  to 
meet  the  demands  of  justice. 

Considered  strictly  from  the  standpoint  of  commu- 
tative justice,  although  this  proceeding  may  have  on 
the  surface  all  the  appearance  of  theft,  it  is  in  reality 
the  farthest  removed  from  such.  As  defined,  it  im- 
plies a  debtor  who  is  able,  but  unwilling,  to  restore 
what  he  holds  unjustly  and  a  creditor  who  has  an  op- 
portunity to  recover  possession  of  what  is  his  own  cer- 
tain due.  Since  the  effect  as  well  as  the  purpose  is 
solely  to  make  a  wrong  cease,  the  transfer  brovight 
about  by  this  method  of  self-protection  is  manifestly  in 
keeping  with  equity  and  right.  Thus  occult  cnni]icn- 
sation  is  based  on  the  right  of  self-defence.  It  is  clear 
that  such  dcaling-out  of  justice  to  oneself  without  the 
sanction  nf  public  authority  may  become  a  cotirse 
gravely  prejudicial  to  public  and  social  order  and  open 
to  all  manner  of  abuses  and  dangers.  But  the  evil  is 
no  less  real  and  iiernicious,  if,  while  avoiding  this  ex- 
treme, one  runs  to  the  opposite,  and  denies  prin- 
ciples which  safeguard  natural  rights  of  the  individual 
and  protect  the  weak  against  the  constant  danger  of 
oppression  from  the  strong.     Catholic  niorali.sts  steer 


clear  of  these  two  extremes  and  teach  that  it  is  licit, 
under  certain  conditions  and  with  certain  precautions, 
to  have  recourse  to  occult  compensation. 

In  Doctor  Bouquillon's  scholarly  article  in  the 
"Catholic  University  Bulletin"  (1S96),II,  50-61,  it  is 
proved  not  only  that  the  doctrine  is  sound  and  reason- 
able, but  that  "  it  has  been  accepted  by  philosophers 
and  jurists,  as  far,  even,  as  the  terminology  in  which  it 
has  been  formulated  by  our  theologians;  that  it  has 
always  been  substantially  the  same  since  the  days  of 
St.  Irenipus  and  Clement  of  Alexandria,  though  in  the 
course  of  time  it  has  gained  in  clearness,  and  that  when 
writings  capable  of  pernicious  influence  have  appeared 
they  have  been  carefully  weeded  out. " 

The  requisite  conditions  may  be  reduced  to  three. 
First,  the  right  of  the  creditor  must  be  certain.  Then, 
respect  for  law  and  order  demands  that  the  authority 
of  the  law  should  be  invoked  whenever  it  is  possible 
and  recourse  to  established  justice  does  not  involve 
difficulties  and  losses  out  of  all  proportion  with  the 
gain  to  be  derived.  When  laws  operating  through  the 
regular  channels  fail  to  protect  and  are  helpless  to  re- 
move the  evil  of  injustice,  respect  for  them  should  not 
prevent  one  from  taking  one's  own  by  extraordinary 
means.  Finally,  provision  should  be  made  against 
the  event  of  a  later  settlement  by  the  debtor  or  his 
lawful  heirs,  which  would  necessitate  restitution;  and 
every  reasonable  effort  should  be  made  to  avoid 
scandal  or  other  evils  of  accusations,  distrust,  etc.,  to 
which  cause  may  be  given  through  ignorance  of  the 
moral  value  of  such  methods.  When  the  danger  to 
the  community  is  thus  minimized  as  far  as  it  is  humanly 
possible,  legal  justice  honoured  as  far  as  it  is  entitled 
to  honour,  and  the  necessity  of  justice  and  right  urgent, 
it  is  lawful  in  conscience,  according  to  our  accredited 
moralists,  to  avail  oneself  of  the  theory  of  occult 
compensation.  It  remains,  however,  that  such  cases 
are  rare,  that  it  is  still  more  rarely  within  the  compe- 
tence of  the  ordinary  individual  to  decide  his  own  case 
without  the  advice  of  a  prudent  and  disinterested 
counsellor,  and  that  occult  compensation  should  never 
be  advised  save  in  exceptional  circumstances,  on  ac- 
count of  its  potency  for  havoc  in  the  hands  of  the 
ignorant  or  unscrupulous.  But  disregard  for  any  or  all 
of  these  precautions,  while  offending  against  legal,  does 
not  violate  commutative  justice,  nor  entail  the  duty 
of  restitution,  if  the  essential  right  is  present. 

LiGuoRi,  Theol.  Mor.  (Paris,  1845).  Lib.  IV,  521;  De  Lugo, 
Disputat.  dejust.  et  jure  (Paris,  1868).  16;  ScA^^m,  Theol.  Mor. 
Univers.,  de  RestUut.  (Paris,  1867);  Ballerini,  Opus  Theol. 
Mor.,  De  just,  et  jure  (Prato,  1890);  Lehmkchl,  Theol.  Mor. 
Spec,  De  virlut.  mor.  (Freiburg,  1896);  Noldin.  Summa  Theol. 
Mor.,  De  sept.  Decal.  Prcec.  (Innsbruck,  1906);  Genicot,  Theol. 
Mar.  In.itilul.,  De  just,  et  jure  (Louvain,  1905);  Sabetti-Bar- 
rett,  Theol.  Mor.,  Dejust.  et  jure  (New  York.  1906);  Konixgs, 
Theol.  Mor.,  De  jure  et  just.  (New  York,  1877). 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Competency,  Privilege  of  (Lat.  Privilegium  Com- 
pclcntuc). — (1).  The  competency  of  a  cleric  means  his 
right  to  projier  sustenance.  When  a  parochial  church 
has  been  incorporated  with  a  collegiate  institution  or 
monastery  and  a  vicar  has  been  appointed  to  the  cure 
of  souls  in  the  parish,  the  possessors  of  the  benefice  are 
obliged  to  give  him  the  needful  salary.  Nor  can  the 
right  to  this  competency  be  done  away  with  by  agree- 
ment. If  a  private  contract  be  made  by  which  a  less 
sum  is  to  be  accepted,  it  will  not  bind  the  successor  of 
the  contracting  vicar.  Even  if  the  contract  be  ap- 
proved by  public  authority,  it  is  not  binding  unless  an 
amoiuit  sufficient  for  the  proper  support  of  the  pastor 
be  stipulated.  The  right  to  competency  also  has 
place  when  several  simple  benefices  are  imited  with  a 
parish  chiu-ch.  If  the  endowment  is  not  sufficient  for 
the  necessary  number  of  pastors,  then  recourse  is  to  be 
had  to  firstfruits,  tithes,  and  collections  among  the 
parishioners  (Cotmcil  of  Trent,  Sess.  XXIV,  c.  xiii, 
de  Ref.).  It  is  the  duty  of  the  bi.shop  to  see  that 
those  who  have  the  care  of  souls  be  provided  with 


COMPETENTES 


187 


COMPOSTELA 


proper  support.  By  the  privilege  of  competency,  the 
goods  of  a  cleric,  burdened  with  debt,  cannot  be  at- 
tached or  sold  without  leaving  him  sufficient  means 
of  support  (Cap.  3,  x.,  Ill,  23).  A  cleric  loses  this 
privilege,  however,  if  he  fraudulently  contracts  un- 
necessary debts,  in  abuse  of  the  privilege.  The  civil 
law  in  some  countries  recognizes  this  right  of  com- 
petency. In  Austria,  while  the  property  of  a  benefice 
carmot  be  attached,  the  revenues  can,  but  only  to  such 
an  extent  that  at  least  300  or  210  florins,  according  to 
the  rank  of  the  benefice,  must  remain  intact.  In  Ger- 
many, whatever  is  necessary  for  exercising  the  min- 
istry is  free  from  attachment.  The  civil  laws  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  make  no  exception 
for  clerics.  (2)  The  term  competency  is  also  used  for 
the  sura  total  of  the  rights  belonging  to  any  ecclesi- 
astical dignitar}',  as  of  the  pope,  bishops,  etc.  Ob- 
jectively, such  competency  is  determined  by  the  vari- 
ous functions  to  which  it  extends,  such  as  ordination, 
matrimony,  and  so  forth. 

AlCHNF.R,  Compcnd.  Jiir.  Eed.  (Brixen,  1895):  Ferraris, 
Bibliolh.  Prompla  Canon.  (Rome,  1886),  II;  Laurentius, 
Inslit.  Jut.  EccI.  (Freiburg,  1903). 

William  H.  W.  F.\nning. 

Competentes.     See  Catechumen. 

Complin. — The  term  Complin  is  derived  from  the 
Latin  complclnrium,  complement,  and  iias  been  given 
to  this  particular  Hour  because  Complin  is,  as  it  were, 
the  completion  of  all  the  Hours  of  the  day:  the  close 
of  the  day.  The  word  was  first  used  in  this  sense 
about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  by  St.  Bene- 
dict in  his  Rule  (cc.  xvi,  x\di,  xviii,  and  xlii),  and  he 
even  uses  the  verb  complere  to  signify  Complin:  "Om- 
nes  ergo  in  unum  positi  compleant";  "et  exeuntes  a 
completorio"  (xlii).  The  Hour  of  Complin,  such  as 
it  now  appears  in  the  Roman  Bre^^ary,  may  be  di- 
vided into  several  parts,  viz.:  the  beginning  or  intro- 
duction, the  psalmody,  with  its  usual  accompaniment 
of  anthems,  the  hymn,  the  capitulum,  the  response, 
the  evangelical  canticle,  the  i:>rayer,  and  the  benedic- 
tion. 

The  origin  of  Complin  has  recently  given  rise  to 
considerable  discussion  among  liturgists.  General 
opinion,  which  is  also  that  of  Baumer  and  Batiffol, 
ascribes  the  origin  of  this  Hour  to  St.  Benedict,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  sixth  century.  It  was  St.  Benedict 
who  first  gave  it  this  name ;  he  decided  also  that  this 
Hour  should  consist  of  three  psalms  (iv,  xc,  and 
cxxxiii)  to  be  said  without  anthems,  the  hymn,  the 
lesson,  the  versicle  Kyrie  eleison,  the  benediction,  and 
the  dismissal  (ch.  x\-ii  and  xvnii).  But  Father  Par- 
goire  and,  later  still,  A.  Vandepitte  oppose  this  opin- 
ion and  seek  a  more  ancient  origin  for  this  Hour.  A 
text  in  Callinicus  (between  447  and  450),  first  intro- 
duced in  Father  Pargoire's  argument,  informs  us  that 
between  Vespers  and  the  night  Office  there  was  cele- 
brated in  the  East  a  canonical  Hour  called  in  this  text 
Tpuffurvia,  because  it  preceded  the  first  sleep,  be- 
ing nothing  but  what  the  Greeks  of  to-day  call 
apodeipnort,  on  account  of  the  meal  it  follows.  How- 
ever, in  the  thirty-seventh  question  of  his  rules,  St. 
Basil,  also,  sjieaks  of  an  intermediate  Hour  between 
Vespers  and  the  night  Office.  Father  Pargoire  there- 
fore disputes  the  assertion  that  St.  Benedict  was  the 
originator  of  Complin,  being  rather  disposed  to  trace 
its  source  to  St.  Basil.  In  the  article  mentioned 
Father  Vandepitte  confirms  the.se  conclusions;  nev- 
ertheless he  states,  in  the  clearest  terms,  that  it  was 
not  in  CiEsarea  in  375,  but  in  his  retreat  in  Pontus. 
(358-3G2)  that  Basil  established  Complin,  which  Hour 
did  not  exist  prior  to  his  time,  that  is,  until  shortly 
after  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  Doni  Plainc 
also  traced  the  source  of  Complin  back  to  the  fourth 
century,  finding  mention  of  it  in  a  passage  in  Kuse- 
bius  and  in  another  in  St.  Ambrose,  and  also  in 
Cassian.  These  passages  have  been  critically  ex- 
amined, and  Fathers  Pargoire  and  Vandepitte  have 


proved  that  before  St.  Basil's  time  the  custom  of 
reciting  Complin  was  unknown.  At  any  rate,  even 
if  these  texts  do  not  express  all  that  Dom  Plaine 
says  they  do,  at  least  they  bear  witness  to  the  private 
custom  of  saying  a  prayer  before  retiring  to  rest.  If 
this  was  not  the  canonical  Hour  of  Complin,  it  was 
certainly  a  preliminary  steji  towards  it.  The  same 
writers  reject  the  opinion  of  Ladeuze  and  Dom  Besse, 
both  of  whom  believe  that  Complin  had  a  place  in  the 
Rule  of  St.  Pachomius,  which  would  mean  that  it 
originated  still  earlier  in  the  fourth  century.  It  is 
not  necessary  to  enter  into  this  discussion,  but  it 
might  be  possible  to  conciliate  these  different  senti- 
ments by  stating  that,  if  it  be  an  established  fact  that 
St.  Basil  instituted  and  organized  the  Hour  of  Com- 
plin for  the  East,  as  St.  Benedict  did  for  the  West, 
there  existed  as  early  as  the  days  of  St.  Cyprian  and 
Clement  of  Alexantlria  the  custom  of  reciting  a  prayer 
before  sleep,  in  which  practice  we  find  the  most  re- 
mote origin  of  our  Complin.  But  let  the  result  of 
this  discussion  be  what  it  may,  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  St.  Benedict  invested  the  Hour  of  Complin  with 
its  liturgical  character  and  arrangement,  which  were 
preserved  in  the  Benedictine  Order  and  almost  com- 
pletely adopted  by  the  Roman  Church;  it  is  hardly 
to  be  believed,  as  Dom  Plaine  maintains,  that  the 
Hour  of  Complin,  at  least  such  as  it  now  exists  in  the 
Roman  Breviary,  antedated  the  Benedictine  Office. 
In  default  of  other  proof,  it  may  be  noted  that  the 
Benedictine  Office  gives  evidence  of  a  less  advanced 
liturgical  condition,  as  we  have  seen  that  it  consists 
of  a  few  very  simple  elements.  The  Roman  Office  of 
Com])lin  is  richer  and  more  complicated.  To  the 
simple  Benedictine  psalmody — modified,  however,  by 
the  insertion  of  a  fourth  psalm  (xxx),  "In  te  Domine 
speravi  " — it  adds  the  solemn  introduction  of  a  bene- 
diction with  a  reading  [perhajis  the  spiritual  reading 
which,  in  St.  Benedict,  precedes  Complin  (ch.  xlii  of 
the  Rule)],  and  the  confession  and  absolution  of 
faults.  But  what  endows  the  Roman  Complin  with 
a  distinctive  character  and  greater  solemnity  is,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  ending,  the  addition  of  the  beau- 
tiful resjjonse,  In  manus  tuas.  Domine,  with  the  evan- 
gelical canticle  Nunc  Dimittis  and  its  anthem,  which 
is  very  characteristic.  It  is  really  difficult  to  under- 
stand why  St.  Benedict,  whose  liturgical  taste  fa- 
voured solemnity  in  the  Office,  should  have  sacrificed 
these  elements,  especially  the  evangelical  canticle. 
By  way  of  liturgical  variety  the  service  of  initium 
noctis  may  also  be  studied  in  the  Celtic  Liturgy  (see 
Celtic  Rite),  such  as  it  is  read  in  the  Bangor  Antiph- 
onary,  its  ]ilan  being  set  forth  by  Warren  and  by 
Bishop.  Under  the  title  of  Apodeipnon  (after  meals), 
the  Greeks  have  an  Hour  that  corresponds  to  our 
Latin  Comi'lin;  it  is  very  long  and  complicated,  and 
its  description  may  be  seen  in  Father  Petrid6s'  article, 
cited  l)elow.  This  Aijodeipnon,  or  Grand  Apodeip- 
non, appears  in  an  abridged  form,  or  Small  Apo- 
deipnon. 

Pargoire.  Prime  et  complies  in  Rev.  d'hist.  et  dc  litter,  relig. 
(18981,  III,  281-288,  456-467;  Vandepitte,  Saint  Basils  et 
Vorigine  de  complies  in  Rev.  Auaystiniennc  (1903),  II,  258-264; 
Pargoire  and  Petridics  in  Did.  d'arch.  et  de  liixtrgie,  s.  v. 
Apodeipnon,  I,  2579-2589;  Dom  Plaine,  La  Genese  his- 
lonquc  des  Ilrurcs  in  Rev.  Anglo-romaine,  I,  593;  Idem,  De 
otftni  ■''cu  curstj.i  Romani  originc  in  Studien  u.  Mittheilungen 
(1S99),  X,  ;j64-397;  Baumer,  Histoire  du  Brcviaire.  tr. 
BiRON,  I,  135,  147-149  and  passim;  Batiffol,  Histoire  du 
brcviaire  romain,  35;  Ladeuze,  Etude  sur  le  cenabitisme  pakho- 
mien  pendant  le  IV*  siicle  et  la  premise  moitie  du  V^  (Lou vain, 
1898),  288;  Besse,  Les  Moines  d'Orient  antcrieurs  au 
roncile  de  Chalecdoine  (Paris,  1900).  333;  Bishop,  .4  Service 
Book  uf  the  Seventh  Century  in  The  Church  Quarterly  Review 
(.Janiiarv,  1894),  XXXVII.  347;  C.\BROL,  Le  Livre  dc  la  Priere 
ani  i.r'<,'22-l. 

Fernand  Cabrol. 

Compluto,  Diocese  of.     See  Madrid. 

Compostela,  a  famous  city  of  Spain,  situated  on 
an  eminence  between  the  Sar  (the  Sars  of  Pomponius 
Mela')  and  the  Sarela.     At  a  very  remote  period  this 


COMPOSTELA 


188 


COMPOSTELA 


hill  was  crowned  by  a  Celtic  castle,  known  as  Liberum 
Donum,  according  to  the  twelfth-century  "Historia 
Compostelana"  (cf.  Welsh  Uu-ybr,  "way",  and  don, 
"tower",  "castle".  Compostela  overlooks  two  Ro- 
man roads;  the  C'elto- Roman  name  was  probably 
Liberodunum).  It  has  been  an  archiepiscopal  see 
since  1120,  but  as  the  successor  to  the  ancient  See  of 
Iria  its  episcopal  rank  dates  certainly  from  the  fourth, 
probably  from  the  first,  century  of  our  era. 

Etyjiology. — The  name  Compostela  does  not  ap- 
pear before  the  tenth  century.  In  a  document  of  912 
it  is  said  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Martin,  near  the  cathe- 
dral: quod  situ m  est  in  urbe  Compostetld.  King  Ferdi- 
nand I  in  a  privilege  of  10  March,  1063,  apropos  of  St. 
James  the  Great,  says:  cujus  corpus  requiescit  Gallecia  in 
urbe  Composlelid.  Three  years  previous  a  council  held 
in  the  cathedral  is  called  Compostellanum.  From  this 
the  name  is  in  frequent  use  and  gradually  usurps  the 
names  familiar  to  previous  centuries;  locus  sanctus, 
arcis  marmoreis,  ecclesia,  or  cii'itas  sancti  Jacobi.  The 
name  seems  to  be  a  diminutive  of  composta,  "estab- 
lished", in  reference  to  the  stronghold  (civitatella)  of 
the  city.  Similar  diminutives  abound  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  The  cite  of  Paris,  the  city  of  London,  the  Tole- 
tula  of  Toledo,  the  Almudena,  diminutive  of  Almedi- 
na,  in  Madrid  and  in  Palma  (Majorca),  recall  the 
former  distinction  between  the  territory  without  the 
walls  and  the  city  {civitas)  properly  so  called.  The 
episcopal  city  of  the  Island  of  Minorca  (in  Romano- 
Punic,  lamo)  yet  retains  its  medieval  name  Ciutadilla. 
The  See  of  Compo.stela. — Its  history  may  be 
divided  into  two  periods,  before  and  after  its  elevation 
(1120)  to  the  metropolitan  dignity. — The  Bishopric. — 
The  Sar  swollen  by  the  Sarela  flows  onward  from  Com- 
postela some  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  until  it  joins  the 
Ulla,  and  empties  into  the  sea  at  Padron  (Patronus), 
a  hamlet  which  has  borne  that  name  since  the  ninth 
century  in  memory  of  the  fact  that  it  was  the  landing- 
place  of  the  galley  which  bore  to  Gallicia  the  body  of 
the  Apostle  St.  James  the  Great.  Here  stood  in  those 
days  the  city  of  Iria,  capital  of  the  Gallician  Caporos, 
as  may  be  seen  from  its  Roman  ruins,  especially  the 
inscriptions,  some  of  which  are  contemporary  with  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  Era.  Pomponius  Mela, 
who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Emperor  Claudius,  i.  e.  at  the 
time  of  St.  James's  martyrdom,  says  that  the  Sar  en- 
ters the  ocean  near  the  Tower  of  Augustus  (Turris 
Augusti);  the  foundations  of  the  latter  are  still  recog- 
nizable in  the  outer  harbour  of  Iria.  In  the  reign  of 
Vespasian  the  cognomen  Flavia  was  added;  as  Iria 
Flavia  it  appears  in  the  Geography  of  Ptolemy.  Ac- 
cording to  a  very  probable  tradition,  it  was  here  that 
the  Apostle  St.  James  the  Great  preached  the  Christian 
religion  and  founded  an  episcopal  see.  This  tradition 
was  already  widespread  in  the  year  700,  when  St.  Ald- 
helra,  Abbot  of  Malmesburv,  later  Bishop  of  Sher- 
borne, wrote  as  follows  (P.  L.,  LXXXIX,  293):— 

Hie  quoque  Jacobus,  cretus  genitore  vetusto 
Delubrum  sancto  defendit  tegmine  celsum; 
Qui,  chimante  pio  ponti  de  margine  Christo, 
Lin(|uel)at  proprium  panda  cum  puppe  parentem. 
Primitus  Hispanas  convertit  dogmate  gentes, 
Barbara  divinis  convertens  agmina  dictis, 
Qua;  priscos  dudum  ritus  et  lurida  fana, 
D;pmonis  horrendi  deceptse  fraude,  colebant; 
Phirima  hie  prcesul  patravit  signa  stupendus 
Qua;  nunc  in  chartis  scribuntur  rite  quadratis. 

(Here  also  James,  born  of  an  ancient  sire,  protects 
the  lofty  shrine  with  a  holy  roof — he  who,  when  dear 
("hrist  called  him  from  the  seashore,  left  his  own 
father  with  the  curved  ship.  He,  at  the  first  did 
convert  the  Spani.sh  peoples  by  his  teaching,  (mining 
towards  God's  word  the  barbarous  hordes  tluit  had 
long  practised  primitive  rites  and  worshij)ped  at  the 
shrines  of  darkness,  being  deceived  by  the  craft  of 
the  evil  one.      Here  did  the  wonderful  bishop  per- 


form many  portents,  which  are   now   set   down   in 
order  upon  our  fourfold  chart.) 

The  list  of  the  bishops  of  Iria  known  to  us  from  their 
presence  at  councils  and  from  other  authentic  sources 
begins  with  the  year  400.  They  are :  Ortigius,  .  .  .  , 
Andreas  (572),  Dominicus,  Samuel,  .  .  .  ,  Gotuma- 
rus  (646),  Vmcibilis,  Ildulfus  FelLx  (683),  Selva,  Leo- 
sindus,  .  .  .  ,  Theudemirus  (808?),  Adaulfus  I 
(843),andAdaulfusII  (851-79).  Under  the  last-named 
the  city  was  destroyed  by  Norman  pirates,  on  which 
occasion  both  bishop  and  chapter  took  refuge  behind 
the  strong  walls  of  Compostela.  Soon  they  peti- 
tioned King  Ordono  II  and  Pope  Nicholas  I  to  permit 
them  to  transfer  the  see  from  Iria  to  Compostela, 
near  the  sepulchre  and  church  of  St.  James.  Both 
pope  and  king  consented,  on  condition,  however,  that 
the  honour  of  the  see  should  be  divided  between  the 
two  places.  From  the  second  half  of  the  ninth  cen- 
turj-  therefore,  the  bishops  of  this  see  are  known  indis- 
criminately as  Irienses  or  Sancti  Jacobi,  even  as  eccle- 
siw  apostolicce  sancti  Jacobi,  finally  as  Compostellani. 
At  the  end  of  the  eleventh  century,  through  rever- 
ence for  the  body  and  the  sepulchre  of  St.  James,  Ur- 
ban II  withdrew  from  Iria  its  episcopal  rank  and  trans- 
ferred the  see  in  its  entirety  to  Compostela.  At  the 
same  time  he  exempted  it  from  the  authority  of  the 
metropolitan  and  made  it  immediately  subject  to  the 
Holy  See.  This  is  evident  from  the  Bull  of  5  Dec, 
1095,  in  favour  of  the  Cluniac  bishop,  Dalmatius, 
present  at  the  famous  Council  of  Clermont. 

The  Metropolitan  See. — Thenceforth  the  see  grew  in 
importance,  likewise  its  magnificent  Romanesque 
church,  modelled  on  that  of  Puy  in  France,  and  fre- 
quented by  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  Christendom. 
Like  the  cathedral  of  Toledo  after  the  reconquest 
(1085),  it  became  the  principal  centre  of  the  political 
renaissance  of  Catholic  Spain  and  its  self-assertion 
against  the  Moslem  power.  Pope  Callistus  II  recog- 
nized the  great  merits  of  Diego  Gelmirez,  Bishop  of 
Compostela,  and  in  view  of  the  reconquest  of  much 
Portuguese  territory,  and  the  near  recovery  of  its  free- 
dom by  Merida,  the  ancient  metropolis  of  Lusitania 
(Portugal),  confided  to  him  the  perpetual  administra- 
tion of  that  archdiocese,  whereby  Compostela  became 
a  metropolitan  see.  Since  then  it  has  been  occupied 
by  many  illustrious  men,  not  a  few  of  whom  were 
raised  to  the  cardinalitial  dignity  (Gam.s,  "Series  epis- 
coporum  ecclesiiE  Catholicip",  Ratisbon,  1873;  Eubel, 
"  Hierarchia  catholica  medii  sevi",  Munster,  1898). 
The  Bull  of  Callistus  II  (26  Feb.,  1120)  clothed  the 
metropolitan  of  Compostela  with  authority  over  the 
following  dioceses  of  the  ancient  Provincia  Lusitano: 
Salamanca,  Avila,  Coria,  Ciudad  Rodrigo,  Plasencia, 
Badajoz — (in  Spain);  Idanha(Guarda),  Lamego,  Lis- 
bon, Evora,  Osonova  (Silves) — in  Portugal  beyond  the 
Duero.  Though  Compostela  lost  the  Portuguese 
dioceses,  10  Nov.,  1399,  when  Lisbon  was  made  an 
archbishopric,  it  acquired  in  retiun  Astorga,  Lugo, 
Mondonedo,  Orense,  Tuy,  and  Zamora.  The  Concordat 
of  1851  left  it  with  only  five:  Lugo,  Mondonedo,  Orense, 
Oviedo,  and  Tuy.  The  list  of  the  coimcils  of  Com- 
postela may  be  seen  in  the  aforementioned  work  of 
Gams,  and  their  text  in  Mansi  or  Aguirrc.  One  of  the 
most  important  is  the  pro\-incial  council  which  as- 
serted the  innocence  of  the  Templars  within  its  jiu-is- 
diction;  another,  held  29  Oct.,  1310.  anticipated  in  its 
fourth  canon  the  action  of  the  Council  of  London  (29 
Oct.,  1329)  under  Simon  of  Mepham,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  in  decreeing  the  yearly  celebration  of  the 
feast  of  the  Conception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  through- 
out the  proWnce  of  Compostela  on  the  eighth  of 
December.  Among  those  who  have  ocoujiied  the  See 
of  Compostela  may  be  mentioned:  St.  Kosendus  (970- 
77);  St.  Peter  dc'Mosoncio  (9.S(;-100I)),  probalilv  the 
author  of  the  Salve  Regina;  Diego  Pehiez  (1070-88), 
who  began  the  reconstruction  of  the  cathedral;  Diego 
Gelmfrez  (1100-42?),  the  first  Archbishop  of  Com- 


COMPROMISE 


ISO 


postela,  and  who  continued  the  work  of  Bishop  Pelaez ; 
Pedro  Munoz  (1207-11),  who  finished  the  cathedral; 
Cardinal  Miguel  Paya  y  Rico  (1874-85),  who  had  the 
honour  of  discovering  in  a  crypt  behind  the  high  altar 
of  the  cathedral  the  sepulchre  and  the  relics  of  the 
Apostle  St.  James. 

The  sepulchre  of  St.  James  and  questions  relat- 
ing thereto  are  treated  in  the  article  James  the 
Greater,  Saint.  It  will  suffice  to  mention  here  the 
dociunent  which  confirms  better  than  any  other  the 
history  and  the  authenticity  of  this  sacred  relic  of  the 
primitive  Christian  life  of  Spain,  i.  e.  the  solemn  Bull 
of  Leo  XIII  (1  Nov.,  1884)  in  which  he  confirms  the 
declaration  of  Cardinal  Paya,  Archbishop  of  Compos- 
tela,  concerning  the  identity  of  the  bodies  of  the  Apos- 
tle St.  James  the  Greater  and  his  disciples  Athanasius 
and  Theodorus. 

Lopez  Ferreiro,  Hisloria  de  la  Santa  Apostuhca  Metropoli- 
tana  Iglesia  de  Compostela  (Santiago,  1S98-1906\  I-VIII; 
Florez  Espaila  Sagrada  (Madrid.  1754-1792),  III.  XIX,  XX; 
FiTA.  Santiago  de  Galicia  in  Razon  y  Fe  (Madrid,  1901,  1902); 
Rivett-Carnac.  La  Piedra  de  la  coronacidn  en  la  abadia  de 
Westminster  y  su  conexion  legendaria  con  Santiago  de  Compostela 
in  Boletin  de  la  Real  Academia  de  la  Historia  (Madrid,  1902), 
XL.  430;  Brutails,  VArcheologie  du  Moyen  Age  (Paris,  1900); 
Lopez  Ferreiro  y  Fita,  Monumentos  antiguos  de  la  Iglesia 
Compostelana  (Madrid,  188^3);  FlTK.Actas  ineditas  (atios  1282— 
ISIU)  de  siete  concilios  espafwles  (Madrid,  1882);  FiT.v  T 
Fernandez  Guerra,  Recuerdosdeun  viaje  d  Santiago  de  Galicia 
(Madrid.  1880).  The  Bull  of  Leo  XIH,  Omnipotens  Deus.  is  in 
Acta  Sancta  Sedis  (Rome,  1884).  XVII,  262.  See  Acta  SS.,  25 
July  (Venice.  1748).  and  for  the  Church  of  St.  James,  Street, 
Some  Account  of  Gothic  Architecture  in  Spain  (London.  1865); 
Barker  Church  of  St.  James  of  Compostela  in  Catholic  World 
(1878).  XXVI,  163;  Pilgrimage  to  Santiago  de  Compostelam 
Prater's  Magazine  (1864),  LXX,  274;  Villamil  t  Castro,  La 
catedral  Compostelana  en  la  edad  media  y  el  sepulcro  de  Santiago 
(Madrid.  1879);  Chevalier,  Topo-bibl.,  s.  v.  Compostela  and 
Bio-bibl..  s.  v.  Jacques  le  Majeur, 

F.  Fit  A. 

Compromise  (in  Caxon  Law),  in  a  general  sense,  is 
a  mutual  promise  or  contract  of  two  parties  in  con- 
troversy to  refer  their  differences  to  the  decision  of 
arbitrators.  Compromise  (Lat.  Compromissum)  may 
take  place  either  in  elections  or  in  other  matters  in 
which  dispute  arises.  In  the  latter  ease  it  may  be 
effected  either  by  law  or  by  option.  If  the  arbiter 
holds  his  position  by  prescription  of  law,  ex  jure,  the 
compromise  is  by  law  or  necessary;  if  by  agreement  of 
the  parties,  the  compromise  is  by  option  or  voluntary 
(arbiter  compromissarius) .  In  compromise  by  law  the 
arbiter  juris  is  compelled  to  take  the  office ;  his  sentence 
can  be  appealed  from ;  but  he  has  coercive  power  over 
all  and  can  examine  and  punish.  Whereas  in  compro- 
mise by  option  the  voluntary  arbiter  is  free  to  under- 
take the  office ;  there  is  no  appeal  from  his  decision,  for 
the  parties  freely  bind  themselves  to  abide  by  it;  he 
can  only  take  cognizance  of  the  case ;  and  his  duties 
and  powers  are  defined,  conferred  and  imposed  by  the 
parties  who  have  freely  chosen  him.  According  to 
Roman  law,  and  also  the  old  canon  law  (jus  retus), 
there  was  no  appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  voluntary 
arbiter.  Later  canon  law,  however,  admits  of  an  ex- 
trajudicial appeal  iprorocntio  nd  cnunam),  especially  if 
there  be  manifest  injustice  in  the  decision.  If  more 
than  one  arbiter  be  appointed,  the  number  should  be  an 
odd  one.  The  stibject  of  compromise  can  only  be  such 
matter  as  lies  within  the  disposition  of  the  contesting 
parties.  Hence  causes  beyond  the  disposal  of  private 
parties  cannot  be  made  the  subject  of  compromise, 
as,  e.  g.,  criminal  causes,  matrimonial  causes  properly 
so  called,  causes  reserved  by  law  to  the  supreme 
courts. 

Compromise  in  elections  consists  in  a  commission 
given  by  the  body  of  electors  to  one  or  several  persons 
to  designate  the  elected  person  in  the  place  of  all. 
This  compromise,  in  order  to  bi>  valid,  must  be  the  act 
of  all  the  electors,  unless  it  results  from  a  pontifical 
declaration.  It  is  not  necessary  that  the  compromis- 
sarii  thus  chosen  belong  to  the  chapter  (q.  v.)  or  to 
the  body  of  electors;  they  must,  however,  be  clerics, 


as  laymen  cannot  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction 
and  are  expressly  excluded  from  elections  by  law. 
The  electors  can  posit  conditions  which  must  be  ful- 
filled by  the  arbiters,  if  they  are  not  against  the  gen- 
eral canon  law.  If  such  conditions  are  legitimate, 
they  must  be  fulfilled  under  penalty  of  nullity  of  the 
compromise  or  of  the  election  thus  performed.  In  an 
absolute  and  unconditioned  compromise  the  arbiters 
are  bound  only  by  the  general  laws  of  procedure  to  be 
observed  in  elections.  If  the  person  thus  designated 
by  the  compromissarii  be  qualified  and  worthy,  and 
the  form  and  the  limits  of  the  compromise  be  ob- 
served, the  electors  must  abide  by  the  result  of  this 
decision. 

Pkrmaneder  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill,  778;  Ferraris.  Prompta 
Bibhotheca  (Rome,  1885),  I,  s.  v.  Arbiter,  Arbitrator:  Tadnton, 
The  Law  of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  s.  v.  Arbiter. 


Leo  Gans. 


Comte,  AuGtisTE.     See  Positivism. 


Conal  (or  Conall),  Saint,  an  Irish  bishop  who 
flourished  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  century  and 
ruled  over  the  church  of  Drum,  County  Roscommon, 
the  place  being  subsequently  named  Drumconnell, 
after  St.  Conal.  Colgan  and  his  copyists  inaccurately 
locate  his  church  at  Kilconnell  in  County  Galway,  but 
it  is  now^  certain  that  the  church  of  which  St.  Conal 
was  bishop  was  south  of  Boyle,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  saint  is  known  as  "  Blessed  Conal  of  Drum".  The 
error  of  ascribing  Kilconnell  and  Aughrim,  County 
Galway,  as  foundations  of  St.  Conal  can  also  be  dis- 
sipated by  a  reference  to  the  life  of  St.  Attracta, 
wherein  it  is  recorded  that  she  came  to  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Boyle  in  order  to  build  a  cell  near  the  church 
of  her  uterine  brother,  St.  Conal,  but  was  dissuaded 
from  her  project  by  St.  Dachonna  of  Eas  Dachonna, 
now  Assylin,  at  the  bidding  of  the  saint.  We  read 
that  St.  Attracta  prophesied  that  the  episcopal 
churches  of  St.  Conal  (Drumconnell)  and  St.  Dach- 
onna (Eas  Dachonna)  would  in  after  days  be  reduced 
to  poverty,  owing  to  the  fame  of  a  new  monastic  estab- 
lishment. This  prophecj'  was  strikingly  fulfilled,  inas- 
much as  Drum  and  Assylin  soon  after  ceased  to  be 
episcopal  sees,  while  in  1148  the  great  Cistercian 
Abbey  of  Boyle  (q.  v.)  was  founded.  St.  Conal  died 
about  the  year  500,  and  his  feast  is  celebrated  on  18 
March,  though  some  assign  9  February  as  the  date. 

Coui.^,^,  Acta  Sand.  Hib.:  Ada  SS., 11;  O'Hanlon,  LttiM  o/ 
the  Irish  Saint.-:,  Ill,  837  sq.;  Kelly,  Martyrology  of  Tallaght 
(Dublin,  1857);  Todd  and  Reeves.  Martyrology  of  Donegal 
(Dublin,  1864);  O'Rokke,  History  of  Sligo  (Dublin,  1886); 
Kelly,  Patron  Saints  of  the  Diocese  of  Elphin  (Dublin,  1904). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Conan,  Saint,  Bishop  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  d.  Janu- 
ary, 684 ;  an  Irish  missionarj',  also  known  as  Moch- 
onna.  He  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  St.  Conindrius, 
who  is  said  to  have  been  a  disciple  of  St.  Patrick,  and 
to  have  lived  to  a  very  advanced  age  (17  November, 
560).  The  Bollandists  place  St.  Conan  amongst  the 
early  bishops  of  Man,  and  Colgan  gives  an  account  of 
his  life  and  labours.  Unfortunately  the  history  of  the 
Isle  of  Man  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries  is  very  ob- 
scure, and  it  is  diflirult  to  get  at  definite  f.acts,  yet  St. 
Conan,  or  Mnchonna,  who  is  also  described  as  "Bishop 
of  Inis- Patrick"  left  a  distinct  impress  of  his  zeal  for 
souls  in  Manxland.  Some  authorities  give  the  date  of 
his  death  a.s  26  January,  but  Colgan,  quoting  from  the 
ancient  Irish  martyrologies,  gives  13  January,  on  which 
day  St.  Conan's  feast  is  observed.  There  are  also  sev- 
eral minor  Irish  saints  of  the  same  name,  including  St. 
Conan  of  Assaroc  (8  March),  and  St.  Conan  of  Ballina- 
nuire  (2(i  .\pril). 

rUTl.F.R,  Lnvs  of  the  Saints  (London,  1857-60),  I;  Colgan. 
Ada  SS.  /I,b.  (Louvain,  1645);  O'IUnlon.  Lives  of  the  Irish 
Saints  (Dublin.  1875),  I,  446  sqq.;  Knox,  Notes  on  the  Diocese 
of  Tuam  (1904). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 


CONCANNEN  190 


CONCILIATION 


Concannen,  Richard  Luke.  See  New  York, 
Archdiocese  of. 

Concelebration  is  the  rite  by  which  several  priests 
say  Mass  together,  all  consecrating  the  same  bread  and 
wine.  It  was  once  common  m  both  East  and  West. 
As  late  as  the  ninth  century  priests  stood  around  their 
bishop  and  "consented  to  his  sacrifice"  (Corp.  Jur. 
Can.,  Deer.  Grat.,  Pars  III,  dist.  I,  cap.  59).  The  rite 
of  Concelebration  was  modified  at  Rome  (perhaps  in 
the  time  of  Pope  Zephyrinus,  202-218)  so  that  each 
priest  should  consecrate  a  separate  host  (the  deacons 
holding  these  in  patens  or  corporals) ;  but  they  all  con- 
secrated the  same  chalice  ("Ordo  Rom.  I",  48;  see 
also  Duchesne,  "Liber  Pont.",  I,  139  and  246).  In 
the  sixth  century  this  rite  was  observed  on  all  station 
days;  by  the  eighth  centiuy  it  remained  only  for  the 
greatest  feasts,  Easter,  Christmas,  Whitsunday,  and 
St.  Peter  ("Ordo  Rom.  I",  48;  Duchesne,  "Origines", 
167).  On  other  days  the  priests  assisted  but  did  not 
concelebrate.  Innocent  III  (1198-1216)  says  that  in 
his  time  the  cardinals  concelebrate  with  the  pope  on 
certain  feasts  (De  Sacr.  Altar.  Myst.  in  Migne,  P.  L., 
CCXVII,  IV,  25).  Durandus,  who  denied  the  possi- 
bility of  such  a  rite  (Rationale  Div.  Off.,  IV,  d.  xiii, 
q.  3)is  refuted  by  Cardinal  Bona  (Rer.  Liturg.,  I,  xviii, 
9).  St.  Thomas  defends  its  theological  correctness 
(Summa  Theol.,  HI,  Q.  Ix.xxii,  a.  2).  Concelebration 
is  still  common  in  all  the  Eastern  Churches  both 
Uniat  and  schismatic.  In  these,  on  any  greater  feast 
day,  the  bishop  says  the  holy  liturgy  surrounded  by 
his  priests,  who  consecrate  with  him  and  receive  Holy 
Communion  from  him,  of  course  under  both  kinds.  So 
also,  at  any  time,  if  several  priests  wish  to  celebrate 
on  the  same  day,  they  may  do  so  together. 

In  the  Latin  Church  the  rite  survives  only  at  the  ordi- 
nation of  priests  and  bi-shops.  The  newly-ordained 
priests  say  the  Offertory  prayers  and  the  whole  Canon, 
including  the  words  of  consecration,  aloud  with  the 
bishop,  kneeling  around  him.  The  words  of  consecra- 
tion especially  must  be  said  "slowly  and  rather  loud" 
and  "at  the  same  moment  with  the  pontiff"  (Pont. 
Rom.,  de  Ord.  Presb.,  rubric).  They  must  say  the 
words  significative,  that  is  with  the  intention  of  con- 
secrating (Benedict  XIV,  de  SS.  Missae  Sacr.,  Ill, 
xvi,  6),  and  must  be  careful  not  to  say  them  before, 
but  exactly  with,  the  bi.shop  (op.  cit.,  loc.  cit.,  7). 
They  receive  Holy  Communion  under  one  kind.  The 
same  rite  is  used  at  a  bishop's  consecration,  except 
that  in  this  ease  the  new  bishop  communicates  with 
the  consecrator  under  both  kinds  (Pont.  Rom.,  de 
Cons.  Electi  in  Episc,  rubric  in  the  text). 

Benedict  XIV,  De  SS.  Missce  Sacnficio.  III.  xvi;  St. 
Thomas,  Summa  Theol,  III,  Q.  Lxxxii,  a.  2;  Atchley.  Ordo 
Romanus  Primus  (London,  1905),  113,  149,  158;  Duchesne, 
Les  origines  du  cuUe  chrctien  (2nd  ed.,  Paris,  189S),  167,  tr. 
Christian  Worship  (London.  1904). 

Adrian  Fortescue. 

Concepcion,  Diocese  of  (Sanctissim^  Concep- 
TiONis  DE  Chile),  in  the  Republic  of  Chile,  suffragan 
to  Santiago  de  Chile.  The  diocese  embraces  the  prov- 
inces of  Aranco,  Bio-Bio,  Concepcion,  Nuble,  Maule, 
Linares,  and  Malleco,  comprising  an  area  of  27,901 
square  miles.  The  Bull  of  erection  was  issued  by 
Pius  IV,  22  May,  1563,  since  which  time,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  period  between  1818-32  when  the  see 
was  vacant,  a  bishop  has  always  had  his  seat  at  Con- 
cepci6n.  Among  the  institutions  of  the  diocese  may 
be  mentioned  an  orphan  asylum  and  a  missionary 
college  uniier  the  Capuchins. 

In  the  diocese  tliere  are  represented  ten  religious 
congregations  of  men  and  seven  of  women,  among  the 
latter  the  Sisters  of  Providence,  Sisters  of  Mercy,  Sis- 
ters of  Christian  Charity,  wlio  have  a  novitiate  and 
college,  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  and  Sisters  of 
the  Sacred  Heart;  they  number  in  all  393.  The  dio- 
cese has  a  Catholic  population  of  835,790,  with  52 


parishes,  190  priests,  91  secular  and  99  regular,  135 
churches  and  chapels.  In  addition  to  the  college  and 
seminary  there  are  nine  Catholic  schools  with  an  at- 
tendance of  2550  pupils.      (See  Chile.) 

Battandier,   Ann.   pont.   Cath.    (Paris,    1908);     Ann.   Eccl. 
(Rome,  190S). 

F.    M.    RUDQE 


Conceptionists,  a  branch  of  the  Order  of  Saint 
Clare,  fdiuiilrd  l)y  Beatriz  de  Silva.  Isabel,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Edward,  Kingof  Portugal,  having  married  John 
II  (1406-1454)  of  Castile,  took  her  kinswoman,  Beat- 
riz de  Silva,  sister  of  James  I,  Count  of  Portalegre, 
with  her.  The  beautiful  Beatriz,  however,  aroused 
the  suspicion  and  jealousy  of  the  queen,  and  was  im- 
prisoned. Escaping,  she  fled  to  the  Sisters  of  St. 
Dominic  at  Toledo,  where  she  lived  about  forty  years. 
Her  veneration  for  the  Immaculate  Conception  of 
Mary  inspired  her  to  found,  with  twelve  companions, 
a  special  order  in  honour  of  Mary's  privilege.  Queen 
Isabella  gave  her  the  castle  of  Galliana  in  1484.  The 
sisters  followed  the  Cistercian  rule,  reciting  the  Office 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  addition.  Beatriz  died  1 
Sept.,   1490,  at  the  age  of  sixty-six. 

Through  the  influence  of  Ximenes  de  Cisneros,  the 
famous  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  Conceptionists  were 
subordinated  to  the  Franciscans,  and  in  1501  they 
adopted  the  rules  of  the  Order  of  Saint  Clare,  modified 
with  the  authorization  of  Alexander  VI.  Julius  II 
sanctioned  them  anew  in  1506;  Quinonez,  pro\'incial  of 
the  Franciscans  of  Castile,  and  later  general  of  the  en- 
tire order,  drew  up  their  constitution  in  1516.  The 
second  convent  was  founded  at  Torrigo,  another  at 
Madrid  in  1512,  and  one  at  Assisi  in  the  same  year. 
Maria  Theresa  of  Austria,  daughter  of  Philip  IV  of 
Spain,  summoned  them  to  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain 
at  Paris,  where  the  Sisters  of  Saint  Clare  adopted  their 
rules,  which  were  again  modified  by  a  Brief  of  Clement 
X.  The  Conceptionists  wear  a  white  habit  and  scapu- 
lar with  a  blue  cloak,  and  an  image  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  on  their  habit.  The  celebrated  Maria  de  Agreda 
(q.  V  ),  author  of  "The  Mystical  City  of  God",  was 
a  Conceptionist.  The  Conceptionist  congregation  is 
at  present  spread  widely  throughout  Spain  and  Bel- 
gium. 

Helyot,  Hist,  des  ordres  monastiques,  VII,  334-39;  Wad- 
ding. Annates  Min.  (Rome,  1736),  XV,  451,  XVI;  Heim- 
BUCHER,  Die  Orden  wnd  Kongregationen  der  kath.  Kirche 
(Paderborn.  1907).  II,  488  sqq.;  Acta  Ordinis  Min.  (1907). 
XVI.  347  sqq.;  Hist,  abrigie  de  I'ordre  de  Sle  Claire  d' Assise 
(Lyons  and  Paris,  1906),  II,  259  sqq. 

Michael  Bihl. 


Conceptualism.     See  Nominalism  and  Realism. 

Conciliation,  Industrial,  is  the  discussion  and 
adjustment  of  mutual  differences  by  employers  and 
employees  or  their  representatives.  Arbitration 
(q.  V.)  implies  the  submission  of  such  differences  to  a 
body  in  which  the  authoritative  decision  is  rendered  by 
a  disinterested  person.  In  mediation  a  disinterested 
person  strives  either  to  bring  the  parties  together  for 
conciliation  or  to  induce  them  to  make  such  mutual 
concessions  as  will  lead  to  an  agreement.  The  term, 
"  boards  of  conciliation",  describes  not  merely  commit- 
tees of  employers  and  employees,  but  also  those  ap- 
pointed by  the  civil  authority,  and  by  private  associa- 
tions. The  two  latter  are  primarily  concerned  with 
tlifi  work  of  mediation. 

In  France  conciliation  has  been  practised  since  1806 
by  the  coriseils  de  pnuihomrncs,  or  committees  of  ex- 
perts. These  are  composed  of  equal  numbers  of  em- 
ployers and  employees,  and  are  legally  authorized  to 
interpret  existing  labour  contracts  and  adjust  minor 
grievances,  ^^'ithin  this  limited  field  they  have  been 
quite  successful.  Five-sixths  of  the  strikes  that  were 
settled  by  the  French  Conciliation  and  Arbitration 


CONCINA 


191 


CONCINA 


Act  of  1892,  during  the  first  ten  years  of  its  existence, 
were  disposed  of  by  the  method  of  conciliation.  For 
I  he  last  thirty-five  years  conciliation  has  practically 
eliminated  strikes  from  the  manufactured  iron  and 
steel  trade  in  the  north  of  England.  Recourse  wa.s 
had  to  conciliation  in  506  of  the  788  disputes  that 
\\ere  adjusted  by  boards  of  conciliation  and  arbitra- 
tion tliroughout  England  in  the  year  1903.  In  the 
I'liited  States  about  half  the  States  have  boards  of 
innciliation  and  arbitration,  while  the  chairman  of  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  the  Commis- 
sioner of  Labour  are  directed  by  the  federal  law  of 
1  SOS  to  endeavour  to  bring  about  conciliation  or  arbi- 
t  ration  whenever  they  are  appealed  to  by  one  of  the 
parties  to  any  dispute  which  threatens  seriously  to 
interfere  with  interstate  commerce.  Only  five  of  the 
Slate  boards  have  accomplished  anything  worthy  of 
notice,  and  these  five  have  settled  relatively  few  dis- 
I'tites — mostly  by  conciliation.  The  national  board 
li:i,s  recently  given  promise  of  a  considerable  meas- 
ure of  usefulness.  Boards  of  conciliation  composed 
jointly  of  employers  and  employees  have  adjusted  a 
large  niunber  of  important  differences  in  many  indus- 
I  ries — for  example,  in  the  shoe  industry,  the  building 
I  rades,  and  the  coal  mini  s  of  the  East  and  the  Middle 
West.  Conciliation  has  also  had  considerable  success 
through  the  mediation  of  prominent  citizens,  and  of 
bodies  like  the  Civic  Federation. 

The  importance  of  conciliation  finds  recognition  in 
the  recommendation  of  Pope  .Leo  XIII  (Encyclical  on 
the  Condition  of  Laboiu",  "  Rerum  Novarum",  15  May, 
1891)  that  masters  and  workmen  should  uixite  in  joint 
associations,  and  select  capable  committees  for  the 
decision  of  disputes.  This  method  is  highly  consonant 
with  Christian  peace  and  Christian  charity.  Its  chief 
advantages  over  arbitration  are  that  it  brings  the  two 
parties  together  in  friendly  and  informal  discussion, 
teaches  each  to  appreciate  the  position  and  rights  of 
the  other,  and  results  in  a  decision  that  is  more  will- 
ingly accepted  and  more  faithfully  observed.  There 
are,  however,  two  important  situations  in  which  con- 
ciliation can  have  but  slight  success:  first,  where  com- 
pulsory arbitration  is  in  vogue;  second,  where  the 
employees  have  not  sufficient  economic  strength  to 
inflict  considerable  damage  upon  their  employer 
through  the  alternative  of  a  strike.  The  experience 
of  Western  .\ustralia  and  New  Zealand  seems  to  prove 
the  first  contention  (cf.  Clark,  The  Labour  Move- 
ment in  Australasia,  p.  161),  while  the  second  seems 
established  by  the  fact  that  conciliation  was  practi- 
cally unknown  before  the  era  of  labour  unions,  and 
that  it  has  still  very  little  application  in  unorganized 
trades.  On  the  other  hand,  the  first  step  towards  con- 
ciliation, namely,  discussion  of  differences  on  an  equal 
plane,  becomes  quite  feasible  as  soon  as  each  side 
realizes  the  strength  of  the  other.  When  they  treat 
each  other  as  equals  and  as  reasonable  men,  they 
easily  reach  an  agreement.  Conciliation  then  becomes 
much  more  frequent  than  voluntary  arbitration;  in- 
deed, it  renders  the  latter  method  almost  superfluous. 
The  labour  unions  are  committed  to  it,  and  seem  to 
prefer  it  to  arbitration.  John  Mitchell  sees  in  the 
trade  agreement,  which  is  essentially  the  method  of 
conciliation,  the  greatest  hope  for  industrial  peace 
in  America  (Organized  Labour,  p.  35-1),  and  Pro- 
fessor T.  S.  Adams  thinks  that  America  will  follow 
the  same  line  of  development  as  England,  where 
conciliation  has  already  produced  conditions  of  in- 
dustrial peace  which  are  almost  entirely  satisfactory 
(Labour  Problems,  pp.  312,  314,  319).  Not  the 
least  of  the  influences  making  for  the  extension  of 
conciliation  in  the  L'nited  States  is  public  sentiment, 
which  threatens  to  establish  the  alternative  of  com- 
pulsory arbitration. 

Hatch,  BulMin  of  the  V.  S.  Bureau  of  Labor,  No.  60:  Adams 
AND  Sdmner.  Labor  Problenui  (New  York.  1905),  viii:  Bolex. 
Getting  a  Lirinfj  (New  York.  IOCS').  xx\-ii:  Mitchell,  Orpanircd 
Labor  (Pliiladclphia.  1903),  xx-xi.x;    Webb,  Industrial  Democ- 


racy (London,  New  York,  and  Bombay,  1897),  pt.  I,  iii;  Final 
Report  of  U.  S.  Industrial  Commission,  pp.  833-847:  Oilman, 
Methods  of  Industrial  Peace  (New  York.  1904):  Antoine,  Cours 
d'economie  sociale  (Paris,  1899),  467-470:  Turman,  Activites 
sociales  (Paris,  1907). 

John  A.  Ryan. 

Concina,  Danibllo,  Dominican  preacher,  contro- 
versialist and  theologian;  b.  at  Clauzetto  or  San 
Daniele,  smtxll  places  in  the  Italian  province  of  Friuli, 
2  October,  1687;  d.  at  Venice,  21  February,  1756.  On 
the  completion  of  his  early  studies  at  the  Jesuit  college 
at  Gbrz,  Austria,  he  entered  the  Dominican  Order, 
making  his  religious  profession  in  March,  1708,  in  the 
convent  of  Sts.  Martin  and  Rose.  After  studying 
philosophy  three  years,  he  was  sent  to  study  theology 
in  the  convent  of  the  Holy  Rosary  at  Venice,  where  he 
spent  eight  years  under  the  direction  of  the  fathers  of 
his  order,  Andruisso  and  Zanchio.  In  1717  he  was 
appointed  to  the  chair  of  philosophy,  and  later  to  that 
of  theology,  in  the  convent  of  Forli.  About  this  time 
he  began  to  attract  attention  as  a  preacher.  He  con- 
fined himself  at  first  to  the  smaller  places,  but  Ins 
success  soon  brought  him  to  the  pulpits  of  the  chief 
cities  of  Italy;  and  he  preached  the  Lenten  sermons 
seven  times  in  the  principal  churches  of  Rome. 

Concina's  literary  activity  was  confined  chiefly  to 
moral  topics.  His  career  as  a  theologian  and  contro- 
versialist began  with  the  publication  of  his  first  book, 
"Commentariushistorico-apologeticus",  etc.  (Venice, 
1736,  1745),  in  which  be  refuted  the  opinion,  then  re- 
cently adopted  by  the  Bollandists,  that  St.  Dominic 
had  borrowed  his  ideas  and  form  of  religious  poverty 
from  St.  Francis.  While  engaged  in  the  sharp  con- 
troversy aroused  by  this  work,  he  entered  into  another 
concerning  the  Lenten  fast,  which  was  not  closed  until 
Benedict  XIV  issued  (.30  May,  1741)  the  Encyclical 
"Non  ambigimus"  which  was  favourable  to  Con- 
cina's contention.  Shortly  afterwards  he  published 
his  "Storia  del  probabilismo  e  rigorismo"  (Venice, 
1743),  a  work  composed  of  theological,  moral,  and 
critical  dissertations.  Being  directed  against  the 
Jesuits,  it  naturally  gave  rise  to  a  large  controversial 
literature.  The  work  was  highly  praised  by  some, 
notably  by  Benedict  XIV,  but  among  others  it  met 
with  a  very  unfavourable  reception.  The  Fathers  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  the  recognized  champions  of 
probable  opinions  in  matters  of  conscience,  were  not 
slow  in  defending  their  position.  The  controversy 
reached  a  climax  when  Concina  published  under  the 
auspices  of  Benedict  XIV,  his  "Theologia  Christiana 
dogmatico-raoralis"  (12  vols,  in  4to,  Rome  and 
Venice,  1749-51).  The  Jesuits  appealed  to  the  pope 
to  have  it  condemned  on  the  ground  that  it  contained 
errors  and  was  very  injurious  to  the  Society.  A  com- 
mission of  theologians  was  then  appointed  to  examine 
the  work,  with  the  result  that  Concina  was  requested 
to  prefix  to  the  subsequent  edition  a  declaration  dic- 
tated by  the  pope.  This  declaration,  which  was  prac- 
tically a  summary  of  the  petition  of  condemnation 
made  by  his  opponents,  appeared  in  the  edition  of 
1752,  l)ut  that  work  itself  showed  no  changes  of  im- 
portance, except  the  ad<lition  of  one  chapter  to  the 
preface  in  which  the  author  protested  that  he  had 
always  entertained  the  sincerest  reganl  for  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  that  as  private  theologian  he  refuted  opin- 
ions which  he  considered  lax,  regardless  of  authorship, 
and  that  if  he  luid  erred  in  any  way  or  done  any 
WTong,  he  w;is  ready  to  make  a  full  retractation  (cf. 
Theol.  Christ.,  ch.  xiii,  in  prref.  t.  1,  p.  cxxiv). 

In  his  "Theologia  Christiana"  Concina  found  occa- 
sion to  pay  to  the  Society  as  a  whole  a  glowing  tribute. 
Many  of  its  writers  are  spoken  of  by  him  in  terras  of 
high  esteem.  In  Italy  he  promoted  the  publication 
of  a  moral  theology'  by  the  French  Jesuit  Gabriel  An- 
toine. which  Benedict  XIV  ordered  to  be  taught  in  the 
College  of  the  Propaganda.  The  truth  is,  he  was  an 
ardent   probabiliorist,    and   from   his  point  of  view 


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many  of  the  opinions  of  the  probabilists  were  lax  and 
pernicious.  In  refuting  them  he  at  times  undoubt- 
edly censured  their  authors  too  severely  and  spoke  with 
an  excessive  asperity.  It  must  be  admitted,  how- 
ever, that  he  placed  a  salutary,  if  disagreeable,  re- 
straint upon  the  new  thought  of  the  time.  To-day  it 
is  readily  seen  that  some  of  the  authors  whom  he  at- 
tacked favoured  a  dangerous  laxism.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  many  of  his  views  are 
now  considered  severe,  some  classing  him  among  the 
rigorists.  That  Concina  was  a  theologian  of  no 
mean  order  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  Benedict  XIV 
appointed  him  consultor  of  several  Congregations. 
Moreover,  in  his  work  "  De  Synodo  Dicecesana",  as 
also  in  his  Encyclical  "  Libentissime "  of  10  June, 
1745,  the  pope  refers  to  Concina  as  an  authority  on 
the  question  of  the  Lenten  fast.  Concma  is  the  author 
of  about  forty  works,  several  of  which  are  believed  to 
be  still  in  Italian  libraries  awaiting  an  editor. 

CouLON  in  Diet,  de  tkeol.  eath.,  Ill,  675-707:  Punkes  in 
Kirc/ienZex.,  Ill,  Sll;  Sandellius,  De  Danielis  C'oncincevitu  el 
scriptis  commentarius  in  Introd  to  Theol.  chruit.  (Rome,  1773) ; 
Koch.  Dan.  Concina  und  die  sogennanten  reinen  Ponxdgevetze 
in  Theologische  Quartalschrift,  1904.  400^24;  de  Concina, 
Vila  del  Padre  Danielle  Concinain  Monuni  Ord.  Freed.  Hist., 
XIV.  298. 

Joseph  Schroeder. 

Conclave  (Lat.  cum,  with,  and  clains,  key;  a  place 
that  may  be  securely  closed),  the  closed  room  or  hall 
specially  set  aside  and  prepared  for  the  cardinals 
when  electing  a  pope ;  also  the  assembly  of  the  car- 
dinals for  the  canonical  execution  of  this  purpose. 
In  its  present  form  the  conclave  dates  from  the  end  of 
the  thirteenth  centiu-y.  Earlier  methods  of  filling  the 
See  of  Peter  are  treated  in  the  article  Pap.\l  Elec- 
tions. In  this  article  will  be  considered:  (I)  the 
history  of  the  actual  method  of  papal  election;  (II) 
the  ceremonial  itself. 

I.  History  of  the  Conclave. — In  1271  the  elec- 
tion that  ended  with  the  choice  of  Gregory  X  at  Vi- 
terbo  had  lasted  over  two  years  and  nine  months  when 
the  local  authorities,  weary  of  the  delay,  shut  up  the 
cardinals  within  narrow  limits  and  thus  hastened  the 
desired  election  (Raynald,  Ann.  Eccl.,  ad  an.  1271). 
The  new  pope  endeavoiu-ed  to  obviate  for  the  future 
such  scandalous  delay  by  the  law  of  the  conclave, 
which,  almost  in  spite  of  the  cardinals,  he  promul- 
gated at  the  fifth  session  of  the  Second  Council  of 
Lyons  in  1274  ( Hefele,  Hist,  des  Conciles,  IX,  29).  It 
is  the  first  occasion  on  which  we  meet  with  the  word 
conclave  in  connexion  with  papal  elections.  (For  its 
use  in  English  literature  see  Murray's  "Oxford  Dic- 
tionary", s.  v.,  and  for  its  medieval  use  Du  Cange, 
Glossar.  med.  et  infimie  Latinitatis,  s.  v.)  The  pro- 
visions of  his  Constitution  "LTbi  Periculum"  were 
stringent.  When  a  pope  died,  the  cardinals  with  him 
were  to  wait  ten  days  for  their  absent  brethren.  Then, 
each  with  a  single  servant,  lay  or  cleric,  they  were  to 
assemble  in  the  palace  where  the  pope  was  at  his 
death,  or,  if  that  were  impossible,  the  nearest  city  not 
under  interdict,  in  the  bishop's  house  or  some  other 
suitable  place.  All  were  to  assemble  in  one  room 
{conclave),  without  partition  or  hanging,  and  live  in 
common.  This  room  and  another  retired  chamber,  to 
which  they  might  go  freely,  were  to  be  so  closed  in  that 
no  one  could  go  in  or  out  unobserved,  nor  anyone  from 
without  speak  secretly  with  any  cardinal.  And  if 
anyone  from  without  had  aught  to  say,  it  must  be  on 
the  business  of  the  election  and  with  the  knowledge  of 
all  the  cardiniils  present.  No  cardinal  might  send  out 
any  message,  whether  verbal  or  written,  under  pain 
of  excommuiiic:ition.  There  was  to  be  a  window 
through  which  food  could  be  admitted.  If  after  three 
days  the  cardinals  did  not  arrive  at  a  decision,  they 
were  to  receive  for  the  next  five  days  only  one  dish  at 
their  noon  and  evening  meals,  ff  these  five  days 
elapsed  without  an  election,  only  bread,  wine,  and 
water  should  be  their  fare.     During  the  election  they 


might  receive  nothing  from  the  papal  treasury,  nor 
introduce  any  other  business  unless  some  urgent  neces- 
sity arose  imperilling  the  Church  or  its  possessions.  If 
any  cardinal  neglected  to  enter,  or  left  the  enclosure 
for  any  reason  other  than  sickness,  the  election  was  to 
go  on  without  him.  But  his  health  restored,  he  might 
re-enter  the  conclave  and  take  up  the  business  where 
he  found  it.  The  rulers  of  the  city  where  the  con- 
clave was  held  should  see  to  it  that  all  the  papal  pres- 
criptions concerning  enclosure  of  the  cardinals  were 
observed.  Those  who  disregarded  the  laws  of  the  con- 
clave or  tampered  with  its  liberty,  besides  incurring 
other  punishments,  were  ipso  facto  excommunicated. 

The  stringency  of  these  regulations  at  once  aroused 
opposition;  yet  the  first  elections  held  in  conclave 
proved  that  the  principle  was  right.  The  first  con- 
clave lasted  only  a  day  and  the  next  but  seven  days. 
L'nfortunately  there  were  three  popes  in  the  very  year 
succeeding  the  death  of  Gregory  X  (1276).  The  sec- 
ond, Adrian  V,  did  not  live  long  enough  to  incorporate 
in  an  authoritative  act  his  openly  expressed  opinion 
of  the  conclave.  Pope  John  XX  lived  only  long 
enough  to  suspend  officially  the  "Ubi  Periculum". 
Immediately  the  protracted  elections  recommenced. 
In  the  eighteen  years  intervening  between  the  suspen- 
sion of  the  law  of  the  conclave  in  1276  and  its  resump- 
tion in  1294  there  were  several  vacancies  of  from  si.x 
to  nine  months;  that  which  preceded  the  election  of 
Celestine  V  lasted  two  years  and  nine  months.  About 
the  only  notable  act  of  the  latter  pope  was  to  restore 
the  conclave.  Boniface  VIII  confirmed  the  action  of 
his  predecessor  and  ordered  the  "L^bi  Periculum"  of 
Gregory  X  to  be  incorporated  in  the  canon  law  (c.  3, 
in  VI°,  I,  6),  since  which  time  all  papal  elections  have 
taken  place  in  conclave.  Pope  Gregory  XI  in  1378 
empowered  the  cardinals  (for  that  occasion  only)  to 
proceed  to  an  election  outside  of  conclave,  but  they 
did  not  do  so.  The  Council  of  Constance  (1417)  mod- 
ified the  rules  of  the  conclave  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  cardinals  of  the  three  "obediences"  took  part  in  it 
as  well  as  six  prelates  from  each  of  the  five  nations. 
This  precedent  (which  however  resulted  happily  in  the 
election  of  the  Roman,  Martin  V)  is  perhaps  the  rea- 
son why  Julius  II  (1512),  Paul  III  (1542),  Pius  IV 
(1561),  and  Pius  IX  (1870)  provided  that  in  case  of 
their  death  during  an  ceciunenical  coimcil  the  election 
of  the  new  pope  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  cardi- 
nals, not  in  those  of  the  council.  Pius  IV  by  the  Bull 
"In  Eligendis"  (1562)  provided  that  the  election 
might  take  place  either  in  or  out  of  the  conclave,  but 
this  was  revoked  by  Gregory  XIII.  This  liberty  of 
action  is  fomid  again  in  the  legislation  (1798)  of  Pius 
VI  (Quum  nos  superiore  anno)  which  leaves  it  in  the 
power  of  the  cardinals  to  modify  the  rules  of  the  con- 
clave touching  enclosure,  etc.  Again  Pius  IX  by  the 
Bull  "In  hac  sublimi"  (23  August,  1871)  allowed  a 
majority  of  the  cardinals  to  dispense  with  the  tradi- 
tional enclosure.  Other  important  documents  of  Pius 
IX  dealing  with  the  conclave  are  his  Constitutions 
"  Licet  per  Apostolicas  Litteras"  (8  September,  1874) 
and  " Consultiu-i "  (10  October,  1877),  also  his  "Rego- 
lamento  da  osservarsi  dal  S.  CoUegio  in  occasione 
della  vacanza  dell'Apostolica  Sede"  (10  January, 
1878). 

As  a  matter  of  fact  these  precautions,  taken  in  view 
of  the  danger  of  interference  by  secular  governments, 
have  so  far  been  imnecessary,  and  elections  of  popes 
take  place  as  they  always  did  since  the  law  of  the  con- 
clave became  finally  effective.  Many  popes  have 
legislated  on  this  subject,  either  to  confirm  the  actions 
of  their  predecessors  or  to  define  (or  add  to")  previous 
legislation.  Clement  V  decreed  that  the  conclave 
must  take  place  in  the  diocese  in  which  the  pope  dies 
(Ne  Romani,  1310)  and  also  that  all  cardinals,  whether 
ejicommunicated  or  interdicted,  provided  they  were 
not  deposed,  should  have  the  right  to  vote.  Clement 
VI  (1351)  permitted  a  slight  amelioration  in  the  fare 


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193 


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and  in  the  strict  practice  of  common  life.  In  the  six- 
teenth century  Julius  II  (1505)  by  the  Bull  "Cum  tam 
divine"  declared  invalid  any  simoniacal  flecficm  of  a 
pope.  Following  the  example  of  I'lipc  Syiiiirnicluis 
(499),  Paul  IV,  by  the  Bull  "  Cum  Secundum  "  (l.').5S), 
denounced  and  forbade  all  cabals  and  intrigues  during 
the  lifetime  of  a  pope.  The  aforesaid  Constitution  of 
Pius  IV  "In  Eligendis"  (1562)  is  a  codification  and 
re-enactment  of  all  the  laws  pertaining  to  the  conclave 
since  the  time  of  Gregory  X.  In  it  he  insists  forcibly 
on  the  enclosure,  which  had  come  to  be  rather  care- 
lessly observed.  The  finally  directive  legislation  on 
the  conclave  is  that  of  Gregory  XV.  In  his  short 
reign  (1621-1623)  he  published  two  Bulls,  "^terni 
Patris"  (1621),  and  "Decet  Romanum  Pontificeni" 
(1622),  followed  hy  a.  C aeremoniale  for  the  papal  election 
(Bullar.  Luxemb.,  Ill,  444  sqq.).  Every  detail  of  the 
conclave  is  described  in  these  documents.  Subse- 
quent legislation  has  either  confirmed  these  measures, 
e.  g.  the  "Romani  Pontificis"  of  Urban  VIII  (1625), 
or  regulated  the  expenditure  of  money  on  the  papal 
obsequies,  e.  g.  the  Brief  of  Alexander  VIII  (1690), 
or  determined  their  order,  e.  g.  the  "Chirografo"  of 
Clement  XII  (1732).  The  more  recent  legislation  of 
Pius  VI,  Pius  VII,  and  Pius  IX  provides  for  all  con- 
tingencies of  interference  by  secular  powers.  Pius  VI 
(who  designated  a  Catholic  country  in  which  the  ma- 
jority of  the  cardinals  happened  to  be)  and  Pius  IX 
(who  left  the  matter  to  the  judgment  of  the  Sacred 
College)  allowed  the  widest  liberty  as  to  the  place  of 
the  conclave. 

II.  Ceremoni.\l  of  the  Conclave. — Immediately 
on  the  death  of  a  pope  the  cardinal  camerlengo  who,  as 
representative  of  the  Sacred  College,  assumes  charge 
of  the  papal  household,  verifies  by  a  judicial  act  the 
death  of  the  pontiff.  In  the  presence  of  the  house- 
hold he  strikes  the  forehead  of  the  dead  pope  three 
times  with  a  silver  mallet,  calling  him  by  his  baptismal 
name.  The  fisherman's  ring  and  the  papal  seals 
are  then  broken.  A  notary  draws  up  the  act 
which  is  the  legal  evidence  of  the  pope's  death.  The 
obsequies  last  nine  days.  Meanwhile  the  cardinals 
have  been  notified  of  the  impending  election  and 
those  resident  in  Rome  {in  Curia)  await  their  absent 
brethren,  assisting  in  the  meantime  at  the  functions 
for  the  deceased  pontiff.  All  cardinals,  and  they 
alone,  have  the  right  to  vote  in  the  conclave;  they 
must,  however,  be  legitimately  appointed,  have  the 
use  of  reason,  and  be  present  in  person,  not  through  a 
procurator  or  by  letter.  This  right  is  acknowledged 
even  if  they  are  subject  to  ecclesiastical  censures  (e.  g. 
excommunication),  or  if  the  solemn  ceremonies  of 
their  "creation"  have  yet  to  be  performed.  During 
the  aforesaid  nine  days,  and  until  the  election  of  a 
successor,  all  cardinals  appear  with  uncovered 
rochets,  just  as  all  have  canopies  over  their  seats  at 
the  conclave,  to  show  that  the  supreme  authority  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  whole  College.  The  cardinal  camer- 
lengo is  assisted  by  the  heads  of  the  three  cardinalitial 
orders,  known  as  the  "Capita  Ordinum"  (cardinal- 
bishops,-priests,-deacons).  There  are  frequent  meet- 
ings, or  "congregations",  of  these  four  cardinals  to 
determine  every  detail  both  of  the  obsequies  of  the 
pope  and  of  the  preparations  for  the  conclave.  All 
matters  of  importance  are  referred  to  the  general  con- 
gregations, which  since  1870  are  held  in  the  Vatican. 
The  cardinal  dean  (always  the  Bishop  of  Ostia)  pre- 
sides over  the.se  congregations,  in  which  the  cardinals 
take  rank  and  precedence  from  the  date  of  their  ele- 
vation to  the  purple.  Formerly  they  had  also  to  pro- 
vide for  the  government  of  the  Papal  States  and  to 
repress  frequent  disorders  during  the  interregnum. 
In  the  first  of  these  congregations  the  various  Consti- 
tutions which  govern  the  conclave  are  read  and  the 
cardinals  take  an  oath  to  observe  them.  Then,  in  the 
following  days,  the  various  officers  of  the  conclave,  the 
conclavists,  confessors,  and  physicians,  servants  of 
IV.— 13 


various  kinds,  are  examined  or  appointed  by  a  special 
commi.ssion.  Each  cardinal  has  a  right  to  take  into 
the  conclave  a  secretary  and  a  servant,  the  secretary 
being  usually  an  ecclesiastic.  In  case  of  illness  a  third 
conclavist  may  be  allowed,  with  agreement  of  the 
general  congregation.  All  are  equally  sworn  to 
secrecy  and  also  not  to  hinder  the  election.  After  the 
conclave  certain  honorary  distinctions  and  pecuniary 
emoluments  are  awarded  to  the  conclavists. 

Meanwhile  a  conclave,  formerly  a  large  room,  now 
a  large  part  of  the  Vatican  palace,  including  two  or 
three  floors,  is  walled  off,  and  the  space  divided  into 
apartments,  each  with  three  or  four  small  rooms  or 
cells,  in  each  of  which  are  a  crucifix,  a  bed,  a  table 
and  a  few  chairs.  Access  to  the  conclave  is  free 
through  one  door  only,  locked  from  without  by  the 
Marshal  of  the  Conclave  (formerly  a  member  of  the 
Savelli,  since  1721  of  the  Chigi,  family),  and  from 
within  by  the  cardinal  camerlengo.  There  are  four 
openings  provided  for  the  passage  of  food  and  other 
necessaries,  guarded  from  within  and  without,  on  the 
exterior  by  the  authority  of  the  marshal  and  major- 
domo,  on  the  interior  by  the  prelate  assigned  to  this 
duty  by  the  three  cardinals  mentioned  above,  repre- 
sentative of  the  three  cardinalitial  orders.  Once  the 
conclave  begins  the  door  is  not  again  opened  until  the 
election  is  announced,  except  to  admit  a  cardinal  who 
is  late  in  arriving.  All  communication  with  the  out- 
side is  strictly  forbidden  under  pain  of  loss  of  office 
and  ipso  facto  excommunication.  A  cardinal  may 
leave  the  conclave  in  case  of  sickness  (certified  under 
oath  by  a  physician)  and  return ;  not  so  a  conclavist. 
It  may  be  noted  at  once,  with  Wernz,  that  a  papal 
election  held  outside  of  a  properly  organized  conclave 
is  canonically  null  and  void. 

Within,  the  cardinals  live  with  their  conclavists 
in  the  cells.  Formerly  every  cardinal  had  to  pro- 
vide his  own  food,  which  was  carried  in  state  by  his 
men-in-waiting  to  one  of  the  four  openings  nearest 
the  cell  of  the  prelate.  Since  1878  the  kitchen  is  a 
part  of  the  conclave.  Though  all  meals  are  taken  in 
private  they  are  served  from  a  common  quarter,  but 
great  care  is  taken  to  prevent  written  communication 
by  this  way.  The  cells  of  the  cardinals  are  covered 
with  cloth,  purple  if  they  are  of  the  last  pope's  "cre- 
ation", green  if  not.  When  they  wish  to  be  undis- 
turbed they  close  the  door  of  their  cell,  the  frame-work 
of  which  is  in  the  shape  of  a  St.  Andrew's  cross.  The 
conclave  opens  officially  on  the  evening  of  the  tenth 
day  after  the  pope's  decease,  unless  another  day  has 
been  a.ssigned.  Every  precaution  is  observed  to  ex- 
clude those  who  have  no  right  within  the  enclosure, 
and  also  unnecessary  communication  with  the  out- 
side. Papal  legislation  has  long  since  forbidden  the 
once  customary  "capitulations",  or  ante-election 
agreements  binding  on  the  new  pope;  it  is  also  for- 
bidden the  cardinals  to  treat  of  the  papal  succession 
among  themselves  during  the  pope's  lifetime;  the 
pope  may,  however,  treat  of  the  matter  with  the 
cardinals.  Absolutely  necessary  modifications  of  the 
conclave  legislation,  during  the  conclave  itself,  are 
temporary  only.  All  true  cardinals,  as  stated,  may 
enter  the  conclave,  but  those  only  who  have  received 
deacon's  orders  have  a  right  to  vote,  unless  they  have 
received  a  special  indult  from  the  late  pope.  Cardi- 
nals who  have  been  preconized,  but  not  yet  elevated 
to  the  purple,  are  entitled  by  a  decision  of  St.  Pius  V 
(1571)  both  to  be  present  and  to  vote. 

Including  the  cardinals,  prelates,  and  conclavists, 
there  are  perhaps  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons  in 
the  enclosure.  The  government  of  the  conclave  is  in 
the  hands  of  the  cardinal  camerlengo  and  of  the  three 
representative  cardinals  who  succeed  one  another  in 
order  of  seniority  every  three  days.  About  seven  or 
eight  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  eleventh  day  the 
cardinals  assemble  in  the  Pauline  Chapel  and  assist 
at  the  Mass  of  the  cardinal  dean.     Formerly  they 


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194 


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wore  the  special  garment  of  the  conclave,  called  the 
crocea.  They  receive  Communion  from  the  hands  of 
the  cardinal  dean,  and  listen  to  a  Latin  allocution  on 
their  obligations  to  select  the  most  worthy  person  for 
the  Chair  of  Peter.  After  Mass  they  retire  for  a  few 
moments,  and  then  assemble  in  the  Sistine  Chapel, 
where  the  actual  voting  takes  place.  There  six  can- 
dles are  lighted  on  the  altar  on  which  rest  the  paten 
and  chalice  to  be  used  in  voting.  Over  the  chair  of 
each  cardinal  is  a  baldachinum.  The  papal  throne  is 
removed.  Before  each  chair  is  also  a  small  writing 
desk.  When  ready  to  vote  they  enter  the  Sistine 
Chapel  accompanied  by  their  conclavists  bearing  their 
portfolios  and  writing  materials.  Prayers  are  said 
by  the  bishop  sacristan;  the  ballots  are  distributed 
and  then  all  are  excluded  except  the  cardinals,  one  of 
whom  bolts  the  door. 

Though  since  Urban  VI  (1378-89)  none  but  a 
cardinal  has  been  elected  pope,  no  law  reserves  to  the 
cardinals  alone  this  right.  Strictly  speaking,  any 
male  Christian  who  has  reached  the  use  of  reason  can 
be  chosen,  not,  however,  a  heretic,  a  schismatic,  or  a 
notorious  simonist.  Since  14  January,  1505  (Julius 
II,  "Cum  tam  divino")  a simoniacal election  iscanoni- 
cally  invalid,  as  being  a  true  and  indisputable  act  of 
heresy  (VVernz,  "Jus  Uecret.",  II,  658,  662;  see  "Hist. 
Pol.  Blatter",  1898,  1900,  and  Sagmuller,"Lehrbuch 
d.  Kirchenrechts ",  1900,  I,  215).  There  are  four 
possible  forms  of  election:  scrutimum,  compromissum, 
accessus,  quusi-inspiralio.  The  usual  form  is  that  of 
scTutinium ,  or  secret  ballot,  and  in  it  the  successfid 
candidate  requires  a  two-thirds  vote  exclusive  of  his 
own.  When  there  is  a  close  vote,  and  only  then,  the 
ballot  of  the  pope-elect,  which,  like  all  the  others,  is 
distinguishable  by  a  text  of  Scripture  written  on  one 
of  its  outside  folds,  is  opened  to  make  sure  that  he  did 
not  vote  for  himself.  Each  cardinal  deposits  his  vote 
in  the  chalice  on  the  altar  and  at  the  same  time  takes 
the  prescribed  oath :  "  Testor  Christum  Dominum  qui 
me  judicaturus  est  me  eligere  quem  secundum  Deum 
judico  eligi  debere  et  quod  idem  in  accessu  prsestabo" 
— "I  call  to  witness  the  Lord  Christ,  Who  will  be  my 
judge,  that  I  am  electing  the  one  whom  according  to 
God  I  think  ought  to  be  electeil ' ',  etc.  (For  the  form 
of  the  oath  see  Lucius  Lector,  "Le  Conclave",  615, 
618.)  The  ballot  reads:  "Ego,  Cardinalis  N.,  eligo 
in  summum  Pontificem  R.D.  meiun  D.  Card.  N." 

For  this  election  by  secret  ballot  three  cardinals 
(scrutatores)  are  chosen  by  lot  each  time  to  preside 
over  the  operation  of  voting,  three  others  (revisores)  to 
control  the  count  of  their  colleagues,  and  still  three 
others  (infirmarii)  to  collect  the  ballots  of  the  sick  and 
absent  cardinals.  If  the  sick  cardinals  cannot  attend 
the  balloting,  then  the  three  lyifirmarii  go  to  their 
cells  and  bring  back  their  votes  in  a  box  to  the  three 
cardinals  presiding,  who  count  them  and  put  them  in 
the  chalice  with  the  others.  Then,  all  the  ballots 
having  been  shaken  up  and  counted,  if  the  number 
agrees  with  the  number  of  electors,  the  chalice  is 
brought  to  the  table  and  the  ballots,  on  the  outside  of 
which  appear  the  names  of  the  candidates,  are  passed 
from  hand  to  hand  to  the  third  cardinal  who  reads  the 
names  aloud.  All  present  are  provided  with  lists  on 
which  the  names  of  all  the  cardinals  appear,  and  it  is 
customary  for  the  cardinals  to  check  off  the  votes  as 
they  are  read.  Then  the  three  cardinal  revisors  verify 
the  result  which  is  proclaimed  as  definite. 

If,  upon  the  first  ballot,  no  candidate  receives  the 
necessary  two-thirds  vote,  recourse  is  often  had  to 
the  form  of  voting  known  as  acccssus.  At  the  elec- 
tion of  Pius  X  (Rev.  des  Deux  Mondes,  15  March, 
1904,  p.  275)  the  cardinal  dean  did  not  allow  the 
aecessus,  though  it  is  a  recognized  usage  of  con- 
claves, regulated  by  Gregory  XI,  designed  primarily 
to  hasten  elections,  and  usually  considered  to  favour 
the  chances  of  the  candidate  who  has  the  most 
votes.     It  consists  practically  of  a  second  ballot.     All 


use  the  ordinary  blanks  again,  with  this  difference, 
that  if  the  elector  wishes  his  vote  to  count  for  his  first 
choice  he  wiites  Accedo  neniini;  if  he  changes  his  vote 
he  introduces  the  name  of  his  latest  choice.  Then  the 
two  series  of  ballots  have  to  be  compared  and  identi- 
fied by  the  text  on  the  reverse  face  of  the  ballot,  so  as 
to  prevent  a  double  vote  for  the  same  candidate  by 
any  elector.  When  the  required  two-thirds  are  not 
obtained,  the  ballots  are  consumed  in  a  stove  whose 
chimney  extends  through  a  window  of  the  Sistine 
Chapel.  When  there  is  no  election,  straw  is  mixed 
with  the  ballots  to  show  by  its  thick  smoke  (sjumata) 
to  those  waiting  outside  that  theie  has  been  no  elec- 
tion. There  are  always  two  votes  taken  every  day, 
in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening;  they  occupy  from 
two  to  three  hours  each.  When  the  voting  is  over 
one  of  the  cardinals  opens  the  door  outside  of  which 
are  gathered  the  conclavists,  and  all  retire  to  their 
cells.  Other  forms  of  election,  made  almost  impossi- 
ble by  the  legislation  of  Gregory  XV,  are  known  as 
quasi-inspiration  and  compromise.  The  former  sup- 
poses that  before  a  given  session  there  had  been  no 
agreement  among  the  cardinals  and  that  then  one  of 
the  cardinals,  addressing  the  assembly,  proposes  the 
name  of  a  candidate  with  the  words  Eyo  eligo  (I  elect, 
etc.),  whereupon  all  the  cardinals,  as  though  moved 
by  the  Holy  Spirit,  proclaim  aloud  the  same  candi- 
date, saying  Ego  eligo,  etc.  An  election  by  compro- 
mise supposes  that  after  a  long  and  hopeless  contest 
the  cardinals  unanimously  delegate  a  certain  number 
of  their  body  to  make  a  choice.  It  has  not  been 
employed  since  the  fourteenth  century. 

When  a  candidate  has  obtained  the  required  two- 
thirds  vote  in  a  scrutiny  or  ballot  (the  choice,  since 
Adrian  VI,  1522,  falling  on  one  present  and  invariably 
on  an  Italian  cardinal),  the  cardinal  dean  proceeds  to 
ask  him  whether  he  will  accept  the  election  and  by 
what  name  he  wishes  to  be  known.  Since  the  time  of 
John  XII  (955-64;  Sagmiiller  says  Sergius  IV,  1009- 
1012)  each  pope  takes  a  new  name  in  imitation  of  St. 
Peter's  change  of  name  (see  Knopfler,  "  Die  Namens- 
anderung  der  Papste"  in  "Compte  rendu  du  eongres 
internat.  cath.  a  Fribourg",  1897,  sect,  v,  158  sqq.). 
The  doors  have  previously  been  opened  by  the  secre- 
tary of  the  conclave;  the  masters  of  ceremonies  are 
present,  and  formal  cognizance  is  taken  of  the  pope's 
answers.  Immediately  the  masters  of  ceremonies 
lower  the  canoj^ies  of  all  the  cardinals'  chairs  save  that 
of  the  pope-elect,  and  he  is  conducted  to  a  neighbour- 
ing room  where  he  is  clothed  in  the  papal  garments 
(immantatio).  The  cardinals  then  advance  and  pay 
him  the  first  "obedience",  or  homage  (adoratio).  The 
pope  then  either  confirms  or  appoints  the  cardinal 
camerlengo,  who  puts  upon  his  finger  the  Fisherman's 
Ring.  Then  follows  the  proclamation  to  the  people 
made  by  the  senior  cardinal-deacon,  formerly  from  the 
central  balcony  of  St.  Peter's  overlooking  the  great 
Piazza,  but  since  1870  in  St.  Peter's  itself.  The  con- 
clave then  usually  terminates,  the  masons  remove  the 
temporary  walls,  and  the  cardinals  retire  to  their 
various  lodgings  in  the  city,  awaiting  a  reassembling 
for  the  second  and  third  adoratio  and  for  the  solemn 
enthroning.  If  the  pope  happens  not  to  be  a 
bishop,  he  must  be  consecrated  at  once  and.  according 
to  immemorial  tradition,  by  the  Cardinal-Bishop  of 
Ostia.  If  already  a  bishop,  there  takes  place  only  the 
solemn  hencdiclio  or  blessing.  However,  he  enjoys 
full  jurisdiction  from  the  moment  of  his  election.  On 
the  following  .'>un(lay  or  Holy  Day  takes  place,  at  the 
hands  of  the  senior  cardinal-deacon,  the  papal  "coro- 
nation" from  which  day  the  new  pope  dates  the  years 
of  his  pontificate.  The  last  act  is  the  formal  taking 
possession  (possessio)  of  the  Lateran  Church,  omitted 
since  1870.  For  the  so-called  Veto,  occasionally  ex- 
ercised in  the  past  by  the  Catholic  Powers  (Spain,  Aus- 
tria, France),  see  Exclusion,  Right  of. 

The  actually   valid  legislation   concerning  the  conclave  is 


CONCORDANCES 


195 


CONCORDANCES 


found  in  all  manuals  of  canon  law,  e.  g.  Wernz.  Jus  Dccrcl. 
(Rome.  1899),  II,  653-665;  Saomuller,  Lchrbuch  drs  Kirchen- 
Tcrhls  (Freiburg.  1900),  313-19;  Hergenrother-Holweck, 
Lekrbuch  dcs  kath.  Kirrhcnrechls  (FreiburK,  1903),  268-73; 
LAURENTirs,  Inslil.  juT.  eccl.  (Freiburg,  1903),  nos.  99-103; 
cf.  BoDlx.  De  Curia  Romami,  120.  and  De  Papa.  III.  341-44  — 
The  historv  of  the  conclave  and  its  ceremonial  are  fully  de- 
scribed in  the  (illustrated)  work  of  Ldcius  Lector  (Mgr. 
Guthlin).  Le  Conclave  (Paris,  1894).  It  replaces  advantage- 
ously the  earlier  work  of  Vanel  on  the  history  of  the  conclaves 
(Paris.  1689;  3rd  ed..  Cologne.  1703).  English  descriptions 
like  those  of  Trollope  (London,  1876)  and  Cartwright 
(Edinburgh.  1868)  are  generally  unreliable,  being  largely  in- 
spired by  the  anti-papal  histories  of  conclaves  written  by  the 
mendacious  and  inexact  Gregorio  Leti  (s.  1.,  1667.  1716).  and 
the  inaccurate  and  maliciously  gossipy  Petrdccelli  della 
Gattijja  (Brussels.  1865).  See  Dublin  Review  (1868),  XI, 
374-91,  and  Civillh  Callolica  (1877),  I,  574-85;  also  Creigh- 
Tos  in  Academy  (1877).  XI.  66.  See  La  nouvelle  Icffislation  du 
conclave  in  UniversUe  calh.  (Lyons.  1892).  5-47.  and  Teeling, 
The  Development  of  the  Conclave  in  The  Dolphin  (Philadelphia, 
1908).  For  a  catalogue  of  studies  (often  documentary)  on 
special  conclaves,  see  Cerroti,  Bibliagrafia  di  Roma  papnle  e 
mcdievale  (Rome,  1893).  The  conclave  that  elected  Pius  X  is 
described  by  an  eyewitness  (Un  Ti?moin),  said  to  be  Cardinal 
Mathieu,  in  Revue  des  Deux  Afondes,  15  March,  1904.  See  other 
valuable  recent  literature  in  the  articles  Papal  Elections, 
and  Exclusion,  Right  of. 

Austin  Cowling. 

Concordances  of  the  Bible  are  verbal  indexes  to 
the  Bilile.  or  list.s  of  liiblical  words  arranged  alpha- 
betically with  indications  to  enable  the  inquirer  to 
find  the  passages  of  the  Bible  where  the  words  occur. 
Some  sim[)ly  indicate  the  passages;  but  a  really  good 
concordance  quotes  enough  of  a  passage  to  recall  it 
to  the  memory  of  one  familiar  with  it.  Sometimes 
concordance  is  used  in  reference  to  alphabetical  in- 
dexes of  Bihhcal  subjects,  which  guide  one  to  all  the 
passages  of  the  Bible  referring  to  the  subject  in  ques- 
tion ;  but  as  commonly  employed  in  English  the  word 
denotes  a  purely  verbal  concordance,  a  text-finder. 
Such  a  work  is  a  useful  and,  in  fact,  indispensable,  help 
to  every  student  of  the  Bible.  Its  principal  use  is  to 
enable  him  to  locate  any  text  he  remembers,  or  to 
locate  and  get  accurately  any  text  vaguely  remem- 
bered, if  but  one  important  word  of  it  be  recalled. 
Concordances  in  the  original  tongues  are  ever  in  the 
hand  of  the  expert  student  in  his  exegetical  and  criti- 
cal studies,  aiding  him  indirectly  by  their  indications 
to  ascertain  the  various  shades  of  meaning  which  the 
same  or  cognate  words  may  take  on,  and  thus,  for  ex- 
ample, to  prove  helpful  in  the  construction  of  the 
theology  of  a  writer  or  an  epoch;  to  trace  the  history 
of  words  and  thus  obtain  a  clue  to  the  development 
of  the  doctrines  connected  with  them,  or  the  changes 
of  thought  and  feeling  that  have  taken  place;  to  col- 
late the  vocabulary  of  a  writer  or  a  document,  and 
thus  to  gather  evidence  for  determining  the  author- 
ship or  date  of  disputed  writings;  to  trace  the  history 
of  a  character,  a  race,  a  town,  etc. ;  and  for  various 
other  purposes  which  each  student  discovers  for  him- 
self in  the  course  of  his  studies.  This  article  aims  to 
be  historical,  but  also,  in  part,  practical,  by  indicating 
the  best  helps  of  this  kind. 

I.  Latin. — Verbal  concordances  of  the  Bible  are  the 
invention  of  the  Dominican  friars.  The  text  which 
served  as  basis  of  their  work  was  naturally  that  of  the 
Vulgate,  the  Bible  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The  first  con- 
cordance, completed  in  1230.  was  undertaken  under 
the  guidance  of  Hugo,  or  Hugues,  de  Saint-Cher 
(Hugo  de  Sancto  Charo),  afterwards  a  cardinal,  as- 
sisted, it  is  said,  by  500  fellow-Dominicans.  It  con- 
tained no  quotations,  and  was  purely  an  index  to 
passages  where  a  word  was  found.  These  were  indi- 
cated by  book  and  chapter  (the  division  into  chapters 
had  recently  been  invented  by  Stephen  Langton, 
Archbishop  of  Canterburj-)  but  not  by  verses,  which 
were  only  introduced  by  Robert  Estienne  in  1545. 
In  lieu  of  verses,  Hugo  divided  the  chapters  into  seven 
almost  equal  parts,  indicated  l)y  the  letters  of  the 
alphabet,  a,  b,  c,  etc.  This  beginning  of  concord- 
ances was  verj'  imperfect,  as  it  gave  merely  a  list  of 
passages,  and  no  idea  of  what  the  passages  contained. 


It  was  of  little  ser\'ice  to  preachers,  therefore;  accord- 
ingly, in  order  to  make  it  valuable  for  them,  three 
English  Dominicans  added  (1250-1252)  the  complete 
quotations  of  the  passages  indicated.  This  complete- 
ness of  quotation  is  not  aimed  at  in  the  present  con- 
cordances, for  lack  of  space;  it  is  likely,  therefore, 
that  the  passages  indicated  were  far  fewer  than  those 
found  in  a  complete  concordance  of  to-day.  The 
work  was  somewhat  abridged,  by  retaining  only  the 
essential  words  of  a  quotation,  in  the  concordance  of 
Conrad  of  Halberstadt,  a  Dominican  (1310),  which 
obtained  great  success  on  account  of  its  more  conve- 
nient form.  The  first  concordance  to  be  printed,  it 
appeared  in  1470  at  Strasburg.  and  reached  a  second 
edition  in  1475.  The  larger  work  from  which  it  was 
abridged  was  printed  at  Nuremberg  in  1485.  Another 
Dominican,  John  Stoicowic,  or  John  of  Ragusa,  find- 
ing it  necessary  in  his  controversies  to  show  the  Bib- 
lical usage  of  nisi,  ex,  and  per,  which  were  omitted 
from  the  previous  concordances,  began  (c.  1435)  the 
compilation  of  nearly  all  the  indeclinable  words  of 
Scripture;  the  task  was  completed  and  perfected  by 
others  and  finally  added  as  an  appendix  to  the  con- 
cordance of  t'onrad  of  Halberstadt  in  the  work  of 
Sebastian  Brant  published  at  Basle  in  1496.  Brant's 
work  was  frequently  republished  and  in  various  cities. 
It  served  as  the  basis  of  the  concordance  published  in 
1555  by  Robert  Estienne  (Stephens),  the  distinguished 
French  Protestant  scholar  and  printer.  Estienne 
added  proper  names,  supplied  omissions,  mingled  the 
indeclinable  words  with  the  others  in  alphabetical 
order,  and  gave  the  indications  to  all  passages  by  verse 
as  well  as  by  chapter,  in  all  these  respects  bringing  his 
work  much  closer  to  the  present  model.  Since  then 
many  different  Latin  concordances  have  been  pub- 
lished, of  which  it  will  suffice  to  mention  Plantinus' 
"Concordantite  Bibliorum  juxta  recognitionem  Clem- 
entinam"  (Antwerp,  1599),  which  was  the  first  made 
according  to  the  authorized  Latin  text ;  "  Repertorium 
Biblicum  .  .  .  studio .  .  .  Patrum  Ordinis  S.  Benedict!, 
Monasterii  Wes.sofontani"  (Augsburg,  1751);  "Con- 
cordantia;  Script.  Sac",  by  Dutripon,  in  two  im- 
mense volumes,  the  most  useful  of  all  Latin  concord- 
ances, which  gives  enough  of  every  text  to  make  com- 
plete sense  (Paris.  1838;  seventh  ed.  1880;  an  edition 
of  the  same  by  G.  Tonini.  at  Prado,  1861,  recognized 
as  nearly  complete);  Coornaert's,  intended  for  the  use 
of  preachers  (Bruges,  1892);  the  "Concordantiarum 
S.  Scripturse  Manuale",  by  H.  de  Raze,  Ed.  de  La- 
chaud,  and  J.-B.  Flandrin  (13th  ed.,  Paris,  1895), 
which,  however,  gives  rather  a  choice  of  texts  than  a 
complete  concordance;  "Concordantiarum  LTniversae 
Scripturee  Sacrse  Thesaurus",  by  Fathers  Peultier, 
Etienne,  and  Gantois  (Paris,  1902).  No  Latin  con- 
cordance gives  the  Hebrew  or  Greek  equivalent  of  the 
Latin  words;  but  Peter  Mintert's  "Lexicon  Graeco- 
Latinum"  of  the  N.  T.  is  a  concordance  as  well  as  a 
lexicon,  giving  tlie  Latin  equivalent  of  the  Greek  and, 
in  the  case  of  Septuagint  words,  the  Hebrew  equiva- 
lent also  (Frankfort,  1728). 

II.  Hebrew. — The  first  Hebrew  concordance  was 
the  work  of  a  Jew,  Mordecai  or  Isaac  Nathan,  begun 
in  14.38  and  finished  in  1448.  It  was  inspired  by  the 
Latin  concordances  to  aid  in  defence  of  Judaism,  and 
was  i)rinted  in  Venice  in  1523.  An  improved  edition 
of  it  by  a  Franciscan  monk,  Marius  de  Calasio,  was 
published  in  1621  and  1622  in  four  volumes.  Both 
these  works  were  several  times  reprinted,  while 
another  Hebrew  concordance  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, by  Eli;is  Levita,  said  to  supass  Nathan's  in  many 
respects,  remained  in  manuscript.  Nathan  and  Ca- 
lasio arranged  the  words  according  to  the  Hebrew 
roots,  the  derivatives  following  simply  according  to 
the  order  in  which  they  occur  in  the  Hebrew  books; 
the  Buxtorfs,  father  and  son,  introduced  order  into 
the  derivatives  by  a  grammatical  classification  of  the 
verbs  and  nouns.     Their  work  (Basle,  1632)  also  con- 


CONCORDAT 


196 


CONCORDAT 


tained  many  new  words  and  passages  previously 
omitted,  and  an  appendix  of  all  the  Chaldaic  words  in 
the  O.  T.;  Baer's  edition  of  Buxtorf  (1847)  added  cer- 
tain particles.  Furst's  concordance  (Leipzig,  1840) 
was  for  a  long  time  the  standard.  It  corrected  Bux- 
torf and  brought  it  nearerto  completeness,  printed  all 
Hebrew  words  with  the  vowel-points,  and  perfected 
the  order  of  the  derivatives.  Every  word  is  explained 
in  Hebrew  and  Latin.  Fiirst  excludes,  however,  the 
proper  nouns,  the  pronouns,  and  most  of  the  inde- 
clinable particles,  and  makes  many  involuntary  omis- 
sions and  errors;  his  classification  of  roots  is  some- 
times fanciful.  "The  Englishman's  Hebrew  and 
Chaldaic  Concordance"  (London,  1843;  third  edition, 
1866)  is  still  very  useful.  The  most  comprehensive 
Hebrew  concordance  ever  published  is  that  of  Mandel- 
kern  (Leipzig,  1896),  who  rectified  the  errors  of   his 

Eredecessors  and  supplied  omitted  references.  Though 
is  own  work  has  been  shown  to  be  frequently  imper- 
fect, still  it  is  almost  complete,  and  by  far  the  best  of 
Hebrew  concordances.  An  abridged  edition  of  it 
was  published  in  1900. 

III.  Greek  Septuagint. — The  first  was  that  of 
Conrad  Kircher  (Frankfort,  1607);  Tromm's,  pub- 
lished at  Amsterdam,  1718,  had  reference  not  only  to 
the  Sept.,  but  also  to  the  versions  of  Aquila,  Symma- 
chus,  and  Theodotion;  it  remained  the  standard  till 
our  own  day,  when  it  gave  way  to  Hatch  and  Red- 
path's  "Concordance  to  the  Septuagint  and  other 
Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testament  "(Oxford,  1892- 
97).  This  is  a  beautiful  work  and  is  commonly  con- 
sidered about  as  perfect  as  present  scholarship  per- 
mits. It  includes  a  concordance  to  the  deutero- 
canonical  books  and  the  O.  T.  Apocrypha,  and  to  the 
remains  of  the  versions  which  form  part  of  Origen's 
Hexapla.  The  Hebrew  equivalents  of  the  Greek, 
when  known,  are  also  given.  References  to  proper 
names  are  omitted,  which,  however,  are  added  in  a 
supplement  published  in  1900.  We  must  await  a 
truly  critical  edition  of  the  Sept.,  nevertheless,  before 
we  can  have  the  final,  perfect  concordance.  Bag- 
ster's  "Handy  Concordance  to  the  Septuagint"  (Lon- 
don, 1887)  gives  simply  the  references,  without  quo- 
tations. 

IV.  Greek  New  Testament. — The  earliest  con- 
cordances to  the  Greek  New  Testament  are  those  of 
Birken  or  Betulius  (Basle,  1546),  Henry  Estienne 
(Paris,  1594),  and  Erasmus  Schmid  (Wittenberg, 
1638),  whose  work  was  twice  revised  and  republished. 
During  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  the 
standard  N.  T.  concordance  was  that  of  Bruder  (Leip- 
zig, 1842;  4th  ed.,  1888).  Its  main  defect  is  that  it 
was  practically  based  on  the  textus  receptus,  though  it 
aims,  in  its  latest  editions,  to  give  also  the  chief  vari- 
ants. The  best,  beyond  doubt,  is  Moulton  and 
Geden's  "Concordance  to  the  Greek  Testament",  ac- 
cording to  the  text  of  Westcott  and  Hort,  Tischen- 
dorf,  and  the  English  Revisers  (Edinburgh  and  New 
York,  1897).  This  includes  all  the  marginal  read- 
ings. In  the  case  of  a  reading  being  in  dispute  among 
these  authorities,  the  fact  is  pointed  out.  The 
Hebrew  equivalents  of  all  quotations  in  the  N.  T.  are 
given;  the  relation  of  the  Greek  N.  T.  words  to  the 
Septuagint  and  other  O.  T.  Greek  versions,  as  well  as 
to  classical  usage,  is  indicated.  Two  other  useful  con- 
cordances, especially  for  those  not  very  familiar  with 
the  Greek,  are  "Englishman's  Greek  Concordance  to 
the  New  Testament",  by  G.  V.  Wigram  (London, 
1839,  2d  ed.  1844),  and  Hudson's  "Critical  Greek  and 
English  Concordance  of  the  N.  T."  (Boston,  1875), 
which  contains  references  to  the  chief  variant  read- 
ings. 

V.  Syriac. — Charles  Schaaf's  "Lexicon  Syriacum" 
(I>eyden,  1709)  practically  serves  the  purpose  of  a 
concordance  to  the  Peshito  version. 

VI.  English. — The  earliest  concordances  in  Eng- 
lish were  published  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 


tury, the  first  by  T.  Gybson  in  1535  (for  N.  T.  only), 
and  the  second  in  1550  by  John  Marbeck.  The  most 
famous  belongs  to  the  eighteenth  century  and  is  the 
work  of  Alexander  Cruden.  First  published  in  1738, 
it  reached  several  editions  in  his  own  lifetime  and  has 
been  re-edited  and  reprinted  repeatedly  till  the  pres- 
ent day.  Abridgments  have  been  published  which 
sometimes  endeavour  to  pass  for  the  complete  work. 
Cruden 's  work  is  not  really  a  complete  concordance, 
and  omits  especially  many  references  to  proper  names, 
but  his  last  edition  had  one  virtue,  lacking  in  the  best 
concordances  of  our  day,  which  commends  it  to 
Catholics  especially,  namely,  its  concordance  to  the 
deutero-canonical,  or  so-called  apocrj'phal,  books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  which,  however,  is  usually  not  re- 
printed. With  this  exception,  it  is  far  surpassed  by 
the  three  great  concordances  of  oiu'  own  day,  those  of 
Young,  Strong, and  Walker.  R.Young's  "Analytical 
Concordance  to  the  Bible"  (Edinburgh,  1879-84),  an 
almost  complete  concordance,  has  the  great  virtue  of 
indicating  the  Hebrew,  Chaldaic,  or  Greek  original 
of  the  English  word,  and  distinguishing  the  various 
meanings  that  may  underlie  the  same  word.  Strong's 
"Exhaustive  Concordance  of  the  Bible"  (New  York, 
1894)  has  reference  only  to  the  English  text;  for  that 
it  can  hardly  be  improved,  as  it  is  extremely  rare  to 
find  a  text  missing  from  Strong.  As  a  text-finder,  it 
is  unsurpassed ;  but  it  lacks  the  special  advantages  of 
Young's  signalized  above.  It  contains  also  a  com- 
parative concordance  between  the  Authorized  and 
Revised  English  versions,  useful  for  a  study  of  the 
changes  introduced.  Its  great  bulk  and  weight,  how- 
ever, render  it  a  rather  formidable  book  to  handle. 
Walker's  "Comprehensive  Concordance  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures"  (Boston,  1894)  is  a  volume  of  convenient 
size,  and  almost  as  complete  as  Strong's.  An  excel- 
lent "Complete  Concordance  to  the  Revised  Version 
of  the  New  Testament",  by  J.  A.  Thoms,  was  pub- 
lished in  London,  1884.  The  works  of  Wigram  and 
Hudson  on  the  Greek  N.  T.  are  also  very  useful  to  the 
English  reader. 

No  concordance  to  the  English  Catholic  Bible  has 
been  published,  and  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  one  is 
much  needed,  except  for  the  deutero-canonical  books; 
the  late  concordances  in  English  suffice,  with  the  ex- 
ception noted,  for  the  needs  of  any  intelligent  reader. 
For  concordances  in  other  modern  languages,  consult 
the  articles  of  Mangenot  and  Kaulen. 

Mangenot  in  ViGdiHorx,  Did.  de  la  Bible  (Paris.  1897). 
s.  V.  Concordances  d^'  hi  liihh  ,  Kaulen  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 
BihelconcoTdanzen,  prints  specimens  of  many  roncordances.  To 
the.se  two  articles  we  are  indebted  for  most  of  our  facts  regard- 
ing the  earlier  concordances.  Hazard,  Introduction  to  Walker. 
Comprehensive  Concordance  (Boston,  ISO^");  Bacher  in  Jewish 
Encyclopedia  (New  York,  1903).  s.  v.  Concordances. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Concordat. — Definilion. — Canonists  and  publicists 
do  not  agree  about  the  nature  of  a  concordat  and, 
consequently,  vary  much  in  the  definition  they  give. 
The  various  theories  will  be  explained  later,  but  for  the 
sake  of  orderly  discussion  at  least  a  nominal  definition 
will  be  premised.  In  general,  a  concordat  means  an 
agreement,  or  imion  of  wills,  on  some  matter.  But  as 
soon  .as  we  attempt  to  define  this  general  notion  more 
clearly  a  difficulty  arises.  Agreement  of  wills  may  be 
had  in  many  ways:  in  friendship,  in  regard  to  privi- 
leges, in  a  bilateral  contract,  etc.  Prescinding  for  the 
present  from  the  exact  nature  of  a  concordat,  and 
without  giving  an  ex.act  definition,  we  may  say  that  a 
concordat  is  a  law,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  made  for  a 
certain  covmtry  in  regard  to  matters  which  in  some 
way  concern  both  Church  and  State,  a  law,  moreover, 
poss(\ssing  the  force  of  a  treaty  entered  into  by  both 
the  erclesiastical  and  civil  power  and  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent binding  upon  both.  The  full  meaning  of  the 
terms  employed  will  be  explaineil  below. 

Purix>se.~The  purpose  of  a  concordat  is  to  termin- 
ate, or  to  avert,  dissension  between  the  Church  and 


CONCORDAT 


197 


CONCORDAT 


the  civil  powers.  This  is  evident  from  history.  Dur- 
ing the  first  three  centuries,  when  the  civil  author- 
ity was  bent  upon  the  total  ruin  and  destruction  of  the 
Church,  concordats  were  out  of  the  question.  After 
the  era  of  persecution  was  over,  and,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  temporary  usurpations  and  outrages,  the 
Christian  Emperors  of  Rome  generally  recognized  and 
defended  the  rights  of  the  Church,  concordats  were  un- 
necessaiy.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  until  the 
end  of  the  eleventh  century,  when  there  arose  the 
strife  about  investitures  which  was  settled  in  1122  by 
the  Concordat  of  Worms,  or  Piiilitm  Calliitinum,  be- 
tween Callistus  II  (q.  V.)  and  Henry  V.  This  may  be 
called  the  first  concordat,  unless  the  agreement  of 
London  (1107)  is  reckoned,  as  it  may  be,  among  the 
number  of  concordats.  The  contest  between  Boni- 
face VIII  and  Philip  the  Fair,  at  the  end  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  opened  the  way  for  still  further  dis- 
agreements between  the  Church,  which  strove  to  pre- 
serve its  rights  inviolate,  anil  those  civil  powers  which 
sought  to  usurp  them.  These  disagreements  gave 
rise  to  various  concordats.  Before  the  eighteenth 
century  there  were  six  (or  seven  if  the  London  agree- 
ment of  1107  be  counted);  during  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury there  were  fifteen,  and  in  the  nineteenth  century 
a  much  larger  number  (see  Summary  of  Principal 
Concordats,  below). 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  De  Angelis,  who  is  followed  by 
Giobbio  and  in  part  by  Cavagnis,  does  not  consider  the 
Pactum  Callixtunim  a  concordat,  because  in  it  Callis- 
tus II  made  no  concession  of  any  importance  to  the 
emperor.  This  reason,  however,  as  Wernz  well  ob- 
serves, is  false.  For,  according  to  the  best  authori- 
ties on  the  Pactum  Catlijiinum,  the  pope  granted  to 
Henry  V  several  important  concessions,  permitting 
the  emperor  to  assist  at  episcopal  elections  and  to  ex- 
act from  bishops-elect  in  Germany  and  from  conse- 
crated bishops  in  other  parts  of  the  empire  (i.  e.  in 
Burgundy  and  Italy)  not  merely  the  oath  of  simple 
loyalty  but  even  that  of  vassalage,  by  which  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  Church  were  considerably  re- 
stricted. Cavagnis  likewise  remarks  about  the  first 
concordat  with  Portugal,  in  12S.S,  that  it  is  rather  a 
decree  of  the  pope  in  which,  after  hearing  the  bishops 
and  the  royal  plenipotentiaries,  he  decided  what 
should  be  allowed,  what  denied,  out  of  the  powers 
which  the  King  claimed  on  the  ground  either  of  privi- 
lege or  of  custom.  Granting  all  this,  it  does  not  seem 
to  follow  that  such  an  act  could  not  be  called  a  con- 
cordat ;  for  it  is  by  no  means  evident  that  mutual  con- 
cessions are  essential  to  the  very  nature  of  a  concor- 
dat. An  agreement  may  very  well  exist  without  mu- 
tual concessions — a  principle  especially  in  accord  with 
the  view  of  those  authorities  ( including  C'avagnis)  who 
see  in  cverj'  concordat  a  strictly  Ijilateral  contract;  for 
the  due  rights  of  either  party  can  properly  be  recog- 
nized and  established  by  any  contract  properly  so 
called.  Hence  it  is  plain  that  concordats  have  in  gen- 
eral been  made  in  order  to  end  a  disagreement  and  re- 
store harmony.  Not  ahratjs,  however;  for  concordats 
have  at  times  been  made  when  there  w.is  no  actual  dis- 
agreement to  be  settled — solely  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting disagreements  in  the  future  and  of  rendering 
more  secure  and  permanent  the  welfare  of  the  Church 
in  some  State.  This  was  done  between  Pius  IX  and 
Garcia  Morena,  President  of  Ecuador  in  1862. 

With  regard  to  the  neces.sity  of  concordats  two  ex- 
treme opinions  are  to  be  avoided.  Concordats  are  not 
absolutely  necessary;  neither  arc  they  harmful  to  the 
Church  or  civil  society.  Assuredly  it  were  to  be  de- 
sired that  the  Church  should  never  need  concordats, 
and  should  always  find  in  civil  rulers  devoted  children, 
or  at  least  .such  as  would  use  all  diligence  in  caring  for 
the  spiritiial  welfare  of  their  Catholic  subjects,  and 
would  religiously  respect  their  rights.  But,  unfor- 
tunately, the  contrary  too  often  occurs.  Hence  the 
Church,  to  avoid  a  greater  evil,  has  often  had  to  prom- 


ise to  forego  this  or  that  natural  right  of  her  own  in 
order  to  secure  from  the  State  a  promise  to  refrain 
from  further  encroachment  upon  ecclesiastical  rights. 

Matter  or  Oliject  of  a  Concordat. — The  matter,  or  the 
objects,  treated  of  in  a  concordat  may  be  spiritual, 
mixed,  or  temporal. 

Spiritual  matters  are  those  that  belong  purely  to  the 
spiritual  order,  or  are  connected  with  it;  for  example, 
matters  pertaining  to  the  liturgy.  Thus,  in  some  con- 
cordats there  has  been  question  of  inserting  the  name 
of  the  emperor  in  the  Canon  (q.  v.)  and  of  singing  after 
the  Divine  Office  the  formula:  "Domine,  salvam  fac 
rempublicam",  or  "Domine,  salvos  fac  consules",  or 
"Domine,  salvos  fac  presides  eius"  (cf.  art.  8,  of  the 
Concordat  of  1801 ;  arts.  23,  24  of  the  Concordat  with 
Costa  Rica  and  Guatemala,  1853;  arts.  15,  with  Haiti, 
1860;  art.  21,  with  Ecuador,  1862;  arts.  22,  23,  with 
Nicaragua  and  San  Salvador,  1863).  In  like  manner 
there  is  frequent  mention  of  nominating  bishops,  of 
the  establishment  and  bestowal  of  parishes,  or  of  pre- 
scribing special  regulations  for  the  pniniotion  of  clerics 
to  Holy  orders  or  to  ecclesiastical  dignities,  so  as  to 
prevent,  for  example,  the  number  of  clerics  from  be- 
coming too  large  (cf.  art.  5,  Concordat  with  Spain, 
1737;  C.  iv,  Concordat  with  Sicily,  1741),  and  so  on. 

Mixed  matters  are  those  which  belong,  though 
under  different  aspects,  both  to  the  temporal  and  spir- 
itual orders,  and  are  subject  to  both  authorities,  such 
as  public  education,  marriage,  etc. 

Temporal  matters  are  such  as  of  their  own  nature 
do  not  belong  to  the  spiritual  order.  In  some  con- 
cordats the  Church  has  allowed  nders  to  impose  taxes 
not  only  on  the  private  possessions  of  clerics,  but  also 
on  ecclesiastical  property ;  so  the  Roman  Pontiff  has 
at  times  given  up  his  claims  on  account  of  certain 
ecclesiastical  properties  damaged  in  the  course  of  civil 
or  religious  turmoil.  Examples  of  each  of  these  occur 
in  the  Concordat  with  Cohunbia,  in  1887.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that,  when  the  pope  absolutely  surrenders  tem- 
poral possessions  of  the  Church,  as  in  art.  29  of  this 
concordat,  such  possessions  no  longer  remain  under 
the  ownership  or  jurisdiction  of  the  Church  or  subject 
to  it.  When,  however,  he  merely  permits  such  prop- 
erty to  be  ta.xed  (as  in  art.  6  of  the  Colombian  Con- 
cordat, art.  18  or  art.  19  of  that  with  Costa  Rica,  in 
1853)  then  the  property  remains  in  the  ownership  of 
the  Church,  which  does  not  acknowletlge  in  the  State 
any  inherent  right  to  impose  taxes  of  this  kind,  but 
rather  implies  the  contrary  by  the  very  concession. 

The  CnnlriicHnij  Parties. — It  is  clear  that  only  those 
persons  in  ( 'liurch  or  State  are  competent  to  enter  into 
a  concordat  who  in  their  respective  spheres  have  the 
right  of  making  treaties,  and  indeed  of  enacting  laws. 
Hence,  ab.snlutely  speaking,  liishcips,  as  true  rulers  of 
the  Church  vested  with  authority  tn  make  laws  strictly 
so  called,  can  also  make  concordats  on  all  matters 
falling  within  their  jmisdiction.  In  pa.st  ages  they 
have  often  exercised  this  right ;  a  concordat  was  made 
between  the  bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Diniz  in 
1288,  an<l  confirmed  by  Nicholas  IV  in  1289:  In  1273 
one  was  maile  between  the  bishops  of  Norway  and 
Magnus  VI  (IV),  by  which  the  bishops  renounced  the 
right  of  electing  the  king  as  long  as  there  were  legiti- 
mate heirs  of  the  blood,  antl  the  king  on  his  part 
bound  himself  to  prevent  the  royal  officials  from 
interfering  with  the  free  exercise  of  ecclesiastical 
authority.  This  concordat  was  confirmed  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  by  Gregory  X  in  the  Second  Council  of 
Lyons.  Many  other  concordats  made  by  bishops 
might  be  mentioned ;  for  example,  between  the 
bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Manuel,  confirmed  by 
liCo  X  in  lolC).  Candido  Mendes  de  Almeida,  in  his 
"J\is  Civile  Ecclesiasticum  Brasilicum  Vetus  et 
Recens",  enumerates  eighteen  concordats  made  be- 
tween the  thirti'cnth  ami  fourteenth  centuries  by  the 
Kings  of  Portugal  with  the  ilergy  of  the  kingdom,  for 
the  settlement  of  serious  controversies.    At  the  pres- 


CONCORDAT 


198 


CONCORDAT 


ent  time  bishops  do  not  possess  the  power  of  making 
concordats;  it  is  reserved  to  the  pope.  The  reason 
for  this  reservation  is  that  concordats  deal  not  with 
one  question  only,  but  with  the  settlement  of  all  ec- 
clesiastical matters  in  a  particular  country;  such  a 
wide  field  of  affairs  manifestly  constitutes  a  causa 
major,  and  as  such  is  reserved  exclusively  for  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  Moreover,  in  recent 
concordats  concessions  have  almost  always  been  made 
contrary  to  the  ordinary  canon  law,  and  such  con- 
cessions can  be  made  only  by  the  pope.  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  governments  desirous  of  entering 
into  a  concordat  with  the  Church  prefer  to  deal  with 
the  pope,  so  as  to  have  a  regulation  by  which  all  the 
bishops  will  be  bound.  The  Roman  Pontiff  in  making 
a  concordat  acts  in  his  capacity  as  pontiff,  and  not  as 
a  civil  ruler;  and  this  was  the  case  even  before  he  was 
despoiled  of  his  temporal  sovereignty.  Hence,  in 
making  a  concordat,  he  acts  as  pope  and,  as  Supreme 
Ruler  and  Pastor  of  the  Universal  Church,  exercises 
the  supreme  and  full  authority  of  his  primacy. 

On  the  part  of  the  State  those  competent  to  make 
concordats  are  supreme  legislators  or  chief  magis- 
trates— an  emperor,  king,  or  president,  acting  alone, 
where  the  supreme  authority  is  plenary  and  unre- 
stricted ;  acting  with  the  consent  of  the  representative 
body,  where  such  consent  is  constitutionally  necessary 
for  legislation.  Wernz  (Jus  Decret.,  I,  166)  remarks: 
"  The  Apostolic  See,  to  avoid  the  risk  of  open  mockery, 
usually  enters  into  solemn  undertakings  only  where 
a  civil  government  is  under  no  obligation  to  seek  the 
consent  of  a  representative  body,  or  where  there  can 
be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  such  consent  will  be 
granted."  It  is  also  to  be  remembered  that  the 
Roman  Pontiff  makes  concordats  with  governments 
only  in  their  civil  capacity,  even  when  such  govern- 
ments are  non-Catholic.  Hence  it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  a  concordat  with  the  Tsar  of  Russia  or  the  King 
of  Prussia  is  made  with  either  of  these  potentates  as 
with  the  supreme  spiritual  head  of  a  schismatic  or 
Protestant  sect. 

Nature  oj  Concorrlats. — To  explain  the  nature  of 
concordats  three  theories  have  been  proposed;  (a) 
The  legal  theon,-,  that  advanced  by  the  regalists; 
(b)  The  compact  theory,  which  regards  a  concordat 
as  a  bilateral  contract;  (c)  The  privilege  theory,  ac- 
cording to  which  a  concordat  has  the  force  of  a  privi- 
lege on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  but  of  an 
obligation  on  the  part  of  the  civil  ruler. 

Before  explaining  and  examining  these  theories  in 
detail,  it  is  well  to  note  first  of  all  that  the  name  given 
to  each  theory  should  not  be  understood  as  if  the 
authors  of  the  various  opinions  considered  all  the 
articles  of  a  concordat  as  possessing  equal  force. 
Those  who  defend  the  privilege  theorj-  do  not  main- 
tain that  no  article  in  any  concordat  ever  imposed  an 
obligation  of  justice  on  the  Roman  Pontiff.  On  the 
other  hand,  those  who  defentl  the  compact  theory  do 
not  assert  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  is  bound  in  the 
same  way  by  all  the  articles  of  every  concordat. 
These  theories  have  been  named,  as  Wernz  points 
out,  from  the  feature  most  prominent  in  each.  It  is 
clear,  then,  that  authors  who  defend  the  privilege 
theory  maintain,  in  the  last  resort,  no  more  than  this: 
that,  in  respect  to  the  greater  part  of  their  matter, 
concordats  must  be  classed  as  privileges  granted  by 
the  Roman  Pontiff.  Nevertheless,  as  this  subject 
matter  of  a  concordat  is  not  necessarily  homogeneous 
(the  unity  of  a  concordat  being  merely  extrinsic  and 
accidental)  it  follows  that  although  the  term  pririleye 
may  be  applied  to  a  concordat  taken  as  a  whole,  it 
cannot  necessarily  be  used  of  every  clause  in  the  same. 

(a)  The  I^egalist  llieory  does  not  admit  that  con- 
cordats have  the  force  of  a  bilateral  contract,  because 
the  State  is  above  the  Church  and,  being  the  supreme 
society,  cannot  make  such  an  agreomont  with  an  in- 
ferior or  subordinate  body.     Concordats  are  valid, 


however,  because  they  are  civil  laws  passed  by  the 
State  in  regard  to  the  Church.  It  follows  from  this 
view  that  concordats  may  always  be  revoked  by  the 
State,  but  not  by  the  Pontiff;  as  far  as  the  Church  is 
concerned  they  are  mere  privileges  revocable  at  the 
will  of  the  civil  ruler.  This  theory  is  held  in  our  days 
more  or  less  strictly  by  various  governments  and  many 
writers,  chief  of  whom  is  Hinschius. 

(b)  The  Compact  Theory,  as  we  have  said,  makes 
of  the  concordat  a  bilateral  compact.  It  must  be 
observed,  however,  that  the  advocates  of  this  view 
are  divided  among  themselves.  Some  hold  strenu- 
ously that  the  Roman  Pontiff  can  make  no  change 
whatsoever,  not  even  validly,  in  regard  to  anything 
which  he  has  conceded  in  a  concordat.  The  chief 
writer  of  this  school  is  Schulte,  an  ex-Catholic,  who 
openly  bases  his  views  of  concordats  on  his  assump- 
tion of  the  perfect  co-ordination  and  equality  of 
Church  and  State,  just  as  the  legalist  theory  is  founded 
on  the  subordination  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  civil 
power.  Others,  among  whom  we  may  enumerate  De 
Angelis,  Cavagnis,  and  Fink,  whUe  upholding  the  com- 
pact theory,  so  explain  it  as  to  fully  accord  with  strict 
Catholic  teaching  on  the  constitution  of  the  Church. 
A  concordat,  in  their  opinion,  is  a  bilateral  compact, 
but  not  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term.  Indeed  they 
so  limit  and  weaken  the  force  of  a  contract  as  ap- 
plied to  a  concordat  that  at  times  they  seem  to  be 
maintaining  the  view  of  those  who  hold  that  a  con- 
cordat is  to  be  considered  as  a  privilege  rather  than  a 
real  contract. 

(c)  The  Privilege  Theorj',  according  to  which  con- 
cordats, if  we  regard  their  general  character  and  the 
bulk  of  their  contents,  lack  for  the  most  part  the  force 
of  a  true  contract,  and  are  to  be  considered  as  impos- 
ing an  obligation  on  the  civil  power  alone,  while  on  the 
part  of  the  Clnirch  they  are  merely  privileges  or  con- 
cessions granted  by  the  Roman  Pontiffs.  This  view, 
which  counts  among  its  recent  staunch  defenders  Car- 
dinal Tarquini,  seems  to  rest  upon  surer  grounds  than 
the  others.  Before  advancing  the  arguments  in  its 
favour,  it  would  be  well  to  examine  the  position  of  its 
opponents.  It  is  evident  that  the  advocates  of  the 
first,  or  legalist,  theory  buikl  all  their  arguments  upon 
the  supposition  that  the  Church  is  subject  to  the  State, 
of  which  it  forms  but  a  department,  just  as  any  other 
body  is  subject  to  the  whole  of  which  it  is  a  part  and 
from  which,  consequently,  it  depends.  This  view  we 
find  expressly  maintained  by  Hinschius,  who  says: 
"The  theory  that  asserts  that  a  concordat  possesses 
the  force  of  a  contract  seems  untenable,  notwithstand- 
ing the  vast  numbers  of  its  followers.  According  to 
the  modern  civil  law  the  authority  of  the  State  over  all 
matters  falling  within  its  sphere  is  omnipotent,  and 
Christian  Churches  which  exist  within  the  territory  of 
any  State  are  subject  to  that  State  in  just  the  same 
manner  as  are  private  corporations  or  individuals." 
Hammerstein,  in  his  cle\er  refutation  of  these  errors 
(De  Ecclesia  et  Statu  juridice  consideratis,  Trier,  p. 
211)  says  that  this  "sphere",  within  which  the  State 
is  said  to  be  omnipotent,  may  be  understood  in  a  ju- 
ridical or  a  geographical  sense,  i.  e.  as  signifying  the 
limits  either  of  the  State's  rights  or  of  its  geographical 
possessions.  If  taken  in  the  first  sense,  the  grandiose 
words  of  Hinschius  become  puerile,  if  in  the  second 
sense,  then  Hinschius  is  advocating  a  legal  enormity. 
For  if  the  word  sphere  be  taken  to  signify  "extent  of 
authority",  the  as.sertion  of  Hinschius  means  nothing 
more  than  that  the  State  can,  within  the  limits  of  its 
own  rights  and  authority,  do  what  it  will.  And  it 
needed  no  philosopher  to  proclaim  this,  since  it  is 
abundantly  evident  that  anyone  can  do  all  whatso- 
ever he  can  do.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  sp/icre  be  taken 
in  the  sense  of  "geographical  extension",  Hinschius  is 
maintaining  that  the  State  may,  witliin  the  bounds  of 
its  own  territory,  perpetrate  any  crime  it  chooses.  To 
quote  Hammerstein,  "  We  have  said  that  the  phrase, 


CONCORDAT 


199 


CONCORDAT 


'the  State's  sphere',  can  be  understood  to  mean  geo- 
graphical extension.  In  this  case,  the  teaching  of  the 
Prussian  canonist,  Hinschius,  when  taken  in  the  con- 
crete, practically  comes  to  this, — that  witliin  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment can,  without  any  injustice  whatever,  behead, 
burn  alive,  or  spoil  of  their  property  all  whomsoever  it 
pleases  and  because  it  pleases ;  and  why?  Because  the 
Prussian  government  is — omnipotent!  Surely  a  won- 
derful system  of  jurisprudence!"  Moreover,  it  is 
noteworthy  that  the  very  principle  which  this  school 
of  writers  assume  as  the  basis  of  their  argimient, 
namely  that  no  true  compact  can  exist  between  a  sov- 
ereign power  and  its  subordinates  (whence  they  argue 
that  between  the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  authori- 
ties no  compact  can  exist  entailing  strict  dhligations 
upon  the  former),  this  fundamental  principle  is  not 
only  false  in  itself  but  is  contradicteil  liy  their  own 
theories.  For  they  maintain  that  a  strict  compact 
can  be  made  between  ruler  and  ruled,  whereby  the  au- 
thority of  the  former  may  be  diminished,  or  even  par- 
tially or  wholly  abolished. 

Those  who  claim  that  concordats  are  to  be  consid- 
ered as  bilateral  contracts  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the 
word  experience  in  trying  to  maintain  their  assertion 
the  same  difficulty  as  the  followers  of  the  legalist 
theory.  They,  too,  have  recourse  to  a  false  principle, 
that  of  the  perfect  co-ordination  and  equality  of 
Church  and  State.  It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope 
of  this  article  to  show  the  falsity  of  this  assumption; 
suffice  to  .say  in  passing,  that  the  co-ordination  or  sub- 
ordination of  .societies  among  themselves  is  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  co-ordination  or  subordination  of  the 
ends  for  the  attainment  of  which  said  societies  were 
instituted ;  now  the  end  the  Church  has  to  attain  is  su- 
perior to  that  of  any  other  society. 

The  argiunents  of  those  who  hold  that  concordats 
are  bilateral  contracts,  though  only  in  the  broad  sense 
of  the  term,  are  based  upon  their  language  and  diplo- 
matic form.  For  they  argue  that  these  clearly  show 
that  the  popes  themselves  regarded  concordats  as  con- 
cessions to  which  were  annexed  the  binding  force  of  a 
compact,  and  that  in  making  them  they  intenileil  to 
bind  them.selves  by  them  sometimes  to  the  extent  of 
declaring  null  and  void  whatever  they  themselves  or 
their  successors  should  do  in  contravention  of  any- 
thing contained  in  their  concordats.  An  example  in 
point  is  the  concordat  between  Leo  X  and  Francis  I  of 
Prance.  Furthermore,  it  is  claimed  that  the  popes 
often  have  referred  to  concordats,  directly  or  equiva- 
iently,  as  bilateral  contracts,  or  agreements  carrying 
with  them  a  strict  obligation.  Tlius  Fink,  in  his  work 
"  De  Concordatis"  (Louvain,  1879),  when  summing  up 
his  argument  says:  "In  the  estimation  of  the  Holy 
See,  concordats  are  solemn  agreements  with  regard  to 
the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  entered  into 
by  the  supreme  authorities,  ecclesiastical  and  civil,  of 
the  respective  countries;  they  are  po.s.se.ssed  of  the  full 
efficacy  of  a  strict  obligation,  and  have  the  force  of  a 
compact  binding  both  contracting  parties,  after  the 
manner  of  international  treaties.  Besides  the  obli- 
gation of  justice,  the  binding  force  of  a  concordat  is 
strengthened  by  a  solemn  promise  made  by  each 
party  for  himself  and  his  successors  to  observe  forever 
faithfully  and  inviolably  all  that  has  been  agreed 
upon.  Unless,  then,  by  mutual  consent,  no  concordat 
can  be  broken  without  violating  everj'  principle  of 
justice  and  jeopardizing  all  other  private  and  public 
contracts."  Other  argmnents  are  drawn  from  ex- 
pres.sions  occurring  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence 
of  the  Papal  .Secretary  of  State.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
much  of  what  we  have  just  given  from  Fink  is  to  be 
found  not  in  papal  documents  themselves,  but  in  the 
correspondence  of  the  Secretariate  of  State.  Lastly, 
the  advocates  of  this  form  of  the  compact  theory  as- 
sert that  the  common  opinion  among  canoni.sts  is  also 
in  their  favour.     But,  with  all  due  respect  to  the 


learned  scholars  who  hold  and  defend  the  opinion,  the 
arguinnit  drawn  from  the  form  of  the  concordat  has 
hut  littli' wei.clil.  p'or  it  is  not  at  all  rare  for  an  act  to 
be  cli>tlu'd  with  a  form  which,  though,  perhaps,  less 
adapted  to  the  nature  of  the  act  itself,  yet  in  no  way 
changes  that  nature.  For  example,  the  formula  of 
absolution  in  the  Greek  Church  is  deprecatory,  yet 
this  form  of  entreaty  in  no  way  changes  the  judicial 
nature  of  the  pronouncement.  So,  too,  Gregory  VII 
deposed  Henry  IV  by  a  form  of  deprecation,  yet  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  the  judgment  passed  was  truly 
condemnatory.  So  also  a  religious  before  his  solemn 
profession  may  renounce  all  his  possessions  under  the 
form  of  a  will,  which  form  endures  even  after  his  pro- 
fession, while  the  nature  of  the  act  is  essentially 
changed,  since  there  no  longer  exists  that  voluntas  am- 
bxtlntnria  which  a  last  will  and  testament  of  its  nature 
rec)uires.  Nor  are  the  arguments  drawn  now  and 
then  from  solemn  promises  any  stronger.  For  the 
pope  often  calls  certain  concessions  mentioned  in  con- 
cordats "privileges",  "indults",  etc.,  etc.,  and  at 
times  speaks  even  more  precisely,  asserting  that  he 
will  in  no  way  interfere  in  the  doing  of  this  or  that.  If 
at  times  the  stricter  formula>  are  employed,  as  in  the 
concordat  between  Leo  X  and  Francis  I  (a  formula 
which  seems  to  be  the  strictest  of  all  and  decrees  as 
null  and  void  whatever  to  the  contrary  is  attempted 
by  subsequent  pontiffs),  they  are  employed,  as  Pal- 
mieri  notes  in  the  first  edition  of  his  treatise  "  De 
Romano  Pontifice",  first,  that  the  pope  may  testify  to 
his  firm  purpose  of  observing,  in  as  far  as  he  may,  the 
points  mentioned  in  the  concordat:  secondly,  because 
of  the  scope  of  the  instrument  itself,  which  is  similar 
to  an  agreement  entered  into  by  a  father  and  his  dis- 
obedient children.  In  such  reconciliations  it  often 
happens  that  a  formula  is  used  between  a  father  and  a 
child  still  under  his  jurisdiction  which  verbally  signi- 
fies a  bilateral  contract,  but  which  in  point  of  fact  is 
employed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  manifesting  the  leni- 
ency and  liberalty  of  the  father.  Thirdly,  very  often 
such  formuliE  are  employed  because  of  the  unity  of  the 
act  itself.  That  this  is  true,  is  evident  because  at 
times  there  are  articles  which  bind  the  pope  in  justice, 
and  also  because  by  a  concordat  a  civil  ruler  (i.  e.  in 
the  case  of  a  concordat  drawn  up  witli  a  Catholic 
prince)  is  really  and  truly  bound  by  obedience  to  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  Hence,  although  the  latter  is  bound 
to  his  promise  only  through  fidelity  to  his  word,  it  was 
deemed  advisable  to  use  a  common  form  which,  as  in 
the  case  of  bilateral  contracts,  implies  a  mutual  obliga- 
tion, the  nature  and  interpretation  of  which  is  suffi- 
ciently evident  from  the  nature  and  tenor  of  the  con- 
cordat itself.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  emphatic 
phrases  such  as  those  above  mentioned,  employed 
with  a  view  to  express  the  firm  determination  of  the 
legislator,  are  not  at  all  rare;  so,  for  instance,  there  is 
sometimes  attached  to  a  code  of  laws  a  clause  deroga- 
tory of  all  future  laws,  v.  g.  "by  virtue  of  this  un- 
changeable constitution  which  is  to  endure  forever". 
Yet  no  one  claims  that  a  subsequent  legislator  is 
bound  by  such  a  clause,  nor  that  he  cannot  abrogate 
the  constitution  in  whole  or  in  part.  Tliat  the  popes 
admit  that  concordats  are  identical  with  bilateral 
contracts,  is  not  wholly  true.  For  they  are  rarely 
called  such,  the  ordinarj'  expre.ssion  being  that  they 
have  the  force  of  a  bilateral  contract — something  en- 
tirely different.  For  (as  Baldi  notes  in  his  excellent 
work  on  concordats,  "  De  Natufa  et  Indole  Concorda- 
tonnn)all  such  technical  phrases  as,  "to  have  the  same 
binding  force  as  a  treaty",  "to  be  a  species  of  con- 
tract", "to  partake  of  the  nature  of  a  privilege",  "to 
resemble  a  gift" — all  these  signify  nothing  else  than 
p.irticipation  in,  and  not  identity  with,  the  nature  of 
all  of  these.  Just  as  when  the  law  declares,  "  The  ad- 
mission of  postulation  has  the  force  of  confirmation", 
it  is  legitimate  to  conclude,  "therefore  admission  of 
postulation  is  not  confirmation  but  participates  in  and 


CONCORDAT 


200 


CONCORDAT 


approaches  to,  as  far  as  its  nature  allows,  the  nature  of 
confirmation.  Again,  it  argues  nothing  against  the 
opinion  held  in  the  article  that  concordats  are  some- 
times expressly  designated  bilateral  agreements  or 
contracts  (perhaps  once:  to  wit,  in  the  letter  of  Leo 
XIII,  dated  16  Feb.,  1892,  to  the  bishops  and  faithful 
of  France),  since  in  such  cases  it  is  evident  that  the 
pope  wished  only  to  observe  all  the  conventionalities 
of  concordats — in  so  far  at  least  as  duty  permitted. 
It  was  not  the  pope's  intention  to  define  and  deter- 
mine the  exact  essence  of  a  concordat,  but  rather  to 
manifest  his  mind  on  the  matter  in  question,  and  give 
assurance  that  he,  on  his  part,  would  not  violate  the 
articles  agreed  upon.  Relative  to  this  matter  Wernz 
says:  "Pius  X  praised  Bonald  because  he  brought  to 
his  notice  the  nature  and  peculiar  characteristic  of 
these  agreements  or  indults."  Then,  too,  Leo  XIII 
earnestly  recommended  that  the  question  of  concor- 
dats be  seriously  and  thoroughly  looked  into.  Surely 
the  praise  of  Pius  and  the  recommendation  of  Leo 
would  have  been  utterly  foolish  if  the  theory  of  bilat- 
eral contracts  had  been  evidently  and  unquestionably 
adopted  by  the  Apostolic  See. 

Of  less  value  is  the  argument  drawn  from  individual 
phrases  occurring  occasionally  in  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence. For,  apart  from  the  fact  that  never,  per- 
haps, in  these  diplomatic  notes  is  a  concordat  said  to 
be  identical  with  a  bilateral  contract,  it  must  also  be 
granted,  and  that  without  evasion,  that  the  weakest 
kind  of  argument  is  that  drawn  from  one  or  another 
phrase  used  by  some  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State,  or 
some  Apostolic  Nuncio  in  a  single  diplomatic  note. 
For  the  admission  is  not  forced  upon  us  that  these 
phrases  are  the  best  that  underthe  circumstances  could 
be  chosen.  It  is  also  false  that  the  treaty  theory  is 
more  commonly  held  by  theologians  and  canonists. 
For  neither  is  this  true  of  the  modern  canonists,  while 
it  is  absolutely  false  of  those  of  earlier  date,  very  many 
of  whom  (as  Baldi  clearly  proves  in  his  erudite  com- 
mentary on  concordats  already  cited)  held  the  opin- 
ion advanced  in  this  paper.  This  opinion,  it  must  be 
noted,  is  based  on  two  principles:  first,  that  ecclesi- 
astical and  civil  society  are  not  co-ordinate;  secondly, 
that  the  power  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  can  be  neither 
alienated  nor  diminished.  On  this  point  Wernz  wisely 
remarks:  "If  the  co-ordination  of  Church  and  State 
be  urged  as  an  argument,  then  the  treaty  theory  is 
founded  either  on  an  error,  or  on  a  pure  fiction  lacking 
all  objective  reality."  (Cf.  Siigraiiller,  "Lehrbuch 
des  kath.  Kirchenrechts ",  89  sqq.)  Hence  it  follows 
that  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  call  a  concordat  an  in- 
ternational treaty  in  the  real  and  true  sense  of  the 
word  (cf.  a  pamphlet  anonymously  edited  in  Rome, 
1872,  under  the  title:  "Delia  Natura  e  carattere  es- 
senziale  dei  Concordati",  whose  author  was  Cardinal 
Cagiano  de  Azevedo).  Neither  can  the  concordat  be 
classed  with  international  treaties,  since  the  latter  are 
entered  upon  by  two  societies  each  perfect  in  itself  and 
both  equal.  The  Church,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
neither  subordinate  to,  nor  equal  to,  the  State,  but  is  in 
a  true  sense  its  superior.  Hence,  also,  it  follows  that 
concordats  are  not  bilateral  contracts ;  since  for  such 
a  contract  three  things  are  essentially  required:  (a) 
the  consent  of  two  parties  to  the  same  thing;  (b) 
which  imposes  upon  each  an  obligation  of  commuta- 
tive justice;  (c)  so  that  the  obligation  of  one  party  is 
the  cause  of  a  right  in  the  other,  and  one  obligation  is 
to  the  other  as  effect  to  cause.  But  a  strict  right 
arising  from  conmiutative  justice  is  altogether  inde- 
pendent not  only  of  the  other  contracting  party,  but 
also,  generally  speaking,  of  public  authority.  Hence, 
no  one  can  lawfully  or  validly  take  such  a  "right  away 
from  me  against  my  will.  'Moreover,  it  cannot  be 
said  that  concordats  impose  on  the  pontiff  an  obliga- 
tion which  is  the  cause  of  a  right  in  the  other  party, 
and  of  such  a  right  as  can  be  iieifher  lawfully  nor 
validly  recalled.     For  certainly,  in  this  hypothesis,  a 


succeeding  pontiff  could  not  do  as  much  as  his  prede- 
cessor; he  would  receive  a  lessened  power,  not  that 
which  Peter  received  from  Christ  to  be  transmitted  to 
his  successors  for  the  government  of  the  church.  And 
this  surely  cannot  be,  since  each  succeeding  pontiff 
receives  his  power  not  from  his  dead  predecessor,  but 
from  God  himself,  who  always  gives  the  selfsame,  as 
he  has  said  once  for  all  to  Peter  and  his  successors: 
"Thou  art  Peter  and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build  ray 
chiirch  .  .  .  Feed  my  lambs  ...  I  will  give  to  thee 
the  keys".  Therefore  a  succeeding  pontiff  is  not 
bound  by  the  compacts  of  his  predecessor  as  by  a  bi- 
lateral contract  giving  such  a  strict  right  of  commuta- 
tive justice  that  if  he  violate  the  agreement  without 
cause  his  act  is  invalid.  And  neither  is  the  pontiff 
who  has  made  such  compacts  so  bound  by  them,  for 
he  is  not  the  master  of  that  fullness  of  power  which  is 
the  primacy,  but  only  its  administrator,  so  that  he 
cannot  alienate  or  lessen  it.  Nor  can  you  argue  that 
by  concordats,  which  are  bilateral  contracts,  not  the 
power  of  the  supreme  pontiff,  but  only  its  exercise,  is 
diminished.  For  what  is  that  power  which  can  never 
be  exercised,  or  which,  if  exercised,  remains  without 
effect?  And  such  would  be  the  case,  for  even  if  the 
pontiff  wished  he  could  not  act  validly,  and  therefore 
his  power  would  be  lessened.  And  hence  the  Roman 
pontiff  must  retain  the  fullness  of  power  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  those  questions  which  are  settled  in  a  con- 
cordat. This  is  what  Cardinal  Antonelli,  Secretary  of 
State,  maintained  in  his  diplomatic  correspondence, 
when  the  Kingdom  of  Portugal  complained  that  the 
pontiff  had  violated  the  concordat. 

Does  the  pontiff  then  contract  no  obligation  in  con- 
cordats? Assuredly  he  contracts  an  obligation;  and 
they  do  an  injury  to  Cardinal  Tarquini  who  think  that 
he  held  the  opposite.  For,  although  he  does  not  men- 
tion this  obligation  in  his  definition  of  concordats,  he 
certainly  admits  it  when  explaining  his  meaning.  But 
this  obligation  is  one  of  fidelity,  not  of  justice,  an  obli- 
gation which  makes  a  violation  of  the  concordat  with- 
out just  cause  an  unlawful  act,  but  not  an  invalid  act. 
His  Eminence  Cardinal  Francis  SatoUi  explains  with 
his  usual  depth  and  clearness  the  nature  of  the  obli- 
gation which  a  pontiff  is  under  of  observing  a  con- 
cordat. His  little  work,  of  great  authority,  bears  the 
title,  "  Prima  principiadeConcordatis".  The  learned 
author  begins  his  investigation  with  the  following 
reasoning  from  St.  Thomas,  I,  xxi,  1,  ad  3.  The  An- 
gelic Doctor,  asking  whether  justice  exists  in  God, 
puts  this  objection  to  himself:  The  act  of  justice  con- 
sists in  the  payment  of  a  debt;  but  God  is  a  debtor  to 
no  one,  therefore  it  would  seem  that  justice  does  not 
exist  in  God.  To  solve  this  difficulty  the  Holy  Doctor 
first  lays  down  the  principle:  to  every  one  is  due  what 
is  his  own.  He  then  inquires  what  one  may  call  his 
own,  and  establishes  that  one's  own  is  that  which  is 
for  him,  as  a  slave  is  his  master's,  precisely  because, 
inasmuch  as  he  is  a  slave,  he  is  for  his  master.  In  the 
name  debt,  therefore,  concludes  the  .\ngelic  Doctor,  is 
simplified  a  relation  of  exigency  or  necessity  in  a  thing 
referring  it  to  that  for  which  it  exists.  Considering 
this  relation  more  thoroughly,  you  will  see  that  it  is 
twofold:  a  relation  by  which  a  creature  is  for  another 
creature  and  all  creatures  for  God.  Since  this  relation 
is  twofold,  there  is  also  a  twofold  debt  in  the  Divine 
plan;  one  by  which  a  thing  is  due  to  God,  the  other 
by  which  a  thing  is  due  to  the  creature,  and  in  both 
ways,  says  St.  Thomas,  God  can  make  payment.  For 
it  is  due  to  God  that  what  the  wisdom  of  his  will  has 
decreed  should  be  fulfilled  in  creatures,  iis  it  is  due  to 
the  creature  that  what  has  been  ortlained  for  it  it 
should  possess.  Thus  it  is  due  to  man  that  other  ani- 
mals should  supply  his  needs.  But  this  second  debt 
depends  on  the  first,  since  a  thing  is  ilue  to  creatures 
because  it  is  ordained  for  them  through  the  relations 
established  by  the  Divine  wisdom.  AN'herefore,  since 
God  pays  a  debt  to  his  creatures  in  this  way  only,  he 


CONCORDAT 


201 


CONCORDAT 


liops  not  become  his  creatures'  debtor,  but  the  justice 
I  'f  God  always  looks  to  His  own  propriety,  and  by  it 
ho  renders  to  himself  what  is  His  due.  The  author 
then  passes  to  the  Church  and  applies  to  her  this  argu- 
ment. For  to  the  Church  also  is  due  that  the  mission 
"f  her  infallible  and  holy  teaching  power  and  mani- 
fistation  of  the  saving  quality  of  Christ's  religion  be 
iiccomplished  in  every  State  throughout  the  world.  It 
is  likewise  due  to  the  various  States  and  their  rulers 
t  hat  they  have  what  is  properly  theirs.  But  this  debt 
I i(  ponds  on  the  first  in  every  relation  between  the 
(  liurch,  or  Holy  See,  and  a  State;  for  it  would  be  ab- 
surd were  not  all  things  ordered  according  to  the  rela- 
tiidis  established  by  the  Divine  wi.sdom,  that  is,  to 
inniiitain  religion,  and  to  further  the  last  end  of  all 
liiniian  life.  The  debt  which  the  Church  pays  in  tend- 
ing to  her  supernatural  end  Ls  one  of  justice,  but  of  a 
justice  which  looks  to  the  propriety  of  the  Church  her- 
solf,  that  is  of  the  Holy  See,  a  justice  which  renders  to 
itself  what  is  its  due.  In  purely  temporal  matters  the 
(  hurch  must  observe  the  debt  of  justice  such  as  tem- 
pi iral  matters  require,  for  in  these  she  is  not  a  superior 
nnr  is  her  spiritual  end  in  question.  But  in  all  mat- 
ters which  pertain  to  the  supernatural  end  of  the 
(  hurch,  she  can  be  under  no  obligation  of  strict  debt 
til  the  State,  but  rather  her  obligation  is  to  herself  and 
to  the  spiritual  purpose  of  her  existence.  And  thus, 
L'liiorally  speaking,  she  will  be  a  debtor  to  States, 
ill  rough  compact,  since  she  owes  to  herself  what  her 
w  isilom  and  never-failing  desire  for  the  spiritual  good 
I  if  mankind  has  shown  her  to  be  necessary. 

But  to  present  briefly  what  can  certainly  be  said 
1 1 II  lut  concordats ;  concordats,  as  they  have  in  fact  often 
1  Hill  agreed  upon,  often  impose  upon  the  Roman  Pontiff 
.1  true  obligation  of  commutative  justice  towards  the 
state.  This  happens  when  a  concordat  is  concluded 
al  loiit  purely  temporal  matters,  for  instance,  when  the 
(  hurch  cedes  some  of  her  temporal  possessions,  or 
\\  lion  she  renounces  some  temporal  or  historical  right. 
Such  was  the  case  in  the  concordat  concluded  between 
Irban  VHI  and  the  emperor,  Ferdinand  II,  King  of 
Bohemia;  for  in  this  instance  the  pope  ceded  some 
ecclesiastical  possessions  upon  receiving  others  from 
Ferdinand  in  compensation;  such,  too,  was  the  con- 
cordat with  Colombia,  in  1SS7,  art.  29.  But  we  must 
bear  in  mind  that  in  such  concordats  the  pope  follows 
the  common  laws  of  contracts;  therefore,  if  a  con- 
tract be  extorted  from  hiin  by  fraud  or  intimidation, 
or  if  the  matter  of  the  concordat  be  illicit,  he  or  his 
successor  can  annul  that  contract,  and  such  action  is 
quite  licit  and  valid.  Moreover,  if  the  matter  of  the 
concordat  is  illicit,  the  pope  is  evidently  obliged  to 
rescind  the  contract.  Thus  when  Henry  V  had,  by 
means  of  fear  and  fraud,  urged  Paschal  II  into  certain 
points  of  agreement,  this  pope  recalled  those  conces- 
-sions  in  the  First  Council  of  the  Lateran,  on  the  18th 
of  March  of  the  year  1112,  becau.se  the  entire  council 
proclaimed  that  the  concessions  made  to  Henry  were 
illicit — not  a  pririlcgium,  but  a  prai'ilegtum,  as  the 
council  expre.s.sod  it.  Thus,  too,  if  a  pope  should 
make  over  to  someone  temporal  possessions  without  a 
just  cause,  his  successor  can  evidently  cancel  such  a 
contract  validly,  because  a  pope  is  only  the  adminis- 
trator, and  not  the  owner,  of  ecclesiastical  possessions. 

In  concordats  the  Roman  pontiff  often  grants  secu- 
lar rulers  real  privileges  and  indults;  for  the  pontiff 
expressly  declares  that  he  is  granting  an  indult,  a 
privilege — that  he  is  conceding  this  or  that  particular 
point,  that  he  is  making  such  or  such  a  concession,  or 
granting  a  favour.  Instances  of  this  kind  may  be 
found  in  the  concordat  with  the  Two  Sicilies,  of  the  year 
1741,  c.  viii,  art.  1,  in  another  with  the  Two  Sicilies  of 
1818,  art.  28,  in  a  concordat  with  Costa  Rica,  of  18.5.3, 
art.  7;  in  a  concordat  with  Haiti,  of  1860,  art.  4;  in 
a  concordat  with  Austria,  of  1.8.5.5,  art.  2.5;  with  Ecu- 
ador, of  186:?,  art.  13,  etc.  Now  if,  as  the  "Corpus 
Juris  Canonici",  regula  juris  16  in  Sexto,  has  it,  it  is 


becoming  that  no  favour  granted  by  a  sovereign 
should  lie  recalled,  it  is  fully  evident  from  what  we 
said  above  that  this  rule  should  hold  good  all  the  more 
when  a  privilege  is  granted  in  a  form  so  solemn  as  that 
used  in  concordats;  nor  is  it  merely  becoming  for  the 
pope  not  to  recall  such  concessions,  but  he  has  an 
obligation  of  observing  those  very  articles  which  con- 
tain the  privileges.  This  follows  from  what  we  said 
already,  and  this  the  popes  themselves  affirm,  some- 
times, indeed,  in  rather  stringent  terms.  Neverthe- 
less, from  the  explanations  given  above  it  is  evident 
that  these  terms  of  affirmation  must  be  understood 
to  signify  merely  that  the  pope  is  binding  himself  in 
so  far  as  he  is  capable  of  binding  himself;  but  whilst, 
in  such  concordats,  he  can  bind  himself  in  fidelity,  he 
cannot  bind  himself  in  commutative  justice;  there- 
fore, in  those  terms  in  which  he  affirms  his  obligation 
he  binds  himself  in  fidelity,  but  not  in  justice.  And 
in  fact,  the  popes  have  been  much  more  scrupulously 
faithful  in  keeping  these  promises  than  the  civil  rulers 
themselves  were,  although  the  latter  had  taken  upon 
themselves  a  real  obligation  of  justice. 

In  the  second  edition  of  his  celebrated  work  "De 
Romano  Pontifice"  (Prato,  1891),  Palmieri  maintains 
that,  even  if  concordats  were  strictly  bilateral  con- 
tracts, nevertheless  the  power  of  the  pope  over  them 
would  not  be  lessened  on  that  account.  But  although 
Palmieri  is  cpiite  justly  acknowledged  as  easily  the 
foremost  authority  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  both  on 
account  of  his  universal  experience  and  his  intellectual 
acumen,  nevertheless,  in  this  case  his  position  seems 
to  be  untenable.  In  the  first  edition  of  the  same  work 
(Rome,  1877)  he  maintained  that  concordats  are  not 
bilateral  contracts  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term ;  and 
he  bases  his  argument  for  the  opinion  laid  down  in  the 
second  edition  on  the  supposition  that  the  obligation 
of  a  bilateral  contract  impedes,  or  renders  illicit,  any 
action  of  the  pope  against  the  provisions  of  the  con- 
tract, but  that,  nevertheless,  such  action  would  still 
be  valid.  But  this  supposition  is  not  true,  unless  we 
use  the  term  bilateral  contract  in  its  widest  sense; 
but  this  would  be  a  question  about  the  meaning  of 
words,  and  would  not  touch  the  point  at  issue.  But 
if  we  really  mean  to  use  the  term,  Inlateral  contract,  in 
its  obvious  meaning,  we  must  certainly  hold  that  such 
a  contract  renders  any  action  against  its  provisions 
null  and  void.  The  learned  author  adduces  two  in- 
stances, taken  from  the  contract  of  buying  and  selling 
and  from  the  engagement  to  marrj',  to  prove  his  as- 
sertion; but  neither  of  these  two  cases  is  to  the  point. 
For  the  engagement  to  marry,  as  Palmieri  himself 
admits,  is  a  bilateral  contract,  consisting  in  the  mu- 
tual promise  of  future  marriage;  and  yet,  if,  for  in- 
stance, the  bridegroom  marries  some  other  woman, 
his  action  is  merely  illicit,  but  not  invalid.  A  sale  of 
goods  is  likewise  a  bilateral  contract,  and  it  is  com- 
pleted only  by  handing  over  the  article  in  question  to 
the  buyer;  and  yet.  if  the  seller  hands  over  to  some- 
one else  the  article  that  was  already  sold,  the  transfer 
of  the  article  in  question  remains  valid,  even  though 
the  seller  is  botmd  to  make  good  the  damages  caused 
to  the  first  buyer.  Therefore  the  two  cases  adduced 
by  Palmieri  prove  nothing;  for  a  bilateral  contr.act 
renders  invalid  those  actions  merely  which  have  the 
same  subject-matter,  and  in  so  far  only  as  they  h.ave 
the  same  subject-matter,  as  the  contract  itself.  Thus  it 
is  evident  that  the  engagement  to  marry,  being  a  bi- 
lateral contract,  renders  null  and  void  any  new  espous- 
als, becau.se  the  subject-matter  is  the  stime;  but  it 
does  not  render  invalid  a  marriage  with  some  other 
person,  because  marriage  is  quite  another  kind  of  con- 
tract. The  case  is  similar  in  the  contract  of  buying 
and  selling:  even  if  the;  buyer  and  seller  have  agreed 
and  concluded  the  sale,  so  long  as  no  transfer  has  taken 
place,  that  contract  does  certainly  not  render  the 
seller  incapable  of  making  a  valid  transfer  of  the  goods 
in  question  to  some  other  buyer;  but  it  undoubtedly 


CONCORDAT 


202 


CONCORDAT 


deprives  the  seller  of  the  power  of  selling  the  goods 
validly  a  second  time,  unless  the  transfer  of  the  goods 
follows  the  sale.  (Cf.  De  Lugo,  "  De  justitia  et  iure", 
disp.  xxvi,  163  sqq.) 

So  far  we  have  been  considering  concordats  in  their 
relation  to  the  pope ;  the  secular  rulers  on  their  part 
are  bound  in  commutative  justice  by  many  articles  of 
a  concordat,  unless  an  exception  be  proved.  But  on 
Christian  rulers  all  the  articles  of  a  concordat  impose 
an  additional  obligation  of  obedience ;  for,  as  Tarquini 
testifies,  a  concordat  may  be  rightly  defined  as  "a 
particular  ecclesiastical  law  for  a  certain  country,  en- 
acted by  the  authority  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  at  the 
request  of  the  ruler  of  that  covmtry,  and  strengthened 
by  the  special  obligation,  which  that  ruler  takes  upon 
himself,  to  observe  its  provisions  forever." 

Effect  of  Concordats. — From  all  this  it  follows  na- 
turally that,  since  an  obligation  devolves  upon  the 
contracting  parties,  the  terms  of  the  concordat  should 
be  faithfully  carried  out  and  rigidly  adhered  to. 
Neither  party,  then,  may  without  consulting  the  other 
refuse,  except  for  grave  reasons,  to  abide  by  the  terms 
agreed  upon.  Moreover,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  con- 
cordats have  the  force  of  ecclesiastical  laws,  they  at 
once  annul  all  laws  and  special  customs  that  make  for 
the  contrary.  All  other  laws,  however,  i.  e.  those 
which  do  not  clash  with  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the 
particular  concordats,  still  hold;  for  concordats,  bar- 
ring of  course  those  provisions  which  are  especially 
mentioned,  so  far  from  making  the  jus  commune  in- 
operative, re-establish  its  validity.  This  is  clear  from 
the  fact  that  the  intention  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff, 
when  at  the  urgent  request  of  a  civil  ruler  he  yields 
a  point,  or  waives  in  certain  cases  the  claims  of  the 
law  of  the  Church,  is  obviously  to  insist  on  the  duty 
of  respecting  and  observing  the  ecclesiastical  laws  in 
all  other  details.  Further,  just  as  all  other  laws  when 
properly  promulgated  bind  the  people,  so  concordats, 
inasmuch  as  they  take  on  the  form  of  civil  laws  are 
binding  on  the  citizens  of  the  country,  and  particu- 
larly the  state  officials;  so  much  so  that  any  infringe- 
ment of  them  is  equivalent  to  a  violation  of  the  civil 
laws.  And  rightly  so,  for  concordats  are  promulgated 
as  laws  emanating  from  the  power  vested  in  the  State 
as  well  as  that  in  the  Church.  The  Sovereign  Pontiff 
gives  publicity  to  the  terms  through  his  cardinals  as- 
sembled in  consistory,  and  through  a  special  Bull;  the 
civil  authority  through  the  customary  channels,  i.  e. 
in  the  legal  way  in  which  other  state  laws  should  and 
usually  are  promulgated. 

Interpretation  and  Annulment  of  Concordats. — Since 
it  may  very  easily  happen  that  from  time  to  time  a 
dispute  or  a  disagreement  may  arise  between  the  con- 
tracting parties  as  to  the  meaning  that  should  be  as- 
signed to  the  articles  agreetl  upon  in  the  concordat, 
it  seems  advisable  to  determine  how  the  controversy 
should  be  settled  in  the  event  of  such  a  difficulty. 

In  the  first  place  there  can  be  no  question  that  every 
effort  should  be  made  to  settle  the  dispute  amicably, 
a  precaution  that  is  founded  upon  the  motives  that 

lead  to  the  formation  of  a  concordat namely,  that  of 

terminating  if  not  forestalling  all  disputes.  Conse- 
quently, it  would  be  in  direct  opposition  to  the  nature 
of  the  concordat  if  it  should  itself  prove  a  fresh  reason 
for  misunderstandings.  Its  very  nature,  then,  makes 
it  imperative  that  in  the  event  of  a  disagreement 
arising  touching  the  meaning  to  be  attached  to  the 
concordat,  the  question  should  as  far  as  possible  be 
settled  without  any  rvipture  of  friendly  relations;  and 
assuredly  the  Churcli  has  never  been  found  wanting 
in  her  efforts  to  furtlier  this  end.  This  precaution,  it 
should  be  added,  luis  often  been  taken  in  framing  the 
concordats  themselves.  For  example,  in  the  con- 
cordat drawn  up  by  Pius  IX  with  the  lOrnperor  Francis 
Jo.seph  I  of  Austria,  in  the  year  1S.'>.'),  tlie  following 
words  were  ai)pended  to  art.  '.i^r.  "Slioulil,  however, 
any  difficulty  arise  in  the  future,  His  Holiness  ami  His 


Imperial  Majesty  shall  consult  with  each  other  that 
the  question  may  be  amicably  decided."  The  very 
same  words  occur  in  the  13th  art.  of  the  concordat 
drawn  up  by  the  same  pope  with  William  I  of  Wiir- 
temberg,  in  the  year  1857 ;  so,  too,  in  the  24th  art.  of 
that  entered  into  by  the  same  pope  with  Frederick  I, 
Grand  Duke  of  Baden,  in  1859;  and  again  in  the  24th 
art.,  of  the  concordat  ratified  with  the  President  of 
Ecuador.  Other  instances  of  a  similar  nature  could 
be  cited.  Since  this  clause,  once  it  is  subjoined  to  a 
concordat,  becomes  a  part  of  the  agreement  and  con- 
sequently assumes  the  nature  of  a  papal  as  well  as  a 
civil  law,  it  must  be  kept  to  the  letter,  so  long,  of 
course,  as  it  is  normally  possible  to  do  so. 

True  as  all  this  is,  it  would  be  erroneous  to  maintain 
that  both  parties  must  concur  in  determining  the 
meaning  of  a  given  clause  or  article.  For  he  is  the 
lawful  interpreter  who  in  the  matter  in  question  is  the 
authoritative  lawgiver.  Now  the  pope  always  retains 
his  jurisdiction  and  legislative  power  over  matters 
that  are  wholly  or  partially  of  a  spiritual  nature,  nor 
can  he  transmit  the  power  to  another.  Consequently, 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff  always  remains  the  authorita- 
tive interperter.  It  is  plain,  then,  that  should  a  dis- 
ciission  arise,  and  the  civil  authorities  refuse  their 
consent  to  a  reasonable  adjustment,  the  Church,  in 
virtue  of  her  higher  judicial  power,  may  exercise  this 
right  of  annulling  the  concordat.  It  is  clear,  too, 
that,  should  the  Church  at  any  time  pledge  herself  in 
the  event  of  some  future  misunderstanding  to  discuss 
the  situation  with  the  civil  authorities  in  order  to 
bring  about  an  amicable  settlement,  such  an  act  must 
be  looked  upon  as  supererogatorj' ;  for  when  the 
Church  waives  any  of  her  claims  she  makes  a  conces- 
sion to  the  State,  seeing  that  the  highest  community 
enjoys  the  right  of  settling  a  discussion  even  though 
the  inferior  body  withholds  its  consent. 

It  may  be  well  to  subjoin  a  few  canons  that  shall 
serve  as  guides  in  interpreting  the  various  articles  of 
a  concordat.  Evidently,  the  meaning  of  those  articles 
which  import  a  bilateral  or  unilateral  contract  must 
be  judged  by  the  laws  that  determine  the  exact  scope 
of  contracts,  while  the  meaning  of  clauses  that  bear 
upon  the  granting  of  a  privilege  must  be  decided  by  an 
appeal  to  the  laws  for  the  interpretation  of  privileges. 
In  its  workings,  however,  the  competent  judge  of  a 
concordat  is  nowadays  the  Sacred  Congregation  of 
E.xtraordinary  Ecclesiastical  Affairs.  Far  less,  of 
course,  is  the  State  justified  in  rescinding  concessions 
granted  at  the  time  the  concordat  was  drawn  up.  For 
it  frequently  happens  that  the  State  promises  to  do 
only  what  it  is  already  bound  to  by  some  pre-existing 
obligation ;  or  at  times  the  discussion  turns  on  certain 
matters  which  the  Church,  by  virtue  of  the  indirect 
power  she  has  over  the  State,  enjoins,  or  again  on 
temporal  affairs  of  wliich  the  State  h.ad  handed  over 
to  the  Church  full  and  absolute  dominion.  In  the 
last  case  this  forfeiture  of  dominion  cannot  be  revoked, 
and  for  two  reasons:  first,  because  these  gifts  are 
usually  compensatory  for  confiscated  property — e,  g.. 
governments  which  had  seized  upon  a  considerable 
amount  of  ecclesiastical  property  have  time  and  again 
promised  in  the  concordats  to  endow  seminaries, 
church  fabrics,  etc. — and  secondly,  because  any  gift 
once  bestowed  on  an  equal  or  a  superior,  even  though 
it  be  purely  gratuitous,  may  not  be  revoked,  as  such 
an  act  would  be  an  exercise  of  jvirisdiction  which  it 
cannot  employ  except  against  a  subject.  All,  how- 
ever, acknowledge  that  the  Church  may  lawfully  and 
justly  refuse  to  abide  liy  a  concordat  in  all  those  cir- 
cmnstanccs  which  would  permit  or  even  oblige  one  to 
break  a  contract.  Should  there  be  question  of  privi- 
leges or  indults  granted  by  the  pope  in  a  concordat, 
it  follows  logically  from  what  we  have  said  that,  given 
a  just  and  adccpiate  reason,  they  may  validly  and 
lieitly  be  resciiidetl;  if  there  be  no  reason,  then  such 
an  action  would  still  be  valid,  though  not  licit.     It 


CONCORDAT 


203 


CONCORDAT 


must  be  renienibcrod,  though,  that  thr  pnpps  oxorcisc 
their  authority  only  for  the  gravest  reasons,  ami  after 
all  the  solemi'i  formalities  of  the  Roman  ('uria  )iav(! 
been  duly  observed.  Yet,  should  the  pope  rescind 
these  privileges,  he  would  not  ordinarily  be  bound  to 
make  any  compensation  to  the  State,  as  compensation 
is  strictly  obligatory  only  where  the  privileges  revoked 
are  those  teclinically  called  onerosa  (see  Privilege). 
Concordats,  however,  are  not  of  this  nature.  All  this 
applies  with  greater  force  to  concessions  wrung  from 
the  pope  through  chicanery,  threats,  or  open  violence, 
or  which  exceed  the  papal  prerogative.  Again,  if  it 
is  a  question  of  dominion  over  temporal  goods  that 
h.as  passed  from  the  Church  to  the  State,  the  Church, 
it  is  clear,  may  not  revoke  this  concession,  although 
a  spontaneous  grant  may  be  withdrawn. 

Tarqitini,  Imliliilionfs  juris  can.,  I,  tit.  iv:  Appendix  dc 
concordatis:  Phillips,  Kirchenrecht  (Ratisbou,  1S50),  III,  58; 
ScHULTE,  Die  Lehre  von  den  Quellen  etc.  435  sqq.:  ^\  ernz.  Jus 
Deer.  (Rome,  1905).  I,  166  sq.;  Moul-^rt,  LLglise  et  VFAat 
(Louvain,  1S87),  58.3  sqq.;  Azevedo,  Delia  natura  e  caraltcre 
essenziale  dei  Concordali  (Rome.  1872);  Fink,  De  Ccmcorda(i.i 
(Louvain,  1879);  Radini-Tedeschi,  Chiesa  e  Stato  in  ordine  ai 
Concordali  (Milan,  1887);  Turinaz,  Les  Concordats  et  I'oblipa- 
tion  reciproque  qu'ils  imposent  (Pans,  1888);  Satolli,  Prima 
principia  .  .  .  de  Concordatis  (Rome,  1888);  Onclair, 
lAi  queslien  des  Concordats  in  Rev.  Calh.  des  Institutions  et  du 
Droit  (or  Oct.,  18S9;  Cavaonis.  Instituliones  juris  publici  eccl. 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1903);  Hammerstein,  De  EcdesiA  el  Statu 
juridice  consideratis  (Trier,  1886);  De  Bonald,  Deux  questions 
sur  U  Concordat  de  ISOl  (Paris,  1801);  I.iberatore,  La  Chiesa 
e  lo  Stato  (Naples,  1872),  iii,  arts.  13.  14;  Id.,  Del  diritto  pub- 
blico  eccl.  (Prato,  1887),  iv,  art.  8;  De  Luise,  De  jure  publico 
Eccl.  Cath.  (Pari.>i.  1877),  V;  Baldi.  De  nativil  et  peculiari  indole 
Concordatorum  (Rome,  1883);  Giobbio,  /  Concordali  (Monza, 
1900);    Smith,    Elements   oj   Eccl.    Law    (New    York,  1878), 

Benedetto  Ojetti. 

Summary  of  PuiNriP.^L  Co.ncord.\t.s. — Before  the 
Eighteenth  Centuri/. — (1)  The  Concordat  of  Worms,  or 
Pactum  Calixtiiium,  23  September,  1122,  between 
Pope  Callistus  II  anil  the  Emperor  Henry  V,  con- 
firmed by  the  First  Lateran  Council,  terminated  the 
long  investiture  quarrel.  The  following  were  its  chief 
provisions:  (a)  The  elections  of  bishops  and  abbots 
should  take  place  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  (b) 
Contested  elections,  according  to  one  opinion,  should 
be  decided  by  the  emperor,  who  had  only  to  ask  the 
advice  of  the  metropolitan  and  his  suffragans;  accord- 
ing to  another  opinion,  the  decision  rested  with  the 
provincial  synod,  the  emperor  merely  assuring  the 
execution  of  the  .synod's  judgment,  (c)  Tlie  emperor 
renounced  the  right  of  spiritual  investiture  with  ring 
and  crosier  and  received  instead  the  right  of  lay  inves- 
titure with  the  sceptre,  a  sign  of  temporal,  but  not  of 
spiritual,  authority.  In  Germany  the  prelate  should 
receive  investiture  with  the  sceptre  before  consecra- 
tion, but  in  other  countries  after  consecration,  (d) 
The  emperor  promised  to  protect  the  Roman  Church 
and  restore  the  possessions  of  the  Holy  See.  (e)  The 
pope  agreed  not  to  disturb  those  who  had  been  on  the 
side  of  the  emperor  during  the  controversy. 

(2)  Concordats  with  Portugal:  one  in  12S8  between 
the  bishops  of  Portugal  and  King  Diniz  after  a  violent 
persecution  of  the  Church  in  that  comitrj-,  and  ratified 
by  Nicholas  IV  in  1289;  another  in  151G,  between  the 
Portuguese  bi.shops  and  King  Manuel  the  Fortunate, 
afterwards  confirmed  by  Pope  Leo  X. 

(3)  The  Concordiit  of  151G  between  I-.eo  X  and  Fran- 
cis I  of  France,  confirmed  by  the  Fifth  Lateran  Council, 
was  a  result  of  the  long  controversy  between  the  Holy 
See  and  the  French  Government  over  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  of  Bourges.  Besides  abolishing  the  Prag- 
matic Sanction,  the  terms  of  this  concordat  (a)  gave 
to  the  king  the  right  of  presentation  to  bishoprics, 
abbeys,  and  priories;  (b)  the  concordat,  however, 
maintained  the  pope's  right  of  confirmation,  devolu- 
tion (i.  e.  the  right  to  appoint  of  his  own  choice,  if  the 
king  did  not  present  a  candidate  within  the  re(]uired 
time),  and  the  reservation  of  bi,<;hoprics  made  vacant 
by  the  death  of  the  incumbents  while  at  the  papal 


court,  (o)  It  contained  also  stipulations  concerning 
the  annates  and  other  matters. 

(4)  The  ( 'oncordat  of  Vienna  wa-s  the  outcome  of  the 
efforts  on  the  part  of  the  princes  of  the  German  Em- 
pire to  put  an  end,  at  least  in  Germany,  to  the  conflict 
between  Eugene  IV  and  the  Council  of  Basle.  After 
some  negotiations  Eugene  i-ssued  four  Bulls  (Feb., 
1447)  which  together  constitute  the  so-called  Concor- 
dat of  the  Princes.  The  first  was  a  promi.se  of  a  new 
council ;  the  second  contained  a  provisional  acceptance 
of  certain  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle;  and  the 
third  and  fourth  dealt  with  the  details  of  the  agree- 
ment. Eugene  IV  died  shortly  after  this  and  Nicho- 
las V,  his  successor,  confirmed  the  four  Bulls.  But  a 
certain  nimiber  of  the  princes  being  still  unsatisfied, 
Frederick  III  thought  it  time  to  intervene.  At  a  diet 
held  at  .\scharfenl)urg,  he  onlered  the  universal  recog- 
nition of  Nicholas  V  as  lawful  pope,  and  on  17  Febru- 
ary, 1448,  the  Concordat  of  Vienna  was  agreed  upon 
by  the  emperor  and  the  papal  legate,  Carvajal.  It 
was  confirmed  l)y  Nicholas  v  on  19  March  of  the  same 
year,  and  wa.s  sul)sequently  recognized  as  the  ecclesias- 
tical code  for  Ciermany.  Its  principal  terms  were  the 
following :  (a)  The  election  of  bishops  was  to  be  free  from 
all  interference,  though  the  pope  should  have  the  right 
of  confirmation;  and  for  good  reasons  and  with  the 
advice  of  the  carilinals  he  could  appoint  a  more  worthy 
and  suitable  person  than  the  one  elected,  (b)  In  the 
six  odd  montlis  of  the  year  vacant  canonries  and  non- 
elective  benefices  were  at  the  disposal  of  the  pope;  at 
other  times  these  vacancies  should  be  filled  by  the  or- 
dinary, (c)  The  concordat  also  treated  of  the  amount 
and  payment  of  the  annates. 

(5)  The  Concordat  with  Bohemia  in  16.30  was  nego- 
tiated for  that  country  between  Urban  VIII  and  the 
Emperor  Ferdiiuinil  II;  it  followed  on  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  Catholic  religion  in  Bohemia  after  the 
campaign  directed  by  p>rdinand  against  the  heretics. 
By  its  terms  the  Church  renounced  the  goods  that  had 
been  alienated  during  the  progress  of  the  here.syand 
received  compensation  from  the  revenues  derived 
from  a  tax  on  salt  which  was  levied  for  her  benefit. 

Eighteenth  Centuri/. — Twelve  concordats  were  made 
during  the  eighteenth  century.  Five  of  these  with 
Sardinia:  the  first,  in  1727,  between  Pope  Benedict 

XIII  and  Victor  Amadeus  11  confirmed  the  right  pos- 
sessed by  the  House  of  Savoy  of  immediate  nomina- 
tion to  ecclesiastical  offices;  three  between  Benedict 

XIV  and  King  Charles  Emmanuel  III  (1741,  1742. 
1750);  the  fifth  in  1770  between  Clement  XIV  and 
Charles  Emmanuel  III.  Two  were  made  with  Spain, 
one  in  1737  between  Clement  XII  and  Philip  V,  an- 
other in  1753  between  Benedict  XIV  and  King  Ferdi- 
nand VI;  one  with  the  Two  Sicilies  in  1741,  between 
Benedict  XIV  and  Charles  III ;  one  with  the  Duchy  of 
Milan  in  1757,  between  Benedict  XIV  and  the  Ern- 
press  Maria  Teresa;  one  with  Milan  and  Mantua  in 
1784,  between  Pius  VI  and  the  Emperor  Jo.seph  II; 
one  in  1778  with  Portugal;  and  one  with  Poland  in 
1736  between  Clement  XII  and  King  Augustus  III. 

Nineteenth  Crnluri/. — The  following  were  the  most 
important  concordats  of  the  nineteenth  century:  (1) 
The  Concordat  of  1801,  to  which  a  special  article  is  de- 
voted. (2)  The  concordat  between  Louis  XVIII  and 
Pius  VII  in  1817,  intended  to  re-establish  the  Concor- 
dat of  1510,  abrogate  the  Organic  Articles,  and  re- 
erect  the  suppressed  bishopries,  but  never  carried  out. 
(3)  The  Concordat  of  Bavaria  in  1817,  concluded  for 
Pius  VII  and  Maximilian  Jo.seph  by  Cardin.al  Con.salvi 
and  Baron  von  Hoffelin.  It  dealt  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  church  property,  a  new  circumscription  of 
dioceses,  the  erection  of  chapters,  and  especially  nom- 
inations to  ecclesiastical  oflices.  An  addition  made  by 
the  State,  and  bearing  a  rekation  to  the  Bavarian  con- 
cordat similar  to  that  of  the  Organic  Articles  to  the 
( 'oncordat  of  1 801 ,  gave  ri.se  to  much  dispute.  In  1871 
the  Liberals  tried  in  vain  to  have  this  concordat  re- 


CONCORDAT 


204 


CONCORDAT 


jected.  (4)  The  Concordat  with  Sardinia,  in  1817,  be- 
tween Pope  Pius  VII  and  King  Victor  Emmanuel  I. 
It  reduced  the  number  of  bishoprics  to  tliree  (Turin, 
Genoa,  ^'e^celH),  and  contained  regulations  concerning 
the. establishment  of  seminaries  and  chapters,  etc.  (5) 
The  Concordat  with  Prussia  in  1821,  concluded  with  the 
Holy  See  through  Prince  von  Hardenberg,  the  chan- 
cellor. King  Frederick  William  III  on  23  August, 
1821,  recognized  it  as  a  law  binding  on  Prussian  Catho- 
lics. It  contains  the  circumscription  of  the  arch- 
bishoprics and  bishopries,  and  regulations  concerning 
the  erection  of  dioceses  and  chapters,  the  qualities  of 
candidates,  the  taxation  of  episcopal  and  archiepis- 
copal  churches  by  tlie  Apostolic  Camera,  etc. 

(6)  The  Concordat  of  the  Upper  Rhine  Provinces  in 
1821,  consisting  of  a  papal  Bull  issued  by  Pius  ^'II  and 
accepted  by  the  King  of  Wiirtemberg,  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden,  the  Elector  of  Hesse,  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Hesse,  the  Duke  of  Nassau,  the  free  city  of  Frank- 
fort, the  Grand  Duke  of  Mainz,  the  Dukes  of  Saxony 
and  Oldenburg,  the  Prince  of  Waldeck,  and  the  Hanse- 
atic  cities,  Bremen  and  Lilbeck.  By  this  concordat  the 
bishoprics  were  divided  among  the  provinces  as  follows : 
Freiburg  im  Breisgau,  the  metropolis,  was  the  see  for 
Baden ;  Rottenburg  for  Wiirtemberg;  Mainz  for  Hesse- 
Darmstadt;  Fulda  for  Kurhesse  and  Saxe- Weimar; 
Limburg  for  Nassau;  and  Frankfort.  (7)  The  Con- 
cordat with  Belgium  in  1827.  It  extended  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Concordat  of  1801  (q.  v.)  to  Belgium. 
(8)  The  Concordat  with  the  Upper  Rhine  Provinces  in 
1827  between  Leo  XII  and  the  above-mentioned  prov- 
inces. It  contained  agreements  on  the  election  of 
bishops,  the  processus  injormalirus,  the  holding  of  a 
second  election  when  the  first  had  not  been  canonical 
or  the  person  elected  had  not  the  necessary  qualities, 
the  institution  of  chapters,  the  establishment  of 
seminaries,  etc.  (9)  The  Concordat  of  Hanover, 
agreeii  upon  between  Pius  VII  and  George  IV,  King 
of  England  and  of  Hanover,  but  published  26  jVugust, 
1824,  by  Leo  XII  in  the  Bull  "Impen.sa  Romanorum 
Pontificum  sollicitudo".  It  contained  decisions  con- 
cerning the  erection  and  support  of  the  bishopric  and 
chapter  of  Hildesheim,  and  the  suspension  of  the  state 
support  of  the  Bishopric  of  Osnabrtick.  Both  of  these 
dioceses  were  placed  directly  under  the  Holy  See;  the 
concordat  dealt  also  with  the  election  and  consecra- 
tion of  the  bishop,  the  processus  informativus,  the  in- 
stitution of  the  cathedral  chapter,  and  taxation  by  the 
Apostolic  Camera. 

(10)  The  Concordat  of  Oldenburg,  arranged  5  Janu- 
ary, 1830,  between  the  Prince-Bishop  of  Ermeland  as 
executor  of  the  papal  Bull  "De  salute  animarum"and 
von  Brandenstein,  the  Minister  of  State.  It  dealt 
with  the  distribution  of  parishes,  the  founding  of  cer- 
tain canonries  by  the  grand  duke,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  special  ecclesiastical  court  in  the  Diocese  of 
Munster.  (11)  A  concordat  with  .\ustria,  concluded 
18  August,  1855,  by  Cardinal  Viale  Prela  and  the 
Prince-Bishop  Joseph  Othmar  von  Rauscher.  It  was 
ratified  by  the  emperor  25  September  and  by  the  pope 
3  November,  but  in  1870  was  rejected  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. (12)  A  concordat  with  Austria,  8  July, 
1881,  concerning  the  establi-shment  of  the  hierarchy  in 
Bosnia- Herzegovina.  (13)  A  concordat  with  Russia, 
concluded  3  August,  1847,  published  by  Pius  IX  on  3 
July,  1848.  It  was  concerned  with  the  dioceses  of 
Russia  and  Poland  and  the  episcopal  rights.  (14)  .'V  con- 
cordat with  Spain,  1 6  March,  185 1 ,  on  the  support  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  protection  of  episcopal  rights,  circum- 
scription of  dioceses,  abolishment  of  exempt  dioceses, 
constitution  of  chapters,  establishment  of  seminaries, 
the  right  of  the  monarch  to  appoint  to  ecclesiastical 
offices,  and  the  right  of  the  Church  to  acquire  property. 
(1,5)  A  concordat  with  Spain.  25  November,  18,59,  Rup- 
plcmentarv  to  thf  Cnncnrdat  of  1S51.  (]('<)  Concor- 
dat witliSwitziTlaMd.2«i  March.  1.S2S.  The  episcopal  see 
was  transferred  from  Basle  to  Soleurc.  (17)  Concordat 


with  Switzerland,  7  November,  1845,  relative  to  the 
Diocese  of  St.  Gall.  (18)  Concordat  with  the  Two 
Sicilies,  1834,  between  Pope  Gregory  XVI  and  King 
Ferdinand  II,  on  the  personal  immunity  of  clerics. 
(19)  Concordat  with  S,ardinia  1841,  also  on  the  im- 
munity of  clerics.  (20)  Concordat  with  Tuscany, 
1851,  on  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  the  administra- 
tion of  church  property. 

(21)  Concordat  with  San  Salvador,  22  April,  1862. 
Among  other  provisions,  the  Catholic  religion  was  de- 
clared the  State  religion,  but  other  cults  permitted; 
education  was  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the  bish- 
ops; the  censorship  of  books  by  the  bishop  was  recog- 
nized and  upheld  by  the  State;  unrestricted  communi- 
cation with  the  pope  was  guaranteed  to  clergy  and  laity; 
tithes  were  abolLshed,  the  expenses  of  worship  to  be 
defrayed  by  the  State;  the  presitlent  was  given  the 
right  of  patronage  and  of  nominating  to  all  bishoprics, 
and  of  appointing  to  six  canonries ;  new  dioceses  should 
be  erected  by  the  pope  and  new  parishes  by  the  bish- 
op. The  bishop  might  introduce  religious  orders  and 
communities;  the  vicar  capitular  should  be  chosen  by 
the  chapter  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Council 
of  Trent;  the  ecclesiastical  courts  were  recognized  only 
for  purely  spiritual  matters,  temporal  matters  to  be 
subject  to  the  civil  jurisdiction;  the  right  to  acquire 
and  possess  property  was  guaranteed  to  the  Church; 
the  confiscation  of  church  property  and  the  arbitrary 
union  or  suppression  of  benefices  by  the  State  was  for- 
bidden ;  the  right  to  tax  church  property  was  ceded  to 
the  State;  the  prayer  for  the  republic  was  granted,  also 
the  so-called  privilegia  caslrensia.  In  matters  not 
mentioned  in  the  concordat  the  ordinary  discipline  of 
the  Church  should  be  obser\-ed.  (22)  The  concordat 
with  Guatemala,  7  Oct.,  1852,  that  with  Honduras,  22 
April,  1862,  that  with  Nicaragua,  2  November,  1861, 
were  similar  to  the  concordat  with  San  Salvador.  (23) 
Concord.at  with  Venezuela,  26  July,  1862.  (24)  Con- 
cordat with  Ecuador,  29  May,  1851,  similar  to  the 
Concordat  with  San  Salvador.  (25)  Concordat  with 
Hayti  and  the  West  Indies,  28  March,  1860.  (26) 
Concordat  with  Colombia,  1887. 

Renard  in  Diet,  de  theol.  catholique,  s.  v.;  Hergenhother 
in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. — For  concordats  with  Spain:  Hergen- 
hother, Spani'tis  VrrhiiiiiUunoen  mit  dem  romvichen  Stuhle  in 
Archiv  f.  kolh"h^i:h''n  Kivrhnirecht,  X. — For  concordats  with 
Central  Amerir:i:  Si  axis.  Dif  Concordate  des  romischen  Stuhles 
mit  dt-n  Rcpuhhktn  ( ' i  nlndamerikas  in  .4rcAu'  i .  katholischen 
KirclienTecht,  XII.  T2^;  Nrssi.  Quinquaginta  Convenliones  de 
liebus  Ecdesiasticis  inter  S.  Sedem  et  Civilem  Potestatem  variis 
/orrnis  jnite  (Rome,  1S69);  Ik-em.  Convenliones  .  .  .  inilce 
sub  Ponlifieatu     .     .     .     Leonis  PP.  XJII  (Rome,  189.3). 

Leo  a.  Kelly. 

Concordat  of  1801,  The  French. — This  name  is 
given  to  the  convention  of  the  26th  Messidor,  year  IX 
(July  16,  1802).  whereby  Pope  Pius  VII  and  Bona- 
p.arte.  First  Consul,  re-established  the  Catholic 
Church  in  France.  Bonaparte  understood  that  the 
restoration  of  religious  peace  was  above  all  things 
necessary  for  the  peace  of  the  countrj'.  The  hostility 
of  the  \'endeans  to  the  new  state  of  affairs  which  re- 
sulted from  the  Revolution  was  due  chiefly  to  the  fact 
that  their  Catholic  consciences  were  outraged  by  the 
Revolutionarj-  laws.  Of  the  136  sees  of  ancient 
France  a  certain  number  had  lost  their  titulars  by 
death;  the  titulars  of  many  others  had  been  forced  to 
emigrate.  In  Paris  the  Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame  and 
the  church  of  St-.Sulpice  were  in  the  possession  of 
"constitutional"  clergy;  Royer,  a  "constitutional" 
bishop,  had  taken  the  place  of  Mgr.  de  Juign^,  the  law- 
ful .\rchbishop  of  Paris,  an  ('migrt;  even  in  the  churches 
which  the  Catholics  had  recovered,  the  rites  of  the 
"Theophilanthropists"  and  tho.seofthe  "Decadi"(see 
Theophilanthropi.sm,  Dec.vdi)  were  also  celebrated. 
The  natioti  suffered  from  this  religious  anarchy,  and 
the  wishes  of  the  people  coincided  with  Bonaparte's 
projected  policy  to  restore  the  Catholic  Church  and 
Catholic  worship  to  their  normal  condition  in  France. 

1.  The  Fik.st  Advances. — On  the  25th  of  June, 


CONCORDAT 


205 


CONCORDAT 


ISOO,  Bonaparte,  after  his  victory  at  Marengo,  passed 
through  Vercelli,  where  he  paid  a  visit  to  Cardinal 
Martiniana,  bishop  of  that  city.  He  asked  that  prel- 
.•il(-  to  go  to  Rome  and  inform  Pius  VII  that  Bona- 
pirte  wished  to  make  him  a  present  of  thirty  milhon 
Fn'iich  Cathiihcs;  that  the  first  consul  desired  to  reor- 
ganize the  French  dioceses,  while  lessening  their  num- 
licr;  that  the  i  in  lyre  bishops  should  be  induced  to  re- 
sit;n  their  sees;  that  France  should  have  a  new  clergy 
UTitrammclled  by  past  political  conditions;  that  the 
ji^pe's  spiritual  jurisdiction  in  France  should  be  re- 
sl(ired.  Martiniana  faithfully  reported  these  words 
to  I'lus  VII.  It  was  only  a  few  months  before  that 
I'lus  VI  had  died  at  Valence,  a  prisoner  of  revolution- 
ary France.  Pius  VII,  w'hen  elected  at  Venice,  had 
announced  his  accession  to  the  legitimate  government 
of  Louis  XVIII,  not  to  that  of  the  Republic;  and  now 
Honaparte,  the  representative  of  this  de  facto  govern- 
iiunt,  was  making  overtures  of  peace  to  the  Holy  See 
oil  the  very  morrow  of  his  great  victory.  His  action 
naturally  caused  the  greatest  surprise  at  Rome.  The 
ilithculties  in  the  way,  however,  were  very  serious. 
They  arose,  chiefly  (1)  from  the  susceptibilities  of  the 
'  niigre  bishops,  from  the  future  Louis  XVIII,  and  from 
(  ardinal  Maury,  who  was  suspicious  of  any  attempt 
it  reconciliation  between  the  Roman  Church  and  the 
now  France;  (2)  from  the  susceptibilities  of  the  former 
r  volutionaries,  noiv  the  courtiers  of  Napoleon,  but 
htill  imbued  with  the  irreligious  philosophy  of  the 
oinhteenth  century.  The  distinctive  mark  of  the  ne- 
i;otiations,  taken  as  a  whole,  is  the  fact  that  the 
Fn-nch  bishops,  whether  still  aljroad  or  returned  to 
tlioir  own  country,  had  no  heart  whatever  in  them. 
rhe  concordat  as  finally  arranged  practically  ignored 
tlioir  existence. 

11.  The  Three  Phases  of  the  Negotiations. — 
First  Phase  (5  Xovember,  ISOO — 10  March,  ISOl). 
Spina,  titular  Archbishop  of  Corinth,  accompanied  by 
Caselli,  General  of  the  Servites,  arrived  in  Paris,  on 
;')  Xovember,  1800.  Bernier,  who  had  been  parish 
priest  of  Saint-Laud,  at  Angers,  and  famous  for  the 
]iart  he  had  played  in  the  wars  of  La  Vendee,  was  in- 
^tructed  by  Bonaparte  to  confer  with  Spina.  Four 
proposals  for  a  concordat  were  submitted  in  turn  to 
the  pope's  representative,  who  felt  that  he  had  no 
ritjht  to  sign  them  without  referring  them  to  the  Holy 
See.  Finally,  after  numerous  delays,  for  which  Tal- 
leyrand was  responsible,  a  fifth  proposal,  written  by 
Napoleon  himself,  was  brought  to  Rome,  on  10  March, 
by  the  courier  Palmoni. 

Second  Phase.  {10  March,  ISOl — 6  June,  ISOl). 
Cacault,  member  of  the  Corps  Lcgislati],  appointed  as 
minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  Holy  See,  reached 
Rome  on  8  April,  1801.  He  had  received  instructions 
from  Napoleon  to  treat  the  pope  as  if  he  had  200,000 
men.  He  was  a  good  Christian,  and  anxious  to  bring 
the  work  of  the  concordat  to  a  successful  issue. 
What  Bonaparte  wished,  however,  was  the  immediate 
acceptance  by  Rome  of  his  plan  of  the  concordat ;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  cardinals  to  whom  Pius  VII  had 
submitted  it  took  two  months  to  study  it.  On  12 
May,  1801,  the  very  day  on  which  Napoleon,  at  Mal- 
maison,  was  complaining  to  Spina  of  the  slowness  of 
the  Holy  See,  the  cardinals  to  whom  the  proposed 
concordat  had  been  submitted  sent  yet  another  pro- 
posal to  Paris.  But,  before  this  last  proposal  ha<l 
reached  its  destination,  Cacault  received  an  ultima- 
tum from  Talleyrand,  to  the  effect  that  he  must  leave 
Rome  if,  after  an  inter\'al  of  five  days,  the  concordat 
proposed  by  Bonaparte  had  not  been  signed  by  Pius 
Vll.  All  might,  even  then,  have  been  broken  off, 
had  the  situation  not  been  saved  by  Cacault.  He 
left  Rome,  leaving  his  secretary  Artaud  there,  but 
suggested  to  the  Holy  See  the  idea  of  sending  Consalvi 
himself,  Secretary  of  State  to  Pius  VII,  to  treat  with 
Bonaparte.  On  6  June,  1801,  Artaud  and  Consalvi 
left  Rome  in  the  same  carriage. 


Third  Phase  (6  June,  ISO  1—15  July,  ISOl).  Con- 
salvi, after  an  audience  with  Bonaparte,  discussed  the 
various  points  of  the  proposed  concordat  with  Ber- 
nier, and  on  12  July  they  had  reached  an  agreement. 
Bonaparte  thereupon  instructed  his  brother  Joseph, 
Cretet,  councillor  of  state,  and  Bernier  to  sign  the 
concordat  with  Consalvi,  Spina,  and  Caselli.  During 
the  day  of  the  13th,  Bernier  sent  Consalvi  a  minute, 
adding:  "Here  is  what  they  will  propose  to  you  at 
first;  read  it  well,  examine  everything,  despair  of 
nothing."  Between  this  minute  and  the  proposal 
concerning  which  Consalvi  and  Bernier  had  come  to 
the  agreement  of  the  day  before,  there  were  certain 
remarkable  differences  with  regard  to  the  publicity  of 
worship;  a  clause  relative  to  married  priests,  and  al- 
ways rejected  by  Consalvi,  was  inserted;  the  clauses 
relating  to  seminaries,  to  chapters,  and  that  of  the  pro- 
fession of  the  Catholic  Faith  by  the  consuls,  to  which 
the  Holy  See  attached  great  importance  were  sup- 
pressed. Consalvi  received  the  impression — he  ex- 
presses it  in  his  "Memoirs",  written  in  1812 — that  the 
French  Government  intended  to  deceive  him  by  sub- 
stituting a  fresh  text  for  the  te.xt  he  had  accepted ;  and 
d'Haussonville,  in  his  book,  "  The  Roman  Church  and 
the  First  Empire",  has  fonnally  impugned  the  good 
faith  of  Bonaparte's  representatives.  Bernier's  afore- 
mentioned note  of  13  July,  recently  discovered  by 
Cardinal  Mathieu,  asking  Consalvi  to  "  read  "  and  "  ex- 
amine" carefully,  proves  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment did  not  intend  any  deception;  nevertheless,  the 
presentation  of  this  new  draft  reopened  the  wholeques- 
tion.  Talleyrand  had  taken  the  initiative  in  this 
matter;  for  twenty  consecutive  hours  Bonaparte's 
three  plenipotentiaries  and  those  of  the  Holy  See  car- 
ried on  their  discussion.  The  plan  on  which  they 
finally  agreed  was  thrown  into  the  fire  by  Bonaparte, 
who  that  evening,  at  dinner,  gave  way  to  a  violent  fit 
of  anger  against  Consalvi.  Finally,  on  15  July,  a  confer- 
ence of  twelve  hours  ended  in  a  definite  agreement ;  on 
the  16th  Bonaparte  approved  of  it.  Pius  VII,  on  his 
part,  after  consultation  with  the  cardinals,  sanctioned 
this  arrangement,  11  August;  on  10  September  the 
signatures  were  exchanged,  and  on  18  April,  1802, 
Bonaparte  caused  the  publication  of  the  concordat 
and  the  reconciliation  of  France  with  the  Church  to  be 
solemnly  celebrated  in  the  cathedral  of  Notre-Dame 
at  Paris. 

III.  The  Stipulations  op  the  Concordat. — The 
French  Government  by  the  concordat  recognized  the 
Catholic  religion  as  the  religion  oj  tlie  great  majority 
of  Frenchmen.  The  phrase  was  no  longer  as  in  former 
times,  the  religion  of  the  State.  But  it  was  a  question 
of  a  personal  profession  of  Catholicism  on  the  part  of 
the  Consuls  of  the  Republic.  The  Holy  See  had  in- 
sisted on  this  mention,  and  it  was  only  on  this  condi- 
tion that  the  pope  agreed  to  grant  to  the  State  police 
power  in  the  matter  of  public  worship.  This  question 
had  been  one  of  the  most  troublesome  that  arose  dur- 
ing the  course  of  the  deliberations.  In  the  matter  of 
these  police  powers  it  had  been  agreed  after  many 
difficulties  that  the  following  should  stand  as  Article  1 
of  the  concorilat:  "The  Catholic,  Apostolic  and  Ro- 
man Religion  .■<hall  be  freely  exercised  in  France.  Its 
worship  .siiall  be  public  while  conforming  to  such  police 
regulations  as  t  ho  gnvernment  shall  consider  necessary 
to  [luhlic  tranipiillity."  The  pope  agreed  to  a  fresh 
circumscription  of  the  French  dioceses.  AVTien  this 
subsequently  took  place,  of  the  136  sees  only  60  were 
retained.  The  pope  promised  to  inform  the  actual 
titulars  of  thi?  dioceses  that  he  should  expect  from 
them  every  sacrifice,  even  that  of  their  sees. 

According  to  Articles  4  and  .5  the  French  Govern- 
ment was  to  present  the  nc'W  bishops,  but  the  pope 
was  to  give  them  canonical  institution.  (See  Pres- 
entation; Institution,  Canonical;  Nomination.) 
The  bishops  were  to  appoint  as  parish  priests  such 
persons   only   as   were   acceptable   to   the    Govern- 


CONCORDIA 


206 


COKCORDIA 


raent  (Art.  9) ;  the  latter,  in  turn,  stipulated  that  such 
churches  as  had  not  been  alienated,  and  were  neees- 
eary  for  worship,  would  be  placed  "at  the  disposition" 
of  the  bishops  (Art.  12). 

The  Church  agreed  not  to  trouble  the  consciences 
of  those  citizens  who,  during  the  Revolution,  had 
become  possessed  of  ecclesiastical  property  (Art.  13) ; 
on  the  other  hand  the  Government  promised  the 
bishops  and  parish  priests  a  fitting  maintenance 
(sustentationem,  Art.  14). 

Such  were  the  principal  stipulations  of  the  concordat. 
Certain  of  its  articles  have  been  fully  discussed,  par- 
ticularly by  canonists  and  jurists,  notably  Articles  5, 
12,  and  14,  relating  to  the  nomination  of  bishops,  the 
use  of  churches,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  clergy. 
Moreover,  the  law  known  as  "The  Organic  Articles" 
(see  Articles,  The  Organic),  promulgated  in  April, 
1802,  and  always  upheld  by  later  French  governments 
in  spite  of  the  protest  of  the  pope,  made  immediately 
after  its  publication,  has  in  various  ways  infringed  on 
the  spirit  of  the  concordat  and  given  rise  during  the 
nineteenth  century  to  frequent  disputes  between 
Church  and  State  in  France. 

IV.  Result  of  the  Concord.\t. — The  concordat, 
notwithstanding  the  addition  of  the  Organic  Articles, 
must  be  credited  with  having  restored  peace  to  the 
consciences  of  the  French  people  on  the  very  morrow 
of  the  Revolution.  To  it  also  was  due  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  Catholicism  in  France,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Holy  See.  It  was  also  of  great  moment  in  the 
history  of  the  Church.  Only  a  few  years  after  Josoph- 
inism  and  Febronianism  (q.  v.)  had  disputed  the 
pope's  rights  to  govern  the  Church,  the  Papacy 
and  the  Revolution,  in  the  persons  of  Pius  VII  and 
Napoleon,  came  to  an  understanding  which  gave 
France  a  new  episcopate  and  marked  the  final  defeat 
of  Gallicanism. 

V.  Fate  of  the  Concordat.— The  French  law  of 
9  December,  1905,  on  the  Separation  of  Church  and 
State,  against  which  Pius  X  protested  in  his  Allocu- 
tion of  11  December,  1905,  was  based  on  the  principle 
that  the  State  of  France  should  no  longer  recognize 
the  Catholic  Church,  but  only  distinct  associations 
culiuelles,  i.  e.  associations  formed  in  each  parish  for 
the  purpose  of  worship  "  in  accordance  with  the  rules 
governing  the  organization  of  worship  in  general". 
In  case  of  the  non-formation  of  such  associations 
destined  to  take  over  the  property,  real  and  personal, 
of  the  churches  or  jahriques  (see  Buildings,  Eccles- 
iastical; Fabrica  Ecclesi.e),  this  property  was  to 
be  forever  lost  to  the  Church  and  to  be  turned  over 
by  decree  to  the  charitable  establishments  of  the 
respective  communes.  By  the  Encyclical  "Gravis- 
simo  Officii",  of  10  August,  1906,  the  pope  forbade 
the  formation  of  these  associations  cultuelles  or 
associations  for  worship.  Rome  feared  that  they 
would  furnish  the  State  with  a  pretext  for  interfering 
with  the  internal  life  of  the  Church,  and  would  offer 
to  the  laity  a  constant  temptation  to  control  the 
religious  life  of  the  parish.  Thereupon,  the  State 
applied  strictly  the  aforementioned  law,  considered 
the  jahriques,  i.  e.  the  hitherto  legally-recognized 
churches,  as  no  longer  existing,  and,  in  the  absence  of 
associations  cultuelles  to  take  up  their  inheritance, 
gave  over  all  their  property  to  charitable  establish- 
ments (ctablisscments  de  bienjaisance).  Exception 
was  made  for  the  church  edifices  actually  used  for 
worship;  at  the  same  time  nothing  was  done  concern- 
ing the  numberless  legal  questions  that  arise  apropos 
of  these  edifices,  e.  g.  right  of  ownership,  right  of  use, 
repairs,  etc.  At  the  present  writing,  therefore  (end 
of  1908),  the  Church  of  France,  stripped  of  all  her 
property,  is  barely  tolerated  in  her  religious  edifices, 
and  has  only  a  pn'carious  enjoyment  of  them.  On 
the  other  hand,  since  ecclesiastical  authority  has  for- 
bidden the  only  kind  of  corporations  (associations 
cultuelles)  which  the  State  recognizes  as  authorized  to 


collect  funds  for  purposes  of  worship,  the  Church 
has  no  means  of  putting  together  in  a  legal  and  regular 
way  such  funds  or  capital  as  may  be  required  for  the 
ordinary  needs  of  public  worship.  Thus  the  churches 
of  France  live  from  day  to  day ;  neither  the  parish  nor 
the  diocese  can  own  any  fund,  however  small,  which 
the  parish  priest  or  the  bishop  is  free  to  hand  down  to 
his  successors;  all  this  because  the  State  stubbornly 
insists  that  only  the  above-described  associations 
cultuelles  (which  it  knows  are  impossible  for  French 
Catholics)  shall  be  clothed  with  the  right  of  owner- 
ship for  purposes  of  worship.  Though  the  present 
condition  is  necessarily  a  transitory  one,  it  appears, 
unfortunately,  to  offer  one  permanent  element,  i.  e. 
the  certain  loss  of  all  the  property  once  belonging  to 
the  fabriques.  The  worst  enemies  of  the  French  clergy 
must  admit  that,  in  order  to  safeguard  its  principles, 
the  Church  which  they  accuse  of  avarice  has  sacrificed 
without  hesitation  all  its  temporal  goods.  (See  Con- 
cordat; France;  Consalvi,  Ercole;  Pius  VII; 
Napoleon  Bonaparte.) 

Sechk,  Les  origines du  Concordat  {2  vols..  Paris.  1894);  Sicard, 
VAncien  derge  de  France  (Paris,  1903),  III;  Gotau.  Lea  ori- 
gines  populaires  du  Concordat  in  Aittour  du  catholicisme  social 
(Paris,  1906);  LanzacLaborie,  Paris  sous  A'apoieon  (Paris,1905 
and  1907);  BouLAT  DE  LA  Meurthe,  Documents  sur  la  negocia- 
lion  du  Concordat  (Paris.  1891-97);  Mathieu,  Le  Concordat  de 
ISOl  (Paris,  1903);  Rinieri.  La  diplomatic  pcmtificate  au  XIX*  Ij 
si'txle;  Le  Concordat  entre  Pie  Vll  et  te  Premier  (Consul,  tr.  into  r 
Fr.  by  Verdier  (Paris,  1903). — The  last  two  works  have  really  f' 
given  an  entirely  new  version  of  the  history  of  the  third  phase 
of  the  negotiations,  thanks  to  the  fresh  documents  unknown  to 
former  historians,  d'Haussonville.  Cretineau-Jolt,  and 
Theiner. — C>llivier.  Nouveau  manuel  de  droit  ecdesiastique 
iranfais  (Paris,  1886);  Crodzil.  Le  Concordat  de  laol  (Paris, 
1904);  Batjdrillart.  Quatre  cents  ans  de  Concordat  (Paris. 
1905);  de  Broglie,  Le  Concordat  (Paris,  1893);  Pehraud,  La 
discussion  concordataire  (Paris,  1892);  Sevebtre,  Le  Concordat 
(2d  ed.,  Paris.  1906).  the  best  documentary  work. — D'Hausson- 
ville, Aprfs  la  separation  (Paris,  1906);  Gabriel  Aubray. 
La  solution  liberatrice  (Paris.  1906);  Jenouvrier,  Expose  de  la 
situation  legate  de  I'eglise  en  France  (Paris,  1906);  Lamarzelle 
ET  Taudiere,  Commentaire  de  la  loi  du  :i  Decembre.  VJ05  (Paris, 
1906) ;  see  also  Hogan,  Church  and  Stale  in  France  in  Am.  Cath. 
Quart.  Rev.  (1892),  333  sqq.;  Parsons.  The  Third  French  Re- 
public as  a  Persecxdor  of  the  Church,  i6id.(1899),l  sqq.;  Bodlet, 
The  Church  in  France  (London.  1906). 

Georges  Goyau. 

Concordia  (Concordia  Veneta,  or  Julia),  Dio- 
ce.se  of  (Concordiensis),  suffragan  of  Venice.  Con- 
cordia is  an  ancient  Venetian  city,  called  by  the 
Romans  Colnnia  Concordia,  and  is  situated  between 
the  Rivers  Tagliamento  and  Livenza.  not  far  from 
the  Adriatic.  To-day  there  remain  of  the  city  only 
ruins  and  the  ancient  cathedral.  During  the  fifth 
century  the  city  was  destroyed  by  Attila  and  again 
in  606  by  the  Lombards,  after  which  it  was  never 
rebuilt.  The  eighty-nine  martjTS  of  Concordia,  who 
were  put  to  death  under  Diocletian,  are  held  in  great 
veneration.  Its  first  known  bishop  is  Clarissimus, 
who,  at  a  provincial  synod  of  .\quileia  in  579,  helped  to 
prolong  the  Schism  of  the  Three  Chapters ;  this  coun- 
cil was  attended  by  Augustinus,  later  Bishop  of  Con- 
cordia, who  in  590  signed  the  petition  presented  by  the 
schismatics  to  Einjjeror  Mauricius.  Bishop  Johannes 
transferred  the  episcopal  residence  to  Caorle  (606), 
retaining,  however,  the  title  of  Concordia.  The  me- 
dieval bishops  seem  to  have  resided  near  the  ancient 
cathedral,  and  to  have  wielded  temporal  power, 
which,  however,  they  were  unable  to  retain.  In  1587, 
during  the  episcopate  of  Matteo  Sanudo,  the  episcopal 
residence  was  definitely  transferred  to  Portogruaro. 
The  diocese  has  a  population  of  258,315,  with  129 
parishes,  231  churches  and  chapels,  264  secular  and  2 
regular  priests,  9  religious  houses  of  women,  and  a 
Collegio  di  Pio  X  for  African  missions. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chicse  d'ltalia  (Venice,  18441,  X.  417-75; 
Ann.  eccl.  (Rome,  1907),  418-23;  Degani,  La  Dioccsi  di  Con- 
cordia, notizie  e  documenti  (San  Vito,  1880);  Zambaldi,  Monu- 
menti  storici  di  Concordia  (San  Vito,  1840). 

U.  Benigni. 

Concordia,  Diocese  of  (Concordiensis  in  Ameri- 
ca), erected  2  August,  1887,  is  situated  in  the  north- 


CONCUBINAGE 


207 


CONCUBINAGE 


western  part  of  Kansas,  U.  S.  A.  It  is  bounded  on  the 
west  by  Colorado;  on  the  north,  by  Nebraska;  east, 
by  the  east  linos  of  Washington,  Riley,  Geary,  Dick- 
inson; on  the  south,  by  the  south  lines  of  Dickinson, 
Saline,  Ellsworth,  Russell,  Ellis,  Trego,  Gove,  Logan, 
and  Wallace  Counties.     Area,  26,685  sq.  m. 

In  1886  the  Diocese  of  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  was 
divided  into  three  new  sees,  Leavenworth,  Wichita, 
and  Concordia.  On  9  August,  1887,  the  Rev.  Richard 
Scannell  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  was  nominated  first 
Bishop  of  Concordia;  and  governed  the  see  until  30 
January,  1891,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Omaha. 
The  Bishop  of  Wichita,  Kansas,  then  became  adihin- 
istrafor  of  Concordia,  and  it  was  not  until  1897  that 
a  bishop  was  again  appointed  in  the  ])erson  of  the 
Rev.  T.  J.  Butler  of  Chicago,  who  died  in  Rome,  how- 
ever, 17  July,  1897,  before  receiving  episcopal  conse- 
cration. On  21  September,  1898,  the  Very  Rev.  John 
F.  Cunningham,  Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese  of 
Leavenworth,  was  consecrated  in  that  city,  Bishop 
of  Concordia.  Born  in  1842,  in  the  County  Kerry, 
Ireland,  he  made  his  studies  at  St.  Benedict's  College, 
Atchison,  Kansas,  and  at  St.  Francis'  Seminary, 
Milwaukee,  Wisconsin,  and  was  ordained  priest  at 
Leavenworth.  8  August,  1865.  After  his  consecration 
he  devoted  himself  to  the  multiplication  of  schools 
and  institutions  of  learning  and  cliarity.  The  cathe- 
(kal  of  Concordia,  a  stone  structure  of  Gothic  archi- 
tecture, dedicated  in  1902,  took  the  place  of  a  modest 
little  church  erected  by  the  Rev.  Louis Mollier  in  1874. 

In  1884  a  boarding-school  for  young  ladies  under 
the  supervision  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  was  estab- 
lished near  the  cathedral.  It  has  since  moved  to  the 
imposing  edifice  known  as  the  Nazareth  Academy. 
It  is  the  mother-house  and  novitiate  of  these  sisters, 
who  have  branch  houses,  missions,  and  schools  in 
Kansas,  Illinois,  Nebraska,  Michigan,  and  Missouri. 
The  old  academy  has  been  turned  into  a  hospital. 
The  Capucliin  Fathers,  who  settled  early  in  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  diocese  in  and  about  Victoria,  have 
built  many  churches  and  schools  and  have  monas- 
teries at  Hays  City,  Munjor,  and  Victoria.  Tliey 
have  also  worked  efficiently  among  the  Russian  immi- 
grants of  that  portion  of  the  diocese,  aided  by  the 
Sisters  of  St.  Agnes. 

From  1898  to  1907  45  churches  and  20  schools  were 
built,  exclusive  of  the  opening  of  many  new  missions 
and  stations.  There  are  51  secular  and  15  religious 
priests,  attending  91  churches,  30  stations,  and  4 
chapels.  The  children  in  the  parochial  schools  num- 
ber about  2482.  Two  academies,  at  Concordia  and 
Abilene,  have  about  135  pupils.  The  Catholic  popu- 
lation of  the  chocese  is  26,125. 

A.  T.  Ennis. 

Concubinage,  at  the  present  day,  the  state,  more 
or  less  permanent,  of  a  man  and  woman  living  to- 
gether in  illicit  intercourse.  In  its  strict  sense  it  is 
used  of  those  unions  only  in  which  the  man  and  the 
woman  are  free  from  any  obligation  arising  from  a 
vow,  the  state  of  matrimony  or  Holy  orders,  or  the 
fact  of  relationship  or  affinity;  it  is  immaterial 
whether  the  parties  ilwell  together  or  not,  the  repeti- 
tion or  continuance  of  illicit  relations  between  the 
same  persons  being  the  essential  element.  However, 
the  meaning  conveyed  by  the  term  has  not  always 
been  the  same;  in  the  Old  Testament,  for  instance,  a 
legitimate  spouse,  if  of  an  inferior  social  grade,  or  a 
bondwoman,  is  often  given  the  appellation  of  concu- 
bine, not  to  call  in  question  the  validity  of  her  mar- 
riage, but  to  indicate  that  she  did  not  share  in  her  hus- 
band's rank  or  property  nor  in  the  administration  of 
the  household  to  the  same  extent  as  the  principal 
wife.  From  Genesis,  xxi,  9-14,  we  see  that  her  dis- 
missal and  that  of  her  children  was  permissible.  But 
in  those  Scriptural  times,  when  polygamy  was  per- 
mitted or  at  least  tolerated,  such  a  concubine  was  not 


the  only  marriage  partner.  Thus  Lia  and  Rachel,  the 
first  two  spouses  of  Jacob,  had  the  full  social  standing 
of  wives,  while  Bala  and  Zelpha,  both  bondwomen, 
were  his  concubines,  married  for  the  purpose  of  bear- 
ing children  for  Rachel  and  Lia  (Gen.,  xxx,  3,  9,  13). 
Here,  therefore,  the  main  difference  between  the  state 
of  legitimate  marriage  properly  so  called  and  that  of 
legitimate  concubinage  is  to  be  fovmd  in  the  disparity 
of  rank  which  cliaractcrized  the  latter. 

The  meaning  of  the  term  in  Roman  law,  and  conse- 
quently in  early  ecclcsitistical  records  and  writings, 
was  much  the  same;  a  concubine  was  a  quasi- wife, 
recognized  by  law  if  there  was  no  legal  wife.  She  was 
usually  of  a  lower  social  grade  than  her  husband,  and 
her  children,  though  not  considered  the  equals  of 
those  of  the  legal  wife  (uxor)  were  nevertheless  termed 
natural  (naturalcs)  to  distinguish  them  from  spurious 
offsprings  (spurii).  For  this  legitimate  concubinage 
the  Roman  law  did  not  require  the  intention  of  the 
two  parties  to  remain  together  until  death  as  man  and 
wife;  the  Lcr  Julia  and  the  Papia  Popprm  allowing 
both  temporary  and  penuanent  concubinage.  The 
former  was  always  condemned  as  immoral  by  the 
Church,  who  excluded  from  the  ranks  of  her  catechu- 
mens all  who  adopted  this  mode  of  living,  unless  they 
abandoned  their  illicit  temporal,  or  converted  it  into 
lawful  permanent,  wedlock.  Permanent  concubinage, 
though  it  lacked  the  ordinary  legal  forms  and  was  not 
recognized  by  the  civil  law  as  a  legal  marriage,  had  in 
it  no  element  of  immorality.  It  was  a  real  marriage, 
including  the  intention  and  consent  of  both  parties  to 
form  a  lifelong  union.  This  the  Church  allowed  from 
the  beginning,  while  Pope  Callistus  I  broke  through 
the  barrier  of  state  law,  and  raised  to  the  dignity  of 
Christian  marriage  permanent  imions  between  slave 
and  free,  and  even  those  between  slave  and  slave 
{conlxiheTnium). 

The  Council  of  Toledo,  held  in  400,  in  its  seventeenth 
canon  legislates  as  follows  for  laymen  (for  ecclesi- 
astical regulations  on  this  head  with  regard  to  clerics 
see  Celib.^cy):  after  pronouncing  sentence  of  excom- 
munication against  any  who  in  addition  to  a  wife 
keep  a  concubine,  it  says:  "But  if  a  man  has  no  wife, 
but  a  concubine  instead  of  a  wife,  let  him  not  be  re- 
fused communion;  only  let  him  be  content  to  be 
united  with  one  woman,  whether  wife  or  concubine" 
(Can.  "Is  qui",  dist.  xxxiv;  Mansi,  III,  col.  1001). 
The  refractory  are  to  be  excommunicated  until  such 
time  as  they  shall  obey  and  do  penance. 

A^■ith  thedestruction  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  the 
consequent  decline  of  knowledge  of  the  Roman  law, 
its  institution  of  legitimate  concubinage  fell  into  dis- 
use, and  concubinage  came  more  and  more  to  have 
only  the  modern  significance,  that  of  a  permanent 
illicit  union,  and  as  such  was  variously  proceeded 
against  by  the  Church.  The  clandestine  marriages 
which  gradually  came  to  be  tolerated  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  as  they  lacked  the  formality  of  a  public  sanction 
by  the  Church,  can  be  considered  as  a  species  of  legiti- 
mate concubinage.  The  Council  of  Trent  (1545- 
1563),  Sess.  XXIV.  chap,  i,  not  only  renewed  the  old 
ecclesiastical  penalties  again.st  concubinage,  but  added 
fresh  ones,  also  forbade  and  rendered  null  and  void  all 
clandestine  unions,  thus  forever  doing  away  with  even 
the  appearance  of  legitimate  concubinage.  From 
that  time  the  modem  invidious  idea  of  the  term  alone 
obtains.  The  decrees  of  Trent,  however,  were  in  force 
only  in  countries  strictly  Catholic ;  the  new  marriage 
law  (Ne  temere)  of  Pius"X  (1908)  extends  the  prohibi- 
tion against  clandestine  marriages  to  Catholics  the 
world  over. 

Noi.niv.  Summa  theologim  mornlis:  r!e  scilo  (6th  ed.,  Inns- 
bruck, 1906);  Diet,  de  droit  cammiifiir,  f.  v.  Cancubxnagt 
(Paris.  1901);  Canones  et  Dccrcta  ConciXii  Tndmlini.  ed. 
RirnTER  (T-eipzig,  1853) ;  Wandinoeb  in  Kirchenlex.  (2nd  ad., 
Freiburg.  1891);  DolhaqaRay  jn  Diet,  df  Ihul.  calh.  dans, 
1906).  „     .     -, 

U.  A.  Gaynok, 


CONCUPISCENCE 


208 


CONCURSUS 


Concupiscence  in  its  widest  acceptation  is  any 
yearning  of  the  soul  for  good ;  in  its  strict  and  specific 
acceptation,  a  desire  of  the  lower  appetite  contrary  to 
reason.  To  understand  how  the  sensuous  and  the 
rational  appetite  can  be  opposed,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  their  natural  objects  are  altogether  differ- 
ent. The  object  of  the  former  is  the  gratification  of 
the  senses;  the  object  of  the  latter  is  the  good  of  the 
entire  human  nature  and  consists  in  the  subordina- 
tion of  the  lower  to  the  rational  faculties,  and  again 
in  the  subordination  of  reason  to  God,  its  supreme 
good  and  ultimate  end.  But  the  lower  appetite  is 
of  itself  unrestrained,  so  as  to  pursue  sensuous  grati- 
fications independently  of  the  understanding  and 
without  regard  to  the  good  of  the  higher  faculties. 
Hence  desires  contrary  to  the  real  good  and  order  of 
reason  may,  and  often  do,  rise  in  it,  previous  to  the 
attention  of  the  mind,  and  once  risen,  dispose  the 
bodily  organs  to  their  pursuit  and  solicit  the  will  to 
consent,  while  they  more  or  less  hinder  reason  from 
considering  their  lawfulness  or  unlawfulness.  This  is 
concupiscence  in  its  strict  and  specific  sense.  As 
long,  however,  as  deliberation  is  not  completely  im- 
peded, the  rational  will  is  able  to  resist  such  desires 
and  withhold  consent,  though  it  be  not  capable  of 
crushing  the  effects  they  produce  in  the  body,  and 
though  its  freedom  and  dominion  be  to  some  extent 
diminished.  If,  in  fact,  the  will  resists,  a  struggle 
ensues,  the  sensuous  appetite  rebelliously  demanding 
its  gratification,  reason,  on  the  contrary,  clinging  to 
its  own  spiritual  interests  and  asserting  its  control. 
"The  flesh  lusteth  against  the  spirit,  and  the  spirit 
against  the  flesh." 

From  the  explanation  given,  it  is  plain  that  the  op- 
position between  appetite  and  reason  is  natural  in 
man,  and  that,  though  it  be  an  imperfection,  it  is 
not  a  corruption  of  human  nature.  Nor  have  the  in- 
ordinate desires  (actual  concupiscence)  or  the  prone- 
ness  to  them  (habitual  concupiscence)  the  nature  of 
sin ;  for  sin,  being  the  free  and  deliberate  transgression 
of  the  law  of  God,  can  be  only  in  the  rational  will; 
though  it  be  true  that  they  are  temptations  to  sin, 
becoming  the  stronger  antl  the  more  frequent  the 
oftener  they  have  been  indulged.  As  thus  far  consid- 
ered they  are  only  sinful  objects  and  antecedent  causes 
of  sinful  transgressions;  they  contract  the  malice  of 
sin  only  when  consent  is  given  by  the  will;  not  as 
though  their  nature  were  changed,  but  because  they 
are  adopted  and  completed  by  the  will  and  so  share 
its  malice.  Hence  the  distinction  of  concupiscence 
antecedent  and  concupiscence  consequent  to  the  con- 
sent of  the  will;  the  latter  is  sinfvil,  the  former  is  not. 

The  first  parents  were  free  from  concupiscence,  so 
that  their  sensuous  appetite  was  perfectly  subject  to 
reason;  and  this  freedom  they  were  to  transmit  to 
posterity  provided  they  observed  the  commandment 
of  God.  A  short  but  important  statement  of  the 
Catholic  doctrine  on  this  point  may  be  quoted  from 
Peter  the  Deacon,  a  Greek,  who  was  sent  to  Rome  to 
bear  witness  to  the  Faith  of  the  East:  "Our  belief 
is  that  Adam  came  from  the  hands  of  his  Creator  good 
and  free  from  the  assaults  of  the  flesh  "  (Lib.  de  Incarn., 
c.  vi).  In  our  first  parents,  however,  this  complete 
dominion  of  reason  over  appetite  was  no  natural  per- 
fection or  acquirement,  but  a  preternatural  gift  of 
God,  that  is,  a  gift  not  due  to  human  nature;  nor 
was  it,  on  the  other  hand,  the  essence  of  their  origi- 
nal justice,  which  consisted  in  sanctifying  grace ;  it  was 
but  a  complement  added  to  the  latter  by  the  Divine 
bounty.  By  the  sin  of  Adam  freedom  from  concu- 
piscence was  forfeited  not  only  for  himself,  but  also 
for  all  his  posterity  with  the  exception  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  by  S[)ecial  privilege.  Human  nature  was  de- 
prived of  both  its  preternatural  and  su|)crnatural  gifts 
and  graces,  the  lower  appetite  began  to  lust  against 
the  si)irit,  and  evil  habits,  contracted  by  personal  sins, 
wrought  disorder  in  the  body,  obscured  the  mind,  and 


weakened  the  power  of  the  will,  without,  however,  de- 
st  roy ing  its  freedom.  Hence  that  lamentable  condition 
of  which  St.  Paul  complains  when  he  writes:  "I  find 
then  a  law,  that  when  I  have  a  will  to  do  good,  evil  is 
present  with  me.  For  I  am  delighted  with  the  law  of 
God,  according  to  the  inward  man:  but  I  see  another 
law  in  my  members,  fighting  against  the  law  of  my 
mind,  and  captivating  me  in  the  law  of  sin,  that  is  in 
my  members.  Unhappy  man  that  I  am,  who  shall 
deliver  me  from  the  body  of  this  death?"  (Rom.,  vii, 
21-25).  Christ  by  His  death  redeemed  mankind  from 
sin  and  its  bondage.  In  baptism  the  guilt  of  original 
sin  is  wiped  out  and  the  soul  is  cleansed  and  justified 
again  by  the  infusion  of  sanctifying  grace.  But  free- 
dom from  concupiscence  is  not  restored  to  man,  any 
more  than  immortality ;  abundant  grace,  however,  is 
given  him,  by  which  he  may  obtain  the  victory  over 
rebellious  sense  and  deserve  life  everlasting. 

The  Reformers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  especially 
Luther,  proposed  new  views  respecting  concupiscence. 
They  adopted  as  fundamental  to  their  theologj'  the 
following  propositions:  (1)  Original  justice  with  all  its 
gifts  and  graces  was  due  to  man  as  an  integral  part  of 
his  nature;  (2)  concupiscence  is  of  itself  sinful,  and, 
being  the  sinful  corruption  of  human  nature  caused  by 
Adam's  transgression  and  inherited  by  all  his  descend- 
ants, is  the  very  essence  of  original  sin ;  (3)  baptism, 
since  it  does  not  extinguish  concupiscence,  does  not 
really  remit  the  guilt  of  original  sin,  but  only  effects 
that  it  is  no  longer  imputed  to  man  and  no  longer 
draws  down  condemnation  on  him.  This  position  is 
held  also  by  the  Anglican  Church  in  its  Thirty-nine 
Articles  and  its  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

The  Catholic  Church  condemns  these  doctrines  as 
erroneous  or  heretical.  The  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  V, 
c.  v)  defines  that  by  the  grace  of  baptism  the  guilt  of 
original  sin  is  completely  remitted  and  does  not  merely 
cease  to  be  imputed  to  man.  As  to  concupiscence  the 
council  declares  that  it  remains  in  those  that  are  bap- 
tized in  order  that  they  may  struggle  for  the  victory, 
but  does  no  harm  to  those  who  resist  it  by  the  grace  of 
God,  and  that  it  is  called  sin  by  St.  Paul,  not  because 
it  is  sin  formally  and  in  the  proper  sense,  but  because 
it  sprang  from  sin  and  incites  to  sin.  Later  on  Pius 
V,  by  the  Bull  "Ex  omnibus  afflictionibus"  (1  Oct., 
1567),  Gregory  XIII,  by  the  Bull  "Provisionis  Nos- 
tra>"  (29  Jan.,  1579),  Urban  VIII,  by  the  Bull  "In 
eminenti"  (6  March,  1641),  condemned  the  proposi- 
tions of  Bajus  (21,  23,  24,  26),  Clement  XI,  by  the 
Constitution  "Unigenitus",  those  of  Quesnel  (34,  35); 
and  finallv  Pius  VI,  by  the  Bull  "Auctorem  fidei" 
(28  Aug., '1794),  those  of  the  SjTiod  of  Pistoja  (16), 
which  maintained  that  the  gifts  and  graces  bestowed 
on  .\dam  and  constituting  his  original  justice  were  not 
supernatural  but  due  to  human  nature.  (See  Grace, 
Justification,  Sin.) 

Hunter.  Outlints  of  Dogmatic  Theology  (2nd  ed..  New  York, 
1896),  treatise  x,  ch.  iii.  iv;  Joseph  Rickaby,  Xotfs  on  St.  Fault 
Epistle  to  the  Roxnans  (London,  1S9S),  vii,  liii;  Bellarmine, 
De  Controversiis  Fidei,  IV.  De  Gratid  primi  hominis;  De  amis- 
sione  gratia:  et  statu  peccati  (Milan,  18621;  Hurter,  TheologitB 
Dogmalicce  Compendium  (10th  ed.,  1900);  Murrat,  Tractatus 
de  Gratia  (Dublin,  18771.  disp.  ii;  Billuart,  Samma  S.  Thomte 
(Lyons  and  Paris.  1S61\  III,  290-94,  IV,  69-71.  273,  382,  VIII, 
ISO.  181. 

John  J.  Ming. 

Concurrents.     See  Do.minic.vl  Letter. 

Concursus,  -a  special  competitive  examination  pre- 
scribed in  canon  law  for  all  aspirants  to  certain  ecclesi- 
astical oliices  to  which  is  attached  the  cure  of  souls. 
There  were  no  parish  priests,  projierly  s[)eaking,  dur- 
ing the  first  three  hundred  years  of  the  Christian  Era. 
A  single  church  erected  in  the  rcsidciitiid  city  of  the 
bishop  was  the  centre  to  which  ])eopl('  living  in  city 
and  coimtry  repaired  on  Sinidays  anil  festivals  to  hear 
Ma.ss,  receive  instruction,  and  approach  the  Sacra- 
ments. Gradual  growth  in  church-membership  called 
for  the  erection  of  additional  churches  to  accommo- 


CONCURSUS 


209 


CONCURSUS 


date  the  faithful.  In  these  churches  sacred  functions 
wrre  conducted  by  priests  residing  at  the  cathedrals. 
Ccitisequently,  the  cathetlral  w.is  the  only  parish  in 
farh  diocese  and  the  bishop,  as  chief  pastor,  exercised 
thn  care  of  souls  throughout  the  diocese.  A  similar 
iiason  led  to  the  organization  of  rural  parishes  during 
ilir  course  of  the  fourth  centuiy.  With  one  or  two 
exceptions,  parishes  were  not  organized  in  cities  be- 
f'  ire  the  year  1000.  The  first  step  towards  the  estab- 
lishment of  city  parishes,  was  taken  in  the  Council  of 
Limoges  (1032).  The  amicable  settlement  of  disputes 
imolving  a  departure  from  the  old  regime  paved  the 
w.iy  for  the  organization  of  city  parishes  in  France. 
Italy  was  not  slow  in  following  the  example  of  France. 

lupi,  "De  parochis  ante  annum  Christi  millesi- 
iniim",  Bergamo,  178S;  Muratori,  "Dissert,  de  par- 
iiciis  et  plebibus"  in  ".\ntiq.  Ital.",  VI,  359;  Nardi, 
"Dei  parrochi,  opera  di  antichiti  sacra",  Pesaro, 
1X129-30;  Drouyn,  "L'histoire  paroissiale"  in  "Rev. 
Cath.  de  Bordeaux",  1881,  III,  233,  and  "Bull,  hist.- 
arrh.  du  dioc.  Dijon",  1887,  V,  225;  Zorell,  "Die  Ent- 
wirkelung  des  Parochialsystems "  in  "Archiv  fiir 
kith.  Kirchenrecht ",  1902-3.)  Departures  from 
traditional  methods  gradually  took  place  in  other 
iiiiintries  until  the  organization  of  city  and  countrj' 
parishes  became  general  throughout  the  Church  (see 
Parish). 

The  new  regime  paved  the  way  for  the  admission  of 
a  general  principle  whereby  ecclesiastical  benefices, 
I  spi'cially  thoseof  major  importance,  with  cure  of  souls 
nr  parochial  responsibility  attached,  were  conferred  on 
mine  save  those  duly  quahfied  to  hold  them  (see  Bene- 
FicEi.  Conscientious  recognition  of  this  principle  was 
repeatedly  inculcated,  e.  g.  by  Alexander  III,  Innocent 
III.  and  Gregorj'  X.  So  long  as  ecclesiastics  were  not 
ordained  absolutely,  but  for  some  specific  otfice  in  each 
diocese,  the  canonical  examinations  for  orders  served 
iKiturally  as  a  criterion  to  determine  appointments  to 
lenefices.  In  time,  however,  this  ancient  method  of 
iiniination  fell  into  decay,  and  under  Innocent  III 

1 198-1216)  separate  examinations  were  inaugurated 
a<  the  most  satisfactory  method  of  making  appoint- 
itients  to  benefices  that  carried  with  them  the  cure  of 
souls  (beneficta  curata).  In  order  to  attain  greater 
security  in  pro\iding  for  the  salvation  of  souls,  the 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXIV,  ch.  xviii)  obliged  bish- 
ops to  assign  to  each  parish  a  permanent  parish  priest 
who  would  know  his  parishioners.  The  better  to  real- 
ize this  design,  the  same  council  instituted  the  concur- 
6US,  a  competitive  examination  given  to  candidates 
seeking  appointment  as  p.astors  of  (canonical)  par- 
ishes. According  to  the  Tridentine  legislation,  bish- 
ops must  designate  a  day  for  this  examination.  At 
the  specified  time,  such  as  have  signified  their  inten- 
tion of  undergoing  this  test  are  examined  by  the  bish- 
op or  his  vicar-general  and  by  no  less  than  three  syno- 
dal examiners  (q.  v.).  The  bishop  is  required  to  ap- 
point the  one  he  judges  most  worthy  among  those 
passing  a  satisfactory  examination. 

Though  the  Tridentine  regulations  are  quite  clear, 
some  canonists  claimed  that  failure  to  observe  them 
rendered  appointments  illicit,  not  invalid,  while  others 
held  that  bishops  were  not  bound  to  appoint  the  most 
worthy  candidate,  but  merely  one  passing  a  creditable 
examination.  To  dissipate  such  errors  Pius  V  Lssued 
the  Constitution  "In  conferendis"  (18  May,  1567). 
Later  on,  to  forestall  the  possibility  of  groundless  ap- 
peals on  the  part  of  dissatisfied  competitors,  as  well  as 
to  ensure  strict  justice  to  candidates,  Clement  XI  is- 
sued (IS  Jan.,  1721)  a  decree  reganiing  the  manner  of 
conducting  examinations,  and  the  manner  of  dealing 
with  those  entering  a[)peals  ag.ainst  the  decision  of  the 
examiners  or  the  a|)pointment  of  the  bishop.  How- 
ever, {'lenient  XI's  regulations  occasioned  various 
comiilaint.s,  and  to  reinidy  these  dilficulties,  as  well  as 
to  complete  ecclcsii-itical  legislation  concerning  the 
concursus,  Benedict  XIV  i.^sued  the  important  Con- 
IV.— 14 


stitution,  "Cum  illud"  (14  Dec,  1742).  A  survey  of 
the  various  stages  of  ecclesiastical  legislation  on  this 
question  will  naturallly  exhibit  a  fair  summary  of  its 
leading  points. 

In  the  first  place,  appointments  to  canonically 
erected  parishes  are  null  when  no  concursus  has  been 
held,  imless  the  Tridentine  legislation  has  been  abro- 
gated by  long  usage  or  special  permission  of  the  Holy 
See.  Questions  and  answers  pertaining  to  a  concur- 
sus must  be  committed  to  writing.  The  matter  of  the 
examination  is  taken  from  theology  (moral  and  dog- 
matic), liturgy,  and  ecclesiastical  law,  and  is  chiefly  of  a 
practical  character.  A  lesson  in  catechism  and  a  brief 
sermon  may  be  prepared  by  the  candidates.  All  com- 
petitors are  examined  in  the  same  place  and  at  the 
same  time.  The  bishop  is  not  justified  in  appointing 
simply  a  worthy  competitor,  but  is  obliged  to  choose 
the  candidate  he  deems  the  most  worthy  among  those 
approved  by  the  examiners,  whose  office  is  exhausted 
when  they  have  attested  the  worthiness  (idoneitas)  of 
the  various  competitors.  The  examiners,  however, 
are  bound  to  consider,  not  only  the  learning,  but  also 
the  age,  prudence,  integrity,  past  services,  and  other 
qualifications  of  competitors.  Candidates  not  ap- 
pointed are  at  liberty  to  enter  an  appeal  to  the  metro- 
politan, and  then  to  the  Holy  See,  but  this  does  not  sus- 
pend meanwhile  the  e-xecution  of  the  episcopal  decis- 
ion. The  judge  to  whom  such  an  appeal  is  made  must 
base  his  decision  on  the  proceedings  of  the  concursus 
already  held ;  this  precludes  a  second  concursus  or  the 
introduction  of  additional  evidence.  While  this  is  the 
general  ecclesiastical  law,  certain  exceptions  must  be 
noted.  This  law  does  not  cover  appointments  to  par- 
ishes where  the  incumbent  is  not  permanently  installed 
nor  to  parishes  whose  revenues  are  not  sufficient  to 
justify  such  proceedings  as  a  concursus  involves.  Nor, 
according  to  the  common  law,  is  a  concursus  advisable 
when  the  bishop,  after  hearing  the  advice  of  the  syno- 
dal examiners,  apprehends  serious  disorders  in  case  a 
concursus  were  to  take  place. 

The  Third  Plenan,-  Council  of  Baltimore  (1884)  de- 
creed that  in  the  Cnited  States  one  in  every  ten  par- 
ishes of  a  diocese  should  become  a  permanent  rector- 
ship. To  inaugurate  this  plan,  the  council  ruled  that 
the  establishment  of  such  rectorships,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  incumbents  thereunto  should  take  place  no 
later  than  three  years  after  the  promulgation  of  its  de- 
crees. Bishops  were  allowed  to  name  permanent  rec- 
tors for  the  first  time  without  a  concursus,  though  they 
were  required  to  seek  the  advice  of  their  con.sultors. 
Thereafter  the  appointments  of  such  rectors  are  null 
unless  a  concursus  takes  place.  In  a  special  case  the 
bishop  may  waive  the  concursus  in  favour  of  an  ec- 
clesiastic whose  learning  is  well  known  or  whose  ser- 
vices to  religion  are  noteworthy,  provided  the  advice 
of  the  synodal  or  pro-synodal  examiners  is  taken. 
(Cone.  Plen.  Bait.  Ill,  ch.  vi,  nos.  40  sqq.)  The 
method  of  conducting  a  concursus  in  this  country  is 
substantially  the  same  as  that  prescribed  by  the  gen- 
eral law  of  the  Church.  Candidates  for  admi.ssion  to  a 
concursus  must  have  creditably  exercised  the  ministry 
in  a  diocese  no  less  than  ten  years,  and,  during  that 
time,  must  have  given  evidence  of  ability  to  direct  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  affairs  of  a  parish.  Bishops 
are  obliged  to  appoint  the  most  worthy  of  the  compet- 
itors. Examiners  shoulrl  ajiprove  all  worthy  candi- 
dates. The  right  of  determining  the  most  worthy  of 
those  approved  is  vested  in  the  Ijishop.  Appeals  (q. 
V.)  and  the  method  of  treating  them  are  subject  to  the 
general  ecclesiastical  law.  Finally,  where  circum- 
sttinces  militate  against  the  feasibility  of  a  concursus 
as  often  as  a  permanent  rectorship  is  to  be  filled,  the 
Holy  See  has  tolerated  or  allowed  the  holding,  under 
the  conditions  already  specified,  of  general  annual 
extiminations,  to  determine  the  standing  of  candidates 
in  ecclesiastical  science,  while  judgment  concerning 
the  other  necessary  qualifications  is  given  whenever 


CONDAMINE 


210 


OONDILLAC 


a  permanent  rectorship  is  vacated.  Those  passing  the 
examination  once  are  counted  worthy,  in  point  of 
learning,  for  appointment  to  any  permanent  rector- 
ship falling  vacant  within  a  given  period,  usually  not 
more  than  six  years,  after  such  an  examination. 
Should  they  wish" to  enjoy  a  like  title  after  that  period, 
success  in  another  examination  is  required. 

Canada  has  no  permanent  rectorships.  As  a  conse- 
quence, the  manner  of  appointing  rectors  of  parishes 
is  subject  to  the  discretion  of  the  bishops.  (Gignac, 
Comp.  Juris  eccl.  ad  usum  cleri  Canadensis,  Quebec, 
1901,  De  Personis,  p.  355.)  In  England  no  concursus 
is  held  to  determine  appointments  to  permanent  rec- 
torships (Taunton,  The  Law  of  the  Church,  London, 
1906,  p.  231).  According  to  the  decree  of  the  Synod 
of  Maynooth  held  in  1900,  legislation  similar  to  that  of 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  was  adopted 
for  determining  appointments  to  parishes  in  the  vari- 
ous dioceses  of  Ireland.  Since  1895  the  law  of  the 
concursus  obtains  also  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Aus- 
tralia (Second  Plen.  Council  of  Australia,  No.  47  sqq.). 
The  acts  of  diocesan  and  provincial  councils,  sessions 
of  Roman  Congregations,  and  papal  conclaves  testify 
that  the  Trident  ine  legislation  concerning  the  concur- 
sus has  long  prevailed  in  Italy.  The  same  regulations 
were  introduced  into  Spain  and  Portugal  in  the  six- 
teenth century;  they  obtain  also  in  South  America. 
While  the  observance  of  the  law  was  general  through- 
out France  before  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, changed  conditions  long  since  led  to  its  abro- 
gation in  that  country  (Duliallet,  Journal  de  droit 
canon.,  1891,  452-74).  In  Belgium  the  Synod  of 
Mechlin  (1570)  adopted  the  Tridentine  regulations, 
but  since  then,  save  for  Liege,  the  earlier  freedom  of 
episcopal  collation  has  returned  (Vering,  471).  At 
present,  German,  Austrian,  Hungarian,  and  Prassian 
bishops  base  their  appreciation  of  a  candidate's  learn- 
ing on  the  results  of  general  examinations  at  regular 
intervals.  Exception  being  made  for  minor  differ- 
ences, the  above-described  regulations  govern  the  ex- 
aminations in  those  countries.  The  consideration  of 
other  necessary  qualifications  is  made  whenever  a 
vacancy  occurs  and  an  appointment  follows.  While 
in  other  places  bishops  may  use  their  own  discretion  in 
appointing  rectors,  the  Holy  See  bespeaks  even  in  such 
places  all  possible  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  the  Tri- 
dentine law.  It  may  be  added  that  in  Austria,  since 
Joseph  II,  the  State  has  insisted  on  the  parochial  con- 
cursus, and  has  embodied  it  in  art.  24  of  the  Concor- 
dat. 

Smith.  Elemfjils  of  Ecdesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1887),  I. 
647;  Baart.  Legal  Formulary  (New  York,  1898),  100  sqq.; 
Taunton,  The  Law  of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  227-31; 
Ojetti,  Synopsis  Rerum  Moralium  et  juris  pontificii  (Prato, 
1904);  Les6tre,  La  paroisse  (Paris.  1906);  Diendorfer  in 
Kirchenlez.,  s.v.  Concurs;  Lingg,  Gesch.  des  tridentinischen 
Pfarrconcurses  (Bamberg,  1880);  Bouix,  De  Parocho  (Paris, 
1855).  355;  Analecia  juris  ponlif.  (Paris,  1867),  969;  Archiv  f. 
kalh.  KirchenrechI,  II.  385;  Vering,  Lehrbuch  des  Kirchenrechls. 

J.  D.  O'Neill. 

Condamine,  Charles-Marie  de  la,  explorer  and 
physicist,  b.  at  Paris,  28  January,  1701 ;  d.  there  4  Feb- 
ruary, 1774.  After  a  brief  military  career  he  turned 
to  scientific  pursuits  and  explored  the  coasts  of  Africa 
and  Asia  Minor  on  the  Mediterranean.  In  1735,  he 
was  .selected  to  direct  an  expedition  to  the  equatorial 
regions  of  South  America  in  order  to  determine  the 
form  of  the  earth  by  measuring  a  meridian  and  thup 
establishing  the  flattening  of  our  globe  towards  the 
poles.  His  companions  were  Pierre  Bouguer  and 
Louis  Godin  des  Odonais.  Two  officers  of  the  Spanish 
marine,  Jorge  Ju.an  and  Antonio  de  Ulloa,  represented 
the  Government  of  Spain  on  the  voyage  and  also  made 
independent  observations  in  the  interior.  Condamine 
went  to  Ecuador  and  there  began  his  labours,  making 
a  fairly  accurate  triangulation  of  the  mountainous 
parts  and  the  western  sections  of  Ecuador.  On  this 
occasion  he  discovered  that  tall  mountains  deflect  the 


pendulum  by  their  attraction.  He  remained  eight 
years  in  South  America,  then  returned  to  France, 
where  he  was  chosen  member  of  the  Academy  of 
Sciences  and  of  the  French  Academy  and  received  the 
cross  of  Saint  Lazarus.  While  Condamine  on  account 
of  his  ambition  and  inclination  to  controversy  was  a 
disagreeable  character,  as  an  explorer  and  physicist 
he  stands  very  high.  The  topographical  work  per- 
formed by  him  or  under  his  direction  suffered  from  the 
relative  imperfections  of  the  instruments  in  use  in  his 
time,  but  the  results  obtained  were  astonishing.  Not 
only  in  physiography  and  physical  geography,  but  in 
other  branches  also  his  expedition  opened  a  new  per- 
spective to  investigation.  It  was  the  starting  point 
for  more  extensive  explorations  of  tropical  America. 
The  countries  he  visited  became  and  remained  there- 
after, classical  ground  in  the  annals  of  natural  science. 
It  is  claimed  that  he  introduced  caoutchouc  into  Eu- 
rope, and  he  also  tried  to  introduce  inoculation  for 
smallpox  into  France. 

Interest  in  Condamine  centring  in  his  South  American  work, 
books  on  that  expedition  become  the  prominent  source  of  in- 
formation regarding  the  most  important  period  of  his  Ufe;  es- 
pecially hia  own  writings,  chief  of  which  were:  Journal  du  voy- 
age fait  par  ordre  du  Roi  a  Vequateur  (Paris,  1751);  Relation 
abregee  d'un  voyage  dans  Vinterieur  de  V Amerique  meridionale 
(Paris,  1745;  2d  ed.,  1778);  Histoire  des  pyramides  de  Quito 
(Paris,  1751).  Frequent  referenc&s  are  found  in  the  works  of 
Humboldt,  also,  de  Ulloa  and  Juan,  Relacion  historica  del 
viage  d  la  America  Meridional  hecho  de  orden  de  S.  Mag.  para 
medir  algunos  grades  de  meridiano  terrestre  (Madrid,  1748). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Condillac,  Etienne  Bonnot  de,  a  French  philoso- 
pher, b.  at  Grenoble,  30  September,  1715;  d.  near 
Beaugency  (Loiret),  3  August,  1780.  He  was  the 
brother  of  the  Abb6  de  Mably  and  was  himself  Abbe 
of  Mureaux.  Thanks  to  the  resources  of  his  benefice, 
he  was  able  to  follow  his  natural  inclinations  and 
devote  himself  wholly  to  study,  for  which  purpose  he 
retired  into  solitude.  About  1755  he  was  chosen  pre- 
ceptor of  the  Duke  of  Parma,  the  grandson  of  Louis 
XV,  for  whom  he  wrote  his  "Cours  d'etudes".  The 
education  of  the  prince  being  completed,  Condillac 
was  elected  in  1768  to  succeed  the  Abb6  d'Olivet  as 
a  member  of  the  French  Academy.  He  was  present 
but  once  at  the  sessions — on  the  day  of  his  reception — 
and  then  retired  to  his  estate  of  Flux  near  Beau- 
gency where  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  days. 

From  an  intellectual  point  of  view,  Condillac's  life 
may  be  divided  into  two  periods.  During  the  first  he 
simply  developed  the  theories  of  Locke.  He  pub- 
lished in  1746  his  "  Essai  sur  1'  origine  des  connais- 
sanccshumaines"  which  is  a  summary  of  Locke's  "ISs- 
say  concerning  Human  Understanding",  and  in  1749 
his  "Traits  des  systemes"  wherein  he  attacks  the  in- 
nate ideas  and  abstract  systems  of  Descartes,  Male- 
branche,  Leibniz,  Spinoza,  and  Boursier.  The  latter 
period,  devoted  to  more  original  work,  begins  with  the 
Trait(5  des  sensations"  in  1754,  the  central  idea  of 
which  is  to  renew  the  human  vmderstanding  by  a  fun- 
damental analysis  of  the  first  data  of  mental  experience 
in  man's  conscious  life.  In  1755  he  published  his 
"Traits  des  animaux",  a  sequel  to  the  "Traits  des 
sensations";  and  then  his  "Cours  d'etudes"  which 
includes  "Grammaire",  "L'Art  d'^crire",  "L'Art  de 
raisonner",  "L'Art  de  penser",  "L'histoire  g^n^rale 
des  hommes  et  des  empires  ",  edited  in  13  vols.,  Parma, 
1769-1773.  This  w.as  placed  on  the  Index  in  1836. 
In  1776  appeared  his  book  on  "  Le  commerce  et  le 
gouvernement  consid(?r&  relativement  I'un  i  I'autre" 
in  which  he  exposes  his  principles  of  the  right  to  prop- 
erty and  his  theory  of  economics.  In  1780,  a  few  months 
before  his  death,  he  published  his  "Logique",  an  ele- 
mentary treatise  composed  at  the  request  of  the  council 
of  public  instruction  of  Poland.  His  "Langue  des 
oalculs"  was  published  imfinished  only  after  his  death 
in  the  first  complete  edition  of  his  works  (23  vols., 
Paris,  1798). 

Condillac  starts  with  Locke's  empiricism,  but  Locke, 


CONDITION 


211 


CONDITION 


he  thinks,  did  not  go  deeply  enough  into  the  problem 
of  the  origin  of  human  knowledge.  According  to 
Locke  our  Knowledge  hsis  a  two-fold  source,  sensation 
and  reflection ;  according  to  Condillac,  not  only  all  our 
ideas,  but  even  all  our  mental  operations  and  faculties 
spring  from  sensation  alone  as  their  ultimate  source; 
all  are  merely  different  stages  or  forms  in  the  develop- 
ment of  sensation  (sensations  transformies).  He  illus- 
trates his  theory  by  the  hypothesis  of  a  statue,  which, 
inert  at  the  beginning,  is  supposed  to  acquire,  one  by 
one,  the  senses,  from  the  most  elementary,  smell,  to 
the  most  perfect,  touch.  With  this  last  sense  and  its 
impression  of  resistance,  the  statue  which  had  been 
previously  mere  odour,  taste,  colour,  etc.,  now  ac- 
quires the  distinction  between  self  and  non-self. 
When  it  has  all  the  senses,  it  has  also  the  whole  mental 
life.  From  sensation  considered  as  representative 
spring  all  the  faculties  of  the  understanding.  Atten- 
tion is  nothing  but  an  exclusive  sensation.  When  the 
object  is  present  the  impression  is  called  actual  sensa- 
tion; the  impression  which  remains  after  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  object  is  called  memory.  Comparison 
is  nothing  more  than  a  double  attention;  we  cannot' 
compare  two  objects  or  perceive  two  sensations  with- 
out remarking  that  they  are  similar  or  dissimilar;  to 
perceive  similarities  or  differences  is  to  judge;  to  rea- 
son is  to  draw  a  judgment  from  another  judgment 
wherein  it  was  contained.  Moreover,  all  sensation  is 
essentially  affective,  that  is,  painful  or  pleasant;  under 
this  aspect  it  is  the  source  of  all  our  active  faculties. 
Need  is  the  pain  which  results  from  the  privation  of  an 
object  whose  presence  is  demanded  by  nature  or  habit ; 
need  directs  ail  our  energies  towards  this  object;  this 
very  direction  is  what  we  call  desire;  desire  as  a  dom- 
inant habit  is  passion;  will  is  nothing  but  absolute 
desire,  a  desire  made  more  energetic  and  more  perma- 
nent through  hope.  What  we  call  substance  is  simply 
the  collection  of  sensations.  What  we  call  the  ego  is 
simply  the  collection  of  our  sensations.  Is  there  be- 
hind these  sensations  a  something  which  supports 
them?  We  do  not  know.  We  express  and  summa- 
rize our  sensations  by  means  of  words;  we  give  the 
same  name  to  all  the  individual  objects  which  we 
judge  to  be  similar ;  this  name  is  what  we  call  a  general 
idea.  Tlirough  general  ideas  or  names  we  bring  order 
into  our  knowledge;  and  this  is  precisely  the  purpose 
of  reasoning  and  it  is  what  constitutes  science.  Good 
reasoning,  therefore,  consists  essentially  in  speaking 
well.  Ultimately  the  work  of  human  thought  is  to 
pass  from  the  confused  and  complex  content  of  the 
primitive  sensations  to  clear  and  simple  concepts ;  the 
essential  and  the  unique  method  is  analysis  based  on 
the  principle  of  identity,  and  the  perfect  analytical 
method  is  the  mathematical  method.  To  reason  is  to 
calculate ;  what  we  call  progress  in  ideas  is  only  prog- 
ress in  expression.  A  science  is  only  a  well-con- 
structed language,  une  langue  bien  faite,  that  is,  simple, 
with  signs  precisely  determined  according  to  the  laws 
of  analogy.  The  primitive  form  of  language  is  the 
language  of  action  which  is  innate  in  us,  synthetical 
and  confused.  Under  pressure  of  the  need  of  commu- 
nication between  men,  these  actions  are  interpreted  as 
signs,  decomposed,  analyzed,  and  the  spoken  language 
takes  the  place  of  the  language  of  action. 

Condillac's  theory  of  education  is  based  on  the  idea 
that  the  child  in  its  development  must  repeat  the  vari- 
ous states  through  which  the  race  has  passed — an  idea 
which,  with  certain  modifications,  still  survives.  An- 
other of  his  principles,  more  widely  received  at  present, 
is  that  the  educative  process  must  be  shaped  in  accord- 
ance with  natural  development.  He  also  insists  on 
the  necessity  of  establishing  a  connexion  between  the 
various  items  of  knowledge,  and  of  training  the  judg- 
ment rather  than  burdening  the  memory.  The  study 
of  history  holds  a  large  place  in  his  system,  and  religion 
is  of  paramount  importance.  He  insists  that  the 
prince,  for  whom  the  "Cours  d'^tudes"  was  written, 


shall  be  more  thoroughly  instructed  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion than  the  subjects  whom  he  is  later  to  govern. 
On  the  other  hand,  Condillac  has  been  justly  criticized 
for  his  attempt  to  make  the  child  a  logician  and  psychol- 
ogist, even  a  metaphysician,  before  he  has  mastered 
the  elements  of  grammar — a  mistake  which  is  obvi- 
ously due  to  his  error  concerning  the  origin  of  ideas. 
The  system  of  Condillac  ends,  therefore,  in  sensualistic 
empiricism,  nominalism,  and  agnosticism. 

If  Condillac's  works  evince  a  certain  precision  of 
thought  and  vigour  of  reasoning  they  clearly  betray  a 
lack  of  observation  and  of  the  sense  of  reality.  Most 
of  the  time  he  is  blinded  by  the  tendency  to  reduce  all 
processes  of  thought  to  a  single  method,  all  ideas  and 
principles  to  a  single  source.  This  tendency  is  well 
exemplified  in  his  hypothesis  of  the  statue.  He  sup- 
poses it  to  be  mere  passivity;  and  by  this  very  sup- 
position, instead  of  a  man  he  makes  it  a  machine  or,  as 
Cousin  says,  a  sensible  corpse.  He  attempts  to  reduce 
everything  to  mere  sensation  or  impression,  and  in 
reality  every  step  in  what  he  calls  a  transformation  is 
made  under  the  influence  of  an  activity  and  a  principle 
which  dominate  and  interpret  this  sensation,  but  which 
Condillac  confounds  with  it.  It  is  the  operation  of 
this  activity  and  principle  essentially  distinct  from 
sensation,  that  enables  him  to  speak  of  attention, 
comparison,  judgment,  and  personality.  An  attempt 
has  been  made  to  show  that  Condillac  was  the 
forerunner,  in  psychology,  ethics,  and  sociology  of 
the  English  school  represented  by  Mill,  Bain,  and 
Spencer  (Dewaule,  Condillac  et  la  psychologie  an- 
glaise  contemporaine,  Paris,  1 892) ;  but  this  view  seems 
to  overlook  the  influence  of  Locke  upon  his  successors 
in  England  and  the  traditional  tendency  of  English 
philosophical  thought  (cf.  Picavet  in  Revue  philoso- 
phique,  XXXIX,  p.  215). 

CEuvre.i  complHes  (Paris,  1798.  1803,  1821);  LAROMiacifeRE, 
Paradoxes  de  Condillac  ou  TefUxions  sut  la  langue  des  calculs 
(Paris,  1805);  Idem,  Lefons  de  philosophie  (Paris,  1815-18); 
(Cousin,  Hist,  de  la  philosophie  modeme  (Paris,  1827);  Robert, 
Les  theories  logiques  de  Condillac  (Paris,  1869);  RfcTHORfc,  Con- 
dillac ou  I'empiricisme  et  le  ralionalisme  (Paris,  1864);  Mill,  A 
System  of  Logic  (London,  1872),  II,  ii;  Lewes,  Biog.  History  of 
Phil.  (London,  1871),  II. 

G.  M.  Sauvage. 

Condition  (Lat.  conditio,  from  condo,  to  bring,  or 
put,  together;  sometimes,  on  account  of  a  somewhat 
similar  derivative  from  condicere,  confused  with  this) 
is  that  which  is  necessary  or  at  least  conducive  to  the 
actual  operation  of  a  cause,  though  in  itself,  with 
respect  to  the  particular  effect  of  which  it  is  the  con- 
dition, possessing  in  no  sense  the  nature  of  causality. 
Thus  the  notion  of  a  condition  is  not  that  of  a  real 
principle  such  as  actually  gives  existence  to  the  effect 

Eroduced  (which  is  the  case  in  the  notion  of  cause); 
ut  rather  of  a  circumstance,  or  set  of  circumstances, 
in  which  the  cause  readily  acts,  or  in  which  alone  it 
can  act.  Thus  a  suflScient  light  is  a  condition  of  my 
writing,  though  it  in  no  sense  is,  as  I  myself  am,  the 
cause  of  the  act  of  writing.  The  writing  is  the  effect 
of  the  writer,  and  not  of  the  light  by  which  it  was 
performed.  A  condition  is  also  to  be  distinguished 
from  an  occasion,  which  latter  imports  no  more  than 
an  event,  or  thing,  by  reason  of  the  presence  of  which 
any  other  event,  or  thing,  takes  place — as,  for  exam- 
ple, the  passage  of  the  king  in  state  is  the  occasion  of 
my  removing  my  hat — while  the  action,  or  actual 
operation,  of  the  cause  is  absolutely  dependent  upon 
the  presence  of  this  particular  one,  or  of  some  condi- 
tion. Condition  is,  for  this  reason,  distinguished, 
with  respect  to  the  operation  of  any  particular  cause, 
(1)  as  the  condition  sine  quA  non,  or  condition  without 
the  presence  of  which  this  cause  is  wholly  inoperative, 
an<l  (2)  as  the  condition  simply  such — when  some 
one  of  several  possible  ones  is  necessary  to  the  actual 
operation  of  the  cause.  To  the  former  class  belong 
such  conditions  as  can  be  supplied  by  no  others,  such 
as,  for  example,  that  of  the  combustion  of  wood.    A 


CONDITION 


212 


CONDITION 


fire  will  not  burn  wood  unless  applied  to  it.  The 
application  of  the  fire  to  the  wood  is  said  to  be  a  con- 
dition sine  qu6  non  of  the  burning  of  the  wood  by  the 
fire.  A  condition  may  further  be  considered  in  one 
of  two  different  forms,  either  as  preparing,  disposing, 
or  applying  the  causality  of  a  cause  towards  its  exer- 
cise in  the  production  of  an  effect,  or  as  removing 
some  obstacle  that  hinders  the  action  of  the  cause. 
This  latter  form  of  condition  is  sometimes  known  as 
the  causa  remuve.ns  prohibens.  The  blinds  of  a  room 
must  be  drawn  up  in  order  that  the  sunlight  may 
enter  and  illuminate  the  objects  in  it.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  tliis  is  really  a  condition,  and  not  a  cause, 
of  the  event  considered.  The  illumination  of  the 
objects  in  the  room  is  the  effect  of  the  simliglit  enter- 
ing it.  This  same  distinction  appears  in  the  "neces- 
sary", or  "sufficient"  conditions,  much  employed  in 
mathematical  science.  A  sufficient  concUtion  is  one 
in  which,  when  the  antecedent  is  present,  it  is  always 
followed  by  the  consequent.  A  necessary  condition 
is  one  in  which  the  consequent  never  exists  unless 
this  particular  antecedent  be  given. 

Some  modern  systems  of  philosophy  regard  condi- 
tion in  the  sense  of  what  in  the  Scholastic  view  would 
be  called  accidental  mocUfication.  Thus  Kant  up- 
holds the  assertion  that  time  and  space  contlition,  or 
are  the  conditions  of,  our  experience,  as  a  priori  forms. 
In  tliis  sense  also,  Hegel  makes  the  conditioned  entity 
equivalent  to  the  finite  entity;  as  it  would  indeed  also 
be  considered  in  Scholastic  thought.  That  which  has 
accidents,  or  is  conditioned  in  the  sense  of  limitations 
or  definition,  is  necessarily,  as  contingent,  in  sharp 
distinction  to  the  absolute.  John  Stuart  Mill  would 
have  the  framework,  or  complete  setting  in  which 
anything  exists  accounted  as  its  conditions;  and  all 
the  necessary  antecedents,  or  conditions,  the  cause  of 
the  thing.  Thus  it  would  be  conditioned  by  its  complex 
relationships — again  an  accidental  modification  in  the 
Scholastic  sense.  We  consequently  find,  in  modern 
philosophical  usage  generally,  and  especially  since 
Hamilton's  theory  of  the  Unconditioned  was  formu- 
lated, that  the  "conditioned"  and  the  "uncondi- 
tioned" are  used  as  equivalents  of  the  "necessary" 
and  "contingent"  of  the  Schoolmen,  in  the  sense  that 
the  "necessary"  entity  is  conceived  of  as  absolute  of 
all  determination  other  than  its  own  aseity,  while  all 
"contingent"  entity  is  defined  and  limited  by  a  com- 
position in  which  one  of  the  factors  is  potentiality. 
Hamilton's  philosophy  of  the  Unconditioned  works 
out  curiously  in  the  department  of  ontology.  His 
views  were  first  given  to  the  world  in  the  form  of  an 
article  in  the  Edinburgh  Review  (October,  1829),  in 
which  he  criticized  the  philosophy  of  Cousin  with 
regard  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Absolute.  Victor 
Cousin  maintained  that  we  possess  an  immediate 
knowledge  of  the  Unconditioned,  Absolute,  or  Infinite 
in  consciousness.  According  to  Hamilton,  the  Un- 
conditioned is  either  the  unconditionally  limited  or 
the  unconditionally  unlimited.  In  either  case  the 
Unconditioned  is  unthinkable.  For  all  human  knowl- 
edge is  relative,  in  that,  "of  existence,  absolutely  and 
in  itself,  we  know  nothing"  (Met.,  Lect.  viii).  As  a 
consequence  of  this  doctrine  of  the  relativity  of  knowl- 
edge, it  follows  that  we  are  incapable  of  knowing  that 
which  is  unconditioned  by  relativity.  "The  mind 
can  conceive,  and  consequently  can  know  only  the 
limited,  and  the  conditionally  limited".  "Condi- 
tional limitation",  he  says  again  (Logic,  Lect.  v)  "is 
the  fundamental  law  of  the  possibility  of  thought." 
Hence,  while  the  Unconditioned  may  exist,  we  cannot 
know  it  by  experience,  intuition,  or  reasoning.  Ham- 
ilton undertakes  to  explain  his  doctrine  by  the  illus- 
tration of  the  whole  and  the  part.  It  is  impossible 
to  conceiv(!  a  whole  to  which  addition  may  not  be 
made,  a  part  from  which  something  may  not  he  taken 
away.  Hence  the  two  extreme  unconilitioiiates  are 
Bucli,  that  neither  can  be  conceived  as  possible,  but 


one  of  them  must  be  admitted  as  necessary.  Of  this, 
the  Unconditioned,  we  have  no  notion  either  negative 
or  positive.  It  is  not  an  object  of  thought.  From 
such  considerations  it  follows  that  we  cannot  conclude 
either  as  to  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  the  Ab- 
solute. On  the  other  hand,  while  our  knowledge  is  of 
the  limited,  related,  and  finite,  our  beUef  may  go  out 
to  that  which  has  none  of  these  characteristics. 
Though  we  cannot  know,  we  may  believe — and,  by 
reason  of  a  supernatural  revelation,  if  such  be  given, 
must  believe — in  the  existence  of  the  Unconditioned 
as  above  and  beyond  all  that  which  is  conceivable  by 
us.  Mill  very  carefully  examines  Hamilton's  use  of 
the  word  inconceivable,  and  finds  that  it  is  appUed  in 
three  senses,  in  one  of  which  all  that  is  inexplicable, 
including  the  first  principles,  is  heki  to  be  inconceiv- 
able. The  same  doctrine  was  advanced,  in  a  sUghtly 
modified  form,  by  Dean  Mansel,  in  the  Bampton  Lec- 
ture of  1858.  Whatever  knowledge  we  are  capable 
of  acquiring  of  the  L^nconditioned  is  negative.  As 
we  can  rationally,  therefore,  form  no  positive  notion 
or  concept  of  God,  our  reason  must  be  helped  and  sup- 
plemented by  our  faith  in  revelation.  Both  Mansel's 
and  Hamilton's  expositions  of  the  doctrine  of  rela- 
tivity are  in  reality  assertions  of  rational,  or  pliilo- 
sophical,  agnosticism. 

Thus,  while  professing  to  be  theists,  writers  of  this 
stamp  are  not  properly  to  be  accounted  such  in  the 
strictly  philosophical  sense.  The  rational  agnos- 
ticism that  lies  at  the  base  of  their  theistic  system, 
necessitating,  as  it  does,  an  appeal  to  faith  and  rev- 
elation, \'itiates  it  as  a  philosophy.  The  thesis  ad- 
vanced by  them  may,  however,  be  criticized  and 
amended  in  the  following  manner.  It  is  true  that  the 
entire  content  of  the  L^niverse  must  be  regarded,  in 
comparison  with  its  Creator,  as  limited  or  condi- 
tioned. It  does  not  therefore  follow  that  no  rational 
inference  can  be  drawn  from  the  conditioned  to  the 
Absolute.  On  the  contrary,  the  nerve  of  the  theistic 
inference,  tacitly,  if  not  expressly,  presupposed  in  all 
forms  of  the  theistic  argument,  lies  in  the  Thomistic 
distinction  between  the  Necessary  and  the  possible 
(or  contingent).  The  existence  of  contingent  beings, 
limited  or  conditioned  things,  postulates  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Necessary  Being,  the  one  Unlimited  and 
Unconditioned  Thing.  The  argument  in  its  devel- 
oped form  may  be  seen  in  the  article  Theism.  But 
it  may  be  here  pointed  out  that  the  inference  from 
the  contingent  to  the  Necessary — necessitated,  as 
it  is,  by  the  normal  psychological  action  of  the  dis- 
cursive reason — presupposes  certain  principles  which 
are  not  always  kept  clearly  in  \'iew.  The  Scholastic 
synthesis  recognizes  the  reality  of  the  contingent.  It 
a.sserts  that  the  hvunan  intelligence  can  rise  above  the 
phenomena  of  sense-perception  to  the  actual  sub- 
stance that  prov-ides  a  basis  and  offers  a  rational  ex- 
planation, at  the  same  time  psychological  and  onto- 
logical,  of  and  for  these.  And  it  is  in  the  changes  and 
alterations  of  "substance"  (see  Hylomorphism) 
that  it  perceives  the  essential  contingency  of  all 
created  things.  From  this  perception  it  rises,  by  a 
strictly  arginnentative  process,  to  the  assertion  of  the 
Necessary  or  Unconditioned — and  this  with  no  appeal 
either  to  revelation  or  to  faith.  The  knowledge  of  the 
Unconditioned  thus  reached  is  of  two  kinds:  firstly, 
that  the  Unconditioned  is,  and  that  its  existence  is 
necessarily  to  be  inferred  from  the  existence  of  the 
possible  or  contingent  (conditioned) ;  secondly,  that, 
as  Unconditioned,  or  Necessary,  the  conceptions  that 
we  possess  of  it  are  to  be  found  princiiially  by  the  way 
of  the  negation  of  imperfections.  Thus  the  Uncon- 
ditioned, with  regard  to  time,  is  Eternal;  with  regard 
to  space,  I'nlimited,  Infinite,  Omnipresent;  w^ith  re- 
gard to  power,  Omnipotent;  and  so  on  through  the 
categories,  removing  the  imperfections  anil  asserting 
the  jileiiitude  of  perfection.  The  argument  may  be 
found   slated   in   the   "Summa  Theologica"   of   St. 


CONDITIONAL 


213 


CONFERENCES 


Thomas  (I,  Q.  ii.  a.  3),  where  it  is  given  as  the  third 
uiiy  of  knowing  Utrum  Dcus  sit. 

!Sr.  Thomas  AgiiNAS,  Summa  Thcol.,  I,  Q.  ii,  a.  3;  Frick, 
Ontotogui  (Freiburg  im  Br..  1897);  Idem.  Logica  (Freihiirg  im 
Br.,  1896);  Haan.  Philosophia  Naturalis  (2iid  ed.,  Freiburg 
im  Br.,  1S9S);  Balmes.  Fundamental  Philosophy,  tr.  Brown- 
son  (2nd  ed..  New  York,  1896);  Avelinq.  The  Necesxanj 
Inference  in  Dublin  Review  (October.  1901);  Hamilton.  On 
the  Philosophy  of  the  Unconditioned  in  Edinburgh  Review  (Octo- 
ber, 1829);  Idem,  Discussions  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1852); 
Idem,  Lectures  on  Metaphysics  and  Logic,  ed.  Mansel  and 
Veitch  (London  and  Edinburgh,  1859-60);  Mansel,  Limits 
of  Religious  Thought  (Oxford  and  London,  185S);  Idem.  Philos- 
ophy of  the  Conditioned  (London  and  Edinburgh.  1866);  Mill, 
Examination  of  Sir  William  Hamilton's  Philosophy  (London, 
1865);   Idem,  Logic  (London.  1843). 

Francis  Aveling. 

Conditional  Baptism.     See  Baptism. 

Conecte,  Thomas,  Carmelite  reformer,  b.  at  Rennes 
towards  the  end  of  the  fourteentli  century;  d.  at 
Rome,  1433.  He  joined  tlie  Carmelites  and  distin- 
guished himself  by  indiscreet  zeal.  He  preached  with 
much  success  at  Cambrai.  Tournai.  Arras,  etc.,  in  his 
sermons  veliemently  denouncing  the  prevailing  fash- 
ions in  female  headgear,  with  the  result  that  those 
wlio  dressed  thus  at  his  sermons  despoiled  themselves 
forthwith  of  their  ornaments;  gamblers  al.so  burned 
their  playing  cards  and  dices.  Having  inveighed 
against  the  disedifjnng  life  of  certain  priests,  he  had  to 
seek  safety  in  flight.  He  now  strove  to  reform  his 
own  order,  for  which  purpose  he  went  to  Italy,  where 
with  some  others  he  introduced  a  strict  observance  in 
the  convent  near  Florence,  wliich  gradually  developed 
into  the  Congregation  of  Mantua.  He  visited  this 
latter  convent  in  1432  and  thence  proceeded  to  Venice, 
and  finally  to  Rome,  where  tlie  manners  of  the  Curia 
provoked  anew  his  violent  language  and  occasioned 
a  charge  of  conspiracy  against  the  pope.  Appre- 
hended at  the  instigation  of  the  procurator  and  of 
Cardinal  de  la  Roche-Taille,  protector  of  the  order, 
he  was  condemned  as  a  heretic  and  publicly  burned. 
It  was  said  that  Eugene  IV  was  afterwards  sorry  for 
this  sentence,  which,  if  not  unjust,  was  certainly  too 
severe;  but  this  does  not  justify  certain  Carmelite 
authors  considering  him  a  saint,  as  several  whom  Bale 
quotes  have  done. 

■  to 

ir    1 — 

jr.  II.  cap.  xlii;  de  S.  Etienne,  Bibli- 

B.  Zimmerman. 

Conference  of  Catholic  Colleges.  See  Educa- 
tional Association,  C.\tholic. 

Conferences,  Ecclesiastical,  are  meetings  of 
clerics  for  the  purpose  of  discussing,  in  general,  mat- 
ters pertaining  to  their  state  of  life,  and,  in  particular, 
questions  of  moral  theology  and  liturgy. 

Historical  Sketch. — The  origin  of  ecclesiastical 
conferences  has  been  sought  in  the  assemblies  of 
hermits  of  the  Egyptian  deserts.  As  early  as  the 
third  century,  it  was  customary  for  these  anchorites  to 
meet  together  to  discu.ss  matters  relating  to  asceti- 
cism and  the  eremitical  life.  When,  later  on,  mona.s- 
teries  were  instituted,  somewhat  similar  conferences 
were  held  among  the  monks.  There  seems,  however, 
to  bo  little  in  common  between  these  monastic  assem- 
blies and  the  pastoral  collations,  or  conferences,  of 
the  present  time.  The  more  direct  source  of  the  lat- 
ter are  the  quasi-synodal  meetings  of  the  clergy 
ordained  by  various  decrees  of  the  ninth  century,  such 
as  those  of  Hincmar  of  Reims  and  Riculfus  of  Sion 
in  Switzerland,  and  the  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne. 
Such  a-ssemblies  were  looked  upon  as  supplements  of, 
or  pcnihints  to,  the  diocesan  synods,  and  were  in- 
tended principally  for  those  of  the  clergy  who  found 
it  difficult  or  impossible  to  assist  at  the  regular  synods. 
These  clerics  were  ordered  to  meet  at  a  convenient 
place,  in  their  various  districts,  under  the  presidency 
of  the  dean  or  archdeacon,  and  their  assemblies  were 


called  CalendcB,  because  held  on  the  first  of  the  month. 
Other  terms  applied  to  such  meetings  were  consis- 
tories, sessions,  and  capitular  conferences.  We  find 
them  prescribed  in  England  by  the  Council  of  Exeter 
in  1131  and  the  Council  of  London  in  1237.  In  the 
sixteenth  century  ecclesiastical  conferences  received  a 
new  impulse.  St.  Ignatius  Loyola  prescribed  them 
in  his  constitution  (1540)  for  members  of  his  order. 
Later,  Clement  VIII  and  Urban  VIII  commanded 
that  all  houses  of  the  regular  clergy  have  conferences 
twice  a  week  on  matters  jjertaining  to  moral  theology 
and  Holy  Scripture.  The  main  promoter  of  confer- 
ences among  the  secular  clergy  was  St.  Charles  Bor- 
romeo,  ArchbLshop  of  Milan,  who  treated  of  them 
specifically  in  a  synod  at  Milan  in  1565,  when  intro- 
ducing the  reforms  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Trent. 
Cardinal  Borromeo  ordered  that  tlie  conferences  be 
held  monthly,  and  that  they  be  presided  over  by  the 
vicar  forane  or  dean.  Gradually  the  custom  spread 
through  the  various  ecclesiastical  provinces;  and  at 
present  these  meetings  are  held  in  accordance  with 
laws  promulgated  in  plenary  or  provincial  councils 
or  synods.  Many  of  the  popes  have  strongly  urged 
on  the  bishops  of  various  countries  the  necessity  and 
utility  of  the  conferences,  and  Innocent  XIII  com- 
manded that  when  bishops  make  their  visit  to  Rome 
(ad  limina)  they  should  report,  among  other  things, 
whether  clergy  conferences  are  held  in  their  dioceses. 
There  seems,  however,  to  be  no  general  law  of  the 
Church  which  makes  these  ecclesiastical  meetings 
obligatory. 

DiocES.\N  Laws. — The  holding  of  conferences  has 
been  introduced  among  the  clergy  of  all  English- 
speaking  countries,  in  virtue  of  ordinances  promul- 
gated at  councils  or  synods.  Thus  the  Second 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1806)  declares:  "As  an 
adjunct  to  diocesan  synods  and  in  lieu  of  their  fre- 
quent celebration,  let  there  be  theological  conferences 
of  the  priests,  which  will  preserve  the  rudiments  of 
the  sacred  science  in  the  minds  of  all,  promote  a 
healthy  and  uniform  method  for  the  direction  of  souls, 
dispel  mental  inertia,  and  afford  an  opportunity  for 
eliminating  abuses.  We  greatly  desire  that  these 
conferences  be  held  four  times  a  year  by  priests  who 
can  conveniently  meet;  and  in  the  rural  districts  at 
least  twice  a  year.  All  who  have  care  of  souls, 
whether  seculars  or  regulars,  should  attend  them" 
(No.  68).  The  Third  Plenary  Council  (1884)  treats 
in  title  v  of  the  education  of  the  clergy  and  devotes 
the  fifth  chapter  to  theological  collations  or  confer- 
ences. It  quotes  the  words  of  Pope  Benedict  XIV: 
"Some  priests  who  are  at  first  admirable  directors  of 
souls  later  lose  their  previous  knowledge  of  moral 
theology,  by  neglect  of  study,  so  that  from  being 
masters  of  the  science  they  can  scarcely  be  called 
novices  in  it,  since  they  retain  only  confused  and  im- 
perfect recollections  of  its  first  rudiments."  In  con- 
sequence, the  Fathers  of  Baltimore  renew  the  decree 
of  the  previous  plenary  council  as  to  the  frequency  of 
these  conferences,  and,  after  declaring  them  obliga- 
tory on  all  having  care  of  souls,  they  add :  "  Nor  can 
those  confessors  consider  themselves  exempt,  who, 
although  not  attached  to  any  certain  church,  hear  the 
confessions  of  religious  women  in  their  convents  or  of 
laymen  in  public  churches.  Those  who  frequently 
absent  themselves  without  legitimate  cause  and  the 
permission  of  the  Ordinary  should  be  punished." 
The  Second  Council  of  Quebec  (18.54)  declares  (Deer. 
14):  "Ecclesiastical  conferences  will  promote  zeal  and 
love  for  study.  Every  one  knows  how  useful  they 
are  for  increasing  mutual  charity  among  priests  and 
for  instructing  and  confirming  them  in  .sacred  doc- 
trine. We  desire  all,  especially  those  who  have 
pastoral  duties,  to  assist  at  them  faithfully  according 
to  the  method  and  time  prescribed  by  their  bishops.' 
For  Ireland,  the  National  Synod  of  Thurles  (1850) 
ordained:    "Since  what  the  pastors  have  learnt  as 


CONFESSION 


214 


CONFESSIONS 


scholars  can  easily  be  forgotten,  unless  it  be  called  to 
memory  by  use,  we  recommend  that  theological  con- 
ferences be  held  according  to  custom,  at  least  four 
times  a  year.  In  them  such  questions  as  pertain  to 
practice  should  be  especially  treated."  We  find  the 
following  decree  (No.  6)  emanating  from  the  First 
Provincial  Council  of  Australia  (1844):  "We  ordain 
that  theological  conferences  be  held  in  every  deanery, 
at  least  three  times  a  year,  where  it  can  be  done  with- 
out great  inconvenience."  In  1852,  the  First  Provin- 
cial Council  of  Westminster  (Deer.  24)  made  the  fol- 
lowing rules  for  England :  "  We  desire  most  earnestly 
that  conferences  on  moral  questions  or  on  other  theo- 
logical or  liturgical  matters  be  held  in  all  dioceses  at 
certain  stated  times.  According  to  locality,  let  the 
bishops  determine,  whether  the  whole  clergy  of  the 
diocese  should  convene  together  under  the  bishop's 
presidency,  or  whether  a  number  of  conferences  be 
held  in  different  vicariates  under  the  presidency  of 
the  vicars  forane.  The  Obligation  to  attend  these 
conferences  and  take  part  in  them  is  binding  on  all 
secular  priests  and  on  all  regulars  (saving  their  rights) 
having  cure  of  souls."  As  to  regulars,  we  have  the 
following  provision  in  the  "Romanos  Pontifices"  of 
Leo  XIII:  "We  declare  that  all  rectors  of  missions, 
by  reason  of  their  office,  must  assist  at  the  conferences 
of  the  clergy;  and  we  also  decree  and  command  that 
there  be  present  likewise  the  vicars  and  other  regulars, 
having  the  usual  missionary  faculties,  who  reside  in 
small  communities."  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  pope 
simply  "declares"  religious  rectors  to  have  an  obliga- 
tion to  assist  at  the  conferences,  for  this  is  in  accord- 
ance with  common  law;  but  as  he  derogates  from  that 
law  in  prescribing  that  other  regular  missionaries  who 
dwell  in  small  communities  should  also  attend,  he  uses 
the  words  decree  and  command.  The  pope  gives  the 
reason  why  he  makes  the  distinction  between  regulars 
inhabiting  large  and  small  communities;  the  former 
have  their  own  domestic  conferences,  the  latter  either 
do  not  have  them  at  all,  or  they  are  not  likely  to  be 
fruitful. 

Subject  Matter  of  Conferences. — Among  the 
questions  to  be  answered  by  bishops  at  the  visit  ad 
limina  is:  "Are  conferences  held  on  moral  theology 
or  cases  of  conscience,  and  also  on  sacred  rites?  How 
often  are  they  held,  who  attend  them,  and  what  results 
are  obtained  from  them?"  It  is  evident  from  this 
question  that  the  main  matters  to  be  discussed  are 
those  pertaining  to  moral  theology  and  liturgy.  If 
these  be  given  proper  consideration,  other  subjects 
may  also  be  considered,  such  as  questions  of  dogmatic 
theology,  canon  law,  Biblical  science,  and  similar 
things.  According  to  the  prescriptions  of  St.  Charles 
Borromeo,  a  case  of  conscience  should  be  proposed  at 
these  meetings  and  each  one  present  should,  in  turn, 
be  asked  his  opinion.  After  this,  the  presiding  officer 
makes  a  short  simimaiy  and  gives  his  decision.  The 
Third  Council  of  Baltimore  wishes  that  questions  be 
proposed  by  the  bishops  on  matters  of  discipline  and 
doctrine.  Cases  of  conscience  are  to  be  solved  in 
writing  by  all  who  attend:  but  only  two,  chosen  by 
lot,  are  to  read  their  solutions.  Questions  on  Sacred 
Scripture,  dogmatic  theology,  canon  law,  and  sacred 
liturgy  are  to  be  answered  by  those  who  have  been 
appointed  for  the  purpose  at  the  pre\'ious  conference. 
The  Provincial  Council  of  Tuam,  Ireland  (1817), 
obliges  all  who  caimot  attend  the  meeting  to  send 
their  solution  of  the  cases  in  writing.  The  First 
Council  of  Quebec  made  a  similar  decree.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Westminster  requires  that  all  who  come  should 
be  prepared  to  respond  to  questions  concerning  the 
matters  proposed.  The  Provincial  Council  of  the 
English,  Dutch,  and  Danish  colonies  (1854)  prescribes 
that  the  dean  send  the  solution  of  the  cases  either  to 
the  bishop  or  to  some  priest  whom  the  latter  sh.all 
designate.  Among  the  decrees  of  the  First  Council 
of  Westminster  (No.  24)  is  the  following:     "The  con- 


ferences are  obliged  to  send  to  the  bishop  the  solutions 
of  the  cases  or  the  conclusions  reached,  to  be  examined 
and  corrected  by  him.  Each  bishop  in  his  own  dio- 
cese is  to  determine  the  method  to  be  observed  and  the 
matters  to  be  considered  in  the  conferences."  Pius 
IX  wrote  as  follows  to  the  bishops  of  Austria  in  1856: 
"Let  conferences,  especially  concerning  moral  theol- 
ogy and  sacred  rites,  be  instituted  by  you,  which  all 
the  priests  should  attend  and  bring  in  writing  the 
explanation  of  a  question  proposed  by  you.  They 
should  also  discuss,  for  such  length  of  time  as  you  may 
prescribe,  matters  connected  with  moral  theology 
and  ritual  practice,  after  some  one  of  the  priests  has 
delivered  a  discourse  on  the  particular  obligations  of 
the  sacerdotal  order." 

Ada  ct  Dicrela  Cone.  Reccnlior.  Coll.  Lacensis  (Freiburg, 
1S75).  Ill,  s.  V.  Collationes:  Ldcidi,  De  Visit.  S.  Liminum 
(Rome,  1S99).  I;  Andke-Wagner,  Diet,  du  droit  canon. 
(Pari.?,  1901),  I;  Thom.issin,  Vili,:<  ac  nova  eccl.  discipl.,  pt.  II, 
bk.  Ill,  ch.  Ixxiv  and  Ixxva;    Sch.neemann  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Confession  (Lat.  confessio). — Originally  used  to 
designate  the  burial-place  of  a  confessor  or  martyr 
(known  also  as  a  memoria  or  iiapTvpiov),  this  term 
gradually  came  to  have  a  variety  of  applications:  the 
altar  erected  over  the  grave ;  the  underground  cubicu- 
ium  which  contained  the  tomb;  the  high  altar  of  the 
basilica  erected  over  the  confession;  later  on  in  the 
Middle  Ages  the  basilica  itself  (Joan.  Bar.,  De  invent. 
s.  Sabini) ;  and  finally  the  new  resting-place  to  which 
the  remains  of  a  martyr  had  been  transferred  (Rui- 
nart,  II,  35).  In  case  of  translation  the  relics  of  a  mar- 
tyr were  deposited  in  a  crypt  below  the  high  altar,  or 
in  a  hollow  space  beneath  the  altar,  behind  a  transenna 
or  pierced  marble  screen  such  as  were  used  in  the  cata- 
combs. Thus  the  tomb  was  left  accessible  to  the 
faithful  who  wished  to  touch  the  shrine  with  cloths 
(brandea)  to  be  venerated  in  their  turn  as  "relics". 
In  the  Roman  church  of  S.  Clemente  the  urn  contain- 
ing the  remains  of  St.  Clement  and  St.  Ignatius  of 
Antioch  is  visible  behind  such  a  transenna.  Later  still 
the  term  confession  was  adopted  for  the  hollow  reli- 
quary in  an  altar  (Ordo  Rom.  de  dedic.  altaris).  The 
oil  from  the  numerous  lamps  kept  lighted  in  a  confes- 
sion was  considered  as  a  relic.  Among  the  most  fa- 
mous subterranean  confessions  of  Ro!ne  are  those  in 
the  churches  of  S.  Martinoai  Monti;  S.  Lorenzo  fuori 
le  Mure,  containing  the  bodies  of  St.  Laurence  and  St. 
Stephen ;  S.  Prassede  containing  the  bodies  of  the  two 
sisters  Sts.  Praxedes  and  Pudentiana.  The  most  cele- 
brated confession  is  that  of  St.  Peter.  Over  the  tomb 
of  the  Apostle  Pope  St.  Anacletus  built  a  memoria. 
which  Constantine  when  building  his  basilica  replaced 
with  the  Confession  of  St.  Peter.  Behind  the  brass 
statues  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  is  the  niche  over  the 
grated  floor  which  covers  the  tomb.  In  this  niche 
is  the  gold  coffer,  the  work  of  Benvenuto  Cellini 
which  contains  the  palliums  to  be  sent  to  archbishops 
de  corpore  b.  Petri  according  to  the  Constitution  "  Re- 
rum  ecclesiasticarum "  of  Benedict  XIV  (12  Aug., 
1748).  All  through  the  Middle  Ages  the  palliums 
after  being  blessed  were  let  down  through  the  grating 
on  to  the  tomb  of  the  Ajiostle,  where  they  remained  for 
a  whole  night  (Phillips,  Kirchenrecht,  V,  624,  n.  61). 
During  the  restoration  of  the  present  basilica  in 
1594  the  floor  gave  way,  revealing  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter  and  on  it  the  golden  cross  weighing  150  pounds 
placed  there  by  Constantine,  and  inscribed  with  his 
own  and  his  mother's  names. 

Heuskr  in  Khaus.  Real-Encuk.,s.  v.  Confessio;  Chandlery, 
Pilgrim  Walks  %n  Rome  (London,  1905). 

F.    M.    RUDGE. 

Confession,  Sacramental.     See  Penance. 
Confessional.     See  Penance. 
Confession  Books.     See  Penitentials. 
Confessions  of  Faith.    See  Faith,  Confessions 


CONFESSOR 


215 


CONFIRMATION 


Confessor. — (1)  Etymology  and  primitive  mcan- 
iH;;.--The  word  confessor  is  derived  from  the  Latin 
confitcri,  to  confess,  to  profess,  but  it  is  not  found  in 
writers  of  the  classical  period,  having  been  first  used 
by  the  Christians.  With  them  it  was  a  title  of  honour 
to  designate  those  brave  champions  of  the  Faith  who 
had  confessed  Christ  publicly  in  time  of  persecution 
and  had  been  punished  with  imprisonment,  torture, 
ixile,  or  labour  in  the  mines,  remaining  faithful  in 
their  confession  until  the  end  of  their  lives.  The 
tille  thus  distinguished  them  from  the  martyrs,  who 
were  so  called  because  they  imderwent  death  for  the 
Faith.  The  first  clear  evidence  of  the  distinction 
i list  spoken  of  is  found  in  an  epitaph  which  is  recorded 
\'y  De  Rossi  (Bullettino  di  archeologia  cristiana,  1864, 
p  .iO):  "A  Domino  coronati  sunt  beati  confessores 
iMinites  martjTum  Aurelius  Diogenes  confessor  et 
\  aleria  Felicissima  vivi  in  Deo  feeerunt"  [The 
lilcssed  confessors,  companions  of  the  martyrs,  have 
\<i-vn  crowned  by  the  Lord.  Aurelius  Diogenes,  con- 
fessor, and  Valeria  Felicissima,  put  up  (this  monument) 
during  their  lifetime].  Among  writers  St.  Cyprian 
is  the  first  in  whose  works  it  occurs  (Ep.  xxxvii) :  "  Is 
denium  confessor  illustris  et  verus  est  de  quo  post- 
modum  non  erubescit  Ecclesia  sed  gloriatur "  (That 
confessor,  indeed,  is  illustrious  and  true  for  whom  the 
Church  does  not  afterwards  blush,  but  of  whom  she 
boasts) ;  he  shows  in  the  pa-ssage  that  suffering  alone 
for  the  Faith  did  not  merit  the  title  of  confessor  unless 
perseverance  to  the  end  had  followed.  In  this  mean- 
ing the  title  is  of  more  frequent  occurrence  in  the 
Christian  WTiters  of  the  fourth  century.  Sidonius 
ApoUinaris  (Carmen  xvii),  to  quote  one  instance, 
writes,  "Sed  confessorem  virtutiuu  signa  sequuntur" 
(But  signs  of  power  follow  the  confessor).  A  similar 
use  may  be  verified  in  Lactantius,  "  De  morte  perse- 
cut.",  XXXV ;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  Ixxxii,  7;  Prudentius, 
IIcpi  a-Te<f>.,  55,  etc. 

(2)  Later  meaning. — After  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century  we  find  confessor  used  to  designate  those 
men  of  remarkable  virtue  and  knowledge  who  con- 
fessed the  Faith  of  Christ  before  the  world  by  the  prac- 
tice of  the  most  heroic  virtue,  by  their  wTitings  and 
preachings,  and  in  consequence  began  to  be  objects 
of  veneration,  and  had  chapels  (martyrin)  erected  in 
their  honour,  which  in  the  previous  centuries  had  been 
the  especial  privilege  of  the  martyrs.  In  the  Eastern 
Church  the  first  confessors  who  received  a  public  cul- 
tus  were  the  abbots  St.  .\nthony  and  St.  Hilarion,  also 
St.  Philogonus  and  St.  Athanasius.  In  the  West 
Pope  St.  Silvester  was  so  venerated  even  before  St. 
Martin  of  Tours,  as  can  be  shown  from  the  "Kalen- 
darium"  published  by  Fouteau — a  dociunent  which 
is  certainly  of  the  time  of  Pope  Liberius  (cf .  "  Prjeno- 
tata"  in  the  aforesaid  "  Kalcndarium",  iv). 

(3)  Modern  meaning. — Since  the  time  when  the 
Roman  pontiffs  reserved  to  themselves  definite  decis- 
ion in  causes  of  canonization  and  beatification,  the 
title  of  confessor  (pontiff,  non-pontiff,  doctor)  belongs 
only  to  those  men  who  have  distinguished  themselves 
by  heroic  virtue  which  God  has  approved  by  miracles, 
and  who  have  been  solemnly  adjudged  this  title  by 
the  Church  and  propo.sed  by  her  to  the  faithful  a,s  ob- 
jects of  their  veneration.  (See  M.\rtyrs;  Persecu- 
tions; Beatification  AND  Canonization.)  For  the 
office  of  confessor  in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  see 
Penance,  Sacrament  op. 

Benedict  XIV,  De  Srrvorum  Dei  Bealificatione  et  Beatorum 
Canonizaiwne,  I.  v,  no.  3  sqq.;  Innocent  III,  De  Mj/sl.  Mis.-;., 
Ill,  x;  Bellarmine,  De  A/i-swi.  II,  xx.  no.  ,'>;  Martigny,  Did. 
des  aniiquilejt  ehrfliennes,  s.  v.;  Peters  in  Kraus,  lieal-Encyk., 
8.  v.;    LcFT  in  Kirrhrnlex.,  s.  v.  Bekenner. 

Camillus  Beccari. 

Confirmation,  a  sacrament  in  which  the  Holy 
Ghost  Ls  given  to  those  already  baptized  in  order  to 
make  them  strong  and  perfect  Christians  and  soldiers 
of  Jesus  Christ.     It  has  been  variously  designated :  /3e- 


/3a(w(ri5  or  confirmalio,  a  making  fast  or  sure ;  Te\(lu<ra 
or  consummatio,  a  perfecting  or  completing,  as  ex- 
pressing its  relation  to  baptism.  With  reference  to  its 
effect  it  is  the  "Sacrament  of  the  Holy  Chost",  the 
"Sacrament  of  the  Seal"  (signnculum,  sigillum,  o-ippa- 
yts).  From  the  external  rite  it  is  known  iis  the  "  im- 
position of  hands"  (iirWeais  x"pwi'),  or  as  "anointing 
with  chrism"  (unctio,  chrisrmilio,  xp'^Aia,  ijjjpov).  The 
names  at  present  in  use  are,  for  the  \Vestem  Church, 
confirmatio,  and  for  the  Greek,  rb  inipov. 

I.  Present  Practice  and  Doctrine. — Rile. — In 
the  Western  Church  the  sacrament  is  usually  adminis- 
tered by  the  bishop.  At  the  beginning  of  the  cere- 
mony there  is  a  general  imposition  of  hands,  the  bishop 
meantime  praying  that  the  Holy  Ghost  may  come 
down  upon  those  who  have  alreacly  been  regenerated: 
"send  forth  upon  them  thy  sevenfold  Spirit,  the  Holy 
Paraclete."  He  then  anoints  the  forehead  of  each  with 
chrism,  saying:  "  I  sign  thee  with  the  sign  of  the  cross 
and  confirm  thee  with  the  chrism  of  salvation,  in  the 
name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost."  Finally  he  gives  each  a  slight  blow  on  the 
cheek  saying:  "peace  be  with  thee".  A  prayer  is 
added  that  the  Holy  Spirit  may  dwell  in  the  hearts  of 
those  who  have  been  confirmed,  and  the  rite  closes  with 
the  bishop's  blessing. 

The  Eastern  Church  omits  the  imposition  of  hands 
and  the  prayer  at  the  beginning,  and  accompanies 
the  anointing  with  the  words:  "the  sign  [or  seal] 
of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost."  These  several 
actions  symbolize  the  nature  and  purpose  of  the 
sacrament:  the  anointing  signifies  the  strength  given 
for  the  spiritual  conflict;  the  balsam  contained  in 
the  chrism,  the  fragrance  of  virtue  and  the  good  odour 
of  Christ;  the  sign  of  the  cross  on  the  forehead,  the 
courage  to  confess  Christ,  before  all  men;  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands  and  the  blow  on  the  cheek,  enrolmeiit  in 
the  service  of  Christ  which  brings  true  peace  to  the 
soul.  (Cf.  St.  Thomas,  "Summa.  Theol.",  Ill,  Q.  Ixxii, 
a.  4.  For  interesting  details  regarding  the  blow  on  the 
cheek,  see  "Am.  Eccl.  Review",  I,  101.) 

Minister. — The  bishop  alone  is  the  ordinary  minis- 
ter of  confirmation.  This  is  expressly  declared  by 
the  Council  of  Trent  (Scss.  VII,  De  Conf.,  C.  iii).  A 
bishop  confirms  validly  oven  those  who  are  not  his 
own  subjects;  but  to  confirm  licitly  in  another 
diocese  he  must  secure  the  permission  of  the  bishop  of 
that  diocese.  Simple  priests  may  be  the  extraordinary 
ministers  of  the  sacrament  provided  they  obtain  spe- 
cial delegation  from  the  pope.  This  has  often  been 
granted  to  missionaries.  In  such  cases,  however,  the 
priest  cannot  wear  pontifical  vestments.  He  Is  obliged 
to  use  chrism  blessed  by  a  Catholic  bishop  and  to  ob' 
serve  what  is  prescribed  in  the  Instruction  issued  by 
the  Propaganda,  21  March,  1774  (appendix  to  Roman 
Ritual).  In  the  (ireek  Church,  confirmation  is  given 
by  simple  priests  without  special  delegation,  and  their 
ministration  is  accepted  by  the  Western  Church  as 
valid.  They  must,  however,  use  chrism  ble.ssed  by  a 
patriarch. 

Mifltcr  and  Form. — There  has  been  much  discussion 
among  theologians  as  to  what  constitutes  the  e.s.sential 
matter  of  this  sacrament.  Some,  e.  g.  Aureolus  and 
Petavius,  held  that  it  consists  in  the  imposition  of 
hands.  Others,  with  St.  Thomas,  Bellarmine,  and 
Maldonatus,  maintain  that  it  is  the  anointing  with 
chrism.  According  to  a  third  opinion  (Morimis,  Tap- 
per) either  anointing  or  imjiosition  of  hands  suffices. 
Finally,  the  most  generally  accepted  view  is  that  the 
anoint  ing  and  t  he  imposition  of  hands  conjointly  are  the 
matter.  The  "  imposition  ",  however,  is  not  that  with 
.vhich  the  rite  begins  but  the  laying  on  of  hands  which 
takes  ]ilace  in  the  act  of  anointing.  As  Peter  the  Lom- 
bard declares:  Panlifix  per  imjxmtionem  manus  con- 
firmandosungitin  jraiilc  (IV  Sent.,  dist.  xxxiii,  n.  l;cf. 
De  Augustinis,  "  De  re  sacrarrii'iitari.i",  2d  ed.,  Rome, 
1889),  I.     The  chrism  emi)loycil  must  be  a  mixture  of 


CONFIRMATION 


216 


CONFIRMATION 


olive-oil  and  balsam  consecrated  by  a  bishop.  (For 
the  manner  of  this  consecration  and  for  other  details, 
historical  and  liturgical,  see  Chrism.)  The  difference 
regarding  the  form  of  the  sacrament,  i.  e.  the  words  es- 
sential for  confirmation,  has  been  indicated  above  in 
the  description  of  the  rite.  The  validity  of  both  the 
Latin  and  the  Greek  form  is  unquestionable.  Addi- 
tional details  are  given  below  in  the  historical  outline. 

Recipient. — C'onfirmation  can  be  conferred  only  on 
those  who  have  already  been  baptized  and  have  not 
yet  been  confirmed.  As  St.  Thomas  says :  "  Confirma- 
tion is  to  baptism  what  growth  is  to  generation.  Now 
it  is  clear  that  a  man  cannot  advance  to  a  perfect  age 
unless  he  has  first  been  born ;  in  like  manner,  unless  he 
has  first  been  baptized  he  cannot  receive  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Confirmation"  (Summ.  Th.,  Ill,  Q.  Ixxii,  a.  6). 
They  should  also  be  in  the  state  of  grace ;  for  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  not  given  for  the  purpose  of  taking  away  sin 
but  of  conferring  additional  grace.  This  condition, 
however,  refers  only  to  lawful  reception;  the  sacra- 
ment is  validly  received  even  by  those  in  mortal  sin. 
In  the  early  ages  of  the  Church,  confirmation  was  part 
of  the  rite  of  initiation,  and  consequently  was  admin- 
istered immediately  after  baptism.  When,  however, 
baptism  came  to  be  conferred  by  simple  priests,  the 
two  ceremonies  were  separated  in  the  Western  Church. 
Further,  when  infant  baptism  became  customarj-,  con- 
firmation was  not  administered  until  the  child  had  at- 
tained the  use  of  reason.  This  is  the  present  practice, 
though  there  is  considerable  latitude  as  to  the  precise 
age.  The  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent  says  that 
the  sacrament  can  be  administered  to  all  persons  after 
baptism,  but  that  this  is  not  expedient  before  the  use  of 
reason ;  and  adds  that  it  is  most  fitting  that  the  sacra- 
ment be  deferred  until  the  child  is  seven  years  old,  "  for 
Confirmation  has  not  been  instituted  as  necessary  for 
salvation,  but  that  by  virtue  thereof  we  might  be 
found  well  armed  and  prepared  when  called  upon  to 
fight  for  the  faith  of  Christ,  and  for  this  kind  of  conflict 
no  one  will  consider  children,  who  are  still  withoiit  the 
use  of  reason,  to  be  qualified."  (Pt.  II,  ch.  iii,  IS.) 
Such,  in  fact,  is  the  general  usage  in  the  Western 
Church.  Under  certain  circumstances,  however,  as, 
for  instance,  danger  of  death,  or  when  the  opportunity 
of  receiving  the  sacrament  is  but  rarely  offered,  even 
younger  children  may  be  confirmed.  In  the  Greek 
Church  and  in  Spain,  infants  are  now,  as  in  earlier 
times,  confirmed  immediately  after  baptism.  Leo  XIII, 
writing  22  June,  1897,  to  "the  Bishop  of  Marseilles, 
commends  most  heartily  the  practice  of  confirming 
children  before  their  first  commimion  as  being  more  in 
accord  with  the  ancient  usage  of  the  Church. 

Effects. — Confirmation  imparts  (1)  an  increase  of 
sanctifying  grace  which  makes  the  recipient  a  "  perfect 
Christian";  (2)  a  special  sacramental  grace  consisting 
in  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  notably  in  the 
strength  and  courage  to  confess  boldly  the  name  of 
Christ;  (3)  an  indelible  character  by  reason  of  which 
the  sacrament  cannot  be  received  again  by  the  same 
person.  (See  Char.\cter.)  A  further  consequence  is 
the  spiritual  relationship  (see  Rel.\tionship,  Spirit- 
o.^l)  which  the  person  confirming  and  the  sponsor 
contract  with  the  recipient  and  with  the  recipient's 
parents.  This  relationship  constitutes  a  diriment 
impediment  (see  I.mpediments)  to  marriage.  It  does 
not  arise  between  the  minister  of  the  sacrament  and 
the  sponsor  nor  between  the  sponsors  themselves. 

Necessity. — Regarding  the  obligation  of  receiving 
the  sacrament,  it  is  admitted  that  confirmation  is  not 
necessary  as  an  indispensable  means  of  salvation  (ne- 
cessitate medii).  On  the  other  hand,  its  reception  is 
obligatory  {necessitate  pnrcepii)  "for  all  those  who  are 
able  to  understand  anil  fulfil  the  (^oniniandmeiits  of 
God  and  of  the  Church  This  is  especially  true  of 
those  whosuffer  persecution  on  account  of  t^ieir  relig- 
ion or  arc  exposed  to  grievous  temptations  against 
faith  or  are  in  danger  of  death.     The  more  serious  the 


danger  so  much  greater  is  the  need  of  protecting  one- 
self ".  (Cone.  Plen.  Bait.  II,  n.  250.)  As  to  the  grav- 
ity of  the  obligation,  opinions  differ,  some  theologians 
holding  that  an  imconfirmed  person  would  commit 
mortal  sin  if  he  refused  the  sacrament,  others  that  the 
sin  would  be  at  most  venial  unless  the  refusal  implied 
contempt  for  the  sacrament.  Apart,  however,  from 
such  controversies  the  importance  of  confirmation  as  a 
means  of  grace  is  so  obvious  that  no  earnest  Christian 
will  neglect  it,  and  in  particular  that  Christian  parents 
will  not  fail  to  see  that  tlieir  children  are  confirmed. 

Sponsors. — The  Church  prescribes  under  pain  of 
grievous  sin  that  a  sponsor,  or  godparent,  shall  stand 
for  the  person  confirmed.  The  sponsor  should  be  at 
least  fourteen  years  of  age,  of  the  same  sex  as  the  can- 
didate, should  have  already  received  the  Sacrament  of 
Confirmation,  and  be  well  instructed  in  the  Catholic 
Faith.  From  this  office  are  excluded  the  father  and 
mother  of  the  candidate,  members  of  a  religious  order 
(unless  the  candidate  be  a  religious),  public  sinners, 
and  those  who  are  under  public  ban  of  interdict  or 
e.xcommunication.  E.xcept  in  case  of  necessity  the 
baptismal  gotljjarent  cannot  serve  as  sponsor  for  the 
same  person  in  confirmation,  ^\"here  the  opposite 
practice  obtains,  it  should,  according  to  a  decree  of 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Council,  16  Feb.,  1884, 
be  gradually  done  away  with.  The  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore  (1866)  declared  that  each  candi- 
date should  have  a  sponsor,  or  that  at  least  two  god- 
fathers should  stand  for  the  boys  and  two  godmothers 
for  the  girls  (n.  25.3).  See  also  prescriptions  of  the 
First  Council  of  Westminster.  Formerlj^  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  sponsor  to  jilace  his  or  her  right  foot 
upon  the  foot  of  the  candidate  during  the  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament;  the  present  usage  is  that  the 
sponsor's  right  hand  should  be  placed  upon  the  right 
shoulder  of  the  candidate.  The  Holy  C>ffice  decreed, 
16  June,  1884,  that  no  sponsor  could  stand  for  more 
than  two  candidates  except  in  case  of  necessity.  The 
custom  of  giving  a  new  name  to  the  candidate  is  not 
obligatory;  but  it  has  the  sanction  of  several  synodal 
decrees  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 
The  Fifth  Council  of  Milan,  imder  St.  Charles  Borro- 
meo,  insisted  that  a  candidate  whose  name  was  "  vile, 
ridiculous,  or  quite  unbecoming  for  a  Christian" 
should  receive  another  at  Confirmation"  (cf.  Mar- 
tene). 

It  is  clear  from  the  diversity  of  practice  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  that  there  is  much  imcertainty  as  to  the  doc- 
trine concerning  confirmation.  It  is  certain  that  the 
sacrament  is  validly  and  lawfully  administered  in  the 
Church;  but  this  does  not  solve  the  theological  ques- 
tions regarding  its  institution,  matter,  form,  and  min- 
ister. At  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Trent  the  diffi- 
culty was  felt  to  be  so  great  that  the  assembled  Fathers 
contented  themselves  with  only  a  few  canons  on  the 
subject.  They  defined  that  confirmation  was  not  "a 
vain  ceremony  but  a  true  and  proper  sacrament";  and 
that  it  was  not  "in  olden  days  nothing  but  a  sort  of 
catechism  in  which  those  who  were  entering  upon 
youth  gave  an  account  of  their  faith  in  the  face  of  the 
Church"  (can.  i).  They  did  not  define  anything  spe- 
cific about  the  institution  by  Christ;  though  in  treat- 
ing of  the  sacraments  in  general  they  had  already  de- 
fined that  "  all  the  sacraments  of  the  \ew  Law  were 
instituted  by  Christ  our  Lord"  (Se.ss.  VII,  can.  i). 
Nothing  whatever  was  said  about  the  form  of  words  to 
be  used ;  and  regarding  the  matter  they  merely  con- 
demned any  one  who  should  maintain  "  that  they  who 
ascribe  any  virtue  to  the  sacred  chrism  of  confirmation 
offer  an  outrage  to  the  Holy  Ghost"  (can.  ii).  The 
third  and  last  canon  defined  that  the  "ordinarj'"  min- 
ister of  the  sacrament  is  a  bi.shop  only,  and  not  any 
simple  iniest.  Tliis  guarded  language,  so  different 
from  the  definite  canons  on  some  of  the  other  .sacra- 
ments, shows  tliat  the  council  had  no  intention  of  de- 
ciding the  ([uestions  at  issue  among  theologians  regard- 


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217 


CONFIRMATION 


ill?  the  time  and  manner  of  the  institution  by  Christ 
iirect  or  indirect  institution),  the  matter  (imposition 
I 'I  hands  or  anointinj;,  or  both),  the  fonn  ("I  sign 
I  Ik  p",  etc.,  or  "the  seal",  etc.),  and  the  minister  (bish- 
1 1| .  or  priest).  Elsewhere  (Sess.  VII,  can.  ix)  the  council 
defined  that  "  in  confirmation  a  character  is  imprinted 
in  the  soul,  that  is,  a  certain  spiritual  and  indelible 
siiin  on  account  of  which  the  sacrament  cannot  be  re- 
peated", and  again  (Sess.  XXIII)  the  council  declared 
that  "  bishops  are  superior  to  priests;  they  administer 
the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation;  they  ordain  the  min- 
isters of  the  Church;  and  they  can  perfonn  many 
nther  things  over  which  functions  others  of  an  inferior 
rank-  have  no  power".  Concerning  the  administra- 
t  II  )ii  of  the  sacrament  from  the  earliest  times  of  the 
(liurch,  the  decree  of  the  Inquisition  (Lamentabili 
sane,  3  July,  1907)  condemns  the  proposition  (44): 
'■  There  is  no  proof  that  the  rite  of  the  Sacrament  of 
(  onfirmation  was  employed  by  the  Apostles;  the  for- 
mal distinction,  therefore,  between  the  two  sacra- 
nunts.  Baptism  and  Confirmation,  does  not  belong  to 
tlic  history  of  Christianity".  The  institution  of  the 
sacrament  has  also  been  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
sidu  as  will  appear  from  the  following  account. 

II.  History. — The  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  is  a 
St  riking  instance  of  the  development  of  doctrine  and 
ritual  in  the  Church.  We  can,  indeed,  detect  much 
nil  pre  than  the  mere  genns  of  it  in  Holy  Scripture;  but 
\\  <>  must  not  e.xpect  to  find  there  an  exact  description 
if  the  ceremony  as  at  present  performed,  or  a  com- 
iilite  solution  of  the  various  theological  questions 
which  have  since  arisen.  It  is  only  from  the  Fathers 
and  the  Schoolmen  that  we  can  gather  information  on 
these  heads. 

1 1)  We  read  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (viii,  14-17) 
that  after  the  Samaritan  converts  had  been  baptized 
by  Philip  the  deacon,  the  Apostles  "sent  unto  them 
I'rter  and  John,  who,  when  they  were  come,  prayed 
fur  theiTi,  that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost;  for 
hf  was  not  yet  come  upon  any  of  them,  but  they  were 
Hilly  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus;  then  they 
laiil  their  hands  upon  them,  and  they  received  the 
liiily  Ghost".  Again  (.xix,  l-tj):  St.  Paul  "came  to 
10|ihesus,  and  found  certain  disciples;  and  he  said  to 
them:  Have  you  received  the  Holy  Ghost  since  ye  be- 
lii-ved?  But  they  said  to  him:  We  have  not  so  much 
as  heard  whether  there  be  a  Holy  Ghost.  And  he  said: 
In  what  then  were  you  baptized?  Who  said:  In  John's 
liaiitism.  Then  Paul  .said:  John  baptized  the  people 
w  jth  the  baptism  of  penance.  .  .  .  Having  heard  these 
I  Kings,  they  were  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
li  -us.  And  when  Paul  had  imposed  his  hands  on 
!'iiin,  the  Holy  Ghost  came  upon  them,  and  they 
-jiiike  with  tongues  and  prophesied".  From  the.se 
t^Mp  pa.ssages  we  learn  that  in  the  earliest  ages  of  the 
I  liurch  there  was  a  rite,  distinct  from  baptism,  in 
w  hioh  the  Holy  (ihost  was  conferred  by  the  imposition 

I  if  hands  (5ii  tijs  i-wi6i<rius  tCiv  xeipwi'  tCiv'  \TroaT6\iiiv), 
anil  that  the  power  to  perform  this  ceremony  was 
III  it  implied  in  the  power  to  baptize.  No  distinct  men- 
tinn  is  made  as  to  the  origin  of  this  rite;  l)ut  Christ 
priimised  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  conferred  it. 
.Xyain,  no  express  mention  is  made  of  anointing  with 
chrism;  but  we  note  that  the  idea  of  unction  is  com- 

II  inly  associated  with  the  giving  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
list  (Luke,  iv,  18)  applies  to  Himself  the  words 
I  saias  (Ixi,  1):  "The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me, 
a  refore  he  hath  anointed  me  to  preach  the  gospel ". 

.St.  Peter  (Acts,  x,  .38)  speaks  of  "Jesus  of  Nazareth: 
how  God  anointed  him  with  the  Holy  Ghost". 
St.  John  tells  the  faithful:  "You  have  the  unction 
(xpur/ux)  from  the  Holy  One,  and  know  all  things"; 
and  again:  "  Let  the  unction  [xpio^jio],  which  you  have 
received  from  him.  abide  in  you"  (I  Ep.,  ii,  20,  27).  A 
striking  pas.sage,  which  was  made  much  u.se  of  by  the 
Fathers  and  the  Schoolmen,  is  that  of  St.  Paul:  "He 
that  confirmeth  [6  ii  f^tjiaiQv]  us  with  you  in  Christ, 


and  hath  anointed  us,  is  God,  who  also  hath  sealed 
[(r<t>pi.yiffiium^]  us,  and  given  us  the  pledge  [appapCita] 
of  the  Spirit  in  our  hearts  '  (II  Cor.,  i,  20,  21).  No 
mention  is  made  of  any  particular  words  accompany- 
ing the  imjiosition  of  hands  on  either  of  the  occasions 
on  which  the  ceremony  is  described ;  but  as  the  act  of 
imposing  hands  was  performed  for  various  purposes, 
some  prayer  indicating  the  special  purpose  may  have 
been  used:  "Peter  and  John  .  .  .  prayed  for  them, 
that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost".  Further, 
such  expressions  as  "signing"  and  "sealing"  may  be 
taken  as  referring  to  the  character  impressed  by  the 
sacrament:  "You  w-ere  signed  [i(T(ppa.yl<i6T]T(]  with 
the  holy  Spirit  of  promise";  "Grieve  not  the  holy 
Spirit  of  God,  whereby  you  are  sealed  [ia(ppa.yla6riTi\ 
unto  the  day  of  redemption"  (Eph.,  i,  13 ;  iv,  30).  See 
also  the  passage  from  II  Cor.  quoted  above.  Again, 
in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (vi,  1—4)  the  writer  re- 
proaches those  whom  he  addresses  for  falling  back  into 
their  primitive  imperfect  knowledge  of  Christian 
truth ;  "  whereas  for  the  time  you  ought  to  be  masters, 
you  have  need  to  be  taught  again  w-hat  are  the  first 
elements  of  the  words  of  God"  (Heb.,  v,  12).  He 
exhorts  them:  "leaving  the  word  of  the  beginning  of 
Christ,  let  us  go  on  to  things  more  perfect,  not  laying 
again  the  foundation  ...  of  the  doctrine  of  baptisms, 
and  imposition  of  hands ' '.  and  speaks  of  them  as  those 
who  have  been  "once  illuminated,  have  tasted  also  the 
heavenly  gift,  and  were  made  partakers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost".  It  is  clear  that  reference  is  made  here  to  the 
ceremony  of  Christian  initiation:  baptism  and  the  im- 
position of  hands  whereby  the  Holy  Ghost  was  con- 
ferred, just  as  in  Acts,  ii,  38.  The  ceremony  is  con- 
sidered to  be  so  well  known  to  the  faithful  that  no 
further  description  is  necessary.  This  account  of  the 
practice  and  teaching  of  the  Apostles  proves  that  the 
ceremony  was  no  mere  examination  of  those  already 
baptized,  no  mere  profession  of  faith  or  renewal  of 
baptismal  vows.  Nor  was  it  something  specially  con- 
ferred upon  the  Samaritans  and  Ephesians.  What  was 
done  to  them  was  an  instance  of  what  was  generally 
bestowed.  Nor  was  it  a  mere  bestowal  of  charismata; 
the  Holy  Ghost  sometimes  produced  extraordinary 
effects  (speaking  with  divers  tongues,  etc.),  but  these 
were  not  necessarily  the  result  of  His  being  given. 
Tlie  practice  and  teaching  of  the  Church  at  the 
present  day  preserve  the  primitive  tj^pe:  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands,  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  privileges 
of  the  episcopate.  What  further  elements  were 
handed  down  by  tradition  will  be  seen  presently. 

(2)  In  pa.ssing  from  Holy  Scripture  to  the  Fathers 
we  naturally  expect  to  find  more  definite  answers  to 
the  various  questions  regarding  the  sacrament.  From 
both  their  practice  and  their  teaching  we  learn  that 
the  Church  made  u.se  of  a  rite  distinct  from  baptism; 
that  this  consisted  of  imposition  of  hands,  anointing, 
and  accompanying  words;  that  by  this  rite  the  Holy 
Ghost  was  conferred  upon  those  already  baptized,  and 
a  mark  or  seal  impressed  upon  their  souls;  that,  as  a 
rule,  in  the  West  the  minister  was  a  bishop,  whereas  in 
the  East  he  might  be  a  simple  priest.  The  Fathers 
considered  that  the  rites  of  initiation  (baptism,  confir- 
mation, and  the  Holy  Eucharist)  were  instituted  by 
Christ,  but  they  did  not  enter  into  any  minute  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  the  insti- 
tution, at  least  of  the  second  of  these  rites.  In  exam- 
ining the  testimonies  of  the  Fathers  we  should  note 
that  the  word  confirmation  is  not  used  to  designate  this 
sacrament  during  the  first  four  centuries;  but  we  meet 
with  various  other  terms  and  phrases  which  quite 
clearly  refer  to  it.  Thus,  it  is  styled  "imposition  of 
hands"  (tnanuum  imjMnilio,  xupodtvla),  "unction", 
"chrism",  "sealing",  etc.  Before  the  time  of  Tertul- 
lian  the  Fathers  do  not  make  any  explicit  mention  of 
confirmation  as  distinct  from  baptism.  The  fact  that 
the  two  sacraments  were  conferred  together  may  ac- 
count for  this  silence.     TertuUian  (I)e  Bapt.,  vi)  is 


CONFIRMATION 


218 


CONFIRMATION 


the  first  to  distinguish  clearly  the  three  acts  of  initia- 
tion: "After  having  come  out  of  the  laver,  we  are 
anointed  thoroughly  with  a  blessed  unction  [periingi- 
muT  benedictA  unctione]  according  to  the  ancient  rule. 
.  .  .  The  unction  runs  bodily  over  us,  but  profits  spir- 
itually. .  .  .  Next  to  this,  the  hand  is  laid  upon  us 
through  the  blessing,  calling  upon  and  inviting  the 
Holy  Spirit  [dehinc  manus  imponitur  per  henedictionem 
advocans  et  invitans  Spiritum  Sanctum]."  Again  (De 
resurr.  carnis,  n.  8):  "The  flesh  is  washed  that  the 
soul  may  be  made  stainless.  The  flesh  is  anointed 
[urujitiir]  that  the  soul  may  be  consecrated.  The  flesh 
is  sealed  [signatur]  that  the  soul  may  be  fortified.  The 
flesh  is  overshadowed  by  the  imposition  of  hands  that 
the  soul  may  be  illuminated  by  the  Spirit.  The  flesh 
is  fed  by  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ  that  the  soul 
may  be  fattened  of  God."  And  (.Adv.  Marcion.,  i,  n. 
14):  "But  He  [Chri.st],  indeed  even  at  the  present 
time,  neither  rejected  the  water  of  the  Creator  with 
which  He  washes  clean  His  own,  nor  the  oil  with  which 
He  anoints  His  own; .  .  .  nor  the  bread  with  which  He 
makes  present  [reprwsentat]  His  own  very  body,  needing 
even  in  His  own  sacraments  the  beggarly  elements  of 
the  Creator. "  TertuUian  also  tells  how  the  devil,  imi- 
tating the  rites  of  Christian  initiation,  sprinkles  some 
and  signs  them  as  his  soldiers  on  the  forehead  {signal 
illic  in  jronlibus  milites  suos — De  Prtescript.,  xl). 

Another  great  African  Father  speaks  with  equal 
clearness  of  confirmation.  "  Two  sacraments  ",  says 
St.  Cyprian,  "preside  over  the  perfect  birth  of  a  Chris- 
tian, the  one  regenerating  the  man,  which  is  baptism, 
the  other  communicating  to  him  the  Holy  Spirit" 
(Epist.  lx.xii).  "  Anointed  also  must  he  be  who  is  bap- 
tized, in  order  that  having  received  the  chrism,  that  is 
the  unction,  he  may  be  anointed  of  God"  (Epist. 
Ixx).  "  It  was  not  fitting  that  [the  Samaritans]  should 
be  baptized  again,  but  only  what  was  wanting,  that 
was  done  by  Peter  and  John ;  that  prayer  being  made 
for  them  and  hands  imposed,  the  Holy  Ghost  should 
be  invoked  and  poured  forth  upon  them.  Which  also 
is  now  done  among  us;  so  that  they  who  are  baptized 
in  the  Church  are  presented  to  the  bishops  [prelates]  of 
the  Church,  and  by  our  prayer  and  imposition  of  hands, 
they  receive  the  Holy  Ghost  and  are  perfected  T\ith  the 
seal  [signaculo]  of  the  Lord"  (Epist.  Ixxiii).  "More- 
over, a  person  is  not  born  by  the  imposition  of  hands, 
when  he  receives  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  in  baptism ;  that 
being  already  bom  he  may  receive  the  Spirit,  as  was 
done  in  the  first  man  Adam.  For  God  first  formed 
him  and  breathed  into  his  face  the  breath  of  life.  For 
the  Spirit  cannot  be  received  except  there  is  first  one 
to  receive  it.  But  the  birth  of  Christians  is  in  bap- 
tism" (Epist.  Ixxiv).  Pope  St.  Cornelius  complains 
that  Novatus,  after  having  been  baptized  on  his  sick- 
bed, "did  not  receive  the  other  things  which  ought  to 
be  partaken  of  according  to  the  rule  of  the  Church — to 
be  sealed,  that  is,  by  the  bishop  [(TcppayurB^vai.  Wh  toO 
{ttih KhTTov]  and  not  having  received  this,  how  did 
he  receive  the  Holy  Ghost?"  (Euseb.,  H.  E.,  vi.  xliii). 
In  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  the  te.'stinionifs  are 
naturally  more  frequent  and  clear.  St.  Hilary  s]>raks 
of  "the  sacraments  of  baptism  and  of  the  S|)ii-it'';  and 
he  says  that  "  the  favour  and  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
were,  when  the  work  of  the  Law  ceased,  to  be  given  by 
the  imposition  of  hands  and  prayer"  (In  Matt.,  c.  iv, 
c.  xiv).  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  is  the  great  Eastern  au- 
thority on  the  subject,  and  his  testimony  is  all  the 
more  important  because  he  devoted  several  of  his  "Ca- 
techcses"  to  the  instruction  of  catechumens  in  the 
three  sacraments  which  they  were  to  receive  on  being 
initiated  into  the  Christian  mysteries.  Nothing  could 
be  clearer  than  his  language:  "To  you  also  afteryou 
had  come  tip  from  the  pool  of  the  sacred  streams,  was 
given  the  chrism  [unction],  the  embl(>m  of  that  where- 
with Christ  was  anointed ;  and  this  is  the  Holy  Ghost. 
.  .  .  This  holy  ointment  is  no  longer  plain  ointment 
nor  so   to  say  common,   after  the   invocation,   but 


Christ's  gift;  and  by  the  presence  of  His  Godhead,  it 
causes  in  us  the  Holy  Ghost.  This  symbolically 
anoints  thy  forehead,  and  thy  other  senses;  and  the 
body  indeed  is  anointed  with  visible  ointment,  but  the 
soul  is  sanctified  by  the  Holy  and  life-givmg  Spirit. .  .  . 
To  you  not  in  figure  but  in  truth,  because  ye  were  in 
truth  anointed  by  the  Spirit"  (Cat.  Myst.,  iii).  And  in 
the  seventeenth  catechesis  on  the  Holy  Ghost,  he 
speaks  of  the  visit  of  Peter  and  John  to  communicate  to 
the  Samaritans  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  by  prayer 
and  the  imposition  of  hands.  "  Forget  not  the  Holy 
Ghost",  he  says  to  the  catechumens,  "at  the  moment 
of  your  enlightenment;  He  is  ready  to  mark  your  soul 
with  His  seal  [atppaylaai]  ...  He  will  give  you  the 
heavenly  and  divine  seal  [(Kppa-yh]  which  makes  the 
devils  tremble ;  He  will  arm  you  for  the  fight ;  He  will 
give  you  strength."  Christ,  says  St.  Optatus  of  Mi- 
leve,  "  went  down  into  the  water,  not  that  there  was 
what  could  be  cleansed  in  God,  but  the  water  ought  to 
go  before  the  oil  that  was  to  supervene,  in  order  to  ini- 
tiate and  in  order  to  fill  up  the  mysteries  of  baptism ; 
having  been  washed  whilst  He  was  held  in  John's 
hands,  the  order  of  the  mystery  is  followed. . . .  Heaven 
is  opened  whilst  the  Father  anoints;  the  spiritual  oil  in 
the  image  of  the  Dove  immediately  descended  and 
rested  on  His  head,  and  poured  on  it  ofl,  whence  He 
took  the  name  of  Christ,  when  He  was  anointed  by 
God  the  Father ;  to  whom  that  the  imposition  of  hands 
might  not  seem  to  have  been  wanting,  the  voice  of  God 
is  heard  from  a  cloud,  saying.  This  is  my  Son,  of  whom 
I  have  thought  well ;  hear  ye  him  "  (De  schism.  Donat., 
I,  iv,  n.  7). 

St.  Ephraem  Syrus  speaks  of  "the  Sacraments  of 
Chrism  and  Baptism"  (Serm.  xxvii);  "oil  also  for  a 
most  sweet  unguent,  wherewith  they  who  already  have 
been  initiated  by  baptism  are  sealed,  and  put  on  the 
armour  of  the  Holy  Spirit"  (In  Joel.)  St.  Ambrose 
addressing  the  catechumens  who  had  already  been 
baptized  and  anointed,  says :  "  Thou  hast  received  the 
spiritual  seal,  the  Spirit  of  wisdom  and  of  understand- 
ing. .  .  .  Keep  what  thou  hast  received.  God  the  Fa- 
ther has  sealed  thee;  Christ  the  Lord  has  confirmed 
thee;  and  the  Spirit  has  given  the  pledge  in  thy  heart, 
as  thou  hast  learned  from  what  is  read  in  the  Apostle" 
(De  myst. ,  c.  vii,  n.  42).  The  writer  of  the  "  De  Sacra- 
mentis"  (Inter  Op.  Ambros.,  lib.  Ill,  c.  ii,  n.  8)  says 
that  after  the  baptismal  immersion  "  the  spiritual  seal 
{signuculum]  follows  .  .  .  when  at  the  invocation  of  the 
bishop  [.sr((cr(/o;is]  the  Holy  Ghost  is  infused".  The 
Coinicil  of  Elvira  decreed  that  those  who  had  been 
baptized  privately  in  case  of  necessity  should  after- 
wards be  taken  to  the  bishop  "  to  be  made  perfect  by 
the  imposition  of  hands"  (can.  xxxviii,  Labbe,  I,  974). 
And  the  Council  of  Laodicea:  "Those  who  have  been 
converted  from  the  heresies  .  .  .  are  not  to  be  received 
before  they  anathematize  every  heresy  .  .  .  and  then 
after  that,  those  who  were  called  faithful  among  them, 
having  learned  the  creeds  of  the  faith,  and  having  been 
anointed  with  the  holy  chrism,  shall  so  communicate 
of  the  holy  mystery"  (can.  vii).  "Those  who  are  en- 
lightened must  after  baptism  be  anointed  with  the 
heavenly  chrism,  and  be  partakers  of  the  kingdom  of 
Christ "  (can.  xlviii,  Labbe,  I,  col.  1497).  The  Council 
of  Constantinople  (381):  "We  receive  the  .Arians,  and 
Macedonians  .  .  .  upon  their  giving  in  written  state- 
ments and  anathematizing  every  heresy.  .  .  .  Having 
first  sealed  them  with  the  holy  ointment  upon  the  fore- 
head, and  eyes,  and  nostrils,  and  mouth,  and  ears,  and 
sealing  theni  we  say,  'The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy 
Ghost'"  (can.  vii,  Labbe,  II,  col.  952).  St.  Augustine 
explains  how  the  coming  of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  ac- 
companied with  the  gift  of  tongues  in  the  first  ages  of 
the  Church.  "These  were  miracles  suited  to  the 
times.  ...  Is  it  now  expected  that  they  upon  whom 
hands  are  laid,  should  speak  with  tongues?  Or  when 
we  imposed  our  hand  upon  these  chiUiren,  did  each  of 
you  wait  to  see  whether  they  would  speak  with  ton- 


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CONFIRMATION 


giips?  and  when  he  saw  that  they  did  not  speak  with 
tongues,  was  any  of  you  so  perverse  of  heart  as  to  say 
'These  have  not  received  the  Holy  Ghost?'"  (In  Ep. 
Joan.,  tr.  vi).  He  also  speaks  in  the  same  way  about 
anointing:  the  sacrament  of  chrism  "is  in  the  genus  of 
visiljle  signs,  sacrosanct  like  baptism"  (Contra  litt. 
IVtil.,  II,  cap.  civ.  in  P.  L.,  XLI,  col.  342;  see  Serm. 
rrxxvii,  Ad  Infantes  in  P.  L.,  XXXVII,  col.  1100;  De 
IVm.,  XV,  n.  46  in  P.  L.,  XL,  col.  1093) ;  "  Of  Christ  it  is 
written  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  how  God  anointed 
Ilim  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  not  indeed  with  visible  oil, 
hut  with  the  gift  of  grace,  which  is  signified  by  that 
vi.silile  unction  wherewith  the  Church  anoints  the  bap- 
tized". The  most  explicit  passage  is  in  the  letter  of 
I'ope  Innocent  I  to  Decentius:  "As  regards  the  sealing 
of  infants,  it  is  clear  that  it  is  not  lawful  for  it  to  be 
done  by  anyone  but  a  bishop  [non  ab  aliis  quam  ab 
t'ptKcopo  fieri  liccre].  For  presbyters,  though  they  be 
I'rirsts  of  the  second  rank  (second  priests),  have  not  at- 
t allied  to  the  summit  of  the  pontificate.  That  this 
] pontificate  is  the  right  of  bishops  only — to  wit:  that 
thoy  may  seal  or  deliver  the  Spirit,  the  Paraclete —  is 
rlinnonstrated  not  merely  by  ecclesiastical  usage,  but 
:  Iso  by  that  portion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  where- 
in it  is  declared  that  Peter  and  John  were  sent  to  give 
the  Holy  Ghost  to  those  who  had  already  been  bap- 
tized. For  when  presbyters  baptize,  whether  with  or 
n  ithout  the  presence  of  the  bishop,  they  may  anoint 
tlii<  baptized  with  chrism,  provided  it  be  previously 
roiisecrated  by  a  bishop,  but  not  sign  the  forehead  with 
tluit  oil,  which  is  a  right  reserved  to  bishops  [episcopis] 
only,  when  they  give  the  Spirit,  the  Paraclete.  The 
^^•ords,  however,  I  cannot  name,  for  fear  of  seeming  to 
liitray  rather  than  to  reply  to  the  point  on  which  you 
li.ive  consulted  me."  Saint  Leo  in  his  fourth  sennon 
on  Christ's  Nativity  says  to  the  faithful:  "Having 
I"  in  regenerated  by  water  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  you 
have  received  the  chrism  of  salvation  and  the  seal  of 
cti^rnal  life"  {chrisma  salutis  et  signaculum  vitiv  ceternw. 
—  V.  L.,  LIV,  col.  207).  The  Blessed  Theodoret  com- 
menting on  the  first  chapter  of  the  Canticle  of  Canti- 
nli\<5  says:  "Bring  to  thy  recollection  the  holy  rite  of 
initiation,  in  which  they  who  are  perfected  after  the 
ronunciation  of  the  tyrant  and  the  acknowledgment  of 
till'  King,  receive  as  a  kind  of  royal  seal  the  chrism  of 
till'  spiritual  unction  {(rippayiSa  Tiva  /SacriXiKTjv  .  .  . 
Tor  wyev^iaTiKoO  fiipov  rb  xP^^f""-)  as  made  partakers  in 
til  it  tvpica!  ointment  of  the  invisible  grace  of  the  Holy 
.-l'irit""(P.  G.,LXXXI,  60). 

Among  the  homilies  formerly  attributed  to  Euse- 
Idus  of  Emesa,  but  now  admitted  to  be  the  work  of 
M  line  bishop  of  Soutliern  Gaul  in  the  fifth  century,  is  a 
long  homily  for  Whitsunday:  "The  Holy  Ghost  who 
conies  down  with  a  life-giving  descent  upon  the  waters 
of  baptism,  in  the  font  bestows  beauty  unto  innocence, 
ill  I'onfirmation  grants  an  increase  unto  grace.     Be- 

^e  we  have  to  walk  during  oiu-  whole  life  in  the 
'  ~t  of  invisible  enemies  and  dangers,  we  are  in  bap- 
II  regenerated  unto  life,  after  baptism  we  are  con- 
lirinod  for  the  battle;  in  baptism  we  are  clean.sed,  after 
I  a  Jit  ism  we  are  strengthened  .  .  .  confirmation  arms 
and  furnishes  weapons  to  those  who  are  reserved  for 
the  wre.stlings  and  contests  of  this  world"  (Bib.  Max., 
SS.  PP.,  VI,  p.  649).  These  passages  stifhce  to  show 
the  doctrine  and  practice  of  the  Church  during  the 
patristic  age.  For  further  information  see  "Diet,  de 
theol.  cath.",  s.  V.  "Confirmation",  coll.  1026-10.58. 

1 3)  After  the  great  Trinitarian  and  Christological 
controversies  had  been  decided,  and  the  doctrine  of 
Divine  grace  had  been  defined,  the  Church  was  able  to 
devote  attention  to  questions  regarding  the  sacra- 
ments, the  means  of  grace.  At  the  same  time,  the 
sarramentaries  were  being  drawn  up,  fixing  the  vari- 
ous rites  in  use.  With  precision  of  practice  came 
greater  precision  and  completeness  of  doctrine. 
"Chrisma",  says  St.  Isidore  of  Seville,  "is  in  Latin 
tailed  'unctio',  and  from  it  Christ  receives  His  name, 


and  man  is  sanctified  after  the  laver  [lavacrum] ;  for  as 
in  baptism  remission  of  sins  is  given,  so  by  anointing 
[unctio]  the  sanctification  of  the  Spirit  is  conferred. 
The  imposition  of  hands  takes  place  in  order  that  the 
Holy  Spirit,  being  called  by  the  blessing,  may  be  in- 
vited [per  bcnedictionem  advocntus  invilelur  Spiritus 
Sanctus] ;  for  after  the  bodies  have  been  cleansed  and 
blessed,  then  does  the  Paraclete  willingly  come  down 
from  the  Father"  (Etj-m.,  Vl.c.xixin  P.L.,LXXXII, 
col.  2.56).  The  great  Anglo-Saxon  lights  of  the  early 
Middle  Ages  are  equally  explicit.  "  The  confirmation 
of  the  newly  baptized",  says  Lingard  (Anglo-Saxon 
Church,  I,  p.  296),  "was  made  an  important  part  of 
the  bishop's  duty.  We  repeatedly  read  of  journeys 
undertaken  by  St.  Cuthbert  chiefly  with  this  object. 
.  .  .  Children  were  brought  to  him  for  confirmation 
from  the  secluded  parts  of  the  country;  and  he  minis- 
tered to  those  who  had  been  recently  born  again  in 
Christ  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit  by  the  imposition  of 
hands,  'placing  his  hand  on  the  head  of  each,  and 
anointing  them  with  the  chrism  which  he  had  blessed 
{manum  imponens  super  caput  singulorum,  liniens 
vnctione  consecratd  quam  benedixcrat;  Beda,  "Vita 
Cuth.",  c.  xxix,  xxxii  in  P.  L.,  XCTV,  Oper.  Min.,  p. 
277)."  Alcuin  also  in  his  letter  to  Odwin  describes 
how  the  neophyte,  after  the  reception  of  baptism  and 
the  Eucharist,  prepares  to  receive  the  Holy  Spirit 
by  the  imposition  of  hands.  "  Last  of  all  by  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  by  the  chief  priest  [summo 
sacerdote]  he  receives  the  Spirit  of  the  seven-fold  grace 
to  be  strengthened  Ijy  the  Holy  Spirit  to  fight  against 
others"  (De  bapt.  ca'remon.  in  P.  L.,  CI,  col.  614).  It 
will  be  ob.served  that. in  all  these  passages  imposition 
of  hands  is  mentioned ;  St.  Isidore  and  St.  Bede  men- 
tion anointing  also.  These  may  be  taken  as  typical 
examples ;  the  best  authorities  of  this  age  combine  the 
tW'O  ceremonies.  As  to  the  form  of  words  used  the 
greatest  variety  prevailed.  The  words  accompany- 
ing the  imposition  of  hands  were  generally  a  prayer 
calling  upon  God  to  send  down  the  Holy  Ghost  and 
confer  upon  the  neophytes  the  seven  gifts.  In  the 
Gregorian  Sacramentary  no  wortls  at  all  are  assigned 
to  the  anointing;  but  it  is  clear  that  the  anointing 
must  be  taken  in  connexion  with  the  words  belonging 
to  the  imposition  of  hands.  Where  special  words  are 
assigned  they  sometimes  resemble  the  Greek  formu- 
lary (signum  Chrixti  in  vilnm  ceternam,  etc.),  or  are  in- 
dicative, like  the  present  formula  (signo,  consigns,  con- 
firmo),  or  imi^erative  (accipe  signum,  etc.),  or  depreca- 
tory {confirmet  vox  Paler  et  Filius  et  Spiritus  Sanctus, 
etc.).  St.  Isidore  is  clearly  in  favour  of  a  prayer: 
"  We  can  receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  we  cannot  give 
Him:  that  He  may  be  given,  we  call  upon  God"  (De 
Off.  Eccl.,  II,  c.  xxvi  in  P.  L.,  LXXXIII,  col.  823).  In 
contrast  with  this  diversity  as  to  the  form  there  is 
complete  agreement  that  the  sole  minister  is  a  bishop. 
Of  course  this  refers  only  to  the  Western  Church.  The 
writers  appeal  to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (e.  g.  St. 
Isidore,  "  De  Off.  Eccl.",  II,  c.  xxvi;  St.  Bede,  "In 
Act.  Apo.st."  in  P.  L.,  XCII,  col.  961;  "  Vit.  Cuth.", 
c.  xxix) ;  but  they  do  not  examine  the  reason  why 
the  power  is  reserved  to  the  bishops,  nor  do  they  dis- 
cuss the  question  of  the  time  and  mode  of  the  in- 
stitution of  the  sacrament. 

(4)  The  teaching  of  the  Schoolmen  shows  a  marked 
advance  upoh  that  of  the  early  Middle  Ages.  The  de- 
cision as  to  the  number  of  the  sacraments  involved  the 
clear  distinction  of  confirmation  from  baptism ;  and  at 
the  same  time  the  more  exact  definition  of  what  con- 
stitutes a  sacrament  led  to  the  discussion  of  the  insti- 
tution of  confirmation,  its  matter  and  form,  minister, 
and  effects,  e.specially  the  character  impressed.  We 
can  follow  the  development  through  the  labours  of 
Lanfranc,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  St.  Anselm  his 
successor,  Abelard,  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  Peter  Lom- 
bard (Sent.,  IV,dist.  vii);  then  branching  out  into  the 
two  distinct  schools  of  Dominicans  (iVlbertus  Magnus 


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CONFIRMATION 


and  St.  Thomas)  and  Franciscans  (Alexander  of  Hales, 
St.  Bona  venture,  and  Duns  Scotus).  As  we  shall  see, 
the  clearness  with  which  the  various  questions  were 
set  forth  by  no  means  produced  unanimity;  rather  it 
served  to  bring  out  the  uncertainty  with  regard  to 
them  all.  The  writers  start  from  the  fact  that  there 
was  in  the  Church  a  ceremony  of  anointing  with  chrism 
accompanied  with  the  words:  "I  sign  tliee  witli  the 
sign  of  the  cross  ",  etc. ;  this  ceremony  was  performed 
by  a  bishop  only,  and  could  not  be  repeated.  When 
they  came  to  e.xamine  the  doctrine  underlying  this 
jiractice  they  all  admitted  that  it  was  a  sacrament, 
though  in  the  earlier  writers  the  word  sacrament  had 
not  yet  acquired  a  distinct  technical  meaning.  So 
strongly  did  they  insist  upon  the  principle  Lex  oramli, 
lex  credendi,  that  they  took  for  granted  that  the  anoint- 
ing must  be  the  matter,  and  the  words  "  I  sign  thee", 
etc.,  the  form,  and  that  no  one  but  a  bishop  could  be 
the  valid  minister.  But  when  they  came  to  justify 
this  doctrine  by  the  authority  of  Scripture  they  en- 
countered the  difficulty  that  no  mention  is  made  there 
either  of  the  anointing  or  of  the  words;  indeed  noth- 
ing is  said  of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament  at  all. 
What  could  be  the  meaning  of  this  silence?  How 
could  it  be  explained? 

(a)  Regarding  the  institution  there  were  three  opin- 
ions. The  Dominican  School  taught  that  Christ 
Himself  was  the  immediate  author  of  confirmation. 
Earlier  writers  (e.  g.  Hugh  of  St.  Victor,  "  De  Sacram.", 
ii,  and  Peter  Lombard,  "Sent.",  IV,  dist.  vii)held  that  it 
was  instituted  by  the  Holy  Ghost  through  the  instru- 
mentality of  the  Apostles.  The  Franciscans  also 
maintained  that  the  Holy  Ghost  was  the  author,  but 
that  He  acted  either  through  the  Apostles  or  through 
the  Church  after  the  death  of  the  Apostles.  "Con- 
cerning the  institution  of  this  sacrament",  says  St. 
Thomas,  "there  are  two  opinions;  some  say  that  it 
was  instituted  neither  by  C'hrist  nor  by  His  Apostles, 
but  later  on  in  the  course  of  time  at  a  certain  council 
[Meaux,  845;  this  was  the  opinion  of  Alexander  of 
Hales,  Summ.,  iv,  q.  9,  m.],  whereas  others  said  that 
it  was  instituted  by  the  Apostles.  But  this  cannot  be 
the  case  because  the  institution  of  a  sacrament  be- 
longs to  the  power  of  excellence  which  is  proper  to 
Christ  alone.  And  therefore  we  must  hold  that  Christ 
instituted  this  sacrament,  not  by  showing  it  [exhificn- 
d6\  but  by  promising  it.  according  to  the  text  (John, 
xvi,  7), '  If  I  go  not,  the  Paraclete  will  not  come  to  you; 
but  if  I  go,  I  will  send  Him  to  you '.  And  this  because 
in  this  sacrament  the  fullness  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is 
given,  which  was  not  to  be  given  before  Christ's  resur- 
rection and  ascension,  according  to  the  text  (John, 
vii,  H9), '  As  yet  the  Spirit  was  not  given,  because  Jesus 
was  not  yet  glorified'"  (Summ.  III,Q.  lxxii,a.  l,ad  1). 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Angelic  Doctor  hesitates  a  lit- 
tle about  the  direct  institution  by  Christ  (non  ex- 
hihendo,  sed  promittendo).  In  his  earlier  work  (In 
Sent.,  IV,  dist.  vii,  q.  1)  he  had  said  plainly  that  Christ 
had  instituted  the  sacrament  and  had  Himself  ailmin- 
istered  it  (Matt.,  xix).  In  this  opinion  the  saint  was 
still  under  the  influence  of  his  master,  Albert,  who 
went  so  far  as  to  hold  that  Christ  had  specified  the 
chrism  and  the  words,  "I  sign  thee",  etc.  (In  Sent.,  IV, 
dist.  vii,  a.  2).  The  opinion  of  Alexander  of  Hales,  re- 
ferred to  by  St.  Thomas,  was  as  follows:  the  Apostles 
conferred  the  Holy  Ghost  by  mere  imposition  of  hands; 
this  rite,  which  wasnot  properly  a  sacrament,  wms  con- 
tinued until  the  ninth  century,  when  the  Ihily  (ihost 
insjured  the  Fathers  of  the  Council  of  Moiiux  in  the 
choice  of  the  matter  and  form,  and  endowed  these  with 
sacramental  efficacy  {Kpiritu  Snnrlo  iiixti(i<iiilr  et  rir- 
tutem  fiiinrHlirandi  prirxldiile).  He  was  led  Id  this  ex- 
traordinary view  (u|[icli  he  states  as  nierely  p<Tsonan 
by  the  fact  tliat  no  mention  is  made  in  Holy  Scripture 
either  of  the  chrism  or  of  the  words;  and  a.s  these  were 
undoubtedly  the  matter  and  the  form  they  could  only 
have  been  introduced  by  Divine  authority.     His  dis- 


ciple, St.  Bonaventure,  agreed  in  rejecting  the  institu- 
tion by  Christ  or  His  Apostles,  and  in  attributing 
it  to  the  Holy  Ghost;  but  he  set  back  the  time  to  the 
age  of  "the  successors  of  the  Apostles"  (In  Sent.,  IV, 
dist.  vii,  art.  1).  However,  like  his  friendly  rival  St. 
Thomas,  he  also  modified  his  view  in  a  later  work  (Bre- 
viloquium,  p.  vi.  c.  4)  where  he  says  that  Christ  insti- 
tuted all  the  sacraments,  though  in  different  ways; 
"  some  by  hinting  at  them  and  initiating  them  [insinu- 
ando  et  initiandu],  as  confirmation  and  extreme 
imction".  Scotus  seems  to  have  felt  the  weight 
of  the  authority  of  the  Dominican  opinion,  for 
he  does  not  express  himself  clearly  in  favour  of  the 
views  of  his  own  order.  He  says  that  the  rite  was  in- 
stituted by  God  (Jesus  Christ?  the  Holy  Ghost?); 
that  it  was  instituted  when  Christ  pronounced  the 
words,  "  Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost ",  or  on  the  day  of 
Pentecost,  but  this  may  refer  not  to  the  rite  but  to  the 
thing  signified,  viz.  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (In  Sent., 
IV,  dist.  vii,  q.  1;  dist.  ii,  cj.  1).  The  Fathers  of  the 
Council  of  "Trent,  as  said  above,  did  not  expressly  de- 
cide the  question,  but  as  they  defined  that  all  the  sacra- 
ments were  instituted  by  Christ,  the  Dominican 
teaching  has  prevailed.  We  shall  see,  however,  that 
this  is  capable  of  many  different  meanings. 

(b)  The  question  of  the  institution  of  the  sacrament 
is  intimately  bound  up  with  the  determination  of  the 
matter  and  form.  All  agreed  that  these  consisted  of 
the  anointing  (including  the  act  of  placing  the  hand 
upon  the  candidate)  and  the  words,  "I  sign  thee",  or 
"I  confirm  thee",  etc.  Were  this  action  and  these 
words  of  Divine,  or  of  Apostolic,  or  of  merely  ecclesias- 
tical origin?  Blessed  Albertus  held  that  both  were  or- 
dained by  Clirist  Himself;  others  that  they  were 
the  work  of  the  Church ;  but  the  common  opinion  was 
that  they  were  of  Apostolic  origin.  St.  Thomas  was 
of  opinion  that  the  Apostles  actually  made  use  of 
chrism  and  the  words,  Conxigno  te,  etc.,  and  that  they 
did  so  by  Christ's  command.  The  silence  of  Scrip- 
ture need  not  surprise  us,  he  says,  "for  the  Apostles 
observed  many  things  in  the  administration  of  the 
sacraments  which  are  not  handed  down  by  the  Scrip- 
tures" (S.  Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  Ixxii,  a.  .3  and  4). 

(c)  In  proof  of  the  reservation  of  the  rite  to  bishops 
the  Schoolmen  appeal  to  the  example  of  Acts,  viii; 
and  they  go  on  to  explain  that  as  the  sacrament  is  a 
sort  of  completion  of  baptism  it  is  fitting  that  it  should 
be  conferred  by  "one  who  has  the  highest  power  [sutn- 
mam  potestatem]  in  the  Church"  (St.  Thomas,  ibid., 
art.  11).  They  were  aware,  however,  that  in  the  prim- 
itive Church  simple  priests  sometimes  administered 
the  sacrament.  This  they  accounted  for  by  the  few- 
ness of  bishops,  and  they  recognized  that  the  validity 
of  such  administration  (unlike  the  case  of  Holy  or- 
ders) is  a  mere  matter  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
"The  pope  hokls  the  fullness  of  power  in  the  Church, 
w^hence  he  can  confer  upon  certain  of  the  inferior  or- 
ders things  which  belong  to  the  higher  orders.  .  .  . 
And  out  of  the  fullness  of  this  power  the  blessed  pope 
Gregory  granted  that  simple  priests  conferred  this 
sacrament"  (St.  Thomas,  ibid.). 

(5)  The  Council  of  Trent  did  not  decide  the  questions 
discussed  by  the  Schoolmen.  But  the  definition  that 
"all  the  sacraments  were  instituted  by  Christ"  (Sess. 
VII,  can.  i),  excluded  the  opinion  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
■was  the  author  of  confirmation.  Still,  nothing  was 
said  about  the  moilc  of  institution — wliethcr  immedi- 
ate or  mediate,  generic  or  specific.  The  post-Triden- 
tine  theologians  have  almost  unanimously  taught  that 
Christ  Himself  was  the  immediate  author  of  all  the 
sacraments,  and  so  of  confirmation  (cf.  De  Lugo,  "  De 
Sacr.am.  in  Gen.",  disp.  vii,  .sect.  1;  Tournely,  "De 
Sacram.  in  Gen.",  q.  v,  a.  1).  "Hut  the  historical 
studies  of  the  seventeenth  century  obliged  authors  to 
restrict  the  action  of  Christ  in  the  institution  of  the 
sacraments  to  the  determination  of  the  spiritual  ef- 
fect, leaving  the  choice  of  the  rite  to  the  Apostles  and 


CONFIRMATION 


221 


CONFIRMATION 


the  Church."  (Pourrat,  La  theologie  sacramen- 
taire,  p.  3Ki.)  That  is  to  say,  in  the  case  of  confirma- 
tion, (Christ  bestowed  upon  the  Apostles  the  power 
of  giving  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  He  did  not  specify  the 
ceremony  by  which  this  gift  should  be  conferred ;  the 
Apostles  and  the  Church,  acting  under  Divine  guid- 
ance, fixed  upon  the  imposition  of  hands,  the  anoint- 
ing, and  the  appropriate  words.  Further  information 
on  this  important  and  difficult  question  will  be  found 
in  the  article  S.\cr.\ments. 

III.  Confirmation  in  the  British  and  Irish 
Churches. — In  his  famous  "Confession"  (ed.  Whitley 
Stokes,  Vita  Tripartita,  II,  372,  368;  cf.  p.  clxxxiv) 
St.  Patrick  refers  to  himself  as  the  first  to  administer 
confirmation  in  Ireland.  The  term  here  used  (populi 
consummalio;  cf.  St.  Cyprian,  ut  signaculo  dominico 
consummcntur,  Ep.  Ixxiii,  no.  9,  ed.  Hartel,  p.  785) 
is  rendered  by  nocosmad,  cos7>mit  {confirmabat,  con- 
firmnlio)  in  a  very  ancient  Irish  homily  on  St.  Patrick 
found  in  the  fourteenth  century,  "Leabar  Breac" 
(op.  cit.,  II,  484).  In  the  same  work  (II,  5.50-51)  a 
Latin  preface  to  an  ancient  Irish  chronological  tract 
says:  Debemus  scire  quo  tempore  Patricius  sarictus  epi- 
scopus  atque  praceptor  maximus  Scotorum  inchoaril 
.  .  .  sanctificare  et  consecrare  .  .  .  et  consummare,  i.  e. 
"  we  ought  to  know  at  what  time  Patrick,  the  holy  bish- 
op and  greatest  teacher  of  the  Irish,  began  to  come  to 
Ireland  ...  to  sanctify  and  ordain  and  confirm". 
From  the  same  "Leabar  Breac"  Sylvester  Malone 
quotes  the  following  account  of  confirmation  which 
exhibits  an  accurate  belief  oh  the  part  of  the  Irish 
Church:  "Confirmation  or  chrism  is  the  perfection  of 
baptism,  not  that  they  are  not  distinct  and  different. 
Confirmation  could  not  be  given  in  the  absence  of  bap- 
tism; nor  do  the  effects  of  baptism  depend  on  con- 
firmation, nor  are  they  lost  till  death.  Just  as  the 
natural  birth  takes  place  at  once  so  does  the  spiritual 
regeneration  in  like  manner,  but  it  finds,  however,  its 
perfection  in  confirmation"  (Church  History  of  Ire- 
land, Dublin,  1880,  I,  p.  149).  It  is  in  the  light  of 
these  venerable  texts,  which  quite  probably  antedate 
the  year  1000,  that  we  must  interpret  the  well-known 
reference  of  St.  Bernard  to  the  temporary  disuse  of 
confirmation  in  Ireland  (Vita  Malachia>),  c.  iv,  in  Acta 
SS.,  Nov.,  II,  145).  He  relates  that  St.  Malachy  (b. 
about  1095)  introduced  the  practices  of  the  Holy  Ro- 
man Church  into  all  the  churches  of  Ireland,  and  men- 
tions especially  "the  most  wholesome  usage  of  confes- 
sion, the  sacrament  of  confirmation  and  the  contract 
of  marriage,  all  of  which  were  either  unknown  or  ne- 
glected". These  Malachy  restored  (de  novo  inalitnit). 
The  Welsh  laws  of  Hywcl  Dda  suppose  for  children  of 
seven  years  and  upwards  a  religious  ceremony  of  lay- 
ing on  of  hands  that  can  hardly  be  anything  else  than 
confirmation.  Moreover,  the  Welsh  term  for  this  sac- 
rament, liedydd  Esgob,  i.  e.  bishop's  baptism,  implies 
th.at  it  was  always  perfonned  by  a  bishop  and  was  a 
complement  {consummalio)  of  baptism  (J.  Williams, 
Ecclesiastical  Antiquities  of  the  Cymri,  London,  1844, 
p.  281).  This  writer  also  quotes  (ibid.)  his  country- 
man Gerald  Barry  for  the  fact  that  the  whole  people  of 
Wales  were  more  eager  than  any  other  nation  to  ob- 
tain episcopal  confirmation  and  the  chrism  by  which 
the  Spirit  was  given. 

The  practice  in  England  has  already  been  illustrated 
by  facts  from  the  life  of  St.  Cuthbert.  One  of  the  old- 
est ordines,  or  proscriptions  for  administering  the  sac- 
rament, is  found  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert,  Arch- 
bishop of  York  (d.  760).  The  rite  is  practically  the 
same  as  that  u.sed  at  present;  the  form,  however,  is: 
"  receive  the  sign  of  the  holy  cross  with  the  chrism  of 
salvation  in  Christ  Jesus  unto  life  everlasting." 
Among  the  nibrics  are:  moilo  ligandi  sunt,  i.  e.  the  head 
of  the  person  confirmed  is  to  be  bound  with  a  fillet;  and 
modo  cnmmunirandi  sunt  de  sacrificio,  i.  e.  they  are  to 
receive  Holy  (ommunion  (Mart^ne).  It  was  espe- 
cially during  the   thirteenth   century  that   vigorous 


measures  were  taken  to  secure  the  proper  administra- 
tion of  the  sacrament.  In  general,  the  councils  and 
synods  direct  the  priests  to  admonish  the  people  re- 
garding the  confirmation  of  their  children.  The  age- 
limit,  however,  varies  considerably.  Thus  the  Synod 
of  Worcester  (1240)  decreed  that  parents  who  neg- 
lected to  have  their  child  confirmed  within  a  year 
after  birth  should  be  forbidden  to  enter  the  church. 
The  Synod  of  Exeter  (1287)  enacted  that  children 
should  be  confirmed  within  three  years  from  birth, 
otherwise  the  parents  were  to  fast  on  bread  and  water 
until  they  complied  with  the  law.  At  the  Synod  of 
Durham  (1217?  Cf.  Wilkins,  loc.  cit.  below)  the  time 
was  extended  to  the  seventh  year.  Other  statutes 
were:  that  no  one  should  be  admitted  to  Holy  Com- 
munion who  had  not  been  confirmed  (Council  of  Lam- 
beth, 1281) ;  that  neither  father  nor  mother  nor  step- 
parent should  act  as  sponsor  (London,  1200);  that 
children  to  be  confirmed  must  bring  "  fillets  or  bands 
of  sufficient  length  and  width  ",  and  that  they  must  be 
brought  to  the  church  the  third  day  after  confirma- 
tion to  have  their  foreheads  washed  by  the  priest  out 
of  reverence  for  the  holy  chrism  (Oxford,  1222);  that 
a  male  sponsor  should  stand  for  the  boys  and  a  female 
sponsor  for  the  girls  (Provincial  Synod  of  Scotland, 
1225);  that  adults  must  confess  before  being  con- 
firmed (Constitution  of  St.  Edmund  of  Canterbury, 
about  1236).  Several  of  the  above-named  synods 
emphasize  the  fact  that  confirmation  produces  spiri- 
tual cognation  and  that  the  sacrament  cannot  be  re- 
ceived more  than  once.  The  legislation  of  the  Synod 
of  Exeter  is  especially  full  and  detailed  (see  \Mlkins, 
Concilia  Magn»  Brittanniae  et  Hibernia;,  London, 
1734).  Among  the  decrees  issued  in  Ireland  after  the 
Reformation  may  be  cited :  no  one  other  than  a  bishop 
should  administer  confirmation ;  the  Holy  Sec  had  not 
delegated  this  episcopal  function  to  any  one  (Synod  of 
Armagh,  1014);  the  faithful  should  be  taught  that 
confirmation  cannot  be  reiterated  and  that  its  recep- 
tion should  be  preceded  by  sacramental  confession 
(Synod  of  Tuam,  1632). 

IV.  In  the  American  Colonies.— Previous  to  the 
establishment  of  the  hierarchy,  many  Catholics  in 
North  America  died  without  having  received  con- 
firmation. In  some  portions  of  what  is  now  the 
United  States  the  sacrament  was  administered  by 
bishops  from  the  neighbouring  French  and  ,Spanish 
possessions;  in  others,  by  missionary  jiriests  with  del- 
egation from  the  Holy  See.  Bishop  Cabezas  de  Alti- 
mirano  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  on  his  visitation  of  Flor- 
ida, confirmed  Vlr>  March,  1606)  a  large  number,  prob- 
ably the  first  administration  of  the  sacrament  in  the 
United  States  territory  (Shea,  The  Catholic  Church  in 
Colonial  Daj's,  New  York,  1866).  In  16.")5,  Don  Diego 
de  Rebolledo,  Governor  of  Florida,  urged  the  King  of 
Spain  to  ask  the  pope  to  make  St.  Augustine  an  epis- 
copal see,  or  to  make  Florida  a  vicariate  Apostolic  so 
that  there  might  be  a  local  superior  and  that  the  faith- 
ful might  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation ;  but 
nothing  came  of  the  petition.  Bishop  C'alderon  of 
Santiago  visited  Florida  in  1647  and  confinned  13,152 
persons,  including  Indians  and  whites.  Other  in- 
stances are  the  visitations  of  Bishop  de  Velasco 
(1735-6)  and  Bishop  Morel  (1763).  Subsequently,  Dr. 
Peter  Camps,  missionary  Apostolic,  received  from 
Rome  special  faculties  for  confinnation.  In  New  Mex- 
ico, during  the  seventeenth  centurj',  the  custos  of  the 
Franciscans  confirmed  by  delegation  from  Leo  X  and 
Adrian  VI.  In  1760,  Bishop  Tamaron  of  Durango 
visitril  the  missions  of  New  Mexico  and  confirmed  11,- 
271  persons.  Bishop  Tejada  of  Guadalajara  adminis- 
tered (1759)  confirmation  at  San  Fernando,  now  San 
Antonio,  Texa.s,  and  Bishop  de  Pontbriand  at  Ft.  Pres- 
entation (Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.)  in  17.')2.  The  need  of  a 
bishop  to  administer  the  sacrament  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania  was  urged  by  Bishop  Challoiier  in  a  re- 
port to  the  Propaganda,  2  Aug.,  1763.     Writing  to  his 


CONFITEOR 


222 


CONFITEOR 


agent  at  Rome,  Rev.  Dr.  Stonor,  12  Sept.,  1766,  he 
says :  "  there  be  so  many  thousands  there  that  hve  and 
die  without  Confirmation";  and  in  another  letter,  4 
June,  1771 :  "  It  is  a  lamentable  thing  that  such  a  mul- 
titude have  to  live  and  die  always  deprived  of  the 
Sacrament  of  Confirmation. "  Cardinal  Castelli  wrote, 
7  Sept.,  1771,  to  Bishop  Briand  of  Quebec  asking  him 
to  supply  the  need  of  the  Catholics  in  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania.  In  17S3  the  clergy  petitioned  Rome 
for  the  appointment  of  a  superior  with  the  necessary 
faculties  "that  our  faithful  living  in  many  dangers, 
may  be  no  longer  deprived  of  the  Sacrament  of  Con- 
firmation. ..."  On  6  June,  1784,  Pius  VI  ap)- 
pointed  Rev.  John  Carroll  as  superior  of  the  mission 
and  empowered  him  to  administer  confirmation  (Shea, 
Life  and  Times  of  Archbishop  Carroll,  New  York, 
1888;  cf.  Hughes  in  Am.  Eccl.  Review,  XXVIII,  23). 

V.  Confirmation  Among  Non-Catholics. — The 
Protestant  Reformers,  influenced  by  their  rejection  of 
all  that  could  not  be  clearly  proved  from  Scripture  and 
by  their  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  only,  refused 
to  admit  that  confirmation  was  a  sacrament  (Luther, 
De  Capt.  Babyl.,  VII,  p.  501).  According  to  the  Con- 
fession of  Augsburg,  it  was  instituted  by  the  Church, 
and  it  has  not  the  promise  of  the  grace  of  God.  Mel- 
anchthon  (Loci  Comm.,  p.  48)  taught  that  it  was  a 
vain  ceremony,  and  was  formerly  nothing  but  a  cate- 
chism in  which  those  who  were  approaching  adoles- 
cence gave  an  account  of  their  faith  before  the  Church ; 
and  that  the  minister  was  not  a  bishop  only,  but  any 
priest  whatsoever  (Lib.  Ref.  ad  Colonien.).  These 
four  points  were  condemned  by  the  Council  of  Trent 
(supra  I;  cf.  A.  Theiner,  Acta  Genuina  SS.  CEcum. 
Cone.  Trid.,  I,  p.  383  ,sqq.).  Nevertheless  the  Luth- 
eran Churches  retain  some  sort  of  confirmation  to  the 
present  day.  It  consists  of  the  examination  of  the 
candidate  in  Christian  doctrine  by  the  pastors  or  mem- 
bers of  the  consistory,  and  tlie  renewal  by  the  candi- 
date of  the  profession  of  faith  made  for  him  at  the 
time  of  his  baptism  by  his  godparents.  How  the  pas- 
tors properly  ordained  can  alone  be  said  to  "give" 
confirmation  does  not  appear.  The  Anglican  Church 
holds  that  "Confirmation  is  not  to  be  counted  for  a 
sacrament  of  the  Gospel  ...  for  it  has  not  the  like 
nature  of  sacraments  [sacramentorum  eandem  ra- 
tioTiem]  with  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper,  for  it  has 
not  any  visible  sign  or  ceremony  ordained  of  God" 
(Art.  x.w).  But,  like  the  Lutheran  Churches,  it  re- 
tains "the  Confirmation  of  chUdren,  by  examining 
them  of  their  knowledge  in  their  articles  of  faith  and 
joining  thereto  the  prayers  of  the  Church  for  them" 
(Homily  on  Common  Prayer  and  Sacraments,  p.  300). 
The  rite  of  confirmation  has  undergone  various  changes 
in  the  different  prayer  books  (see  Book  op  Common 
Prayer).  From  these  it  can  be  seen  how  the  Angli- 
can Church  has  varied  between  the  complete  rejection 
of  the  Catholic  doctrine  and  practice,  and  a  near  ap- 
proach to  these.  Testimonies  could  easily  be  quoted 
for  either  of  these  opinions.  The  wording  of  Art.  xxv 
left  a  loophole  which  the  Ritualistic  party  has  made 
good  use  of.  Even  some  t'atholics,  as  stated  above, 
have  admitted  that  confirmation  "  has  not  any  visible 
sign  or  ceremony  ordained  of  God";  the  imposition  of 
hands,  the  anointing,  and  the  words  used  being  all  of 
them  "ordained  of"  the  Apostles  of  the  Church. 

Generai-. — Diet,  de  throl.  cnth.  s.  v.,  full  bibliography;  WiL- 
HELM  AND  ScANNF.LL.  Manual  of  Cath.  Theol.  (Ixindon,  1898). 
II;  De  AuGUsTlNia,  Dc  Re  Sacramenlariii  (Rome,  1889);  Gihr. 
Die  hi.  Sakramcnle  d.  kathol.  Kirche  (Freibure;.  1902).  I;  Hein- 
Ririi-r,rTBEHLET.  Doflma/.  r/niofofftf  (Mainz,  1901),  IX;  Pohle, 
Lehrb.  d.  Dogmnlik  (Paderborn,  1906),  III,  Kood  bibliography; 
PoDRBAT,  Im  thcologie  mcramfniaire  (Paris.  1907). 

Speciai,.— V1TA88E,  De  Sacram.  Confirm,  in  Miqne,  Theol. 
Cursu.1  Camp.,  XXI;  JaN88enb,  La  confirmalion  (Lille,  1S88); 
Heimbdcher,  Das  Sakramenl  des  HI.  GeUtes  (Augsburg.  1889); 
DoLQER  Das  Sakrament  d.  Firmuna  (Vienna,  1906);  J.  R.  Gab- 
QUET.  The  Early  History  of  Baptism  and  Confirmation  in  Dublin 
Kev.  (189.')),  116. 

LiTDRQicAL.— MARTfc.NK,  De  ArUitiuis  Bed.  Rilibus  (Rouen. 
1700),  I,  n;  Martig.ny,  Diet.  de.i  aniiquiles  chrft.  (Paris,  1877); 
Dknzinqkb,  liilus  orivntalium  Bed.  (Wurzburg,  1863);  Malt- 


ZEw  (priest  of  the  Russian  Church),  Z)j>  Sarramcnte  d.  orthodox- 
kath.olischen  Kirehe  des  Morgenlandes  (Berlin,  1898);  Duchesne, 
Christian  Worship,  tr.  from  3rd  ed.  of  Les  Origines  (London. 
1903). 

Non-Catholic. — Mason.    The   Relation  of   Confirmation   to 
Baptism  (London,  1893);  Hall,  Confirmalion  (London,  1902); 
Ffohlkes  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.,  s.  v.     See  also  RicHARnsoN, 
Periodical  Articles  on  Religion,  IS90-1S90  (New  York,  1907). 
T.   B.   SCANNELL. 

Confiteor. — The  Confiteor  (so  called  from  the  first 
word,  confitenr,  I  confess)  is  a  general  confession  of  sins; 
it  is  used  in  the  Roman  Rite  at  the  beginning  of  Mass 
and  on  various  other  occasions  as  a  preparation  for 
the  reception  of  some  grace. 

History  of  the  Confiteor. — It  is  first  heard  of  as 
the  preparation  for  sacramental  confession  and  as  part 
of  the  preparation  for  Mass.  Both  the  original  East- 
em  liturgies  begin  with  a  confession  of  sin  made  by 
the  celebrant  (for  the  Antiochene  Rite  see  Brightman, 
Eastern  Liturgies,  p.  31,  and  for  the  Alexandrine 
Rite,  ibid.,  11(3).  The  first  Roman  sacramentaries 
and  ordos  tell  us  nothing  about  this  preparation ;  they 
all  describe  the  Mass  as  beginning  at  the  Introit.  The 
Confiteor  in  some  form  was  probably  from  an  early 
date  one  of  the  private  prayers  said  by  the  celebrant 
in  the  sacristy  before  he  began  Mass.  But  the  "  Sixth 
Roman  Ordo  "  (Mabillon,  Museum  Italicum,  II,  70-76), 
written  apparently  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  century, 
tells  us  that  at  the  beginning  of  Mass  the  pontiff  "  bow- 
ing down  prays  to  God  for  forgiveness  of  his  sins" 
(ibid.,  p.  71).  So  by  the  eleventh  century  the  prepa- 
ration is  already  made  at  the  altar.  In  the  "Canon- 
ical Rule"  of  Chrodegang  of  Metz  (d.  743)  the  ques- 
tions put  by  the  priest  to  the  penitent  before  confes- 
sion contain  a  form  that  suggests  our  Confiteor:  "First 
of  all  prostrate  yourself  humbly  in  the  sight  of  God 
.  .  .  and  pray  Blessed  Mary  with  the  holy  Apostles 
and  Martyrs  and  Confessors  to  pray  to  the  Lord  for 
you  (Chrodeg.  Met.,  "Reg.  Canon.",  cap.  xxxii,  in  P. 
L.,  LXXXIX,  1072).  So  also  Egbert  of  York  (d.  766) 
gives  a  short  form  that  is  the  germ  of  our  present 
prayer:  "Say  to  him  to  whom  you  wish  to  confess 
yoiu'  sins:  through  my  fault  that  I  have  sinned  ex- 
ceedingly in  thought,  word,  and  deed."  In  answer 
the  confessor  says  almost  exactly  our  Misereatur 
(Bona,  "Rerum  liturg.",  Bk.  II,  ii,  v).  But  it  is  in 
Micrologus  (Bernold  of  Constance,  d.  1100)  that  we 
first  find  the  Confiteor  quoted  as  part  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Mass.  The  form  here  is;  "Confiteor  Deo 
omnipotenti,  istis  Sanctis  et  omnibus  Sanctis  et  tibi 
frater,  quia  peccavi  in  cogitatione,  in  locutione,  in 
opere,  in  poUutione  mentis  et  corporis.  Ideo  precor 
te,  ora  pro  me."  The  Misereatur  and  Indulgentiam 
follow,  the  former  slightly  different,  but  the  latter  ex- 
actly as  we  have  it  now  (De  eccl.  observ.,  xxiii,  in  P. 
L.,  CLI,  992). 

In  the  "Ordo  Romanus  XIV"  (by  Cardinal  James 
Cajetan  in  the  fourteenth  century,  Mabillon,  op.  cit., 
II,  246-443)  we  find  our  Confiteor  exactly,  but  for  the 
slight  modification:  "Quia  peccavi  nimis  cogitatione, 
delectatione,  consensu,  verbo  et  opere"  (ib.,  p.  329). 
The  Third  Council  of  Ravenna  (1314,  Hardouin,  Coll. 
Cone,  VII,  1389)  orders  in  its  Rubric  .xv  our  Con- 
fiteor, word  for  word,  to  be  used  throughout  that 
province.  The  form,  and  especially  the  list  of  saints 
invoked,  varies  considerably  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Car- 
dinal Bona  (Rerum  liturg.  libri  duo,  II,  5-7)  quotes  a 
number  of  such  forms.  In  many  Missals  it  is  shorter 
than  ours:  "Confiteor  Deo,  beatiE  Mariae,  omnibus 
Sanctis  et  vobis"  (so  the  Sarum  Missal,  ed.  Dickinson, 
Burnti-sland,  1861-1883).  In  the  Missal  of  Paul  III 
(1534-1549)  it  is:  "Confiteor  Deo  omnipotenti,  B. 
Mariae  semper  Virgini,  B.  Petro  et  omnibus  Sanctis  et 
vobis  Fratres,  (|uia  peccavi,  me.a  culpa:  precor  vos 
orare  pro  me"  (Bona,  loc.  cit.).  Since  the  edition  of 
Pius  V  (1506-1572)  our  present  form  is  the  only  one 
to  be  used  throughout  the  Roman  Rite,  with  the  ex- 
peptions  of  the  Carthusian,  Carmelite,  and  Dominican 


CONFORMISTS 


223 


COKFUCIAMISM 


Offices,  wliose  Missals,  having  been  proved  to  have 
existed  for  more  than  200  years,  are  still  allowed. 
These  three  forms  are  quite  short,  and  contain  only 
one  "mei  culpa";  the  Dominicans  invoke,  besides 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Dominic.  Moreover,  some 
other  orders  have  the  privilege  of  adding  the  name 
of  their  founder  after  that  of  St.  Paul  (the  Francis- 
cans for  instance),  and  the  local  patron  is  inserted  at 
the  same  place  in  a  few  local  uses.  Otherwise  the 
Confiteor  must  always  be  said  exactly  as  it  is  in  the 
Roman  Missal  (S.  R.  C,  13  February,  1666,  Benedict 
XIV,  De  SS.  Missa;  Sacr.,  II,  iii,  11,  12). 

Use  of  the  Confiteor. — The  prayer  is  said  some- 
times as  a  double  form  of  mutual  confession,  first  by 
the  celebrant  to  the  people  and  then  by  the  people  to 
him,  and  sometimes  only  once,  as  a  single  form.  As 
a  double  form  it  is  used:  (1)  as  part  of  the  introduc- 
tory prayers  of  Mass  said  before  the  priest  goes  up  to 
the  altar,  after  the  Psalm  "Judica  me"  (Ritus  cele- 
brandi.  III,  7-9);  (2)  in  the  public  recital  of  the  Di- 
vine Office  as  part  of  the  Preces  at  Prime  (so  that  it  is 
omitted  on  doubles  and  in  octaves),  and  always  in  the 
begimiing  of  Complin  (Ruhr.  Gen.  Brev.,  XV,  2,  and 
XVIII,  1).  As  a  single  form  it  occurs:  (1)  during 
Mass,  a  second  time,  if  anyone  receives  Holy  Com- 
munion besides  the  celebrant;  (2)  when  Holy  Com- 
munion is  given  outside  of  Mass  (Rituale  Rom.,  Tit.  I, 
ch.  ii,  1);  (3)  before  the  administration  of  extreme 
unction  (when  it  may  be  said  in  Latin  or  in  the  vul- 
gar tongue. — Rituale  Rom.,  Tit.  V,  ch.  ii,  6);  (4)  be- 
fore the  .\postolic  blessing  is  given  to  a  dying  person 
(ibid.,  Tit.  V,  ch.  vi,  6);  (5)  the  Ritual  further  directs 
that  penitents  should  begin  their  confession  by  saying 
the  Confiteor  either  in  Latin  or  in  their  own  language, 
or  at  least  begin  with  these  words:  "Confiteor  Deo 
omnipotenti  et  tibi  pater"  (Tit.  Ill,  ch.  i,  14);  (G) 
lastly  the  "Caeremoniale  Episcoporum "  ordains  that 
when  a  bishop  sings  high  Mass,  the  deacon  should  sing 
the  Confiteor  after  the  sermon ;  the  preacher  then  reads 
out  the  Indulgence  given  by  the  bishop,  and  the 
bishop  adds  a  modified  form  of  the  Misereatur  (in 
which  he  again  invokes  the  saints  named  in  the  Con- 
fiteor), the  Indulgentiam,  and  finally  his  blessing. 
This  is  the  normal  ceremony  for  the  publication  of  In- 
dulgences (Ca;r.  Episc,  I,  ch.  xxii,  4;  II,  ch.  xx.xix, 
1   4). 

Kite  op  the  Confiteoh. — The  form  of  words  is  too 
wi-ll  known  to  need  quotation.  When  it  is  u.sed  as  a 
double  form,  the  celebrant  first  makes  his  confession, 
using  the  words  vobis  jratres  and  vos  fralres,  the  serv- 
ers or  ministers  say  the  Misereatur  in  the  singular 
ilui,  pecciitis  tuis),  and  then  make  their  confession  ad- 
dressed to  the  priest  (tibi  pater,  te  pater).  He  says  the 
Misereatur  in  the  plural  {M isereatur  vestri,  etc.),  and 
finally,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  adds  the  short 
prayer  Indulgentiam.  Both  the  Misereatur  and  the 
Indulgentiam  are  answered  with  "Amen".  When 
used  as  a  single  form  the  priest's  confession  is  left  out, 
the  deacon,  or  server,  says  the  Confiteor  (tihi  pater, 
etc.),  the  celebrant  responds  with  the  Misereatur  and 
Indulgentiam.  A  person  saying  the  prayer  alone  (for 
instance,  in  the  private  recital  of  the  Divine  Office) 
says  the  Confiteor  leaving  out  the  clauses  tibi  pater  or 
vobis  fratres,  etc. ,  altogether,  and  changes  the  answer 
to  Mixereulur  nostri  and  peccatis  nostris.  Before 
Communion  at  high  Ma.ss  and  before  the  promulga- 
tion of  Indulgences  the  ( 'onfiteor  is  sung  by  tlic  dc^icoii 
to  the  tone  given  in  tlu-  "CaTemoniale  Episco|inrunr' 
(II,  ch.  xxxix,  1).  The  Misereatur  and  Indulgentiam 
arc  never  sung. 

Homan  Miiisal,  Breviary,  Rilual.  drremoniate  Episcoporum, 
loc.  cit.;  Mabillon.  Museum  llaltcum  (Paris,  1689).  loc.  cit.; 
Bo.NA,  Rerum  Lilurgicarum  Libri  Duo  (Rome,  1671).  Bk.  II, 
ch.  ii,  pp.  288-292;  Benedict  XIV.  De  SS.  .Missa  Sacriticio, 
Bk.  II.  ch.  iii.  4-11;  Gihk.  Das  heilige  Messopfer  (Freiburg  im 
Br,  1897),  II.  834,  pp.  326-334,  tr.  The  Holy  Sacrifice  ol  the 
MaSB  (St.  I.ouia,  1902).  ADRIAN   FoRTESCUE. 

Oonlormists.     See  Dissenters. 


Confraternity  (Lat.  conjraternilas,  conjratria),  or 
sodality,  a  vokmtary  association  of  the  faithful,  es- 
tablished and  guided  by  competent  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority for  the  promotion  of  special  works  of  Christian 
charity  or  piety.  The  name  is  sometimes  applied  to 
pious  unions  (see  Associations,  Pious),  but  the  latter 
differ  from  confraternities  inasmuch  as  they  need  not 
be  canonically  erected  and  they  regard  rather  the 
good  of  the  neighbour  than  the  personal  sanctification 
of  the  members.  Confraternities  are  divided  into 
those  properly  so  called  and  those  to  which  the  name 
has  been  extended.  Both  are  erected  by  canonical 
authority,  but  the  former  have  a  more  precise  organi- 
zation, with  rights  and  duties  regulated  by  ecclesias- 
tical law,  and  their  members  often  wear  a  peculiar 
costume  and  recite  the  Office  in  common.  When  a 
confraternity  has  received  the  authority  to  aggregate 
to  itself  sodalities  erected  in  other  localities  and  to 
communicate  its  advantages  to  them,  it  is  called  an 
archconfraternity  (q.  v.). 

Pious  associations  of  laymen  existed  in  very  an- 
cient times  at  Constantinople  and  Alexandria.  In 
France,  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  the  laws  of 
the  Carlovingians  mention  confraternities  and  guilds. 
But  the  first  confraternity  in  the  modern  and  proper 
sense  of  the  word  is  said  to  have  been  founded  at  Paris 
by  Bishop  Odo  who  died  in  1208.  It  was  under  the 
invocation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary.  Various  other 
congregations,  as  of  the  Gonfalon,  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
of  the  Scapular,  etc.,  were  founded  between  the 
thirteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  From  the  latter 
century  onwards,  these  pious  associations  have 
multiplied  greatly.  Indulgences  are  communicated  to 
confraternities  either  directly  by  the  pope  or  through 
the  bishops,  unless  the  association  be  aggregated  to  an 
archconfraternity  (it  may  not  be  aggregated  to  more 
than  one)  through  which  it  participates  in  the  latter's 
privileges.  If  the  aggregation  be  not  made  according 
to  the  prescribed  formula,  the  Indulgences  are  not 
communicated.  The  directors  of  confraternities  are 
appointed  or  approved  by  the  bishop,  or  in  the 
churches  of  regulars  by  the  regular  superior.  Only 
after  such  appointment  can  the  director  apply  the  In- 
dulgences to  the  objects  which  he  blesses,  and  he  can- 
not subdelegate  this  power  without  special  faculty. 
The  reception  of  members  must  be  carried  out  by  the 
appointed  person.  The  observance  of  the  rules  is  not 
binding  in  conscience  nor  docs  their  neglect  deprive  a 
person  of  membership,  though  in  the  latter  case  the 
Indulgences  would  not  be  obtained.  The  loss  of  all  its 
members  for  a  short  time  does  not  dissolve  a  confra- 
ternity, and  by  the  reception  of  new  members  the  In- 
dulgences may  again  be  gained.  The  dissolution, 
translation,  and  visitation  of  confraternities  belong  to 
the  ordinary.  The  canon  law  governing  these  associ- 
ations is  found  in  the  Constitution  of  Clement  VIII 
(7  Dec,  1604)  with  some  modification  made  later  by 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Indulgences. 

Laurentius,  Institntiancs  Juris  Ecdt-siastici  (Freiburg, 
1903);  Beringer.  Lrs  Imlulamas  (Fr.  tr.,  Pari.s,  190.'>); 
Bouix,  De  Episcopo  (Paris,  1SS9),  II. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Confucianism — By  Confucianism  is  meant  the  com- 
plex system  of  moral,  social,  political,  and  religious 
teaching  built  up  by  Confvicius  on  the  ancient  Chinese 
traditions,  and  perpetuated  as  the  State  religion  down 
to  the  present  day.  Confucianism  aims  at  making 
not  siMi|iiy  the  man  of  virtue,  but  the  man  of  learning 
and  of  good  manners.  The  perfect  man  must  com- 
bine the  qualities  of  saint,  scholar,  and  gentleman. 
Confucianism  is  a  religion  without  positive  revelation, 
with  a  minimum  of  dogmatic  teaching,  whose  popular 
worship  is  centred  in  offerings  to  the  dead,  in  which 
the  notion  of  duty  is  e.xtended  beyond  the  sphere  of 
morals  proper  so  as  to  embrace  almost  every  detail 
of  daily  life. 

I.  The  Teacher,  Confucius. — The  chief  exponent 


CONFUCIANISM 


224 


CONFUCIANISM 


of  this  remarkable  religion  was  K'ung-tze,  or  K'ung- 
fu-tze,  latinized  by  the  early  Jesuit  missionaries  into 
Confucius.  Confucius  was  born  in  551  b.  c,  in  what 
was  then  the  feudal  state  of  Lu,  now  included  in  the 
modern  province  of  Shan-tung.  His  parents,  while 
not  wealthy,  belonged  to  the  superior  class.  His 
father  was  a  warrior,  distinguished  no  less  for  his 
deeds  of  valour  than  for  his  noble  ancestry.  Confu- 
cius was  a  mere  boy  when  his  father  died.  From 
childhood  he  showed  a  great  aptitude  for  study,  and 
though,  in  order  to  support  himself  and  his  mother, 
he  had  to  labour  in  his  early  years  as  a  hired  servant 
in  a  noble  family,  he  managed  to  find  time  to  pursue 
his  favourite  studies.  He  made  such  progress  that  at 
the  age  of  twenty-two  years  he  opened  a  school  to 
which  many  were  attracted  by  the  fame  of  his  learn- 
ing. His  ability  and  faithful  service  merited  for  him 
promotion  to  the  office  of  minister  of  justice.  Under 
his  wise  administration  the  State  attained  to  a  degree 
of  prosperity  and  moral  order  that  it  had  never  seen 
before.  But  through  the  intrigues  of  rival  states  the 
Marquis  of  Lu  was  led  to  prefer  ignoble  pleasures  to 
the  preservation  of  good  government.  Confucius 
tried  by  sound  advice  to  bring  his  liege  lord  back  to 
the  path  of  duty,  but  in  vain.  He  thereupon  resigned 
his  high  position  at  the  cost  of  personal  ease  and  com- 
fort, and  left  the  state.  For  thirteen  years,  accom- 
panied by  faithful  disciples,  he  went  about  from  one 
state  to  another,  seeking  a  ruler  who  would  give  heed 
to  his  counsels.  Many  were  the  privations  he  suffered. 
More  than  once  he  ran  imminent  risk  of  being  waylaid 
and  killed  by  his  enemies,  but  his  courage  and  confi- 
dence in  the  providential  character  of  his  mission 
never  deserted  him.  At  last  he  returned  to  Lu,  where 
he  spent  the  last  five  years  of  his  long  life  encouraging 
others  to  the  study  and  practice  of  virtue,  and  edify- 
ing all  by  his  noble  example.  He  died  in  the  year 
478  B.  c,  in  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age.  His 
lifetime  almost  exactly  coincided  with  that  of  Buddha, 
who  died  two  years  earlier  at  the  age  of  eighty. 

That  Confucius  possessed  a  noble,  commanding 
personality,  there  can  be  little  doubt.  It  is  shown 
by  his  recorded  traits  of  character,  by  his  lofty  moral 
teachings,  by  the  high-minded  men  that  he  trained 
to  continue  his  life-work.  In  their  enthusiastic  love 
and  admiration,  they  declared  him  the  greatest  of 
men,  the  sage  without  flaw,  the  perfect  man.  That 
he  himself  did  not  make  any  pretension  to  possess 
virtue  and  wisdom  in  their  fullness  is  shown  by  his 
owni  recorded  sayings.  He  was  conscious  of  his  short-  . 
comings,  and  this  consciousness  he  made  no  attempt 
to  keep  concealed.  But  of  his  love  of  virtue  and 
wisdom  there  can  be  no  question.  He  is  described  in 
"Analects",  VII,  18,  as  one  "who  in  the  eager  pursuit 
of  knowledge,  forgot  his  food,  and  in  the  joy  of  attain- 
ing to  it  forgot  his  sorrow".  Whatever  in  the  tradi- 
tional records  of  the  past,  whether  history,  lyric  poems, 
or  rites  and  ceremonies,  was  edifying  and  conducive 
to  virtue,  he  sought  out  with  untiring  zeal  and  made 
known  to  his  disciples.  He  was  a  man  of  affectionate 
nature,  sympathetic,  and  most  considerate  towards 
others.  He  loved  his  worthy  disciples  dearly,  and 
won  in  turn  their  undying  devotion.  He  was  modest 
and  unaffected  in  his  bearing,  inclined  to  gravity,  yet 
possessing  a  natural  cheerfulness  that  rarely  deserted 
him.  Schooled  to  adversity  from  childhood,  he 
learned  to  find  contentment  and  serenity  of  mind 
even  where  ordinary  comforts  were  lacking.  He  was 
very  fond  of  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  often 
sang,  accompanying  his  voice  with  the  lute.  His 
sense  of  humour  is  revealed  in  a  criticism  he  once 
made  of  some  boLsterous  singing.  "  Why  use  an  ox- 
knife",  he  said,  "to  kill  a  fowl?" 

Confucius  is  often  lu  Id  up  as  the  type  of  the  virtu- 
ous man  without  religion.  His  teachings,  it  is  alleged, 
were  chiefly  ethical,  in  which  one  looks  in  vain  for 
retribution  in  the  next  life  as  a  sanction  of  right  con- 


duct. Now  an  acquaintance  with  the  ancient  religion 
of  China  and  with  Confucian  texts  reveals  the  empti- 
ness of  the  assertion  that  Confucius  was  devoid  of 
religious  thought  and  feeling.  He  was  religious  after 
the  manner  of  religious  men  of  his  age  and  land.  In 
not  appealing  to  rewards  and  punishments  in  the  life 
to  come,  he  was  simply  following  the  example  of  his 
illustrious  Chinese  predecessors,  whose  religious  belief 
did  not  include  this  element  of  future  retribution. 
The  Chinese  classics  that  were  ancient  even  in  the 
time  of  Confucius  have  nothing  to  say  of  hell,  but  have 
much  to  say  of  the  rewards  and  punishments  meted 
out  in  the  present  life  by  the  all-seeing  Heaven. 
There  are  numbers  of  texts  that  show  plainly  that  he 
did  not  depart  from  the  traditional  belief  in  the 
supreme  Heaven-god  and  subordinate  spirits,  in 
Divine  providence  and  retribution,  and  in  the  con- 
scious existence  of  souls  after  death.  These  religious 
convictions  on  his  part  found  expression  in  many  re- 
corded acts  of  piety  and  worship. 

II.  The  Confuci.^n  Texts. — As  Confucianism  in 
its  broad  sense  embraces  not  only  the  immediate 
teaching  of  Confucius,  but  also  the  traditional  records, 
customs,  and  rites  to  which  he  gave  the  sanction  of 
his  approval,  and  which  to-day  rest  largely  upon  his 
authority,  there  are  reckoned  among  the  Confucian 
texts  several  that  even  in  his  day  were  venerated  as 
sacred  heirlooms  of  the  past.  The  texts  are  divided 
into  two  categories,  known  as  the  "King"  (Classics), 
and  the  "Shuh"  (Books).  The  texts  of  the  "  King", 
which  stand  first  in  importance,  are  commonly  reck- 
oned as  five,  but  sometimes  as  six.  The  first  of  these 
is  the  "Shao-king"  (Book  of  History),  a  religious  and 
moral  work,  tracing  the  hand  of  Providence  in  a  series 
of  great  events  of  past  history,  and  inculcating  the 
lesson  that  the  Heaven-god  gives  prosperity  and 
length  of  days  only  to  the  virtuous  ruler  who  has  the 
true  welfare  of  the  people  at  heart.  Its  unity  of 
composition  may  well  bring  its  time  of  publication 
down  to  the  sixth  century  B.  c,  though  the  sources 
on  which  the  earlier  chapters  are  based  may  be  almost 
contemporaneous  with  the  events  related.  The  sec- 
ond "King"  is  the  so-called  "She-king"  (Book  of 
Songs),  often  spoken  of  as  the  "Odes".  Of  its  305 
short  lyric  poems  some  belong  to  the  time  of  the 
Shang  djTiasty  (1766-1123  b.  c),  the  remaining,  and 
perhaps  larger,  part  to  the  first  five  centuries  of  the 
dynasty  of  Chow,  that  is,  down  to  about  600  B.  c. 
The  third  "  King"  is  the  so-called  "  Y-king"  (Book  of 
Changes),  an  enigmatic  treatise  on  the  art  of  divining 
with  the  stalks  of  a  native  plant,  which  after  being 
thrown  give  different  indications  according  as  they 
conform  to  one  or  another  of  the  si.xty-four  hexagrams 
made  up  of  three  broken  and  three  unbroken  lines. 
The  short  explanations  which  accompany  them,  in 
large  measure  arbitrary  and  fantastic,  are  a.ssigned 
to  the  time  of  Wan  and  his  illustrious  son  Wu,  founders 
of  the  Chow  dynasty  (1122  b.  c).  Since  the  time  of 
Confucius,  the  work  has  been  more  than  doubled  by 
a  series  of  appendixes,  ten  in  nimiber,  of  which  eight 
are  attributed  to  Confucius.  Only  a  small  portion  of 
these,  however,  are  probably  authentic.  The  fourtli 
"King"  is  the  "Li-ki"  (Book  of  RitesV  In  its  pres- 
ent form  it  dates  from  the  second  centiiry  of  our  era, 
being  a  compilation  from  a  vast  number  of  documents, 
most  of  which  date  from  the  earlier  part  of  the  Chow 
dynasty.  It  gives  rules  of  conduct  down  to  the  min- 
ute details  for  religious  acts  of  worship,  court  func- 
tions, social  and  family  relations,  dress — in  short,  for 
every  sphere  of  human  action.  It  remains  to-day  the 
authoritative  guide  of  correct  conduct  for  every  culti- 
vated Chinese.  In  the  "Li-ki"  are  many  of  Confu- 
cius's  reputed  sayings  and  two  long  treatises  composed 
by  disciples,  which  may  be  said  to  reflect  with  sub- 
stantial accuracy  the  sayings  and  teachings  of  the 
master.  One  of  these  is  the  treatise  known  as  the 
"Chung-yung"   (Doctrine  of  the  Mean).     It  forms 


CONFUCIANISM 


225 


CONFUCIANISM 


Book  XXVIII  of  the  "Li-ki",  and  is  one  of  its  most 
valuable  treatises.  It  consists  of  a  collection  of  say- 
ings of  Confucius  characterizing  the  man  of  perfect 
virtue.  The  other  treatise,  forming  Book  XXXIX 
of  the  "Li-ki",  is  the  so-called  "Ta-hio"  (Great 
Learning).  It  piu-ports  to  be  descriptions  of  the 
virtuous  ruler  by  the  disciple  Tsang-tze,  based  on 
the  teachings  of  the  master.  The  fifth  "  King"  is  the 
short  historical  treatise  known  as  the  "Ch'un-ts'ew" 
(Spring  and  Autumn),  said  to  have  been  written  by 
the  hand  of  ('onfucius  himself.  It  consists  of  a  con- 
nected series  of  bare  annals  of  the  state  of  Lu  for  the 
years  722-484  B.  c.  To  these  five  "Kings"  belongs 
a  sixth,  the  so-called  "Hiao-king"  (Book  of  Filial 
Piety).  The  Chinese  attribute  its  composition  to 
Confucius,  but  in  the  opinion  of  critical  scholars,  it 
is  the  product  of  the  school  of  his  disciple,  Tsang- 
tze. 

Mention  has  just  been  made  of  the  two  treatises, 
the  "Doctrine  of  the  Mean"  and  the  "Great  Learn- 
ing", embodied  in  the  "Li-ki".  In  the  eleventh 
century  of  our  era,  these  two  works  were  united  with 
other  Confucian  texts,  constituting  what  is  known  as 
the  "Sze-shuh"  (.Four  Books).  First  of  these  is  the 
"Lun-yu"  (Analects).  It  is  a  work  in  twenty  short 
chapters,  showing  what  manner  of  man  Confucius 
was  in  his  daily  life,  and  recording  many  of  his  strik- 
ing sayings  on  moral  and  historical  topics.  It  seems 
to  embody  the  authentic  testimony  of  his  disciples 
written  by  one  of  the  next  generation. 

The  second  place  in  the  "Shuh"  is  given  to  the 
"Book  of  Mencius".  Mencius  (Meng-tze),  was  not 
an  immediate  disciple  of  the  master.  He  lived  a  cen- 
tury later.  He  acquired  great  fame  as  an  exponent 
of  Confucian  teaching.  His  sayings,  chiefly  on  moral 
topics,  were  treasured  up  by  disciples,  and  published 
in  his  name.  Third  and  fourth  in  order  of  the  "  Shuh  " 
come  the  "Great  Learning"  and  the  "Doctrine  of  the 
Mean". 

For  our  earliest  knowledge  of  the  contents  of  these 
Confucian  texts,  we  are  indebted  to  the  painstaking 
re.searches  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  China  during 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  who,  with 
an  heroic  zeal  for  the  spread  of  Christ's  kingdom 
united  a  diligence  and  proficiency  in  the  study  of 
(liiiH'se  customs,  literature,  and  history  that  have 
laid  succeeding  scholars  under  lasting  obligation. 
Aim  nig  these  we  may  mention  Fathers  Premare, 
1m nis,  Lacharme,  Gaubil,  Noel,  Ignacio  da  Costa,  by 
wIm.iii  most  of  the  Confucian  texts  were  translated 
and  chicidated  with  great  erudition.  It  was  but  nat- 
ural lliat  their  pioneer  studies  in  so  difficult  a  field 
should  be  destined  to  give  place  to  the  more  accurate 
an. I  complete  monuments  of  modern  scholanship.  But 
I'M  n  here  they  have  worthy  representatives  in  such 
^rlii.lars  as  Father  Zottoli  and  Henri  Cordier,  whose 
(  huH'sp  studies  give  evidence  of  va.st  erudition.  The 
I '.  I  luc'ian  texts  have  been  made  available  to  English 
n  I  I.  rs  by  Professor  Leggo.  Besides  his  monumen- 
tal   work  in  seven  volumes,   entitled   "The  Chinese 

I I  i-<ics"  and  his  version  of  the  ''Ch'un  ts'ew",  he  has 
'I     ri  the  revised  translations  of  the  "Shuh",  "She", 

io",  "Y",  and  "Li-Ki"  in  Volumes  III,  XVI, 
II,  and  XXVIII  of  "The  Sacred  Books  of  the 

ill.  The  Doctrine. — (a)     Religious    Groundwork. 

I  Ih'  religion  of  ancient  ("hina,  to  which  Confucius 
l;i\.  his  reverent  adhesion  was  a  fonn  of  nature- 
uiuship  very  closely  approaching  to  monotheism. 
\\  lull'  numerous  spirits  associated  with  natural  phe- 
iiiiuHiia  were  recognized — spirits  of  mountains  and 
ri\i  rs.  of  land  and  grain,  of  the  four  quarters  of  the 

III  i\  Ills,  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars — they  were  all  sub- 
■  I  u ated  to  the  supreme  Heaven-god,  T'ien  (Heaven) 

ailed  Ti  (Lord),  or  Sliany-ti  (Supreme  Lord). 
iar  spirits  were  but  his  ministers,  acting  in  obedi- 
>  J  his  will.     T'ien  was  the  upholder  of  the  moral 
IV-— 15 


law,  exercising  a  benign  providence  over  men.  Noth- 
ing done  in  secret  could  escape  his  all-seeing  eye.  His 
punishment  for  evil  deeds  took  the  form  either  of 
calamities  and  early  death,  or  of  misfortune  laid  up 
for  the  children  of  the  evil-doer.  In  numerous  passages 
of  the  "  Shao-"  and  "She-king",  we  find  this  belief 
asserting  itself  as  a  motive  to  right  conduct.  That  it 
was  not  ignored  by  Confucius  himself  is  shown  by  his 
recorded  saying,  that  "he  who  offends  against 
Heaven  has  no  one  to  whom  he  can  pray".  Another 
quasi-religious  motive  to  the  practice  of  virtue  was 
the  belief  that  the  souls  of  the  departed  relatives  were 
largely  dependent  for  their  happiness  on  the  conduct 
of  their  living  descendants.  It  was  taught  that  chil- 
dren owed  it  as  a  duty  to  their  dead  parents  to  con- 
tribute to  their  glory  and  happiness  by  lives  of  virtue. 
To  judge  from  the  sayings  of  Confucius  that  have  been 
preserved,  he  did  not  disregard  these  motives  to  right 
conduct,  but  he  laid  chief  stress  on  the  love  of  virtue 
for  its  own  sake.  The  principles  of  morality  and 
their  concrete  application  to  the  varied  relations  of 
life  were  embodied  in  the  sacred  texts,  which  in  turn 
represented  the  teachings  of  the  great  sages  of  the  past 
raised  up  by  Heaven  to  instruct  mankind.  These 
teachings  were  not  inspired,  nor  were  they  revealed, 
yet  they  were  infallible.  The  sages  were  born  with 
wisdom  meant  by  Heaven  to  enlighten  the  children  of 
men.  It  was  thus  a  wisdom  that  was  providential, 
rather  than  supernatural.  The  notion  of  Divine  posi- 
tive revelation  is  absent  from  the  Chinese  texts.  To 
follow  the  path  of  duty  as  laid  down  in  the  authorita- 
tive rules  of  conduct  was  within  the  reach  of  all  men, 
provided  that  their  nature,  good  at  birth,  was  not 
hopelessly  spoiled  by  vicious  influences.  Confucius 
held  the  traditional  view  that  all  men  are  bom  good. 
Of  anj-thing  like  original  sin  there  is  not  a  trace  in  his 
teaching.  He  seems  to  have  failed  to  recognize  even 
the  existence  of  vicious  hereditary  tendencies.  In  his 
view,  what  spoiled  men  was  bad  environment,  evil 
example,  an  inexcusable  yielding  to  evil  appetites 
that  everyone  by  right  use  of  his  natural  powers  could 
and  ought  to  control.  Moral  downfall  caused  by 
suggestions  of  evil  spirits  had  no  place  in  his  system. 
Nor  is  there  any  notion  of  Divine  grace  to  strengthen 
the  will  and  enlighten  the  mind  in  the  struggle  with 
evil.  There  are  one  or  two  allusions  to  prayer,  but 
nothing  to  show  that  daily  prayer  was  recommended 
to  the  aspirant  after  perfection. 

(b)  Helps  to  Virtue. — In  Confucianism  the  helps  to 
the  cultivation  of  virtue  are  natural  and  providential, 
nothing  more.  But  in  this  development  of  moral 
perfection  Confucius  sought  to  enkindle  in  others  the 
enthusi;istic  love  of  virtue  that  he  felt  himself.  To 
make  oneself  as  good  as  possible,  this  was  with  him 
the  main  business  of  life.  Everything  that  was  con- 
ducive to  the  practice  of  goodness  was  to  be  eagerly 
sought  and  made  use  of.  To  this  end  right  knowledge 
was  to  be  held  indispensable.  Like  Socrates,  Con- 
fucius taught  that  vice  sprang  from  ignorance  and 
that  knowledge  led  unfailingly  to  virtue.  The  knowl- 
edge on  which  he  insisted  was  not  purely  scientific 
learning,  but  an  edifying  acquaintance  with  the  sacred 
texts  and  the  rules  of  virtue  and  propriety.  Another 
factor  on  whic'h  he  laid  great  stress  was  the  influence 
of  good  example.  He  loved  to  hold  up  to  the  admira- 
tion of  his  disciples  the  heroes  and  sages  of  the  past, 
an  acipituiitance  with  whose  noble  deeds  and  sayings 
he  sought  to  ])romote  by  insisting  on  the  study  of  the 
ancient  cltissics.  Many  of  his  recorded  sayings  are 
eulogies  of  these  valiant  men  of  virtue.  Nor  did  he 
fail  to  recognize  the  value  of  good,  high-minded  com- 
panions. His  motto  was,  to  associate  with  the  truly 
great  and  to  make  friends  of  the  most  virtuous.  Be- 
sides association  with  the  good,  Confucius  urged  on 
his  disciples  the  importance  of  always  welcoming  the 
fraternal  correction  of  one's  faults.  Then,  too,  the 
daily  examination  of  conscience  was  inculcated.     As 


CONFUCIANISM 


226 


CONFUCIANISM 


a  further  aid  to  the  formation  of  a  virtuous  character, 
he  valued  highly  a  certain  amount  of  self-discipline. 
He  recognized  the  danger,  especially  in  the  young,  of 
falling  into  habits  of  softness  and  love  of  ease.  Hence 
he  insisted  on  a  virile  indifference  to  effeminate  com- 
forts. In  the  art  of  music  he  also  recognized  a  pow- 
erful aid  to  enkindle  enthusiasm  for  the  practice  of  vir- 
tue. He  taught  his  pupils  the  "Odes"  and  other 
edifying  songs,  which  they  sang  together  to  the  ac- 
companiment of  lutes  and  harps.  This  together  with 
the  magnetism  of  his  personal  influence  lent  a  strong 
emotional  quality  to  his  teaching. 

(c)  Fundamental  Virhte^. — As  a  foundation  for 
the  life  of  perfect  goodness,  Confucius  insisted  chiefly 
on  the  four  virtues  of  sincerity,  benevolence,  filial 
piety,  and  propriety.  Sincerity  was  with  him  a  car- 
dinal virtue.  As  used  by  him  it  meant  more  than  a 
mere  social  relation.  To  be  truthful  and  straight- 
forward in  speech,  faithful  to  one's  promises,  consci- 
entious in  the  discharge  of  one's  duties  to  others — 
this  was  included  in  sincerity  and  something  more. 
The  sincere  man  in  Conf  ucius's  eyes  was  the  man  whose 
conduct  was  always  based  on  the  love  of  virtue,  and 
who  in  consequence  sought  to  observe  the  rules  of 
right  conduct  m  his  heart  as  well  as  in  outward  actions, 
when  alone  as  well  as  in  the  presence  of  others. 
Benevolence,  showing  itself  in  a  kindly  regard  for  the 
welfare  of  others  and  in  a  readiness  to  help  them  in 
times  of  need,  was  also  a  fundamental  element  in  Con- 
fucius's  teaching.  It  was  viewed  as  the  characteris- 
tic trait  of  the  good  man.  Mencius,  the  illustrious 
exponent  of  Confucianism,  has  the  remarkable  state- 
ment: "Benevolence  is  man"  (VII,  16).  In  the  say- 
ings of  Confucius  we  find  the  Golden  Rule  in  its  nega- 
tive form  enunciated  several  times.  In  "Analects", 
XV,  13,  we  read  that  when  a  disciple  asked  him  for  a 
guiding  principle  for  all  conduct,  the  master  an- 
swered: "Is  not  mutual  goodwill  such  a  principle? 
What  you  do  not  want  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to 
others".  This  is  strikingly  like  the  form  of  the  Golden 
Rule  found  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  "  Teaching  of  the 
Apostles" — "All  things  soever  that  you  would  not 
have  done  to  yourself,  do  not  do  to  another";  also  in 
Tobias,  iv,  16,  where  it  appears  for  the  first  time  in 
Sacred  Scripture.  He  did  not  approve  the  principle 
held  by  Lao-tze  that  injury  should  be  repaid  with 
kindness.  His  motto  was  "  Requite  injury  with  jus- 
tice, and  kindness  with  kindness"  (Analects,  XIV,  36). 
He  seems  to  have  viewed  the  question  from  the  prac- 
tical and  legal  standpoint  of  social  order.  "  To  repay 
kindness  with  kindness",  he  says  elsewhere,  "acts  as 
an  encouragement  to  the  people.  To  requite  injury 
with  injury  acts  as  a  warning"  (Li-ki,  XXIX,  11). 
The  third  fundamental  virtue  in  the  Confucian  system 
is  filial  piety.  In  the  "Hiao-king",  Confucius  is  re- 
corded as  saying:  "Filial  piety  is  the  root  of  all  vir- 
tue."— "Of  all  the  actions  of  man  there  are  none 
greater  than  those  of  filial  piety."  To  the  Chinese 
then  as  now,  filial  piety  prompted  the  son  to  love  and 
respect  his  parents,  contribute  to  their  comfort,  bring 
happiness  and  honour  to  their  name,  by  honourable 
success  in  life.  But  at  the  same  time  it  carried  that 
devotion  to  a  degree  that  was  excessive  and  faulty. 
In  consequence  of  the  patriarchal  system  there  pre- 
vailing, filial  piety  included  the  obligation  of  sons  to 
live  after  marriage  under  the  same  roof  with  the  father 
and  to  give  him  a  childlike  obedience  as  long  as  he 
lived.  The  will  of  the  parents  was  declared  to  be 
supreme  even  to  the  extent  that  if  the  son's  wife  failed 
to  please  them  he  was  obliged  to  divorce  her,  though  it 
cut  him  to  the  heart.  If  a  dutiful  son  found  himself 
compelled  to  admonish  a  wayward  father  he  was 
taught  to  give  the  correction  with  the  utmost  meek- 
ness; though  the  parent  might  beat  him  till  the  blood 
flowed  he  was  not  to  show  any  resentment.  The 
father  did  not  forfeit  his  right  to  filial  respect,  no 
matter  how  great  his  wickedness.     Another  virtue  of 


primary  importance  in  the  Confucian  system  is  "pro- 
priety". It  embraces  the  whole  sphere  of  human 
conduct,  prompting  the  superior  man  always  to  do  the 
right  thing  in  the  right  place.  It  finds  expression  in 
the  so-called  rules  of  ceremony,  which  are  not  con- 
fined to  religious  rites  and  rules  of  moral  conduct,  but 
extend  to  the  bewildering  mass  of  conventional  cus- 
toms and  usages  by  which  Chinese  etiquette  is  regu- 
lated. They  were  distinguished  even  in  Confucius's 
day  by  the  three  hundred  greater,  and  the  three  thou- 
sand lesser,  rules  of  ceremony,  all  of  which  had  to  be 
carefully  learned  as  a  guide  to  right  conduct.  The 
conventional  usages  as  well  as  the  rules  of  moral  con- 
duct brought  with  them  the  sense  of  obligation  resting 
primarily  on  the  authority  of  the  sage-kings  and  in  the 
last  analysis  on  the  will  of  Heaven.  To  neglect  or 
deviate  from  them  was  equivalent  to  an  act  of  im- 
piety. 

(d)  Rites. — In  the  "Li-ki",  the  chief  ceremonial  ob- 
servances are  declared  to  be  six:    capping,  marriage, 
mourning  rites,  sacrifices,  feasts,  and  interviews.     It 
will  be  enough  to  treat  briefly  of  the  first  four.     They 
have  persisted  with  little  change  down  to  the  present 
day.     Capping  was  a  joyous  ceremony,  wherein  the  son 
was  honoured  on  reaching  his  twentieth  year.     In  the 
presence  of  relatives  and  invited  guests,  the  father 
conferred  on  his  son  a  special  name  and  a  square  cor- 
nered cap  as  distinguishing  marks  of  his  mature  man- 
hood.    It  was  accompanied  with  a  feast.     The  mar- 
riage ceremony  was  of  great  importance.     To  marry 
with  the  view  of  having  male  children  was  a  grave 
duty  on  the  part  of  every  son.     This  was  necessary  to 
keep  up  the  iiatriarehal  system  and  to  provide  for  an- 
cestral worsliip  in  after  years.     The  rule  as  laid  down 
in  the  "Li-ki"  was,  that  a  young  man  should  marry  at 
the  age  of  thirty  and  a  young  woman  at  twenty.     The 
proposal  and  acceptance  pertained  not  to  the  young 
parties  directly  interested,  but  to  their  parents.     The 
preliminary  arrangements   were  made   by  a  go-be- 
tween after  it  was  ascertained  by  divination  that  the 
signs  of  the  proposed  union  were  auspicious.     The 
parties  could  not  be  of  the  same  surname,  nor  related 
within  the  fifth  degree  of  kindred.     On  the  day  of  the 
wedding  the  young  groom  in  his  best  attire  came  to  the 
house  of  the  britle  and  led  her  out  to  his  carriage,  in 
which  she  rode  to  his  father's  home.     There  he  re- 
ceived her,  surrounded  by  the  joyous  guests.     Cups 
improvised  by  cutting  a  melon  in  halves  were  filled 
with  sweet  spirits  and  handed  to  the  bride  and  groom. 
By  taking  a  sip  from  each,  they  signified  that  they 
were  united  in  wedlock.     The  bride  thus  became  a 
member  of  the  family  of  her  parents-in-law,  subject,  . 
like  her  husband,  to  their  authority.     Monogamy  was    fe 
encouraged  as  the  ideal  condition,  but  the  mainte- 
nance of  secondary  wives  known  as  concubines  was 
not  forbidden.     It  was  reconunended  when  the  true 
wife  failed  to  bear  male  children  and  was  too  much 
loved    to   be  divorced.      There  were    seven    causes  It;. 
justifying  the  repudiation  of  a  wife  besides  infidelity,  !  li 
and  one  of  these  was  the  absence  of  male  olTspring,    ila 
The  mourning  rites  were  likewise  of  supreme  impor-    fit 
tance.     Their  exposition  takes  up  the  greater  part  of  J»t* 
the    "Li-ki".      They  were    most   elaborate,  varying 
greatly  in  details  and  length  of  observance,  according 
to  the  rank  and  relationship  of  the  deceased.     The  ^ 
mourning  rites  for  the  father  were  the  most  impressive    fan 
of  all.     For  the  first  three  days,  the  son,  clad  in  sack-    m 
cloth  of  coarse  white  hemp,  fasted,  and  leaped,  and    loij 
wailed.     After  the  burial,  for  which  there  were  minute   pt 
prescriptions,  the  son  had  to  wear  the  mourning  sack-    ipij 
cloth  for  twenty-seven  months,  emaciating  his  body   )t% 
with  scanty  food,  and  living  in  a  rude  hut  erected  for    liip 
the  purpose  near  the  grave.     In  the  "Analects",  Con-    kive 
fucius  is  said  to  have  condemned  with  indignation  the    r.i, 
suggestion  of  a  disciple  that  the  period  of  the  mourn-  ' 
ine  rites  might  well  be  shortened  to  one  year.     .An- 
other class  of  rites  of  supreme  importance  were  the 


I 


CONFUCIANISM 


227 


CONFUCIANISM 


sacrifices.  They  are  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the 
Confucian  t«xts,  where  instructions  are  given  for  their 
proper  celebration.  From  the  Chinese  notion  of  sacri- 
fice the  idea  of  propitiation  through  blood  is  entirely 
absent.  It  is  nothing  more  than  a  food-offering  ex- 
pressing the  reverent  homage  of  the  worshippers,  a 
solemn  feast  to  do  honour  to  the  spirit  guests,  who  are 
invited  and  are  thought  to  enjoy  the  entertainment. 
Meat  and  drink  of  groat  variety  are  provided.  There  is 
also  vocal  and  instrumental  music,  and  pantomimic 
dancing.  The  officiating  ministers  are  not  priests, 
but  heads  of  families,  the  feudal  lords,  and  above  all, 
the  king.     There  is  no  priesthood  in  Confucianism. 

The  worship  of  the  people  at  large  is  practically 
confined  to  the  so-called  ancestor-worship.  Some 
think  it  is  hardly  proper  to  call  it  worship,  consisting 
as  it  does  of  feasts  in  honour  of  dead  relatives.  In  the 
days  of  Confucius,  as  at  present,  there  was  in  every 
family  home,  from  the  palace  of  the  king  himself  down 
to  the  humble  cabin  of  the  peasant,  a  chamber  or 
closet  called  the  ancestral  shrine,  where  wooden  tab- 
lets were  reverently  kept,  inscribed  with  the  names  of 
deceased  parents,  grandparents,  and  more  remote 
ancestors.  At  stated  intervals  offerings  of  fruit, 
wine,  and  cooked  meats  were  set  before  these  tablets, 
which  the  ancestral  spirits  were  fancied  to  make  their 
temporary  resting-place.  There  was,  besides,  a  pub- 
lic honouring  by  each  local  clan  of  the  common  ances- 
tors twice  a  year,  in  spring  and  autumn.  This  was  an 
elaborate  banquet  with  music  and  solemn  dances,  to 
which  the  dead  ancestors  were  summoned,  and  in 
which  they  were  believed  to  participate  along  with  the 
living  members  of  the  clan.  More  elaborate  and  mag- 
nificent still  were  the  great  triennial  and  quinquennial 
feasts  given  by  the  king  to  his  ghostly  ancestors. 
This  feasting  of  the  dead  by  families  and  clans  was 
restricted  to  such  as  were  united  with  the  living  by 
ties  of  relationship.  There  were,  however,  a  few 
public  benefactors  whose  memory  was  revered  by  all 
the  people  and  to  whom  offerings  of  food  were  made, 
onfucius  himself  came  be  to  honoured  after  death, 
aeing  regarded  as  the  greatest  of  public  benefactors. 
Even  to-day  in  China  this  religious  veneration  of  the 
naster  is  faithfully  maintained.  In  the  Imperial 
'olli'ge  in  Peking  there  is  a  shrine  where  the  tablets  of 
'onfucius  and  his  principal  disciples  are  preserved. 
Pwire  a  year,  in  spring  and  autumn,  the  emperor  goes 
here  in  state  and  solemnly  presents  food-offerings 
vitli  a  prayerful  address  expressing  his  gratitude  and 
le  VI  it  ion. 

In  the  fourth  book  of  the  "Li-ki"  reference  is  made 
n  tho  sacrifices  which  the  people  were  accustomed  to 
■ffi  r  to  the  "spirits  of  the  ground",  that  is  to  the 
|iirii^  presiding  over  the  local  fields.  In  the  worship 
'f  -[irits  of  higher  rank,  however,  the  people  seem  to 
11  \'  t.iken  no  active  part.  This  was  the  concern  of 
Iv'ir  highest  representatives,  the  feudal  lords  and  the 
iim  Each  feudal  lord  offered  sacrifice  for  himself 
imI  his  subjects  to  the  .subordinate  spirits  supposed 
o  h  i\i>  especial  care  of  his  territory.  It  was  the  pre- 
n^iiive  of  the  king  alone  to  sacrifice  to  the  spirits, 
•nth  threat  and  small,  of  the  whole  realm,  particularly 
1'  Ih.iven  and  Earth.  Several  sacrifices  of  this  kind 
.  I  r<  offered  every  year.  The  most  important  were 
hn-  at  the  winter  and  summer  solstice  in  which 
If  I  .  ■ti  and  Earth  were  respectively  worshipped.  To 
r  II 11 1  lit  for  this  anomaly  we  must  bear  in  mind  that 
irriline,  as  viewed  by  the  Chinese,  is  a  feast  to  the 
pirit  guests,  and  that  according  to  their  notion  of 
rniriity  the  highest  deities  .should  be  feted  only  by 
III'  highest  represent.atives  of  the  living.  They  saw 
liiiMss  in  the  custom  that  only  the  king,  the  Son  of 
li  iMii,  should,  in  his  own  behalf  and  in  behalf  of  his 
I'l'l'l'  .  make  solemn  offering  to  Heaven.  And  so  it  is 
1  I  ly.  The  sacrificial  worship  of  Heaven  and  F)arth 
I '  li  lirated  only  by  the  emperor,  with  the  assistance, 
jidced,  of  a  small  army  of  attendants,  and  with  a 


magnificence  of  ceremonial  that  is  astonishing  to  be- 
hold. To  pray  privately  to  Heaven  and  burn  incense 
to  him  was  a  legitimate  way  for  the  individual  to  show 
his  piety  to  the  highe-st  deity,  and  this  is  still  prac- 
tised, generally  at  the  full  moon. 

(e)  Folilics. — Confucius  knew  but  one  form  of  gov- 
ernment, the  traditional  monarchy  of  his  native  land. 
It  was  the  extension  of  the  patriarchal  system  to  the 
entire  nation.  The  king  exercised  an  absolute  au- 
thority over  his  subjects,  as  the  father  over  his  chil- 
dren. He  ruled  by  right  Divine.  He  was  providen- 
tially set  up  by  Heaven  to  enlighten  the  people  by 
wise  laws  and  to  lead  them  to  goodness  by  his  example 
and  authority.  Hence  his  title,  the  "  Son  of  Heaven". 
To  merit  this  title  he  should  reflect  the  virtue  of 
Heaven.  It  was  only  the  high-minded  king  that  won 
Heaven's  favour  and  was  rewarded  with  prosperity. 
The  unworthy  king  lost  Divine  assistance  and  came  to 
naught.  The  Confucian  texts  abound  in  lessons  and 
warnings  on  this  subject  of  right  government.  The 
value  of  good  example  in  the  ruler  is  emphasized  most 
strongly.  The  principle  is  asserted  again  and  again, 
that  the  people  cannot  fail  to  practise  virtue  and  to 
prosper  when  the  ruler  sets  the  high  example  of  right 
conduct.  On  the  other  hand  the  implication  is  con- 
veyed in  more  than  one  place  that  when  crime  and 
misery  aboimd,  the  cause  is  to  be  sought  in  the  un- 
worthy king  and  his  unprincipled  ministers. 

IV.  Hlstory  of  Confucianism. — It  is  doubtless 
this  uncompromising  attitude  of  Confucianism  to- 
wards vicious  self-seeking  rulers  of  the  people  that  all 
but  caused  its  extinction  towards  the  end  of  the  third 
century  B.  c.  In  the  year  213  B.  c,  the  subvertcr  of 
the  Chow  dynasty,  Shi  Hwang-ti,  promulgated  the 
decree  that  all  Confucian  books,  excepting  the  "Y- 
king",  should  be  destroyed.  The  penalty  of  death 
was  threatened  against  all  scholars  who  should  be 
foimd  possessing  the  proscribed  books  or  teaching 
them  to  others.  Hundreds  of  Confucian  scholars 
would  not  comply  with  the  edict,  and  were  buried 
alive.  When  the  repeal  came  under  the  Han  dynasty, 
in  191  B.  c,  the  work  of  extermin,ation  was  wellnigh 
complete.  Gradually,  however,  copies  more  or  less 
damaged  were  brought  to  light,  and  the  Confucian 
te.xts  were  restored  to  their  place  of  honour.  Genera- 
tions of  scholars  have  devoted  their  best  years  to  the 
elucidation  of  the  "King"  and  "Shuh",  with  the  re- 
sult that  an  enormous  literature  has  clustered  around 
them.  As  the  State  religion  of  China,  Confucianism 
has  exercised  a  profound  influence  on  the  life  of  the 
nation.  This  influence  has  been  little  affected  by  the 
lower  classes  of  Taoism  and  Buddhism,  both  of  which, 
as  popular  cults,  began  to  flourish  in  China  towards 
the  end  of  the  first  century  of  our  era.  In  the  gross 
idolatry  of  these  cults  the  ignorant  found  a  satisfac- 
tion for  their  religious  cravings  that  was  not  afforded 
by  the  religion  of  the  State.  But  in  thus  embracing 
Taoism  and  Buddhism  they  did  not  cease  to  be  Confu- 
cianists.  These  cults  were  and  are  nothing  more  than 
accretions  on  the  Confucian  beliefs  and  customs  of  the 
lower  classes,  forms  of  popular  devotion  clinging  like 
parasites  to  the  ancestral  religion.  The  educated 
Chinese  despi.ses  both  Buddhist  ami  Taoi-st  supersti- 
tions. But  while  nominally  professing  Confucianism 
pure  and  simple,  not  a  few  hold  rationalistic  views 
regarding  the  spirit  world.  In  number  the  Confucian- 
ists  amount  to  about  three  hundred  millions. 

V.  CoNFUciANi.s.M  VF.n.su.s  Chhi.stian  Civiliza- 
tion.— In  Confucianism  there  is  nuich  to  admire.  It 
has  taught  a  noble  conception  of  the  supreme  Heaven- 
god.  It  h.as  inculcated  a  remarkably  high  standard 
of  morality.  It  has  prompted,  as  far  as  it  knew  how, 
the  refining  influence  of  literary  education  and  of  po- 
lite conduct.  But  it  .stands  to-day  encumbered  with 
the  serious  defects  that  characterize  the  imperfect 
civilization  of  its  early  development.  The  associa- 
tion of  T'icn  with  innumerable  nature-spirits,  spirits 


CONGO 


228 


CONGO 


of  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  of  hills  and  fields  and  rivers, 
the  superstitious  use  of  divination  by  means  of  stalks 
and  tortoise  shells,  and  the  crude  notion  that  the 
higher  spirits,  together  with  the  souls  of  the  dead,  are 
regaled  by  splendid  banquets  and  food-ofTerings,  can- 
not stand  the  test  of  intelligent  modem  criticism. 
Nor  can  a  religion  answer  fully  to  the  religious  needs 
of  the  heart  which  withdraws  from  the  active  partici- 
pation of  the  people  the  solemn  worship  of  the  deity, 
which  has  little  use  of  prayer,  which  recognizes  no 
such  thing  as  grace,  which  has  no  definite  teaching  in 
regard  to  the  future  life.  As  a  social  system  it  has 
lifted  the  Chinese  to  an  intennediate  grade  of  culture, 
but  has  blocked  for  ages  all  further  progress.  In  its 
rigid  insistence  on  rites  and  customs  that  tend  to  per- 
petuate the  patriarchal  system  with  its  attendant 
evils  of  polygamy  and  divorce,  of  excessive  seclusion 
and  repression  of  women,  of  an  undue  hampering  of 
individual  freedom,  Confucianism  stands  in  painful 
contrast  with  progressive  Christian  civilization. 

Legge,  The  Chinese  Classics  (7  vols.,  London,  1S61-71): 
Idem,  The  Shu  King,  Shih  King,  and  Hsiao  King  in  Saxyred 
Books  of  the  East,  III;  Idem.  The  Yi  King,  ibid.,  XVI; 
Idem,  The  Li  Chi,  ibid..  XXVII,  XXVIII;  Jennings,  The 
Confucian  Analects  (London,  1895);  de  Harlez,  Yi-king 
(Paris,  1886);  Idem,  I-li  (Paris,  1890);  Callert,  Li  Ki,  ou 
Memorial  des  rites  (Turin,  1853);  Zottoli,  Li  Ki  in  Cursus 
LitteraturcB  SiniccB  (Shanghai,  1880);  Philastre,  Le  Yi-King 
in  Annates  du  Musee  Guimet,  VIII,  XXIII;  Legge,  The  Re- 
ligions of  China,  Confucianism  and  Taoism  compared  with  Chris- 
tianity (London  1880)  ;  Faber,  A  Systematic  Digest  of  the 
Doctrines  of  Confucius,  tr.  by  von  Mollendorp  (Hong-Kong, 
1875);  Kudo,  Ethics  of  Confucius  (Toldo,  1904);  Giles,  Con- 
fucianism  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  in  Great  Religions  of  the 
World  (New  York,  1901);  Douglas,  Confucianism  and  Taoism 
(London,  1897);  t)\aK\K,  China's  Religimwti  Cnnfunn^  und 
seine  Lehre  (Miinster,  1895);  Plath,  Ch^m'"  .  .  -  -.  '  yrinr 
SchiiJer  (Munich.  1871);    de  Groot,  The  A',    .  ,      /„  of 

China  (3  vols..  Levden,  1892-93);  de  Hahi.j  ,  .  ;.:  .  ,  ..„,  dr 
la  Chine  (Paris,  1891);  de  la  Sausbave,  Lil„b.  J.,-  l:,l„jiuns- 
geschichte  (Freiburg,  1905),  I. 

Charles  F.  Aiken. 

Congo,  Dioce.se  of.     See  Angola  and  Congo. 

Congo  Independent  State  and  Congo  Missions. 

(Editor's  Note: — The  following  account  of  the 
Congo  Independent  State  was  written  before  the  an- 
nexation of  the  State  by  the  Belgian  Government. 
Belgiimi's  right  to  take  over  the  Congo  and  the  suc- 
cessive steps  which  have  led  up  to  the  annexation 
will  be  found  treated  imder  sections  II  and  VII. 
On  20  August,  1908,  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  ap- 
proved the  treaty  of  annexation,  and  on  9  September 
following  the  treaty  was  adopted  by  the  Belgian 
Senate.  By  this  agreement  the  Belgian  Government 
took  over  the  Independent  State,  including  the  Do- 
maine  de  la  Couronne,  with  all  its  rights  and  obliga- 
tions. Among  other  trusts  the  Government  guaran- 
teed certain  allowances  to  Prince  Albert  and  Princess 
Clementine  and  created  two  funds,  one  of  $9,100,000 
to  be  expended  in  Belgium  for  public  works,  and  an- 
other of  $10,000,000  to  be  paid  to  the  king  and  his 
successors  in  fifteen  annuities  and  used  for  objects  con- 
nected with  the  Congo. 

The  present  article  deals  with  the  Independent  State 
— both  in  its  interior  organization  and  international 
position — as  it  was  down  to  the  time  of  annexation.] 

I.  Exploration;  Founding  op  the  State. — Amer- 
ica has  not  been  without  a  share  in  the  discovery  of  the 
Congo  Free  State.  It  was  James  Gordon  Bennett,  the 
proprietor  of  the  "New  York  Herald",  who  (October, 
1879)engaged  (Sir)  Henry  Morton  Stanley  to  undertake 
his  voyage  through  Africa  to  find  the  lost  explorer, 
David  Livingstone.  Americans,  therefore,  may  claim 
a  part  in  the  honour  of  a  discovery  which  has  changed 
our  geographical  notions  and  opened  a  new  countrj-  to 
civilization.  Congo  had  been  considered  an  arid,  unin- 
habited desert;  Stanley  found  there  rich  forests,  an 
immense  river,  vast  lakes,  and  millions  of  hmnan  be- 
ings to  be  civilized.  Further,  the  United  States  was 
the  first  Power  (22  April,  1884)  that  recognized  the 


flag  of  the  International  Association  as  that  of  a 
friendly  state.  There  are  (1908)  in  Africa  four  Congo 
States:  the  French,  German,  Portuguese,  and  the  In- 
dependent, or  Free,  State.  It  is  this  last  which,  more 
than  the  others,  deserves  particular  attention.  It  was 
here  that  the  plenipotentiaries,  gathered  at  Berlin 
(24  Feb.,  1885),  hoped  to  see  realized  their  ideal  of 
generous  freedom  and  civilizing  humanity.  Leopold 
II  ascended  the  throne  of  Belgium  in  1S65.  A  man  of 
imdoubted  genius  and  erudition,  of  large  ideas  and 
tenacious  will,  he  was  also  inspired  with  great  ambi- 
tions. Even  before  becoming  king,  in  his  speeches  to 
the  Senate  (9  Apr.,  1853,  7  Feb., 1860,  21  March,  1861) 
he  expressed  the  desire  to  see  his  country  rely  on  her 
own  resources  and  extend  her  empire  beyond  the  seas. 
Ascending  the  throne,  he  found  himself  ruler  of  a  coun- 
try so  small  that  it  was  scarcely  \Tsible  on  the  map  of 
the  world,  and  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  con- 
ceive the  hope  of  one  day  ruling  over  a  more  extended 
dominion.  He  therefore  set  his  heart  on  obtaining 
possession  of  the  Congo  for  his  people;  nor  was  this  his 
first  effort'  to  realize  his  ambition;  it  was  perhaps  the 
seventh  or  eighth  attempt  he  had  made  at  Belgian  col- 
onization. 

Briefly,  the  successive  stages  in  the  foundation  of 
the  Congo  Free  State  were  as  follows:  As  a  conse- 
quence of  the  expeditions  (1840;  1  May,  1873)  of  Liv- 
ingstone and  Stanley,  public  attention  began  to  be 
drawn  to  Central  Africa,  and  Leopold  II  divined  the 
great  possibilities  of  the  newly-discovered  country. 
On  12  Sept.,  1876,  he  called  a  Conference  Gcographique 
at  Brussels,  which  gave  birth  to  the  association  for  the 
exploration  and  civilization  of  Central  Africa  com- 
monly called  the  International  African  Association. 
This  was  divided  into  different  national  committees 
each  charged  with  the  task  of  promoting  the  common 
cause.  The  Belgian  committee  was  founded  on  6 
Nov.,  1876;  Kng  Leopold  assisted  at  its  foundation 
and  delivered  a  remarkable  speech.  The  Belgian  was 
the  only  committee  which  displayed  any  serious  activ- 
ity. It  collected  a  sum  of  100,()00  dollars,  five  times 
as  great  as  the  united  collections  of  all  the  others, 
and  took  the  leading  part  in  the  organization  of  the 
first  expedition.  The  expedition  naturally  followed 
the  route  which  had  already  been  traced  by  Living- 
stone, i.  e.  it  moved  from  east  to  west.  It  was  a  fail- 
ure, however,  and  many  lives  were  sacrificed  in  vain. 
In  January,  1878,  the  news  came  that  Stanley  had 
crossed  right  through  Central  Africa,  from  the  Zanzi- 
bar Coast  to  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  River,  whose 
upper  course  he  was  the  first  to  discover  during  this 
journey.  It  was  then  that  Leopold  conceived  the 
idea  of  sending  out  an  expedition  which  should  start 
from  the  western  coast  and  explore  the  country. 
While  others  were  content  to  applaud  Stanley  or  to 
listen  to  his  interesting  narratives,  the  lung  of  the  Bel- 
gians resolved  to  employ  the  explorer  to  further  his 
designs,  which  were  not  nierelj'  commercial  or  political, 
but  sincerely  humanitarian  as  well.  At  the  very  mo- 
ment Stanley  set  foot  on  European  ground  envoys 
were  waiting  for  him  at  Marseilles.  The  king  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  him  for  his  purpose,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  found  (Nov.,  1878)  a  society  afterwards 
called  the  International  Congo  Association.  In  the 
name  of  this  association,  in  which  Leopold  was  the 
principal  though  hidden  agent,  Stanley's  little  party, 
counting  only  tliirteen  white  men,  set  out.  It  w;is  not 
the  only  expedition  intent  on  planting  a  European  flag 
on  this  virgin  soil ;  at  the  same  time  a  French  and  a 
Portuguese  mission  were  also  on  their  way. 

Towards  the  end  of  1879  Stanley  reached  a  non- 
Portuguese  territory  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Congo 
River  and  founded  there  the  post  of  Vivi.  Moving 
slowly  up  the  river  he  came  at  last  to  the  Pool.  The 
Brazza  mission  was  already  there,  and  the  French  flag 
was  planted  on  the  right  bank.  The  French  had  not 
crossed  th(;  river,  however,  and  the  Portuguese  expedi- 


CONGO 


229 


CONGO 


tionhadstoppedatthe  Upper  Kwango,  thus  leaving  the 
country  to  the  interior  open  to  the  future  colony.  Dur- 
ing this  journey  Stanley  concluded  many  treaties  with 
the  native  chiefs,  by  which  they  were  to  submit  to  the 
suzerainty  of  the  Association,  foimded  a  certain  num- 
ber of  posts  in  the  Xorth  near  the  Equator  and  in  the 
South  in  the  Kassai  district,  and  actually  set  up  a 
government  which  was  soon  semi-officially  recognized. 
In  Oct.,  1882,  France  tacitly  acknowledged  the  capac- 
ity of  the  Association  to  enjoy  international  rights 
(see  letter  of  M.  Duclerc,  President  of  the  Council,  to 
Leopold  II).  The  United  States  (22  April,  1SS4)  and 
Germany  (8  Nov.,  of  the  same  year)  recognized  in  a 
more  explicit  manner  the  flag  of  the  Association  a.s 
that  of  a  friendly  State.  A  week  later  (15  Nov.,  1884) 
the  famous  Berlin  Conference  was  opened.  The  object 
of  this  conference,  which  included  delegates  from  four- 
teen nations,  is  stated  clearly  in  the  heading  which 
serves  aspreamble  totheactcontainingthecollectionof 
decisions  and  called  "  I'Acte  General  de  Berlin".  It  runs 
as  follows : — 

"Wishing  to  regulate,  in  a  spirit  of  mutual  good 
understanding,  the  conditions  most  favourable  to 
the  development  of  commerce  and  civilization  in 
certain  parts  of  Africa,  and  to  assure  to  all  nations  the 
advantages  of  free  navigation  on  the  two  principal 
African  rivers  [Congo  and  Niger]  which  flow  into  the 
Atlantic;  desirous,  on  the  other  hand,  of  forestalling 
any  misunderstandings  and  disputes  which  new  acts 
of  occupation  on  the  African  coast  might  cause  in  the 
future;  concerned  also  with  the  measures  to  be  taken 
for  increasing  the  welfare  both  material  and  moral  of 
the  native  races  .  .  ."  During  the  intervals  between 
the  meetings  of  the  conference  M.  Strauch  worked 
hard  to  win  for  the  flag  of  the  International  Associa- 
tion official  recognition  by  all  the  powers  represented; 
his  efforts  were  successful,  and  Leopold,  as  founder 
of  the  As,sociation,  was  able  to  officially  communicate 
the  fact  to  the  conference  at  its  second  last  meeting 
(23  Feb.,  1885).  The  plenipotentiaries  then  expressed 
their  high  appreciation  of  the  work  done  by  the  Bol 
gian  king;  at  the  same  time  they  welcomed  the  birtli 
of  the  new  State,  thus  founded.  At  the  final  meeting 
of  the  conference  the  Berlin  Act  was  accepted  by  tin 
As.sociation,  which  was  then  hailed  by  Bismarck  as 
"one  of  the  principal  guardians  of  the  work  which 
they  had  in  view". 

The  moment  had  now  arrived  for  Leopold  to  show 
himself.  Hitherto  he  had  worked  through  vari- 
ous societies  which  finally  develo|)ed  into  the  In- 
ternational .\.ssociation ;  he  was  the  moving  spirit  of 
them  all.  He  now  came  forward  in  the  name  of  this 
Association,  and  receiving  from  the  Belgian  (Ihambers 
(vote  of  Chamber  of  Representatives,  28  April,  1885; 
vote  of  Senate,  .30  .\pril,  1885)  the  necessary  authori- 
zation he  announced  to  the  various  Powers  on  1 
August,  1885,  and  the  days  following  "that  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  International  Association  w'ould  hence- 
forth form  and  be  called  the  Indejiendent  State  of 
Congo".  He  further  declared  himself  sovereign  of 
this  State.  It  was  understood  that  the  only  constitu- 
tional bond  of  union  between  Belgium  and  the  Inde- 
pendent State  of  Congo  was  the  person  of  the  king. 
Thus  was  founded  the  Independent  State.  Leopold 
can  justly  regard  it  as  his  own  creation.  Neverthe- 
less it  is  only  fair  to  recognize  the  part  taken  in  the 
work  by  some  Belgian  statesmen.  Without  the  recog- 
nition of  the  Powers  the  Independent  Congo  State 
could  not  have  won  a  secure  position,  and  this 
recognition  was  obtained  through  the  brilliant  di- 
plomacy of  .Mr.  E.  Banning  and  of  Baron  Lamber- 
mont  at  Berlin.  Without  the  authorization  of  the 
Belgian  Chambers  Leopold  could  not  have  occupied  a 
new  throne;  it  w.is  .\r  Beernaert,  then  prime  min- 
ister, who  obtaincil  this  authorization,  and  he  is  there- 
fore justly  regarded . -us  "one  of  the  statesmen  who  have 
gontributed  most  to  unite  the  destinies  of  the  Congo 


and  of  Belgium"  (Leroy-Beaulicu,  "De  la  colonisa- 
tion", 352). 

II.  Intbrnation-vl  and  Political  Situation. — 
Recognition  by  the  Powers. — The  international  position 
held  by  the  Independent  State  results  directly  from 
the  friendly  recognition  of  the  Powers  accorded  by 
treaty  to  the  International  Association,  from  which 
sprang  the  Independent  State.  Following,  in  chrono- 
logical order,  are  the  names  of  the  contracting  Powers 
and  the  dates  of  the  treaties:  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica (22  .\pril,  1884);  German  Empire  (8  Nov.,  1884); 
Great  Britain  (16  Dec,  1884);  Italy  (19  Dec,  1884); 
Austria-Hungary  (24  Dec,  1884);  The  Nether- 
lands (27  Dec,  1884);  Spain  (7  Jan.,  1885);  France 
and  Russia  (5  Feb.,  1885);  .Sweden  and  Norway 
(10  Feb.,  1885);  Portug.-il  (14  Feb.,  1885);  Belgium 
and  Denmark  (28  Feb.,  1885);  Turkey  (25  June, 
1885);  Switzerland  (19  Nov.,  1889);  Republic  of 
Liberia  (15  Dec,  1891);  Japan  (9  July,  1900). 

Xeutrality  of  the  Congo. — By  the  General  Act  of  Ber- 
lin (ch.  iii)  the  Powers  had  agreed  to  respect  a  politi- 


Native  Carpk 


cal  neutrality  in  the  Congo  Basin.  They  allowed  all 
Powers  having  possessions  there  to  put  their  terri- 
tories under  the  [protection  of  this  neutrality.  Avail- 
ing itself  of  this  privilege,  the  Independent  State, 
1  Aug.,  1885,  declared  its  perpetual  neutrality.  This 
declaration  was  afterwards  repeated,  18  Dec,  1894,  on 
the  occasion  of  certain  changes  of  frontier. 

Obligations  Imposed  by  the  Act  of  Berlin. — In  declar- 
ing its  adhesion  to  the  .\ct  of  Berlin  (24  Feb.,  1885) 
the  Intlependent  State  contracted  certain  commer- 
cial, political,  and  other  obligations  which  we  shall 
briefly  describe. — (a)  Freedom  of  Commerce. — All 
nations  were  to  have  perfect  freedom  in  commercial 
enterprise;  the  subjects  of  all  flags  were  to  be  treated 
with  perfect  equality  and  be  at  liberty  to  engage  in  all 
kinds  of  transport;  there  was  to  be  freedom  of  traffic 
on  the  coasts,  rivers,  and  lakes  of  the  Congo,  and  the 
harbours  were  to  be  open ;  free  import  and  free  transit 
were  to  be  allowed  to  merchandise,  save  only  such 
taxes  or  dtitics  as  might  be  reqviircd  to  ilefray  the  ex- 
penses entailed  in  the  interests  of  commerce  (subse- 
quently, by  an  agreement  made  at  Bnissels  on  2  July, 
1890,  an  import  duty  of  ten  per  cent  maximum 
miglit  be  imposed);  finally  no  monopoly  or  privilege 
of  a  commercial  nature  might  be  granted. — (,b)  Pro- 
tection of  Natives,  Missionaries,  Travellers. — The 
Powers  signing  the  Act  bound  themselves  to  care  for 
the  native  peoples,  their  moral  and  material  welfare, 
and  to  co-operate  in  suppressing  slavery  and  espe- 


CONGO 


230 


CONGO 


cially  the  slave  trade.  They  bound  themselves  to 
protect  and  assist,  "  without  regard  to  distinctions  of 
nationality  or  of  creed,  all  religious,  scientific  and 
philanthropic  establishments  or  enterprises,  formed 
or  organized  for  such  ends,  or  calculated  to  instruct 
the  inhabitants  and  to  make  them  understand  and 
appreciate  the  advantages  of  civilization".  In  par- 
ticular, Christian  missionaries,  men  with  scientific 
ends  in  view,  and  explorers,  together  with  their  es- 
corts, were  to  be  the  objects  of  special  protection 
(Art.  6).  (e)  Freedom  of  Religious  Worship. — "Lib- 
erty of  conscience  and  religious  toleration  are  ex- 
pressly guaranteed  to  natives  as  well  as  to  other  sub- 
jects and  to  foreigners.  The  free  and  public  exercise 
of  all  forms  of  worship,  the  right  of  erecting  religious 
edifices,  and  of  organizing  missions  belonging  to  all 
creeds,  shall  not  be  submitted  to  any  restriction  or 
restraint"  (ibidem). — (d)  Postal  Conventions. — The 
terms  of  the  Universal  Postal  Union,  revised  at  Paris, 
1  June,  1878  (Art.  7),  were  to  be  observed  in  the  Congo 
Basin;  these  were  officially  accepted  by  the  Inde- 
pendent State,  17  Sept.,  1885.  In  like  manner,  13 
Sept.,  1886,  the  additional  Postal  Act  of  Lisbon  was 
adopted,  on  19  June,  1892,  the  Universal  Postal  Con- 
vention of  Washington,  and  on  26  Jlay,  1906, 
that  of  Rome. — (e)  Mediation  and  Arbitration. — In 
case  serious  disagreements  should  occur  over  the  terri- 
tories where  commercial  freedom  was  allowed,  the 
Powers  signing  the  Act  bound  themselves  "  before  hav- 
ing recourse  to  arms,  to  seek  the  intervention  of  one  or 
several  friendly  Powers".  In  such  a  case  the  Powers 
reserved  to  themselves  the  right  of  having  recourse 
to  arbitration  (Art.  12). 

Conditions  oj  the  Act  of  Brussels. — The  Slave  Trade 
and  Traffic  in  Spirits. — On  2  July,  1890,  on  the  pro- 
posal of  England,  an  international  conference  met  at 
Bru.ssels.  A  general  act  was  passed  and  signed  by  all 
the  Powers  that  had  formerly  signed  the  Berlin  Act, 
and  also  by  the  Independent  State.  By  this  the  sig- 
natory Powers  bound  themselves  to  take  measures  to 
prevent  the  slave  trade  and  to  restrict  the  traffic  in 
spirits  in  the  zone  lying  between  20°  N.  lat.  and  22° 
S.  lat.  Within  this  territory  the  distillation  of  liquor 
or  importation  thereof  was  forbidden  in  regions  where 
the  use  of  such  liquor  was  not  yet  common.  In  the 
other  parts  where  it  was  already  in  use  a  heavy  import 
duty  was  imposed.  This  duty  was  fixed  by  the  Con- 
vention of  S  June,  1899,  at  seventy  francs  per  hecto- 
litre, fifty  per  cent  alcohol  (about  -81.57  a  gallon),  for  a 
period  of  six  years;  an  equivalent  excise  duty  was 
laid  on  the  manufacture  of  such  liquors. 

Right  of  Preference  of  France. — Apart  from  the  gen- 
eral provisions  which  govern  its  dealings  with  the 
Powers,  the  Independent  State,  owing  to  certain  con- 
ventions, has  sijecial  relations  with  France  and  Bel- 
gium. We  shall  treat  first  of  those  concerning 
France,  comprised  in  the  famous,  but  often  badly  ex- 
plained, "Right  of  Preference".  On  23  April,  1884, 
Colonel  Strauch,  President  of  the  International  Asso- 
ciation, declared  in  a  letter  to  Jules  Ferry  that  if,  ow- 
ing to  unforeseen  circumstances  and  contrary  to  its 
intention,  the  Association  was  compelled  in  the  future 
to  sell  its  possessions,  it  would  consider  itself  obliged 
to  give  the  preference  of  purchase  to  France.  On  the 
following  day  the  French  minister  officially  acknowl- 
edged the  letter  and  added  that  in  the  name  of  the 
French  Government  he  bound  himself  to  rcsj^ect  the 
established  relations  and  the  free  territories  of  the 
Association.  Tlius  the  right  was  constituted.  Writ- 
ing, however,  on  22  .\pril,  1  sS7,  to  Boun'e,  minister  of 
France  at  Bru.ssels.  Baron  Van  Fctvcldc  declared  that 
the  A.s.sociatic)n  had  never  meant  or  intended  that  this 
right  accorded  to  France  .should  Ik;  to  the  prejudice  of 
Belgium  of  whiih  Leopold  II  was  king.  In  his  letter 
of  29  April,  M.  Bouree  replied  that  this  interpretation 
had  come  to  his  notice,  but  .said  nothing  more.  When 
in  1895  the  question  of  the  cession  of  the  Independent 


State  to  Belgium  was  raised,  it  seemed  prudent  to  ne- 
gotiate with  France.  As  a  consequence  the  conven- 
tion of  5  Feb.,  1895,  was  made  between  France  and 
Belgium;  France,  on  the  one  hand,  agreed  not  to  op- 
pose the  cession,  and  on  the  other  secured  a  favour- 
able determination  of  frontiers  in  Congo.  On  the 
same  date,  by  another  convention,  the  Belgian  Gov- 
ernment, already  acting  as  successor  of  the  Independ- 
ent State,  recognized  the  right  of  preference  of  France 
in  the  purchase  of  these  territories,  in  case  of  a  com- 
plete or  partial  exchange,  concession,  or  lease  to  an- 
other Power.  It  declared  besides  that  it  would  never 
give  up  gratuitously  either  the  whole  or  a  part  of  these 
said  possessions.  It  is  quite  clear,  therefore,  (1)  that 
the  right  of  preference  is  simply  one  of  pre-emption, 
i.  e.  in  case  of  alienation  on  terms  of  sale,  negotiations 
must  first  be  entered  into  with  France;  (2)  that 
France  recognized  in  1895  the  priority  of  Belgium  in 
this  respect,  or  at  least  consented  not  to  deny  Belgium 
the  right  of  preference. 

Belgium's  Right  to  Take  Over  the  Congo. — The  Bel- 
gian Act  of  28  April,  1885,  had  declared:  "The  union 
between  Belgium  and  the  new  State  of  the  Congo  will 
be  exclusively  personal".  This  could  not,  however, 
prevent  the  subsequent  gift  on  the  part  of  the  king, 
nor  could  it  take  from  Belgium  the  right  of  accepting 
such  a  donation.  By  his  will,  dated  2  August,  1889, 
which  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  II.  Beernaert,  who 
commimicated  it  to  the  Chambers,  Leopold  II  was  to 
leave  as  a  legacy  to  his  countrj'  all  sovereign  rights 
over  the  Independent  State  of  the  Congo.  He  added, 
besides,  that  should  the  Belgian  Government  wish  to 
take  over  the  Congo  before  this  time,  he  would  be 
happy  to  see  it  accomplished  during  his  lifetime.  An 
agreement  was  next  entered  into,  3  July,  1890,  by 
which  Belgium  was  to  advance  to  the  Congo  twenty- 
five  million  francs,  five  millions  at  once  and  the  re- 
maining twenty  at  the  rate  of  two  millions  a  year. 
Six  months  after  the  expiration  of  the  ten  years  (18 
Feb.,  1901)  Belgium  might,  if  it  wished,  annex  the 
Independent  State,  with  all  the  possessions,  rights, 
and  emoluments  belonging  to  this  sovereignty,  pro- 
vided it  a.ssumed  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the 
State  to  third  parties.  "  the  king  expressly  refusing  all 
indemnification  for  the  personal  sacrifices  he  had 
made".  On  5  Aug.,  1894,  the  king-sovereign  an- 
nounced that  he  was  prepared  to  put  at  the  immediate 
disposal  of  Belgium  his  possessions  in  the  Congo.  Fol- 
lowing this  announcement  a  treaty  of  annexation  was 
concluded,  8  Jan.,  1895,  between  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment and  the  Independent  State,  subject  to  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Chambers.  This  was  given,  12  Feli  , 
1895,  but  was  withdrawn,  15  June,  and  the  treaty  an- 
nulled by  mutual  consent,  12  .Sept.,  1895.  However, 
a  new  loan  confirmed  Belgiimi's  option  for  1901. 

When  this  date  arrived.  Baron  Van  Eetvelde,  minis- 
ter of  the  State  of  Congo,  addressed  (28  JIarch,  1901) 
a  dispatch  to  the  chief  minister  of  the  Belgian  cabinet. 
Count  de  Smet  de  Naeyer,  to  the  effect  that  possibly 
the  moment  had  not  yet  arrived  for  Belgium  to  take 
over  the  Congo  State ;  and  that  if  this  were  so,  in  view 
of  the  letter  of  5  August,  1889,  and  the  existing  ties 
between  Belgium  anil  the  Congo,  it  would,  perhaps, 
be  neither  politic  nor  useful  to  fix  a  new  term  for  the 
right  of  option.  .\  further  communication,  22  May, 
1901,  emphasized  the  right  held  by  Belgium,  in  virtue 
of  the  above-mentioned  letter  and  the  legacy  of  the 
king.  It  added  that  in  case  the  right  of  annexation 
were  tmexercised,  but  not  relinquished,  Belgium 
ought  to  renounce,  during  such  extension  of  her 
option,  the  payment  of  interest  and  the  repajmient 
of  capital  due  to  her.  At  the  .same  time  the  Inde- 
pendent State  decl.ared  its  readiness  to  submit  to  an- 
nexation. i\I.  Beernaert  now  proposed  to  annex  the 
Congo,  thus  ()])posing  the  Ciovernnicnt  project  of  28 
March,  1901,  namely,  to  suspend  the  repayment  of 
the  capital  lent,  and  the  payment  of  the  interest 


CONGO 


2.31 


CONGO 


thereon.  The  king,  by  a  letter  addressed  11  June, 
1901,  to  M.  Woeste,  member  of  the  Chamljer,  person- 
ally took  part  in  the  question.  Only  three  itrms  of 
this  letter  are  public:  the  first  clearly  pointed  out  that 
the  moment  was  inopportune  for  annexation;  the  sec- 
ond stated  that  in  relation  to  the  Congo  Belgiinn 
should  remain  in  the  |)osition  she  held  in  consequence 
of  the  Convention  of  1!S90;  the  third  enumerated  the 
proofs  of  the  attachment  which  the  king  had  for  his 
country.  Thus  came  about  the  Belgian  law  of  14 
Aug.,  1901,  which  renounced  the  re]iayment  of  the 
loans  and  the  interest  thereon  until  such  time  as  Bel- 
gium should  surrender  the  right  of  annexation — a 
right  which  she  declared  she  wished  to  preserve. 
From  an  examination  of  these  acts  it  seems  certain 
that  Belgium  has  an  incontestable  right  to  take  over 
the  Congo  during  the  lifetime  of  the  king.  That  cer- 
tain prominent  politicians,  in  a  preliminary  discis- 
sion in  1906,  seem  to  have  ignored  this  right,  was 
doubtless  only  the  effect  of  a  surprise.  When,  how- 
ever, as  on  3  June,  1906,  the  king-sovereign  in  a  letter 
to  the  secretaries-general  of  the  Independent  State, 
added  to  his  will  a  codicil  which  .seemed  to  impose  on 
Belgium  the  obligation  of  respecting  (besides  the  en- 
gagements entered  into  with  third  parties)  certain 
royal  foundations,  the  amentlment  was  net  acceptable 
to  the  Chambers.  The  minister  then  stated  that 
these  wishes  on  the  part  of  the  king  were  not  imposed 
as  conditions,  but  were  only  earnest  recommenda- 
tions. On  14  Dec,  1906,  the  House  moved  that  while 
it  desired  for  the  Congo  the  advantages  of  civilization 
it  was  not  unmindful  of  Belgium's  rights;  further- 
more, that  the  question  of  taking  over  the  Congo 
should  be  settled  with  the  least  possible  delay. 

The  Territory. — The  declarations  of  neutrality,  to- 
gether with  the  friendly  treaties  Ijy  which  the  united 
Powers  of  Germany,  France,  Portugal,  etc.,  recognized 
the  State,  determined  roughly  its  frontiers.  Greater 
precision  resulted  from  the  treaty  with  England  of 
12  May,  1894.  With  France,  owing  to  some  difficul- 
ties which  arose,  five  treaties  were  made,  the  last  being 
signed  25  Feb.,  1S95.  Treaties  have  still  to  be  made 
with  Germany  to  settle  the  Lake  Kivu  question  and 
with  Portugal  about  the  Lake  Dilolo  region.  With 
the  exception  of  a  narrow  border-zone  to  the  east 
near  Lake  Albert  Edward,  situated  in  the  Nile  Basin, 
nearly  all  the  territory  of  the  State  belongs  to  the 
Congo  Basin,  which  is  about  1,1.>S,.'?00  sq.  m.  in  ex- 
tent. The  State  is  the  largest  portion  of  this  basin, 
and  has  an  area  of  945,945  sq.  m.,  which  is  equivalent 
to  a  square  having  a  side  of  three  hundred  leagues,  or 
to  seventy-five  times  the  area  of  Belgium,  or  five 
times  that  of  France.  It  is  bounded  on  the  north  and 
north-west  by  French  Congo  and  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan;  on  the  east  by  British  East  Africa  (Uganda 
Protectorate)  and  German  East  Africa ;  on  the  south- 
east and  south  by  Rhodesia  and  Portuguese  Angola; 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean  (which  gives 
it  about  twenty-two  miles  of  coastline)  and  the 
Portuguese  territory  of  Cabinda.  The  State  stretches 
from  a  little  above  5°  N.  lat.  to  below  13°  S.  lat.,  and 
from  12°  to  between  31°-32°  E.  long.,  the  most  east- 
erly point  being  on  the  Upper  Nile. 

III.  De.scription  of  the  Independent  State. — 
Physical  Geography. — The  general  aspect  of  the  State 
has  often  been  compared  to  a  huge  cup.  To  the  west 
lie  the  Crystal  Mountains;  to  the  south-east,  the  long 
chain  of  the  Mitumba  bordering  on  the  plateaux  of 
Ka-Tanga,  from  which  descend  the  streams  Lualaba, 
Luapula,  etc.,  whose  waters  umUt  to  form  the  Congo 
River.  This  vast  central  depression,  divided  into 
several  terraces,  rests  on  alternate  strata  of  granite 
and  gneiss.  Lacustral  settings  (grit  and  clayey 
schists)  are  oft^n  found,  as  well  as  laterite.  The  in- 
numerable rivers  of  the  Congo  are  rocky  in  their  upper 
courses  and  cut  their  way  by  rapids  from  one  terrace 
to  another,  until,  on  the  great  alluvial  plains  of  the 


centre,  they  form  an  immense  network  of  from  9000 
to  11,000  miles  of  navigable  water-ways  and  spread 
out  fan-like  from  Leopoklville.  The  principal  tribu- 
taries of  the  Congo  are  the  Ubanghi  and  Welle  to  the 
north;  the  Kassai-Sankuru,  Lomami,  etc.,  to  the 
so\ith.  BcyoTid  Stanley  Pool  are  the  famous  falls 
which,  by  iireventing  continuous  river-traffic,  necessi- 
tated the  railroad  (about  270  miles,  a  journey  of  two 
days)  binding  Leopoldville  to  the  seaport  of  Matadi 
(the  highest  point  of  the  Congo  Estuary  reached  by 
steamers).  The  falls  of  the  Upper  Hiver  will  likewise 
be  doubled  by  railroads.  In  fact,  a  trunk  line  to 
Stanley  Falls  has  been  completed,  and  another  to  the 
"Gates  of  Hell"  commenced.  Others  in  the  direction 
of  the  Nile,  of  the  Katanga,  and  of  the  English  and 
Portuguese  railways  have  been  determined  upon. 

There  are  two  seasons  in  the  Lower  Congo,  the  dry 
and  the  rainy.  In 
the  centre  the  cli- 
mate,  always 
warm  and  rainy, 
has  produced  a 
vast  equatorial  for- 
est of  giant  trees 
and  jungle.  In 
these  regions  much 
cocoa,  coffee, copal, 
nut-  and  palm-oil, 
and,  above  all, 
caoutchouc  are 
produced.  Besides 
the  elephant, 
hunted  to  excess, 
the  fauna  of  the 
country  includes 
the  antelope,  mon- 
key, zebra  (which 
it  is  hoped  to  do- 
mesticate), okapi, 
hippopotamus, and 
crocodile.  There 
also  are  found  ter- 
mites, ants,  mos- 
quitoes, and  the 
terrible  tse-tse 
which  causes  the 
sleeping  sickness. 
With  regard  to 
mineral  wealth, 
Katanga  gives  promise  of  an  immense  amount  of 
malachite  copper  (2  million  tons,  valued  at  $800,000,- 
000,  according  to  the  official  report  of  Jan.,  1908), 
much  tin  (20  million  tons,  valued  at  ?10,()00,000  along 
the  Lualaba);  also  iron  magnetite  and  oliglst.  Gold 
also  has  been  found  in  the  mines  of  Kain()ob(!,  while 
tho.so  of  Kilo  (Aruwimi)  produced  8841.25  oz.  Troy 
($170,000)  in  1905. 

Elhn<>(jrii]>hy  nnd  Population. — Three  indigenous 
races  are  found  in  the  Congo  Basin.  The  Azand^, 
who  seem  to  belong  to  the  Nigritian  races,  inhabit  the 
north-east  frontier.  The  aboriginal  Pygmies  are 
found  in  the  centre,  mingled  with  the  rest,  but  espe- 
cially in  thenyiiiii  of  the  great  forest.  The  larger  part 
of  the  |MMiples  I  xlong  to  the  Bantu  family.  The  popu- 
lation is  |)rol)ably  about  twenty  millions,  although 
other  estimates  of  from  twelve  to  thirty  millions  have 
been  given. 

Language. — The  language  of  the  Blacks  is,  radically, 
the  agglutinative  speech  of  the  Bantu  peoples,  i.  e.  it 
forms  its  words  without  fusion  or  alteration.  It  is 
divided  into  over  forty  very  different  dialects.  The 
language  is  rich,  rational,  philosophic,  and  betokens  a 
much  higher  level  of  civilization  than  do  the  morals 
and  customs  of  this  wretched  race.  In  Lower  Congo 
contact  with  the  Portuguese  has  influenced  the  ideas 
and  habits  of  the  Blacks;  it  has  taught  them  the  com- 
mercial value  of  certain  products,  such  as  caoutchouc, 


Mayombk 


CONGO 


232 


CONGO 


and  brought  them  under  the  enervating  influence  of 
alcohol;  here  the  race  has  degenerated.  In  Upper 
Congo  the  Arab  influence  has  introduced  by  violence 
both  slavery  and  habits  of  industry.  The  pernicious 
practice  of  inhaling  the  fumes  of  hemp  has  come  also 
with  Arab  domination.  In  the  centre  of  the  country 
the  race  remains  more  pure. 

Political  Organization. — Present  native  customs 
Bhow  traces  of  a  former  supremacy  of  one  chief  over 
the  others.  There  are  unmistakable  signs  both  of 
vassalage  and  of  suzerainty.  The  tribes  are  ruled  by 
a  chief  {mjumu)  whose  authority,  however,  is  checked 
by  the  presence  of  a  council  of  elders.  The  succession 
to  the  chieftaincy  is  hereditary,  but  not  in  the  direct 
line  of  male  descent.  While  only  males  can  occupy 
the  throne,  the  succession  passes  not  to  the  son,  but 
in  the  collateral  line  to  the  brother  and  then  to  the 
son  of  the  daughter.  Other  information  on  ethno- 
graphical questions  is  given  under  VIII.  Missions 
IN  THE  Congo. 

Commerce. — .Some  figures  with  regard  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  Congo  may  be  given  here.  In  1887  when 
a  total  of  the  exportations  of  the  Independent  State 
was  first  made,  the  figure  was  about  $396,088.  This 
we  may  compare  w'ith  the  figures  of  subsequent  years: 
—1890,  $1,648,439;  1S95,  $2,188,603;  1900,  $9,475,- 
480;  1905,  $10,000,432;  1906,  $11,655,566.  Caout- 
chouc represents  the  greater  part  of  this  output. 
Its  value  was,  in  1905,  $8,751,180  (10,938,975  lbs.). 
The  value  of  ivory  (473,260  lbs.)  for  the  same  vcar 
was  $967,554;  palm  nuts  (11,355,529  lbs.),  $302,817; 
palm-oil  (4,335,229  lbs.),  $220,678.  Import  statistics 
date  only  from  the  establishment  of  import  duties  in 
the  second  quarter  of  1892.  We  append  some  dates 
and  figures:— 1893,  $1,835,020;  1895,  $2,137,169; 
1900,  $4,944,821;  1905,  $4,015,072;  1906,  $4,295,517. 
These  figures  represent  largely  Belgian  commerce.  In 
1906  the  Congo's  exports  to  Belgitmi  reached  $10,860,- 
939;  the  imports  from  Belgimn  were  $3,057,058.  Im- 
ports from  the  United  States  do  not  exceed  $6,000. 

IV.  When  and  by  what  Right  the  Congo  State 
WAS  Created. — How  did  the  Congo  State  arise?  The 
question  is  not  an  easy  one  to  answer.  Certain  au- 
thors, the  mouthpieces  of  the  State,  regard  the  Inde- 
pendent State  as  the  natural  heir  of  the  petty  chiefs 
who  governed  the  various  Congolese  tribes.  They 
maintain  that  through  the  treaties  made  with  these 
chiefs  the  supreme  power  passed  from  native  to  Eiu-o- 
pean  hands.  This  is  a  thesis  easy  to  formulate,  but 
impossible  to  defend.  For  in  fact  an  international 
treaty  supposes  the  existence  of  two  nations.  Now  it 
may  be  admitted  that  the  Congolese  had,  at  the  period 
in  question,  a  political  organization — though  this 
point  has  been  doubted  by  some;  at  any  rate  the  In- 
ternational Association  was  at  the  time  surely  nothing 
more  than  a  private  company.  Again,  when  the  na- 
tive chiefs  agreed  to  put  their  mark  at  the  bottom  of 
a  treaty  in  exchange  for  a  few  pieces  of  cloth,  did  they 
realize  what  they  were  doing?  Did  they  realize  that 
they  were  veritably  abdicating,  and  not  simply  au- 
thorizing some  European  to  settle  on  their  land?  A 
recent  defender  of  the  position  stated  above  has  gone 
so  far  as  to  imagine  that  Stanley  improvised  on  the 
Congo  coast  a  course  of  international  law  for  the  use 
of  the  native  chiefs.  For  this  Stanley  had  neither 
time  nor  means  at  his  disposal,  and  he  would  have 
found  it  difficvilt  to  do  so  through  an  interpreter. 
Further,  even  if  the  chiefs  did  wish  to  transfer  their 
authority,  could  they  have  done  so  without  the  con- 
sent of  their  tribes?  Lastly,  the  treaties  in  question 
were  nearly  all  made  with  chiefs  who  inhabited  the 
present  French  Congo ;  they  affected  only  a  very  small 
part  of  the  present  Congo  State. 

Others  say  that  the  Independent  State  was  created 
by  the  Berlin  ("onfcrence.  This  hypothesis  is  also  un- 
acceptable. What  right  had  this  Conference  over  the 
Congo  Basin?     The  plenipotentiaries  claimed  none; 


what  they  wished  to  do  was  not  to  create  new  States, 
but  to  make  the  Powers,  present  and  future,  holding 
interests  in  Central  Africa,  accept  a  regime  of  free 
trade.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  during  the  inter- 
vals between  the  meetings  of  the  Conference  that  the 
Independent  State  had  its  flag  recognized  by  the  dif- 
ferent Powers  one  after  another.  The  Conference,  as 
such,  only  congratulated  the  State.  It  supplied  the 
means  of  existence,  but  it  did  not  create.  M.  Cattier 
(Droit  et  administration  de  I'Etat  Ind^pendant,  p. 
43)  is  rightly  of  opinion  that  the  Independent  State 
owes  its  origin  to  an  act  of  occupation.  But  was  this 
lawful?  Doubtless  it  was.  First  the  land  was  a 
prey  to  the  most  revolting  savage  cruelties,  even  to 
cannibalism;  second,  it  was  ravaged  by  ceaseless  in- 
testine wars  and  by  the  slave  trade;  third,  it  denied 
strangers  the  protection  of  the  jus  gentium,  or  law  of 
nations.  In  such  a  case  the  common  good  of  man- 
kind sanctioned  the  imposition  of  a  state  of  order  and 
security,  and  hence  the  creation  of  a  civilizing  power. 
The  Powers  represented  at  the  Berlin  Conference  gave 
the  king-sovereign  a  free  hand  in  the  political  occupa- 
tion of  the  Congo  Basin,  while  the  treaties  made  with 
the  native  chiefs  and  the  ^^ctories  won  over  the  Arabs 
likewise  contributed  to  this  end.  But  it  was  only 
when  this  occupation  grew  sufficiently  effective  (about 
1895)  that  the  embryonic  polity  of  1885  became  in  a 
true  sense  the  Independent  State.  It  is  carefully  to 
be  noted  that  the  occupation  above  referred  to  did 
nothing  more  than  transfer  the  political  authority;  it 
did  not  modify  or  affect  any  private  rights,  e.  g.  prop- 
erty rights. 

V.  Interior  Organization. — Legislative  and  Ad- 
ministrative Power. — Leopold  II  exercises  over  his 
Congolese  subjects  a  sovereignty  which  makes  him 
the  most  absolute  monarch  in  the  world:  he  governs 
them  by  his  sole  and  uncontrolled  wiU.  He  gives  all 
important  orders,  constitutes  the  w-hole  administra- 
tion, and  is  the  source  of  all  authority  in  his  African 
kingdom.  He  has  established  the  Congo  Central 
Government  at  Brussels.  While  reserving  to  himself 
the  supreme  legislative  power,  he  has,  since  1  Sept., 
1894,  confided  to  a  secretary  of  state  the  direction  of 
the  Central  Government.  This  official  can  enact 
measures  (Amies  du  Secretaire  d'Etat)  which  have  the 
force  of  laws.  When  he  is  absent  his  place  is  taken  by 
three  secretaries-general,  who,  acting  in  concert,  pos- 
sess his  power;  as  a  matter  of  fact,  since  the  period  >>! 
office  of  Baron  Van  Eetvelde  there  has  been  no  secre- 
tary of  state.  Further,  the  sovereign-king  instituttil 
(16  April,  1889)  at  Brussels  a  Conseil  Superieur,  whiclv 
acts  as  a  high  court  of  justice  and  gives  advice  on  sucli 
questions  as  the  king  submits  for  consideration.  His 
Majesty  names  the  members  of  this  council.  In  the 
Congo  territory  itself  a  governor-general  is  at  the  head 
of  the  administration.  He  possesses  a  restricted 
legislative  power  and  can  make  police  regulations  aii>i 
the  like.  The  State  capital  is  at  Boma.  The  country 
is  divided  into  fourteen  districts,  governed  by  the 
commissaires,  and  these  are  subdivided  into  zones  and 
sccteurs  which  are  under  the  authority  of  the  chefs  de 
zone,  chefs  de  secteur. 

Judicial  Power. — For  the  administration  of  civil 
and  criminal  cases  there  are  five  lower  courts,  each 
composed  of  a  judge,  an  ofjicier  du  ministere  public 
(procurcur  d'Etat)  to  represent  the  people,  and  a  gref- 
fier;  there  is  also  a  court  of  appeal  composed  of  a 
president,  two  judges,  an  ofjicier  <lu  ministire  public 
(procurcur  gryirral),  and  a  grefjier.  In  places  where 
tliere  is  no  regular  coiu-t  the  ofjicier  du  ministire  public 
(who  must  be  a  doctor  in  law)  can,  within  certain 
limits,  exercise  a  summary  jurisdiction.  Finally,  the 
native  chiefs  (mfumu)  have  certain  judicial  powers 
over  their  own  peoples.  The  repression  of  crimes,  or, 
in  the  terminology  of  Congo  law,  infractions,  which  in- 
clude even  such  offences  as  that  of  muriler  (see  Code 
PcSnal  de  I'Etat  Ind<^p.),  is  further  confided  to  local 


CONGO 


233 


CONGO 


courts,  appointed  by  the  governor-general,  and  cotn- 
posed  (at  least  normally)  of  a  judge,  who  need  not 
have  studied  law  (very  often  he  is  the  commiaaairc), 
and  an  officicr  du  ministi-re  public  (substitute)  who 
must  be  a  doctor  in  law.  There  are  also  military 
courts  (conscil  dc  guerre,  conseil  de  guerre  d'nppel). 
At  the  head  of  this  administration  of  justice  is  the 
conseil  supcrieur  de  BruxcUes,  which  constitutes  the 
cour  de  rasxniion.  The  judges  and  officers  of  justice 
are  not  appointed  for  life,  but  are  all  removable ;  the 
governor-general  possesses  a  sort  of  supremacy  both 
in  their  nomination  and  supervision. 

Domanial  Poliey.~At  fu-st  (1885-1891)  the  State 
favoured  private  initiative  and  claimed  for  itself  no 
monopoly.  Later  on  (since  1892),  anxious  to  increase 
its  resources,  and  hearing  of  the  vast  wealth  of  ruljber 
and  ivory  in  the  Upper  Congo,  it  inaugurated  a  regime 
of  monopoly.  Invoking  an  ordinance  of  5  July,  1885, 
which  had  declared  that  "  the  unoccupied  lands  mu.st 
be  considered  as  belonging  to  the  State",  it  invali- 
dated all  acts  of  occupation  made,  whether  by  natives 
or  strangers,  after  this  date.  It  then  put  in  jiractice 
a  system  of  proprietorship  and  exploitation  of  the  soil 
and  its  products.  We  add  here  a  short  resum^  of  the 
extremely  complex  legislation  now  in  force: — (a) 
Concerning  the  Natives. — The  decrees  profess  respect 
for  all  native  occupation  "such  as  it  existed  before 
5  July,  1885".  Hitherto  no  adequate  or  serious  in- 
quiry has  determined  the  rights  which  the  natives  pos- 
sessed in  virtue  of  this  occupation.  Does  the  State 
admit  that  they  now  have  a  true  proprietary  right  to 
any  part  whatever  of  the  soil?  It  is  impossible  to  say. 
At  any  rate  they  may  not,  without  the  authorization 
of  the  governor-general,  dispo.se  of  their  lands  to  a 
third  party.  The  natives  may  continue,  then,  to  in- 
habit their  plots  of  land  where  they  plant  rnxnim-: 
in  addition,  by  virtue  of  the  reform  decrees  of  19{l(i 
each  village  has  been  allotted  an  area  triple  the  size 
of  that  which  it  previou.sly  inhabited  and  cultivated. 
The  natives  are  full  possessors  of  the  products  of  the 
lands  thus  cultivated.  Further,  if  they  formerly  en- 
joyed any  certain  use  of  any  woods  or  forests  they 
may  still  retain  that  use. 

(b)  Concerning  the  Non- Natives. — Tlie  rights  above 
mentioned  being  safeguarded,  all  the  rest  of  the  Congo 
State  has  been  declared  the  property  of  the  State;  it 
is  consequently  at  the  absolute  disposition  of  the  sov- 
ereign-king, who  has  distributed  it  thus:  (1)  One-third 
constitutes  the  Doraaine  National,  administered  by  a 
council  of  six  charged  with  the  task  of  developing  its 
revenues.  These  revenues  are  intended  to  cover  the 
ordinary  budget  expenses,  to  pay  off  the  public  debt, 
to  form  a  reserve  fund,  and  to  serve  certain  purposes 
of  public  utility  for  the  Congo  State  and  for  Belgium. 
(2)  One-ninth,  selected  in  the  richest  part  of  the  coun- 
try, forms  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne.  It  is  the  pri- 
vate property  of  the  king,  who,  however,  has  the  in- 
tention of  giving  it  eventually  to  some  institution  of 
pubUc  utility,  and  in  the  meantime  desires  that  its 
revenues  should  create  and  subsidize  certain  works 
and  institutions  for  the  general  good,  whether  in  the 
State  or  in  Belgium.  Six  mines,  hereafter  to  be  se- 
lected, also  belong  to  this  Domaine,  which  is  admin- 
istered by  a  committee.  Hitherto  both  of  these  terri- 
tories have  been  administered  (en  r(gie)  by  the  em- 
ployees of  the  State.  (3)  The  rest  of  the  territory  con- 
stitutes the  Torres  Domanialcs,  which  the  State  re- 
serves to  itself  to  sell,  to  let,  or  to  grant  as  it  pleases. 
All  alienation  or  letting  of  these  lands  must,  to  avoid 
nullity,  be  ratified  within  six  months  by  the  king.  Of 
these  public  lands  about  one  third  have  been  granted 
or  alienated,  principally  to  concessionary  companies. 
The  grants  of  u.se,  however,  far  exceed  the  alienations, 
and  they  give  to  the  companies  in  question  the  monop- 
oly of  exploitation.  In  the  greater  number  of  the.se 
companies  the  State  owns  half  the  stock. 

Fiscal  System. — (1)  The  State  subjects  non-natives 


to  direct  and  jiersonal  taxes  similar  to  those  in  Eu- 
rope. As  a  consequence  of  the  Brussels  Conference 
(2  July,  1890)  a  customs  duty  was  laid  on  all  imports. 
The  export  customs  duty  on  rubber  (0.65  fr.  per  kilo- 
gram— about  6  cts.  per  pound)  and  ivory  (1  to  2.1  fr. 
per  kilogram — about  9  cts.  to  17  cts.  per  pound) 
forms  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  revenue  of  the 
State. — (2)  The  natives  are  .subject  to  conscription. 
Since  the  reforms  of  1906  the  annual  contingent  to  be 
supplied  is  divided  into  two  .sections,  one  of  which  goes 
to  the  army  and  the  other  furnishes  labourers  fof  the 
public  works.  The  soldiers  serve  for  seven  years,  the 
workmen  for  five.  Further,  the  natives  who  are  not 
so  engaged  are  subject  to  a  poll  tax  affecting  every 
adult,  male  or  female.  This  tax  varies  from  6  to  24 
fr.  (about  $1.20  to  $4.80)  a  year;  it  may  be  paid  in 
money,  in  kind  (food-stuffs  as  a  rule),  or  in  personal 
labour.  Every  year  the  commissaire  draws  up  for 
the  different  villages  tables  of  equivalence  between 
money,  kind,  and  labour,  which  must,  since  the  last 


reforms,  be  publicly  exhibited.  The  personal  labour 
demanded  may  not  exceed  in  duration  a  total  of  forty 
hours  a  month — hence  the  phrase  "forty  hours' tax". 
For  this  labour  the  natives  receive  a  certain  remunera- 
tion— by  "an  act  of  pure  condescension"  according  to 
the  latest  decrees.  The  annual  income  and  outlay  of 
the  State  are  about  30,000.000  fr.  (roughly  $6,000,000). 
The  products  of  the  Domaine  National  together  with 
taxes  paid  in  kind  represent  16,500,000  fr.  The  re- 
muneration paid  (in  kind)  to  the  natives  amounts  to 
2,500,000  or  3,000,000  fr. 

VI.  Criticis.vis  of  the  Conoo. — For  some  years 
past  the  Independent  State  has  been  the  object  of 
very  severe  criticism,  particularly  on  the  part  of  the 
Congo  Reform  Association,  directed  by  Mr.  E.  D. 
Morel.  We  do  not  presume  to  judge  intentions; 
nevertheless  this  hostility,  directed  against  one  only 
of  the  four  Congos,  and  that  one  dependent  on  a  peo- 
ple powerless  to  defend  itself,  creates  in  Belgium  pain- 
ful feelings  of  surprise.  Grave  accusations  have  been 
made  against  the  French  Congo;  the  German  Parlia- 
ment in  the  name  of  humanity  has  heard  earnest  pro- 
tests against  excesses  in  the  Cierman  Congo ;  and  it  is 
not  likely,  if  a  commission  of  inquiry  were  to  traverse 
Rhodesia,  that  it  would  have  nothing  but  evilogies  to 
record.  Why  then  single  out  one  countrj',  and  that  .a 
defenceless  one?  It  seems  but  fair,  also,  to  remark 
that  one  cannot  justly  compare  a  colony  in  its  begin- 
nings with  a  colony  established  more  than  a  century 
ago.  The  e.arly  history  of  colonies  has  ever  been  .a 
sad  one,  .as  is  instanced  by  Macaulay's  account  of 
Warren  Ha.stings  and  tlie  British  occup.ation  of  India. 
On  the  other  haml  wrong  does  not  justify  wrong.  The 
standard  of  a  government  should  be  absolute  justice, 
and  it  is  from  this  point  of  view  that  the  wrongs  im- 
puted to  the  Congo  administration  will  be  considered. 


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234 


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The  accusations  fall  under  two  heads:  (1)  infidelity  to 
promises  given  to  the  civilized  Powers;  (2)  injustice 
towards  the  Congolese. 

(1)  Breach  of  Faith. — The  land  system  inaugurated 
in  1891  is  said  to  be  incompatible  with  the  commercial 
freedom  stipulated  for  at  Berlin,  in  particular  with 
Article  5,  which  forbade  the  granting  of  monopolies, 
and  any  privileges  in  commercial  matters.  The  Inde- 
pendent State  denies  the  charge  of  infidelity:  "There 
is  no  'commerce'  in  selling  the  product  of  one's  own 
land.  We  do  no  more  than  that.  The  monopolies 
we  accord  are  not  commercial."  In  support  of  this 
view  the  opinions  of  jurists  of  different  countries  are 
adduced.  These  were  consulted,  especially  in  1892, 
and  included  Professor  Westlake  and  Sir  Horace 
Davey,  the  latter  an  English  judge  and  member  of 
the  Privy  Council. 

(2)  Inhuman  Treatment  of  Nniivc^.—Th.\s  ac- 
cusation appeals  to  Christian  people;  it  touches  the 
principles  of  humanity.  The  Congo  State  is  accused 
of  oppressing,  instead  of  civilizing,  the  Congo,  and 
charges  of  atrocious  cruelty  have  been  brought.  So 
grave  were  these  that  King  Leopold  thought  it  wise 
to  establish  an  International  Commission  of  inquiry 
with  unlimited  authority  to  investigate  the  condition 
of  the  natives.  The  decree  of  2.3  July,  1904,  en- 
trusted this  important  duty  to  M.  Janssens  (General 
Advocate  of  the  Court  of  Cassation  of  Belgium),  as 
president  of  the  commission,  Baron  Nisco,  an  Italian 
(Temporary'  President  of  the  Boma  Tribunal  of  Ap- 
peal), and  Doctor  de  Schumacher  (Counsellor  of  State 
and  Chief  of  the  Department  of  Justice  of  the  Canton 
of  Lucerne,  Switzerland).  The  commission  arrived 
at  Boma,  5  Oct.,  1904.  They  concluded  their  inves- 
tigations, 13  Feb.,  1905,  and  on  the  21st  of  the  same 
month  embarked  for  Europe.  The  report  was  made 
public,  5  Nov.,  1905,  in  the  official  bulletin  of  the  In- 
dependent State,  and  is  obviously  the  most  serious 
item  in  the  question  that  we  are  now  discussing.  We 
must  except,  however,  the  chapter  dealing  with  the 
missionaries.  In  this  the  commissioners  departed 
from  their  habitual  prudence,  and  their  expressions 
here — as  is  commonly  stated — do  not  accurately  repre- 
sent their  judgment.  According  to  this  report  one 
cannot  directly  charge  the  Independent  State  with 
responsibility  for  cruelties  inflicted  upon  individuals. 
There  are  doubtless  isolated  crimes,  but  these  are  pun- 
ished. There  are  also  the  involuntary  consequences 
of  governmental  measures,  but  these  unhappy  effects 
were  not  foreseen.  Such  were  the  delegation  of 
powers  to  the  agents  of  companies;  the  giving  of  fire- 
arms to  black  sentinels;  the  failure  to  distinguish 
between  military  demonstrations  to  prevent  rebellion 
and  war  operations  to  repress  a  revolt.  Moreover, 
the  report  drew  attention  to  grave  abuses  in  the  re- 
cruiting of  labourers,  in  the  imposition  of  compulsory 
labour  on  the  natives,  in  the  land  regime,  and  in  the 
organization  of  justice. 

Following  the  publication  of  this,  the  king  named  a 
Reform  Commission,  whose  work  resulted  in  certain 
recommendations  drawn  up  by  the  secretaries-gen- 
eral of  the  State.  These  the  king  accepted  and  era- 
bodied  in  the  Reform  Decrees  of  3  June,  1906. 

It  would  be  premature  at  this  time  to  forecast  the 
probable  influence  of  these  reforms  on  the  general  sit- 
uation in  the  Congo ;  we  are  too  near  the  events.  Im- 
partial history  will  distinguish  the  good  from  the  evil, 
and  fix  the  responsibilities.  It  may  be  said  that  the 
Report  recognized,  on  the  part  of  the  Independent 
State,  the  splendid  campaign  against  the  Arabs,  sig- 
nalized by  many  deeds  of  heroism,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  slave  trade,  and  rendered  its  resuscitation  al- 
most impossible.  To  the  intestine  wars  between 
the  chiefs  have  succeedeil,  almost  everywhere,  peace 
and  security.  'I'ho  u.se  of  the  fl;ul  and  of  alcohol  h.ave 
been  rigorously  prohiliited,  and  the  cannibal  tribes 
can  but  very  rarely  find  an  opportunity  of  indulging 


their  savage  instincts.  Finally,  it  may  be  observed 
that  in  this  whole  affair  Belgium  is  in  no  way  respon- 
sible; this  is  an  opinion  expressed  by  two  ministers  of 
the  British  Government  (see  debates  of  the  British 
Parliament  for  27  P^eb.  and  3  March,  1908).  Belgium 
as  a  whole  has  remained  aloof  from  the  African  pro- 
ject, and  the  methods  adopted  were  not  known  to  it. 
If,  indeed,  the  Congo  Government  had  appealed  with 
more  simplicity  and  frankness  to  the  religious  senti- 
ments of  the  Belgian  people;  if  it  had  taken  care  to 
proclaim  a  programme  of  Christian  civilization,  it 
would  have  kindled  more  enthusiasm  among  them, 
and  evoked  more  .sympathy.  In  that  case,  also,  it 
would  have  found  more  easily  the  men  capable  of  con- 
tributing to  a  work  of  such  supreme  moral  importance. 
VII.  Future  op  the  Congo  State. — By  a  vote  of 
14  Dec,  1906,  the  Belgian  Chamber  of  Representa- 
tives expressed  its  willingness  to  consider  as  soon  as 
possible  the  question  of  annexation.  A  commission 
of  eighteen  was  immediately  charged  with  making 
a  draft  of  proposed  colonial  law.  When  M.  de- 
Trooz  succeeded  M.  de  Smet  de  Naeyer  as  prime  min- 
ister, he  announced  his  intention  of  rapidly  bringing 
about  the  transfer  of  the  Congo  State  to  Belgium. 
During  August,  1907,  the  Belgian  and  the  Congo  Gov- 
ernments each  named  four  plenipotentiaries  to  draw 
up  the  treaty  of  annexation.  A  praiseworthy  activ- 
ity was  displayed.  The  commission  of  eighteen 
adopted  on  the  first  reading  a  tentative  body  of  laws ; 
the  plenipotentiaries  agreed  to  sign  a  treaty.  The 
treaty,  however,  was  not  well  received  by  the  public ; 
the  Liberal  Left  unanimously  declared  they  could  not 
accept  it.  The  principal  difficulty,  it  seems,  was  the 
clause  in  the  Treaty  of  Cession  which  assures  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Doraaine  de  la  Couronne.  It  is  true 
that  the  revenues  of  this  Domaine  were  to  be  disposed 
of  in  a  generous  way;  yet  many  representatives  re- 
fused to  bind  the  mother  country  to  the  maintenance 
of  a  foundation  which  had  merely  been  earnestly  rec- 
ommended. In  the  meantime  M.  de  Trooz  died. 
M.  SchoUaert,  his  successor,  pronoimced  in  favour  of 
annexation,  and  his  declaration  before  the  Chamber 
gave  promise  of  more  acceptable  conditions  of  annex- 
ation. An  additional  clause  introduced  by  him  into 
the  treaty  greatly  improved  the  situation. 

Vm.  Missions  in  the  Congo. — Ancient. — The 
evangelization  of  the  Congo  began  as  early  as  1484,  when 
Diego  Cam  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  River, 
known  as  the  Zaire  until  the  seventeenth  century. 
Cam's  naval  chaplain  set  himself  at  once  to  preach  the 
"good  news"  to  the  natives,  and  won  to  the  Faith  the 
chief  of  Sogno,  a  village  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Congo, 
where  he  first  landed.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
village  accompanied  Cam  on  his  return  voyage  and 
were  solemnly  baptized  at  the  court  of  John  II  of 
Portugal.  Later,  the  head  chief  of  Banza-Congo 
(Outeiro,  the  present  San  Salvador)  asked  King  John 
for  missionaries.  Three  were  sent  (whether  they 
were  Dominicans  or  Franciscans  or  members  of  a  Lis- 
bon chapter,  we  do  not  know);  they  finally  baptized 
the  head  chief  and  many  other  subordinate  ones  at 
Banza-Congo,  in  a  wooden  structure  called  the  church 
of  the  Holy  Cross.  In  1518  a  grandson  of  this  chief, 
known  as  Henry,  who  had  been  ordained  in  Portugal, 
■was  made  titular  Bishop  of  Utica,  and  appointed  by 
Leo  X  Vicar  .\postolic  of  Congo.  Unfortunately,  he 
died  before  quitting  Europe.  He  is  the  only  native 
bishop  Congo  has  ever  had. 

From  the  beginning  the  Portuguese  undertook  to 
introduce  European  customs  in  Congo.  The  petty 
chiefs  became  kings  with  Portuguese  names;  their 
secretaries  of  State  headed  public  documents  thus: 
"We,  Alphonso  [or  Diego]  by  tlie  grace  of  God  King 
of  Congo  and  of  llungo,  of  Cacongo,  of  Ngoyo,  of  the 
lands  above  and  below  the  Zaire,  Lord  of  the  Am- 
boados  and  of  Angola  .  .  .  and  of  the  (Conquest  [.s'lcj 
of  Parizon.  .  .  "     The  chiefs  for  the  most  part  oould 


CONGO 


235 


CONGO 


do  no  morp  tlian  put  their  mark  to  these  documents. 
One  of  tlieni  imitated  the  feudal  system  and  divided 
his  kingdom  into  seigniories,  duchies,  etc.  At  the  be- 
gimiing  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  native  chief, 
Alvarez  II,  sent  one  of  his  relatives,  a  maniiiis,  as  his 
representative  to  the  papal  court.  The  ambassador 
arrived  in  Rome  in  a  dying  condition  and  expired  the 
day  after  his  arrival,  the  Eve  of  Epiphany,  1008. 
Paul  V,  who  personally  assisted  the  amliassador  in  his 
last  moments,  gave  him  a  magnificent  state  funeral 
and  erected  to  his  memory  a  monument  at  St.  Mary 
Major's.  Later,  Urban  VIII  had  a  superb  mauso- 
leum erected  to  him  by  Bernini;  it  still  stands  at  the 
entrance  to  the  choir  of  the  basilica.  The  Domini- 
cans, Franciscans,  Carmelites,  and  Jesuits  were  the 
first  missionaries  of  the  Congo.  In  spite  of  the  prom- 
ising beginnings,  their  labours,  though  trying,  were 
rather  fruitless.  In  the  seventeenth  century  the 
Jesuits  had  two  colleges,  one  at  Loanda,  another,  of 
minor  importance,  at  San  Salvador.  On  the  whole, 
religion  never  really  took  firm  root,  and  was  early 
brought  into  discredit  by  the  vices  and  slave-trading 
of  the  Portuguese.  It  has  managed,  however,  to 
linger  on  in  Portuguese  Congo  to  our  days.  While  the 
Portuguese  alwaj-s  confined  themselves  to  the  Lower 
Congo,  as  early  as  the  seventeenth  century  the  mis- 
sionaries had  traversed  the  course  of  the  Zaire,  and 
a  seventeenth-century  maphas  been  discovered  which 
traces  the  river  according  to  data  supplied  by  them. 
From  this  it  would  seem  that  Stanley  has  not  the  di-;- 
tinction  of  being  the  first  white  man  to  explore  thi- 
L' i)per  Congo. 

Modern. — French  and  Portuguese  Congo. — On 
20  May,  1716,  Clement  XI  created  the  episcopal  see  of 
Santa  Cruz  do  Reino  de  Angola.  The  residence  was  at 
first  at  San  Salvador,  but  was  later  on  transferred  to 
Loanda.  The  Portuguese  bishop  of  this  town  has 
under  his  jurisdiction  about  twenty  priests.  It  is 
through  this  see  that  the  ancient  and  modern  missions 
of  Congo  are  united  (see  Angol.\).  The  first  modern 
missionaries  were  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
(mother-house  at  Paris).  Towards  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  this  flourishing  congregation  of 
missionaries  had  the  spiritual  care  of  all  the  West 
African  coast  from  the  Senegal  to  the  Orange  River, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Diocese  of  Loanda.  They 
still  have  charge  of  all  French  Congo  and  of  Portu- 
guese Congo  (Loanda  excepted). 

(1)  French  Congo. — The  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
have  here  three  vicariates: — (a)  Gabon,  foimded  in 
1842  and  confided  to  them  in  1845.  Mgr.  Adam  is 
vicar  Apostolic;  12  residences;  mission  staff,  42 
priests,  21  brothers,  1  native  priest,  7  native  brothers, 
and  41  catechists.  (b)  Loango  River  (Lower  French 
CongoX  foimd(-il,  24  Nov.,  1886;  pro-vicar  Apostolic, 
Mgr.  DC'rouet;  G  residences;  mission  staff,  IS  priests, 
11  brothers,  1  native  priest,  8  native  seminarists,  17 
native  brothers,  and  60  catechists. — (c)  Ubanghi 
(Upper  French  Congo),  founded,  14  Oct.,  1890;\'icar 
Apostolic  is  Mgr.  Augouard;  7  residences;  mi.ssion 
staff,  24  priests,  16  brothers,  and  14  catechists.  The 
Christians  of  these  three  vicariates  number  about 
40,000,  of  w'hom  more  than  half  are  catechumens. 

(2)  Portuguese  Congo. — This  has  a  prefecture 
Apostolic  dating  from  27  June,  1640.  The  Capuchins 
administered  it  until  18.34,  when  the  mission  was 
abandoned.  A  pontifical  decree  of  1  Sept.,  1865,  re- 
established it  and  entrusted  it  to  the  Fathers  of  the 
Iloly  Ghost;  4  residences.  11  prie.sts,  11  brothers,  12 
native  seminarists,  10  native  brothers,  and  24  cate- 
chists; Christians  about  7000.  These  figures  repre- 
Bent  the  condition  of  the  missions  of  the  Congregation 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  in  March,  1906. 

The  Free  State. — Charles  George  Gordon,  the  hero 
of  Khartoum,  a  Presbyterian,  was  among  the  first  to 
draw  the  attention  of  Leopold  II  to  the  need  of  estab- 
lishing numerous  Catholic  missions  in  his  African  king- 


dom. At  the  beginning  of  1884,  some  days  before  his 
dejiarture  for  the  Sudan,  Gordon  was  chosen  General 
Administrator  of  the  Stations  of  the  International  As- 
sociation, and  in  this  quality  had  an  interview  with 
Leopold,  towards  the  end  of  which  Gordon  remarked: 
"Sire,  we  have  forgott(-n  the  principal  tiling — the 
missionaries".  "Oh,  I  have  already  considered  the 
question",  said  LeoiJold.  "The  Association  gives 
lielp  and  protection  to  all  missionaries;  further,  it 
has  given  a  subsidy  to  the  missionaries  of  the  Bible 
Society,  to  the  Baptists  ..."  "Yes,"  replied 
Gordon,  "but  you  must  also  send  Roman  mission- 
aries, many  Roman  missionaries"  (Revue  G^n^rale, 
1885,  p.  liO).  From  24  Feb.,  1878,  there  was  at 
the  extreme  east  of  the  Congo  State  a  pro-vicariate 
Apostol'c  for  the  Upper  Congo.  This  became,  in 
1880,  a  vicariate,  and  was  served  by  the  White 
Fathers  of  Cardinal  Lavigerie  (q.  v.).     But  after  the 


Mission  of  the  White  Fathers,  Tanganyika 

establishment  of  the  new  State  in  1885,  Leopold  per- 
suaded the  Holy  See  to  reserve  the  Catholic  evangel- 
ization of  his  African  dominion  to  Belgian  mission- 
aries. Cardinal  Lavigerie  did  not,  however,  abandon 
this  post  of  honour,  but  founded  a  Belgian  branch  of 
his  institute,  which,  by  a  pontifical  Brief  of  30  Dec, 
1886,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  Vicariate  of  the  Upper 
Congo.  Its  activities  are  confined  to  the  Independent 
State;  vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr.  Roelens.  An  African  sem- 
inary was  founded  at  Louvain  (1886)  and  placed  under 
the  direction  of  Canon  Forget,  professor  of  theology  at 
the  University  of  Louvain.  The  difficulties  attached 
to  such  an  enterprise  soon  made  themselves  felt,  and  it 
was  found  impossible  to  carry  it  on  without  the  help 
of  some  religious  institute.  The  aid  of  the  young  but 
already  flourishing  Congregation  of  the  Missionaries 
of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary  (known  also  as  the  Con- 
gregation of  Scheiitveld,  after  the  mother-house  at 
Scheutveld  near  Brussels)  had  already  lieen  sought  in 
1876,  and  they  were  again  appeaU^il  to  in  1884. 
Though  the  missions  in  China  and  Mongolia  absorbed 
nearly  all  their  strength,  they  determined  (1880-87) 
to  make  an  effort  to  assist  the  Congo.  In  1888  they 
took  over  the  African  .seminary,  and  on  11  May  of  the 
same  year  Leo  XIII  created  the  immense  Vicariate 
Apostolic  (present  incumbent,  Mgr.  Van  Ronsl^)  of 
the  Belgian  Congo,  which  he  committed  to  their  care. 
On  20  July,  1001,  a  part  of  this  territory  was  detached, 
though  still  left  in  their  charge,  to  form  the  new  Pre- 
fecture .\postolic  of  the  Upper  Kassai;  pref.  Ap. 
(1908)  is  Mgr.  Henri  Carabier. 

Towards  the  end  of  1891  the  Belgian  Jesuits, 
already  overburdened  with  two  foreign  missions, 
undertook  to  send  a  body  of  missionaries  to  the  Congo. 
They  were  placed  in  charge  of  a  portion  of  the  Belgian 
Congo  vicariate ;  on  31  Jan.,  1903,  their  mission  became 
the  I'rt'fecture  .Vpostolic  of  Kwango.  The  superior  and 
pref.  Ap.  (1908)  is  the  Rev.  Julian  Banckaert,  S.  J. 
There  are  also  a  prefecture  Apostolic:  Welle,  founded 
12  May,  1898,  Preraonstratensians  of  the  Abbey  of 


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236 


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Tongerloo  (pref.  Ap.,  Rev.  M.  L.  Derikx)  and  a  vicari- 
ate Apostolic:  Stanley  Falls,  founded  as  a  prefecture 
3  Aug.,  1904,  Priests  ofthe  Sacred  Heart  (vie.  Ap.,  Rev. 
G.  Grison).  There  are  other  missionaries  ui  the  Belgian 
vicariate  who,  though  having  no  autonomous  territory, 
nevertheless  render  very  important  service  in  the  evan- 
gelization of  the  country.  Among  these  are  the  Trap- 
pists  and  the  Redemptorists.  The  former  went  from 
the  Abbey  of  Westmalle  in  1S94,  hoping  to  acquu-e  in 
Africa,  by  the  foundation  of  agricultural  colonies,  a  civ- 
ilizing influence  similar  to  that  of  the  medieval  Benedic- 
tines. Their  first  efforts  in  the  Lower  Congo  were 
fruitless;  later  they  established  themselves  in  the 
Upper  Congo  beyond  the  confluence  of  the  Congo  and 
the  Ruki,  almost  on  the  Equator.  Their  principal 
post  is  at  Bamania.  The  Redemptorists  have  suc- 
ceeded the  secular  priests  at  Matadi  in  the  evangeliza- 
tion of  the  town  and  of  the  railway  employees.  In 
1905-06  the  Mill  Hill  Missionaries  (English)  accepted 
two  posts  in  the  Upper  Congo.  The  Vicariate  Apos- 
tolic of  Sudan,  administered  by  the  White  Fathers, 
has  under  its  jurisdiction  a  portion  of  the  Congo  State ; 
vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr.  H.  L.  Bazin.  In  May,  1907,  the 
Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost  were  engaged  as  chaplains 
to  the  second  railway  section  of  the  Great  Lakes. — 
The  numerous  sisters  of  various  religious  institutes 
who  have  devoted  their  fortunes  and  their  lives  to  the 
moral  and  religious  education  of  the  Congolese  women 
do  an  amount  of  good  beyond  all  praise.  The  Sis- 
ters of  Charity  of  Jesus  and  Mary  (Ghent  Institute) 
were  the  first  to  enter  on  this  arduous  mission.  They 
are  found  in  the  districts  evangelized  by  the  Fathers 
of  Scheutveld  and  are  assisted  by  the  Franciscan  Sis- 
ters, from  Gooreind,  Antwerp  province.  The  Mis- 
sionary Sisters  of  the  Precious  Blood  (Natal,  Holland) 
are  employed  in  the  missions  of  the  Trappist  Fathers. 
The  Congregation  of  Our  Lady  of  Africa  (White  Sis- 
ters) devote  themselves  to  the  natives  in  the  Vicariate 
of  Upper  Congo.  In  the  Prefecture  of  Kwango  the 
Notre  Dame  Sisters  (Namur)  are  established;  in 
Welle  the  Sisters  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary  (Berlaer- 
lez-Lierre).  For  statistics  see  below  the  table  of 
Catholic  missions. 

German  East  Africa. — The  German  possessions  oc- 
cupy but  a  very  small  part  of  the  Congo  Basin.  There 
are  three  vicariates  in  charge  of  the  White  Fathers: 
South  Nyanza  under  Mgr.  J.  J.  Hirth;  LTnymuezi 
under  Mgr.  F.  Gerboin;  and  Tanganyika  under  Mgr. 
A.  Le  Chaptois.  In  addition  there  is  the  Vicariate  of 
Central  Zanzibar,  in  charge  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  under  Mgr.  F.  X.  Vogt.  Finally,  the  Vicariate 
of  South  Zanzibar,  or  Dar  es  Salaam,  in  charge  of  the 
Bavarian  Congregation  of  St.  Odile  under  Mgr.  T. 
Spreiter. 

Non-Catholic  Missions. — There  are  very  few  of 
these  in  the  French  Congo.  We  may  mention  the 
two  missions  of  Ogowe,  formerly  held  by  the  Ameri- 
can Presbyterians,  and  now  by  the  Paris  Evangelical 
Missions.  Quite  recently  a  Swedish  mission  has  been 
established  in  Loango.  In  Portuguese  Congo  the 
Methodists  have  nine  missions.  Six  missionary  socie- 
ties devote  themselves  to  the  evangelization  of  Ger- 
man East  Africa,  viz.:  the  Evangelical  Missionary 
Society  for  German  East  Africa,  the  Pagan  Mission- 
ary Society,  the  Community  of  Brothers,  and  the 
Evangelical  Missionary  Society  of  Leipzig;  and  two 
English,  viz.:  the  Universities  Mission  to  Central 
Africa  and  the  Church  Missionary  Society.  In  the 
Congo  Independent  State  there  are  many  Protestant 
missions.  The  longest  established  is  "the  English 
Baptist  Missionary  Society,  Lower  Congo  (1877).  In 
1879  followed  the  Livingstone  Inland  Mission;  Luth- 
eran Svcnska  or  Swedisli  Mi.ssion  (1881);  American 
Baptist  Missionary  Union  (ISS.'^);  Bishop  Taylor's 
Self-Supporting  Mission  (1880);  Congo  Balolo  Mission 
(1889);  International  Missionary  Alliance  (1889); 
American    Southern  I'resbyterian    Mission     (1891); 


Arnot  Scotch  Presbyterian  Mission  (1891);  Seventh 
Day  Baptists  (1893).  In  1897  there  were  56  stations 
with  221  mission  workers  of  both  sexes. 

The  Nalines. — The  irreligion  and  ignorance  of  the 
Congolese  have  often  been  exaggerated  and  misrepre- 
sented. They  are  not  so  debased  as  many  pretend. 
They  recognize  a  supreme  God,  Creator  of  all  things, 
but  they  seem  very  largely  to  ignore  His  umnediate 
Providence  and  His  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  this 
world.  They  beheve  in  the  existence  of  spirits,  and 
admit  a  metempsychosis  more  or  less  happy  in  a 
future  life.  Their  worship  is  a  species  of  gross  fetish- 
ism, propagated  by  the  sorcerers,  whose  influence  is 
very  great  and  often  most  pernicious.  These  sorcer- 
ers are  the  "wise  men"  of  Congo;  they  are  consulted 
about  everything.  If  misfortune  comes  or  crime  is 
committed,  it  is  to  them  that  recourse  must  be  had, 
and  whoever  is  designated  by  them  as  the  cause  of  the 
evil  must  pass  through  the  test  of  fire  or  of  casque 
(poisoned  drink).  The  State  forbids  such  tests  under 
most  severe  penalties.  Superstitious  fears  and  slavish 
attachment  to  amulets  are  the  chief  obstacles  to  con- 
version. Others  are  the  practice  of  polygamy,  largely 
due  to  the  custom  which  prevents  the  wife  from  hav- 
ing any  relations  with  her  husband  during  the  period 
of  lactation — from  two  to  three  years — lest  she 
should  make  her  child  unhappy;  the  cannibalism 
which  exists  in  certain  parts;  ingrained  habits  of 
idleness;  gross  egoism;  the  worship  of  might  as  con- 
founded with  right — in  short  that  sum  of  differences 
which  separates,  as  by  an  abyss,  the  essentially 
pagan  soul  of  the  Congolese  from  the  Christian 
conception  of  right  and  wrong  which  the  missioners 
try  to  impart.  The  excesses  and  the  evil  example 
of  the  Europeans  themselves  render  the  missionary's 
task  even  more  difficult.  Add  to  this  the  abuse 
which,  in  districts  where  the  rubber  trade  flour- 
ishes or  in  the  neighbourhood  of  towns,  imposes  a 
hard  task  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty  days  per  month 
of  forced  labour  instead  of  the  forty  hours  fixed  by  the 
law;  the  unfortunate  divisions  between  the  Christian 
churches  and  the  acts  of  petty  opposition  consequent 
thereon — and  the  problem  is  still  further  complicated. 
Nor  is  all  ended  when  the  Congolese  is  converted ;  he 
must  be  continually  urged  to  hold  fast  to  the  gift  he 
has  received,  for  his  fickleness  is  very  great.  Often 
he  imagines  that  his  obligation  to  remain  a  Christian 
ceases  with  the  contract  which  binds  him  to  a  mission 
or  to  the  service  of  Europeans.  In  the  eastern  part 
of  Upper  Congo  the  Arabs,  who  frequently  make  slave 
raids,  have  managed  to  win  over  to  their  religion  many 
of  the  intelligent  tribes  of  the  Bakusus.  These  pros- 
elytes regard  all  their  workmen  as  slaves  for  life ;  they 
are  immoral,  fanatic,  and  very  hostile  to  the  Gospel. 

The  noble  work  of  evangelization  in  the  Congo, 
however,  is  far  from  being  fruitless.  As  formerly 
under  the  Portuguese  rule,  so  to-day  the  missionaries 
find  souls  in  which  their  teaching  takes  firm  root. 
Mgr.  Augouard  gives  the  example  of  a  catechist  of 
the  tribe  of  Babois  who,  seeing  the  resources  of  the 
mission  failing,  undertook  to  feed  and  clothe  the  chil- 
dren of  his  school  with  the  profits  of  his  sewing- 
machine.  The  most  intelligent  part  of  the  popula- 
tion inhabits  the  Domaine  de  la  Couronne  and  is  well 
disposed  towards  Cliristianity.  Until  1908  these 
people  were  .-shut  off  from  all  immediate  missionary 
influence;  they  were  evangelized,  however,  by  some 
of  their  coiuitrymen  who  had  become  Christians  while 
serving  in  the  army.  Many  travelled  long  ilistances 
to  see  and  speak  with  the  Catholic  missionaries,  and 
both  men  and  women,  nothing  daunted,  vmdertook 
perilous  journeys  in  order  to  reach  the  mission  sta- 
tions. It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  mis- 
sionaries have  been  received  everywhere  with  enthu- 
siasm, and  that  the  natives  have  offered  to  build  their 
simple  habitations  and  .schools. 

The  Mdiimr  oj  Evdngelizing. — Guided  by   experi- 


ECCLESIASTICAL  MAP  OF 

SOUTH   AFRICA 

sliowing  the  buiindaries  of  the 

BISHOPRICS, 

VICARIATES  and  PREFECTURES 

APOSTOLIC, 

PRELATURE  NULLIUS, 

and  MISSIONS. 

See  also  Map  ot  Afrira  in  Vol.  I.  and  Map  of 
North  Africa  in  Vol.  V. 


26  Pref. 
28  Vic. 


36  Pref. 

37  " 

38  Miss. 

39  Bisb. 
«0  MiRS. 
41  Pret. 
JS  •• 
(3  Vic. 
«  " 
a  Pref. 

46  Vic. 


Jli^'fn 


CONGO 


2.37 


CONGO 


cncp,  the  present  missionaries  confer  baptism  only  on 
those  who  have  been  well  instructed  and  well  tested. 
Tlii'ir  chief  reliance  is  placed  in  the  education  of  the 
yiiiiig.  Hence  in  the  stations  they  have  founded 
mIkioIs  where  religion  is  taught  along  with  the  trades. 
1  or  the  Catholics  it  is  the  religious,  men  and  women, 
who  have  devoted  themselves  to  this  work;  among 
thf  Protestants  Mrs.  Bentley  deserves  the  highest 
jiraise  for  the  intelligent  direction  she  has  given  to  the 
trade  instruction.  The  fermes-chapelks,  of  which 
nii'iition  is  often  made,  are  rural  schools  where,  under 
th.'  guidance  of  certain  picked  pupils,  the  young 
Coi.ijolese  are  taught  agriculture.  The  missionary 
uho  regularly  visits  these  posts  supplies  the  farm  in- 
^'1  iiments  and  the  seeds;  the  chief  who  grants  the  use 


Fathers  possessed  a  school  of  catechists  with  73  pupils, 
a  petit  semirmire  with  14  pupils,  and  a  grand  seminaire 
with  one  pupil.  The  resources  of  the  Catholic  mis- 
sions are  mostly  derived  from  private  charity.  Many 
Protestant  missions  are  very  richly  endowed. 

I-VII. — For  the  History  op  Congo  before  the  Estab- 
LISHMEXT  OF  THE  State. — PiG^FETTA.  Le  C&ngo,  La  veridique 

di-xrHr^'^m  ,1"  ri  r-  ,7,-  1 '  -  r  ,  'i ,  from  the  Latin  ed.  of  1598 
(Bru-  •  N,  1  ^^  '     I  ;    II    '       rhp.Beschreibung  der  in  dem 

v?it'  r>  \!  ,  /   licgcnde  drei  Konigreichen 

Con:;<'.    .1/;   :",■ 1     ,     ■    ^j nd  dcr  jelzigen  Apostolischen 

Mi-s.^wH'  n,  .N"  It'll  u'li'iL  ly.  tupucinen  daseWst  verzichtet 
warden  (MuuiL-h,  1G94);  Milne  Edwards,  Investi^acoes  geogra- 
phical dos  portugufzfji  {Lisbon,  1879):  Stanley,  Through  the 
Dark  Continent  (1879);  Idem.  The  Congo:  Its  Past  History, 
Present  Development,  arid  FutureCommercial  Prospects  (London, 
1884);  Idem,  England  and  the  Congo  and  Manchester  Trade,  and 


CVTHOLIC  MISSIONS  IN  THE  CONGO. 


o 
2 

o 
8 

Missionary  Bodies 

s 

S   1 

5    S. 

„• 

m 

^   s 
=  -§ 

Ill 

1  -1 

.2 

1 

1 

«      Jl 

K02  ^^ 

n      ^ 

S 

o 

i  « 

g  S, 

w  o 

g 

n 

pq 

d 

29  M.  P. 

37  Schools 

(      10  Hospitals      1 
\  20   Dispensaries  }■ 
1        15  Homes        i 

White  Fathers 

7 

25 

12 

4823 

18,797 

r        28  M.  P.        1 
J      56  Catechu- 
;  raenates  (Lower 

Priests  of  Soheutveld 

23 

2  Hospitals 

68 

22 

8753 

21,006 

L          (3ongo) 

Jesuits 

6 

400  F.  Oh. 

1  Hospital 

22 

12 

3590 

4063 

Premonstratensians 

3 

23  M.  P. 

9 

8 

1000(?) 

3000(?) 

Trappists 

Fathers  of  the  Sacred  Heart 

4 

11  M.  P. 

1  Hospital 

9 

3 

3000 

9000 

8 

37  F.  Oh. 

1  Hospital 

17 

2 

3778 

4396 

Redemptorists 

6 

47  F.  Ch. 
2  Schools 

1  Hospital 

12 

12 

1500 

3000 

White  Sisters 

o 

1  Home 

9 

Sisters  of  Charity 

* 

5  Schools 

2  Homes 
2  Hospitals 

28 

Sisters  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Marv 

2 

2  Schools 

2  Homes 

9 

Included  among 

Franciscan  Sisters 

4 

1  Hospital 

32 

figures  given  above 

Missionary  Sisters  of  tlie  Precious  Blood 

2 

2  Schools 

2  Homes 
1  Hospital 

11 

Sisters  of  Our  Lady 

2 

2  Schools 

2  Homes 

16 

of  the  plot  of  ground  still  retains  his  title  to  the  prop- 
erty ;  while  the  pupils,  who  form  a  sort  of  community 
round  a  little  chapel,  have  the  usufruct.  A  wise  law 
of  the  State  places  at  the  disposal  of  charitable  and 
philanthropical  institutions  the  orphans  and  aban- 
doned children,  who  are  very  numerous  in  the 
Congo.  Hitherto  the  Catholics  (with  the  exception  of 
one  Protestant  mLssion)  have  been  the  only  missioners 
to  claim  them.  The  catechists  render  very  valuable 
services  to  the  missionaries;  they  are  always  selected 
from  among  the  cleverest  and  best  trained  of  the 
young  native  Christians.  The  sleeping-sickness  has 
given  rise  to  several  hospitals,  or  lazarets,  conducted 
by  the  missionaries.  Both  Protestant  and  Catholic 
missions  have  established  printing  presses;  that  of  the 
Catholics  is  at  Kisantu.  To  facilitate  transportation 
the  Protestants  have  four  steamers,  and  the  Catholics 
two.  In  respect  to  the  relations  between  the  missions 
and  the  civil  power  we  may  cite  the  convention  con- 
cluded May,  1906,  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 
State.  The  latter  agreed  to  grant  certain  lands  to  the 
missions,  in  return  for  which  it  stipulated  for  the  open- 
ing and  maintenance  of  schools  and  religious  services 
in  the  principal  centres.  Both  agreed  to  maintain 
harmony  between  their  respective  subjects,  and  to 
regulate  amicably  all  dififerences.     In  1907  the  \\Tiite 


the  Works  and  Aims  of  the  International  Association  (Manches- 
ter, 1884);  Idem.  Cinq  nnnce^  au  Congo,  Fr.  tr.  GERARD(Brus8eIs, 
1886);  De  S-,-— ^•  ■  ^'■•■-v.  Esboco  historico  do  Congo  e  Loango 
nos    tempo :    ■  '       'f-ndo   uma   resenha   das  costumes  e 

vocabulano  Cabinda  (Lisbon,  1888);  Werner, 

A   Visit  to  ■  -  iiiard  at  Major  BartletVs   camp  on 

the  Aruhwiiit.  "  on  on  .f.ountof  River  Life  on  the  Congo  (Lon- 
don, 1889);  Li\i.M.aiONE,  Missionary  Travels  and  Researches  in 
South  Africa,  including  a  Sketch  of  Sixteen  Years  Residence  in 
the  Interior  of  Africa  (London);  Hore,  Tanganyka:  Eleven 
Years  in  Central  Africa  (London.  1892);  Junker,  Travels  in 
Africa,  tr.  by  Keene  (London,  1890,  1892);  Glave.  Six  I'ears 
of  Adventure  in  Congoland,  preface  by  Stanley  (London,  1893); 
Stanley,  In  Darkest  Africa  (1890). 

Since  the  Establishment  of  the  Independent  State. — 
fa)  Impartial: — Wauters,  Rrsume  des  principaux  fails  de 
Vhistoire  de  fmnTe  africaine  (Brussels,  1878-87);  Alexis.  Le 
Congo  Beige  Ulustri  ou  I'Etat  Indipendant  du  Congo  (Li^'ge,  1892); 
Lallemand,  L'QCuvre  Congolaise.  Esquisse  historique  el  geo- 
graphique  (Brussels.  1897);  Etudes  elhnologiques  et  ethnographi- 
qites  sur  les  populations  du  Congo,  Questionnaire  ethnographique, 
published  by  the  Museum  of  the  Independent  State  (Bru-ssels, 
1898);  Questiwinaire  ethnographique  et  sociologique,  published  by 
the  Museum  of  the  Indep.  State  (Brussels,  1898);  Mille,  Au 
Congo  Beige,  avec  des  notes  et  des  documents  recents  relatifs  au 
Congo  Franfais  (Paris.  1899);  Philips,  An  Account  of  the  Congo 
Independent  State  (Philadelphia,  1899);  Blanchard,  Formation 
et  constitution  de  I'Etat  Independant  du  Congo  (Paris,  1899); 
Wacters,  L'Elal  Indipendant  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1899); 
Man^iel  du  voyageur  el  du  resident  au  Congo,  redige  sous  la  direc- 
tion du  Colonel  bonny  (Brussels,  1900);  Speter.  Comment  nous 
gouvemerons  le  Congo  (Brussels,  1902);  Vermeersch,  La 
Question  Congolaise:  Les  destinies  du  Congo  Beige  (Brussels, 
1906);  LouwERs,  Elements  du  droit  de  I'Etat  Independant  du 


CONGREGATIO 


238 


CONGREGATIO 


Congo;  Boulger,  The  Congo  Stale,  or  the  Growth  of  Civilisation 
in  Central  Africa  (London,  1898;)  Cattiek,  Droit  el  adminis- 
tration de  I'Etat  Independant  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1898);  Bulle- 
tin officiel  de  I'Etat  Independant  du  Congo:  Rapport  au  Roi  Sou- 
verain  (June,  1906);  Rapport  de  la  Commission  d'enquete  (Oct., 
1905);  Mac  Dodnel,  King  Leopold  II  (London.  1903);  Geil, 
A  Yankee  in  Pigmyland  (London,  lOd. .  ,  /  ■ .'  /,  !.  p,  ndant  du 
Congo.Departemenidel'Interieur.Rccii'ii  m  Brussels 

1907);  STKun,  The  Truth  about  the  Ciiu.     ■     ,    ,,      iy07). 

(b)  Favourable  to  the  Slate: — Drouom  ^  ,~,  /  .  i  ,.,,,,>  4  Con- 
ferences publigues  (Brussels,  1894);  L' Elal  Imlr pendant  du 
Congo  ti  I'exposilion  de  Bnixcllcs — Termirren  (1S97);  Gilson, 
GoFFART,  ETC.,  L'auvre  colmi  tale  du  roi  en  Afrique,  resullats  de  -'0 
ans  (Brussels,  1898);  Goffart.  Traile  mcihodique  de  geographic 
du  Congo,  etc.  (Antwerp,  1898).  The  reviews:  La  Belgique 
Coloniale;  La  Belgique  Maritime  el  Coloniale:  Le  Congo  Beige 
(Brussels).  See  also  Nvs,  The  Independent  Slate  of  the  Congo 
and  the  International  Law  (Brussels,  1903);  Descamps,  New 
Africa  (London,  1903);  La  Verite  sur  le  Congo  (Brussels,  1902- 
06);  Wack,  The  Story  of  the  Congo  Free  State  (New  York,  1905); 
Histoire  mihtaire  du  Congo  (Brussels,  1906);  Castelei.v,  VEtat 
du  Congo  (1907). 

(c)  Rather  Hostile: — Etienne,  Le  Congo  et  I'acle  general  de 
Berlin  in  Revue  politique,  XXXVIII;  Morel,  Affairs  of  West 
Africa  (London.  1902);  Mark  Twain,  King  Leopold's  Soliloquy; 
A  Defense  of  His  Congo  Rule  (Boston,  1905);  Bourne,  Civilisa- 
tion in  Congoland  (London,  1903);  Mille,  Le  Congo  Liopoldien 
(Paris,  1906);  Cattier,  Etude  sur  la  situation  de  I'Etat  Indepen- 
dant du  Congo  (Brussels);  Morel,  Red  Rubber;  The  Story  of 
the  Rubber  Slave  Trade  Flourishing  on  the  Conga  in  the  Year  of 
Grace,  1906  (London,  1906). 

VIII. — For  Missions:  Bentlet,  Pioneering  on  the  Con- 
go (London,  1900);  de  Pierpont,  Au  Congo  et  aui  Indes 
(Brussels,  1906);  De  Deken,  Deux  ans  au  Congo  (1900); 
Bethdne,  Les  missions  cath.  d'Afrique  (1889);  Nayzan,  ^e- 
tishism  in  West  Africa  (London,  1904);  Les  missions  cath.  d'Afri- 
que; Dark  Africa  and  the  Way  Out:  A  Scheme  for  Civilizing  and 
Evangelizing  the  Doric  Conliiitnl  (London.  1902);BuHrKHARDT, 
Les  missions  /,,/;'."</,,  i  T  ni  ;oiii.-,  l^^s,  p.^;srKN.  Les 
jesuites  au   Co.v  r     /'  '  ,s-   (Brus- 

sels,  1892,   ]8ii:;,    1^1.     I-Oi.  ,     i;  -  -    ,  ,,     .1,,  Congo. 

Aper(u  sur  cert,:, :i  ,/  ,  ■  ,:  ;,,,...  ,;,i;,,  1,1  ,-..•,,, ,11  tenue  h 
Leopoldville  en  tev.,l'.«n  (Kisantui;  .Muswms  lalholica  curll 
S.  Congregalionis  de  Prop.  Fidei  descriptce  (Rome,  1907);  Van 
Straelen,  Missions  cath.  et  protest,  au  Congo  (Brussels.  1898); 

See  also  the  reviews:  Les  Missions  beiges  (Brussels.  1898 ); 

Missions  en  Chine  et  au  Congo  (Scheut-lez-Bruxelles,  1898 ); 

Le  mouvement  des  missions  cath.  au  Congo  (Brussels,  1888 ). 

A.  Vermeersch. 

Congregatio  de  Auxiliis,  a  commission  estab- 
lislied  by  Pope  Clement  VIII  to  settle  the  tlieological 
controversy  regariling  grace  which  arose  between  the 
Dominicans  and  the  Jesuits  towards  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Vast  as  was  the  subject  of  that 
controversy,  its  principal  question,  and  the  one  wliich 
gave  its  name  to  the  whole  dispute,  concerned  the 
help  {auxilia)  afforded  by  grace;  while  the  crucial 
point  was  the  reconciliation  of  the  efficacy  of  grace 
with  human  freedom.  We  know  on  the  one  hand 
that  the  efficacious  grace  given  for  the  performance 
of  an  action  obtains,  iirfallibly,  man's  consent  and 
that  the  action  takes  place.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
certain  that  in  so  acting  man  is  free.  Hence  the  ques- 
tion: How  can  these  two  things — the  infallible  re- 
sult and  liberty — be  harmonized?  The  Dominicans 
solved  the  difficulty  by  their  theory  of  physical  pre- 
motion  and  predetermination;  grace  is  efficacious 
when,  in  addition  to  the  assistance  necessary  for  an 
action,  it  gives  a  physical  impulsion  by  means  of 
which  God  determines  and  applies  our  faculties  to  the 
action.  The  Jesuits  found  the  explanation  in  that 
mediate  knowledge  (scienlia  media)  whereby  God 
knows  in  the  objective  reality  of  things  what  a  man, 
under  any  circumstances  in  which  he  might  be  placed, 
would  do.  Foreseeing,  for  instance,  that  a  man  would 
correspond  freely  with  grace  A,  and  that  he,  freely, 
would  not  correspond  with  grace  B,  God,  desirous  of 
the  man's  conversion,  gives  him  grace  A.  This  is 
efficacious  grace.  The  Dominicans  declared  that  the 
Jesuits  conceded  too  much  to  free  will,  and  so  tended 
towards  Pelagianism.  In  turn,  the  Jesuits  com- 
plained that  the  Dominicans  did  not  sufficiently  safe- 
guard human  liberty,  and  seemed  in  consequence  to 
lean  towards  Calvinism. 

The  controversy  is  usually  supposed  to  have  begun 
in  the  year  1581,  when  the  Jesuit  Prudencio  de  Montt^ 
mayor  defended  certain  theses  on  grace  which  were 
vigorously    attacked    by    the    Dominican    Domingo 


Baiiez.  That  this  debate  took  place  is  certain,  but 
the  text  of  the  Jesuit's  theses  has  never  been  pub- 
lished. As  to  those  which  were  reported  to  the  In- 
quisition, neither  Montemayor  nor  any  other  Jesuit 
ever  acknowledged  them  as  his.  The  controversy 
went  on  for  six  years,  passing  through  three  phases — 
in  Louvain,  in  Spain,  and  in  Rome.  At  Louvain  was 
the  famous  Michel  Baius  (q.  v.)  whose  propositions 
were  condemned  by  the  Church.  The  Jesuit  (after- 
wards Cardinal)  Francisco  de  Toledo,  authorized  by 
Gregory  XIII,  had  obliged  Baius,  in  1580,  to  retract 
his  errors  in  presence  of  the  entire  university.  Baius 
thereupon  conceived  a  deep  aversion  for  the  Jesuits 
and  determined  to  have  revenge.  During  the  Lent 
of  1597  he,  with  some  of  his  colleagues,  extracted 
from  the  notebooks  of  certain  students  who  were  dis- 
ciples of  the  Jesuits,  thirty-four  propositions,  many 
of  them  plainly  erroneous,  and  asked  the  university 
to  condemn  "these  Jesuit  doctrines".  Learning  of 
this  scheme,  Leonard  Lessius,  the  most  distinguished 
theologian  of  the  Society  in  the  Low  Countries  and  the 
special  object  of  Baius'  attacks,  drew  up  another  list 
of  thirty-foiu-  propositions  containing  the  genuine 
doctrine  of  the  Jesuits,  presented  them  to  the  dean 
of  the  university,  and  asked  for  a  hearing  before  some 
of  the  professors,  in  order  to  show  how  different  his 
teaching  was  from  that  which  was  ascribed  to  him. 
The  request  was  not  granted.  The  university  pub- 
lished, 9  September,  1587,  a  condemnation  of  the  first 
thirty-four  propositions.  At  once,  tliroughout  Bel- 
gium, the  Jesuits  were  called  heretics  and  Lutherans. 
The  university  urged  the  bishops  of  the  Low  Countries 
and  the  other  universities  to  endorse  its  censure,  and 
this  in  fact  was  done  by  some  of  the  prelates  and  in 
particular  by  the  University  of  Douai.  In  view  of 
these  measures,  the  Belgian  provincial  of  the  Society, 
Francis  Coster,  issued  a  protest  against  the  action  of 
those  who,  without  letting  the  Jesuits  be  heard,  ac- 
cused them  of  here.sy.  Lessius  also  published  a  state- 
ment to  the  effect  that  the  university  professors  had 
misrepresented  the  Jesuit  doctrine.  The  professors 
replied  with  warmth.  To  clear  up  the  issue  Lessius, 
at  the  instance  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  formu- 
lated si.x  antitheses,  or  brief  statements,  embodying  the 
doctrine  of  the  Jesuits  relative  to  the  matter  of  the 
condemned  propositions,  the  third  and  the  fourth 
antithesis  bearing  upon  the  main  problem,  i.  e.  effica- 
cious grace.  The  discussion  was  kept  up  on  both 
sides  for  a  year  longer,  until  the  papal  nuncio  suc- 
ceeded in  softening  its  asperities.  He  reminded  the 
contestants  that  definitive  judgment  in  such  matters 
belonged  to  the  Holy  See,  and  he  forwarded  to  Sixtus 
V  the  principal  publications  of  both  parties  with  a 
petition  for  a  final  decision.  This,  however,  was  not 
rendered;  a  controversy  on  the  same  lines  had  been 
started  at  Salamanca,  and  attention  now  centred  on 
Spain,  where  the  two  discussions  were  merged  in  one. 
In  1588  the  Spanish  Jesuit  Luis  de  Molina  pub- 
lished at  Lisbon  his  "Concordia  liberi  arbitrii  cum 
gratise  donis ' ',  in  which  he  explained  efficacious  grace 
on  the  basis  of  scientia  media.  Banez,  the  Dominican 
professor  at  Salamanca,  informed  the  Archduke 
Albert,  Viceroy  of  Portugal,  that  the  work  contained 
certaiiJy  thirteen  propositions  which  the  Spanish  In- 
quisition had  censured.  The  archduke  forbade  the 
sale  of  the  book  and  sent  a  copy  to  Salamanca.  Banez 
examined  it  and  reported  to  the  archduke  that  out  of 
the  thirteen  propositions  nine  were  held  by  Molina  and 
that  in  consequence  the  book  ought  not  to  be  circu- 
lated. He  also  noted  the  passages  which,  as  he 
thought,  containetl  the  errors.  Albert  referred  these 
comments  to  Molina  who  drew  up  his  rejoinder.  As 
the  book  had  been  approved  by  the  Inquisition  in 
Portugal,  and  its  sale  permitted  by  the  Councils  of 
Portugal  and  of  Castile  and  Aragon  it  w:is  thought 
proper  to  print  at  the  end  the  replies  of  Molina;  with 
these  the  work  .appeared  in  1589.     The  Dominicans 


i 


CONGREGATIONALISM 


239 


CONGREGATIONALISM 


attacked  it  on  the  ground  that  Molina  and  all  the 
Jesuits  denied  efficacious  grace.  The  latter  replied 
that  such  a  denial  was  impossible  on  the  part  of  any- 
Catholic.  AVhat  they,  the  Jesuits,  attacked  was  the 
Dominican  theory  of  predetermination,  which  they 
regarded  as  incompatible  with  human  freedom.  The 
debates  continued  for  five  years  and,  in  1594,  became 
public  and  turbvilent  at  Valladolid,  when  Antonio  de 
Padilla,  S.  J.,  and  Diego  Nuiio,  O.  P.,  defended  their 
respective  positions.  Similar  encounters  took  place 
at  Salamanca,  Saragossa,  Cordova,  and  other  Spanish 
cities.  In  view  of  the  disturbances  thus  created, 
Clement  VI II  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hanils  and 
ordered  both  parties  to  refrain  from  further  discussion 
and  await  the  decision  of  the  Apostolic  See. 

The  pope  then  asked  an  expression  of  opinion  from 
various  universities  and  distinguished  theologians  of 
Spain.  Between  1594  and  1597  twelve  reports  were 
submitted:  by  the  three  universities  of  Salamanca, 
AlcaW,  and  Siguenza;  by  the  bishops  of  Coria,  Sego- 
via, Plasencia,  Cartagena,  and  Mondoiiedo;  by  Serra, 
Miguel  iSalon  (Augustinian  Friar),  Castro  (Canon  of 
Toledo),  and  Luis  Coloma,  Prior  of  the  Augustinians 
at  Valladolid.  There  were  also  forwarded  to  Rome 
some  statements  in  explanation  and  defence  of  the 
Jesuit  and  of  the  Dominican  theory.  Clement  VIII 
appointed  a  commission  under  the  presidency  of 
Cardinals  Madrucci  and  Arrigone,  which  began  its 
labours  2  Jan.,  1598,  and  on  19  March  handed  in  the 
result  condemning  Molina's  book.  Displeased  at 
their  haste  in  treating  a  question  of  such  importance, 
the  pope  ordered  them  to  go  over  the  work  again, 
keeping  in  view  the  docvunents  sent  from  Spain. 
Though  the  examination  of  these  would  have  required 
several  years,  the  commission  reported  again  in  No- 
vember and  insisted  on  the  condemnation  of  Molina. 
Thereupon  Clement  VIII  ordered  the  generals  of  the 
Dominicans  and  Jesuits,  respectively,  to  appear  with 
some  of  their  theologians  before  the  commission,  ex- 
plain their  doctrines,  and  settle  their  differences.  In 
obedience  to  this  command,  both  generals  began  (22 
February,  1599)  before  the  commission  a  series  of  con- 
ferences which  lasted  through  that  year.  Bellarmine, 
created  cardinal  in  March,  was  admitted  to  the  sessions. 
Little,  however,  was  accomplished,  the  Dominicans 
aiming  at  criticism  of  Molina  rather  than  exposition  of 
their  own  views.  The  death  of  Cardinal  Madrucci  in- 
terrupted these  conferences,  and  Clement  VIII,  seeing 
that  no  solution  was  to  be  reached  on  those  lines,  de- 
termined to  have  the  matter  discussed  in  his  presence. 
At  the  first  debate,  19  March,  1602,  the  pope  presided, 
with  Cardinals  Borghese  (later  Paul  V)  and  Arrigone 
assisting,  as  well  as  the  members  of  the  former  com- 
mission and  various  theologians  summoned  by  the  pope. 
Sixty-eight  sessions  were  thus  held  (1602-1605). 

Clement  VIII  died  5  March.  1605,  and  after  the 
brief  reign  of  Leo  XI,  Paul  V  ascended  the  papal 
throne.  In  his  presence  seventeen  debates  took 
place.  The  Dominicans  were  represented  by  Diego 
Alvarez  and  Tomds  de  Lemos;    the  Jesuits  by  Gre- 

forio  de  Valencia,  Pedro  de  Arrubal,  Fernando  de 
lastida  and  Juan  de  Salas.  Finally,  after  twenty 
years  of  discussion  private  and  public,  and  eighty-five 
conferences  in  presence  of  the  popes,  the  question  was 
not  solved,  but  an  end  was  put  to  the  disputes.     The 

Eope's  decree,  communicated  (5  September,  1607)  to 
oth  Dominicans  and  Jesuits,  allowed  each  party  to 
defend  its  own  doctrine,  enjoined  each  from  censuring 
or  condemning  the  opposite  opinion,  and  commanded 
them  to  await  as  loyal  sons  of  the  (liurch  the  final  de- 
cision of  the  Apostolic  See.  That  dreisiim,  however, 
has  not  been  reached,  and  both  orders,  consecjuently, 
maintain  their  respective  theories,  just  as  any  other 
theological  opinion  is  held.  The  long  controversy 
had  aroused  considerable  feeling,  and  the  pope,  aim- 
ing at  the  restoration  of  peace  and  charity  between  the 
religious  orders,  forbade  bj'  a  decree  of  the  Inquisition 


(1  December,  1611)  the  publication  of  any  book  con- 
cerning efficacious  grace  until  further  action  by  the 
Holy  See.  The  prohibition  remained  in  force  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

(See  also  Augustine  of  Hippo;  B.\ius;  Baxez; 
Grace,  Controversies  on;  Molina;  Thomism.) 

Aug.  Leblanc  (pseudon.  of  Hyacinthe  Sebry,  O.  P.),  His-  ' 
toria  CongrrpntwnJim  dr  niixiliiK  divinw  graiitr  sub  Summis 
Ponlifinhiis  Clrmmlr  VIII  rl  I'nuJn  V  (Lolivain,  1700);  ThEO- 
DORI-S  El.HTUmti  s  l,isnu,lnn.  of  LlVINHS  TE  MeYER,  S.  J.). 
Hi^tov^'f  rnith;,,  ■  f-H!f!irn  ,1,-  thmur  fjrnlxT  aiijllus  sub  Summit 
PonUfinhu-^l  l.,v„i<  VIII.l  fnnl.,  l-(\'cnire,  1742);  Schnee- 
MANN,  Die  Enl:^l<Jinn\j  u.  wii!')r  Knfwickhnig  dcr  thomi^tisch' 
moli7uslischcn  Cmitrovcrsc  (Freiburg.  1879;  also  in  Latin  tr., 
FreiburE.  1881);  de  Reonovi,  Bafiel  et  Molina  (Paris,  1883); 
BiLLUART,  Le  thomisme  triomphant;  Apologic  du  thomisme 
triomphant  (Li^ge,  1731);  Gayraud,  Thomisme  et  Molinisme 
(Toulouse,  1890);  Dummer.muth,  S.  Thom/t.s  rt  doclrina  prrsmo- 
Honis  physical  (Paris,  1886);  Frins.  S.  Thomcr  Aquin.  doctrina 
de  cooperatione  Dei  (Paris.  1892);  Duhmermuth,  Dejenaio 
doctrina:  S.  Thonut,  a  reply  to  Frins  (Louvain,  189.')). 

Antonio  Astrain. 

Congregationalism. — The  retention  by  the  Angli- 
can State  Church  of  the  prelatieal  form  of  government 
and  of  many  Catholic  rites  and  ceremonies  offensive  to 
genuine  Protestants  resulted  in  the  formation  of  innu- 
merable Puritan  factions,  with  varying  degrees  of  radi- 
calism. The  violent  measures  adopted  by  Elizabeth 
and  the  Stuarts  to  enforce  conformity  caused  the  more 
timid  and  moderate  of  the  Puritans  to  remain  in  com- 
munion with  the  State  Church,  though  keeping  up  to 
the  present  day  an  incessant  protest  against  "  popish 
tendencies";  but  the  more  advanced  and  daring  of 
their  leaders  began  to  perceive  that  there  was  no  place 
for  them  in  a  Church  governed  by  a  hierarchy  and  en- 
slaved to  the  civil  power.  To  many  of  them,  Geneva 
was  the  realization  of  Christ's  kingdom  on  earth,  and, 
influenced  by  the  example  of  neighbouring  Scotland, 
they  began  to  form  churches  on  the  model  of  Presby- 
terianism  (q.  v.).  Many,  however,  who  had  with- 
drawn from  the  "tyranny"  of  the  episcopate,  were 
loath  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  presbyteries  and 
formed  themselves  into  religious  communities  ac- 
knowledging "no  head,  priest,  prophet  or  king  save 
Christ".  These  dissenters  were  known  as  "  Independ- 
ents", and  in  spite  of  fines,  imprisonments,  and  the 
execution  of  at  least  five  of  their  leaders,  they  in- 
creased steadily  in  numbers  and  influence,  until  they 
played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  revolution  that  cost 
Charles  I  his  crown  and  life.  The  earliest  literary  ex- 
ponent of  Independence  was  Robert  Brown,  from 
whom  the  dissenters  were  nicknamed  Brownists. 
Brown  was  bom  in  1550,  of  a  good  family,  in  Rutland- 
shire, and  studied  at  Cambridge.  About  1580  he  be- 
gan to  circulate  pamphlets  in  which  the  State  Church 
was  denounced  in  immeasured  terras  and  the  duty  was 
inculcated  of  separating  from  communion  with  it. 
The  godly  were  not  to  look  to  the  State  for  the  reform 
of  the  Church ;  they  must  set  about  it  themselves  on 
the  Apostolic  model.  Brown  defines  the  Church  as  "  a 
company  or  number  of  Christians  or  believers,  who,  by 
a  willing  covenant  made  with  their  God,  are  under  the 
government  of  God  and  Christ,  and  keep  his  laws  in 
one  holy  communion".  This  new  gospel  attracted 
numerous  adherents.  A  congregation  was  formed  in 
Norwich  which  grew  rapidly.  Summoned  before  the 
bishop's  court,  Brown  escaped  the  consequences  of  his 
zeal  through  the  intervention  of  his  powerful  relation, 
Lord  Burghley,  and,  with  his  followers,  migrated  to 
Holland,  the  common  refuge  of  the  persecuted  reform- 
ers of  all  Europe.  The  Netherlands  were  soon  flooded 
with  refugees  from  England,  and  large  congregations 
were  established  in  the  principal  cities.  The  most 
flourishing  Indciiendent  ('hurch  was  that  of  Leyden 
uiuler  the  direction  of  John  Robinson.  It  was  to  this 
congregation  that  the  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  belonged, 
who  in  1620  set  sail  in  the  Mayflower  for  the  5few 
World. 

The  successful  establishment  of  the  New  England 
colonies  was  an  event  of  the  utmost  importance  in  the 


CONGREGATIONALISM 


240 


CONGREGATIONALISM 


development  of  Congregationalism,  a  term  preferred 
by  the  American  Puritans  to  Independency  and  grad- 
ually adopted  by  their  coreligionists  in  Great  Britain. 
Not  only  was  a  safe  haven  now  opened  to  the  fugitives 
from  persecution,  but  the  example  of  orderly  commu- 
nities based  entirely  on  congregational  principles, 
"without  pope,  prelate,  presbytery,  prince  or  parlia- 
ment", was  a  complete  refutation  of  the  charge 
advanced  by  Anglicans  and  Presbyterians  that  Inde- 
pendency meant  anarchy  and  chaos,  civil  and  relig- 
iovis.  In  the  Massachusetts  settlements,  "the  New 
England  way",  as  it  was  termed,  developed,  not  in- 
deed without  strifes  and  dissensions,  but  without  ex- 
ternal molestation.  They  formed,  from  the  Puritan 
standpoint,  the  veritable  kingdom  of  the  saints;  and 
the  slightest  expression  of  dissent  from  the  Gospel  as 
preached  by  the  ministers  was  punished  with  scourg- 
ing, exile,  and  even  death.  The  importance  of  stamp- 
ing out  Nonconformity  in  the  American  colonies  did 
not  escape  the  vigilance  of  Archbishop  Laud ;  he  had 
concerted  measures  with  Charles  I  for  imposing  the 
episcopacy  upon  them,  when  war  broke  out  between 
the  king  and  the  Parliament.  During  the  Civil  War 
in  England,  though  few  in  number  compared  with  the 
Presbyterians,  they  grew  in  importance  through  the 
ability  of  their  leaders,  notably  of  Oliver  Cromwell 
who  gained  for  them  the  ascendency  in  the  army  and 
the  Commonwealth.  In  the  Westminster  Assembly 
convened  by  the  Long  Parliament  in  1 643,  Independ- 
ency was  ably  represented  by  five  ministers,  Thomas 
Goodwin,  Philip  Nye,  Jeremiah  Burroughs,  William 
Bridge  and  Sidrach  Simpson,  known  as  "The  Five 
Dissenting  Brethren",  and  ten  or  eleven  lajnnen. 
They  all  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  debates  of  the 
Assembly,  pleading  strongly  for  toleration  at  the 
hands  of  the  Presbyterian  majority.  They  adopted 
the  doctrinal  articles  of  the  Westminster  Confession 
with  slight  modifications;  but  as  there  could  be  no 
basis  of  agreement  between  them  and  the  Presbyter- 
ians regarding  church  government,  a  meeting  of  "  eld- 
ers and  messengers  "  of  "  the  Congregational  churches  " 
was  held  at  the  Savoy  in  1658  and  drew  up  the  famous 
"  Savoy  Declaration ' ',  which  was  also  accepted  in  New 
England  and  long  remained  as  authoritative  as  such  a 
document  could  be  in  a  denomination  which,  theoreti- 
cally, rejected  all  authority.  From  this  Declaration 
we  obtain  a  clear  idea  of  the  Congregationalist  notion 
of  the  Church. 

The  elect  are  called  individually  by  the  Lord,  but 
"those  thus  called  (through  the  ministry  of  the  word 
by  His  Spirit)  he  commandeth  to  walk  together  in  par- 
ticular Societies  or  Churches,  for  their  mutual  edifica- 
tion and  the  due  performance  of  that  Public  Worship 
which  He  requireth  of  them  in  this  world".  Each  of 
these  particular  churches  is  the  Church  in  the  full 
sense  of  the  term  and  is  not  subject  to  any  outside  jur- 
isdiction. The  officers  of  the  church,  pastors,  teach- 
ers, elders,  and  deacons,  are  "  chosen  by  the  common 
suffrage  of  the  church  itself,  and  solemnly  set  apart  by 
fasting  and  prayer,  with  imposition  of  hands  of  the 
eldership  of  that  church,  if  there  be  any  before  consti- 
tuted therein";  the  essence  of  the  call  consists  in  elec- 
tion by  the  Church.  To  preserve  harmony,  no  person 
ought  to  be  added  to  the  Church  without  the  consent 
of  the  Church  itself.  The  Church  has  power  to  admon- 
ish and  excommunicate  disorderly  members,  but  this 
power  of  censure  "  is  to  be  exercised  only  towards  par- 
ticular members  of  each  church  as  such ".  "In  case  of 
difficulties  or  differences,  either  in  point  of  doctrine  or 
administration,  wherein  either  the  churches  in  general 
are  concerned,  or  anyone  church,  in  their  peace,  union, 
and  edification,  or  any  member  or  members  of  any 
church  are  injured  in  or  by  any  proceeding  in  censures 
not  agreeable  to  truth  atid  order,  it  is  according  to  the 
mind  of  Christ  that  many  churches  holding  one  com- 
munion together  do  by  their  messengers  meet  in  a 
Synod  or  Council  to  consider  and  give  their  advice  in 


or  about  that  matter  in  difference,  to  be  reported  to 
all  the  churches  concerned:  Howbeit,  these  Synods  so 
assembled  are  not  entrusted  with  any  church  power 
properly  so  called,  or  with  any  jurisdiction  over  the 
churches  themselves,  to  exercise  any  censures,  either 
over  any  churches  or  persons,  or  to  impose  their  de- 
termination on  the  churches  or  officers."  If  any  per- 
son, for  specified  reasons,  be  dissatisfied  with  his 
church,  "he,  consulting  with  the  cliurch,  or  the  officer 
or  officers  thereof,  may  peaceably  depart  from  the 
communion  of  the  church  wherewith  he  hath  so 
walked,  to  join  himself  to  some  other  church".  Fi- 
nally it  is  stated  that  "  churches  gathered  and  walking 
according  to  the  mind  of  Christ,  judging  other  churches 
(though  less  pure)  to  be  true  churches,  may  receive 
unto  occasional  communion  with  them  such  members 
of  these  churches  as  are  credibly  testified  to  be  godly 
and  to  live  without  offense". 

Such  are  the  main  principles  of  Congregationalism 
regarding  the  constitution  of  the  Church;  in  doctrine 
the  Congregational  teachers  were,  for  the  most  part, 
strictly  Calvinistic.  Independent  ascendency  came  to 
an  abrupt  close  at  the  death  of  Cromwell  and  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.  The  Presbyterians,  who 
had  seated  the  Stuart  on  his  throne,  might  hope  for  his 
favour;  there  was  slight  prospect  that  he  would  tol- 
erate the  democratic  tenets  of  Congregationalism.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  Charles  and  his  ser\'ile  parliament 
persecuted  both  forms  of  dissent.  A  succession  of 
severe  edicts,  the  Corporation  Act,  1661,  the  Act  of 
Uniformitv,  1662,  the  Conventicle  Act,  1663,  renewed, 
1670,  the  Five-Mile  Act,  1665,  and  the  Test  Act,  1673, 
made  existence  almost  impossible  to  Nonconformists 
of  all  shades  of  belief.  Yet  in  spite  of  persecution, 
they  held  out  until  the  eighteenth  century  brought 
toleration  and  finally  freedom.  It  is  characteristic  of 
the  Puritans  that,  notwithstanding  the  sufferings  they 
had  undergone  they  spurned  the  indulgence  offered  by 
James  II,  because  it  tolerated  popery;  in  fact,  they 
were  more  zealous  than  the  lest  of  the  nation  in  driv- 
ing James  from  the  throne.  The  exclusion  of  Dissent- 
ers from  the  British  universities  created  a  serious 
problem  for  the  Congregationalists  as  well  as  for  the 
Catholics ;  to  the  sacrifices  which  these  and  other  de- 
nominations out  of  communion  with  the  State  Church 
made  for  the  maintenance  of  academies  and  colleges 
conducted  according  to  their  respective  principles, 
England,  like  .America,  owes  that  great  boon  so  essen- 
tial to  the  well-being  of  civilized  nations,  freedom  of 
education.  During  the  eighteenth  century,  while  the 
clergy  of  the  Established  Church,  educated  and  main- 
tained by  the  State,  were  notoriously  incapable  and 
apathetic,  whatever  there  was  of  spiritual  energy  in 
the  nation  emanated  from  the  denominational  col- 
leges. 

CoNGREGATiONAt,  LTnions. — The  Congregational 
churches  were  at  their  best  while  the  pressure  of  per- 
secution served  to  cement  them;  this  removed,  the 
absence  of  organization  left  them  an  easy  prey  to  the 
inroads  of  rationalism  and  infidelity.  Before  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century  many  of  them  lapsed  into 
Unitarianism,  alike  in  England  and  America.  A  new 
problem  was  thusforced  upon  them,  viz.  how  to  main- 
tain the  unity  of  the  denomination  without  con- 
sciously \'iolating  their  fundamental  doctrine  of  the 
entire  independence  of  each  particular  church.  "A 
Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales ' ',  formed 
in  1833  and  revised  in  1871,  issued  a  "Declaration  of 
the  Faith,  Church  Order,  and  Discipline  of  the  Con- 
gregational or  Independent  Dissenters",  and  provided 
for  annual  meetings  and  a  president  who  should  hold 
office  for  a  year.  American  Congregationalism  has 
always  been  of  a  more  organic  character.  While  per- 
sisting in  emphasizing  the  complete  intlependence  of 
particular  churches,  it  has  made  ample  provision,  at 
the  expense  of  consistency,  for  holding  the  denomina- 
tion together.     No  minister  is  admitted  except  upon 


CONGREGATIONAL 


241 


CONGREGATIONAL 


approval  of  the  clerical  "association"  to  which  he 
must  belong.  To  be  acknowledged  as  Congregational- 
ist,  a  new  community  must  be  received  into  fellowship 
by  the  churches  of  its  tlistrict.  Should  a  church 
fall  into  serious  error,  or  tolerate  and  uphold  notor- 
ious scandals,  the  other  churches  may  withdraw  their 
fellowship,  and  it  ceases  to  be  recognized  as  Con- 
grcgationalist.  If  a  minister  is  found  guilty  of 
t;rn,ss  heresy  or  evil  life,  a  council  summoned  to 
examine  his  case  may,  if  necessary,  withdraw  from 
him  the  fellowship  of  the  churches.  The  statements 
iif  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.  D.,  the  historian  of  his 
sert  ("American  Encyclop.Tdia",s.  v.  "Congregation- 
alism "),  prove  that  there  is  a  marked  contrast  between 
(  cmgregational  theorj'  and  practice.  The  Congrega- 
tionalists  have  been  verj'  active  in  home  and  foreign 
mission  work  and  possess  eight  theological  seminaries, 
in  the  United  States,  viz.  Andover,  Massachusetts; 
Atlanta,  Georgia;  Bangor,  Maine;  New  Haven  and 
Hartford,  Connecticut;  Oberlin,  Ohio;  Chicago,  Illi- 
nois; and  the  Pacific,  Berkeley,  California.  Since 
IsTl  national  councils,  composed  of  delegates  from 
all  the  States  of  the  Union,  are  convened  every  third 
year.  "The  Congregational  Handbook  for  1907" 
uivps  the  following  statistics  of  the  denomination  in 
America;  Churches  5931 ;  ministers  5933;  members 
'iiis,736.  Included  in  this  count  are  Cuba  with  6  min- 
isters and  636  members  and  Porto  Rico  with  3  minis- 
ters and  50  members.  In  England  and  Wales  the 
statistics  for  1907  were:  sittings  1,801,447;  communi- 
eants  498.953;  ministers  3197;  local  preachers  5603. 
The  efforts  made  in  recent  years  to  find  a  basis  for 
some  kind  of  corporate  union  between  the  Congrega- 
tionalists,  the  Methodist  Protestants,  and  the  United 
Hrethren  in  Christ  have  not  been  successful. 

Walker.  .4  History  of  the  Contjregationat  Churches  in  the 
r-nird  Stairs  (New  York,  1894);  Idem,  The  Creeds  and  Plat- 
jornui  of  Connreqntionalism  (ibid.,  1893);  Dexter,  The  Congre- 
oalionalism  nf  the  Inst  .300  ymrs,  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (ibid., 
ISSO).  Each  of  these  works  contains  a  good  bibhography. 
J.    F.   LoUGHLIN. 

Congregational  Singing. — In  his  Instruction  on 
sacred  music,  commonly  referred  to  as  the  Motu  Pro- 
prio  (22  Nov.,  1903),  Pius  X  says  (no.  3):  "Special  ef- 
forts are  to  be  made  to  restore  the  use  of  Gregorian 
chant  by  the  people,  so  that  the  faithful  may  again 
take  a  more  active  part  in  ecclesiastical  offices,  as  was 
the  case  in  ancient  times".  These  words  suggest  a 
brief  treatment  of  congregational  singing  with  respect 
to  (a)  its  ancient  use,  (b)  its  formal  prohibition  and 
gradual  decay,  (c)  its  present-day  revival,  (d)  the 
character  which  that  revival  may  assume. 

(a)  The  first  testimony  is  foimd  in  the  Epistle  of  St. 
Paul  to  the  Ephesians  (v,  19):  "Speaking  to  your- 
selves in  psalms,  and  hymns,  and  spiritual  canticles, 
singing  and  making  melody  in  your  hearts  to  the 
Lord  ".  Cardinal  Bona  finds  in  these  words  a  witness 
to  the  fact  that  "from  the  very  beginnings  of  the 
Church,  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung  in  the  assembly 
of  the  faithful",  and  understands  them  to  refer  to  an 
alternated  chant  {mutuo  et  altirno  cantu).  McEvilly 
in  his  "Commentary"  applies  them  to  public 
and  private  meetings.  St.  Augustine  (Ep.  cxi.x,  ch. 
xviii)  says:  "As  to  the  singing  of  psalms  and  hymns, 
we  have  the  proofs,  the  examples,  and  the  instructions 
of  the  Lord  Himself,  and  of  the  Apostles".  (Cf.  also 
Col.,  iii,  16;  I  Cor.,  xiv,  26.)  In  the  ancient  congrega- 
tional singing  both  sexes  took  part;  the  words  of  St. 
Paul  imposing  silence  on  women  in  church  being  in- 
terpreted to  refer  only  to  exhorting  or  instructing. 
Duchesne  describes  how  the  earliest  worship  of  the 
Christians  was  parallel  to  that,  not  of  the  Temple  of 
the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  but  of  the  local  synagogues,  the 
Christians  borrowing  thence  their  four  elements  of 
Divine  service — the  lections,  the  chants  (of  the 
Psalter),  the  homilies,  and  the  [)rayers.  In  treating  of 
the  Syrian  Liturgy  of  the  fourth  century,  he  makes  up 
a  composite  picture  from  the  23rd  catechetical  dis- 
IV.— 16 


course  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  (about  the  year  347), 
the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (II,  57;  VIII,  5-15),  and 
the  homilies  of  St.  John  Chrysostom,  and  describes  the 
Divine  service  (Christian  Worship:  Its  Origin  and 
Evolution,  London,  1903,  pp.  57-64),  and  inciden- 
tally shows  the  part  the  congregation  took  in  the 
singing. 

(b)  A  council  held  at  Laodicea  in  the  fourth  century 
decreed  (can.  xv),  that  "besides  the  appointed  singers 
who  mount  the  arabo  and  sing  from  the  book,  others 
shall  not  sing  in  the  Church".  Cardinal  Bona  (Re- 
rum  Liturg.,  Bk.  I,  ch.  xxv,  sect.  19)  explains  that  this 
canon  was  issued  because  the  unskillful  singing  of  the 
people  interfered  with  the  decorous  performance  of 
the  chant.  The  decree  was  not  accepted  everywhere, 
as  Bona  shows.  With  respect  to  France,  he  also  re- 
marks that  the  custom  of  popular  (congregational) 
song  ceased  a  few  years  after  Cssarius ;  for  the  Second 
Synod  of  Tours  decreed  "that  the  laity,  whether  in 
vigils  or  at  Masses,  should  not  presume  to  stand  with 
the  clergy  near  the  altar  whereon  the  Sacred  Mysteries 
are  celebrated,  and  that  the  chancel  should  be  re- 
served to  the  choirs  of  singing  clerics".  Hereupon 
Sala  notes  (no.  4)  that  "this  custom  still  obtains, 
nevertheless,  in  the  Eastern  Church;  and  in  many 
places  in  the  Western  Church,  very  remote  from  cities, 
and  therefore  tenacious  of  older  customs  and  less  in- 
fluenced by  newer  ones,  the  people  learn  the  ecclesias- 
tical chant  and  sing  it  together  with  the  clergy". 
Many  causes,  doubtless,  combined  to  bring  about  the 
present  lamentable  silence  of  our  congregations, 
amongst  which  the  most  prominent  was  probably  the 
one  mentioned  by  Bona  as  having  occasioned  the  de- 
cree of  the  Council  of  Laodicea.  That  the  cause  was 
not,  as  Dickinson  thinks,  "the  steady  progress  of  ritu- 
alism and  the  growth  of  sacerdotal  ideas",  which  "in- 
evitably deprived  the  people  of  all  initiative  in  the 
worship,  and  concentrated  the  offices  of  public  devo- 
tion, including  that  of  song,  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy" 
(Music  in  the  History  of  the  Western  Church,  New 
York,  1902,  p.  48),  may  be  inferred  from  the  efforts  of 
ecclesiastical  authority  to  revive  the  older  custom  of 
congregational  singing,  as  will  be  seen  tmder  (c). 

(c)  The  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1866) 
expressed  (no.  380)  its  earnest  wish  that  the  rudi- 
ments of  Gregorian  chant  should  be  taught  in  the  par- 
ish schools,  in  order  that  "the  number  of  those  who 
can  sing  the  chant  well  having  increased  more  and 
more,  gradually  the  greater  part,  at  least,  of  the  peo- 
ple should,  after  the  fashion  still  existing  in  some 
places  of  the  Primitive  Church,  learn  to  sing  Vespers 
and  the  like  together  with  the  sacred  ministers  and  the 
choir".  The  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore 
(1884)  repeats  (no.  119)  the  words  of  the  Second 
Coimcil,  prefacing  them  with  denuo  confirmemus. 

(d)  The  words  of  the  quoted  councils  and  of  the 
pope  imply  a  restoration  of  congregational  singing 
through  instruction  in  Gregorian  chant,  and  therefore 
clearly  refer  to  the  strictly  liturgical  offices  such  as 
solemn  or  high  Mass,  Vespers,  Benediction  (after  the 
Tantum  Ergo  has  begun).  Congregational  singing  at 
low  Mass  and  at  other  services  in  the  church,  not 
strictly  "liturgical"  in  ceremonial  character,  has  al- 
ways obtained,  more  or  less,  in  our  churches.  With 
respect  to  the  strictly  liturgical  services,  it  is  to  bo 
hoped  that  the  congregation  may  be  instructed  suffi- 
ciently to  sing,  besides  the  responses  to  the  celebrant 
(especially  those  of  the  Preface),  the  ordinary  (i.  e.  the 
Kyrie,  Gloria,  Credo,  Sanctus,  Bcnedictus,  Agnus 
Dei)  of  the  Mass  in  plain  chant;  leaving  the  Introit, 
Gradual  or  Tract,  sequence  (if  there  be  one).  Offer- 
tory, and  Communion  to  the  choir;  the  Psalms  and 
hymns  at  Vespers,  leaving  the  antiphons  to  the  choir. 
The  singing  might  well  be  made  to  alternate  between 
congregation  and  choir.  Perosi  made  a  strong  plea 
to  the  musical  congress  of  Padua  (June,  1907)  for 
such  congregational  singing  of  the  Credo  (cf.  Civiiti 


CONGREGATION 


242 


CONGRESSES 


Cattolica,  6  July,  1907).     (See  Choir;  Music;  Sing- 
ing, Choral.) 

Wagner,  Origins  ct  Developpem^nt  du  Chant  Litiirgique,  tr. 
BouR  (Tournai.  1904).  14  sqq.  gives  a  good  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  earhest  congregational  singing.  Two  articles  in 
the  American  Ecdesiastical  Review  (July,  1S92,  19-29,  and 
August,  1892,  120-133)  give  history,  references,  limits  of 
vernacular  singing,  and  methods  of  training.  See  also  Manual 
of  Church  Music  (Dolphin  Press,  Philadelphia,  1905),  112-118; 
Church  Music  (Quarterly)  (December,  1905),  21-33  for 
methods;  also  Dickinson,  Music  in  the  History  of  the  Western 
Church,  223,  242,  376  for  congregational  singing  in  Protestant 
churches. 

H.  T.  Henht. 

Congregation  of  St.   Francis   de   Sales.       See 

Francis  de  Sales,  Saint. 

Congregation  o£  the  Mission.     See  L.\zarists. 

Congregations,  Religious.  See  Religious  Con- 
gregations. 

Congregations,  Roman.  See  Roman  Congre- 
gations. 

Congresses,  Catholic. — One  of  the  remarkable 
and  important  manifestations  of  the  social  and  relig- 
ious life  of  the  present  day  are  gatherings  of  Catho- 
lics in  general  public  conferences.  This  is  the  case 
both  when  these  assemblies  consist  of  delegates  rep- 
resenting the  entire  Catholic  population  of  a  country 
or  nation  meeting  to  express  opinions  concerning 
matters  close  to  its  heart;  or  when  they  consist 
simply  of  the  members  of  some  one  Catholic  associa- 
tion who  have  come  together  for  the  advancement  of 
the  particular  aims  of  the  society.  Taken  collectively, 
these  congresses  prove  that  the  life  of  the  Catholic 
Church  of  the  present  day  is  not  confined  to  Church 
devotions;  that  not  merely  individual  classes  and 
circles,  but  all  Catholics,  men  of  every  rank  and  of 
every  degree  of  culture,  of  all  callings,  all  ages,  and  of 
all  nations  have  been  quickened  to  an  unheard-of 
extent  by  the  ecclesiastical  movement  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  and  gladly  co-operate  with  it.  This 
movement  in  Catholic  life  has  been  made  possible  by 
the  development  of  travelling  facilities,  the  multipli- 
cation of  social  interests,  and  also  by  the  political 
freedom  of  modern  nations.  But  Catholics  would 
probably  not  have  made  use  of  these  aids  in  such 
large  measure  if  they  had  not  been  stirred  up  by  ex- 
traordinary zeal. 

I.  History. — The  first  large  Congress  was  held  by 
the  Catholics  of  Germany.  In  the  year  of  political 
revolutions,  184S,  they  founded  throughout  Germany 
local  Catholic  associations,  called  "Piusvereine"  after 
Pope  Pius  IX,  the  Catholics  of  Mainz  taking  the  lead. 
Their  object  was  to  stimulate  Catholics  to  make  use 
of  the  favourable  moment  to  free  the  Church  from 
dependence  on  the  State.  In  accordance  with  an 
agreement  made  by  a  nimiber  of  distinguished  Catho- 
lics at  the  festivities  held  to  celebrate  the  completion 
of  a  portion  of  the  cathedral  of  Cologne,  August, 
1848,  these  associations  met  in  convention  at  Mainz, 
3-6  October  of  the  same  year.  In  the  neighbouring 
city  of  Frankfort  the  German  Diet  was  in  session. 
Only  a  few  weeks  before,  this  body  had  decided  to 
separate  the  schools  from  the  Church,  in  spite  of  the 
opposing  votes  of  the  Catholic  deputies,  and  had  filled 
the  Catholic  people  with  a  deep  distrust  of  the  Frank- 
fort Assembly.  A  large  part  of  the  Catholic  members 
of  the  Diet  went  to  Mainz,  and  expressed  their  views, 
thus  directing  widespread  attention  to  the  convention 
and  arousing  the  entliusiasm  of  its  members,  wliich 
reached  its  highest  pitch  when  one  of  the  deputies, 
Wilhelm  Emanuel  von  Kettcler,  the  ])arisli  priest  of 
Hopstcn,  arose  and  urged  the  Congress  to  give  their 
attention  to  social  as  well  a.s  religious  questions. 
Thenceforth  the  General  German  Catholic  Congresses 
had  a  distinctive  character  impressed  upon  them.  It 
became  their  mission  to  prove  and  intensify  the  de- 


votion of  German  Catholics  to  their  Church,  to  defend 
the  rights  of  the  Church  and  the  liberties  of  Cathoiics 
as  citizens,  to  preserve  the  Christian  character  of  the 
schools,  and  to  further  the  Christian  spirit  in  society. 
At  first  the  congress  met  semi-annually;  after  1850, 
it  met  annually  in  a  German  or  Austrian  city.  From 
the  start  it  regarded  the  development  of  German 
Catholic  societies  into  a  power  in  national  affairs  as 
one  of  the  most  important  means  of  gaining  its  ends. 
Consequently  the  Congress  gave  its  attention  not  only 
to  the  "Piusvereine"  but  also  interested  itself  in  all 
other  Catholic  societies,  e.  g.  the  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul  Conferences,  the  Gesellenvereine  (journeymen's 
unions),  the  reading-circles,  the  students'  corps,  etc., 
and  also  encouraged  the  founding  of  important  new 
associations,  such  as  the  societies  in  aid  of  German 
emigrants,  the  St.  Boniface  Association,  the  St.  Au- 
gustine Association  for  the  development  of  the  Catho- 
lic press,  and  others.  The  end  sought  was  to  com- 
bine the  general  assemblies  of  as  many  of  these  socie- 
ties as  possible  with  that  of  the  "Piusvereine,"  or  to 
secure  their  convening  at  the  same  time  and  place. 
Thus  the  Catholic  Congress  became  in  a  few  years  and 
is  still  an  annual  general  meeting  for  the  majority  of 
German  Catholic  societies.  This  appears  from  the 
programme  of  every  German  Catholic  Congress.  As 
long  as  the  Catholic  Congress  was  principally  a  repre- 
sentative general  meeting  of  Catholic  societies,  its 
proceedings  were  chiefly  discussions  and  debates  and 
the  number  of  those  who  attended  was  relatively 
small.  This  was  the  case  in  the  first  decade  of  its 
existence.  Still  even  at  this  time  one  or  more  public 
mass-meetings  were  held  at  each  Congress,  in  order 
to  arouse  the  interest  of  the  Catholic  population  of 
the  place  of  assembly  and  its  vicinity.  The  most 
celebrated  address  of  the  first  decade  was  made  in 
1849  at  Ratisbon  by  DoUinger  on  the  "  Independence 
of  the  Church."  The  most  important  of  the  early 
German  Catholic  Congresses  was  the  session  held  at 
Vienna,  1853. 

Owing  to  epidemics  and  political  difficulties  up  to 
1858  the  congress  met  irregularly  and  the  attendance 
decreased  so  that  its  future  appeared  doubtful.  After 
1858,  however,  the  congress  rose  again  in  importance 
while  at  the  same  time  its  character  gradually 
changed.  It  became  a  general  assembly  of  German 
Catholics,  and  the  attendance  greatly  increased.  In 
these  changed  contlitions  the  public  sessions  devoted 
to  oratorical  addresses  from  distinguished  speakers  as 
well  as  the  private  sessions  for  deliberation  grew  in 
importance.  In  these  years  Catholic  Germany  could 
boast  of  several  very  eloc(uent  orators,  the  best  among 
whom  were  Moufang,  Heinrich,  and  Haffner,  theo- 
logians of  Mainz,  and  after  these  Lindau,  a  m.erchant 
of  Heidelberg.  The  participation  by  the  Catholic 
nobility  in  the  meetings  made  them  socially  more 
impressive.  The  most  striking  speech  of  this  period 
was  made  at  Aachen  in  1862  by  Moufang  on  the 
"Duties  of  Catholic  Men."  Among  the  subjects  de- 
bated the  school  and  education  aroused  the  most 
feeling;  in  connexion  with  these  great  discussions 
great  attention  was  given,  under  the  guidance  of  Dr. 
Hiilskamp,  editor  of  "  The  Literarischer  Handweisor  ", 
to  the  development  of  the  press  and  popular  litera- 
ture. Since  the  Frankfort  Congress  of  1863  the 
labour  question  has  occupied  more  and  more  of  the 
attention  of  the  assembly. 

The  hope  awakened  in  the  hearts  of  Catholics  by 
the  apparently  victorious  progress  of  the  Catholic 
movement  in  Western  l']uro|)e  gave  special  inspir.a- 
tion  to  the  gatherings  of  these  yeans.  .\  similar  con- 
gress was  held  by  the  Swiss  Catholics;  a  more  im- 
portant develiipinent  was  the  resolve  of  the  Belgian 
Catholics,  insligated  by  the  success  of  the  German 
Catholic  Congress  near  them  at  Aachen,  to  hold 
Catholic  congresses  for  Belgivun  and  to  invito  the 
most  distinguished  Catholic  men  of  the  entire  world 


OONQRESSES 


243 


CONGRESSES 


to  participate.  The  intention  was  to  form  a  central 
point  for  the  CathoUc  movement  of  Western  Europe 
and  to  give  it  a  perpetual  organization,  making  it  an 
international  movement,  so  that  in  the  future  Catho- 
lics of  all  nations  could  work  together.  The  chief 
organizer  of  the  preparatorj'  plans  was  Ducpetiau.ic. 
The  first  Belgian  congress  was  held  at  Mechlin,  18-22 
August.  IStJ.J,  and  was  a  great  success.  The  most 
prominent  champions  of  the  Church  in  Europe  at- 
tended the  Belgian  Congresses:  Montalembert,  Prince 
Albert  de  Broglie,  Cardinals  Wiseman  and  Manning, 
the  two  Reichenspergers  and  Kolping,  the  Abb(5  Mer- 
millod;  representing  the  United  States  were  Bishop 
Fitzpatrick,  of  Boston,  and  L.  Silliman  Ives,  of  New 
York.  Reports  on  the  Catholic  life  and  work  of 
every  country  were  presented:  much  time  was  de- 
voted to  the  discussion  of  social  questions,  and  de- 
cided differences  of  opinion  were  expressed.  The 
most  brilliant  success  was  achieved  by  two  discourses 
by  Montalembert  on  "  A  Free  Church  in  a  Free  State." 
A  second  congress  took  place  in  September  of  the 
next  year,  and  the  Intention  was  to  hold  yearly  meet- 
ings; but  already  the  first  clouds  of  internal  conflict 
among  Catholics  began  to  appear.  According  to  their 
views  on  political  liberalism  and  modem  science, 
men's  minds  drifted  apart.  Henceforth  Catholics 
could  not  be  gathered  together  for  a  common  meeting. 
The  only  later  congress  was  held  at  Mechlin  in  1867; 
the  Swiss  assemblies  also  ceased  after  a  short  time, 
so  that  soon  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  were 
the  only  large  assemblies  of  the  kind.  At  the  Bam- 
berg Congress,  1868,  a  standing  Central  Committee 
was  formed,  which  gave  a  permanent  form  of  organi- 
zation to  the  German  Catholic  gathering. 

Development  in  France. — Towards  the  end  of  the 
sixties  a  third  period  of  progressive  development 
began,  due  to  the  increasing  interest  of  Catholics  in 
social  problems  and  the  growth  of  the  spirit  of  asso- 
ciation among  Catholic  workmen.  In  Belgium,  in 
1867,  it  was  decided  to  form  a  union  of  all  workmen's 
associations  in  order  to  systematize  their  develop- 
ment and  growth.  A  standing  committee  was  formed, 
and  a  first  congress  was  called  to  meet  at  Mons  in 
1871.  Its  object  was  to  strengthen  and  aid  the  move- 
ment for  organization  among  worldngmen,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  give  it  a  Christian  character  and  to  en- 
able workingmen  to  make  their  ^■iews  and  wishes  effec- 
tive. The  work  grew  rapidly  in  importance;  up  to 
1875  the  president  was  Clement  Bivort,  and  over  50,- 
000  workingmen  were  coimected  with  it.  The  most 
successful  congress  was  that  held  in  1875  at  Mechlin. 
After  this,  the  oi^anization  declined,  partly  it  would 
seem,  because,  instead  of  following  purely  practical 
economic  ends,  under  French  influence  politics  were 
introduced ;  so  much  weight  was  laid  on  the  religious 
element  that  social  interests  did  not  receive  their  due, 
because  the  members  were  not  agreed  as  to  the  inter- 
vention of  the  State  in  socio-economic  acti\nties,  and 
because  sufficient  consideration  was  not  given  to  the 
growing  independence  of  workingmen.  A  Catholic 
workingmen's  movement  also  sprang  up  in  the  great 
German  industrial  region  of  the  Ixjwer  Rhine;  this 
did  not  grow  into  a  national  convention,  but  it  exerted 
its  influence  at  the  meetings  of  the  general  Catholic 
Congress,  especially  at  the  one  held  at  Diisseldorf, 
1869.  In  France  there  was  formed  an  "  Union  des  as- 
sociations ouvrieres  catholiques"  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  all  Catholic  efforts  and  "to  develop  a  race 
of  Christian  workingmen's  families  for  the  Church  and 
State". 

The  first  congress  of  this  association  was  held  at 
Nevers,  1871,  but  it  never  grew  to  much  importance, 
although  a  permanent  central  office  was  founded,  and 
special  committees  were  appointed  to  encourage 
sports,  clubs  for  study,  etc.  The  association  laid  un- 
due stress  on  the  cultivation  of  religious  life,  and  did 
nothing  to  develop  social  economics  in  connexion  with 


politics  and  but  little  for  the  class  interests  of  work- 
ingmen ;  it  was  hardly  more  than  a  confraternity.  In 
Northern  France  it  succeeded  owing  to  personal  influ- 
ence. The  "Cercles  d'ouvriers  catholiques'',  founded 
by  the  Comte  de  Mun  in  187.3,  were  much  more  suc- 
cessful. De  Mun  desired  to  unite  in  these  cerrles  the 
best  mechanical  and  agricultural  labourers,  to  bring 
them  under  the  influence  of  educated  practical  Cath- 
olic gentlemen,  so  that,  led  by  the  latter,  the  work- 
ingmen might  exert  a  social  and  political  influence  in 
the  world  of  labour.  At  the  same  time  he  wished  the 
organization  to  frame  and  advocate  a  distinct  plan  of 
social  reforms.  From  1875  the  work  of  advocating 
reforms  fell  chiefly  to  the  annual  sessions  which  were 
composed  of  the  delegates  of  the  "Secretariates"  of 
the  circles,  the  deputies  from  all  the  circles  of  the 
province,  and  Catholic  dignitaries  who  were  inter- 
ested in  social  questions.  The  sessions  for  delibera- 
tion had  an  average  attendance  of  from  three  to  four 
hundred  members,  and  the  public  meetings  were  often 
attended  by  several  thousand  persons.  The  assem- 
blies were  managed  by  the  Comte  de  Mun,  assisted  by 
the  Marquis  de  la  Tour  du  Pin,  M.  de  la  Guillonni^re, 
and  M.  Florroy.  These  meetings  and  the  work  of  the 
various  circles  first  spread  among  French  CathoUca 
correct  conceptions  of  social  problems.  The  practi- 
cal social  results  became,  however,  gradually  smaller. 
With  the  help  of  the  congress  De  Mun  gradually 
worked  out  a  complete  social  programme;  by  means 
of  industrial  associations,  with  perfect  freedom  of  or- 
ganization, laws  were  to  be  obtained  granting  to  the 
working  classes  proper  representation  in  the  poUtical 
bodies  of  the  country,  effective  measures  were  to  be 
taken  to  aid  workmen  by  means  of  insurance  and  the 
regulation  of  wages,  their  corporal  and  mental  well- 
being  were  to  be  protected  by  Sunday  rest,  hmitation 
of  working-hours,  etc. ;  compulsory  arbitration  in  dis- 
putes between  masters  and  workmen  was  to  be  legally 
enforced.  The  programme  is  noteworthy  because  it 
included  reform  of  taxation,  and  also  Ijecause  it  aimed 
to  aid  agricultural  labourers  as  well  as  mechanics. 
De  Mun's  main  mistake  was,  that  he  refused  on  prin- 
ciple to  allow  the  workingmen  to  organize  independ- 
ently, and  f>ermitted  only  organizations  common  to 
workingmen  and  employers.  Although  apparently 
the  congresses  just  described  and  the  societies  con- 
nected with  them  were  the  proofs  of  the  growth  in 
strength  of  the  economic  movement,  yet  in  their  first 
development  they  did  not  advance  far  enough  to  be 
able  to  impress  their  character  upon  the  Catholic  con- 
gresses of  the  third  period.  This  was  defined  by  the 
further  growth  of  the  general  Catholic  conventions. 
After  the  successful  settlement  of  the  differences  in  the 
Church  by  the  Vatican  Council,  in  consequence  of  the 
Kulturkampf,  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  re- 
gained their  former  importance  with  a  religious  enthu- 
siasm never  before  witnessed.  At  the  same  time  the 
French  Catholics  also  started  general  congresses. 

During  the  siege  of  Paris  by  the  Germans,  a  com- 
mittee had  been  formed  in  the  city  to  protect  Catho- 
lic interests  against  the  danger  from  anti-religious  and 
revolutionary  sects.  In  a  circular  of  25  August,  1872, 
this  committee  proposed  that  all  forms  of  Catholic 
associations  of  the  country  and  all  French  Catholic 
organizations  should  create  a  general  representative 
body  for  the  purpose  of  defending  their  common  in- 
terests. This  circular  led  to  the  convening  of  the  first 
"Congres  des  comites  catholiques  "  at  Paris,  1872,  and 
the  sessions  of  this  body  were  held  annually  imtil 
1892.  They  were  originally  presided  over  by  M. 
BaiUoud,  their  founder,  afterwards  by  Senator  Chcsne- 
long.  The  congress,  divided  into  different  sections, 
busied  itself  with  purely  religiotis  questions,  with 
teaching,  education,  the  press,  and  social  subjects. 
A  large  part  of  the  attention  of  these  assemblies  was 
given  to  the  non-governmental  schools,  and  much 
was  done  for  them.     On  the  other  hand,  the  incessant 


CONGRESSES 


244 


CONGRESSES 


and  vehement  agitation  of  the  assemblies  against  free, 
obhgatory,  lay  instniction  had  no  apparent  effect. 
The  French,  like  the  German  congresses,  received 
strong  encouragement  from  the  pope,  and  the  bishops 
ardently  promoted  them.  Nevertheless,  owing  to  its 
composition,  the  French  congress  never  attained  the 
importance  of  the  German  assemblage.  Although  in- 
tended to  be  a  union  of  all  the  Catholic  forces  of 
France,  it  drew  together  only  the  Monarchists.  For 
although  its  constitution  excluded  politics,  neverthe- 
less, as  the  circular  of  August,  1872,  said,  it  supported 
the  Conservative  candidates  as  a  matter  of  course. 
The  connexion  with  the  Royalists  made  the  congress 
unfruitful  also  in  social  questions;  its  social  political 
position  was  not  sufficiently  advanced,  and  it  offended 
the  classes  that  were  fighting  their  way  up.  When  it 
became  evident  that  the  Royalist  party  had  failed,  the 
congress  declined  with  it.  The  sessions  ceased  when 
Leo  XIII,  on  receiving  the  congratulatory  telegram  of 
the  congress  of  1892,  expressed  the  hope  that,  follow- 
ing his  wishes,  they  should  uphold  the  Republican 
constitution.  The  place  of  the  former  organization 
was  taken  by  the  "Congres  nationaux  catholiques ". 
The  first  session,  held  at  Reims,  was  a  preparatory 
one;  this  was  followed  by  two  congresses  at  Paris, 
1897  and  1898.  Both  their  organization  and  aim 
were  the  same  as  those  of  the  congress  of  the  "  Comitfe 
catholiques",  but  the  political  views  held  were  differ- 
ent; the  meetings  were  gatherings  or  "Rallies",  that 
is,  of  Royalists  who  had  become  Republicans  and  of 
christian  Democrats.  The  history  of  this  organiza- 
tion is,  briefly,  that  of  the  "  Ralli<5s ' '  movement,  and  it 
went  to  pieces  with  the  latter.  A  working  together  in 
the  congress  of  those  who  were  democrats  from  honest 
conviction,  the  politically  indifferent  "New  Catho- 
lics", and  the  "Rallies",  or  "Constitutional  Right- 
ers",  who  obeyed  the  papal  command  against  inclina- 
tion and  conviction,  proved  to  be  unpossible.  The 
"Christian  Democrats"  met  separately,  in  1896  and 
1897,  at  Lyons  and  received  the  blessing  of  Leo  XIII. 
But  it  was  found  that  the  views  of  the  members  were 
too  divergent  to  make  a  continuation  of  these  assem- 
blies profitable.  The  meetings  of  the  "Cercles 
d'ouvriers"  also  came  to  an  end  through  the  failure  of 
the"Ralli&"  or  " Constitutional  Right ".  From  the 
decade  1880-90  these  circles,  like  those  of  the  "  Union 
des  associations  ouvrieres",  were  gradually  trans- 
formed by  their  leaders  into  pious  confraternities,  and 
the  clergy  sought  to  control  them  more  than  was  wise, 
making  the  members  feel  like  irresponsible  children. 
Most  of  the  members  of  the  circles  were  Royalists,  and 
few  of  them  obeyed  the  suggestion  of  the  pope  as  sin- 
cerely as  did  De  Mun.  In  1892  the  congress  assem- 
bled for  the  last  time;  but  even  before  this,  of  the 
1200  still  existing  circles,  a  part  had  combined  with 
the  new  diocesan  organizations,  and  a  part  with  the 
"Association  catholique  de  la  jeunesse  frangaise". 

Fourth  Period  of  Development. — The  fourth  and 
latest  period  in  the  development  of  the  Catholic  Con- 
gresses dates  from  the  last  years  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  About  1890,  the  year  when  the  "People's 
Union  [Volks^Jereiri]  of  Catholic  Germany"  was 
founded,  the  Catholic  social  movement  reached  its 
full  strength  and  became  the  leading  factor  among 
Cierman  (,'atholic  societies.  Its  influence  was  well 
shown  by  the  multiplying  of  Catholic  societies  in  all 
directions;  it  shaped  the  form  and  aims  of  organiza- 
tion, cheeked  the  spirit  of  particularism,  induced  the 
Bocii^ties  to  combine  in  a  united  body,  and  brought 
thousands  of  new  members  into  the  branch  associa- 
tions, while  directing  Catholic  organization  more  and 
more  toward  practical  social  work.  The  meetings  of 
the  congresses  are  the  tangible  sign  of  this  social 
movement;  their  increase  in  strength  and  uifluence  is 
furthered  by  the  growing  interest  of  the  civilized 
world  in  all  kinds  of  congresses.  It  is  owing  to  the 
centralized,    many-sided    propaganda    of    the   well- 


organized  "Volksverein",  with  its  600,000  members, 
that  the  German  Catholic  Congresses  have  been  so 
successful.  The  aims  of  the  societies  are  limited  to 
social  work  of  a  practical  character,  and  the  annual 
meetings  are  held  on  one  of  the  five  days  of  the  session 
of  the  Catholic  Congress  and  at  the  same  place.  Since 
the  Mannheim  Congress  of  1892  the  meetings  of  the 
congresses  have  been  attended  by  larger  numbers  of 
workmen  than  any  other  such  conventions  in  Europe, 
from  twenty-five  thousand  to  forty  thousand  being 
present  at  the  sessions,  the  number  at  a  single  session 
often  reaching  ten  thousand  persons.  In  Austria 
after  two  decades  of  hard  struggle  Christian  socialism 
finally  reached  success.  After  1867  it  was  for  a  long 
time  almost  impossible  to  hold  a  Catholic  convention 
in  Austria;  now  a  General  Catholic  Congress  is  held 
every  other  year,  while  numerous  assemblies  convene 
in  the  different  states  forming  the  Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy;  the  general  congress  of  November,  1907, 
attained  nearly  as  much  influence  over  public  opinion 
as  the  German  Congress;  a  speech  of  Burgomaster 
Luegers  of  Viennastarted  the  "  high-school  movement " 
which  has  since  greatly  agitated  Austria.  Since  1900 
a  Catholic  Congress  has  been  held  annually  in  Hun- 
gary; in  Spain  since  1889  Catholic  assemblies  have 
met  from  time  to  time;  in  Switzerland,  after  suspen- 
sion for  a  generation,  the  first  general  congress  was 
held  in  1903  on  the  basis  of  an  excellent  organization. 
In  1908  the  Danish  Catholics  of  the  Copenhagen  dis- 
trict met  for  the  first  time  to  discuss  their  school 
interests.  Before  this,  in  1886  and  1889,  they  had 
met  for  anniversary  celebrations,  the  first  time,  in  1886, 
in  conjunction  with  representatives  from  Sweden  and 
Norway.  About  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century 
a  congress  was  held  in  Italy  representing  all  the 
Catholic  organizations  of  that  country.  Not  only 
among  the  above-named  great  nations  of  Europe  has 
Catholic  zeal  led  to  the  meeting  of  general  congresses, 
but  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  hardly  a  year  passes 
in  which  the  Catholics  of  some  country  do  not  unite 
in  a  public  congress. 

However  numerous  and  large  these  assemblies, 
whether  general  or  special,  have  been,  they  do  not 
represent  the  whole  number  of  Catholics  who  take  an 
interest  in  social  reorganization.  Catholics  have 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  many  movements  which 
have  an  interdenominational,  universal  Christian,  or 
neutral  character,  because  this  form  of  organization 
can  lead  to  better  I'esults.  Among  these  may  be  men- 
tioned the  "Christian  Trade  LTnions"  of  Gennany,  the 
"Christian  Farmers'  Unions"  of  Germany  and  Aus- 
tria, and  the  "Soci^t^  d 'economic  sociale  et  union 
de  la  paix  sociale"  of  France,  founded  by  Le  Play,  in 
1856,  with  annual  congresses  since  1882.  A  German 
branch  is  the  " Gesellschaft  fur  sozial  Reform" 
(founded  1890),  which  gives  its  attention  largely  to 
scientific  investigations,  but  has  at  times  also  had 
much  influence  on  legislation;  besides  these  may  be 
cited  the  "  Workingmen's  Gardens",  founded  in  1897 
by  Ahh6  Lemire,  with  international  congresses  in  1903 
and  1906;  the  work  of  the  "Raiffeisen  Bank"  (inter- 
national assemblies  at  Tarbes,  1897,  and  Paris,  1900); 
the  "Anti-Duelling  Society",  founded  by  Prince 
Lowenstein,  the  last  international  convention  being 
held  at  Budapest,  1908;  and  the  association  for  sup- 
pressing public  vice,  which  held  an  international  con- 
gress in  1908. 

II.  Intern.\tional  Congresses. — The  forerunner 
of  the  international  congresses  of  the  present  was  the 
Mechlin  general  congress  of  1863-64.  Since  then 
international  Catholic  congresses  of  general  scope  have 
been  abandoned  as  unlikely  to  be  profitable,  and  it 
has  been  sufficient,  especially  as  between  Germany, 
Austria,  and  Switzerland,  to  invite  a  few  foreign  rep- 
resentatives. It  was  only  by  limiting  the  scope  of 
discussion  to  a  few  topics,  especially  religious,  that 
it  has  been  possible  to  hold  Catholic  congresses  of  an 


CONGRESSES 


245 


CONGRESSES 


international  character.  Among  the  best  known  of 
these  assemblies  is  the  "Eucharistic  Congress",  the 
aim  of  which  is  to  increase  and  deepen  tlie  love  of 
Christ  in  every  way  tolerated  by  the  Churcli:  by 
general  communions,  general  adoration  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament,  and  discussion  of  the  best  means  of  in- 
creasing devotion  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  Between 
its  sessions  the  Eucharistic  League  endeavours  to  pro- 
mote and  intensify  Eucharistic  devotion  in  Ihi^  various 
dioceses  in  which  it  is  organized.  Nineteen  of  these  meet- 
ings have  been  held  since  the  first  in  Lille  in  1881 ,  most 
of  them  being  preponderatingly  French,  the  inspira- 
tion of  the  first  coming  from  Mgr.  de  Segur.  The  first 
to  attract  the  attention  of  the  Catholic  world  was  that 
held  at  Jerusalem  in  1803,  and  they  have  since  grown 
more  solemn  and  inlhiontial.  A  general  congress  was 
held  at  Rome,  1!)()."),  aimther  at  Metz,  1907,  and  one  in 
London  9-13  S.  i.tcinlirr,  1908.  Both  Leo  XIII  and 
Pius  X  manifivsted  threat  interest  in  these  congresses. 
Less  successful,  however,  was  the  attempt  of  Leo 
XIII,  by  means  of  international  congresses,  to  make 
the  Third  Order  of  St.  Francis  once  more  a  great 
socio-religious  influence.  After  he  had  indicated  his 
plan  of  Christian  social  politics  in  his  encyclical 
"Novarum  reriun",  he  hoped  to  change  the  Third 
Order  of  St.  Francis  from  a  purely  pious  organization 
into  an  instrument  for  the  regeneration  of  society  such 
as  it  had  been  in  the  thirteenth  century.  For  a  time 
efforts  were  made,  especially  in  France,  to  carry  out 
this  ambition  of  the  pope.  A  committee  met  at  Val- 
des-Bois,  July,  1893,  at  the  call  of  the  Minister- 
General  of  the  Franciscans,  and  under  the  presidency 
of  L^on  Harmel  a  plan  of  action  was  drawn  up:  sev- 
eral meetings  were  held  in  France,  and  in  1900  an 
international  congress  met  at  Rome.  After  this  the 
movement  came  to  an  end.  The  political-social 
scientists,  who  were  too  much  absorbed  in  their  politi- 
cal schemes,  were  unable  to  grasp  the  grandeur  of  the 
pontiff's  idea,  and  the  Tertiaries  clung  to  their  accus- 
tomed exercises  and  preferred  to  remain  a  pious  con- 
fraternity rather  than  to  transform  themselves  into  a 
world-wide  religious  and  social  organization. 

For  a  time  the  Congress  of  Catholic  Savants  had 
nearly  as  successful  a  career  as  the  Eucharistic  Con- 
gress. This  was  also  of  French  origin,  and  founded 
by  Mgr.  d'Hulst,  rector  of  the  Institut  Catliolique  at 
Paris,  in  pursuance  of  a  suggestion  of  Canon  Duilh^ 
de  Saint-Projet.  The  founders  meant  to  prove  to 
mankind  that  Catholics,  instead  of  being  opposed  to 
science,  were  vigorously  active  in  scientific  work;  to 
show  the  harmony  of  faith  and  science,  and  to  stimu- 
late the  slackened  interest  of  Catholics  in  science.  The 
plan  of  the  congress  was,  therefore,  largely  apologetic; 
it  received  the  approval  of  Leo  XIII,  and  from  1888 
the  sessions  were  triennial.  The  first  two  meetings, 
at  Paris,  had  an  attendance,  respectively,  of  1605  and 
2494  persons;  the  third  congress,  at  Bru-ssels,  2518; 
the  fourth,  at  Fribourg,  in  Switzerland,  3007;  the 
fifth,  at  Munich,  3367;  a  sixth  was  to  be  held  at  Rome, 
1903,  but  it  did  not  take  place.  Originally  this  con- 
gress was  divided  into  six  sections;  theology,  philoso- 
I>hy,  law,  history,  natural  sciences,  anthropology; 
four  more  were  added  later;  exegesis,  philology,  bi- 
ologj',  and  Christian  art.  The  character  of  tlie  inter- 
national congress  of  Catholic  jihysicians  which  met  at 
Rome,  1900,  was  largely  religious. 

International  meetings  are  also  held  by  the  "As- 
sociation catholique  Internationale  pour  la  protection 
de  la  jeune  fille",  a  society  that  looks  after  young 
girls  who  are  seeking  employment,  guards  them  from 
dangers,  and  aids  in  their  training  and  secures  em- 
ployment for  thetn.  It  was  founded  bv  a  Swiss  lady, 
Frau  von  Reynold,  1896-97.  Up  to  1897  the  sessions 
were  at  Fribourg,  Switzerland;  1900,  at  Paris;  1902, 
at  Munich;  and  in  190G,  again  at  Paris.  Fribourg, 
Switzerland,  is  the  headijuarters  of  the  society.  Ten 
countries  are  represented  in  it,  among  them  Argen- 


tina, South  America.  Each  national  society  holds  its 
own  annual  meeting;  the  French  branch,  formed  in 
1898,  alternately  in  the  provinces  and  at  Paris;  the 
German,  founded  1905,  at  the  session  of  the  Strasburg 
Catholic  Congress  in  connexion  with  the  Charities 
Congress.  Among  national  Catholic  assemblages 
may  be  also  included  the  so-called  "Social  Week" 
started  by  the  "  Volksverein"  (People's  Union)  of  Cath- 
olic Germany.  Its  sessions  were  held  annually,  1892- 
1900,  with  the  exception  of  1897,  in  different  places. 
About  a  week  was  given  to  an  introduction  to  prac- 
tical social  work.  The  original  attendance  of  582  in 
time  rose  to  about  1000.  The  sessions  were  devoted 
not  to  discussions,  but  to  instructive  lectures  and  the 
answering  of  questions,  thus  making  what  might  be 
called  a  popular  travelling  school.  But  a  week  was 
too  short  a  period  of  instruction,  and  the  constant 
change  of  place  made  it  difhcidt  to  obtain  good  teach- 
ers, consequently  a  permanent  home  was  given  to  the 
association  at  Miinchen-Ghulbach,  and  the  annual  ses- 
sion was  made  a  two  months'  course  in  political  econ- 
omy. A  limited  numljer  of  men  and  women  selected 
by  a  committee  of  the  "  Volksverein"  assisted  at  these 
lectures.  Since  1904  the  shorter  courses,  in  improved 
form,  have  been  resumed  in  addition  to  the  longer 
ones,  and  the  attendance  has  largely  increased.  The 
French  Catholics  were  the  first  to  imitate  this  ex- 
ample, holding  a  similar  assembly  at  Lyons  in  1904; 
since  then  sessions  have  been  hekl  at  various  places, 
that  of  1907  being  at  Amiens,  and  the  next  at  Mar- 
seilles. The  best  of  their  national  economists  give 
their  assistance ;  the  progranune  differs  from  the  Ger- 
man in  as  much  as  the  topics  treated  are  not  exclu- 
sively practical,  but  that  the  lectures  include  the 
philosophical  and  religious  premises  of  modern  social 
politics,  and  the  part  Christians  should  take  in  politi- 
cal life.  The  movement  spread  to  the  other  Romance 
countries  during  1906-08,  and  also  to  Belgium  and 
Holland,  and  made  great  progress,  thanks  to  the  ef- 
forts of  Professor  Toniolo  in  organizing  asocial-science 
week  at  Pisa,  followed  by  a  larger  meeting  at  Pistoja  in 
October  and  another  at  Valencia  in  December,  1907. 
In  France,  Spain,  and  Italy,  this  social-science  week 
will  hereafter  be  held  according  to  a  joint  programme. 

III.  N.\TioNAL  Catholic  Congresses. — France. — 
Since  1898  the  French  Catholics  have  held  provincial 
conventions  in  place  of  general  congresses,  and  since 
the  separation  of  Cluncli  and  State,  these  have  given 
place  to  diocesan  conferences.  Such  gatherings  have 
been  held  in  about  half  of  the  dioceses,  the  most  im- 
portant being  those  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Paris. 
Their  aim  is  to  imite  all  Catholic  social  societies,  espe- 
cially those  for  the  young  which  in  many  dioceses 
have  a  large  membersliip.  In  results  they  are  not  as 
effective  as  general  Catholic  congresses,  but  they 
seem  rather  to  tend  to  supply  what  has  hitherto  been 
lacking  in  France,  a  steady  and  even  attention  to  de- 
tails, as  the  Volksverein  has  done  in  Germany,  elo- 
quent orations  giving  place  to  quiet,  practical  work. 
This  would  be  an  important  result.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  possible  that  the  inclination  of  the  French 
to  overburden  even  socio-political  societies  with  relig- 
ious issues,  to  give  them  a  denominational  aspect,  and 
place  them  under  strict  clerical  control,  may  be  kept 
alive  by  the  diocesan  societies.  Before  this  the  im- 
pulse to  permanent  organization  came  from  a  con- 
gress, whereas  now  the  bisliop  or  an  ecclesiastic  com- 
missioned by  him  is  the  head  of  the  diocesan  commit- 
tee, and  the  parish  priest  of  the  parish  committee. 

Religious  Congresses. — In  certain  French  dioceses 
e.  g.  at  Paris,  1902-1908,  special  diocesan  Eucharistic 
Congresses  have  been  held.  A  "Congrj^s  national  de 
I'oeuvre  des  Cat<^chismes  "  was  held  at  Paris  under  the 
presidency  of  Mgr.  Amette,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  24- 
26  February,  1908.  Seventy  dioceses  were  officially 
represented,  and  the  attendance  was  over  2000.  It 
was  reported  that  20,000  lay  catechists,  chiefly  women, 


CONGRESSES 


246 


CONGRESSES 


voluntarily  assisted  the  French  clergy  in  the  religious 
instruction  of  the  young.  These  teachers  are  united 
in  an  archconfraternity,  publish  a  periodical,  and  re- 
ceive special  preparatory  training.  Charitable  and 
social  care  of  the  families  of  the  pupils  is  united  with 
the  catechetical  work. 

Sociological  Congresses. — The  "  Union  des  associa- 
tions ouvrieres  catholiques"  has  held,  since  1871,  an- 
nual meetings  attended  by  about  500  delegates.  The 
"Association  catholique  de  la  jeunesse  fran^aise", 
founded  in  1886  by  Robert  de  Roquefeuil,  whicli  aims 
to  gather  together  the  Catholic  youth  of  the  country, 
in  order  to  strengthen  them  in  their  Faith  and  to  train 
them  to  do  their  duty  in  the  struggle  for  the  reorgani- 
zation of  French  society  in  a  Christian  spirit,  has  held 
several  hundred  interesting  meetings.  They  have 
served  in  part  to  spread  a  more  thorough  knowledge 
of  certain  social  truths  or  of  certain  important  prob- 
lems of  religious  life;  but  they  have  principally 
made  known  the  work  of  the  "Jeunesse  catholique" 
throughout  France.  Their  assemblies  which  took  up 
the  first  mentioned  class  of  subjects  were  held  at 
Chalons,  1903,  where  trusts  were  discussed ;  at  Arras, 
1904,  which  discussed  mutual  benefit  schemes;  at 
Albi,  1905,  regulations  governing  the  labour  of  youth- 
ful workmen  was  the  topic;  and  at  Angers,  1908,  the 
agrarian  movement.  The  treatment  of  these  prob- 
lems at  these  conventions  was  excellent.  The  meet- 
ings held  to  arouse  interest  in  the  membership  were 
chiefly  provincial,  only  a  few  being  national  assem- 
blies. The  growth  of  the  association  is  best  shown  by 
the  national  conventions:  Angers,  1887,  17  groups 
having  782  members  were  represented;  Besan^on, 
1898,  25  groups  with  1(5,000  members;  Bordeaux, 
1907,  180  groups  with  75,000  members.  There  has 
been  a  great  increase  since  the  meeting  at  Besan^on, 
chiefly  by  the  admission  of  young  mechanics  and  farm 
labourers  as  well  as  of  the  student  class.  The  associa- 
tion has  placed  itself  in  all  things  under  the  guidance 
of  the  Church  authorities,  consequently,  its  social  as 
well  as  its  religious  activities  rest  on  a  denominational 
basis  without  any  further  enunciation  of  principles, 
and  it  has  always  been  very  favourably  regarded  both 
by  the  bishops  and  the  Roman  authorities.  The 
"Jeunesse  catholique"  has  not  been  undisturbed  by 
the  political  troubles  of  French  Catholics.  At  the 
congress  of  Grenoble,  1892,  it  accepted  unconditional- 
ly the  advice  of  Leo  XIII,  but  declared  at  the  same 
time  that,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes,  the  associa- 
tion had  nothing  to  do  with  party  conflicts.  Some  of 
the  groups,  however,  still  adhere  to  the  Monarchists. 
Fortunately,  these  differences  of  opinion  have  not 
checked  the  development  of  the  society,  the  religious 
and  social  influence  of  which  on  the  youth  of  France  is 
not  equalled  by  that  of  any  other  organization. 

About  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century  Marc 
Sangnier  and  some  of  his  friends  founded  the  society 
called  the  "Sillon"  (the  Furrow).  Convinced  that  in 
future  democracy,  which  they  took  as  their  ideal, 
would  rule  the  State  and  society,  and  desiring  to  pre- 
vent its  degeneration  under  bad  and  godless  leaders, 
while  hoping  to  keep  it  from  turning  against  the 
Church,  these  young  men  resolved  to  build  up  a 
democratic  constituency  of  high-minded  Christians 
devoted  to  the  Church  and  well-informed  on  political 
and  social  questions.  The  idealism  characteristic  of 
the  "Sillon"  has  gained  for  it  the  respect  of  the 
working-classes.  In  the  beginning  the  tendencies  of 
the  society  were  not  clear,  as  was  shown  in  the  first 
four  general  meetings:  Paris,  1902;  Tours,  1903; 
Lyons,  1904;  Paris,  1905.  More  definiteness  of  plan 
was  eviilent  at  the  later  gatherings,  Paris,  1906;  Or- 
leans, 1907;  and  especially  at  Paris,  1908,  giving 
promise  that  the  "Sillon"  would  develop  into  a 
socio-political  party  taking  an  active  part  in  national 
politics.  This  explains  why  it  asserted  its  indepen- 
dence of  the  bishops  and  intention  always  to  support 


any  political  measure  that  may  aid  in  impro%'ing  the 
condition  of  the  working-classes,  and  especially  all 
efforts  aiming  at  thorough  social  regeneration  and  a 
genuinely  democratic  form  of  society  and  govern- 
ment. Only  in  this  way,  it  is  held,  will  the  workman 
be  able  to  obtain  an  equal  share  of  the  material,  in- 
tellectual, and  moral  possessions  belonging  to  the 
whole  nation.  Collectivism  is  absolutely  rejected  by 
the  association.  The  growth  of  the  "Sillon"  into  an 
independent  socio-political  party,  its  refusal  to  be 
"avant  tout  catholique"  aroused  the  distrust  of  some 
of  the  bishops.  Consequently  the  clergy  held  back 
from  it.  Nevertheless,  the  membership  did  not  fall 
off.  The  first  congress  represented  45  members;  the 
second,  300;  the  third,  800;  the  fourth,  1100;  the 
fifth,  1500;  the  sixth,  1896.  The  "F^dC'ration  gym- 
nastique  et  sportive  des  patronages  catholiques  de 
France"  intended  to  aid  all  Catholic  societies  in 
honour  of  a  local  saint  by  arranging  sports  for  the 
members  of  the  patronage  has  held  annual  meet- 
ings since  1898  when  the  federation  began  in  a  union 
of  13  patronages;  the  number  is  now  4.50,  represent- 
ing 50,000  young  people  in  all  parts  of  France. 

Political  Congresses. — The  "Action  lib^rale  popu- 
laire",  foimded  by  M.  Piou  on  the  basis  of  the  Asso- 
ciations Law  of  1901,  is  a  political  association  led 
by  him  with  much  skill  and  energy.  Its  task  is  to 
defend  ci%il  rights  derived  from  the  Constitution  in 
all  legal  ways,  to  promote  reform  in  law-making  by 
energetic  work  at  elections,  to  develop  or  create  anew 
sociological  influence  and  methods,  and  to  improve 
the  lot  of  the  workingman.  Only  Catholics  are  mem- 
bers, but  it  claims  that  it  is  not  a  "Catholic  party." 
Its  first  general  session  convened  at  Paris,  December, 
1904,  with  900  delegates  representing  648  comites  or 
branches  and  150,000  members.  The  statistics  for 
the  following  years  are  as  follows:  Paris,  1905,  1400 
delegates  from  1000  comites  with  200,000  members; 
Lyons,  1906,  1600  delegates  representing  1500 
comites  and  225,000  members:  Bordeaux,  1907,  1740 
comites  with  250,000  members.  The  proceedings  of 
all  four  congresses  were  of  great  interest.  The  so- 
ciety, conducted  by  a  central  committee,  is  divided 
into  provincial  and  town  committees  which,  though 
controlled  by  the  general  committee,  are  allowed  much 
independence  of  action.  Besides  assiduous  efforts  to 
educate  the  voter  the  society  has  turned  its  attention 
more  and  more  to  practical  sociological  work,  as  the  dis- 
cussions held  at  the  various  congresses  show.  The  re- 
actionary methods  which  so  greatly  damaged  the 
Monarchists  have  never  been  adopted.  However,  the 
growth  of  the  association  has  not  equalled  expecta- 
tions, because  at  the  first  election  which  took  place 
after  its  establishment  (190G),  while  the  "Action 
lib^rale"  did  not  disappoint  its  friends,  the  parties  of 
the  Right,  without  the  aid  of  which  it  could  not  suc- 
ceed, were  completely  defeated  at  the  polls.  Besides, 
the  distrust  of  many  Frenchmen  was  aroused  because 
in  order  to  gain  nimierical  strength  it  admitted  as 
members  many  who,  until  their  recejition  into  its 
ranks,  had  been  knowTi  as  opponents  of  the  Republic. 

The  Women's  Movement. — The  "  Ligue  patriotique 
des  Fran<;aises ",  formed  in  1901,  to  collect  funds  for 
the  election  expenses  of  the  candidates  of  the  "Ac- 
tion lib^rale  populaire",  aims  to  arouse  interest  among 
women  in  the  efforts  of  the  "Action"  to  defend  civil 
liberty  and  to  promote  sociological  activity.  Since 
then  the  league  has  declared  that  it  does  not  pursue 
political  ends.  The  movement  had  as  its  leaders  such 
able  women  as  the  Baroness  Reille,  Mademoiselle 
Fro.ssard,  Mademoiselle  de  Valette.  and  others,  and 
in  1908  the  league  numbered  700  branches  with 
328,000  members,  28,000  more  than  in  1906.  The 
league  holils  numerous  district  sessions  and  an  an- 
nual general  meeting.  At  the  last  two  aimual  sessions 
at  Lourdes,  2000  women  attended.  The  addre-sses 
and  discussions  at  these  conventions  show  that  the 


CONGRESSES 


247 


CONGRESSES 


ittontion  of  the  league  is  more  and  more  fixed  on 
:ilt;iining  practical  social  ends.  This,  however,  is 
made  more  difficult  by  the  mistaken  conception  that 
nil  ("athoHc  Frenchwomen,  because  they  are  Catholics, 
should  belong  to  the  league;  consequently,  the  pro- 
uramme  lacks  definiteness,  and  many  problems  are 
taken  up  in  a  hesitating  and  incomplete  manner. 
.Mnreover,  this  policy  prevents  a  correct  perception  of 
tiro  sociological  character  of  the  organizations  in  ques- 
tion  and  their  accommodation  to  the  needs  of  the 
\Mirkingman.  They  are  turned  too  much  into  the 
ilirpction  of  charitable  and  benevolent  activities.  The 
w  >rk  of  the  league  in  .social  economics  is  as  yet  only 
III  its  infancy.  The  "Jeanne  d'Arc"  Federation  aims 
I"  unite  all  Catholic  women  of  France  who  take  up 
■  lurstions  of  .social  betterment,  in  an  annual  assembly 
for  exchange  of  views  and  combined  effort.  Since 
I'lOl  a  well-attended  annual  meeting  has  been  held  at 
r  iris,  but  so  far  has  resulted  only  in  an  interchange  of 
c'l>inion  and  resolutions.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
t  lii>  federation  has  no  regular  and  recognized  authority 
ii\ir   the   manifold   associations   affiliated   in   it. 

Ivlucational  Congresses. — Up  to  1908  three  con- 
jri'^-ics  of  French  priests  had  been  held:  Saint- 
1,'nntin,  1895;  Reims,  1897;  Bourges,  1898.  The 
lirst,  which  differed  in  aims  from  those  following,  met 
■:{  the  suggestion  of  Loon  Harmel  and  confined  itself 
!<  nmsidering  the  share  the  clergy  shoukl  take  in  the 
I  iTiirts  to  better  present  social  conditions.  The  at- 
I'  iiilance  was  about  two  hundred.  The  two  following 
I'ingresses  called  by  the  .\bbe  Lemire,  supported  by 
\\:r  .\bbes  Dabry,  Naudet,  Gibier,  Lacroix,  had  an 
attendance  of  from  six  hundred  to  eight  hundred  per- 
se nis.  Questions  touching  the  sacerdotal  life  were 
iliseusscd:  training  of  the  clergj- ;  continuation  of 
I  lirical  .studies;  activity  in  the  cure  of  .souls ;  organi- 
zation to  secure  a  continuous  succession  of  clergj-; 
)iri(sts'  unions;  mutual  aid  societies,  etc.  The  con- 
\  liitions  were  presided  over  by  bishops,  Leo  XIII  sent 
his  blessing,  and  the  influence  on  the  younger  clergy 
was  excellent.  There  was  much  opposition  to  them, 
hnwever,  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  bishops  and  soine 
(if  the  older  clergj',  and  especiallj*  on  the  part  of  the 
(  nnservatives  in  polities.  The  ''Congres  de  l'.\lliance 
iirsgrands-s^minaires"metat  Paris,  21-22,  July,  1908, 
the  questions  taken  up  were  mainly  the  preparatory 
1  raining  of  the  clergy  in  letters  and  in  ascetic  life. 
iventions  of  delegates  of  the  teachers  of  higher  and 
aientary  schools  not  under  State  control,  the  "Sjti- 
tts  et  a.ssociations  de  I'enseignement  libre",  met: 
.1  Bordeaux,  1906;  Poitiers,  1907;  Paris,  1908.  At 
r  iris,  the  delegates  represented  2300  teachers  belong- 
ing to  teachers'  unions  and  3000  not  connected  with 
such  organizations,  from  a  teaching  force  of  20,000. 
Among  the  subjects  discussed  were  pedagogical  ques- 
tions, school-organization,  instruction  in  industrial 
and  high  schools,  inatters  of  professional  interest. 
The  association  of  Catholic  Lawj-ers  has  met  j'early 
since  1876,  the  first  session  being  held  at  Lj'ons,  that 
of  1907  at  .\ngers.  Tho.se  legal  questions  are  taken 
up  which,  at  the  moment,  are  of  practical  importance 
for  the  continuance  of  the  Church  as  an  organized 
society,  for  its  endowments  and  institutions.  The 
"Alliance  des  mai.sons  d'education  chr^tienne"  aims 
to  secure  for  independent  schools  those  advantages 
which  a  centralize<l  organization  confers  on  those 
under  State  control.  Up  to  1908  the  annual  sessions 
were  organized  by  Abbe  Ragon,  Professor  at  the 
Catholic  Institute  of  Paris.  The  subjects  discussed 
are  methods  of  in.struction  and  school  organization. 
The  .\lliance  origiiialU'  represented  7.')  schools;  the 
number  rose  to  60O,  but  on  account  of  the  law  of  1901, 
which  redupcd  the  nimiber  of  schools  independent  of 
the  State,  those  in  the  Alliance  fell  to  500  in  190S. 

Germany. — t'p  to  1908,  fifty-five  congresses  have 
been  held,  the  last,  1908,  at  Diis.seldorf,  those  previous 
met  at:  Mannheim,  1902;   Cologne,  1903;  Ratisbon, 


1904;  Strasburg,  1905;  Essen,  1906;  Wiirzburg, 
1907.  The  Central  Committee,  formed  in  1868,  super- 
intends the  preparations  for  the  sessions  and  directs 
the  conventions.  When  the  Kullurkampj  began  the 
committee  was  dissolved,  and  its  work  was  done  by 
Prince  Karl  Lowenstein-Wertheim-Rosenberg,  the 
"Standing  commissioner  of  the  Catholic  Congress". 
In  1898  a  new  committee  was  formed.  Count  Clemens 
Droste-Vischering  being  chairman.  The  president  of 
the  congress  changes  every  year,  and  the  most  distin- 
guished representatives  of  Catholicism  in  Germany 
and  the  leading  members  of  the  nobility  arc  regularly 
selected  for  the  presidency,  which  office  is  always  held 
by  a  layman.  On  the  other  hand  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  arrangements  is  always  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese  in  which  the  coming  session  is  to  be  held. 
Each  congress  lasts  five  days,  the  meeting  being  held 
in  August.  A  number  of  Catholic  societies,  especially 
the  Volksverein,  founded  1901,  the  St.  Augustine 
Association  for  the  Development  of  the  Catholic 
Press,  founded  1877,  at  the  second  Catholic  congress 
at  Wiirzburg,  and  the  Catholic  Students'  societies, 
founded  1867,  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  hold 
their  own  conventions  at  the  same  time  and  place.  In 
addition  to  the  sessions  of  the  General  Catholic  Con- 
gress, in  1850  arrangements  were  made  for  diocesan 
conventions;  these,  however,  seldom  meet.  Conven- 
tions are  more  common  for  the  various  Prussian  prov- 
inces and  the  different  states  of  the  confederation, 
e.  g.  for  Silesia,  Bavaria,  and  tlie  last  held  for  Wiir- 
temberg  at  Ulm,  1901.  Early  in  1904,  bj-  order  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  all  the  charitable  societies  and 
those  for  social  betterment  of  the  diocese  were  feder- 
ated, the  first  convention  of  this  general  organization 
meeting  in  May,  1904.  The  first  congress  of  the 
"  Bonifacius  Association"  was  held  8-9  July,  1908,  at 
Paderborn ;  the  object  of  the  society  is  to  collect  funds 
for  Catholic  churches  and  schools  among  Germans 
scattered  abroad,  for  the  Scandinavian  mission,  and 
to  aid  the  religious  needs  of  the  Catholics. 

Social  C'ongresses. — General  conventions  are  held  of 
the  "  Arbciterwohl"  (Society  for  Bettering  the  Condi- 
tion of  the  Working-Clas.ses) ;  "Society  of  Catholic 
Manufacturers  and  Friends  of  Workingmen",  founded 
in  1905;  and  "Societj'  for  Social  Culture  and  Com- 
munal Betterment",  founded  1880  with  the  aid  of 
Franz  Brandts,  Hitze,  etc.  At  the  last-named  gen- 
eral assembly  held  annually  all  members  can  take  part 
in  the  discussions  of  the  questions  brought  up.  A 
congress  of  the  "Volksverein"  has  been  held  annually 
since  1890  in  connexion  with  the  General  Catholic  Con- 
gress. At  these  sessions,  open  to  all,  annual  reports 
and  explanation  of  the  object  of  the  union  are  given. 
The  president  of  these  annual  congre.sses  was  gener- 
ally Franz  Brandts  of  Miinchen-Gladbach,  and  the 
chief  speakers  Gniber,  Trimbome,  and  Lieber.  LTnder 
the  direction  and  leadership  of  Mgr.  Werthmann  of 
Freiburg,  Baden,  the  Association  for  Charitable  Work 
has  met  annually  as  a  national  assemblj'  since  1896, 
when  it  convened  at  Schwabisch-Gmiind.  The  ses- 
sion of  1907  was  at  Hildesheim,  the  next,  the  thir- 
teenth, at  Ravensburg.  Reports  of  committees  and 
addresses  are  alternately  made  at  the  sessions.  The 
Congress  for  Charitable  Work  came  into  existence 
through  the  sociological  activitj'of  the  "Volksverein"; 
its  aim  being  to  show  that  Catholic  charities  should  be 
more  extensively  guided  bj'  sociological  considera- 
tions, and  tliat  they  st.and  in  need  of  closer  union  and 
greater  ze.al.  In  1897  a  "Union  of  Charitable  Soci- 
eties" grew  out  of  this  congress ;  the  t^nion  is  divided 
into  local  an<l  provincial  societies  imdcr  the  direction 
of  a  well-organized  central  management  which,  with- 
out interfering  with  the  siibunlinate  organizations, 
exerts  on  them  a  beneficial  influence.  Especially 
important  are  its  training  courses;  the  local  and  pro- 
vincial societies  also  frequently  hold  district  and  dio- 
cesan conventions.     A  reorganization  of  the  St.  Vin- 


CONGRESSKS 


248 


CONGRESSES 


cent  de  Paul  societies  has  been  broached,  the  societies 
for  the  protection  of  young  girls,  and  the  women's 
movement  have  also  received  encouragement  from 
this  charitable  organization.  The  United  Catholic 
Workingnien's  Union  has  its  head-quarters  at  Berlin. 
Although  the  greater  number  of  organized  Catholic 
workmen  are  members  of  trade  unions  not  denomina- 
tional in  character,  an  effort  has  been  made,  since  the 
end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  to  unite  other  Catholic 
workmen  in  a  denominational  union.  This  work  has 
been  done  chiefly  among  the  East  German  workmen 
and  in  the  Diocese  of  Trier.  Conventions  of  delegates 
have  been  held  annually  since  1898,  the  eleventh  hav- 
ing taken  place  in  1908.  The  Union  of  the  Associa- 
tions of  Catholic  Wage-earning  Women  and  Girls  is  a 
branch  of  the  one  just  mentioned.  Four  congresses 
have  been  held,  the  fourth  in  1908.  The  Catholic  As- 
sociation for  German  Yoimg  Men  was  formed  to  exert 
religious  influence  on  boys  who  have  left  school  and 
are  apprentices  until  they  are  prepared  to  enter  a 
workingnien's  union.  So  far,  not  over  twenty  per 
cent  of  Catholic  apprentices  have  joined  the  union. 
To  remedy  this  it  has  been  proposed  to  give  a  more 
social  character  to  the  union,  and  to  form  diocesan 
and  a  national  union,  and  to  convene  the  presidents  of 
all  the  branch  unions  throughout  Germany  in  a  gen- 
eral meeting.  The  first  of  these  general  conventions 
was  held  in  1896;  followed  by  four  others,  up  to  1899; 
then  the  assemblies  lapsed  imtil  1905,  when,  through 
the  efforts  of  the  "  Arbeiterwohl "  (Society  for  Better- 
ing the  Condition  of  the  Working-Classes)  the  union 
was  reorganized,  and  a  general  meeting  held  at  Col- 
ogne.    Future  sessions  are  to  be  held  triennially. 

The  "  Association  of  Catholic  Women  "  was  founded 
at  the  Congress  for  Charitable  Work  held  at  Frankfort, 
1903.  Two  meetings  have  been  held :  Frankfort,  1904 ; 
Munich,  1906.  Its  weakness,  so  far,  has  been  a  lack  of 
definiteness  in  its  aims,  for,  although  an  offshoot  of  the 
"Charitasverband"  (Charitable  Union),  it  has  been 
influenced,  more  or  less,  by  the  general  women's 
movement  in  Germany  and  its  tendencies,  which  deal 
less  with  sociological  problems  than  with  the  general 
interests  of  the  sex.  It  works  for  sociological  im- 
provement through  charity;  for  the  education  of 
women;  and  in  the  interests  of  wage-earning  women 
and  women  outside  of  the  family  circle. 

The  "Catholic  Teachers'  Union"  in  Germany,  com- 
prising male  teachers  of  primary  and  middle  schools, 
was  founded  in  1899,  at  Bochum.  It  numbers  19,000 
members,  and  thirteen  conventions,  semi-annual  as  a 
rule,  have  been  held;  latterly  it  has  met  at  Strasburg, 
Berlin,  and  Breslau.  The  union  is  made  up  of  sixteen 
branches  which  meet,  generally,  once  a  year.  Wiir- 
temberg  has  formed  a  imion  of  its  own.  The  "Union 
of  C^atholic  Women  Teachers  of  Germany",  founded  in 
1885,  developed  slowly  until  1891.  Thirteen  conven- 
tions have  been  held,  the  last  three  in  Strasburg, 
Bochum,  and  Munich.  It  is  composed  of  teachers, 
both  of  the  primary  and  higher  schools  for  girls;  in 
1903  it  organized  a  section  of  the  teachers  in  middle 
and  higher  girls'  schools  which  holds  special  sessions 
during  the  meeting  of  the  general  convention.  The 
"Union  of  the  Associations  of  Catholic  Merchants", 
with  head-quarters  at  Essen,  founded  in  1877,  has 
20,000  members;  its  delegates  hold  a  meeting  a  few 
days  before  the  General  Catholic  Congress  and  at  an- 
other place.  The  union  of  the  Catholic  Students' 
Corps  who  do  not  wear  colours,  has  held  regular  an- 
nual conventions  since  1866,  the  sessions  convened  in  a 
different  vmiversity  town  each  year  with  the  exception 
of  1906,  when  Wiesbaden  was  chosen.  Some  sixty 
societies  are  thus  imited;  as  many  societies  belong 
to  the  union  of  ('atholic  Students'  Corps  in  which 
are  included  also  some  Swiss  and  Austrian  organiza- 
tions. The  St.  Cecilia  Society  was  founded  in  1868 
to  promote  interest  in  Church  music.  The  eighteenth 
general  assembly  took  place  at  Eichstatt  in  1908. 


Political  Congresses. — As  political  congresses,  up 
to  1907,  should  be  mentioned  the  general  meetings  of 
the  "  Windthorstbund  ",  the  first  session  of  which  was 
held  at  Essen,  1895.  Their  object  was  to  interest  young 
Catholics  in  politics  so  as  to  insure  constant  recruits 
for  the  Centre  Party.  The  membership  increasing,  it 
was  formed  into  unions.  Since  1897  an  annual  con- 
vention of  delegates  has  met.  At  Wiesbaden,  1907,  it 
was  decided  that,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes  and 
the  party  it  represented,  the  local  unions  could  not 
have  a  denominational  character,  consequently  some 
of  them  withdrew  from  the  association. 

Educational  Congresses. — The  Association  of 
Catholic  La\\'yers,  held  two  meetings  without  achieving 
success,  and  was  merged,  1907,  with  the  "Gorres  Asso- 
ciation" for  the  encouragement  of  science  in  Catholic 
Germany,  founded  1876,  at  Coblenz.  Since  this  first 
general  session,  the  latter  society  has  held  annual  ses- 
sions in  other  cities.  Its  importance  lies  in  the  dis- 
cussions of  its  different  sections.  At  first,  these  treated 
topics  in  philosophy  and  history,  only  of  late  other 
sections  have  been  added  for  the  natural  sciences,  law, 
and  archaeology.  At  times,  there  are  two  meetings 
with  lectures  for  larger  audiences,  which  are  attended 
by  members  and  their  guests.  A  general  meeting  of 
the  "Association  for  Christian  Art  "has  taken  place 
annually,  the  object  of  which  is  to  encourage  Catholic 
artists  and  develop  religious  art.  .The  "Catholic 
Press  Club",  largely  a  Bavarian  association,  is  in- 
tended to  encourage  Catholic  journals,  Catholic  popu- 
lar libraries,  and  Catholic  culture.  Its  armual  meet- 
ings are  held  at  Munich. 

Denmark. — In  1886  various  Catholic  communities, 
with  delegates  from  Nonvay  and  Sweden,  imited  to 
celebrate  the  eight-hundredth  anniversary  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  King  Canute  (Knut)  by  a  festival  at 
Odense.  Some  two  hundred  persons  attended,  and 
the  exercises  were  largely  religious.  In  1889  a  meet- 
ing was  held  at  Randers  to  celebrate  the  seven  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  the  canonization  of  St.  Kjeld, 
the  attendance  being  entirely  Danish.  In  1908  the 
Catholics  of  Copenhagen  and  its  vicinity  met  to  dis- 
cuss questions  concerning  the  Church  and  schools  for 
all  Denmark.  Seven  conferences  of  the  Society  of  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  have  been  held  since  1885. 

Switzerland. — Besides  the  general  assemblies  of  the 
nineteenth  century  mentioned  above,  two  sessions 
of  a  General  Catholic  Congress,  in  imitation  of  the 
German  Congress,  have  been  held  in  Switzerland: 
Lucerne,  27-29  September,  1903;  Freiburg,  22-25 
September,  1906.  At  Lucerne  it  was  resolved  to 
unite  all  Catholic  associations  into  one  organization, 
of  which  the  Swiss  "  Volksverein "  (People's  Union) 
was  to  be  the  nucleus.  This  arrangement  held  until 
1905.  The  central  committee  of  the  "Volksverein" 
now  forms  the  standing  committee  of  the  Catholic 
Congresses,  and  all  Catholic  societies  of  Switzerland, 
charitable,  social,  and  religious,  societies  to  further 
education,  culture,  women's,  and  trades'  unions  are 
affiliated  with  it.  The  general  organization  is  divided 
into  cantonal  unions,  of  which  several  meet  annually. 
Special  mention  slioukl  be  made  of  the  first  Swiss 
congress  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus  at  Einsiedeln, 
20-21  August,  1907.  At  the  suggestion  of  Bishop 
Mermillod  international  conferences  of  those  interested 
in  political  movements  for  social  bettennent  met  annu- 
ally at  Freiburg,  Switzerland,  1883-93,  to  discuss  the 
principles  underlying  modern  political  economy.  A 
similar  meeting  was  held  here,  20-22  October,  1903; 
the  discussions  concerned  (Christian  Socialism  in  the 
different  countries,  trade  unions,  women's  work,  and 
the  international  protection  of  labourers.  Practical 
courses  in  sociology  were  held  at:  Lucerne,  lS9(i; 
Zurich,  1898,  and"i904;  in  1894  a  "Congres  d'6tude 
et  de  propagande"  was  hekl  at  Freiburg  for  the 
French  Swiss;  after  this,  these  assemblies  were 
adopted  by  the  French  Catholics. 


CONGRESSES 


249 


CONGRESSES 


Austria  (including  Bohemia). — Up  to  1867  the  Aus- 
trian General  Congress  formed  part  of  the  German 
I  I  ingress;    since  this  date  six  independent  Austrian 
r mgresses  have  met,  the  last  at  Vienna,  16-19  Novem- 
1"T,  1907.     The  organization  is  similar  to  the  German, 
consequently,  the  annual  meetings  of  various  other 
Micieties  are  held  at  the  same  time  as  the  important 
"  Pius  Verein"  for  the  development  of  the  Catholic 
I  <  n  ss.     Besides  the  General  Congress  there  are  various 
national  congresses:   (1)  The  first  congress  for  North- 
mi  Bohemia  was  held  in  1887;  the  fourth,  1890;  after 
,i  long  intermission  the  fifth,  1904;   the  sixth,  1906. 
:' 1  The  first  congress  for  Lower  Austria  met,  1894; 
the  second,  1898;  the  third,  1903;  this  was  followed, 
! !!().■),  by  a  meeting  of  delegates  of  the  Catholic  socie- 
I  irs  of  the  crown  lands;  a  national  assembly  was  held 
i:i  1908.     (3)  The  first  Slovenian  congress  was  held  in 
l^'il?;   the  second,  1900.     (4)  A  Czech  congress  was 
lirM  in  1907  with  an  attendance  of  about  30,000  peT- 
■  >ns.     In  1903  the  "Union  of  Catholic  Benevolent 
)"ties  of  the  Austrian  Empire"  was  founded;    a 
rity  congress  met  at  Vienna,  1901;    a  second  at 
,/.,  1903;    a  third  at  Linz,  1906.     The  second  as- 
.  liilily  brought  about  the  formation  of  the  Charity 
I  11  ion  for  the  whole  empire.     This  imion  includes  the 
b'-nevolent  a.ssociations  of  the  different  crown  lands 
without,  however,  lessening  their  independence,  and 
the  latter  include  the  individual  societies  of  each  part 
of  the  empire.     Besides  the  general  congress,  the  im- 
perial organization,  in  accordance  with  its  statutes, 
holds  semi-annually  a  convention  to  which  the  pro- 
vincial unions  send  delegates.     During  the  last  de- 
cade a  number  of  various  other  assemblies  have  been 
held  in  Austria,  among  them  a  congress  for  priests, 
one  session;    a  congress  for  the  veneration  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  St.  Poelten,  1901;   Prague,  1905,  etc. 
Hungary. — Six  Catholic  congresses  have  been  held 
in  Hungary  since  1900,  the  first  at  Stuhlweissenburg, 
the  four  following  at  Budapest,  the  last,   1907,   at 
Filnfkirchen.     The  language  used  is  Magyar,  but  the 
language  spoken   at   the  place   of  meeting  receives 
recognition.     The  perjjctual  president  is  Count  Jo- 
hanni  Zichy,  Jr.,  president  of  the  Central  Union  of  the 
Catholic  Societies  of  Hungary.     Up  to  1908  the  meet- 
ings of  the  congress  mainly  discussed  the  press  and 
the  needs  of  Catholic  young  men.     At  the  last  meeting 
a  Catholic  Federation,  similar  to  the  Volks verein  of 
Germany,  was  founded.     Some  of  the   bishops   are 
greatly  interested  in  the  congresses  and  their  results. 
Belgium. — In  Belgium  a  large  number  of  societies 
hold  conventions,  but  owing  to  the  many  divisions  of 
Catholic  associations  statistics  are  not  available. 

Holland. — Each  diocese  of  Holland  holds  a  con- 
vention from  time  to  time  of  all  its  Catholic  organ- 
izations; the  agricultural  associations  as  well  as 
societies  for  schools,  religious  or  social  purposes,  are 
included,  but  each  society  holds  its  own  sessions  and 
also  joins  in  a  general  meeting  of  all.  The  "Soci- 
ological Week"  has  been  held  three  times  in  the  last 
few  years.  The  bishop  of  the  diocese  controls  the 
organization. 

Spain. — Since  1889  six  CathoUc  congresses  have 
been  held,  the  last  in  1903.  Lately  more  attention 
has  been  paid  to  social  improvement,  especially  by 
means  of  sociological  a.ssociations;  consequently,  the 
scheme  of  the  Sociological  Week  is  developing.  The 
International  Marian  Congress  met  at  Lyons,  1900, 
at  Einseideln,  1906,  and  at  Saragossa,  Sept.,  1908. 

Argentina. — Up  to  1908  two  Catholic  congresses 
were  held  at  Buenos  Aires,  one,  15-.30  August,  1884; 
the  other,  20-28  October,  1907.  The  first  aroused 
great  enthusiasm,  Ijut  the  results  were  meagre.  The 
second  had  an  attendance  of  about  3.50  delegates,  the 
president  being  Dr.  Emil  Lamarca.  Its  chief  aim  was 
to  found  a  Catholic  daily  newspaper.  Besides  this  a 
Catholic  Eilucation  League  was  organized  to  reform 
the  school-laws. 


May,  GeschichU  der  general  Versammlungen  der  katkolischen 
Deutschlands  (Cologne,  1904);  Bruck,  Geschichte  der  katc- 
hschen  Kirche  im  nfumehntcn  Jahrhunderl  (Munster,  1905); 
Calhohc  Social  Work  in  Germany  in  The  Dublin  Review  (Lon- 
don. July,  190S).  Martin  Spahn. 

III.  In  English-speaking  Countries. — In  Eng- 
lish-speaking countries  the  term  "congress"  is  usually 
applied  only  to  gatherings  of  an  important  national 
character,  hence  the  assemblies  in  the  United  States 
of  such  bodies  as  the  Federation  of  Catholic  Societies, 
the  Central  Verein,  the  Staats-verbund,  the  Catholic 
Young  Men's  National  Union,  the  Catholic  Total  Ab- 
stinence LTnion,  and  other  associations  are  treated 
under  their  separate  titles. 

In  England,  meetings  are  held  annually  of  the 
Catholic  Truth  Society,  founded  in  1872  by  Cardinal 
Vaughan,  at  which  papers  are  read  on  various  sub- 
jects connected  with  Catholic  interests.  The  Catholic 
Truth  Society  of  Ireland,  organized  in  1903,  has  also 
done  excellent  work  by  its  conventions  and  the  dif- 
fusion of  sound  Catholic  literature  in  popular  form 
(see  Troth  Societie,s,  Catholic).  Federations  for 
the  defence  of  Catholic  interests  have  been  formed  in 
the  dioceses  of  Salford,  Westminster,  and  Leeds.  This 
federation  movement  has  done  much  to  organize  the 
Catholic  forces,  and  has  been  characterized  by  the 
number  of  popular  gatherings  which  it  has  promoted 
especially  in  connexion  with  the  defence  of  Catholic 
education.  The  Catholic  Union  of  Great  Britain 
which  represents  an  influential  body  of  English  Gath- 
ohcs;  the  Catholic  Association,  to  promote  Catholic 
organization  and  organizes  social  gatherings;  the 
Catholic  Young  Men's  Society  (founded  in  1854) ;  the 
Catholic  Education  Council,  established  by  the  bishops 
of  Great  Britain  in  1905;  the  Conference  of  Catholic 
Colleges,  founded  by  Cardinal  Vaughan  1896,  and 
other  bodies  representing  Catholic  education  hold 
annual  or  occasional  conventions.  Conferences  for 
specific  social  or  religious  purposes  are  held  by  such 
bodies  as  the  Catholic  Guardians  A.ssociation  (chari- 
table), the  League  of  the  Cross  (temperance),  the 
Guild  of  Our  Lady  of  Ransom  (conversion  of  England). 
Diocesan  or  local  conventions  are  found  especially  in 
London  and  Lancashire.  The  Catholics  of  Birmingham 
have  held  an  annual  reunion  for  over  half  a  century. 
Catholic  women  are  being  effectively  organized  by  the 
Catholic  Women's  League,  founded  by  Miss  Fletcher, 
London,  1907,  with  branches  in  the  provinces. 

The  most  imposing  religious  convocation  England 
has  seen  since  pre- Reformation  times  was  the  inter- 
national congress  of  the  Eucharistic  League  held  in 
London,  9-13  September,  1908.  Vincenzo  Vannu- 
telli,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Palestrina,  presided  as  the 
legate  of  the  pope — the  first  occasion  on  which  so 
exalted  a  representative  of  the  Holy  See  had  appeared 
in  England  since  the  days  of  Reginald  Pole.  France 
and  Germany,  as  well  as  all  the  English-speaking 
countries,  were  represented  by  such  a  gathering  of 
cardinals  as  is  seldom  seen  outside  of  Rome.  More 
than  one  hundred  archbishops,  bishops,  and  mitred 
abbots,  from  all  parts  of  the  world — even  the  great 
missionary  fields  of  Central  Africa,  Cape  Colony, 
India,  Burma,  with  thousands  of  the  laity,  were  also 
in  attendance.  The  religious  functions  took  place  in 
Westminster  Cathedral,  where,  on  one  of  the  mornings 
during  the  congress,  by  special  permission  of  the  pope, 
a  high  Mass  according  to  the  Greek  Rite  was  sung? 

Tlie  United  Slates. — There  have  been  two  congresses 
of  Catholic  laymen  held  in  the  LTnited  States.  In 
conjunction  with  the  celebration  of  the  centenary  of 
the  establishment  of  the  hierarchy  of  the  United 
States  by  Pius  VII  in  1789,  and  the  dedication  of  the 
Catholic  University,  at  Washington,  the  first  Catho- 
lic Congress  of  the  L^nited  States  met  in  Baltimore, 
Marj-land,  on  November  11  and  12,  1889.  The  dele- 
gates were  selected  by  the  bishops  of  the  various  dio- 
ceses and  were  in  the  main  representative  of  a  certain 


CONGRESSES 


250 


CONGRESSES 


percentage  of  the  Catholic  population  in  each.  About 
twelve  hundred  delegates  were  present.  In  prepara- 
tion for  the  gathering  a  meeting  had  been  held  in 
Chicago  the  previous  May  attended  by  Archbishop 
Ireland  of  St.  Paul  and  Messrs.  Henry  J.  Spaunhorst, 
of  St.  Louis,  William  J.  Onahan,  of  Chicago,  aiul 
Henry  F.  Brownson,  of  Detroit.  The  objects  proposed 
for  the  congress  were  the  closer  union  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Catholic  body  in  the  country,  increased 
activity  of  the  laity  in  aid  of  the  clergy  in  religious 
work,  and  a  declaration  of  views  on  the  important 
questions  of  the  hour,  and  for  the  assistance  and  relief 
of  the  poorer  classes  of  society.  Cardinal  Gibbons, 
considering  the  congress  as  in  some  sense  part  of  the 
religious  function  taking  place  at  the  centenary  cele- 
bration in  Baltimore,  deemed  it  desirable  that  the 
papers  to  be  read  during  its  sessions  should  first  be 
submitted  to  an  advisoiy  committee  of  the  hierarchy 
and  named  as  such  committee:  Archbishop  Ireland 
(chairman)  and  Bishops  Gilmour,  of  Cleveland,  Maes, 
of  Covington,  Ryan,  of  Buffalo,  Harkins,  of  Provi- 
dence, and  Foley,  of  Detroit.  A  committee  on  Or- 
ganization, consisting  of  Messrs.  Onahan,  Spaunhorst, 
D.  A.  Rudd,  of  Cincinnati,  J.  D.  Keiley,  of  Brooklyn, 
and  Dr.  John  Gilmary  Shea,  the  historian,  was  au- 
thorized to  issue  a  call  for  the  congress  and  to  organize 
it;  and  a  Committee  on  Papers — Messrs.  Brownson, 
Peter  L.  Foy,  of  St.  Louis,  and  M.  J.  Harson,  of  Provi- 
dence— to  prepare  the  work  for  the  several  sessions. 

Beginning  with  a  solemn  pontifical  Mass  at  the 
cathedral  on  the  morning  of  ]  1  November,  celebrated 
by  Archbishop  Corrigan  of  New  York,  and  at  which 
Archbishop  Gross  of  Oregon  preached,  the  .sessions  of 
the  congress  were  opened  in  the  Concordia  Opera 
House,  former  Governor  John  Lee  Carroll,  of  Maryland, 
presiding.  The  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  Francesco 
Satolli,  representing  the  pope,  Cardinals  Taschereau 
of  Quebec,  Gibbons  of  Baltimore,  with  represents 
atives  of  the  English  and  Irish  hierarchy,  and  from 
Mexico,  with  many  of  the  bishops  of  the  United 
States,  in  addition  to  the  lay  delegates,  were  present. 
The  pope,  through  Cardinal  RampoUa,  sent  his  bless- 
ing to  the  congress,  and  at  the  first  session  addresses 
were  made  by  Cardinal  Gibbons,  the  Rev.  James  Nu- 
gent of  Liverpool,  England,  Daniel  Dougherty,  Fran- 
cis Kernan,  Honore  Mercier,  Premier  of  Quebec,  fol- 
lowed by  the  formal  papers  of  the  programme: 
"Catholic  Congresses",  by  Dr.  John  Gilmary  Shea; 
"Lay  Action  of  the  Church",  by  Henry  F.  Brownson; 
and  "The  Independence  of  the  Holy  See",  by  Charles 
J.  Bonaparte.  On  the  second  day,  the  first  paper, 
"Archbishop  Carroll  as  a  Statesman",  was  read  by 
Honor6  Mercier,  Premier  of  Quebec,  and  at  its  con- 
clusion a  formal  resolution  sending  greetings  to  the 
people  of  Quebec  was  adopted.  Mgr.  Gadd  who 
represented  Cardinal  Manning,  Archbishop  of  West- 
minster, then  tendered  the  greetings  of  that  prolate 
and  the  English  hierarchy  to  the  congress,  anil  Peter 
L.  Foy,  of  St.  Louis,  read  the  fourth  regular  paper, 
"The  New  Social  Order,"  which  dealt  with  philan- 
thropic movements  in  general.  Other  papers  read 
were  "Education:  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  State, 
the  Church,  and  the  Parent  in  that  Regard",  by  Ed- 
mund F.  Dunne,  of  Florida;  "The  Catholic  Periodical 
Press",  by  George  Deering  Wolf  of  Norristown,  Penn- 
sylvania; "Societies",  by  Henry  J.  Spaunhorst,  of 
St.  Louis;  "Catholic  American  Literature",  by 
Cond6  B.  Fallen,  of  St.  Louis;  "Temperance",  by 
John  II.  Campbell,  of  Philadelphia;  "Sunday  Ob- 
servance", by  Manly  Tello,  of  Cleveland;  "Labour 
and  Capital  ",  by  William  Richards,  of  Washington; 
"What  Catholics  have  Done  in  the  L:ist  Hundred 
Years",  by  Richard  H.  Clarke,  of  New  York; "  Church 
Music  ",  by  Heman  Allen,  of  Chicago. 

The  resolutions  adopted  rejoiced  in  the  progress  of 
the  Church,  advocated  sound  Catholic  education,  <le- 
nounced   Mormonism,   divorce,  and  secret  societies; 


Nihilism,  .Socialism,  and  Communism;  commended 
Catholic  charitable,  social,  and  benevolent  societies, 
the  support  of  the  Catholic  press,  Sunday  observance; 
and  pledged  loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  pope  and 
demanded  the  temporal  freedom  of  the  Holy  See.  It 
was  resolved  to  hold  the  next  congress  during  the 
Columbian  celebration  of  1S92,  and  in  the  concluding 
address  of  the  congress  Archbishop  Ireland  said: — "1 
am  overjoyed  to  see  so  many  laymen,  overjoyed  to 
listen  to  such  magnificent  discourses  and  such  grand 
papers,  and  to  have  realized  that  there  is  among  our 
Catholics  in  America  so  much  talent,  so  much  strong 
faith.  As  one  of  your  bishops  I  am  ashamed  of  my- 
self that  I  was  not  conscious  before  this  of  the  power 
existing  in  the  midst  of  the  laity,  and  that  I  have  not 
done  anything  to  bring  it  out.  But  one  thing  I  will 
do  with  God's  help.  In  the  future  I  shall  do  all  I  can 
to  bring  out  this  power." 

Second  Congress. — The  sessions  of  the  Second  Catho- 
lic Congress  of  the  United  States  were  held  at  Chicago 
on  4,  5,  and  6  September,  1893,  as  incidental  to  the 
World's  Congresses  Auxiliary  of  the  Columbus  Expo- 
sition and  World's  Fair  of  that  year.  Archbishop 
Feehan  of  Chicago  and  William  J.  Onahan  were  presi- 
dent and  secretary  of  the  committee  on  organization, 
by  which  it  was  decided  that  three  topics  should  be 
treated  during  the  sessions:  "The  Social  Question  as 
outlined  by  Leo  XIII  in  his  encyclical  '  Rerum  Nova- 
rum'",  "Catholic  Education",  and  "The  Indepen- 
dence of  the  Holy  See".  No  discussion  of  the  papers 
was  allowed,  but  each  was  submitted  to  its  proper 
section  for  consideration.  Archbishop  Feehan  opened 
the  congress,  and  President  Bonney,  of  the  World's 
Congress  Auxiliary,  welcomed  the  delegates  "on  behalf 
of  the  World's  Exposition  and  the  fifty  million  non- 
Catholics  who  loved  justice  and  religious  liberty". 
Cardinal  Gibbons  also  spoke,  and  on  the  second  day 
Archbishop  Satolli,  who  represented  the  pope  at  the 
World's  Exposition,  greeted  the  congress  in  the  name 
of  the  Holy  Father.  Other  visitors  were  Archbishop 
Redwood  of  Australia,  and  Count  de  Kaefstein  of 
Austria.  Letters  from  Cardinals  Vaughan  and  Logue 
were  read. 

Judge  Morgan  J.  O'Brien,  of  New  York,  presided 
over  the  sessions  during  which  these  papers  were  read: 
"The  Relations  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  Social, 
Civil,  and  Political  Institutions  of  the  United  States", 
Edgar  H.  Gans,  of  Baltimore;  "Civil  Government  and 
the  Catholic  Citizen",  Walter  George  Smith,  of  Phila- 
delphia; "The  Independence  of  the  Holy  See",  Mai^ 
tin  P.  Morris,  of  Washington;  "Columbus,  His  Mis- 
.sion  and  Character",  Richard  H.  Clarke,  of  New  York; 
"Isabella  the  Catholic",  Mary  J.  Onahan,  of  Chicago; 
"  The  Colonization  of  the  American  Continent ",  George 
Parsons  Lathrop,  of  New  York;  "The  P^ncyclical  of 
Pope  Leo  XIII  on  the  Condition  of  Labor",  H.  C. 
Semple,  of  Montgomery,  Alabama;  "The  Rights  of 
Labour  and  the  Duties  of  Capital",  Edward  O.  Brown, 
of  Chicago,  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  William  Barry  of  Dor- 
chester, England;  "Pauperism,  the  Cause  and  the 
Remedy",  Dr.  Thomas  Dwight,  of  Boston,  and  Miss 
M.  T.  Elder  of  New  Orleans;  "Public  and  Private 
Charities",  Charles  A.  Wingerer,  of  Wheeling,  Thomas 
F.  Ring  of  Boston,  R.  R.  Elliott  of  Detroit,  and  the 
Rev.  Francis  Maguire  of  Albany;  " Workingmen's 
Organizations  and  .Societies  for  Young  Men",  Warren 
T.  Mo.sher  of  Youngstown;  "Trade  Combinations  and 
Arbitration",  Robert  M.  Douglas,  Greensboro;  "Tem- 
perance", the  Rev.  James  M.  Cleary;  "Women's 
Work  in  Religious  Comnumities ",  F.  M.  Edselas; 
"Women  in  the  Middle  Ages",  Anna  T.  Sadlier;  "Life 
Insurance  and  Pension  Fluids  for  ^\'age  Workers", 
John  P.  Lauth,  of  Chicago;  "Immigration  and  Colo- 
nization", the  Rev.  M.  J.  Callahan,  of  New  York;  "The 
Need  o' Catholic  Colleges",  Maurice  Francis  Egan. 

Australia. — Two  congresses  have  been  held  by  the 
Catholics  of  .Australasia,  the  first  at  Sydney  in  Sep- 


CONGRESS 


251 


CONGRUISM 


tember,  1900,  and  the  second  at  Melbourne  in  October, 
1901.  The  first  congress  followed  immediately  after 
fill'  dedication  of  St.  Mary's  cathedral,  Sydney,  on  9 
S.  ptember,  1900,  at  which  Cardinal  Moran  presided, 
.iiiil  three  archbishops,  eight  bishops,  two  hundred 
pi  lists,  with  the  Governors  of  New  South  Wales, 
I  .t'H'i'nsland,  New  Guinea,  and  a  great  congregation  of 
ilii'  laity  were  present.  The  congress  received  its  ira- 
pi'tns  from  Rome,  as  affording  Catholics  an  oppor- 
tunity to  manifest  their  faith  and  devotion  at  the  close 
III'  the  nineteenth  century;  to  make  non-Catholics  un- 
■  li  I  stand  more  about  their  religion;  to  answer  calum- 
iiirs  such  as  were  made  current  in  the  Dreyfus  ca.se; 
III  1 1  rge  a  reform  of  divorce  laws ;  and  to  promote 
1)  rinonious  relations  between  capital  and  lalrour.  In 
•  pilling  the  congress  Cardinal  Moran  spoke  on  "The 

I  itholic  Church  in  the  Nineteenth  Century",  using 
1 1 1 1 '  I  irogrcss  of  Catholicism  in  the  United  States  as 
:iii  iUustration.  The  sessions  of  the  congress,  which 
l:isti-d  a  week,  were  held  in  the  cathedral  and  the 

I I  ipirs  treated  included  social  questions.  Catholic  apol- 
nuitics,  education,  science,  and  sacred  art,  ethnology 
,ii:ii  .statistics,  history  and  the  Catholic  missions. 

The  second  congress  met  in  C!athedral  Hall,  Mel- 
I. Ill  line,  24  to  31  October,  1904,  the  Most  Rev.  Thom:is 
.)  I'arr,  Archbishop  of  Melbourne,  presiding,  and  the 
uithering  was  made  one  of  the  details  of  the  local 
rr|il>ration  of  the  golden  jubilee  of  the  proclamation 
nl  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception.  Its 
ill  li'^ates  included  bisliops,  priests,  and  laymen  not 
Hilly  from  all  the  States  of  the  Commonwealth,  but 
,iNii  from  New  Zealand  and  the  islands  of  the  Pacific. 
Ihr  topics  discussed  in  the  various  sections  were 
Miiiian  and  religious:  Education,  History,  and  Mis- 
Mi  ms.  Charitable  Organizations,  Social  Questions, 
S  II  red  Art,  Science,  Christian  Woman,  Medical  Ques- 
iiiiiis,  and  the  Catholic  Newspaper.  Perhaps  the 
must  practical  outcome  of  the  gathering  was  the  es- 
t.ililishmeiit  of  the  Catholic  Truth  Society  of  Australia. 

S^iuvrnir  \'olumr  nf  Ihr  Crntrnninl  Crlcbrnlinn  and  CatlinUc 
I  .  ;..ss  {Dilroit,  1SS9);  Brnzifjcfs  Cnlhnlic  Family  Almanac 
N i"  York.  1894);  Calhalic  Xews  (New  York);  Freeman's 
J'nnnl  (Sydney);  Advocate  (Melbourne),  contemporaneous 
til'-:  Proceedings  of  the  Second  Australasian  Catholic  Congress 
iMilliourne,  1894). 

Thomas  F.  Meeh.*.n. 

Congress  o£  Vienne.     See  Vienne,  Congress  of. 

Congrua  (i.  e.  Congrua  Pobtio),  a  canonical  term 
to  -ii'signate  the  lowest  sum  proper  for  the  yearly  in- 
t  lie  of  a  cleric.  It  is  sometimes  used  in  the  same 
~i  ISO  as  competency  (q.  v.).  Owing  to  the  many 
I  li  iigea  to  which  a  benefice  is  liable,  it  became  neces- 
sary for  the  ecclesiastical  authority  to  decree  that  first 
and  foremost  the  proper  sustenance  of  the  holder  of 
the  benefice  should  he  provided  for,  and  that  a  mini- 
mum revenue  should  be  determined,  below  which  his 
income  was  not  to  fall.  This  was  all  the  more  neces- 
sary in  cases  where  benefices  had  been  incorporated 
with  monasteries  or  collegiate  churches.  Very  often 
the  curate  of  such  incorporated  benefices  received  only 
one-sixteenth  of  the  revenue.  To  remedy  this  abuse 
a  number  of  ordinances  were  passed  which  reserved 
to  the  person  having  cure  of  souls  a  decent  subsist- 
ence. The  Council  of  Trent  (Scss.  XXI,  c.  iv,  do 
Ref.)  leaves  the  determination  of  the  congrua  to  the 
judgment  of  the  lii.sho]).  This  sum  must,  of  cour.se, 
vary  with  the  fluctuation  of  values  at  different  times. 
It  must  not  be  .so  parsimoniously  fixed  as  to  provide 
for  the  bencficiarj-  the  mere  necessaries  of  life.  To  be 
a  proper  income  in  accordance  with  the  dignity  of  his 
state,  it  .should  likewi.se  be  sufficient  to  enable  him  to 
dispense  moderate  hospitality  and  alm.sgiving  and 
supply  himsi'lf  with  books,  etc.  Tlie  Council  of  Trent 
did  not  dclermine  the  amount  of  the  congrua.  It 
BUggestcil,  however,  that  about  one-third  of  the  rev- 
enue of  the  benefice  should  be  assigned  to  the  vicar. 
When  the  benefice  can  not  furnish  a  propcrsustenance, 


it  is  the  duty  of  the  bishop  to  see  that  several  bene- 
fices be  united  or  that  the  deficit  be  made  up  from 
other  sources,  as  tithes,  collections,  etc.  If  these 
means  fail,  the  benefice  must  be  suppressed.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  in  determining  the  congrua  the  bishop 
can  not  take  into  consideration  emoluments  that  are 
uncertain,  such  as  offerings  at  funerals  or  marriages, 
or  Mass  stipends ;  nor  what  the  vicar  might  earn  by 
his  labour;  nor  what  he  receives  from  his  patrimony; 
for  these  are  not  fruits  of  the  benefice.  When  the 
congrua  has  been  fixed  for  a  certain  benefice,  it  is 
always  presumed  to  be  sufficient,  unless  it  be  proved 
to  have  been  lessened.  Hence,  if  the  beneficiary  de- 
clare the  congrua  to  be  insufficient,  especially  when  it 
has  sufficed  for  his  predecessors,  the  burden  of  proof 
rests  on  him.  If  the  congrua  had  been  sufficient  at 
the  time  a  pension  was  reserved  to  another  from  the 
fruits  of  the  benefice  and  later  became  insufficient,  the 
amount  necessary  to  provide  proper  sustenance  must 
be  taken  from  the  pension,  for  those  who  have  cure  of 
souls  are  to  be  jireferrcd  to  pensioners.  Even  a  curate 
who  is  removable  and  a  temporary  vicar  are  to  have  a 
congrua  assigned  to  them.  Although,  in  speaking  of 
the  congrua,  authors  generally  limit  the  question  to 
the  inferior  clergy,  yet  all  rectors  of  churches,  hence 
also  bishops,  are  entitled  to  it.  The  Council  of  Trent 
(Sess.  XXIV,  cap.  xiii)  declared  that  a  cathedral 
church  whose  revenue  did  not  exceed  one  thousand 
scndi  (about  one  thousand  dollars)  should  not  be  bur- 
dened with  pensions  or  reservations.  The  bishop  is 
entitled  to  an  income  that  will  allow  him  to  live  ac- 
cording to  his  dignity.  If  he  have  a  coadjutor,  the 
ordinary  must  provide  a  congrua  for  him.  In  many 
European  countries,  where  church  property  has 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  State,  the  civil  laws 
have  determined  the  congrua  of  the  clergy  more  or  less 
liberally.  Such  laws  are  yet  in  force  in  Austria  and 
Germany,  and  until  the  end  of  1905  existed  in  France. 
The  salary  for  rectors  of  churches  in  the  llnited  States, 
fixed  by  plenary  or  diocesan  synods,  has  nothing  in 
common  with  the  canonical  congrua. 

Ferraris,  Bibliotheca  Canonica  (Rome,  18S6),  II;  Martini. 
Zur  Conorua-Frane  in  (Esterreiek  (Graz,  1883);  Andre-Wag- 
ner, Diet,  du  Droit  Can.  (Paris,  1901);  Vering,  Lehrbuch  dcs 
kath.  orient,  und  prot.  Kirchcnreehts  (Freiburg,  1893).  424,  647, 
793;    BncHBEBGEB,  Kirchl.  Handlex.  (Munich,  1908),  s.  v. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Congruismfcofi^rMrt,  suitable,  adapted)  is  the  t«rm  by 
which  theologians  denote  a  theory  according  to  which 
the  efficacy  of  efficacious  grace  (see  Grace)  is  due,  at 
least  in  part,  to  the  fact  that  the  grace  is  given  in  cir- 
cumstances favourable  to  its  operation,  i.  e.  "  congru- 
ous" in  that  sense.  The  distinction  between  gratia 
congrua  and  gratia  incongrua  is  found  in  St.  Augustine 
where  he  speaks  of  the  elect  as  congruenter  vocati  (Ad 
Simplicianum,  Bk.  I,  Q.  ii,  no.  1.3).  The  system 
known  as  Congruism  was  developed  by  eminent  Jesuit 
theologians  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth.  All  Molinists  re- 
gard actual  grace  as  being  really  identified  with  super- 
natural action,  actual  grace  of  will,  technically  called 
inspiration,  being  an  act  of  will.  This  act  invariably 
begins  necessarily,  and  may  become  free  at  a  certain 
point  in  its  duration ;  so,  however,  that,  should  it  be- 
come free,  there  will  be  no  complete  break  in  the  indi- 
viduality, but  only  a  modification  of  the  action;  the 
original  necessary  motion  continuing  in  a  modified 
form  after  the  point  where  freedom  commences  has 
been  reached.  An  actual  grace  of  will  which  is  merely 
sufficient  never  gets  beyond  this  point.  Wienever 
the  motion  does  get  beyond  and  become  free,  it  is 
called  an  efficacious  grace;  the  term  being  applied,  not 
merely  to  the  second  stage  of  the  action,  wherein  it  Is 
free,  but  e\en  to  the  first  stage,  wherein  it  was  neces- 
sary, with  a  tendency,  however,  to  continue  after  the 
crucial  point  where  freedom  begins.  This  tendency  to 
continue  as  a  free  act  is  found  in  the  grace  which  re- 


CONIMBRICENSES 


252 


CONIMBRICENSES 


mains  merely  sufficient,  in  the  sense  that  the  second, 
or  free,  stage  may  be,  but  is  not,  reached  in  that  case ; 
whereas,  in  the  case  of  efficacious  grace,  the  second  or 
free  stage  is  actually  attained. 

Hereupon  the  question  arises:  what  is  the  precise 
reason  why,  of  two  motions  which  may  be  supposed  to 
be  similar  in  every  respect  as  far  as  their  intrinsic  con- 
stitution is  concerned — to  be  of  the  same  intensity  as 
well  as  of  the  same  kind — one  does  not  last  beyond  the 
critical  point  where  freedom  begins,  whereas  the  other 
does?  It  is  of  the  essence  of  Molinism  that  this  is  due 
in  part  to  the  will  itself  continuing  to  act  under  the 
Divine  grace  or  not  continuing.  To  which  Bellarmine 
adds  that  grace  which  proves  efficacious  is  given  by 
God  to  one  who,  He  foresees,  will  use  it  freely ;  whereas 
He  foresees  no  less  surely,  when  giving  a  grace  which 
remains  merely  sufficient,  that  it  will  not  last  in  the 
recipient  beyond  the  initial  or  necessary  stage  of  its 
duration.  Congruism  further  insists  that  the  motion 
passes  into  the  free  stage  when  the  circumstances  are 
comparatively  favourable  (congruous)  to  it;  but  when 
they  are  comparatively  adverse  (not  congruous),  it 
will  not  continue,  at  least  as  a  rule.  The  circum- 
stances are  to  be  deemed  favourable  or  imfavourable 
not  absolutely,  but  comparatively,  that  is,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  intensity  of  the  grace;  for  it  is  plain  that,  no 
matter  how  adverse  they  may  be,  God  can  overcome 
them  by  a  strong  impulse  of  grace  such  as  would  not 
be  needed  in  other  less  stubborn  cases;  and,  vice  versa, 
very  powerful  Divine  impulses  may  fail  where  the 
temptation  to  sin  is  very  great.  Not  that  in  the  neces- 
sary stage  of  the  motion  there  is  not  sufficient  energy, 
as  we  may  say,  to  continue,  always  supposing  freedom ; 
or  that  it  is  not  within  the  competence  of  the  will, 
when  the  crucial  point  has  been  reached,  to  discon- 
tinue the  motion  which  is  congruous  or  to  continue 
that  which  is  not  so.  The  will  can  continue  to  act  or 
can  abstain  in  either  case;  as  a  rule,  however,  it  con- 
tinues to  act  when  the  circumstances  are  favourable  to 
that  precise  form  and  intensity  of  motion,  thereby  be- 
coming efficacious;  and  does  not  continue  when  the 
circumstances  are  unfavourable,  thereby  proving  a 
merely  sufficient  grace. 

To  anyone  who  reflects  on  the  way  in  which  the  will 
is  influenced  by  motives  it  must  be  obvious  that  any 
movement  or  tendency  that  may  arise  towards  a  par- 
ticular object,  whether  good  or  evil,  is  more  or  less 
likely  to  continue  according  as  it  harmonizes  or  con- 
flicts with  other  motions  or  tendencies  towards  objects 
which  are  incompatible  with  the  first.  The  whole 
theory  of  reflection  or  meditation  is  based  on  this 
truth.  Concomitant  states,  in  sympathy  with  the 
motions  of  grace,  make  the  favourable  or  congruous 
circumstances  in  which  these  motions  operate;  just  as 
a  tendency  towards  vice,  if  accompanied  by  other  ap- 
petites favourable  to  its  working,  must  be  deemed  con- 
gruous or  fortunate  as  regards  the  circiunstances  in 
which  it  intervenes.  Jansenists,  Augustinians,  Molin- 
ists,  Determinists,  all  should  and  do  agree,  therefore,  in 
admitting  the  strengthening  influence  of  a  number  of 
confluent  motions  and.  conversely,  the  weakening 
effect  on  any  tendency  of  a  simultaneous  tendency  in 
an  opposite  direction.  So  far  all  are  Congruists;  the 
difference  being  that  whereas  Jansenists  and  Deter- 
minists do  not  admit  that  the  will  is  free  to  resist  the 
stronger  combination  of  motives;  and  while  Augustin- 
ians proclaim  this  in  words  but  seem  to  deny  it  in  real- 
ity; all  Molinists  maintain  that  the  will  can  effectually 
cease  to  tend  towards  an  object,  even  though  it  .should 
be  proposed  as  nmrc  perfect  than  what  is  seen  to  be  in- 
compatible with  it;  jjrovidod  always  this  more  perfect 
object  is  not  presented  as  absolutely  or  infinitely  per- 
fect in  even,-  way.  The  will  is  likely  to  be  drawn,  and 
almo.st  invariably  is  drawn,  by  the  stronger,  i.  e.  more 
congruous,  iiiotivo;  it  is  not,  liowcvcr.  drawn  of  neces- 
sity, nor  even  quite  invariably,  if  .Molinism  is  true.  In 
this,  which  is  the  only  psychologically  intelligible  sense 


of  Congruism,  Molina,  Lessius,  and  all  their  followers 
were  Congruists  just  as  much  as  Suarez  or  Bellarmine. 

All  true  Molinists  admit  and  contend  that,  antece- 
dently to  the  concession  of  grace,  whether  merely  suffi- 
cient or  efficacious,  God  knows  by  scicntia  media 
whether  it  will  actually  result  in  the  free  action  for 
which  it  is  given,  or  will  remain  inefficacious  though 
sufficient.  AH  likewise  admit  and  proclaim  that  a 
specially  benevolent  Proviilence  is  exercised  towards 
the  recipient  of  grace  when,  with  His  knowledge  of 
conditional  results,  God  gives  graces  which  He  fore- 
sees to  be  efficacious,  rather  than  others  which  He 
foresees  would  be  inefficacious  and  which  He  is  free  to 
give.  Bellarmine  (De  Gratia  et  Lib.  Arbitrio,  Bk.  I, 
ch.  xii)  seems  to  accuse  Molina,  unjustly,  of  not  admit- 
ting this  latter  point.  Difference  of  opinion  among 
Molinists  is  manifested  only  when  they  proceed  to  in- 
quire into  the  cause  of  the  Divine  selection:  whether  it 
is  due  to  any  antecedent  decree  of  predestination 
which  God  means  to  carry  out  at  all  costs,  selecting 
purposely  to  this  end  only  such  graces  as  He  foresees 
to  prove  efficacious,  and  passing  over  or  omitting  to  se- 
lect, no  less  purposely,  such  as  he  foresees  would  be 
without  result  if  given.  Suarez  holds  that  the  selec- 
tion of  graces  which  are  foreseen  to  prove  efficacious  is 
consequent  on  and  necessitated  by  such  an  antecedent 
decree,  whereby  all,  and  only,  those  who  will  actually  be 
saved  were  infallibly  predestined  to  salvation,  and  this 
antecedently  to  any  foreknowledge,  whether  of  their 
actual  or  merely  conditional  correspondence  with  the 
graces  they  may  receive.  The  great  body  of  the  theo- 
logians of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  as  well  as  of  other  fol- 
lowers of  Molina,  while  admitting  that  indi\iduals, 
such  as  St.  Paul,  may  be,  and  have  been,  predestined 
in  that  way,  do  not  regard  it  as  the  only,  or  even  the 
ordinary,  com'se  of  Divine  Providence.  (See  Predes- 
tination.) 

Though  this  difference  of  opinion  has  really  nothing 
to  do  with  Congruism,  it  is  probably  the  main  reason 
why  Billuart  and  other  opponents  of  Molinism  have 
maintained  that  Suarez  and  Bellarmine  differ  from 
Molina  and  Lessius  not  merely  as  regards  predestina- 
tion, but  also  as  regards  the  nature  of  efficacious  grace ; 
that  the  opinion  of  .Suarez  is  the  only  true  Congruism 
as  distinguished  from  the  pure  Molinism  of  the  others ; 
and  that  Congruism  in  this  sense  was  made  obligatory 
on  all  the  schools  of  the  Society  by  Acquaviva,  the 
fifth  general  (1613).  The  precise  bearing  of  his  decree 
has  been  rather  hotly  disputed,  Father  Schneemann, 
Cardinal  Mazella,  and  others  maintaining  that  it  did 
not  in  any  way  command  a  departure  from  the  teach- 
ing of  Molina.  Pore  de  Regnon  candidly,  and  rightly, 
admits  that  it  did ;  not  as  regards  the  nature  of  effica- 
cious grace  but  only  as  regards  predestination.     (See 

CoNGREG.\TIO  DE  AUXILIIS;  CiR.iCE;  PnEDESTIN.4.TI0N  ; 

Molina;  Suarez.) 

On  Congruism  proper  the  best  author  is  probably  Suarez. 
De  Gratia,  Bk.  V,  ch.  xxi,  nos.  4  sqq.;  Idem,  ibid.,  Appendix 
Prior,  De  vera  inlelliqentid,  etc.;  Idem,  Opitsc.  I  de  attxiliijf,  etc.. 
Blc.  III.  ch.  xiv.  Of  recent  writers  see  Mazzella,  De  Gratiii 
Christi  (3rd  ed.,  Rome,  1S82),  nos.  677  sqq.;  Ch.  Pesch.  De 
Gratid  (Freiburg,  1S97),  Prop,  xxii;  Schneemann,  Conlroversi- 
arum  de  Div.  Gratid,  etc.  (Freiburg,  1881),  sect.  1,  no.  16;  La- 
HOUSSE,  De  Gratid  Divind,  nos.  213  sqq.;  de  Regnon,  Banez  el. 
Molina  (Paris,  1SS3),  Bk.  II,  sect.  8.— On  the  predestination  as- 
pect see  Fr-\nzeun,  De  Deo  Vno  (Rome,  1876),  Th.  Iv,  Ux- 
Ixvi;  RiiL.T,  71-  n.n  (Frato,  1S93\  pp.  268  sqq.— .\s  to 
whrtii'     '■  ,-    i' inipliesa  departure  from  the  principles 

of  M  '       nnt;  of  Acqua\iva's  decree  see  on  the 

on.  '  r  ratid  et  Lib.  Arb.,  Bk.  I,  ch.  xii,  .xiii ; 

Bii  I  '        ■  11-^    V,  art.  2,  .sect.  3:  Gr-\veson,  Epis- 

tota-  ui-iH. -!>!■!. 'I'-'!'  mu-T  I  iiassano,  1785),  Classis  I,  n.  1,  pp.  5 
sqq.;  Gazzaniga,  Uc  (irnltd.  Pt.  I,  di.ss.  V,  ch.  ii,  no.  110.  For 
tiie  views  of  tlie  other  side  see  Mazella,  op.  cit.,  nos.  717  sqq.; 
ScHiFFixl,  De  Gratid  (Freiburg,  1901),  IV,  no.  275;  Schnee- 
mann, Controversiarum,  etc.,  sect.  16;  de  Hkgnon,  op.  oil.,  loc. 

cit.  Walter  McDonald. 

Conimbricenses  (or  Collegh'm  CoNiMnuicENSE), 
the  name  by  which  the  Jesuits  of  the  University  of 
Coimbra  (q.  v.)  in  Portugal  were  knov\Ti.  On  the  reg- 
ister of  the  college  at  various  times  appeared  the  names 


CONINCE 


253 


CONNECTICUT 


of  two  hundred  Jesuits  including  professors  and  stu- 
dents. Towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  and 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth,  vokiminous  com- 
mentaries on  the  philosophical  writings  of  Aristotle 
went  forth  from  the  university.  These  conunen- 
taries  were  dictations  to  the  students  by  the  professors 
and  as  such  were  not  intended  for  publication.  Still 
they  were  actually  published,  but  fraudulently.  In 
order  to  intercept  and  disown  incorrect  and  unauthor- 
ized editions.  Father  Claudius  Aquaviva,  the  General 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  assigned  to  Father  Peter  Fon- 
seca,  the  provincial  of  the  Portuguese  province,  the 
task  of  supervising  the  revision  of  these  commentaries 
for  publication.  Father  Fonseca  was  widely  known 
as  the  Aristotle  of  Portugal.  The  different  treatises 
appeared  in  the  following  order: — (1)  "Comnientarii 
Collegii  Conimbricensis  Societatis  Jesu  in  octo  libros 
Physicorimi  Aristotelis  Stagyrita;"  (Coimbra,  1591). 
(2)  "Commentarii  Collegii  Conimbricensis  Societatis 
Jesu  in  quattuor  libros  Aristotelis  de  Ccelo  "  (Coimbra, 
1592).  (3)  "Commentarii  etc.  in  libros  meteorum 
Aristotelis  Stagyrita;"  (Coimbra,  1592).  (4)  "Com- 
mentarii etc.  in  libros  Aristotelis  qui  parva  naturalia 
appellantur"  (Coimbra,  1592).  (5)  "Commentarii 
etc.  in  libros  Ethicorum  Aristotelis  ad  Nichomaclium 
aliquot  Cursus  Conimbricensis  disputationes  in  quibus 
praecipua  quaedam  Ethica;  disciplinae  capita  continen- 
tur"  (Coimbra,  1595).  (6)  "Commentarii  etc.  in 
duos  libros  Aristotelis  de  generatione  et  corruptione 
(Coimbra,  1595).  (7)  "Commentarii  etc.  in  tres 
libros  Aristotelis  de  Anima"  (Coimbra,  1.595).  This 
treatise  was  published  after  the  death  of  Father  Em- 
manuel Golz  (whom  Father  Fonseca  had  commis- 
sioned to  publish  the  earlier  volumes)  by  Father  Cos- 
mas  Maggalliano  (Magalha;ns).  To  it  he  added  a 
treatise  of  Father  Balthazar  Alvarez  "  De  Anima  Sep- 
arata" and  his  own  work  "Tractatio  aliquot  proble- 
matum  ad  quinque  Sensus  Spectantium  ".  (8)  "  Com- 
mentarii etc.  in  universam  dialecticam  Aristotelis 
nunc  primum"  (ed.  Venice,  1606). 

To  this  last  treatise  was  prefixed  a  foreword  dis- 
owning any  connexion  whatever  with  the  work  pub- 
lished at  Frankfort  in  1604  and  claiming  to  be  the 
"Commentarii  Conimbricen.ses ".  The  portion  of  the 
preface  here  referred  to  is  substantially  the  following: 
"  Before  we  could  finish  the  task  entrusted  to  us  of  ed- 
iting our  Logic,  to  which  we  were  bound  by  many 
promises,  certain  German  publishers  fraudulently 
brought  out  a  work  professing  to  be  from  us,  abound- 
ing in  errors  and  inaccuracies  which  were  really  their 
own.  They  also  substituted  for  our  commentaries 
certain  glosses  gotten  furtively.  It  is  true  these  writ- 
ings thirty  years  previously  were  the  work  of  one  of 
our  professors  not  indeed  intended  for  publication. 
Tliey  were  the  fruit  of  his  zeal  and  he  never  dreamed 
they  would  appear  in  print".  The  last  treati.se  was 
|)repared  for  printing  by  Father  Sebastian  Couto. 
The  entire  eight  parts  formed  five  quarto  volumes,  en- 
joyed a  wide  circulation,  and  appeared  in  many  edi- 
tions, the  best  known  being  those  of  Lyons,  Lisbon, 
and  Cologne.  The  Commentaries  are  in  flowing  Latin 
and  are  supplemented  by  reliable  explanations  of  the 
text  and  exhaustive  discussion  of  the  system  of  Aris- 
totle. Karl  Werner  says  that  the  Jesuits  of  Coimbra 
gave  to  the  world  a  masterpiece,  whose  equal  is  yet  to 
be  seen  and  which  has  received  the  admiration  that  it 
deserves.  Father  de  Backer  gives  an  exact  list  of  all 
the  editions.  The  later  ones  have  added  the  Greek 
text  of  .\ristotle. 

Laxghorst  in  Kirchenlex.^  8.  v.;  Sommervogel,  BibL  de  la 
c.  de  J.,  II:  BR\t;A,  Historia  da  Vniversidade  de  Coimbra  (Lis- 
bon, 1X92-1902). 

John  J.  Cassidy. 

Coninck,  Giles  de  (also  called  Regiu.s),  Jesuit 
theologian,  b.  20  Dec,  1571,  at  Bailleul  in  French 
Flanders;  d.  31  May,  1633,  at  Louvain.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-one  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.     During 


his  course  of  studies  at  Louvain  he  had  Lessius  among 
his  professors,  and  became  the  worthy  successor  of  his 
illustrious  teacher  in  the  chair  of  scholastic  theology, 
which  he  held  for  eighteen  years.  St.  Alphonsus  con- 
siders Coninck  a  moral  theologian  of  distinction. 
Though  de  Lugo  impugned  hLs  views  on  many  ques- 
tions, he  is  acknowledged  to  have  rendered  consider- 
able services  to  moral  theology.  His  style  is  concise, 
clear,  and  direct;  on  several  points  his  writings  are 
exhaustive.  Coninck's  principal  works  are:  "Com- 
mentariorum  ac  disputationum  in  universam  doc- 
trinam  D.  Thomae",  etc.  {Antwerp,  1616;  enlarged 
and  revised  1619,  1624;  Lyons,  1619,  1624,  1625,  1643; 
Rouen,  1630.  The  last  edition  was  among  the  Jesuit; 
works  condemned  to  be  torn  and  burnt,  by  an  act  of 
the  parliament  of  Rouen,  12  Feb.,  1762).  "De  Mora- 
litate,  natura  et  effectibus  actimm  supematuralium  ", 
etc.  (Antwerp,  1623;  Lyons,  1623;  Paris,  1624.  The 
author  is  said  to  have  left  very  ample  additions  in- 
tended to  appear  in  the  subsequent  editions  of  the 
work.  Father  Miillendorff  assures  his  readers  that 
this  treatise  may  be  recommended  to  the  theologians 
even  of  to-day).  "  Responsio  ad  dissertationem  im- 
pugnantem  absolutionem  moribundi  sensibus  desti- 
tuti",  etc.  (Antwerp,  1625);  "Disputationes  theo- 
logica;"  (Antwerp,  1645,  published  posthumously, 
though  finished  twelve  years  before  the  author's 
death). 

HuHTER,  Nomcndator  (Innsbruck,  1892),  I,  361;  Mullen- 
DOBFF  in  Kirckenlex.,  Ill,  947 ;  Sommertoqel,  JBibliothf-que  de  ta 
c.  de  J..  II,  1309  sq.  A.  J    MaaS. 

Connecticut. — This  State,  comprising  an  area  of 
substantially  5000  square  miles,  was  one  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies  which,  in  1776,  declared  their  independ- 
ence from  England.  It  was  among  the  first  to  ratify 
the  Federal  Constitution  under  which,  in  1789,  the 
republic  known  as  the  United 
States  of  America  established 
its  present  form  of  government. 
The  population  enrolled  in  the 
censiLs  of  1900  was  908,420,  and 
in  1908  undoubtedly  exceeded 
1,000,000,  the  increase  being  in 
the  cities,  while  the  rural  com- 
munities barely  held  their  own. 
Manufacturing  industries, 
rather  than  agricultural  or  com- 
mercial, are  the  principal  re- 
sources of  the  State. 

Early  Settlers. — The  first 
English  settlement  was  estab- 
lished on  the  Connecticut  River  at  Windsor  by 
traders  from  the  Plymouth  Colony  in  1633.  In 
the  same  year  the  Dutch  from  New  Amsterdam  had 
sailed  up  the  river  and  erected  a  trading  hou.se  and 
fort  where  the  city  of  Hartford  now  stands,  a  few 
miles  below  Windsor.  The  Dutch  soon  after 
withdrew,  leaving  the  English  to  establish  the  first 
permanent  settlements  within  the  boundaries  of  Con- 
necticut. Saybrook,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut 
River,  was  settled  by  the  English  in  1636,  and  New 
Haven  by  coloni.sts  from  Massachusetts  Bay  in  1638. 
In  1664  the  New  Haven  Colony,  then  comprising  the 
various  settlements  along  the  coast,  was  forced  to 
unite  with  those  in  the  Connecticut  valley,  thus  form- 
ing one  commonwealth  thereafter  known  as  Connec- 
ticut. 

On  24  January,  1639,  settlers  of  Windsor,  Hartford, 
and  Wethersfield  then  "cohabiting  and  dwelling  in 
and  upon  the  River  of  Connectecotte  and  the  lands 
thereunto  adjoining"  imited  in  the  adoption  of  the 
first  written  constitution  known  in  history.  The 
"  Fundiniental  Orders",  as  they  were  called,  estab- 
lished a  Christian  commonwealth,  and  provided  for 
the  election  of  a  governor  and  other  magistrates,  to- 
gether with  a  General  Court  having  both  legislative 


Seai.  of  Connecticut 


CONNECTICUT 


254 


CONNECTICUT 


and  judicial  powers.  This  General  Court  consisted  of 
deputies  who  were  to  be  Freemen  elected  from  the 
several  towns.  The  towns  named  above  were  each  to 
send  four  deputies,  and  other  towns  thereafter  added 
to  the  jurisdiction  were  to  send  such  numbers  as  the 
court  should  judge  meet,  to  be  reasonably  propor- 
tioned to  the  number  of  Freemen  in  each  town.  In 
1661  Governor  Winthrop  was  sent  to  England  to  peti- 
tion the  king  for  a  charter  confirming  such  privileges 
and  liberties  as  were  necessary  for  the  permanent  wel- 
fare of  the  colony.  He  secured  from  the  reigning 
sovereign,  Charles  II,  a  most  liberal  charter  which  re- 
mained the  organic  law  of  the  commonwealth  until 
the  adoption  of  the  present  State  Constitution  in  ISIS, 
almost  half  a  century  after  the  State  had  severed  its 
allegiance  to  the  English  Crown.  This  charter  con- 
ferred upon  the  people  of  the  colony  the  right  to  elect 
their  own  governor  and  other  officers,  and  the  largest 
measure  of  self-government.  It  is  of  interest  to  note 
the  territorial  boundaries  of  the  colony  set  forth  in  the 
charter.  It  was  bounded  on  the  east  by  Narragansett 
Bay,  on  the  north  by  the  line  of  the  Massachusetts 
Plantation,  and  on  the  south  by  the  sea.  It  was  to 
extend  to  the  west  in  longitude  with  the  line  of  the 
Massachusetts  Colony  to  the  South  Sea  "on  the  west 
part  with  the  islands  there  adjoining". 

In  1786  Connecticut  ceded  to  the  United  States  aU 
its  public  land,  reserving,  however,  about  three  and  a 
half  million  acres  in  what  is  now  the  .State  of  Ohio. 
This  was  known  for  many  years  as  the  "Connecticut 
Reserv'e'' or  "Western  Reserve''.  The  legislature 
granted  some  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  the  res- 
ervation to  the  citizens  of  the  towns  of  Danburj',  Fair- 
field, Norwalk,  New  London,  and  Groton  to  indem- 
nify them  for  special  losses  during  the  War  of  the  Revo- 
lution when  these  towns  were  burned  by  the  British 
troops.  The  grant  was  afterwards  known  as  the 
"Fire  Lands''.  In  1795  a  committee  was  appointed 
to  dispose  of  the  reservation.  It  was  sold  to  a  syndi- 
cate organized  to  effect  the  purchase  for  81,200,000. 
The  income  from  this  fund  is  devoted  to  the  support 
of  common  schools,  and  the  State  Constitution  declares 
it  shall  never  be  directed  to  any  other  purpose. 

The  present  Constitution  was  adopted  in  1818. 
Under  its  provisions  the  town  is  the  basis  of  represen- 
tation in  the  lower  house  of  the  legislature  rather  than 
population.  This  has  brought  about,  by  the  growth 
of  the  larger  cities  and  towns,  a  most  undemocratic 
form  of  government.  The  cities  of  New  Haven,  Hart- 
ford and  Bridgeport,  each  having  a  population  of  more 
than  100,000,  have  only  two  representatives  in  the 
lower  house,  while  a  large  number  of  towns  with  a 
population  of  less  than  1000  have  the  same  number 
of  representatives.  In  1902  a  constitutional  conven- 
tion was  held  in  the  hope  that  this  inequitable  system 
of  representation  would  be  corrected.  The  conven- 
tion was  so  constituted,  however,  as  to  make  any  hope 
of  a  radical  change  of  the  system  of  representation 
impossible.  The  convention  numbered  167  delegates, 
one  from  each  town.  The  constitution  finally  pro- 
posed by  this  convention  made  but  a  slight  change  in 
the  basis  of  representation,  and  was  rejected  by  the 
people  when  submitted  for  their  ratification. 

The  early  settlers  of  Connecticut  were  for  the  most 
part  English  of  the  upper  middle  class.  Their  minis- 
ters, many  of  them,  had  been  clergjTnen  of  the  Estab- 
lished Church  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  EngUsh 
livings  for  non-confonn'ty.  Their  devoted  congrega- 
tions followed  them  across  the  Atlantic  and  foimded 
the  settlement  at  Ma.ssaclnisetts  Bay.  From  thence 
came  chiefly  the  first  emigrants,  attracted  by  the  fer- 
tile soil  of  the  Connecticut  valley  and  the  sequestered 
harbours  along  the  Sound.  Before  the  War  of  the 
Revolution,  however,  Ireland  had  contributed  quite  a 
noticeable  percentage  to  the  population  of  the  various 
settlements.  This  seems  to  be  established  from  the 
considerable  number  of  Irish  names  disclosed  in  the 


official  military  documents  of  that  period.  The  vast 
majority  of  the  popvdation,  however,  remained  dis- 
tinctively English  of  Puritan  origin  until  the  great 
emigration  set  in  from  Ireland,  prompted  by  the  dis- 
astrous famine  in  1846.  There  is  also  a  considerable 
German  element  distributed  pretty  evenly  through- 
out the  State.  Since  the  close  of  the  Civil  VVar  French 
Canadians  have  come  down  from  the  Province  of 
Quebec,  and  have  settled  more  numerously  in  the 
eastern  part  of  the  State  where  they  have  found  em- 
ployment in  the  manufacturing  towns.  More  recently 
the  Italians,  in  large  numbers,  have  located  in  the 
cities  and  larger  towns.  New  Haven,  alone,  it  is  esti- 
mated, has  an  Italian  population  of  upwards  of  20,000. 
Russian  Jews  have  also  become  very  numerous,  prin- 
cipally in  the  cities,  while  Scandinavians.  Lithaanians, 
and  Greeks  are  becoming  an  increasingly  prominent 
element  of  the  urban  population.  In  common  with 
all  the  other  States  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  while  the 
language  and  customs  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  are  still 
overwhelmingly  dominant,  the  strain  of  English  blood 
is  becoming  more  and  more  attenuated  with  the  pa.ss- 
ing  of  each  decade.  In  colonial  times  and  during  the 
earlier  days  of  the  Republic,  Connecticut  occupied  a 
place  of  distinction  and  commanding  influence  among 
her  sister  commonwealths.  At  the  close  of  the  War 
of  the  Revolution  she  was  the  eighth  in  respect  to 
population  among  the  thirteen  States  that  formed  the 
Union,  having  by  the  census  of  1790,  238,141  souls. 
She  furnished,  however,  31,959  soldiers  to  armies  of 
the  Revolution,  thus  exceeding  by  5281  the  number 
furnished  by  Virginia,  then  the  most  populous  of  all 
the  States,  and  having  at  that  time  more  than  three 
times  the  population  of  Connecticut.  In  this  respect 
Connecticut  was  surpassed  only  by  Massachusetts, 
which  furnished  67,097  soldiers,  from  a  population  of 
475,257  souls. 

Religious  Polity. — The  planters  of  the  Connecti- 
cut River  towns,  in  formulating  their  first  constitu- 
tion in  1639,  were  all  of  them  Puritans  of  the  sect  sub- 
sequently known  throughout  all  of  the  New  England 
States  as  Congregationalists.  The  distinctive  theory 
of  their  ecclesiastical  polity  regarded  each  congrega- 
tion as  a  self-governing  body,  with  power  to  formu- 
late its  own  creed  and  prescribe  its  own  conditions  of 
membership.  They  repudiated  all  allegiance  to  any 
central  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  the  various  con- 
gregations or  churches,  as  they  were  then  called,  were 
independent  and  self-governing,  bound  to  each  other 
by  ties  of  fellowship  and  community  of  interest,  rather 
than  by  canons  prescribed  by  any  superior  ecclesias- 
tical authority.  (See  CoNGREGAXioN-iLisM.)  There 
was  from  the  very  first,  however,  the  most  intimate 
relation  between  the  churches  and  the  civil  authority. 
Church  membership  was  an  indispensable  qualifica- 
tion for  civil  office,  and  for  the  exercise  of  the  rights  of 
Freemen.  In  the  preamble  of  their  first  constitution 
they  declared  that  they  were  entering  into  a  combinii- 
tion  or  confederation  "to  maintain  and  preserve  the 
liberty  and  purity  of  the  Gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
which  we  now  profess,  as  also  the  discipline  of  the 
churches  which  according  to  the  truth  of  the  said 
Gospel  is  now  practiced  among  us ".  Freedom  of 
religious  worship,  as  now  understood  and  demanded 
everywhere  in  .\merica,  was  a  principle  to  which  they 
accorded  but  scant  and  reluctant  acceptance.  For  a 
centurj'  and  a  half  Congregationalism  was  the  estab- 
lished religion  supported  by  public  taxation.  Other 
Christian  sects  were  merely  tolerated.  Not  until  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  ISIS  did  the  principle 
of  true  religious  freedom  receive  governmental  recog- 
nition. It  was  then  declared  that  it  being  the  duty 
of  all  men  to  worship  the  Supreme  Being,  and  to  ren- 
der their  worship  in  the  mode  most  consistent  with 
the  dictates  of  their  consciences,  tliat  no  person 
should  by  law  be  compelled  to  join  or  support,  be 
classed    with,    or   associated    to   any   congregation, 


CONNECTICUT 


255 


CONNECTICUT 


cl lurch  or  religious  association.     It  was  further  de- 
I  lued  that  every  society  or  denomination  of  Chris- 
t  iiiis  should  have  and  enjoy  the  same  and  equal  pow- 
I  1-,  rights,  and  privileges.     Among  such  powers  was 
-^••citied  authority  in  such  denominations  to  support 
:ind  maintain  ministers  or  teachers,  and  to  build  and 
ri  pair  houses  for  public  worship  by  a  tax  on  the  mem- 
1  iii>i  of  s\ich  society  only,  to  be  laid  by  a  majority  vote 
(if  tlie  legal  voters  assembled  at  any  society  meeting 
warned  and  held  according  to  law  or  in  any  manner. 
It  was  further  provided  that  any  person  might  sepa- 
rate himself  from  thesociety  or  denomination  of  Chris- 
ti:ais  to  which  he  belonged  by  leaving  a  written  notice 
•     that  effect  with  the  clerk  of  the  society,  and  should 
r.'upon  cease  to  be  liable  for  any  future  expenses 
.!  red  by  such  society.     This  power  of  taxation  has 
:iiany  years  ceased  to  be  exercised  by  the  constit- 
1  societies  of  any  of  the  denominations,  which  are 
^  usually  maintained  by  pew  rents,  voluntary  offer- 
I   _-,   and   the   income  of  specific   charitable   trusts 
\\  luTe  such  exist. 

I'he  observance  of  Sunday  has  always  been  strictly 
I  invided  for  by  law.  The  statutes  now  in  force  had 
ili'ir  origin  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
n  iitury.  They  forbid  any  secular  business  or  labour, 
I  \rt-pt  works  of  necessity  or  mercy,  the  keeping  open 
I  pi'  any  shop,  warehouse,  or  manufacturing  establish- 
ni-nt,  the  exposing  of  any  property  for  sale,  or  the 
(!it;aging  in  any  sport  on  Sunday,  and  the  person 
cttrnding  may  be  fined  not  to  exceed  fifty  dollars. 
Ihise  statutes  also  provide  that  any  person  who  is 
imsent  at  any  concert  of  music,  dancing,  or  other 
jiiiljlic  diversion  on  Sundaj',  or  the  evening  thereof, 
may  be  fined  not  more  than  four  dollars.  The  keep- 
in,;  open  of  s.aloons  and  sale  of  liquor  on  Sunday  is 
li-ii  prohibited  under  severe  penalties.  These  laws 
-ill  have  public  opinion  strongly  in  their  favour,  and 
ill''  in  consequence  pretty  generally  respected  and 
iiifnrced.  Special  laws  allow  the  nmning  of  railway 
triiiis  and  trolley  cars  on  Sundays  during  such  hours 
and  with  such  frequency  as  the  State  railroad  com- 
missioners may,  from  time  to  time,  prescribe. 

All  judges  and  magistrates,  clerks  of  courts,  and 

0  rt  lin  other  officials  in  special  cases  are  empowered 

1  y  statute  to  administer  oaths.  An  oath  of  faithful 
]"  formance  is  usually  required  from  the  incumbent 
I"  lure  entering  upon  the  duties  of  any  public  office. 
A  iininistrators  and  others  when  making  return  of  the 
1 1  ; I  ifs  they  have  performed  are  required  to  make  oath 
til  it  the  duties  have  been  faithfully  perfonned  or  that 
thr  return  they  make  thereof  is"  true  and  correct. 
rill'  ceremonial  of  the  oath  universally  employed  is 
1  y  raising  the  right  hand  in  the  presence  of  the 
ni  ti^'istrate  administering  it,  who  recites  the  statutory 
1  !  ni,  always  beginning  with  the  words  "  You  solemnly 
s  A .  ar",  and  ending  with  the  invocation  "So  help  you 
I  i  mI'.  For  many  years  the  statutes  have  permitted 
an\-  person  having  conscientious  scruples  to  affirm  in 

I  of  being  sworn.  Such  persons  "solemnly  and 
rely  affirm  and  declare",  "upon  the  pains  and 
ilties  of  perjurj'".  If  the  authority  administer- 
ihe  oath  shall  have  reason  to  believe  that  any 
r  ceremony  will  be  more  binding  upon  the  con- 
ice  of  a  witness,  he  may  permit  or  require  any 
I.  r  ceremony  to  be  used. 

Statutes   against   blasphemy  and   profanity   have 

1  '  '11  in  existence  since  the  settlement  of  the  colony, 

■   !   in  the  seventeenth  century  these  crimes  were 

rely  punished.     The  statutes  now  in  force  are 

•d  to  legislation  of  1642  and  1650,  and  provide 

'    one  who  shall  blaspheme  again.st  God,  either 

■  n  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Christian    religion, 

ne  Holy  Scriptures,  shall  be  fined  not  more  than 

111    hundred  dollars  and  imprisoned  not  more  than 

oni'  year,  and  bound  to  his  good  behaviour.     One  who 

shall  use  any  profane  oath  or  wickedly  curse  another 

shall  be  fined  one  dollar. 


It  has  always  been  the  custom  to  open  each  daily 
session  of  both  houses  of  the  General  Assembly  with 
prayer,  and  chaplains  are  appointed  by  each  body 
whose  salaries  are  fixed  by  law.  It  is  still  the  cu.stom 
to  open  each  term  of  the  Supreme  and  Superior  courts 
with  prayer.  The  clerk  invites  some  clergj'man  to 
perform  that  office,  and  pays  him  an  honorarium 
which  is  taxed  in  the  regular  expenses  of  the  court. 
The  great  festival  of  Christmas  received  little  recog- 
nition among  the  Congregationalists  of  Connecticut 
and  the  other  New  England  States  until  the  latter 
half  of  the  nineteenth  centurj'.  Almost  from  the 
settlement  of  the  colony  it  was  the  custom  for  the 
governor  to  proclaim  a  day  of  thanksgiving  in  the 
late  autumn  to  be  obser\-ed  as  a  religious  holiday. 
It  was  originally  intended  to  be  and  is  still  considered 
as  a  sort  of  hari-est  festival,  and  has  long  been  es- 
teemed in  Connecticut  as  a  day  for  family  reunions 
and  feasting.  It  was  not  until  Episcopalians  or,  still 
later.  Catholics  became  such  prominent  factors  in  the 
population  that  the  2.5th  of  December  was  declared 
by  statute  to  be  a  legal  holiday.  Good  Friday,  as 
such,  has  never  been  made  a  legal  holiday.  The 
earlier  settlers  and  their  descendants  were  accustomed 
to  observe  a  day  in  the  early  spring,  proclaimed  by 
legal  authority  as  a  daj-  of  fasting  and  prayer.  For 
many  years  now  it  has  been  the  custom  for  the  gov- 
ernor to  select  Good  Friday  for  the  annual  spring 
fast.  Thus  Christmas  and  Good  Friday  have  in 
recent  years  received  somewhat  indirectly  the  recog- 
nition of  ci\Tl  authority.  No  statutes  have  been 
enacted,  however,  to  compel  their  observance,  and 
the  statutes  relating  to  Sundaj'  observance  are  in  no 
way  applicable  to  these  days.  Xo  other  holy  days 
of  the  Church  are  recognized  in  any  manner  by  the 
law. 

\o  pri\'ilege  under  the  law  attaches  in  any  way  to 
communications  made  to  a  priest  under  the  seal  of 
confession.  As  yet  such  privilege  extends  only  to 
communications  between  a  lawyer  and  his  client, 
which  the  common  law  of  England  has  always  pro- 
tected. It  may  be  doubted  if  a  law  extending  such 
privilege  to  priests  or  indeed  to  clergj'men  of  any 
denomination  could  be  passed  through  the  legislature 
as  at  present  constituted.  Xo  instance,  however, 
exists,  certainly  in  recent  years,  where  an  attempt 
has  been  made  in  any  court  of  justice  to  compel  a 
priest  to  disclose  any  knowledge  which  came  to  him 
through  the  confessional,  and  it  is  quite  certain  that 
public  opinion  w-ould  strongly  disapprove  any  6uch 
attempt. 

EccLESi.\STiCAL  CORPORATIONS. — The  statutes  of 
Connecticut  contain  quite  elaborate  provisions  regu- 
lating ecclesiastical  societies  and  the  incorporation  of 
churches.  Many  of  those  still  in  force  were  originally 
passed  when  the  Congregational  denomination  was 
practically  the  State  religion,  and  its  various  eccle- 
siastical societies  had  power  to  lay  taxes  for  their 
support.  Originally  such  a  society  was  distinct  from 
the  church,  constituting  a  separate  organization. 
Individuals  might  be  legal  members  of  the  society 
and  not  members  of  the  church.  This  condition  still 
remains  in  many  communities,  although,  as  before 
stated,  one  may  escape  liability  of  taxation  by  with- 
drawing from  the  society.  It  would  be  legally  possi- 
ble for  an  ecclesiastical  society  to  be  incorporated 
under  these  laws  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  a 
church  in  communion  with  the  Catholic  Church.  In 
early  times  before  statutes  were  enacted  for  the 
organization  and  government  of  these  societies,  the 
several  towns  had  the  functions  of  ecclesiastical 
societies. 

In  recent  years  special  statutory  provisions  have 
been  made  for  the  government  of  other  denomina- 
tions. Prior  to  186C,  when  a  law  was  passed  having 
special  reference  to  the  Catholic  Church,  the  title  to 
most  of  its  property  was  vested  in  the  bishop  and  hia 


CONNECTICUT 


256 


CONNECTICUT 


successors.  In  that  year  an  act  was  passed  by  the 
legislature  providing  for  the  organization  of  a  corpora- 
tion in  connexion  with  any  C!atholic  church  or  congro- 
gation.  Such  corporation  consists  of  the  bishop  and 
vicar-general  of  the  diocese,  the  pastor  and  two  lay- 
men of  the  congregation.  The  lay  members  are  ap- 
pointed annually  by  the  ex-officio  or  clerical  members. 
Such  corporation  is  empowered  to  hold  all  property 
conveyed  to  it  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  religious 
worship  according  to  the  doctrine,  discipline,  and 
ritual  of  the  C'atholic  Church,  and  for  the  support  of 
the  educational  or  charitable  institutions  of  that 
church.  A  restriction  exists  to  the  effect  that  no  one 
incorporated  church  or  congregation  may  possess  an 
amount  of  property,  except  church  buildings,  parson- 
ages, school-houses,  asylums  and  cemeteries,  the 
annual  income  of  which  exceeds  three  thousand 
dollars.  Such  corporation  shall  at  all  times  be  sub- 
ject to  the  general  laws  and  discipline  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  shall  hold  and  enjoy  its  franchise  solely 
for  the  purposes  above  mentioned.  Upon  a  forfeiture 
of  its  franchise  or  surrender  of  its  charter  its  property 
vests  in  the  bishop  and  his  successors,  in  trust  for  such 
congregation.  This  law  has  in  the  main  worked  with 
entire  satisfaction.  Property  of  various  religious 
orders  is  usually  legally  vested  in  a  corporation  either 
specially  chartered  or  organized  under  the  general 
laws  of  the  State  where  the  mother-house  of  the  com- 
munity is  located. 

Tax  Exemption. — In  the  general  statute  providing 
for  exemption  from  taxation  are  included  buildings 
exclusively  occupied  as  colleges,  academies,  churches, 
public  school-houses,  or  infirmaries,  and  parsonages 
of  any  ecclesiastical  society  to  the  value  of  five  thou- 
sand dollars,  while  used  solely  as  such.  So  also  are 
buildings  belonging  to  and  used  exclusively  for  scien- 
tific, literary,  benevolent  or  ecclesiastical  societies. 
Clergymen  are  not  exempt  under  the  law  from  lia- 
bility to  perform  jury  duty  or  rendering  military 
service.  They  are,  however,  rarely  if  ever  found  in 
a  jury  panel,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  not  customary 
to  place  their  names  on  the  lists  from  which  jurors 
are  drawn. 

Marriage  and  Divorce. — The  laws  relating  to 
marriage  require  that  no  persons  shall  be  married 
imtil  one  of  them  under  oath  shall  inform  the  registrar 
of  the  town  in  which  the  marriage  is  to  be  celebrated 
of  the  name,  age,  colour,  occupation,  birthplace,  resi- 
dence and  condition  (whether  single,  widowed,  or 
divorced)  of  each.  The  registrar  thereupon  issues  a 
certificate  that  the  parties  have  complied  with  the 
provisions  of  law,  which  certificate  is  a  license  to  any 
person  authorized  to  celebrate  marriage,  to  join  them 
in  marriage  in  that  town.  No  such  certificate  shall 
be  issued  if  either  party  is  a  minor  without  the  writ- 
ten consent  of  the  parent  or  guardian  of  such  minor. 
The  person  celebrating  the  marriage  is  required  to 
certify  that  fact  upon  the  license,  stating  the  time 
and  place  of  such  marriage,  and  return  the  same  to  the 
registrar  before  or  during  the  first  week  of  the  month 
following  the  marriage.  If  he  fails  to  do  so  he  is 
liable  to  a  fine  of  ten  dollars.  All  judges  and  justices 
of  the  peace  and  ordained  or  licensed  clergymen 
belonging  to  the  State  or  any  other  State,  so  long  as 
they  continue  in  the  work  of  the  ministry,  may  join 
persons  in  marriage.  A  clergyman  in  w)lc?nni/,in£; 
marriage  is  regarded  in  the  law  as  a  public  oflicir,  and 
his  acts  in  that  capacity  are  prima  facie  evidence  of 
his  character.  Any  person  who  attempts  to  join 
persons  in  marriage,  knowing  that  he  is  not  authorized 
so  to  do,  may  be  fined  not  more  than  $500  or  im- 
prisoned.! not  more  than  one  year,  or  both. 

Divorces  are  granted  by  the  superior  court  on  any 
of  the  following  grtnuids:  adultery;  fraudulent  con- 
tract; wilful  desertion  for  three  years  with  tot.al 
neglect  of  duty;  seven  years'  absence,  whereabouts 
unknown-  habitual  intemperance;  intolerable  cruelty; 


sentence  to  imprisomnent  for  life,  or  for  any  infamous 
crime  involving  a  violation  of  conjugal  duty  punish- 
able by  imprisonment  in  the  State's  prison.  The  Gen- 
eral Assembly  may  pass  an  act  dissolving  a  marriage 
so  far  as  its  civic  relation  is  concerned,  but  in  recent 
years  applications  to  that  body  have  been  regarded 
with  disfavom-  and  are  very  exceptional.  Notwith- 
standing the  fact  that  the  judges  have  in  recent  years 
been  increasingly  vigilant  in  requiring  strict  proof  of 
the  facts  upon  which,  imder  the  law,  a  divorce  may  be 
adjudged,  the  number  of  divorces  has  alarmingly 
increased. 

Charities  and  Excise. — The  State  is  well  supplied 
with  hospitals  and  orphan  asylimis.  The  former, 
located  in  all  of  the  principal  cities,  are,  most  of  them, 
controlled  by  secular  corporations,  but  in  Hartford, 
Bridgeport,  and  New  Haven,  Catholic  hospitals  have 
been  establishetl  in  recent  years.  All  hospitals,  secu- 
lar and  Catholic,  receive  liberal  annual  grants  from 
the  State.  Several  orphan  asylums  are  supported  by 
the  charity  of  non-Catholics,  while  the  St.  Francis 
Asylum,  located  in  New  Haven,  provides  for  the 
needs  of  the  Catholic  population.  County  houses 
for  dependent  children  who  would  otherwise  have  to 
be  committed  to  the  town  poorhouses  are  established 
by  law  in  each  county  and  supported  by  public  grants. 
For  many  years  the  sale  of  spirituous  and  intoxi- 
cating liquors  has  been  regulated  by  a  law  which 
secures  local  option  to  each  city  and  town.  On 
petition  of  twenty-five  legal  voters  of  any  town  a 
secret  ballot  must  be  held  at  the  next  annual  election 
on  the  question  of  licence  or  no  licence.  Unless  the 
vote  is  in  the  affirmative  the  sale  of  liquor  in  that 
town  is  absolutely  prohibited,  except  by  a  public 
agent  for  limited  purposes  of  necessity.  Licences  are 
granted  by  the  county  commissioners.  The  licence  fee 
in  towns  of  over  3000  inhabitants  is  $450,  and  in  other 
towms  $250.  The  business  of  the  licencees  is  very 
strictly  regulated  by  law,  and  their  places  must  be 
closed  from  twelve  o'clock  at  night  until  five  the  next 
morning,  and  on  Sundays  and  all  days  on  which  any 
public  election  is  held. 

There  is  one  State  prison,  located  at  Wethersfield, 
a  reformatory  for  boys  at  Meriden,  and  an  industrial 
school  for  girls  at  Middletown.  No  reformatory  for 
adult  convicts  has  yet  been  established  in  the  State, 
though  the  matter  has  received  legislative  sanction, 
and  the  establishment  of  such  a  reformatory  will 
doubtless  be  accomplished. 

The  statute  of  wills  has  been  in  force  from  the 
establishment  of  the  colony.  All  persons  of  sound 
mind  above  eighteen  years  of  age  may  dispose  of 
their  estate  by  will.  A  will  must  be  in  writing,  sub- 
scribed by  the  testator,  and  attested  by  three  wit- 
nesses, each  of  them  subscribing  in  his  presence. 

The  common  law  of  public  and  charitable  uses  has 
always  been  m  force  in  Connecticut.  Grants  for  the 
"maintenance  of  the  ministry  of  the  Gospel",  of 
schools  of  learning,  the  relief  of  the  poor,  the  main- 
tenance of  any  cemetery  or  lot  therein,  or  monuments 
thereon,  are  especially  declared  to  be  within  the  law 
of  charitable  uses. 

Educational  Facilities. — New  Haven,  the  prin- 
cipal city,  having  a  population  in  1900  of  108,027,  and 
in  1908  estimated  to  be  upwards  of  125,000,  is  chiefly 
noted  as  being  the  seat  of  Yale  University.  The  col- 
lege from  which  this  university  has  grown  was  char- 
tered as  a  collegiate  school  by  the  Colonial  Assembly 
in  1701,  and  first  opened  at  Saybrook,  a  town  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Connecticut  River.  Its  promoters  were 
the  leading  Congregational  ministers  of  the  colony, 
nearly  all  of  whom  had  been  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  which  had  been  founded  at  Cambridge  by  the 
General  Court  of  the  Colonv  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in 
1636.  In  1718  the  college  was  transferred  to  New 
Haven  where  the  first  building  was  erected,  and  where 
it  took  the  name  of  Yale  College  on  account  of  a  dona- 


CONNOLLY 


257 


CONNOLLY 


tion  of  books  and  money  of  the  value  of  al)Ou(  £800, 
made  by  Elihu  Vale.  Vale  was  born  near  Boston  in 
1648,  but  on  his  maturity  removed  to  Enfjiand  where 
he  died  in  1721,  never  ha\ing  returned  to  I  lie  colonies. 
The  declared  intention  of  the  founders  of  the  College 
was  to  educate  young  men  for  the  ministry  of  the 
Congregational  sect,  then,  and  for  many  years  after, 
the  established  religion  of  the  colony.  It  received 
from  time  to  time  substantial  grants  from  the  Colonial 
Assembly,  and  the  only  one  of  its  ancient  group  of 
buildings  still  remaining,  and  recently  restored,  was 
erected  with  funds  granted  for  that  purpose  by  the 
legislature.     In  1715  it  received  a  new  charter. 

To  the  original  college  other  faculties  and  depart- 
ments have  from  time  to  time  been  added.  In  1812 
a  school  of  medicine  was  established;  in  1822,  theo- 
logy; in  1824,  law;  in  1847,  a  school  of  science,  now 
known  as  the  Sheffield  Scientific  School;  in  1868,  a 
school  of  fine  arts;  in  1894,  a  department  of  music, 
and  in  1900,  a  forest  school.  These  several  schools 
and  departments,  together  with  the  Peabody  Museum 
of  Natural  History,  founded  in  1866,  and  the  Win- 
chester Observatory  in  1871,  together  constitute  Yale 
University.  More  than  3,000  students  are  enrolled  in 
all  of  its  departments,  and  its  various  faculties  num- 
ber 320  professors  and  instructors.  Its  libraries  con- 
tain about  500,000  volumes.  In  1907  its  property 
and  funds  amounted  to  nearly  nine  millions  of  dollars 
in  value,  and  it  expended  in  that  year  more  than  one 
million  dollars  in  its  operations.-  Yale  has  long  since 
ceased  to  be  denominational  or  sectarian  in  its  char- 
acter and  influence,  and  has  become  substantially  a 
secular  institution.  Upwards  of  300  Catholics  are 
numbered  among  its  students,  and  several  among  the 
instructors. 

Other  colleges  in  the  State  are  Trinity,  established 
in  Hartford,  the  capital  of  the  State,  by  the  Episco- 
palians in  1824,  which  has  200  students,  and  Wesleyan 
riii\(>rsity  at  Middletown,  chartered  in  ]s:i\,  and 
iiiiilcr  the  control  of  the  Methodist  Epis<'cipalians. 
Tmis  institution  has  about  350 students,  and  thirty-five 
pKilcssors  and  instructors.  There  is  no  State  uni- 
VI  r~ity,  as  such,  although  a  school  of  agi-iculture  was 
r>t,il)lished  by  the  State  in  the  town  of  Mansfield  in 
l^^l,  upon  the  bequest  of  Augustus  Storrs.  This  in- 
st  nut  ion  now  receives  the  income  of  the  various  grants 
from  ilie  United  States  to  Connecticut  for  the  mainte- 
ri.inrc  of  colleges  for  instruction  in  agriculture  and  the 
niirli.'inic  arts,  and  is  duly  incorporated  as  the  Con- 
111  '  i  icut  Agricultural  College.  It  has  an  enrolhnent 
'  '  1 1 II  lilt  140  students,  with  twenty-eight  professors 
;iii  I  instructors.  The  Sheffield  Scientific  School  of 
">  ii  University  maintains  advanced  courses  in  civil, 
nil  I  hanical,  electrical,  and  mining  engineering,  which 
■.ivr  pursued  by  large  numbers  of  students. 

Ill  the  State  system  of  public  schools,  high  schools 

iiiiintained  in  all  cities  and  considerable  towns, 

listrict  or  grammar  schools  are  conveniently  ac- 

.iile    to    every    child    in    the    State.    The  public 

-I  I    'Ills  have  a  total  enrollment  of  163,141  pui)ils,  with 

l.-Nl   teachers.    The  total  amount  expended  for  the 

II  iiiil<'nance  of  these  schools,  including  expenditures 

III  iM'W  buildings  and  repairs,  was  for  the  year  1905, 
f'  711.'), 2.59.     Besides  the  State  schools,  good  schools 

I  '111'  grammar  grade  are  maintained  in  most  of  the 
1  -  r  CathoUc  parishes.  There  are  75  of  these 
I  I  H  hial  schools  in  the  State,  with  31,877  pupils,  and 
jii"!  1  teachers.  The  teachers  are  almost  exclusively 
netnbers  of  various  si.sterhoods.  The  establishment 
jf  the.se  parochial  .schools  has  cost  the  Catholic  popu- 
ation  of  the  State  .S3,290,700,  and  the  annual  cost  of 
heir  maintenance  has  reached  the  sum  of  $475,355. 
These  schools  receive  no  aid  from  the  State  or  other 
jublic  funds. 

Church  Statistics. — The  See  of  Hartford  was 
>rected  IS  Sei)teniber,  1843,  with  jurisdiction  over 
-he  States  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  These 
IV.— 17 


States  had  formerly  been  included  in  the  Diocese  of 
Boston.  The  first  Bishop  of  Hartford  was  the  Right 
Reverend  WilUam  Taylor,  who,  with  his  successors, 
maintained  the  episcopal  residence  in  the  city  of 
Providence  until  1872,  when  Rhode  Island  was  set 
apart  :us  the  Diocese  of  Providence,  and  Bishop  Mc- 
Farland  then  took  up  his  residence  in  Hartford.  In 
1835  a  census  taken  by  Bishop  Fenwick  of  Boston 
found  about  720  Catholics  in  Connecticut,  and  in 
1844  Catholics  numbered  4817.  In  1890  they  had 
increased  to  152,945,  outnumbering  the  communi- 
cants of  all  Protestant  dcnmiiiiiatiuns  by  more  than 
5000.  In  1899  the  Cath(jlic  ]iuiiulation  in'Connecticut 
exceeded  250,000,  and  in  1908  had  reached  395,354, 
with  a  remaining  non-Catholic  population  of  725,000. 
Neither  the  coloured  nor  the  Indian  races  contribute 
appreciably  to  this  number.  For  the  most  part  the 
Catholics  of  Connecticut  are  of  Irish  ancestry,  largely 
augmented  by  the  German,  Itahan,  French  Canadian, 
and  Polish  immigrations  of  recent  years.  Compara- 
tively few  trace  their  ancestry  to  the  early  settlers  of 
the  colony,  and  these  generally  are  converts  or  belong 
to  the  families  of  converts.  The  number  of  conver- 
sions has  been  slowly  but  steadily  increasing,  but  the 
enormous  growth  of  the  Cathohc  Church  in  Connecti- 
cut is  still  chiefly  due  to  the  great  tide  of  immigration 
from  European  countries  during  the  last  half-century. 

The  Congregationalists  are  the  most  numerous  of 
the  Protestant  denominations,  having,  according  to 
the  religious  census  taken  in  IS'.IO,  .59,154  members. 
The  same  census  discln.srj  2(i,ri.')i3  Protestant  Episco- 
palians, 29,411  Methodists,  and  22,372  Baptists.  It 
is  notable  that  of  Presbyterians,  probably  in  other 
parts  of  the  United  States  one  of  the  most  numerous 
of  the  Protestant  bodies,  there  were  in  Connecticut 
at  the  time  of  the  taking  of  this  census  only  1680 
communicants. 

HoLLisTEH,  //.~/..r,/  ,.f  C,,,, „,;-i i.;,i  (Now  Havcii,  1835),  II; 
LivERMORE.  l;...ni<!.  '  \.  //.',.„  (Baltimoro,  ISSB);  Bar- 
ber, Connrch'  '■  II  '  <■  >  in.ns  (New  Haven,  1836); 
Trumbdll,  Ih  ;  ,  .;  '  ,;  ( W-iv  London,  1898),  II; 
Colonial  Rcan.l..  uj  (  (..i.-ii...,  ;i.'.  ra:=.  Trl'MBULL  and  Ho.\DLEY 
(Hartford,  1S50-1SU0),  X\';  .Ytu'  JIavcn  Colonial  Records,  ed. 
HOADLEY  (Hartford,  1S57-8),  II;  O'Donnell,  History  oj  the 
Diocese  of  Harlford  (Boston,  1900). 

James  Henry  Webb. 

Connolly,  John,  second  Bishop  of  New  York,  U. 
S.  A.,  b.  at  Slane,  Co.  Meath,  Ireland,  17.50;  d.  New 
York,  6  PVbruary,  1825.  He  joined  the  Dominican 
Order  in  early  youth  and  was  sent  to  Rome,  where, 
after  ordination  to  the  priesthood,  he  became  profes- 
sor at  St.  Clement's,  theologian  of  the  Minerva,  agent 
of  the  Irish  Bishops,  and  Prior  of  .St.  Clement's.  Both 
Pius  VI  and  Pius  VII  held  him  in  high  esteem.  By 
his  influence  he  saved  the  Irish,  Scotch,  and  English 
colleges  and  his  own  convent,  church,  and  Ubrary 
from  being  plundered  by  the  French  invaders.  He 
was  nominated  Bishop  of  New  York  as  successor  to 
Bishop  Concanen,  who  had  desired  his  appointment 
in  the  first  instance.  He  was  consecrated  in  Rome. 
6  November,  1814,  but  did  not  reach  New  York  until 
24  November,  1815.  Despite  advanced  years  and 
untoward  circumstances,  he  did  the  fruitful  work  of 
both  bishop  and  missionary  almost  to  the  day  of  his 
death.  The  diocese  then  included  all  New  York  and 
part  of  New  Jer.sey,  for  which  there  were  only  four 
priests.  He  built  several  churches,  founded  an  or- 
phan asylum,  and  introduced  the  Sisters  of  Charity. 
Actively  interested  in  religious  progress  throughout 
the  country,  lie  advocated  the  idea  of  a  diocese  in 
every  state  as  the  best  means  of  promoting  the  cause 
of  the  Church. 

Bayley,  a  Brief  Sketch  of  the  Hist,  of  the  Cath.  Ch.  on  the 
Island  of  New  York  (New  York,  1853);  De  CorRCY  and  Shea, 
History  of  the  Cath.  Ch.  in  the  U.  S.  (New  York,  1856);  Clarke, 
Lites  of  the  Deceased  Bishops  (New  York,  1872),  I,  192;  Cath- 
olic Miscellany  (Charleston).  61es  1824  and  1825  passim. 

Victor  F.  O'Daniel. 
Connolly,  Thomas  Louis.    See  Halifax. 


CONNOR 


258 


CONRAD 


Connor,  Diocese  or.    See  Down  and  Connor. 

Conon,  Pope,  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.,  after  a 
long  illness,  21  September,  687.  The  son,  seemingly, 
of  an  officer  m  the  Thracesian  troop,  he  was  educated 
in  Sicily  and  ordained  priest  at  Rome.  His  age,  ven- 
erable appearance,  and  simple  character  caused  the 
clergy  and  soldiery  of  Rome,  who  were  in  disagree- 
ment, to  put  aside  their  respective  candidates  and  to 
elect  him  as  pope.  He  was  consecrated  (21  October, 
686)  after  notice  of  liis  election  had  been  sent  to  the 
Exarch  of  Ravenna,  or  after  it  had  been  confirmed  by 
him  (see  Benedict  I-X,  Popes,  under  Benedict  II). 
He  received  the  Irish  missionaries,  St.  Kilian  and  his 
companions,  consecrated  Kilian  bishop,  and  commis- 
sioned him  and  the  others  to  preach  the  Faith  in 
Franconia.  (Vita  S.  Kiliani,  in  Canisius,  Lect. 
Antiquae,  III,  17.5-180.)  He  was  in  favour  with  the 
.savage  Emperor  Justinian  II  who  informed  him  that 
he  had  recovered  the  Acts  of  the  Sixth  General 
Council,  by  wliich,  he  wrote,  it  was  his  intention  to 
abide.  Justinian  also  remitted  certain  taxes  and 
dues  owing  to  the  imperial  exchequer  from  several 
papal  patrimonies. 

Acta  S5.,8  July,  II.  612  sq.;  Duchesne  ed..  Liber  Ponti^i- 
caliSt  I,  368  sq.;  Mann,  Ldves  of  the  Popes,  I,  pt.  II,  72  sq. 

Horace  K.  Mann. 
Cononites.     See  Tritheists. 
Conquistadores.     See  Spanish  Explor.\tion  and 

COLO.NIZATIOX. 

Conradin  of  Bornada  (orop  Brescia),  Dominican 
preacher,  b.  in  the  latter  part  of  the  foiuteenth  cen- 
tury; d.  at  Bologna.  1  November,  1429.  His  parents, 
noble  and  wealthy  Brescians,  were  devoted  adherents 
of  the  Church  in  a  time  of  many  Uls,  including  the 
great  Western  Schism.  They  gave  their  .son  a  careful 
education  and  sent  him,  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  to  study 
civil  and  canon  law  at  the  University  of  Padua. 
There  for  five  years  amid  the  perils  of  the  unbridled 
licence  and  moral  disorders  of  the  times,  the  youth 
was  conspicuous  for  both  talent  and  virtue,  winning 
the  esteem  of  his  masters  and  compelling  the  respect 
of  his  fellow-students.  He  entered  the  Dominican 
Order  at  Padua  in  1419,  and  was  speedily  found  to  be 
a  model  of  religious  observance.  After  his  ordination 
his  zeal  found  fruitful  expression  in  his  eloquent 
preaching.  He  was  made  prior  of  Brescia  and  shortly 
afterwards,  by  appointment  of  the  master  general, 
prior  of  the  convent  of  St.  Dominic  at  Bologna,  where 
he  was  to  restore  strict  observance.  During  a  visita- 
tion of  the  black  plague  he  displayed  heroic  zeal  and 
intrepidity  in  ministering  to  the  stricken  people. 
Amid  political  upheavals,  when  Bologna  under  the 
influence  of  the  Bentivogli  had  revolted  against  papal 
authority,  Conradin  took  a  firm  stand  against  the 
conduct  of  the  misguided  populace.  For  publishing 
the  papal  interdict,  which  they  had  incurred  but  which 
tliey  had  disregarded,  he  was  twice  seized  anil  impris- 
oned, suffering  many  indignities  and  cruelties.  His 
courageous  bearing  and  constant  mediation  finally 
prevailed,  however,  and  peace  was  restored.  Pope 
Martin  V,  in  recognition  of  his  services,  sought  to 
create  him  a  cardinal,  but  the  humble  servant  of  God 
resolutely  declined  the  honour.  The  plague  breaking 
out  anew,  Conradin  fell  a  victim  to  his  charity  and 
died  in  the  midst  of  his  heroic  ministrations.  His 
early  biographers  generally  refer  to  him  as  Blessed. 

TouRON.  Ilomrnes  illustres  de  Vordre  de  Saint-Dominique 
(Paris,  1746),  UI,  153. 

John  R.  Volz. 

Conrad  of  Ascoli,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor  and  mis- 
sionary, b.  at  Ascoli  in  the  March  of  Ancona  in  1234; 
d.  there,  1!»  .^jiril,  1289.  He  belonged  to  the  noble 
family  of  Milliano  and  from  his  earliest  years  made 
penance  the  predominating  element  of  his  life.  He 
entered  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  at  Ascoli  together 


with  his  townsman  and  lifelong  friendj  Girolamo 
d'Ascoh,  afterwards  minister  general,  and  later  pope 
under  the  title  of  Nicholas  IV.  Ha\'ing  completed 
his  studies  at  Perugia,  Conrad  was  sent  to  Rome  to 
teach  theology.  Later  he  obtained  permission  to  go 
to  Africa,  where  he  preached  with  much  fruit  through 
the  different  provinces  of  Libya  and  worked  numerous 
miracles.  He  was  recalled  from  Africa  to  go  on  a 
mission  to  the  King  of  France,  then  at  war  with  Spain, 
and  subsequently  he  became  lector  of  theology  at 
Paris.  When  not  engaged  in  teaching,  Conrad 
preached  to  the  people  or  ministered  to  the  sick  in 
hospitals.  In  1288  he  was  summoned  to  Rome  by 
the  new  pope,  Nicholas  IV,  who  wished  to  make  him 
cardinal,  but  Conrad  (Ued  on  the  way  after  reaching 
his  native  city,  being  then  fifty-five  years  of  age. 
Nicholas  IV  was  deeply  grieved  at  the  loss  of  his 
saintly  friend,  on  wiiose  counsel  and  zeal  he  had 
counted  so  much,  and  declared  that  Conrad's  death 
was  a  great  loss  to  the  Church.  The  people  of  Ascoli 
erected  a  spleiulid  tomb  over  the  remains  of  Blessed 
Conrad.  In  1371,  wiien  his  body  was  removed  to  the 
new  church  of  the  Franciscans,  it  was  found  incorrupt 
and  gave  forth  a  sweet  odour.  Pius  VI  approved  the 
cultus  of  Blessed  ('onrad.  His  feast  is  kept  in  the 
Order  of  Friars  Minor  on  19  April. 

Waudi.vg,  Annates  Minorum.  V,  212-215;  Acta  SS.,  April, 
II,  38-40;  Lemmens,  ed.,  Catalogus  Sanctorum  Fratrum  Min- 
orum (Rome.  1903),  18;  Leo,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed 
of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  FrancU  (Taunton,  1886),  II.  83-88. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  o£  Hochstadt  (Hostaden),  Archbishop  of 
Cologne  and  Imperial  Elector  (1238-1261),  and  son  of 
Count  Lothar  of  Hochstadt  and  Mathilde  of  Vian- 
den,  date  of  birth  unknown;  d.  28  September,  1261. 
Nothing  is  known  of  his  early  youth.  In  1216  he 
became  beneficiary  of  the  parish  of  Wevelinghoven 
near  Diisseldorf;  in  1226  he  was  canon  and,  some 
years  later,  provost  of  the  cathedral  of  Cologne. 
After  the  death  of  Henry  of  Molenark  (26  March, 
1238)  the  cathedral  chapter  elected  Conrad  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne.  He  received  the  arcliiepiscopal 
insignia  from  the  Emperor  Frederic  II  at  Brescia 
in  August  of  the  same  year.  The  following  year,  28 
October,  he  was  ordained  priest  and  consecrated 
archbishop  by  Ludolf  of  Munster. 

During  the  first  few  months  of  his  reign  the  new 
archbishop  was  on  the  side  of  the  emperor  in  his  con- 
flict with  Pope  Gregorj'  IX,  but  for  unknown  reasons 
went  over  to  the  papal  party  shortly  after  the  em- 
peror's excommunication  (12  March,  1239).  The 
whole  temporal  administration  of  Conrad  was  a  series 
of  struggles  with  some  neighbouring  princes  and  witli 
the  citizens  of  Cologne,  who  refused  to  acknowledge 
the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  archbishop  over  their 
city.  Conrad  was  generally  victorious,  but  his  often 
treacherous  manner  of  warfare  has  left  many  dark 
spots  on  his  reputation.  When  Pope  Innocent  I\' 
deposed  Frederic  II  (17  July,  124.5),  it  w.is  chiefly  dm- 
to  tlie  influence  of  Conrad  that  tlie  pope's  candidate, 
Henrj'  Raspe,  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  was  elected 
king,  and  when  Henry  died  after  a  short  reign  of  seven 
months  (17  February,  1247),  it  was  again  the  influ- 
ence of  Conrad  that  placetl  the  crown  on  the  head  of 
the  youthful  William  of  Holland. 

In  recognition  of  these  services,  Pope  Innocent 
made  him  Apostolic  legate  in  (iermany  (14  March, 
1249),  an  office  which  had  become  vacant  by  the 
death  of  .\rclil)ishop  Sifrit  of  Mainz,  five  days  previ- 
ously. The  dergj'  and  laity  of  Mainz  desired  to  have 
the  "powerfid  Conrad  of  Cologne  as  their  new  arch- 
bishop. Conrad  seems  to  have  secretly  encouraged 
them,  but  for  diplomatic  reasons  referred  them  to  the 
l)ope,  who  kin<lly  but  firmly  refused  to  place  the  two 
most  important  "ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Germany 
under  the  power  of  one  man.  Shortly  after  this  decis- 
ion the  hitherto  friendly  relations  between  Pope  In- 


CONRAD 


259 


CONRAD 


nocent  IV  and  tlie  archbishop  ceased,  and  in  April, 
1250.  the  ApostoUc  legation  in  Germany  was  commit- 
ted to  Peter,  Bishop  of  Albano.  At  the  same  time 
began  Conrad's  estrangement  from  King  William, 
which  finally  led  to  open  rebellion.  With  all  the 
means  of  a  powerful  and  nnscrupiilous  prince,  Con- 
rad attempted  to  detlironc  \\'illiam  and  would  prob- 
ably have  been  successful  had  not  tlic  king's  prema- 
ture death  made  tlie  intrigues  of  tlie  arclibishop  un- 
necessary. After  tlie  death  of  King  William  (28 
January,  12.56),  Conrad  played  an  important  but  de- 
spicable role  in  the  election  of  the  new  king.  For  a 
large  sum  he  sold  his  vote  to  Richard  of  Cornwall, 
brother  of  Henry  III  of  England,  and  crowned  him  at 
Aachen,  17  May,  1257.  This  was  the  last  important 
act  of  Conrad.  He  is  buried  in  the  cathedral  of 
Cologne,  of  wliich  he  laid  the  comer-stone,  15  August, 
1248. 

Cahdauns,  Konrad  von  Hostaden,  Erzbrschof  vtm  Koln, 
lS3S-i>l  (Cologne,  ISSO);  Id.,  licgrsten  des  Kulncr  Erzbischofs 
Konrad  von  Hostadfn  in  Annakn  des  hist.  Vcreins  fitr  den 
Niederrhrin  (Coloene.  ISSO),  No.  35;  Burckhahdt,  Konrad 
von  Hoehslnden  (Bonn.  1S43);  Anruiles  Monasterii  S.  Fanta- 
Uonia  in  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.,  XXII,  530  sqq. 

MlCH.\EL   OtT. 

Conrad  of  Leonberg  (Leoxtorius),  a  Cistercian 
monk  and  Humanist.  I),  at  Leonberg  in  Swabia  in 
1460;  d.  at  Engenthal  near  Basle  after  1.520.  He 
took  vows  at  the  Cistercian  monasterj'  of  JIaulbronn 
in  the  Neckar  district,  which,  unlike  most  other  Cis- 
tercian monasteries  of  those  times,  was  then  enjojnng 
its  golden  age.  In  1490  he  became  secretary'  to  the 
general  of  his  order.  When  the  Geniian  Humanists 
began  to  revive  the  study  of  the  Latin  and  Greek 
classics,  as  Conrad  deplored  the  barbarous  Latin  in 
which  the  scholastic  philosophers  and  theologians  of 
Germany  were  expounding  the  doctrine  of  their  great 
masters,  he  was  in  full  accord  with  their  endeavours 
to  restore  the  classical  Latinity  of  the  Ciceronian  Age. 
He  also,  by  word  and  example,  encouraged  the 
study  of  Greek,  but  was  especially  attracted  by  the 
great  Hebrew  scholar  Reuclilin  (d.  1522)  who  in- 
spired Conrad  with  his  own  enthusiasm  for  the  study 
of  Hebrew.  Like  Reuclilin,  his  friend  and  teacher, 
Conrad  was  convincefl  of  the  necessity  of  Hebrew  for 
a  thorough. understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and 
became  one  of  the  few  great  Hebrew  scholars  of  his 
time.  He  was  in  correspondence  with  the  best  writers 
in  sacred  and  profane  literature,  and  was  highly  es- 
teemed by  the  learned  men  of  his  period.  For  a  time 
he  appears  to  have  been  engaged  as  proof-reader  in 
the  celebrated  printing-office  of  Amerbach  at  Basle. 
Besides  writing  numerous  Latin  poems,  orations,  and 
epistles,  he  published  (Basle,  1506-8)  the  Latin  Bible 
with  the  "Postilla"  and  "MoraHtates"  of  the  Oxford 
Franciscan  Nicolas  de  Lyra,  together  with  the  "  Addi- 
tiones  "  of  Paul  of  Burgos  (d.  1435)  and  the  "  Replies  " 
of  Mathias  Thoring  (d.  1469). 

I  WlON.  Ltgnum  Vita  (Venice.  1595),  I,  78;  Hurter.  Nomen- 
lalor  (Innsbruck.  1907),  II,  949;  Hagen.  Deulschiands 
Uerarische  Verhaltnmse  im  licformations-ZeUaltcr  (Erlangen, 
841),  I,  151. 

Michael  Ott. 

Conrad  of  Lichtenau.     See  Lichte.vau. 

Conrad  of  Marburg,  confessor  of  Saint  Elizabeth 
at  Thuringia  and  papal  incpiisitor,  b.  at  or  near  Mar- 
burg, Germany,  in  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury; d.  .30  July,  12.33.  His  contemporaries  called 
Um  MngiMer,  a  proof  that  he  had  finished  the  course 
>f  studies  at  some  university,  perhaps  Paris  or  Bo- 
ogna.  According  to  the  Thuringian  court-chaplain 
Berthold,  and  Cacsarius  of  Hcisterbach,  he  was  prol> 
ibly  a  secular  priest,  therefore  neither  a  Dominican, 
w  Hausrath  states,  nor  a  Franciscan,  as  is  asserted  by 
Henke  and  others.  Papal  letters  and  contemporary 
Jhroniclers  describe  Conrad  as  a  man  of  much  ability, 
arge  theological  learning,  great  eloquence,  ardent 
seal  in  defence  of  the  purity  of  Catholic  Faith,  and  a 


severe  ascetic.  They  also  agree  as  to  the  sternness  of 
his  character.  He  is  first  heard  of  as  a  vigorous 
preacher  of  the  crusade  proclaimed  in  1213  by  Inno- 
cent III.  The  death  of  Innocent  and  the  consequent 
relaxation  of  interest  in  the  crusade,  did  not  dampen 
the  ardour  of  Conrad,  while,  in  addition,  he  was 
charged  with  various  important  commissions.  Hon- 
orius  III  authorized  him  ( 1219)  to  adjust  the  differ- 
ences of  the  convent  of  Nihenburg  with  the  Duke  of 
Saxony  and  the  Count  of  Askanien.  The  abbot  of 
Hajma,  the  provost  of  St.  Stephen,  Mainz,  and  Con- 
rad were  appointed  in  1227  papal  commissioners  for 
the  separation  of  Marburg  from  the  parish  of  Ober- 
weimar.  The  synod  of  Mainz  (1225)  had  issued  sev- 
eral decrees  for  the  imjirovement  of  the  clergy  and 
Conrad  was  intrusted  with  their  execution;  he  was 
also  charged  with  the  reform  of  certain  convents,  as 
Nordhausen.  In  1232  he  describes  himself  as  visita- 
tor  monasteriorum  in  Alemannid.  In  the  course  of 
these  laboin-s  Conrad  became  acquainted  with  the 
Landgrave  Ludwig  of  Thuringia  and  his  wife,  St. 
Elizabeth.  The  prince  held  Conrad  in  high  esteem, 
and  the  latter  exercised  great  influence  at  the  Thur- 
ingian coiu-t,  being  authorized  by  Ludwig  to  appoint 
to  all  ecclesiastical  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  landgrave. 
This  power  of  appointing  to  ecclesiastical  livings  was 
confirmed  (12  June,  1227)  by  Gregory  IX  (Mon.  Germ. 
Hist.:  Epistola;  Sa;c.  XIII,  ed.  Rodenberg,  1,276,  n. 
361). 

In  1225,  after  the  recall  of  the  Franciscan  Rodeger, 
Conrad  became  the  spiritual  director  and  confessor  of 
the  pious  landgravine.  He  treated  her  with  the 
same  severity  that  he  used  against  himself,  a  pro- 
cedure in  accordance  with  her  own  wishes.  At  times, 
however,  he  checked  her  pious  zeal  and  forbade  ex- 
cessive mortifications.  Conrad  has  been  often 
blamed,  quite  unjustly,  for  the  direction,  in  keeping 
with  the  custom  of  the  time,  which  he  imparted  to  the 
soul  of  St.  Elizabeth.  After  the  death  of  St.  Eliza- 
beth on  19  November,  1231,  Conrad  was  deputed, 
with  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and  the  Abbot  of  Eber- 
bach,  to  examine  witnesses  concerning  her  life  and  the 
miracles  attributed  to  her  intercession.  He  also 
wrote  for  the  process  of  canonization  a  short  life  of  .St. 
Elizabeth.  In  his  later  years  Conrad  was  very  active 
in  Germany  as  papal  inquisitor.  The  heresies  of  the 
Catharists  and  the  Waldenses  were  spreading  through- 
out the  land ;  to  Catharism,  in  particular,  was  owing 
the  fantastic  sect  of  the  Luciferians  (see  Michael, 
Geschichte  des  deutschen  Volkes,  II,  266).  From  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  German  eccle- 
siastical authority,  in  union  with  the  civil  power,  had 
proceeded  vigorously  against  all  heresies.  The  con- 
flict in  which  Conrad  had  so  large  a  share  was  waged 
according  to  the  medieval  views  of  public  right  and 
welfare.  The  first  process  in  which  he  took  part  was 
that  directed  against  Heinrich  Minnike,  Provost  of 
Goslar.  In  1224  after  a  trial  that  lasted  two  years, 
Minnike  was  declared  guilty  of  heresy,  delivered  to  the 
secular  arm,  and  perished  at  the  stake.  In  the  follow- 
ing years  Conrad  preached  with  great  vigour  again.stthe 
heretics  and  was  waraily  praised  and  encouraged  to 
greater  zeal  by  Gregory  IX  in  a  letter  of  1227.  The 
Archbishops  of  Trier  and  of  Mainz  both  wrote  to  the 
pope  in  1231  in  praise  of  the  extraordinary  activity  of 
Conrad  and  reported  his  triumphs  over  several  hereti- 
cal leaders.  Thereupon  Pope  Gregory  conferred  on 
Conrad  (11  October,  1231)  the  extensive  authority  of 
papal  inquisitor,  the  first  such  officer  appointed  in 
Germany.  At  the  same  time  the  pope  released  C<in- 
rad  from  the  obligation  of  following  the  ordinary 
canonical  procedure  (te  a  cognitionibus  cau/innim 
habere  rolumua  exrunntum)  and  authorized  him  to  pro- 
ceed resolutely  against  heretics  as  he  thought  best, 
but  with  due  observance  of  the  papal  decrees  on  the 
subject. 

In  the  exercise  of  this  authority,  even  according  to 


CONRAD 


260 


CONRAD 


the  sympathetic  accounts  "f ''""temporary  annal^ts, 
rnnrnd  Droved  too  severe  and  harsh.  His  assistants, 
Conrad  provea  v  ^  j        j      brother,  and  John,  a 

L~  we  e' ignorant  fanatic^s  unqualified  for  such 
layman,  were    «  too  easily  the  declarations  of 

Zsons  accused  of  heresy;    on  the  strength  of  their 

not  now  be  ascertained.  In  Western  Germany  a  genera 
panfc  followed  the  appearance  of  this  -severe judge  of 
heretics,  who  did  not  fear  to  simimon  before  his  tri- 
bSia  powerful  nobles,  suspected  of  heresy  among 
such  the  Count  of  Sayn.  The  count  appealed  to  the 
Irchbishop  of  Mainz  iho  convened  a  synod  of  his  suf- 
Wnr,s  ("5  Julv  1233),  at  which  King  Henry  also  as- 
s  stid  Both  Sie  bishops  and  the  influential  nobles 
were  generally  M-disposed  towards  Conrad,  who  « as 
present  at  the%ynod,  and  it  was  found  impos-We  to 
Drove  the  charge  of  heresy  agamst  the  Count  ot  bayn. 
Thereupon  Comad  undertook,  in  the  exercise  of  h  s 
papal  commission,  to  preacli  a  cxusade  against  heretic 
nobles  Shortly  afterwards  (30  July,  1233)  botli  ne 
and  his  companion,  the  Franciscan  Gerhard  Lutzel- 
koft  were  murdered  while  returning  to  Marburg.  He 
was  CLd  in  Marburg  near  St.  ElizabH^h  Despite 
the  unfavourable  action  of  the  synod  of  Mainz,  Ore 
orv  IX  extended  his  protection  to  the  memory  of  the 
deceased  inquisitor  and  insisted  that  severe  punish- 
ment be  meted  out  lf2trBe^^f"aie;aerM.  Elisabeth  und 

?8n);    k'Lt.h,  K^radvon  Marbuwundjhe  'n^"^^;^^ 
Dc«(scHand   (Prague    1SS2),    Michael,  ^-e^cn  ,^.^^^^,,_ 

die  Quell,  ihrer  Gesch.  m  Histor.  JaliTb.   UMU').  -'^-^ 

sqq,  729sqq.  j     p     Kjrsch. 


John  Olivi  to  Blessed  Conrad  m  which  he  legitimacy 
of  Boniface  VIII's  election  is  defended,  has  been 
edited  by  Ignatius  Jeiler  (Histonsches  Jahrbuch,  111. 
649)  During  a  course  of  missions  he  was  giving  at 
Bastia,  he  passed  away  at  the  age  of  about  sixty-five 
years  and  was  buried  in  that  place,  rfy-si^  Y^ars 
later  his  remains  were  carried  off  by  the  Perug.ans 
and  buried  at  San  Francesco.  They  now  repose  be- 
side those  of  Blessed  Giles  in  the  choir  of  the  cathe- 
dral at  Perugia.  Pius  VII  in  181 7  ratified  he  coitus 
of  Blessed  t°onrad.  His  feast  is  kept  m  the  Order 
of  Friars  Minor  on  19  December. 

See  the  earlv   Vita  Ft.  Conradi    in  Analecta  Franctscana 
(Quaracchi    1897).  Ill,  422-130;    an  epitome  of  the  same  is 

%Z  'b  tJl^rfdi  fnT;s^  T^^  S-]:  f  |7^; 

TrhulatiJies.  ed.  Ehrle   'nArchio  jur  Literatur  und  Aw'.m 

/  n/       J    t  ti,^  Thytif  Cirrlpr-i  nf  Si    Francis  (Taunton,  Ihbi ). 
and  BUssed_  oUheThr^^OrM  .1.  ^^^^^.^  ^^^^^^^^_    ^^^.^_ 

^"^^"^^■'-  Stephen  M.  Donovan. 


Conrad  of  Offida,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor,  b.  at  Of- 

fida  a  little   town  in  th<^  M^^*  °f  ^ncx.^'li '^^  ^f,t  ' 
A    „i  R5,«tii  in  Ilmbria,  12  December,  130b.     When 
bare  y  fourteen  y"ars;id  he  entered  the  Order  of 
Fria  s  Cor  at  Ascoli,  and  was  making  rapid  progress 
L  tie  study  of  sacred  sciences,  when  an  mternal  vo|ce 
called  him  to  humbler  offices  of  the  religious  life.     He 
therefore  abandoned  his  stucUes  with  the  consent  of 
Ws  superiors,  and  for  many  years  was  employed  as 
cook  and  questor.     His  superiors  subsequently  had 
him  ordained  and  sent  him  forth  to  preach.     His  im- 
m^sioncd  sermons  touched  the  hearts  of  the  most 
hardened      Conrad  modelled  his  life  after  that  of  his 
seraphic  father,  St.  Francis.     He  was  especu.  y  zeal- 
ous for  the  observance  of  poverty.     During  h  s  long 
religious  life  he  always  wore   the  same  habit  and 
alwtvs  went  barefoot,  without  sandals.     Ihe  early 
kS  declares  that  Conrad's  guardian  angel  was  tlie 
same  that  had  formerly  fulfilled  this  office  for  St 
Francis,  and  that  Blessed  Giles  came  back  t^  eartli  to 
teach  him  the  mysteries  of  contemplation      \\hen 
Brother  Leo,   the  compamon  and  confessor  ot   ht. 
Francis  was  dying,  he  sent  for  Conrad  and  made  him 
he  depo^tary^ot'liis  writings      Conrad  was  allied 
with  Angelo  (nareno  and  intimately  umt«d  with  John 
of  La  Penna,  John  of  Parma,  Peter  «    J"  ^?,  Ohv,',. 
Peter  of  Monticello,  and  others  of  the     Sp  rituals 
In  1294  he  obtained  permission  from  Celestine  V  to 
separate  fnnn  the  main  body  of  the  order  and  found 
Uie  Celestines  by  whom  the  Rule  of  St.  Francis  was 


Conrad  of  Piacenza,  Saint   hermit  of  the  Third 
Order  of  St.  Francis,  date  of  birth  uncertain ;  d  at^Noto 
\n  Sicily,  19  February,  1351.     He  belonged  to  one  of 
the  nob  est  families  of  Piacenza,  and  ha^-ing  mar- 
red  when  he  was  quite  young,  led  a  virtuous  and 
God-fearing  life.     On  one  occasion,  when  he  was  en- 
gaged in  hil  usual  pastime  of  hunting,  he  ordered  his 
Itt^ndants  to  fire  some  brushwood  m  which  game  had 
taken  refuge.     The  prevailing  wind  caused  the  flames 
tospread  rSpidly, andthe  surround  ng  fields  and  forest 
were  soon  in  a  state  of  conflagration.     A  mendicant,    , 
who  happened  to  be  found  near  the  place  where  the    i 
fi  e  ha!l  ori^hiated,  was  accused  of  being  the  author. 
He  was  imprisoned,  tried,  and  condemned  to  death. 
As  the  pooJ  man  was  being  led  to  execution,  Conrad 
ftricken  with  remorse,  made  open  confession  of  his 
gt  It^  and  in  order  to  repair  the  damage  o   which  he 
had  been  the  cause,  was  obliged  to  sell  all  his  posses- 
dons      Thus  reduced  to  poverty  Conrad  retired    o  a 
lonely  hermitage  some  distance  froin  Piacenza,  .vlile 
his  wdfe  entered  the  Order  of  Poor  Clares.     La  or  he 
went  to  Rome,  and  thence  to  Sicily,  ^diere  for  thirty 
years  he  lived  a  most  austere  and  pemtential  life  and 
worked  numerous  miracles.     He  is  espec.ally.in yok  d 
Tor  the  cure  of  hernia.     In  1515  Leo  X  permitted  the 
town  of  Noto  to  celebrate  his  feast,  winch  PermisM  m 
was"ater  extended  by  Urban  VIII  to  tlie  whole  Or,    . 
of  St.   Francis.     Though  bearing  the  title  os.". 
Conrad  was  never  formally  canonized     His  n.i^t  is 

Wadding,   Annates   imni."  uin,   .  j.,  Sii???/^   una  ■ 

-®^-  Stephen  M.  Donovan 


Conrad  of  Saxony  (also  called  Conradus  Sa.ko 

CoNllAlf  OF  BRUNSwfcK,   Or  CoNUADUS   HoLVINGER) 

Friar  Minor  and  ascetlc.al  writer,  d_ate  and  pUice  o 
birth  uncertain;  d.  at  Bologna  in  12/9      Holymgeri 
perhaps  his  family  name.     The  error  has  been  mad 
Ty  some  of  confounding  Conrad  of  Saxony  with  a« 
other  person  of  the  same  name  who  suffered  for  tM 
Faith  in  1284,  whereas  it  is  certain  that  they  were   WO 
dkt^inct  individuals,   though  l-longmg  to  the  same 
nrovince  of  the  order  in  Germany.     Conrad  became 
prov  ncial  minister  of  the  province  of  ?axony  in  1245, 
and  for  sixteen  years  ruled  the  province  with  mud 

the  uelestmes  uy  vvuum  im^  ^..—v  ".-_-■• ..  „     '„„i  ,,,,,1  „,.,,flpnce      While  on  his  way  to  tlio  general 

observe.1  in  allils  purity.  When  this  congregation  ';  '^^l, ;"  '  ,'  "  If^g  "-i^e  was  attacked  with  a  griewus 
was  suppressed  by  Boniface  V  II,  Conrad  unme-  ^'^fj^-  .ied  'at  Bologna  in  the  same  year.  The 
X}t:'^tZ:^^^'^^^^'^-^^     S^":!f't^rad  of  iaxony  include  several  se. 


CONRAD 


20 1 


CONRY 


raons  and  the  "Speculum  Beatse  Maria;  Virginis";  the 
latter,  at  times  erroneously  attributed  to  .St.  Bona- 
enture,  has  recently  been  edited  by  the  Friars  Minor 
t  Quaracchi.  The  preface  to  this  excellent  edition  of 
the  "'Speculum"  contains  a  brief  sketch  of  the  life  of 
L'onrad  of  Saxony  and  a  critical  estimate  of  his  other 
n-ri  tings. 

Spmiliim  B.  M.  V.  Fr.  Conradi  a  Siu-ania  (Quaracchi,  1904); 
■iTialecla  Franciscana  ((Juaracchi,  1SS7),  II,  69,  83. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conrad  of  tJrach,  Cardinal-Bishop  of  Porto  and 
Santa  Rufina;  born  about  IISO;  d.  1227.  At  an  early 
jge  he  became  canon  of  the  church  of  St.  Lambert, 
'he  cathedral  of  Liege.  In  1 199  he  entered  the  Cister- 
cian monastery  of  Villers  in  Belgium,  of  whicli  he  soon 
)ecame  prior  and,  in  1209,  abbot.  In  1214  he  was 
?hosen  Abbot  of  Clairvairx  and,  in  1217,  Abbot  of 
i'iteaux  and  general  of  his  order.  Pope  Honorius  III 
•rcated  liim  cardinal,  8  January,  1219,  and  charged 
lim  with  two  important  legations,  one  in  France 
1220-23),  to  suj)|)ress  the  Albigenses;  the  other  in 
icrmany  (1224-26),  to  preach  and  arrange  the  crusade 
vliich  Frederick  II  had  vowed  to  undertake.  After 
he  death  of  Honorius  III  the  cardinals  agreed  to  elect 
lim  pope,  but  he  refused  the  dignity.  The  Cistercians 
encrate  him  as  Blessed  (.30  September). 

(Ii.oNiNG,  Conrad  von  Urach,  Cardinalbischof  von  Porto  und 
onclii  Rufina  (Augsburg,  1901);  Clement,  Conrad  d'Urach.  de 
ortirr  de  CUeaux,  Legal  en  France  et  en  Allemaffne  in  Revue 
i'  nnlicline  (Maredsous,  1905),  XXII,  232  sqq.;  Schrecken- 
TKiN,  Konrad  von  Urach  als  Cardinatlegat  in  Deutschland  in 
'or^chungen  zur  deutschen  Geschichte  (Gottingen,  1867).  VII, 
Jl-393. 

Mich.\el  Ott. 

Conrad  of  Utrecht,  Bi.shop,  b.  in  Swabia  at  an 
inknown  date;  killed  at  Utrecht,  14  April,  1099. 
Jefore  becoming  bishop  he  was  chamberlain  of  Arch- 
lishop  Anno  II  of  Cologne  and,  for  a  time,  tutor  of 
'rince  Henrj',  the  future  Emperor  Henry  IV.  When 
he  excommunicated  Bishop  William  of  Utrecht 
lied  in  1076,  the  emperor  gave  the  episcopal  See  of 
Ttrecht  to  Conrad,  who,  like  his  predecessor,  sided 
.■i*h  Henry  IV  in  his  conflicts  with  Gregory  Vll,  and 
t  the  Synod  of  Brixen  in  1080  even  condemned  the 
■ope  as  a  heretic.  The  contemporary  annalist,  Lam- 
bert of  Hersfeld,  calls  Conrad  a  schismatic  bishop,  un- 
.'orthy  of  holding  an  episcopal  see.  In  a  battle  with 
loliert.  Count  of  Flanders,  Conrad  was  defeated, 
fterwards  taken  captive  and  compelled  to  yield  part 
f  South  Holland  to  Robert.  This  territorial  loss  of 
he  bishop  was  compensated  by  the  emperor,  who,  in 
077.  gave  him  the  district  of  Stavoren  in  Friesland, 
nd  in  1086  added  the  two  other  Frisian  districts, 
tetergau  and  Westergau.  Conrad  is  the  founder  and 
rcliitect  of  the  collegiate  church  of  Notre-Dame  at 
Itrecht.  He  was  assassinated,  shortly  after  corn- 
let  ing  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  by  liis  Frisian  architect 
fhom  he  had  discharged,  and  who,  in  the  opinion  of 
}mc,  was  instigated  by  a  certain  nobleman  whose 
omains  Conrad  held  unjustly.  He  is  said  to  have 
'ritten  the  discourse  "Pro  Imperatore  contra 
hpam",  and  to  have  delivered  it  at  the  Synod  of 
lerstungen  in  108.5.  It  is  inserted  by  Aventinus  (d. 
534)  in  his  "Vita  Henrici  IV"  and  by  Coldast  (d. 
606)  in  his  "Pro  Henrico  IV  imperatore".  Hefele 
Donciliengeschichtc,  V.  ISO,  note)  is  of  the  opinion 
lat  the  discourse  is  falsely  attributed  to  Conrad  of 

trecht,  and  that  Aventinus  liimself  is  tlie  author. 

Ruperii  Chronicon  in  Mon.  Germ.  Ilist.:  Script.,  VIII,  278. 

Michael  Ott. 

Conry  (or  Conroy),  Flohence,  in  Irish  Flaithri 
'Maolconaire  (O'MuLcoNRv),  Archbishop  of  Tuam, 
itriot,  theologian,  and  founder  of  the  Irish  (Fr.an- 
.fcan)  College  of  St.  .\nthoMV  at  l.oiivain,  b.  in  Gal- 
ay,  1560;  d.  at  Madrid,  18" Nov.,  1629.  His  early 
uiliis  were  made  on  the  Continent,  in  the  Nether- 
uds,  and  in  Spain;  at  Salamanca  he  joined  the  Fran- 


ciscans. In  1588  he  was  appointed  provincial  of  the 
oriler  in  Ireland  and  as  such  sailed  with  the  Spanish 
Armada;  we  have  no  details  as  to  the  manner  of  his 
escape  from  the  disaster  which  overtook  that  ill-fated 
expedition.  At  all  times  active  in  the  interest  of  his 
native  land  he  was  again  sent  tr  Ireland,  this  time  by 
Clement  VIII,  to  aid  with  counsel  and  influence  the 
Irish  and  their  Spanish  allies  during  the  last  struggle 
of  Hugh  O'Neill  (Tyrone's  Rebellion)  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  Ireland.  After  the  disaster  of  Kinsale 
(1601)  he  accompanied  Hugh  Koe  O'Donnell  (Prince 
of  Tj-rconnell)  to  Spain  in  the  hope  of  interesting  anew 
the  Spanish  Court.  But  the  great  chieftain  soon  died 
at  Simancas,  being  assisted  on  his  death-bed  by 
Father  Conry  (Four  Masters,  ad  an.  1602)  who  also 
accompanied  the  remains  to  their  last  resting  place  in 
the  Franciscan  church  at  Valladolid.  Conry  was  also 
deeply  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  Irish  College  at 
Salamanca  (q.  v.).  When  the  native  Irish  chieftains, 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone  (Hugh  O'Neill)  and  the  Earl  of 
Tyrconnell  (Rory  O'Donnell,  brother  of  Hugh  Roe), 
fled  from  Ireland  in  1607,  Conry  proved  a  devoted 
friend  in  their  exile  and  accompanied  them  to  Rome. 
For  the  so-called  "Revelations"  of  Christopher  St. 
Laurence,  Baron  of  Howth,  implicating  Father  Conry 
and  the  principal  Irish  in  an  imaginary  plot  to  seize 
Dublin  Castle  and  raise  a  new  rebellion  just  previous 
to  the  "Flight  of  the  Earls  "see  Mechan  (cited  below), 
pp.  67-73.  At  Rome  Father  Conry  was  consecrated 
Archbishop  of  Tuam  in  1609  by  Cardinal  Maffeo  Bar- 
berini  (later  Urban  VIII),  always  a  warm  friend  of  the 
persecuted  Irish  Catholics.  In  1614  Conry  wrote  from 
Valladolid  a  vigorous  remonstrance  to  the  Catholic 
members  of  the  Irish  Parliament  for  their  cowardly 
adhesion  to  the  Bill  of  Attainder  that  deprived  of  their 
estates  the  fugitive  Irish  earls  and  their  adherents  and 
vested  six  whole  counties  of  Ulster  in  the  English 
Crown.  Meehan  says  of  this  docinnent  that  it  is 
"stamped  in  its  every  line  with  the  impress  of  a  great 
mind"  (Fate  and  Fortunes  of  the  Earls  of  Tyrone  ami 
Tyrconnell,  Dublin,  1886,  3d  ed.,  pp.  262,  395). 

In  1616  Archbishop  Conrj'  founded  at  Louvain  for 
Irish  Frjinciscan  youth  the  College  of  St.  Anthony  of 
Padua,  principally  with  means  furnished  by  Princess 
Isabella,  wife  of  Archduke  Albert,  and  daughter  of 
Philip  the  Second.  The  archbishop  was  himself  the 
foremost  member  of  this  famous  Irish  Franciscan 
house  of  studies  whence  came  a  long  line  of  erudite  and 
virtuous  historians  and  archa'ologists  (O'Clery,  Col- 
gan,  Hugh  Ward,  Francis  Walsh,  and  others:  cf.  V.  De 
Buck,  "  L'archeologie  iriandaise  au  convent  de  Saint- 
Antoinede  Padoue  a  Louvain  ",  Paris,  1869),  and  where 
the  most  acti\'e  Irish  printing  jiress  on  the  Continent 
was  long  in  operation.  One  of  the  earliest  works  of 
Conry  was  a  translation  from  Spanish  into  very  pure 
Irish  of  a  catechism  known  as  "  Tlie  Mirror  of  Christian 
Life",  printed  at  Louvain  in  1626,  but  probably  cur- 
rent in  mamiscript  at  an  earlier  date,  both  in  Ireland 
and  among  the  Iri.sh  troops  in  the  Netherlands;  this 
was  composed,  as  he  says  himself  "out  of  charity  for 
the  souls  of  the  Gael".  As  Archbishop  of  Tuam,  Conry 
never  took  possession  of  his  see,  owing  to  the  royal 
proclamations  of  1606,  1614,  1623,  commanding  all 
bishops  and  priests,  under  the  gravest  penalties,  to 
quit  the  kingdom.  But  he  governed  Tuam  through 
vicars-general  .-uid  continued  to  live  principally  at  St. 
Anthony's  in  Louvain,  not  improbably  on  the  bounty 
of  the  King  of  .Spain,  as  was  the  case  with  many  Irish 
ecclesi;istics  of  the  time.  His  influence  in  Iri.sh  mat- 
ters at  the  royal  court  wtis  always  considerable;  thus, 
as  late  as  16i8  we  find  him  presenting  to  the  Council 
of  Spain  Philip  0'.Sullivan  Beare's  "  Relation  of  Ire- 
land and  the  Number  of  Irish  therein",  and  in  the 
following  year  his  own  "StatenK'iit  of  the  .Severities 
Practised  by  England  against  the  Irish  ('atholics". 
Like  his  fellow-Franciscan,  Luke  Wadding,  and  Peter 
Lombard,  .\rchbishop  of  Armagh,  he  was  ever  at  the 


CONSALVI 


262 


CONSALVI 


disposition  of  his  exiled  countrymen.  He  communi- 
cated (1610)  to  the  Council  of  Spain  a  translation  of 
the  original  (Irish)  statement  of  one  Francis  Maguire 
concerning  his  observations  in  the  "State  of  ^'ir- 
ginia",  between  1608  and  1610,  a  curious  and  unique 
document  for  the  earliest  English  settlements  in  the 
New  World  and  the  life  and  habits  of  the  Inchan 
tribes  (Alexander  Brown,  The  Genesis  of  the  United 
States,  Boston,  1890,  I,  392-99). 

Archbishop  Conry  was  a  profound  scholastic  theo- 
logian, very  learned  especially  in  the  writings  of 
St.  Augustine,  all  of  whose  works  he  read  seven  times, 
while  those  pertaining  to  grace  he  read  some  twenty 
times.  In  the  interpretation  of  the  more  difficult 
passages  he  frequently  had  recourse  to  prayer  and 
fasting.  At  Louvain  he  sat  at  the  feet  of  Baius,  and 
was  also  a  friend  of  Jansenius  (d.  1638).  He  had, 
however,  by  his  own  efforts  arrived  independently  at 
conclusions  concerning  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine 
on  grace  and  free  will  quite  similar  to  those  of  his 
teachers.  Most  of  his  writings  on  these  subjects  were 
published  after  his  death.  His  work  on  the  fate  of 
unbaptized  children  (De  statu  parvulorum  sine  bap- 
tismo  decedentiimi  ex  hac  vita  juxta  sensum  beati 
Augustini,  Louvain,  1624,  1635;  Rouen,  1643)  was 
reprinted  by  the  Jansenists  as  an  appendix  to  the  1652 
edition  of  the  "  Augustinus".  Cardinal  Noris  (Vindic. 
.4ug.,  ch.  iii,  §  5)  says  that  in  it  Conrj'  abundantly 
demonstrates  from  the  Scriptures  and  Augustine  the 
sensible  character  of  the  sufferings  of  such  imbaptized 
children.  His  "  Peregrinus  Jerichontinus,  h.  e.  de 
natura  humana  feliciter  instituta,  infeliciter  lapsa, 
miserabiliter  vulneratri,  misericorditer  restaurata" 
(ed.  Thady  MacNamara,  Paris,  1641)  treats  of  orig- 
inal sin,  the  grace  of  Christ,  free  will,  etc.,  the  "Pil- 
grim of  Jericho"  being  human  nature  itself,  the  rob- 
ber Satan,  the  good  Samaritan  Our  Lord.  Hurter 
says  that  this  edition  was  owing  to  Arnauld,  and  that 
the  same  ardent  Jansenist  is  possibly  the  author  of  the 
(Paris,  1645)  French  version.  Conry  wrote  also  other 
works  expository  of  the  teaching  and  opinions  of  the 
great  Doctor  of  Grace,  e.g.  "De  gratia  Christi" 
(Paris,  1646);  "  De  flagellis  justorum"  (Paris,  1644); 
"De Augustini  sensu  circa  b.  Maris  Virginis  concep- 
tionem  (Antwerp,  1619).  In  1654  his  body  was 
brought  back  from  Madrid  and  buried  in  the  col- 
legiate chapel  of  St.  Anthony's,  near  the  high  altar, 
where  an  epitaph  by  Nicholas  Aylmer  recorded  his 
virtues,  learning,  and  love  of  coimtry: — 

Ordinis  altus  honor,  fidei  patrijeque  honos, 
Pontificum  merito  laude  perenne  jubar. 
Thomas  Darcy  Magee  says  of  this  patriotic  scholar: 
"  He  is  the  leading  figure  in  a  class  of  exiled  Catholic 
churchmen  who  were  of  great  service  to  religion  and 
letters  and  not  seldom  powerful  alUes  of  their  country. 
From  the  founding  of  a  college  to  the  composition  of  a 
catechism  he  shrank  from  no  labour  that  could,  ac- 
cording to  his  convictions,  benefit  the  people  of  his 
native  land." 

Ware-Harris,  Writers  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1739-^5):  Rapin, 
HM.  du  Jansenisme  ed.  Domenech  (Paris,  1861);  Hurter. 
Nom^nclafor,  253;  Meehan,  The  Fate  and  Fortunes  of  Hugh 
O'Neill,  Earl  of  Ti/roii,.  n,i,l  lion,  olhmrl,  Enrl  of  Turconncl, 
their  Flight  from  /,./../.,'  /i,  ".  :  ■,  /  ,  ,/-  ilhililin.  1.S86); 
Harold.  Li/c  of  ti,/,,    ii  .i-i.  .   -.ii,,   /     <;.^m,' A„nali- 

im  (Rome,  1662);     I:         i  /      '    ihurehHis- 

loni  (Dulilin,  1861  >,   I,    ; i  i  i  i     /   ;.    m/  Ilu,th  Hoe 

O'Donrec/;,  ed.  MvHi'iii  M'ul.ln,,  ls.i,  ,  J\ ,  rxlix.  cliii;  Jeiler 
in  Kirehcjilei.,  III.  !»l!l;  Mmi;vs,  >/.//,/.  ,;((/m  Osson'msc  (Dub- 
lin, 1874-S.'')).  1.  16-';  M  \..i  i  ,  I  ,■>  ,-/  //.,  Irish  Writers  of  the 
Senmlernlh  Cmh  n/  ll>ul.liTi.  lsl,s>,  |:;   l'1. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Consalvi,  Ercole,  cardinal  and  statesman,  b.  in 
Rome,  S  June,  1757;  d. there,  24  January,  1824.  His 
ancestors  belonged  to  tlie  noble  family  of  the  Hru- 
nacci  in  Pisa,  one  of  whom  settled  in  the  town  of 
Toscanclla  in  the  Papal  States  about  tlie  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century.  The  graiHlf:ither  of  the 
cardinal,  Gregorio  Brunacci,  inherited  from    Krcole 


Consalvi  of  Rome  a  large  fortune  on  condition  of 
taking  the  name  and  arms  of  the  Consalvi  family. 
In  this  way  Gregorio  Brunacci  became  Marchese 
Gregorio  Consalvi,  with  residence  in  Rome.  At  the 
age  of  nine,  Ereole  Consalvi  was  placed  in  the  col- 
lege of  the  Scolopii  or  Brothers  of  the  Pious  Schools 
at  LTrbino,  where  he  remained  from  1766  to  1771. 
From  1771  to  1776  he  was  in  the  seminary  of  Fras- 
cati,  where  he  finished  his  studies  in  rhetoric,  phil- 
osophy and  theology;  it  was  there  also  that  he 
gained  the  powerful  protection  of  the  Cardinal.  Duke 
of  York,  Bishop  of  Frascati.  The  years  from  1776 
to  1782  were  devoted  to  the  studies  of  jurisprudence 
and  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  Academia  Ecclesi- 
astica  of  Rome,  where  he  had  among  other  professors 
the  Jesuit  scholar,  Zaccaria.  He  then  entered  nn 
his  public  career.  Named  private  chamberlain  I'V 
Pius  VI  in  April,  1783,  in  1786  he  was  made  Poncnte 
del  buon  governo,  i.e.  member  of  a  congregation 
charged  with  the  direction  of  municipal  affairs.  Ap- 
pointed in  1787  secretary  of  the  congregation  com- 
missioned to  administer  the  Ospizio  of  San  Michele  a 
Ripa,  in  1790  he  became  Votnnte  di  Segnatura,  or 
member  of  a  high  court  of  appeals,  and  in  1792  ob- 
tained the  nomination  of  Uditore  di  Rota,  or  member 
of  the  high  court  of  justice.  He  was  made  assessor 
in  1796  of  a  military  commission  established  by 
Pius  VI  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  revolutionary 
disturbances  and  intervention  of  the  French  Direc- 
tory in  the  Papal  States.  In  this  latter  capacity  he 
accomplished  his  work  with  such  tact,  prudence,  and 
foresight  that  no  serious  troul)les  arose,  which 
could  have  served  as  an  excuse  for  an  invasion  ol 
Rome  by  the  armies  of  the  French  Republic.  Un- 
fortunately  on  28  December,  1797,  the  French  gen- 
eral Duphot  was  killed  in  Rome;  he  was  himseH 
largely  to  blame,  and  the  event  took  place  withoul 
the  slightest  fault  of  the  Papal  Government.  Still  ii| 
was  used  as  a  pretext  for  the  occupation  of  the  cityl 
On  10  February,  1798,  General  Berthier  enteree 
Rome  with  an  army,  and  five  days  afterwards  thi 
pope  was  deprived  of  his  temporal  sovereignty,  anil 
a  Roman  republic  proclaimed.  Consalvi,  havini 
been  assessor  of  the  military  commission,  was  place(| 
first  on  the  list  of  those  who  were  to  be  handed  ove 
to  the  French  Government.  He  was  arrested,  im 
prisoned  in  the  fortress  of  >Sant'  Angelo,  sent  to  Civi 
tavecchia  en  route  to  Cayenne,  French  Guiana] 
brought  back  to  the  castle  of  Sant'  Angelo,  and  the: 
sent  to  Terracina,  whence  he  was  finally  permittel 
to   repair  to   Naples. 

Consalvi    thus    recovered    his    personal    libertjl 
but   he  disliked  to  remain   in   Naples,   and   wishe 
rather    to    join    Pius    VI,    who    shortly    after   th| 
occupation   of    Rome   was   taken   from   his    capitii 
and    held    a    captive    in    a    Carthusian    monaster) 
near   Florence.     Having   obtained   permission   froij 
the  Neapolitan  Government,  he  went  by  sea  to  Leji 
horn  and  thence  to  Florence,  where  he  made  tvi 
visits  to  the  pope;  his  wish  to  remain  with  the  ponttj 
was  frustrated  by  the  French  envoy  at  FlorencI 
Towards  the  end  of  September,  1798,  he  took  up  hi 
residence  in  Venice.      After  the  death  of  Pius  \T  .■ 
Valence  in  France,  29  August,  1799,  the  cardinals  a 
semblcd   in  Venice   for  the  conclave,  and  Consal 
was    chosen    secretary    by    an    almost    unanimo 
vote.     He  had  a  large  .share  in  securing  the  electi. 
of  Cardinal  Chiararaonti,  Bishop  of  Imola  (14  Maro 
1800).     The  new  pope,  Pius  VII  (1800-23),  soon  a 
pointed   Consalvi   pro-secretary   of  st;ite;  and   th 
Cons;dvi  accompanied  the  pope  to  Rome,  where  th 
arriv(-d  .3  July,  1800.     Shortly  before,  the  pope  h 
recovered  pos.session  of  the  Pap;il  States,  which  wo 
then  partlv  under  the  control  of  .-Vustiia  and  partly 
der  that  of  Naples.     On  11  .\ugust.  1800,  Cohsa 
was  made  c:irdin;il  and  appointed  definitively  sec 
tary  of  state.     In  this  capacity  he  first  eudeavo' 


ERCOT  F.   rARHIXAI.  rONSAMT 


I 


CONSALVI 


263 


CONSALVI 


to  restore  better  conditions  in  the  Papal  States.  He 
abolished  the  custom  of  furnishing  food  to  the 
people  at  low  prices,  introduced  free  trade,  with- 
drew from  circulation  all  depreciated  money,  and  ad- 
mitted a  large  number  of  lajinen  to  Government 
offices.  He  did  much  to  embellish  Rome  and  to 
make  it  an  art-centre  by  designing  public  promen- 
ades along  the  Tiber,  restoring  the  ancient  monu- 
ments, and  filling  the  museums  with  statues  un- 
earthed by  excavations  made  under  his  direction.  In 
his  negotiations  with  the  various  courts  or  Govern- 
ments of  Europe  he  was  ever  watchful  in  safeguard- 
ing the  interests  of  the  Holy  See,  both  temporal  and 
spiritual,  the  latter  especially,  in  which  the  pope  as 
the  head  of  Christendom  was  primarily  concerned. 
In  this  respect  he  rendered  an  incalculable  service  to 
religion  in  signing  the  French  Concordat.  The  nego- 
tiations commenced  for  that  purpose  by  Monsignor 
Spina,  Archbishop  of  Corinth,  and  Father  Caselli, 
former  Superior  General  of  the  Servites,  seemed  to 
lag;  in  order  not  to  interrupt  them  completely  Con- 
Balvi  was  sent  to  Paris  in  June,  1801.  Long  and 
painful  discussions  followed  with  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, then  First  Consul  of  the  French  Republic,  or 
his  commissioners,  until  finally,  on  the  loth  of  July, 
the  Concordat  was  signed  by  the  papal  and  the 
French  commissioners,  and  afterwards  ratified  by 
the  pope  and  the  French  Government.  Consalvi 
left  immediately  for  Rome,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
6th  of  August.  With  what  are  known  as  the  "Or- 
ganic Articles",  added  by  the  French  Government  to 
the  Concordat,  Consalvi  had  nothing  to  do;  on  the 
contrarj'  he  condemned  them  unequivocally  as  de- 
structive of  the  Concordat,  of  which  they  pretended 
to  be  commentaries.  He  was  also  prominent  in  the 
negotiations  that  preceded  the  Italian  Concordat, 
concluded  with  the  Cisalpine  Republic  on  the  16th  of 
September,   180.3. 

When  Napoleon  was  proclaimed  emperor  in  1804, 
Consalvi  urged  Pius  VII  to  accept  Bonaparte's  invi- 
tation to  crown  him  as  the  new  sovereign  of  France ,  and 
during  the  pope's  absence  (November,  1804,  to  May, 
1805)  Consalvi  acted  as  his  representative  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  his  master.  When  the  discussions  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  Pius  VII  commenced,  Consalvi 
fltis  blamed  for  the  refusal  of  the  pope  to  consider 
hjm.self  a  vassal  of  the  French  emperor.  The  sus- 
picions of  Napoleon  were  confided  to  Cardinal  Fesch, 
ttten  French  ambassador  at  Rome ;  and  the  dismissal 
01  Consalvi  was  insisted  upon.  Consalvi,  hoping  to 
sacure  peace  for  his  master,  asked  repeatedly  to  be 
raieved;  but  only  after  long  hesitation  did  the  pope 
cansent  to  the  demand.  Consalvi  left  the  secre- 
tariate of  state  on  17  June,  1806,  but  was  often  con- 
silted  privately  on  matters  of  importance.  The  im- 
perial persecution  of  the  pope  reached  its  clima.x  with 
the  annexation  of  the  Papal  States  to  the  French 
Einpire  (20  June,  1809),  and  the  deportation  of 
the  pope  to  Savona  during  the  night  of  5-6  July. 
Cbnsalvi  was  forced  to  depart  from  Rome,  10  De- 
ceniber  following;  in  company  with  Cardinal  di 
Pietro  he  journeyed  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  20 
February,  1810.  There  he  lived  in  retirement  as 
much  as  po.ssible,  and  refused  a  pension  of  30,000 
francs  assigned  to  him  by  the  French  Government. 
On  the  occasion  of  Napoleon's  marriage  to  the  Arch- 
duchess Marie  Louise  of  Au.stria.  Consalvi  with  twelve 
other  cardinals  declined  to  assist  at  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious ceremony,  held  1-2  April,  1810,  though  he 
was  present  at  the  semi-solemn  reception  at  Saint- 
Cloud.  31  March,  and  went  also  to  the  Tuileries  in 
Paris  for  the  great  reception,  on  3  April.  He  did  not 
wish  to  appear  as  approving  the  second  marriage  of 
Napoleon,  as  long  as  the  pope  had  not  pronounced 
Ml  the  validity  of  the  first.  Napoleon  was  .so  in- 
censed at  his  action,  that  he  expelled  liim  with  the 
sther  cardinals  of  like  sentiments  from  the  Tuileries 


on  3  April,  and  in  the  first  moment  of  pa.ssion  gave 
orders  to  have  him  shot.  However,  he  modified  his 
rash  judgment  and  decreed  that  Consalvi  and  the 
twelve  other  cardinals  should  be  deprived  of  their 
property  and  of  their  cardinalitial  dignity.  From 
that  moment  these  princes  of  the  Church  were  com- 
pelled to  wear  black  garments,  whence  their  name 
of  "black  cardinals",  and  on  11  June  they  were  all 
banished  to  various  cities  of  France.  Consalvi  was 
sent  to  Reims;  it  was  there  in  his  enforced  retire- 
ment that  he  wrote  his  memoirs.  Set  free  on  26 
January,  1813,  he  hastened  to  Pius  VII,  then  at 
Fontainebleau.  At  his  suggestion  the  pope  re- 
tracted (24  March)  the  concessions  made  to  Napoleon 
in  a  Brief  from  Savona  and  in  a  new  concordat 
agreed  upon  at  Fontainebleau;  as  a  consequence 
Consalvi  was  restricted  in  his  free  intercourse  with 
the  pope.  When  Pius  VII  left  Fontainebleau  for 
Italy  (23  January,  1814)  Consalvi  followed  a  few 
days  afterwards,  at  first  under  a  military  escort  as 
far  as  Beziers.  Having  heard  of  Napoleon's  abdica- 
tion in  Fontainebleau  (11  .'^pril,  1814)  he  asked  for 
a  passport  and  rejoined  Pius  VII  in  Italy.  He  was 
at  once  reappointed  secretary  of  state  by  papal  letter 
written   from   Foligno,  19   May,    1814. 

Before  taking  office  Consalvi  went  to  Paris  for  the 
purpose  of  claiming  from  the  allied  Powers  of  Europe 
the  restoration  of  the  Papal  States  under  the  sovereign- 
ty of  the  pope.  With  the  same  object  in  view  he  went 
also  to  England,  and  assisted  afterwards  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  (September,  1814,  to  June,  1815). 
He  was  successful  in  his  negotiations,  and  obtained 
the  restitution  of  all  papal  territory  such  as  it  had 
been  before  the  French  Revolution,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Avignon,  Venaissin,  and  a  small  strip  of  land 
in  the  legation  of  Ferrara.  After  his  return  to  Rome 
Consalvi  continued  to  work  for  the  welfare  of  the 
Papal  States  and  of  the  Church.  He  abolished  the 
ancient  pri\-ileges  of  the  nobility  and  of  the  papal 
cities,  devised  a  new  plan  of  administration  for  the 
papal  territorj',  readjusted  the  finances,  prepared  a 
new  civil  and  criminal  code  of  laws,  reorganized  the 
system  of  education,  and  proWded  for  public  safety. 
He  continued  the  elaboration  of  his  plans  for  the 
embellishment  of  Rome  and  the  improvement  of  the 
Campagna;  he  endeavoured,  as  already  said,  to  make 
Rome  a  centre  of  art,  and  extended  his  protection 
to  such  famous  artists  as  Canova  and  Thorwaldsen. 
At  the  same  time  he  maintained  with  firmness  the 
rights  and  sovereignty  of  the  pope.  W'hen  in  1817 
the  Carbonari  tried  to  bring  about  a  rebellion,  a  few 
of  their  leaders  were  prosecuted,  banished,  or  im- 
prisoned; and  in  1821  a  Bull  was  issued  against 
these  disturbers.  During  this  period  several  con- 
cordats or  similar  agreements  were  concluded  with 
foreign  Powers:  with  Bavaria  in  1817,  with  Prussia 
and  the  princes  of  the  Upper  Rhine  in  1821,  with 
Hanover  in  1823,  with  Victor  Emmanuel  of  Sardinia 
in  1817,  with  King  Ferdinand  I  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
in  1818.  The  new  French  Concordat  concluded  in 
1817  with  King  Louis  XVIII  never  received  legal 
force  in  France;  hence  that  of  1801  continued  in  ex- 
istence. The  career  of  Consalvi  came  to  an  end 
with  the  death  of  Pius  VII  (20  August,  1823). 
After  his  retirement  his  thoughts  were  devoted  to 
the  erection  of  a  monmnent  at  St.  Peter's  in  honour 
of  his  former  master:  only  a  few  months  afterwards 
he  was  carried  himself  to  his  tomb  in  San  Lorenzo, 
while  his  heart  was  taken  to  the  Pantheon.  Ap- 
propriate monuments  were  erected  to  his  memory  in 
both  places. 

Ercole  Consalvi  is  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
greatest  statesmen  who  has  ever  served  the  papal 
court;  his  eminent  qualities  were  at  all  times  apparent 
during  the  great  trials  of  the  papacy.  If  not  always 
successful  in  his  enterprises,  it  was  largely  because  of 
the  scarcity  of  means  at  his  disposal  and  the  prejudice* 


CONSANGUINITY 


264 


CONSANGUINITY 


of  his  age.  The  purity  of  his  life  was  the  more  ad- 
mired because  in  his  position  he  had  to  mingle  much 
with  a  worldly  society.  He  was  devoted  to  works 
of  charity  and  religion;  the  poor  knew  him  as  their 
friend,  and  in  his  exercises  of  devotion  he  was  most 
punctual.  Finally  he  was  very  unselfish  and  disin- 
terested. He  served  the  pope  and  the  Church  loy- 
ally without  looking  for  personal  advantage.  He 
never  asked  for  a  position,  e.xcept  for  that  of  Uditore 
di  Rota,  which  appeared  desirable  owing  to  the 
studies  he  had  made  and  the  great  opportunities  it 
offered  for  travelling  during  the  vacation  months. 
The  many  gifts,  pensions,  or  legacies,  offered  him, 
and  at  times  persistently,  by  friends,  admirers,  and 
patrons,  were  invariably  declined.  All  in  all,  both 
for  the  work  he  accomplished  and  for  his  personal 
character,  Consalvi  is  one  of  the  purest  glories  of 
the  Church  of  Rome. 

Cretine.\u-Joly,  Memoires  du  Cardinal  Consalvi,  ed. 
Drochon  (Paris,  1895);  Wiseman,  Recollections  of  the  Last 
Four  Popes  (London,  1S5S):  Rinieri,  La  diplomazia  pontificta 
nel  secolo  XIX  (Rome,  1902);  Idem,  II  congresso  di  Vienna  e 
la  Santa  Sede  (Rome,  1904);  Theiner.  Histoire  des  deux  con- 
cordats (Paris,  1869) ;  Artaud,  Histoire  du  Pape  Pie  VII  (Paris, 
1837);  WER.NER  in  Kirchenlex.  (Freiburg,  1884),  s.  v.;  Niel- 
sen in  Realencyk.  f.  prol.  ThcoL,  s.  v. 

Francis  J.  Sch.\efer. 

Consanguinity  (in  C.\non  Law),  a  diriment  im- 
pediment of  marriage  as  far  as  the  fourth  degree  of 
kinship  inclusive.  The  term  consanguinity  here 
means,  within  certain  limitations  defined  by  the  law 
of  nature,  the  positive  law  of  God,  or  the  supreme  au- 
thority of  State  or  Church,  the  blood- relationship 
{ctignatio  naturalis),  or  the  natural  bond  between  per- 
sons descended  from  the  same  stock.  In  view  of  the 
recognized  descent  of  all  men  from  one  common  stock, 
there  is  a  general  blood-relationship  between  all  men ; 
hence  the  limitation  mentioned  has  reference  to  the 
nearest  root  or  source  of  consanguinity.  This  bond  or 
union  of  blood  takes  place  in  one  case  through  the 
descent  of  one  person  from  the  other ;  this  is  called  the 
direct  line.  In  another  case  it  takes  place  because 
the  common  blood  is  drawn  from  a  common  root,  the 
same  ancestor,  from  whom  both  persons  descend, 
though  they  do  not  descend  one  from  the  other,  and 
are  therefore  not  in  a  direct  but  in  a  transverse  or  col- 
lateral line.  By  the  law  of  nature,  it  is  universally 
conceded,  marriage  is  prohibited  between  parent  and 
child,  for  the  reverential  relation  between  them  is  rec- 
ognized as  incompatible  with  the  equality  of  relations 
engendered  by  the  bond  of  marriage.  The  universal 
sentiment  of  peoples  is  likewise  opposed  to  marriage 
between  all  persons  related  in  any  degree  in  the  direct 
line,  thus  between  grandparent  and  grandchild. 

History  of  Impedi.ment. — Because  of  the  acknowl- 
edged derivation  of  the  human  race  from  the  common 
progenitors,  Atlam  and  Eve,  it  is  difficult  to  accept  the 
opinion  of  some  theologians  that  the  marriage  of 
brother  and  sister  is  against  the  law  of  nature ;  other- 
wise the  propagation  of  the  human  race  would  have 
begun  by  violation  of  the  natural  law.  It  is  readily 
imderstood  that,  considering  the  freedom  of  inter- 
course between  such  persons,  some  effort  would  soon 
be  made  (in  the  interest  of  the  social  welfare)  to  pre- 
vent early  corruption  within  the  close  family  circle  by 
placing  a  bar  to  the  hope  of  marriage.  Hence  among 
all  peoples  there  has  arisen  a  natural  repugnance  to 
the  marriage  of  Ijrother  and  sister.  Some  theologians 
siippo.se  herein  a  positive  Divine  law,  but  it  is  not  easy 
to  point  out  any  such  early  Divine  enactment.  Abra- 
ham married  Sarah  who  was  his  sister  by  his  father, 
though  of  a  different  mother  (Gen.,  xi;  cf.  Gen.  xx, 
12).  Marriage  wtus  allowed  at  Athens  with  half-sis- 
ters by  the  same  father  (Plutarch,  Cim.,  iv;  Themist., 
xxxii),  with  half-sisters  by  the  same  mother  at  Sparta 
(Philo,  De  Special.  Leg.,  tr.  Yonge,  III,  306),  and  with 
full-sisters  in  lOgypt  (Diodorus  Siculus,  I,  27)  and 
Persia,  ius  illustnited  in  the  well-known  instances  of 


the  Ptolemies  in  the  former,  and  of  Carabyses  in  the 
latter,  country  (Herodian,  III,  31).  For  c  r^ood  sum- 
mary of  non-Christian  customs  In  this  respect  see 
Melody,  "Marriage  of  Near  Kin"  in  "Catholic  Uni- 
versity Bulletin"  (Washington,  Jan.,  1903,  pp.  40- 
60). 

In  the  earlier  history  of  the  human  race  there  was  a 
tendency  in  a  family  group  to  keep  marriages  of  its 
members  within  the  group.  Of  this  we  have  exam- 
ples in  the  marriage  of  Isaac  and  Rebecca  (Gen.,  xxiv) 
and  Jacob  and  Lia-Rachel  (ibid.,  xxix).  We  know 
from  Exodus,  vi,  20,  that  Amram  took  Jochabed,  his 
father's  sister,  to  wife,  and  she  bore  him  Aaron  and 
Moses.  The  Mosaic  Law,  however,  introduced  im- 
portant modifications  into  the  arrangements  of  mar- 
riage or  carnal  intercourse  between  near  relations  by 
blood  as  also  by  affinity;  these  modifications  were 
founded  mainly  upon  the  sharpened  instincts  of  hu- 
man nature  and  the  importance  of  guarding  against 
the  dangers  of  corruption  from  the  intimacy  of  very 
near  relations,  which  prompted  the  cutting  off  all  hope 
of  covering  past  impurity  by  subsequent  marriage. 
Undoubtedly  this  danger  increased  the  instinctive 
natural  repugnance  to  marriage  between  those  con- 
nected by  the  closest  ties  of  blood  and  family  affection. 
These  prohibitions  relating  to  consanguinity,  between 
a  man  and  the  "  flesh  of  his  flesh ' ',  are  contained  mainly 
in  Lev.,  xviii,  7-13,  and  xx,  17,  19.  Specific  prohibi- 
tions are  here  made  with  regard  to  marriage  or  carnal 
intercourse  with  a  mother,  granddaughter,  aunt  by 
blood  on  either  side,  sister,  or  half-sister,  whether 
"born  at  home  or  abroad".  This  expression  has 
generally  been  understood  as  equivalent  to  "  in  or  out 
of  wedlock".  Yet,  as  late  as  David's  time,  the  lan- 
guage of  Thamar  towards  her  half-brother  Aninon  (II 
K.,  xiii,  13)  seems  to  imply  the  possibility  of  their 
union  with  consent  of  their  father,  perhaps  because  he 
was  also  king  (for  a  contrary  opinion  see  Wemz,  Jus 
Decretalium,  Rome,  1894,  II,  634).  Some  theologians 
held  the  daughters  of  Lot  (Gen.,  xix,  30-38)  some- 
what excusable  because  they  thought  that  the  humar 
race  had  been  swallowed  up  by  fire,  and  could  be  con- 
tinued through  their  father  alone  (Kenrick,  De  Im- 
ped. Matr.,  ch.  v,  p.  318). 

In  early  Roman  times  marriage  of  cousins  was  nol 
allowed,  though  it  was  not  infrequent  after  the  Seconc 
Pimic  War.     Marriage  between  uncle  and  niece  waj 
unlawful  among  Romans.     Consanguinity  in  the  di 
rect  line,  to  any  extent,  was  recognized  by  the  Churcl 
as  an  impediment  to  marriage.     Worthy  of  notice  i 
the  declaration  by  Nicholas  I  (858-67)  in  his  letter  ti 
the  Bulgarians,  that  "  between  those  pereons  who  ar 
related  as  parents  and  children  marriage  cannot  b 
contracted,  as  between  father  and  daughter,  grand 
father    and    granddaughter,     or    mother    and    sor 
grandmother  and  grandson,  and  so  on  indefinitely' 
Billuart,  however,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  Innc 
cent  III,  without  distinction  of  lines,  allows indiscrin; 
inately  infidels  converted  to  Christianity  to  retai 
their  wives  who  are  blood-relations  in  the  second  dt, 
gree.     Other  theologians  take  it  for  granted  that  th 
declaration  of  Innocent  III  has  no  reference  to  the  il 
rect  line.     In  the  early  ages  the  Church  accepted  tli 
collateral  degrees  put  forward  by  the  State  as  an  in 
pediment  to  marriage.     St.  Ambrose  (Ep.  Ix  in  P.  I. 
XVI,  1185)  and  St.  Augustine  (De  Civ.  Dei,  XV,  xv 
approved  the  law  of  Theodosius  which  forbade  (c.  3S- 
the  marriage  of  cousins.     This  law  was  retained  in  tl 
Western  Church,   though  it  was  revoked   (400\   : 
least  in  the  East,   by  Areadius,   for  which   re:iso 
doubtless,  the  text  of  the  law  has  been  lost.     The  ( 'o( 
of  Justinian  permitted  the  marriage  of  first  cousir 
(consobrini),  but  the  Greek  Church  in  692  (Secoi 
Trullan  Synod,  can.  liv)  condemned  such  marriage 
and,  according  to  Balsamon,  even  those  of  secoi 
cousins  (sobrini). 

This  di.scipline  continued  throughout  the  Chun 


CONSANGUINITY 


265 


CONSANGUINITY 


till  tlie  eighth  century.  \\"e  then  meet  with  tlic  canon 
(c.  16,  ('.  55,  q.  2),  attributed  to  various  popes  and  em- 
bodied in  a  letter  of  Gregory  III  (732),  which  forbids 
marriage  among  the  Gennans  to  the  seventh  degree  of 
consanguinity.  Wernz  fjus  Decretal.,  IV,  p.  624), 
says  that  at  this  date  so  severe  a  prohibition  cannot  be 
based  on  the  canonical  computation,  but  rather  on 
that  of  the  Roman  law;  it  is,  therefore,  no  proof  of  so 
early  an  acceptance  by  the  Church  of  the  Germanic 
compiitation.  For  a  fuller  exposition  of  the  theory 
that  the  canonical  computation  is  borrowed  from  the 
Germanic  system  see  Von  Schcrer,  "Handbuch  des 
Kirchenrechts"  (Graz,  1898),  II,  291,  and  theexcel- 
Icnt  expose  of  Wernz,  "Jus  Decretalium",  IV,  616-25, 
especially  p.  621,  where  he  sets  forth  with  moderation 
both  the  free  and  original  action  of  the  Church  in  es- 
talilishing  the  degrees  within  which  it  was  forbidden 
relations  to  marry  and  her  natural  tendency,  so  often 
exhibited  in  other  matters,  to  accept  whatever  was 
good  or  useful  in  the  manners  and  institutions  of  newly 
converted  peoples.  Von  Scherer  calls  attention  (op. 
cit.,  II,  296-9)  to  the  influence  of  the  ninth-century 
Pseudo-Isidore  (and  the  canonical  collections  based  on 
him,  e.  g.  the  "Decretum"  of  Burchard)  in  familiariz- 
ing the  West  with  the  Germanic  computation,  and 
says  that  it  docs  not  appear  in  any  genuine  papal  de- 
cretals before  Alexander  TI,  and  that  its  exact  charac- 
ter is  not  yet  thoroughly  ascertained.  The  Roman 
canonist  De  Angelis  (Pra;lectionos  Jur.  Can.,  Bk.  Ill, 
tit.  xiv)  holds  rightly  that  the  computation  of  degrees 
was  originally  the  same  as  that  of  the  Roman  ci\-il  law 
for  inheritance.  He  states  that  in  the  eleventh  cen- 
turj'  Alexander  II  (c.  2,  C.  35,  q.  5)  adopted  the  now- 
usual  system  of  computation,  which  established  for 
collateral  consanguinity  the  principle  that  persons 
were  remote  from  one  another  by  as  many  degrees  as 
they  are  remote  from  the  common  stock,  omitting  the 
common  stock  (Wernz,  however,  op.  cit.,  IV,  623,  be- 
lieves that  this  system,  de  facto  the  Germanic  compu- 
tation was  adopted  at  some  earlier  period,  though 
doubtless  not  so  earlj-  as  Gasparri  maintains).  In 
tliis  way  the  degrees  of  relationship  were  determined 
by  the  number  of  generations  on  one  side  only;  while 
in  the  Roman  civil  system  the  number  of  degrees  re- 
Silted  from  the  sum  of  the  generations  on  both  sides. 
In  the  Roman  system  (compuinlio  Ramiinii  cirilis)  first 
(jousins  would  be  in  the  fourth  degree,  while  in  the 
ijeW'  computation  they  would  be  in  the  second  degree 
of  consanguinity.  This,  as  is  seen,  would  extend  the 
ifnpediment  of  consanguinity. 

J  Some  have  called  the  new  computation  Germanic 

xompulatio  Gcrinanica)  because  it  has  a  similarity  to 

Bie  pecidiar  Germanic  system  of  determining  inherits 

iice,  and  whose  technical  terms  were  borrowed  from 

Oil'  seven  joints  of  the  body  (on  both  sides)  from  the 

•      i;  to  the  finger-tips.     But  Santi-Leitner  calls  atten- 

•d.  1905,  III,  241,  against  Gasparri)  to  various 

[lancies  between  the  ecclesiastical   (computalio 

•  ii-(i)  and  the  Germanic  systems  which  often  led 

nly-con verted  Franks  and  other  Germans  to  op- 

ilie  system  of  the  Church.     The  latter  system 

niore  directly  coimected  with  the  natural  rela- 

if  marriage,  and  Alexamler  II  (1061-73)  treated 

peculiarly  ecclesiastical  law  (c.  2,  C.  35,  q.  5)  and 

I  tlir'atened  severely  all  advocates  of  a  return  to  the 

Roman,  or  civil,  calculation.     The  reception  and  ex- 

1  tension  of  this  severe  discipline  regarding  the  impedi- 

j  incut  of  consanguinity  came  about  gradually  and  by 

I  custom,  says  Wernz,  from  the  sixth  an<l  soventli  cen- 

tiiri.'s  (when  first  the  third  and  then  the  fourth  de- 

i.   e.    respectively   second    and    third    cousins, 

the    limit)   to    the  eleventh   and   twelfth   ccn- 

:   in   the   eleventh   centurj'  the   controversj'  of 

ler  Dainian  ("De  parentche  gradil)us"  in  P.  L., 

V.  191  sqq.)  witli  the  Human  legists  i>f  Ravenna, 

I'd  in  liis  favour  by  .M-'xander  II,  helped  to  fix  the 

pDpular  view  in  tlie  sense  of  extreme  strictness.     It  is, 


however,  doubtful  whether  the  sixth  and  seventh  de- 
grees of  consanguinity  were  ever  a  diriment  impedi- 
ment, at  least  everj-where.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
even  the  fifth  was  only  a  preventive  impediment 
(Wernz,  op.  cit.,  IV,  626).  While  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury the  theory  of  the  remote  degrees  was  strictly 
maintained  by  canonists,  councils,  and  popes,  in  prac- 
tice marriages  ignorantly  contracted  within  them  were 
healed  by  dispensation  or  dissiniuliition  (Wernz,  loc. 
cit.).  Finally,  in  the  Fourth  Lati>ran  Council  (1215) 
Innocent  III  restricted  consanguinity  as  a  diriment 
impediment  to  the  fourtli  degree.  lie  explains  that  it 
was  found  difficult  to  carrj-  out  the  extension  to  fur- 
ther degrees.  In  those  days  of  imperfect  registration 
it  was,  of  course,  often  impossible  to  ascertain  the  dis- 
tant degrees  of  relationship.  (For  a  defence  of  his  il- 
lustrative reference  to  the  current  theory  of  the  "four 
bodily  hmnours",  borrowed  from  the  ancient  physiol- 
ogy, see  Santi-Leitner,  op.  cit.  Ill,  248;  cf.  Wernz,  op. 
cit.,  IV,  629.) 

Gregory  I  (590-604),  if  the  letter  in  question  be 
truly  hLs,  granted  to  the  newly  converted  Anglo- 
Saxons  restriction  of  the  impediment  to  the  fourth  de- 
gree of  consanguinity  (c.  20,  C.  35,  qq.  2,  3);  Paul  III 
restricted  it  to  the  second  degree  for  .American  Indians 
(Zitelli,  Apparat.  Jur.  Eccl.,  405),  and  also  for  natives 
of  the  Philippines.  Benedict  XIV  (Letter  "^Estas 
Anni",  11  Oct.,  1757)  states  that  the  Roman  pontiffs 
have  never  granted  dispensation  from  the  first  degree 
of  collateral  consanguinity  (brothers  and  sisters). 
For  converted  infidels  it  is  recognized  that  the  Church 
does  not  insist  upon  annulment  of  marriages  beyond 
this  first  degree  of  consanguinity.  (For  further  de- 
tails of  the  history  of  ecclesiastical  legislation  concern- 
ing this  impediment  see  Esmein,  "  Le  manage  en  droit 
canonique",  Paris,  1891,  I,  335-56;  II,  258,  345; 
Santi-Leitner,  o]3.  cit.  below,  247-48;  and  Wernz, 
"Jus  Decretal",  II,  614  sqq.) 

MoTiVE.s  OF  Impediment. — The  Church  was 
prompted  by  various  reasons  first  to  recognize  the  pro- 
hibitive legislation  of  the  Roman  State  and  then  to  ex- 
tend the  impeditnent  of  consanguinity  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  civil  legislation.  The  welfare  of  the 
social  order,  according  to  St.  Augustine  (De  Civ.  Dei, 
XV,  xvi)  and  St.  Thomas  (Suppl.  Q.  liii,  a.  3),  de- 
manded the  widest  possible  extension  of  friendship 
and  love  among  all  humankind,  to  which  desirable  aim 
the  intennarriage  of  close  blood-relations  was  opposed ; 
this  was  especially  true  in  the  first  half  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  when  the  best  interests  of  society  required  the 
unification  of  the  numerous  tribes  and  peoples  which 
had  .settled  on  the  soil  of  the  Roman  Empire.  By 
overthrowing  the  barriers  between  inimical  families 
and  races,  ruinous  internecine  warfare  was  diminished 
and  greater  peace  and  harmony  secured  among  the 
newly-converted  Christians.  In  the  moral  order  the 
l^rohibition  of  marriage  between  near  relations  served 
a.^  a  barrier  against  early  corruptio!i  among  yoimg  per- 
sons of  either  .sex  brought  habitually  into  close  inti- 
macy with  one  another;  it  tended  also  to  strengthen 
the  natural  feeling  of  respect  for  closely  related  per- 
sons (St.  Thomas,  II-II,  Q.  cliv,  a.  9;  St.  .\ugustine, 
De  Civ.  Dei,  XV,  x).  Nature  itself  .seemed  to  abhor 
the  marriage  of  close  kin,  since  such  unions  are  often 
childless  and  their  offspring  seem  subject  to  grave 
physical  and  mental  weakness  (epilepsy,  deaf-mute- 
ness, weak  eyes,  nervous  disea.ses),  and  incur  easily 
and  transmit  the  defects,  physical  or  moral,  of  their 
parents,  especially  when  the  interbreeding  of  blood- 
relations  is  repeated  (Santi-Leitner,  op.  cit.,  IV,  252; 
Huth,  "The  Marriage  of  Near  Kin,  considered  with  re- 
spect to  the  Law  of  Nations,  the  results  of  Experience 
anil  the  teachings  of  Biology",  London,  1S75;  Sur- 
Ijled,  "La  morale  dans  .scs  rapports  avee  la  m<''decinc 
et  I'hygiene",  Paris,  1S92,  II,  245-55;  Eschbach, 
"  Disputat.  physiologico-theolog.",  99  sqq. ;  Luckock, 
"The  History  of  Marriage,  Jewish  and  Christian,  in 


CONSANGUINITY 


266 


CONSANGUINITY 


relation  to  divorce  and  certain  forbidden  degrees", 
London,  1894;  Esmein,  "Le  mariage  en  droit  canoni- 
que",  Paris,  1S91, 1,  337,  sqq. ;  see  also  Wernz,  op.  cit. 
IV,  636-37,  and  the  Encyclical  of  Gregory  XVI,  22 
Nov.,  1836). 

Mode  of  Calculation. — In  calculating  the  degree 
of  consanguinity  special  attention  must  be  paid  to 
three  things,  the  line,  the  degree,  and  the  stock  or  root. 
The  stock,  or  root,  is  the  common  ancestor,  or  the  per- 
son, male  or  female,  from  whom  descend  as  from  the 
nearest  common  bond  the  persons  whose  blood-rela- 
tionship is  to  be  determined.  The  degree  is  the  dis- 
tance of  one  person  from  the  other  in  regard  to  blood- 
relationship.  Tlie  line  is  the  classified  .series  of  per- 
sons descending  from  the  common  stock  through  one 
or  more  generations.  The  line  is  dn-cci  when  the  series 
of  persons  descend  one  from  the  other,  as  father  and 
son,  grandfather  and  grandchild.  The  line  is  trans- 
verse, or  collateral,  when  the  blood-relations  spring 
from  a  common  stock,  yet  do  not  descend  one  from 
the  other  but  form  different  branches  side  by  side,  as 
two  brothers,  two  nephews.  This  collateral  line  is 
equal  or  unequal  according  as  these  persons  derive 
equally  or  unequally  from  the  same  stock  or  root.  The 
blood-relationship  is  computed  according  to  the  dis- 
tance from  the  stock  whence  it  is  derived,  and  this  is 
the  rule  by  which  the  degrees  or  steps  of  consanguinity 
are  determined. 

In  the  direct  line  the  Roman  civil  and  the  canon  law 
agree  on  the  principle  that  there  are  as  many  degrees 
as  generations;  hence  as  many  degrees  as  there  are 
persons,  omitting  the  stock  or  root.  A  son  is  one 
degree  from  his  father,  a,  grandchild  two  degrees 
from  the  grandfather.  In  the  computation  of  the 
degrees  of  the  transverse  or  collateral  line  there  is  a 
serious  difference  between  the  Roman  civil  and  the 
canon  law.  The  civil  law  founded  its  degrees  upon 
the  number  of  generations,  the  number  of  degrees 
being  equal  to  the  number  of  generations;  thus 
between  brothers  there  are  two  degrees  as  there  are 
two  generations ;  between  first  cousins  four  degrees, 
corresponding  to  the  four  generations.  The  degrees 
are  calculated  easily  in  the  civil  law  by  summing 
up  the  number  of  persons  in  each  line,  omitting  the 
common  ancestor.  Except  for  marriage,  the  canon 
law  follows  regularly  the  computation  of  the  civil  law, 
c.  g.  in  the  question  of  inheritance.  But  the  canon 
law,  in  the  collateral  hne  of  consanguinity,  computes 
for  marriage  one  series  only  of  generations,  and  if  the 
series  are  imequal,  only  the  longer  one.  Hence  the 
principle  of  canon  law  that  in  the  transverse  or  col- 
lateral line  there  are  as  many  degrees  of  consanguinity 
as  there  are  persons  in  the  longer  series,  omitting  the 
common  stock  or  root.  If  the  two  series  are  equal, 
the  distance  is  the  number  of  degrees  of  eitlier  from 
the  common  stock.  Thus  brother  and  sister  are  in  the 
first  degree,  first  cousins  in  the  second  degree;  uncle 
and  niece  in  the  second  degree  because  the  niece  is  two 
degrees  from  the  grandfather  who  is  the  common 
stock.  Thus  if  Caius  has  two  sons,  Titius  and  Sem- 
pronius,  and  Sempronius  has  a  son  and  grandchild,  the 
relationship  of  the  grandchild  of  Sempronius  to  Titius 
is  in  the  third  degree,  because  this  grandchild  is  dis- 
tant three  degrees  from  the  common  stock,  Caius. 
This  rule  holds  if  the  common  stock  should  only  be 
one  person ;  thus  half-brothers  and  half-sisters,  that  is 
from  either  father  or  mother,  are  in  the  first  degree. 
Children  of  the  same  father  and  mother  are  called  ger- 
man,  as  from  the  common  germ;  those  of  the  same 
mother  and  not  of  the  same  father  are  called  uterine, 
as  from  the  same  womb;  and  children  of  the  same 
father  and  dilTerent  mother  are  called  blood-children. 
The  legitimacy  or  illegitimacy  of  .any  member  of  the 
series  docs  not  modify  the  relationsliip  as  a  bar  to 
marriage. 

For  civil  effects  the  civil  law's  computation  of  de- 
grees must  be  known.     In  most  European  countries 


the  law  follows  mainly  the  computation  of  the  Roman 
civil  law.     In  England,  since  the  Reformation,  the 
Lcvitical  law  has  been  recognized  as  the  standard  by 
which  to  determine  the  prohibitions  of  marriage.     For 
Catholics  everj-where,  as  Alexander  II  decreed  (c.  2, 
C.    3.5,    q.    5),    the    ecclesiastical    calculation    (com- 
putatio  cdnovicd)  must  be  followed  for  the  direct  ques- 
tion of  the  lawfulness  of  marriage.     Clement  V,  in  the 
Council  of  Vienne  (1311),  decreed  that  any  one  who 
knowingly  contracted  marriage  within  the  forbidden 
degrees  should  by  the  fact  incur  excommunication, 
though  not  reserved ;  this  penalty  has  ceased  since  the 
Bull   "Apostolicse   Sedis"   of  Pius  IX   (1869).     The 
Council  of  Trent  (1563)  required  the  absolute  separa- 
tion of  those  who   knowingly   contracted   marriage 
within  the  prohibited  degrees,  and  denied  all  hope  of 
obtaining  a  dispensation,  especially  if  the  attempted 
marriage  had  been  consummated.   But  in  this  regard 
the  practice  of  the  Clnu"ch,  probably  on  accoimt  of  the 
recognition  of  such  marriages  by  the  State,  and  the 
conseciuent  difficulty  of  enforcing  the  dissolution  of 
illicit  unions,  has  tended  towards  greater  leniency. 
The  Coimcil  of  Trent,  it  is  true  (Sess.  XXIV,  c.  v,  De 
ref.,  matr.),  made  no  changes  in  tiie  existing  legisla- 
tion, despite  the  wi.shcs  of  many  for  a  reduction  of  the 
limits  of  the  impediment  (Theiner,  Acta  Cone.  Trid., 
Leipzig,  1874,  336,  342).     Such  reduction  would  in  all 
probability  have  been  discussed  at  the  Vatican  Coim- 
cil (1870),  had  it  not  been  interrupted  (Liimmer,  Zui 
Codification  des  can.   Rechts,   Freiburg,   1899,   137 
sqq.,  and  Martin,  Coll.  docum.  Cone.  Vat.,  p.  162  sqq.) 
In  the  Uniat  Eastern   Churches,  the  marriage  o! 
blood-relations  is  forbidden  in  the  collateral  line  to  th( 
seventh  civil  degree,  i.  e.  second  cousins  touching  third 
but  in  th.at  degree  is  only  preventive,  not  dirimen' 
(Wernz,  IV,  627).     Among  the  Italo-Greeks,  however 
the  Maronites,  and  the  Syrians  the  legislation  of  thi 
Roman  Church  obtains  (Benedict  XIV,  Etsi  Pastor 
alls,  26  May,  1742;   Synod  of  Mount  Lebanon,  173( 
Synod.    Sciarf.    Syror.,    1888).     In    the    schismati 
churches  of  the  East  all  marriages  of  relations  in  th 
direct  line  are  prohibited;   in  the  collateral  line  th 
seventh  (civil)  degree  is  the  limit  of  prohibition ;  th 
remotest  degree,  however,  is  only  a  preventive  im 
pediment.     In    the    National    Greek    Church,   sine 
1873,  marriage  is  forbidden  within  the  sixth  (civil)  d« 
gree,  i.  e.  second  cousins;  in  Russia,  since  1870,  withi 
the  fourth  (civil)  degree,  i.  e.  first  cousins  (cf.  Zhisb 
man,  Eherecht  d.  oriental.  Kirche,  Vienna,  1864,  an 
Milas,    Das    Kirchenrecht   der   morgenland.    Ivirchi 
Mostar,  1897). 

DISPENS.4.TION  FROM  THE  IMPEDIMENT. What  o VI 

dispensing  power  is  available  resides  principally  in  tli 
supreme  authority  of  the  Church,  namely  the  Apostol: 
See.  The  pope  generally  exercises  his  power  of  tli> 
pensing  through  the  Roman  Congregations.  For  pul 
lie  dispensations  {in  joro  eiterno)  the  Dainrin  (sc 
Roman  Curia)  is  the  ordinary  medium  for  so-callc 
Catholic  countries;  the  Sacra  Pcnilcntiaria  for  casf. 
of  conscience  (occult  impediments)  and  of  late  for  tl!| 
cases  of  the  poor.  The  Congregation  of  Propaganclj 
is  the  medium  for  countries  dependent  on  it,  e.  !| 
Great  Britain  and  its  dependencies  and  the  Cnit<i| 
States.  This  power  of  dispensation  with  the  right  | 
subdelegate  is  often  delegated  to  bishops,  vica'l 
Apostolic,  and  others  having  pastoral  aiithority  oVi 
souls.  In  whatever  is  forbidden  by  the  law  of  natuif 
there  is  no  disnensation.  In  the  direct  line  of  consai 
guinity  Nicholas  I  supposes  that  there  is  no  room  ft 
dispensation.  However,  in  c.i.ses  of  infiilcls  when  O'j 
or  both  .are  converted,  while  it  is  to  be  held  that  m:- 
riages  within  the  first  degree  of  the  dinyt  line  are  i- 
valid,  in  all  others  tlie  Holy  See  has  to  be  consulti. 
The  Holy  See  ha.^  the  supreme  right  in  doubtful  ca,-! 
to  detennine  what  may  or  may  not  be  forbidden  I 
the  law  of  nature  or  by  the  Divine  jiositive  law.  Heit 
diet  XIV,  as  already  said,  emphasized  the  f:vct  that  tt 


CONSANGUINITY 


2fi7 


CONSANGUINITY 


Copps  hail  novor  gnuitrd  ;i  dispensation  for  a  nmrriaso 
oiwpen  brotlier  and  sister,  even  wlii'i'o  tlie  union 
might  have  occurred  without  a  knowledge  of  the  re- 
lationship on  the  part  of  the  contracting  persons. 

Consanguinity  may  be  duplicated  as  arising  from 
two  sources:  first,  from  two  roots,  e.  g.  two  brotliers 
marrying  two  women  who  are  cousins;  the  cliildren  of 
each  brotlier  will  be  related  to  those  of  the  othi^r  in  the 
second  degree  on  the  father's  sitle,  and  in  the  third  tle- 
gree  on  the  mother's  side;  second,  from  one  root,  but 
when  the  descendants  intermarry.  Hence,  where 
there  is  a  double  consanguinity,  there  is  a  double  im- 
pediment which  must  be  expressed  in  the  petition  for 
dispensation;  and  should  there  be  a  more  extensive 


is  also  rr(|uired  if  an  attcTiipt  at  marriage  had  been 
made,  even  if  not  consummated. 

C'lvii,  Lpx;islation. — In  the  Eastern  Ch\irch  the 
Quinisext  Council  (692)  forbade,  as  we  have  seen,  mar- 
riages between  first  cousins.  In  the  eighth  century 
Emperors  Leo  and  Constantine  confirmed  this  decree 
and  forbade  alliances  between  persons  in  the  sixth 
degree  of  consanguinity  according  to  the  computation 
of  the  Roman  civil  law,  i.  e.  between  the  grandchildren 
of  brothers  and  sisters,  and  still  later  in  the  seventh 
degree  of  the  same  computation.  This  holds  to-day 
in  the  Greek  Church.  The  question  of  consanguinity 
is  important  in  determining  civil  rights,  which  are 
mainly  under  control  of  the  State,  though  illegitimacy 


T.\BLE  OF  CONS.\NGUINITY 


Their  great - 
gramlchildrei 


Their  Kreal- 
grantichildrer 


-Great-great-^— Great-great Great-great Theii 

uncle  grandfather  uncle  chiUlrf 

Great-great-       Great-great       Great-great- 
aiint  grandmother  aunt 


-  (ireat-uncle Great -gram! Great-uncle Tlieir 

(_!reat-aunt  father  (Ireat-aunt      chililn 

Great-grand- 


leir  grand-  —Their  great- 
chddren  grandchildren 


^Their  great- 
grandchildren 


Great -grand Grand-nephew — Nepht 

nephew  Grand-niece         Nien 

Great -gram  1- 


-ftister Nep'h 


,Iohn 
Mary 


Orandilaughter 


3  4 

w — f  .rand-nephew— Great-grand- 
Grand-niece  nephew 

CJreat-grand- 
uiece 


iduijlication  by  still  further  intermarriages,  all  the  for- 
biilden  degrees  resulting  from  the  blood-relationship 
ehould  he  mentioned  in  seeking  dispensation.  In  the 
petition  for  dispensation,  both  series  in  the  collateral 
consanguinity  must  be  mentioned,  though  this  is  not 
necessary  for  validity  of  the  dispensation.  A  sjjecial 
proviso  Is  made  when  dispensation  is  sought  from  col- 
lateral consanguinity.  It  must  be  mentioned,  even 
for  validity,  if  the  one  part,  is  ne.xt  of  kin  to  the  root  or 
conmion  ancestor  and  the  other  witliin  the  forbidden 
degrees;  the  sex  of  the  next  of  kin  should  also  be  men- 
tioned, because  of  the  greater  difficulty  of  the  dispen- 
sation for  a  nephew  to  marry  his  aunt.  If  the  farthest 
should  lie  in  the  fifth  degree,  there  is  even  in  that  case 
no  |)rohihition  of  marriage.  The  impediment  of  mar- 
riage arises  also  from  any  carnal  intercourse,  even  out- 
side of  marriage,  to  the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity. 
To  consanguinity  within  the  prohibited  degrees  may 
be  added  the  gravamen  of  the  crime  of  incest.  If  the 
incest  were  committed  in  the  hope  of  facilitating  the 
grant  of  a  dispensation,  this  circumstance  must  be 
mentioned  in  the  petition  for  dispensation;   mention 


often  produces  ecclesiastical  disbarments  (see  Birth). 
The  hindrances  to  marriage  basedon  consanguinity  vary 
considerably  in  different  States.  In  Germany  consan- 
guinity is  a,  bar  only  in  the  direct  line,  and  between 
brothers  and  sisters.  In  France  uncle  and  niece,  aunt 
and  nephew,  are  forbidden  to  intermarry,  but  dispen- 
sation may  be  granted  by  the  head  of  the  State.  The 
lirohil:)ition  does  not  extend  to  this  relationship  aris- 
ing from  an  illegitimate  union.  Even  in  the  most 
conservative  Catholic  countries,  there  is  a  tendency  to 
limit  th('  impediment  of  con.sangtiinity.  In  England 
th('  statutes  of  Henry  VIII,  repealed  in  part  by  Ed- 
ward VI  and  wholly  Ijy  Phillip  and  Mary,  were  revived 
in  Klizabeth's  first  year,  the  provision  being  that  "no 
prohibition,  Goil's  law  except,  .shall  trouble  or  im- 
peach any  marriage  outside  Levitical  law".  The  ec- 
clesiastical interpretation  was  that  consanguinity  was 
an  impediment  to  marriage  as  far  as  the  third  degree 
of  civil  computation.  A  man  might  not  marry  his 
aunt,  or  his  niece,  but  might  marry  his  first  cousin. 
Relationship  by  the  half-blood  was  put  on  the  same 
footing  .as  the  uiU-blood,  and  illegitimate  consanguin- 


CONSCIENCE 


26S 


CONSCIENCE 


ity  was  treated  as  equivalent  to  legitimate  blood  rela- 
tionship. The  courts  regarded  marriages  within  the 
forbidden  degree  as  voidable  rather  tlinii  voirl,  liutsuch 
marriages  were  declared  void  by  an  act  of  !'i  and  (i  Wil- 
liam IV  (1S35).  In  the  United  States  all  tlie  States 
prohibit  marriage  between  lineal  descendants;  most 
of  them  prohibit  marriages  between  uncle  and  niece, 
nephew  and  aimt,  and  Ijetween  first  cousins  (Des- 
mond, The  Church  and  the  Law,  Chicago,  1898,  C.  X). 

Genealogical  Table. — We  subjoin  a  genealogical 
table  which  exhibits  the  various  degrees  of  consan- 
guinity according  to  a  custom  in  use  in  the  Western 
Church  since  the  seventh  century  (Isidore  of  Seville"). 
This  will  be  a  useful  guide  in  determining  the  extent 
of  the  impediment  of  affinity  (q.  v.).  Affinity  from  a 
true  marriage  is  a  diriment  impediment  to  the  fourth 
degree  of  consanguinity  of  the  deceased  spouse;  ac- 
cording to  the  ecclesiastical  law  a  widower  may  not 
marry  any  of  his  deceased  wife's  blood-relations  as  far 
as  the  fourth  degree  inclusively,  nor  a  widow  her  de- 
ceased husband's  blood-relations.  There  is  a  modifi- 
cation if  the  affinity  be  one  arising  from  illicit  inter- 
course. 

Feije,  De  Impedim.  el  Dispenx.  Matn'rn.  ^Louvain,  1885),  ch. 
xiii,  XXX.  xxxi;  Scavini,  Theol.  Mor..  Bk.  Ill,  De  Imped.  Matr.y 
art.  2  (Milan,  1858);  De  Angelis,  Pral.  J:tr.  Can.,  vol.  Ill,  pt. 
I,  tit.  xiv  (Rome,  1880);  Taunton,  The  Law  vf  Ihe  Church  (Lon- 
don, 1906)  s.  v.;  ZiTELLi,  Apparat.  Juris  EccL,  Bk.  II.  ch.  ii, 
art.  7,  p.  439  (Rome,  1888);  Santi-Leitner,  Prml.  Jur.  Can. 
(4th  ed.,  New  York,  1905),  III,  245-61;  Kenrick,  Theol.  Mor.. 
Tract,  xxi.  De  Matr..  eh.  v.  (.Mechlin.  1861);  Addis  and  Ar- 
nold, Catholic  Dictionary  (London,  1903),  s.  v.;  Craisson, 
Man.  Jur.  Can.,  vol.  Ill,  Bk.  II,  ch.  viii,  De  Imped.  Cugnat. 
(Poitiers,  ISSO);  Laurentius,  Inst.  Jur.  Can.  (Freiburg,  1903), 
§  151;  Andre-Wagner,  Diet,  de  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  s.  v.; 
D'A\TNO,  Enciclopedia  delV Ecdesiastico,  s.  v.  Imped,  del  Matr. 
(Turin,  1878);  Hastings,  Did.  of  Ihe  Bible  (New  York,  1902), 
s.  V.  Marriage;  Cheyne,  Encyclopedia  Biblica  (New  York, 
1S99),  s.  V.  Marriage. 

Richard  L.  Burtsell. 

Conscience. — I. The  Na.me. — In  English  we  have 
done  with  a  Latin  word  what  neither  the  Latins  nor  the 
French  have  done:  we  have  doubled  the  term,  making 
"  conscience ' '  stand  for  the  moral  department  and  leav- 
ing ''consciousness"  for  the  universal  field  of  objects 
about  which  we  become  aware.  InCicerowe  have  to  de- 
pend upon  the  context  for  the  specific  limitation  to  the 
ethical  area,  as  in  the  .sentence:  "mea  mihi  con.scientia 
pluris  est  quam  omnium  sermo"  (Att.,  XII,  xxviii,  2). 
Sir  W.  Hamilton  has  discussed  how  far  we  can  be  said 
to  be  conscious  of  the  outer  objects  which  we  know, 
and  how  far  "consciousness"  ought  to  be  held  a  term 
restricted  to  states  of  self  or  self-consciousness.  (See 
Thiele,  Die  Philosophie  desSelbstbewusstseins,  Berlin, 
1895.)  In  the  two  words  Beviusstsein  and  Gewissen 
the  Germans  have  made  a  serviceable  distinction  an- 
swering to  our  "consciousness"  and  "conscience". 
The  ancients  mostly  neglected  such  a  discrimination. 
The  Greeks  often  used  <pp6vr)(Tts  where  we  should  use 
"conscience",  but  the  two  terms  are  far  from  coinci- 
dent. They  also  used  a-meioriins,  which  occurs  repeat- 
edly for  the  purpose  in  hand  both  in  the  Old  and  the 
New  Testament.  The  Hebrews  had  no  formal  psy- 
chology, though  Delitzsch  has  endeavoured  to  find  one 
in  Scripture.  There  the  heart  often  stands  for  con- 
science. 

II.  Origin  op  Conscience  in  the  Race  and  in  the 
Individuai,. — Of  anthropologists  somedo  and  some  do 
not  accept  the  Biblical  account  of  man's  origin;  and 
the  former  class,  admitting  that  Adam's  descendants 
might  soon  have  lost  the  traces  of  their  higher  descent, 
are  willing  to  hear,  with  no  pledge  of  endorsing,  what 
the  latter  class  have  to  say  on  the  assumption  of  the 
human  development  even  from  an  animal  ancestry, 
and  on  the  further  assumption  that  in  the  use  of  evi- 
dences they  may  neglect  sequence  of  time  and  place. 
It  is  not  maintained  by  any  serious  student  tliat  the 
Darwinian  pedigree  is  certainly  accurate:  it  has  the 
value  of  a  diagram  giving  .some  notion  of  the  lines 
along  which  forces  are  supposed  to  have  acted.    Not, 


then,  as  accepting  for  fact,  but  as  using  it  for  a  very 
limited  purpose,  we  may  give  a  characteristic  sketch  of 
ethical  development  as  suggested  in  the  last  chapter  of 
Mr.  L.  T.  Hobhouse's  "Morals  in  Evolution".  It  is  a 
conjectural  story,  very  like  what  other  anthropolo- 
gists offer  for  what  it  is  worth  and  not  for  fully  certi- 
fied science. 

Ethics  is  conduct  or  regulated  life;  and  regulation 
has  a  crude  beginning  in  the  lowest  animal  life  as  a  re- 
sponse to  stimulus,  as  reflex  action,  as  useful  adapta- 
tion to  environment.  Thus  the  amceba  doubles  itself 
round  its  food  in  the  water  and  lives ;  it  propagates  by 
self-division.  At  another  stage  in  the  animal  series 
we  find  blind  impulses  for  the  benefit  of  life  and  its 
propagation  taking  a  more  complex  shape,  until  some- 
thing like  instinctive  purpose  is  displayed.  Useful 
actions  are  performed,  not  apparently  pleasurable  in 
themselves,  yet  with  good  in  the  sequel  which  cannot 
have  been  foreseen.  The  care  of  the  animal  for  its 
young,  the  provision  for  the  need  of  its  future  offspring 
is  a  kind  of  foreshadowed  sense  of  duty.  St.  Thomas 
is  bold  to  follow  the  terminology  of  Roman  lawyers, 
and  to  assert  a  sort  of  morality  in  the  pairing  and  the 
propagating  of  the  higher  animals:  "ius  naturale  est 
quod  natura  omnia  animalia  docuit".  (It  is  the  na- 
tural law  which  nature  has  taught  all  animals. — "In 
IV  Sent.",  dist.  xxxiii,  a.  1,  art.  4.)  Customs  are 
formed  under  the  pressures  and  the  interactions  of  ac- 
tual living,  they  are  fixed  by  heredity,  and  they  await 
the  analysis  and  the  improvements  of  nascent  reason. 
With  the  advent  of  man,  in  his  rudest  state — however 
he  came  to  be  in  that  state,  whether  by  ascent  or  de- 
scent— there  dawns  a  conscience,  which,  in  the  devel- 
opment theory,  will  have  to  pass  through  many  stages. 
At  first  its  categories  of  right  and  wrong  are  in  a  very 
fluid  condition,  keeping  no  fixed  form,  and  easily  inter- 
mixing, as  in  the  chaos  of  a  child's  dreams,  fancies,  il- 
lusions, and  fictions.  The  requirements  of  social  life, 
which  becomes  the  great  moralizer  of  social  action,  are 
continually  changing,  and  with  them  ethics  varies  its 
adaptations.  As  society  advances,  its  ethics  im- 
proves. "  The  lines  on  which  custom  is  formed  are  de- 
termined in  each  society  by  the  pressiu-es,  the  thousand 
interactions  of  those  forces  of  individual  character  and 
social  relationship,  which  never  cease  remoulding  until 
they  have  made  men's  loves  and  hates,  their  hopes  and 
fears  for  themselves  and  their  children,  their  dread  ol 
unseen  agencies,  their  jealousies,  their  resentments 
their  antipathies,  their  .sociability  and  dim  sense  of  mu- 
tual dependence — all  their  qualities  good  and  bad,  sel 
fish  and  sympathetic,  social  and  anti-social."  (Op 
cit..  Vol.  II,  p.  2(52.)  The  grasp  of  experience  widen; 
and  power  of  analysis  increases,  till,  in  a  people  like  thi 
Greeks,  we  come  upon  thinkers  who  can  distinctly  re 
fleet  on  himian  conduct,  and  can  put  in  practice  thi 
yvwOi  ireavrdv  (know  thyself),  so  that  henceforth  th 
method  of  ethics  is  secured  for  all  times,  with  indefinit 
scope  left  for  its  better  and  better  application.  "  Her 
we  have  reached  the  level  of  philosophical  or  spiritua 
religions,  systems  which  seek  to  concentrate  all  experi 
ence  in  one  focus,  and  to  illuminate  all  morality  froi 
one  centre,  thought,  as  ever,  becoming  more  comprt 
hensive  as  it  becomes  more  explicit ".     (ibid.,  p.  2(50. 

What  is  said  of  the  race  is  applied  to  the  individua 
as  in  him  customary  rules  acquire  ethical  character  b 
the  recognition  of  distinct  principles  and  ideals,  a 
tending  to  .a  final  imity  or  goal,  which  for  the  mere  eve 
lutionist  is  left  very  indeterminate,  but  for  the  Chri: 
tian  has  adefpiate  definition  in  a  perfect  po.s.session  ( 
God  by  knowledge  and  love,  without  the  contingenc 
of  further  lapses  from  duty.  To  come  to  the  fullness  i 
knowledge  jmssilile  in  this  world  is  for  the  individual 
process  of  growth.  The  brain  at  first  has  not  the  o 
ganization  which  would  enable  it  to  be  the  instrumei 
of  rational  thought:  probably  it  is  a  necessity  of  oi 
mind's  nature  that  we  .should  not  start  with  the  ful 
formed  brain  but  that  the  first  elements  of  knowled; 


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should  lie  gatherod  with  the  gradations  of  the  develop- 
ing structure.  In  the  morally  good  family  the  chiUl 
slowly  learns  right  conduct  by  imitation,  by  instruc- 
tion, by  sanction  in  the  way  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments. Bain  exaggerates  the  predominance  of  the 
last  named  element  as  the  source  whence  the  sense  of 
obligation  comes,  and  therein  he  is  like  Shaftesbury 
(Inquiry,  II,  n.  1),  who  sees  in  conscience  only  the  re- 
prover. This  view  is  favoured  also  by  Carlyle  in  his 
"Essay  on  C'h.aracteristics",  and  by  IJr.  Mackenzie  in 
his  "Manual  of  Ethics"  (3rd  ed.,  Ill,  §  14),  where  we 
read:  "  I  should  prefer  to  say  simply  that  conscience  is 
a  feeling  of  pain  accompanying  and  resulting  from  our 
non-conformity  to  principle."  Newman  also  has  put 
the  stress  on  the  reproving  office  of  conscience.  Carlyle 
says  we  should  not  observe  that  we  had  a  conscience  if 
we  had  never  offended.  Green  thinks  that  ethical 
theory  is  mostly  of  negative  use  for  conduct.  (Prole- 
gomena to  Ethics,  IV,  1.)  It  is  better  to  keep  in  view 
both  sides  of  the  truth  and  say  that  the  mind  ethically 
developed  comes  to  a  sense  of  satisfaction  in  right  doing 
and  of  dissatisfaction  in  wrongdoing,  and  that  the  re- 
wards and  the  punishments  judiciously  assigned  to  the 
young  have  for  their  purpose,  as  Aristotle  puts  it,  to 
teach  the  teachable  how  to  find  pleasure  in  what  ought 
to  please  and  displeasure  in  what  ought  to  displease. 
The  immature  mind  must  be  given  external  sanctions 
before  it  can  reach  the  inward.  Its  earliest  glimmer- 
ing of  duty  cannot  be  clear  light :  it  begins  by  distin- 
guishing conduct  as  nice  or  as  nasty  and  naughty:  as 
approved  or  disapproved  by  parents  and  teachers,  be- 
hind whom  in  a  dim  way  stands  the  oft-mentioned 
God,  conceived,  not  only  in  an  anthropomorphic,  but 
in  a  nepiomorphic  way,  not  correct  yet  more  correct 
than  Caliban's  speculations  about  Setebos.  The  per- 
ception of  sin  in  the  genuine  sense  is  gradually  formed 
until  the  age  which  we  roughly  designate  as  the  seventh 
year,  and  henceforth  the  agent  enters  upon  the  awful 
careerof  responsibility  according  to  the  dictates  of  con- 
science. On  grounds  not  ethical  but  scholastically 
theological,  St.  Thomas  explains  a  theory  that  the  un- 
baptized  person  at  the  dawn  of  reason  goes  through  a 
first  crisis  in  moral  discrimination  which  turns  simply 
on  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  God,  and  entails  mor- 
tal sin  in  case  of  failure.     (I-II,  Q.  Ixxxi.x,  a.  (i.) 

III.  What  Conscience  Is  in  the  Soul  of  Man? — 
It  is  often  a  good  maxim  not  to  mind  for  a  time  how  a 
thing  came  to  be,  but  to  see  what  it  actually  is.  To  do 
so  in  regard  to  conscience  before  we  take  up  the  history 
of  philosophy  in  its  regard  is  wise  policy,  for  it  will  give 
us  some  clear  doctrine  upon  which  to  lay  hold,  while 
we  travel  through  a  region  perplexed  by  much  confus- 
ion of  thought.  The  following  points  are  cardinal :  (a) 
The  natural  conscience  is  no  distinct  faculty,  but  the 
one  intellect  of  a  man  inasmuch  as  it  considers  right 
and  wrong  in  conduct,  aided  meanwhile  by  a  good  will, 
by  the  use  of  the  emotions,  by  the  practical  experience 
of  living,  and  by  all  external  helps  that  are  to  the  pur- 
po.se.  (b)  The  natural  conscience  of  the  Christian  is 
known  by  him  to  act  not  alone,  but  under  the  enlight- 
enment and  the  impulse  derived  from  revelation  and 
grace  in  a  strictly  supernatural  order,  (c)  As  to  the 
order  of  nature,  which  does  not  exist  but  which  might 
have  existed,  St.  Thomas  (I-II,  Q.  cix,  a.  3)  teaches 
that  both  for  the  knowledge  of  God  and  for  the  knowl- 
edge of  moral  duty,  men  such  as  we  are  would  require 
some  assistance  from  C!od  to  make  their  knowledge  suf- 
ficiently extensive,  clear,  constant,  effective,  and  rela- 
tively adequate;  and  e.specially  to  put  it  witnin  reach 
of  those  who  are  much  engrossed  with  the  cares  of  ma- 
terial life.  It  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  in  the 
order  of  nature  God  could  be  debarred  from  any  reve- 
lation of  Himself,  and  would  leave  Himself  to  be 
searched  for  quite  irresponsively.  (d)  Being  a  prac- 
tical thing,  con.science  depends  in  large  mea.sure  for  its 
correctness  upon  the  good  use  of  it  and  on  proper  care 
taken  to  hee<l  its  deliverances,  cultivate  its  powers, 


and  frustrate  its  enemies,  (e)  Even  where  due  dili- 
gence is  employed  conscience  will  err  sometimes,  but 
its  inculpable  mistakes  will  be  admitted  by  God  to  be 
not  blameworthy.  These  are  so  many  principles 
needed  to  steady  us  as  we  tread  some  of  the  ways  of 
ethical  history,  where  pitfalls  are  many. 

IV.  The  Philosophy  of  Conscience  Consideked 
Historically. — (1)  In  pre-Christian  times. — The  earl- 
iest written  testimonies  that  we  can  consult  tell  us  of 
recognized  principles  in  morals,  and  if  we  confine  our 
attention  to  the  good  which  we  find  and  neglect  for  the 
present  the  inconstancy  and  the  admixture  of  many 
evils,  we  shall  experience  a  satisfaction  in  the  history. 
The  Persians  stood  for  virtue  against  vice  in  their  sup- 
port of  Ahura  Mazda  against  Ahriman ;  and  it  was  an 
excellence  of  theirs  toriseabove  "independent  ethics" 
to  the  conception  of  God  as  the  rewarder  and  the  pun- 
isher.  They  even  touched  the  doctrine  of  Christ's  say- 
ing, "  What  doth  it  profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the  whole 
world,  and  lose  his  own  soul?"  when  to  the  question, 
what  is  the  worth  of  the  whole  creation  displayed  before 
us,  the  Zend-Avesta  has  the  reply:  "the  man  therein 
who  is  delivered  from  evil  in  thought,  word,  and 
deed:  he  is  the  most  valuable  object  on  earth."  Here 
conscience  was  clearly  enlightened.  Of  the  moral  vir- 
tues among  the  Persians  truthfulness  was  conspicuous. 
Herodotus  says  that  the  youth  were  taught  "to  ride 
and  shoot  with  the  bow",  and  "to  speak  the  truth". 
The  unveracious  Greeks,  who  admired  the  wiles  of  an 
Odysseus,  were  surprised  at  Persian  veracity  (Herodo- 
tus, I,  136,  138);  and  it  may  be  that  Herodotus  is  not 
fair  on  this  head  to  Darius  (III,  72).  The  Hindus  in 
the  Vedas  do  not  rise  high,  but  in  Brahminism  there  is 
something  more  spiritual,  and  still  more  in  the  Bud- 
dhist reform  on  its  best  side,  considered  apart  from  the 
pessimistic  view  of  life  upon  whicli  its  false  asceticism 
W'as  grounded.  Buddhism  had  ten  jirohiliitive  com- 
mandments: three  concerning  the  body,  forbidding 
murder,  theft,  and  unchastity ;  four  concerning  speech, 
forbidding  lying,  slander,  abusive  language,  and  vain 
conversation ;  and  three  concerning  the  mind  internally, 
covetousness,  malicious  thoughts,  and  the  doubting 
spirit.  The  Egyjitians  show  the  workings  of  con- 
science. In  the  "Book  of  the  Dead"  we  find  an  ex- 
amination of  conscience,  or  rather  jirofession  of  inno- 
cence, before  the  Supreme  Judge  after  death.  Two 
confessions  are  given  enunciating  most  of  the  virtues 
(chap,  cxxv):  reverence  for  God;  duties  to  the  dead; 
charity  to  neighbours ;  duties  of  superiors  and  subjects ; 
care  for  human  life  and  limb ;  chastity,  honesty,  truth- 
fulness, and  avoidance  of  slander;  freedom  from  covet- 
ousness. The  Assyro-Babylonian  monuments  offer  us 
many  items  on  the  favourable  side;  nor  could  the  peo- 
ple whence  issued  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  at  a  date 
anterior  to  the  Mosaic  legislation  by  jjcrhaps  seven 
hundred  years,  be  ethically  undeveloped.  If  the  Code 
of  Hammurabi  has  no  precepts  of  reverence  to  God 
corresponding  with  the  first  three  Conunandments  of 
the  Mosaic  Law,  at  least  its  preface  contains  a  recogni- 
tion of  God's  supremacy.  In  China  Confucius  (c. 
500  B.  c),  in  connexion  with  an  idea  of  heaven,  deliv- 
ercfl  a  high  morality;  and  Mencius  (c.  300  n.  c.)  de- 
veloped this  code  of  uprightness  and  benevolence  as 
"Heaven's  appointment".  Greek  ethics  began  to  pass 
from  its  gnomic  condition  when  Socrates  fixed  attention 
on  the  yvue^  atavrbv  in  the  interests  of  moral  reflection. 
Soon  followed  Aristotle,  who  put  thescienceonalasting 
basis,  with  the  great  drawback  of  neglect ing  the  theistic 
side  an<I  oonseqiiently  the  full  doctrine  of  obligation. 
Neither  for  "obligation"  nor  for  "conscience "had  the 
Greeks  a  fixed  term.  Still  the  pleasures  of  a  good  con- 
science and  the  pains  of  an  evil  one  were  well  set  forth 
in  the  fragments  collected  by  Stobsus  vepl  toC  awiiSlnos. 
Penandros,  asked  what  was  true  freedom ,  answered :  "  a 
good  conscience"  (Gaisford's  Stobseus,  vol.  I,  p.  429). 

(2)  In  the  Christian  Fathers. — The  patristic  treat- 
ment of  ethics  joined  together  Holy  Scripture  and  the 


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classical  aiithors  of  paganism;  no  system  was  reached, 
but  each  Father  did  what  was  characteristic.  Tertul- 
ban  was  a  lawyer  and  spoke  in  legal  terms:  especially 
his  Montanism  urged  him  to  inquire  which  were  the 
mortal  sins,  and  thus  he  started  for  future  investiga- 
tors a  good  line  of  inquiry.  Clement  of  Alexandria 
was  allegoric  and  mystic:  a  combiner  of  Orientalism, 
Hellenism,  Judaism,  and  Christianity  in  their  bearing 
on  the  several  virtues  and  vices.  The  apologists,  in 
defending  the  Christian  character,  dwelt  on  the  marks 
of  ethical  conduct.  St.  Justin  attributed  this  excel- 
lence to  the  Divine  Logos,  and  thought  that  to  Hmi, 
through  Moses,  the  pagan  philosophers  were  indebted 
(Apol.,  I,  xliv).  Similarly  Origen  accounted  for  pre- 
Christian  examples  of  Christian  virtue.  As  a  Roman 
skilled  in  legal  administration  St.  Ambrose  was  largely 
guided  by  Latin  versions  of  Greek  ethics,  as  is  very 
well  illustrated  by  his  imitation  in  style  of  Cicero's 
"  De  OfEciis",  which  he  made  the  title  of  his  own  work. 
He  discusses  honestum  et  utile  (I,  ix);  decorum,  or  rd 
irpiirov,  as  exhibited  in  Holy  Scripture  (x) ;  various  de- 
grees of  goodne.ss,  mediocre  and  perfect,  in  connexion 
with  the  text,  "if  thou  wilt  be  perfect"  (xi);  the  pas- 
sions of  hot  youth  (xvii).  Subseciuent  chapters  dwell 
on  the  various  virtues,  as  fortitude  in  war  and  its  allied 
quality,  courage  in  martyrdom  (xl,  xli).  The  second 
book  opens  with  a  discussion  of  beatitude,  and  then  re- 
turns to  the  different  virtues.  It  is  the  pupil  of  St. 
Ambrose,  St.  Augustine,  who  is,  perhaps,  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  Fathers  in  the  development  of  the  Chris- 
tian doctrine  of  conscience,  not  so  much  on  account  of 
his  frequent  discourses  about  moral  subjects,  as  be- 
cause of  the  Platonism  which  he  drank  in  before  his 
conversion,  and  afterwards  got  rid  of  only  by  degrees. 
The  abiding  result  to  the  Scholastic  system  was  that 
many  writers  traced  their  ethics  and  theology  more  or 
less  to  innate  ideas,  or  innate  dispositions,  or  Divine 
illuminations,  after  the  example  of  St.  Augustine. 
Even  in  St.  Thomas,  who  was  so  distinctly  an  Aristote- 
lean  empiricist,  some  fancy  that  they  detect  occasional 
remnants  of  Augustinianism  on  its  Platonic  side. 

Before  leaving  the  Fathers  we  may  mention  St. 
Basil  as  one  who  illustrates  a  theorizing  attitude.  He 
was  sound  enough  in  recognizing  sin  to  be  graver  and 
less  grave;  yet  in  the  stress  of  argument  against  some 
persons  who  seemed  to  admit  only  the  worst  offences 
against  God  to  be  real  sins,  he  ventured,  without  ap- 
proving of  Stoic  doctrine,  to  point  out  a  sort  of  equal- 
ity in  all  sin,  so  far  as  all  sin  is  a  disobedience  to  God 
(Hom.  de  Justitia  Dei,  v-viii).  Later  Abelard  and  re- 
cently Dr.  Schell  abused  this  suggestion.  But  it  has 
had  no  influence  in  any  way  like  that  of  St.  Augustine's 
Platonism,  of  which  a  specimen  may  be  seen  in  St. 
Bonaventure,  when  he  is  treating  precisely  of  con- 
science, in  a  passage  very  useful  as  shedding  light  on  a 
subsequent  part  of  this  article.  Some  habits,  he  says, 
are  acquired,  some  innate  as  regards  knowledge  of  sin- 
gulars and  knowledge  of  universals.  "  Quum  enim  ad 
cognitionem  duo  concurrant  necessario,  videlicet  pra»- 
sentia  cognoscibilis  et  lumen  quo  mediante  de  illo  jiuli- 
camus,  habitus  cognosciti%T  sunt  quodammodo  nobis 
innati  ratione  luminis  animo  inditi;  sunt  etiam  ac- 
quisiti  ratione  specie! ' ' — "  For  as  two  things  necessarily 
concur  for  cognition,  namely,  the  presence  of  some- 
thing cognoscible,  and  thelight  by  which  we  judge  con- 
cerning it,  cognoscitive  habits  are  in  a  certain  sense  in- 
nate, by  reason  of  the  light  wherewith  the  mind  is  en- 
doweil;  and  they  are  also  acquired,  by  reason  of  the 
species."  ("Comment,  in  II  Lib.  Sent.",  dist.  xxxix, 
art.  1 ,  Q.  ii.  Cf.  St.  Thomas,  "  De  Veritate  ",  Q.  xi,  art. 
1:  "Principia  dicuntur  inn.ata  quae  statim  Uunine  in- 
tellectus  agentis  cognoscuntur  per  species  a  sensibus 
abstractas". — Principles  are  called  innate  when  they 
are  known  at  once  by  the  light  of  the  active  intellect 
through  the  species  abstracted  from  the  senses.) 
Then  comes  the  very  noticeable  and  easily  mis- 
understood   addition    a    little    later:    "si   quae   sunt 


cognoscibilia  per  sui  essentiam,  non  per  speciem, 
respectu  talium  poterit  dici  conscientia  esse  hnbilus 
simpliciter  innatus,  utpote  respectu  hujus  iiuod  est 
Deum  amare  et  timere ;  Deus  enim  non  cognoscitur  per 
similitiulinem  a  sensu,  immo  'Dei  notitia  naturaliter 
est  nobis  inserta',  sicut  dicit  Augustinus" — "if  there 
are  some  things  cognoscible  through  their  very  essence 
and  not  through  the  species,  conscience,  with  regard  to 
such  things,  may  be  called  a  habit  simply  innate,  as,  for 
example,  with  regard  to  loving  and  serving  God;  for 
God  is  not  known  by  sense  through  an  image;  rather, 
'the  knowledge  of  God  is  implanted  in  us  by  nature', 
as  Augustine  says  "  (''  In  Joan.",  Tract,  cvi,  n.  4;  "Con- 
fess.", X,  XX,  xxix;  "De  Lib.  Arbitr.",  I,  xiv,  xxxi; 
"De  Mor.  Eccl.",  iii,  iv;  "De  Trin.",  XIIl,  iii,  vi; 
"Joan.  Dam.  de  Fide",  I,  i,  iii).  We  must  remember 
that  St.  Bonaventure  is  not  only  a  theologian  but  also 
a  mystic,  supposing  in  man  oculus  carnis,  ocidus  rati- 
onis  and  oculus  contemplutionis  (the  eye  of  the  flesh, 
the  eye  of  reason,  and  the  eye  of  contemplation) ;  and 
that  he  so  seriously  regards  man's  power  to  prove  by 
arguments  the  existence  of  God  as  to  devote  his  labour 
to  explaining  that  logical  conviction  is  consistent  with 
faith  in  the  same  existciin-  iCnTimi.  in  III  Sent.,  dist. 
x.xiv,  art.  1,  Q.  iv).  All  tlnsi-  matters  are  highly  sig- 
nificant for  tho.se  who  take  up  any  thorough  e.xamina- 
tion  of  the  question  as  to  what  the  Scholastics  thought 
about  man  having  a  conscience  by  his  very  nature  as 
a  rational  being.  The  point  recurs  frequently  in  Scho- 
lastic literature,  to  which  we  must  next  turn. 

(3)  In  Scholastic  times. — It  will  help  to  make  intelli- 
gible the  subtle  and  variable  theories  which  follow,  if  it 
be  premised  that  the  Scholastics  are  apt  to  puzzle 
readers  by  mi.xing  up  with  their  philosophy  of  reason  a 
real  or  apparent  apriorism,  which  is  called  Augustin- 
ianism, Platonism,  or  Mysticism,  (a)  As  a  rule,  to 
which  Durandus  with  some  others  was  an  exception, 
the  Schoolmen  regarded  created  causes  as  unable  to  is- 
sue in  any  ilefinite  act  unless  applied  or  stimulated  by 
God,  the  Prime  Mover:  whence  came  the  Thomistic 
doctrine  of  pnrmotio  physica  even  for  the  intellect  and 
the  will,  and  the  simple  concursus  of  the  non-Thomists. 

(b)  Furthermore  they  supposed  some  powers  to  be 
potential  and  passive,  that  is,  to  need  a  creative  deter- 
minant received  into  them  as  their  complement:  of 
which  kind  a  prominent  example  was  the  intellectus 
possihilis  informed  by  the  species  intelliyihilis,  and  an- 
other instance  was  in  relation  to  conscience,  the  syn- 
teresis.     (St.  Thomas,  De  Verit.,  Q.  xvi,  art.  1,  ad  1.3.) 

(c)  First  principles  or  habits  inherent  in  intellect  and 
will  were  clearly  traced  by  St.  Thomas  to  an  origin  in 
experience  and  abstraction;  but  others  spoke  more 
ambiguously  or  even  contradictorily ;  St.  Thomas  him- 
self, in  isolated  passages, might  seem  to  afford  material 
for  the  priorist  to  utilize  in  favour  of  innate  forms. 
But  the  Thomistic  explanation  of  appetitus  innatus,  as 
contrasted  with  cUcitus,  saves  the  situation. 

Abelard,  in  his  "Ethics",  or  " Noscc Teipsum ", does 
not  plunge  us  into  these  depths,  and  yet  he  taughtsuch 
an  indwelling  of  the  Holy  tihost  in  virtuoiLs  pagans  as 
too  unrestrictedly  to  make  their  virtues  to  be  Chris- 
tian. He  |ilaced  morality  so  much  in  the  inward  act 
that  he  denied  the  mondity  of  the  outward,  anil  sin  ho 
placed  not  in  the  olijrctively  disordered  deed  but  in 
contem]5t  for  God,  in  wliich  opinion  he  was  imitated  by 
Prof.  Schell.  Moreover  he  openeil  a  way  to  wrong 
opinions  by  calling  free  will  "tlie  free  judgment  about 
the  will".  In  his  errors,  however,  he  was  not  so  wholly 
astray  as  careless  reading  might  lead  some  to  infer.  It 
was  with  Alexander  of  Ilalos  that  discussions  which 
some  will  r(>gard  as  the  tedious  mituitia'  of  Scholastic 
speculation  began.  The  origin  lay  in  the  introduction 
from  St.  Jerome  (in  Ezech.,  I,  Bk.  I,  ch.  1)  of  the  term 
synteresis  or  syndere.-iis.  There  the  commentator,  hav- 
ing treated  three  of  the  mystic  animals  in  the  Proph- 
ecy as  symbolizing  respectively  three  Platonic  powers 
of  the  soul:  t4  iwit)v)iijTiK6v  (the  appetitive),  ri  Sviuxdr 


CONSCIENCE 


271 


CONSCIENCE 


{tlio  irascible),  and  tA  Xo7ik6>'  (the  rational),  uses  the 
fourth  animal,  the  eagle,  to  represent  what  he  calls 
ffiim-Zipricn^.  The  last,  according  to  the  texts  em- 
ployed by  him  to  describe  it,  is  a  supernatural  knowl- 
etlge:  it  is  the  Spirit  Who  groans  in  man  (Rom.,  viii, 
26),  the  Spirit  who  alone  knows  what  is  in  man  (I  Cor., 
ii,  in.  till'  Spirit  who  with  the  body  and  the  soul  forms 
the  Pauline  trichotomy  of  I  The.ss.,  v,  23.  Alexander 
of  Hales  neglects  this  limitation  to  the  supernatural, 
and  takes  sjTiteresis  as  neither  a  poimtia  alone,  nor  a 
habitus  alone,  but  a  jiotcntia  hdhitualis,  something  na- 
tive, es,sential.  indestructible  in  the  soul,  yet  liable  to  be 
obscured  and  baffled.  It  resides  both  in  the  intelli- 
gence and  in  the  will:  it  is  identified  with  conscience, 
not  indeed  on  its  lower  side,  as  it  is  deliberative  and 
makes  concrete  applications,  but  on  its  higher  side  as 
it  is  wholly  general  in  principle,  intuitive,  a  lunien  in- 
natum  in  the  intellect  and  a  native  inclination  to  good 
in  the  will,  voluntas  naluralis  non  deliheratira  (.Simima 
Theol.,  Pt.  II,  QQ.  lxxi-lxx^^i).  St.  Bonaventure,  the 
pupil,  follows  on  the  same  lines  in  his  "Commentarium 
in  II  Sent."  (dist:  xxxix),  with  the  difference  that  he 
locates  the  synteresis  as  rotor  ci  ]wndus  in  the  will  only, 
distinguishing  it  from  the  conscience  in  the  practical 
intellect,  which  he  calls  an  innate  habit — ''rationale 
iudicatorium,  habitus  cognoscitivus  moralium  princi- 
piorimi'' — "a  rational  judgment,  a  habit  cognoscitive 
of  moral  principles".  Unlike  Alexander  he  retains 
the  name  conscience  for  descent  to  particulars:  " con- 
scicnlia  non  solimi  consist  it  in  imiversali  sed  etiam  de- 
scendit  ad  particulfiriu  ilclibcratira" — "conscience  not 
only  consists  in  the  universal  but  also  descends  to  de- 
liberative particulars".  As  regards  general  principles 
in  the  conscience,  the  habits  are  innate:  while  as  re- 

fards  particular  applications,  they  are  acquired  (II 
ent.,  dist  xxxix.  art.  1,  Q.  ii). 

As  forming  a  transition  from  the  Franciscan  to  the 
Dominican  School  we  may  take  one  whom  the  Servite 
Order  can  at  least  claim  as  a  great  patron,  though  he 
seems  not  to  have  joined  their  body,  Henrj-  of  Ghent. 
He  places  conscience  in  the  intellect,  not  in  the  affec- 
tive part — "non  ad  afTectivam  pertinef — by  which 
the  Scholastics  meant  generally  the  will  without  special 
reference  to  feeling  or  emotion  as  distinguished  in  the 
modern  .sen.se  from  will.  While  Nicholas  of  Cusa  de- 
scribed the  Divine  ilhmiination  as  acting  in  blind-born 
man  (virtus  illuminati  coecinati  qui  per  fidem  visum 
acquirit).  Henrj'  of  Ghent  required  only  assistances 
to  human  sight.  Therefore  he  supposed:  (a)  an 
influrnlin  gcnfralis  Dei  to  apprehend  concrete  ob- 
jects and  to  generalize  thence  ideas  and  principles; 
(b)  a  light  of  faith;  (c)  a  lumen  speciale  wherewith 
was  known  the  sincera  el  limpida  Veritas  rcrum  by 
chosen  men  only,  who  saw  things  in  their  Divine 
exemplars  but  not  God  Himself;  (d)  the  lumen 
gloria  to  see  God.  For  our  purpose  we  specially  note 
this:  "conscientia  ad  partem  anima>  cognitivam  non 
pcrtinet,  sed  ad  alfectivam" — "conscience  belongs 
not  to  the  cognitive  part  of  the  mind,  but  to  the  affec- 
tive" (Quodlibet.,  I,  xviii).  St.  Thomas,  leading  the 
Dominicans,  places  sjTiteresis  not  in  the  will  but  in  the 
intellect,  and  he  applies  the  term  ronxcienee  to  the  con- 
crete determinations  of  the  general  principle  which  the 
SjTiteresis  furnishes:  "By  conscience  the  knowledge 
given  through  synteresis  is  applied  to  particular  ac- 
tions". ("De  Verit.",  Q.  xvii,  a.  2.  Cf.  "Summa 
Theol.",  Q.  l.xxix,  a.  13;  "III  Sent.",  dist.  xiv,  a.  1, 
Q.  ii;  "Contra  Gent.",  II,  .59.)  Albertus  agrees  with 
St.  Thomas  in  assigning  to  the  intellect  the  sjTiteresis, 
which  he  unfortunatelj-  derives  from  si/n  and  hwrere 
(h;prens  in  aliquo)  (Summa  Theol.,  Pit.  II,  Q.  xcix, 
memb.2,  3;  Summa  de  Creaturis,  Pt.  II,Q.  IxLx,  a.  1). 
Yet  he  does  not  deny  all  place  to  the  will:  "Est  ra- 
tionis  practice  .  .  .  non  sine  voluntate  naturali,  sed 
nihil  est  voluntatis  deliberativa-  (Summa  Theol.,  Pt. 
II,  Q.  xcix,  memb.  I).  The  preference  of  the  Francis- 
can School  for  the  prominence  of  will,  and  the  prefer- 


ence of  the  Thomistic  School  for  the  prominence  of  in- 
tellect is  characteristic.  (See  Scotus,  IV  Sent.,  dist. 
xli.x,  Q.  iv.)  Often  this  preference  is  less  significant 
than  it  seems.  Fouillee,  the  great  defender  of  the 
idie  force — idea  as  the  active  principle — allows  in  a 
controversy  with  Spencer  that  feeling  and  will  may  be 
involved  in  the  idea.  Having  shown  how  Scholasti- 
cism began  its  research  uito  conscience  as  a  fi.xed  termi- 
nology, we  must  leave  the  matter  there,  adding  only 
three  heads  under  which  occasion  was  given  for  serious 
errors  outside  the  Catholic  tradition: — 

(a)  While  St.  Augustine  did  excellent  service  in  de- 
velojiing  the  doctrine  of  grace,  he  never  so  clearly 
defined  the  exact  character  of  the  supernatural  as  to 
approach  the  precision  which  was  given  through  the 
condemnation  of  propositions  taught  bj'  Baius  and  Jan- 
senius ;  and  in  consequence  his  doctrine  of  original  sin 
remained  un.satisfactory.  When  .\lexander  of  Hales, 
without  distinction  of  natural  and  supernatural,  in- 
troduced among  the  Scholastics  the  words  of  St. 
Jerome  about  sj-nteresis  as  scintilla  conscientia,  and 
called  it  lumen  innntum,  he  helped  to  perpetuate  the 
Augustinian  obscuritj-. 

(b)  As  regards  the  intellect,  several  Scholastics  in- 
clined to  the  .\rabian  doctrine  of  intcllectus  agcns,  or  to 
the  Aristotelean  doctrine  of  the  Divine  i-oCs  higher 
than  the  human  .soul  and  not  perishable  with  it.  Roger 
Bacon  called  the  intcllectus  agcns  a  distinct  substance. 
Allied  with  tliis  went  Exemplarism,  or  the  doctrine 
of  archetvpic  ideas  and  the  supposed  knowledge  of 
things  in  these  Divine  ideas.  [Compare  the  TrpoX^iZ-cn 
€n<)>vToi  of  the  Stoics,  which  were  universals,  Koival 
fvvoiai  (Zeller,  Stoics,  eh.  vi)].  Henry  of  Ghent  distin- 
guished in  man  a  double  knowledge :  "  primum  exem- 
plar rei  est  species  eius  universalis  causataare:  secun- 
dimi  est  ars  divina,  continens  rerum  ideales  rationes" 
— "  the  first  exemplar  of  a  thing  is  universal  species  of 
it  caused  bj'  the  thing:  the  second  is  the  Divine  Art 
containing  the  ideal  reasons  (rationes)  of  things" 
(Theol.,  I,  2,  n.  1.5).  Of  the  former  he  says:  "per  tale 
exemplar  acquisitum  certa  et  infallibilis  notitia  veri- 
tatis  est  omnino  impossibilis" — "through  such  an  ac- 
quired exemplar,  certain  and  infallible  knowledge  of 
truth  is  utterlj- impossible"  (n.  17);  and  of  the  latter : 
"illisoh  certam  veritatem  valent  agnoscere  qui  earn 
in  exemplar!  (a'terno)  valent  aspicere,  quod  non  omnes 
valent"  — "thej'  alone  can  know  certain  truth  who 
can  behold  it  in  the  (eternal)  exemjilar,  which  not  all 
can  do"  (I,  1,  n.  2(5).  The  perplexity  was  further  in- 
creased when  some,  with  Occam,  asserted  a  confused 
intuition  of  things  singular  as  opposed  to  the  clearer 
idea  got  by  the  process  of  abstraction:  "Cognitio  sin- 
gularis  abstractiva  praesupponit  intuitivam  ejusdem 
objecti" — "abstractive  cognition  of  a  singular  presup- 
poses intuitive  cognition  of  the  same  object"  (Quod- 
lib.,  I,  Q.  xiii).  Scotus  also  has  taught  the  confused 
intuition  of  the  singulars.  Here  was  much  occasion 
for  perplexity  on  the  intellectual  side,  about  the 
knowledge  of  general  principles  in  ethics  and  their  ap- 
plication when  the  priority  of  the  general  to  the  par- 
ticular was  in  question. 

(c)  The  w-ill  also  was  a  source  of  obscurity.  Des- 
cartes supposed  the  free  will  of  God  to  have  deter- 
mined what  for  conscience  was  to  be  right  and  what 
wrong,  and  he  placed  the  act  of  volition  in  an  affirma- 
tion of  the  judgment.  Scotus  did  not  go  thus  far,  but 
some  Scotists  exaggerated  the  determining  power  of 
Divine  will,  especially  so  as  to  leave  it  to  the  choice  of 
God  indefinitelj-  to  enlarge  a  creature's  natural  facul- 
ties in  a  way  that  made  it  haril  to  distinguish  the  nat- 
ural from  the  supernatural.  Ccnmected  with  the  phil- 
osophy of  the  will  in  matters  of  conscience  is  another 
statement  open  to  controversy,  namelj',  that  the  will 
can  tend  to  any  good  object  in  p.articular  only  by  rea- 
son of  its  imiversal  tendency  to  the  good.  This  is  what 
Alexander  of  Hales  means  by  .sj-nteresis  as  it  exi.sts  in 
the  will,  when  he  says  that  it  is  not  an  inactive  habit 


CONSCIENCE 


CONSCIENCE 


but  a  habit  in  some  sense  active  of  itself,  or  a  general 
tenilency,  disposition,  bias,  weight,  or  virtuality. 
With  this  we  might  contrast  Kant's  pnre  noumenal 
will,  good  apart  from  all  determinedly  good  objects. 

(4)  Anti-Scholastic  Schools. — The  history  of  ethics 
outside  the  Scholastic  domain,  so  far  as  it  is  antagonis- 
tic, has  its  extremes  in  Monism  or  Pantheism  on  the 
one  side  and  in  Materialism  on  the  other. 

(a)  Spinoza  is  a  type  of  the  Pantheistic  opposition. 
His  views  are  erroneous  inasmuch  as  they  regard  all 
things  in  the  light  of  a  fated  necessity,  with  no  free 
will  in  either  God  or  man;  no  preventable  evil  in  the 
natural  course  of  things;  no  purposed  good  of  crea- 
tion; no  individual  destiny  or  immortality  for  the  re- 
sponsible agent :  indeed  no  strict  responsibility  and  no 
strict  retribution  by  reward  or  punishment.  On  the 
otherhandmanyof  Spinoza's  sayings,  if  lifted  into  the 
theistic  region,  may  be  transformed  into  something 
noble.  The  theist,  taking  up  Spinoza's  phraseology 
in  a  converted  sense,  may,  imder  this  new  interpreta- 
tion, view  all  passionate  action,  all  sinful  choice,  as  an 
"inadequate  idea  of  things",  as  "the  preference  of  a 
part  to  the  detriment  of  the  whole",  while  all  virtue  is 
seen  as  an  "adequate  idea"  taking  in  man's  "full  rela- 
tion to  himself  as  a  whole,  to  human  society  and  to 
God".  Again,  Spinoza's  amor  Dei  intellcctiialis  be- 
comes finally,  when  duly  corrected,  the  Beatific  Vi- 
sion, after  having  been  the  darker  understanding  of 
God  enjoyeil  by  holy  men  before  death,  who  love  all 
objects  in  reference  to  God.  Spinoza  was  not  an  anti- 
nomian  in  conduct;  he  recommended  and  practised 
virtues.  He  was  better  than  his  philosophy  on  its  bad 
side,  and  worse  than  his  philosophy  on  its  good  side 
after  it  has  been  improved  byChristian  interpretation. 

(b)  Hobbes  stands  for  ethics  on  a  Materialistic  basis. 
Tracing  all  hinnan  action  to  self-love,  he  had  to  ex- 
plain the  generous  virtues  as  the  more  respectable  ex- 
hibitions of  that  quality  when  modified  by  social  life. 
He  set  various  .schools  of  antagonistic  thought  devis- 
ing hypotheses  to  account  for  disintcrcsti'il  action  in 
man.  The  Cambridge  Platonists  luisalisfactcnily  at- 
tacked him  on  the  principle  of  their  ejjonymous  philos- 
opher, supposing  the  innate  vornxara.  to  rule  the  em- 
pirical al<T8rifj.aTa  by  the  aid  of  what  Henry  More 
called  a  "  boniform  faculty",  which  tasted  "  the  sweet- 
ness and  savour  of  virtue".  This  calling  in  of  a  spe- 
cial faculty  had  imitators  outside  the  Platonic  School; 
for  example  in  Hutcheson,  who  had  recourse  to  Divine 
"  implantations"  of  benevolent  disposition  and  moral 
sense,  which  remind  us  somewhat  of  synteresis  as  im- 
perfectly described  by  Alexander  of  Hales.  A  robust 
reliance  on  reason  to  prove  ethical  truth  as  it  proved 
mathematical  truths,  by  inspection  and  analysis,  char- 
acterized the  opposition  which  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  pre- 
sented to  Hobbes.  It  was  a  fashion  of  the  age  to  treat 
philosophy  with  mathematical  rigour;  but  very  differ- 
ent was  the  "geometrical  ethics"  of  Spinoza,  the  nec- 
essarian, from  that  of  Descartes,  the  libertarian,  who 
thought  that  Goil's  free  will  chose  even  the  ultimate 
reasons  of  right  and  wrong  and  might  have  chosen 
otherwise.  If  Hobbes  has  his  representatives  in  the 
ITtilitarians,  the  Cambridge  Platonists  have  their  rep- 
resentatives in  more  or  less  of  the  school  of  which  T. 
H.  Green  is  a  leading  light.  A  universal  infinite  mind 
seeks  to  realize  itself  finitely  in  each  human  mind  or 
brain,  which  therefore  must  seek  to  free  itself  from  the 
bondage  of  mere  natural  causality  and  rise  to  the  lib- 
erty of  the  spirit,  to  a  complete  self-realization  in  the 
infinite  Self  and  after  its  pattern.  What  this  pattern 
ultimately  is  (Jreen  cannot  say;  but  he  holds  that  our 
way  towards  it  at  present  is  through  the  recognized 
virtues  of  European  civilization,  together  with  the  cul- 
tivation of  science  and  art  In  the  like  spirit  G.  E. 
Moore  finds  the  ascertainable  objects  that  at  present 
can  be  called  "good  in  themselves"  to  be  .social  inter- 
course and  a'sthetic  delight. 

(c)  Kant  may  stand  midway  between  the  I'anthci.s- 


tic  and  the  purely  Empirical  ethics.  On  the  one  side 
he  limited  our  knowledge,  strictly  so  called,  of  things 
good  to  sense-experiences;  but  on  the  other  he  al- 
lowed a  practical,  regulative  system  of  ideas  lifting  us 
up  to  God.  Duty  as  referred  to  Divine  commands 
was  religion,  not  ethics:  it  was  religion,  not  ethics,  to 
regard  moral  precepts  in  the  light  of  the  commands  of 
God.  In  ethics  these  were  restricted  to  the  autonom- 
ous aspect,  that  is,  to  the  aspect  of  them  under  which 
the  will  of  each  man  was  its  own  legislator.  Man,  the 
noimienon,  not  the  phenomenon,  was  his  own  law- 
giver and  his  own  end  so  far  as  morality  went:  suty- 
thing  beyond  was  outside  ethics  proper.  Again,  the 
objects  prescribed  as  good  or  forbidden  as  bad  did  not 
enter  in  among  the  constituents  of  ethical  quality: 
they  were  only  extrinsic  conditions.  The  whole  of 
moralitj'  intrinsically  was  in  the  good  will  as  pure 
from  all  content  or  object  of  a  definite  kind,  from  all 
definite  inclination  to  benevolence  and  as  deriving  its 
whole  dignity  from  respect  for  the  moral  law  simply  as 
a  moral  law,  self-imposed,  and  at  the  same  time  uni- 
versalized for  all  other  autonomous  individuals  of  the 
rational  order.  For  each  moral  agent  as  noumenal 
willed  that  the  maxim  of  his  conduct  should  become  a 
principle  for  all  moral  agents. 

We  have  to  be  careful  how  in  practice  we  impute 
consequences  to  men  who  hold  false  theories  of  con- 
science. In  our  historical  sketch  we  have  found 
Spinoza  a  necessarian  or  fatalist;  but  he  believed  in 
effort  and  exhortation  as  aids  to  good  life.  We  have 
seen  Kant  assert  the  non-morality  of  Divine  precept 
and  of  the  objective  fitness  of  things,  but  he  found  a 
place  for  both  these  elements  in  his  system.  Simi- 
larly Paulsen  gives  in  the  body  of  his  work  a  mundane 
ethics  quite  unaffected  by  his  metaphysical  principles 
as  stated  in  his  preface  to  Book  II.  Luther  logically 
might  be  inferred  to  be  a  thorough  antinomian:  he 
declared  the  human  will  to  be  enslaved,  with  a  natural 
freedom  only  for  civic  duties;  he  taught  a  theory  of 
justification  which  was  in  s[)ite  of  evil  deeds;  he  called 
n;itiu-e  radically  corrupt  and  forcibly  held  captive  by 
the  lusts  of  the  flesh;  he  regartled  Divine  grace  as  a 
due  and  necessary  complement  to  human  nature, 
which  as  constituted  by  mere  body  and  soul  was  a 
nature  depraved;  his  justification  was  by  faith,  not 
only  without  works,  but  even  in  spite  of  evil  works 
which  were  not  imputed.  Nevertheless  he  asserted 
that  the  good  tree  of  the  faith-justified  man  must 
bring  forth  good  works;  he  condemned  vice  most  bit- 
terly, and  exhorted  men  to  virtue.  Hence  Protest- 
ants can  depict  a  Luther  simply  the  preacher  of  good, 
while  Catholics  may  regard  simply  the  preacher  of 
evil.     Luther  has  both  sides. 

V.    CoN.SCIENCE    IN   ITS   Pr.\CTIC.\L   WORKING. — (1) 

Tlie  supremacy  of  conscience  is  a  great  theme  of  dis- 
course. "  Were  its  might  equal  to  its  right ' ',  says  But- 
ler, "  it  would  rule  the  world".  With  Kant  we  could 
say  that  conscience  is  autonomously  supreme,  if 
against  Kant  we  added  that  thereby  we  meant  only 
that  every  duty  must  be  brought  home  to  the  individ- 
ual by  his  own  individual  conscience,  and  is  to  this  ex- 
tent imposed  by  it ;  so  that  even  he  who  follows  author- 
ity contrarj'  to  his  own  private  judgment  should  do  so 
on  his  own  private  conviction  that  the  former  has  the 
better  claim.  If  the  Church  stands  between  God  and 
conscience,  then  in  another  sense  also  the  conscience  is 
between  God  and  the  Church.  Unless  a  man  is  con- 
scientiously submissive  to  the  Catholic  Chiu'ch  his  sub- 
jection is  not  really  a  matter  of  inner  morality  but  a 
mechanical  obedience. 

(2)  Conscience  as  a  matter  of  education  and  perfecti- 
bility.— As  in  all  other  concerns  of  education,  so  in  the 
training  of  conscii-nce  wo  nuist  \iso  the  .several  means. 
As  a  check  on  individual  caprice.  es]i('cially  in  youth, 
we  must  con.sult  the  best  living  authoritiesandthcbe.st 
traditions  of  the  p.ast.  At  the  same  time  that  we  sire 
recipient  our  own  active  faculties  must  exortthem- 


CONSCIENCE 


273 


CONSCIENCE 


Ko'vcs  in  the  pursuit  with  a  keen  outlook  for  the  chances 
of  error.  Really  unavoidable  mistakes  will  not  count 
against  us;  but  many  errors  are  remotely,  when  not 
proximately,  preventable.  From  all  our  blunders  we 
should  learn  a  lesson.  The  diligent  examiner  and  cor- 
rector of  his  own  conscience  has  it  in  his  power,  by  long 
diligence  to  reach  a  great  delicacy  and  responsiveness 
to  the  call  of  duty  and  of  higher  virtue,  whereas  the 
negligent,  and  still  more  the  perverse,  may  in  some 
sense  become  dead  to  conscience.  The  hardening  of 
the  heart  and  the  bad  power  to  put  light  for  darkness 
and  darkness  for  light  are  results  which  may  be 
achieved  with  only  too  much  ease.  Even  the  best 
criteria  will  leave  residual  perplexities  for  which  pro- 
vision has  to  be  made  in  an  ethical  theory  of  probabili- 
ties which  will  be  explained  inthearticlePROB.*.BiLiSM. 
Suffice  it  to  say  here  tliat  the  theory  leaves  intact  the 
old  rule  that  a  man  in  so  acting  must  judge  that  he  cer- 
tainly is  allowed  thus  to  act,  even  though  sometimes  it 
might  be  more  commendable  to  do  otherwise.  In  in- 
ferring something  to  be  permissible,  the  extremes  of 
scrupulosity  and  of  laxity  have  to  be  avoidetl. 

(.3)  The  approvals  ami  reprorah  of  conscience. — The 
office  of  conscience  is  sometimes  treated  under  too  nar- 
row a  conception.  Some  writers,  after  the  manner  of 
Socrates  when  he  spoke  of  his  dannon  as  rather  a  re- 
strainer  than  a  pronioterof  action,  assign  to  conscience 
the  office  of  forbidding,  as  others  assign  to  law  and  gov- 
ernment the  negative  duty  of -checking  invasion  upon 
individual  liberty.  Shaftesburj'  (Inquiry  II,  2,  1)  re- 
gards conscience  as  the  consciousness  of  wrongdoing, 
not  of  rightdoing.  Carlyle  in  his  "  Essay  on  Charac- 
teristics asserts  that  we  should  have  no  sense  of  hav- 
ing a  conscience  but  for  the  fact  that  we  have  sinnetl; 
with  which  view  we  may  compare  Green's  idea  about  a 
reasoned  system  of  ethics  (Proleg.,  Bk.  IV,  ch.  ii,  sect. 
311)  that  its  use  is  negative  "to  provide  a  safegnartl 
against  the  pretext  which  in  a  speculative  age  some  in- 
adequate and  misapplied  theories  may  afford  our  self- 
ishness rather  than  in  the  way  of  pointing  out  duties 
previously  ignored".  Others  say  that  an  ethics  of 
conscience  should  no  more  be  hortatory  than  art  should 
be  didactic.  Mackenzie  (Ethics,  3rd  ed.,  Bk.  Ill,  ch.  i, 
sect.  14)  prefers  to  say  simply  that  "conscience  is  a 
feeling  of  pain  accompanying  and  resulting  from  non- 
conformity to  principle".  The  suggestion  which,  by 
way  of  contrarj',  these  remarks  offer  is  that  we  should 
use  conscience  largely  as  an  approving  and  an  instiga- 
ting and  an  inspiring  agency  to  advance  us  in  the  right 
way.  We  should  not  in  morals  copy  the  physicists, 
who  deny  all  attractive  force  and  limit  force  to  vis  a 
tergo,  a  push  from  behind.  Nor  must  we  think  that 
the  positive  side  of  conscience  is  exhausted  in  urging 
obligations:  it  may  go  on  in  spite  of  Kant,  beyond 
duty  to  works  of  supererogation.  Of  course  there 
is  a  theory  which  denies  the  existence  of  such  works 
on  the  principle  that  every  one  is  simply  bound  to 
the  better  and  the  best  if  he  feels  himself  equal  to 
the  heroic  achievement.  This  philosophy  would  lay 
it  down  that  he  who  can  renounce  all  and  give  it 
to  the  poor  is  simply  obliged  to  do  so,  though  a  less 
Ufiierous  nature  is  not  bound,  and  may  take  advan- 
tage— if  it  be  an  advantage — of  its  own  inferiority. 
.Ncit  such  was  the  way  in  which  Christ  put  the  case:  He 
s;iid  hypothetically,  "  if  thou  wilt  be  perfect",  and  His 
fnllower  St.  Peter  said  to  .\nani;is  "  \Vas  not  [thy  land] 
lliiue  own?  and  after  it  was  sold,  was  it  not  in  thine 
iiwn  power?  . . .  Thou  hast  not  lied  unto  men,  but  unto 
God."  (Acts,  v,  4.)  We  have,  then,  a  sphere  of  duty 
and  beyond  that  a  sphere  of  free  virtue,  and  we  include 
both  under  the  domain  of  conscience.  It  is  objected 
that  only  a  prig  considers  the  approving  side  of  hiscon- 
scicnci',  but  that  is  true  only  of  the  priggi.sh  manner, 
not  of  the  thJTig  itself:  for  a  sound  mind  may  very  well 
seek  the  joy  which  comes  of  a  faithful,  generous  heart, 
andniakcil  an  elTort  of  a  conscience  that  outstrips  iluty 
to  ain\  at  higher  perfection,  not  under  the  false  persua 
IV.— 18 


sion  that  only  after  duty  has  been  fulfilled  does  merit 
begin,  but  under  the  true  conviction  that  duty  is  meri- 
torious, and  that  so  also  is  goodness  in  excess  of  duty. 
Not  that  the  eye  is  to  be  too  narrowly  fixed  on  rewards: 
these  are  included,  while  virtue  for  virtue's  sake  and 
for  the  sake  of  God  is  carefully  cultivated. 

Aristotle.  Efh.  Ni'c,  VI.  5;  Petkr  Lombard,  II  Sent.,  dist. 
xx.xix,  Q.  iii;  Alexander  of  Hales,  Summa,  Ft.  H,  Q.  Ixxi; 
St.  Bonaven-tuhe.  In  Lib.  Stmt.,  loc.  eit.;  Albertus  Magnus, 
SumTjui  TheoL,  Ft.  II.  Q.  xcix.  memb.  2,  3;  Idem.  Summa  de 
Crcal.,  Ft.  II.  Q.  Ixix.  a.  1;  St.  Thomas.  .Summa.  I,  Q.  Ixxix, 
a.!.  12.  13;  I-II.  Q.  xix.  aa.  5.  6;  Idem.  Dc  \ml..  Q.  .xvi;  Lehre 
viin  W'l  SI  n  <li  s  (I'lui-s,  ns  in  der  Schnlaslik  des  ISen  Jahrhunderts 
(Frpil.iirs;  im  I'.r.,  isn:.!;  Thiele,  Die  Philosophic  des  Selbst- 
bnr'isJs,  in--:  (lU-rVm.  1S9.5):  Gass.  Gcitchichte  der  christlichen 
Klhik  (Bfrlui,  l.s>l-iss7i;  hvTHAnDT,  Uiilory  of  Christian  Ethics 
I,}  Ihr  H.lonnnliim.  tr.  from  German  (EdinburEh,  1858);  Janet 
A\'[>  Skmllis,  lli.'ilory  of  the  Problems  of  Philosophi/,  tr.  from 
l-renrli  bv  M<in\han  (London,  1902);  Paul  Janet,  The  Theory 
of  .\h,r,ils.  It.  Chapman-  (Edinburgh);  SiDiiwicK.  History  of 
Kllu.-M  II..iiiaon.  isnfi  ;  niTj.r.R,  Sermons;  tiKVrMA-N.  Grammar 
,.f  .\,:s.,it     l,..THl.,n.  I'llll  ;    Sii.cwiCK,  Methods  of  Ethics  (Lon- 

.i..ii,    I'.lilli:    It[  ,  IK.    Ki  rMichcs  Handlriikon  (Munkb. 

l!l(17i;  ni,  W  i  i.i .  II.,,,,  ,1.  i,.,,„l  (Louvain.  1894);  Humphrey. 
Cun.scieme  and   Law  (Luuduu,  1896). 

John  Rickaby. 

Conscience,  Examination  of.     See  Examination 

OF  Conscience. 

Conscience,  Hendrik,  a  Flemish  novelist,  b.  at 
Antwerp.  .3  December,  1812;  d.  at  Brussels,  10  Sep- 
tember, 1S.S3.  His  father  was  French  and  his  mother 
Flemish.  Until  the  age  of  seven  Conscience  was  a 
cripple,  and  was  constantly  under  the  care  of  his 
mother  who  used  to  tell  him  wonderful  tales  of  fairies 
and  angels.  Little  by  little,  however,  he  grew 
stronger,  and  was  able  to  take  part  in  the  games  of 
other  children,  but,  as  soon  as  he  could  read,  books 
were  his  favourite  companions.  In  fact,  it  was  by 
reading  that  he  mainly  educated  himself,  for  his 
schooling  was  limited  to  what  would  be  considered 
to-day  as  the  elementarj-  grade.  In  1S30  he  was  a 
tutor  in  the  Delin  School,  to  some  degree  a  fashion- 
able institution  of  Antwerp,  but  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  struggle  for  independence  he  resigned 
his  position  and  entered  the  army  as  a  private. 

His  military  service,  which  lasted  six  years,  brought 
liim  into  contact  with  the  peasants  of  the  northern 
part  of  Belgium,  and  ga\e  him  an  opportunity  to 
study  their  manners,  their  customs,  and  to  see  the 
attractive  sides  of  their  character,  rough  as  it  is  on 
the  surface.  After  lea\-ing  the  army  he  was  succes- 
.sively  connected  with  the  local  admini.<tration  of  Ant- 
werp', the  academy  of  the  same  city,  and,  in  1857, 
with  the  local  administration  of  Courtrui.  In  1868 
he  was  appointed  commissioner  of  the  royal  museums 
of  painting  and  sculpture.  He  had  taught  Flemish 
to  the  sons  of  King  Leopold  I,  and  in  1868  refused 
the  chair  of  Flemish  literature  in  the  University  of 
Ghent.  In  1809  he  became  a  member  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Belgium. 

While" in  the  army  Conscience  began  to  write,  but 
in  French.  In  1837,  following  the  advice  of  his  friend 
Jan  Delaet,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  write  in  Flemish, 
an  idiom  which  was  then  considered  too  rude  for 
literarj'  composition.  In  this  language  he  published 
liis  first  novel,  "  The  Wonderful  Year",  and  six  months 
later  a  volume  of  verse  and  prose,  "Phantazij". 
Tliese  two  highly  romantic  productions,  where  everj-- 
thing.  romance,  style,  and  even  language,  lay  open  to 
criticism,  were  failures.  Conscience,  however,  was  in 
no  way  dismayed  and  took  in  hand  another  work. 
This  time  his  efforts  were  crowned  with  success. 
When,  in  1838,  "The  Lion  of  Flanders"  appeared, 
it  enriched  Flemish  literature  with  a  masterpiece. 
After  this  success  he  never  ceased  writing.  His  com  • 
plete  works  embrace  more  than  a  hundred  volumes 

Conscience  got  his  inspiration  from  three  main 
sources:  the  fatherland,  the  family,  and  loyalty  to 
the  ("lunch.  His  conception  of  art  is  an  idealistic 
one.  though  he  gives  a  vivid  account  of  the  realities 
of  life.     His  avowed  purpose  was  always  to  inspire 


CONSCIENCE 


274 


CONSCIOUSNESS 


the  people  with  a  love  for  the  good  and  the  beautiful. 
He  possesses  to  a  higli  degree  the  sense  of  the  dra- 
matic and  pathetic;  he  has  a  wonderful  power  of  grasp- 
ing the  picturesque  side  of  things,  and  often  renders 
it  with  a  rare  fehcity  of  expression.  His  works  en- 
joyed a  great  vogue,  and  have  been  translated  into 
most  of  the  European  languages.  Several  English 
editions  appeared  in  London,  Edinburgh,  and  Balti- 
more. Among  his  historical  novels  "The  Lion  of 
Flanders"  and  "Jacob  van  Artevelde"  are  consid- 
ered his  best  achievements;  among  his  studies  of  life 
and  manners  the  most  successful  were  "Siska  van 
Roosemael"  and  "The  Blessing  of  Being  Rich"; 
among  his  village  tales  the  best  knoA^Ti  are  "The 
Conscript"  and  "Baas  Gansendonck".  The  city  of 
Antwerp  raised  a  monument  to  this  famous  son, 
which  was  unveiled  some  w'eeks  before  his  death. 

Conscience,  Geschiedenis  mrjner  jcugd:  lCF;Knorn,  Henri 
Conscience  (Brussels,  ISSl);  i>E  Mont,  //-/i'.,;  i  m  ruTice, 
zijn  leven  en  zijne  werkcn  (Ghent,  ISS-l  ,  ^1  i  :  >  .,  Les 
Flamands  a  propos  de  la  raorl  de  H.  Conaci'  i,,  ■     i  ui  nf  de 

race  (Lyons,  1884);  de  Koninck,  Bibliograil  i  -  -  ,  .,  ;  .  helge 
(Brussels,  1886). 

P.  J.  M.\RIQUE. 

Conscience,  Liberty  of.     See  Toleration. 

Consciousness  (Lat.  conscientia;  Ger.  Bewusstsein) 
cannot,  strictly  speaking,  be  defined.  In  its  widest 
sense  it  includes  all  our  sensations,  thoughts,  feelings, 
and  volitions — in  fact  the  sum  total  of  our  mental  life. 
We  indicate  the  meaning  of  the  term  best  by  con- 
trasting conscious  life  with  the  unconscious  state  of  a 
swoon,  or  of  deep,  dreamless  sleep.  We  are  said  to  be 
conscious  of  mental  states  when  we  are  alive  to  them, 
or  are  aware  of  them  in  any  degree.  The  term  self- 
conscious  is  employed  to  denote  the  higher  or  more 
reflective  form  of  knowletlge,  in  which  we  formally 
recognize  our  states  as  our  own.  Consciousness  in  the 
wide  sense  has  come  to  be  recognized  in  modern  times 
as  the  subject-matter  of  a  special  science,  psychology; 
or,  more  definitely,  phenomenal  or  empirical  psy- 
chology. The  investigation  of  the  facts  of  conscious- 
ness, viewed  as  phenomena  of  the  human  mind,  their 
observation,  description,  and  analysis,  their  classifi- 
cation, the  study  of  the  conditions  of  their  growth  and 
development,  the  laws  exhibited  in  their  manifesta- 
tion, and,  in  general,  the  explanation  of  the  more  com- 
plex mental  operations  and  products  by  their  reduc- 
tion to  more  elementary  states  and  processes,  is  held 
to  be  the  business  of  the  scientific  psychologist  at  the 
present  day. 

History. — The  scientific  or  systematic  study  of  the 
phenomena  of  consciousness  is  modern.  Particular 
mental  operations,  however,  attracted  the  attention 
of  acute  thinkers  from  ancient  times.  Some  of  the 
phenomena  connected  with  volition,  such  as  motive, 
intention,  choice,  and  the  like,  owing  to  their  ethical 
importance,  were  elaborately  investigated  and  de- 
scribed by  early  Christian  moralists;  whilst  some  of 
our  cognitive  operations  were  a  subject  of  interest  to 
the  earliest  Greek  philosophers  in  their  speculations 
on  the  prolilem  of  human  knowledge.  The  common 
character,  however,  of  all  branches  of  philosophy  in 
the  ancient  world,  was  objective,  an  inquiry  into  the 
nature  of  being  and  becoming  in  general,  and  of  cer- 
tain forms  of  being  in  particular.  Even  when  epis- 
temological  questions,  investigations  into  the  nature 
of  knowing,  were  undertaken,  as  e.  g.  by  the  School  of 
Democritus,  there  seems  to  have  been  verj'  little 
effort  made  to  test  the  theories  by  carcfiil  comparison 
with  the  actual  experience  of  our  eonsciciiisni  s-;.  Ac- 
cordingly, crude  hypotheses  received  :i  ccMi-iilriMl.lr 
amount  of  support.  The  great  dil'IVnTicc  bet  wren 
ancient  and  modern  methods  of  investigating  the 
human  mind  will  hv.  best  seen  by  comparing  .Aris- 
totle's "  De  Anima"  and  any  modern  treatise  such  as 
William  James'  "  Principles  of  Psychology",  or  James 
Ward's  article  on  psychology  in  the  ninth  edition  of 


the  "  Encyclopa-dia  Britamiica".  Although  there  is 
plenty  of  evidence  of  inductive  inquiry  m  the  Greek 
philosopher's  book,  it  is  mainly  of  an  objective  char- 
acter; and  whilst  there  are  incidentally  acute  observa- 
tions on  the  operations  of  the  senses  and  the  constitu- 
tion of  some  mental  states,  the  bulk  of  the  treatise  is 
either  physiological  or  metaphysical.  On  the  other 
hand  the  aim  of  the  modern  inquirer  throughout  is 
the  diligent  study  by  introspection  of  different  forms 
of  consciousness,  and  the  explanation  of  all  complex 
forms  of  consciousness  by  resolving  them  into  their 
simplest  elements.  The  Schoolmen,  in  the  main, 
followed  the  lines  of  the  Greek  philosophers,  especially 
Aristotle.  There  is  a  striking  uniformity  in  the  trac- 
tate "De  Anima"  in  the  hands  of  each  successive 
writer  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Middle  Ages.  The 
object  and  conditions  of  the  operations  of  the  cogni- 
tive and  appetitive  faculties  of  the  soul,  the  constitu- 
tion of  species,  the  character  of  the  distinction  between 
the  soul  and  its  faculties,  the  connexion  of  soul  and 
body,  the  inner  nature  of  the  soul,  its  origin  and  des- 
tiny are  discussed  in  each  treatise  from  the  twelfth  to 
the  sixteenth  century;  whilst  the  method  of  argument 
throughout  rests  rather  on  an  ontological  analysis  of 
our  concepts  of  the  various  phenomena  than  on  pains- 
taking introspective  study  of  the  character  of  our 
mental  activities  themselves. 

However,  as  time  went  on,  the  importance  of  cer- 
tain problems  of  Christian  theology,  not  so  vividly 
realized  by  the  ancients,  compelled  a  more  searching 
observation  of  consciousness  and  helped  on  the  sub- 
jective movement.  Free  will,  responsibility,  inten- 
tion, consent,  repentance,  and  conscience  acquired  a 
significance  unknown  to  the  oUl  pagan  world.  This 
procured  an  increasingly  copious  treatment  of  these 
subjects  from  the  moral  theologians.  The  difficulties 
surrounding  the  relations  between  sensuous  and  in- 
tellectual knowledge  evoked  more  systematic  treat- 
ment in  successive  controversies.  Certain  questions 
in  ascetical  and  mystical  theology  also  necessitated 
more  direct  appeal  to  strictly  psychological  investi- 
gation among  the  later  Schoolmen.  Still,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  careful  inductive  observation  and 
analysis  of  our  consciousness,  so  characteristic  of 
modern  psychological  literature,  occupies  a  relatively 
small  space  in  tlie  classical  De  anima  of  the  medieval 
schools.  The  nature  of  our  mental  states  and  pro- 
cesses is  usually  a,ssumed  to  be  so  obvious  that  de- 
tailed description  is  needless,  and  the  main  part  of  the 
writer's  energj'  is  devoted  to  metaphysical  argument. 
Locke's  " Essay  Concerning  Human  Understanding" 
(1690)  and  the  writings  of  Thomas  Hobbes  (15SS- 
1079),  both  of  which  combine  with  confused  and 
superficial  metaphj-sics  much  acute  observation  and 
genuinely  scientific  attempts  at  analysis  of  various 
mental  states,  inaugurated  the  systematic  inductive 
study  of  the  phenomena  of  the  mind  which  has  grown 
into  the  modern  science  of  consciousness,  the  empir- 
ical or  phenomenal  psychology  of  the  present  day.  In 
Great  Britain  the  idealism  of  Berkeley,  which  resolved 
the  seemingly  independent  material  world  into  a  series 
of  ideas  awakened  by  God  in  the  mind,  and  the  scejv 
ticism  of  Hume,  which  professetl  to  carrj'  the  analysis 
still  farther,  dissolving  the  mind  itself  into  a  cluster  of 
states  of  consciousness,  focused  philosophical  specu- 
lation more  and  more  on  the  analytic  study  of  mental 
jihenomena,  and  gave  rise  to  the  .\ssociationist  .School,  i 
This  came  at  last  virtually  to  identify  all  philosophy 
with  psycholog;;'.  Reid  and  Stewart,  the  ablest 
rr|.rrspiitiitives  of  the  Scotch  School,  whilst  opposing 
Iliniii''s  teaching  with  a  better  psychology,  still 
slI■(■rl^thened  by  their  method  the  same  tendency. 
Meantime,  on  the  Continent.  Descartes'  system  of 
methodic  doubt,  which  would  reduce  all  philosophical 
assumptions  to  his  ultimate  coyilo.  eri/o  sum,  furtheri'd 
the  subjective  movement  of  speculation  from  anotlier 
side,  for  it  planted  the  seed  of  the  sundry  mocleni 


CONSCIOUSNESS 


CONSCIOUSNESS 


philosophies  of  coti.spioiisncss.  tlfstiiu'd  to  be  evolved 
along  various  liucs  by  r'iclitc,  Hcholling,  and  Hart- 
luauu. 

Such  being  in  outline  the  history  of  modern  specu- 
lation in  regard  to  human  consciousness,  the  question 
of  primary  interest  here  is:  Viewed  from  the  stand- 
point of  Catholic  theological  and  philosophical  teach- 
ing, what  estimate  is  to  be  formed  of  this  modern 
psychological  method,  and  of  the  modern  science  of 
the  phenomena  of  consciousness?  It  seems  to  the 
present  writer  that  the  method  of  careful  industrious 
observation  of  the  activities  of  the  mind,  the  accurate 
description  and  classification  of  the  various  forms  of 
consciousness,  and  the  effort  to  analyse  complex  men- 
tal products  into  their  simplest  elements,  and  to  trace 
the  laws  of  the  growth  and  development  of  our  several 
faculties,  constitute  a  sound  rational  procedure  which 
is  as  deserving  of  commendation  as  the  emi)loyment  of 
sound  scientific  method  in  any  other  branch  of  knowl- 
edge. Further,  since  the  only  natural  means  of 
acquiring  information  respecting  the  inner  nature  of  the 
soul  is  by  the  investigation  of  its  activities,  the  scientific 
study  of  the  facts  of  consciousness  is  a  necessarj^  pre- 
liminary at  the  present  day  to  any  satisfactory  meta- 
physics of  the  soul.  Assuredly  no  philosojihy  of  the 
human  soul  which  ignores  the  results  of  scientific  ob- 
servation and  experiment  applied  to  the  phenomena 
of  consciousness  can  to-day  claim  assent  to  its  teach- 
ing with  much  hope  of  success.  On  the  other  hand, 
most  English-speaking  psychologists  since  the  time  of 
Locke,  partly  through  excessive  devotion  to  the  study 
of  these  ])henomena,  partly  through  contempt  for 
metaphysics,  seem  to  have  fallen  into  the  error  of  for- 
getting that  the  main  ground  for  interest  in  the  study 
of  our  mental  activities  lies  in  the  hope  that  we  may 
draw  from  them  inferences  as  to  the  inner  constitution 
of  the  being,  subject,  or  agent  from  which  these  activi- 
ties proceed.  This  error  has  made  the  science  of  con- 
sciousness, in  the  hands  of  many  writers,  a  "psychol- 
ogy without  a  .soul".  This  is,  of  course,  no  necessary 
consequence  of  the  method.  With  respect  to  the  rela- 
tion between  the  study  of  consciousness  and  philoso- 
phy in  general,  Catholic  thinkers  would,  for  the  most 
part,  hold  that  a  diligent  investigation  of  the  various 
forms  of  our  cognitive  consciousness  must  be  under- 
taken as  one  of  the  first  steps  in  philosophy;  that  one's 
own  conscious  existence  must  be  the  idtimate  fact  in 
every  jjhilosophical  system;  and  that  the  veracity  of 
our  cognitive  faculties,  when  carefully  scrutinized, 
must  be  the  ultimate  postulate  in  every  sovmd  theory 
of  cognition.  But  the  prospect  of  constructing  a  gen- 
eral philosophy  of  consciousness  on  idealistic  lines 
that  will  harmonize  with  sundry  theological  doctrines 
which  the  Church  has  stamped  with  her  authority, 
does  not  seem  promising.  At  the  same  time,  although 
much  of  our  dogmatic  theologj'  has  been  formulated 
in  the  technical  language  of  the.-\ristotelean  physics 
and  metaphysics,  and  though  it  would  be,  to, say  the 
Ira.vt,  extremely  difficult  to  disentangle  the  Divinely 
ri\caled  religious  element  from  th<"  human  and  im- 
j  HI  feet  vehicle  by  which  it  is  communicated,  yet  it  is 
must  important  to  remember  that  the  conceptions  of 
.■\ristotelean  metaphysics  are  no  more  part  of  Divine 
Revelation  than  are  the  hypotheses  of  .\ristotelean 
physics;  and  that  the  technical  language  with  its  philo- 
sophical associations  and  iiTiplications  in  which  many 
of  our  theological  doctrines  an;  clothed,  is  a  human 
instrument,  subject  to  alteration  and  correction. 

Quantitative  SciENrB  of  Con.sciousne.ss. — The 
term  p/tt/rhophyairs  is  employed  to  denote  a  branch  of 
experimental  psychology  which  seeks  to  establish 
quantitative  laws  describing  the  general  relations  of 
intensity  exhibited  in  various  kinds  of  conscious  states 
under  certain  conditions.  Filaborate  experiments 
and  ingenious  instruments  have  been  devLsed  by 
Weber,  Fechner,  Wundt,  and  others  for  the  purpose 
of  mea.suring  the  strength  of  the  stimulus  needed  to 


awaken  the  sensations  of  tlie  several  senses,  the  quan- 
tity of  variation  in  the  stimulus  required  to  produce  a 
consciously  distinguishable  sensation,  and  so  to  dis- 
cover a  minimum  increment  or  unit  of  consciousness; 
also  to  measure  the  exact  duration  of  particular  con- 
scious processes,  the  "reaction-time"  or  interval  be- 
tween the  stimulation  of  a  sense-organ  and  the  per- 
formance of  a  responsive  movement,  and  similar  facts. 
These  results  have  been  stated  in  certain  approximate 
laws.  The  best  established  of  these  is  the  Weber- 
Fechner  generalization,  which  enunciates  the  general 
fact  that  tlie  stimulus  of  a  sensation  must  be  increased 
in  geometrical  progression  in  order  that  the  intensity 
of  the  resulting  sensation  be  augmented  in  arith- 
metical progression.  The  law  is  true,  however,  only  of 
certain  kinds  of  sensation  and  within  limits.  Whilst 
these  attenijjts  to  reach  quantitative  measurement — 
characteristic  of  the  exact  sciences — in  the  study  of 
consciousness  have  not  been  directly  very  fruitful  in 
new  results,  they  have  nev'ertheless  been  indirectly 
valuable  in  stimulating  the  pursuit  of  greater  accu- 
racy and  precision  in  all  methods  of  observing  and 
registering  the  phenomena  of  consciousness. 

Self-Consciousness. — .\  most  important  form  of 
consciousness  from  both  a  philosophical  and  a  |).sycho- 
logical  point  of  view  is  self-consciousness.  By  this  is 
understood  the  mind's  consciousness  of  its  operations 
as  its  own.  Out  of  this  cognition  combined  with 
inemorj^  of  the  past  emerges  the  knowledge  of  our  own 
abiding  personality.  We  not  only  have  conscious 
states  like  the  lower  animals,  but  we  can  reflect  upon 
these  states,  recognize  them  as  our  own,  and  at  the 
same  time  distinguish  them  from  the  permanent  self 
of  which  they  are  the  transitory  modifications. 
Viewed  as  the  form  of  consciousness  by  which  we 
study  our  own  states,  this  inner  activity  is  called  in- 
trospection. It  is  the  chief  instrument  employed  in 
the  iiuilding  up  of  the  science  of  psychology,  and  it  is 
one  of  the  many  diffcrenliw  which  separate  the  human 
from  the  animal  mind.  It  has  sometimes  been 
spoken  of  as  an  "internal  sense",  the  proper  object  of 
which  is  the  phenomena  of  consciousness,  as  that  of 
the  external  senses  is  the  phenomena  of  physical  na- 
ture. Introspection  is,  however,  merely  the  function 
of  the  intellect  applied  to  the  observation  of  our  own 
mental  life.  The  peculiar  reflective  activity  exhibited 
in  all  forms  of  self-consciousness  has  led  modern  psy- 
chologists who  defend  the  spirituality  of  the  soul,  in- 
creasingly to  insist  on  this  ojieration  of  the  human 
mind  as  a  main  argument  against  materialism.  The 
cruder  form  of  materialism  advocated  in  the  last  cen- 
tury by  Broussais,  Vogt,  Molescliott,  and  at  times  by 
Huxley,  which  maintained  that  thought  is  merely  a 
"product",  ".secretion",  or  "function"  of  the  brain, 
is  shown  to  be  untenable  by  a  brief  consideration  of 
any  form  of  consciousness.  All  "secretions"  and 
"l)roducts"  of  material  agents  of  which  we  have  ex- 
perience, are  substances  which  occupy  space,  are  ob- 
servable by  the  external  senses,  and  continue  to  exist 
when  unobserved.  But  all  states  of  consciousness  are 
non-spatial;  they  cannot  be  observed  by  the  senses, 
and  they  e.xist  only  as  we  arc  conscious  of  them — their 
esse  is  percipi.  Similarly  "functions"  of  material 
agents  are,  in  the  last  resort,  resolvable  into  move- 
ments of  [lortions  of  matter.  But  states  of  conscious- 
ness are  not  movements  any  more  than  they  are 
"secretions"  of  matter.  The  contention,  however, 
that  all  states  of  consciousness,  though  not  "secre- 
tions "or  "products"  of  matter,  are  yet  forms  of  activ- 
ity which  have  their  ultimate  source  in  the  brain  and 
are  intrinsically  and  absolutely  dependent  on  the  lat- 
ter Ls  not  disposed  of  by  this  reasoning. 

To  meet  this  objection,  attention  is  directed  to  the 
form  of  intellectual  activity  exhibited  in  reflective 
self-consciousness.  In  this  process  there  is  recogni- 
tion of  complete  identity  between  the  knowing  agent 
and  the  object  which  is  known;  the  ego  Ls  at  once  sub- 


CONSECRATION 


276 


CONSECRATION 


ject  and  object.  This  feature  of  our  mental  life  has 
been  adduced  in  evidence  of  the  immateriality  of  the 
soul  by  former  writers,  but  under  the  title  of  an  argu- 
ment from  the  luiity  of  consciousness  it  has  been 
stated  in  perhaps  its  most  effective  form  by  Lotze. 
The  phrase  "continuity  of  consciousness"  has  been 
employed  to  designate  the  apparent  connectedness 
which  characterizes  our  inner  experience,  and  the 
term  "stream"  of  consciousness  has  been  popularized 
by  Professor  James  as  an  apt  designation  of  our  con- 
scious life  as  a  whole.  Strictly  speaking,  this  continu- 
ity does  not  pertain  to  the  "states"  or  phenomena  of 
consciousness.  One  obviously  large  class  of  inter- 
ruptions is  to  be  found  in  the  nightly  suspension  of 
consciousness  during  sleep.  The  connecting  contin- 
uity is  really  in  the  imderlying  subject  of  conscious- 
ness. It  is  only  through  the  reality  of  a  permanent, 
abiding  principle  or  being  which  endures  the  same 
whilst  the  transitory  states  come  and  go  that  the  past 
experience  can  be  linked  with  the  present,  and  the 
apparent  unity  and  continuity  of  our  inner  life  be  pre- 
served. The  effort  to  explain  the  seeming  continuity 
of  our  mental  existence  has,  in  the  form  of  the  prob- 
lem of  personal  identity,  proved  a  hopeless  crux  to  all 
schools  of  philosophy  which  decline  to  admit  the  real- 
ity of  some  permanent  principle  such  as  the  human 
soul  is  conceived  to  be  in  the  Scholastic  philosophy. 
John  Stuart  Mill,  adhering  to  the  principles  of  Hume, 
was  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  the  human  mind  is 
merely  "a  series  of  states  of  consciousness  aware  of 
itself  as  a  series".  This  has  been  rightly  termed  by 
James  "the  definite  bankruptcy"  of  the  Association- 
ist  theory  of  the  human  mind.  James'  own  account 
of  the  ego  as  "a  stream  of  consciousness"  in  which 
"each  passing  thought"  is  the  only  "thinker"  is  not 
much  more  satisfactory. 

Abnormal  Forms  of  Consciousness, — In  pro- 
cesses of  self-conscious  activity  therelative  prominence 
of  the  self  and  the  states  varies  much.  When  the 
mind  is  keenly  interested  in  some  external  event,  e.  g. 
a  race,  the  notice  of  self  may  be  diminishetl  almost  to 
zero.  On  the  other  hand,  in  efforts  of  difficult  self- 
restraint  and  deliberate  reflection,  the  consciousness 
of  the  ego  reaches  its  highest  level.  Besides  this 
experience  of  the  varying  degrees  of  the  obtru- 
siven'ess  of  the  self,  we  are  all  conscious  at 
times  of  trains  of  thought  taking  place  auto- 
matically within  us,  which  seem  to  possess  a  certain 
independence  of  the  main  current  of  our  mental  life. 
Whilst  going  through  some  familiar  intellectual  opera- 
tion with  more  or  less  attention,  our  mind  may  at  the 
same  time  be  occupied  in  working  out  a  second  series 
of  thoughts  connected  and  coherent  in  themselves,  yet 
f[uite  separate  from  the  other  process  in  which  our 
intellect  is  engaged.  These  secondary  "split-off" 
processes  of  thought  may,  in  certain  rare  cases,  de- 
velop into  very  distinct,  consistent,  and  protracted 
streams  of  consciousness;  and  they  may  occasionally 
become  so  complete  in  themselves  and  so  isolated 
from  the  main  current  of  our  mental  life,  as  to  possess 
at  least  a  superficial  appearance  of  being  the  outcome 
of  a  separate  personality.  We  have  here  the  phenom- 
enon of  the  so-called  "double  ego".  Sometimes  the 
sections  or  fragments  of  one  fairly  consistent  stream 
of  consciousness  alternate  in  succession  with  the  sec- 
tions of  another  current,  and  we  have  the  alleged 
"mutations  of  the  ego",  in  which  two  or  more  dis- 
tinct personalities  seem  to  occupy  the  same  body  in 
turn.  Sometimes  the  second  stream  of  thought  ap- 
pears to  run  on  concomitantly  with  the  main  current 
of  conscious  experience,  though  so  shut  off  as  only  to 
manifest  its  existence  occasionally.  These  parallel 
currents  of  mental  life  have  been  adduced  by  some 
writers  in  support  of  an  hypothesis  of  concomitant 
"multiple  iKM-soiKilities".  The  psychological  litera- 
ture (healing  willi  tlicse  phenomena  which  has  grown 
up  in  recent  years  is  already  very  large.     Here  it  suf- 


fices to  observe  in  passing  that  all  these  phenomena 
belong  to  morbid  mental  life,  that  their  nature  antl 
origin  are  admittedly  extremely  obscure,  and  that  the 
cases  in  which  the  ego  or  subject  of  one  stream  of  con- 
sciousness has  absolutely  no  knowledge  or  memory  of 
the  experiences  of  the  other,  are  extremely  few  and 
very  doubtful.  The  careful  and  industrious  observa- 
tions, however,  which  are  being  collected  in  this  field 
of  mental  pathology  are  valuable  for  many  purposes; 
and  even  if  they  have  not  so  far  thrown  much  light 
on  the  problem  of  the  inner  nature  of  the  soul,  at  all 
events  they  stimulate  effort  towards  an  important 
knowledge  of  the  nervous  conditions  of  mental  pro- 
cesses, and  they  ought  ultimately  to  prove  fruitful  for 
the  study  of  mental  disease. 

Reverie,  dreams,  and  somnambulistic  experiences 
are  forms  of  consciousness  mediating  between  normal 
life  and  the  eccentric  species  of  mentality  we  have  just 
been  discussing.  One  particular  form  of  abnormal 
consciousness  which  has  attracted  much  attention 
during  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  is  that  exhibited 
in  hypnotism  (q.  v.).  The  type  of  consciousness  pre- 
sented here  is  in  many  respects  similar  to  that  of 
somnambulism.  The  main  feature  in  which  it  differs 
is  that  the  hypnotic  state  is  artificially  induced  antl 
that  the  subject  of  this  state  remains  in  a  condition  of 
rapport  or  special  relation  with  the  hypnotizer  of  such 
a  kind  that  he  is  singularly  susceptible  to  the  suggestions 
of  the  latter.  One  feature  of  the  hypnotic  state  in 
common  with  some  types  of  somnambulism  and  certain 
forms  of  the  "split-off"  streams  of  consciousness  con- 
sists in  the  fact  that  experiences  which  occurred  in  a 
previous  section  of  the  particular  abnormal  state, 
though  quite  forgotten  during  the  succeeding  normal 
consciousness,  may  be  remembered  during  a  return  of 
the  abnormal  state.  These  and  some  other  kindred 
facts  have  recently  given  rise  to  much  ingenious  spec- 
ulation as  to  the  nature  of  mental  life  below  the 
"threshold"  or  "margin"  of  consciousness.  Certain 
writers  have  adopt  etl  the  hypothesis  of  a  "subliminal", 
in  addition  to  our  ordinary  "supraliminal",  conscious- 
ness, and  ascribe  a  somewhat  mystic  character  to  the 
former.  vSome  assume  a  imiversal,  pantheistic,  sub- 
liminal consciousness  continuous  with  the  subliminal 
consciousness  of  the  indivitlual.  Of  this  universal 
mind  they  maintain  that  each  particular  mind  is  but  a 
part.  The  question,  indeed,  as  to  the  existence  and 
nature  of  unconscious  mental  operations  in  individual 
minds  has  been  in  one  shape  or  another  the  subject  of 
controversy  from  the  time  of  Leibniz.  That  during 
our  normal  conscious  existence  obscure,  subconscious 
mental  processes,  at  best  but  faintly  recognizable,  do 
take  place,  is  indisputable.  That  latent  activities  of 
the  soul  which  are  strictly  imconscious,  can  be  truly 
mental  or  intellectual  operations  is  the  point  in  debate. 
Whatever  conclusions  be  adopted  with  respect  to 
those  various  problems,  the  discussion  of  them  has  es- 
tablished beyond  doubt  the  fact  that  our  normal  con- 
sciousness of  everyday  life  is  profoimdly  affected  by 
subconscious  processes  of  the  soul  which  themselves 
escape  our  notice.  (See  Peuson.\lity;  Psychology; 
Soul.) 


RiCKABY,   First 

Balmbs,  Fundamental 
James,  Principles  of  /*> 
vii,  ix,  x;  Ferrikr,  ,1/^ 

Ill.i;  Ladd,;  ' 
v;  Janet,  L'  A 
84-140,  305-y:!:-,    \|  ,,, 
(London  and  New  \oi 


Nc 


ondon,  19011.  part  II,  v; 
York.  1896),  I,  x.xiii: 
rk  and  London.  1890), 
'-1  the  Philosophy  of  Con- 
:phf/sic,  tr.(Oxford,  1884). 
1.  in  and  New  York,  1895). 
M,-  (Paris.  1899),  36-44. 
,  Empirical  and  Rational 
S.  360-367,  475-492. 
Michael  Maher. 


Consecration,  in  general,  is  an  act  by  which  a 
thing  is  separated  from  a  common  and  profane  to 
sacred  use.  or  by  which  a  person  or  thing  is  dedicatee 
to  the  service  and  worship  of  God  by  prayers,  rites 
and  ceremonies.  The  custom  of  consecrating  personi 
to  the  Divine  service  and  things  to  serve  in  the  wor 


CONSECRATION 


277 


CONSECRATION 


ship  iif  (^lod  may  be  traced  to  tlic  remotest  times.  Wo 
lind  rites  of  conseeratimi  mentioned  in  the  early  cult 
of  the  Egyptians  and  utlur  paaan  nations.  Among 
the  Semitic  tribes  it  eonsi.sted  in  the  threefold  act  of 
separating,  sanctifying,  or  purifying,  and  devoting  or 
ofTering  to  the  Deity.  In  the  Hebrew  Law  we  find  it 
applied  to  tlie  entire  people  whom  Moses,  by  a  solemn 
act  of  consecration,  designates  as  the  People  of  God. 
A.S  described  in  the  Book  of  Exodus  (xxiv),  the  rite 
u.sed  on  this  occasion  consisted  (1)  of  the  erection  of  an 
altar  and  twelve  memorial  stones  (to  represent  the 
twelve  tribes) ;  (2)  of  the  selection  of  twelve  youths  to 
perform  the  burnt-offering  of  the  holocaust ;  (3)  Moses 
reatl  the  covenant,  and  the  people  made  their  profes- 
sion of  obedience ;  (4)  Moses  sprinkled  upon  the  peo- 
ple the  blootl  reserved  from  the  holocaust.  Later  on 
we  read  of  the  consecration  of  the  priests — .\aron  and 
his  sons  (Exod.,  .xxi.x) — who  had  been  previously 
elected  (Exod.,  xxviii).  Here  we  have  the  act  of  conse- 
cration consisting  of  purifying,  investing,  and  anoint- 
ing (Lev.,  viii)  as  a  preparation  for  their  offering  public 
sacrifice.  The  placing  of  the  meat  in  their  hands 
(Exod.,  xxix)  was  considered  an  essential  part  of  the 
ceremony  of  consecration,  whence  the  expression  fill- 
ing the  hand  has  been  considered  identical  with  con- 
secrating. As  to  the  oil  used  in  this  consecration,  we 
find  the  particulars  in  Exodus  (xxx,  2.3, 24 ;  xxxvii,  29). 

Distinct  from  the  priestly  consecration  is  that  of  the 
Levites  (Num.,  iii,  6)  who  represent  the  first-born  of 
all  the  tribes.  The  rite  of  their  consecration  is  de- 
scribed in  Numbers,  viii.  Another  kind  of  personal 
consecration  among  the  Hebrews  was  that  of  the  Naz- 
arites  (Num.,  vi).  It  implied  the  voluntary  separa- 
tion from  certain  things,  dedication  to  God,  and  a  vow 
of  special  sanctity.  Similarly,  the  rites  of  consecra- 
tion of  objects — such  as  temples,  altars,  firstfruits, 
spoils  of  war,  etc. — are  minutely  described  in  the  Old 
Testament.  Among  the  Romans  whatever  was  de- 
voted to  the  worship  of  their  gods  (fields,  animals,  etc. 
was  said  to  be  consecrated,  and  the  objects  which  per- 
tained intimately  to  their  worship  (temples,  altars, 
etc.)  were  said  to  be  dedicated.  These  words  were, 
however,  often  used  indiscriminately,  and  in  both 
cases  it  was  understood  that  the  object  once  conse- 
crated or  dedicated  remained  sacred  in  perpctuum. 

The  Church  distinguishes  consecration  from  bless- 
ing, both  in  regard  to  persons  and  to  things.  Hence 
the  Roman  Pontifical  treats  of  the  consecration  of  a 
bi.shop  and  of  the  blessing  of  an  abbot,  of  the  blessing 
of  a  comer-stone  and  the  consecration  of  a  church  or 
altar.  In  both,  the  persons  or  things  pass  from  a  com- 
mon, or  profane,  order  to  a  new  state,  and  become  the 
subjects  or  the  instruments  of  Divine  protection.  At 
a  consecration  the  ceremonies  are  more  solemn  and 
elaborate  than  at  a  blessing.  The  ordinary  minister 
"f  a  consecration  is  a  bishop,  whilst  the  ordinary  min- 
ler  of  a  blessing  is  a  priest.  At  every  consecration 
!ie  holy  oils  are  used;  at  a  blessing  customarily  only 
lioly  water.  The  new  state  to  which  consecration  ele- 
vates persons  or  things  is  permanent,  and  the  rite  can 
never  be  repeated,  which  is  not  the  case  at  a  blessing; 
the  graces  attached  to  con.secration  are  more  numer- 
ous and  efficacious  than  those  attached  to  a  blessing; 
tlio  profanation  of  a  consecrated  person  or  thing  car- 
riis  with  it  a  new  species  of  sin,  namely  sacrilege, 
which  the  profanation  of  a  blessed  person  or  thing  does 
not  alw.iys  do. 

Of  consecrations  proper  the  Roman  Pontifical  con- 
tains one  of  jyemon.'s.  that  is  of  a  Ijishop,  and  four  of 
thingn.  that  is.  of  a  fixed  altar,  of  an  altar-stone,  of  a 
church,  and  of  a  chalice  and  paten.  The  consecration 
of  a  church  is  also  called  its  dedication  (q.  v.),  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  distinction  between  consecration 
and  dedication  among  the  ancient  Romans  pointed 
out  above.  To  these  might  be  probably  added  con- 
firmation and  Holy  orders,  for  which,  however,  the 
Roman  Pontifical,  because  they  are  distinct  sacra- 


ments, has  retained  their  proper  names.  If  we  except 
the  consecration  of  a  bishop,  which  is  a  sacrament — 
although  there  is  a  question  among  theologians, 
whether  the  sacrament  and  the  character  imprinted  by 
it  are  distinct  from  the  sacrament  and  character  of 
the  priesthood,  or  only  a  certain  extension  of  the  sacer- 
dotal sacrament  and  character — all  the  other  conse- 
crations are  sacramentals.  These  are  inanimate 
things  which  are  not  susceptible  of  Divine  grace,  but 
are  a  medium  of  its  communication,  since  by  their  con- 
secration they  acquire  a  certain  spiritual  power  by 
which  they  are  rendered  in  perpetuum  fit  and  suitable 
for  Divine  worship.  (St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  Summa 
Theol.,  Ill,  Q.  Ixxxiii,  a.  3,  ad  3  and  4.) 

In  the  Eastern  Churches  the  prayers  at  the  conse- 
cration of  altars  and  sacred  vessels  are  of  the  same 
imjjort  a.s  those  used  in  the  Latin  Church,  and  they  are 
accompanied  by  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  the  anointing 
with  holy  oils  (Renaudot,  "Liturgiarum  Orient.  Col- 
lectio",  I,  Ad  benedictiones).  At  the  eonsecr.ation  of 
a  bishop,  the  Orientals  hold,  with  the  Latins,  that  the 
essence  consists  in  the  laying-on  of  hands,  and  they 
entirely  omit  the  anointing  with  holy  oils  (Morinus, 
De  sacris  Ecclesise  ordinationibus,  Pars  III,  Appen- 
dix). 

When  we  speak  of  consecration  without  any  special 
qualification,  we  ordinarily  understand  it  as  the  act  by 
which,  in  the  celebration  of  Holy  Mass,  the  bread  and 
wine  are  changed  into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ. 
It  is  called  iransubstantiation ,  for  in  the  Sacrament  of 
the  Eucharist  the  substance  of  bread  and  wine  do  not 
remain,  but  the  entire  substance  of  bread  is  changed 
into  the  body  of  Christ,  and  the  entire  substance  of 
wine  is  changed  into  His  blood,  the  species  or  outward 
semblance  of  bread  and  wine  alone  remaining.  This 
change  is  produced  in  virtue  of  the  words:  This  is  my 
body  and  This  is  my  blood,  or  This  is  the  chalice  oj  my 
blood,  pronounced  by  the  priest  assuming  the  person 
of  Christ  and  using  the  same  ceremonies  that  Christ 
used  at  the  Last  Supper.  That  this  is  the  essential 
form  has  been  the  constant  belief  and  teaching  of  both 
the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches  (Renaudot,  "  Li- 
turgiarum Orientalium  CoUectio,  I,  i). 

I.  CoNSECR.\TioN  OF  A  BisHOP. — The  consecration 
of  a  bishop  marks  the  plenitude  of  the  priesthood, 
and  it  is  probable  that  on  this  account  the  "  Pontificate 
Romanum"  places  the  ceremony  of  episcopal  conse- 
cration immediately  after  that  of  the  ordination  of 
priests.  Tit.  XIII,  "  De  consecratione  electi  in  Episco- 
pum".  Episcopal  jurisdiction  is  acquired  by  the  act 
of  election  and  confirmation  or  by  definite  appoint- 
ment, whilst  the  fullness  of  the  priestly  power  itself  is 
obtained  in  consecration,  as  the  completion  of  hierar- 
chical orders.  Formerly  the  consecration  of  a  suffra- 
gan bishop  was  performed  jure  eommuni  by  the  metro- 
politan of  the  province,  who  could  delegate  another 
bishop.  An  archbishop  was  consecrated  by  one  of  his 
suffragans,  the  senior  being  usually  selected.  If  the 
bishop-elect  was  not  a  suffragan  of  any  ecclesiastical 
province,  the  nearest  bishop  perfoniied  the  ceremony. 
According  to  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church  the 
office  of  consecrator  is  reserved  to  the  Roman  pontiff", 
who  perfomis  the  consecration  in  person  or  delegates 
it  to  another  (Benedict  XIV,  Const.  "In  postremo", 
10  Oct.,  1756,  5  1").  If  the  con.secration  takes  place 
in  Rome,  and  the  bishop-elect  receives  the  permission 
to  choose  the  consecrator,  he  must  select  a  cardinal 
who  is  a  bishop,  or  one  of  the  four  titular  Latin  patri- 
archs residing  in  Rome.  If  they  refuse  to  perfonn  the 
ceremony,  he  may  choose  any  archbishop  or  bishop. 
.\  suffragan,  however,  is  obliged  to  select  the  metro- 
politan of  his  province,  if  the  latter  be  in  Rome  ( ibidem). 
In  Rome  the  consecration  takes  place  in  a  consecrated 
church  or  in  the  papal  chapel  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  Deer. 
V  of  latest  edit.,  no  date).  If  the  consecration  is  to 
take  place  outside  of  Rome,  an  Apostolic  commission 
is  sent  to  the  bishop-elect,  in  which  the  Roman  pontiff 


CONSECRATION 


27S 


CONSECRATION 


grants  him  the  faculty  of  choosing  any  bishop  having 
communion  with  the  Holy  See  to  consecrate  him  and 
administer  the  oath,  a  i^ledge  of  obedience  and  respect 
to  the  Apostolic  See.  Besides  the  consecrator,  the  an- 
cient canons  and  the  general  practice  of  the  Church 
require  two  assistant  bishops.  This  is  not  of  Divine 
but  of  Apostolic  institution  (Santi,  "  Praelectiones 
Juris  Canonici",  Vol.  I,  Tit.  vi,  n.  49),  and  hence,  in 
cases  of  necessity,  when  it  is  impossible  to  procure 
three  bishops,  the  places  of  the  two  assistant  bishops 
may,  by  Apostolic  favour,  be  filled  by  priests,  who 
should  be  dignitaries  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  16  July,  1605). 
These  priests  must  observe  the  rubrics  of  the  "  Pontifi- 
cale  Romanum"  with  regard  to  the  imposition  of 
hands  and  the  kiss  of  peace  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  9  June, 
1853).  Benedict  XIV  (De  Synod.  Dicec,  Lib.  XIII, 
cap.  xiii,  n.  2  sqq.)  holds  that  the  consecration  of  a 
bishop,  when  the  consecrator  is  assisted  by  one  priest, 
although  the  Apostolic  Brief  required  two  assistant 
priests,  is  valid  although  illicit.  In  missionary  coun- 
tries the  consecrator  may  perform  the  ceremony  with- 
out the  assistance  even  of  priests  (Zitelli,  "  Apparatus 
Juris  Ecolesiastici ",  Lib.  I,  Tit.  i,  §  iv).  The  selection 
of  the  assistant  bishops  or  priests  is  left  to  the  conse- 
crator, whose  choice  is,  however,  understood  to  be  in 
harmony  with  the  wishes  of  the  bishop-elect  (Mar- 
tinucci.  Lib.  VII,  cap.  iv,  n.  5). 

The  day  of  consecration  should  be  a  Sunday  or  the 
feast  of  an  Apostle,  that  is  to  say  a  dies  nalalitiii,  and 
not  merely  a  day  which  commemorates  some  event  of 
his  life,  e.  g.  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul.  Since  in 
liturgy  Evangelists  are  regarded  as  Apostles  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  17  July,  1706)  their  feast  days  may  be  se- 
lected. The  choice  of  any  other  day  must  be  ratified 
by  special  indult  of  the  Holy  See.  Outside  of  Rome 
the  consecration  ought  to  be  perfonned,  if  it  can  be 
conveniently  done,  in  the  cathedral  of  the  diocese,  and 
within  the  province  of  the  bishop-elect;  the  latter 
may,  however,  select  any  church  or  chapel  for  the 
ceremony.  A  bishop  must  be  consecrated  before  the 
expiration  of  three  months  after  his  election  or  ap- 
pointment. If  it  is  delayed  beyond  this  time  without 
sufficient  reason,  the  bishop  is  obliged  to  relinquish  the 
revenues  to  which  he  is  entitled;  if  it  is  delayed  six 
months,  he  may  be  deprived  of  his  episcopal  see  (Cone. 
Trid.,  Sess.  XXIII,  cap.  ii,  De  Reform.).  Titular 
bishops  forfeit  their  right  of  episcopal  dignity  unless 
they  are  consecrated  within  six  months  of  their  ap- 
pointment (Benedict  XIV,  Const.  "Quum  a  nobis",  4 
Aug.,  1747,  §  Hiec  sane).  Accordmg  to  the  ancient 
canons,  both  the  consecrator  and  the  bishop-elect  are 
expected  to  observe  the  day  preceding  the  consecra- 
tion as  a  fast  day. 

The  ceremony  of  consecration  of  a  bishop  is  one  of 
the  most  splendid  and  impressive  known  to  the 
Church.  It  may  be  divided  into  four  parts:  the  pre- 
ludes, the  consecration  proper,  the  presentation  of  the 
insignia,  and  the  conclusion.  It  takes  place  during 
Mass  celebrated  by  both  the  consecrator  and  the  bish- 
op-elect For  this  purpose  a  separate  altar  is  erected 
for  the  bishop-elect  near  the  altar  at  which  the  conse- 
crator celebrates  Mass,  either  in  a  side  chapel,  or  in  the 
sanctuary,  or  just  outside  of  it. 

Preludes. — The  consecrator  is  vested  in  full  pontifi- 
cals of  the  colour  of  the  Mass  of  the  day ;  the  assistant 
bishops,  in  amice,  stole,  and  cope  of  the  same  colour, 
and  a  white  linen  or  damask  mitre;  the  bishop-elect 
in  amice,  alb,  cincture,  white  stole  crossed  on  the 
breast,  and  cope  anil  l)irett:i.  The  consecrator  is  seat- 
ed on  a  faldstool  placed  on  the  pretlella  of  the  altar, 
facing  the  bishojj-elect,  who  sits  between  the  assistant 
bishops,  upon  a  seat  placed  on  the  sanctuary  floor. 
The  senior  assistant  bishop  presents  the  elect  to  the 
consecrator,  after  which  the  Apostolic  commission  is 
called  for  and  read.  Then  the  elect,  kneeling  before 
the  consecrator,  takes  an  oath  in  which  he  promises  to 
be  obedient  to  the  Holy  See,  to  jironiote  its  rights,  hon- 


ours, privileges,  and  authority,  visit  the  City  of  Rome 
at  stated  times,  render  an  account  of  his  whole  pas- 
toral office  to  the  pope,  execute  all  Apostolic  man- 
dates, and  preserve  inviolable  all  the  possessions  of  his 
Church.  Then  follows  the  examination,  in  which  sev- 
enteen questions  concerning  the  canons  of  the  Church 
and  articles  of  faith  are  proposed,  to  which  the  elect 
answers,  "I  will",  and,  "I  do  believe",  respectively, 
each  time  rising  slightly  and  uncovering  his  head. 
Mass  is  now  begun  at  the  foot  of  the  consecrator's 
altar  and  continued  down  to  "  Oremus.  Aufer  a  nobis  " 
inclusively.  The  elect  is  then  led  by  the  assistant 
bishop  to  the  side  altar,  at  which,  having  been  clad  in 
his  pontifical  vestments,  he  continues  the  Mass,  simul- 
taneously with  the  consecrator,  down  to  the  last  verse 
of  the  Gradual,  Tract,  or  Sequence  exclusively,  with- 
out any  change  in  the  liturgy,  except  that  the  collect 
for  the  elect  is  added  to  the  prayer  of  the  day  under 
one  conclusion.  The  elect  is  again  presented  to  the 
consecrator,  who  sets  forth  the  duties  and  powers  of  a 
bishop:  "It  behooves  a  bishop  to  judge,  interpret, 
consecrate,  offer,  baptize  and  confirm."  The  clergy 
and  the  faithful  are  then  invited  to  pray  that  God  may 
bestow  the  abundance  of  His  grace  on  the  elect.  The 
Litany  of  the  Saints  is  now  recited  or  chanted,  while 
the  elect  lies  prostrate  on  the  floor  of  the  sanctuary 
and  all  the  others  kneel. 

Consecration. — The  consecrator,  aided  by  the  assis- 
tant bishops,  takes  the  book  of  the  Gospels  and,  open- 
ing it,  plcices  it  on  the  neck  and  shoulders  of  the  elect, 
so  that  the  bottom  of  the  page  be  next  to  the  elect's 
head,  and  the  book  is  held  in  this  manner  by  one  of  the 
clergy  until  it  is  to  be  given  to  the  elect  after  the  pres- 
entation of  the  ring.  This  rite  is  found  in  all  the  an- 
cient rituals — Latin,  Greek  and  Syriac — though  in 
early  times  it  seems  not  to  have  been  universal  among 
the  Latins.  Now  follows  the  imposition  of  hands, 
which,  according  to  the  common  opinion,  is  the  es- 
sence of  the  consecration.  Both  the  consecrator  and 
the  assistant  bishops  place  both  hands,  to  express  the 
plenitude  of  the  power  conferred  and  of  the  grace 
asked  for,  on  the  head  of  the  elect,  saying,  "  Receive 
the  Holy  Ghost" — without  restriction  and  with  all 
His  gifts,  as  the  simple  formula  indicates.  Theolo- 
gians do  not  agree  as  to  whether  the  communication  of 
the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  is  tlirectly  implied  in  these 
words,  but  the  prayers  which  follow  seem  to  determine 
the  imposition  of  hands  by  which  the  grace  and  power 
of  the  episcopacy  is  signified  and  conferred.  In  the 
Greek  ritual  the  prayer  which  accompanies  the  impo- 
sition of  hands  is  clearly  the  form.  The  "  Veni,  Crea- 
tor Spiritus"  is  sung,  during  which  the  consecrator 
first  makes  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  holy  chrism  on 
the  crown  or  tonsure  of  the  new  bishop  and  then 
anoints  the  rest  of  the  crown.  That  this  unction  is  to 
symbolize  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  with  which  the 
Church  desires  a  bishop  to  be  filled,  is  evident  from  the 
prayer  which  follows,  "May  constancy  of  faith,  purity 
of  love,  sincerity  of  peace  abound  in  him".  The 
anointing  of  the  hands  of  the  bishop  in  the  form  of  a 
cross,  and  afterwards  of  the  entire  palms,  then  follows. 
This  unction  indicates  the  powers  that  are  given  to 
him.  The  consecrator  then  makes  thrice  the  sign  of 
the  cross  over  the  hands  thus  anointed  and  prays: 
"  Whatsoever  thou  shalt  bless,  may  it  be  blessed ;  and 
w'hatsoever  thou  shalt  sanctify  may  it  be  sanctified; 
and  may  the  imposition  of  this  consecrated  hand  and 
thmnb  be  profitable  in  all  things  to  salvation."  Tlie 
hands  of  the  bishop  are  then  joined,  the  right  resting 
on  the  left,  and  placed  in  a  linen  cloth  which  is  sus- 
pended from  his  neck. 

Presentation  of  tlic  episcopal  insiynia. — The  crosier 
is  then  blessed  and  handed  to  the  bishop,  who  receives 
it  between  the  index  and  midille  fingers,  the  hanils  re- 
maining joined.  The  consecrator  at  the  same  time 
admonishes  him,  as  the  Ritual  indicates,  that  the  true 
character  of  the  ecclesiastical  shei)herd  is  to  temper 


CONSECRATION 


279 


CONSECRATION 


the  exercise  of  justice  with  meekness,  and  not  to  neg- 
lect strictness  of  discipline  through  love  of  tranquiUitj'. 
I'lio  oonsecrator  then  blesses  the  ring  and  places  it  on 
llip  tliird  finger  of  the  bishop's  right  hand,  reminding 
t  lie  lat  t or  that  it  is  the  s\Tnbol  of  fidelity  which  he  owes 
to  Holy  Church.  The' book  of  the  Gosi>els  is  taken 
from  the  bishop's  shoulders  and  handed  to  him,  with 
the  command  to  go  and  preach  to  the  people  commit- 
ted to  his  care.  He  then  receives  the  kiss  of  peace 
from  the  consecrator  and  the  assistant  bishops,  and 
the  latter  conduct  him  to  his  altar,  where  the  crown  of 
his  head  is  cleansed  with  crumbs  of  bread,  and  his  hair 
is  adjusted.  Afterwards  the  bishop  washes  his  hands, 
:iiid  both  he  and  the  consecrator,  at  their  respective 
altars,  continue  the  Ma.ss  as  usual,  down  to  the  prayer 
nf  the  Offertory  inclusively.  After  the  Offertory  the 
new  bishop  is  led  to  the  consecrator's  altar  where  he 
presents  to  the  latter  two  lighted  torches,  two  loaves 
of  bread,  and  two  small  barrels  of  wine.  This  offering 
is  a  relic  of  ancient  discipline,  according  to  which  the 
faithful  made  their  offerings  on  such  occasions  for  the 
support  of  the  clergj'  and  other  purposes  connected 
with  religion.  From  the  Offertory  to  the  Communion 
the  bishop  stands  at  the  Epistle  side  of  the  consecra- 
tor's altar  and  recites  and  acts  together  with  the  latter 
everything  as  indicated  in  the  Missal.  After  the  con- 
secrator h.as  consumed  one-half  of  the  Host  which  he 
consecrated  at  JIass,  and  partaken  of  one-half  of  the 
Precious  Blood  together  with  the  particle  of  the  conse- 
crated Host  that  was  dropped  into  the  chalice,  he 
Commtmicates  the  bishop  by  giving  him,  first,  the 
other  half  of  the  consecrated  Host,  and  then  the  Pre- 
cious Blood  remaining  in  the  chalice.  Both  take  the 
ablutions  from  different  chalices,  after  which  the  new 
bishop  goes  to  the  Gospel  side  of  the  consecrator's 
altar,  and  with  the  consecrator  continues  the  Mass 
down  to  the  blessing  inclusively.  The  consecrator 
then  blesses  the  mitre  and  places  it  on  the  head  of  the 
bishop,  referring  to  its  mystical  signification  a.s  a  hel- 
met of  protection  and  salvation,  that  the  wearer  of  it 
may  seem  terrible  to  the  opponents  of  truth  and  be 
their  sturdy  adversary.  The  gloves  are  then  blessed 
and  put  on  the  hands  of  the  bishop,  referring  to  the 
action  of  Jacob,  who,  having  his  hands  covered  with 
the  skins  of  kids,  implored  and  received  the  paternal 
blessing.  In  like  manner  the  consecrator  prays  that 
the  wearer  of  the  gloves  may  deser\'e  to  implore  and 
receive  the  blessings  of  Divine  grace  by  means  of  the 
saving  Host  offered  by  his  hands. 

Coyirlusion. — The  new  bishop  is  then  enthroned  on 
the  faldstool  on  the  predclla,  from  which  the  conse- 
crator has  risen,  or,  if  the  ceremony  be  performetl  in 
the  cathedral  of  the  new  bishop,  on  the  usual  episcopal 
throne.  The  Te  Deum  is  now  intoned  by  the  conse- 
crator. and  while  the  hymn  is  being  sung  the  new  bi.sh- 
op  is  led  by  the  assistant  bishops  through  the  church, 
that  he  may  bless  the  people.  Having  returned  to  the 
altar — or  to  the  throne  in  his  own  cathedral — the  bish- 
op gives  the  final  solemn  ble.s.sing  as  usual.  The  con- 
secrator and  assistant  bishops  move  towards  the  Gos- 
|i<'l  corner  of  the  altar  and  face  the  Epistle  side;  the 
new  bishop  goes  to  the  Epistle  corner,  and  there,  with 
mitre  and  crosier,  facing  the  consecrator,  makes  a 
genuflexion  and  chants  "Ad  multos  annos".  He  pro- 
ceeds to  the  middle  of  the  predella  and  performs  the 
same  ceremony,  chanting  in  a  higher  tone  of  voice. 
Finally,  approaching  the  feet  of  the  consecrator,  he 
again  genuflects,  chanting  in  a  still  higher  tone  of 
voice,  .\fter  this  the  consecrator  and  a.ssistant  bish- 
ops receive  him  to  the  kiss  of  peace.  Accompanied  by 
the  a.ssistant  bishops,  he  returns  to  his  altar,  reciting 
the  CJospcl  of  St.  John.  All  then  lay  aside  their  vest- 
ments and  depart  in  peace. 

Martkne,  De  antiqiii^  EcfleMw  rUibust  (Venire.  17.5.3); 
AMBF.ROF.R,  Paslorallheologie  (Ratisbon,  18S4),  II;  Bf.rnakd. 
Cour.i  de  liturgie  Tomainf—le  Pontifical  (Paris,  1902),  I;  Kfn- 
RICK.  Furm  of  Consecration  of  a  Bishop  (Baltimore.  1S6.S). 

II.  Consecration  of  a  Fixed  Altar. — At  the  con- 


secration of  a  church  at  least  one  fixed  altar  must  be 
consecrated.  Altars,  permanent  structures  of  stone, 
may  be  consecrated  at  other  times,  but  only  in 
churches  that  have  been  consecrated  or  at  least  sol- 
emnly blessed.  We  have  instances  in  which  a  simple 
priest  has  performed  this  rite.  Walafridus  Strabo,  in 
the  Life  of  St.  Gall  (ch.  vi),  says  that  St.  ( 'oluiuban,  at 
that  time  being  a  priest,  having  dedicated  the  church 
of  St.  Aurelia  at  Bregcnz  on  the  Lake  of  Constance, 
anointed  the  altar,  deposited  the  relics  of  St.  Aurelia 
under  it,  and  celebrated  Mass  on  it.  But  according 
to  the  present  discipline  of  the  Church,  the  ordinary 
minister  of  its  consecration  is  the  diocesan  bishop. 
Without  the  permission  of  the  ordinary,  a  bishop  of 
another  diocese  cannot  Ucitlt/  consecrate  an  altar,  al- 
though without  such  permission  the  consecration 
would  be  I'aUd.  One  and  the  same  bi.shop  must  per- 
form the  rite  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  An  altar 
may  be  consecrated  on  any  day  of  the  year,  but  a  Sun- 
day or  feast  day  is  to  be  preferred  (Pontificale 
Romanum).  It  is  difficult  to  determine  when  the 
rite  used  at  present  was  introduced.  To  the  essen- 
tials of  consecration  reference  is  made  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century  by  the  Council  of  Agde  (50(i):  "Altars 
are  to  be  consecrated  not  only  by  the  chrism,  but  with 
the  sacerdotal  blessing";  and  by  St.  C;esarius  of  Aries 
(d.  about  542)  in  a  sermon  delivered  at  the  consecra- 
tion of  an  altar:  "We  have  to-day  consecrated  an 
altar,  the  stone  of  which  was  blessed  or  anointed" 
(Migne,  P.  L.,  LXVII,  Serm.  ccxxx). 

The  ceremonies  of  the  exposition  of  the  relics  on  the 
evening  before  the  day  of  consecration,  the  keeping  of 
the  vigil,  the  blessing  of  the  Gregorian  water,  the 
sprinkhng  of  the  altar,  and  the  translation  of  the  relics 
to  the  church  are  the  same  as  those  described  at  the 
consecration  of  a  church  (see  IV,  below).  When  the 
relics  have  been  carried  to  the  church,  the  consecrator 
anoints  with  holy  chrism,  at  the  four  corners,  the  sep- 
ulchre of  the  altar  (see  Alt.\r),  in  which  the  relics  are 
to  be  enclosed,  thereby  sanctifying  the  cavity  in  which 
the  venerated  remains  of  the  martyrs  are  to  rest,  and 
then  reverently  places  therein  the  case  containing  the 
relics  and  incenses  them.  Having  anointed  with  holy 
chrism  the  nether  side  of  the  small  slab  that  is  to  cover 
the  sepulchre,  he  spreads  blessed  cement  over  the 
ledge  of  the  sepulchre  on  the  inside  and  fits  the  slab 
into  the  cavity,  after  which  he  anoints  the  upper  side 
of  the  slab  and  the  altar-table  near  it.  He  then  in- 
censes the  altar,  first,  on  every  side — right,  left,  front 
and  on  top — whilst  the  chanters  sing  the  aniiphon 
"Stetit  angelus";  secondly,  in  the  form  of  a  cro.ss  on 
the  top,  in  the  middle,  and  at  the  four  corners; 
thirdly,  whilst  going  round  the  altar  three  times. 
After  the  third  incensation,  the  censer  is  given  to  a 
priest,  vested  in  surplice,  who,  till  the  end  of  the  con- 
secration, continues  going  around  the  altar,  incensing 
it  on  all  sides,  save  when  the  bishop  uses  the  censer. 
The  incense  symbolizes  the  sweet  odour  of  prayer 
which  is  to  ascend  from  the  altar  to  heaven,  whilst  the 
fullness  of  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  which  is  to 
descend  on  the  altar  and  the  faithful,  is  indicated  by 
the  prayers  recited  after  the  three  unctions  which  fol- 
low. The  consecrator  then  anoints  the  table  of  the 
altar  at  the  middle  and  the  four  comers,  twice  with 
the  oil  of  catechumens,  and  the  third  time  with  holy 
chrism.  After  each  unction  he  goes  round  the  altar 
once,  incensing  it  continuoti.sly,  the  first  and  second 
time  passing  by  the  Epistle  side,  and  third  time  by  the 
Ciospel  side.  Finally,  as  if  to  indicate  the  complete 
sanctification  of  the  altar,  he  pours  and  spreads  over 
its  table  the  oil  of  catechumens  and  holy  chrism  to- 
gether, rubbing  the  holy  oils  over  it  with  his  right 
haiKl,  whilst  the  chanters  sing  the  appropriate  anti- 
phon,  "  Behold  the  smell  of  my  son  is  as  the  smell  of  a 
plentiful  field",  etc.  (Gen.,  xxvii,  27,  28).  When  the 
church  is  consecrated  at  the  same  time,  the  tuilve 
crosses  on  the  inner  walls  are  now  anointed  with  iioly 


CONSECRATION 


280 


CONSECRATION 


chrism  and  incensed.  The  consecrator  then  blesses 
the  incense  and  sprinkles  it  with  holy  water.  Then  he 
forms  it  into  five  crosses,  each  consisting  of  five  grains, 
on  the  table  of  the  altar,  in  the  middle  and  at  the  four 
comers.  Over  each  cross  of  incense  he  places  a  cross 
made  of  thin  wax  taper.  The  ends  of  each  cross  are 
lighted,  and  with  them  the  incense  is  burned  and  con- 
sumed. This  ceremony  sjTiibolizes  the  true  sacrifice 
which  is  thereafter  to  be  offered  on  the  altar;  and  it 
indicates  that  our  prayers  must  be  fer\-ent  and  ani- 
mated by  true  and  lively  faith  if  they  are  to  be  accept- 
able to  God  and  efficacious  against  our  spiritual  ene- 
mies. Finally,  the  bishop  traces  with  holy  chrism  a 
cross  on  the  front  of  the  altar  and  on  the  juncture  of 
the  table  and  the  base  on  which  it  rests  at  the  four 
corners,  as  if  to  join  them  together,  to  indicate  that 
this  altar  is  to  be  in  future  a  firmly  fixed  and  constant 
source  of  grace  to  all  who  with  faith  approach  it. 
Then  follow  the  blessings  of  the  altar-cloths,  vases, 
and  ornaments  of  the  altar,  the  celebration  of  Mass, 
and  the  publication  of  the  Indulgences,  as  at  the  end  of 
the  consecration  of  a  church. 

Loss  of  Consecration. — An  altar  loses  its  consecra- 
tion: (1)  when  the  table  of  the  altar  is  broken  into 
two  or  more  large  pieces :  (2)  when  at  the  corner  of  the 
table  that  portion  which  the  consecrator  anointed 
with  holy  oil  is  broken  off;  (3)  when  several  large 
stones  of  the  support  of  the  table  are  removed;  (4) 
when  one  of  the  columns  which  support  the  table  at 
the  corners  is  removed ;  (5)  if  for  any  reason  whatever 
the  table  is  removed  from  the  support,  or  only  raised 
from  it — e.  g.,  to  renew  the  cement;  (6)  by  the  re- 
moval of  the  relics,  or  by  the  fracture  or  removal,  by 
chance  or  design,  of  the  small  cover,  or  slab,  placed 
over  the  cavity  containing  the  relics.  (See  also  Al- 
tar, History  of  the  Christl^n.) 

Box.!,  Reriim  Lilurgicarum  libri  dno  (Turin.  1747-53); 
Mahtkne,  Be  antiquis  Ecclesiae  ritibus  {Venice.  1753):  Ber- 
nard, Cours  lie  Itlurgie  romaine—le  Ponlifical  (Paris,  1902).  II; 
Amberger.  Pastoraltkfologie  (Ratisbon,  1SS4),  II:  ^'A^  der 
Stappen.  Sacra  Lihirgia  (Mechlin.  1902),  III:  Iti  im.  (  -rv,,  di 
Scienza  Liturgica  (Bologna.  1904);  S.  I..  T..  77;,  .1/fnr,  in  Am. 
Ecd.  Rev.,  July,  1904;  Schulte,  Consecmn.la  i  .\e«  York, 
1907). 

III.  C'ox.SECR.iTioN  OF  .^N  Alt.\r-Stone. — Mass 
must  be  celebrated  either  on  an  altar  which  has  been 
consecrated  or  on  a  consecrated  altar-stone,  or  port- 
able altar  (Ruhr.  Gen.  Miss.,  XX).  Its  consecration 
is  a  less  solemn  function  than  the  consecration  of  an 
altar.  It  may  take  place  on  any  day  of  the  year,  in 
the  morning,  as,  after  its  consecration,  Mass  must  be 
celebrated  upon  it  the  same  day.  If  several  stones 
are  consecrated,  it  suffices  to  celebrate  Mass  on  one  of 
the  altars  so  consecrated.  The  ceremony  may  take 
place  in  the  church,  sacristy,  or  any  other  suitable 
place. 

The  cavity  for  the  relics  is  made  on  the  top  of  the 
stone,  usually  near  its  front  edge.  It  may  be  in  the 
centre  of  the  stone,  but  never  on  its  front  edge  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  13  June,  1899).  Relics  of  two  martyrs, 
with  three  grains  of  incense,  are  placed  immediately 
(i.  e.  without  a  reliquary)  in  its  cavity,  which  is  closed 
with  a  small  slab  of  natural  stone  fitting  exactly  upon 
the  opening.  The  Cong.  Sac.  Rit.  (16  Feb.,  1906)  de- 
clared that  for  valid  consecration  it  suffices  to  have 
enclo.sed  in  the  cavity  the  relics  of  one  martyr.  The 
Pontifical  makes  no  mention  of  the  blessing  of  the  ce- 
ment with  which  the  slab  is  secured,  but  the  Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.  (10  May,  1890)  prescribes  it. 

Ordinarily,  only  a  bishop  may  consecrate  an  altar- 
stone,  but  by  pontifical  privilege  some  abbots  have 
this  faculty  for  altar-stonos  used  in  their  own  churches. 
The  Holy  Sec  frequently  grants  this  privilege  to 
priests  labouring  in  mission;irv  countries.  The  bi.'jh- 
ops  of  the  Tnitcd  Stiitrs  h:ive  the  faculty  of  delegating 
priests  to  perform  this  function  by  virtue  of  the  "  Fiic- 
ultates  Extraordinaria'",  (',  VI.  The  relics  are  not 
exposed,  nor  are  Matins  and  Lauds  recited  on  the 


evening  before  the  consecration;  neither  is  the  vigil 
kept.  The  ceremonies  are  similar  to  those  used  at  the 
consecration  of  an  altar.  Hence  the  blessing  of  the 
Gregorian  water,  the  sprinkling  and  incensation,  the 
anointing  with  holy  chrism  and  the  oil  of  catechu- 
mens, the  burning  of  incense  and  the  offering  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice,  take  place;  and  the  symbolical  mean- 
ings of  these  ceremonies  are  the  same  as  those  given  at 
the  consecration  of  an  altar. 

IV.  CoNSECR.\Tiox  OF  A  Church. — By  a  decree  of 
the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXII),  Mass  should  not  be 
celebrated  in  any  place  except  a  consecrated  or 
blessed  church.  Hence  it  is  the  wish  of  the  Church 
that  at  least  cathedrals  and  parish  churches  be  sol- 
emnly consecrated,  and  that  smaller  churches  be 
blessed  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  7  Aug.,  1875),  but  any 
church  and  public  or  semi-public  oratory  may  be  con- 
secrated (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  5  June,  1899).  Both  by 
consecration  and  by  blessing  a  church  is  dedicated  to 
Divine  worship,  which  forbids  its  use  for  common  or 
lirofane  purposes.  Consecration  is  a  rite  reserved  to  a 
bishop,  who  by  the  solemn  anointing  with  holy 
chrism,  and  in  the  prescribed  form,  dedicates  a  build- 
ing to  the  service  of  God,  thereby  raising  it  in  per- 
petiium  to  a  higher  order,  removing  it  from  the  malign 
influence  of  Satan,  and  rendering  it  a  place  in  which 
the  prayers  of  the  faithful  are  more  readily  heard  and 
favours  are  more  graciously  granted  by  God  (Pontifi- 
cale  Romanum).  The  blessing  of  a  church  is  a  less 
solemn  rite,  which  may  be  performed  by  a  priest  dele- 
gated by  the  diocesan  bishop.  It  consists  in  the 
sprinkling  with  holy  water  and  the  recital  of  prayers, 
thus  making  it  a  sacred  place,  though  not  necessarily 
in  perpetuum.  Consecration  differs  from  mere  bless- 
ing in  this,  that  it  imprints  an  indelible  mark  (St. 
Thomas,  II-II,  Q.  xxxix,  a.  3)  on  the  building,  by 
reason  of  which  it  may  never  be  transferred  to  com- 
mon or  profane  uses. 

The  consecration  of  churches  dates  probably  from 
Apostolic  times  and  is,  in  a  sense,  a  continuation  of 
the  Jewish  rite  instituted  by  Solomon.  Some  authors 
attribute  its  origin  to  Pope  St.  Evaristus  (d.  105),  but 
it  is  more  probable  that  he  merely  promulgated  form- 
ally as  a  law  what  luid  been  the  custom  before  his 
time,  or  prescribed  that  a  church  cannot  be  conse- 
crated without  the  celebration  of  the  Holy  Sacrifice. 
That  churches  were  consecrated  before  peace  had 
been  granted  to  the  Church  would  appear  not  only 
from  the  life  of  St.  Cecilia  (Roman  Breviary,  22  No- 
vember), who  prayed  for  a  cessation  from  hostilities 
against  the  Christians  in  order  that  her  home  might  be 
consecrated  as  a  church  by  St.  I'rban  I  (222-230),  but 
also  from  the  life  of  St.  Marcellus  (308-309),  who  ap- 
pears to  have  actually  consecrated  a  church  in  the 
home  of  St.  Lucina  (Roman  Breviary,  16  January). 
Before  the  time  of  Constantinc  the  consecration  of 
churches  was,  on  account  of  the  persecutions,  neces- 
sarily private,  but  after  the  conversion  of  that  em- 
peror it  became  a  solemn  public  rite,  as  appears  from 
Eusebius  of  Ca?sarea  (Hist.  Eccl..  X):  ".\fter  these 
things  a  spectacle  earnestly  prayed  for  and  much  de- 
sired by  us  all  appeared,  viz.  the  solemnization  of  the 
festival  of  the  dedication  of  churches  throughout 
every  city,  and  the  consecration  of  newly-built  ora- 
tories." The  passage  clearly  indicates  that  churches 
were  consecrated  before,  and  that  accordingly  the  an- 
niversaries of  the  dedication  might  now  be  publicly 
celebrated. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  in  what  the  rite  of  conse- 
cration consisted  in  early  times.  M;my  sermons 
preached  on  these  occa.sions  are  still  extant,  and  we 
find  occasional  not  ices  of  the  vigil  kept  before  the  con- 
secration, of  the  translation  of  the  relics,  and  of  the 
tracing  of  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  alphabet  on  the 
pavement  of  the  church.  The  relics  were  not  always 
the  whole  body  of  a  saint  or  even  large  portions  of  it, 
but  sometimes  merely  articles  with  which  the  martyr 


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281 


CONSECRATION 


came  in  contact.  Churches  were  sometimes  conse- 
crated without  depositing  relics.  Some  ancient  forms 
of  consecration  prescribe  that  tlie  Host  consecr.ited  liy 
the  bislioii  lie  dejiosited.  Often  only  the  Creek  al- 
phabet or  the  Latin  was  written  twice;  and  some- 
times to  the  Greek  and  Latin  the  Hebrew  alphabet 
was  added  (Martene,  De  Antiquis  Ecclesia"  Ritibus, 
II).  The  rite  does  not  appear  to  have  always  been 
one  and  the  same,  but  the  essential  element  of  the 
ceremony — namely,  the  actual  separation  of  any 
building  from  common  to  a  sacred  use,  which  would 
be  the  first  religious  act  in  the  process  of  initiating  and 
appropriating  it  to  a  Divine  use — was  always  called  its 
consecration.  In  allusion  to  this  fact  the  first  begin- 
ning of  anything  is  often  styled  its  dedication  (Bing- 
ham, Origines  .sive  Antiquit.  Eccles.,  VIII,  ix,  §1), 
which  word  the  Roman  Pontifical  uses  in  this  place 
only — "De  Ecclesia>  Dedicatione  sen  Conseeratione" 
— elsewhere  the  word  conftecratio  only  is  used.  It  can- 
not be  definitely  decided  when  the  rite  of  consecration 
in  use  at  present  began  to  be  employed.  The  Pontifi- 
cal of  Egbert,  Archbishop  of  York  (733-767),  bears 
a  striking  resemblance  to  it. 

The  ordinary  minister  of  consecration  is  the  dio- 
cesan bishop.  He  may,  however,  delegate  another 
bishop  to  perform  this  fuxiction.  A  bishop  of  another 
diocese  cannot  licitly  consecrate  a  church  without  the 
permission  of  the  diocesan  bishop,  although  without 
such  ijermission  the  church  would  be  validly  conse- 
crated. A  priest  cannot  perform  this  rite  unless  he  be 
delegated  in  a  special  manner  by  the  Roman  pontiff 
(Benedict  XIV,  Con.st.  "Ex  tuis  precibus",  16  No- 
vember, 1748,  §2).  To  consecrate  a  church  licitly  it 
is  necessary  to  consecrate  a  fi.xed  altar  in  the  same 
church,  which  altar  ordinarily  ought  to  be  the  main 
one  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  19  Sept.,  1665).  If  this  altar  is 
alread}'  consecrated,  one  of  the  side  altars  may  be  con- 
secrated (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  31  Aug.,  1872).  If  all  the 
altars  of  a  church  are  already  consecrated,  it  cannot  bo 
licitly  consecrated  except  by  special  Apostolic  indult. 
One  and  the  same  bishop  must  consecrate  both  the 
church  and  the  altar  (Cong.  .Sac.  Rit.,  3  March,  1866). 
Although  the  consecration  of  the  altar  may  for  some 
reason  be  invalid,  yet  the  churcli  remains  consecrated 
(Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  17  June,  1843).  The  essence  of  the 
consecration  of  a  church  consists  in  the  anointing 
of  the  twelve  crosses  on  the  inner  walls  with  the 
form:  "Sanctificetur  et  consecretur  hoc  templum", 
etc.  If  before  this  ceremony  the  consecrator  sliould 
become  incapacitated  for  finishing  the  function,  the 
whole  rite  must  be  relocated  from  the  beginning  (Cong. 
Sac.  Rit.,  12  April,  1614).  The  church  should  stand 
free  on  all  sides  so  that  the  bishop  may  pass  around  it. 
If  there  be  obstructions  at  only  some  points,  the 
church  may  be  consecrated  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  19  Sep- 
tember, 166.5),  but  if  the  obstructions  be  of  such  a  na- 
ture that  the  exterior  walls  cannot  be  reached,  the 
church  may  not  be  consecrated  without  a  special 
Apostolic  indult  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  22  February,  1888). 
On  the  walls  inside  the  church  twelve  crosses  must  be 
painted,  or  (if  they  are  made  of  stone  or  metal)  at- 
tached to  the  walls.  These  crosses  are  not  to  be  of 
wood  or  of  any  fragile  material.  They  must  never  be 
removed  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  18  Februarj-,  1696),  and, 
documents  failing,  they  serve  to  prove  that  the  church 
has  been  consecrated.  Under  each  cross  a  bracket 
holding  a  candle  is  affixed. 

The  consecration  may  take  place  on  any  day  of  the 
year,  but  a  Sunday  or  feast  day  is  to  be  preferred 
(Pontificale  Romanum).  The  consecrator  and 
those  who  ask  for  the  consecration  (Van  der  Stappen, 
III,  quffst.  32.  iii,  says,  "all  the  parishioners,  if  it  be  a 
pari.sh  church";  Bernard,  "  Le  Pontifical  ",  II,  p.  7, 
only  the  clergy  attached  to  the  church  ;  Marc,  "In.stitu- 
tiones  Mor.ales",  I,  n.  1221,  nota  2°,  only  the  parish 
priest,  if  he  alone  asked)  are  obliged  to  observe  the  day 
before  the  consecration  as  a  day  of  fa-sting  and  absti- 


nence. If  the  consecration  takes  place  on  Monday, 
the  fast  is  observed  on  the  preceding  Saturday.  On 
the  evening  prccnling  the  day  of  con.'iecration,  the 
eiiiKsecratini;  bislmp  places  in  a  reliquary  the  relics  of 
the  martyrs,  which  are  to  be  placed  in  the  altar,  three 
grains  of  incense,  and  an  attestation  written  on  parch- 
ment. The  Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  16  February,  1906,  de- 
clared that  for  the  valid  consecration  it  suffices  to  have 
enclosed  the  relics  of  one  m,artyr.  The  reliquary  is 
then  placed  in  an  urn  or  in  the  tabernacle  of  an  altar 
in  a  nearby  church  or  oratory,  or  in  an  adjacent  room 
or  the  sacristy.  At  least  two  candles  are  kept  burning 
before  these  relics  during  the  night,  and  Matins  and 
Lauds  de  communi  plurimorum  martyrum  or  of  the 
proper  Office  of  the  martyrs  whose  relics  have  teen 
placed  in  the  reliqua- 
ry, are  sung  or  recited. 
At  the  beginning  of 
the  consecration  on 
the  next  day  the  can- 
dles under  the  crosses 
on  the  walls  are 
lighted.  After  this 
the  bishop  and  the 
clergy  go  to  the  place 
in  which  the  relics  of 
the  martyrs  were  de- 
posited the  evening 
before,  the  church 
meanwhile  being  left 
in  charge  of  a  deacon. 
Whilst  the  bishop  is 
being  vested  the 
Seven  Penitential 
Psalms  are  recited, 
after  which  all  pro- 
ceed to  the  main  en- 
trance of  the  church, 
where,  remaining  out- 
side, the  bisliop  blesses 
the  water.  The  bishop 
then  goes  three  times 
round  the  outside  of  the  church,  the  first  time  sprinkling 
the  upper  part  of  the  walls,  the  second  time  the  lower 
part,  and  the  third  time  on  a  level  with  his  face.  After 
each  circuit  the  bishop  strikes  the  door  with  the  base 
of  his  crosier  and  saj's,  "  Lift  up  your  gates,  ye  princes, 
and  be  ye  lifted  up,  ye  everlasting  doors,  and  the  King 
of  Glory  shall  come  in."  Three  times  the  deacon 
within  the  church  asks,  "Who  is  this  King  of  Glory?" 
Twice  the  bishop  answers,  "The  Lord,  strong  and 
mighty;  the  Lord  mighty  in  battle";  and  the  third 
time  he  says,  "  The  Lord  of  Armies,  He  is  the  King  of 
Glory".  This  triple  sprinkling  and  circuit  of  the 
walls,  according  to  Bl.  Yves  of  Chartres  (Sernio  de 
Sacramentis  Dedicationis),  symbolizes  the  triple  im- 
mersion at  holy  baptism,  the  consecration  of  the  soul 
as  the  spiritual  temple  of  God,  to  which  the  material 
bears  a  certain  analogy. 

The  bishop  and  his  attendants  now  enter  the 
church,  leaving  the  clergj-  and  people  outside,  and  the 
door  is  closed.  Tlie  chanters  sing  the  "Veni,  Creator 
Spiritus"  and  chant  or  recite  the  Litany  of  the  Saints. 
\hcT  this,  whilst  the  canticle  "Benedictus"  is  being 
chanted,  the  bishop  traces  with  the  point  of  his  cro- 
sier, in  the  ashes  spread  on  the  floor,  first,  the  Greek 
alphabet,  beginning  at  the  left  side  of  the  church  door 
and  proceeding  to  the  Epistle  corner  of  the  church 
near  the  altar,  then  the  Latin  alphabet,  beginning  at 
the  right  side  of  the  church  door  and  |iroceeding  to  the 
Gospel  corner  of  the  church  near  the  altar.  The  "  Li- 
ber Sacramentorum  "  of  St.  Gregory  I  and  the  "Pon- 
tificale "of  Egbert,  Archbi.shop  of  York,  attest  the  an- 
tiquity of  this  ceremony,  which  symbolizes  the  in- 
struction given  to  the  newly  baptized  in  the  elements 
of  faith  and  piety.  The  crossing  of  the  two  lines 
points  to  the  cro.ss,  that  is  Christ  crucified,  as  the  prin- 


CONSECRATION 


2S2 


CONSECRATION 


cipal  dogma  of  the  Christian  religion.  The  Greek  and 
Latin  languages  represent  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  re- 
spectively. The  Greek  alphabet  is  written  first  be- 
cause the  Jews  were  first  called  to  the  Christian  Faith. 
The  bishop  then  blesses  the  Gregorian  water,  a  mix- 
ture of  water,  salt,  ashes,  and  wine,  prescribed  by 
St.  Gregory  I  to  be  used  at  the  consecration  of  a  church 
(P.  L.,  LXXVIII,  152  sqq.).  After  this  he  goes  to  the 
main  door  of  the  church  and  with  the  ])oint  of  the  cro- 
sier traces  a  cross  on  the  upper  part  and  another  on  tlie 
lower  part  of  the  door  inside.  The  ingredients  of  this 
water  are  to  recall  to  our  mind  the  legal  ]jiirilications 
and  the  sacrifices  of  the  Jewish  people,  the  wine  taking 
the  place  of  the  blood.  The  symbolism  of  this  mix- 
ture is  explained  by  authors  in  various  manners.  The 
cross  traced  on  the  door  is  to  be,  as  it  were,  a  guard 
lest  the  work  of  redemption  in  the  church  be  thwarted 
by  the  malignant  influences  from  without.  The  bish- 
op now  traces,  with  the  Gregorian  water,  five  crosses 
on  the  altar  and  then  sprinkles  the  support  and  table 
of  the  altar  seven  times,  passing  round  it  seven  times, 
whilst  the  chanters  sing  or  recite  the  Psalm  "Mise- 
rere". He  then  sprinkles  the  walls  in  the  interior  of 
the  church  three  times,  first  the  lower  part,  then  on  a 
level  with  his  face,  and  lastly,  the  upper  part,  after 
which  he  sprinkles  the  floor  of  the  church  in  the  form 
of  a  cross,  passing  from  the  altar  to  the  door,  and 
from  the  Gospel  to  the  Epistle  side  in  the  middle  of 
the  church.  Having  returned  to  the  middle  of  the 
church,  he  sprinkles  with  one  swing  each  time  the 
floor  before  him,  behind  him,  at  his  left,  and  at  his 
right. 

The  bishop,  clergy,  and  laity  then  go  to  the  place  in 
W'hich  the  relics  repose  and  in  solemn  procession  carry 
them  to  the  church.  Before  entering,  the  relics  are 
borne  round  the  outside  of  the  church,  whilst  the 
clergy  and  people  rejieat  "Lord,  have  mercy  on  us", 
Having  returned  to  the  church  door,  the  bishop  gives 
a  suitable  exhortation  to  the  people  and  aiklresses  the 
founder  of  the  church.  Then  one  of  the  cli-ixv  nads 
the  two  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  fnun  the-  I'lm- 
tifical.  The  bishop  next  anoints  with  holy  chrism, 
three  times,  the  pillar  on  each  side  of  the  door,  after 
which  the  clergy  and  the  laity  enter  the  church,  and 
the  consecration  of  the  altar  takes  place.  (See  II 
above.)  Finally,  the  twelve  crosses  on  the  interior 
walls  are  anointed  with  holy  chrism  and  incensed  by 
the  bishop;  the  altar-cloths,  vases,  and  ornaments  of 
the  church  and  altar  are  blessed,  and  solemn  or  low 
Mass  is  celebrated  by  the  bishop.  If  he  be  too  fa- 
tigued, he  may  appoint  a  priest  to  celebrate  a  high 
Mass  in  his  stead.  If  more  than  one  altar  has  been 
consecrated,  it  will  suffice  to  celebrate  Mass  on  the 
principal  one  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  22  February,  1888). 
At  the  end  of  the  Mass  an  Indulgence  of  one  year  is 
published,  which  may  be  gained  by  all  who  visit  the 
church  on  the  day  of  consecration.  At  the  same  time 
another  Indulgence  which  may  be  gained  in  the  same 
manner  on  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  is 
published.  If  the  latter  Indulgence  is  granted  by  a 
cardinal  in  his  titular  church  or  in  his  diocese,  it  may 
be  of  two  hundred  days;  if  by  an  archbishop, 
of  one  hundred  days;  if  by  a  bishop,  of  fifty  days, 
in  their  respective  dioceses.  (S.  C.  Indulg.,  28  Aug., 
190:^.) 

The  anniversary  of  the  consecration  is  kept  solemn- 
ly as  a  double  of  the  first  class  with  an  octave  each 
recurring  year,  imtil  the  church  falls  into  ruin  or  is 
profaned.  In  order  to  avoid  the  inconveniences  likely 
to  arise  from  its  clashing  with  other  solemnities,  the 
bishop  is  empowered  to  appoint,  in  the  act  of  conse- 
cration, another  day  for  the  anniversary,  provided 
such  day  be  not  a  doulile  feast  of  the  first  or  second 
class  in  the  Univers.-il  Church,  a  privileged  Sunday,  or 
a  local  fea.st  of  the  first  class  (Cong.  Sac.  Hit.,  4  Feb., 
1896),  or  a  day  in  .\dvent  or  Lent  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  12 
June,  16G0).     Should  the  bishop  fail  to  do  so,  or  defer 


making  stieh  arrangement,  the  anniversary  must  be 
kept  on  the  recurring  actual  day,  or  recourse  must  be 
had  to  the  Apostolic  See  (Gardellini,  Adnot.  super 
Deer.  dat.  6  Sept.,  1834). 

Besides  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  of  indi- 
vidual or  parish  churches,  the  anniversary  of  the  con- 
secration of  the  cathetlral  of  a  diocese  is  celebrated  as 
a  double  of  the  first  class  with  an  octave  by  the  secular 
clergy  living  within  the  limits  of  the  cathedral  city; 
the  secular  clergy  li\-ing  outside  the  cathedral  city  cel- 
ebrate it  as  a  double  of  the  first  class  without  an 
octave,  the  regular  clergy  living  within  the  limits  of 
the  cathedral  city  celebrate  it  as  a  double  of  the  second 
class  without  an  octave ;  the  regular  clergy  outside  the 
cathedral  city  are  not  obliged  to  celebrate  it  in  any 
manner  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  9  July,  1895).  In  some  dio- 
ceses the  simultaneous  celebration  on  a  fixed  day  of 
the  consecration  of  all  the  churches  of  a  diocese,  irre- 
spective of  the  fact  that  some  of  the  churches  are  not 
consecrated,  is  granted  by  special  indult.  In  this  case 
individual  consecrated  churches  are  not  allowed  to 
celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  consecration  of  their 
respective  churches.  This  day  of  conmion  celebration 
is  a  double  of  the  first  class  for  all  the  clergy  in  the  dio- 
cese, with  this  distinction,  that  it  is  a  primary  feast 
for  those  attached  to  consecrated  churches  and  a  sec- 
ondary feast  for  the  others  (Cong.  Sac.  Rit.,  24  March, 
1900). 

Loss  of  Consecration. — From  the  axiom  in  canon  law 
"Consecratio  adharet  parietibus  Ecclesire",  it  follows 
that  a  chtirch  loses  its  consecration  ( 1 )  when  the  walls 
of  the  church  are  totally  or  in  greater  part  simultatie- 
oiisly  demolished ;  (2)  when  the  inner  walls  are  totally 
or  in  greater  part  simultuneously  destroyed  by  fire; 
(3)  when  an  addition  is  made  to  the  walls  of  the  church 
in  length,  breadth,  or  height,  greater  than  the  original 
walls. 


Bona,    Rerum-    LUuraio 

MaRTENE.    D'     -nt'ni..:       /'. 
NAHD,  Coiir^i  r. 

Ambergeh,    /        ,         ' 
Stappe 


Jur 


duo    (Turin,    1747-53): 

.     ■Vcni. ,..  1753);    Ber- 

;/    ri.ri--.  1902).  II; 

i:      l^s-|,,  II;    Van   der 

VTI.  Frctlfc- 


ll(:l 


■rimiia  (New  York,  1907;. 


ill; 


fV 


V.  Consecration  of  a  Ch.\lice  and  Paten. — The 
ordinary  minister  of  the  consecration  of  the  chalice 
and  paten  used  at  Mass  is  a  bishop.     In  missionary 
countries  some  priests,  by  Apostolic  indult,  have  the 
privilege  of  consecrating  these  sacred  vessels.     The         | 
bishops  of  the  United  States  have  the  faculty  of  dele-         | 
gating  priests  for  performing  this  rite  by  virtue  of  the         I 
Facultates  ExtraordinariiB,  C,  VI.     These  two  altar         1 
vessels  must  be  consecrated  before  they  can  be  used         ! 
at  the  altar.   They  are  always  consecrated  at  the  same         '. 
time,  because  botli  are  inilispensable  at  the  celebration 
of  Mass,  the  paten  for  holding  the  Body  of  Christ  and 
the  chaHce  for  containing  the  Precious  Blood.    Chal- 
ices which  were  fonnrrly  u.sed  for  the  offerings  of  wine 
made  by  the  faithful,  for  the  ornamentation  of  tlie 
altar,  and  at  the  administration  of  baptism,  to  give  to 
the  newly  baptized  a  symbolical  beverage  composed 
of  milk  and  honey,  were  not  consecrated.     The  same 
is  true  of  the  ]iatens  used  at  present  at  the Conununion 
of  the  faithful  to  prevent  consecrated  Particles  from 
falling  to  the  floor. 

Chalices  and  patens  may  be  consecrated  on  any  day 
of  the  year  antl  at  any  hour,  without  solemnity,  al- 
though in  many  jilaces  this  rite  takes  place  after  M:uss 
and  at  the  altar.  First  the  paten  is  consecrated,  prob- 
ably because  it  is  to  hold  the  Sacred  Host,  which  is  con- 
secrated before  the  Precious  Blood,  and  because  the 
species  of  bread  is  always  mentioned  before  the  species 
of  wine.  The  function  begins  with  an  aildress  to  the 
faithful,  or  at  least  to  the  attendants,  exhorting  them 
to  implore  the  blessing  of  ( iod  on  the  action  the  conse- 
crator  is  about  to  perform.  This  is  followed  by  a 
prayer  that  God  may  render  th<'  rite  efficacious,  after 


CONSENT 


283 


CONSENT 


'■•liioh  the  consccrator  anoints  the  paten  twice  with 
holy  chrism,  from  rim  to  rim,  in  the  form  of  a  cross, 
and  rubs  the  oils  over  the  whole  upper  side  of  it,  recit- 
ing at  the  same  time  the  consecratory  form.  The 
same  ceremony  with  a  special  address,  prayer,  and 
form,  is  performed  over  the  chalice,  except  that  the 
consccrator  anoints  the  inside  of  the  chalice  twice  from 
rim  to  rim,  and  rubs  the  oil  all  over  the  inside  of  the 
cup.  The  consccrator  then  recites  a  prayer  in  which 
allusion  is  made  to  the  symbolical  meaning  of  the 
chalice  and  paten,  the  former  of  which,  according  to 
Benedict  XIV  (De  Sacrificio  Missa>,  Sect,  i,  n.-  31), 
represents  the  tomb  in  which  tlie  Ijody  of  Christ  was 
laid,  and  the  latter  the  stone  with  which  the  tomb  was 
closed.  Finally,  he  sjirinkles  both  vessels  with  holy 
water,  saying  nothing. 

It  is  difficult  to  determine  when  the  Church  began 
to  consecrate  clialices  and  patens.  Some  liturgists  are 
of  opinion  that  the  custom  of  doing  so  goes  back  to  the 
time  of  St.  Sixtus  I  (d.  127),  who,  by  a  decree,  forbade 
any  other  than  those  constituted  in  Sacred  orders  to 
touch  the  sacred  vessels  (Rom.  Breviarj',  16  April). 
Even  if  this  decree  is  authentic,  it  would  probably  only 
prove  that  the  prohibition  was  made  out  of  respect  due 
to  the  vessels  which  contained  the  Sacred  Species. 
Others  refer  to  a  passage  of  St.  Ambrose  (d.  397)  in 
which  he  says  that  the  rnso  Ecclcsia:  initiata  may  be 
sold  for  the  relief  of  the  poor.  Commentators  inter- 
pret iy^iiiata  to  mean  not  coiisecrata,  but  rather  tisa,  or 
vessels  which  had  been  used  for  the  sacred  mysteries. 
The  ancient  canons  and  decrees  decide  the  material  of 
which  chalices  and  patens  must  be  made,  but  they  do 
not  say  a  word  of  the  consecration,  although  they  treat 
of  the  consecration  of  churches,  altars,  bishops,  etc.; 
hence  we  may  conclude  that  chalices  and  patens  were 
not  consecrated  by  a  special  form  before  the  thirteenth 
century. 

Loss  of  Consecration. — The  chalice  and  paten  lose 
their  consecration  (1)  when  they  are  regilt;  (2)  when 
they  become  battered  or  broken  to  such  an  extent  that 
it  would  be  unbecoming  to  use  them;  (3)  when  the 
slightest  slit  or  break  apjiears  in  the  chalice  near  the 
bottom ;  not  so,  however,  if  the  break  be  near  the  up- 
per part,  so  that  without  fear  of  spilling  its  contents 
consecration  can  take  place  in  it;  (4)  when  a  break 
appears  in  the  paten  so  large  that  particles  may  fall 
through  it. 

Bona,  Rerum  Liltirm'carum  libri  duo  (Turin,  17-17-53); 
Martkne,  Dc  anliquU  Kcdrsia:  ritibus  (Venice,  1753);  Ber- 
NARn.  Conns  (le  Hl'iTnii-  rnmninc — Ic  Ponlifical  (Paris,  1902). 
I  II;  Ambergkr,  raxlnmllhcoloaw  (Ratisbon,  1884),  II;  Van 
DER  Stappen,  Sacrn  Liturgia  (Mechlin,  1902),  III;  ScHrLTE, 
Consecranda  (New  York,  1907);  Uttini,  Cqtso  di  Scienza  Litur- 
gica  (Bologna,  1904);  Stella,  Instituliones  LiturgicfB  (Rome, 
1895). 

A.    J.    SCHULTE. 

Consent  (in  Canon  Law),  the  deliberate  agreement 
re<|uired  of  those  concerned  in  legal  transactions  in 
order  to  legalize  sucli  actions.  Words,  deeds,  writing, 
or  .silence  bear  witness  to  the  existence  of  this  consent. 
Completeness  of  consent  is  gauged  not  so  much  by  the 
preliminaries  of  transactions  as  by  their  ratification, 
which  is  the  psychological  development  of  incipient 
consent,  and  gives  consistency  to  legal  transactions. 
The  consent  nece.s.sary  to  constitute  contracts  must 
be  internal,  external,  mutual,  and  deliberate.  Some 
authorities  claim  that  contracts  formed  without  any 
intention  on  the  p.art  of  the  contracting  parties  to 
oblige  themselves  are  valid ;  others  more  rightly  main- 
tain the  contrary,  since  the  ver\'  essence  of  contracts 
embodies  obligation.  Consequently,  whoever  is  vm- 
prepared  to  admit  this  obligation  is  in  no  position  to 
make  a  contract.  Two  possible  suppositions  here 
present  themselves.  In  the  first  the  promise  and  in- 
tention of  not  a.ssuming  any  obligation  concern  the 
Bame object  imder  the  same  respect.  Promises  made 
in  this  w.ay  are  utterly  meaningless.  In  the  second 
supposition  the  promise  and  intention  of  waiving  the 


obligation  refer  to  the  same  object  under  different 
respects.  In  such  cases  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain 
which  of  these  two  contrary  tendencies  of  the  will  is 
dominant.  If  the  intention  of  making  a  contract 
possess  greater  efficacy,  the  obligation  thereunto  cor- 
responding unquestionably  holds  good.  On  the  con- 
trary, if  the  intention  of  accepting  no  obligation 
prevail,  no  contract  can  be  formed.  Finally,  if  one 
intention  is  just  as  efficacious  as  another,  the  forma- 
tion of  a  contract  would  then  involve  quest  for  an 
unattainable  result.  Contracts  made  by  individuals 
having  absolutely  no  intention  of  abiding  by  the  obli- 
gation connected  therewith  are  altogether  invalid, 
and  the  parties  thus  fictitiously  contracting  are  bound 
to  indemnify  those  whose  interests  thereby  suffer. 
The  contract  in  question  must  always  be  capable  of 
begetting  an  obligation.  It  is  not  impossible  to  find 
genuine  consent  which  is  worthless  for  giving  consis- 
tency to  contracts  either  because  it  is  nviUified 
beforehand  by  positive  law  or  because  it  is  the  result 
of  error,  fraud,  or  fear  (see  Contract). 

Error  affecting  the  very  nature  of  the  contract,  or 
concerning  the  substance  of  the  object  in  question  or 
a  naturally  substantial  quality  of  the  object,  or  one 
considered  indispensable  by  the  contracting  parties, 
vitiates  consent  and  invalidates  contracts.  Error  re- 
garding an  accidental  quality  of  the  contract,  or  per- 
taining to  the  motive  underlying  the  contract,  or  to 
its  material  object,  is  insufficient  to  vitiate  consent  or 
nullify  contracts.  In  like  manner  fraud,  whether  in- 
troduced by  one  of  the  contracting  parties  or  by  an 
extern,  for  the  sake  of  provoking  consent  in  the  other 
party,  coimteracts  consent  as  often  as  such  fraud  cir- 
cumscribes the  nature  of  the  contract,  the  substance 
of  the  object  at  stake,  or  a  quality  naturally  substan- 
tiated in  that  object  or  esteemed  as  substantial  by  the 
one  upon  whom  the  fraud  is  perpetrated.  As  often  as 
accitlental  fraud  induces  another,  in  some  measure, 
to  consent,  he  is  at  liberty  to  rescind  the  contract, 
provided  it  is  naturally  dissoluble.  In  general,  grave 
fear  lawfully  superinduced  does  not  militate  against 
consent  in  the  will,  and  therefore  renders  contracts 
neither  invalid  nor  rescindable.  On  the  other  hand, 
while  fear  unlawfully  superinduced  to  extort  consent 
does  not  invalidate  contracts,  it  gives  the  intimidated 
party  the  liberty  of  rescinding  them.  According  to  the 
civillaw  of  the  United  States,  no  contract  is  binding 
without  the  mutual  assent  of  both  parties.  They  must 
a.ssent  at  the  same  time  and  to  the  same  thing.  This 
mutual  assent  consists  of  an  offer  by  one  party  and  its 
acceptance  by  another.  When  the  offer  is  verbal,  and 
the  time  allowed  for  acceptance  is  not  mentioned,  the 
offer  must  be  immediately  accepted  to  constitute  a  con- 
tract. In  case  the  offer  and  acceptance  arc  written  and 
pass  through  the  mail,  the  contract  is  complete  when 
the  acceptance  is  mailed,  provided  the  party  accepting 
ha.s  received  no  notice  of  the  withdrawal  of  the  offer 
before  mailing  his  letter.  As  far  as  the  validity  of 
matrimony  is  concerned,  genuine,  internal,  personal 
consent  of  both  parties,  covering  the  present  and  indi- 
cated by  external  signs,  is  unquestionably  required. 
While  internal  consent  must  be  complemented  by 
some  external  manifestation,  words  are  by  no  means 
necessary.  The  Congregation  of  the  Inquisition  (22 
August,  1800)  decided  that  marriages  are  entirely 
valid  when  the  ceremony  takes  place  in  the  presence 
of  witnesses  and  according  to  the  custom  of  the  coun- 
try in  a  manner  which  indicates  that  the  contracting 
p.artics  here  and  now  mutually  agree  to  enter  wedlock. 
At  the  same  time,  if  one  or  both  contracting  parties 
iiave  no  present  intention  of  marrj'ing  in  circumstances 
such  as  those  outlined,  they  can  make  no  marriage 
contract.  The  required  matrimonial  con.sent  signi- 
fieil  by  proxy  does  not  militate  against  the  validity  of 
the  marriage  contract.  This  consent  must  include 
the  material  object  of  the  matrimonial  contract,  which 
material  object  is  the  mutual  right  of  one  party  to  the 


CONSENTIUS 


284 


CONSERVATOR 


boily  of  the  otlier,  a  right  that  carries  with  it  eveiy 
prerogative  vested  therein  by  the  laws  of  nature.  It 
is  not  necessarj",  however,  that  the  intention  of  parties 
to  a  marriage  contract  should  be  explicitly  directed  to 
all  its  conditions  or  circumstances.  On  the  contrary, 
an  intention  implicitly  thereunto  directed  is  entirely 
sufficient  for  all  practical  intents  and  purposes. 
Hence,  as  often  as  marriageable  parties  intend  to  con- 
tract marriage  in  the  way  in  which  men  and  women 
ordinarily  understand  that  agreement,  or  according 
to  the  w-ay  in  which  it  was  instituted  by  the  Author 
of  this  sacrament,  they  exhibit  consent  sufficient  to 
render  their  marriage  contract  entirely  valid,  provided 
nothing  essential  is  positively  excluded  by  a  counter 
intention  usurping  the  place  of  the  chief,  indispensable 
intention  in  entering  matrimony.  While  marriage 
contracts  are  null  unless  based  on  the  consent  of  those 
concerned,  it  is  usually  very  difficult  to  establish  the 
actual  absence  of  this  consent  so  as  to  satisfy  the  judge 
in  a  matrimonial  court,  once  the  marriage  ceremony 
has  really  taken  place.  (For  the  renewal  of  consent 
in  the  case  of  invalid  marriages,  see  Revalid.a.tion, 
and  for  the  consent  requisite  for  espousals,  see  Espou- 
s.\LS.)  While  in  canon  law  the  consent  of  parents  is 
not  necessarj'  to  validate  the  marriages  of  their  chil- 
dren, it  is  usually  required  to  render  such  marriages 
legitimate.  [For  the  civil  law  concerning  the  consent 
of  parents  in  France  (modified  1907),  Germany,  Aus- 
tria, Switzerland,  Canada,  etc.,  see  Marri.vgb.] 

In  the  United  States  the  common  law  exacts 
no  solemnity  to  validate  matrimonial  consent.  In 
many  of  the  States,  however,  special  statutes  carry- 
ing a  penalty  require  certain  conditions  for  the  legit- 
imacy of  such  consent.  Common  law  regards  mar- 
riage as  a  civil  contract  for  which  consent  alone  is 
essential.  It  demands  no  legal  forms,  nor  religious 
solemnities,  nor  special  mode  of  proof.  According  to 
common  law,  consent  indicated  by  words  covering  the 
present,  whether  consummation  follows  or  not,  or  by 
words  pertaining  to  the  future  together  with  consum- 
mation, constitutes  a  valid  marriage.  In  New  York, 
Illinois,  and  Rhode  Island  words  pertaining  to  the  fu- 
ture, even  with  subsequent  consiunmation,  no  longer 
render  a  marriage  valid.  Even  without  explicit  proof 
of  words  implying  consent,  cohabitation,  acknowledg- 
ment of  a  marriage  by  the  parties  concerned,  reception 
of  such  parties  as  husband  and  wife  by  relatives,  friends, 
or  society,  are  sufficient  to  establish  a  valid  marriage. 

Canon  law  requires  the  consent  of  cathedral  chap- 
ters to  lend  validity  to  certain  official  acts  of  bishops. 
In  general,  this  consent  is  necessary  in  such  matters 
as  usually  involve  a  serious  obligation  or  the  possi- 
bility of  a  notable  damage,  or  in  matters  which  simul- 
taneously pertain  to  bishops  and  their  chapters. 
Nevertheless,  unwritten  law  can  narrow  the  rights  of 
chapters  and  widen  the  liberty  of  bishops  in  these 
matters  unless  circumstances  conspire  to  stamp  par- 
ticular measures  as  unreasonable.  In  like  manner, 
unwritten  law  may  exact  the  consent  of  chapters 
in  matters  of  secondary  importance,  a  requirement 
sometimes  enjoined  by  special  statutes.  When  im- 
mediate action  is  necessary,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
convoke  their  chapters,  bishops  may  proceed  validly 
without  the  chapters'  consent.  Inasmuch  as  there 
are  no  cathedral  chapters  in  the  United  States,  dioc- 
esan consultors  constitute  the  atlvisory  board  of  the 
bishops.  The  Third  Plenary  Coimcil  of  Baltimore 
specifies  several  instances  in  which  the  l>ishops, 
though  not  obliged  to  abide  by  the  advice  of  their 
consultors,  are  boimd  to  seek  such  advice,  else  their 
acts  in  such  cases  are  liable  to  nullification. 

For  consent  in  its  relation  to  sinful  acts,  see  Sin, 
and  for  the  consent  of  the  legislative  authority  in  the 
formation  of  consuetudinary  law,  see  Cu.stom. 

OjETTi,  Synopsis  reriim  moriilium  el  juris  ponlilicii  (Prato, 
1904);  In.-ilruclio  Pnxloralis  Ei/eslrllensis  (FreiburK.  1902),  in- 
dex, s.  V.  Consen.ius:  IIkineh,  Grunilriss  des  kalh.  Eherrchls 
(MuQster,  1905),  index,  s.  v.  Konscns;    Hebgenhotheu-Holl- 


WECK,  Lchrbtich  dcs  kath.   Kirchenrechts    (FreiburK,  190.">).  ii 
dex.  s.  V.  Consensus;  Permaneder  in  Kirchenlex..  Ill,  956  sc)<i 


and  in  general  all  manuals  and  dictionaries  of  canon,  civil 
(Roman),  and  national  legislations.  For  the  history  of  cm- 
sent  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  marriage  contract,  Esmein,  Le 
Manage  en  droit  canonique  (Paris,  1S91),  II.  in  index,  s.  v. 
Consenlement.  J.    t>.   O'NeiLL. 

Consentius. — The  name  of  a  fifth-century  Gallo- 
Roman  family,  three  of  whose  representatives  are 
known  in  history: 

(1)  Consentius  of  N.^rbon-VE,  clarissimus,  "who 
combined  the  honour  of  a  prefecture  with  philosophy" , 
was  a  correspondent  of  Sidonius  ApoUinaris,  who 
dedicated  to  him  a  poem  on  Narbonne.  He  used 
all  metres — iambic,  elegiac,  hendecasyllabic,  and 
the  hexameter — and  wrote  in  Greek  as  well  as  in 
Latin.  His  poems  are  redolent  of  flowers  and  thyme 
(Sidonius,  Carm..  xxiii,  20,  and  2.3-1-240;  Epist., 
Ill,  6;  VIII,  4;  IX,  15).  However,  these  praises 
must  not  be  taken  too  literally,  as  Sidonius  counted 
among  his  friends  thirty  men  who  were  similarly 
gifted.  The  authors  of  the  "Histoire  litteraire  de 
la  France"  make  a  distinction  between  the  Con- 
sentius to  whom  the  poem  was  dedicated  and  Con- 
sentius the  epistolary  author,  maintaining  the  former 
to  have  been  the  father  of  the  latter. — (2)  Con- 
sentius, father  of  the  former,  a  native  of  Narbonne 
and  a  poet,  a  contemporary  of  Valentinian,  and  son- 
in-law  of  Flavius  Valens  Jovinus,  consul  in  367. — 
(.3)  Consentius,  a  Gallic  grammarian,  was  the  author 
of  two  treatises,  which  are  perhaps  the  fragments  of  a 
complete  grammar:  one  on  the  noun  and  the  verb, 
much  used  during  the  Carlovingian  period,  and  the 
other  on  barbarisms  and  metaplasm.  An  edition 
of  these  treatises  has  been  published  by  Keil  in 
"Grammatici  Latini"  (Leipzig),  vol.  V,  p.  3.36. 

Histoire  lilleraire  de  la  France  (Paris,  1735),  II.  249-50,  431- 
33,  653-56;  Teuffel,  Geschichte  der  romischen  Literatur  (Leip- 
zig, 1S90);  Keil,  Grammatici  Latini  (1885),  V,  338,  404. 

Paul  Lejay. 

Conservator  (from  Lat.  conservare),  a  judge  dele- 
gated by  the  pope  to  defend  certain  privileged  classes 
of  persons — as  universities,  religious  orders,  chapters, 
the  poor — from  manifest  or  notorious  injury  or  vio- 
lence, without  recourse  to  a  judicial  process.  Con- 
servators were  appointed  as  early  as  the  thirteenth 
century.  Innocent  IV  presupposes  their  existence  in 
the  decree  (c.  15,  de  off.  et  pot.  jud.,  del.  I,  14,  in  VI°) 
from  which  we  first  learn  their  power.  Owing  to 
abuses  and  complaints  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess. 
XIV,  c.  V,  de  ref.)  limited  their  jurisdiction,  but  new 
controversies,  often  recurring,  caused  Clement  VIII, 
Gregory  XV,  and  Innocent  X  to  define  their  privileges 
more  precisely.  Troubles  continuing  to  arise,  espe- 
cially concerning  the  conservators  of  religious  orders, 
Clement  XIII  (23  April,  1762)  decreed  that  in  mis- 
sionary coimtries  such  officials  should  no  longer  be 
chosen,  but  that  all  controversies  should  be  referred  to 
the  Holy  See.  From  that  time  forth  conservators  fell 
into  practical  desuetude.  According  to  law,  these 
officials  were  to  be  chosen  from  among  the  prelates  or 
dignitaries  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches ;  later 
from  the  synodal  judges.  When  a  con.servator  had 
been  chosen  by  regulars  he  could  not  be  ren\oved  for 
five  years  without  cause.  He  had  no  jurisdiction  in 
cases  that  reciuired  juritlical  examination.  While  he 
took  cognizance  of  all  complaints  against  regulars,  he 
had  no  authority  to  receive  those  of  the  regulare 
against  others  unless  tliey  were  notorious.  In  the 
latter  ca.se  the  conservator  decided  the  question  sum- 
marily. He  could  pimish  with  ecclesiastical  penalties 
even  high  church  dignitaries  who  interfered  with  his 
duties.  His  power  was  limited,  however,  to  the  one 
dioiT^i-  ill  wliiih  he  had  been  elected,  nor  could  the 
saiiii'  1 -.  1  \  iliir  have  power  in  .several  dioceses. 

Amu,  U  v.,  ,,  Ii.  UkI.  de  Jioil  can.  l3d  ed..  Pari.-i,  19011.  I; 
WKKNi.  J„.i  U.rrelaUum  (Rome,  1S99),  II;  Holiix,  De  Jure  Ke- 
gular.  (3deU.,  Puns.  1883),  II. 

William  H.  ^\'.  Fanning. 


CONSISTENTES 


2So 


CONSISTORY 


Consistentes  (.Bystanders).     See  Penitence. 

Consistory,  Pap.\l. — I.  Definition. — During  the 
l;<iiii;in  imperial  epoch  the  term  consistorium  (Lat. 
I 'I'l-sistvrc,  to  stand  together)  was  used  to  designate 
tlie  sacred  council  of  the  emperors.  In  time  it  came 
to  designate  the  senate  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  that  is, 
"  the  assemblage  of  the  Cardinals  in  council  around  the 
Pope"  (Innocent  III  to  the  Bishop  of  Ely  and  the  Arch- 
deacon of  Norwich,  in  1212;  see  Gonzalez,  "Commen- 
taria  in  textus  decretalium  Gregorii  IX",  III,  vii,  108). 

II.  Origin  and  Historical  Develop.ment. — The 
origin  of  the  papal  consistory  is  closely  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Roman  presbytery  or  body  of  the 
Roman  clergy.  In  the  old  Roman  pnahiilrrium  there 
were  deacons,  in  charge  of  the  ecclesiastical  temporali- 
ties in  the  various  regions  of  Rome:  priests,  at  the 
head  of  the  principal  churches  of  the  city,  called  iituU; 
and  (at  least  by  the  eighth  century)  the  bishops  of  the 
dioceses  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome.  The  cardi- 
nals of  to-day  (divided  likewi.se  into  the  three  orders 
of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons)  have  succeeded  the 
members  of  the  ancient  presbytery  not  only  in  the 
offices  attaching  to  these  three  grades,  though  with 
somewhat  different  functions,  but  also,  and  chiefly,  in 
the  capacity  of  assisting  the  pope  in  the  management 
of  ecclcsi;istical  affairs. 

From  the  earliest  Christian  times  the  popes  were 
W'ont  to  confer  with  the  Roman  presbytery  on  mat- 
ters affecting  the  interests  of  the  Church.  From  a 
letter  of  Po|)e  Cornelius  (254-255)  to  St.  Cyprian  we 
learn  that  he  had  summoned  his  jiresbytery  before 
agreeing  to  the  reconciliation  of  three  schismatics. 
Likewise,  Pope  Liberius  (352-.36.3)  informed  the 
Roman  clergy  about  the  course  of  action  he  had 
deemed  advisable  to  take  during  his  exile.  Pope 
Siricius  (384-398)  condemned  the  heresy  of  Jovinian 
after  having  convoked  his  presbytery.  IIow  far  the 
more  prominent  members  of  the  Roman  clergy,  event- 
ually called  cardinals,  were  being  gradually  entrusted 
with  the  management  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  is  shown 
by  the  action  of  Leo  IV  and  John  VIII  in  the  ninth 
century.  The  former  ordered  that  the  Roman  cardi- 
nals should  meet  twice  a  week  in  the  Sacred  Palace  to 
provide  for  the  administration  of  the  churches,  look 
after  the  discipline  of  the  clergy,  and  decide  the  cases 
of  laymen.  The  latter  ordered  them  to  meet  at  least 
twice  a  month  in  order  to  take  cognizance  of  and 
ilecitle  eases  of  clerics  and  laymen  brought  before 
the  pope's  tribunal.  For  many  centuries,  however, 
the  Roman  presbytery  did  not  form  the  senate  of  the 
popes  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  clerics,  at  least  in 
matters  of  greater  importance.  These  matters  were 
discussed  and  decided  in  the  Roman  councils,  which, 
though  admitting  the  Roman  clergy  to  an  active  part, 
consisted  chiefly  of  bishops  summoned  by  the  pope 
from  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  as  well  as  of  other 
bishops  who  happened  to  be  in  Rome  at  the  time. 
These  councils  were  very  frequent  imtil  the  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century.  Thenceforth,  the  popes  held 
them  more  rarely,  finding  it  difficult  to  convoke  them 
as  often  as  the  ever  increasing  volume  of  business  de- 
manded. In  their  stead  the  popes  transacted  the 
affairs  brought  before  their  court  in  the  presence  and 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Roman  cardinals,  who  about 
the  same  time  had  grown  in  dignity  and  importance, 
owing  to  the  fact  that  the  right  of  electing  the  pope 
now  rested  in  them  exclusively.  Tlius  the  Sacred 
College  of  Cardinals,  :is.semblod  in  consistory,  became 
the  chief  organ  of  the  supreme  and  universal  govern- 
ment of  the  Church. 

At  first,  matters  of  judicial  as  well  as  of  adminLstra- 
tive  character  were  referred  to  the  consistory.  In 
course  of  time,  however,  the  former  were  transferred 
to  the  Tribunal  of  the  Sacred  Rota.  The  "Corpus 
Juris"  contains  many  of  tlie  decisions  given  by  the 
|K)i)es  in  consistory,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  frcfiuent 


formula  dc  fralrum  nostrorum  consilio  (with  the  advice 
of  our  brethren).  The  papal  consistory  has  continued 
ever  since  to  act  as  the  supreme  council  of  the  popes, 
though  it  lost  much  of  its  importance  when  in  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the  Roman  Congre- 
gations were  instituted.  The  amount  of  business 
brought  before  the  Holy  See  had  gradually  increased 
to  such  a  vast  extent  that  it  had  to  be  divided  among 
several  particular  committees  of  cardinals.  These 
committees  were  at  first  temporary  but  gradually 
became  permanent,  and  to  each  of  them  a  definite 
kind  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  was  assigned.  These 
permanent  committees  came  to  be  known  as  congre- 
gations. The  first  of  them  was  instituted  by  Paul  III, 
others  by  Pius  IV  and  Pius  V,  but  most  of  them  owe 
their  origin  to  Sixtus  V.  Once  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions, embracing  in  their  scope  almost  the  whole  range 
of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  were  instituted,  it  was  but 
natural  that  the  papal  consistory  should  lose  in  im- 
portance. However,  it  did  not  go  into  desuetude 
altogether;  it  continued  to  be  held,  but  more  rarely, 
and  only  in  the  form  %vhich  we  proceed  to  describe. 

III.  Present  Practice. — Consistories  are  of  three 
kinds:  secret  or  ordinary,  public  or  extraordinary, 
and  semi-public. — (1)  The  secret  consistory  is  so 
called  because  no  one  save  the  pope  and  the  cardinals 
is  present  at  its  deliberations.  Formerly  it  was  cus- 
tomary for  the  pope,  soon  after  entering  the  hall  of 
consistory,  to  confer  singly  with  the  cardinals  on  such 
personal  matters  as  they  wished  to  bring  before  him, 
and  it  was  only  after  this  audience  was  over  that 
nobles  and  prelates  were  excluded  from  the  hall.  But 
at  the  present  day  this  audience  is  omitted.  The 
consistory  is  frequently  opened  with  an  address,  or 
allocution,  in  which  the  pope  often  reviews  the  condi- 
tion of  the  Church  in  general  or  in  some  particular 
country,  pointing  out  what  deserves  prai.se  or  needs 
to  be  condemned.  Such  allocutions  are  afterwards 
given  to  the  public  in  onler  that  the  world  at  large 
may  know  the  mind  of  the  pope  on  these  matters.  At 
the  end  of  the  allocution  the  creation  of  new  cardinals 
takes  place.  The  pope  announces  the  names  of  those 
whom  he  intends  to  raise  to  the  carflinalate,  and  asks 
the  cardinals  for  their  opinion;  the  cardinals  remove 
their  caps  as  a  sign  of  consent,  and  the  pope  proceeds 
immediately  to  the  formal  appointment.  It  is  also 
in  the  secret  consistory  that  the  cardinals  receive 
from  the  pope  the  cardinal's  ring,  are  appointed  to 
some  titular  church  or  deaconry,  exercise  the  option 
of  passing  from  one  titular  church  to  another,  and  of 
ascending  from  the  order  of  deacons  and  priests  to  the 
order  of  priests  and  bishops  respectively.  It  is  also 
here  that  the  pope  appoints  the  camerlengo  and  the 
Vice-Chancellor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  and  per- 
forms the  ceremony  of  "closing"  and  "opening"  the 
mouth  of  the  new  cardinals.  To  this  consistory  be- 
long also  the  appointments  of  bishops,  archbishops, 
and  patriarchs,  the  transfers  of  these  dignitaries  from 
one  see  to  another,  the  appointments  of  coadjutors, 
the  creation  and  announcement  of  new  dioceses,  the 
division  and  union  of  dioceses  already  existing.  But 
the  details  are  not  discussed  in  the  consistory  itself. 
All  the  previous  consultations  that  are  required  in  order 
that  the  pope  may  come  to  a  prudent  conclusion  have 
taken  place  in  a  congregation  called  consistorial,  and 
the  pope  in  the  consistory  itself  only  gives  his  decision. 
There  are  some  sees  whose  bishops  are  appointed 
through  a  Brief  outside  the  consistory.  Such  are 
those  in  territories  ilcpending  on  the  Sacred  Congre- 
gation of  Propaganda,  and  others  as  necessity  may 
require.  These  appointments  are  merely  proiviulgatcd 
in  the  secret  consistory.  At  the  end  of  the  consistory 
the  advocates  called  consistorial  are  admitted  to  re- 
((uest,  with  the  usual  formalities,  the  pallium  for  newly 
appointed  archbishops;  their  petition  is  granted  im- 
mediately, but  the  conferring  of  the  pallium  takes 
place  later. 


CONSTABLE 


286 


CONSTANCE 


(2)  The  public  consistory  is  so  called  because  per- 
sons foreign  to  the  Sacred  College  of  Cardinals,  such  as 
Apostolic  prothonotaries,  the  auditors  of  the  Sacred 
Rota,  and  other  prelates  are  called  to  it.  Laymen 
also,  who  have  made  previous  application,  are  per- 
mitted to  be  present.  Formerly,  in  this  consistory 
the  pope  used  to  give  solemn  reception  to  kings, 
princes,  and  ambassadors;  but  this  is  no  longer  the 
custom.  In  the  public  consistory  the  pope  performs 
the  ceremony  of  delivering  the  red  hat  to  the  newly 
created  cardinals.  Moreover,  the  consLstorial  advo- 
cates plead  here  the  causes  of  beatification  and  canon- 
ization. These  pleadings  are  of  two  kinds.  In  the 
first  permission  is  asked  that  the  ordinary  process  of 
beatification  or  canonization  may  be  introduced,  or 
continued,  or  brought  to  completion.  The  second  has 
reference  only  to  causes  of  canonization.  For  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  practice  of  the  Holy  See,  even 
after  it  has  been  conclusively  proved  that  the  mira- 
cles required  for  canonization  have  been  performed 
through  the  intercession  of  one  declared  blessed,  the 
honours  of  a  saint  are  not  decreed  to  him,  unless  the 
question  as  to  whether  canonization  should  take  place 
has  been  treated  in  three  consistories:  secret,  public, 
and  semi-public.  In  the  secret  consistory  the  pope 
asks  the  opinions  of  the  cardinals,  who  express  it 
singly  by  answering  placet  or  non  placet  (aye  or  no). 
In  the  public  consistory  one  of  the  consistorial  advo- 
cates pleads  the  cause  and  a  prelate  answers  in  the 
pope's  name,  inviting  all  to  pray  in  order  that  the 
pope  may  be  enlightened  on  the  subject.  Tlie  final 
voting  takes  place  in  the  semi-public  consistory. 

(3)  The  semi-public  consistory  is  so  called  because, 
besides  the  cardinals,  bishops  also  take  part  in  it.  To 
this  consistory  the  bishops  residing  within  one  hun- 
dred miles  of  Rome  are  simiraoned,  while  invitations 
are  sent  to  all  the  other  bishops  of  Italy;  moreover, 
titular  patriarchs  and  archbishops  and  bishops  w-ho 
live  in  Rome,  as  well  as  bishops  W'ho  happen  to  be 
sojourning  there  at  the  time,  are  likewise  present. 
After  all  the  Fathers  have  expressed  their  opinions  on 
the  subject,  the  pope  closes  the  assembly  with  an  ad- 
dress on  the  following  canonization.  With  regard  to 
the  time  for  holding  the  consistories,  the  old  practice 
of  a.ssembling  them  at  fixed  intervals  has  passed  out 
of  use  and  to-day  they  meet,  as  occasion  demands,  at 
the  pope's  wish. 

Hilling,  Procrdur,-  nl  th,-  Unman  Curia  (Nrw  Ynrk.  1907); 
Baart,  The  Ronuu,  <\r:r-  '\p,v  ^-.^rl-,  IKOV:  TlTMr;,7;-v.  Vrbs 
et  OrbK:or  The  J'  /      '  ''     '         '        '     ,.  1S991; 

Smith,  ElemenL-i  n    i  ;  \.      \..       i-i     ,1.270: 

Hebgenrother-I  l"i  I  iM  .  ,.    ;  "    ,..',.:      :  :    ■ .\frchrn- 

rcchls  (Freihurffiiu  Hi  .  um.,  ,  jyj.  \.,n  .■-.  m  uf  h.  Il,u,.ll,„ch  des 
kathnlisrhrn  Kirchrnmhla  (Gr:iz.  ISSfil.  I.  4SI;  ,-\m.re-\Vag- 
NER,  Diet,  de  Droit  Cnnnn.  (Paris  190U.  I.  5.55:  Werxz.  Jus 
Decrclalium  (Rome.  1906J.  II.  394;  Cohellius,  Solitia  Cardi- 
jialalus  (Rome,  16.53);  Lega,  De  Judiciis  Ecclrsiaslicis  (Rome, 
189S),  II.  253. 

Hector  Papi. 

Constable  (formerly  Tunst.^ll),  Cuthbert,  date 
of  birth  upcertain;  d.27  March,  1746.  He  was  the 
son  of  Francis  Tunstall  of  Wycliffe  Hall,  Yorkshire, 
England,  and  Cicely,  daughter  of  John  Constable, 
second  Viscount  Dunbar.  When  in  1718  he  succeeded, 
on  the  death  of  his  uncle,  the  last  Viscount  Dunbar, 
to  the  estates  of  Burton  Constable,  he  changed  liis 
surname  from  Tunstall  to  Constable.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  Douai  and  subsequently  studied  medicine 
at  Montpellier.  where  he  took  tlie  degree  of  Doctor 
of  Medicine.  He  formed  a  large  collection  of  books 
and  MSS.  at  Burton  Constable,  and  in  other  ways 
was  a  constant  iiatron  of  Catholic  literature,  assist- 
ing Bishop  Challoner  by  lending  him  documents  for 
the  ".Memoirs  of  Missionary-  Priests",  and  Dodd,  by 
contriliuting  to  tlie  expenses  of  the  "Historj'  of  the 
Chiucli  of  England".  He  also  maintained  friendly 
relations  with  non-Catholic  scholars;  and  among  the 
Burton  Constable  papers  are  two  volumes  of  his  cor- 
respondence with  Mr.  Nicholson  of  University  Col- 


lege, O.xford.  and  the  well-known  antiquarj',  Thomas 
Hearne.  His  correspondence  with  tlie  former  was 
chiefly  concerned  with  particulars  for  the  biography 
of  Abraham  Woodhead,  for  whom  he  had  a  great 
veneration.  His  only  publication  is  a  life  of  Wood- 
head  prefi.xed  to  his  edition  of  "The  Third  Part  of  the 
Brief  Account  of  Church  Government",  written  by 
that  author  (London,  17.36).  Gillow  (Bibl.  Diet.  Eng. 
Cath.,  I,  549)  states  that  even  this  was  largely  taken 
from  Nicholson,  but  is  valuable  for  the  complete 
Woodhead  bibliography.  The  other  works  enumer- 
ated by  Gillow  (loc.  cit.)  are  not  by  Constable,  bvit 
were  MSS.  in  his  collection.  The  collection  itself 
was  sold  by  auction  in  1889,  some  of  the  MS.S.  being 
purchased  by  Lord  Herries  and  added  to  his  collec- 
tion at  Everingham.  Constable  was  twice  married, 
first  to  Amy,  daughter  of  Hugh,  tliird  Lord  Chfford, 
by  whom  he  liad  three  children,  William,  Cicely,  and 
Winifred,  and  secondly  to  Elizabeth  Heneage,  by 
whom  he  had  one  son,  JIarraaduke,  who  inherited  the 
estate  of  Wycliffe  and  resumed  the  family  name  of 
Tunstall. 

Kirk,  Biographies  (London,  1908);  Co/ft.  Miscellany  (1830), 
p.  134;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.  (London,  1885),  I.  548 
sqq.;  Hamilton,  Chronicle  of  the  Eng.  Augustinian  Canonesses 
of  til.  Monica's  at  Louvain  (London,  1906).  II. 

Edwin  Burtox. 

Constable  (alias  L.vcey).  John,  controversialist 
(pen-n.ame  Clerophilus  Alethes),  b.  in  Lincoln- 
shire. 10  November,  1676  or  1678;  d.  28  March,  1743. 
In  1695  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.  For  many 
years  he  served  the  Fitzherbert  family  at  Swinnerton, 
where  he  is  buried.  Constable's  chief  controversial 
opponents  were:  the  Abbe  Courayer  (1681-1776; 
Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  328),  who  championed  Anglican 
orders,  came  over  to  England  in  1728,  was  lionized, 
and  eventually  buried  in  the  cloisters  of  Westminster; 
and  Charles  Dodd  vere  Hugh  Tootell,  who  wrote  with 
a  prejudice  against  Jesuits.  The  chief  writings  of 
Constable  are:  "Remarks  upon  Courayer's  Book  in 
Defence  of  English  Ordinations,  wherein  their  inva- 
lidity is  fully  proved",  an  answer  to  Courayer's  "Dis- 
sertations" of  1723;  "The  Stratagem  Discovered  to 
show  that  Courayer  writes  'Booty ',  and  is  only  a  sham 
defender  of  these  ordinations",  by  "Clerophilus  Ale- 
thes", an  answer  to  Courayer's  "Defense";  "The 
Convocation  Controvertist",  by  "Clerophilus  Ale- 
thes" (Svo,  1729),  against  Rev.  Joseph  Trapp's  "De-^ 
fence  of  the  Church  of  England";  "Doctrine  of  I 
Antiquity  concerning  the  Eucharist",  by  " Clerophilus  j 
Alethes"  (Svo,  1736);  "Specimen  of  Amendments 
proposed  to  the  Comjiiler  of  'The  Church  History  of 
England'",  by  "Clerophilus  Alethes"  (12mo,  1741); 
"Advice  to  the  Author  of  'The  Church  History  of 
England'",  MS.  at  Stonyhurst.  Gillow  enumerates  a 
few  other  writings  by  Constable. 

Oliver,  Collectanea  S.  J.,  73;  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  Ill,  207; 
VII  (i).  159;  Sommervogel,  Bibliothegue  de  la  C.  de  J.^  II,  col. 
1374;  (iiLLOw.  Djc/.  o/i'na- Ca(A.,  I,  552  sqq.;  Cooper  in  Z>ici, 
Sat.  Biog.,  XII,  36. 

P.4.TRICK    Ry.\N. 

Constance  (Lat.  Cnmstantia,  Ger.  Konstanz  or 
Constanz,  Czechic  name  Kostnitz).  formerly  the  seat 
of  a  diocese.  Constance,  a  very  ancient  town  sit- 
uated where  the  I{i\or  Rhine  flows  out  of  the  Bodensee 
(between  the  Boiiriiscc  and  the  I'ntersce)  in  the  .south- 
eastern part  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden,  was  origin- 
ally a  village  of  lake-dwellers  which  under  Roman  rul< 
was  fortified  bj'  Constantius  Chlorus  in  ,304.  Chris 
tianity  seems  to  have  been  introduced  into  Constand 
and  the  ncighliouring  countrj'  by  Roman  legionaries  ai 
early  a.s  the  end  of  the  second  or  the  beginning  of  th< 
third  centurj'.  The  episcopal  .see  was  first  at  Vin^ 
floni.ssa,  the  present  Windisch  in  the  Canton  of  Aargai 
in  Switzerland.  It  is  not  known  when  this  see  was 
erected.  The  first  bishop  of  whom  historj-  has  pre 
served  any  record  is  Bubulcus  w-ho  was  present  at  tlu 
Burgundian  Synod  of  Epaon  in  517.    (Mansi,  Anipl 


CONSTANCE 


287 


CONSTANCE 


(  ill.  Cone,  VIII,  565.)  He  was  succeeded  by  Gram- 
lii  ii  ills,  who  attended  a  Frunkish  synod  at  ("lorniont  in 
.">:..".  I  ibid.,  VIII,  863),  one  at  Orleans  in  541  (ibid.,  IX, 
IJii).  and  a  third  at  Orleans  in  549  (ibid.,  IX,  1.36). 
AfiiT  this  time  history  makes  no  further  mention  of 
till  1  )ii)cese  of  Vindonissa.  Since,  however,  the  neigh- 
iHMiiing  city  of  Constance  is  for  the  first  time  nien- 
ti'Mid  as  an  e[)iscopal  see  about  this  time,  it  becomes 
:iliiinst  a  certainty  that  from  Vindonissa  the  see  was 
triiisfcrred  to  Constance.  The  episcopal  catalogues 
(.1  I  I  instance  designate  Maximus  as  the  first  and 
Kuilolph  as  the  second  bishop,  but  nothing  further  is 
ki  nil  about  them.  AValafrid  Strabo,  in  his  "Vita 
^^  I  i:illi",  speaks  of  a  certain  Gaudentius  as  Bi.shop  of 
Ciwihtance,  after  whose  death  (c.  613)  the  bishopric 
\\ :  1  ^    offered   to 


I  iall 


who, 


I  the  diL'- 
i:id  rocoMi- 

l.d  liisdis- 

.f.ihiiinhis 

I.  'I'hesiT- 
iiM.ii  ulnch  St. 
(M!l|Mvachc,lat 
JiilinV  consecra- 
tion is  still  ex- 
tant (H.  Cani- 
sius,  ".-Vntiiiua' 
Lectiones",  ed- 
ited by  Basnage,  TsTxiKTr,,,  r.f  r.Tiimmi 

,?  »  INTERIOR  OF  *..\TIIK1JH.\I. 

'    1 hesaurus 

monum.  eccl.  et  hist.",  Antwerp,  1725,  I,  785). 
Nothing  is  known  of  Marcian,  Boso,  Gangolf, 
Fidelis,  and  Rudolph,  who  are  generally  desig- 
nated as  successors  of  John. 

The  limits  of  the  Diocese  of  Constance  were 
fixed  during  the  seventh  century.  The  river  Iller 
separated  it  from  the  Diocese  of  Aiigshuri;. 
From  the  influx  of  the  Iller  into  the  Danulir  thr 
l)Oundary  turned  towards  the  north-west  past 
(inuiiid.acrii.ss  the  Neekar,  north  of  Marliach, 
thence  .south-westerly  till  it  reached  the  lUiiiic 
Boiith  of  Brcisach  (.\ltbreisach).  It  followed 
the  Rhine  upwaril  to  the  influx  of  the  Aar,  then 
tip  this  river  to  the  St.  Gotthard,  whence  it  turned 
■  orth-easterly  across  Canton  St.  Gall  to  the  source 
if  the  Iller.  The  dioceses  surrounding  it  were 
ugsburg,  Speyer,  Strasburg,  Basle,  Lausanne,  Chur, 
d  (since  742)  Wurzburg.  There  was  not  a  diocese  in 
ermany  which  surpassed  Constance  either  in  area  or 
iopulation.  It  belonged  to  the  province  of  Besan(;on 
ntil  it  became  a  suffragan  of  Mainz  in  747.  With  few 
changes  it  retained  the  above-mentioned  dimensions 
till  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  In  the  year  1435  the 
diocese  had  17,060  priests,  1760  parishes,  and  3.50 
Diona.steries  and  convents.  During  the  eighth  and 
ninth  centuries  the  liishojis  of  Constance  repeatedly 
infringed  upon  the  rights  of  the  Abbots  of  Reichenau 
andSt.Galland  sometimes  conibincd  the  ahliatial  with 
the  episcoiial  dignitv.  Bislmii  Siilnnius  (746  TiiO) 
was  instrumental  in  tlie  unjust  deposition  and  iTn|iris- 
Oiunent  of  St.  Othmar,  the  Abliot  of  St.  Gall,  in  7.58  or 
7.5<t  illefcle,  Conciliengeschichte,  III,  ,596).  Most 
hi^hiips  of  the  tenth  century-  were  great  and  holy  men. 
~  Miiin  III  (890-919)  had  previously  (885)  been  im- 
!  chancellor  and  was  equally  beloved  as  .\bl)ot  of 
iii'nau  and  St.  Gall  and  ;is  Bishop  of  Constance. 
St.  Conrad  (934-975)  was  a  great  friend  of  the  poor, 
made  three  pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land,  built  three 
new  churches  and  renovated  many  old  ones.  He  was 
canonized  in  1123  and  became  patron  of  the  diocese. 
St.  Gebhard  II  (979-995)  founded  the  Abbey  of  Peters- 
hausen  in  983,  began  to  be  honoured  as  a  saint  soon 
after  his  death,  and  became  patron  of  the  city  of  Con- 
stance. During  the  conflict  between  Pope  Gregory 
VII  and  Emperor  Henry  IV,  concerning  the  right  of 


investiture,  the  episcopal  See  of  Constance  was  occu- 
pied by  Otto  I  (1071-1086),  who  sided  with  the  em- 
peror and  was  excommunicated  because  he  took  part 
in  the  deposition  of  Gregory  VII  at  the  Synod  of 
Worms  (1076).  His  successor  Gebhard  III  (1084- 
1110)  was  an  intrepid  defender  of  the  papal  rights 
against  Henry  V,  became  Vicar  Apostolic  for  Germany 
under  Urban  II  (Mansi,  Ampl.  Coll.  Cone,  XX,  666 
and  715),  consecrated  the  new  cathedral  at  Constance 
in  1089,  held  a  synod  in  1094,  at  which  wholesome 
ecclesiastical  reforms  were  decreed,  and  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  pope  freed  Henrj'  V  from  the  ban  in  1095. 
During  the  papal  conflicts  with  the  Emperors  Freder- 
ick I  and  Frederick  II  the  Ijishops  sidctl  with  the  em- 
perors until  Bishop  Henry  I,  von  Thann  (1233-1248) 
retiirncd  to  papal  allegiance  in  1246.  Bishop 
Rudolph  von  Montfort  (1.322-1334)  supported 
Pope  John  XXII  in  his  struggle  against  Louis  the 
Bavarian  until  1332,  when  he  joined  the  party  of 
the  emperor.  His  successor  Nicholas,  von  Krenz- 
lingen  (1334-1344),  sided  with  the  iiopes.  While 
the  Council  of 
Constance  (q. 
v.)  was  in  ses- 
sion  (1414- 
1418)  the  epis- 
copalSeeof  Con- 
stance was  oc- 
cupied by  Otto 
III,  von  Hoch- 
berg  (14  11- 
1434).  From 
the  thirteenth 
century  the 
bishops  of  Con- 
stance  were 
princes  of  the 
German  Em- 
pire. Their  ter- 
ritory, as  tein- 
|)Oral  rulers,  ex- 
tended over 
twenty  -  two 
German  (about 
482  English) 
square  miles, 
with  a  popula- 
tion of  about 
50,000,  and  Ixsted  until  it  was  divided  between  Baden 
an<l  .Switzerland  in  1802. 

The  decline  of  the  diocese  begins  with  the  Protestant 
Reformation.  The  Swiss  Cantons  Zurich,  Bern,  St. 
Gall,  Schaffhausen,  and  Thurgau  were  first  to  adopt 
the  new  tloctrine  (Zwinglianism).  They  were  followed 
in  1526  by  the  city  of  Constance  and  in  1534  by  the 
Duchy  of  A\'iirteinberg.  Baden  became  Protestant 
in  1556,  but  here  the  Catholic  religion  was  restored  in 
1571.  The  old  Faith  was  also  slowly  restored  in  the 
city  of  Constanc(>  from  1548  when  that  city  came  un- 
der .\ustrian  rule.  From  152(>  the  bislmps  of  Con- 
stance resided  at  .Meershurg.  Despite  the  great  los.ses 
sustained  during  the  Reformation,  the  diocese  in  1750 
still  nunibereil  3774  .secular  priests,  2764  monks,  3147 
nuns,  and  a  Catholic  population  of  891,948.  In  1814 
the  portion  of  tln^  diocese  situated  on  Swiss  territory 
was  detached  and  apjiortioned  to  the  Swiss  dioceses  of 
Chur.  Basle,  and  St.  Gall.  After  the  death  of  Bishop 
Karl  Theodor  von  Dalberg  in  1817,  the  portion  of  the 
diocese  lying  in  Wiirtemberg  came  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  vicar-general  of  Ellwangcn-Rottenburg,  and 
all  the  Bavarian  territory  was  attached  to  the  Diocese 
of  .\ugsburg.  In  1821  Pope  Pins  VII  dissolved  the 
Diocese  of  Constance  and  joined  itsS  remaining  terri- 
tory' to  the  newly  erected  Archdiocese  of  Freiburg. 
Tlie  most  important  rulers  of  the  diocese  since  the 
Reformation  were:  Cardinal  Marcus  Sitticus  von 
Hoheneins  (Altemp.s),  1.561-1589;  Cardinal  Andrew 


,  Constance 


CONSTANCE 


288 


CONSTANCE 


ofAiistria  (1589-1600),  Jacob  FugKer  (1604-1626),  Karl 
Theodor  von  Dalberg  (1800-1817)  and  his  Vicar-Gen- 
eral Heinrich  Ignaz  von  Wessenberg.  The  last  two  es- 
poused the  doctrine  of  Feljronius.  Dalberg  joined  the 
Freemasons  and  the  Illuininati,  of  whose  real  tenden- 
cies he  was  ignorant ,  and  Wessenberg  was  heart  and  soul 
for  the  ant  i-ecclesiastical  reforms  of  Emperor  Joseph  II. 

Tlie  city  of  Constance  received  municipal  rights  in 
780,  became  a  free  imperial  city  in  1192  and  was  one  of 
the  largest  anil  most  flourishing  cities  of  Germany  dur- 
ing the  Middle  Ages.  Its  population  is  said  to  have 
exceeded  40,000.  Here  the  famous  Peace  of  Con- 
stance, a  treaty  between  Barbarossa  and  the  Lombard 
cities  was  declared  in  1183  and  an  imperial  diet  was 
convened  by  Maximilian  I  in  1507.  Commercially  it 
was  highly  important  on  account  of  its  manufacture 
of  choice  linen  tlie  famous  tela  di  Costanza  which 
was  known  throughout  Europe.  Its  ecclesiastical 
renown  it  owes  to  the  fact  that  it  was  the  seat  of 
perhaps  the  largest  diocese  in  Germany  and  that  from 
1414-18  the  Sixteenth  CEcumenical  Council  was  cele- 
brated there.  For  joining  the  Smalkaldic  League 
and  refusing  to  accept  the  Interim  of  Augsburg  in 
1548,  it  was  deprived  of  its  privileges  as  a  free  and 
imperial  city  and  given  to  Austria  by  Emperor  Charles 
V.  It  was  unsuccessfully  besieged  by  the  Swedes  in 
16.33,  pillaged  by  the  French  (1740-45),  and  finally 
joined  to  Baden  in  1805.  Its  population  in  1900  con- 
sisted of  15,917  Catholics,  711  Old  Catholics,  and  565 
Jews. 

Merck,  Ckronik  des  Bisthums  Konstanz  (Constance,  1627): 
Neogart,  Eoiscopalus  Conslanliensis  (to  1306),  (St.  Blasien. 
1803  and  Freiburg.  1862);  Idem,  Codex  Diplovialicus  (St.  Blasien. 
1791-5);  Ladewig,  Regesta  Episcoporujn  Con-stanlien-num  (in 
German)  von  Bubidcus  bis  Thomas  Berlou-er.  517-1496  (Inns- 
bruck, 1886-90);  Ludwig,  Die  Konstanzer  Grschichtsschreibung 
bis  zum  IS.  Jahrh.  (Strasburg,  1894).  For  the  city  of  Con- 
stance: Eiselein,  Geschichte  und  Beschreibung  dcr  Stadt  Koyt- 
stanz  (Constance,  1851);  Beyerle,  Konstanz  im  30-jdhrigcn 
Krieg  (1900);  Idem,  Grundeigenthumsverhaltnisse  und  Biirgcr- 
recht  im  mitlelaUerlichen  Konstanz  (1900-02). 

Michael  Ott. 

Constance,  Council  of,  a  (partly)  oecumenical 
council  held  at  Constance,  now  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Baden,  from  5  Nov.,  1414,  to  22  April,  1418.  Its 
forty-five  general  sessions  were  devoted  to  three  chief 
purposes:  (I)  The  Extinction  of  the  So-Called  Western 
Schism;  (II)  The  Reformation  of  Ecclesiastical  Gov- 
ernment and  Life;  (III)  Tlie  Repression  of  Heresy. 
The  article  will  also  take  up:  (IV)  Attendance  at 
the  Council;  General  Considerations. 

I.  The  Extinction  of  the  So-Called  Western 
Schism. — In  its  attempt  to  restore  to  the  Church  her 
immemorialunityof  headship  theCouncil  of  Pisa  (q.  v.) 
in  1409  had  only  added  to  the  confusion  and  scandal 
that  afflicted  all  Christendom  since  1378  (see  Schism, 
Western).  There  were  now  three  popes,  the  two 
deposed  by  the  council  (Gregory  XII  and  Benedict 
XIII)  and  its  own  creation,  Alexander  V;  the  latter 
soon  died  (3  May,  1410)  and  was  succeeded  by  Cardi- 
nal Baldassare  Cossa  as  John  XXIII.  Obedient  to  a 
decree  of  the  Council  of  Pisa  that  ordered  a  general 
council  every  three  years,  this  pope  convoked  such  an 
assembly  at  Rome  for  April,  1412,  but  with  so  little 
success  that  it  was  prorogued  and  again  convoked  for 
the  beginning  of  1413;  its  only  important  decree  was 
a  condemnation  of  the  writings  of  Wyclif.  In  the 
meantime  the  treachery  and  violence  of  Ladislaus  of 
Naples  made  John  XXIII  quite  dependent  politically 
on  the  new  Emperor-elect  Sigismund  whose  anxiety 
for  a  general  council  on  German  territorj-  was  finally 
satisfied  by  the  pojie,  then  an  exile  from  Rome.  He 
convoked  it  from  Lodi,  9  December,  1413,  for  1  No- 
vember, 1414,  at  Constance,  a  free  cily  of  the  empire, 
on  Lake  Con.stance.  It  was  solemnly  opened  5  Novem- 
ber in  the  cathedral  of  Constance,  where  all  the  public 
sessions  were  held.  The  first  public  session  took  place 
16  November  under  the  presidency  of  John  XXIII, 
and  for  a  while  it  considered  it.self  a  continuation  of 


the  Council  of  Pisa,  and  John  XXIII  the  sole  legiti- 
mate pope.  It  was  soon  evident,  however,  that  many 
members  of  the  new  assembly  (comparatively  few 
bishops,  many  doctors  of  theology  and  of  canon  and 
civil  law,  procurators  of  bishops,  deputies  of  univer- 
sities, cathedral  chapters,  provosts,  etc.,  agents  and 
representatives  of  princes,  etc.)  favoured  strongly 
the  voluntary  abdication  of  all  three  popes.  This 
was  also  the  idea  of  Emperor  Sigismund  (q.  v.) 
present  since  Christmas  Eve,  1414,  and  destined  to 
exercise  a  profound  and  continuous  influence  on  the 
course  of  the  council  in  his  character  of  imperial 
protector  of  the  Church.  The  French  deputies  es- 
pecially urged  this  solution  of  the  intolerable  crisis, 
under  the  leadership  of  Pierre  d'Ailly  (Cardinal  and 
Bishop  of  Cambrai),  Guillaume  Fillastre  (Cardinal 
and  Bishop  of  San  Marco),  and  Jean  Charlier  de 
Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  rep- 
resentative of  the  French  king,  and  known  with 
d'Ailly,  as  "the  soul  of  the  council".  The  Itali.an 
bishops  who  had  accompanied  John  XXIII  in  large 
numbers  and  stood  for  his  legitimacy  were  soon 
rendered  helpless  by  new  methods  of  discussion  and 
voting.  Early  in  Januarj',  1415,  envoys  of  Benedict 
XIII  ajipcared,  but  only  to  propose  a  personal 
meeting  at  Nice  of  their  pope  and  the  emperor. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  month  Gregory  XII  (Angelo 
Corrario)  offered,  through  his  representatives,  to  re- 
sign, on  condition  that  the  other  popes  did  the  same. 
The  execution  of  this  project,  henceforth  the  main 
object  of  the  council,  was  long  delayed  for  reasons 
that  will  ajipear  below.  Pressure  was  at  once  brought 
to  bear  on  John  XXIII  by  Emperor  Sigismund  and  by 
the  non-Italian  members.  His  resistance  was  finally 
broken  by  the  resolution  of  the  members  to  vote  by 
"nations"  and  not  by  persons.  The  legality  of  this 
measure,  an  imitation  of  the  "nations"  of  the  univer- 
sities, was  more  than  questionable,  but  during  Febru- 
ary', 1415,  it  was  carried  through  and  thenceforth  ac- 
cepted in  practice,  though  never  authorized  by  any 
formal  decree  of  the  council  (Finke,  Forsclumgen, 
31-33)  and  ojjposed  by  d'Ailly  and  Fillastre,  who 
wanted,  indeed,  a  considerable  enlargement  of  the 
voting  body,  by  the  inclusion  of  professors  (doctors) 
of  theology,  parish  priests,  etc.,  but  not  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  traditional  individual  vote;  the  former 
was  willing  to  compromise  on  a  vote  according  to 
ecclesiastical  provinces.  The  vote  by  nations  was  in 
great  measure  the  work  of  the  English,  German,  and 
French  members,  but  the  Italians  did  not  long  resist, 
and  on  this  basis  the  council's  work  was  organized  and 
executed  as  follows :  By  each  of  the  four  nations  repre- 
sented at  the  council,  i.  e.  Germans  (with  whom  were 
counted  the  few  Poles,  Hungarians,  Danes,  and  Scan- 
dinavians), English,  French,  and  Italians,  several  dep- 
uties, ecclesiastical  and  lay,  were  appointed  to  repre- 
sent the  entire  membership  of  the  nation  present  at 
Constance.  These  national  deputies  met  separately 
under  a  president  of  their  own  choice,  but  changed 
from  month  to  month.  Their  decisions  were  reached 
by  a  majority  vote,  and  were  then  communicated  to 
the  General  Congregation  of  all  four  nations  in  which 
the  vote  of  a  majority  (tlirce)  was  decisive.  There 
seems  also  to  have  been  (Finkp,  Forechungen,  36-37) 
an  important  general  committee  appointed  by  the 
nations  to  prepare  the  subjects  of  discussion  for  the 
individual  nations,  and  to  act  generally  as  intermedi- 
ary. At  the  seventh  session  (2  May,  1415)  the  right 
to  vote  apart  was  withdrawn  from  the  cardinals; 
henceforth  they  could  only  vote  like  other  individual 
deputies  in  the  meetings  of  their  respective  nations. 
The  Roman  Church,  therefore,  was  not  represented  as| 
such,  while  the  small  English  nation  (20  deputies,  3' 
bishops)  was  equal  in  influence  to  the  entire  Italian! 
representation,  as  individuals  about  one-half  thel 
council.  The  decisions  of  the  general  congregations  f 
were  presented  at  the  public  sessions  of  tlie  councill 


CONSTANCE 


289 


CONSTANCE 


:uv\   there    promulgated,   unanimously,   as    conciliar 
(iicioes. 

W  hile  those  measures  were  being  taken  John  XXIII 
f;n  \v  daily  more  suspicious  of  the  council.  Neverthe- 
li-s,  and  partly  in  consequence  of  a  fierce  anonymous 
:ii  inik,  from  an  Italian  source,  on  his  life  and  charac- 
)i  I,  lie  promised  under  oath  (2  March,  1415)  to  resign. 
I  Ml  L'O  March,  however,  he  secretly  fled  from  Constance 
:iiiil  took  refuge  at  Schaffhausen  on  territory  of  his 
filiiid  Frederick,  Duke  of  Austria-Tyrol.  This  step 
fillid  the  council  with  consternation,  for  it  threatened 
l>"ih  its  existence  and  its  authority.  Emperor  Sigis- 
iiiiiiiil,  however,  held  together  the  wavering  assembly. 
111. 11  followed  the  public  sessions  (third  to  fifth)  of  '2G 
;ii ill  .'!0  March  and  .5  .\pril  out  of  which  came  the  fa- 

I IS  decrees  "Articles  of  Constance",  long  a  chief 

:iiL;iiiuent  of  Gallicanism  (q.  v.).  As  finally  adopted 
in  the  fifth  ses.sion  they  were  five  in  niunber  and  de- 
rlircd  that  the  council,  legitimately  called  in  the  Holy 
S|iirit,  is  a  general  council,  represents  the  whole 
Chinch  Militant,  has  its  authority  directly  from  God; 
and  that  in  all  that  pertains  to  faith,  the  extinction  of 
tlir  schism  and  reformation  in  head  and  members, 
I  '  '  ly  Christian,  even  the  pope,  is  bound  to  obey  it; 
tliit  in  case  of  refusal  to  obey  the  council  all  recalci- 
t  Tint  Christians  (even  the  pope)  are  subject  to  ecclesi- 
;i^n(:d  punishment  and  in  ca.se  of  necessity  to  other 
(ri\il)  sanctions;  that  without  the  consent  of  the 
ccHincil  Pope  John  cannot  call  away  from  Constance 
till  Roman  Curia  and  its  officials,  whose  absence 
niiuht  compel  the  closing  of  the  council  or  hinder  its 
w  I  rk  ;  that  all  censures  inflicted  since  his  departure  by 
tlir  pope  on  members  and  supporters  of  the  covmcil 
ari'  void,  and  that  Pope  John  and  the  members  of  the 
("inicil  have  hitherto  enjoyed  full  libertj'.  In  the 
111.  aiitime  (29  March,  141.5)  the  English,  German,  and 
I'l.iich  nations  had  agreed  to  four  articles,  in  the  first 
t\Mi  of  which  was  expressed  the  complete  supremacy 
nf  the  council  over  the  pope;  these  two  were  incor- 
I". rated  in  the  aforesaid  articles  of  the  fifth  session. 
It  has  been  maintained  that  these  decrees  were 
nil  ant  only  for  the  e.xtraordinarj'  situation  which  then 
fari'd  the  council;  they  express,  nevertheless,  the 
w  1  ll-known  persuasion  of  the  majority  of  the  peculiar 
CI  I  li'siastical  representation  at  Constance  th.at  the 
(.  iiiicil,  independently  of  the  pope,  was  the  fuial  de- 
[...-itory  of  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority;  indeed, 
l.y  \  irtue  of  these  decrees  they  proceeded  at  once  to 
jii.lL;e  and  depose  John  XXIII,  hitherto  for  them  the 
l.'ijitimate  pope.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  of  the  twelve 
linals  present  at  Constance  only  seven  or  eight  as- 
I  at  the  fifth  session,  and  they  solely  to  avoid 
ial  (among  the  absent  was  d'Ailly).  Nor  would 
;iiiv  cardinal  announce  these  decrees;  that  office  fell 
ti.  a  bishop,  Andrew  of  Posen.  The  emperor  was 
|ii.si.nt  at  their  pronmlgation,  also  200  members, 
iii..-tly  doctors,  etc.  These  decrees,  it  must  be  re- 
innnljered,  though  adopted  at  Basle  and  often  quoted 
Iv  the  disciples  of  Gallicanism  and  other  opponents  of 
).apal  supremacy,  were  formulated  and  accepted  at 
<  '.instance  amid  quite  unusual  circumstances,  in  much 
liable,  and  in  quasi  des])air  at  the  threatened  failure  of 
the  long-desired  general  council ;  they  ran  counter  to 
the  immemorial  praxis  of  the  Church,  and  substituted 
for  its  Divine  constitution  the  will  of  the  multitude  or 
at  best  a  kind  of  theological  parliamentarism.  They 
were  never  approved  by  the  Apostolic  See  (Funk, 
Kirchengeschichtliche  Studien,  Paderbom,  1897,  I, 
489-98)  and  were  almost  at  once  implicitly  rejected  by 
Martin  V  (Mansi,  Coll.  Cone,  XXVIII,  2C)0).  Tlie  rest 
of  March,  and  the  months  of  ,\pril  and  May  were  con- 
sumed in  a  tragic  conflict  of  the  council  with  John 
XXIII.  He  did  not  withdraw  his  resignation,  but 
posited  conditions  that  the  council  refused;  he  called 
away  from  Constance  several  cardinals  and  members 
of  the  Curia,  who  were  soon,  however,  obliged  to  re- 
turn ;  put  forth  a  plea  of  lack  of  libert v ;  complained 
IV — I'J 


to  the  King  of  France  concerning  the  method  of  vot- 
ing, as  w'ell  as  his  treatment  by  the  council  and  the 
emperor;  and  finally  fled  from  Schafi'hausen  to  Lauen- 
burg,  giving  the  council  reason  to  fear  either  his  final 
escape  from  imperial  reach  or  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Italian  representatives.  The  pope  soon  fled  again,  this 
time  to  Freiburg  in  the  Breisgau,  and  thence  to  Brei- 
sach  on  the  Rhine,  but  was  soon  compelled  to  return 
to  Freiburg,  whence  eventually  (17  May)  he  was 
brought  by  deputies  of  the  council  to  the  vicinity  of 
Constance,  and  there  held  prisoner,  while  the  council 
proceeded  to  his  trial.  He  had  exhausted  all  means 
of  resistance,  and  was  morally  vanquished.  Unwill- 
ing to  undergo  the  ordeal  of  the  impending  trial  he  re- 
nounced all  right  of  defence  and  threw  himself  on  the 
mercy  of  the  council.  He  was  deposed  in  the  twelfth 
session  (29  May,  1415),  not  for  heresy  but  for  notorious 
simony,  abetting  of  schism,  and  scandalous  life,  hav- 
ing already  been  suspended  by  the  council  in  the  tenth 
session  (14  May).  Two  days  later  he  ratified  under 
oath  the  action  of  the  council  and  was  condemned  to 
indefinite  imprisonment  in  the  custody  of  the  em- 
peror. He  was  held  successively  in  the  castles  of 
Gottlieben,  Heidelberg,  and  Mannheim,  but  was 
eventually  released,  for  a  heavy  ransom,  with  the  help 
of  Martin  V,  and  in  1419  died  at  Florence  as  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Tusculum.  (For  a  fuller  treatment  of  the 
charges  against  him,  see  John  XXIII.)  The  prom- 
ised resignation  of  Gregory  XII  (i).  v.)  was  now  in 
order,  and  was  accomplished  with  the  dignity  to  be 
expected  from  the  pope  usually  considered  by  Catho- 
lic historians  the  legitimate  occupant  of  the  See  of 
Peter,  though  at  this  time  his  obedience  had  practi- 
cally vanished,  being  confined  to  Rimini  and  a  few 
German  dioceses.  Through  his  protector  and  pleni- 
potentiary. Carlo  Malatesta,  Lord  of  Rimini,  he  pos- 
ited as  conditions  that  the  council  should  be  recon- 
voked  by  himself,  and  that  in  the  session  which 
accepted  his  resignation  neither  Baldassare  Cossa  nor 
any  representative  of  him  should  preside.  The  coun- 
cil agreed  to  these  conditions.  The  fourteenth  session 
(4  July,  1415)  had,  therefore,  for  its  president  the  Em- 
peror Sigismund,  whereby  it  appeared,  as  the  support- 
ers of  Gregory  wished  it  to  appear,  that  hitherto  the 
council  was  an  assembly  convoked  by  the  civil  au- 
thority. The  famous  Dominican  Cardinal  John  of 
Ragusa  (Johannes  Dominici),  friend  and  adviser  of 
Gregory  XII,  and  since  19  Dec,  1414,  the  pope's  repre- 
sentative at  Constance,  convoked  anew  the  council  in 
the  pope's  name  and  authorized  its  future  acts.  The 
reunion  of  both  obediences  (Gregory  XII  and  John 
XXIII)  was  then  proclaimed,  whereupon  the  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Ostia  (Viviers)  a.ssumed  the  presidency,  and 
Malatesta  pronounced,  in  the  name  of  Gregory,  the 
latter's  abdication  of  all  right  whatsoever  to  the  papacy. 
Gregory  confirmed  these  acts  in  the  seventeenth  ses- 
sion (14  July)  and  was  himself  confirmed  as  Cardinal- 
Bishop  of  Porto,  Dean  of  the  Sacred  College  and  per- 
petual Legate  of  Ancona,  in  which  position  he  died 
(18  Oct.,  1417)  at  Recanati,  in  his  ninetieth  year  in 
the  odour  of  sanctity.  From  the  fourteenth  session, 
in  which  he  convoked  the  council,  it  is  considered  by 
many  with  Phillips  (Kirchenrecht,  I,  256)  a  legiti- 
mate general  council. 

There  remained  now  to  obtain  the  resignation  of 
Benedict  XIII  (Pedro  de  Luna).  For  this  purpose, 
and  because  he  insisted  on  personal  dealings  with  him- 
self. Emperor  Sigismund  and  deputies  of  the  council 
went  to  Perpignan,  then  Spanish  territory,  to  confer 
with  him,  but  the  stubborn  old  man,  despite  his  pre- 
tended willingness  to  resign,  was  not  to  be  moved 
(Sept.-Oct.,  1415)  from  the  claims  he  had  so  persist- 
ently and  amid  so  great  vicissitudes  defended.  Soon, 
however,  he  was  abandoned  by  the  Kings  of  Aragon, 
Castile,  and  Navarre,  hitherto  his  chief  supporters. 
By  the  Treaty  of  Narbonne  (Vi  Dec,  1415),  they 
bound  themselves  to  co-operate  with  the  Council  of 


CONSTANCE 


290 


CONSTANCE 


Constance  for  the  deposition  of  Benedict  and  the  elec- 
tion of  a  new  pope.  St.  Vincent  Ferrer  (q.  v.)  hither- 
to the  main  support  of  Benedict,  and  his  confessor, 
now  gave  him  up  as  a  perjurer;  the  council  confirmed 
(4  Feb.,  1416)  the  articles  of  Narbonne,  the  immediate 
execution  of  which  was  retarded,  among  other  causes, 
by  the  flight  of  Benedict  (13  Nov.,  1415)  from  the 
fortress  of  Perpignan  to  the  inaccessible  rock  of  Penis- 
cola  on  the  sea-coast  near  Valencia,  where  he  died  in 
1423,  maintaining  to  the  end  his  good  right  (see  Luna, 
Pedro  de). 

Various  causes,  as  just  said,  held  back  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Spanish  deputies  at  the  council.  Finally 
they  arrived  at  Constance  for  the  twenty-first  session 
(15  Oct.,  1416)  and  were  thenceforth  counted  as  the 
fifth  nation  (Fromnie,  Die  spanische  Nation  und  das 
Konzil  von  Konstanz,  Munster,  1896).  The  next 
eight  months  were  largely  taken  up  with  complicated 
canonical  procedure  destined  to  compel  the  abdication 
or  justify  the  deposition  of  Benedict  XIII,  who  in  the 
meantime  had  excommunicated  solemnly  his  former 
royal  adherents  and  with  a  courage  worthy  of  a  better 
cause  maintained  that  Holy  Church,  the  Ark  of  Noe, 
was  now  on  the  wave-worn  peak  of  Peiiiscola,  in  the 
little  group  of  a  few  thousand  souls  who  yet  clung  to 
his  shadowy  authority,  and  not  at  Constance.  He  was 
finally  deposed  in  the  thirty-seventh  session  (26  July, 
1417)  as  guilty  of  perjury,  a  schismatic,  and  a  heretic; 
his  private  life  and  priestly  character,  imlike  those  of 
John  XXIII,  were  never  assailed.  The  Western 
Schism  was  thus  at  an  end,  after  nearly  forty  years  of 
disastrous  life;  one  pope  (Gregory  XII)  had  volun- 
tarily abdicated;  another  (John  XXlII)  had  been  sus- 
pended and  then  deposed,  but  had  submitted  in  canon- 
ical form;  the  third  claimant  (Benedict  XIII)  was  cut 
off  from  the  body  of  the  Church,  "  a  pope  without  a 
Church,  a  shepherd  without  a  flock"  (Hergenrother- 
Kirsch).  It  had  come  about  that,  whichever  of  the 
three  claimants  of  the  papacy  was  the  legitimate  suc- 
cessor of  Peter,  there  reigned  throughout  the  Church 
a  universal  uncertainty  and  an  intolerable  confusion, 
so  that  saints  and  scholars  and  upright  souls  were  to 
be  found  in  all  three  obediences.  On  the  principle 
that  a  doubtful  pope  is  no  pope,  the  Apostolic  See  ap- 
peared really  vacant,  and  under  the  circumstances 
could  not  possibly  be  otherwise  filled  than  by  the 
action  of  a  general  council. 

The  canonical  irregularities  of  the  council  seem  less 
blameworthy  when  to  this  practical  vacancy  of  the 
papal  chair  we  add  the  universal  disgust  and  weariness 
at  the  continuance  of  the  so-called  schism,  despite  all 
imaginable  efforts  to  restore  to  the  Church  its  unity  of 
headship,  the  justified  fear  of  new  complications,  the 
imminent  peril  of  Catholic  doctrine  and  discipline 
amid  the  temporary  wreckage  of  the  traditional  au- 
thority of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  rapid  growth  of 
false  teachings  equally  ruinous  to  Church  and  State. 

Election  of  Martin  V. — Under  the  circumstances 
the  usual  form  of  papal  election  by  the  cardinals  alone 
(see  Concl.we)  was  impossible,  if  only  for  the  strongly 
inimical  feeling  of  the  majority  of  the  council,  which 
held  them  responsible  not  only  for  the  horrors  of  the 
schism,  but  also  for  many  of  the  administrative  abuses 
of  the  Roman  Curia  (see  below),  the  immediate  cor- 
rection of  which  seemed  to  not  a  few  of  no  less  impor- 
tance, to  say  the  least,  than  the  election  of  a  pope. 
This  object  was  not  obscured  by  minor  dissensions, 
e.  g.  concerning  the  rightful  rank  of  the  Spanish 
nation,  the  number  of  votes  of  the  Aragonese  and 
Castilians,  respectively,  the  right  of  the  English  to 
constitute  a  nation,  etc.  The  French,  Spanish,  and 
Italian  nations  desired  an  immediate  papal  election; 
a  Church  without  a  head  was  a  monstrosity,  said 
d'.\illy.  Under  Bishop  Robert  of  Salisbury  the  Eng- 
lish held  stoutly  for  the  reforms  that  seemed  im- 
perative in  the  administration  of  the  papacy  and  the 
Curia ;  Emperor  Sigismund  was  foremost  among  the 


Germans  for  the  same  cause,  and  was  ready  to  take 
violent  measures  in  its  interest.  But  Robert  of  Salis- 
bury died,  and  curiously  enough,  it  was  by  another 
English  bishop,  Ileniy  of  Winchester,  then  on  hLs 
way  to  Palestine,  and  a  near  relative  of  the  King  of 
England,  that  the  antagonistic  measures  of  papal  elec- 
tion and  curial  reform  were  reconciled  in  favour  of  the 
priority  of  the  former,  but  with  satisfactory  assur- 
ance, among  other  points,  that  the  new  pope  would  at 
once  utidertake  a  serious  reform  of  all  abuses;  that 
those  reforms  would  be  at  once  proclaimed  by  the 
council  on  which  all  the  nations  agreed;  and  that  the 
manner  of  the  imminent  papal  election  should  be  left 
to  a  special  commission.  Among  the  five  reform  de- 
crees passed  at  once  by  the  council  in  its  thirty-ninth 
session  (9  Oct.,  1417)  was  the  famous  "Frequens" 
which  provided  for  a  general  council  every  ten  years; 
the  next  two,  however,  were  to  be  convoked  by  the 
pope  after  five  and  seven  years  respectively,  the  first 
of  them  at  Pavia. 

In  the  fortieth  session  finally  (30  Oct.)  was  dis- 
cussed the  manner  of  the  new  papal  election.  The 
council  decreed  that  for  this  occasion  to  the  twenty- 
three  cardinals  should  be  added  thirty  deputies  of  the 
council  (si.x  from  each  nation)  making  a  body  of  fifty- 
three  electors.  Another  decree  of  this  session  pro- 
vided for  the  immediate  and  serious  attention  of  the 
new  pope  to  eighteen  points  concerning  reformatio 
in  capite  et  Curia  Romana.  The  forty-first  session 
(8  Nov.)  provided  for  the  details  of  the  election  and 
for  this  purpose  had  the  Bull  of  Clement  VI  (6  Dec, 
1351)  read.  That  afternoon  the  electors  assembled 
in  conclave  and  after  three  days  chose  for  the  pope 
the  Roman  Cardinal  Odo  Colonna,  who  took  the  name 
of  Martin  V  (q.  v.).  He  was  only  a  subdeacon,  and  so 
was  successively  made  deacon,  priest,  and  bishop 
(Promme,  "Die  Wahl  Martins  V.",  in  " Rom.  Quartal- 
schrift",  1S96).  Hiscoronation  took  place  21  Novem- 
ber, 1417.  At  its  forty-fifth  session  he  solemnly 
closed  the  council  (22  April,  1418),  whereupon,  declin- 
ing invitations  to  Avignon  or  to  some  German  city,  he 
returned  to-  Italy,  and  after  a  short  stay  in  Florence 
entered  Rome,  28  Sept.,  1420,  and  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  the  Vatican,  thereby  restoring  to  the  See  of 
Peter  its  ancient  rights  and  prestige  in  Christendom 

II.  Reform.-vtign  of  Ecclesi.4stic.\l  Govern- 
ment AND  Life. — Tlie  long  absence  of  the  popes 
from  Rome  in  the  fourteenth  century,  entailing 
the  economical  and  political  ruin  of  the  ancient 
Patrimony  of  Peter;  the  many  grave  abuses  directly 
or  indirectly  connected  with  the  administration 
of  French  popes  at  Avignon ;  the  general  civil  dis- 
orders of  the  time  (Hundred  Years  War,  Condottieri, 
etc.),  and  other  causes,  had  created,  long  before 
the  Council  of  Constance,  an  earnest  demand  for  a 
refonnation  of  ecclesiastical  conditions.  The  writ- 
ings of  theologians  and  canonists  and  the  utterances 
of  several  popular  saints  (St.  Bridget  of  Sweden,  St. 
Catherine  of  Siena)  are  alone  enough  to  show  how 
well  justified  was  this  universal  demand  (Rocquain). 
In  the  minds  of  many  members  of  the  council  "this  re-' 
formation,  as  already  stated,  was  of  equal  importance 
with  the  closing  of  the  schism ;  and  to  some,  especially 
to  the  Gennans,  it  seemed  to  overshadow  even  the; 
need  of  a  head  for  the  Church.  It  was  precisely  thf' 
pope  anil  the  cardinals,  they  argued,  whose  adminis-' 
tration  most  needed  reform,  and  now,  when  both  wert 
weakest  and  for  the  first  time  in  their  historj-  had  felt 
the  mastery  of  the  theologians  and  canonists,  seemet 
to  this  party  the  psychological  moment  to  write  thesf 
refonns  into  the  common  ecclesiastical  law,  whenci 
they  could  not  easily  be  expunged.  Since  July,  1415 
there  had  been  a  reform  commission  of  thirty-fivi 
members:  a  new  one  of  twenty-five  members  had  lieei 
appointed  after  the  entry  of  the  Spanish  nation  ii 
October,  1416.  During  its  long  career  many  memo 
rials  were  presented  to  the  council  concerning  ever 


( 


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291 


CONSTANCE 


imaginable  abuse.  In  its  general  congregations  and 
sf^-^eions  bitter  reproaches  were  often  uttered  on  the 
s  imp  themes.  The  academic  equality  of  many  of  the 
members,  tlie  prostrate  condition  of  ecclesiastical 
liiadship,  the  peculiar  freedom  of  discussion  in  the 
"  nation"  meetings,  and  other  causes  made  this  coun- 
cil II  unique  forum  for  the  discussion  of  all  points  and 
ini'thods  of  reformation.  More  would  certainly  have 
luen  accomplished  had  the  learned  men  and  the  zeal- 
"iis  preachers  been  able  to  reach  some  degree  of  unani- 
mity as  to  the  importance  and  order  of  the  reforms 
(I  lied  for,  and  had  there  been  more  general  anxiety  for 
fic  Tsonal  refonnation  and  less  passion  in  denouncing 
llic  past  abuses  of  papal  and  curial  administration. 
1  he  Germans  (Avisamenta  nationis  germanica?)  and 
tlic  English  were  ardent  for  a  reformation  of  the  Ro- 
man Curia,  so  that  a  new,  holy,  and  just  pope  would 
find  his  way  made  straight  before  him.  The  former 
asserted  that  for  150  years  the  popes  had  ceased  to 
^',  I  vern  with  that  justice  which  for  twelve  centuries  had 
( liaracterizedtheni.  Thecardinals,  they  said,  had  loved 
iirhi's  too  much,  and  ecclesiastical  synods  had  been 
ii'^locted.  These  were  the  true  causes,  according  to 
Iti'iu,   of  the  corruption   of  the  clergy,   the   decay 

I  •!  i;ood  studies,  the  ruin  of  churches  and  abbeys.  Re- 
I'nrms  had  been  promised  at  Pisa,  but  what  had  be- 
r^'nie  of  these  promises?  .\s  a  matter  of  fact,  how- 
vvi-r,  the  reforms  most  loudly  called  for  meant  the 
ri  >toration  to  the  bishops  of  their  ancient  freedom  in 
lli(  collation  of  benefices,  also  a  notable  diminution  in 
the  various  dues  and  .assessments  payable  to  Rome 
from  the  ecclesiastical  properties  and  revenues  of  the 
\arious  nations,  which  for  several  reasons  had  been 
uniwing   in    number  and   size   during   the   previous 

II  iitury,  and  were  not  always  unjustified  or  inequi- 
t :  1 1  ill'.  We  have  already  seen  that  it  was  much  against 
( III  ir  will  that  the  Germans  agreed  to  a  papal  election 

III  lure  receiving  full  satisfaction  in  the  matter  of  the 
afiiresaid  reforms.  The  day  after  his  coronation 
Martin  V  appointed  a  (third)  reform  commission, 
lint  its  members  showed  no  more  unanimity  than  their 
pri'docessors  in  the  same  office.  The  new  pope  de- 
clared that  he  was  ready  to  accept  any  propositions 
that  were  unanimously  agreed  on.  Eventually,  after 
Miiich  discussion  and  various  suggestions  seven  points 
Ml  re  agreed  to  in  the  forty-third  session  (21  March, 
MIS).  AH  exemptions  granted  during  the  synod 
\\i  re  withdrawn,  and  in  the  future  should  be  granted 
Willi  difficulty;  unions  and  incorporations  of  bene- 
licis  were  likewise  to  be  diminished;  the  pope  agreed 
til  renounce  the  revenues  of  vacant  benefices ;  all  sim- 
(II  v  was  forbidden,  likewise  the  custom  of  dispens- 
ii  u  beneficed  persons  from  the  obligation  of  taking 
nnlcrs;  the  papal  right  to  impose  tithes  on  clergy  and 
(1  lurches  was  .sensibly  restricted;  ecclesiastics  must 
111  nicforth  wear  the  dress  of  their  order  (Mansi,  Cone, 
XW'II,  1114-77).  Other  reforms  were  left  to  the 
initiative  of  each  nation  which  provided  for  them  by 
^[■|(■ial  concordats,  a  term  said  to  have  been  here  used 
fur  the  first  time.  The  Gemian  Concordat  (including 
I'nland,  Hungary,  and  Scandinavia)  and  that  with 
1 'ranee,  Spain,  and  Italy,  ran  for  five  years;  the  Eng- 
lish Concordat  was  indefinite  (for  the  details  see 
Mansi,  op.  cit.,  XXVII,  1189  sqq.,  and  Hubler,  Die 
Kiinstanzer  Reform  und  die  Konkordate  von  1418, 

■  Leipzig,  1867).     The  number  of  cardinals  was  fixed  at 
twenty-four,  and  they  were  to  be  taken  proportion- 
ately from  the  great  nations.     Stricter  regulation  was 
uKo  agreed  on  frr  papal  reservations,  annates,  coni- 
nii  ndams,  Indulgences,  etc.     Nevertheless,  in  a  papal 
II  ii-isforv-  no  March,  1418).  Martin  V  rejected  .any 
M   of  appeal  from  the  .\postolic  See  to  a  future 
■  il,  and  a.sserted  the  supreme  authority  of  the 
an  pontiff  as  Vicar  of  Jesus  Christ  on  earth  in  all 
'ions  of  Catholie  Faith  (N'ulli  fas  est   a  supremo 
•  ■.  videlicet  .Xpostolicii  sede  sen  Rom.  Pontif.  .Icsu 
I     -ti  vicario  in  terris  appellare  aut  illius  judicium  in 


causis  fidei,  qus  taraquam  majores  ad  ipsum  et  sedem 
.Vpostolicam  deferendiB  sunt,  declinare,  Mansi,  Cone, 
XXVIII,  200).  Von  Funk  has  shown  (op.  cit.,  489 
sqq.),  that  the  oft-maintained  confirmation  of  the  de- 
crees of  Constance  by  Martin  V,  in  the  last  session  of 
the  council  (omnia  et  singula  determinata  et  decreta  in 
materiis  fidei  per  praesens  concilium  conciliariter  et 
non  .aliter  nee  alio  modo)  must  be  understood  only  of  a 
specific  case  (Falkenberg,  see  below),  and  not  of  any 
notable  part  of,  much  less  of  all,  the  decrees  of  Con- 
stance. It  is  true  that  in  the  Bull  "Inter  Cunctas", 
22  Feb.,  1418,  apropos  of  the  Wycliflfites  and  Hussites, 
he  calls  for  a  formal  approval  of  the  decrees  of  Con- 
stance in  favorem  fidei  et  salutem  animarum,  but 
these  words  are  easily  understood  of  the  council's 
action  against  the  aforesaid  heresies  and  its  efforts  to 
restore  to  the  Church  a  certain  head.  In  particular 
the  famous  five  articles  of  the  fifth  session,  establishing 
the  supremacy  of  the  council,  never  received  papal  con- 
firmation (Hergenrother-Kirsch,  II,  862,  and  Baudril- 
lart,  in  Diet,  de  theol.  cath.,  II,  1219-23).  For  a  refu- 
tation of  the  Galilean  claim  that  these  decrees  possess 
a  dogmatic  character,  see  Gallicanism.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Council  of  Constance  is  usually  reckoned  the 
Sixteenth  General  Council ;  some,  as  stated  above,  ac- 
knowledge it  as  such  after  the  fourteenth  session  (re- 
convocation  by  Gregory  XII);  others  again  (Salem- 
bier)  after  the  thirty-fifth  session  (adlierence  of  the 
Spanish  nation);  Hefele  only  in  the  final  sessions 
(forty-second  to  forty-fifth)  under  Martin  V.  No 
papal  apjiroljation  of  it  was  ever  meant  to  confirm  its 
anti-papal  acts;  thus  Eugene  IV  (22  July,  1446)  ap- 
proved the  council,  with  due  reserve  of  the  rights,  dig- 
nity, and  supremacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  (absque 
tamen  praejudicio  juris  dignitatis  et  praeeminentia: 
Sedis  Apostolicae).  See  Bouix,  "Depapa,  ubi  et  de 
concilio  oecumenico"  (Paris,  1869),  and  Salembier 
(below),  313-23. 

III.  Thk  Repres.siox  of  Heresy. — At  varioua 
times  the  council  de.alt  with  current  heresies,  among 
them  those  of  John  Wyclif  and  John  IIus.  Condemna- 
tion of  Forty-five  Wycliffitr  Propositions. — In  the  eighth 
session  it  was  question  of  W'yclif,  whose  writings  had 
already  been  condemned  at  the  Covmcil  of  Rome  (1412- 
13)  under  John  XXIII.  In  this  session  forty-five 
propositions  of  Wyclif ,  already  condemned  by  the  uni- 
versities of  Paris  and  Prague,  were  censured  as  hereti- 
cal, and  in  a  later  session  another  long  list  of  260 
errors.  All  his  writings  were  ordered  to  be  burned 
and  his  body  was  condemned  to  be  dug  up  and  cast 
out  of  consecrated  ground  (this  was  not  done  until 
1428  under  Bishop  Robert  Fleming  of  Lincoln).  In 
1418  Martin  V,  by  the  aforesaid  Bull  "Inter  Cunctas", 
approved  the  action  of  the  council  (Mansi,  op.  cit., 
XXVII,  1210  sq.;  see  Wycliffites). 

Condemnation  and  Execution  of  John  Hns. — Since 
1408  John  Hus.  an  eloquent  preacher  of  Prague,  had 
openly  taught  the  Wycliffite  heresies.  By  his  ardent 
zeal  for  ecclesiastical  reforms  on  the  basis  of  Wyclif's 
teachings,  his  patriotic  insistence  on  the  purity  of  Bo- 
hemian faith  and  his  assertion  of  Bohemian  nation- 
alism, he  had  gone  rapidly  to  the  front  as  a  leader  of 
his  nation,  then  deeply  embittered  against  the  Ger- 
mans dominant  in  the  political  and  academic  life  of 
Bohemia.  Since  1412  he  had  been  banished  from 
Prague,  but  was  only  the  more  dangerous,  by  his  fiery 
discourse  and  his  writings,  among  the  highly  excited 
Bohemians,  who  mostly  saw  in  him  the  flower  of  their 
national  genius,  and  were  otherwise  embittered 
against  a  clergy  which  then  offered  too  many  elements 
of  weakness  to  the  attacks  of  such  reformers  as  John 
Hus  and  his  friend  and  admirer  Jerome  (Hierony- 
nuis)  of  Prague.  The  errors  of  Hus  concerned  chiefly 
the  nature  of  the  Church  (only  the  predestined),  the 
papal  headship,  the  rule  of  faith  (Scripture  and  the 
law  of  Christ),  Communion  under  both  kinds  (q.  v. 
also  Hussites),  auricular  confession    (unnecessary), 


CONSTANCE 


292 


CONSTANCE 


civil  authority  (dependent  among  Christians  on  state 
of  grace).  More  than  once  (e.  g.  1411)  Hus  had  ap- 
pealed to  a  general  council,  and  when  at  the  opening 
of  the  Council  of  Constance  Emperor  Sigismund  and 
King  Wenceslaus  of  Bohemia  urged  him  to  present 
himself,  he  was  not  unwilling;  it  was  made  up,  he 
knew,  of  ardent  reformers,  and  he  could  hojie  by  his 
eloquence  to  convert  them  to  his  own  intense  faith  in 
the  ideas  of  Wyclif.  He  left  Prague,  11  October,  1414, 
in  the  company  of  three  Bohemian  nobles  and  assured 
of  a  safe-conduct  {salvus  conductus)  from  Emperor 
Sigismund.  They  entered  Constance  3  November, 
where  Hus  took  up  his  residence  in  a  private  house, 
and  where  (5  November)  the  safe-conduct  was  deliv- 
ered to  him.  The  day  after  his  arrival  he  appeared 
before  John  XXIII,  who  treated  him  courteously,  re- 
moved the  censures  of  excommunication  and  inter- 
dict, but  forbade  him  to  say  Mass  or  to  preach,  also  to 
appear  at  public  ecclesiastical  functions  (his  thor- 
oughly heretical  and  even  revolutionary  doctrines 
were  long  notorious  and,  as  said  above,  had  already 
been  condemned  at  Rome).  He  appeared  again  before 
the  pope  and  the  cardinals,  2S  November,  declared 
himself  innocent  of  a  single  error,  and  said  he  was 
ready  to  retract  and  do  penance  if  convicted  of  any. 
He  had  continued,  however,  to  violate  the  papal  pro- 
hibition, said  Mass  daily  and  preached  to  the  people 
present.  Consequently  he  was  the  same  day  arrested, 
by  order  of  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  and  a  little  later 
(6  December)  placed  in  the  Dominican  convent.  On 
complaining  of  the  unsanitary  condition  of  his  place  of 
confinement  he  was  transferred  to  the  castle  of  Ciott- 
lieben,  and  later  to  the  Franciscan  convent  at  Con- 
stance (June,  1415).  His  examination  went  on  dur- 
ing April  and  May,  and  was  conducted  by  d'Ailly  and 
Fillastre ;  in  the  meantime  he  carried  on  an  extensive 
correspondence,  wrote  various  treatises,  and  replied  to 
the  charges  of  his  opponents.  His  Bohemian  friends 
protested  against  the  arrest  of  Hus,  and  exhiljited  the 
emperor's  safe-conduct  (but  only  after  the  arrest). 
Sigismund  was  at  first  wroth  over  the  arrest,  but  later 
(1  Jan.,  1415)  declared  that  he  would  not  prevent  the 
council  from  dealing  according  to  law  with  ]K'rsons 
accvised  of  heresy.  The  aforesaid  condonuiation  (4 
May)  of  the  forty-five  propositions  of  Wyclif  fore- 
shadowed the  fate  of  Hus,  despite  the  protests  of  Bo- 
hemians and  Poles  against  his  severe  incarceration, 
the  slanders  against  Bohemian  faith,  the  delay  of  jus- 
tice, secrecy  of  the  proceedings,  and  the  violation  of 
the  imperial  safe-conduct  (Raynaldus,  ad  an.  1414, 
no.  10).  The  public  trial  took  place  on  5,  7,  and  8 
June,  1415;  extracts  from  his  works  were  read,  wit- 
nesses were  heard.  He  denied  some  of  the  teachings 
attributed  to  him,  defended  others,  notably  opinions 
of  Wyclif,  declared  that  no  Bohemian  was  a  heretic, 
etc.  He  refused  all  formulse  of  submission,  again  de- 
clared himself  conscious  of  no  error,  nor,  as  he  said, 
had  any  been  proved  against  him  from  the  Scrip- 
tures. He  declared  that  he  would  not  condemn  the 
truth,  nor  perjure  himself.  His  books  were  burned  by 
order  of  the  council  (24  June).  New  efforts  to  obtain 
a  retractation  proved  fruitless.  He  was  brought  for 
final  sentence  before  the  fifteenth  session  (6  July, 
1415),  at  which  the  emperor  :i>-isl''il.  mid  on  which 
occasion  thirty  propositions,  t;il;'n  nn.-ily  from  the 
work  of  Hus  "On  the  Church"  1 1  )c  lAclcsia),  were 
read  publicly.  He  refused  to  retract  anything  and  so 
was  condemned  as  a  heretic,  deposed,  and  degraded, 
and  handed  over  to  the  .secular  arm,  which  in  turn 
condemned  him  to  peri.sh  at  the  stake,  at  that  time  the 
usual  legal  punishment  of  convicted  h(>retics.  He  suf- 
fered that  cruel  death  with  .sclf-pcis.se.ssion  and  courage 
and  when  aiiout  to  expire  cried  out.  it  is  said:  "Christ, 
Son  of  the  living  ( lud.  have  mercy  on  us!"  His  ashes 
were  thrown  into  the  Rhine.  Owing  largely  to  the  dram- 
atic circumstances  of  his  death,  he  became  at  once  the 
hero  of  Bohemian  patriotism  and  the  martyr-saint  of 


multitudes  in  Bohemia  and  elsewhere  who  shared  his 
demagogic  and  revolutionary  principles.  They  were 
surely  incompatible  with  either  the  ecclesiastical  or 
the  civil  order  of  the  time,  and  would  at  any  period 
have  bred  both  religious  and  civil  anarchy,  had  they 
been  put  into  practice.  As  to  the  safe-conduct  of  the 
emperor,  we  must  distinguish,  says  Dr.  von  Funk 
(Kirchengeschichte,  3d  ed.,  Freiburg,  1902,  p.  495, 
and  the  more  recent  literature  there  quoted;  also 
"Der  Katholik",  1898.  LXXVIII,  186-90,  and  K. 
Miiller,  non-Catholic,  in  the  "Hist.  Vierteljahrschrift", 
1898,  41-86)  between  the  arrest  of  Hus  at  Constance 
and  his  execution.  The  former  act  was  always  ac- 
counted in  Bohemia  a  violation  of  the  safe-conduct 
and  a  breach  of  faith  on  the  emperor's  part;  on  the 
other  hand  they  knew  well,  and  so  did  Hus,  that  the 
safe-conduct  was  only  a  guarantee  against  illegal  vio- 
lence and  could  not  protect  him  from  the  sentence  of  his 
legitimate  judges.  (On  the  death  penalty  for  heresy, 
see  Ficker,  "  Die  gesetzliche  Einf iihrung  der  Todestrafe 
fur  Haresie"  in  "MittheU.  d.  Inst.  f.  oest.  Geschichts- 
forschung",  1888,  177  sqq.,  and  Havet,  "L'heresie  et 
le  bras  seculierau  moyen  age  jusqu'au  XIIP  siecle", 
Paris,  1881 ;  see  also  Gosselin,  "Temporal  Power  of  the 
Pope  in  the  Middle  Ages  ",  I,  85-89).  In  the  medieval 
German  codes  known  as  the  Sachsenspiegel  (about 
1225)  and  the  Schwabenspiegel  (about  1275),  heresy  is 
already  punishable  with  the  stake.  It  is  not  true  that 
the  council  declared  that  no  faith  should  be  kept  with 
aheretic  (see  Pallavicino,  "  Hist.  Cone.  Trid.",  XII,  15, 
8;  Hoflerin  "Hist,  polit.  Blatter",  IV,  421,  and  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch.",  VII,  227,  also  Baudrillart,  op.  cit., 
II,  1217).  In  the  following  year  Jerome  (Hieronymus) 
of  Prague,  the  friend  of  Hus,  suffered  the  same  fate  at 
Constance.  He  had  come  voluntarily  to  the  council  in 
April,  1415,  but  soon  fled  the  city;  afterwards,  mind- 
ful of  the  fate  of  Hus,  he  obtained  from  the  council  a 
safe-conduct  to  return  for  his  defence.  He  did  not  ap- 
pear, however,  and  was  soon  seized  in  Bavaria  and 
brought  in  chains  to  Constance.  In  September,  1415, 
he  abjured  the  forty-five  propositions  of  Wyclif  and 
the  thirty  of  Hus,  but  did  not  regain  his  freedom,  as 
his  sincerity  was  suspected,  and  new  charges  were 
made  against  him.  Finally,  he  was  brought  before 
the  council,  23  May,  1416,  one  year  after  his  arrest. 
This  time  he  solemnly  withdrew  his  abjuration  as  a 
sinful  act  and  compelled  by  fear,  and  proclaimed  Hus 
a  holy  and  upright  man.  He  was  forthwith  con- 
demned as  a  heretic  in  the  twenty-fii'st  session  (30 
May,  1416)  and  perished  at  the  stake  with  no  less 
courage  than  Hus.  The  humanist  Poggio  was  an 
eyewitness  of  his  death,  and  his  letter  to  Leonardo  of 
Arezzo,  describing  the  scene,  may  be  seen  in  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch.'  ,  VII,  280  sqq.  The  death  of  both 
Hus  and  Jerome  of  Prague  affected  strongly  other 
humanists  of  the  time;  iEneas  Sylvius  (later  Pius  II) 
said  that  they  went  to  their  deaths  as  men  invited  to  a 
banquet.  The  immediate  consequences  were  grave 
enough,  i.  e.  the  long  I'traquist  wars.  For  an  equit- 
able criticism  of  the  defects  in  the  trials  of  both  Hus 
and  Jerome  see  Baudrillart  in  "  Diet,  de  th^ol.  cath.", 
II,  1216-17.     (See  also  Hussites.) 

Jean  Petit  (Johantjcs  Parriis)  and  Johann  von  Falk-  ;| 
cnhcrg. — The  question  of  the  licity  of  tyrannicide  oc- 
cupied the  attention  of  the  council.  The  Franciscan 
Jean  Petit  (Parvus)  had  publicly  defended  (in  nine 
theses)  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for  his  share  in  the 
murder  of  Louis  d'Orleans  (23  Nov.,  1407),  on  the 
ground  that  any  subject  might  kill  or  cause  to  be 
killed  a  tyrannical  ruler  (Ker\'yn  de  Lettenhove,  Jean 
sans  peur  et  I'apologie  du  tyrannicide,  Brussels, 
1861).  After  several  years  of  discussion  this  thesis 
was  condcnmed  at  Paris  in  1414  by  the  bi.shop,  the  in- 
quisitor, and  tlie  university.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
appealed  to  the  Roman  See.  At  Constance  the  mat- 
ter was  discussed  in  the  fifteenth  session  (6  July, 
1415);  many  French  doctors  were  eager  for  the  for- 


CONSTANCE 


293 


CONSTANCE 


mal  condemnation  of  Petit  and  his  thost-s,  l)ut  his 
Franciscan  brethren  defended  him  in  a  common  me- 
morial;   the  coimcil  finall.y  was  content  with   con- 
demning in  a  general  way  the  proposition  that,  regard- 
less of  his  oath  and  without  awaiting  a  judicial  sen- 
tence, any  vassal  or  subject  might  licitly  kill,  or  cause 
to  be  killed,  a  tyrant.     Quite  similar  was  the  case  of 
Johann  von  Falkenberg,  a  German  Dominican,  who 
had  maintained  in  a  violent  work  against  the  King  of 
Poland  that  it  was  allowed  to  kill  him  and  all  other 
Poles  (Mansi,  Cone,  XXVII,  76,5).     Many  demanded 
with  much  earnestness  the  condemnation  of  Falken- 
berg, but  no  definite  sentence  was  pronounced,  des- 
pite  the   ardent  discu.ssions  (see  Tyr.vnnicide),  not 
even  in  the  fort}--fifth  (last)  session  when  the  Poles 
urged  it  on  Martin  V;   he  declared  that  in  matters  of 
faith  he  would  approve  only  what  had  been  decided 
by  the  holy  general  coimcil  conciliarilcr,  i.  e.  by  the 
whole  council  and  not  by  one  or  more  nations.     As 
noted  above,  these  wonts  of  the  pope  refer  only  to  the 
particular  (Falkenberg)  matter  before  him  ami  not  to 
all  the  decrees  of  the  council,  even  in  matters  of  faith. 
IV.     Attend.\nce    .\t   the    Council;     Generai, 
CoN.siDERATioNS. — Owing  to  its  long  duration  the  at- 
tendance at  the  council  varied  much.     The  highest 
figures  reached  were:    29  cardinals,  3  patriarchs,  33 
archbishops,  150  bishops,  100  abbots,  50  provosts,  .300 
doctors  (mostly  of  theologj-).     It  was  calculated  that 
some  5000  monks  and  friars  were  present  and  in  all 
about  18,000  ecclesiastics.     The  visitors  are  variously 
reckoned  from  50,000  to  100,000  or  more.     Many  Eu- 
ropean sovereigns  and  princes  were  jjresent,  invited 
by  the  emperor,  among  them  (besides  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund  and  his  suite)  the  Electors  Ludwig  von  der 
Pfalz  and  Rudolph  of  Saxony,  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria, 
Austria,  Saxony,  Schleswig,  Mecklenburg,  Lorraine, 
and  Teck,  the  Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  also  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  Kings  of  France,  England.  Scotland, 
Denmark,  Poland,  Naples,  and  the  S|ianish  kingdoms. 
Towards  the  end  the  Greek  emperor,  Michael  Pateolo- 
su>j,  w.as  also  [ircsent  (19  Feb.,  ULS,  with  19  Greek 
I  ii-1  M  ips).    In  some  respects  the  council  resembled  more 
;i  iMi.dern  Catholic  congress  than  a  traditional  eccles- 
ii-i  ir:il  s\Tiod.     Tlie  numerous  princes  and  nobles  by 
tin  i;  tournaments  and  splendid  amusements;  the  mer- 
1 1  u  1 1 N  by  their  rich  and  curious  wares ;  the  travellers  by 
Mil  ir  number  and  importance;  the  fringe  of  fakirs  and 
ill-banks  found  at  all  popular  gatherings,  made 
'  inee  for  the  time  the  cynosure  of  all  Europe  and 
I  >f  the  Greek  world.     There  is,  of  course,  no  rea- 
'  1  wonder  that  in  so  motley  a  throng,  suddenly 
ri'd  from  all  quarters,  moral  disorders  and  loose 
:    should    have    manifested   themselves.     Quite 
from  the  reliability  or  animus  of  some  gossipy 
ulers,  the  council  was  directly  responsible  only 
own  acts  and  not  for  the  life  of  the  city  of  Con- 
It  must  also  be  remembered  that  in  one  way 
other   unforeseen   events   and   situations   pro- 

I  the  council  beyond  all  ordinary  prevision. 
H  the.sc  were:  the  flight  of  John  XXIII;  the 
ny  process  of  Benedict  XIII;  the  general 
i-y  and  dislike  of  the  cardinals,  and  in  turn, 

itural  efforts  of  the  latter  to  save  the  eccle- 

:il  constitution  from  thorough  ruin  at  the  un- 

,  1  list  moment  for  the  papal  authority,  hitherto  its 

■iMMT-stone;  the  passionate  longing  for  a  public  can- 

•iiK  il  purification  of  Catholicism  from  its  acknowl- 

I      I  abuses  and  excrescences  (in  the  head  and  in  the 

II  Ciiria).     We  need  not  wonder  that  at  the  end 
remarkable  diary  of  the  council,  Cardinal  Guil- 

- •     Fillastre   wrote   as   follows    (Finke  ed.,  For- 

ichungen  und  Quellen,  p.  242):    "Hoe  Constantien.se 

loncilium  .  .  .  onmibus  (pue  prece.s.serunt  generalibus 

(iiiiiliis  fuit  in  congregando  difTicilius,  in  progressu 

I  irius,  mirabilius  et  periculosius,  et  tempore  diu- 

1^".  i.  e.  no  previous  council  was  gotten  together 

.-o  much  difficulty,  or  ran  a  career  so  unique. 


marvellous  and  perilous,  or  lasted  so  long.  From 
an  ecclesiastical  point  of  view,  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance may  truly  be  said  to  close  the  medieval  and 
to  open  the  modern  period.  It  was  an  anti-climax 
for  the  all-dominant  medieval  papacy,  while  in  Sigis- 
mund  (Emperor-elect,  King  of  Hungary,  heir  of  Bo- 
hemia, etc.)  for  the  last  time  appears  a  pale  image  of 
the  ideal  office  of  the  medieval  empire.  The  language 
of  its  orators  and  its  '■'Acta"  exhibits  a  certain  dawn 
of  Humanism  (Finke)  while  there  for  the  first  time 
modern  nationalism,  quite  different  from  its  medieval 
prototype,  comes  to  the  front,  dominates  the  entire 
situation,  menaces  even  the  immemorial  unity  of  the 
Church,  and  begins  its  Inni;  nireer  of  discordant  rela- 
tions with  the  central  ailiiiiiii>l  nitnui  of  Catholicism 
(see  G.\LLICANISM ;  HoMin  ni,  .Ihhaxn).  Not  a  few- 
elements  of  the  later  eeclrsustieal  revolution  under 
Luther  (q.  V.)  are  alread_y  visibly  present  at  Constance. 
The  German  nation  in  particular  remained  grievously 
discontented  with  the  local  resxilts  of  the  second  of 
the  great  reform  councils  (Pisa,  Constance,  Basle), 
and  throughout  the  fifteenth  century  sought  variously, 
but  with  little  success,  to  realize  the  demands  put 
forth  at  the  Council  of  Constance.  [See  Eugene 
IV;  Martin  V;  Sigisiiund,  E.mperor;  F.  Rocquain, 
"Lacourde  Romeet  I'esprit  de  reforme  avant Luther" 
(Paris,  1900),  also  Pastor  (see  below),  and  Janssen, 
"  Hist,  of  the  German  People",  etc.  Pope;  Primacy; 
Reformation;  Church;  Trent,  Council  op;  Vat- 
ican, Councils  op  the.] 

Acts  of  the  Council. — Tlie  chief  collection  of  the  Acts  of  the 
council  and  pertinent  document'^  i^  that  of  vox  der  Hardt,  in 
.sixfolio  volumes,  Mafjnum-  itruui,  mt-nn  Cfjistanfiense  concilium 
(Frankfort  and  Leipziff.  I6U_'  I7(lili.  whcni-p  they  passed  into 
Hardouin  (VIII)  and  Mansi  XWll  X.WIII).  All  former 
editions,  however,  of  these  Aii-  .nui  (ioniinents  are  in  many 
ways  imperfect  and  uncritira!l\  filiu -I,  ;ind  must  give  way  to 
the  (partly  finished)  edition  of  lli  ixkh  ii  I'in-ke,  Acta  Concilii 
Constantimsis  1.  (Miinster.  XS'.lf,  .  fiuin  1110  to  1414;  Ada 
AragoTicnsia  (1907);  cf.  Zur  Knlik  <ivr  Akten,  etc.,  in  hia 
For.tchunffcn  und  Quellen  (below),  52-68;  also  No^l  Valois,  in 
preface  to  Vol.  HI  of  La  France  et  Ic  grand  sckisme  d^  Occident 
(Paris,  1901).  Many  important  documents  are  in  Raynaldus, 
Ann.  EccL,  at!  nnn  11111^:  ^rr  nlso  for  important  correspon- 
dence and  other  li  iiuinrnt    M\i  II  m;  and  Durand,  Thesaurus 

novus   anccd.,    II,    nl     h i,in.    Beitragc   zxir  Gesch.    des 

XV-XVl.J,il,,i, ,.„.:,,:  Muim  h,  isr,:j),  II.  C!.  Deutsche  Reichs- 
taqsakten,  IV-Xl.lr.jm  14(iu  i..  UoS  (Munich  and  Gotha,  1878- 
1900),  a  very  important  collection  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
interest;    also  the  writings  of  Pierre  d'Ailly  and  Gerson. 

Modem.  Historic-^  of  the  Cm/veit.     Lenfaxt  (ralvinist).  Hist. 

duCnnr,!,-   ,!■■<■.,-■: ,,!    p,|  ,    \„,,pr,lnm.  1727);    RoYKO 

(Joscpli  II-   '       '  ■'    ■     h     r' ■  ■  unmlunq  zu 

CoMu:'      i''.  ^        \\,--i     II     .      Icbronian), 

Die  !_,,.'      '    /  \  I  \  17,  .lahrhun- 

dert.'i  U'<'H,^i,i  ■  '  i    '    1 1  L.  h    i,  .1   Uistoni 

of  the  Papu,  ,  /  ,      ,  ,,     i      The  Great 

Schismandll'  i     ■    i     i    1^^'        Ivxcellent 

Cathohc  ac.,,„  ,  ., ,.    ,/,    Co.'ilama 

(Naples,  18s:i,,   ;i ,  \  II,    JO.    66   sqq.; 

Pastor,  Histort/  uj  (h^  /■-,"  ^  '  I  '  II;  bALKMBiER.  Le 
grand  schi.^mc  d^Oeeid,  n^  Cm  _"il  1  Ui,  has  good  liter- 
ature of  the  subject ;  MmiM'h  /',  A  '?r  ,/  :ii  Constanz  (ihid., 
1S98):  BuEMF.TZRiini  i:    /I  ■    '-  , !//,,.„:,/  z,i  Cnnstanz  (1904). 

Diaries  and  f'hniii :  !  I  n  i  .  i  iinintrl.iiit  of  the  contem- 
porary account^  of  il,.  /^mn/ of  (Jt'ii.lat'me  Fil- 
lastre, Cardiiud,  "f  ^  I  M  III  a  Icadini:  , 'Spirit  durinc  the 
entire  council  Ii.  I  ,  ,  ;,  77)  that  i)  is  Ihrouchout 
trustworthy  iiim!  .  i  i  ,  :..  i  ..lucd  bv  him  from  Vatican 
MSS.  4173  mill  11,11,'  .,  imdQudUn  (liclow),  163- 
242).      AmoiiL-  ill-    .  Ill       I    I.        I      i!ir  rounci!  arc  THEODOHictia 

(DiETERirn)  !))■,  \  I, :      i.  Aiiinivtinian.  De  consola- 

tione  Eeele.^iiF.  .s,  t/  //  '  '  -  ■,  n  the  fii^t  volume  of 
VON  der  Hardt;  Ti Im n  i  von  Niem,  a  well- 
informed  but  partial  .hi  I  iih.  1 1  ,  ,s  i.irr,  lli  sehismate  lihri  UI 
ed.ERLERd.eipzic.  Is'.in  .  io.  \ .  hi,..s  ..>,,,.,,!-«  (Hasle.  l.-ieG),  and 
In..  Hi.-itorin  de  riJo  .loli.niins  .Will,  iti  the  second  volume  of 
VON  DER  IIarot:  rt.Hi.ii  voN  l! icii i;NTiiAL,  Chrouik  dcs  Kon- 
.■^tnnzer  Konzih.  rd.  M.  H,  Bi(  k,  in  /iibl.  d.  htternr.  Icrrm.i  i>i 
Stuttgart  (Tiibineen,  1.SS21.  Vol.  CLVIII. 

Lives  of  Prominent  Participants. — Archbach.  Gcsehiehte 
Kaiser  Siqismumh  (Hamburff,  1838-45);  Jeep,  Gerson.,  Wicliff 
und  Hu.'!S  (Gnttinirpn.  1S.''>7):  I.osebth.  ./.  Hu.'!s  und  WirJif 
(Prague  IsfP:  Smwiii,  .;,./•.„;,.,..  |-,',-r..„„  nViirzhur-  IS.'iS); 
M»ssn-,       ,/ ',' '!...:■         IVM;       ^,,,„|,,,,,.      ;•,.,-,..,/£ 


■S';) 


,1/  U 


.  h„ 


.■.1,1. 

V/o 


u<d„ 


Tliioru  (Roiiio.  1893);  lU.ss,  Sltulitn  z.  Ge.ieh.  de.-<  Konatanzer 
Koneil.i  (1H91).  I;  Denifle,  Les  delegues  des  universitfs  fran- 
eaises  an  ConcUe  de  Constance  in  Revue  des  Bibliotht-ques  (Paris, 
1892);    also  his  Desolation  des  fglises,  des  monasteres  el   des 


CONSTANTIA 


294 


CONSTANTINE 


hApitaux  de  France  duranl  In  fj"erre  de  cent  ans  (Paris,  1S89); 
FiNKE  Forsrhungcn  und  Qitcllcn  zur  Geschichte  des  Konstanzer 
Konziis  (Paderbom,  1889);  Idem,  BUder  vom  Konslanzcr  Konzil 
in  the  Almnnach  of  the  Bad.  Hist.  Commission  for  I'JOS:  Kep- 
PLER,  Die  Politik  des  Kardinalskollegiums  inKonstanz  (Miinster. 
1899);  F.  MuLLER.  Der  Kampf  um  die  Autoritat  auf  dem  Komil 
zu  Konstanz  (Berlin,  1860);  Siebeking,  Die  Organisation  u. 
Geschdftsordnung  des  Costnitzer  Konziis  (Leipzig,  1875).  and 
Stuhr,  Die  Organisation  u.  Geschdftsordnung  des  Fisaner  u. 
Konst.  Konziis  (Schwerin,  1891);  Thdttmann,  Das  Konklave 
auf  dem  Konzil  zu  Constanz  (Freiburg,  1899). 

Encyclopedia  Articles. — KtippEK  in  Kirchtnlex.  VII,  978- 
1006;  Voigt-Bess  in  Hauck,  Realencykl.  XI,  30-34;  Zeller  in 
Kirchliches  Handlexikon  (Munich,  1908),  II,  470  sqq.,  Bad- 
DRiLLABT  in  Did.  de  thiol,  cath.  (Paris,  1908),  II,  1200-24. 

Thomas  J.  Sh.4.han. 

Constantia,  a  titular  see  of  Arabia  and  suffragan 
of  Bostra.  It  figures  in  Hierocles'  "Synecdemus" 
about  .533,  in  the  "Notiti;e  episcopatuum "  of  Anas- 
tasius  I,  P.atriarch  of  Antioch,  in  the  sixth  centiu-y, 
and  in  Georgius  Cyprius'  "Descriptio  orbis  Roman]" 
in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century.  Two  bish- 
ops only  are  known:  Chilon,  present  at  Constanti- 
nople in  3S1  (Mansi,  Coll.  Con.,  Ill,  569;  Lequien,  II, 
865,  says  wrongly  at  Nicjea  in  325),  and  Solemus  at 
Chalccdon  in  451  (Mansi,  VII,  168).  Eubel  mentions 
(1,211)  three  Latin  bishops  of  Constantia  in  Phcenicia 
during  tlie  fourteenth  century;  tins  city  is  otherwise 
unknown  and  may  be  oiu-  Arabian  see.  Waddington 
(Inscriptions  grecques  et  latines  .  .  .  Syrie,  575)  has 
identified  with  much  likelihood  Constantia  with  Bnik, 
north  of  Ledja,  in  Trachonitis.  Briik  had  a  special 
era,  and  inscriptions  prove  that  it  had  been  embel- 
lished by  Constantine,  whence  it  took  its  name  Con- 
stantia (also  Constantine,  or  Constantiana).  The 
ruins  are  rather  important.  There  have  recently  set^ 
tied  on  this  site  some  Circassian  immigrants.  Con- 
stantia in  Arabia  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
Constantia,  a  suffragan  see  of  Amida  in  Mesopotamia; 
Constantia,  or  Telia,  a  renowned  Jacobite  bishopric 
whose  ruins  are  at  Viran-Shehir,  half-way  between 
Mardin  and  Edessa;  nor  with  Constantia,  orSalamis, 
metropolis  of  Cyprus. 

Revue  biblique  (1898),  VII,  96-100,  283-2S5. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Constantine,  Pope,  consecrated  25  March,  708;  d. 
9  April,  715;  a  Syrian,  the  son  of  John,  and  "a  remark- 
ably affable  man".  The  first  half  of  his  reign  was 
marked  by  a  cruel  famine  in  Rome,  the  second  by  an 
extraordinary  abundance.  For  some  time  he  had 
trouble  with  Felix,  Archbishop  of  Ravemia,  whom  he 
had  himself  consecrated.  Relying  on  the  secular 
power,  the  new  bishop  refused  to  offer  the  pope  due 
obedience.  It  was  only  after  he  had  tasted  of  dire 
misfortune  that  Felix  submitted.  Constantine  re- 
ceived as  pilgrims  two  Anglo-Saxon  kings,  Coenred 
of  Mercia  and  Offa  of  the  East  Saxons.  They  both 
received  tlie  tonsure  in  Rome  and  embraced  the 
monastic  life.  (Bede,  Hist,  eccl.,  V,  xix,  xx.)  St. 
Egwin,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  went  to  Rome  along 
with  them  and  obtained  from  the  pope  various  privi- 
leges for  his  monastery  of  Evesham.  ("Chron. 
Abbat.  de  Evesham",  in  R.  S.;  "St.  Egwin  and  his 
.\bbey  of  Evesham",  London,  1904.)  The  extant 
documents  regarding  this  monastery  which  bear  this 
jiopc's  name  are  all  spurious.  (They  are  to  be  fovmd 
in  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  "Councils",  III,  281.)  But 
his  privilege  for  the  mon:istcries  of  I5ermondsey  and 
Woking  (il)id.,  276)  may  be  genuine. 

In  692  the  Emperor  Justinian  II  had  caused  fo 
assemble  the  so-called  Quini.sext  or  Trullan  Council. 
At  this  assembly,  which  was  at  (ended  only  by  C.reck 
bishops,  102  canons  were  passed,  many  of  which 
established  customs  opposed  to  those  of  Itome.  By 
canon  xiii  the  eeliliacy  of  the  Creek  .secular  clergy 
became  a  thing  of  the  jiast;  and  by  canon  xxxvi  a 
further  .step  w:is  taken  in  the  direction  of  rendering 
the  Patriarch  of  (,'onstantinople  quite  independent 
of  the  Holy  Sec.     Justinian  made  every  effort  to 


secure  the  adhesion  of  the  popes  to  these  decrees. 
But  one  after  another  they  all  refused.  At  length  he 
sent  an  order  to  Constantine  to  repair  to  Constanti- 
nople. Leaving  behind  him,  according  to  the  custom 
at  the  time,  the  archpriest,  the  archdeacon,  and  the 
Prlmicerius,  or  chief  of  the  notaries,  to  govern  the 
Church  in  liis  absence,  he  set  sail  for  the  East  (709) 
with  a  number  of  bishops  and  clergj-.  Wherever  his 
vessel  touched,  he  was,  by  Justinian's  orders,  received 
with  as  much  honour  as  the  emperor  himself.  He 
entered  Constantinople  in  triumph,  and  at  Justinian's 
request  crossed  over  to  Nicomedia,  where  he  was  then 
residing.  Strange  to  say,  tliis  cruel  prince  received 
the  pope  with  the  greatest  honour,  prostrating  him- 
self before  him  and  kissing  his  feet.  After  recei\'ing 
Holy  Communion  at  the  hands  of  the  pope,  he 
renewed  all  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  Church. 
Exactly  what  passed  between  them  on  the  subject  of 
the  Quinisext  Council  is  not  known.  It  would 
appear,  however,  that  Constantine  approved  those 
canons  which  were  not  opposed  to  the  true  Faith  or 
to  sound  morals,  and  that  with  this  qualified  approval 
of  his  council  the  emperor  was  content. 

Soon  after  Constantine 's  return  to  Rome  (Oct., 
711),  Justinian  II  was  detlironed  by  Philippicus 
Bardanes.  The  new  emperor  strove  to  re'vive 
Monothelism,  and  sent  a  letter  to  the  pope  which  the 
latter  caused  to  be  examined  in  a  synod  and  con- 
demned. Further,  as  the  emperor  burnt  the  Acts 
of  the  Sixth  General  Council,  restored  to  the  diptycha 
the  names  which  that  council  had  caused  to  bi 
erased,  re-erected  their  images,  and  removed  the 
representation  of  the  council  which  was  hanging  in 
front  of  tlie  palace,  the  pope  and  the  people  of  Rome 
placed  in  the  portico  of  St.  Peter's  a  series  of  repre- 
sentations of  the  six  general  councils,  and  refused  to 
place  the  new  emperor's  name  on  their  charters  or 
their  money.  They  also  declined  to  place  his  statue, 
according  to  custom,  in  the  official  chapel  of  St. 
Csesarius  on  the  Palatine,  the  site  of  which  has  just 
been  discovered  (1907),  or  to  pray  for  him  in  the 
Canon  of  the  Mass.  To  punish  the  Romans  for  these 
daring  measures,  a  new  duke  was  sent  to  Rome,  and 
they  would  no  doubt  have  had  much  to  suffer  but  for 
the  opportune  deposition  of  Philippicus  bv  the  or- 
thodox Anastasius  (Whitsun  Eve,  713).  Yhe  new 
emperor  made  haste  to  dispatch  to  Rome,  through 
the  Exarch  Scholasticus.  a  letter  in  which  he  pro- 
fessed his  orthodoxy  and  his  adhesion  to  the  Sixth 
General  Coimcil.  which  had  condemned  Monothelism. 
Constantine  also  received  a  letter  from  John,  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  acknowledging  that  the 
"apostolical  pre-eminence  of  the  Pope  is  to  the  whole 
Church,  what  the  head  is  to  the  body",  and  that 
"accoriling  to  the  canons  he  is  the  head  of  the 
Christian  priesthood".  John  assured  the  pope  that, 
while  co-operating  with  the  Emperor  Philippicus.  lit 
had  always  been  orthodox  at  heart,  and  that  the 
decree,  drawn  up  at  the  council  in  which  the  herctica: 
emperor  had  hoped  to  re-establish  Monothelisn 
(712),  was  really  orthodox  in  sense,  although  not 
apparently  so  in  words.  (See  John's  letter  in  tlu 
epilogue  of  the  Deacon  Agatho,  in  Mansi,  "Coll 
Cone",  XII.  192.) 

Among  other  distinguished  men  who  came  to  Homi 
in  the  days  of  Constantino  was  Benedict.  Archbishoi 
of  Milan.  He  came  not  only  to  pray  at  the  shrinei 
of  the  Apostles,  for  he  was  a  man  of  such  remarkabl 
holiness  that  he  was  distinguished  for  it  in  all  Ital; 
(Paul  the  Deacon.  Hist..  VI.  x\ix),  but  also  to  discus 
with  the  poiie  as  to  who.so  inuncdiate  jurisdictio 
belonged  (lie  Church  of  Pavia.  At  one  time,  eei 
tainly  in  the  fifth  century,  the  bishops  of  Pavia  wer 
subject  to  the  bi.shops  of  Milan  and  were  con.secrate 
by  them.  For  some  reason.  p(>rliaps  because  tl> 
Lombards  made  Pavia  their  capital,  its  bishops  ha 
ceased  to  be  dependent  on  those  of  Milan,  and  ha 


CONSTANTINE 


205 


CONSTANTINE 


become  directly  subject  to  the  popes.  Accordingly, 
when  it  had  been  proved  to  Benedict  that  for  some 
long  time  at  least  they  had  been  consecrated  at  Rdmic, 
he  definitely  surrendered  his  claun  to  j\n"isdipti<)n 
over  them.  The  visit  of  a  po[5e  to  a  city  at  any  dis- 
tance from  Home  being  so  com|iarativi'ly  rare,  tin' 
people  of  several  jilaces  at  which  Constantinc  toiuhnl 
m  his  journey  to  and  from  Constantinople  were  only 
too  pleased  to  be  able  to  avail  themselves  of  the  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  him  to  consecrate  a  bishop  for  them. 
It  is  on  reconl  that  he  consecrated  twelve  in  this  way, 
and,  at  the  customary  times  and  places,  no  less  than 
sixty-four. 

Lib.  pontificalis,  ed.  Duche,sne,  I,  389;  M.^nn,  Lives  of  the 
Popes  (London,  St.  Louis,  1902),  I,  pt.  II,  127  sqq. 

Horace  K.  M.\nn. 

Constantine  (Cirt.\),  Diocese  of  (Con.st.\ntin- 
wna),  coni]]rises  the  present  arrondissement  of  Con- 
stantine in  Algeria.  It  was  separated  from  the  Dio- 
eese  of  Algiers  25  July,  1866.     A  pontifical  Brief, 


KOCK    OF   THE    M.\RTYH3 


'1  1867,  authorized  its  bishop  to  adopt  the  title 

I  .i<hop  of  Constantine  and  Hippo. 

I  hi'  city  of  Cirta,  which  took  in  the  fourth  century 
M  name  of  its  resto/er,  Constantine,  and  in  which 
ii-  rinperor  built  two  churches,  was  an  episcopal  see 

III  the  second  century  up  to  the  time  of  the  Mussul- 
:iii  invasion.     The  Bishops  Agapius  and  Secundinus, 

•  -iildier  iEmilianus,  and  the  virgins  Tertulla  and 
riii.nia  were  martjTed  there  under  Valerian  (25.3- 
I  .  .\  Latin  inscription  cut  in  the  rocks  at  the 
111  nice  to  the  Rurnmel  Pass  (Corpus  Inscriptionuin 
iiiii:irum:  Africa,  7it24)  mentions  Sts.  Marian  and 
Mr^  as  martyrs  either  at  Cirta  or  Lambesa  during 

nie  persecution.    Within  the  territory  now  com- 

^  the   Diocese  of  Constantine  there   were,   in 

:ih  century,  195  dioceses,  w^iose  titles  and  e])is- 

:   lists  have  been  published  by  Mgr.  Toulotte, 

ii'Ml;  them  the  Diocese  of  Hippo,  governed  by  St. 

iL'iMiMc  in  the  fifth  century.     On  .30  August,  1842, 

jr.   1  lupuch,  Bisliop  of  Algiers,  brought  the   right 

1  .St.  Augustine  from  Pavia  to  Hippo,  and  the 

rsary  of  the  translation  of  this  precious  relic 

lirated  annually.     A  new  basilica  erected  on 

liill  of  Hippo,  purcha.sed  by  Mgr.  Lavigerie  in 

•  ^■i>.  was  consecrated  11  March,  1900.  Prior  to  the 
I   ii    inent  of  the  law  of  1901,  there  were  in  the 

'  bazarists,  the  Little  Brothers  of  Mary,  and  the 
1  athers;  at  present  only  the  latter  remain.  In 
111'  diocese  contained  2  foundling  a-sylums,  22 
a.sylums,  2  boys'  orphanages,  4  girls'  orphan- 
'.  industrial  schools,  2  houses  of  shelter,  13  hos- 
iiul  hospices,  7  dispens,aries,  and  15  hou.ses  of 
IS  who  care  for  the  sick.  At  the  close  of  1905 
!  the  |)eriod  under  the  Concordat)  the  diocese 
I'opulation  of  1.37,041 ;  5  pastorates,  67  succur- 


sal  pari-shes  (mission  churches),  and  17  curacies  re- 
numerated  by  the  State. 

TouLOTTK,  Gennr.  dc  VAjriquc  chrrt.  (Alceria,  1891);  Cskll, 
Observations  siir  I'lnsrnp.  drs  nwrli/rs  de  Constan'ine  (Algicr.s, 
1S97);  UK  I'n\TS,  L'rglise  africaine  (Tours,  1894);  Cheva- 
Lii;n.  Inpo  bibt..  ^;.  V. 

George.s  Goyau. 

Constantine,  Donation  ok.     See   Don.^tion  of 

C0N.STANTINE. 

Constantine  Africanus,  a  medieval  medical  writer 
and  teacher;  born  c.  1015;  died  c.  1087.  His  name, 
Africanus,  comes  from  the  place  of  his  nativity, 
Carthage  in  Africa.  Early  in  life  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  study  of  medicine,  and  as  was  the  custom  of 
the  times  made  distant  journeys,  some  of  which 
brought  him  into  the  Far  East.  He  became  familiar 
with  the  Oriental  languages  and  studied  Arabian  lit- 
erature very  deeply.  His  studies  in  Arabian  medi- 
cine taught  him  many  things  unknown  to  his  Western 
contemporaries.  On  his  return  to  Carthage  this  led 
to  great  jealousy  on  the  part  of  his  professional 
brethren  and  to  so  much  unpleasantness,  for  he  is 
even  said  to  have  been  accused  of  practising  magic, 
that  he  gladly  accepted  the  position  of  secretary  to 
Duke  Robert  of  Salerno.  Before  this  he  was,  for  a 
short  time  at  least,  secretary  of  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine Monomachus  in  Reggio,  a  small  town  near 
Byzantium.  While  in  Salerno  Constantine  became 
a  professor  of  medicine  and  attracted  widesjiread  at- 
tention. He  remained  but  a  few  years  in  this  posi- 
tion, however,  and  gave  up  his  honours  and  his 
worldly  goods  to  become  a  Benedictine  in  the  mon- 
astery of  Monte  Cassino.  He  was  received  with 
open  arms  by  the  Abbot  Desiderius,  one  of  the  most 
learned  men  of  the  time,  who  afterwards  became 
Pope  Victor  III.  Nearly  twenty  years  of  Constan- 
tino's life  were  spent  at  Monte  Cassino.  He  occu- 
pied hiinself  with  the  writing  of  books,  being  stinui- 
lated  thereto  by  Desiderius  who  was  his  most  intimate 
friend.  His  best-known  w"ork  is  the  so-called  "Liber 
Pantegni",  which  is  really  a  translation  of  the 
"Khitaab  el  Maleki"  of  Ali  Ben  el-Abbas.  This 
book  he  dedicated  to  Desiderius.  He  also  wrote 
some  original  works,  but  it  has  been  found  so  diffi- 
cult to  separate  what  is  undoubtedly  genuine  from 
what  came  to  be  attributed  to  him  in  time,  that 
there  is  no  certainty  as  to  his  original  contributions 
to  medicine.  With  Constantine  begins  the  second 
epoch  of  the  Salernitan  School  of  Medicine,  espe- 
cially notable  for  its  translation  of  all  the  great 
writers  on  medicine,  Greek  as  well  as  Arabian,  and 
for  original  work  of  a  high  order.  Many  of  the  dis- 
tinguished professors  of  the  twelfth  century  at  Sa- 
lerno were  proud  to  proclaim  Constantine  as  their 
mxster.  Of  the  manv  editions  of  his  works  the  chief 
is  that  of  B.inIi'  lin  u',]..  1536). 

Steinschnk;i  II  I  ,   '     '  1/r.  und  seine  arabisehen    Quetlen 

in  Virchnw-Arrlu      \\\\  II;    Paoel  in   PuscHMANN,  Gesch. 
d.  Med.,  I;    Dinl.h'     .\:.l,,,-  f.  Geseh.  d.  Med.,  1879. 

Ja.mes  J.  Walsh. 

Constantine  the  Great. — HLs  coins  give  his  name 
as  M.,  or  more  frequently  a.s  C,  Flavins  Valerius  Con- 
st antinus.  He  was  born  at  Naissus,  now  Nisch  in 
Servia,  the  son  of  a  Roman  officer,  Constantius,  w'ho 
later  became  Roman  Emperor,  and  St.  Helena,  a 
woman  of  humble  extraction  btit  remarkable  charac- 
ter and  unusual  ability.  Tlie  date  of  his  birth  is  not 
certain,  being  given  as  early  as  275  (Schiller)  and 
as  late  as  288  (Otto  Seeck).  After  his  father's 
elevation  to  the  dignity  of  C;esar  we  find  him  at  the 
court  of  Diocletian  and  later  (.305)  fighting  under 
Galerius  on  the  Danube.  When,  on  the  resignation  of 
Diocletian  and  Maximian  (305),  his  father  Con- 
stantius wa-s  made  .\ugustus,  the  new  Emperor  of  the 
West  a.sked  Galerius,  the  Eastern  Emperor,  to  let  Con- 
stantine, whom  he  had  not  seen  for  a  long  time,  return 


CONSTANTINE 


296 


CONSTANTINE 


to  tis  father's  court.  This  was  reluctantly  granted. 
Constantino  joined  his  father,  under  whom  he  had  just 
time  to  distinguish  himself  in  Britain  before  death 
carried  off  Constantius  (25  July,  306).  Constantinc 
was  immediately  proclaimed  Csesar  by  his  troops,  and 
his  title  was  acknowledged  by  Galerius  somewhat  hesi- 
tatingly. This  event  was  the  first  break  in  Diocle- 
tian's scheme  of  a  four-headed  empire  (tetrarchy)  and 
was  soon  followed  by  the  proclamation  in  Rome  of 
Maxentius,  the  son  of  Maximian,  a  tyrant  and  profli- 
gate, as  Ciesar,  October,  306. 

During  the  wars  between  Maxentius  and  the  Em- 
perors Severus  and  Galerius,  Constantine  remained 
inactive  in  his  provinces.  The  attempt  which  the  old 
Emperors  Diocletian  and  Maximian  made,  at  Car- 
mentum  in  307,  to  restore  order  in  the  empire  having 
failed,  the  promotion  of  Licinius  to  the  position  of 
Augustus,  the  assumption  of  the  imperial  title  by 
Maximinus  Daia,  and  Maxentius'  claim  to  be  sole  em- 
peror (April,  308), led  to  the  proclamation  of  Constan- 
tine as  Augustus.  Constantine,  having  the  most  effi- 
cient army,  was  acknowledged  as  such  by  Galerius, 
who  was  fighting  against  Maximinus  in  the  East,  as 
well  as  by  Licinius. 

So  far  Constantine,  who  was  at  this  time  defending 
his  own  frontier  against  the  Germans,  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  quarrels  of  the  other  claimants  to  the 
throne.  But  when,  in  311,  Galerius,  the  eldest  Au- 
gustus and  the  most  violent  persecutor  of  the  Chris- 
tians, had  died  a  miserable  death,  after  cancelling  his 
edicts  against  the  Christians,  and  when  Maxentius, 
after  throwing  down  Constantine 's  statues,  proclaimed 
him  a  tyrant,  the  latter  saw  that  war  was  inevitable. 
Though  his  army  was  far  inferior  to  that  of  Maxentius, 
numbering  according  to  various  statements  from 
25,000  to  100.000  men,  while  Maxentius  disposed  of 
fully  190,000,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  march  rapidly 
into  Italy  (spring  of  312).  After  storming  Susa  and 
almost  annihilating  a  powerful  army  near  Turin,  he 
continued  his  march  southward.  At  Verona  he  met  a 
hostile  army  under  the  prefect  of  Maxentius'  guard, 
Ruricius,  who  shut  himself  up  in  the  fortress.  While 
besieging  the  city  Constantine,  with  a  detachment  of 
his  army,  boldly  assailed  a  fresh  force  of  the  enemy 
coming  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged  fortress  and  com- 
pletely defeated  it.  The  surrender  of  Verona  was  the 
consequence.  In  spite  of  the  overwhelming  numbers 
of  his  enemy  (Seeck  reckons  Muxcntius'  aiiny  :it  100,- 
000  again.st  20,000  in  ConstantimV  ,iriM\  i  ili,.  em- 
peror confidently  marched  forwnnl  (o  Unmc.  A 
vision  had  assured  him  that  he  should  conquer  in  the 
sign  of  the  Christ,  and  his  warriors  carried  Christ's 
monogram  on  their  shields,  though  the  majority  of 
them  were  pagans.  The  opposing  foncs  mrl  m-arthe 
bridge  over  the  Tiber  called  the  MiIm.hi  r.n^lur,  and 
here  Maxentius' troops  suffered  a  cniiiplrtc  .lih-at,  the 
tyrant  himself  losing  his  life  in  the  Tiber  (2S  October, 
312).  Of  his  gratitude  to  the  God  of  the  Chri.«tians  the 
victor  immediately  gave  convincing  jiroof ;  the  Chris- 
tian worship  was  henceforth  toleratetl  throughout  the 
empire  (Edict  of  Milan,  early  in  313).  His  enemies 
he  treated  with  the  greatest  magnanimity;  no  bloody 
executions  followed  the  victory  of  the  Milvian  Bridge. 
Constantine  stayed  in  Rome  but  a  short  time  after  his 
victory.  Proceeding  to  Milan  (end  of  312,  or  begin- 
ning of  313)  he  met  his  colleague  the  .\ugustus  Licin- 
ius, married  his  sister  to  him,  secured  his  protection 
for  the  Christians  in  the  East,  and  promised  him  sup- 
port against  Maximimis  Daia.  The  last,  a  bigoted 
pagan  and  a  cruel  tyrant,  who  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians even  after  Galerius'  death,  w.as  now  defeated  by 
Licinius,  whose  soldiers,  by  his  orders,  had  invoked 
the  God  of  the  Christians  on  the  battle-field  (.30  .Vpril, 
313).  Maximinus,  in  his  turn,  implored  theGod  of  the 
Christians,  but  died  of  a  painful  disease  in  the  follow- 
ing avitiunn. 

Of  all  Diocletian's  tetrarchs  Licinius  was  now  the 


only  survivor.  His  treachery  soon  compelled  Con- 
stantine to  make  war  on  him.  Pushing  forward  with 
his  wonted  ini)"iucisily.  I  he  emperor  struck  him  a  de- 
cisive blow  at  I  il.:il:i'  is  <  tctober,  314).  But  Licinius 
was  able  to  re((.\ir  luinself,  and  the  battle  fought  be- 
tween the  two  rivals  at  Castra  Jarba  (November,  314) 
left  the  two  armies  in  such  a  position  that  both  parties 
thought  it  best  to  make  peace.  For  ten  years  the 
peace  lasted,  but  when,  about  322,  Licinius,  not  con- 
tent with  openly  professing  paganism,  began  to  perse- 
cute the  Christians,  while  at  the  same  time  he  treated 
with  contempt  Constantine's  undoubted  rights  and 
privileges,  the  outbreak  of  war  was  certain,  and  Con- 
stantine gathered  an  army  of  125,000  infantry  and 
10,000  cavalry,  besides  a  fleet  of  200  vessels  to  gain 
control  of  the  Bosporus.  Licinius,  on  the  other 
hanil,  by  leaving  the  eastern  boundaries  of  the  empire 
undefended  succeeded  in  collecting  an  even  more 
nmnerous  army, 
made  up  of  150,-  ^ 
000  hifantry  and 
15,000  cavalry, 
while  his  fleet  con- 
sisted of  no  fewer 
than  350  ships. 
The  opposing 
armies  met  at 
Adrianople,3  July, 
324,  and  Constan- 
tine's well  discip- 
lined troops  de- 
feated and  put  to 
flight  the  less  dis- 
ciplined forces  of 
Licinius.  Licinius 
strengthened  the 
garrison  of  Byzan- 
tium so  that  an  at- 
tack seemed  likely 
to  result  in  failure, 
and  the  only  hope 
of  taking  the  for- 
tress lay  in  a  block- 
ade and  famine. 
This  required  the 

assistance  of  Constantine's  fleet,  but  his  opponent's 
ships  loarred  the  way.  A  sea  fightattheentrancetothe 
Dardanelles  was  indecisive,  and  Constantine's  detach- 
ment retired  to  Elains,  where  it  joined  the  l)ulk  of  his 
fleet.  When  the  fleet  of  the  Licinian  admiral  .\bantus 
pursued  on  the  following  day,  it  was  overtaken  l)y  a 
violent  storm  which  destroyed  130  .ships  and  .")i)00 
men.  Constantine  cros.sed  the  Bosporus,  leaving  a 
sufficient  corps  to  maintain  the  blockade  of  Byzan- 
tium, and  overtook  his  opponent's  main  body  at 
Chrysopolis,  near  Chalcedon.  Again  he  inflicted  on 
him" a  crushing  defeat,  killing  25,000  men  and  scatter- 
ing the  greater  part  of  the  reniaintlcr.  Licinius  \v\\V 
30,000  men  escaped  to  Nicomcdia.  But  he  now  saw 
that  further  resistance  was  useless.  He  surrendere( 
at  discretion,  and  his  noble-hearted  conqueror  sparei 
his  life.  But  when,  in  the  following  year  (325),  Licin- 
ius renewed  his  treacherous  practices  he  was  con 
demned  to  death  by  the  Roman  Senate  and  executed 
Henceforth,  Constantine  was  sole  master  of  thi 
Roman  Empire.  Shortly  after  the  d<'f('at  of  Licinius 
Constantine  determined  to  make  Constantinople  th< 
future  capital  oi  the  empire,  and  with  his  usual  energ; 
he  took  eveiy  measure  to  enlarge,  strengthen,  am  J 
beautify  it.  For  the  next  ten  years  of  liis  reign  he  doi 
voted  himself  to  promoting  the  moral,  political,  ami 
economical  welfare  of  his  jiosse.ssions  and  made  disT 
positions  for  the  future  government  of  the  empiKj 
While  he  placed  his  nephews,  Dalmatius  and  Hano 
balianns  in  charge  of  les.ser  (irovinces.  he  designate! 
his  .sons  Constantius.  Constantine.  and  Con.stans  as  (' 
future  rulers  of  the  empire.     Not  long  before  his  encl 


CONSTANTINE 


CONSTANTINE 


the  hostilf  movement  of  the  Persian  king,  Shapur, 
again  summoned  him  into  the  field.  When  he  was 
about  to  march  against  the  enemy  he  was  seized  with 
an  illness  of  which  he  died  in  May,  337,  after  receiving 
baptism. 

Charles  G.  Herbermann. 

Historical  Appreclvtion. — Constantine  can  right- 
fully claim  the  title  of  Grrnt,  for  he  turned  the  history 
of  the  world  into  a  new  course  and  made  Christianity, 
which  until  then  had  suffered  bloody  persecution,  the 
religion  of  the  State.  It  is  true  that  the  deeper  reasons 
for  this  change  are  to  be  found  in  the  religious  move- 
ment of  the  time,  but  these  reasons  were  hardly  im- 
perative, as  the  Christians  formed  only  a  small  portion 
of  the  population,  being  a  fifth  part  in  the  West  and 
the  half  of  the  population  in  a  large  section  of  the 
East.  Constant ine's  decision  depended  less  on  general 
conditions  than  on  a  personal  act ;  his  personality, 
therefore,  desers'es  careful  consideration. 

Long  before  this,  belief  in  the  old  polytheism  had 
been  shaken ;  in  more  stolid  natures,  as  Diocletian,  it 
showed  its  strength  only  in  the  form  of  superstition, 
magic,  and  divination.  The  world  was  fully  ripe  for 
monotheism  or  its  modified  form,  henothei.sm,  but 
this  monotheism  offered  itself  in  varied  guises,  under 
the  fonas  of  various  Oriental  religions:  in  the  worship 
of  the  sun,  in  the  veneration  of  Mithras,  in  Judaism, 
and  in  Christianity.  Whoever. wished  to  avoid  mak- 
ing a  violent  break  mth  the  past  and  his  surroundings 
sought  out  some  Oriental  form  of  worship  which  did 
not  demand  from  him  too  severe  a  sacrifice ;  in  such 
cases  Christianity  naturally  came  last.  Probably 
many  of  the  more  noble-minded  recognized  the  truth 
contained  in  Judaism  and  Christianity,  but  believed 
that  they  could  appropriate  it  without  being  obliged 
on  that  account  to  renounce  the  beauty  of  other  wor- 
ships. Such  a  man  was  the  Emperor  Alexander 
Severus;  another  thus  minded  was  Aurelian,  whose 
opinions  were  confirmed  by  Christians  like  Paul  of 
Samosata.  Not  only  Gnostics  and  other  heretics,  but 
Christians  who  considered  themselves  faithful,  held  in 
a  measure  to  the  worship  of  the  sun.  Leo  the  Great 
in  his  day  says  that  it  was  the  custom  of  many  Chris- 
tians to  stand  on  the  steps  of  the  cliurch  of  St.  Peter 
and  pay  homage  to  the  sim  by  obeisance  and  prayers 
'cf.  Euseb.  Alexand.  in  Mai,  "Nov.  Patr.  Bibl.", 
!l,  .523;  Augustine,  "Enarratio  in  Ps.  x";  Leo  I, 
Serm.  xxvi ;  Grupp,  "  Ivulturgeschichte  der  romi- 
schen  Kaiserzeit",  II,  130,  317,  348).  WTien  such 
conditions  prevailed  it  is  easy  to  understand  that 
many  of  the  emperors  yielded  to  the  delusion  that 
they  could  unite  all  their  subjects  in  the  adoration  of 
tjhe  one  sun-god  who  combined  in  himself  the  Father- 
God  of  the  Christians  and  the  much-worshipped 
Mithras;  thus  the  empire  could  be  founded  anew  on 
unity  of  religion.  Even  Constantine,  as  will  be 
ahown  farther  on,  for  a  time  cherished  this  mistaken 
belief.  It  looks  almost  as  though  the  last  persecu- 
ions  of  the  Christians  were  directed  more  against  all 
rreconcilables  and  extremists  than  against  the  great 
ody  of  Christians.  The  policy  of  the  emperors  was 
lot  a  consistent  one ;  Diocletian  was  at  first  friendly 
_Owards  Christianity;  even  its  grimmest  foe,  Julian, 
Ifwavered.  Caesar  Constantius,  Constantine's  father, 
protected  the  ChrLstians  during  a  most  cruel  per- 
secution. 

Constantine  grew  up  under  the  influence  of  his 
father's  ideas.  He  was  the  son  of  Constantius 
Chlorus  by  his  first,  informal  marriage,  called  concu- 
hnatus,  with  Helena,  a  woman  of  inferior  birth.  For 
hort  time  Constantine  had  been  compelled  to  stay 
at  the  court  of  Galerius,  and  had  evidently  not  re- 
ceived a  good  iinpre.ssion  from  his  surroundings  there. 
When  Diocletian  retired,  Constantius  advanced  from 
the  position  of  Ca>sar  to  that  of  Augustus,  and  the 
»rmy,  against  the  wishes  of  the  other  emperors,  raised 


the  young  Constantine  to  the  vacant  position.  Right 
here  was  seen  at  once  how  unsuccessful  would  be  the 
artificial  system  of  division  of  the  empire  and  succes- 
sion to  the  throne  by  which  Diocletian  sought  to  frus- 
trate the  overweening  power  of  the  Praetorian  Guard. 
Diocletian's  personality  is  full  of  contradictions;  he 
was  just  as  crude  in  his  religious  feelings  as  he  was 
shrewd  and  far-seeing  in  state  affairs;  a  man  of  auto- 
cratic nature,  but  one  who,  under  certain  circum- 
stances, voluntarily  set  bounds  to  himself.  He  began 
a  reconstruction  of  the  empire,  which  Constantine 
completed.  The  existence  of  the  empire  was  threat- 
ened by  many  serious  evils,  the  lack  of  national  and 
religious  unity,  its  financial  and  military  weakness. 
Consequently  the  system  of  taxation  had  to  be  ac- 
commodated to  the  revived  economic  barter  system. 
The  taxes  bore  most  heavily  on  the  peasants,  the  peas- 
ant communities,  and  the  landed  proprietors;  in- 
creasingly hea-vy  compulsorj-  service  was  also  laid  on 
those  engaged  in  industrial  pursuits,  and  they  were 
therefore  combined  into  state  guilds.  The  army  was 
strengthened,  the  troops  on  the  frontier  being  increa.sed 
to  360,000  men.  In  addition,  the  tribes  living  on  the 
frontiers  were  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  State  as  allies, 
many  cities  were  fortified,  and  new  fortresses  and  gar- 
risons were  established,  bringing  soldiers  and  civilians 
more  into  contact,  contrary  to  the  old  Roman  axiom. 
When  a  frontier  was  endangered  the  household  troops 
took  the  field.  This  body  of  soldiers,  known  as  pala- 
tini,  comitatenses,  which  had  taken  the  place  of  the 
Pra>torian  Guard,  numbered  not  quite  200,000  men 
(sometimes  given  as  194, .500).  A  good  postal  service 
maintained  constant  communication  between  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  empire.  Tlie  civil  and  military 
administration  were,  perhaps,  somewhat  more  sharply 
divided  than  before,  but  an  equally  increased  impor- 
tance was  laid  on  the  military  capacity  of  all  state  offi- 
cials. Service  at  court  was  termed  militia,  "niilitarj' 
service".  Over  all,  like  to  a  god,  was  enthroned  the 
emperor,  and  the  imperial  dignity  was  surrounded  by 
a  halo,  a  sacredness,  a  ceremonial,  which  was  borrov.'ed 
from  the  Oriental  theocracies.  The  East  from  the 
earliest  times  had  been  a  favourable  soil  for  theo- 
cratic government;  each  ruler  was  believed  by  his 
people  to  be  in  direct  communication  with  the  god- 
head, and  the  law  of  the  State  was  regarded  as  re- 
vealed law.  In  the  same  manner  the  emperors  al- 
lowed themselves  to  be  venerated  as  holy  oracles  and 
deities,  and  everything  connected  with  them  was 
called  sacred.  Instead  of  imperial,  the  word  sacred 
had  now  always  to  be  used.  A  large  court-retinue, 
elaborate  court-ceremonials,  and  an  ostentatious 
court-costume  made  access  to  the  emperor  more  diffi- 
cult. Whoever  wished  to  approach  the  head  of  the 
State  must  first  pass  through  many  ante-rooms  and 
prostrate  himself  before  the  emperor  as  before  a  divin- 
ity. As  the  olil  Roman  population  had  no  liking  for 
such  ceremonial,  the  emperors  .showed  a  constantly 
increasing  preference  for  the  East,  where  monotheism 
held  almost  undisputed  sway,  and  where,  besides, 
economic  conditions  were  better.  Rome  was  no 
longer  able  to  control  the  whole  of  the  great  empire 
with  its  peculiar  civilizations. 

In  all  directions  new  and  ^ngorous  national  forces 
began  to  show  themselves.  Only  two  policies  were 
possible:  either  to  give  way  to  the  various  national 
movements,  or  to  take  a  firm  stand  on  the  founda- 
tion of  antiquity,  to  revive  old  Roman  principles, 
the  ancient  military  severity,  and  the  patriotism 
of  Old  Rome.  Several  emperors  had  tried  to  follow 
this  latter  course,  but  in  vain.  It  was  just  as  impos- 
sible to  bring  men  back  to  the  old  sinii)licity  as  to 
make  tlicin  return  to  the  old  pagan  beliefs  and  to  the 
national  form  of  worship.  Consequently,  the  empire 
had  to  identify  it.self  with  the  progressive  movement, 
employ  as  far  as  possible  the  existing  resources  of 
national  life,  exercise  tolerance,  make  concessions  to 


CONSTANTINE 


298 


CONSTANTINE 


the  new  religious  tendencies,  and  receive  the 
Germanic  tribes  into  the  empire.  This  conviction 
constantly  spread,  especially  as  Oonstantine's  father 
had  obtained  good  results  therefrom.  In  Gaul,  Brit- 
ain, and  Spain,  where  Constantius  Chlorus  ruled, 
peace  and  contentment  prevailed,  and  the  prosperity 
of  the  provinces  visibly  increased,  while  in  the  East 
prosperity  was  undermined  by  the  existing  confusion 
and  instability.  But  it  was  especially  in  the  western 
part  of  the  empire  that  the  veneration  of  Mithras  pre- 
dominated. Would  it  not  be  possible  to  gather  all 
the  different  nationalities  around  his  altars?  Could 
not  Sol  Deus  Inviclus,  to  whom  even  Constantine  dedi- 
cated his  coins  for  a  long  time,  or  Sol  Mithras  Deus  In- 
viclus, venerated  by  Diocletian  and  Galerius,  become 
the  supreme  god  of  the  empire?  Constantine  may 
have  pondered  over  this.  Nor  had  he  absolutely 
rejected  the  thought  even  after  a  miraculous  event 
had  strongly  influenced  him  in  favour  of  the  CJod  of 
the  ChrLstians. 

In  deciding  for  Christianity  he  w-as  no  doubt  also 
influenced  by  reasons  of  conscience — reasons  resulting 
from  the  unpression  made  on  every  unprejudiced  per- 
son both  by  the  Christians  and  by  the  moral  force  of 
Christianity,  and  from  the  practical  knowledge  which 
the  emperors  had  of  the  Christian  military  officers  and 
state  officials.  These  reasons  are,  however,  not  men- 
tioned in  history,  which  gives  the  chief  prominence  to 
a  miraculous  event.  Before  Constantine  advanced 
against  his  rival  Maxentius,  according  to  ancient  cus- 
tom he  summoned  the  haruspices,  w-ho  prophesied  dis- 
aster; so  reports  a  pagan  panegyrist.  But  when  the 
gods  would  not  aid  him,  continues  this  writer,  one 
particular  god  urged  him  on,  for  Constantine  had 
close  relations  with  the  divinity  itself.  Under  what 
form  this  connexion  with  the  deity  manifested  itself 
is  told  by  Lactantius  (De  mort.  persec,  ch.  xliv)  and 
Eusebius  (Vita  Const.,  I,  xxvi-xx.xi).  He  saw,  accord- 
ing to  the  one  in  a  dream,  according  to  the  other  in  a 
vision,  a  lieavenly  manifestation,  a  brilliant  light  in 
which  he  believed  he  descried  the  cross  or  the  mono- 
gram of  Christ.  Strengthened  by  this  apparition,  he 
advanced  courageously  to  battle,  defeated  his  rival, 
and  won  the  supreme  power.  It  was  the  result  that 
gave  to  this  vision  its  full  importance,  for  when  the 
emperor  afterwards  reflected  on  the  event  it  was  clear 
to  him  that  the  cross  bore  the  inscription:  hoc  vinces 
(in  this  sign  wilt  thou  conquer).  A  monogram  com- 
bining the  first  letters,  X  and  P,  of  the  name  of  Christ 
(XPISTOS),  a  form  that  cannot  be  proved  to  have 
been  used  by  Christians  before,  w-.-is  made  mic  of  the 
tokens  of  the  standard  and  placed  u|jMn  ili.-  l.,ilhn-iitn 
(q.v.).  In  addition,  this  ensign  was  plarril  in  tin  hand 
of  a  statue  of  the  emperor  at  Rome,  the  pedestal  of 
which  bore  the  inscription:  "By  the  aid  of  this  salutary 
token  of  strength  I  have  freed  mj'  city  from  the  yoke  of 
tyranny  and  restored  to  the  Roman  Smiate  and  People 
the  ancient  splendour  and  glorj'."  Dim'tly  afd-r  his 
victory  Constantine  granted  tolerance  to  tluM  'liristians 
and  next  year  (.313)  took  a  further  step  in  their  favour. 
In  313  Licinius  and  he  issued  at  Milan  the  famous 
joint  edict  of  tolerance.  This  declared  tlial,  the  two 
emperors  had  deliberated  as  to  what  woukl  be  advan- 
tageous for  the  security  and  welfare  of  the  empire  and 
had,  above  all,  taken  into  consideration  the  service 
which  man  owed  to  the  "deity' '.  Therefore  they  had 
tlecided  to  grant  Christians  and  all  others  freedom  in 
the  exercise  of  religion.  Everyone  might  follow  that 
religion  which  he  considered  the  best.  They  hoped 
that  "the  deity  enthroned  in  heaven"  would  grant 
favotir  and  protection  to  tlie  emperors  .and  their  sub- 
jects. This  was  in  ilsc^lf  quite  enough  to  throw  tlie 
pagans  into  the  greatest  astoni.shment.  Wlien  the 
wording  of  the  edict  is  carefully  examhied  there  is 
clear  evidence  of  an  effort  to  express  tlie  new  tliought 
in  a  maimer  too  unmistakable  to  leave  any  doubt. 
The  edict  contains  more  than  the  belief,  to  which 


Galerius  at  the  end  had  given  voice,  that  the  persecu- 
tions were  useless,  and  it  granted  the  Christians  free- 
dom of  worship,  while  at  the  same  time  it  endeavoured 
not  to  affront  the  pagans.  Without  doubt  the  term 
deity  was  deliberately  chosen,  for  it  does  not  exclude  a 
heathen  interpretation.  The  cautious  expression 
probably  originated  in  the  imperial  chancery,  where 
pagan  conceptions  and  pagan  forms  of  expression  still 
lasted  for  a  long  time.  Nevertheless  the  change  from 
the  bloody  persecution  of  Christianity  to  the  tolera- 
tion of  it,  a  step  which  implied  its  recognition,  may 
have  startled  many  heathens  and  may  have  excited  in 
them  the  same  astonishment  that  a  German  would  feel 
if  an  emperor  who  was  a  Social  Democrat  were  to 
seize  the  reins  of  government.  The  foundations  of  the 
State  would  seem  to  such  a  one  to  rock.  The  Chris- 
tians also  may  have  been  taken  aback.  Before  this, 
it  is  true,  it  had  occurred  to  Melito  of  Sardes  (Euse- 


bius, Hist.  EccL,  IV,  xxxiii)  that  the  emperor  might' 
some  day  become  a  Christian,  but  Tertullian  had 
thought  otherwise,  and  had  written  (Apol.,  xxi)  the 
memorable  sentence:  "Sed  et  Ciesares  credidissent 
super  Christo,  si  aut  Caesares  non  essent  sceculo  neces- 
sarii,  aut  si  et  Christiani  potuissent  esse  Cs'sares" 
(But  the  Csesars  also  would  have  believed  in  Christ,  if 
either  the  Csesars  had  not  been  necessary  to  the  world  jj 
or  if  Christians  too  could  have  been  Caesars).  Thesame 
opinion  was  held  by  St.  Justin  (I,  xii;  II,  xv).  That 
the  empire  should  become  Christian  seemed  to  Justin 
and  many  others  an  impossibility,  and  they  were  just 
as  little  in  the  wrong  as  the  optimists  were  in  the  right. 
At  all  events,  a  happy  day  now  dawned  for  the  Chris- 
tians. They  must  have  felt  as  did  the  persecuted  in 
the  time  of  the  French  Revolution  when  Robespierre 
finally  fell  and  the  Reign  of  Terror  was  over.  The 
feeling  of  emancipation  from  danger  is  touchingly  ex- 
pressed in  the  treatise  ascribed  to  Lactantius  (De 
mortibus  persecut.,  in  P.  L.,  VII,  52),  concerning  the 
ways  in  which  death  overtook  the  persecutors.  It 
says:  "'\\'e  should  now  give  thanks  to  the  Lord,  Who 
has  gathered  together  the  flock  that  was  devastated 
by  ravening  wolves.  Who  has  exterminated  the  wild 
beasts  which  drove  it  from  the  pasture.  '\\'herc  is 
now  the  swarming  multituile  of  our  enemies,  where 
the  haiigmen  of  Diocletian  and  Maximian?  God  has 
swept  them  from  the  earth;  let  us  therefore  celebrate 
His  triumiili  with  joy;  let  us  oKserve  the  victor^■  of 
the  Lonl  with  .songs  of  praise,  and  honour  Him  witli 
prayer  day  and  night,  so  that  the  peace  which  we  have 
receiveil  again  after  ten  yeais  of  misery  may  be  pre- 
served to  us."  The  imprisoned  Christ iaiis  were  re 
lea.sed  from  tlie  prisons  and  mines,  and  were  recc-i\eil 
by  their  brethren  in  the  Faith  with  acclaniatious  ol 
joy;  the  churches  wer(>  again  filled,  and  those  wht 
had  fallen  away  sought  forgiveness. 


CONSTANTINE 


299 


CONSTANTINE 


For  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  merely  tolerance  and 
(•■I  I  ility  wore  to  prevail.  Constantine  showed  equal 
I  I  .  Hir  to  Ijotli  religions.  As  pontifex  maxiniu.s  he 
w  (ii  Itcil  over  the  heathen  worship  and  protected  its 
limits.  Tlie  one  thing  he  did  was  to  suppress  divina- 
ti  i)i  :iiid  magic;  this  the  heathen  emperors  had  also  at 

t s  .sought  to  do.     Thus,  in  320,  the  emperor  for- 

I):m].'  the  diviners  or  haruspices  to  enter  a  private 
liiMisi'  under  pain  of  death.  Whoever  by  entreaty  or 
pi'itiiise  of  payment  persuaded  a  haruspex  to  break 
tlii>  law,  that  man's  property  should  be  confiscated 
an. I  he  himself  shovild  be  burned  to  death.  Informers 
wi  I.'  to  be  rewarded.  Whoever  desired  to  practise 
1h  iihcn  usages  must  do  so  openly.  He  must  go  to 
t  iir  liublic  altars  and  sacred  places,  and  there  observe 
truliiional  forms  of  worship.  "W'e  do  not  forbid", 
^:lll|  the  etnperor,  "the  observance  of  the  old  usages 
III  ihi' light  of  chiy."  And  in  an  ordinance  of  the  same 
>    :i'.  iiitcniled  for  the  Roman  city  prefects,  Constan- 

1 .lirected  that  if  lightning  struck  an  imperial  pal- 

iir  a  public  building,  the  haruspices  were  to  .seek 

I  I  I'cording  to  ancient  custom  what  the  sign  might 
.■•  nullify,  and  their  interpretation  was  to  be  written 
'I' '"  n  and  reported  to  the  emperor.  It  was  aLso  per- 
il i  it  i  id  to  private  individuals  to  make  use  of  this  old 

111,  but  in  following  this  observance  they  must 

HI  from  the  forbidden  sacrificia  domestica.     A 

1,1 1  prohibition  of  the  family  sacrifice  cannot  be 

•  )•   niii'd  from  this,  although  in  341  Constantine's  .son 

(  -  iiistantius  refers  to  such  an  interdict  by  his  father 

I I  ii,i.  Theod.,  XVI,  x,  2).  A  prohibition  of  this  kind 
wniild  have  had  the  most  severe  and  far-reaching 
ri Milts,  for  most  sacrifices  were  private  ones.  And 
hiiw  could  it  have  been  carried  out  while  public 
siicrilices  were  still  customarj'?  In  the  dedication  of 
(  iiiistantinople  in  330  a  ceremonial  half  pagan,  half 
t'liiistian  was  used.  The  chariot  of  the  sun-god  w!».s 
set  in  the  market-place,  and  over  its  head  was  placed 
X\ii-  Cross  of  Christ,  while  the  Kyrie  Eleison  was 
suMi,'.  Shortly  before  his  death  Constantine  con- 
lirinid  the  privileges  of  the  priests  of  the  ancient  gods. 
M:  iiy  other  actions  of  his  have  also  the  appearance  of 
li;i!l'-?neasures,  as  if  he  himself  had  wavered  and  had 
always  held  in  reality  to  some  form  of  syncretistic 
religion.  Thus  he  commanded  the  heathen  troops  to 
make  use  of  a  prayer  in  which  any  monotheist  could 
ji'in,  and  which  ran  thus:  "We  ackno%vledge  thee 
al'  iiM-  as  god  and  king,  we  call  upon  thee  as  our  helper. 
I'r^'iii  thee  have  we  received  the  victorj',  by  thee  have 

MTcomo  the  foe.     To  thee  we  owe  that  good 

•  I  we  have  received  up  to  now,  from  thee  do  we 

for  it  in  the  future.     To  thee  we  offer  our  en- 

11'  It  lis  and  implore  thee  that  thou  wilt  preserve  tons 

our  c-inpcror  Con.stantine  and  his  god-fearing  sons  for 

riiiny   years    uninjured   and   victorious."     Tlie   em- 

r  went  at  least  one  step  further  when  he  with- 

his  statue  from  the  pagan  temples,  forbade  the 

I  of  temples  that  had  fallen  into  decay,  and  sup- 
1'  -  111  offensive  forms  of  worship.  But  these  meas- 
II!  did  not  go  beyond  the  syncretistic  tendency 
w  til.  h  Constantine  had  showTi  for  a  long  time.  Yet 
1h  iiiust  have  perceived  more  and  more  clearly  that 
.s\iHTctism  was  impossible. 

Ill  the  same  way  religious  freedom  and  tolerance 

'1  not  continue  as  a  form  of  equality;  the  age  was 

•'■ady  for  such   a  conception.     It  is  true  that 

tian  writers  defended  religious  liberty;  thus  Ter- 

II  said  that  religion  forbids  religious  compulsion 
i-st  religionis  cogere  religionem  quse  sponte  sus- 

I'bet  non  vi. — "Ad  Scapulam",  near  the  close); 
ana  l.actantius,  moreover,  declared:  "In  order  to  de- 
fend religion  man  must  be  willing  to  die,  but  not  to 
ikill."  Origen  also  took  up  the  cause  of  freedom. 
Mn-it  probably  oppression  and  persecution  had  made 
111.  II  realize  that  to  have  one's  way  of  thinking,  one's 
(■'iiiitption  of  the  world  and  of  life,  dictated  to  him 
«  a-  a  mischief-working  compulsion.     In  contrast  to  the 


smotnermg  violence  of  the  ancient  State,  and  to  the 
power  and  custom  of  public  opinion,  tlie  (liristians 
were  the  defenders  of  freedom,  but  not  of  individual 
subjective  freeilom,  nor  of  freedom  of  conscience  as 
understood  to-dtiy.  And  even  if  the  Church  had  rec- 
ognized this  form  of  freedom,  the  State  could  not 
have  remained  tolerant.  Without  realizing  the  full 
import  of  his  actions,  Constantine  granted  the  Church 
one  privilege  after  another.  As  early  as  313  the 
Church  obtained  immunity  for  its  ecclesiastics,  in- 
cluding freedom  from  taxation  and  compulsory  serv- 
ice, and  from  obligatory  state  offices — such  for  ex- 
ample as  the  curial  dignity,  which  was  a  heavy  bur- 
den. The  Church  further  obtained  the  right  to  in- 
herit property,  and  Constantine  moreover  placed  Sun- 
day under  the  protection  of  the  State.  It  is  true  that 
the  believers  in  Mithras  also  observed  Sunday  as  well 
as  Christmas.  Consequently  Constantine  speaks  not 
of  the  day  of  the  Lord,  but  of  the  everlasting  day  of 
the  sun.  According  to  Eusebius,  the  heathen  also 
were  obliged  on  this  day  to  go  out  into  the  open  coun- 
try and  together  raise  their  hands  and  repeat  the 
))rayer  already  mentioned,  a  prayer  without  any 
marked  Christian  character  (Vita  Const.,  IV,  xx). 
The  emperor  granted  many  privileges  to  the  Church 
for  the  reason  that  it  took  care  of  the  poor  and  was 
active  in  benevolence.  Perhaps  he  showed  his  Chris- 
tian tendencies  most  pronouncedly  in  removing  the 
legal  disabilities  which,  since  the  time  of  Augustus, 
had  rested  on  celibacy,  leaving  in  existence  only  the 
leges  deciynarice,  and  in  recognizing  an  extensive  ec- 
clesiastical jurisdiction.  But  it  should  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  Jewish  communities  had  also  their  own 
jurisdiction,  exemptions,  and  immunities,  even  if  in  a 
more  limited  degree.  A  law  of  318  denied  the  com- 
petence of  civil  courts  if  in  a  suit  an  appeal  was  made 
to  the  court  of  a  Christian  bishop.  Even  after  a  suit 
had  begun  before  the  civil  court,  it  would  still  be  per- 
missible for  one  of  the  parties  to  transfer  it  to  the 
bishop's  court.  If  both  parties  had  been  granted  a 
legal  hearing,  the  decision  of  the  bishop  was  to  be  bind- 
ing. A  law  of  333  commanded  the  state  officials  to 
enforce  the  decisions  of  the  bishops;  a  bishop's  testi- 
mony should  be  considered  sufficient  by  all  judges, 
and  no  witness  was  to  be  summoned  after  a  bishop 
had  testified.  Tliese  concessions  were  so  far-reaching 
that  the  Church  itself  felt  the  great  increase  of  its 
jurisdiction  as  a  constraint.  Later  emperors  limited 
this  jurisdiction  to  cases  of  voluntary  submission  by 
both  parties  to  the  episcopal  court. 

Constantine  did  much  for  children,  slaves,  and 
women,  those  weaker  members  of  society  whom  the 
old  Roman  Law  had  treated  harshly.  But  in  this  he 
only  continued  what  earlier  emperors,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Stoicism,  had  begun  before  him,  and  he  left 
to  his  successors  the  actual  work  of  their  emancipa- 
tion. Til  us  some  emperors  who  reigned  before  Con- 
stantine h.ad  forbidden  the  exposure  of  children, 
although  without  success,  as  exposed  chililren  or 
foimdlings  were  readily  adopted,  because  they  could 
lie  used  for  many  purposes.  Tlie  Christians  especially 
exerted  themselves  to  get  possession  of  such  found- 
lings, and  consequently  Constantine  i.ssued  no  direct 
prohibition  of  exposure,  although  the  Christians 
regarded  exposure  as  equal  to  murder;  he  com- 
manded, instead,  that  foundlings  should  belong  to  the 
finder,  and  did  not  permit  the  parents  to  claim  the 
children  they  had  exposed.  Tliose  who  took  such 
children  obtained  a  property  right  in  them  and  could 
make  quite  an  extensive  use  of  this;  they  were  al- 
lowed to  sell  and  enslave  foundlings,  until  Justinian 
prohibited  such  enslaving  under  any  gui.se.  Even  in 
the  time  of  St.  Chrysostom  parents  mutilated  their 
children  for  the  sake  of  gain.  When  suffering  from 
famine  or  debt,  many  parents  co'.ild  only  obtain  re- 
lief by  selling  their  children  if  they  did  not  wish  to  sell 
themselves.     All    later   laws    against   such  practices 


CONSTANTINE 


300 


CONSTANTINE 


availed  as  little  as  those  against  emasculation  and 
pandering.  St.  Ambrose  vividly  depicts  the  sad  spec- 
tacle of  children  being  sold  by  their  fathers,  under 
pressure  of  creditors,  or  by  the  creditors  themselves. 
All  the  many  forms  of  institutions  for  feedmg  and 
supporting  children  and  the  poor  were  of  little  avail. 
Constantine  himself  established  asylums  for  found- 
lings ;  yet  he  recognized  the  right  of  parents  to  sell  their 
children,  and  only  excepted  older  children.  He  ruled 
that  children  who  had  been  sold  could  be  bought  back, 
in  contradistinction  to  children  who  had  been  ex- 
posed; but  this  ruling  was  of  no  avail  if  the  children 
were  taken  into  a  foreign  country.  Valentinian,  there- 
fore, prohibited  the  traffic  in  hiunan  beings  with  for- 
eign lands.  The  laws  forbitlding  such  practices  con- 
tinually multiplied,  but  the  greater  part  of  the  burden 
of  saving  the  children  fell  on  the  Church. 

Constantine  was  the  first  to  prohibit  the  abduction 
of  girls.  The  abductor  and  those  who  aided  him  by 
influencing  the  girl  were  threatened  with  severe  pun- 
ishment. In  harmony  with  the  views  of  the  Church, 
Constantine  rendered  divorce  more  difficult ;  he  made 
no  changes  where  the  divorce  was  agreed  to  by  both 
parties,  but  imposed  severe  conditions  when  the  de- 
mand for  separation  came  from  one  side  only.  A 
man  could  put  away  his  wife  for  adultery,  poisoning, 
and  pandering,  and  retain  her  dowry;  but  if  he  dis- 
carded her  for  any  other  cause,  he  was  to  return  the 
dowry  and  was  forbidden  to  marry  again.  If,  never- 
theless, he  remarried,  the  discarded  wife  had  the  right 
to  enter  his  house  and  take  everything  which  the  new 
wife  had  brought  him.  Constantine  increased  the 
severity  of  the  earlier  law  forbidding  the  concubinage 
of  a  free  woman  with  a  slave,  and  the  Chiu-ch  did  not 
regard  this  measm-e  with  disfavour.  On  the  other 
hand,  his  retention  of  the  distinctions  of  rank  in  the 
marriage  law  was  clearly  contrary  to  the  \'iews  of  the 
Church.  The  Church  rejected  all  class  distinctions  in 
marriage,  and  regarded  informal  marriages  (the  so- 
called  concubitwtus)  as  true  marriages,  in  so  far  as  they 
were  lasting  and  monogamous.  Constantine,  how- 
ever, increased  the  difficulties  of  the  concubinatu.%  and 
forbade  .senators  and  the  higher  officials  in  the  State 
and  in  the  pagan  priesthoods  to  contract  such  unions 
with  women  of  lower  rank  (femiiuE  humiles),  thus  mak- 
ing it  impossible  for  them  to  marry  women  belonging 
to  the  lower  classes,  although  his  own  mother  was  of 
inferior  rank.  But  in  other  respects  the  emperor 
showed  his  mother,  Helena,  the  greatest  deference. 
Other  concubinatus  besides  those  mentioned  were 
placed  at  a  disadvantage  in  regard  to  property,  and 
the  rights  of  inheritance  of  the  children  and  the  con- 
cubines were  restricted.  Constantine,  however,  en- 
couraged the  emancipation  of  slaves  and  enacted  that 
manumLssion  in  the  church  should  have  the  same 
force  as  the  public  manumLssion  before  State  officials 
and  by  will  (321).  Neither  the  Christian  nor  the 
heathen  emperors  permitted  slaves  to  seek  then- 
freedom  without  authorization  of  law;  the  Christian 
rulers  sought  to  ameliorate  slavery  by  limiting  the 
power  of  corporal  punishment;  the  master  was  al- 
lowed only  to  use  a  rod  or  to  send  a  .slave  to  prison, 
and  the  owner  was  not  liable  to  punishment  even  if 
the  slave  died  under  these  circumstances.  But  if 
death  resulted  from  the  use  of  clubs,  stones,  weapons, 
or  instnnnents  of  torture,  the  pei-son  who  caused  the 
death  w;is  to  be  treated  as  a  irmrderer.  As  will  be 
.seen  below,  ( 'onstantine  was  himself  obliged  to  observe 
this  law  when  he  sought  to  get  rid  of  Licinianus.  A 
criminal  was  no  longer  to  be  branded  in  the  face,  but 
only  on  the  feet,  as'the  human  face  was  fashioned  in 
the  likeness  of  God. 

Wlien  these  laws  are  compared  with  the  ordinances 
of  those  earlier  emp('rors  who  were  of  hinnane  dispo- 
sition, they  do  not  go  far  beyond  the  older  n'gulations. 
In  everything  not  referring  to  religion  Constantine 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Diocletian.     In  spite  of  all 


imfortunate  experiences,  he  adhered  to  the  artificial 
division  of  the  empire,  tried  for  a  long  time  to  avoid  a 
breach  with  Lieinius,  and  divided  the  empire  among 
his  sons.  On  the  other  hand,  the  unperial  power  was 
increased  by  receiving  a  religious  consecration.  The 
Church  tolerated  the  cult  of  the  emperor  under  many 
forms.  It  was  permitted  to  speak  of  the  divinity  of 
the  emperor,  of  the  sacred  palace,  the  sacred  chamber, 
and  of  the  altar  of  the  emperor,  without  being  con- 
sidered on  this  account  an  idolater.  From  this  point 
of  view  Constantine's  religious  change  was  relatively 
triffing;  it  consisted  of  little  more  than  the  renuncia- 
tion of  a  formality.  For  what  his  predecessors  had 
aimetl  to  attain  by  the  use  of  all  their  authority,  and 
at  the  cost  of  incessant  bloodshed,  was  in  truth  only 
the  recognition  of  their  own  divinity;  Constantine 
gained  this  end,  though  he  renounced  the  offering  of 
sacrifices  to  himself.  Some  bishops,  blinded  by  the 
splendour  of  the  court,  even  went  so  far  as  to  laud  the 
emperor  as  an  angel  of  God,  as  a  sacred  being,  and  to 
prophesy  that  he  would,  like  the  Son  of  God,  reign  in 
heaven.  It  has  consecjuently  been  asserted  that  Con- 
stantine favoured  Christianity  merely  from  political 
motives,  and  he  has  been  regarded  as  an  enlightened 
despot  who  made  use  of  religion  only  to  advance  his 
policy.  He  certainly  cannot  be  acquitted  of  grasping 
ambition.  A\Tiere  the  policy  of  the  State  required,  he 
could  be  cruel.  Even  after  his  conversion  he  caused 
the  execution  of  his  brother-in-law  Licinius,  and  of 
the  latter's  son,  as  well  as  of  Crispus  his  o^mi  son  by 
his  first  marriage,  and  of  his  wife  Fausta.  He  quar- 
relled with  his  colleague  Licinius  about  their  religious 
policy,  and  in  323  defeated  him  in  a  bloody  battle; 
Licinius  surrendered  on  the  promise  of  personal  safety ; 
notwithstanding  this,  half  a  year  later  he  was  stran- 
gled by  order  of  Constantine.  During  the  joint  reign 
Licinianus,  the  son  of  Licinius,  and  Crispus,  the  son 
of  Constantine,  had  been  the  two  Caesars.  Both  were 
gradually  set  aside;  Crispus  was  executed  on  the 
charge  of  inunorahty  made  against  him  by  Constan- 
tine's second  wife,  Fausta.  The  charge  was  faLsr.  a.-i 
Constantine  learned  from  his  mother,  Helena,  after 
the  deed  was  done.  In  punishment  J^austa  was  suffo- 
cated in  a  superheated  bath.  The  young  Licinianus 
was  flogged  to  death.  Because  Licinianus  was  not 
the  son  of  his  sister,  but  of  a  slave-woman,  Constan- 
tine treated  him  as  a  slave.  In  this  way  Constantine 
evaded  his  own  law  regarding  the  mutilation  of  slaves. 
After  reading  these  cruelties  it  is  hard  to  believe  that 
the  same  emperor  could  at  times  have  mild  and  tender 
impulses;  but  human  nature  is  full  of  contradictions. 
Constantine  was  liberal  to  prodigaUty,  was  generous 
in  almsgiving,  and  adorned  the  Christian  churches 
magnificently.  He  paid  more  attention  to  literature 
anil  art  than  we  might  expect  from  an  emperor  of  this 
period,  although  this  was  partly  due  to  vanity,  as  is 
proved  by  his  appreciation  of  the  dedication  of  literary 
worlcs  to  him.  It  is  likely  that  he  practised  the  fine 
arts  himself,  and  he  frequently  preached  to  those 
around  hira.  No  doubt  he  was  endowed  with  a 
strong  religious  sense,  was  sincerely  pious,  and  de- 
hghted  to  be  represented  in  an  attitude  of  prayer, 
with  his  eyes  raised  to  heaven.  In  his  palace  he  had 
a  chapel  to  which  he  was  fontl  of  retiring,  and  where 
he  read  the  Bible  and  prayed.  "Every  day",  Euse- 
bius  tells  us,  "  at  a  fixed  hour  he  shut  himself  up  in  the 
most  secluded  part  of  the  palace,  as  if  to  assist  at  the 
Sacred  Mysteries,  and  there  commune  with  God  alone, 
ardently  beseeching  Him,  on  bended  knees,  for  his 
necessities  ".  As  a  cateclunuen  he  was  not  permitted 
to  assist  at  the  sacred  Eucharist  ic  mysteries.  He  re- 
mained a  catechumen  to  the  end  of  his  life,  but  not 
becau.sc  he  lacked  conviction  nor  because,  owing  to 
his  i)assionate  disposition,  he  desired  to  lead  a  pagan 
life.  1  le  obeyed  ;us  strictly  as  possible  the  precepts  of 
Christianity,  observing  especially  the  virtue  of  chas- 
tity, which  liis  parents  had  impressed  upon  him;  he 


VICTORY  OF   COXSTANTINK  THF.  GREAT  OVER   MAXEXTIUS  AT  THE  MILVIAX   BRIDGE 

DETAIL   OF   THE    FRESCO   DESIGNED   BY    RAPHAEL,    EXECUTED    BY   GIULIO    ROMANO 

SALA   DI   COSTANTINO,   VATICAN 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


301 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Tispected  celibacy,  freed  it  from  legal  disadvantages, 
M'Ui;ht  to  elevate  morality,  and  punished  with  great 
^^\l-^ity  the  olTenccs  against  morals  which  the  pagan 
\\  ■  >r,sliip  had  encouraged.  He  brought  up  his  children 
as  Christians.  Thus  his  life  became  more  and  more 
t  'liristian,  and  thus  gradually  turned  away  from  the 
frcble  syncretism  which  at  times  he  seemed  to  favour. 
Tlif  God  of  the  Christians  was  indeed  a  jealous  God 
w  ho  tolerated  no  other  gods  beside  him.  The  Church 
rciuld  never  acknowledge  that  she  stood  on  the  same 
jilane  with  other  religious  bodies;  she  conquered  for 
ii.  rself  one  domain  after  another. 

I  'iiiistantine  himself  preferred  the  company  of 
I  lirisiian  bishops  to  that  of  pagan  priests.  The  em- 
i  '  r i)r  frequently  invited  the  bishops  to  court,  gave 
iliiiii  the  use  of  the  im])erial  postal  service,  invited 
ill.  Ill  to  his  table,  called  them  his  brothers,  and  when 
liny  had  suffered  for  the  Faith,  kissed  their  scars. 
\\  liile  he  chose  bishops  for  his  counsellors,  they,  on 
ill'  other  hand,  often  requested  his  intervention — 
'•  a.  shortly  after  313,  in  the  Donatist  dispute.  For 
niaiiy  years  he  worried  himself  with  the  Arian  trouble, 
and  in  this,  it  may  be  said,  he  went  beyond  the  limits 
f>f  the  allowable,  for  example,  when  he  dictated  whom 
Afhanasius  should  atlmit  to  the  Church  and  whom  he 
was  to  exclude.  Still  he  avoided  any  direct  interfer- 
ence with  dogma,  and  only  sought  to  carry  out  what 
the  proper  authorities — the  sjTiods — decided.  When 
he  appeared  at  an  oecumenical  council,  it  was  not  so 
much  to  influence  the  deliberation  and  the  decision  as 
to  show  his  strong  interest  and  to  impress  the  heathen. 
He  banished  bishops  only  to  avoid  strife  and  discord, 
that  is,  for  reasons  of  state.  He  oppo.sed  Athanasius 
because  he  was  led  to  believe  that  Athanasius  desired 
to  detain  the  corn-ships  which  were  intended  for  Con- 
stantinople; Constan tine's  alarm  can  be  understood 
when  we  bear  in  mind  how  powerful  the  patriarchs 
eventually  became.  When  at  last  he  felt  the  ap- 
proach of  death  he  received  baptism,  declaring  to  the 
bishops  who  had  assembled  around  him  that,  after 
the  example  of  Christ,  he  had  desired  to  receive  the 
saving  seal  in  the  Jortlan,  but  that  God  had  ordained 
otherwise,  and  he  would  no  longer  delay  baptism. 
Laying  aside  the  purple,  the  emperor,  in  the  white 
robe  of  a  neophj'te,  peacefully  and  almost  joyfully 
awaited  the  end. 

Of  Constantine's  sons  the  eldest,  Constantine  II, 
showed  decided  leanings  to  heathenism,  and  his  coins 
bear  many  pagan  emblems ;  the  second  and  favourite 
son,  Constantius,  was  a  more  pronounced  Christian, 
but  it  was  Arian  Christianity  to  which  he  adhered. 
Constantius  was  an  unwavering  opponent  of  paganism ; 
he  closed  all  the  temples  and  forbade  sacrifices  under 
pain  of  death.  His  maxim  was:  "Cesset  superstitio; 
sacrificiorum  aboleatur  insania"  (Let  superstition 
cease;  let  the  folly  of  .sacrifices  be  abolished).  Their 
successors  had  recourse  to  religiovis  persecution  against 
heretics  and  pagans.  Their  laws  (Cod.  Tlieod.,  XVI, 
v)  had  an  vmfavourable  influence  on  the  Middle  Ages 
and  were  the  basis  of  the  much-abused  Inquisition.  (See 
Per.secdtion.s;   Con'.st.\ntinople;   Roman  Empibe.) 

Bdkckhardt,  Die  Zrit  Con.  d.  Gr.  (l.st  ed.,  Basle,  1S53;  2nd 
ed..  LeipziK.  18801;  Keim,  Der  Ueberlrill  Con.d.  Or.zumChris- 
tentum  (Zurich,  1862);  Flasch,  Con.  d.  Gr.  als  erster  christlicher 
Kaiser  (Wiirzburg.  1.S91):  Seuffert,  Conslanlijis  Gesetze  und 
dot  Chrislenlum  (Wurzburg,  1891);  Funk  in  Tiibing.  theol. 
Quartalschnfl  (1896);  Gorhes  in  ZcUschrift  fur  wuisenschafll. 
TAeoi.  (1887-88);  Seeck,  i6id.  (1890);  ScmiL.T7.F.,  Geschichte  d. 
Untergange.1  des  grifch.-riim.  Heidentums  (1887-92),  II;  Seeck, 
GtKhichte  des  Uni/*rganoe.f  der  antiken  Well  (1897-1901),  11; 
SoLTAU,  Das  Fortleben  dc.t  Heidentums  in  rfcr  attchrisUichen 
Kirche  (1906);  Grupp,  KuUurgeachichte  dcr  mm.  Kaiscrzeit 
(1902-04).  11;  Madden.  Chrislian  Emblems  on  the  Cmns  ot 
ComlarUine  I.  the  Great  (London,  1877-78) ;  Bnis.si  t.u.  T.n  Cm- 
vertion  de  Conetaniin  in  Reviie  des  Deux  \t.>',.!..<  l^^^;) 
LXXVI.  51-72;  de  Broglie  (Catholic).  £'A  , 
nmiain  OK /F<»iVr/e  (18.50:  1867).  I.  11;  Fir  I  M 
Constaniine  the  Great  in  Heroes  of  the  Xations  .^'  >■  \  p  ■,  \  rk 
190S);  BoRY,  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire  (London. 
1889),  I;  Finlay.  A  History  of  Greece  from  its  Conquest  by  the 
ijoimin*,  ed.  TozER  (0.icford,  1877).  GeoRQ   GrDPP. 


Constantinople  (Gr.  KwvaTamLvoiTroKis,  city  of  Con- 
stantine), capital,  formerly  of  the  Byzantme,  now 
of  the  Ottoman,  Empire. 

The  Modern  City.— It  occupies  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  advantageous  sites  in  the  world,  uniting 
as  it  does  Europe  with  Asia  and  putting  in  communi- 
cation the  Black  Sea  and  all  Southern  Russia  with  the 
great(?r  part  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  even  with  distant 
America.  It  is  surrounded  by  water  on  all  sides  ex- 
cept the  west,  which  is  protected  by  walls.  Its  sea 
front  is  about  eight  miles  in  length.  The  air  is  generally 
pure,  and  the  climate  very  temperate.  Constanti- 
nople forms  a  special  district  (sanitary  cordon)  divided 
into  three  principal  sections,  two  in  Europe  and  one 
in  Asia.  The  two  European  sections  are  Stamboul 
(ancient  Byzantium),  whose  subiu-bs  border  the  Sea  of 
Marmora;  Galata  and  Pera,  more  or  less  European- 
ized  quarters,  with  many  villages  rising  in  rows  along 
the  green  Ixills  that  look  down  on  the  Golden  Horn  and 
the  Bosporus.  The  Asiatic  section  is  Scutari  (Turk. 
Uskudar;  Chrysopolis)  and  Kadi-Keui  (Chalcedon), 
with  their  extensive  suburbs  on  the  Asiatic  shore  of  the 
Bosporus,  the  pleasant  coasts  of  the  Gulf  of  Nico- 
media,  and  the  Isles  of  the  Princes.  The  city  is  di- 
vided into  ten  quarters  or  circles,  each  with  its  own 
municipality.  The  population  is  estimated  (1908)  at 
1,200,000  inhabitants,  four-fifths  of  whom  are  in  \'m- 
rope.  There  are  about  600,000  Turks  or  other  Mu.ssul- 
mans;  the  remainder  include,  in  order  of  numerical 
importance,  Greeks,  Armenians,  Jews,  and  foreigners 
of  various  nationalities. 

The  Bosporus  separates  Europe  from  Asia;  it  is 
about  eighteen  miles  long  and  varies  in  width  from 
about  half  a  mile  to  a  mUe  and  a  half.  The  Golden 
Horn  separates  Stamboul  from  Galata  and  Pera,  ex- 
tends inland  for  about  four  and  one-half  miles,  and 
ends  abruptly  at  the  Valley  of  the  Sweet  Waters  be- 
yond Eyoub.  Two  wooden  bridges  unite  Galata  with 
Stamboul,  which  latter  section  is  mostly  inhabited  by 
Turks,  and  still  preserves  its  ancient  ramparts  with 
their  towers  and  gates.  The  chief  monuments  of  the 
city  are:  St.  Sophia,  the  magnificent  church  built  in 
the  first  half  of  the  sixth  century  by  the  Emperor 
Justinian,  now  a  mo,sque;  about  2000  other  mo.sques 
(e.  g.  the  Suleimanieh,  the  Ahmedieh,  the  Bayazidieh, 
Mohammed's  mosque,  etc.);  many  ancient  churches; 
beautiful  fountains;  imposing  "turbfe",  or  tombs  of 
sultans  and  other  great  personages ;  the  Seraskierat  or 
war  office,  with  its  enormous  tower;  the  Tcharshi,  or 
bazaar  (more  than  10,000 merchants);  Yedi-Kouleh  or 
the  Seven  Towers  Castle,  where  ambassadors  and 
other  men  of  note  were  often  imprisoned ;  the  palace 
of  the  public  debt;  the  large  postoffice;  the  old  se- 
raglio of  the  sultans.  The  imperial  museum  has  a 
remarkable  collection  of  sarcophagi  and  another  of 
cimeiform  texts.  In  the  Galata  section  the  Genoese 
Tower  (over  150  feet)  attracts  attention,  as  in  Pera 
the  residences  of  the  ambassadors.  Beyond,  on  the 
Eiu'opean  shore  of  the  Bosporus  are  the  large  palaces 
of  Dolma-Baghtehe  and  Tcheragan,  also  the  Yildiz 
Kiosk,  the  residence  of  the  reigning  sultan.  On  the 
Asiatic  shore  are  the  palace  of  Beylerbey,  many  beau- 
tiful mosques,  and  the  great  Mussulman  cemetery  at 
Scutari,  the  Selinii(-h  barracks  (largest  in  the  W'orld), 
the  magnificent  new  school  of  medicine,  quite  close  to 
which  is  the  little  port  of  Haidar-Pasha,  whence  starts 
the  railway  line  to  Bagdad. 

Early  Hlstory  of  Byzantium. — Constantinople 
was  founded  c.  C.W  B.  c.  by  a  Greek  colony  from  Me- 
gara;  the  site  was  then  occupied  by  the  Thraeian  vil- 
lage of  Lygos.  The  chief  of  the  Megarian  expedition 
was  Byzas,  after  whom  the  city  was  naturally  called 
Byzantion  (Lat.  Byzantium).  Despite  its  perfect 
situation,  the  colony  did  not  prosper  at  first;  it  suf- 
fered much  during  the  Medic  wars,  chiefly  from  the 
satraps  of  Darius  and  Xerxes.  Later  on,  its  control 
was  disputed  by  Lacedaemonians  and  Athenians;  for 


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302 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


two  years  (341-339  B.  c.)  it  held  out  against  Philip  of 
Macedon.  It  succeeded  in  maintaining  its  independ- 
ence even  against  victorious  Rome,  was  granted  the 
title  and  rights  of  an  allied  city,  and  its  ambassadors 
were  accorded  at  Rome  the  same  honoui-s  as  those 
given  to  allied  kings;  it  enjoyed,  moreover,  all  transit 
duties  on  the  Bosporus.  Cicero  defended  it  in  the 
Roman  Senate,  and  put  an  end  to  the  exactions  of 
Piso.  Later  on,  the  Roman  emperors  entrusted  the 
government  of  the  city  to  prisetors,  at  once  civil  and 
military  magistrates,  who  maintained,  however,  the 
earlier  democratic  forms  of  government.  For  a  while 
Vespasian  placed  it  under  the  Governor  of  Moesia. 
The  city  continued  prosperoas  to  the  reign  of  Septi- 
mius  Severus,  when  it  sided  with  his  rival,  Pescennius 
Niger.  After  a  siege  of  three  years  (193-196)  Severus 
razed  to  the  ground  its  walls  and  public  monuments, 
and  made  it  subject  to  Perinthus  or  Heraclea  in  Thrace. 
But  he  soon  forgave  this  resistance,  restored  its  former 
privileges,  built  there  the  batlis  of  Zeuxippus,  and 
began  the  hippodrome.  It  was  devastated  again  by 
the  soldiers  of  Gallienus  in  262,  but  was  rebuilt  almost 
at  once.  In  the  long  war  between  Constantine  and 
Licinius  (314-323)  it  embraced  the  fortunes  of  the 
latter,  but,  after  his  defeat  at  Chrysopolis  (Scutari), 
submitted  to  the  victor. 

The  Christian  City. — It  has  quite  lately  been  es- 
tablished that  Byzantium  received  its  new  name  of 
Constantinople  as  early  as  the  end  of  324  (Centenaire 
de  la  society  nationale  des  antiquaires  de  France, 
Paris,  1904,  p.  281  sqq.).  Nevertheless,  the  solemn 
inauguration  of  the  new  city  did  not  occur  until  11 
May,  330;  only  after  this  date  did  the  Court  and 
Government  settle  permanently  in  the  new  capital. 
It  was  soon  filled  with  sumptuous  edifices  like  those  of 
Rome;  like  the  latter  it  was  situated  on  seven  hills 
and  divided  into  fourteen  regions;  in  the  matter  of 
privileges  also  it  was  similar  to  Rome.  Among  the 
new  public  buildings  were  a  senate  house,  forvmis,  a 
eapitol,  circuses,  porticoes,  many  churches  (particu- 
larly that  of  the  Holy  Apostles  destined  to  be  the 
burial-place  of  the  emperors).  The  most  beautiful 
statues  of  antiquity  were  gathered  from  various  parts 
of  the  empire  to  adorn  its  public  places.  In  general 
the  other  cities  of  the  Roman  world  were  stripped  to 
embellish  the  "New  Rome",  destined  henceforth  to 
surpass  them  all  in  greatness  and  magnificence. 
Traces  of  Christianity  do  not  appear  here  before  the 
end  of  the  second  or  the  beginning  of  the  third  century. 
In  212  TertiJlian  commemorates  the  joy  of  the  Chris- 
tians at  the  defeat  of  Pescennius  Niger  ("Ad  Scapu- 
1am",  iii:  "Cscilius  Capella  in  illo  exitu  Byzantino: 
Christiani  gaudete").  About  190,  an  Antitrinitarian 
heretic,  Theodotus  the  Currier,  a  native  of  Byzantium, 
was  expelled  from  the  Roman  Church  ("  Philosophou- 
mena",  VIII,  xxxv;  St.  Epiphanius,  "Adv.  Ha-r.," 
liv).  A  probably  reliable  tradition  makes  the  Byzan- 
tine Church  a  suffragan  of  Heraclea  in  Thrace  at  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century.  In  the  fifth  century 
we  meet  with  a  spurious  document  attributed  to  a 
certain  Dorotheus,  Bi-shop  of  Tyre  at  the  end  of  the 
third  century,  according  to  which  the  Church  of  By- 
zantium was  founded  by  the  Apostle  St.  Andrew,  its 
first  bishop  being  his  disciple  Stachys  (cf.  Rom.,  xvi, 
9).  The  intention  of  the  forger  is  plain:  in  this  way 
the  Clmrch  of  Rome  is  made  inferior  to  that  of  Con- 
stantinople, St.  Andrew  having  been  chosen  an 
Apostle  by  Jesus  before  his  brother  St.  Peter,  the 
foimder  of  the  Roman  Church. 

The  first  historically  known  Bishoi)  of  Byzantium 
is  St.  Mftrophanes  (30G-314),  though  the  see  had  per- 
haps been  occupied  during  the  third  century.  It  was 
at  first  subject  to  the  metropolitan  authority  of  Her- 
aclea, and  remained  .so.  at  least  ranonieally,  until  381, 
when  the  Second  fficumeuieal  ('oinicil  (can.  iii)  gave 
the  Bishop  of  ( 'onstantinople  the  first  place  after  the 
Bishop  of   Rome.     (For  the  exact  meaning  of  this 


canon  see  Hefele,  Hist,  des  Counciles,  tr.,  Leclercq, 
Paris.  1908,  II,  24-27.)  Fuller  details  are  given  in 
Fi.scher,  "  De  patriarcharumConstantinopolitanorum" 
catalogis  ( Leipzig,  1894) ;  Schermann,  "  Propheten- 
imd  Apostellegenden  nebst  Jungerkatalogen  des  Doro- 
theus und  verwandter  Texte"  (Leipzig,  1907); 
Vailhe,  "Origines  de  I'Eglise  de  Constantinople"  in 
"Echos  d'Orient"  (Paris,  1907),  287-295. 

Constantine  had  chosen  this  city  as  the  new  capital 
of  the  Roman  Empire,  but  owing  to  his  wars  and  the 
needs  of  the  State,  he  rarely  resided  there.  His  suc- 
cessors were  even  more  frequently  absent.  Constan- 
tius,  Julian,  Jovian,  and  Valens  are  found  more 
habitually  on  the  Danube  or  the  Euphrates  than  on 
the  Bosporus ;  they  reside  more  regularly  in  Antioch 
than  in  New  Rome.  It  was  only  under  Theodosius 
the  Great  (379-95)  that  Constantinople  assumed 
definitive  rank  as  capital  of  the  Eastern  Roman 
Empire.  However,  its  ambitious  prelates  did  not 
wait  so  long  to  forecast  the  future  greatness  of  the 
new  city.  In  339  Eusebius,  and  in  360  Eudoxius, 
quitted  the  great  Sees  of  Nicomedia  and  Antioch  for 
what  was  yet,  canonically,  a  simple  bishopric.  Both 
the  city  and  its  inhabitants  suffered  much  during  the 
Arian  controversies;  the  .\rian  heretics  held  posses- 
sion of  the  Church  for  forty  years.  Honourable  men- 
tion is  due  to  two  of  its  bishops:  St.  Alexander,  whose 
resistance  and  prayers  were  crowned  by  the  sudden 
death  of  .•Vrius  in  Constantinople;  and  St.  Paul  the 
Confessor,  a  martyr  for  the  Faith.  We  must  add  the 
eighty  martyrs  put  to  death  simultaneously  by  Em- 
peror Valens.  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  restored 
religious  peace  in  this  Church  early  in  the  reign  of  the 
aforesaid  Theodosius.  From  the  council  of  381  may 
be  said  to  date  the  ecclesiastical  fortunes  of  Constan- 
tinople. Its  bishop  began  thenceforth  to  claim  and 
to  exercise  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over  the  six 
provinces  of  Thrace,  hitherto  subject  to  Heraclea, 
and  soon  over  the  twenty-two  provinces  of  Asia 
Minor  and  Pontus,  originally  subject  to  Ephesus 
and  Ciesarea.  These  rights  of  supremacy,  though 
usurped,  were  acknowledged  by  the  twenty-eighth 
canon  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (451),  from  which 
time  the  bishops  of  Constantinople  ruled  over  about 
420  dioceses.  In  431  began  an  almost  continuous 
conflict  with  the  Roman  Church,  that  was  crowned 
with  success  in  733,  when  an  Iconoclast  emperor 
withdrew  from  the  jurisdiction  of  Rome  all  ecclesias- 
tical lUyricum,  i.  e.  more  than  a  hundred  dioceses. 
About  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  when  Photius 
broke  with  the  Roman  Church,  his  own  patriarchate 
included  624  dioceses  (51  metropolitan  sees,  51  ex- 
empt archbishoprics,  and  522  suffragan  bishoprics). 
At  that  time  the  Roman  Church  certainly  did  not 
govern  so  great  a  number  of  sees.  At  this  period, 
moreover,  by  its  missionaries  and  its  political  influ- 
ence, Constantinople  attracted  to  Christianity  the 
Slav  nations,  Serbs.  Russians,  Moravians,  and  Bul- 
gars,  and  obtained  in  these  northern  lands  a  strong 
support  against  the  Roman  and  Prankish  West. 

This  ecclesiastical  prosperity  coincided  with  the 
political  and  municipal  grandeur  of  the  city.  At  the 
death  of  Theodosius  the  Great  (395),  when  the  Roman 
Empire  was  divided  into  two  parts.  Constantinople 
remained  the  centre  and  capital  of  the  Eastern  Em- 
pire. The  Western  Empire  was  destined  soon  to  fall 
before  the  onslaughts  of  the  barbarians.  While  its 
provinces  were  held  by  uncouth  German  tribes.  Con- 
stantinople alone  remained  to  represent  Christian 
civilization  and  the  greatness  of  the  Roman  name., 
Simultaneously  the  city  was  enlarged  and  embellished,.] 
particularly  un<ier  Theodosius  II,  Justinian,  Hera- 
clius,  and  Basil  the  Macedonian.  In  413  it  reached 
its  actual  (190S)  size  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Golden 
Horn,  under  the  city  prefect,  Anthemius.  In  625 
Heraclius  added  the  famous  quarter  of  BlachemiB 
with  its  venerated  church  of  the  Bles.sed  Virgin,  whose 


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303 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


itiiagp  was  considered  as  the  palladium  of  the  city. 
The  circumference  of  the  walls  was  then  (and  still  is) 
cloven  or  twelve  miles.  They  were  often  rebuilt, 
especially  under  Tiberius  III  (e.  700),  Anastasius  II 
(714),  Leo  III  (740),  Nicephorus  I  (803),  Theophilus 
(S:U),  Michael  VIII  (1262),  Andronicus  II  (1316), 
John  VII  (between  1431-1444).  To  protect  the 
territory  of  Thrace  from  the  invasions  of  the  barba- 
rians, Anastasius  I,  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth 
century,  built  a  great  wall  about  fifty  miles  in  length 
and  about  twenty  feet  in  breadth  from  Silistria  to  the 
Lake  of  Derkoi.  The  ramparts  of  Constantinople  bad 
many  gates:  the  principal  one  was  the  Golden  Gate, 
the  terminus  of  the  Triumphal  Way.  On  the  Sea  of 
Marmora  numerous  havens  gave  shelter  to  boats  and 
barques;  the  present  unique  port  of  the  Golden  Horn 
had  not  yet  been  created.  The  strongly  fortified 
Great  Palace  was  a  real  town.  Other  splendid  pal- 
aces adorned  the  city  (Boucoleon,  Chalks,  Blachernae) ; 
many  graced  the  European  and  Asiatic  suburbs. 
Hundreds  of  churches  and  monasteries,  thousands  of 
clerics,  of  monks,  and  nuns,  attested  an  intensely 
religious  life.  The  church  of  St.  Sophia  alone,  the 
glory  of  Justinian's  reign,  owned  36.5  estates.  How 
vast  these  domains  were  may  be  judged  from  a  law 
of  Hcraclius  (627)  that  established  625  clerics  as  the 
number  necessary  for  the  service  of  St.  Sophia.  The 
little  church  of  Blachern.'p  had  75  endowed  clerics. 
The  names  of  at  least  463  churches  are  known,  64  of 
which  were  dedicated  to  the  Blessed  Virgin.  As  early 
as  536,  68  superiors  of  local  monasteries  were  present 
at  a  council  in  the  city. 

So  many  rich  churches  and  monasteries,  imperial 
or  private  palaces,  not  to  speak  of  the  luxury  of 
the  court  and  the  great  imperial  dignitaries,  natu- 
rally excited  the  covetousness  of  barbarian  peoples. 
Constantinople  had,  therefore,  to  sustain  numberless 
sieges;  it  was  attacked  in  378  by  the  Goths,  by  the 
Avars  and  Persians  during  the  reign  of  Heraclius 
(610^1),  by  the  Arabs  during  the  reign  of  Constan- 
tine  Pogonatus  (668-85),  and  again  by  the  Arabs  under 
Moslemeh  in  717;  many  times  also  by  Bulgarians, 
Patzinaks,  Russians,  and  Khazars.  But  the  city  al- 
ways defied  its  besiegers,  thanks  to  the  solidity  of  its 
walls,  often  to  the  valour  of  its  soldiers,  but  chiefly  to 
the  gold  that  it  distributed  in  profusion.  More  griev- 
ous, perhaps,  were  the  domestic  conflicts  that  broke 
out  in  almost  every  new  reign ;  the  quarrels  between 
the  Blue  and  Green  factions  that  clamoured  for  im- 
perial favour  in  the  races  of  the  hippodrome;  the  con- 
flagrations and  earthquakes  that  sometimes  levelled 
the  city  with  the  grovmd,  e.  g.  the  conflagration  that 
broke  out  during  the  Nika  revolt  (532),  on  which  oc- 
casion Justinian  nearly  lost  his  throne,  more  than 
80,000  persons  were  killed,  and  fire  destroyed  the 
greater  part  of  the  city. 

Heresy  .\nd  Schism. — When  Photius  (d.  891)  be- 
gan the  schism  consummated  by  Michael  C'aerularius 
in  1054,  the  Byzantine  Church  had,  since  the  death 
of  Emperor  Constantine  in  337,  been  formally  out  of 
communion  with  the  Roman  Church  during  248  years 
(55  years  on  account  of  .\rianism,  11  on  account  of  the 
condemnation  of  St.  John  Chrj'sostom,  35  on  accoimt 
of  Zeno's  Henoticon,  41  on  account  of  Monothelism, 
90  on  account  of  Iconoclasm,  16  on  account  of  the 
adulterous  marriage  of  Constantine  VI).  On  the 
whole,  therefore.  Constant  ino])le  had  been  out  of  com- 
munion with  the  Apostolic  See  one  out  of  every  two 
I  years.  During  this  period  nineteen  patriarchs  of 
Constantinople  were  open  lieretics,  sonie  of  them  quite 
famous,  e.  g.  Eu.sebius  of  Niconiedia,  Kudoxius,  Macc- 
donius,  Nestorius,  .Acacius,  .Sergius,  I'yrrhus.  On  the 
other  hand  mu.st  be  mentioned  several  orthodox 
bishops,  e.  g.  St.  Gregory'  of  Nazianziis,  St.  John 
Chrj'i!ostom,  St.  Flavian,  St.  Germanus,  St.  Tarasius. 
St.  Methodius,  and  St.  Ignatius,  the  opponent  of 
Photius,  whose  virtues  and  literary  fame  compensate 


for  the  scandalous  heterodoxy  of  their  confreres.  Nor 
can  we  omit  illustrious  monks  and  hymnographers  like 
St.  Romanus  (Melodus),  the  greatest  liturgical  poet 
of  the  Byzantine  Church,  St.  Maximus  Confessor,  St 
Theodore,  the  noble  abbot  of  the  famous  monastery 
of  Studium  iStoudion),  and  many  others  who  .suffered 
martyrdom  during  the  reigns  of  Iconoclast  emperors. 

Many  councils  were  held  in  Constantinople,  some- 
times against  heresies,  sometimes  in  favour  of  them. 
Chief  among  these  councils  are:  the  oecumenical 
councils  of  381,  -553,  681,  and  869;  the  Trullan  Coun- 
cil (692),  very  important  for  the  history  of  canonical 
legislation;  the  councils  of  712  and  878  which  ratified, 
respectively,  Monothelism  and  the  revolt  of  Photius 
against  Rome.  The  schism  of  Photius  was  not  at 
once  followed  by  its  woi-st  consequences.  The  learned 
but  ambitious  patriarch  was  yet  living  when  union 
with  the  Roman  Church  was  re-established  by  Em- 
peror Leo  the  Wise  in  886;  he  obliged  Photius  to  quit 
the  patriarchal  throne.  From  that  time  to  the  patri- 
archate of  Michael  Caerularius  (1043-1049),  in  spite 
of  the  Filioque  question,  relations  with  the  papacy 
were  generally  cordial.  There  were  indeed,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  centurj',  some  diflnculties 
caused  by  the  emperor's  fourth  marriage,  but  in  this 
conflict  both  the  opposing  patriarchs  attempted  to 
obtahi  from  the  Roman  Church  justification  of  their 
conduct.  It  v.'as  only  under  Michael  Cicrulariiis  that 
the  schismatic  condition  was  finally  confirmed,  almost 
without  any  apparent  motive  and  only  through  the 
bad  will  of  this  patriarch.  After  long  and  sharp  dis- 
putes between  the  two  Churches,  the  pope's  legates, 
with  the  approbation  of  the  imperial  court,  deposited, 
15  July,  1054,  on  the  altar  of  St.  Sophia  the  Bull  of 
excommvmication  against  the  patriarch.  This  act 
resulted  in  a  popvdar  revolution.  Five  days  later 
Michael  Cserularius  replied  by  excommunicating  the 
pope  and  the  "azyraite"  Latins.  The  weak-minded 
and  lewd  emperor,  Constantine  Monomachus,  dared 
not  resist  the  all-powerful  patriarch.  It  must  be 
noted,  however,  that,  unhappily,  the  idea  of  schism 
had  long  been  familiar  to  the  minds  and  hearts  of  the 
Greeks.  The  first  period  of  the  schism  was  coeval, 
especially  at  Constantinople,  with  a  remarkable  liter- 
ary revival,  inaugurated  as  early  as  the  tenth  century 
by  the  Macedonian  dynasty  and  carried  to  its  perfec- 
tion under  the  Comneni  and  the  Paljeologi.  This 
revival,  imfortunately,  did  not  affect  favourably  the 
morality  of  the  population,  being  chiefly  an  uncon- 
scious return  to  models  of  antiquity,  indeed  a  kind  of 
neo-paganism.  We  owe  to  it,  however,  beautiful 
works  in  literature,  architecture,  and  painting. 

Imperial  Succession;  Crusades;  L.\tin  Eaipirb 
OP  Constantinople. — After  the  division  of  the 
Roman  Empire  in  395,  Constantinople  beheld  the 
passage  of  many  great  dynasties:  that  of  Theodosius, 
prolonged  by  adoption  until  602;  that  of  Heraclius, 
from  610  to  711,  with  intrusion  of  several  usurpers; 
that  of  Leo  the  Isaurian,  from  717  to  802;  the  Amo- 
riuni  dynasty  from  820  to  867 ;  that  of  Basil  the  Mace- 
donian from  867  to  1057;  finally  from  1081  to  the 
Franki.sh  conquest  in  1204,  that  of  the  Comneni  and 
the  Angeli.  Succession,  of  course,  was  not  always 
regular;  even  in  the  legitimate  dynasties  murder  and 
cruelty,  it  is  well  known,  often  marked  the  accession 
of  an  emperor.  Sometimes  the  streets  of  the  capital 
were  on  the  same  day  decked  with  flowers  and 
drenched  with  blood.  Nevertheless,  till  the  middle 
of  the  eleventh  centurj^,  the  empire  held  its  own  in 
Asia  Minor  against  the  .\rabs.  The  latter  were  now 
gr.adually  supplanted  by  their  coreligioni.sts,  the 
Turks,  who,  towards  th(!  end  of  that  centur)',  occu- 
pied most  of  the  Asiatic  |)eninsula  and  set  up  their 
ca|>ilal  at  NiciPa,  not  far  from  Constantinojile.  Then 
began  the  Crusades,  that  great  overflow  of  the  West 
towards  the  East,  started  by  the  pious  wish  of  all 
Christian  Europe  to  deliver  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Con- 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


1)1 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


stantinople  saw  the  crusaders  for  the  first  time  in 
1096.  The  contact  between  the  two  civilizations  was 
not  cordial ;  the  Greeks  gave  generally  to  the  crusad- 
ers an  unkindly  reception.  They  looked  on  them  as 
enemies  no  less  than  the  Turks,  except  that  the  cru- 
saders, marching  in  the  name  of  Christ  and  backed  by 
all  the  strength  of  the  West,  appeared  much  more 
dangerous  than  the  Mussulman  Turks.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Franks  were  only  too  ready  to  treat  the 
Greeks  as  mere  unbelievers,  and,  but  for  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  popes,  woiJd  have  begun  the  Crusades  with 
the  capture  of  Constantinople. 

These  sad  quarrels  and  the  fratricidal  conflicts  of 
Christian  nations  lasted  nearly  a  century,  until  in 
1182  Emperor  Andronicus  Comuenus,  a  ferocious 
tyrant,  ordered  a  general  massacre  of  the  Latins  in 
his  capital.  In  1190  the  Greek  patriarch,  Dositheus, 
solenmly  promised  indulgences  to  any  Greek  who 
would  murder  a  Latin.  These  facts,  together  with 
the  selfish  views  of  the  Venetians  and  the  domestic 
divisions  of  the  Greeks,  were  enough  to  provoke  a  con- 
flict. The  Greek  Emperor  Alexius  III  had  de- 
throned his  brother  and  stripped  his  nephew  of  all 
rights  (1195);  the  latter  sought  a  shelter  in  the  We.st 
(1201),  and,  together  with  his  brother-in-law.  Em- 
peror Philip  of  Swabia,  w-ith  Venice,  and  Boniface  of 
Montferrat  (chief  of  the  projected  crusade),  he  turned 
aside  the  Fourth  Crusade  and  directed  the  knights, 
first  to  the  siege  of  Zara  in  Dalmatia,  and  afterwards 
to  Constantinople.  In  spite  of  the  formal  veto  of  In- 
nocent III,  the  crusaders  laid  siege  to  the  city,  which 
soon  surrendered  (17  July,  1203).     Emperor  Alexius 

III  took  flight.  His  brother,  Isaac  Angelus,  was 
taken  from  prison  and  crowned  emperor,  with  his  son 
Alexius  IV.  The  crusaders  had  hoped  that  the  new 
emperors  would  keep  their  promises  and  reimite  the 
two  Churches;  confident  of  this  they  wrote  to  Inno- 
cent III  (August,  120.'!)  to  justify  their  behaviour. 
But  the  imperial  ]iromise  was  not  kept;  indeed,  it 
could  not  be  executed.     In  November,  1205,  Alexius 

IV  broke  off  all  relations  with  the  crusaders.  There- 
upon the  hostility  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins 
was  in  almost  daily  evidence;  brawls  and  conflagra- 
tions were  continually  taking  place.  Alexius  IV  and 
his  father  were  dethroned  and  put  to  death  (Febru- 
ary, 1204)  by  a  usurper  who  took  the  name  of  Alexius 

V  Murtzuphlos.  The  latter  made  haste  to  put  his  capi- 
tal in  a  state  of  defence,  whereupon  the  crusaders 
began  a  second  siege.  After  several  onslaughts  the  city 
was  taken  (12  and  1.3  April,  1204)  amid  scenes  of  great 
cruelty;  the  slaughter  was  followed  by  an  unbridled 
])limder  of  the  countl&ss  treasures  heaped  up  during 
so  many  centuries  by  the  Byzantine  emperors.  The 
holy  relics  especially  excited  the  covetousness  of  the 
Latin  clerics;  Villehardouin  asserts  that  there  were 
but  few  cities  in  the  West  that  received  no  .sacred 
booty  from  this  pillage.  The  official  booty  alone,  ac- 
cording to  the  same  historian,  amounted  to  about 
eleven  millions  of  dollars  whose  purchasing  power 
was  then  of  course  much  greater  than  at  this  day. 
The  following  9  May,  Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders,  be- 
came emperor;  Boniface  of  Montferrat  obtained  Thes- 
salonica  and  Macedonia;  the  knights,  various  feudal 
fees;  Venice,  the  islands  and  those  regions  of  the  em- 
pire that  assured  her  maritime  supremacy.  This 
new  Latin  Empire,  organized  according  to  feudal  law, 
never  took  deep  root.  It  was  imable  to  hold  its  own 
against  the  Greeks  (who  had  immediately  created  two 
empires  in  Asia,  at  Niea-a  and  at  Trebizond,  a  despot- 
ate  in  Epirus  and  other  small  States)  nor  against  the 
Bulgariaius,  Coraans,  and  Serbs.  After  a  much-dis- 
turbed existence  it  disappeared  in  1201,  and  Con- 
stantinople became  again  the  centre  of  Greek  power 
with  Michael  I'aheologus  as  emperor. 

Latin  Pathiahihate. — Together  with  the  Latin 
Empire  a  Latin  patriarchate  had  been  established  in 
1204  at  Constantinople,  on  which  occasion  the  Greek 


patriarch  took  refuge  at  Nicoea.  Notwithstanding 
the  missions  of  Cardinal  Benedict  a  Sancta  Susanna 
(1205-1207)  and  Pelagius  of  Albano  (1213),  negotia- 
tions, and  even  persecutions,  the  Latins  failed  to  in- 
duce all  their  Greek  subjects  to  acknowledge  the  au- 
thority of  the  pope.  In  its  best  days  the  Latin  patri- 
archate never  mmibered  more  than  twenty-two  arch- 
bishoprics and  fifty-nine  suffragan  bishoprics,  situ- 
ated in  Europe,  in  the  islands,  and  even  in  Asia  Minor. 
However,  the  Latin  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople 
outlived  the  Latin  Empire,  after  the  fall  of  which  the 
Latin  patriarchs  resided  in  Greece  or  in  Italy.  From 
1302  the  Holy  See  reserved  to  itself  the  appointment 
to  this  office  and  united  with  the  patriarchate  first 
the  Archbishopric  of  Candia,  later  the  Bishopric  of 
Negropont;  this  was  still  the  situation  as  late  as  1403. 
A  coiLsistorial  decree  of  1497  reserved  this  high  title 
to  cardinals;  the  rule,  however,  was  subject  to  many 
exceptions.  In  modern  times  a  contrary  practice  has 
prevailed;  the  Latin  titular  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople ceases  to  bear  this  title  only  on  entrance  to  the 
Sacred  College.  Of  course,  after  the  fall  of  the  Latin 
or  Frankish  Empire  in  1261,  the  Latin  patriarch 
could  not  deal  directly  with  the  Catholics  of  Constan- 
tinople; they  were  committed  to  the  care  of  patri- 
archal vicars,  simple  priests  chosen  usually  among  the 
superiors  of  religious  orders  resident  in  the  city,  Ob- 
servantine  or  Conventual  Franciscans,  and  Domini- 
cans. This  lasted  until  1651,  when  the  Latin  patri- 
arch was  allowed  by  the  sultan  to  have  in  Constanti- 
nople a  patriarchal  sufi^ragan  bishop,  who  was  free  to 
administer  the  diocese  in  the  name  of  the  patriarch. 
Finally,  in  1772,  the  Holy  See  suppressed  the  office  of 
patriarchal  suffragan  and  appointed  patriarchal  vicars 
Apostolic,  which  system  is  yet  in  existence. 

Restoration  op  Greek  Empire;  Efforts  at 
Reunion  ok  the  Churches. — Having  anticipated  a 
little  we  may  here  take  up  the  thread  of  our  narra- 
tive. By  the  recoverj'  of  Constantinople  in  1261, 
Michael  Palieologus  had  drawn  on  himself  the  enmity 
of  some  Western  princes,  especially  of  Charles  of 
Anjou,  brother  of  St.  Louis  and  heir  to  the  rights  of 
the  aforesaid  Latin  emperors  of  Constantinople.  To 
forestall  the  crusade  with  which  he  was  threatened 
the  Greek  emperor  opened  negotiations  with  the  pope 
and  accepted  the  union  of  the  Churches.  It  was  pro- 
claimed at  the  CEcumenical  Council  of  Lyons  in  1274, 
and  was  confirmed  at  Constantinople  by  several  par-  1| 
ticular  councils  held  under  the  Greek  patriarch,  John 
Beccus,  a  sincere  Catholic.  It  was  not,  however,  ac- 
cepted by  the  Greek  people  who  remained  always 
inimical  to  the  West,  and,  on  the  emperor's  death  in 
1282,  it  was  rejected  at  a  council  held  in  the  Blacherna; 
church.  Thenceforth  the  rulers  of  Constantinople 
had  to  reckon  with  the  ambitious  claims  of  Charles  of 
Valois,  brother  of  Philip  the  Fair,  and  of  other  Latin 
pretenders  to  the  imperial  crown.  The  city  itself 
was  rent  by  the  theological  disputes  of  Barlaamites 
and  Palamists  arising  from  Hesychasm  (q.  v.),  also 
by  the  domestic  dissensions  of  the  imperial  family 
during  the  reigns  of  the  two  Andronici,  John  Palieo- 
logus, and  John  Cantacuzene.  With  the  aid  of  Turk- 
ish mercenaries  John  Cantacuzene  (the  hope  of  the 
Palamists)  withstood  the  legitimate  emperor  and 
conquered  the  city. 

The  Byzantine  Empire  was  now  in  face  of  its  last 
and  greatest  peril.  The  smaller  Greek  Empire  of 
Trebizond  controlled  since  1204  a  part  of  its  Asiatic 
provinces.  The  Fourth  Crusade  liad  caiLsed  almost 
all  the  islands  and  a  great  part  of  its  pos,se«sions  in 
Europe  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Venetitms,  Genoese, 
Pisans,  and  local  dynasts.  It  feareii  most,  however, 
the  new  empire  of  the  Osmanlis  that  was  rapidly  over- 
flowing all  .\sia  Minor.  Tlie  Osinanlis  were  originally 
a  small  Turkish  tribe  of  Khora.ssan;  in  the  thirteenth 
centurj'  they  had  settled  near  Doryla>um  fEiki- 
Shehir),  whence  they  gradually  annexed  all  the  sul- 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


;?05 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


tanates  anil  jirincipalities  of  tlio  Scljuk  Turks  and 
othoi-s.  As  early  as  1320  Brusa  in  Bithynia  had 
become  the  centre  of  their  jjower.  A  Genoese  fleet 
Boon  conveyed  theii  army  into  Europe,  where  they 
took  Gallipoli  in  1397.  Thenceforth,  while  the  popes 
were  especially  anxious  to  save  the  Greek  East  and 
Constantinople,  the  Byzantines,  excited  by  their 
priests  and  monks,  appeared  daily  more  hostile  to  the 
West  and  exhausted  their  opportunities  in  useless 
thcdliiijical  disputes.  The  memorable  defeat  of  the 
Serbs  and  Bulgarians  at  Ko.ssovo  in  1389,  and  that 
of  the  crusaders  at  Nicopolis  in  1396,  seemed  to  indi- 
cate the  hopelessness  of  the  Byzantine  cause,  when 
the  Mongol  invasion  of  Timur-Leng  (Tamerlane)  and 
the  defeat  of  Sultan  Bayazid  at  Angora  in  1402  com- 
bined to  assure  another  half-century  of  existence  to 
the  doomed  empire. 

Scarcely  had  Manuel  II  heard  of  the  Turkish  dis- 
aster when  he  pulled  down  the  mosque  in  his  capital 
and  abandoned  his  negotiations  at  Rome,  where  he 
liad  initiated  proposals  of  peace,  but  only  for  political 
reasons.  However,  the  Turkish  power  had  not  been 
destroyed  on  the  plain  of  .\ngora.  From  June  to 
Septeiiiber,  1422,  Sultan  Murad  II  laid  siege  to  Con- 
st.nitinople  which  he  nearly  captured.  Though 
finally  repulsed,  the  Turks  tightened  daily  their  con- 
trol o\-er  all  apjiroaches  to  the  city,  which  only  a  new 
crusade  could  have  relieved.  At  the  Council  of 
Florence,  therefore  (1439),  the  Greeks  again  declared 
themselves  Catholics.  This  formal  rcimion,  however, 
imjiosed  by  the  emperor  and  again  rejected  by  the 
Gieek  nation,  could  not  in  the  beginning  be  pro- 
claimed even  at  Constantinople,  in  spite  of  the  election 
of  a  patriarch  favourable  to  Rome,  and  of  Western 
promises  to  help  the  Greeks  with  men  and  money. 
Mark  of  ]0|ihesus  and  after  him  Gennadius  Scholarius 
were  omnipotent  with  clergy  and  peo[)le,  and  infused 
into  them  fre.sh  hatred  of  the  LatiiLs.  Nevertheless, 
the  promi-sed  crusade  took  place  under  the  direction 
of  Cardinal  Giuliano  Cesarini.  Janos  Hunyady  and 
Iskender-Beg  (Scanderbeg)  performed  miracles  of 
valour,  but  in  vain.  The  crusaders  were  completely 
defeated  at  Varna  in  1444,  and  nothing  was  left 
to  Constantinople  but  to  perish  honourably.  The 
reunion  with  Rome,  as  accepted  at  Florence,  was  at 
last  proclaimed  officially  in  St.  Sophia  by  Cardinal 
Isidore.  Metropolitan  of  Kiev  (12  Dec,  1452).  It 
was  thus  fated  that  Emperor  Constantine  Dragases, 
the  last  heir  of  the  great  Constantine,  was  to  die  in 
the  Catholic  Faith. 

Fall  of  Con'ST.\ntinople  ;  Capital  of  Ottoman 
Empihe. — When  the  tragic  hour  .struck,  the  emperor 
had  only  about  7000  men,  including  all  foreign  suc- 
cour. Since  March,  14.53,  the  Turks,  to  the  number 
of  2(M),000,  had  invested  the  city;  the  preceding  year 
they  had  built  on  the  Bosporvis  the  redoubtable 
fortress  of  Rumeli-Hissar.  Tlieir  fleet  also  held  the 
entrance  to  the  Dardanelles,  but  was  prevented  from 
entering  the  Golden  Horn  by  a  strong  iron  chain  that 
barred  its  mouth.  But  Mohammed  II  caused  seventy 
of  his  ships  to  slide  on  grea.se<l  f)lanks  behind  Galata; 
in  this  way  they  entered  the  (iolden  Horn  (22  April). 
He  then  cast  across  it  a  bridge  of  boats  broad  enough 
to  allow  the  passage  of  five  .soldiers  abreast,  while  his 
troops,  constantly  renewed,  kept  up  without  ceasing 
their  attacks  by  land.  Eventually  the  defenders  were 
exhausted  by  the  toils  of  a  continuous  and  hopeless 
conflict,  while  their  ranks  grew  steadily  thinner 
through  death  or  wounds.  The  population  gave  no 
help  and  w.as  content  to  taunt  the  Latins,  while  wait- 
ing for  the  miracle  of  Heaven  that  was  to  save  them. 
Finally,  29  May,  14.53,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
a  furious  a.s.sault  of  the  Turks  broke  down  the  walls 
ami  gates  of  the  city,  and  the  besiegers  burst  in  from 
everj-  side.  Emperor  Constantine  fell  like  a  hero  at 
the  gate  of  ."^t.  Romanus.  St.  Sophia  was  imnie- 
diatelv  transformed  into  a  mosque,  and  during  three 
Iv— 20 


days  the  imha|)py  city  was  abandoneil  to  unspeakable 
excesses  of  cruelty  and  debauchery.  The  ne.xt  year, 
at  the  demand  of  the  sultan  himself,  Gennadius 
Scholarius,  Rome's  haughty  advereary,  was  ap- 
pointed Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  and  soon  the 
Greek  Church  was  re-established,  almost  in  its  former 
position. 

Thus  was  granted  the  sacrilegious  prayer  of  so 
many  Greeks,  blinded  by  unreasoning  hate,  that 
henceforth,  not  the  tiara,  but  the  turban  .should  rule 
in  the  city  of  Constantine.  Even  the  name  of  the 
city  was  changed.  The  Turks  call  it  officially  (in 
Arabic)  Der-es-Saadet,  Door  of  Happiness,  or  (chiefly 
on  coins)  Konstantinieh.  Their  usual  name  for  it  is 
Stamboul,  or  rather  Istamboul,  a  corruption  of  the 
Gieek  expression  eis  rriv  7r6Xi>'  (pronounced  slimboli), 
perhaps  under  the  influence  of  a  form,  Islamboul, 
which  could  pass  for  "the  city  of  Islam".  Most  of 
the  churches,  like  St.  Sophia,  were  gradually  con- 
verted into  mosques.  Tliis  was  the  fate  of  SS.  Sergius 
and  Bacchus,  a  beautiful  monument  built  by  .Justin- 
ian, commonly  called  "the  little  St.  Sophia"';  of  the 
church  of  the  monastery  of  Khora,  whose  splendid 
mosaics  and  pictures,  mostly  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  are  among  the  principal  curiosities  of  tlie 
city;  of  the  churches  of  the  celebrated  Pantocrator 
and  Studium  monasteries,  etc.  Other  churches  were 
demolished  and  replaced  by  various  buildings;  thus 
the  church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  gave  w-ay  to  the  great 
mosque  built  by  the  conquering  Sultan  Mohammed 
II.  The  imperial  tombs  in  this  church  were  violated; 
some  of  their  gigantic  red  porphjTj'  sarcophagi  were 
taken  to  the  church  of  St.  Irene.  The  latter  is  the 
only  church  taken  from  the  Greeks  that  has  not  been 
changed  into  a  mosque  or  demolished;  it  became,  and 
is  yet  an  arsenal,  or  rather  a  museum  of  ancient 
weapons. 

The  sultans  in  turn  endowed  their  new  capital  with 
many  beautiful  monuments.  Mohanuncd  II  built  the 
castle  of  Yedi-Kouleh,  the  Tchinili-Kiosk  (now  a 
museum),  the  mosques  of  Cheik  15okliari,  of  the 
Janizaries,  of  Kassim-Pasha,  of  Eyoub,  where  every 
sultan  at  his  accession  is  obliged  to  be  girt  with  the 
sword  of  Othman,  etc.  Bayazid  II  built  the  Bayazid- 
ieh  (14.")S).  Soliman  the  Magnificent  built  the'Sulci- 
manieh,  the  most  beautiful  Turkish  monument  in 
Constantinople.  His  architect  Sinan  constructed 
fifty  other  mosques  in  the  empire.  Ahmed  I  built 
(1610)  the  .\hmedieh  on  the  foundations  of  the 
imperial  Great  Palace,  a  pretty  fountain  near  St. 
Sophia,  etc.  The  buildings  of  the  old  seraglio  at 
Seraglio  Point  are  also  of  Turkish  origin;  nothing 
is  left  of  the  Byzantine  imperial  palaces  that  once 
stood  there.  The  Blachernse  palace  has  also  disap- 
peared ;  its  church  was  accidentally  burned  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  Not  far  distant  are  the  impor- 
tant ruiiLs  of  the  palace  of  the  Porphyrogenitus. 
When  the  Turks  took  Constantinople,  "the  hippo- 
drome was  already  in  ruinous  decay.  There  remain 
yet  three  precious  monuments  of  ancient  imperial 
splendour:  the  Egj'ptian  obelisk  brought  thither  by 
Theodosius  the  Great,  the  Serpentine  Column  brought 
from  Delphi  by  Constantine,  and  the  Byzantine  monu- 
ment known  as  the  Walled-up  Column.  Near  them 
has  been  con.structed,on  the  plans  and  attheexpen.se 
of  the  Gennan  Emperor,  William  II,  a  foimtain  in 
Byzantine  style.  The  Turks  have  also  respected 
some  other  relics  of  antiquity,  especially  the  columns 
of  Constantine,  Marcian,  Theodosius,  and  Arcadius, 
the  aqueduct  of  Valens,  and  many  of  the  great  sul)- 
terraneous  cisterns. 

The  Turkish  (Jity. — This  is  not  the  place  to 
narrate  the  later  historj'  of  the  city,  so  often  the 
scene  of  .sanguinary  events,  revolts  of  the  Janizaries, 
palace- revolutions,  etc.  In  1S2()  Mahniud  II  su))- 
pressed  the  redoubtable  pnetorians,  but  the  tragic 
domestic  revolutions  go  on  as  before.     lu   1807  a 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


306 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


British  fleet  threatened  the  city,  which  was  courage- 
ously defended  by  Sultan  Selim  III  and  the  French 
ambassador,  General  Sebastiani.  In  1854  Anglo- 
French  armies  encamped  at  Constantinople  before 
and  after  the  Crimean  expedition  against  Russia. 
In  1878  the  Russians  advanced  to  San  Stefano,  a 
little  vilLage  in  the  European  suburbs,  and  dictated 
there  the  treaty  of  that  name.  In  1821  the  Greek 
patriarch,  Gregory  V,  with  many  bishops  and  laymen, 
was  hanged  on  the  occasion  of  the  outbreak  of  the 
Greek  War  for  Independence.  In  1895-1896  the 
capital,  as  well  as  the  provinces,  saw  many  Armenians 
massacred  by  the  Kurds,  with  the  complicity,  or 
rather  by  order  of  the  Government.  Even  the 
dreadful  physical  catastrophes  of  former  times  have 
been  renewed;  great  conflagrations  in  1864  and  1870 
destroyed  entire  quarters  at  Stamboul  and  Pera. 
In  the  latter  place  many  thousands  of  lives  were  lost 
(most  of  the  houses  are  built  of  timber).  In  1894  an 
earthquake  laid  low  a  great  part  of  the  Bazaar  and 
killed  several  thousand  persons.  The  city  is  now 
undergoing  a  slow  process  of  cleansing;  it  is  lit  by 
gas,  and  there  are  some  tramways  in  its  streets,  most 
of  which  are  still  very  narrow  and  dirty,  and  are  at 
all  times  obstructed  by  vagrant  dogs.  A  cable  rail- 
way joins  Galata  to  Pera. 

National  and  Religious  St.\tistics. — The  popu- 
lation, we  have  already  said,  is  (1908)  at  least  1,000,- 
000,  perhaps  1,200.000;  Turkish  statistics  are  very 
uncertain.  The  Turks  seem  to  form  about  three- 
fifths  of  this  population.  There  are  more  than  2000 
mosques,  near  which  are  generally  found  elementary 
schools  for  boys  and  even  for  girls;  often  also  me- 
dressehs  or  Mussulman  theological  schools.  The 
tekkcs  are  Mussulman  monasteries  for  dervishes  of 
various  orders.  Superior  instruction  is  given  at  the 
Lyceum  of  Galata  Seraglio.  It  has  about  1200  pupils 
(mostly  Mussulmans),  and  instruction  is  given  in  both 
Turkish  and  French.  Efforts  are  being  made  to 
transform  this  college  into  a  university.  There  are 
also  about  20  secondary  schools,  a  university  of  law,  a 
school  of  medicine,  military  schools,  and  other  pro- 
fessional and  special  schools.  The  libraries  annexed 
to  the  great  mosques  contain  precious  Eastern  manu- 
scripts. There  are  many  Turkish  hospitals,  several 
of  which  are  in  charge  of  Catholic  Sisters  of  Charity, 
an  asylum  for  the  poor,  a  Pasteur  institute,  and  other 
charitable  foundations.  The  Persian  Mussulmans, 
generally  Shiites,  have  their  own  religious  organiza- 
tion, with  a  hospital  at  Stamboul,  conducted  by  Sis- 
ters of  Charity.  The  Jewish  population  increases 
rapidly,  and  is  of  two  kinds:  the  Spanish  Jews  who 
came  to  Turkey  in  the  sixteenth  century  when  ex- 
pelled from  Spain,  and  still  speak  a  bad  Spanish; 
others,  who  came  and  still  come  from  Russia,  Ru- 
mania, Austria,  Germany,  etc.  The  latter  often  ob- 
tain good  situations;  not  so  the  former,  whose  social 
status  is  low  and  unhappy.  There  is  also  among  the 
Jews  of  the  city  a  diversity  of  rites,  synagogues, 
schools,  and  works  of  beneficence.  The  Christians 
seem  to  number  over  300,000.  If  we  except  an  insig- 
nificant body  of  Jacobites  and  their  bishop,  the  rest 
may  be  divided  as  Monophysites,  Protestants,  Ortho- 
dox Greeks,  and  Catholics.  The  Monophysites  are 
Armenians,  who  call  them.selves  Gregorians,  after 
their  apostle,  St.  Gregory  Illuminator.  Thev  number 
about  100,000,  with  a  patriiirrh  i.si.l,  nt  a't  Ivumi- 
Kapou  (Stamboul),  many  cliuiclirs.  :,:;  cli-nientary 
■schools,  2  colleges,  a  large  charilnlilc  cstMblisluncnt  at 
W'di-Kouleh,  etc. 

Prot(!stantism  is  represented  by  English,  American, 
German,  and  other  foreign  colonies,  also  by  about  one 
thousand  Armenian  converts.  Its  chief  institutions, 
apart  from  several  churches,  are  the  Bible  house  at 
Stamboul  with  its  bran'/.ies  (hoines  for  sailors  and 
foreign  girls),  Robert  College  a.  Rumeli-Hi.ssar  on 
the  Bosporus  (a  large   American  school   founded  in 


1863,  with  about  600  pupils),  and  a  high  school  for 
girls  at  Scutari.  There  are  also  some  elementary 
Protestant  schools  and  a  special  mission  for  the  Jews, 
finally  an  English  and  a  German  hospital.  The 
Schismatic  Greeks  who  call  themselves  Orthodox, 
number  about  150,000,  some  thousands  of  whom  are 
Hellenes,  i.  e.  subjects  of  the  Kingdom  of  Greece. 
The  oecumenical  patriarch,  who  resides  in  the  Fanar 
(Greek  quarter,  along  the  Golden  Horn),  is  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese  (there  are  raetropolites  at  Kadi-Keui 
and  at  Makri-Keui,  the  latter  with  the  title  of  Derki). 
He  is  aided  in  the  administration  of  his  office  by  the 
Great  Protosyncellus.  There  are  40  parishes,  12  of 
which  are  first  class,  11  second  class,  and  17  third 
class.  The  principal  churches  prefer  instead  of  a 
simple  priest,  a  titular  bishop  or  chorepiscopus :  they 
are  five  in  number.  Recent  statistics  show  72  schools, 
64  of  which  give  elementary  and  middle,  and  8  supe- 
rior teaching.  Among  the  higher  schools  are  included 
the  so-called  Great  National  School  in  the  Fanar 
(said  to  date  from  the  Middle  Ages),  the  commercial 
and  theological  schools  at  Halki,  etc.  The  theologi- 
cal school  is  a  seminary  for  future  bishops  of  the 
Greek  Church.  These  Greek  schools  have  398  teach- 
ers and  13,217  pupils;  the  elementary  schools  have 
10,665  pupils,  and  the  superior  schools  2562.  We 
may  add  that  many  Greek  boys  and  girls,  also  Armen- 
ians, are  taught  in  foreign  schools,  chiefly  in  those  of 
the  French  religious  congregations  and  at  Robert 
College.  The  Greeks  have  a  large  charitable  estab- 
lishment at  Balekli  and  an  orphanage.  Quite  impor- 
tant also  are  their  various  associations  (xyoihgi),  the 
principal  one  being  the  important  learned  body  known 
as  the  Literary  Greek  Society,  with  a  rich  library. 
The  libraries  of  the  Metochion,  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
and  the  theological  school  at  Halki  are  also  remarkable 
for  their  manuscripts.  For  the  general  organization 
of  the  Greek  Schismatics,  see  Greek  Church.  The 
Russians  have  at  Constantinople  3  monasteries,  a 
school,  a  hospital,  and  an  archaeological  institute, 
with  a  rich  library.  The  Serbs  and  Rumanians  have 
also  their  national  establishments.  There  are  in  the 
capital  about  15,000  Bulgarians.  They  are  consid- 
ered schismatics  by  the  Clreek  Church,  from  which 
they  have  completely  separated.  Their  exarch,  who 
has  jurisdiction  over  all  native  Bulgarians  and  those 
of  European  Turkey,  resides  at  Chichli  (pronounced 
shishli),  where  there  are  also  a  seminary,  a  school,  and 
a  hospital  for  Bulgarians.  His  cathedral  is  at  Balata, 
Stamboul. 

Catholic  Life  and  St.\tistics. — The  Catholics  in- 
clude those  of  the  Roman  or  Latin  Rite,  and  others  of 
Eastern  rites  often  called  Uniats.  Among  the  latter, 
the  Catholic  Armenians  deserve  most  attention;  they 
mmiber  about  5000.  Their  patriarch  resides  at  Pera, 
and  to  their  special  organization  belong:  6  elementary 
and  3  middle  schools,  also  a  large  charitable  establish- 
ment for  orphans  and  for  poor  or  sick  people.  They 
have  four  congregations  conducted  as  follows:  The 
Mechitarists  of  Vienna  have  2  residences,  19  monks; 
the  Mechitarists  of  Venice,  1  residence,  8  monks;  the 
Antonines,  1  residence,  8  monks;  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception,  3  residences,  about  100  nuns. 
The  Mclchites  or  Arabic-speaking  Syrians  of  Byzantine 
Rite  have  a  church  with  .3  i)ricsts.  one  of  whom  acts  as 
vicar  of  his  patriarch  for  all  affairs  of  the  "nation" 
tliat  onme  before  tlie  Sublime  Porte.  The  Catholic 
)iatri.[rchs  of  tile  Chaldeans  and  the  Syrians  are  simi- 
larly represented  by  vicars  to  whom  are  subject  the 
few  faithful  of  their  rites  present  in  the  city.  The 
Calliolic  Greeks,  few  in  number  as  yet,  are  subject  to 
the  .\pos((ilie  delegate;  they  have  two  parishes,  at 
Kouni-Ka|inu  (Stamboul)  and  Kadi-Keui,  conducted 
by  the  Assuinptionists,  and  a  mission  at  Pera,  con- 
d'ucted  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Trinity.  The 
former  have  also  missions  for  the  Greeks  at  CiEsarea 
in  Cappadocia  and  at  Peraraos  in  the  Peninsula  of 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


;]()7 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Cyzicus;  the  latter  at  Malgara  and  Daoudili  in  Thrace. 
The  Catholic  Bulgarians  have  at  Galata  their  arch- 
bishop and  one  priest.  The  Catholic  (ienrsjians  are 
few  and  arc  subject  to  the  Apostolic  ilcli>i;ato;  most 
of  them  belong  to  the  Latin  or  the  .Vrmeiiian  Rite. 

The  Catholics  of  the  Latin  Rite,  as  already  staterl, 
are  ruled  by  an  Apostolic  vicar.  Though  a  titular  arch- 
bishop he  enjoys  ordinary  jurisdiction  and  since  1S68 
is  .\postolic  delegate  for  the  Catholics  of  Eastern 
Rites.  He  resides  at  Pancaldi  and  has  there  his  pro- 
cathedral.  His  authority  is  not  acknowledged  by  the 
Sublime  Porte  and  he  is  obliged  to  use  the  French 
embassy  in  his  relations  with  the  Turkish  Govern- 
nuiit.  The  limits  of  his  vicariate  are:  in  Europe  the 
Vii-:iriate  of  Sofia,  the  Archdioceses  of  Uscub  and 
Durazzo,  and  the  Apostolic  Delegation  of  Athens ;  in 
Asia,  the  Diocese  of  Tiraspol,  the  Apostolic  Delega- 
tions of  Mesopotamia  and  Aleppo,  and  the  Archbish- 
opric of  Smvrna.  The  Latin  Catholics  subject  to  him 
must  number  (1908)  between  .30,000  and  35,000, 
about  22,000  of  whom  are  at  Constantinople.  Other 
principal  centres  are,  in  Europe:  Salonica,  Gallipoli, 
Cavalla,  Monastir,  Rodosto,  Dede-Aghatch,  and 
Adrianople,  with  about  6000  souls;  in  Asia:  Brusa, 
Ismid,  Adampol,  Zongoul-Dagh,  Dardanelles,  Eski- 
Shehir,  Angora,  Trebizond,  Sarasoun,  and  Erzeroum 
with  aboiit  3000  .souls.  Most  Latin  Catholics  are  of 
foreign  nationalities  and  come  from  Greece,  Italy, 
France,  Austria,  etc. 

Almost  all  the  religious  works  of  the  Apostolic  vi- 
cariate are  conducted  by  religious  orders  or  congrega- 
tions. The  secular  clergy  counts  only  about  ten 
members;  they  possess  the  two  parishes  of  Pancaldi 
(pro-cathedral)  and  the  Dardanelles.  There  are  four- 
teen parishes  (five  principal)  in  Constantinople  and 
ts  suburbs.  Outside  the  capital,  the  vicariate  com- 
orises  7  other  parishes  and  23  missionary  stations. 
There  are  .several  seminaries,  but  none  for  the  vicari- 
ite  itself:  a  Greek  preparatory  seminary  at  Koum- 
Kapou  (Stamboul),  a  Bulgarian  preparatory  semin- 
iry  at  Kara-.\ghatch  (Adrianople),  a  Greek-Bulga- 
•ian  theological  seminary  at  Kadi-Keui,  conducted 
jy  the  Assumptionists,  with  respectively  30,  35,  and 
10  pupils;  the  Eastern  Seminary,  preparatory  and 
lu'dlogical,  founded  at  Pera  in  1889  by  French  Capu- 
'hiiis  for  Latin  and  Eastern  Rite  pupils  of  every  East- 
■rn  diocese,  with  45  to  50  pupils;  the  preparatory 
>eraphic  Seminary  conducted  since  1894  at  >San  Stef- 
ino  by  Austrian  Capuchins,  30  pupils;  a  Bulgarian 
preparatory  and  theological  seminary  at  Zeitenlik 
Salonica),  conducted  by  the  Lazarists,  58  pupils. 
I'iiglity  elementary  or  middle  schools  are  conducted 
ly  the  aforesaid  religious  congregations.  There  are 
'4  (.rimarv  and  boarding  schools,  for  boys  or  girls, 
vith  1 1 , 41)0  inipils  (7030  girls  and  4.370  boys),  6  (prop- 
rlv  <..  i:dliMl)  colleges  for  boys  with  1410  pupils  and  a 
1'  irial  institute.  Moreover,  600  male  and  fe- 
i|ihans  are  trained  in  6  orphanages.  A  profe.s- 
-rliool  has  just  been  founded.  More  than  half 
'■  .schools  arc  situated  in  Constantinople  or  its 
-:.  Many  of  the  pupils  are  not  Catholics,  and 
are  MiLssulmans  or  Jews.  There  is  at  Feri- 
\>'u  a  large  and  beautiful  cemetery. 

Catholic  Order.s  and  Congregations. — Orders 
'I  Men. — Augustinians  of  the  .\ssumption,  13  resi- 
lences,  51  priests  (including  6  of  Greek  and  6  of  Slav 
lite),  and  28  .students  or  lay  brothers,  3  .seminaries, 
•  parishes,  7  schools.  French  Capuchins,  2  residences, 
•9  monks  (25  students  and  10  lay  brothers).  1  .semi- 
lary,  1  scholasticate,  and  the  church  of  St.  Louis, 
larish  of  the  French  embassy.  Austrian  Capuchins, 
I  residence,  with  1  pari.sh.  1  .seminarj'  and  1  novitiate, 
10  monks.  Italian  Capuchins,  3  residences,  8  priests. 
Hid  4  lay  brothers.  Conventuals,  6  residences,  5 
jarishes,  2 1  priests,  and  10  lay  brothers.  Franciscans, 
1  residences,  2  parishefi,  with  10  priests  and  6  lay 
arothers.     Dominicans,    3    residences,    1    parish,    9 


priests,  and  3  lay  brothers.  Georgian  Benedictines  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception,  3  residences,  2  parishes 
1  school,  with  1 3  religious  (2  priests  of  Georgian  Rite). 
Jesuits,  ()  residences,  42  religious,  about  20  priests,  9 
schools.  .Austrian  Lazarists,  1  residence,  1  college, 
12  religious.  French  Lazarists,  7  residences,  71  re- 
ligious (5()  priests),  2  colleges,  1  .seminary,  several 
schools,  1  parish.  Greek  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Trinity 
of  Pera,  3  residences,  6  priests,  3  schools.  Polish 
Resurrectionists,  3  residences,  about  30  religious  (12 
priests,  several  of  the  Slav  Rite),  1  college.  Brothers 
of  the  Christian  Schools,  150  brothers,  10  residences, 
1  college,  1  commercial  and  10  elementary  schools. 
Brothers  of  Ploermel,  10  brothers,  aiding  the  Assump- 
tionists in  their  schools.  Marist  Brothers,  8  resi- 
dences, 4  schools,  46  brothers,  aid  other  religious 
in  4  more  schools.  Italian  Salesians  of  Dom  Bosco, 
1  technical  school. 

Orders  of  Women. — Carmelites,  6  nuns.  Dominican 
Sisters  of  Mondovf,  2  schools,  14  nuns.  Sisters  of 
Charity,  17  establishments,  210  nuns;  they  conduct 
among  others  three  Turkish  hospitals,  the  Persian, 
French,  Italian,  and  Austrian  hospitals,  2  asylums, 
7  orphanages,  13  schools.  Franciscan  Sisters  of 
Calais,  1  residence,  10  sisters  for  care  of  sick  people 
at  home.  Franciscan  Sisters  of  Gemona  (Italy),  4 
residences,  30  sisters,  5  schools.  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception  of  Ivrea  (Italy),  3  residences, 
.35  sisters,  1  hospital,  2  schools.  Sisters  of  the  Im- 
maculate Conception  of  Lourdes,  1  residence,  14 
sisters,  for  the  adoration  of  the  Most  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment and  care  of  sick  people.  Oblates  of  the  Assump- 
tion, 8  residences,  94  sisters,  7  schools,  1  hospital,  1 
novitiate  for  native  girls.  Oblates  of  the  Assumption 
of  Nimes,  15  sisters,  3  schools.  Little  Sisters  of  the 
Poor,  1  asylum,  16  sisters.  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of 
the  Apparition,  2  residences,  30  sisters,  2  schools. 
Sisteis  of  St.  Joseph  of  Lyons,  3  residences,  39  sisters, 
3  schools,  1  hospital.  Sisters  of  Our  Lady  of  Sion, 
120  sisters,  2  residences,  2  boarding,  and  2  elementary 
schools.  Georgian  Servants  of  Our  Lady,  2  resi- 
dences, 2  schools,  15  sisters.  Bulgarian  Eucharistine 
Sisters,  5  residences  with  schools,  30  sisters.  Resur- 
rectionist Sisters,  5  sisters,  1  school.  Missionary  Sis- 
ters of  the  Most  Holy  Heart  of  Mary,  8  sisters,  1 
hospital.  Most  of  these  residences  have  dispensaries, 
with  a  physician,  where  remedies  are  supplied 
gratuitously  to  the  poor.  To  the  works  of  these 
congregations  must  be  added  pious  works  conducted 
by  lay  persons:  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Conferences  (6  at 
Constantinople) ;  the  Sympnia,  an  association  which 
conducts  a  school  for  Catholic  Hellenes,  with  90 
pupils,  various  associations  and  brotherhoods,  etc. 

The  Christian  City. — Cousin,  Hutoire  de  Corustanlinople 
drpuis  Jiislinien  jusqu'a  la  fin  de  Vempire  (8  vol.s.,  Paris,  1071- 
1674);  HuTTON,  Cori.ilantinople  (London,  1900);  Barth,  Con- 
stantinople (Pans,  1903);  Do  Cange,  Constantinopolis  chris- 
tian/i  in  De  Byzantin(r  historice  scriptoribus  (Paris,  1687), 
XXII;  B.VNDURI,  Imperium  orientate  sive  antiquitate,';  Constan- 
tinopolitana  (2  vol.  fol.,  Venice,  1729);  Mordtmann,  Esquvise 
topofiraphique  de  Constantinople  (Lille,  1892);  von  Hammer, 
Constantinopolis  xtiul  dcr  Bosporos  (Budapest,  1822);  Byzan- 
Tios.  Constantinople  (Greek,  Athens,  1851);  Constantios, 
Constant inintle  on  description  de  Constantinople  ancienne  et 
morlrme  (Constantinople,  1846);  Richter,  Quellen  der  bi/zan- 
tinischen  Kun.^tgeschichtc  (Vienna.  1897);  Gedeon,  Constanti- 
?u>ple  in  BoUTYRAS  (Greek).  Dictionary  of  History  and  Geo- 
graphy (Constantinople,  1881),  III,  929-1121;  Riant^  Exuvia 
saCTCE  Constantinopolilanfr  (Geneva,  1877);  Bouvy,  .Souvenirs 
chrrlieru^  de  Constantinople  (Paris,  1896):  Ccperdb,  Tractatus 
prtrliminaris  de  pntriarchis  Constantinopolitanis  in  Acta  SS., 
ed.  Palme,  Auensl,  I,  vi-ix,  1-272;  Lequien,  Orims  chris- 
tianiis  (Paris,  1740),  I.  1-350,  III.  793-836;  Gedeon,  Ilarpiop- 
XtKOi  TTtVoitfs  (Constantinople,  1887). 

SiE<iE3  OF  Constantinople. — Gerland,  Geschichte  des 
lateinifchen  KautrrreicJie^  von  Kon-tlanlinopel  (Hamburg,  1904); 
Krathe,  Die  Erobrrun^en  von  Konslantinopel  im  13.  und  l.'>. 
JahrhiimlrrI  (Halle,  18.50);  Pear-i.  The  Fall  of  Constantinople, 
bring  the  Stan/  of  the  Fourth  Crusade  (London,  1885);  Idem, 
The  Dr.ilrurJion  of  the  Greek  Empire  and  the  Story  of  the  Capture 
of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks  (London.  1903);  Stamatiades, 
flislory  of  the  Capture  of  Byzantium  by  the  Franks  and  of  Their 
Domiruttion  (Greek,  Athens,  1885);  Kai.ligab,  Essays  on 
Byzantine  History  from  the  Former  to  the  Latter  Capture  of  Con- 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


308 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


elantinople  (Greek,  Athens,  1894);  Vlasto,  Les  derniers  jours 
de  CoTvstanlinople  en  llti3  (Paris,  18S3);  PonjouLAT,  Hislom 
dr  la  congiiete  el  de  I'occupation  de  Constantinople  par  les  Latins 
(Tours.  1855):  D'Odtremann,  ConsUintinopolis  Bdgica  sive  de 
rebus  gestis  a  Balduino  et  Henrico,  imperatoribus  Constantino- 
polis  (Toumai,  1643);  Mordtmann,  Belayerung  und  Eroberung 
Konstantinopels  durch  die  Turken  im  Jahre  lioS  (Stuttgart, 
1858);  Vast,  Le  siege  et  la  prise  de  Constantinople  d'aprks  des 
documents  nouveaux  in  Reme  historique.  XIII.  1-40. 

Modern  Reugious  Statistics. — Vailhe,  Constantinople 
in  Diet  de  thiol,  calh..  Ill,  1307-1519;  Cuinet,  La  Turquie 
d'Asie  (Paris.  1894),  IV,  589-705;  .)/i,s.siun,,s  ailholicw  (Rome, 
1907),  pp.  137-140;  Piolet,  Les  nux-uu:-  c,itl,,,ligues  franfaises 
au  X/A'«  sHcle.  I,  39-142,  149-1.S4;  Bii.in.  Histoire  de  la 
Latinite  de  Constantinople  (Paris,  I9U4  i;  lliniui;  in;  Baran- 
ton.  La  France  catholique  en  Orient  (Pari-,  1'mij  ;  \iin,ni'ich  rt 
r usage  des  families  catholiques  de  Con  ('i/!'  '  I'"'!     l'M)6). 

For   extensive    bibliographies    see:     (iii       i;  -    :''-bibl. 

(Montbffiard,  1904),  I,  780-787;    Km  mim :.  '/      '   .hi,-  dcr 

byzantinischen  LiUeratur  (Uunich.  1.S97),  106S-1144;  Vaiuie 
in  Did.  de  theol.  calh.,  111,1515-1519. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Constantinople,  Councils  op. — A.  Gener.vl 
Cou.sciLS. — Four  general  councils  of  the  Church  were 
held  in  this  city. 

I.  The  First  Council  of  Constantinople  (Second 
General  Council)  was  called  in  May,  381,  by  Emperor 
Theodosius,  to  provide  for  a  Catholic  succession  in  the 
patriarchal  See  of  Constantinople,  to  confirm  the  Ni- 
cene  Faith,  to  reconcile  the  Semi-Arians  with  the 
Church,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  Macedonian  heresy. 
Originally  it  was  only  a  council  of  the  Orient ;  the  ar- 
guments of  Baronius  (ad  an.  381,  nos.  19,  20)  to  prove 
that  it  was  called  by  Pope  Damasus  are  invalid  (He- 
fele-Leclercq,  Hist,  des  Conciles,  Paris,  1908,  II,  4). 
It  was  attended  by  150  Catholic  and  36  heretical 
(Semi-Arian,  Macedonian)  bishops,  and  was  presided 
over  by  Meletius  of  Antioch;  after  his  death,  by  the 
successive  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen  and  Nectarius.  Its  first  measure  w'as  to 
confirm  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  as  Bishop  of  Constanti- 
nople. The  Acts  "of  the  council  have  almost  entirely 
disappeared,  and  its  proceedings  are  known  chieflj' 
through  the  accounts  of  the  ecclesiastical  historians 
Socrates,  Sozomen,  and  Theodoret.  There  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  it  drew  up  a  formal  treatise 
(tonios)  on  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  also 
against  ApoUinarianism ;  this  important  document  has 
been  lost,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  canon  of  the 
council  and  its  famous  creed  (Nicieno-Constantino- 
politanum).  The  latter  is  traditionally  held  to  be  an 
enlargement  of  the  Nicene  Creed,  with  emphasis  on 
the  Divinity  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  It  seems,  however, 
to  be  of  earlier  origin,  and  was  probably  composed 
(369-73)  bv  St.  CjTil  of  Jerusalem  as  an  cxi.ression  of 
the  faith  of  that  Church  (Bois),  thougli  its  a.ln|,tion  by 
this  council  gave  it  special  authority,  Imtli  as  a  li:iptis- 
mal  creed  and  as  a  theological  formula.  Recently 
Harnack  (Realencyklopadie  fur  prot.  Theol.  und 
Kirche,  3rd  ed.,  XI,  12-28)  has  maintained,  on  ap- 
parently inconclusive  grounds,  that  not  till  after  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon  (451)  was  this  creed  (a  Jerusa- 
lem formula  with  Nicene  additions)  attributed  to  the 
Fathers  of  this  council.  At  Chalcedon,  indeed,  it  was 
twice  recited  and  appears  twice  in  the  Acts  of  that 
council;  it  was  also  read  and  accepted  at  the  Sixth 
General  Council,  held  at  Constantinople  in  680  (see 
below).  The  very  ancient  Latin  version  of  its  text 
(Mansi,  Coll.  Cone,  III,  567)  is  by  Dionysius  Exiguus. 
The  Greeks  recognize  seven  canons,  but  the  oldest 
Latin  versions  have  only  four;  the  other  three  are 
very  probably  (Hefele)  later  additions.  The  first 
canon  is  an  important  dogmatic  condemnation  of  all 
shades  of  Arianism,  also  of  Macedonianism  and  Apol- 
linarianism.  The  second  canon  renews  the  Nicene 
legislation  imposing  upon  the  bishops  the  observance 
of  diocesan  and  patriarchal  limits.  The  fourth  canon 
declares  invalid  the  consecration  of  Maximus,  the 
Cynic  philosopher  and  rival  of  St.  Gregorj'  of  Nazian- 
zus,  !is  Bi.shop  of  Constantinople.  The  famous  third 
canon  declares  that  because  Constantinople  is  New 


Rome  the  bishop  of  that  city  should  have  a  pre-emi- 
nence of  honour  after  the  Bishop  of  Old  Rome.  Bar- 
onius wrongly  maintained  the  non-authenticit,\-  of 
this  canon,  while  some  medieval  Greeks  maintaimd 
(an  equally  erroneous  thesis)  that  it  declared  the 
bishop  of  the  royal  city  in  all  things  the  equal  of  the 
pope.  The  purely  human  reason  of  Rome's  ancient 
authority,  suggested  by  this  canon,  was  never  ad- 
mitted by  the  Apostolic  See,  which  always  based  its 
claim  to  supremacy  on  the  succession  of  St.  Peter. 
Nor  did  Rome  easily  acknowledge  this  unjustifiable 
reordering  of  rank  among  the  ancient  patriarchates  of 
the  East.  It  was  rejected  by  the  papal  legates  at 
Chalcedon.  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Ep.  cvi  in  P.  L.,  LIV, 
1003,  1005)  declared  that  this  canon  had  never  been 
submitted  to  the  Apostolic  See  and  that  it  was  a  viola- 
tion of  the  Nicene  order.  At  the  Eighth  General 
Council  in  869  the  Roman  legates  (Mansi,  XVI,  174) 
acknowledged  Constantinople  as  second  in  patriarchal 
rank.  In  1215,  at  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (op. 
cit.,  XXII,  991),  this  was  fonnally  admitted  for  the 
new  Latin  patriarch,  and  in  1439,  at  the  Council  of 
Florence,  for  the  Greek  patriarch  (Hefele-Leclercq, 
Hist,  des  Conciles,  II,  25-27).  The  Roman  correctures 
of  Gratian  (1582),  at  dist.  xxii,  c.  3,  insert  the  words: 
"  canon  hie  ex  lis  est  quos  apostolica  Romana  sedes  a 
principio  et  longo  post  tempore  non  recipit." 

At  the  close  of  the  council  Emperor  Theodosius  is-| 
sued  an  unperial  decree  (.30  July)  declaring  that  the 
churches  should  be  restored  to  those  bishops  who  con- 
fessed the  equal  Divinity  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  who  held  communion  with  Nec- 
tarius of  Constantinople  and  other  important  Oriental 
prelates  whom  he  named.  The  oecumenical  character 
of  this  council  seems  to  date,  among  the  Greeks,  from 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  (451).  According  to  Pho- 
tius  (Mansi,  III,  596)  Pope  Damasus  approved  it,  but 
if  any  part  of  the  council  were  approved  by  this  pope 
it  could  have  been  only  the  aforesaid  creed.  In  the 
latter  half  of  the  fifth  century  the  successors  of  Leo 
the  Great  are  silent  as  to  this  council.  Its  mention  in 
the  so-called  "Decretum  Gelasii",  towards  the  enil  of 
the  fifth  century,  is  not  orginal  but  a  later  insertion  in 
that  text  (Hefele).  Gregory  the  Great,  following  the 
example  of  Vigilius  and  Pelagius  II,  recognized  it  as 
one  of  the  four  general  councils,  but  only  in  its  dog- 
matic utterances  (P.  G.,  LXXVII,  468,  893).  (See 
Semi-.\bianism;  Macedonians;  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
ANzus,   S.unt;    Leo   I,   Saint,   Pope;   Theodosius 

THE  GrE.\T. 

Hefele.  Conn'!'  i;  ?  ^  fFrciburg,  1875).  II,  1-33;  Eng.  tr. 
(Edinburgh,   lv7'  '.    M:    and  Leclercq's  Fr.  tr.    (Paris, 

1908).    II,    1-ls       ^        ^    iiiM.hr;    Burn,    Introduction    to    th< 

Creeds  and  Th,    1 .   I I  .  .i„lun,  1899);  HoRT,  Ttro  Dw.svr/a- 

tions,  etc.  (Lomlmi.  1,^70/:  U,  The  Constantinopolilan  Creed 
and  Other  Creeds  of  the  FourUi  Century  (London,  1876);  Bright, 
Canons  of  the  First  Four  General  Councils  (Oxford.  1S92); 
Bethune,  The  Homoousios  in  the  Constantinopolilan  Creed 
(London,  1905). 

II.  The  Second  Council  of  Constantinople 
(Fifth  General  Council)  was  held  at  Constantinople 
(5  May-2  June,  553),  having  been  called  by  Emperor 
Jfustinian.  It  was  attended  mostly  by  Oriental  bish- 
ops; only  six  Western  (African)  bishops  were  present. 
The  president  was  Eutychius,  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople. This  a.sseinbly  was  in  reality  only  the  hist 
pluuse  of  the  long  and  violent  conflict  inaugurated  by 
the  edict  of  Justinian  in  543  against  Origenism  (P.  (!., 
LXXXVI,  945-90").  The  emperor  was  persuaded 
that  Nestorianism  continued  to  draw  its  strength  from 
the  writings  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  (d.  42S\  Theo- 
doret of  Cyrus  (d.  457),  and  Ibas  of  Edessa  (d.  457). 
also  from  the  personal  esteem  in  which  the  first  twc 
of  these  ecclesiastical  writers  were  yet  held  by  many 
The  events  which  led  to  this  council  will  be  narr:itei; 
more  fully  in  the  articles  Vigilius,  Pope  and  in  Threb 
Chapters;  only  a  brief  account  will  be  given  here. 

From  25  Jan.,  547,  Pope  Vigilius  was  forcibly  de- 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


309 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


t  iiii.il  in  the  royal  city;  he  had  originally  refused  to 
I   1 1 1  icipatr  in  the  rondemnation  of  the  Three  Chapters 

I  liri<'f  .statcnuMUs  of  anathema  upon  Theodore  of 
M'  psuestia  and  liis  writings,  upon  Theodoret  of  Cyrus 
and  his  writings  against  St.  ('yril  of  Alexandria  and 
tl]''  Council  of  Ephesus,  and  upon  the  letter  written 
I IV  I  has  of  Edessa  to  Maris,  Bishop  of  Hardaschir  in 
I'.rsia).  Later  (by  his  "Judicatum",  11  April,  548) 
\  iL;ilius  had  condemned  the  Three  Chapters  (the  doc- 
tiiiir  in  question  being  really  censurable),  but  he  ex- 
I  iissly  maintained  the  authority  of  the  Council  of 
(  h.ilcedon  (451)  wherein  Theodoret  and  Ibas — but 
1 1 1  IT  the  condemnation  of  Nestorius — had  been  re- 
timed to  their  places;  in  the  West  much  discontent 
.\  IS  called  forth  by  this  step  which  seemed  a  weaken- 
iiiL,'  before  the  civil  power  in  purely  ecclesiastical 
ill  ii tore  and  an  injustice  to  men  long  dead  and  judged 
li  (!od;  it  was  all  the  more  objectionable  ;is  the 
W  I  stern  mind  had  no  accurate  knowledge  of  the  theo- 
I'li-^ical  situation  among  the  Greeks  of  that  day.  In 
ninsi'quence  of  this  Vigilius  had  persuaded  Justinian 
III  ri'turn  the  aforesaid  papal  document  and  to  pro- 
(  I  iiin  a  truce  on  all  sides  until  a  general  council  could 
III  called  to  decide  these  controversies.  Both  the 
1  Mipcror  and  the  Greek  bishops  violated  this  promise 
III  neutrality;  the  former,  in  particular,  publishing 
I'l.'il)  his  famous  edict,  'Ofw\oyia  ttjs  Ttareuis,  con- 
di  liming  anew  the  Three  Chapters,  and  refusing  to 
« iilidraw  the  same. 

I'or  his  dignified  protest  Vigilius  thereupon  suffered 
\,iiious  personal  indignities  at  the  hands  of  the  civil 
niilhority  and  nearly  lost  Ids  life;  he  retired  finally 
1 1 .  <  lialcedon,  in  the  very  church  of  St.  Euphemia 
where  the  great  council  had  been  held,  whence  he 
inliunied  the  Christian  world  of  the  state  of  affairs. 
Si  "III  the  Oriental  bishops  sought  reconciliation  with 
liiiii,  induced  him  to  return  to  the  city,  and  withdrew 
III  I  tliat  had  hitherto  been  done  against  the  Three 
(  luipters;  the  new  patriarch,  Eutychius,  successor 
III  -\I('nna.s,  whose  weakness  and  subserviency  were 
I  lie  immediate  cause  of  all  this  violence  and  confusion, 
|iiesiTited  (6  Jan.,  553)  his  profession  of  faith  to 
\  luilius  and,  in  union  with  other  Oriental  bishops. 
Hired  the  calling  of  a  general  council  under  the  presi- 
1 1 1  1 1  c  y  of  the  pope.  Vigilius  was  willing,  but  proposed 
'I  it  it  should  be  held  either  m  Italy  or  in  Sicily,  in 
iinler  to  secure  the  attendance  of  Western  bishops. 
ill  tliis  Justinian  would  not  agree,  but  proposed, 
iieteail,  a  kind  of  commission  made  up  of  delegates 
fi'iiii  each  of  the  great  patriarchates;  Vigilius  sug- 
u'  -led  that  an  equal  number  be  chosen  from  the  East 
iiid  the  West;  but  this  was  not  acceptable  to  the 
emperor,  who  thereupon  opened  the  council  by  his 
I  \Mi  authority  on  the  date  and  in  the  manner  men- 
1 II  lied  above.     Vigilius   refused  to  participate,   not 

!\-  on  account  of  the  overwhelming  proportion  of 

I  iital  bishops,  but  also  from  fear  of  violence;  more- 

1,  none  of  his  predecessors  had  ever  taken  part 

I  i-iinally  in  an  Oriental  council.     To  this  decision 

ill'  was  faithful,  though  he  expressed  his  willingness 

111  eive  an  independent  judgment  on  the  matters  at 

i--iie.     Eight  sessions  were  held,  the  result  of  which 

■^  IS  the  final  condemnation  of  the  Three  Chapters  by 

tlie  1(J5  bishops  present  at  the  last  session  (2  June, 

''".'.  in  fourteen  anathematisms  similar  to  the  thir- 

previously  issued  by  Justinian. 

'■  I  the  meantime  Vigilius  had  sent  to  the  emperor 

'•  May)  a  document  known  as  the  first  "Constitu- 
I  '  (Mansi,  IX,  61-lOG),  signed  by  himself  and 
I  en,   mostly    Western,   bishops,   in   which   sixty 

•  11  lical  propositions  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  were 
enridemned,  and,  in  five  anathematisms,  his  ChrLsto- 
leeical  teachings  repudiated;   it  was  forbidden,  how- 

•  '  r  to  condemn  his  person,  or  to  proceed  further  in 

lemnation  of  the  writings  or  the  person  of  Theo- 

I.  or  of  the  letter  of  Ibas.     It  seemed  indeed, 

.    ler  the  circumstances,  no  easy  task  to  denounce 


fittingly  the  certain  errors  of  the  great  .\ntiochene 
theologian  and  his  followers  and  yet  uphold  the  repu- 
tation and  authority  of  the  Council  of  Cliiilcedon, 
which  had  been  content  with  obtaining  the  essentials 
of  submission  from  all  sympathizers  with  Nestorius, 
but  for  that  very  reason  had  never  been  forgiven  by 
the  Monophysite  opponents  of  Nestorius  and  his 
heresy,  who  were  now  in  league  with  the  niunerous 
enemies  of  Origen,  and  until  the  death  (548)  of  Theo- 
dora had  enjoyed  the  support  of  that  influential 
einpress. 

The  decisions  of  the  council  were  executed  with  a 
violence  in  keeping  with  its  conduct,  though  the 
ardently  hoped-for  reconciliation  of  the  Monophysites 
did  not  follow.  Vigilius,  together  with  other  oppo- 
nents of  the  imperial  will,  as  registered  by  the  subser- 
vient court-prelates,  seems  to  have  been  banished 
(Hefele,  II,  905),  together  with  the  faithful  bishops 
and  ecclesiastics  of  his  suite,  either  to  Upper  Egypt 
or  to  an  island  in  the  Propontis.  Already  in  the 
seventh  session  of  the  council  Justinian  caused  the 
name  of  Vigilius  to  be  stricken  from  the  diptychs, 
without  prejudice,  however,  it  was  said,  to  com- 
munion with  the  Apostolic  See.  Soon  the  Roman 
clergy  and  people,  now  freed  by  Narses  from  the 
Gothic  yoke,  requested  the  emperor  to  permit  the 
return  of  the  pope,  which  Justinian  agreed  to  on 
condition  that  Vigilius  would  recognize  the  late  coun- 
cil. This  Vigilius  finally  agreed  to  do,  and  in  two 
documents  (a  letter  to  Eutychius  of  Constantinople, 
8  Dec,  553,  and  a  second  "  Constitutum "  of  23  Feb., 
554,  probably  addressed  to  the  Western  episcopate) 
condemned,  at  last,  the  Three  Chapters  (Mansi,  IX, 
414-20,  457-88;  ef.  Hefele,  II,  905-11),  indepen- 
dently, however,  and  without  mention  of  the  council. 
His  opposition  had  never  been  based  on  doctrinal 
grounds  but  on  the  decency  and  opportuneness  of  the 
measures  proposed,  the  wrongful  imperial  violence, 
and  a  delicate  fear  of  injury  to  the  authority  of  the 
Council  of  Chalcedon,  especially  in  the  West.  Here, 
indeed,  despite  the  additional  recognition  of  it  by 
Pelagius  I  (555-00),  the  Fifth  General  Council  only 
gradually  acquired  in  public  opinion  an  oecumenical 
character.  In  Northern  Italy  the  ecclesiastical  prov- 
inces of  Milan  and  Aquileia  broke  off  conununion  with 
the  Apostolic  See;  the  former  yielding  only  towards 
the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  whereas  the  latter 
(Aquileia-Grado)  protracted  its  resistance  to  about 
700  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  II,  911-27).  (For  an  ecjuitable 
appreciation  of  the  conduct  of  Vigilius  see,  besides  the 
article  Vigilius,  the  judgment  of  Bois,  in  Diet,  de 
thtol.  cath.,  II,  12.38-.39.)  The  pope  was  always 
correct  as  to  the  doctrine  involved,  and  yielded,  for 
the  sake  of  peace,  only  when  he  was  satisfied  that  there 
was  no  fear  for  the  authority  of  Chalcedon,  which  he 
at  first,  with  the  entire  West,  deemed  in  peril  from 
the  machinations  of  the  Monophysites. 

The  original  Greek  Acts  of  the  council  are  lost, 
but  there  is  extant  a  very  old  Latin  version,  probably 
contemporary  and  made  for  the  use  of  Vigilius,  cer- 
tainly quoted  by  his  successor  Pelagius  I.  The  Baluze 
edition  is  reprinted  in  Mansi,  "Coll.  Cone.",  IX,  163 
sqq.  In  the  next  General  Council  of  Constantinople 
(680)  it  was  found  that  the  original  Acts  of  the  Fifth 
Council  had  been  tampered  with  (Hefele,  op.  cit.,  II, 
855-58)  in  favour  of  Monothelism;  nor  is  it  certain 
that  in  their  present  shape  we  have  them  in  their 
original  completeness  (ibid.,  pp.  859-60).  This  has 
a  bearing  on  the  much  disputed  question  concerning 
the  condemnation  of  Origenism  at  this  council. 
Hefele,  moved  by  the  antiquity  and  persistency  of 
the  reports  of  Origen's  condemnation,  maintains  (p. 
801)  with  Cardinal  Noris,  that  in  it  Origen  was  con- 
demned, but  only  en  passant,  and  that  his  name  in  the 
eleventh  anathema  is  not  an  interpolation. 

The  chief  sources  are  the  writings  of  tlie  contempor.iry  West- 
ern (African)  Facu.ndus  of  Hermiane,  Pro  defcns,  trium  capit.; 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


310 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Liber  contra  Midianum:  and  Episl.  fulei  cath. — all  in  P.  L., 
LXVII,  527  sqq.;  and  the  Carthaginian  deacon  Fulgentius 
Febrandos,  EpM.  ad  Pelagium  el  Analol.  in  P.  L.,  LXVII, 
921  sqq-  See  Punkes,  Papst  VigiUn-  nh'I  ./.  *  Dnikapiielstreit 
(Munich,  1861);  Vincenzi,  In  S.  <;-.»  A  /  .'  Ongen.  scripla 
cl  dodr.  nova  recensio,  cum.  appcnl  •/■  "rd  \',irum.  concilii 
(Rome,  1865):  Duchesne.  Vigih  ft  /•././.;.  m  h',  riie  des  qucsl. 
hist.  (Louvain.  1884),  XXXVI,  SBU,  wilh  reply  of  Chamabd, 
ibid.,  XXXVII,  540,  and  the  counter-reply  of  Duchesne,  ibid., 
579;  LtvEQUE,  Etude  sur  le  pape  Vigilc  (Amiens,  1887); 
Knecht,  Die  Religionspolitik  Kaiser  Justinians  I.  (Wurzburg, 
1896):  DiEKAMP,  Die  origenistischen  Streitigkeiten  im  VI.  Jahr' 
hundert  (Munster,  1899). 

III.  The  Third  Council  op  Const.^ntinople 
(Sixth  General  Council)  wa.s  summoned  in  678  by  Em- 
peror Constantine  Pogonatu.s,  with  a  view  of  re.storing 
between  East  and  West  the  religious  harmony  that 
had  been  troubled  by  the  Monothelistic  controversies, 
and  particularly  by  the  violence  of  his  predecessor 
Constans  II,  whose  imperial  edict,  known  as  the  "Ty- 
pus"  (648-49)  was  a  practical  suppression  of  the  or- 
thodox truth.  Owing  to  the  desire  of  Pope  Agatho  to 
obtain  the  adhesion  of  his  Western  brethren,  the  papal 
legates  did  not  arrive  at  Constantinople  until  late  in 
680.  The  council,  attended  in  the  beginning  by  100 
bishops,  later  by  174,  was  opened  7  Nov.,  680,  in  a 
domed  hall  (trullus)  of  the  imperial  palace  and  was 
presided  over  by  the  (three)  papal  legates  who  brought 
to  the  council  a  long  dogmatic  letter  of  Pope  Agatho 
and  another  of  similar  import  from  a  Roman  synod 
held  in  the  spring  of  680.  They  were  read  in  the  sec- 
ond session.  Both  letters,  the  pope's  in  particular, 
insist  on  the  faith  of  the  Apostolic  See  as  the  living  and 
stainless  tradition  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ ,  assured  by 
the  promises  of  Christ,  witnessed  by  all  the  popes  in 
their  capacity  of  successors  to  the  Petrine  privilege  of 
confirming  the  brethren,  and  therefore  finally  authori- 
tative for  the  Universal  Church. 

The  greater  part  of  the  eighteen  sessions  was  de- 
voted to  an  examination  of  the  Scriptural  and  patris- 
tic passages  bearing  on  the  question  of  one  or  two 
wills,  one  or  two  operations,  in  Christ.  George,  Patri- 
arch of  Constantinople,  soon  yielded  to  the  evidence 
of  the  orthodox  teaching  concerning  the  two  wills  and 
two  operations  in  Christ,  but  Macarius  of  Antioch, 
"almost  the  only  certain  representative  of  Monothel- 
ism  since  the  nine  propositions  of  Cyrus  of  Alexan- 
dria" (Chapman),  resisted  to  the  end,  and  was  finally 
anathematized  and  deposed  for  "not  consenting  to  the 
tenor  of  the  orthodox  letters  sent  by  Agatho  the  most 
holy  pope  of  Rome",  i.  e.,  that  in  each  of  the  two  na- 
tures (human  and  Divine)  of  Christ  there  is  a  perfect 
operation  and  a  perfect  will,  against  which  the  Mono- 
thelites  had  taught  that  there  was  but  one  operation 
and  one  will  (/xia  iv4pyua.  OeavdpLK-/i)  quite  in  conso- 
nance with  the  Monophysite  confusion  of  the  two  na- 
tures in  Christ.  In  the  thirteenth  session  (28  March, 
681)  after  anathematizing  the  chief  Monothelite  here- 
tics mentioned  in  the  aforesaid  letter  of  Pope  Agatho, 
i.  e.  Sergius  of  Constantinople,  Cyrus  of  Alexandria, 
Pyrrhus,  Paul,  and  Peter  of  Constantinople,  and  Theo- 
dore of  Pharan,  the  council  added:  "And  in  addition 
to  these  we  decide  that  Honorius  also,  who  was  Pope 
of  Elder  Rome,  be  with  them  cast  out  of  the  Holy 
(Jhurch  of  God,  and  be  anathematized  with  them,  be- 
cause we  have  fovmd  by  his  letter  to  Sergius  that  he 
followed  his  opinion  in  all  things  and  confirmed  his 
wicked  dogmas."  A  similar  condemnation  of  Pope 
Honorius  occurs  in  the  dogmatic  decree  of  the  final 
session  (16  Sept.,  681),  which  was  signed  by  the  legates 
and  the  emperor.  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  fa- 
mous letter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius  of  Constantinople 
about  634,  around  which  has  arisen  (especially  before 
and  during  the  Vatican  Council)  so  large  a  controver- 
sial literature.  It  had  been  invoked  three  times  in 
previous  sessions  of  the  council  in  question  by  the 
stubborn  Monothelite  Macarius  of  Antioch,  and  had 
been  pviblicly  read  in  the  twelfth  session  together  with 
the  letter  of  Sergivis  to  which  it  replied.  On  that  oc- 
casion a  second  U'tter  of  Honorius  to  Sergius  was  also 


read,  of  which  only  a  fragment  has  survived.  (For 
the  question  of  this  pope's  orthodoxy,  see  Honorius 
I;  Infallibility;  Monothelites.) 

There  has  been  in  tlie  past,  owing  to  GalUcanism 
and  the  opponents  of  papal  infallibility,  much  con- 
troversy concerning  the  proper  sense  of  this  council's 
condemnation  of  Pope  Honorius,  the  theory  (Baro- 
nius,  Damberger)  of  a  falsification  of  the  Acts  being 
now  quite  abandoned  (Hefele,  III,  299-313).  Some 
have  maintained,  with  Pennacchi,  that  he  was  indeed 
condenmed  as  a  heretic,  but  that  the  Oriental  bishops 
of  the  council  misunderstood  the  thoroughly  orthodox 
(and  dogmatic)  letter  of  Honorius;  others,  with  He- 
fele, that  the  council  condemned  the  heretically 
sounding  expressions  of  the  pope  (though  his  doctrine 
was  really  orthodox);  others  finally,  with  Chapman 
(see  below),  that  he  was  condemned  "because  he  did 
not,  as  he  should  have  done,  declare  authoritatively 
the  Petrine  tradition  of  the  Roman  Church.  To  that 
tradition  he  had  made  no  appeal  but  had  merely  ap- 
proved and  enlarged  upon  the  half-hearted  compro- 
mise of  Sergius.  .  .  .  Neither  the  pope  nor  the  coun- 
cil consider  that  Honorius  had  compromised  the  purity 
of  the  Roman  tradition,  for  he  had  never  claimed  to 
represent  it.  Therefore,  just  as  to-day  we  judge  the 
letters  of  Pope  Honorius  by  the  Vatican  definition  and 
deny  them  to  be  ex  cathedrd,  because  they  do  not  de- 
fine any  doctrine  and  impose  it  upon  the  whole  Church, 
so  the  Cliristians  of  the  seventh  century  judged  the 
same  letters  by  the  custom  of  their  day,  and  saw  that 
they  did  not  claim  what  papal  letters  were  wont  to 
claim,  viz.,  to  speak  with  the  mouth  of  Peter  in  the 
name  of  Roman  tradition"  (Chapman). 

The  letter  of  the  council  to  Pope  Leo,  asking,  after 
the  traditional  manner,  for  confiniiation  of  its  Acts, 
while  including  again  the  name  of  Honorius  among  the 
condemned  Monothelites,  lays  a  remarkable  stress  on 
the  magisterial  office  of  the  Roman  Church,  as,  in  gen- 
eral, the  documents  of  the  Sixth  General  Council  fa- 
vour strongly  the  inerrancy  of  the  See  of  Peter.  "  The 
Council",  says  Dom  Chapman,  "accepts  the  letter  in 
which  the  Pope  defined  the  faith.  It  deposes  those 
who  refused  to  accept  it.  It  asks  [the  pope]  to  con- 
firm its  decisions.  "The  Bishops  and  Emperor  declare 
that  they  have  seen  the  letter  to  contain  the  doctrine 
of  the  Fathers.  Agatho  speaks  with  the  voice  of  Pe- 
ter himself ;  from  Rome  the  law  had  gone  forth  as  out 
of  Sion;  Peter  had  kept  the  faith  unaltered."  Pope 
Agatho  died  during  the  council  and  was  succeeded  by 
Leo  II,  who  confirmed  (683)  the  decrees  against  Mono- 
thelism,  and  expressed  himself  even  more  harshly  than 
the  council  towards  the  memory  of  Honorius  (Hefele, 
Chapman),  though  he  laid  stress  chiefly  on  the  neglect 
of  that  pope  to  set  forth  the  traditional  teaching  of  the 
Apostolic  See,  whose  spotless  faith  he  treasonably 
tried  to  overthrow  (or,  as  the  Greek  may  be  trans- 
lated, permitted  to  be  overthrown). 

The  .Vets  of  the  Council  are  in  the  eleventh  volume  of  Mansi, 
Coll.  Cone.  The  most  complete  presentation  of  its  history  is  in 
Hefele,  Concitiengeschichle  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg,  1877),  III. 
249-313.  see  also  the  Enghsh  tr.  (Edinburgh,  1876 — ),  and  for 
the  later  bibliography  the  French  tr.  of  Leclercq  (Paris 
1907);  ScHNEF.MAN,  Sludim  iiber  die  Ilonoriusfrage  (Frei- 
burg, 1864);  Pennacchi,  De  Honorii  I  Rom.  Ponlif.  causi  in 
Cone.  VI  (Rome,  1870>;  Hehgenrother-Kirsch,  Kirchen- 
otsch.  (4th  ed.,  Freiburg.  1904),  I,  633-38;  Marshall,  Hon- 
on'ii.-!  and  Libirius  in  Am.  Cath  Quarterly  Rer.  (Philadelphia, 
1S91\  XIX,  82-92;  BOTTALLA,  Pope  Honorius  before  the  Tribu- 
nal of  R,„x,.i!  „n.l  llisloni  (London,  1864);  Dollinger  (Old 
C:itlinli,  1,  F.,l,h  X  I.  i:  I  lino  the  Popes  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Ameri- 
c;in  f\  .if  the  l'.,!.:f[,,biln  (New  York,  1S72),  223-48;  Chap-. 
MAN.  Thr  C,,n,l,  mnaUon  of  Pope  Honorius  in  Dublin  Review  for' 
1UU7.  and  reprinted  by  the  London  Cath.  Truth  Society, 
1907;  tiRISAK  in  Kirchcnlez.,  VI,  230  sqq.  For  the  e.ttensiv 
Honorius  literature,  see  Chevauer,  Bio-bihl.,  s.v. 

IV.  The  Fourth  Council  of  Constantinoplb 
(Eighth  General  Council)  was  opened,  5  Oct.,  869,  in 
the  ('athedral  of  Saint  Sophia,  under  the  presidency  of 
the  legates  of  Adrian  II.  During  the  preceding  de- 
cade grave  irregularities  had  occurred  at  Constanti- 
nople, among  them  the  deposition  of  the  Patriarch 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


;5ii 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


I  L;natius  ami  tlie  intrusion  of  Photius,  whose  violent 
iMi;isures  against  the  Roman  Church  culminated  in 
i\io  attempted  deposition  (867)  of  Nicholas  I.  The 
.ncpssion  in  that  year  of  a  new  emperor,  Basil  the 
.Macedonian,  changed  the  situation,  political  and  ec- 
clesiastical. Photius  was  interned  in  a  monasterj-; 
Ignatius  was  recalled,  and  friendly  relations  were  rc- 
-unicd  with  the  Apostolic  See.  Both  Ignativis  and 
llasil  sent  representatives  to  Rome  asking  for  a  gen- 
'ial  council.  After  holding  a  Roman  synod  (June, 
Mill)  in  which  Photius  was  again  condemned,  the  pojje 
Milt  to  Constantinople  three  legates  to  preside  in  his 
name  over  the  council.  Besides  the  Patriarch  of  Con- 
!-iaiitinople  there  were  present  the  representatives  of 
(!n'  Patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem  and,  towards 
llic  end,  also  the  representatives  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Alixandria.  The  attendance  of  Ignatian  bishops  was 
-mall  enough  hi  the  beginning;  indeed  there  were 
iM  ver  more  than  102  bishops  present. 

riie  legates  were  asked  to  exhibit  their  commission, 
ivliich  they  did:  then  they  presented  to  the  members 
I  if  the  council  the  famous  formula  (libeUus)  of  Pope 
llnrmisdas  (514-23),  binding  its  signatories  "to  fol- 
ic iw  in  everything  the  Apostolic  See  of  Rome  and  teach 
all  its  laws  ...  in  which  communion  is  the  whole,  real, 
and  perfect  solidity  of  the  Christian  religion".  The 
I  ithers  of  the  council  were  required  to  sign  this  docu- 
nii  lit.  which  had  originally  been  drawn  up  to  close  the 
Aracian  schism.  The  earlier  sessions  were  occupied 
u  itli  the  reading  of  important  documents,  the  recon- 
I  liation  of  Ignatian  bishops  who  had  fallen  away  to 
I'liotius,  the  exclusion  of  some  Photian  prelates,  and 
ilie  refutation  of  the  false  statements  of  two  former 
I  ii\oys  of  Photius  to  Rome.  In  the  fifth  session  Pho- 
lius  him.self  unwillingly  appeared,  but  when  ques- 
liiiipd  observed  a  deep  silence  or  answered  only  in  a 
\<  w  brief  words,  pretending  blasphemously  to  imitate 
iIh'  attitude  and  speech  of  Christ  before  Caiphas  and 
I'ilate.  Through  his  representatives  he  was  given  an- 
"t her  hearing  in  the  next  session;  they  appealed  to  the 
c  iiions  as  above  the  ]iope.  In  the  seventh  .session  he 
a|i|.eared  again,  this  time  with  his  consecrator  George 
.Nsbestas.  They  ajipealed,  as  before,  to  the  ancient 
canons,  refused  to  recognize  the  presence  or  authority 
of  the  Roman  legates,  and  rejected  the  authority  of 
the  Roman  Church,  though  they  offered  to  render  an 
aifount  to  the  emperor.  As  Photius  would  not  re- 
ti'iimce  his  usurped  claim  and  recognize  the  rightful 
I  itriarch  Ignatius,  the  former  Roman  excommunica- 

I  lis  of  him  were  renewed  by  the  covmcil,  and  he  was 

I I  iiiished  to  a  monastery  on  the  Bosporus,  w-hence  he 
■  lid  not  cease  to  denounce  the  council  as  a  triumph  of 
lying  and  impiety,  and  by  a  ven,'  active  correspond- 
1  iice  kept  up  the  courage  of  his  followers,  until  in  877 
the  death  of  Ignatius  opened  the  way  for  his  return  to 
I  ■'  iwer.     Iconoclasm,  in  its  last  remnants,  and  the  in- 

■  f'Tcnce  of  the  civil  authority  in  ecclesiastical  affairs 

vr-  denounced  by  the  council.     The  tenth  and  last 

-ion  was  held  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor,  his 

son  Constantme,  the   Bulgarian   king,   Michael,  and 

the  ambassadors  of  Emperor  Louis  II. 

The  twenty-seven  canons  of  this  council  deal  partly 
with  the  situation  created  by  Photius  and  partly  with 
general  points  of  <liscipline  or  abuses.  The  decrees  of 
Nicholas  I  and  .\drian  II  against  Photius  and  in 
f  ivour  of  Ignatius  were  read  and  confirmed,  the  Pho- 
'111  clerics  deposed,  and  those  ordained  by  Photius 
r  luced  to  lay  communion.  Tlie  council  Issued  an 
Kncj'clical  to  all  the  faithful,  and  wrote  to  the  pope 
requesting  his  confinnation  of  its  Acts.  The  papal 
legates  signe<l  its  decrees,  but  with  reservation  of  the 
papal  action.  Mere,  for  the  first  time,  Rome  recog- 
nized the  ancient  claim  of  Constantinople  to  the  sec- 
ond place  among  the  five  great  patriarchates,  fireek 
pride,  however,  w.is  offended  by  the  compulsorj' 
signature  of  the  aforesaid  Roman  formulary  of  recon- 
ciliation, and  in  a  subsequent  conference  of  Greek 


ecclesiastical  and  civil  authorities  the  newly-converted 
Bulgarians  were  declared  subject  to  the  Patriarchate 
of  Constantinople  and  not  to  Rome.  Though  restored 
by  the  Apostolic  See,  Ignatius  proved  ungrateful,  and 
in  this  important  matter  sided  with  the  other  Eastern 
patriarchs  in  consummating,  for  political  reasons,  a 
notable  injustice;  the  territory  henceforth  known  as 
Bulgaria  was  in  reality  part  of  the  ancient  lUyria  that 
had  always  belonged  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  until 
the  Iconoclast  Leo  III  (718-41)  violently  withdrew  it 
and  made  it  subject  to  Constantinople.  Ignatius  very 
soon  consecrated  an  archbishop  for  the  Bulgarians  and 
sent  thither  many  Greek  missionaries,  whereupon  the 
Latin  bishops  and  priests  were  obliged  to  retire.  On 
their  way  home  the  papal  legates  were  plundered  and 
imprisoned ;  they  had,  however,  given  to  the  care  of 
Anastasius,  Librarian  of  the  Roman  Church  (present 
as  a  member  of  the  Prankish  embassy)  most  of  the 
submission-signatures  of  the  Greek  bishops.  We  owe 
to  him  the  Latin  version  of  these  documents  and  a 
copy  of  the  Greek  Acts  of  the  council  which  he  also 
translated  and  to  which  is  due  most  of  our  document- 
ary knowledge  of  the  proceedings.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Adrian  II  and  his  successor  threatened  Ignatius 
with  severe  penalties  if  he  did  not  withdraw  from 
Bulgaria  his  Greek  bishops  and  priests.  The  Roman 
Church  never  regained  the  vast  regions  she  then  lost. 
(See  Photius;  Ign.\tius  of  Constantinople ;  Nich- 
olas T.) 

Hi  li.,!  Miiiai  n,  Photius  (Ratisbon,  1867-69),  I,  373  aqq.. 
50.-,  11  ,  i  il.  II;  Idem,  Monunwnta  Grrrca  ad  Pholium 
rjii   I       '  ■■!   prrlinenlia    (Ratisbon,    18691;   Tosti.  Sloria 

d.ir  -.     , 1      .  .^risma  greco  {Florence.  lS.^)6l;  Hefele,  Con- 

cUi.nnr^rh.  i.'nd  ed.,  Freiburg,  1877).  IV.  436  sqq.;  Milman 
(Protestant), //i.s/on/ of  La(m  Christianity,  Bk.  V,  ch.  iv;  NoR- 
DEN  (Protestant).  Papsttum  und  Buzam  (Berlin,  1903);  For- 
TESCUE,  The  Orthodox  Eastern  Church  (London,  1907),  156-61. 

B.  Particular  Councils  of  Const.\ntinople. — I. 
In  the  summer  of  .382  a  council  of  the  Oriental  bishops, 
convoked  by  Theodosius,  met  in  the  imperial  city. 
We  still  have  its  important  profession  of  faith,  often 
wrongly  attributed  to  the  Second  General  Council 
(i.  e.  at  Constantinople  in  the  preceding  year),  ex- 
hibiting the  doctrinal  agreement  of  all  the  Christian 
churches;  also  two  canons  (v  and  vi)  wrongly  put 
among  the  canons  of  the  Second  General  Council 
[Hefele-Leclercq,  Hist,  des  Conciles,  Paris,  1907,  II 
(i),  53-56].  In  the  summer  of  the  next  year  (383) 
Theodosius  convoked  another  council,  with  the  hope 
of  uniting  all  factions  anci  parties  among  the  Christians 
on  the  basis  of  a  general  acceptance  of  the  teachings 
of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers.  He  met  with  a  qualified 
success  (Socrates,  V,  10;  Hefele-Leclercq,  op.  cit., 
63-65);  among  the  most  stubborn  of  those  who 
resisted  was  Eimomius  (see  Eunomianism). 

II.  The  council,  held  in  692,  under  Justinian  II  is 
generally  known  :ls  the  Council  in  Trullo,  because  it 
was  held  in  the  same  domed  hall  where  the  Sixth 
General  fbuncil  had  met  (see  above).  Both  the  Fifth 
and  the  Sixth  (ieneral  (^ouncils  had  omitted  to  draw 
up  disciplinary  canons,  and  ;is  this  council  was  in- 
tended to  comjjlete  both  in  this  respect,  it  also  took 
the  name  of  Quiniscxt  (('oncilium  Quinisextum,  Xivo- 
Sos  irtveiKT-if),  i.  e.  Fifth-Sixth.  It  was  attended  by 
215  bishops,  all  Orientals.  Basil  of  Gortyna  in  lUyria, 
however,  belonged  to  the  Roman  patriarchate  and 
called  himself  papal  legate,  though  no  evidence  is 
extant  of  his  right  to  use  a  title  that  in  the  East  served 
to  clothe  the  decrees  with  Roman  authority.  In  fact, 
the  West  never  recognized  the  102  disciplinary  canons 
of  this  council,  in  largo  measure  reaffirmations  of 
earlier  canons.  Most  of  the  new  canons  exhibit  an 
inimical  attitude  towards  ('hurches  not  in  disciplinary 
accord  with  Constantinople,  especially  the  Western 
Churches.  Their  customs  are  anathematizeil  and 
"every  little  detail  of  difference  is  remembered  to  be 
condemned"  (Fortescue).  Canon  iii  of  Constanti- 
nople (381)  and  canon  xxviii  of  Chalcedon  (451)  are 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


312 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


renewed,  the  heresy  of  Honoriiis  is  again  condemned 
(can.  i),  and  marriage  with  a  lieretic  is  invalid  because 
Rome  says  it  is  merely  imlawful;  Rome  had  recog- 
nized fifty  of  the  Apostolic  Canons;  therefore  the  other 
thirty-five  obtain  recognition  from  this  council,  and 
as  inspired  teaching  (see  Canons,  Apostolic). 

In  the  matter  of  celibacy  the  Greek  prelates  are  not 
content  to  let  the  Roman  Church  follow  its  own  dis- 
cipline, but  insist  on  making  a  rule  (for  the  whole 
Church)  that  all  clerics  except  bishops  may  continue 
in  wedlock,  while  they  excommunicate  anyone  who 
tries  to  separate  a  priest  or  deacon  from  his  wife,  and 
any  cleric  who  leavqs  his  wdfe  because  he  is  ordained 
(can.  iii,  vi,  xii,  xiii,  xlviii).  The  Orthodox  Greek 
Church  holds  this  council  an  oecumenical  one,  and 
adds  its  canons  to  the  decrees  of  the  Fifth  and  Sixth 
Councils.  In  the  West  St.  Bede  calls  it  (De  sexta 
mundi  aetate)  a  reprobate  synod,  and  Paul  the  Deacon 
(Hist.  Lang.,  VI,  p.  11)  an  erratic  one.  Dr.  Fortescue 
rightly  says  (op.  cit.  below,  p.  96)  that  intolerance 
of  all  other  customs  with  the  wish  to  make  the  whole 
Christian  world  conform  to  its  own  local  practices  has 
always  been  and  still  is  a  characteristic  note  of  the 
Byzantine  Church.  For  the  attitude  of  the  popes, 
substantially  identical,  in  face  of  the  various  attempts 
to  obtain  their  approval  of  these  canons,  see  Hefele, 
"Conciliengesch."  (Ill,  345-48). 

III.  In  754  the  Iconoclast  Emperor  Constantine  V 
called  in  the  imperial  city  a  council  of  338  bishops. 
Through  cowardice  and  servility  they  approved  the 
heretical  attitude  of  the  emperor  and  his  father  Leo 
III,  also  the  arguments  of  the  Iconoclast  party  and 
their  measures  against  the  defenders  of  the  sacred 
images.  They  anathematized  St.  Germanus  of  Con- 
stantinople and  St.  John  Damascene,  and  denounced 
the  orthodox  as  idolaters,  etc. ;  at  the  same  time  they 
resented  the  spoliation  of  the  churches  imder  pretext 
of  destroying  images  (see  Iconoclasm). 

IV.  For  the  three  Photian  synods  of  861  (deposition 
of  Ignatius),  867  (attempted  deposition  of  Nicholas 
I),  and  879  (recognition  of  Photius  as  lawful  patri- 
arch), recognized  by  the  Greeks  as  Eighth  General 
Coimcil  in  opposition  to  the  council  of  869-70,  which 
they  continue  to  abominate,  see  Photius. 

V.  In  1639  and  1672  councils  were  held  by  the 
Orthodox  Greeks  at  Constantinople  condemnatory  of 
the  Calvinistic  confession  of  Cyril  Lucaris  and  his 
followers.  [See  Semnoz,  "  Les  dernieres  annees  du 
patr.  Cyrille  Lucar"  in  "Echos  d'Orient"  (1903),  VI, 
97-117,  and  Fortescue,  "Orthodox  Eastern  Church" 
(London,  1907),  267]. 

Thom.\s  J.  Shahan 

Constantinople,  Creed  of.     See  Nicene  Creed. 

Constantinople,  The  Rite  of  (or  Byzantine 
Rite),  the  Litiirgios,  Divine  Office,  forms  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  sacraments  and  for  various  blessings, 
sacramentals,  and  exorcisms,  of  the  Church  of  Con- 
stantinople, which  is  now,  after  the  Roman  Rite,  by 
far  the  most  widely  spread  in  the  world.  With  one 
insignificant  exception — the  Liturgy  of  St.  James  is 
used  once  a  year  at  Jerusalem  and  Zakynthos  ( Zacyn- 
thus) — it  is  followed  exclusively  by  all  Orthodox 
Churches,  by  the  Melkitos  (Mclchites)  in  Svria  and 
Egypt,  the  Uniats  in  the  Balkans  and  the  Italo-Greeks 
in  Calabria,  Apulia,  Sicily,  and  Corsica.  So  that  more 
than  a  hundred  millions  of  Christians  perform  their 
devotions  according  to  the  Rite  of  Constantinople. 

I.  IIi.story. — This  is  not  one  of  the  original  jxirent- 
rites.  It  is  derived  from  that  of  Antioch.  Even  apart 
from  the  external  evidence  a  comparison  of  the  two 
liturgies  will  show  that  Constantinople  follows  Anti- 
och in  the  disposilion  of  the  jjarts.  There  are  two 
original  Eastcni  types  of  liturgy:  that  of  Alexandria, 
in  which  the  great  Intercession  comes  before  the  Con- 
secration, and  that  of  Antioch,  in  which  it  follows  after 
the  Epiklesis.     The  Byzantine  use  in  both  its  Litur- 


gies (of  St.  Basil  and  St.  John  Chrj-sostom)  follows  ex- 
actly the  order  of  Antioch.  A  number  of  other  par- 
allels make  the  fact  of  this  derivation  clear  from  inter- 
nal evidence,  as  it  is  from  external  witness.  The  tra- 
dition of  the  Church  of  Constantinople  ascribes  the 
oldest  of  its  two  Liturgies  to  St.  Basil  the  Great  (d. 
379),  Metropolitan  of  C^sarea  in  Cappadocia.  This 
tradition  is  confirmed  by  contemporary  evidence.  It 
is  certain  that  St.  Basil  made  a  reformation  of  the 
Liturgy  of  his  Church,  and  that  the  By;;antine  service 
called  after  hini  rc])resents  his  reformed  Liturgy  in  its 
chief  parts,  although  it  has  undergone  further  modifi- 
cation since  his  time.  St.  Basil  himself  speaks  on  sev- 
eral occasions  of  the  changes  he  made  in  the  services  of 
Ca>sarea.  He  writes  to  the  clergy  of  Neo-Csesarea  in 
Pontus  to  complain  of  opposition  against  himself  on 
accoimt  of  the  new  way  of  singing  psalms  introduced 
by  his  authority  (Ep.  B;isilii,  cvii,  Patr.  Gr.,  XXXII, 
763).  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzos  (Nazianzen,  d.  390) 
says  that  Basil  had  reformed  the  order  of  prayers 
(eixwi-  Sidra?!!— Orat.  xx,  P.  G.,  XXXV,  761). 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  (died  c.  395)  comjiares  his  brother 
Basil  with  Samuel  because  he  "  carefully  arranged  the 
form  of  the  Service"  ('I«poi'p7ia.  In  laudem  fr.  Bas., 
P.  G.,  XLVI,  808).  Proklos  (Prochis)  of  Constanti- 
nople (d.  446)  writes:  "When  the  great  Basil  .  .  . 
saw  the  carelessness  and  degeneracy  of  men  who  feared 
the  length  of  the  Liturgy — not  as  if  he  thought  it  too 
long — he  shortened  its  form,  so  as  to  remove  the  weari- 
ness of  the  clergy  and  assistants"  (De  traditione  di- 
vina>  Missa;,  P.  G.,  XLV,  849).  The  first  question 
that  presents  itself  is:  What  rite  was  it  that  Basil 
modified  and  shortened?  Certainly  it  was  that  used 
at  Ciesarea  before  his  time.  And  this  was  a  local  form 
of  the  great  Antiochene  use,  doubtless  with  many 
local  variations  and  additions.  That  the  original  rite 
that  stands  at  the  head  of  this  line  of  development  is 
that  of  Antioch  is  proved  from  the  disposition  of  the 
present  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil,  to  which  we  have  already 
referred ;  from  the  fact  that,  before  the  rise  of  the  Pa- 
triarchate of  Constantinople,  Antioch  was  the  head  of 
the  Churches  of  Asia  Minor  as  well  as  of  Syria  (and  in- 
variably in  the  East  the  patriarchal  see  gives  the 
norm  in  liturgical  matters,  followed  and  then  gradu- 
ally modified  by  its  suffragan  Churches);  and  lastly 
by  the  absence  of  any  other  source.  At  the  head  of 
all  Eastern  rites  stand  the  uses  of  Antioch  and  .Alex- 
andria. Lesser  and  later  Churches  do  not  invent  an 
entirely  new  service  for  themselves,  but  form  their 
practice  on  the  model  of  one  of  these  two.  SjTia, 
Palestine,  and  Asia  Minor  in  liturgical  matters  derive 
from  -Antioch,  just  as  Egy]5t,  .\byssinia,  and  Nubia  do 
from  Alexandria.  The  two  Antiochene  liturgies  now 
extant  are  (1)  that  of  the  Eighth  Book  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Constitutions  and  (2),  parallel  to  it  in  everj-  way, 
the  Greek  Liturgy  of  St.  James  (see  Antiochene  Lit- 
urgy). These  are  the  starting-points  of  the  develop- 
ment we  can  follow.  But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
St.  Basil  had  before  him  either  of  these  ser\-ices,  as 
they  now  stand,  when  he  made  the  changes  in  ques- 
tion. In  the  first  place,  his  source  is  rather  the  Lit^ 
urgy  of  ,St.  James  than  that  of  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions. There  are  parallels  to  both  in  the  Basilian 
Rite;  but  the  likeness  is  much  greater  to  that  of  St. 
James.  From  the  beginning  of  the  Eucharistic 
j)rayer  {Verc  diijnum  ct  justum  est,  our  Preface)  to  the 
dismissal,  Basil's  order  is  ahnost  exactly  that  of 
James.  But  the  now  ext.ant  Liturgy  of  St.  James 
(in  Brightman,  "Liturgies  Eastern  and  Western", 
31-68)  has  it.self  lieen  considerably  modified  in  later 
years.  Its  earlier  jiart  especially  (the  Liturgy  of  the 
Catechumens  and  the  Offertory')  is  certainly  later  than 
the  time  of  St.  Ma.sil.  In  any  ca.se,  then,  we  must  go 
back  to  the  (irif/iiidl  .Vntiochene  Rite  as  the  source. 
But  neither  wa.s  tliis  the  innnediate  origin  of  the  i-^ 
form.  It  nuist  be  remembered  that  all  living  rites  ati 
subject  to  gradual  modification  through  use.    Th 


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313 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


c  I ;  1 1  ine  and  frame  remain ;  into  this  frame  new  prayers 
Hi  littod.     As  a  general  rule  liturgies  keep  the  disposi- 

I I  n  of  their  parts,  but  tcuil  to  change  tlie  text  of  the 
|T  lyers.  St.  Basil  took  as  the  basis  of  his  reform  the 
u-.'  of  Ca-sarea  in  the  fourth  century.     There  is  reason 

III  l.rHeve  that  that  use,  while  retaining  the  essential 
nidir  of  the  original  Antioehene  .service,  had  already 
r  iii>iderably  modified  various  parts,  especially  the 
■ii  Mial  prayers.  We  have  seen,  for  instance,  that 
l;  I'-il  shortened  the  Liturgy.  But  the  service  that 
I"  lis  his  name  is  not  at  all  shorter  than  the  present 

i>f  St.  James.     \\"e  may,  then,  suppose  that  by  his 

the  Liturgy  of  Ca'sarea  had  Ijeen  considerably 

^ihened  by  additional  prayers  (this  is  the  common 

ii'  \  rlcipnient  of  Liturgies).     When  we  say,  then,  that 

till'  rite  of  Constant innplo  that  bears  his  name  is  the 

I  iiiirgy  of  St.  James  as  modified  by  St.  Basil,  it  must 
III  understood  that  Basil  is  rather  the  chief  turning- 
I II lint  in  its  development  than  the  only  author  of  the 
<  li:inge.  It  had  already  passed  through  a  period  of 
ill  \  clopment  before  his  time,  and  it  has  developed  fur- 
iliiT  since.  Xevertheless,  St.  Basil  and  his  reform  of 
ilii-  i-iteof  his  own  city  are  the  starting-point  of  the 

I 'rial  u.se  of  Constantinople. 

\  comparison  of  the  present  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil 
>'.  I  ill  earlier  allusions  .shows  that  in  its  chief  parts  it  is 

II  lily  the  service  composed  by  him.     Peter  the  Dea- 

I who  was  sent  by  the  Scythian  monks  to  Pope 

1  Imiiiisdas  to  dt^fend  a  famous  fonnula  they  had 
drawn  up  ("One  of  the  Trinity  w.as  crucified")  about 
the  year  512,  writes:  "The  ble.s.sed  Basil,  Bishop  of 
Ca'sarea,  says  in  the  prayer  cf  the  holy  altar  which  is 
used  by  nearly  the  whole  East:  Give,  oh  Lord, 
strength  and  protection ;  make  the  bad  good,  we  pray, 
keep  the  good  in  their  virtue;  for  Thou  canst  do  all 
things,  and  no  one  can  withstand  Thee ;  Thou  dost  save 
whom  Thou  wilt  and  no  one  can  hinder  Thy  will" 
(Petri  diac.  Ep.  ad  Fulgent,  vii,  2.5,  in  P,  L.,  LXV, 
449).  This  is  a  compilation  of  three  texts  in  the  Ba- 
silian  Liturgj':  Keep  the  good  in  their  virtue;  make 
the  bad  good  hij  thy  merry  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  pp.  333- 
334);  the  words:  Give.  O  Lord,  strength  and  protection 
come  several  times  at  the  begiiming  of  prayers;  and 
the  last  words  are  an  acclamation  made  by  the  choir 
or  people  at  the  end  of  several  (Renaudot,  I,  p. 
xxxvii).  The  Life  of  St.  Basil  ascribed  to  Amphi- 
lochios  fP.  G.,  XXIX,  301,  .302)  quotes  as  composed 
by  him  the  beginning  of  the  Introduction-prayer  and 
that  of  the  Elevation  exactly  .as  they  are  in  the  existing 
Liturgy  (Brightman,  319,  341).  The  Second  Council 
of  Nicxa  (787)  says:  "As  all  priests  of  the  holy  Lit- 
urgy know,  Basil  says  in  the  |iraycr  of  the  Divine  .\na- 
phora:  We  approach  with  confidence  to  the  holy 
altar  ...  ".  The  prayer  is  the  one  that  follows  the 
Anamnesis  in  St.  Basil's  Liturgy  (Brightman,  p.  .329. 
Cf.  Hardouin,  IV,  p,  371), 

From  the.se  and  similar  indications  we  conclude  that 
the  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  in  its  oldest  extant  form  is 
Bubstantially  authentic,  namely,  from  the  beginning 
of  the  .\n;iphora  to  the  ( 'ommunion.  The  Mass  of  the 
Cateeluunens  and  the  Offertory  prayers  have  devel- 
oped since  his  death.  St.  Gregory  Xazianzen,  in  de- 
scribing the  saint's  famous  encounter  with  Valens  at 
Ca'sarea,  in  372,  describes  the  Offertory  as  a  simpler 
rite,  accompanied  with  psalms  sung  by  the  people  but 
without  an  audible  Offertory  prayer  (Greg.  Naz.,Or., 
xliii,  .52,  P,  C!..  XXXVl,  .5(il),  This  oldest  form  of 
the  Basilian  Liturgv  is  contained  in  a  manuscript  of 
the  Harberini  Libra'rv  of  about  the  year  800  (MS.,  Ill, 
55,  reprinted  in  Brightman,  309  .344).  The  Liturgy 
of  St.  Basil  now  used  in  the  Orthodox  and  Melkite  (or 
Melchite)  Churches  (Euchologion,  Venice,  1898,  pp, 
75-97;  Brightman,  400-411)  is  printed  after  that  of 
St.  Chrj'sostom  and  differs  from  it  only  in  the  prayers 
said  by  the  priest,  chiefly  in  the  .\naphora;  it  has  re- 
ceived further  linimportant  modifications.  It  i.s 
probable  that  even  before  t  he  time  of  St.  John  Chrysos- 


tom  the  Liturgy  of  Basil  was  used  at  Constantinople. 
We  have  seen  that  Peter  the  Deacon  mentions  that  it 
wa.s  "used  by  nearly  the  whole  East".  It  would 
seem  that  the  importance  of  the  See  of  Csesarea  (even 
beyond  its  own  exarchy),  the  fame  of  St.  Basil,  and 
the  practical  convenience  of  this  short  Liturgy  led  to 
its  adoption  by  many  Chvn-ches  in  Asia  and  Syria. 
The  "East"  in  Peter  the  Deacon's  remark  would 
probably  mean  the  Roman  Prefecture  of  the  East 
(Proefectura  Orientis)  that  included  Thrace.  More- 
over, when  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzos  came  to  Constan- 
tinople to  administer  that  diocese  (381)  he  found  in 
u.se  there  a  Liturgy  that  was  practically  the  same  as  the 
one  he  had  known  at  home  in  Cappadocia.  His  Sixth 
Oration  (P.  G..  XXXV,  721  sq.)  was  held  in  Cappa- 
docia, his  Thirty-eighth  (P.  G.,  XXXVI,  311)  at  Con- 
stantinople. In  both  he  refers  to  and  quotes  the  Eu- 
charistic  prayer  that  his  hearers  know.  A  comparison 
of  the  two  texts  shows  that  the  prayer  is  the  same. 
This  proves  that,  at  any  rate  in  its  most  important 
element,  the  liturgy  used  at  the  capital  was  that  of 
Cappadocia — the  one  that  St.  Basil  used  as  a  basis  of 
his  reform.  It  would  therefore  be  most  natural  that 
the  reform  too  should  in  time  be  adopted  at  Constanti- 
nople. But  it  would  seem  that  before  Chrysostom 
this  Basilian  Rite  (according  to  the  imiversal  rule)  had 
received  further  development  and  additions  at  Con- 
stantinople. It  has  been  suggested  that  the  oldest 
form  of  the  Nestorian  Liturgy  is  the  original  Byzan- 
tine Rite,  the  one  that  St.  Chrysostom  found  in  use 
when  he  became  patriarch  (Probst,  "Lit.  des  IV. 
Jahrhts.",  413). 

The  next  ejioch  in  the  history  of  the  Byzantine  Rite 
is  the  reform  of  St.  John  Chrysostom  (d.  407).  He 
not  only  further  modified  the  Rite  of  Basil,  but  left 
both  his  own  reformed  Liturgy  and  the  unreformed 
Basilian  one  itself,  as  the  exclusive  uses  of  Constanti- 
nople. St.  John  became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople 
in  397;  he  reigned  there  till  403,  was  then  banished, 
but  came  back  in  the  same  year;  was  banished  again 
in  404,  and  died  in  exile  in  407.  The  tradition  of  hi.s 
Church  says  that  during  the  time  of  his  patriarchate 
he  eompo.sod  from  the  Basilian  Liturgy  a  shorter  form 
that  is  the  one  still  in  connnon  u.se  througho\it  the 
Orthodox  Church.  The  same  text  of  Proklos  (Proc- 
lus)  quoted  above  continues:  "Not  long  afterwards 
our  father,  John  Chrj-sostom,  zealous  for  the  salvation 
of  his  flock  as  a  shepherd  should  be,  considering  the 
carelessness  of  human  nature,  thoroughly  rooted  up 
every  diabolical  objection.  He  therefore  left  out  a 
great  part  and  shortened  all  the  forms  lest  anyone  .  .  . 
stay  aw.ay  from  this  Apostolic  and  Divine  Institution", 
etc.  He  would,  then,  have  treated  St.  Basil's  rite 
exactly  as  Basil  treated  the  older  rite  of  Ca'sarea. 
There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  this  tradition  in  the  main 
issue.  .\  comparison  of  the  Liturgy  of  Chrysostom 
with  that  of  Basil  will  show  that  it  follows  the  same 
order  and  is  shortened  considerably  in  the  text  of  the 
prayers;  a  further  comparison  of  its  text  with  the 
numeroit^  allusions  to  the  rite  of  the  Holy  Eucharist 
in  Chrysostom's  homilies  will  show  that  the  oldest 
form  we  have  of  the  Liturgj'  agrees  substantially  with 
the  one  he  describes  (Brightman,  .530-.534).  But  it  is 
also  certain  that  the  modern  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysos- 
tom has  received  considerable  modifications  and  addi- 
tions since  his  time.  In  order  to  reconstruct  the  rite 
used  by  him  we  must  take  away  from  the  present 
Liturgy  all  the  Preparation  of  the  Offerings  (Ilpotrico- 
liiS-/i),  the  ritual  of  the  Little  and  Great  Entrances,  and 
the  Creed.  The  service  began  with  the  bi.shop's  greet- 
ing, "Peace  to  all",  and  the  answer,  ".\nd  with  thy 
spirit."  The  lessons  followed  from  the  Prophets  and 
Apostles,  and  the  deacon  read  the  Gospel.  .Vfter  the 
Gospel  the  bishop  or  a  priest  preached  a  homily,  and 
the  prayer  over  the  catechumens  was  said.  Origi- 
nally it  had  been  followed  by  a  prayer  over  penitents, 
but  Xektarios  (381-.397)  had  abolished  the  discipline 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


814 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


of  public  penance,  so  in  St.  Chrysostom's  Liturgy  this 
prayer  is  left  out.  Then  came  a  prayer  for  the  faith- 
ful (baptized)  and  the  di.smissal  of  the  catechumens. 
St.  Chrysostoin  mentions  a  new  ritual  for  the  Offer- 
tory: the  choir  accompanied  the  bishop  and  formed  a 
solemn  procession  to  bring  the  bread  and  wine  from 
the  prothesis  to  the  altar  (Hom.  xxxvi,  in  I  C'or.,  vi, 
P.  G.,  LXI,  'S13).  Nevertheless  the  present  cere- 
monies and  the  Cherubic  Chant  that  accompany  the 
Great  Entrance  are  a  later  development  (Brightman, 
op.  cit.,  530).  The  Iviss  of  Peace  apparently  preceded 
the  Offertory  in  Chrysostom's  time  (Brightman,  op. 
cit.,  522,  Probst,  op.  cit.,  208).  The  Eucharistic 
prayer  began,  as  everywhere,  with  the  dialogue :  "  Lift 
up  your  hearts"  etc.  This  prayer,  which  is  clearly  an 
abbreviated  form  of  that  in  the  Basilian  Rite,  is  cer- 
tainly authentically  of  St.  Chrysostom.  It  is  appar- 
ently chiefly  in  reference  to  it  that  Proklos  says  that 
he  has  shortened  the  older  rite.  The  Sanctus  was 
sung  by  the  people  as  now.  The  ceremonies  per- 
formed by  the  deacon  at  the  words  of  Institution  are 
a  later  addition.  Probst  thinks  that  the  original 
Epiklesis  of  St.  Chrysostom  ended  at  the  words  "  Send 
thy  Holy  Spirit  down  on  us  and  on  these  gifts  spread 
before  us"  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  386),  and  that  the 
continuation  (especially  the  disconnected  interrup- 
tion: God  be  merciful  to  me  a  simier,  now  inserted  into 
the  Epiklesis;  Maltzew,  "Die  [Liturgien"  etc.,  Berlin, 
1894,  p.  88)  are  a  later  addition  (op.  cit.,  414).  The 
Intercession  followed  at  once,  beginning  with  a  mem- 
ory of  the  saints.  The  praver  for  the  dead  came 
before  that  for  the  living  (ibid.,  216-415).  The  Eu- 
charistic prayer  ended  with  a  doxology  to  which  the 
people  ans  .'ered,  Amen;  and  tlien  the  bishop  greeted 
them  with  the  text,  "The  mercy  of  our  great  God  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ  be  with  all  of  you"  (Tit.,  ii,  13), 
to  which  they  answered:  "  .\nd  with  thy  spirit",  as 
usual.  The  Lord's  Prayer  followed,  introduced  by  a 
short  litany  spoken  by  the  deacon  and  followed  by  the 
well-known  doxology:  "For  thine  is  the  kingdom" 
etc.  This  ending  was  added  to  the  Our  Father  in  the 
Codex  of  the  New  Testament  used  by  St.  Chrysostom 
(cf.  Hom.  xix  in  P.  G.,  LVII,  282).  Another  greeting 
(Peace  to  all)  with  its  answer  in1;roduced  the  manual 
acts,  first  an  Elevation  with  the  words  "Holy  things 
for  the  holy"  etc.,  the  Breaking  of  Bread  and  the 
Communion  under  both  kinds.  In  Chrysostom's  time 
it  seems  that  people  received  either  kind  separately, 
drinking  from  the  chalice.  A  short  prayer  of  thanks- 
giving ended  the  Liturgy.  That  is  the  rite  as  we  see 
it  in  the  saint's  homilies  (cf.  Probst.,  op.  cit.,  156-202, 
202-22G).  It  is  true  that  most  of  these  homilies  were 
preached  at  Antioch  (387-397)  before  he  went  to  Con- 
stantinople. It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  Liturgy  of 
St.  Chrysostom  was  in  great  part  that  of  his  time  at 
Antioch,  and  that  he  introduced  it  at  the  capital  when 
he  became  patriarch.  We  have  seen  from  Peter  the 
Deacon  that  St.  Basil's  Rite  was  used  by  "nearly  the 
whole  East".  There  is,  then,  no  difficulty  in  suppos- 
ing that  it  had  penetrated  to  Antioch  and  was  already 
abridged  there  into  the  "  Liturgy  of  Chrysostom"  be- 
fore that  saint  brought  this  abridged  form  to  Constan- 
tinople. 

It  was  this  Chrysostom  Liturgy  that  gradually  be- 
came the  common  Eucharistic  service  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  that  spread  throughout  the  Orthodox 
world,  as  the  city  that  liad  adopted  it  became  more 
and  more  the  acknowledged  IicmkI  of  Eastern  Christen- 
dom. It  did  not  completely  displace  the  older  rite  of 
St.  Basil,  but  reducetl  its  use  to  a  verj-  few  days  in  the 
year  on  which  it  is  still  said  (see  below,  under  II). 
Meanwhile  the  Liturgy  of  St.  Chrysostom  itself  under- 
went further  modification.  The  oldest  form  of  it  now 
extant  is  in  the  same  manuscript  of  the  Barberini 
Library  that  contains  St.  Basil's  Liturgy.  In  this  the 
elaborate  rite  of  the  Proskomide  has  not  yet  been 
added,  but  it  has  already  received  additions  since  the 


time  of  the  saint  whose  name  it  bears.  The  Trisagiou 
(Holy  God,  Holy  Strong  One,  Holy  Immortal  One, 
have  mercy  on  us)  at  the  Little  Entrance  is  s.id  to 
have  been  revealed  to  Proklos  of  Constantinople  (434- 
47,  St.  John  Dam.,  De  Fide  Orth.,  Ill,  10) ;  this  .Proba- 
bly gives  the  date  of  its  insertion  into  the  Litr.rjy. 
The  Cherubikon  that  accompanies  the  Great  Entrance 
was  apparently  added  by  Justin  II  (565-78,  Bright- 
man,  op.  cit.,  532),  and  the  Creed  that  follows,  just 
before  the  beginning  of  the  Anaphora,  is  also  ascrijed 
to  him  (Joannis  Biclarensis  Chronicon,  P.  L.,  LXXII, 
863).  Since  the  Barberini  Eucholugion  (ninth  cent.) 
the  Preparation  of  the  Offerings  (irpotrK-iuSij)  at  tl'.e 
credence-table  (called  prothesis)  gradually  developed 
into  the  elaborate  rite  that  now  accompanies  it. 
Brightman  (op.  cit.,  539-552)  gives  a  series  of  docu- 
ments from  which  the  evolution  of  this  rite  may  be 
traced  from  the  ninth  to  the  si.xteenth  century. 

These  are  the  two  Liturgies  of  Constant!  lople,  the 
older  one  of  St.  Basil,  now  said  on  only  a  fw  days, 
.and  the  later  shortened  one  of  St.  Chrysostom  that  is 
in  common  use.  There  remains  the  third,  the  Liturgy 
of  the  Presanctified  {tS>v  TTpori~tiaiTixivav).  This  service, 
that  in  the  Latin  Church  now  occurs  only  on  Good 
Friday,  was  at  one  time  used  on  the  aliturgical  days  of 
Lent  everjT\here  (see  Aliturgical  Days  and  Du- 
chesne, Origines,  222,  238).  This  is  still  the  practice 
of  the  Eastern  Churches.  The  Paschal  Chronicle  (see 
CHnoNicoN  P.\sohale)  of  the  year  645  (P.  G.,  XCII) 
mentions  the  Presanctified  Liturgy,  and  the  fifty- 
second  canon  of  the  Second  Trullan  Council  (692) 
orders:  "  On  all  days  of  the  fast  of  forty  days,  except 
Saturdays  and  Sundays  and  the  day  of  the  Holy 
Annunciation,  the  Liturgy  of  the  Pre:anctified  shall 
be  celebrated."  The  essence  of  this  Liturgy  is  simply 
that  the  Blessed  Sacrament  that  has  been  consecrated 
on  the  preceding  Sunday,  and  is  reserved  in  the  taber- 
nacle (apToipipiov)  under  both  kinds,  is  taken  out  and 
distributed  as  Communion.  It  is  now  always  cele- 
brated at  the  end  of  Vespers  (icirepii'6s),  which  form 
its  first  part.  The  lessons  are  read  as  usual,  and  the 
litanies  sung;  the  catechumens  are  di;missed,  and 
then,  the  whole  Anaphora  being  naturally  omitted, 
Communion  is  given;  the  blessing  and  dismiss; ,1  fol- 
low. A  great  part  of  the  rite  is  simply  taken  frc  i  the 
corresponding  parts  of  St.  Chrj'sostom's  Liturgy.  The 
present  form,  then,  is  a  comparatively  late  one  that 
su]iposes  the  normal  Liturgies  of  Constantinople.  It 
has  been  attributed  to  various  persons — St.  James,  St. 
Peter,  St.  Basil,  St.  Germanos  I  of  Constantinople 
(715-30),  and  so  on  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  p.  xciii). 
But  in  the  service  books  it  is  now  officially  ascribed  to 
St.  Gregory  Dialogos  (Pope  Gregory  I).  It  is  impos- 
sible to  say  how  this  certainly  mistaken  ascription 
began.  Tlie  Greek  legend  is  that,  when  he  was 
apocrisiarius  at  Constantinople  (578),  seeing  that  the 
Greeks  had  no  fixed  rite  for  this  Communion-serWce, 
he  composed  this  one  for  them. 

The  origin  of  the  Divine  Office  and  of  the  rites  for 
sacraments  and  sacramentals  in  the  Byzantine  Church 
is  more  difficult  to  trace.  Here  too  we  have  now  the 
result  of  a  long  and  gradvial  development;  and  the 
starting-point  of  that  development  is  certainly  the  use 
of  .\ntioch.  But  tliere  are  no  names  that  stand  out  aa 
clearly  as  do  those  of  St.  Basil  and  St.  Chrj-sostom  in 
the  historj'  of  the  Liturgy.  We  may  perhaps  find  the 
trace  of  a  similar  action  on  their  part  in  the  case  of  the 
Office.  The  new  W'ay  of  singing  psalms  introduced  by 
St.  Basil  (Ep.  cvii,  see  above)  woukl  in  the  first  place 
affect  the  canonical  Hours.  It  was  the  manner  of 
singing  psalms  antiphonally,  that  is  alternately  by 
two  choirs,  to  which  we  are  accustomed,  ihat  had  al- 
ready been  introduced  at  Antioch  in  the  time  of  the 
Patriarch  Leontios  (Leontius,  344-57;  Theixloret,  H. 
E.,  II,  xxiv).  We  find  one  or  two  other  allusions  to 
reforms  in  various  rites  among  the  works  of  St.  Clirys- 
ostom;  thus  he  desires  people  to  accompany  funerals 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


315 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


hv  singing  psalms  (Horn,  iv,  in  Ep.  ad  Hebr.,  P.  G., 
I.XIII,  43)  etc. 

\\  ith  regard  to  the  Divine  Office  especially,  it  has 
till'  .same  general  principles  in  East  and  West  from  a 
\rry  early  age  (see  Brevi.\ry).  Essentially  it  eon- 
sisis  in  psalm-singing.  Its  first  and  most  important 
|i:irt  is  the  Night-watch  (iravvvxli,  our  Nocturns);  at 
d.nvn  the  ip$poi  (Lauds)  was  sung;  during  the  day 
;  the  people  met  again  at  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth 
'  hours,  and  at  sunset  for  the  iinrtptpSs  (Vespers).  Be- 
I  sides  the  psalms  these  Offices  contained  lessons  from 
I  the  Bible  and  collects.  A  peculiarity  of  the  Antioch- 
I  ene  use  was  the  "Gloria  in  excelsis"  sung  at  the 
Orthros  (Ps.-Athan.,  De  Virg.,  xx,  P.  G.,  XXVIII, 
-M'':  the  evening  hymn,  ^ws  i\ap6v,  still  sung  in  the 
I',  iiiitine  Rite  at  the  Hesperinos  and  attributed  to 
,\  horiogenes  (in  the  second  cent.),  is  quoted  by  St. 
j  Basil  (De  Spir.  Sancto,  Ixxiii,  P.  G.,  XXXII,  205). 
Egeria  of  Aquitaine,  the  pilgrim  to  Jerusalem,  gives  a 
vivid  description  of  the  Office  as  sung  there  according 
tn  Antioch  in  the  fourth  century  ["S.  Silvise  (sic) 
)"  ri'sirin.",  cd.  Gamurrini,  Rome,  1S87].  To  this  series 
of  i  lours  two  v/ere  added  in  the  fourth  century.  John 
('.issian  (In.stit.,  Ill,  iv)  describes  the  addition  of 
I'l  iiiie  by  the  monks  of  Palestine,  and  St.  Basil  refers 
(liir.  cit.)  to  Complin  (diriSciiri'ov)  as  the  monks' 
cvi  iiing  prayer.  Prime  and  Complin,  then,  were 
originally  private  prayers  said  by  monks  in  aildition  to 
th.  oficial  Hours.  The  Antiochene  manner  of  keeping 
fliis  ( )ffice  w.-.s  famous  all  over  the  East.  Flavian  of 
.\ntioch  in  387  softened  the  heart  of  Theodo.sius  (after 
thi'  cuitrage  to  the  statues)  by  making  his  clerks  sing 
ti  liim  "the  suppliant  chants  of  .\ntioch"  (Sozom., 
1 1 .  I :.,  VII,  xxiii).  And  St.  John  Chrj^sostom,  as  soon 
:i-  III'  comes  to  Constantinople,  introduces  the  methods 
of  Atitioch  in  keeping  the  canonical  Hours  (16,  VIII, 
N  .  I^ventnally  the  Eastern  Office  admits  short  ser- 
\  HIS  ( nvrSoipai)  between  the  day  Hours,  and  between 
^  ropers  and  Complin.  Into  this  frame  a  number  of 
famous  poets  have  fitted  a  long  succession  of  canons 
nninietrieal  hymns);  of  these  poets  St.  Romanos  the 
sint;fr  (sixth  cent.),  St.  Cosmas  the  singer  (eighth 
(■iiit.\  St.  John  Damascene  (c.  780),  St.  Theodore  of 
St  ui  lion  (d.  826),  etc.,  are  the  most  famous  (see  Byzan- 
tim:  Literature,  sub-title  IV.  Eccksiftstical  etc.). 
St.  Sabas  (d.  532)  and  iSt.  John  Damascene  eventually 
arninged  the  Office  for  the  whole  year,  though,  like  the 
Litiirgj',  it  has  imdergone  further  development  since, 
till  it  acqvu'red  its  present  form  (see  below). 

II.  The  Byzantine  Rite  at  the  Present  Time.— 
Tlie  Kite  of  Constantinople  now  used  throughout  the 
j  Orthodox  Church  does  not  maintain  any  principle  of 
uniformity   in   language.     In   various   countries   the 
<i:inie  prayers  and  fomis  are  translated  (with  unim- 
[inrlant  variations)  into  what  is  supposed  to  be  more 
or  li  ss  the  vulgar  tongue.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  how- 
•Mr,  it  is  only  in  Rumania  that  the  liturgical  language 
i-  I  hf  same  as  that  of  the  people.     Greek  (from  which 
111  ilie  others  are  translated)  is  used  at  Constantino- 
111  Macedonia  (by  the  Patriarchists),  Greece,  by 
ic  monks  in  Palestine  and  Syria,  by  nearly  all  Or- 
iix  in  Egypt;  Arabic  in  parts  of  Syria,  Palestine, 
i;   I    by    a    few    churches    in    Egypt;    Old    Slavonic 
iliroiighout  Ru.ssia,  in  Bulgaria,  and  by  all  Mxarchists, 
in  (  zemagora,  Servia,  and  by  the  ( )rthod()X  in  .\uslria 
I  and  Hungary;   and  Rumanian  by  the  Church  of  that 
I  country.     These   four  are  the   i)rincipal   languages. 
Later  Ru.ssian  mission.s  use  E.sthonian,   Lettish,  and 
1  German  in  the  Baltic  provinces,  Finnish  and  Tatar  in 
Finland  and  Siberia.  Chinese,  and  .Japanese.    (Bright- 
man,   op.    cit.,    LXXXI-LXXXII).     Although  "the 
Liturgy  has  been  translated  into  English  (see  Hap- 
good,  op.  cit.  in  bibliography),  a  translation  is  never 
used  in  any  church  of  the  Greek  Rite.     The  ITniats 
u.se  Greek  at  Constantinople,  in   Italy,  and  partially 
in  Syria  and  Egj'pl,  .\rabic  chiefly  in  these  countries. 
Old  Slavonic  in  Slav  lands,  and  Rumanian  in  Rumania. 


It  is  curious  to  note  that  in  spite  of  this  great  diversity 
of  languages  the  ordinary  Orthodox  layman  no  more 
understands  his  Liturgy  than  if  it  were  in  Greek.  Old 
Slavonic  and  the  semi-classical  Arabic  in  which  it  is 
sung  are  dead  languages. 

The  Calendar. — It  is  well  known  that  the  Orthodox 
still  use  the  Julian  Calendar  (Old  Style).  By  this 
time  (1908)  they  are  thirteen  tlays  behind  us.  Their 
liturgical  year  begins  on  1  September,  "the  begin- 
ning of  the  Indict,  that  is  of  the  new  year".  On  15 
November  begins  the  first  of  their  four  great  fasts,  the 
"fast  of  Christ's  birth"  that  lasts  till  Christmas  (25 
December).  The  fast  of  Easter  begins  on  the  Monday 
after  the  sixth  Sunday  before  Easter,  and  they  abstain 
from  flesh-meat  after  the  seventh  Sunday  before  the 
feast  (our  Sexagesima).  The  fast  of  the  .\postles  lasts 
from  the  day  after  the  first  Sunday  after  Pentecost 
(their  All  Saints'  Day)  till  28  June,  the  fast  of  the 
Mother  of  God  from  1  August  to  14  August.  Through- 
out this  year  fall  a  great  number  of  feasts.  The  great 
cycles  are  the  same  as  ours — Christmas,  followed  by  a 
Alemory  of  the  Mother  of  God  on  26  December,  then 
St.  Stephen  on  27  December,  etc.  Easter,  Ascension 
Day,  and  Whitsunday  follow  as  with  us.  Many  of  the 
other  feasts  are  the  same  as  ours,  though  often  with 
different  names.  They  divide  them  into  three  cate- 
gories, feasts  of  our  Lord  (iopral  Seo-iroTiKoO,  of  the 
Mother  of  God  (dtofiijTpiKal),  and  of  the  saints  (tui' 
ayluv).  They  count  the  "Holy  meeting"  (with  St. 
Simeon,  2  Februarj-),  the  Annunciation  (25  March), 
the  Awakening  of  Lazarus  (Saturday  before  Palm 
Sunday),  etc.,  as  feasts  of  Our  Lord.  The  chief  feasts 
of  Our  Lady  are  her  birthday  (8  September),  Presenta- 
tion in  the  Temple  (21  November),  Conception  (9  De- 
cember), Falling-asleep  (mliiriin!,  15  August),  and 
the  Keeping  of  her  Robe  at  the  Blachernae  (at  Con- 
stantinople, 2  July).  Feasts  are  further  divided  ac- 
cording to  their  solemnity  into  three  classes:  great, 
middle,  and  less  days.  Easter  of  course  stands  alone 
as  greatest  of  all.  It  is  "The  Feast"  (^  iopr-Zi,  nl-vl); 
there  are  twelve  other  very  great  days  and  tv.'clve 
great  ones.  Certain  chief  saints  (the  Apostle.?,  the 
three  holy  hierarchs — Sts.  Basil,  Gregory  of  Nazian- 
zus,  and  John  Chrj-sostom — 30  January,  the  holy  and 
equal- to- the-Apostles  Sovereigns,  Constantino  and 
Helen,  etc.)  have  middle  fea.sts;  all  the  others  are 
lesser  ones.  The  Sundays  are  named  after  the  subject 
of  their  Gospel :  the  first  Sunday  of  Lent  is  the  feast  of 
Orthodoxy  (after  Iconoclasm),  the  Saturdays  before 
Meatless  Sunday  (our  Sexagesima)  and  Whitsunday 
are  All  Souls'  days.  Our  Trinity  Sunday  is  their  All 
Saints.  Wednesdays  and  Fridays  throughout  the 
year  are  days  of  abstinence  (Fortescue,  "  Orth.  East- 
ern Church",  .398-401). 

Service-books. — The  Byzantine  Rite  has  no  such 
comjiendiums  as  our  MLssal  and  Breviarj';  it  is  con- 
tained in  a  number  of  loosely  arranged  books.  They 
are:  the  Typikon  {tvwikSv),  a  perpetual  calendar  con- 
taining full  directions  for  all  feasts  and  all  possible  co- 
incidences. The  Euchologion  (evxoXAT'o")  contains 
the  priest's  part  of  the  Hesperinos,  Orthros,  the  three 
Liturgies,  and  other  sacraments  and  sacramentals. 
The  Triodion  (Tpiv'SioO  contains  the  varial>le  parts  of 
the  Liturgj'  and  Divine  Office  (except  the  psalms. 
Epistles,  and  Gospels)  for  the  movable  days  from  the 
tenth  Sunday  bcfon-  ICa.ster  to  Holy  Saturday.  The 
Pentekostarinn  {wepTrjKoardpiov)  continues  the  Trio- 
dion from  Easter  Day  to  the  first  Sunday  after  Pente- 
cost (All  Saints'  Sunday).  The  Oktoechos  {dKriiitx- 
os)  gives  the  OHiccs  of  tlie  Sundays  for  the  rest  of  the 
year  (arranged  accnnling  to  the  eight  modes  to  which 
they  are  sung-  (JitTii  <(x<")  arid  tlie  Parakletike  (vapa- 
/t\7(TiK77)  i.s  for  the  weekdays.  The  twelve  Meiiaias 
( p.riraTai.) ,  one  for  each  month,  contain  the  Proper  of 
Saints;  the  Menologion  fM')>'o^ii7'oi')  is  a  shortened 
version  of  the  Menaia,  and  th('  Horologion  (wpo\6yu)f') 
contains  the  choir's  part  of  the  day  Hours.     The 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


31G 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Psalter  (tpaXrripiov),  Gospel  (eiayyfKtop),  and  Apos- 
tle {aTr6a-To\os — Epistles  and  Acts)  contain  the  parts 
of  the  Bible  read  (Fortescue,  "Orth.  E.  Ch.",  401-402; 
Nilles,  "Kal.  Man.",  XLIV-LVI;  Kattenbusch, 
"Confessionskunde",  I,  478-486). 

The  altar,  vestments  and  sacred  vessels. — A  church  of 
the  Byzantine  Rite  should  have  only  one  altar.  In  a 
few  very  large  ones  there  are  side-chapels  with  altars, 
and  the  Uniats  sometimes  copy  the  Latin  multitude  of 
altars  in  one  church ;  this  ig  an  abuse  mat  is  not  con- 
sistent with  their  rite.  The  altar  (ij  ayla  Tpdire^a) 
stands  in  the  middle  of  the  sanctuary  {lepaTetof) ;  it  is 
covered  to  the  ground  with  a  linen  cloth  over  which  is 
laid  a  silk  or  velvet  covering.  The  Euchologion,  a 
folded  antimension,  and  perhaps  one  or  two  other  in- 
struments used  in  the  Liturgy  are  laid  on  it;  nothing 
else.  [See  Altar  (in  THE  Greek  Church).]  Behind 
the  altar,  round  the  apse,  are  seats  for  priests  with  the 
bishop's  throne  in  the  middle  (in  every  church).  On 
the  north  side  of  the  altar  stands  a  large  credence-table 
{irpoffeais);  the  first  part,  of  the  Liturgy  is  said  here. 
On  the  south  side  is  the  diakonikon,  a  sort  of  sacristy 
where  vessels  and  vestments  are  kept;  but  it  is  in  no 
way  walled  off  from  the  rest  of  the  sanctuary.  The 
sanctuary  is  divided  from  the  rest  of  the  church  by  the 
ikonostasis  (eiKoyda-Taa-i!,  picture-screen),  a  great 
screen  stretching  across  the  whole  width  and  reaching 
high  up  to  the  roof  (see  sub-title  The  Iconostasis  s.  v. 
Altar,  History  of  the  Christian).  On  the  outside 
it  is  covered  with  a  great  number  of  pictures  of  Christ 
and  the  saints,  arranged  in  a  more  or  less  determined 
order  (Christ  always  to  the  right  of  the  royal  doors  and 
the  Bl.  Virgin  on  the  left),  before  which  rows  of  lamps 
are  hung.  The  ikonostasis  has  three  doors,  the 
"royal  door"  in  the  middle,  the  deacon's  door  to  the 
south  (right  hand  as  one  enters  the  church),  and  an- 
other door  to  the  north.  Between  the  royal  door  and 
the  deacon's  door  the  bishop  has  another  throne  facing 
the  people.  Immediately  outside  the  ikonostasis  is 
the  choir.  A  great  part  of  the  services  take  place  here. 
In  the  body  of  the  church  the  people  stand  (there  are 
no  seats  as  a  rule) ;  then  comes  the  narthex,  a  passage 
across  the  church  at  the  west  end,  from  which  one  en- 
ters by  doors  into  the  nave.  Most  of  the  funeral  rites 
and  other  services  take  place  in  the  narthex.  Churches 
are  roofed  as  a  rule  by  a  succession  of  low  cupolas, 
often  five  (if  the  church  is  cross-shaped).  In  Russia 
there  is  generally  a  belfry.  The  vestments  were  once 
the  same  as  the  Latin  ones,  though  now  they  look 
very  different.  It  is  a  curious  case  of  parallel  evolu- 
tion. The  bishop  wears  over  his  cassock  the  sticha- 
rion  {(TTixdpiop)  our  alb ;  it  is  often  of  silk  and  col- 
oured; then  the  epitrachelion  {fir it paxv^^ov),  a  stole 
of  which  the  two  ends  are  sewn  together  and  hang 
straight  down  in  front,  with  a  loop  through  which  the 
head  is  passed.  The  sticharion  and  e|)itnichelion  are 
held  together  by  the  zone  ( i'livri,  girdle),  a  narrow  belt 
of  stuff  with  clasps.  Over  the  wrists  he  wears  the  epi- 
manikia  (eirtjoia^kia),  cuffs  or  gloves  with  the  part,  for 
the  hand  cut  off.  From  the  girtlle  the  epigonation 
(^iri7oi'<iTioi'),  a  diamond-shaped  piece  of  stuff,  stif- 
fened with  cardboard,  hangs  down  to  the  right  knee. 
Lastly,  he  wears  over  all  the  sakkos  (craKKos),  a  vest- 
ment like  our  dalmatic.  Over  the  sakkos  comes  the 
omophorion  (uiiw4>f>piov).  ThLs  is  a  great  pallium  of 
silk  embroidered  with  crosses.  There  is  also  a  smaller 
omophorion  for  some  rites.  He  has  a  pectoral  cross, 
an  enkolpion  {iyKb\iriov,  a  medal  containing  a  relic), 
a  mitre  formed  of  metal  and  shaped  like  an  imperial 
crown,  and  a  dikanikion  (Siravl/ciop),  or  crosier, 
;:horter  than  ours  and  ending  in  two  serpents  between 
which  is  a  cross.  To  give  his  blessing  in  the  Liturgy 
he  uses  the  (rikerion  (rpiKitpiot')  in  his  right  ami  tlie 
dikerion  (SiK^f/piov)  in  his  left  hand.  The.se  are  a  triple 
and  doubl(>  candlestick  with  candles.  The  priest 
wears  the  sticharion,  epitrachelion,  zone,  and  epimani- 
Jtia.     If  b?  is  :i  dignitary  he  wears  the  epigonation  and 


(in  Russia)  the  mitre  also.  Instead  of  a  sakkos  he  has 
a  phainolion  (<f>aiv6\iov),  our  chasuble,  but  reaching 
to  the  feet  behind  and  at  the  sides,  and  cut  away  in 
front  (see  Chasuble  and  illustrations).  The  deacon 
wears  the  sticharion  and  epimanikia,  but  no  girdle. 
His  stole  is  called  an  orarion  (dpdpioy) ;  it  is  pinned  to 
the  left  shoulder  and  hangs  straight  down,  except  that 
he  winds  it  aroimd  his  body  and  over  the  right  shoul-' 
der  at  the  Communion.  It  is  embroidered  with  the 
word  ""AriOS"  three  times.  A  very  common 
abuse  (among  Melkites  too)  is  for  other  servers  to 
wear  the  orarion.  This  is  expressly  forbidden  by  the 
Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  360,  can.  xxii).  The  Byzan- 
tine Rite  has  no  sequence  of  liturgical  colours.  They 
generally  use  black  for  fimerals,  otherwise  any  colours 
for  any  day.  The  vessels  used  for  the  holy  Liturgy 
are  the  chalice  and  paten  (SIo-kos),  which  latter  is 
much  larger  than  ours  and  has  a  foot  to  stand  it  i  it  is 
never  put  on  the  chalice),  the  asteriskos  ( do-Tepio-Kos)  a 
cross  of  bent  metal  that  stands  over  the  paten  to  pre- 
vent the  veil  from  touching  the  holy  bread,  the  spoon 
(XdjSis)  for  giving  Communion,  the  spear  (\o7x^)  to 
cut  up  the  bread,  and  the  fan  (pnrldiov)  which  the  dea- 
con waves  over  the  Blessed  Sacrament — this  is  a  flat 
piece  of  metal  shaped  like  an  angel's  head  with  six 
wings  and  a  handle.  The  antimension  (a.vTiij.i)v(TiBv) 
is  a  kind  of  corporal  containing  relics  that  is  spread 
out  at  the  beginning  of  the  Liturgy.  It  is  really  a 
portable  altar.  The  Holy  Bread  (always  leavened  of 
course)  is  made  as  a  flat  loaf  marked  in  squares  to  be 
cut  up  during  the  Proskomide  with  the  letters  IC. 
XC.  NI.  KA.  ('Itjo-oOs  X^icrris  wkJ).  In  the  dia- 
konikon a  vessel  is  kept  with  hot  water  for  the  Liturgy 
(Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  403-409;  "Echos  d'Orient",  V, 
129-139;  R.  Storff,  "Die  griech.  Liturg.",  13-14). 

Church  music. — The  singing  in  the  Byzantine  Rite  is 
always  imaccompanied.  No  musical  instrument  of 
any  kind  may  be  used  in  their  churches.  They  have  a 
plain  chant  of  eight  modes  that  correspond  to  ours, 
except  that  they  are  numliered  differently;  the  four 
authentic  modes  (Doric,  Phrj-gian,  Lydian,  and  Mixo- 
lydian — our  1st,  3rd,  5th,  and  7th)  come  first,  then  the 
Plagal  modes  (our  2nd,  4th,  6th,  and  Sth).  But  their 
scales  are  different.  Whereas  our  plainsong  is  strictly 
diatonic,  theirs  is  enharmonic  with  variable  intervals. 
They  always  sing  in  unison  and  frequently  change  the 
mode  in  the  middle  of  a  chant.  One  singer  (generally 
a  boy)  sings  the  dominant  (rb  taov)  of  the  mode  to  the 
sound  of  A  continuously,  while  the  rest  execute  their 
elaborate  pneums  (see  Pl.\in  Chant).  The  result  is 
generally — to  our  ears — unmelodious  and  strange, 
though  in  some  cases  a  carefully  trained  choir  pro- 
duces a  fine  effect.  One  of  the  best  is  that  of  St. 
Anne's  (Melkite)  College  at  Jerusalem,  trained  by  the 
French  Peres  Blancs.  One  of  these.  Pere  Rcbours, 
has  written  an  exhaustive  and  j)ractical  treatise  of 
their  chant  ("Traite  de  psaltique"  etc.;  see  bibliog- 
raphy). In  Russia  and  lately,  to  some  extent,  in  the 
metropolitan  church  of  Athens  they  sing  figured  piusic 
in  parts  of  a  very  stately  and  beautiful  kind.  It  is 
probably  the  most  beautiful  and  suitable  church 
music  in  the  world. 

The  Holy  Liturgy. — The  present  use  of  the  Byzan- 
tine Rite  confines  the  older  Liturgy  of  St.  Basil  to  the 
Sundays  in  Lent  (except  Palm  Sunday),  Maundy 
Thursday,  and  Holy  Saturday,  also  the  eves  of  Christ- 
mas and  the  Epiphany,  and  St.  Basil's  feast  (1  Janu- 
arj')-  On  all  other  days  on  which  the  Liturgj'  is  cele- 
brated they  use  that  of  St.  Chrysostom.  But  on  the 
weekdays  in  Lent  (except  Saturdays)  they  may  not 
consecrate,  so  they  use  for  them  tlie  Liturgy  (if  the 
Presanctified.  .\n  Orthodox  i)riest  does  not  celel)rate 
every  day,  but  as  a  rule  only  on  Sundays  and  feast- 
days.  The  Uniats,  however,  in  this,  as  in  manv  other 
ways,  imitate  the  Latin  custom.  They  also  'liave  a  , 
curious  principle  that  the  altar  as  well  as  the  celebrant 
must  be  fasting,  that  is  to  say  that  it  must  not  hav? 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


317 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


111  ii,rd  already  on  the  same  day.     So  there  is  only 

I  1  iiurgy  a  day  m  an  Orthodox  Church.  Where 
;inv  priests  are  present  they  concelebrate,  all  saying 
!■  Anaphora  together  over  the  same  offerings.  This 
ip|M  ns  nearly  always  when  a  bishop  celebrates;  he 
Mil  idunded  by  his  priests,  who  celebrate  with  him. 
ir  I  iturgy  of  St.  Chrj-sostom,  as  being  the  o:\e  coni- 
iiiilv  used,  is  always  printed  first  in  the  Euchologia. 

i~  ilio  framework  into  which  the  others  are  fitted; 
111  I  he  greater  part  of  the  Liturgy  is  always  said  ac- 
ifilim:  to  this  form.     After  it  are  printed  the  prayers 

Si     Hasil  (always  much  longer)  which  are  substi-  . 

I I  1 1  fnr  some  of  the  usual  ones  when  his  rite  is  used, 

III  I  lull  the  variants  of  the  Liturgj'  of  the  Presancti- 
.1.  the  Liturgies  of  Basil  and  Chrj-sostom,  then. 
Ml  1  'hl;  only  in  a  certain  number  of  the  prayers,  may 
'  I  li  -iiilied  together. 

rill'  tirst  rubric  directs  that  the  celebrant  must  be 
ri'iirilpd  to  all  men,  keep  his  heart  from  evil 
ii'i.-l.ts,  and  be  fasting  since  midnight.  At  the  ap- 
Hiit'il  hour  (usually  immediately  after  None)  the 
Irliiiiiit  and  deacon  (who  commimicates  and  must 
III  ill  re  also  be  fasting)  say  the  preparatory  prayers 
■III  the  ikonostasis  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  3o3-.354), 
^^  I  111-  holy  ikons,  and  go  into  the  diakonikon.  Here 
I  >  \  rst,  the  celebrant  blessing  each  vestment  as  it  is 
It  III.  say  certain  prayers,  and  wash  their  hands,  say- 
^  '.  •  rses'6-12  of  Ps.  xxv  ("  Lavabo  inter  innocentes  " 
.-. .  I  ip.  cit.,  .■3.54-3,')6).  Then  the  first  part  of  the  Lit- 
«>■,  tlie  Preparation  of  Ihe  Offering  (wpoffKOfjuS-^)  be- 
•i<  lit  the  credence  table  (irpdBeffn).  The  loaves  of 
I  :iil  igcnerally  five)  are  marked  in  divisions  as  de- 
nl  '■  li  above  under  the  caption  Altar,  etc.     The  cele- 

iiii  lilts  away  with  the  holy  lance  the  parts  marked 
'  \i  .  NL  KA.,  and  says:  "The  Lamb  of  God  is  sacri- 
iil  '  These  parts  are  then  called  the  Lamb.  The 
III  nil  pom's  wine  and  warm  water  into  the  chalice. 

In  r  parts  of  the  bread  are  cut  away  in  honour  of  the 
!  Im  ilv  Theotokos,  nine  for  various  saints,  and  others 
1  1 1  ii  I lishop,  Orthodox  clergy,  and  various  people  for 
mil  lie  wishes  to  pray.  This  rite  is  accompanied  by 
iii>  prayers,  the  particles  (wpo<r<f>opal)  are  arranged 

till-  diskos  (paten)  by  the  Lamb  (that  of  the  Theo- 

I  I-  lui  the  right,  because  of  the  verse  "The  Queen 

111  thy  right  hand".  A  long  rubric  explains  all 
I  ivered  with  the  asteriskos  and  veils,  and  the 
LIS  are  repeatedly  incensed.     The  deacon  then 

II  ;  I  s  the  prothesis,  altar,  sanctuary,  nave,  and  the 
li  1  riiit.  (.\  detailed  account  of  the  now  elaborate 
■  111  the  Proskomideisgivenin  the"Echosd'Orient", 
I.  li'i  -78.)  They  then  go  to  the  altar,  kiss  the  Gos- 
I  I'M  it  and  the  deacon  holding  up  his  orarion  says: 

1-  time  to  sacrifice  to  the  Lord.     Here  begin  the 

N  I  iKTival  or  ffurairraf).     The  doors  of  the  ikon- 

ire  ojx'ned,  and  the  deacon  goes  out  through 

itli  door.     Standing  before  the  royal  doors  he 

the   Great    Litany,    praying   for   peace,   the 

the  patriarch  or  sjmod  (in  Orthodo.x  countries 

sovereign  and  his  family),  the  city,  travellers, 

ii-.     To  each  clause  the  choir  answer  "Kyrie 

'.     Then  follows  the  first  antijihon  (on  Sun- 

' '-.  cii),  and  the  celebrant  at  the  altar  s.ays  a 

Tlie  Short-  Litany  is  sung  in  the  same  way 

iiises  arc  different,  Brightman,  op.  cit.,  .362— 

ith  an  antiphon  and  prayer,  and  then  a  third 

iin  Sundaj's  the  third  antiphon  is  the  Beati- 

follows  the  Little  Entrance.     The  deacon  has 
uk  to  the  celebrant's  side.     They  come  out 
I  the  north  door  in  procession,  the  (ie.acon  hold- 
book  of  the  Gospels,  with  acolj'tes  lieariiig 
The  tropiaria  fsliort  hymns)  are  sung,  end- 
li  the  Trisagion:   "  Holy  God,  Holy  Strong  One, 
iiMiortal  ( tlie.  have  mercy  on  us"  (three  times); 
I  ilory  be  to  the  Father",  etc. — "An  it  was  in 
filming",  etc. — and  again  "Holy  God",  etc. 
1 ;  i  le  the  celebrant  says  other  prayers.    A  reader 


sings  the  Epistle;  a  Gradual  is  sung;  the  deacon  sings 
the  Gospel,  having  incensed  the  book;  more  prayers 
follow.  Then  come  prayers  for  the  catechumens,  and 
they  are  dismissed  by  the  deacon:  "All  catechumens 
go  out.  Catechumens  go  out.  All  catechumens  go 
aw-ay.  Not  one  of  the  catechumens  [shall  stay]." — 
Of  course  nowadays  there  are  no  catechumens. — The 
prayers  for  the  eatechimiens  bring  us  to  the  first  vari- 
ant between  the  two  Liturgies.  The  one  said  by  the 
celebrant  is  different  (and,  as  an  exception,  shorter)  in 
St.  Basil's  rite  (Brightman,  op.  cit.,  374  and  401).  The 
deacon  says,  "All  the  faithful  again  and  again  pray  to 
the  Lord  in  peace  ",  and  repeats  several  times  the  curi- 
ous exclamation  "Wisdom!"  {<ro<)>la)  that  occurs  re- 
peatedly in  the  Byzantine  Rite — before  the  Gospel  he 
says  "Wisdom!  Upright!" — <ro<pla.  opSot.,  meaning 
that  the  people  should  stand  up. 

The  Liturgy  of  the  Faithful  begins  here.  Prayers  for 
the  faithful  follow  (ditferent  in  the  two  rites,  Bright- 
man,  op.  cit.,  375-377  and  400-401);  and  then  comes 
the  dramatic  moment  of  the  Liturgy,  the  Great  En- 
trance. The  celebrant  and  deacon  go  to  the  prothesis, 
the  offerings  are  incensed.  The  deacon  covers  his 
shoulders  with  the  great  veil  (see  Aer)  and  takes  the 
diskos  (paten)  with  the  bread;  the  thurible  hangs 
from  his  hand;  the  celebrant  follows  with  the  chalice. 
Acolytes  go  in  front  and  form  a  solemn  procession. 
Meanwhile  the  choir  sings  the  Cherubic  Hymn  (Xepou- 
/3i<c6s  viivoi):  "Let  us,  who  nij'stically  represent  the 
Cherubim,  and  who  sing  to  the  Life-giving  Trinity  the 
thrice  holy  hymn,  put  away  all  earthly  cares  so  as  to 
receive  the  King  of  all  things  [here  the  procession 
comes  out  through  the  north  door]  escorted  by  the 
army  of  angels.  Alleluia,  alleluia,  alleluia."  The 
procession  goes  meanwhile  all  round  the  church  and 
enters  the  sanctuarj'  by  the  royal  doors.  The  Cheru- 
bic Hymn  has  a  very  elaborate  and  effective  melody 
(Rebours,  op.  cit.,  156-164)  with  almost  endless 
pneums.  This  ceremony,  with  its  allusion  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  "  King  of  all  things"  before  the  offerings 
are  consecrated,  is  a  curious  instance  of  a  dramatic  rep- 
resentation that  anticipates  the  real  moment  of  the 
Consecration.  After  some  more  prayers  at  the  altar, 
different  in  the  tw^o  liturgies,  the  deacon  cries  out, 
"  The  doors !  The  doors !  Let  us  attend  in  w^isdom ' ', 
and  the  doors  of  the  ikonostasis  are  shut.  The  Creed 
is  then  sung. 

Here  begins  the  A  naphnra  (Canon) .  There  is  first  a 
dialogue,  ''Lift  up  your  hearts"  etc.,  as  with  us,  and 
the  celebrant  begins  the  Eucharistic  prayer:  "It  is 
meet  and  just  to  sing  to  Thee,  to  bless  Thee,  praise 
Thee  and  give  thank-s'to  Thee  in  all  places.  .  .  ."  The 
form  in  St.  Basil's  Rite  is  much  longer.  It  is  not  said 
aloud,  but  at  the  end  he  lifts  up  his  voice  and  says: 
"  Crying,  singing,  proclaiming  the  hymn  of  victory  and 
saying;" — and  the  choir  sings  "Holy,  Holy,  Holy" 
etc.,  as  in  our  Mass.  Ver>'  soon,  after  a  short  prayer 
(considerably  longer  in  St.  Basil's  Rite)  the  celebrant 
com.es  to  the  words  of  Institution.  He  lifts  up  his 
voice  and  sings:  "Take  and  eat:  this  is  my  Body  that 
is  broken  for  you  for  the  forgiveness  of  sins'  ;  and 
through  the  Ikonostasis  the  choir  answers  "Amen". 
Then:  "Drink  ye  all  of  this,  this  is  my  Blood  of  the 
New  Testament  that  is  shed  for  you  and  for  many  for 
the  forgiveness  of  sins."  R.  Amen — as  before.  The 
Orthodox,  as  is  known,  do  not  believe  that  these  words 
consecrate,  so  they  go  straight  on  to  the  Anamnesis, 
and  a  special  rubric  in  their  Euchologion  (ed.  Venice, 
1898,  p.  63)  warns  them  not  to  make  any  reverence 
here.  The  I'niats,  on  the  other  hand,  make  a  pro- 
found reverence  after  each  form.  The  Anamnesis 
(our  "Unde  et  memores")  again  is  longer  in  the  Basil- 
ian  Liturgy.  The  Epiklesis  follows.  The  deacon  in- 
vites the  celebrant  in  each  ea.-ie:  "  Bless,  sir,  the  holy 
bread  [or  wine]."  The  two  forms  (of  Basil  and  Chrys- 
ostom)  may  stand  as  specimens  of  the  principle  of  ab- 
breviation "that  distinguishes  the  later  rite.    In  St. 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


318 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


Basil's  Liturgy  it  is:  "We  pray  and  beseech  thee,  O 
Holy  of  Holy  ones,  that  according  to  the  mercy  of  thy 
favour  thy  Holy  Spirit  come  down  on  us  and  on  these 
present  gifts  to  bless  them,  sanctify  them  and  to 
make.  ..."  (Chrysostom:  "Send  down  thy  Holy  Spirit 
on  us  and  on  these  present  gifts.  .  .  .").  Then,  after  an 
irrelevant  interpolation,  with  two  verses  from  Ps.  1 
about  the  celebrant's  own  soul,  he  continues  (Basil): 
"this  bread  the  precious  Body  itself  of  our  Lord  and 
God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (Chrys. :  "and  make 
this  bread  the  precious  Body  of  thy  Christ ") .  Deacon : 
"Amen.  Bless,  Sir,  the  holy  chalice."  Celebrant 
(Basil):  "But  this  chalice  the  Precious  Blood  itself  of 
our  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ"  (Chrys.:  "And 
what  it  is  in  this  Chalice  the  precious  Blood  of  Thy 
Christ").  Deacon:  "Amen.  Bless,  Sir,  both."  Cele- 
brant (Basil):  "That  was  shed  for  the  life  and  salva- 
tion of  the  world"  (Chrys..  "Changing  it  by  thy  Holy 
Spirit").  Deacon:  "Amen.  Amen.  Amen."  Both 
then  make  a  deep  prostration,  and  the  deacon  waves 
the  ripidion  (fan)  over  the  Blessed  Sacrament.  This 
ceremony,  now  interpreted  mystically  as  a  symbol  of 
adoring  angels,  was  certainly  once  a  practical  precau- 
tion. They  have  no  pall  over  the  chalice  and  there  is 
a  danger  of  flies.  The  waving  of  the  ripidion  occurs 
several  times  during  the  Liturgy. 

In  the  Byzantine  Rite,  as  in  all  the  .Antiochene  fam- 
ily of  liturgies,  the  Intercession  follows  at  this  point. 
First  comes  a  memory  of  saints ;  the  deacon  then  reads 
the  Diptychs  of  the  Dead,  and  the  celebrant  says  a 
prayer  into  which  he  may  introduce  the  names  of  any 
of  the  faithful  departed  for  whom  he  wishes  to  pray. 
Prayers  for  the  living  follow  (in  Russia  for  the  second 
time  occur  the  names  of  "  Our  Orthodox  and  Christ- 
loving  Lord  Nicholas,  Czar  and  Autocrat  of  all  the 
Russias"  and  of  all  his  "right-believing  and  God- 
fearing" family),  with  the  names  of  the  patriarch  (or 
Synod)  and  metropolitan,  and  the  ending:  "and  all 
[masc]  and  all  [fem.]"  xal  Tdyruii'  nal  iraciov.  The 
deacon  then  reads  the  Diptychs  of  the  Living;  more 
prayers  for  them  follow.  Here  ends  the  Anaphora. 
The  celebrant  blesses  the  people :  "  The  mercy  of  our 
great  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  be  with  all  of  you." 
Choir:  "And  with  thy  spirit."  And  the  deacon  goes 
out  to  his  place  before  the  ikonostasis  and  reads  a  lit- 
any, praying  for  various  spiritual  and  temporal  fa- 
vours, to  each  clause  of  which  the  choir  answers: 
"  Kyrie  eleison",  and  at  the  last  clause — "Having 
prayed  in  the  union  of  faith  and  in  the  communion  of 
the  Holy  Ghost,  let  us  commend  ourselves  and  one 
another  and  our  whole  life  to  Christ,  our  God."  To 
Thee,  O  Lord  (2oi,  Ki/pie). — Meanwhile  the  celebrant 
says  a  long  prayer  silently.  The  people  sing  the  Lord's 
Prayer,  and  the  celebrant  adds  the  clause:  For  Thine 
is  the  Kingdom"  etc.  The  Inclination  follows.  The 
deacon  says,  "Bow  your  heads  to  the  Lord"  (our 
"Humiliate  capita  vestra  Domino");  they  answer, 
"To  Thee,  O  Lord",  and  the  celebrant  says  the  Prayer 
of  Inclination  (different  in  the  two  Liturgies).  The 
preparation  for  Communion  begins  here.  The  deacon 
winds  his  orarion  (stole)  around  his  body,  the  curtain 
of  the  royal  doors  (they  have  besides  the  doors  a  cur- 
tain that  is  continually  drawn  backward  and  forward 
during  the  Liturgy)  is  drawn  back,  and  the  celebrant 
elevates  the  Holy  Eucharist  saying,  "  Holy  things  for 
the  holy",  to  which  the  answer  is:  "One  only  is  holy, 
one  only  is  Lord,  Jesus  Christ  in  the  glory  of  (!od  the 
Father.  Amen."  The  Communion  hjann  (koiujuk^i') 
of  the  day  is  sung,  and  the  Communion  begins.  While 
the  clergy  Conununicate  in  the  Sanctuary  a  sermon  is 
.sometimes  preached.  The  celebrant  breaks  the  Holy 
Bread  into  four  parts,  as  it  is  marked,  and  arranges 
them  on  the  diskos  thus:  - 
I  i: 
N   I  K   A 

X  s 
Ho  puts  the  fraction  marked  I-  into  the  chalice,  and 


the  deacon  again  pours  into  it  a  little  warm  water  (tl 
use  of  warm  water  is  a  very  old  peculiarity  of  this  rit< 
The  part  marked  XS  is  divided  into  as  many  parts 
there  are  priests  and  deacons  to  Communicate.  Mea 
while,  prayers  are  said ;  those  about  to  Communica 
ask  pardon  of  their  ofTences  against  each  other.  Tl 
celebrant  says,  "  Behold  I  draw  near  to  our  immort 
King"  etc.,  and  receives  Holy  Communion  in  the  for 
of  bread,  saying:  The  precious  and  all-holy  Body 
Our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  is  given  to  me  ] 
priest  [or  bishop]  for  the  forgiveness  of  my  sins  and  f 
life  everlasting."  Then  he  says,  "  Deacon,  approach 
and  gives  him  Communion  with  the  same  form  CJ 
thee  N.  deacon  etc.).  The  celebrant  then  drinks 
the  chalice  with  a  corresponding  form — The  precio 
and  all-holy  Blood — and  communicates  the  deacon 
before.  After  Communion  each  says  silently  a  ve 
beautiful  prayer — I  believe.  Lord,  and  I  confess  th 
Thou  art  in  very  truth  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  livii 
God  etc.  (Brightraan,  op.  cit.,  394.)  The  rest  of  tl 
clergy  are  Communicated  from  the  portion  marked  I 
that  has  been  put  into  the  chalice  and  is  therefo 
soaked  in  the  consecrated  wine,  with  one  form  (Tl 
precious  and  all-holy  Body  and  Blood).  The  eel 
brant  divides  the  portions  marked  NI  and  KA,  and  tl 
deacon  puts  them  into  the  chalice  with  a  sponge.  Tl 
doors  are  opened  and  the  deacon  .says,  "  Draw  near 
the  fear  of  God  and  with  faith".  The  celebrant  com 
down  to  the  doors  with  the  chalice  and  the  spoon  ai 
communicates  the  people  with  the  Holy  Bread  dippf 
in  the  chalice,  and  with  one  form,  as  before.  The  pe 
pie  stand  to  receive  Communion  (the  Byzantine  Ri 
knows  practically  no  kneeling  at  all).  Finally,  tl 
deacon  puts  all  the  remaining  particles  into  the  chalii 
and  carries  it  back  to  the  prothesis.  Those  other  part 
cles  (prosphora)  originally  cut  off  from  the  bread  ha' 
lain  on  the  diskos  (paten)  since  the  proskomide.  It  h; 
been  a  great  question  whether  they  are  consecrated  i 
not.  The  Orthodox  now  say  that  they  are  not,  ar 
the  deacon  puts  them  into  the  chalice  after  the  Cor 
munion.  It  is  obviously  a  question  of  the  celebrant 
intention.  The  L'niat  priests  are  told  to  consecra 
them  too,  and  in  their  Liturgy  the  people  receii 
them  in  Communion  iFortescue,  op.  cit.,  417;  "Echi 
d'Orient",  III,  71-73). 

Here  begins  the  Dismissal.  The  deacon  imwin( 
his  orarion,  goes  back  to  the  choir  before  the  ikonosti 
sis,  and  says  a  short  litany  again  with  the  choir.  I 
then  goes  to  the  prothesis  and  consumes  all  that  is  le 
of  the  Holy  Eucharist  with  the  prosphora.  Meai 
while,  some  of  the  bread  originally  cut  up  at  the  Pn 
thesis  has  remained  there  all  the  time.  This  is  no 
brought  to  the  celebrant,  blessed  by  him,  and  given  ( 
the  people  as  a  sacramental  (the  French  pain  bcnit- 
see  Antidoron).  After  some  more  prayers  the  eel 
brant  and  deacon  go  to  the  diakonikon,  the  doors  ai 
shut,  they  take  off  their  vestments,  and  the  Liturgy 
over.  The  whole  service  is  very  much  longer  than  oi 
Mass.  It  lasts  about  two  hours.  It  should  be  note 
that  all  the  time  that  the  choir  are  singing  or  litanii 
being  said  the  priest  is  saying  other  prayers  silent! 
(/luo-TiKus) .  The  Byzantine  Rite  has  no  provision  fc 
low  Mass.  As  they  say  the  Liturgy  only  on  Sunday 
and  feast-days,  they  have  less  need  for  such  a  rite.  I 
cases  of  necessity,  where  there  is  no  deacon,  the  eel 
brant  supplies  his  part  as  best  he  can.  The  l'niat 
who  have  begun  to  celebrate  every  day,  ha^■e  evolve 
a  kind  of  low  Liturgy;  and  at  the  (ireek  College  . 
Rome  they  have  a  number  of  little  matuiscript  bool 
containing  an  arrangement  for  celcliriiling  with 
priest  anil  one  lay  server  only.  But  in  the  Levant, 
any  rate,  the  Liturgy  is  always  sung,  and  inren.se  is: 
ways  used;  so  that  the  minimum  of  persons  requiri 
for  the  Liturgy  is  a  celebrant,  server,  and  one  oth 
man  who  forms  the  choir. 

The  Liturgy  of  the  Presnnciifieil  is  fitted  into  the  ge 
cral  framework  of  St.  Chrysostom's  Rite.     It  is  us 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


319 


CONSTANTINOPLE 


IK  ci'lebrated  on  Wednesdays  and  Fridays  in  the  first 
i\  «<cks  of  Lent,  and  on  all  the  days  of  Holy  Week, 
\i  '  I't  Maundy  Thursday  and  Easter  Eve  which  have 
ii-  I '  al  Liturgy  (of  St.  Basil).  On  other  days  in  Lent 
III  ir  IS  no  liturgical  service  at  all.  On  the  Sunday  bc- 
iin  mure  loaves  {wpoa<popal)  are  used  than  otherwise. 
Ill  .-:une  rite  of  preparation  is  made  over  all.  After 
lie  l%levation  the  celebrant  dips  the  other  prosphoras 
[It o  the  chalice  with  the  spoon,  and  places  it  in  another 
lialii'c  in  the  tabernacle  (apTo(p6piov)  kept  for  this  pur- 
K'M'.  The  Liturgy  of  the  Presanctified  Ls  said  after 
,■(■^pl•rs  (^(rjrepiv6!\  which  forms  its  first  part.  There 
^  nf  course  no  further Proskomide,  but  the  preparatory 
irayrrs  are  said  by  celebrant  and  deacon  as  usual. 
Ill-  ( Ireat  Litany  is  introduced  into  the  middle  of  Ves- 

I  r^.  The  hymn  ^uis  l\apbv  (see  below)  is  sung  as 
iMial,  and  the  lessons  are  read.  The  prayers  for  cate- 
huiiicns  and  their  dismissal  follow.  The  Great  En- 
r.niie  is  made  with  the  already  consecrated  offerings, 
ml  a  changed  fonn  of  the  Cherubic  Hymn  is  sung 
.Miltzew,  "Die  Liturgien",  149).  The  curtain  of  the 
iiy  il  iloors  is  half-drawn  across,  the  whole  Anaphora 
^  ■iiiiitted,  and  they  go  on  at  once  to  the  Short  Litany 
irfi.iT'  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  Lord's  Prayer,  In- 
luiation,  and  Elevation  with  the  form:  "Thepresanc- 
itiid  Holy  Things  to  the   holy"   follow.    Wine  and 

LiiMi  water  are  poured  into  the  chalice,  but  not,  of 

II  II  c,  consecrated.     Communion  is  given  with  one 

III  I  iinly.     The  Blessed  Sacrament  already  dipped  in 

I  iiiiirated  wine  is  now  dipped  inunconsecrated  wine. 
hi  II  lebrant  drinks  of  this  wine  after  his  Communion 
it  hi  lilt  any  prayer.     The  Liturgj^  ends  as  usual  (with 

.  iltirent  forms  in  some  parts),  and  the  deacon  con- 
lunies  what  is  left  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  (unless  some 
If  it  is  again  reserved  for  the  next  Presanctified  Liturgy 
]nd  the  wine  in  the  Chalice.  This  is  the  merest  out- 
ne  of  the  rite.  Its  earlier  part  is  inextricably  joined 
b  the  Vespers  (Maltzew,  op.  eit.,  121-158). 

The  Divine  Office  is  very  long  and  complicated. 
\  hill  sung  in  choir  it  lasts  about  eight  hours.  It  is 
ini  rntirely  only  by  monks.  Secular  priests  say  part 
I'  it,  as  their  devotion  dictates.  The  Uniats  fre- 
ii  iiily  apply  to  Rome  to  know  what  to  do,  and  the 
ii-'.MT  is  always:  Servetur  consucludoj  by  which  is 

II  lilt  that  their  secular  clergy  should  say  as  much  of 
III-  '  iHice  as  is  customary.     It  is  impossible  for  them 

I  Miy  it  all.     The  Office  is  divided  into  the  hours 

III  I'l  above  (under  Scrrice-books)  which  correspond 

r<,  with  additional  short  hours  (fic<r6iipa)  inter- 
ti'  between  Prime,  Terce,  Sext,  None,  and  Ves- 
It  is  made  up  of  psalms,  lessons,  prayers,  and  es- 
''■\y  of  a  great  number  of  hymns  in  rhythmical 
The  Psalter  is  divided  into  twenty  parts  called 
-  tara,  each  of  which  is  made  up  of  three  sections 
■  is).     The  whole  Psalter  is   sung  every  week. 
Ill  ist  import  ant  of  the  many  kinds  of  hymns  are 
llowing:    A  canon  {Kaviiv)  is  made  up  of  nine 
I  I  irresponding  to  the  nine  canticles  (of  Moses, 
'  V,  1-19;  Deut.,  xxxii,  1-4.3;  of  Anna,  I  Kings,  ii, 
llab.,  iii,  2-19;  Is.,  xxvi,  9-20;  Jonas,  ii,  2-10; 
i-nedicite.  Magnificat,  and  Bencdictus)  sung  at 
Of  these  canticles  the  second  is  sung  only  in 
therefore  most  canons   have  no  second  ode. 
uile  {<i)5rt)  is  supposed  to  correspond  more  or  less 
I  anticle.     Thus  the  sixth  ode  will  generally  con- 
reference  to  Jona's  whale.     Otherwise  the  canon 
I ys  about  the  feast  on  which  it  is  stmg,  and  much 
iity  is  expended  in  forcing  some  connexion  be- 
lt the  event  of  the  day  iind  the  allusions  in  the  can- 
.'  il  >,     The  odes  are  further  divided  into  a  heirmos 
•  ipuM)    and     troparia    (rporipia)    of    any    number, 
111.  three  to  twenty  or  more.  The  heirmos  sets  the 
!i  <r  each  ode  (see  Pl.mn'  Chant),  and  the  troparia 
it.     The  last  troparion  of  each  ode  always  re- 
■  Our  Lady  and  is  called  dcoriKtov.     The  odes 
make  an  acrostic  in  their  initial  letters;  some- 
ihey  are  alphabetic.     In  long  canons  a  poem  is 


intercalated  in  the  middle  during  which  people  may  sit 
(they  stand  for  nearly  the  whole  Office) ;  it  is  called 
KdOiapta.  Three  troparia  form  an  ol/cos  ("hou.se",  cf. 
Italian  lilnnzii).  The  canons  for  the  weekdays  are  in 
the  Oktoechos,  those  for  immovable  feasts  in  the  Me- 
naias,  for  movable  ones  in  the  Triodion  and  Pentekos- 
tarion  (see  above  under  Scrvicc-honkx).  One  of  the 
most  famous  of  all  is  St.  John  Damascene's  Golden 
Canon  for  Easter  Day  (translated  by  Dr.  J.  M.  Neale  in 
his  "  Hymns  of  the  Eastern  Church",  4th  ed.,  London, 
pp.  .30-44).  Other  kinds  of  chant  are  the  kontakion 
(KonTdKioy),  a  short  poem  about  the  feast,  the  stichos 
(ffrixos)  a  versicle,  generally  from  a  psalm  (like  our 
antiphons),  which  introduces  a  sticheron  (iTTixtpit'),  or 
hymn  sung  at  Matins  and  Vespers.  An  idiomelon 
(i5i6/ieXoi')  is  a  troparion  that  has  its  own  melody,  in- 
stead of  following  a  heirmos  (for  other  kinds  of  chant 
see  Nilles,  "  Kalend.  Man.",  pp.  Ivii-lxix,  and  the  ex- 
ample he  gives  from  the  feast  of  the  Transfiguration, 
6  August).  The  Great  Doxology  (5o|oXo7(o)  is  our 
"Gloria  inexcelsis",  the  small  one  our  "Gloria  Patri". 
The  Hymnos  Akathistos  (vfj.vos  dicdfta-Tos,  standing 
hymn)  is  a  complete  Office  in  honour  of  Our  Lady  and 
of  her  Annunciation  (see  .\c.\thistus).  It  has  all  the 
Hours  and  is  made  up  of  psalms,  odes,  etc.,  like  other 
Offices.  It  is  sung  very  solemnly  on  the  Saturday  be- 
fore the  second  Sunday  before  Easter;  and  they  sing 
parts  of  it  every  Friday  evening  and  Saturday  morn- 
ing in  Lent.  It  is  always  sung  standing.  The  Hymnos 
Akathistos  is  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Horologion.  P. 
de  Meester,  O.S.B.,  has  edited  it  with  an  Italian  tran.s- 
lation  {' AKoXovdia  tov  aKaOiarov  vfivov. — Officio  dell' 
inno  acatisto,  Rome,  1903).  At  the  end  of  Vespers 
every  day  is  sung  the  famous  0<jj  l\ap6v,  as  the  evening 
light  disappears,  and  the  lamps  are  lit: — 

Hail,  gladdening  Light,  of  his  pure  glory  poured 

Who  is  the  immortal  Father,  heavenly,  blest, 

Holiest  of  Holies,  Jesus  Christ,  Our  Lord. 

Now  we  are  coine  to  the  sun's  hour  of  rest. 

The  lights  of  evening  round  us  shine. 

We  hymn  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Spirit  divine, 

Worthiest  art  Thou  at  all  times  to  be  sung 

With  undefiled  tongue. 

Son  of  our  God,  giver  of  life  alone. 

Therefore  in  all   the  world,   thy   glories,    Lord, 

they  own. 
— Keble's  translation  in  the  "Hymns,  Ancient  and 
Modern",  No.  18. 

There  are,  lastly,  services  for  the  administration  of 
the  Seven  Great  Mysteries  (the  Seven  Sacraments) 
that  are  printed  in  the  Euchologion  after  the  liturgies 
(ed.  cit.,  pp.  13G-288).  Baptism  is  always  conferred 
by  immersion  (the  Orthodox  have  grave  doubts  as  to 
the  validity  of  baptism  by  infusion. — See  Fortescue, 
Orth.  E.  Church,  p.  420)."  The  child  is  anointed  all 
over  its  body  and  dipped  three  times  with  its  face 
towards  the  ea.st.  The  form  is:  " The  servant  of  God 
N.  is  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Amen,  and  of 
the  Son,  Amen,  and  of  the  Holy  Gho.st,  Amen."  Con- 
firmation follows  at  once  and  is  conferred  by  priests 
(the  Holy  See  recognizes  this  confirmation  as  valid 
and  neither  rebaptizes  nor  reconfirms  converts  from 
Orthodoxy).  The  whole  body  is  again  anointed  with 
chrism  (rA  4710^  ixOpov)  prepared  very  elal)orately  with 
fifty-five  various  substances  by  the  cecimienical  patri- 
arch on  Maundy  Thursday  (Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  425- 
426).  The  form  is:  "The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Holv 
Ghost"  (Euch.,  1.36-144).  The  Orthodox  never  re- 
baptize  when  they  are  sure  of  the  validity  of  former 
baptism;  but  they  reconfirm  continually.  Confirma- 
tion has  become  the  usual  rite  of  admittance  into  their 
Church,  even  in  the  case  of  apostates  who  have  already 
been  confirmed  orthodoxly.  The  pious  Orthodox 
lajnnanC'ommunicates  as  a  rule  only  four  times  a  year, 
at  Christmas,  Easter,  W'hitsunday,  and  the  Falling 
Asleep  of  the  Mother  of  God  (ISAugust).    Th«Blessed 


CONSTITUTIONISTS 


320 


CONSTITUTIONS 


Sacrament  is  reserved  for  the  sick  in  the  '^P'-'>*V<"'. 
(or  u"0°XdK.o.)  under  both  kinds  more  or  less  tliat 
s  to  sav  it  has  been  dipped  into  tlie  chahce  and  al- 
ow^d  to^dry.     It  is  given  to  tiie  -ck;nth  a  spoon  and 
with  the  usual  form  (see  above  under  Holy  Liturgy). 
Thev  have  no  tradition  of  reverence  for  the  reserved 
i-  !L\.;»t      Penance  (uerd.'oia)  is  administered  rare- 
fv       ually  on  tlfesame  occasions  as  Holy  Communion. 
Jfhev  hav^  no  confessionals.     The  ghostly  father  (x.u- 
irlis)   sits   before  the  ikonostasis  under   the   pic- 
ture of  Our  Lord,  tlie  penitent  kneels  before  h'rn  (one 
of  tie  rare  cases  of  kneeling  is  in  this  rite),  and  severd 
nravers  are  said,  to  which  the  choir  answers     Kyne 
eleison-'      The  "choir"  is  always  the  penitent  him- 
sel       Then  the  ghostly  father  is  directed  to  say     ma 
cheerful  voice:    Brother,  be  not  ashamed  that  you 
come  before  God  and  before  me,  for  YO^  do  not  confe  s 
to  me  but  to  God  who  is  present  here.        He  a  ^s  the 
nenitent  his  sins,  says  that  only  God  can  forgive  him 
Eu     ha   Christ  gave'this  power  to  his  Apost  es  saymg^ 
"Whose  sins  ye  shall  forgive",  etc.,  and  absolves  him 
wth  a  deprecatory  form  in  a  long  prayer  m  which  oc- 
\r'\he  Xds:    "May  this  same  God   through  me  a 
sinner   forgive  you  all  now  and  for  evei        .i^^uen 
nn™  21  223.)      Holy   Order  (x«poroWa)  i.s  given  by 
ra^viircTon  the  right  hand  only.     The  form  is  (for  dea- 
conT)°    "The  grace  of  God,  that  always  strengthens 
rieak  and  Ills  the  empty,  appomts  the  mc«t  re  ig- 
inn«  quVvdeacon  N.  to  be  deacon.     Let  us  then  pray 
or  him  thtt    he  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost  may  come  to 
him  "     Long  prayers  follow,  with  allusions  to  bt.  bte- 
S:„  and  the^haconate,;  the  bishop  vests  the  new  dea- 

^  ^i:^!' the^e  ™"^e  ?^'wUh  ^^ 
and  bishops  tnere  is  uic  oanic  ,  nriest 

vnriants  "  the  most  religious  deacon  JN.  to  be  priesi    , 
or  "the  most  religious  elect  N.  to  be  Metropolitan  of 
?he  holvMetWoHs  N."  (nearly  all  their  bishops  have 
the  t^lMelrololitan-),  and  the  subjects  receive  their 
vStments  and  instruments,    /"^^t^^^  bishops  con- 
celebrate  at  once  with  the  ordainer  (Euch     1^0-181) 
The  Orthodox  believe  that  the  grace  of  Holy  outers 
mavperfeh  through  heresy  or  schism   so  they  gener- 
a  r/reordain  converts  (the  Russian  Church  has  olS- 
^  nllv  refused  to  do  this,  Fortescue,  op.  cit.,  42.3-4_4 
Ma  rimonr  (TiMoO  is  often  called   the  "crownmg 
ffriSa)   ronT  the  practice  of  crownmg  the  spouses 
Euch      238-252).     They  wear  these  crowns  for  a 

leek  and  have  a  special  T''''r'''\ft^%t^kl£ 
-.tnin(Euch  252).  T\ie  Anointing  oj  the  buk.  ((vx( 
S  is  admini-stered  (when  possible)  by  seven 
nriests  The  oil  contains  as  a  rule  w  me,  m  memor>  of 
tliL  Good  Samaritan.  It  is  blessed  by  a  priest  just  be- 
fore it  is  used.  They  use  a  very  long  form  invoking 
the  all-h Jy  Theotokos,  the  "inoneyless  physicians 
Sts  Cosmas  and  Damian,  and  other  samts  They 
anoint  tTe  forehead,  chin,  cheeks,  hands,  ^o^^V^l'J'^^^ 
breast  with  a  brush.  Each  priest  present  does  the 
Dreasi  w  ii u  -^  ^j,,      ,j,j     ^gry  ce  is,  as  usual,  very 

W  ^Tty'a  oint^'pUle  whoareonly  slightly  ill, 

^?'llosforrd"Soro'danointJev.ry^ 

sents  himself,  as  a  preparation  tor  Holy  Communion 

^''fhrre'a?e"m1n"'W—  People  are  some- 
tiJesTnoTnted  wfth.the  oil  taken  from  a  amp  tha^ 
burns  before  a  ho  y  icon  occasionally  with  t lie  torm 
for  confirmation:  "The  seal  of  the  gift  of  the  Iloly 
Ghost")  They  have  besides  the  antidoron  another 
kind  of  i.lessed^.read-the  koUjha  if^^\^-^^'Z 
honour  of  some  saint  or  m  memory  of  the  deacL     On 


till  lately  almost  a  lost  art  in  the  Orthodox  Church, 
now  a  revfval  of  it  has  begun  (Gelzer,  Ge.stliches  u. 
Weltliches  etc.,  76-82).  There  is  a  long  funeral  ser- 
vice (Euch.  ed.  cit.,  393--170).  For  all  these  ntes 
[except  the' Liturgy)  a  priest  does  not  wear  all  his 
vestments  but  (ovir  his  cassock)  the  epitrachelion  and 
ph"on  The  high  black  hat  without  a  brim 
Uaxla^°'°0  worn  by  all  priests  of  this  rite  'is  well 
known  It  is  worn  with  vestments  as  well  as  m  ordi- 
nary lite.  Bishops  and  dignitaries  have  a  black  ved 
overi  All  clerks  wear  long  hair  and  a  beard.  Fora 
more  detailed  account  of  all  these  rites  see     Orth. 

^fl^e'orthodofse/vKl^bi'k;!  G^^^      are  pubUsl.ed  at  .heir 

The  Orthoclox^eryie  (various  dates:   tlie  Euchoto- 

official  P//»^, '°/°;'^  Vr   0>c  r"  at  ones  at  Rome  (Propaganda). 

njonqiiotp  1  lipro.  '^'^  ■     "f   ,  .,,,,1  ,he  Churches  that  use 

There  1-  :il-":i"  -\niiiii,m.  ,  \,,j^ions  Provost  Alexios 
translatu.h-   iiy.''  I"i"  ;~  "'     |^^_^^  .hurfh  at BerUn) has  edited 

Maltzi  "    "''''■'•,  L-i'  ; ;.  ,„■,!,  ;,  ,,,-,naiel  German  translation 

allthelj.M.l.f  iii'-'I'-l;    ;; ,.         '      ,,,,     /  .irrniammorvmtahum 

and  note.s  (Berhn,  IN.i-  .  '  '  '  .^j-.  \  ,  ..i.t:.  The  Lilurgies 
co»fc(!o(2decL  2yols,,  1  ^)"; '  "  ■  ',  ';,'  ,  „ ,  ,„„;,om,  St.  Baml 
of  St.  Mark.  t.t.  Jam,'.  ^'  '  ; ,'  !  '  v'„|„„„-  ...ntains  The  Trans- 
(London.  18(5,  mureek^.   .1  1  "I  Robertson, 

d,   ,S.   Jean  Chrysoslom.      '■<■'■'■     ""'."„",•  ^    X.   (Athens, 

■H   Sera  AciTovpyia    7r<p. '     '     '/Li(i/ri7ies    etc.   (Beirut, 

lS9-i);    Charon,  Lfs  ,.  '  ,„,t   XLI  of  Thalhofer. 

1904);    Stobff    D»-/r,'  '  '  ^       '      a.",     J^nab  al-l-iturgmt 

BMu''     ;';,,',;:     ,    .,     „    Arabic  Beirut.   ISQQ);   Goku 

°'-'';''V'       .  ,or«m  (2nd  ed,  Venice.  l.'O; 

Eucluil.'.    ■     .  ;  ,-},rUllic),in  Jahrhunderte  (Tii- 

Probsi.  '-1"1.' '    "  '   '       ,  ,      ,,,  ;  ,,,,/,„   Jahrhunderls  vnd 

bingen     IS.U);    ANON.     :  '.^,,    ■  ,  ^  . ,  n   Lehrbuch  der  ver- 

deren  Rfform  (Munstei.  ,1  ^  <  ■  ,    K  m  i  anatolische  Kirche 

gleichenden  Kantessiun  '        '  urn  manuale  utriu.i- 

(FreiburgimBr.  INS.  .  n.  -  '^,  ,  ,,-.  Pr,vce  M.oc  oi 
gue  ecdcsiffi  '^'1  I  <  '  ■    ''  ,'   i  Freiburg  im  Br. 

S.AXONY,  .fj-"  '        ,,  ! j  ,1  I  Orlhodoi-Catholii 

1908).  I;    Hm ;;       ;       ,, „    .^^^   jjew   York 

Apostolic    ((j'^^'      ••  ,        ;  (.r-rcorum  (Cologne 

1906);    ALLvii.  -     / ,i,s  noTns  liturgique 

1646);   CLtiiiM  I  '  [-::,,;     Archatzikaki 

m  vsage  dni.  ,,ik  Vancicnne  Eglis 

Etiidrssurl,     ,.       .  ,,'         ,,/  ,1  \  •,,  d.ir  mnoacatisi 

d'On.'.i    -  •■"y    '■       I  ,„,     .V     ,     .|    ...^'fln-h.sundn-eli 

(Gref:     III  I  1'  i     I'      1 ',       ■   ■     ;,  ■  I  ,,,,,,,,,19001;  Gais 

'if'"--''        ■      "     '  ,1     ;l    .';     ,     ,.,.,,,,     (\larea^0US.   llOi; 

SER,  Ll  ...v  ^  "'■;  "'  ■  '•'■"'"  -ri -',.,',,  ,1  rralwiie  dti  chant  dan 
fE"gZ7eluMri906)l '  Fortescue',  The  Orthodo.  Easter 
Church  (London,  1907).  ^DRIAN  FoRTESCDE. 


Constitutionists.     See  Jaxsenists. 

Constitutions,  EccLESiASTiCAL.--The  terra  const 

inlion  denotes,  in  general,  the  make-up  of  a  bod; 

e   her     hys  ca    or  moral.  '  Used  in  reference  to  c.v 

or  religioiis  societies,  the  word,   n  the  singular,  si^n 

fies  the  fundamental  law  determm.ng  tbe'',  f  ^f™," 

legislative,  and  executive  organism;   m  the  plura 

denotes  the  enactments,  ordinances,  and   aws  issu 

by  the  supreme  authority  to  further  the  object  of  tl 

society.     In   legal  language  the,  tovm   constittdton 

denotes  only  church  ordinances,  civi  ordinances  be  . 

termed   leges,   laws.     The   constitutwncs  ecclemislu 

have  in  common  with  the  leges  civiles  the  bind., 

power  derived  from  the  authority  of  their  framers,  b 

?hey  1  ffer  from  them  as  the  Church  differs  from  ci 

society    viz.   in  their  origin,   object,   and  sanctio 

Civa  uJws  are  enactments  of  a  power  direct  y  htm. 

and  only  Divine  in  its  first  cause;  their  primarj^  obj 

fs  the  furtherance  of  temporal  welfare;  and  their  sar 

!on  temporal  penalties.     Ecclesiastical  constitutio, 

on  the  other  hand,  emanate  from  an  authority  direct 

of  Divine  institution:  tlu-ir  ultimate  object  is  to  pi 

mote  the  salvation  of  souls  in  the  Kingdom  of  God 

earth-  their  sanction  consists  m  spiritual  penalties 

In  the  total  complex  of  laws  bearing  on  matt^ 

spiritual,   ecclrsiasti..d   constitutions  stand   m.dw 

between  the  Divine  and  the  natural  l.aw.     The  Dn  , 

law  is  contained  in  the  Scriptures  interpreted  by 

n",  authoritative  tradition,  e.  g.  the  Ten  Comma. 

m?nts,  the  constitutions  of  the  Church,  the  admu 


CONSTITUTIONS 


321 


CONSTITUTIONS 


ti.itiiin  of  the  sacraments.     Natural  law  rests  on  the 

(ill  i:\tesof  human  reason,  c.  g.  the  law  of  self-preserva- 

I II  ill.  obedience  to  authority,  Divine  worship.     Both 

til  ■   Divine  and  the  natural  laws  are  often  insufR- 

cii  iitly  determined;   the  Church  expounds  them  and 

ail:  1 1  Its  them  to  particular  times,  places,  and  persons. 

(  liiif  among  ecclesiastical  constitutions  are  the  ordi- 

1 1 :  111  ( IS  emanating  from  general  councils  (see  Councils, 

111  NER.\L,  X,  XI)  and  from  the  Apostolic  See  (see 

(  I '\sTiTUTioxs,  Papal);   these  are  the  constilutiones 

xiasticce  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  term.     Episco- 

I  I  institutions  are  issued  by  bishops  either  singly  or 

iibled  in  sjTiods,  e.  g.  the  constitutions  of  the  ten 

mcial  and  three  plenarj'  councils  of  Baltimore, 

1 1  have  adapted  the  ancient  constitutions  of  the 

•  rsal  Church  to  the  peculiar  national  and  politi- 

i  u  situation  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

J.    WlLHELM. 

Constitutions,  Pap.^l  (Lat.   constiluere,  to  estab- 
lish,  to  decree),   ordinations   issued  by  the  Roman 
I  I  lilt  ills  and  binding  those  for  whom  they  are  issued, 
wliither  they  be  for  all   the   faithful  or  for  special 
chi-s-is  or  individuals.     From  the  earliest  times,  the 
Cliristians  of  the  whole  world  have  consulted  the 
liiii'is  on  all  matters  pertaining  to  faith,  morals,  and 
di-ripline.     The  earliest  instance  is  the  well-known 
aiiiial  from  Corinth  to  Pope  Clement  I,  during  the 
'       line  of  St.  John  the  Apostle,in  the  first  century  of 
I  hristian  Era.     From  that  time  on,  requests  for 
ions  on  various  ecclesiastical  matters  were  ad- 
"d  to  the  Holy  See  from  all  parts  of  the  known 
I.  and  the  answers  that  were  received  were  rever- 
1  as  proceeding  from  the  mouth  of  Christ's  chief 
.\i— tie  and  His  vicar  on  earth.     The  fact  that  the 
di  I  ices  of  Church  councils,  whether  general,  provin- 
<i:il,  or  even  diocesan,  were  anciently  as  a  rule  for- 
\v  iidc'd  to  the  pope  for  his  revision  or  confirmation, 
L':i\  ■'  occasion  for  many  papal  constitutions  during  the 
I  :iil\-  ages.     After  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great, 
"  iil;  to  the  greater  hberty  allowed  to  the  Church, 
intercourse  with  the  Apostolic  See  became  more 
ii'ut  and  more  open.     St.  Jerome,  in  the  fourth 
iry  (Ep.  cxxiii),  testifies  to  the  number  of  re- 
-•s  requested  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  from  both 
I  lustem  and  the  Western  Church  during  the  time 
led  as  secretarj'  to  Pope  Damasus.     That  these 
il  responses  soon  began  to  constitute  an  important 
I  III  of  canon  law,  is  evident  from  statements  in  the 
r<  of  various  Roman  pontiffs.     The  decretalia  and 
t'tuta  of  the  Apostolic  See  were  recognized  as 
•  or  as  interpretations  of  existing  canons  binding 
I  articular  Churches  to  their  observ'ance.     The 
that  oecumenical  councils  required  the  papal  con- 
iiion  before  their  decrees  were  valid  (a  principle 

■  >sly  admitted  by  the  early  councils  themselves) 

■  d  not  a  little  to  direct  the  attention  of  all  Chris- 
to  the  fullness  of  jurisdiction  residing  in  the  suc- 
r  of  St.  Peter.  Hence  the  professions  of  faith 
!  o  the  popes  by  newly  elected  bishops  and  by  em- 
rs  on  their  succession  to  the  throne. 

irning  to  the  strictlj'  canonical  aspect  of  the  case, 

vord  constitution  Ls  tlerived  from  mn  (cum)  and 

"  ndo,  and  therefore  means  a  common  statute.     It 

■nsetiuently  synonomous  in  most  respects  with 

In  fact,  a  papal  constitution  is  a  legal  enact- 

I  of  the  ruler  of  the  Church,  just  as  a  civil  law  is  a 

..  I  :ie  emanating  from  a  secular  jirince.     Reiffenstuel 

jdeclares  that  the  difference  of  name  between  ecclesi- 

'a«tical  and  civil  statutes  is  verj-  proper,  since  a  secular 

nil.r  derives  his  authority  immediately  from  the  peo- 

ind  hence  it  is  really  the  people  who  make  the 

while  the  pope  receives  his  power  immediately 

■     !ii  (jod  and  is  himself  the  source  whence  all  Church 

rt->;ulations  proceed.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 

while  it  is  true  that  ecclesiastical  laws  are  generally 

denominated   "constitutions",   yet    they   are   occa- 

IV.— 21 


sionally  design.ated  as  "laws"  in  canonical  jurLspn> 
dence  (e.  g.  Can.  Leges  Ecclesia^  'A,  Q.  fi)-  It  mu.st 
not  be  supposed,  however,  that  even  in  ecclesiastical 
usage  the  word  constitution  is  restrictetl  to  papal  ordi- 
nances; it  is  also  employed  for  conciliar,  synodal,  and 
episcopal  mandates,  though  more  rarely  in  later  times 
The  name  canon  is  generally,  though  not  exclusively,, 
given  to  conciliar  decrees  (see  Canons,  Ecclesiasti- 
cal). Letters  emanating  from  the  pope,  though  all 
designated  constitutions,  receive  more  specific  names 
according  to  their  form  and  their  subject  matter.  As 
to  their  form,  pontifical  constitutions  may  be  eithei 
Bulls  or  Briefs.  The  former  are  used  for  the  more 
important  and  permanent  decrees  and  begin:  Pius 
(or  name  of  pope)  Episcopus,  Semis  nervorum  Dei;  the 
latter  are  headed  by  the  name  of  the  ruling  pontifl: 
Pius  PP.  X.  Pope'Leo  XIII  (29  Dec,  1878)  made 
some  changes  in  the  exterior  form  of  papal  Bulls  (see 
Bulls  and  Briefs).  As  to  subject-matter,  the  term 
constitution,  if  used  in  a  restricted  sense,  denotes 
some  statute  which  the  Vicar  of  Christ  issues  in  sol- 
emn form  either  to  the  whole  Christian  world  or  to 
part  of  it,  with  the  intention  of  permanently  Ijinding 
those  to  whom  it  is  addressed.  When  the  papal  let- 
ters are  addressed  to  the  bishops  of  the  entire  ( 'liurch, 
they  are  denominated  Encyclicals.  This  is  the  most 
usual  form  employed  by  the  popes  for  treating  ques- 
tions of  doctrine  and  discipline.  When  pontifical  en- 
actments take  the  form  of  responses  they  are  callec^i 
decretal  epistles.  If  they  be  issued  vwtu  propria 
(that  is  without  a  request  having  been  made  to  the 
Holy  See),  they  are  called  decreta,  though  this  namn 
has  also  a  more  general  significance  (see  Decrees)  . 
Ordinances  issued  to  individuals  concerning  matter  i 
of  minor  or  transient  importance  are  called  Rescript:: 
(see  Rescripts,  Pap.\l). 

Before  issuing  constitutions  the  pope  usually  taken 
counsel  with  his  advisers.  These  counsellors  havn 
varied  in  the  different  stages  of  church  history.  Dur- 
ing the  first  eleven  centuries,  the  Roman  presbyterate 
and  the  suburbicarian  bishops  were  formed  into 
councils  by  the  pope  whenever  he  wished  to  investi- 
gate matters  of  doctrine  or  discipline.  The  synodal 
letters,  or  constitutions,  issuing  from  these  assemblies 
owed  their  importance  and  binding  force  to  the  pri- 
inatial  jurisdiction  of  the  throne  of  Peter,  for  thess 
gatherings  were  not  oecumenical  councils  in  any  sense 
of  the  word.  History  records  a  long  list  of  these 
Roman  councils  from  the  second  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury. The  papal  constitutions  issued  at  the  close  of 
their  celebration  were  as  various  as  the  subject-matter 
of  the  councils.  The  paschal  question,  the  baptism  of 
heretics,  the  heresies  of  Sabellius,  Nestorius,  Eu- 
tyches,  and  others,  the  restoration  of  patriarchs  and 
bishops  to  their  sees,  ordinances  concerning  the  mo- 
nastic state,  the  election  of  the  pope,  the  right  of  in- 
vestiture— all  found  treatment  and  decision  in  these 
Roman  councils  and  gave  occasion  to  important  pon- 
tifical constitutions.  These  rulings  were  reverenced 
as  law  throughout  the  Universal  Church,  East  and 
West,  and  constitute  an  important  witness  to  the  pri- 
macy of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  After  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury, these  Roman  councils  grew  more  infrequent  and 
finally  ceased  altogether.  This  was  owing  to  the  im- 
portance gradually  accruing  to  the  cardinals,  who  suc- 
ceeded the  Roman  presbyterate  as  the  senate  of  the 
pope.  Consistories  of  the  cardinal-bishops,  -priests, 
and  -deacons  were  held  twice  and  then  thrice  a  week  in 
the  Apostolic  Palace;  and  to  these  consistories  the 
pontiff  proposed  the  questions  submitted  to  the  Holy 
See  before  he  drew  up  his  constitution  deciding  them. 
The  consistory  was  the  ordinary  tribunal  and  audience 
of  the  pope  for  the  transaction  of  all  the  business  of  the 
Universal  Church.  (See  Cardinal.)  From  the  six- 
teenth century  to  our  own  time,  a  third  period  in  the 
methods  of  government  and  counsel  is  to  be  distin- 
guished.    The  rise  of  the  Sacred  Ron-.ai-  Congrega- 


CONSTITUTIONS 


322 


CONSUBSTANTIATION 


tions,  with  their  separate  tribunals,  their  consultors, 
and  trained  officials,  has  brought  about  a  change  in 
the  preparation  of  papal  constitutions.  It  is  to  these 
congregations  that  the  pope  looks  for  aid  in  preparing 
the  subject-matter  of  liis  letters  to  the  Church.  (See 
Roman  Congreg.\tions.) 

The  binding  force  of  pontifical  constitutions,  even 
without  the  acceptance  of  the  Church,  is  beyond 
question.  The  primacy  of  jurisdiction  possessed  by 
the  successor  of  Peter  comes  immediately  and  directly 
from  Christ.  That  this  includes  the  power  of  making 
obligatoiy  laws  is  evident.  Moreover,  that  the  popes 
have  the  intention  of  binding  the  faithful  directly  and 
immediately  is  plain  from  the  mandatory  form  of  their 
constitutions.  Bishops,  therefore,  are  not  at  liberty 
to  accept  or  refuse  papal  enactments  because,  in  their 
judgment,  they  are  ill-suited  to  the  times.  Still  less 
can  the  lower  clergj'  or  the  civil  power  (see  Exequa- 
tur ;  Placet)  possess  any  authority  to  declare  pon- 
tifical constitutions  invalid  or  prevent  their  due  pro- 
mulgation. The  Galilean  opinions  to  the  contrary- 
are  no  longer  tenable  after  the  decrees  of  the  Council 
of  the  Vatican  (Sess.  IV,  ch.  iii).  If  a  papal  constitu- 
tion, published  in  Rome  for  the  whole  Church,  were 
not  formally  promulgated  in  a  particular  region,  the 
faithfid  would  nevertheless  be  bound  by  it,  if  it  con- 
cerned faith  or  morals.  If  it  referred  to  matters  of 
discipline  only,  its  observance  would  not  be  urgent, 
not  ijecause  of  any  defect  in  its  binding  force,  but 
solely  because  in  such  circumstances  the  pope  is  pre- 
sumed to  have  suspended  the  obligation  for  the  time 
being.  This  leads  to  the  question  of  the  proper  pro- 
mulgation (q.  V.)  of  papal  laws  (see  Law).  The  com- 
mon teaching  now  is  that  promulgation  in  Rome 
makes  them  obligatory  for  the  whole  world.  The 
method  employed  is  to  affix  the  decrees  at  the  portals 
of  St.  Peter's,  o  St.  John  Lateran,  of  the  Apostolic 
Chancery   and  in  the  Piazza  de'  Fiori 

Smith.  EJem.  of  Eccl.  Law  (New  York,  1895).  I;  Aichner, 
Comp.  Jur.  Eccl.  (Brixen,  1895);  Reiffenstuel,  Jus  Can. 
Universum  (Paris,  18G4;. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 
Constitutions  of  the  Apostles.     See  Apostolic 
Constitutions. 

Constitutions  of  the  French  Clergy.     See  French 

Revolution. 

Consubstantiation. — This  heretical  doctrine  is  an 
attempt  to  hold  the  Real  Presence  of  Christ  in  the 
Iloly  Eucharist  without  admitting  Transubstantia- 
lion.  According  to  it,  the  substance  of  Christ's 
Body  exists  together  with  the  substance  of  bread,  and 
ill  like  manner  the  substance  of  His  Blood  together 
with  the  substance  of  wine.  Hence  the  word  Con- 
si  bs'.antia'.ion.  How  the  two  substances  can  co- 
exist is  variously  explained.  The  most  subtle  theory 
is  (hat,  just  as  God  the  Son  took  to  Himself  a  human 
body  without  in  any  way  destrojang  its  substance,  so 
dors  He  in  the  Blessed  Sacrament  assume  the  nature 
of  bread.  Hence  the  theory  is  also  called  "Inipana- 
tio;i",  a  term  founded  on  the  analogy  of  Incarnation. 

The  subject  cannot  be  treated  adequately  except  in 
connexion  with  the  general  doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist  (q.  v.).  Here  it  will  be  sufficient  to  trace 
briefly  the  history  of  the  heresy.  In  the  earliest  ages 
of  the  Church  Christ's  words,  "This  is  my  body", 
were  understood  by  the  faithful  in  their  simple,  nat- 
ural sense.  In  the  course  of  time  discussion  arose  as 
to  whether  they  were  to  be  taken  literally  or  figura- 
tively; and  when  it  was  settled  that  they  were  to  be 
taken  literally  in  the  sense  that  Christ  is  really 
and  truly  present,  the  question  of  the  manner  of  this 
presence  began  to  be  agitated.  The  controversy 
lasted  from  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth  century,  after 
which  time  the  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation,  which 
teaches  that  Christ  is  present  in  the  Eucharist  by  the 
change  of  tlie  entire  substance  of  bread  and  wine  into 


His  Body  and  Blood,  was  fully  indicated  as  Catholi( 
dogma.  In  its  first  phase  it  turned  on  the  question 
whether  the  Body  was  the  historical  body  of  Christ 
the  very  body  which  was  born,  crucified,  and  risen 
ThLs  was  maintained  by  Paschasius  Radbert  anc 
denied  by  Ratramnus  in  the  middle  of  the  nintl 
century.  What  concerns  us  here  more  closely  i 
the  next  stage  of  the  controversy,  when  Beren 
garius  (1000-1088)  denied,  if  not  the  Real  Presence 
at  least  any  change  of  the  substance  of  the  breac 
and  wine  into  the  substance  of  the  Body  and  Blood 
He  maintained  that  "the  consecrated  Bread,  retain 
ing  its  substance,  is  the  Body  of  Christ,  that  is,  no 
losing  anything  which  it  was,  but  assiuning  some 
thing  which  it  was  not"  (panis  sacratus  in  altari 
salva  sua  substantia,  est  corpus  Christi,  non  amitten 
quod  erat  sed  assumens  quod  non  erat — Cf.  JIarten 
and  Durand,  "Thesaurus  Novus  Anecd.",  IV 
col.  10.5).  It  is  clear  that  he  rejected  Transubstan 
tiation ;  but  what  sort  of  presence  he  admitted  woul( 
seem  to  have  varied  at  different  periods  of  his  loni 
career.  His  opinions  were  condemned  in  variou 
councils  held  at  Rome  (lOoO,  1059,  1078,  1079),  Ver 
celli  (1050),  Poitiers  (1074),  though  both  Pope  Alex 
ander  II  and  St.  Gregory  VII  treated  him  witl 
marked  consideration.  His  principal  opponent 
were  Lanfranc,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canter 
bur}'  (De  Corpore  et  Sanguine  Bomini  adversus  Ber 
engariimi  Turonensem),  Durandus  of  Troarn  (q.  v.) 
Guitmundus  of  Aversa,  and  Hugh  of  Langres.  Al 
though  it  cannot  be  said  that  Berengarius  foimc 
many  adherents  during  his  lifetime,  yet  his  heres; 
did  not  die  with  him.  It  was  maintained  bv  Wvcli 
(Trialog.,  IV,  6,  10)  and  Luther  (Walch,  XX 
1228),  and  is  the  view  of  the  High  Church  part; 
among  the  Anglicans  at  the  present  time.  Beside 
the  covmcils  above-mentioned,  it  was  condemned  b; 
the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215),  the  Council  o 
Constance  (1418. — "The  substance  of  the  materia 
bread  and  in  like  manner  the  substance  of  the  ma 
terial  wuie  remain  in  the  Sacrament  of  the  altar" 
the  first  of  the  condemned  propositions  of  Wyclif) 
and  the  Coimcil  of  Trent  (1551). 

Berengarius  and  his  modern  followers  have  ap 
pealed  chiefly  to  reason  and  the  Fathers  in  suppor 
of  their  opinions.  That  Transubstantiation  is  no 
contrary  to  reason,  and  was  at  least  implicitly  taugh 
by  the  Fathers,  is  shown  in  the  article  Transub 
stanti.^tion.  In  the  discussions  of  the  Fathers  aboir 
the  two  natures  in  the  one  Person  the  analogy  be 
tween  the  Incarnation  and  the  Eucharist  was  fre 
quently  referred  to,  and  this  led  to  the  expression  o 
views  favouring  Irapanation.  But  after  the  definitivf 
victory  of  St.  CjTil's  doctrine,  the  analogy  was  seen  te 
be  deceptive.  (See  Batiffol,  Etudes  d'histoire,  etc. 
2nd  series,  p.  319sqq.)  The  great  Schoolmen  unani; 
mously  rejected  Consubstantiation,  but  they  differed 
in  their  reasons  for  doing  so.  Albertus  Magnus,  Sti 
Thomas,  and  St.  Bonaventure  maintained  that  thij 
words,  "This  is  my  body",  disproved  it;  while  Alexj 
ander  of  Hales,  Scotus,  Durandus,  Occam,  ani( 
Pierre  d'Ailly  declared  that  it  was  not  inconsistent 
with  Scripture,  and  could  only  be  disproved  by  th* 
authority  of  the  Fathers  and  the  teaching  of  thji 
Church  (Turrael,  Hist,  de  la  th^ol.  posit.,  ]:] 
'M'A  sqq.).  This  line  of  argument  has  been  a  stumjj 
bling-block  to  Anglican  writers,  who  have  quote 
some  of  the  Schoolmen  in  support  of  their  erroneouil 
opinions  on  the  Eucharist;  e.g.  Pusey,  "The  Doctrin 
of  the  Real  Presence"  (1855). 

In  addition  to  the  works  mentioned,  see  Harper.  Pea^j 
through  the  Truth  (l.ond.in,  18tj6),  1;  Fhanzelin.  DeSS.EticS 
(Rome,  l.S7;i).f!ios.  xi\-;  .SrnwANE, Z>0ffmen(7«scAicAte  (Freibuu 
im  Br.,  ISS-M.  II 1 ;  \ekm:t  in  DiW.  de  thcol.  cath.  a.v.  Bireng\ 
de  Tours;  i^TKKuVAt.  in  Ktrrhenlcx.  s.w  Consubstantiatio:  He: 
LEY,  The  Holy  EuclMristd^M'):  Vf  AGOETT.  The  Holy  Eucha 
ist  (Anglican,  Londou,  190G) :  Gore,  The  Body  of  Christ  (Lo'l 
don,  1907). 

T.  B.  SCANNELL. 


CONSULTORS 


323 


CONTARINI 


Consultors,  Diocesan,  a  certain  number  of  priests 

in  «  ifh  diocese  of  the  United  States  who  act  as  official 

i.l\  iscrs  of  the  bishop  in  certain  matters  pertaining  to 

till'  ailrainistration  of  the  diocese.     As  a  body  they 

i:ik"  the  place  of  the  cathedral  chapter  as  established 

•Ki  uliore  by  the  general  law  of  the  Church.     Their 

1]  !"'iiitment  was  recommended  (1866)  by  the  Second 

i'r  ■iiry  Council  of  Baltimore.     The  Third  Plenary 

'  il  (1884)  decreed  that  they  should  be  consti- 

I  ;i  diocesan  council,  and  defined  their  particular 

-  and  duties. 

NXER    OF    Appointment. — The   diocesan    con- 
^,  it  was  decreed  (n.  18),  should  be  six,  or  at 
t'lur,  in  number.     AVhere  neither  number  is  pos- 
iliere  should  be  at  least  two.     They  hold  office 
iiee  years;  but  they  may  be  reappointed  or  se- 
1  at  the  expiration  of  each  term.     The  manner 
I'ir  election  consists  in  the  appointment  by  the 
[I  alone  of  half  of  their  number,  and  of  the  other 
y  the  bishop  also,  after  having  taken  the  vote  of 
!»-rgj'.     All  the  clergy  exercising  the  sacred  miii- 
m  the  diocese  send,  in  writing,  to  the  bishop 
names  for  every  consultor  to  be  elected.     From 
the  names  thus  proposed   the  bishop  selects  those 
whom  he  judges  most  fit  for  the  office.     At  stated 
periods  they  are  convened  and  presided  over  by  the 
bishop,  four  times,  or  at  least  twice,  a  year,  and,  as 
occasion  requires,  monthly.     In  case  of  the  death, 
resignation,  or  removal  of  a  consultor,  the  bishop  ap- 
points his  successor  with  the  advice  of  the  other  con- 
sultors. 

Rights  .\nd  Duties. — The  diocesan  council  has 
certain  rights  and  duties  (A)  when  the  see  is  filled,  and 
(B)  when  it  is  vacant. — (A)  When  the  see  is  filled,  the 
bishojj  is  boimd  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  diocesan  con- 
3uliors:  (1)  For  convoking  and  promulgating  a  dioc- 
esan synod;  (2)  for  dividing  missions  or  parishes; 
(3)  for  giving  over  a  mission  or  parish  to  a  religious 
community;  (4)  for  appointing  deputies  for  the  dio- 
cesan seminarj-;  (5J  for  appointing  anew  diocesan  con- 
sultor and  synodal  examiners  to  conduct  the  examina- 
tion for  vacant  parishes;  (6)  for  alienating  church 
property,  when  the  sum  exceeds  five  thousand  dollars; 
(7)  for  determining  what  missions  are  to  be  made 
parishes  with  irremovable  rectors  and  appointing 
the  first  irremovable  rectors  in  the  diocese;  (8)  for 
fixing  the  jiension  of  an  irremovable  rector  who  has 
resigned  or  who  has  been  removed  for  cause;  (9) 
for  determining,  out  of  synod,  the  salary  of  rectors. 
-In  all  these  cases  the  consultors  give  their  opinion 
lively,  i.  e.  in  a  body,  and  by  secret  ballot  if 
Icem  proper.  The  bishop,  however,  although 
id  to  seek  their  advice  in  these  matters,  is  not 
wPblii^ed  to  follow  it. 

(,|     (B)  When  the  see  is  vacant:   (1)  the  administrator 
i.iiiust  follow  the  same  procedure,  i.  e.  he  must  ask  the 
I  'U  of  the  diocesan  consultors  in  the  above-stated 
(2)  The  expiration  of  the  three-year  term  of  the 
iltors  within  the  period  of  the  vacancy  does  not 
i-iftLct  their  tenure  of  office.     They  remain  in  office 
r,i until  the  accession  of  the  new  bishop  who,  within  six 
-.; months  from  his  consecration,  should  hold  a  new  elec- 
rj  tion  of  diocesan  consultors.     (3)  In  the  election  of  a 
vnew  bishop  the  council  of  1884  conceded  a  voice  to 
;,lhc  consultors,  as  representatives  of  the  clergy  of  the 
■  -e.     Together  with  the  irremovable  rectors  they 
within   thirty  days  after  the  vacancy  occurs 
1  the  presidency  of  the  archbishop  of  the  prov- 
Jincc,  or,  if  he  be  hindered,  of  a  suffragan  deputed  by 
^hini.     If  the  vacancy  be  that  of  the  archbishopric  the 
iseiiior  suffragan  presides,   or  one  deputed   by  him. 
oting  is  by  secret  ballot.     Three  candidates  are 
■d  whose  names  are  sent  to  the  S.  Cong,  de  Pro- 
:  ill  la  Fide,  and  to  the  other  bishops  of  the  prov- 
iiiei',  who  meet,  within  ten  days,  to  approve  or  disap- 
prove of  the  candidates  presented  by  the  consultors 
and  irremovable    rectors.     The   Lishops  send  their 


own  list  to  Rome.  The  pope  may  reject  both  lists 
and  appoint  as  bishop  some  one  who  is  on  neither. 
(4)  When  there  is  a  question  of  selecting  a  coadjutor 
with  the  right  of  succession  the  consultors  with  the 
irremovable  rectors  have  a  voice  just  as  iti  the  election 
of  a  new  bishop.  (5)  This  is  als  i  the  case  where  a 
new  diocese  is  formed  out  of  one  or  more  existing 
dioceses.  In  that  case,  only  the  irremovable  rectors 
within  the  limits  of  the  new  diocese  join  with  the 
consultors  of  the  older  diocese  or  dioceses.  (See 
Baltimore,  Plenary  Councils  of.) 

Second  PUnnni  Council  of  Ballimorc  (Baltimore.  1866); 
Third  Plcnani  Council  of  Ballimore  (Baltimore,  1884).  nos.  17- 
22;  Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  LaiD  (New  York,  1886); 
Meehan.  Comp.  Jur.  Canonici  (Rochester,  New  York,  1899); 
NiLLES,  Comment,  in  Cone.  Plen.  Ball.  (Innsbruck.  1888),  III. 

Joseph  F.  Mooney. 
Consultors,  Roman.     See  Roman  Congregations. 

Contant  de  la  Molette,  Philippe  di-,  theologian 
and  Biblical  scholar,  bora  at  Cote-Saint-.Andre,  in 
Dauphin^,  France,  29  August,  1737;  died  on  the  scaf- 
fold during  The  Terror,  1793.  He  studied  at  the  Sor- 
bonne,  and,  in  1765,  defended  a  thesis  on  Job,  in  six 
languages.  Louis  XV  was  so  well  pleased  that  he 
allowed  him  to  pass  the  examinations  for  the  Ucenti- 
ate  without  the  required  delays,  a  pri^•ilege,  however, 
which  de  la  Molette  did  not  use.  Later  on,  he  be- 
came Vicar-Cieneral  of  the  Diocese  of  ^"ienne,  France. 
As  a  Biblical  author,  he  shows  great  erudition  and  is 
well  versed  in  the  Oriental  languages,  but  he  lacks 
originaUty,  and  his  criticism  is  often  misleading.  His 
works,  all  pubhshed  in  Paris,  are  the  following. 
"Essai  sur  I'Ecriture  Sainte,  ou  Tableau  historique 
des  avantages  que  Ton  pent  tirer  des  langues  orien- 
tales  pour  la  parfaite  intelligence  des  Livres  Saints" 
(1775);  "Nouvelle  methode  pour  entrer  dans  le  vrai 
sens  de  I'Ecriture  sainte"  (1777);  ''La  (lenese  exph- 
qu6e  d'apres  les  textes  primitifs",  etc.  (1777),  3  vols., 
a  work  intended  especially  as  a  refutation  of  Voltaire; 
"L'Exode  exphque",  3  vols.  (1780);  the  thesis  that 
he  had  defended  in  1765  is  printed  in  the  beginning  of 
this  work;  "Les  Psaimies  expUques",  etc.,  3  vols. 
(1781);  "Traite  sur  la  poesie  et  la  musique  des  He- 
breux"  (17S1),  a  continuation  of  the  preceding;  "Le 
Levitique  exphque",  2  vols.  (1785).  He  had  also 
done  considerable  work  as  a  preparation  for  a  "Nou- 
velle Bible  polyglotte",  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  he 
ever  pubhshed  it. 

Feller,  Biog.  Univ.,  s.v.;  Mangenot  in  Vigourodx,  Diet. 
de  la  BMe,  s.v. 

R.  Butin. 

Contarini,  Gasparo,  Venetian  statesman  and 
cardinal,  b.  16  October,  1483,  of  an  ancient  and  noble 
family  in  Venice;  d.  at  Bologna,  24  August,  1542. 
He  received  his  elementary  training  in  his  native 
city;  and  afterwards,  from  1501  to  1509,  he  fre- 
quented the  University  of  Padua,  where  he  studied 
Greek,  mathematics,  Aristotelean  philosophy,  and 
theology.  He  was  a  close  student  and  acquired  the 
reputation  of  a  great  philosopher.  After  his  return 
to  Venice  he  became,  like  all  the  sons  of  patrician 
families,  a  member  of  the  Great  Council,  and  after- 
wards was  named  to  a  commission  whicli  adminis- 
tered the  debt  of  the  republic.  In  Septcmlier,  1520, 
he  was  appointed  orator  or  ambassador  to  the  court 
of  the  Emperor  Charles  V  (1519-56),  with  instruc- 
tions to  defend  the  alliance  of  his  Government  with 
Francis  I  of  France  (1515-47),  and  to  prevent  all 
hostile  measures  of  the  emperor.  In  Worms,  where 
he  arrived  in  April,  1521,  he  heard  much  about 
Luther  and  his  errors;  but,  not  being  concerned  with 
the  matter,  he  refrained  from  all  interference,  and 
never  saw  Luther  nor  spoke  to  him.  From  Worms 
he  went  with  the  imperial  court  to  the  Netherlands, 
thence  to  England,  and  finally  to  Spain.  In  August, 
1525,  he  returned  to  Venice.     A  report  of  his  expe- 


CONTARINI 


324 


CONTEMPLATION 


riences  was  presented  to  the  Senate  16  November  fol- 
lowing. During  his  absence  he  was  named  "Savio 
di  terra  ferma",  i.  e.  president  of  a  commission 
charged  with  the  affairs  of  the  Continental  posses- 
sions of  Venice,  and  he  assumed  the  duties  of  this 
office.  In  1527  he  represented  the  Republic  of 
Venice  in  the  Congress  of  Ferrara,  where  the  Duke  of 
Ferrara  joined  the  league,  formed  against  the  Em- 
peror Charles  V,  between  France  and  several  states 
of  Italy.  In  1528  he  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the 
court  of  Clement  VII  (1523-34),  with  instructions  to 
retain  the  pope  in  the  above-mentioned  league,  and 
to  defend  the  action  of  the  republic  in  withholding 
from  the  pope  the  cities  of  Ravenna  and  Cervia, 
seized  during  the  late  invasion  of  the  Constable 
Bourbon.  Contarini  failed  in  both  objects.  Venice 
was  forced  not  only  to  surrender  the  aforesaid  cities, 
but  also  to  make  peace  with  the  emperor;  it  was  con- 
cluded through  Contarini  in  January,  1530,  at  Bo- 
logna. On  24  February  following,  Contarini  assisted 
at  the  solemn  coronation  of  Charles  V  in  Bologna, 
and  then  returned  to  Venice,  where  he  presented  the 
usual  report  to  the  Senate  on  9  March.  In  com- 
pensation for  his  services  he  was  appointed  to  several 
high  positions  in  the  government  of  the  republic, 
and  ultimately  became  a  member  of  the  Senate. 

Contarini  was  created  cardinal  by  Paul  III  in  1535. 
He  accepted  the  honour  and  went  to  Rome  (Oct., 
1535).  He  used  his  influence  with  the  pope  to  sup- 
press abuses  in  the  papal  government  and  to  secure 
virtuous  men  for  the  Sacred  College.  Contarini  was 
the  president  of  a  commission  appointed  by  the  pope 
in  1536  to  submit  plans  for  a  reform  of  evils  in  the 
Roman  Curia  or  in  other  parts  of  the  Church.  It  was 
largely  d>ie  to  him  that,  early  in  1537,  the  commission 
could  present  its  programme,  the  "Consilium  de 
emendanda  ecclesia".  He  advised  the  pope  not  to 
abuse  the  great  jurisdiction  placed  in  his  hands;  and 
encouraged  his  friends  among  the  bishops  to  take  ap- 
propriate measures  for  discipline  and  good  order  in 
their  dioceses,  setting  an  example  in  his  own  Diocese  of 
Cividale  di  Belluno,  to  which  he  was  appointed  in 
October,  1536.  St.  Ignatius  acknowledged  that  Con- 
tarini was  largely  responsible  for  the  papal  approba- 
tion of  his  society  (1540).  At  the  desire  of  Charles  V, 
Contarini  was  sent  as  papal  legate  to  Germany  in 
1541,  and  took  part  in  the  conference  held  at  Ratisbon 
between  Catholics  and  Protestants  in  hope  of  concili- 
ating the  latter.  As  it  gradually  became  evident  that 
the  differences  in  doctrine  could  not  be  bridged  over, 
the  conference  was  broken  off;  Contarini  remitted  the 
final  decision  of  all  articles  of  faith  to  the  pope,  and  re- 
turned to  Rome.  In  January,  1542,  he  was  appointed 
cardinal  legate  at  Bologna,  where,  after  a  few  months, 
death  put  an  end  to  his  career.  His  remains  were  in- 
terred, first  in  the  church  of  San  Petronio,  then  trans- 
ferred to  the  church  of  the  monastery  of  San  Proculo, 
and  finally,  in  December,  1565,  to  the  family  tomb  in  a 
chapel  of  the  church  of  Santa  Maria  (IcU'Orto  in  Venice. 

Contarini's  principal  works  are  the  following:  (1) 
"Libri  duo  de  immortalitate  animie";  (2)  "De 
officio  episcopi  libri  duo";  (3)  "De  magistratibus 
et  republic;!  Venetorum  libri  V";  (4)  "Compendii 
prinue  i)hilosophiae  libri  VIII";  (5)  "De  potestate 
Pontificis";  (6)  "De  elementis  libri  V";  (7)  "Con- 
futatio  articulorum  sen  qua^stionum  Lutheri";  (S) 
"De  libero  arbitrio";  (9)  "Conciliorum  magis  illus- 
trium  summa";  (10)  "De  Sacramentis  cliristianae 
legis  et  catholicx  ecclesia;  libri  IV";  (11)  "Do  justi- 
ficatione";  (12)  "Cathcchismus";  (13)  "De  Pr;c- 
destinationo";  (14)  "Scholia  in  epistolas  divi  Pauli". 
In  many  of  these  writings  Contarini  touched  upon  the 
questions  raised  by  Luther  and  other  reformers;  in 
stating  the  Catholic  view,  however,  he  was  not  al- 
ways fortunate.  Thus,  in  describing  the  process  of 
justification,  he  attributes  the  result  largely  to  faith 
— not  to  faith  with  incipient  charity  in  the  Catholic 


sense,  but  to  faith  in  the  sense  of  confidence.  Hoi 
ever,  he  departs  again  from  the  Protestant  view  1 
including  in  the  preparatory  stage  a  real  breakii 
away  from  sin  and  turning  to  good,  a  repentan 
and  detestation  of  sin.  Thus  also,  in  describing  tl 
essence  or  the  causa  jormalis  of  justification,  1 
requires  not  only  the  supernatural  quality  inliere 
in  the  soul,  by  which  man  is  constituted  just,  bi 
in  addition  to  that,  the  outward  imputation  of  tl 
merits  of  Christ,  believed  to  be  necessary  owing 
the  deficiency  of  our  nature  It  would  be  unjui 
nevertheless,  to  class  Contarini  among  the  partisa 
of  the  Preformation.  The  above-mentioned  viei 
were  taken  only  in  part  from  the  teaching  of  tl 
Protestants;  as  yet  the  Church  had  given  no  defini 
decision  on  these  matters.  Moreover,  Contari 
wished  always  to  remain  a  Catholic;  at  the  Confe 
ence  of  Ratisbon  he  protested  repeatedly,  that  1 
would  sanction  nothing  contrary  to  the  Cathol 
teaching,  and  he  left  the  final  decision  of  all  matte 
of  faith  to  the  pope. 

Dmnlcs,  Regesten  und  Briefe  des  Cardinals  Gasparo  Com 
rini  (Braunsberg,  1881);  Idem. Gasparo  Contarini,  eine  Mot 
graphie  (Braunsberg,  1885) ;  Pastor  in  Kirckmlex.  (Freibu 
un  Br.,  1884),  s.v.  Fr.INCIS  J.  SCH.VEFER. 

Contarini,  Giov.\nni,  Italian  painter  of  the  Ven 
tian  School,  b.  at  Venice  about  1549 ;  d.  in  1605.  Co 
tarini  was  a  contemporary  of  Jacopo  Palma  calli 
Palma  Giovine.  He  was  a  great  student  of  the  wor 
of  Tintoretto  and  Titian  and  is  declared  to  have  be^ 
an  exact  imitator  of  Titian.  According  to  an  o 
story  he  was  so  extremely  accurate  in  his  portrai 
that  on  "sending  home  one  he  had  taken  of  Mar 
Dolce  his  dogs  began  to  fawn  upon  it  mistaking  it  f 
their  master".  Contarini's  work  is  extremely  ma 
nered,  soft  and  sweet,  but  distinguished  bybeautifi 
rich  colouring  and  executed  verj-  much  on  the  lines 
Titian's  painting.  His  finest  picture  is  in  the  Loim 
having  been  removed  from  the  ducal  palace  at  Venic 
and  represents  the  Virgin  and  Child  with  St.  Mark  ai 
St.  Sebastian,  and  the  Doge  of  Venice,  Marino  Grimai 
kneeling  before  them.  Other  paintings  of  his  are 
the  galleries  at  Berlin,  Florence,  Milan,  and  Vienii 
and  in  many  of  the  churches  at  Venice.  He  painti 
easel-pictures  of  mythological  subjects,  which  a 
treated  with  propriety  and  discretion  but  are  peci 
iarly  lacking  in  force  and  strength;  in  many  of  tl 
palaces  in  Venice  he  decorated  ceilings.  Some  yea 
of  his  life  were  passed  at  the  ccurt  of  the  Emper 
Rudolf  II,  with  whom  he  was  a  great  favourite  and  I 
whom  he  was  knighted.  His  work  has  been  d 
scribed  by  one  writer  as  a  "combination  of  suga 
cream,  mulberry  juice,  sunbeam  and  velvet",  but  tl 
criticism  is  a  little  imjust  and  one  or  two  of  his  worl 
for  example  the  "Resurrection"  in  the  church  of  S; 
Francesco  di  Paolo  at  Venice,  can  claim  to  be  m;i 
terly.  This  picture  is  certainly  a  fine  piece  of  colou 
ing,  well  composed  and  well  carried  out. 

The  chief  authority  is  C.vuLO  RiDOLFr,  Venetian  Arti 
(Venice,  1G4S) ;  Bhinton,  The  Renaissance  in  Italian  Art  (Lc 
(Ion.  1S9S);  Kdoler,  The  Italian  Schools  of  Painting  (,Lonik 

1900).  George  Ch.vrles  Willlvmson. 

Contemplation. — The  idea  of  contemplation  is 
intimately  connected  with  that  of  mystical  thcolo] 
that  the  one  cannot  be  clearly  explained  inilopcnden( 
of  the  other;  hence  wc  shall  here  set  forth  what  mys 
cal  theology  is.  | 

Prelimin.\ry  Definitions. — Those  supernatiiif 
acts  or  states  which  no  effort  or  Labour  on  our  part  c 
succeed  in  producing,  even  in  the  slightest  degree ! 
for  a  single  instant,  are  called  mystical.  The  inakiJ 
of  an  act  of  contrition  and  the  reciting  of  a  Hail  M;m 
are  supernatiu-al  acts,  but  when  one  wishes  to  prodi 
them  grace  is  never  refused ;  hence  they  arc  not  mys 
cal  acts.  But  to  see  one's  guardian  angel,  which  d( 
not  in  the  least  depend  on  one's  own  efforts,  is  a  mys 
cal  act.     To  have  very  ardent  sentiments  of  Div 


CONTEMPLATION 


325 


CONTEMPLATION 


Dve  is  not,  in  itself,  proof  that  one  is  in  a  mystical 

tatp,  because  such  love  can  be  produced,  at  least 

eebly  and  for  an  instant,  by  our  own  efforts.     The 

irecoding  definition  is  equivalent  to  that  given  by  St. 

>resa  in  the  beginning  of  her  second  letter  to  Father 

loilriguez  Alvarez.     Mystical  theologj'  is  the  science 

hat  .studies  mystical  states;   it  is  above  all  a  science 

ascd    on    observation.     Mystical    theology    is    fre- 

uently  confounded  with  ascetic  theology ;  the  latter, 

owev(T,  treats  of  the  virtues.     Ascetical  writers  dis- 

uss  also  the  subject  of  prayer,  but  they  confine  them- 

elve.s  to  prayer  that  is  not  mystical. 

Mystical  states  are  called,  first,  supernatural  or  in- 

'urd.  by  which  we  mean  manifestly  supernatural  or 

fus<'d;   secondly,  extraordinary,  indicating  that  the 

itellect  operates  in  a  new  way,  one  which  our  efforts 

aniiot  bring  about;   thirdly,  passive,  to  show  that 

le  soul  receives  something  and  is  conscious  of  receiv- 

ig  it.     The  exact  term  would  bo  passivo-actire,  since 

ur  activity  responds  to  this  reception  just  as  it  does 

1  the  exercise  of  our  bodily  senses.     By  way  of  dis- 

nctioii  ordinary  prayer  is  called  active.     The  word 

tystical  has  been  much  abused.     It  has  at  length 

onie  to  be  applied  to  all  religious  sentiments  that  are 

)me\\hat  ardent  and,  indeed,  even  to  simple  poetic 

ntiments.     The  foregoing  definition  gives  the  re- 

;ricted  and  theological  sense  of  the  word. 

First  of  all,  a  word  as  to  ordinary  prayer,  which 

smprises   these  four   degrees:     first,    vocal   prayer; 

!Cond,  meditation,  also  calletl  methodical  prayer,  or 

rayer  of  reflection,  in  which  may  be  included  medita- 

vc  reading;   third,  affective  prayer;   fourth,  prayer 

f  simplicity,  or  of  simple  gaze.     Only  the  last  two  de- 

rees  (also  called  prayers  of  the  heart)  will  be  consid- 

•ed,  as  they  border  on  the  mystical  states.     Mental 

rayer  in  which  the  affective  acts  are  numerous,  and 

hich  consists  much  more  largely  of  them  than  of 

!flections  and  reasoning,  is  called  affective.     Prayer 

f  simplicity  is  mental  prayer  in  which,  first,  reason- 

ig  is  largely  replaced  by  intuition;  second,  affections 

nd  resolutions,  though  not  absent,  are  only  slightly 

aried  and  expressed  in  a  few  words.     To  say  that  the 

lultiplicity  of  acts  has  entirely  disappeared  would  be 

harmful  exaggeration,  for  they  are  only  notably  di- 

linishcd.     In  both  of  these  states,  but  especially  in 

1  16  second,  there  is  one  dominant  thought  or  senti- 

^  lent  which  rectus  constantly  and  easily  (although 

ith   little   or   no   development)   amid   many   other 

ioui;lits,  beneficial  or  otherwi.se.     This  main  thought 

II  it  continuous  but  keeps  returning  frequently  and 

iiicously.     A  like  fact  may  be  observed  in  the 

i   onler.     The  mother  who  watches  over  the 

if  her  child  thinks  lovingly  of  him  and  does  so 

;t    reflection   and   amid   interruptions.     These 

-  differ  from  meditation  only  as  greater  from 

nd  are  applied  to  the  same    ubjects.     Ncver- 

tlie  prayer  of  simplicity  often  has  a  tendency 

'.  lify  itself,  even  in  respect  to  its  object.     It 

'  III-  to  think  chiefly  of  (!od  and  of  His  presence, 

jut   in  a  confused  manner.     This  jjarticular  state, 

Ihich  is  nearer  than  others  to  the  mystical  states,  is 

J  illcd  t  he  prayer  of  amorous  attention  to  God.     Those 

ring  the  charge  of  idleness  against  these  different 

iways  have  an  exaggerated  idea  of  them.     The 

r  of  simplicity  is  not  to  meditation  what  inac- 

''<n  is  to  action,  though  it  might  appear  to  be  at  times, 

Jut  what  uniformity  is  to  variety  and  intuition  to  rea- 

il  is  knowni  to  be  call(>d  to  one  of  these  degrees 
'  succeeds  tlicrein,  and  does  so  with  ease,  and 
'  derives  profit  from  it.  The  call  of  God  be- 
■  ven  clearer  if  tliis  soul  have  first,  a  persistent 
ion  for  this  kind  of  prayer;  second,  a  want  of 

and  dist:iste  for  meditation.  Three  rules  of 
!  ff)r  tliosc^  wlio  show  tlicse  signs  are  admitted 

luthors:  (a)  When,  during  prayer,  one  feels 
r  a  relish  nor  facility  for  certain  acta  one  should 


not  force  oneself  to  produce  them,  but  be  content  w-ith 
affective  prayer  or  the  prayer  of  simplicity  (which,  by 
hypothesis,  can  succeed) ;  to  do  otherwise  would  be  to 
thwart  the  Divine  action,  (b)  If,  on  the  contrary, 
during  prayer,  one  feels  a  facility  for  certain  acts,  one 
should  yield  to  this  inclination  instead  of  obstinately 
striving  to  remain  immovable  like  the  Quietists.  In- 
deed, even  the  full  use  of  our  faculties  is  not  superflu- 
ous in  helping  us  to  reach  God.  (c)  Outside  of  prayer, 
properly  so  called,  one  should  profit  on  all  occasions 
either  to  get  instruction  or  to  arouse  the  will  and  thus 
make  up  what  prayer  itself  may  lack.  Many  texts 
relative  to  the  prayer  of  simplicity  are  found  in  the 
works  of  St.  Jane  de  Chantal,  who,  together  with  St. 
Francis  of  Sales,  founded  the  Order  of  the  Visitation. 
She  complained  of  the  o]5position  that  many  well-dis- 
posed minds  offered  to  this  kind  of  prayer.  By  an- 
cient writers  the  prayer  of  simplicity  is  called  acquired, 
active,  or  ordinary  contemplation.  St.  Alphonsus 
Liguori,  echoing  his  predecessors,  defines  it  thus:  "At 
the  end  of  a  certain  time  orilinary  meditation  pro- 
duces what  is  called  acquired  contemplation,  which 
consists  in  seeing  at  a  simple  glance  the  truths  which 
could  previously  be  discovered  only  through  pro- 
longed discourse"  (Homo  apostolicus,  Appendix  I, 
no.  7). 

To  distinguish  it  from  acquired  contemplation 
mystical  imion  is  called  intuitive,  passive,  extraordin- 
ary, or  higher  contemplation.  St.  Teresa  designates 
it  simply  as  contemplation,  without  any  qualification. 
Mystical  graces  may  be  divided  into  two  groups,  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  the  oljject  contemplated.  The 
states  of  the  first  group  are  characterized  by  the  fact 
that  it  is  God,  and  God  only,  who  manifests  Himself; 
these  are  called  mystical  union.  In  the  second  group 
the  manifestation  is  of  a  created  object,  as,  for  ex- 
ample, when  one  beholds  the  humanity  of  Christ  or  an 
angel  or  a  future  event,  etc.  These  are  visions  (of 
created  things)  and  revelations.  To  these  belong 
miraculous  bodily  phenomena  which  are  sometimes 
observed  in  ecstatics.  There  are  fom-  degrees  or 
stages  of  mystical  union.  They  are  here  taken  just  as 
St.  Teresa  has  described  them  with  the  greatest  clear- 
ness in  her  "Life"  and  principally  in  her  "Interior 
Castle":  first,  incomplete  mystical  union,  or  the 
prayer  of  quiet  (from  the  Latin  qiiies,  quiet;  which 
expresses  the  impression  experienced  in  this  state); 
second,  the  full,  or  semi-ecstatic,  imion,  which  ,St. 
Teresa  sometimes  calls  the  prayer  of  tinion  (in  her 
"Life"  she  also  makes  use  of  the  term  entire  union, 
entera  unidn,  ch.  xvii) ;  third,  ecstatic  imion,  or  ec- 
stasy; and  fourth,  transforming  or  deifying  union,  or 
spiritual  marriage  (properly)  of  the  soul  with  God. 
The  first  three  are  states  of  the  same  grace,  viz.  the 
weak,  medium,  and  the  energetic.  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  transforming  imion  differs  from  these  specific- 
ally and  not  merely  in  intensity. 

The  preceding  ideas  may  be  more  precisely  stated 
by  indicating  the  easily  discernible  lines  of  demarca- 
tion. Mystical  union  will  be  called  (a)  spiritual  quiet 
when  the  Divine  action  is  still  too  weak  to  prevent 
distractions:  in  a  word,  when  the  imagination  still  re- 
tains a  certain  liberty ;  (b)  full  union  when  its  strength 
is  so  great  that  the  soul  is  fully  occupied  with  the 
Divine  object,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  senses 
continue  to  act  (under  these  conditions,  by  making  a 
greater  or  less  effort,  one  can  cease  from  prayer) ;  (c) 
ecst!isy  when  comnumications  with  the  external  world 
are  severed  or  nearly  so  (in  this  event  one  can  no 
longer  make  voluntary  movements  nor  emerge  from 
the  state  at  will).  Between  these  well-defined  tyjies 
there  are  imperceptible  transitions  as  between  the 
colours  blue,  green,  and  yellow.  Mystics  use  many 
other  appellations:  silence,  supernatural  sleep,  spir- 
itual inebriation,  etc.  These  are  not  real  ilegrees,  but 
rather  ways  of  being  in  the  four  preceding  degrees. 
St.  Teresa  sometimes  designates  the  weak  prayer  o{ 


CONTEMPLATION 


326 


CONTEMPLATION 


quiet  as  supernatural  recollection.  As  regards  trans- 
forming union,  or  spiritual  marriage,  it  is  here  suffi- 
cient to  say  that  it  consists  in  the  habitual  conscious- 
ness of  a  mysterious  grace  which  all  shall  possess  in 
heaven:  the  participation  of  the  Divine  nature.  The 
soul  is  conscious  of  the  Divine  assistance  in  its  supe- 
rior supernatural  operations,  those  of  the  intellect  and 
the  will.  Spiritual  marriage  differs  from  spiritual 
espousals  inasmuch  as  the  first  of  these  states  is  per- 
manent and  the  second  only  transitory. 

Character.s  of  Mystical  Union. — The  different 
states  of  mystical  union  possess  twelve  characters. 
The  first  two  are  the  most  important;  the  first  be- 
cause it  denotes  the  basis  of  this  grace,  the  other  be- 
cause it  represents  its  physiognomy. 

First  character:  the  presence  felt. — (a)  The  real  dif- 
ference between  mystical  imion  and  the  recollection  of 
ordinary  prayer  is  that,  in  the  former,  God  is  not  sat- 
isfied with  helping  us  to  think  of  Him  and  reminding 
us  of  His  presence;  He  gives  us  an  intellectual  ex- 
perimental knowledge  of  that  presence,  (b)  How- 
ever, in  the  lower  degrees  (spiritual  quiet)  God  does 
this  in  a  rather  obscure  way.  The  more  elevated  the 
order  of  the  union  the  clearer  the  manifestation.  The 
obscurity  just  mentioned  is  a  source  of  interior  suffer- 
ing to  beginners.  During  the  period  of  spiritual  quiet 
they  instinctively  believe  in  the  preceding  doctrine, 
but  afterwards,  because  of  their  preconceived  ideas, 
they  begin  to  reason  and  relapse  into  hesitation  and 
the  fear  of  going  astray.  The  remedy  lies  in  provid- 
ing them  with  a  learned  director  or  a  book  that  treats 
these  matters  clearly.  By  experimental  knowledge 
is  understood  that  which  comes  from  the  object  itself 
and  makes  it  known  not  only  as  possible  but  as  exist- 
ing, and  in  such  and  such  conditions.  This  is  the 
case  with  mystical  union:  God  is  therein  perceived  as 
well  as  conceived.  Hence,  in  mystical  union,  we  have 
experimental  knowledge  of  God  and  of  His  presence, 
but  it  does  not  at  all  follow  that  this  knowledge  is  of 
the  same  nature  as  the  Beatific  Vision.  The  angels, 
the  souls  of  the  departed,  and  devils  know  one  another 
experimentally  but  in  an  inferior  way  to  that  in  which 
God  will  be  manifested  to  us  in  heaven.  Theologians 
express  this  principle  by  saying  that  it  is  a  knowledge 
by  impressed  or  intelligible  species. 

Second  character:  interior  possession. — (a)  In  states 
inferior  to  ecstasy  one  cannot  say  that  he  sees  God, 
unless  indeed  in  exceptional  cases.  Nor  is  one  in- 
stinctively led  to  use  the  word  sec.  (b)  On  the  con- 
trary, what  constitutes  the  common  basis  of  all  the 
degrees  of  mystical  union  is  that  the  spiritual  imjires- 
sion  by  which  God  manifests  His  presence  makes  that 
presence  felt  in  the  way  of  an  interior  something  with 
which  the  soul  is  penetrated;  it  is  a  sen.salinn  of  ab- 
sorption, of  fusion,  of  immersion,  (c)  For  the  sake  of 
greater  clearness  the  sensation  one  experiences  may  be 
designated  as  interior  touch.  This  very  clear  expres- 
sion of  spiritual  sensation  is  used  by  Scaramelli  (Direc- 
toire  mystique,  Tr.  iii,  no.  26)  and  had  already  been 
resorted  to  by  Father  de  la  Reguera  (Praxis  tlK-ologia" 
mysticas,  vol.  I,  no.  735).  The  following  comparison 
will  aid  us  in  forming  an  exact  idea  of  the  physiogno- 
my of  mystical  union.  We  may  say  that  it  is  in  a 
precisely  similar  way  that  we  feel  the  presence  of  our 
body  when  we  remain  perfectly  inmiobile  and  close 
our  eyes.  If  we  know  th.at  our  body  is  present,  it  is 
not  because  we  see  it  or  have  been  told  of  tlie  fact.  It 
is  the  result  of  a  special  sensation  (ciena'sthesis),  an 
interior  impression,  very  simple  and  yet  impossible  to 
analyse.  Thus  it  is  that  in  mystical  union  we  feel 
God  within  us  and  in  a  very  simple  way.  The  soul 
absorbed  in  mystical  vmion  that  is  not  too  elevated 
may  be  saiil  to  resemble  a  man  placed  near  one  of  his 
friends  in  an  impenetrably  dark  place  and  in  utter  si- 
lence, lie  neither  sees  nor  hears  his  friend  whose 
hand  he  holds  within  his  own,  but  through  means  of 
touch,  ho  feels  his  presence.     He  thus  remains  think- 


ing of  his  friend  and  loving  him,  although  amid  d 
tractions. 

The  foregoing  statements  concerning  the  first  t 
characters  always  appear  uni|uestionably  true 
those  who  have  received  mystical  graces,  but,  on  1 
contrary,  they  are  often  a  source  of  amazement  to  t 
profane.  For  those  who  will  admit  them,  at  le 
provisionally,  the  difficulties  of  mystical  union  i 
overcome  and  what  is  to  follow  will  not  be  very  m; 
terious.  The  ten  characters  remaining  are  the  con 
quences  or  concomitants  of  the  first  two. 

Third  character. — Mystical  union  cannot  be  p 
duced  at  will.  It  is  this  character  that  was  use 
above  in  defining  all  mystical  states.  It  may  also 
added  that  these  states  cannot  be  augmented  nor  th 
manner  of  being  changed.  By  remaining  immoh 
and  being  content  with  interior  acts  of  the  will  c 
cannot  cause  these  graces  to  cease.  It  ■n'ill  be  se 
farther  on  that  the  only  means  to  this  end  lies  in 
suming  bodily  activity. 

Fourth  character. — The  knowledge  of  God  in  mys 
cal  union  is  obscure  and  confused ;  hence  the  expr 
sion  to  enter  into  Divine  obscurity  or  into  Divi 
darkness.  In  ecstasy  one  has  intellectual  visions 
the  Divinity,  and  the  loftier  these  become,  the  m< 
they  surpass  our  understanding.  Then  is  readi 
blinding  contemplation,  a  mi.xture  of  light  and  dai 
ness.  The  great  darkness  is  the  name  given  to  t 
contemplation  of  such  Divine  attributes  as  are  uei 
shared  by  any  creature,  for  instance,  infinity,  eterni' 
immutability,  etc. 

Fifth  character. — Like  all  else  that  borders  on  t 
Di\-ine  nature  this  mode  of  communication  is  oi 
half  comprehensible  and  it  is  called  mystical  becai 
it  indicates  a  mystery.  This  character  and  the  p 
ceding  one  are  a  source  of  anxiety  to  beginners,  as  th 
imagine  that  no  state  is  Di\ine  and  certain  imless  th 
understand  it  perfectly  and  without  anyone's  help. 

»Six(/i.  character. — In  mystical  union  the  contemp 
tion  of  God  is  produced  neither  by  rea.soning  nor 
the  consideration  of  creatures  nor  still  by  inter 
images  of  the  sensible  order.  We  have  seen  that 
has  an  altogether  different  cause.  In  the  natu 
state  our  thinking  is  always  accompanied  by  imag 
and  it  is  the  same  in  ordinary  prayer,  because  sup 
natural  operations  of  an  ordinary  character  reseml 
those  of  nature.  But  in  mystical  contemplation 
change  takes  place.  St.  John  of  the  Cross  is  cc 
stantly  reverting  to  this  point.  It  has  been  said  tl 
the  acts  of  the  imagination  are  not  the  cause  of  cc 
templation;  however,  they  may  at  least  accompa 
it.  Most  frequently  it  is  in  distractions  that  t 
imagination  manifests  itself,  and  St.  Teresa  declar 
that  for  this  evil  she  found  no  remedy  (Life,  ch.  xv: 
We  shall  designate  as  constitutive  acts  of  mystii 
union  those  which  necessarily  belong  to  this  state,  su 
as  thinking  of  God,  relishing  Him  and  loving  Hi 
and  by  way  of  distinction  we  shall  denote  as  ad 
tional  acts  such  acts,  other  than  distractions,  as  : 
not  proper  to  mystical  imion,  that  is  to  say,  are  neiti 
its  cause  nor  its  consequences.  This  term  intlica 
that  an  addition,  whether  voluntary  or  not,  is  made! 
Divine  action.  Thus,  to  recite  a  Hail  Mary  dur^ 
spiritual  quiet  or  to  give  oneself  up  to  a  considerat! 
of  death  would  be  to  perform  additional  acts,  becai 
they  arc  not  es.sential  to  the  existence  of  spirit 
quiet.  These  definitions  will  prove  useful  later 
But  even  now  they  will  permit  us  to  explain  cert 
abbreviations  of  language,  often  indulged  in  by  no 
tics,  of  which  many  erroneous  interpretations  h 
been  made,  misinidcrstanding  having  resulted  ft 
what  was  left  imexpressed.  Tluis  it  has  been  em 
"Often  in  supernatural  prayer  there  are  no  q| 
acts";  or,  "One  nuist  not  fc;ir  therein  to  suppreM 
acts";  whereas  wliat  should  have  been  said  was  t" 
"There  are  no  more  additional  acts".  Taken  li  r 
ally,  these  abridged  phrases  do  not  differ  from  thos  ) 


CONTEMPLATION 


327 


CONTEMPLATION 


'uiotists.  St.  Teresa  was  suddenly  enlightened 
1  way  of  perfection  by  reading  in  a  book  this 
hnuM',  though  it  is  inaccurate:  "In  spiritual  quiet 
no  can  think  of  nothing"  (Life,  eh.  xxiii).  But 
thcrs  would  not  have  discerned  the  true  value  of  the 
xjjrcssion.  In  like  manner  it  was  said:  "The  will 
nly  is  united";  by  which  was  meant  that  the  mind 
ids  no  further  reasoning  and  that  thenceforth  it 
lakes  itself  forgotten  or  else  that  it  retains  the  liberty 
[  i>nnlucing  additional  acts;  then  it  seems  as  if  it 
ere  not  imited.  But  in  future  these  expressions 
lat  reijvure  long  explanations  will  be  avoided. 
Sevinth  cliaracter. — There  are  continual  fluctua- 
ons.  Jlystical  union  does  not  retain  the  same  de- 
ree  of  intensity  for  five  minutes,  but  its  average  in- 
■nsity  may  be  the  same  for  a  notable  length  of  time. 
Eighth  charcider. — Mystical  union  demands  much 
ss  labour  than  meditation,  and  the  more  elevated 
le  state  the  less  the  effort  required,  in  ecstasy  there 
ing  none  whatever.  St.  Teresa  compares  the  soul 
lat  progresses  in  these  states  to  a  gardener  who  takes 
ss  and  less  trouble  to  water  his  garden  (Life,  ch.  xi). 
1  the  prayer  of  quiet  the  labour  does  not  consist  in 
rocuring  the  prayer  itself;  God  alone  can  give  that, 
ut  first  in  combating  distractions;  second,  in  occa- 
onally  producing  additional  acts ;  third,  if  the  quiet 
weak,  in  sujiprossing  the  ennui  caused  by  incom- 
lete  absorption  wliich  very  often  one  is  disinclined  to 
;rf('ct  by  something  else. 

\inlh  character. — Mystical   union  is  accompanied 

Y  sentiments  of  love,  tranquillity,  and  pleasure.     In 

)iritual  quiet  these  sentiments  are  not  always  very 

•dent  although  sometimes  the  reverse  is  the  case  and 

lere  is  spiritual  jubilation  and  inebriation. 

Tenth  character. — Mystical  union  is  accompanied, 

J  id  often  in  a  very  visible  manner,  by  an  impulse 

s  iwards  the  different  N-irtues.     This  fact  (which  St. 

eresa  constantly  repeats)  is  the  more  sensible  in  pro- 

;'  )rti(m  as  the  prayer  is  more  elevated.     In  private, 

r  finni  leading  to  pride  these  graces  always  produce 

■Minulity. 

I    EUrcnIli  character. — Mystical  union  acts  upon  the 
I  )dy.     This  fact  is  evident  in  ecstasy  (q.  v.)  and  en- 
f  Ts  into  its  definition.     First,  in  this  state  the  senses 
■(  ive  little  or  no  action;  second,  the  members  of  the 
i,  xly  are  usually  motionless;  third,  respiration  almost 
1  :ases ;  fourth,  vital  heat  seems  to  disappear,  especially 
^om  the  extremities.     In  a  word,  all  is  as  if  the  soul 
j,  ses  in  vit:d  force  and  motor  activity  all  that  it  gains 
•>,  1  the  side  of  Divine  union.     The  law  of  continuity 
,ji  lows  us  that  these  phenomena  must  occur,  although 
tl .  a  lesser  degree,  in  those  states  that  are  inferior  to 
u  sta.sy.     At   what   moment   do   thej'  begin?     Often 
ji  uring  spiritual  quiet,  and  this  seems  to  be  the  case 
ii(  lainly  with  persons  of  weak  temperament.     Since 
^  lis  spiritual  quiet  is  somewhat  opposed  to  bodily 
iii  lovements  the  latter  must  react  reciprocally  in  order 
,|, )  diniini.sh  this  quiet.     Experience  confirms  this  con- 
;jCture.     If  one  begins  to  walk,  read,  or  look  to  right 
itl  id  left,   one  feels  the  Divine  action  diminishing; 
.j|ierefore  to   resume   bodily   activity  is  a  practical 
l(  leans  of  ending  the  mystical  union. 
,;  7"»r?/7/i  character. — Mystical  union  to  some  extent 
,,  inders  the  production  of  some  interior  acts  which,  in 
.yi'dinarj'  prayer,  could  be  produced  at  will.     This  is 
,j  hat  is  known  as  the  suspension  of  the  powers  of  the 
.  )ui.     In  ecstasy  this  fact  is  most  evident  and  is  also 
,,cpi  Mcnced  in  actual  quiet,  one  of  those  states  in- 
to ecstasy,  being  one  of  the  phenomena  that 
■  i^t  occupied  mystics  and  been  the  cause  of  the 
t  anxiety  to  beginners.     Those  acts  which  have 
rmed  additional,  and  which  would  likewise  be 
iry,  are  what  are  hampered  by  this  suspension, 
It  is  usually  an  obstacle  to  vocal  prayers  and 
i'":s  reflections. 

To  sum  up:  as  a  general  rule,  the  mystical  state  has 
tendency  to  exclude  all  that  is  foreign  to  it  and  espe- 


cially whatever  proceeds  from  our  own  assiduity,  our 
own  effort.  Sometimes,  however,  God  makes  excep- 
tions. Concerning  suspension  there  are  three  rules 
of  conduct  identical  with  those  already  given  for  the 
prayer  of  simplicity  (see  above).  If  a  director  sus- 
pects that  a  person  has  attained  unto  the  prayer  of 
quiet  he  can  most  frequently  decide  the  case  by  ques- 
tioning him  on  the  twelve  characters  just  enumerated. 

The  T\vo  Nights  of  the  Soul. — There  is  an  inter- 
mediate state  not  yet  mentioned,  a  frequent  transition 
between  ordinary  prayer  and  spiritual  quiet.  St. 
John  of  the  Cross,  who  was  the  first  to  describe  it 
clearly,  called  it  the  night  of  sense  or  first  night  of  the 
soul.  If  we  abide  by  appearances,  that  is  to  say,  by 
what  we  immediately  observe  in  ourselves,  this  state 
is  a  prayer  of  simplicity  but  with  characteristics,  two 
especially,  which  make  it  a  thing  apart.  It  is  bitter, 
and  it  is  almost  solely  upon  God  that  the  simple  gaze 
is  incessantly  riveted.  Five  elements  are  included  in 
this  distressing  state:  there  is  first,  an  habitual  arid- 
ity; second,  an  undeveloped,  confused  idea  of  God, 
recurring  with  singular  persistency  and  independently 
of  the  will;  third,  the  sad  and  constant  need  of  a 
closer  union  with  God;  fourth,  a  continual  action  of 
God's  grace  to  detach  us  from  all  sensible  things  and 
impart  a  distaste  for  them,  whence  the  name,  "night  of 
sense"  (the  soul  may  struggle  against  this  action  of 
grace) ;  fifth,  there  is  a  hidden  element  which  consists 
in  this:  God  begins  to  exercise  over  the  soul  the  action 
characteristic  of  the  prayer  of  quiet,  but  He  does  it  so 
gently  that  one  may  be  unconscious  of  it.  Hence  it  is 
spiritual  quiet  in  the  latent,  disguised  state,  and  it  is 
only  by  verifying  the  analogy  of  effects  that  one  comes 
to  know  it.  St.  John  of  the  Cross  speaks  of  the  second 
night  of  the  soul  as  the  night  of  the  mind.  It  is  noth- 
ing more  than  the  union  of  the  mystical  states  inferior 
to  spiritual  marriage  but  regarded  as  including  the 
element  of  gloom  and  therefore  as  producing  suffering. 

We  can  now  form  a  compact  idea  of  the  develop- 
ment of  mystical  union  in  the  soul.  It  is  a  tree  the 
seed  of  which  is  first  concealed  in  the  earth  and  the 
roots  that  are  secretly  put  forth  in  darkness  consti- 
tute the  night  of  sense.  From  these  a  frail  stem 
springs  up  into  the  light  and  this  is  spiritual  quiet. 
The  tree  grows  and  becomes  successively  full  union 
and  ecstasy.  Finally,  in  spiritual  marriage  it  attains 
the  end  of  its  development  and  then  especially  it  bears 
flowers  and  fruit.  This  harmony  existing  between 
the  states  of  mystical  union  is  a  fact  of  noteworthy 
importance. 

Revelations  and  Visions  (of  Creatures). — 
There  are  three  kinds  of  speech:  exterior,  which  is  re- 
ceived by  the  ear,  and  interior,  which  is  subdivided 
into  imaginative  and  intellectual.  The  last  is  a  com- 
munication of  thoughts  without  words. 

There  are  three  similar  kinds  of  visions.  Many  de- 
tails of  these  different  graces  will  be  found  in  the 
works  of  St.  Teresa.  What  are  known  as  private  and 
particular  revelations  are  those  contained  neither  in 
the  Bible  nor  in  the  deposit  of  Apostolic  tradition. 
The  Church  does  not  oblige  us  to  believe  in  them,  but 
it  is  prudent  not  to  reject  them  lightly  when  they  are 
affirmed  by  saints.  Nevertheless  it  is  certain  that 
many  saints  were  deceived  and  that  their  revelations 
contradict  one  another.  What  follows  will  explain 
the  reason  of  this.  Revelations  and  visions  are  sub- 
ject to  many  illusions  which  shall  be  briefly  set  forth. 
First,  like  Jonas  at  Ninive,  the  seer  may  regard  as 
absolute  a  prediction  that  was  only  conditional,  or 
commit  some  other  error  in  interpreting  it.  Second, 
when  the  vision  represents  a  scene  from  the  life  or 
Passion  of  Christ,  historic  accuracy  is  often  only  ap- 
proximate; otherwise  God  would  lower  Himself  to  the 
rank  of  a  professor  of  history  and  archa-ology.  He 
wishes  to  sanctify  the  soul,  not  to  satisfy  our  curiosity. 
The  seer,  however,  may  believe  that  the  reproduction 
is  exact ;  hence  the  want  of  agreement  between  revelar 


CONTEMPLATION 


328 


CONTEMPLATION 


mons  concerning  the  life  of  Jesus  Christ.  Third,  dur- 
ing the  vision  personal  activity  may  be  so  mingled 
with  tlie  Divine  action  that  answers  in  the  sense  de- 
sired seem  to  be  received.  In  fact,  during  prayer 
vivid  imaginations  may  go  so  far  as  to  produce  revela- 
tions and  visions  out  of  whole  cloth  without  any  evil 
intent.  Fourth,  sometimes,  in  his  desire  to  explain  it, 
the  seer  afterwards  unconsciously  alters  a  genuine 
revelation.  Fifth,  amanuenses  and  editors  take  de- 
plorable hberties  in  revising,  so  that  the  text  is  not 
always  authentic.  Some  revelations  are  even  abso- 
lutely false  because:  first,  in  describing  tlieir  jirayer, 
certain  persons  lie  most  audaciously;  second,  amongst 
those  afflicted  with  neuropathy  there  are  inventors 
who,  in  perfectly  good  faith,  imagine  to  be  real  facts 
things  that  have  never  occurred;  third,  the  devil  may 
to  a  certain  degree,  counterfeit  Divine  visions;  fourth, 
amongst  writers  there  are  genuine  forgers  who  are  re- 
sponsible for  political  prophecies,  hence  the  profusion 
of  absurd  predictions. 

Illusions  in  the  matter  of  revelations  often  have  a 
serious  consequence,  as  they  usually  instigate  to  ex- 
terior acts,  such  as  teaching  a  doctrine,  propagating  a 
new  devotion,  prophesying,  launching  into  an  enter- 
prise that  entails  expense.  There  would  be  no  evil  to 
fear  if  these  impulses  came  from  God,  but  it  is  entirely 
otherwise  when  they  do  not  come  from  God,  which  is 
much  more  frequently  the  case  and  is  difficult  of  dis- 
cernment. On  the  contrary  there  is  naught  to  fear 
from  mystical  union.  It  impels  solely  towards  Di- 
vine love  and  the  practice  of  solid  virtue.  There  would 
be  equal  security  in  the  impossible  supposition  that 
the  state  of  prayer  was  only  an  imitation  of  mystical 
imion,  for  then  the  tendencies  would  be  exactly  the 
same.  This  supposition  is  called  impossible  because 
St.  Teresa  and  St.  John  of  the  Cross  keep  repeating 
that  the  devil  cannot  imitate  nor  even  understand 
mystical  union.  Neither  can  our  mind  and  imagina- 
tion reproduce  the  combination  of  the  twelve  charac- 
ters described  above. 

What  has  been  said  shows  us  the  importance  of  not 
confounding  mystical  union  with  revelations.  Not 
only  are  these  states  of  a  different  nature  but  they 
must  also  be  differently  estimated.  Because  ignor- 
ant of  this  distinction  many  persons  fall  into  one  of 
these  two  extremes:  first,  if  they  know  the  danger  of 
revelations,  they  extend  their  severe  judgment  to 
mystical  union  and  thus  turn  certain  souls  from  an  ex- 
cellent path;  second,  if  on  the  contrary,  they  are  rea- 
sonably persuaded  of  the  security  and  tranquillity  of 
mystical  union,  they  WTongfully  extend  this  favour- 
able judgment  to  revelations  and  drive  certain  souls 
into  a  dangerous  path. 

When  God  so  wills  He  can  impart  to  him  who  re- 
ceives a  revelation  the  full  certainty  that  it  is  real  and 
wholly  Divine.  Otherwise  one  would  not  have  had 
the  right  to  believe  the  Prophets  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. Scripture  ordained  that  they  be  distinguished 
from  false  prophets.  For  instance,  the  envoys  of 
God  performed  miracles  or  uttered  prophecies  the 
realization  of  which  was  verified.  In  order  to  judge 
private  revelations  in  a  more  or  less  probable  way, 
two  kinds  of  information  must  be  obtained.  First, 
one  should  ascertain  the  qualities  or  defects,  from  a 
natural,  ascetic,  or  mystical  point  of  view,  of  the  per- 
son having  revelations.  When  the  one  in  question 
has  been  canonized  the  investigation  has  already  been 
made  by  the  Church.  Second,  one  should  be  ac- 
quainted with  the  qualities  or  defects  of  the  revelation 
itself  and  with  its  various  circumstances,  favourable 
or  otherwise.  To  judge  of  ecstasies  one  should  be 
actuated  by  the  same  principles,  the  two  chief  points 
to  settle  being:  first,  in  what  the  soul  is  absorbed 
wliilst  thus  deprived  of  the  senses,  and  whetlier  it  is 
captivated  by  knowledge  of  a  higher  order  and  trans- 
ported by  an  immense  love;  second,  what  degree 
of  virtue  it  possessed  before  reaching  this  state  and 


what  great  progress  it  made  afterwards.  If  the  r 
suit  of  the  investigation  be  favourable  the  probabi 
ties  are  on  the  side  of  Divine  ecstasy,  as  neither  tl 
devil  nor  disease  can  work  the  imagination  up  to  tl 
pitch. 

There  are  several  rules  of  conduct  in  connexii 
with  revelations  but  we  shall  give  only  the  two  mo 
important.  The  first  relates  to  the  director.  If  tl 
revelation  or  the  vision  has  for  its  .sole  effect  the  au 
menting  of  the  love  of  the  seer  for  God,  Christ,  or  tl 
saints,  nothing  prevents  these  facts  from  being  pr 
visionally  considered  Divine;  but  if,  on  the  contrar 
the  seer  be  impelled  to  certain  imdertakings  or  if  1 
wish  that  his  prediction  should  be  firmly  beheved,  tl 
utmost  distrust  must  be  shown,  but  with  the  greate 
kindness.  If  the  .seer  be  dissatisfied  with  this  pnide: 
attitude  and  insist  upon  being  believed,  he  should  1 
told:  "You  must  admit  that  you  cannot  be  believ( 
simply  upon  your  word,  consequently  give  signs  th; 
your  revelations  come  from  God  and  from  Him  alone 
As  a  rule  this  request  remains  unanswered.  Note  tl 
prudence  of  the  Church  in  regard  to  certain  feasts  • 
devotions  which  she  has  instituted  in  consequence 
private  revelations.  The  revelation  was  only  the  o 
casion  of  the  measure  taken.  The  Church  declar 
that  such  a  devotion  is  reasonable  but  she  does  n^ 
guarantee  the  revelation  that  suggested  it.  The  se 
ond  rule  concerns  the  seer.  In  the  beginning,  i 
least,  he  is  gently  to  do  his  utmost  to  repulse  the  re 
elations  and  to  turn  his  thoughts  away  from  ther 
He  is  to  accept  them  only  after  a  prudent  director  w 
have  decided  that  he  may  place  a  certain  amount 
confidence  in  them.  This  doctrine,  which  seen 
severe,  is  nevertheless  taught  forcibly  by  many  saint 
such  as  St.  Ignatius  (Acta  SS.,  31  Julv,  Preliminairc 
no.  614),  St.  PhiUp  Neri  (ibid.,  26  May,  2nd  Ufe,  n 
375),  St.  John  of  the  Cross  (Assent,  Bk.  II,  ch.  xi,  x\ 
xvii,  and  xxiv),  St.  Teresa,  and  St.  Alphonsus  Liguo 
(Homo  Apost.,  Appendix  I,  no.  23),  for  the  re;isc 
that  there  is  danger  of  illusions.  With  even  great 
reason,  revelations  and  visions  (of  created  object 
should  be  neither  desired  nor  requested.  On  the  othi 
hand  many  passages  in  St.  Teresa  and  other  mysti' 
prove  that  mystical  union  may  be  desired  and  askt 
for,  provided  it  be  done  humbly  and  with  resignatic 
to  God's  will.  The  reason  is  that  this  union  has  i 
disadvantages  but  presents  great  advantages  f 
sanctification  (see  Theology,  under  sub-title  Mys« 
cal:  Quietism). 

St.  Teresa  far  excels  all  writers  that  preceded  hi 
on  the  subject  of  contemplation.  In  their  descri 
tions  those  prior  to  her  confined  themselves  to  gem 
alities.  Exception  must  be  made  in  favour  of  Bless 
Angela  de  Foligno,  Ruysbroeck  and  the  Veneral 
Marina  d'Escobar  as  regards  the  subject  of  ecstasi' 
St.  Teresa  was  likewise  the  first  to  give  a  clear,  acci 
ate,  and  detailed  classification.  Before  her  til 
hardly  anything  was  described  except  ecstasies  a 
revelations.  The  lower  degrees  required  more  delicj 
observation  than  liad  been  devoted  to  them  before  1 
day.  After  St.  Teresa  the  first  place  for  careful  ( 
servation  of  these  matters  belongs  to  St.  John 
the  Cross.  But  his  classifications  are  confused. 
Teresa  and  St.  John  of  the  Cross  are  also  greatly  SU 
rior  to  subsequent  authors  who  have  been  satisfied 
repeat  them,  with  comments.  " 

Dknis  the  C.vkthcsiax.  Dc  Conlemplalione;  Idem,  De  ;W 
lucis   et   simitd    vita:    (Nuremberg,    1495):    Blosius,    Works    r 
goldst,idt,     I(i31-I72G):    S.\int    Teresa,     Works     (Salama  ■ 
1588):   SuAREZ,    De   Relatione  Societatis    Jesu    (Brussels.    1' 
tr.  iv;  Alvarez  de  Paz,  De  inslitulione    pads   site   studio 
tionis    (L.vons,    ltiI7,    1619,    1623:    re-cditcd    Paris,    1S75_ 
Schramm,    Institutiones    theolooiccE    mysticw    (.\ugsbvirp.    IT  ■ 
Seraphin,    Principes   de  th&ologic   mystique    (1873);    Mkvn.J. 
Traite  dc  la  vie  intirieure  (3rd  ed.,  .\iuat,  1899);  Pon.M.v.o 
mystique  de  St.  Jean  de  la  Croix  in  Messager  du  Ctfi/r  dc  J^ 
(1893);  Idem.  Les  desiderata  de  la  mystique  in  Les  EludrsS 
RIarcli,   189S);  Saudreau,   Les  degris  dc  la  vie  spiritiirlle  9 
and    Amat,    lS9(i-97);    Idem,    La    vie   d' union ■  d    Dirt,    l.:VA 
1900);   Idem,  Vital  mystique   (Amat,   1903);  Joly,   I'such,.fl 

I 


CONTEMPLATIVE 


329 


CONTEMPLATIVE 


ants  (tr.  1897);  Lejeune,  Manuel  dc  thiologic  mystique 
1S97):  DuBLANCHT,  Asceticism  in  Diet,  dc  thiol,  cath. 
itl'JO.ii  ;  Marf.chaux,  he  merveilleux  dii-in  et  le  merveilleux 
hnoniaque  (Paris,  1901);  Ribet.  La  mysliquc  divine.  (Paris. 
95) ;  Bakeh.  tianeta  Sophia,  or  Direction.'!  for  the  Praiier 
Contemplation  (Douai,  1657);  Hilton,  Scnle  of  Perfection 
>rint«1  bv  Wynkin  de  Worde,  1494);  Doyle,  Principles  of 
eligious  Life  (3rd  ed.,  London,  1906);  De\i.ne,  A  Manual  of 
(ystical  Theology  (London,  1903).  AtTG     PoULAIN 

Contemplative  Life,  a  life  ordered  in  view  of  con- 
mplation ;  :>  way  of  living  especially  adapted  to  lead 
)  and    facilitate   contemplation,   while  it  excludes 
II  other  preoccupations   and  intents.     To  seek  to 
now  and  love  God  more  and  more  is  a  duty  incum- 
ant  on  evcrj-  Christian  and  should  be  his  chief  pursuit, 
id  in  this  wide  sense  the  Christian  and  the  contem- 
lative  lives  are  synonJ^nous.     This  duty,  however, 
Imits  of  various  degrees  in  it,s  fulfilment.     Many  give 
it  only  a  part  of  their  time  and  attention,  either 
om  lack  of  piety  or  because  of  other  duties;  others 
tempt  to  blend  harmoniously  the  contemplative  life 
ith  active  ministry,  i.  e.  the  care  of  souls,  which, 
idertaken  from  a  motive  of  supernatural  charity,  can 
made  compat  iblc  with  the  inner  life.     Others  again, 
ho  have  the  will  and  the  means,  aim  at  accomplishing 
,e  duty  of  contemplation  to  the  utmost  perfection, 
id  give  up  all  occupiations  inconsistent  with  it,  or 
hich,  on  account  of  man's  limited  abilities,  of  their 
iture  would  impede  it.     The  custom  has  prevailed  of 
iplving  the  term  "  contemplative"  only  to  the  life  led 
tfic  latter. 
Contemplation,  the  object  of  contemplative  life,  is 
fined  as  the  complacent,  loving  gaze  of  the  soul  on 
ivinc  truth  already  known  and  apprehended  by  the 
tellect   a.ssi.sted   and   enlightened  by  Divine  grace, 
lis  definition  shows  the  two  chief  differences  between 
e  contemplation  of  the  Christian  ascetic  and  the 
erely  scientific  research  of  the  theologian.     The  con- 
mplative.  in  his  investigation  of  Divine  things,  is 
tuated  by  love  for  those  things,  and  to  increase  this 
ve  is  his  ultimate  purpose,  as  well  as  the  firstfruits  of 
contem]5lation ;  in  other  words  the  theological  vir- 
e  of  charity  is  the  mainspring  as  well  as  the  outcome 
the  act  of  contemplation.     Again,  the  contempla- 
te does  not  rely  on  the  natural  powers  of  his  intellect 
his  endeavours  to  gain  cognizance  of  the  truth,  but, 
owing  that  hiunan  reason  is  limited  and  weak,  espe- 
lUy  when  inquiring  into   things  supernatural,   he 
jks  aid  from  above  by  prayer,  and  by  the  practice  of 
Christian  virtues  strives  to  fit  his  soul  for  the  grace 
desires.     The  act  of  contemplation,  imperfect  as  it 
eds  must  be,  is  of  all  himian  acts  one  of  the  most 
blime,  one  of  those  which  render  greatest  honour  to 
)d,  bring  the  greatest  good  to  the  soul,  and  enable  it 
3st  efficaciously  to  become  a  means  of  salvation  and 
manifold  blessing  to  others.     According  to  St.  Ber- 
rd  (Dc  Consider.,  lib.  1,  c.  vii),  it  is  the  highest  form 
human  worship,  as  it  is  essentially  an  act  of  adora- 
m  and  of  utter  self-surrender  of  man's  whole  being. 
le  soul  in  contemplation  is  a  soul  lying  prostrate  be- 
veGod,  convinced  of  and  confessing  its  own  nothing- 
Wss  and  His  worthiness  to  receive  all  love  and  glory 
ifld  honour  and  blessings  from  those  He  has  created. 
flis  a  soul  lost  in  admiration  and  love  of  the  Etern.al 
wsuty.  the  sight  of  which  though  but  a  feeble  reflec- 
'■n.  fill  it  with  a  joy  naught  else  in  the  world  can  give 

■  which,  far  more  eloquently  than  speech,  testi- 
1  the  .soul  rates  that  Beauty  above  all  other 

.  and  finds  in  It  the  completion  of  all  its  de- 
It  is  the  jubilant  worship  of  the  whole  heart, 
Md  Roul,  the  worship  "in  spirit  and  in  truth"  of 

;i'  a<lorers",  such  as  the  Father  seeks  to  adore 
I   hii,  iv,  2.3). 

iitemplative  life,  however,  is  not  meant  a  life 

ntirely  in  contemplation.  On  earth  .an  act  of 
I'lation  cannot  be  of  long  duration,  except  in 
■    of  an  extraordinary   privilege  granted   by 

■  power.     The  weakness  of  our  bodily  senses 


and  the  natural  instability  of  our  minds  and  hearts, 
together  with  the  exigencies  of  life,  render  it  impossi- 
ble for  us  to  fix  our  attention  for  long  on  one  object. 
Tliis  is  true  with  regard  to  earthly  or  material  things; 
it  is  still  more  true  in  matters  pertaining  to  the  super- 
natural order.  Only  in  Heaven  shall  the  understand- 
ing be  strengthened  so  as  to  waver  no  more,  but  adhere 
unceasingly  to  Him  Who  made  it. 

Hence  it  is  rare  to  find  souls  capable  of  leading  a  life 
of  conteinjjlation  without  occasionally  engaging  their 
mental  or  physical  activity  in  earthy  or  material 
things.  The  combination,  however,  of  the  two  lives, 
of  which  Catholic  hagiology  affords  such  striking  and 
glorious  examples,  is,  as  a  general  rule  and  for  persons 
of  ordinary  attainments,  a  matter  of  consideralile  dif- 
ficulty. Exterior  action,  with  the  solicitude  and 
cares  attendant  on  it,  tends  naturally  to  absorb  the 
attention;  the  soul  is  thereby  hampered  in  its  efforts 
to  ascend  to  the  higher  regions  of  contemplation,  as  its 
energy,  capacity,  and  power  of  application  are  usually 
too  limited  to  allow  it  to  carry  on  together  such  difTcr- 
ent  pursuits  with  success.  If  this  is  true  with  regard 
to  those  even  who  are  working  for  God  and  are  en- 
gaged in  enterprises  undertaken  for  the  furtherance  of 
His  interests,  it  is  all  the  more  true  of  those  who  are 
toiling  with  no  other  direct  end  than  to  procure  their 
subsistence  and  their  temporal  well-being.  This  is 
why  those  who  have  wished  to  give  themselves  \\\>  to 
contemplation  and  reach  an  eminent  degree  of  mysti- 
cal union  with  God  have  habitually  withdrawn  from 
the  crowd  and  have  abandoned  all  other  pursuits,  to 
lead  a  retired  life  entirely  consecrated  to  the  purpose 
of  contemplation.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  life  can  be 
led  nowhere  so  safely  and  so  easily  as  in  those  monas- 
tic orders  which  make  it  their  special  object.  The 
rules  of  those  orders  supply  their  members  with  every 
means  necessary  and  useful  for  the  purpose,  and  safe- 
guard them  from  all  exterior  obstacles.  Foremost 
among  these  means  must  be  reckoned  the  vows,  which 
are  barriers  raised  against  the  inroads  of  the  three 
great  evils  devastating  the  w'orld  (I  John,  ii.  16). 
Poverty  frees  the  contemplative  from  the  cares  inher- 
ent to  the  possession  and  administration  of  tem]>oral 
goods,  from  the  moral  dangcr.s  that  follow  in  the  wake 
of  wealth,  and  from  that  insatiable  greed  for  gain 
which  so  lowers  and  materializes  the  mind.  Chastity 
frees  him  from  the  bondage  of  married  life  with  its 
solicitude  so  "dividing"  to  the  heart,  and  mind,  to  use 
the  Apostle's  expression  (I  Cor.,  vii,  33),  and  so  apt  to 
confine  man's  sympathy  and  action  within  a  narrow 
circle.  By  the  same  virtue  also  he  obtains  that  clean- 
ness of  heart  which  enabk's  him  to  see  God  (Matth.,  v, 
8).  Obedience,  without  which  community-life  is  im- 
possible, frees  him  from  the  anxiety  of  having  to  de- 
tennine  what  course  to  take  amidst  the  ever-.shifting 
circumstances  of  life.  The  stability  which  the  vow 
gives  to  the  contemplative's  purpose  by  placing  him  in 
a  fixed  state  with  set  duties  and  obligations  is  also  an 
inestimable  atlvantage,  as  it  saves  him  from  natural 
inconstancy,  the  blight  of  so  many  undertakings. 

Silence  is  of  course  the  proper  element  of  the  con- 
templative soul,  since  to  converse  with  God  and  men 
at  the  same  time  is  hardly  possible.  Moreover,  con- 
versing unnecessarily  is  apt  to  give  rise  to  numlierless 
thoughts,  fancies,  and  desires  alien  to  the  duties  and 
purpose  of  contemplative  life,  which  .assail  the  soul  at 
the  hour  of  prayer  and  distract  it  from  CJod.  It  is  no 
wonder,  then,  that  monastic  legislators  and  guardians 
of  regular  discipline  should  have  always  laid  such 
stress  on  the  practice  of  silence,  strenuously  enforcing 
its  observance  and  punishing  transgression  with  spe- 
cial severity.  This  silence,  if  not  perpetual,  must  em- 
brace at  least  the  greatest  part  of  the  contemplati\e's 
life.  Solitude  is  the  home  of  silence,  and  its  surest 
safeguard.  Moreover,  it  cuts  to  the  root  one  of  the 
strongest  of  man's  .selfish  propensities,  the  <!esire  to 
make  a  figure  before  the  world,  to  win  admiration  and 


CONTENSON 


330 


CONTINENCE 


applause,  or  at  least  to  attract  attention,  to  be  thought 
and  spoken  of.  "Manifest  thyself  to  the  world" 
(John,  w,  4)  says  the  demon  of  vainglory:  but  the 
Spirit  of  God  holds  another  language  (Matt.,  vi). 
Solitude  maybe  twofold:  the  seclusion  of  the  cloister, 
which  implies  restriction  of  intercourse  with  the  outer 
world ;  and  the  eremitic  confinement  of  the  cell,  a  prac- 
tice which  varies  in  different  orders. 

Religious  life,  being  essentially  a  life  of  self-denial 
and  self-sacrifice,  must  provide  an  effectual  antidote 
to  every  form  of  self-seeking,  and  the  rules  of  contem- 
plative orders  especially  are  admirably  framed  so  as 
to  thwart  and  mortify  every  selfish  instinct;  vigils, 
fasts,  austerity  in  food,  clothing,  etc.,  and  often  man- 
ual labour  tame  the  flesh,  and  thus  help  the  soul  to 
keep  in  subjection  its  worst  enemy.  Contemplatives, 
in  short,  forgo  many  transient  pleasures,  many  satis- 
factions sweet  to  nature,  all  that  the  world  holds  most 
dear:  but  they  gain  in  return  a  liberty  for  the  soul 
which  enables  it  to  rise  without  hindrance  to  the 
thought  and  love  of  God.  Though  God  Himself  is  the 
chief  object  of  their  study  and  meditation,  He  is  not 
the  only  one.  His  works,  His  dealings  with  men,  all 
that  reveals  Him  in  the  province  of  grace  or  of  nature 
is  lawfully  open  to  the  contemplative's  investigation. 
The  development  of  the  Divine  plan  in  the  growth  of 
the  Church  and  in  tne  history  of  nations,  the  won- 
drous workings  of  grace  and  "the  guidance  of  Provi- 
dence in  the  Uves  of  indi\idual  souls,  the  marvels  and 
beauty  of  creation,  the  writings  of  the  saints  and 
sages  of  Christendom,  and  above  all,  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures form  an  inexhaustible  store-house,  whence  the 
contemplative  can  draw  food  for  contemplation. 

The  great  function  assiuiied  by  contemplatives,  as  has 
already  been  said,  is  the  worship  of  God.  When  liv- 
ing in  community,  they  perform  this  sacred  office  in  a 
public,  official  way,  assembling  at  stated  hours  of  the 
day  and  night  to  offer  to  the  Almighty  "the  sacrifice 
of  praise"  (Ps.  xlix,  14,  23;  see  Office,  Divine). 
Their  chief  work  then  is  what  St.  Benedict  (Rule, 
xliii)  calls  emphatically  God's  work  (opus  Dei),  i.  e.  the 
solemn  chanting  of  Divine  praise,  in  which  the  tongue 
gives  utterance  to  the  admiration  of  the  intellect  and 
to  the  love  of  the  heart.  And  this  is  done  in  the  name 
of  the  Church  and  of  all  mankind.  Not  only  does  con- 
templation glorify  God,  but  it  is  most  beneficial  to  the 
soul  itself.  Nothing  brings  the  soul  into  such  close 
union  with  God,  and  union  with  God  is  the  source  of  all 
saintliness.  Never  so  well  as  when  contemplating  the 
perfections  of  God  and  the  grandeur  of  His  works 
does  man  see  his  own  imperfections  and  failings,  the 
vileness  of  sin,  the  paltriness  and  futility  of  so  many 
of  his  labours  and  undertakings:  and  thus  nothing  so 
grounds  him  in  humility,  the  prop  and  the  bulwark  of 
every  other  virtue. 

Love  for  God  necessarily  breeds  love  for  our  fellow- 
men,  all  children  of  the  same  Father;  and  the  two 
loves  keep  pace  with  each  other  in  their  growth. 
Hence  it  follows  that  contemplative  life  is  eminently 
conducive  to  increase  of  charity  for  others.  The  heart 
is  enlarged,  affection  is  deepened,  sympathy  becomes 
more  keen,  because  the  mind  is  enlightened  as  to  the 
worth  of  an  immortal  soul  in  God's  eyes.  And  al- 
though of  the  two  great  commandments  given  by 
Christ  (Matt.,  x.xii,  37  sqq.) — love  for  God  and  love 
for  our  neighbour — the  first  is  exemplified  more 
markedly  in  contemplative  orders,  and  the  second  in 
active  orders,  contemplatives,  nevertheless,  not  only 
must  and  do  have  in  their  hearts  a  strong  and  true  love 
for  others,  but  they  realize  that  love  in  their  deeds. 
The  principal  means  contemplatives  have  of  proving 
their  love  for  others  are  prayer  and  penance.  By 
prayer  they  draw  down  from  Heaven  on  struggling 
and  suffering  humanity  manifold  graces,  light, 
strength,  courage,  and  comfort,  blessings  for  timeand 
for  eternity.  By  |ienance  they  strive  to  atone  for  the 
offences  of  sinful  humanity,  to  appease  God's  wrath 


and  ward  off  its  direful  effects,  by  giving  vicarious  s 
isfaction  to  the  demands  of  His  justice.  Their  livei 
perpetual  abnegation  and  privation,  of  hardship  ch« 
fully  endured,  of  self-inflicted  suffering,  joined  to 
sufferings  of  their  Divine  Master  and  Model  help 
repair  the  evU  men  do  and  to  obtain  God's  mercy 
the  evildoers.  They  plead  and  make  reparation 
all  men.  This  twofold  ministry  carried  on  within 
narrow  precincts  of  a  monasterj'  knows  no  ot! 
limits  to  its  effects  than  the  bounds  of  the  earth  and 
needs  of  mankind-  Or  rather  that  ministry  extei 
further  still  its  sphere  of  action,  for  the  dead  as  well 
the  living  benefit  by  it.  (See  Contempl.\tii 
Prayer  of;  Monasticism.) 

St.  Thomas.  Summa  Iheol.,  II-II,  Q.  clxxix-clx.x,"di;  Suai 
Tract,  de  Oratione,  Hb.  II,  c.  ix  sqq.;  Idem,  De  varietate  j 
gionum.  lib.  I,  c.  v,  vi;  Denys  the  Carthusian,  De  contem; 
Hone:  La  vie  contemplative:  son  roie  apostoliguc  (Montre 
sur-Mer,  1898);    Devine,  Manual  of  Mystical   Theology   (L 

''°°'  1^03).  Edmund  Gurdon 

Contenson,  Vincent,  Dominican  theologian  a 
preacher,  b.  at  Altivillare  (Gers),  Diocese  of  Cond^ 
France,  1641;  d.  Creil-sur-Oise.  26  Dec,  1674.  1 
epitaph  in  the  church  of  that  place  described  liim 
"in  years  a  youth,  mature  in  wisdom  and  in  vin 
venerable".  Despite  his  short  life,  he  gave  proof  in 
writings  of  considerable  learning  and  won  remarka 
popularity  by  his  pulpit  utterances.  He  was  sevi 
teen  years  old  when  he  entered  the  Order  of  Preache 
After  teaching  philosophy  for  a  time  at  Albi,  a 
theology  at  Toulouse,  he  began  a  career  of  preai 
ing  as  brilliant  as  it  was  brief.  He  was  stricken  in  1 
pulpit  at  Creil,  where  he  was  giving  a  mission.  1 
reputation  as  a  theologian  rests  on  a  work  entit 
"Theologia  Mentis  et  Cordis",  pubhshed  posthu 
ously  at  Lyons  in  nine  volumes,  16S1 ;  second  e 
tion,  1687.  His  Ufe  is  found  in  the  fifth  volume 
the  "  Histoire  des  homines  illustres  de  I'ordre  de  Sa 
Dominique",  by  Pere  Touron.  The  peculiar  me 
of  liis  theology  consists  in  an  attempt  to  get  aw 
from  the  prevailing  dry  reasoning  of  Scholastici 
and.  while  retaining  the  accuracy  and  solidity  of 
method,  to  embellish  it  with  illustrations  and  imaj 
borrowed  from  the  Fathers,  that  appeal  to  the  he; 
as  well  as  the  mind.  This  pious  and  learned  compi 
tion  has  not  yet  lost  its  value  and  utihty  for  studei 
and  preachers. 

Rose,  New  Gen.  Biogr.  Did.  (London,  1848);  Moreri, 
Diet.  Hist.  (Paris,  1759). 

John  H.  Stapleton 

Continence. — Continence  may  be  defined  as  abf 
nence  from  even  the  licit  gr.atifications  of  marria 
It  is  a  form  of  the  virtue  of  temperance,  though  Aj 
totle  did  not  accord  it  this  high  character  since  it 
volved  a  conflict  with  wrong  desires — an  element, 
the  mind  of  the  philosopher,  foreign  to  the  content  c 
virtue  in  the  strict  sense.  Continence,  it  is  seen,  ha 
more  restricted  significance  than  chastity,  since  : 
latter  finds  place  in  the  condition  of  marriage.  1 
abstinence  we  are  discussing,  then,  belongs  to  i 
state  of  celibacy,  though  clearly  the  notion  of  this  1| 
ter  does  not  necessarily  involve  that  of  continencei 

Practice. — In  considering  its  practice  we  regJ 
continence  as  a  state  of  life.     Though  among  sava] 
and  barbarians  every  one,  as  a  rule,  seeks  to  contr! 
an  early  marriage,  yet  even  among  these  peoples  ( 
tinence  is  frequently  practised  by  those  who  discba 
the  public  duties  of  religion.     Thus,  according  to 
thorities  cited  by  Westermarck,  the  male  wizard) 
Patagonia  embraced  a  life  of  continence,  as  did 
priests  of  the  Mosquito  Islands  and  of  ancient  MeJ 
According  to  Chinese  law  .such  condition  of  .abstin 
is  made  obligatory  upon  all  priests,  Buddhist  or  1 
ist.     .'\mong  the  Greeks  continence  was  require 
several  orilers  of  priests  and  priestesses,  as  it  wa 
the  vestals  among  the  Romans.     The  continence 
tensively  observed  among  the   Essenes,  the  M 


CONTINGENT 


331 


CONTINGENT 


(111  ;iMs,  and  some  of  the  Gnostics,  though  not  con- 

'       !  to  a  priestly  class,  was  reckoned  the  means  to  a 

r    sanctification.     Such     widespread    practice 

-  evidence  of  an  instinctive  feeling  that  the  indul- 

_  ,    .  iif  our  sensual  nature  is  in  a  measure  degrading, 

all' :  that  it  is  particularly  incompatible  with  the  perfect 

[111  ity  that  should  characterize  one  consecrated  to  the 

"    I  -liip  of  the  All  Holy.     That  theattitude  of  anum- 

f  sects  towards  the  lower  side  of  human  nature 

iken  on  a  character  of  unreasonable,  and  even 

I.I.  severity  is  clear.     This  is  observed  especially 

'    case  of  the  Manicha'ans  and  branches  of  the 

I  ics  in  the  p:xst,  and  of  the  Shakers  and  other  un- 

itant  communities  in  our  time.     The  law  of  the 

•lie  Church  imposing  a  state  of  continence  upon 

misters   and  upon  its   religious  orders  of  men 

.     .  women  is  set  forth  in  the  articles  Celib.^^cy  of 

nil   I  lergy;  Religioi'S  Orders;  and  Virginity. 

r-.vo  general  objections  are  frequently  urged  against 
ill  - 1  lite  of  continence.  First,  it  is  said  that  the  con- 
■  I  of  continence  is  detrimental  to  the  well-being  of 
iidividual.  In  such  a  statement,  it  will  be  fre- 
i  ly  found,  continence  is  understood  as  an  un- 
1 1  celibacy,  and  such  surely  is  not  only  a  moral  but 
\  sical  evil  most  pernicious.  Certain  it  is.  how- 
I  liat  the  self-sacrifice  and  control  involved  in  true 
:  ii'nce  finds  fruitage  in  a  greater  measure  of  moral 
1.  Tlie  words  of  Jesus  Christ  (Matt.,  xi.x,  12) 
1  (>  here  appealed  to.  Moreover,  the  abstinence 
uh  we  speak  is  a  condition  of  increased  physical 
.r  .and  energy.     Of  this  many  savages  are  not  un- 

: iful;  for  among  a  number  of  these  continence  is 

iiiiljosed  upon  the  braves  during  times  of  war  as  a 
means  of  fostering  and  strengthening  their  daring  and 
courage.  \  second  objection  rests  upon  considera- 
tions of  the  social  good.  It  is  contended  that  a  state 
of  continence  means  failure  to  discharge  the  social 
obligation  of  conserving  the  species.  But  such  an 
obligation  falls,  not  upon  every  member  of  the  com- 
munity, but  upon  society  at  large,  and  is  amply 
discharged  though  there  be  individual  exceptions.  In- 
deed the  non-fulfilment  of  this  duty  is  never  threats 
ened  by  a  too  general  observance  of  sexual  abstinence. 
On  the  contrarj-  it  is  only  the  unlawful  gratification  of 
carnal  passion  that  can  menace  the  due  growth  of 
population.  But  it  may  be  said  that  the  practice  of 
continence  ^^"ithdraws  from  the  function  of  reproduc- 
tion the  worthier  members  of  society — those  whose 
possible  offspring  would  be  the  most  desirable  citizens 
of  the  State.  This  contention,  however,  overlooks  the 
social  service  of  the  example  set  by  such  observance — 
a  service  which,  in  view  of  the  duty  incumbent  upon 
every  individual  of  society  of  observing  absolute  chas- 
tity for  periods  of  greater  or  less  duration,  is  of  highest 
value. 

St.  Thomas.  Stimma  Theol..  II-II,  Q.  civ,  a.  1.  ad  4;  Q.  chi, 
a.  1,  ad  4;  Aristotle.  The  I^'icomachean  Ethics,  Bk.  VII; 
EsCHBvCH,  Quttstiones  Phystologico- Morales:  Westerm.\rck, 
The  fiitlory  of  Human  Marriage  (Ix)ndon.  1891);  CR-\wley, 
The  Mystic  Rose  (New  York.  1902);  Northcote.  Christianity 
and  S,x  Probtems  (Philadelphia,  1906);  Scott,  The  Sexual  In- 
•tinel  (New  York.  1899). 

John  Webster  Melody. 


Contingent  (Lat.  contingere,  to  happen). — Aside 
from  its  spcondarj-  and  more  obvious  meaning  (as,  for 
instance,  its  qualification  of  the  predicable  accident, 
of  a  class  of  modal  propositions,  and  so  on),  the  pri- 
jinarj'  and  technically  philosophical  use  of  the  term  is 
jfor  one  of  the  supreme  divisions  of  being,  that  is,  con- 
jtingent  being,  as  distinguished  from  necessary  being. 
jIn  this  connexion  the  meaning  of  the  term  maj'be 
jconsidered  objectively,  and  the  genesis  of  the  idea 
subjectively. 

'  Oh]ectirehj  (ontologically)  the  contingent  may  be 
I  viewed:  (1)  in  the  purely  ideal  or  possible  order,  and 
jit  is  then  the  conceptual  note  or  notes  between  which 
and  existence  in  the  actual  order  there  is  no  contra- 


diction, and  which  consequently  admits  of,  though  it 
does  not  demand,  actualization.  It  is  thus  coexten- 
sive with  possible  being  and  is  called  the  absolutely 
contingent.  (2)  Considered  in  the  order  of  actual  ex- 
istence, the  contingent  is  that  being  whose  essence,  as 
such,  does  not  include  existence  and  which,  therefore, 
does  not,  as  such,  demand  existence  but  is  indifferent 
to  be  or  not  to  be.  This  is  called  relatively  contin- 
gent and  the  term  is  usually  employed  in  this  sense. 
Everj'  finite  existent  being  is  thus  contingent,  though 
likewise  hypothetically  necessary,  in  that  having  ex- 
istence it  cannot  at  the  same  time  and  imder  the  same 
aspect  not  have  it:  inasmuch,  too.  a-s  it  is  determined 
by  proximately.and  hence  relatively,  necessitated  ante- 
cedents. (3)  In  regard  to  its  subject — be  this  sub- 
stance or  accident — contingency  may  relate  to  action 
as  well  as  to  existence,  and  it  then  signifies  that  the 
subject  (agent)  is  as  yet  undetermined,  either  intrin- 
sically, as  inthefree  agent,  or  extrinsically,  as  are  nec- 
essitated causes.  (4)  Since  the  essence  of  the  contin- 
gent does  not  contain  the  reason  of  its  existence,  that 
reason  must  be  sought  in  an  outside  eflicient  cause, 
which  cause,  if  in  turn  contingent,  must  show  reason 
for  its  existence  in  some  other  antecedent  cause,  and 
so  on  until  ultimately  a  being  is  reached  whose  essence 
includes  existence,  a  first  cause  whose  existence  is 
underived,  a  being  which  is  necassary  and  absolute. 

This  argument  from  contingent  to  the  necessarj' 
being  is  not,  as  Kant  maintained,  the  well-known 
ontological  argument  formulated  by  St.  .-Vnselm  and 
others  to  prove  the  existence  of  God.  The  latter  argu- 
ment passes  illogically  from  the  ideal  concept  of  the 
infinite  to  the  objective  actual  existence  of  the  in- 
finite, while  the  argument  from  contingent  (finite)  to 
the  necessary  (infinite)  being,  proceeds  from  the  ob- 
jective actual  contingent  (dependent,  conditioned)  to 
the  existence  of  an  adequate  cause  thereof.  The  in- 
ference is  based  on  an  objective  ai)j)lication  of  the 
principle  of  causality  and  involves  no  leap  from  a  sub- 
jective phenomenon  (idea)  to  an  objective  realized 
content.  The  argument  supposes,  it  is  true,  the  real 
existence  of  contingent  being  and  that  existence  is 
denied  by  many  thinkers,  notably  by  pantheists, 
materialists,  and  determinists  generally.  Kant  re- 
duces both  contingency  and  necessity  to  mere  mental 
forms  or  categories  under  which  the  mind  views  the 
world  of  phenomena  but  which  it  has  no  means  of 
knowing  to  be  objective.  Xecessarj'  being,  therefore, 
ontologically  and  objectively  precedes  the  contingent, 
since  the  latter  has  the  sole  ultimate  reason  both  of  its 
intrinsic  consistency  (possibility)  and  of  its  actual  ex- 
istence in  the  former — actus  absolute  prace<iit  poten- 
tiam.  In  the  order,  however,  of  man's  knowledge, 
the  contingent  falls  primarily  under  experience. 

Subjectively. — Like  everj'  other  conce]]t,  that  of  the 
contingent  is  originally  derived  from  external  and 
internal  experience.  Adverting  to  the  changes  occur- 
ring in  the  world  of  sensuous  phenomena  antl  to  the 
interdependencies  thereof,  the  intellect  easily,  almost 
intuitively,  discerns  that,  while  the  given  events  are 
the  necessitated  consequences  of  similarly  necessi- 
tated antecedents,  each  number  of  the  series,  by  the 
very  fact  of  its  being  thus  conditioned,  does  not  con- 
tain within  itself  the  adequate  ground  of  its  existence. 
The  intellect  having  spontaneously  abstracted  this 
note  of  dependence  and  ontologically  reflecting  there- 
on sees  its  application  to  every  finite  subject  not  only 
existent  but  likewise  possible;  sees,  at  least  by  an  easy 
process  of  reasoning,  that  no  such  subject  contains 
within  itself  the  reason  why  it  exists,  under  the  pre- 
cise limitations  of  substance  and  accidents  which  it 
actually  possesses.  However,  to  assure  this  concept 
and  to  discern  precisely  and  explicitly  the  contingency 
of  the  finite  and  the  consequent  indifference  of  its 
essence  to  exist  or  not  to  exist,  the  sciences,  physical 
and  biological,  are  called  to  testify;  and  each  declares 
the  dependence  and  conditionality  of  its  respective 


CONTRACT 


332 


CONTRACT 


object^sphere  and  attests  that  all  things  observed  and 
searched  into  have  a  borrowed  existence.  This  idea 
of  contingency  is  then  further  assured  by  the  witness 
of  consciousness  to  the  conditioned,  and  hence  contin- 
gent, character  of  its  own  states,  a  testimony  which  is 
reconfirmed  by  the  facts  of  birth  and  death. 

Against  this  statement  of  the  genesis  of  the  contin- 
gency-concept it  may  be  objected  that  experience  does 
not  extend  beyond  the  field  of  sensuous  phenomena. 
On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  intellect,  motived  by 
the  principle  of  sufficient  reason,  discerns  the  under- 
lying noimienon,  or  essence  of  things  material,  Kant 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  at  least  sufiiciently 
to  pronounce  with  certitude  on  their  essential  condi- 
tionateness  and  contingency.  But  it  is  urged  by  ma- 
terialistic monists  that  the  underlying  substrate  of  the 
sensuous  world  is  one  homogeneous,  eternal,  necessary 
being,  essentially  involving  existence.  To  this  objec- 
tion it  may  be  answered  that  no  finite  thing,  much 
less  a  finite  material  being,  can  contain  the  ultimate 
reason  of  its  existence.  The  definite  limitations,  spa- 
tial, integral,  positional,  etc.,  and  the  inertia  of  the 
hypothetical  primordial  matter  shows  that  it  is  condi- 
tioned by  some  limiting  and  determining  cause,  while 
its  passage  from  the  homogeneous  to  the  heterogene- 
ous state,  into  which  it  is  supposed  to  have  evolved  in 
the  actual  universe,  equally  demands  an  extraneous 
active  agency.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that  the 
argument  from  contingent  to  necessary  being  does  not 
explicitly  prove  the  existence  of  God.  A  further 
analysis  of  the  objective  concept  is  necessarily  re- 
quired in  order  to  show  that  the  latter  concept  in- 
cludes that  of  imderivedness  (dseitas)  and  that  this  in 
turn  includes  completeness,  absence  of  any  potential- 
ity for  further  perfection  (actus  purus),  hence  infini- 
tude. The  failure  to  note  this  limitation  of  the 
argument  seems  to  have  led  Kant  to  deny  its  validity. 

Balmes,  Fundamental  Philosophy  (New  York,  1864);  Dris- 
COLL.  Christian  Philosophy — God  (New  York,  1904);  Aveling, 
The  God  of  Philosophy  (St.  Louis  and  London.  1906);  Eisler, 
Wtirterbuch  der  phil.  Begriffe  (Berlin,  1904);  Blanc,  Diction- 
naire  de  philosophie  (Paris,  1906);  Urraburu,  Institutiones  Phil. 
(ValladoUd,  1S99). 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 

Contract  (Lat.  contractus;  Old  Fr.  contract;  Mod 
Fr.  contrat;  Ital.  contralto). — I.  The  Canonical 
AND  MoRALLST  DocTRiNE  ou  this  subjcct  is  a  de- 
velopment of  that  contained  in  the  Roman  civil 
law.  In  Roman  law  a  mere  agreement  between 
two  parties  to  give,  do,  or  refrain  from  doing  some- 
thing was  a  nude  pact  {pactum  nudum)  which  gave 
rise  to  no  civil  obligation,  and  no  action  lay  to 
enforce  it.  It  needed  to  be  clothed  in  some  in- 
vestitive fact  which  the  law  recognized  in  order 
to  give  rise  to  a  civil  obligation  which  should  be 
enforced  at  law.  Not  that  the  nude  pact  was  con- 
sidered to  be  destitute  of  all  binding  force ;  it  gave  rise 
to  a  natural  obligation,  and  it  might  afford  ground  for 
a  legal  exception.  A  man  of  honour  would  keep  his 
engagements  even  if  he  knew  that  the  law  could  not 
be  invoked  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  Moral  theology, 
being  the  science  of  Christian  conduct,  could  not  be 
satisfied  with  the  mere  legal  view  of  the  effect  of  an 
agreement.  If  the  agreement  had  all  olher  requisites 
for  a  valid  contract,  moral  theology  must  necessarily 
consider  it  to  be  binding,  even  though  it  was  a  nude 
pact  and  could  not  be  enforced  in  the  courts  of  law. 
Canon  law  made  this  moral  attitude  its  own.  In  the 
Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  it  is  expressly  laid  down  that 
pacts,  however  inide,  must  be  kojit,  and  that  a  strenu- 
ous endeavour  must  be  made  to  put  in  execution  what 
one  has  promised.  It  thus  came  to  pass  that  nude 
pacts  could  be  enforced  in  the  Christian  courts,  and 
the  Church's  legislation  served  eventually  to  break 
down  the  rigid  formalism  of  Roman  law,  and  to  prepare 
the  way  for  the  more  eqiiitable  law  of  contract  which 
all  Christi:ui  nations  now  possess. 

In  the  canonical  and  moral  doctrine  there  is  hardly 


room  for  the  distinction  between  a  nude  pact,  or  mere 
agreement,  and  a  contract.  The  Roman  jurist's  defi- 
nition of  the  former  is  freqtiently  used  by  canonists  to 
define  contract.  They  say  that  a  contract  is  the  con- 
sent of  two  or  more  persons  to  the  same  proposal ;  or, 
bringing  out  a  little  more  definitely  the  effect  and 
object  of  a  contract,  they  define  it  to  he  an  agreement 
by  which  two  or  more  persons  mutually  bind  them- 
selves to  give,  do,  or  abstain  from  something.  From 
the  moralist's  point  of  view,  then,  every  agreement 
seriously  entered  into  by  those  who  are  capable  of 
contracting  with  reference  to  some  lawful  object  is  a 
contract,  whether  such  agreement  can  be  enforced  in 
the  civil  courts  or  not.  The  intention  of  the  parties 
is  looked  at,  and  if  they  seriously  intended  to  bind 
themselves,  there  is  a  contractual  relation  between 
them.  This  doctrine,  however,  gives  rise  to  a  ques- 
tion of  some  importance.  The  Church  fully  admits 
and  defends  the  right  of  the  State  to  make  laws  for  the 
temporal  well-being  of  its  citizens.  All  States  require 
certain  forni;iliiii>  for  the  validity  of  certain  actions. 
Last  wills  ami  ti  -t mir nis  are  a  familiar  example,  and 
although  they  :iTr  ii^t  strictly  contracts,  yet  the  prin- 
ciple is  the  same  and  they  will  serve  for  an  example  of 
what  is  meant.  A  deed,  the  only  formal  contract 
of  English  law,  is  another  example.  A  will  destitute  of 
the  requisite  formalities  is  null  and  void  at  law;  but 
what  is  the  effect  of  such  a  voiding  law  in  the  fonun 
of  conscience?  This  question  has  l)een  much  debated 
among  moralists.  Some  have  maintained  that  such 
a  law  is  binding  in  the  internal  as  well  as  in  the  ex- 
ternal forum,  so  that  a  formal  contract,  destitute  of  the 
formalities  required  by  law,  is  null  and  void  in  con- 
science as  it  is  in  law.  Others  adopted  the  contrary 
opinion,  and  held  that  the  want  of  formality  only 
affected  the  external  forum  of  civil  law,  and  left  intact 
the  natural  obligation  arising  from  a  contract.  The 
common  opinion  takes  a  middle  coiu-se.  It  holds 
that  the  want  of  formality,  though  it  makes  the  con- 
tract void  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  renders  it  only  void- 
able in  the  forum  of  conscience ;  so  that,  imtil  one  ol 
the  parties  moves  to  set  the  contract  aside,  it  remains 
valid,  and  anj'one  deriving  benefit  under  it  may  enjoj 
his  benefit  in  peace.  If,  however,  the  party  interested 
moves  to  set  it  aside,  and  does  so  effectively,  by  hav- 
ing recourse  to  the  court  of  law  if  necessarj',  both  must 
then  abide  by  the  law  which  makes  the  contract  void 
and  of  no  effect. 

There  arc  four  essential  elements  in  a  contract:  con- 
sent of  the  parties,  contractual  capacity  in  them,  de- 
terminate and  lawful  subject-matter,  and  a  lawful 
consideration.  The  contract  is  formed  by  the  mutual 
consent  of  the  jiarties,  which  must  be  real,  not  feigned, 
and  manifested  so  that  each  may  know  that  the  othei 
party  consents.  There  is  no  diffic\ilty  about  the  out- 
ward manifestation  of  con.sent  when  the  parties  entei 
into  the  contract  in  each  other's  presence.  But  wher 
the  parties  are  not  present  to  each  other,  and  the  con- 
tract is  made  by  letter  or  tclegrajih,  it  sometimes  be- 
comes a  question  of  imjiortance  as  to  when  and  how 
the  contract  is  eft'ected.  Is  the  contract  entered  intc 
when  the  offeree  signifies  his  consent  by  posting  a  let 
ter  of  ac  reptLince  to  llie  offeror,  or  is  the  knowledge  o 
his  acicptanrc  nquired  to  complete  the  contract 
AH  that  is  rniuircd  by  tlie  nature  of  a  contract  is  tha 
there  should  be  mutually  manifested  agreement  o 
the  two  wills.  There  will  be  such  agreement  whei 
one  of  the  parties  makes  an  offer  to  the  other,  and  thi 
one  manifests  his  acceptance  of  the  offer  by  posting : 
letter  or  by  sending  a  telegram.  There  is  then  con 
sent  of  two  wills  to  "the  proposal,  and  so  there  is  a  con 
tract.  Mutual  consent  to  the  same  propo.sal  may  b 
hindereci  by  a  mistake  of  one  of  the  parties.  Sue 
mistakes  are  not  infrequently  caused  by  the  fraud  n 
misrepresentation  of  the  other  party.  If  tlve  niistak 
is  substantial,  so  that  at  least  one  of  the  parties  tliiiiK 
that  the  subject-matter  of  the  contract  is  quite  otlii 


CONTRACT 


333 


CONTRACT 


iliiii  it  really  is.  there  will  be  no  true  consent,  and  no 
ivMii  i.iel.  Similarly,  if  there  be  a  mistake  about  the 
.i.iliin-  of  the  eontract  proposed  (as,  if  one  party  in- 
tincls  to  sell  while  the  other  only  means  to  borrow) 
llini'  is  no  agreement  of  wills.  Mistake  about  the 
11H  ir  i|uality  of  the  subject-matter  of  the  contract  is 
:ir.  hl.nta!,  not  substantial,  and  in  spite  of  it  there 
Til  i\  be  substantial  agreement  between  the  parties. 
Ii.  li'iwever,  such  a  mistake  has  been  caused  by  the 

I I  ill.!  or  misrepresentation  of  the  other  party  to  the 

' '  ift,  and  the  party  deceived  would  not  otherwise 

i  iitercd  into  it,  it  is  only  fair  that  the  deceived 

-iiould  be  able  to  protect  himself  from  injury  by 

"i;  from  the  agreemeiit.      Contracts,  then,  en- 

into  because  of  accidental  mistake  which  was 

d  by  the   fraud   or   misrepresentation  of   the 

;  party,  will  be  rescindable  at  the  option  of  the 

1  :!i ! y  deceived. 

I  lii>  consent  of  the  parties  must  be  deliberate  and 

III  I  ,  for  a  perfect  and  grave  obligation  cannot  arise 
fiiMii  consent  which  is  not  deliberate  or  free.  Hence 
«i    must  .see  what  the  influence  of  fear  is  upon  the 

'ity  of  a  contract.  If  the  fear  goes  to  the  length 
riving  one  of  the  parties  of  the  use  of  reason, 
nnot,  while  in  that  state,  give  a  valid  consent, 
,....;  ihe  contract  will  be  null  and  void.  Fear,  how- 
ever, does  not  ordinarily  produce  such  extreme  effects; 
it  leaves  a  man  with  the  natural  use  of  his  reason  and 
capable  of  consenting  or  withholding  his  consent. 
Even  grave  fear,  then,  does  not  of  itself  invalidate  a 
contract,  but  if  it  is  tmjustly  caused  by  the  other 
party  to  the  contract  with  a  view  to  forcing  him  who 
is  under  its  influence  to  consent,  the  injured  party 
may  withdraw  from  the  contract.  Some  contracts, 
such  as  marriage,  thus  entered  into  under  the  influ- 
ence of  grave  fear  unjustly  caused  by  the  other  party 
to  the  contract  with  the  intention  of  compelling  con- 
sent, are  made  invalid  l)y  canon  law.  Some  authori- 
ties even  hold  that  all  such  contracts  are  invalid  by 
natural  law,  but  the  opinion  is  at  most  only  probable. 
A  person  must  have  the  use  of  reason  in  order  to  give 
valid  consent  to  a  contract,  and  his  contractual  ca- 
pacity must  not  have  been  taken  away  by  law.  Those 
who  have  not  yet  attained  the  use  of  reason,  imbe- 
ciles, and  tho.se  who  are  perfectly  drunk  so  that  they 
do  not  know  what  they  are  doing,  are  incapable  of 
contracting  by  the  law  of  nature.  Minors  are  to  a 
certain  extent  restricted  in  their  contractual  capacity 
by  English  and  American  law.  Practically,  their  con- 
tracts are  voidable  except  those  for  necessaries.  Mar- 
ried women  were  formerly  incapable  of  entering  into 
a  valid  contract,  but  in  England  since  1882  their  dis- 
ability has  been  removed,  and  in  most  of  the  .States  of 
the  Union  the  same  doctrine  begins  to  prevail.  Re- 
ligious persons  are  to  a  greater  or  le.ss  extent,  accord- 
ing as  they  are  imder  solemn  or  simple  vows,  incapable 
of  entering  into  a  binding  contract.  Corporations 
and  companies  are  limited  in  their  contractual  capac- 
ity by  their  nature  or  by  the  articles  of  association. 

The  subject-matter  of  a  contract  must  be  definite 
and  certain,  it  must  be  possible,  and  it  must  be  honest. 
A  contract  cannot  be  a  bond  of  iniquity,  and  so  an 
agreement  to  commit  sin  is  null  and  void.  Some 
theologians  maintain  that  when,  in  execution  of 
a  contract,  a  sinful  action  has  been  performed,  a  right  is 
acquired  to  receive  the  price  agreed  upon.  The  opin- 
ion seems  at  any  rate  probable.  If  the  contract  is 
not  sinful  in  itself,  but  voided  by  positive  law,  it  will 
be  valid  until  it  is  set  aside  by  the  party  interested, 
as  was  said  above  concerning  informal  contracts. 
When  persons  enter  into  a  contract,  each  party  prom- 
ises to  give,  tlo,  or  forbear  something  in  favour  of  the 
other.  Tlic  benefit  which  thus  immediately  arises 
from  the  contract,  and  which  is  the  cause  of  it,  is  called 
the  conxideration  in  English  law.  It  is  a  necessarj- 
element  in  a  contract,  and  if  it  is  wanting  the  contract 
is  null  on  account  of  the  failure  of  a  necessary  condi- 


tion in  the  agreement.  The  courts  of  civil  law  will  not 
enforce  a  simple  contract  unless  there  lie  n  v:ilu:ilili' 
consideration  in  it;  mere  motives  of  affect  ion  m-  nionil 
duty  will  not  suflicc.  This  rule,  however,  only  .irtccls 
legal  obligations;  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  obligations 
in  conscience.  A  valid  contract  imposes  on  the  con- 
tracting parties  an  obligation  of  justice  to  act  con- 
scientiously according  to  the  terms  of  the  agreement. 
They  will  be  bound  to  perform  not  only  what  they 
expressly  agreed  to  do,  but  whatever  the  law,  or 
custom,  or  usage  prescribes  in  the  circumstances. 
The  obligation  arising  from  a  contract  will  cease 
when  the  contract  has  been  executed,  when  a  new 
one  has  been  substituted  for  the  old  one  by  the  free 
consent  of  the  parties,  when  the  parties  mutually  and 
freely  withdraw  from  the  contract.  When  one  of  the 
parties  fails  in  what  he  promised,  the  other  w-ill,  as  a 
rule,  be  free.  A  contract  may  be  concluded  not  ab- 
solutely but  conditionally  on  the  happening  of  some 
uncertain  and  future  event.  In  this  case  the  condi- 
tional contract  imposes  on  the  parties  the  obligation 
of  waiting  for  the  event,  and  in  case  it  happejis  the 
contract  becomes  binding  on  them  without  renewal 
of  consent.  On  the  other  hand,  a  contract  is  some- 
times entered  into  and  begins  to  bind  at  once ;  but  the 
parties  agree  that  it  shall  cease  to  bind  on  the  happen- 
ing of  a  certain  event.  This  is  called  a  condition  sub- 
sequent, while  the  former  is  a  condition  precedent. 

Corpus  Juris  canonici,  ed.  Friedberg  (Leipzig,  ISSl): 
Corpus  Juris  civilis  (Leipzig.  1865).  Among  the  canonists 
Reiffenstuel,  Jus  canonicum  (Rome,  1831\  and  among  the 
morahsts  Lugo,  De  Justilid  et  Jure  (Paris,  1869),  may  be  con- 
sulted. See  also  Polix>ck  and  M.mtland,  Histon/  of  English 
Law  (Cambridge,  Eng.,  1895).  T.   SlaTER. 

II.  In  Civil  Jurisprudence,  a  contract  has  been 
defined  to  be  "  the  union  of  several  persons  in  a  co- 
incident expression  of  will  by  which  their  legal  relations 
are  determined"  (Holland,  "Elements  of  Jurispru- 
dence", 10th  ed.,  Oxford  and  New  York,  1906,  209). 
This  "  co-incident  expression ' '  consists  of  an  agreement 
and  promise  enforceable  in  law,  and  "on  the  face  of 
the  matter  capable  of  having  legal  efTects",  ".an  act 
in  the  law ' '  "  whereby  two  or  more  persons  capable  of 
contracting",  "of  doing  acts  in  the  law",  "declare 
their  consent  as  to  any  act  or  thing  to  be  done  or  for- 
borne by  some  or  one  of  those  persons  for  the  use  of 
the  others  or  other  of  them"  (Pollock,  "Principles  of 
Contract",  3rd  Amer.  ed..  New  York,  1906,  58,  1,  2, 
■3),  the  intention  implied  by  the  consent  being  that 
from  the  agreement  and  promise  shall  arise  "duties 
and  rights  which  can  be  dealt  with  by  a  court  of  jus- 
tice" (ibid.).  Thus,  while  every  contract  is  an  agree- 
ment, not  every  agreement  is  a  contract.  A  mtitual 
consent  of  two  persons  to  walk  out  together,  or  to 
dine  together,  would  be  an  agreement,  and  yet  not 
what  in  jurisprudence  is  known  as  a  contract.  For 
such  consent  contemplates  the  producing  of  no  legal 
right,  or  of  any  duty  which  is  a  legal  obligation.  Sub- 
ject only  to  these  or  similar  explanations  may  be 
properly  adopted  the  time-honoured  definition  of 
contract  as  understood  in  English  law,  a  definition 
commended  by  Chancellor  Kent  ("Commentaries  on 
American  Law",  II,  •1-49,  note  b)  for  its  "neatness  and 
precision",  namely,  "  an  agreement  of  two  or  more  per- 
sons upon  sufficient  consideration  to  do  or  not  to  do  a 
particular  thing". 

Kinds  of  Contract. — The  Roman  civil  law  defined 
contracts  as  real  (re),  verbal  (verbis),  literal  (litteris), 
or  consensual  (consensu).  A  real  contract  w;is  one, 
such  as  loan  or  pledge,  which  was  not  perfecteil  until 
something  had  p!is.sed  from  one  of  the  parties  to  the 
other.  A  verbal  contract  (verhorum  ohlignlio),  or 
stipvilation,  was  perfected  by  a  spoken  formula.  This 
formula  consisted  of  a  question  by  one  of  the  parties 
and  an  ex.actly  corresponding  answer  by  the  other. 
Thus:  Quinque  aurms  mihi  dure  spondcsi'  Sjiomleo,  or 
PromiUis?  Promitlo,  i.  e.  Dost  thou  agree  (or  promise) 


CONTRACT 


334 


CONTRACT 


to  give  me  five  pieces  of  gold.  I  agree,  or  I  promise. 
Tlie  similarity  may  be  noted  of  this  to  the  modem 
form  for  administering  an  affidavit  or  for  taking  the 
acknowledgment  of  a  written  legal  instrument.  A 
literal  contract  was  perfected  by  a  written  acknow- 
ledgment of  debt  and  was  used  chiefly  in  the  instance 
of  a  loan  of  money.  Consensual  contracts  were  those 
of  which  sale  would  be  an  example,  which  might  be 
perfected  by  consent,  and  to  which  no  particular  form 
was  essential  (Mackenzie,  "Studies  in  Roman  Law", 
Edinburgh  and  London,  1898,  211,  215-256).  In 
the  English  law  the  principal  di\'ision  of  contracts  is 
into  those  by  writing  under  seal  (called  specialties), 
and  those  known  as  simple  contracts ;  and  there  are  also 
"contracts  by  matter  of  record",  such  as  a  recogni- 
zance or  judgment  by  confession,  contracts  in  court, 
which  need  no  further  description.  Simple  contracts 
include  all  contracts  written,  but  not  under  seal  or  of 
record,  and  all  verbal  contracts. 

A  person  may  contract  in  person  or  by  an  agent. 
"The  tendency  of  modern  times",  remarks  Holland 
(op.  cit.,  118),  "is  towards  the  fullest  recognition  of 
the  principles  proclaimed  in  the  canon  law,  potest  quis 
per  ahum  quod  potest  facere  per  se  ipsum,  qui  facit 
per  alium  est  perinde  ac  si  faciat  per  se  ipsum ",  i.  e. 
one  may  do  through  another  whatever  one  is  free 
to  do  by  himself,  or  an  act  done  through  another  is 
equivalent  to  an  act  done  by  oneself. 

Requisites  of  Contract. — According  to  Roman 
law,  such  a  contract  as  that  of  sale  required  a  justa 
causa,  namely,  a  good  legal  reason  (Leage,  "  Roman 
Private  Law,"  London,  1906, 1.31 ;  Poste,  "  Gaii  Institu- 
tiones",  4th  ed.,  Oxford,  1904,  138).  According  to 
English  law,  simple  contracts  require  a  valuable  con- 
sideration, in  like  manner  as  by  Roman  law  there  was 
needed  a  justa  causa.  By  that  law,  informal  con- 
tracts which  had  no  justa  causa  were  ineffectual 
(Poste,  op.  cit.,  334).  Stipulations  irregular  in  form 
were  termed  nuda  pacta,  i.  e.  mere  agreements,  to 
wliich  the  ancient  law  (Leage,  op.  cit.,  p.  273,  308) 
attached  no  obligation.  The  translator  of  Pothier 
cites  a  civil-law  authority  to  the  effect  that  the 
Roman  jurisprudence  let  some  engagements  rest 
on  the  mere  integrity  of  the  parties  who  contracted 
them,  thinking  it  more  conducive  to  the  cultivation 
of  virtue  to  leave  some  things  to  the  good  faith  and 
probity  of  mankind  than  to  subject  everything  to  the 
compulsory  authority  of  the  law  (Pothier,  "A  Trea- 
tise on  the  Law  of  Obligations",  tr.  Evans,  Philadel- 
phia, 1826,  Appendix,  11,  17). 

As  the  civil-law  jurist  admitted  the  moral  obliga- 
tion of  good  faith  and  probity,  so  an  eminent  English 
judge  concedes  that  "by  the  law  of  nature"  every  man 
ought  to  fulfil  his  engagements.  But  it  is  equally 
true",  he  continues,  "that  the  law  of  this  country  sup- 
plies no  means  nor  affords  any  remedy  to  compel  the 
performance  of  any  agreement  made  without  suffi- 
cient consideration."  "Such  agreement",  he  adds,  "is 
nudum  pactum  ex  quo  non  oritur  actio",  a  mere  agree- 
ment giving  rise  to  no  action  at  law,  the  learned  judge 
conceding  that  this  imderstanding  of  the  maxim  may 
(as  it  certainly  does)  differ  from  its  sense  in  the 
Roman  law  (J.  W.  Smith.  "The  Law  of  Contracts", 
7th  Amer.  ed.,  Philadelphia,  1885,  103).  A  moral 
consideration  has  been  said  to  be  "nothing  in  law" 
(Smith,  op.  cit.,  203).  The  moral  obligation  of  a  con- 
tract is  of  "  an  imperfect  kind ' ',  to  quote  an  eminent 
American  jurist,  "addressed  to  the  conscience  of  the 
parties  under  the  solemn  admonitions  of  accountabil- 
ity to  the  Supreme  Being"  (Story,  "Commentaries  on 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States",  5th  ed.,  Bos- 
ton, 1891,  Section  13S0),  but  not  to  an  earthly  court  of 
justice.  With  these  doctrines  of  the  Roman  and  of 
the  English  law  we  may  compart-  the  Scotch  law,  ac- 
cording to  which  no  consideration  is  essential  to  a 
legal  obligation,  "an  obligation  uncl(>rtaken  deliber- 
ately though  gratuitously  being  binding".     "This", 


adds  Mackenzie  (op.  cit.,  233)  "is  in  conformity  with 
the  canon  law  by  which  every  paction  produceth 
action  et  omne  verhum  de  ore  fideli  cadit  in  debitum", 
i.  e.  every  word  of  a  faithful  man  is  equivalent  to  a  debt. 

In  the  Roman  law  fulfilment  of  the  legal  solemnities 
of  the  verbal  contract  was  deemed  to  indicate  such 
"serious  intention  of  contracting  a  valid  and  eft'ectual 
obligation"  (Pothier,  op.  cit..  Appendix  II)  as  to  dis- 
pense with  proof  of  any  justa  causa  (Poste,  op.  cit., 
334).  In  the  English  law  it  is  not  any  verbal  formality, 
but  the  solemnity  of  writing  and  sealing  (Potliier, 
ibid.)  which  dispenses  with  proof  of  that  valuable 
consideration  in  modern  English  law  analogous  to  the 
old  Roman  justa  causa,  and,  as  a  general  proposition, 
essential  to  the  vahdity  of  simple  contracts,  although 
in  the  exceptional  instance  of  negotiable  paper  alwaj's 
presumed,  and  in  favour  of  certain  holders  conclu- 
sively (Smith,  op.  cit.,  181).  This  consideration  is 
described  generally  as  "  the  matter  accepted  or  agreed 
upon  as  the  equivalent  for  which  the  promise  is 
made"  (Leage,  "Principles  of  the  Law  of  Contracts", 
4th  ed.,  London,  1902,  425).  And  one  promise  would 
be  a  legal  consideration  for  another  (Smith's  "  Lead- 
ing Cases",  9th  Amer.  ed.,  Philadelphia,  1889,  302). 
But  the  English  law  infers  what  a  man  chooses 
to  bargain  for  to  be  of  some  value  to  him,  and 
therefore  does  not  allow  the  adequacy  of  the  consid- 
eration to  be  inquired  into  (Pollock,  op.  cit.,  193). 
The  consideration  must,  however,  "  be  of  some  value 
in  contemplation  of  law".  A  promise,  for  instance, 
to  abstain  from  doing  what  the  promisor  has  no  right 
to  do,  is  a  promise  of  no  value,  and  therefore  no  con- 
sideration for  a  contract  (Smith,  op.  cit.,.  181).  No 
obligation  can  by  English  law  result  from  an  agree- 
ment "  immoral  in  a  legal  sense ".  By  this  is  meant 
"not  only  that  it  is  morally  wrong,  but  that  according 
to  the  common  understanding  of  reasonable  men  it 
would  be  a  scandal  for  a  court  of  justice  to  treat  it  as 
lawful  or  indifferent,  though  it  may  not  come  within 
any  positive  prohibition  or  penalty"  (Pollock,  op. 
cit.,  410).  The  civil-law  authority,  Pothier,  instances 
a  promise  by  an  officer  to  pay  a  soldier  for  fighting  "  a 
soldier  of  another  regiment".  If  the  officer  pay,  he 
has  no  legal  claim  for  recovery  of  this  consideration 
given  and  received  for  a  WTongful  act,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  soldier,  if  he  fight  before  recei\'ing  the 
agreed  consideration,  acquires  no  legal  claim  for  it 
against  the  officer  (Pothier,  op.  cit.,  23).  No  one  is 
tmder  a  legal  duty  to  fulfil  a  promise  to  do  an  act| 
opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  law  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  241, 
243).  But  there  are  not  wanting  instances  of  con- 
tracts opposed  to  the  policy  of  the  law  which  yet 
conflict  with  no  moral  law  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  213). 

A  contract  induced  by  what  in  law  is  deemed  to  be 
fraud  may  be  rescinded  at  the  election  of  the  party 
defrauded.      But  "general  fraudulent   conduct",   or 
"general  dishonesty  of  purpose",  or  mere  "intention 
and    design    to    deceive"    is    not  sufficient   tmless 
these  evil   acts  and  qualities  have  been  coiinected 
with    a    particular    transaction,    were    the     ground 
on  which  it  took  place,  and  gave  rise  to  the  con- 
tract (Smith,  op.  cit.,  248,  editor's  note).     In  the  ill! 
stance  of  a  sale,  the  seller  was,  by  the  Roman  civ 
law,  held  to  an  implied  warranty  that  the  thing  sol 
was  "free  from  such  defects  as  made  it  unfit  for  tl 
use  for  which  it  was  intended"  (Mackenzie,  op.  cii 
236).     By  the  English  law  there  is,  if  the  thing  f 
sold  for  a  fair  price  and  be  at  the  time  of  sale  in  tl 
possession  of  the  seller,  an  implied  warranty  of  titl 
but  of  ouality  there  is  no  implied  warranty,  except  t 
to   food   sold   for   domestic  u.sc  (Kent,  op.  cit.,  Et 
478).     " The  WTiters  of  the  moral  law, "  observes  Chaa 
cellor  Kent,  "hold  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  seUer  to  dis 
close  the  defects  which  are  within  hi.s  knowledge 
But  the  common  law  is  not  qiiite  so  strict     If  the  ae 
fects  in  the  article  sold  be  open  equally  to  the  observa 
tion  of  both  parties,  the  law  does  not   require  th 


CONTRACT 


335 


CONTRACT 


^.  ill  lor  to  aid  and  assist  the  observation  of  the  vendee" 
I  Kent,  op.  cit.,  II,  484). 

Respecting  what  niay  be  termed  generally 
"  rnntives  and  inducements"  (ibid.,  487)  of  a  contract, 
(In  same  authority  cites  Pothier  as  in  accord  with 
doctrine  of  English  law,  "that  though  misrepre- 
I  itiou  or  fraud  will  invalidate  the  contract  of 
the  mere  concealment  of  material  knowledge 
wiiirli  the  one  party  has  touching  the  thing  sold 
and  which  the  other  does  not  possess,  may  affect  the 
iiiiiscience,  but  will  not  destroy  the  contract,  for 
til  at  would  unduly  restrict  the  freedom  of  commerce; 
and  parties  must  at  their  own  risk  inform  themselves 
if  tlie  commodities  they  deal  in"  (op.  cit.,  491).  In 
a  m  ite,  Cicero  is  referred  to  as  favouring  the  view  that 
ri'iisi-icnce  forbids  the  concealment,  the  commentator 
abiding,  "It  is  a  little  singular,  however,  that  some  of 
till-  liest  ethical  writers,  under  the  Christian  Dispensa- 
tion should  complain  of  the  moral  lessons  of  Cicero,  as 
III  ina;  too  austere  in  their  texture,  and  too  sublime  in 
sp.rulation  for  actual  use"  (ibid.,  note  d).  As  fraud, 
so  coercion,  termed  in  English  law  duress,  or  the 
ih;i  at  of  it,  constitutes  a  valid  defence  to  fulfilment 
if  a  contract  (Smith,  op.  cit.,  2.30;  Pollock,  op.  cit., 
7Jssq.). 

S  r.vTUTORY  Restrictions. — A  certain  French  ordon- 
li  /lie  of  1667  (Pothier,  op. cit.,  448,  Appendix,  168) 
lia  been  thought  to  have,  perhaps,  suggested  the 
lai^lish  statute  of  1689,  which  recites  its  purpose 
til  be  "prevention  of  many  fraudulent  practices 
^\liirh  are  commonly  endeavoured  to  be  upheld  by 
jii  rjiiry  and  subornation  of  perjury".  Accordingly, 
till'  statute  requires  that  certain  contracts  be  in  writ- 
it  _•.  and  tho.se  for  sales  of  "goods,  wares  or  merchan- 
ilisi'  (if  over  ten  pounds  price"  in  WTiting,  or  that  there 
1m  a  part-delivery  or  part-payment.  This  enactment, 
known  as  the  Statute  of  Frauds,  has,  with  numerous 
xaiiations,  been  embodied  in  statutes  in  the  United 
States  (e.xcept  in  Louisiana),  carrying,  to  quote  from 
tlio  .Vmerican  commentator,  "its  influence  through 
till'  whole  body  of  our  civil  jurisprudence"  (Kent, 
o|'.  cit.,  494,  note  a). 

Hy  the  early  Roman  law  many  contracts  were 
.  1  foreeable  by  legal  action  after  any  lapse  of  time 
however  long.  But,  to  quote  the  Institutes,  "Sacrfe 
coiistitutiones  ....  actionibus  certos  fines  dede- 
raiit  "  (the  imperial  constitutions  assigned  fixed  limits 
to  actions),  so  that,  after  certain  prescribed  periods, 
III  I  legal  remeedy  would  be  provided  to  enforce  the 
oMiL!ation  of  contracts  ("The  Institutes  of  Justinian", 
-andars,  London,  189S,  Bk.  IV,  tit.  xii;  Bk.  II,  tit. 
.Such  positive  restrictions  on  the  legal  remedy 
.a  English  law  contained  in  enactments  known  as 
.-Matutesof  Limitation  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  Ill, 
307).  One  ancient  English  statute  fixed  for  limita- 
tion of  certain  actions  the  time  of  the  coming  of  King 
John  from  Ireland,  another  statute  the  coronation  of 
Henry  III  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.,  Bk.  Ill,  188).  But 
modern  statutes,  as  well  in  England  as  throughout  the 
United  States,  limit  the  remedy  to  certain  periods 
from  the  time  of  entering  into  contracts,  adopting 
the  manner  of  the  Roman  constitutions.  The  legal 
maxim  Leges  vigilantibus  non  dormientihu.s  subveniunt 
(the  laws  aid  the  vigilant,  not  the  careless)  is  appli- 
cable to  private  suitors  (Blackstone,  op.  cit.).  But 
nullum  tcmpus  occurrit  regi  (no  time  runs  against 
the  king),  and  therefore,  unless  specially  mentioned, 
the  Government  is  not  included  within  the  restric- 
tions of  a  statute  of  limitations.  According  to  ancient 
English  legal  conceptions  these  statutes  ought  not  to 
bind  the  king,  for  the  reason  that  he  "  is  always 
busied  for  the  public  good,  and  therefore  has  not 
leisure  to  assert  his  right  within  the  times  limited  to 
subjects"  (ibid.,  Bk.  I,  247). 

Inviolability  of  Contr.4cts.- — To  secure  inviola- 
bility of  contracts,  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  (Art.  1,  Sect.  10)  provides  that  no  State  shall 


pass  a  "law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts". 
By  obligation  is  meant  that  legal  obligation  which 
exists  "  wherever  the  municipal  law  recognizes  an 
absolute  duty  to  perform  a  contract".  And  the 
word  contract  being  used  in  this  clau.se  of  the  Con- 
stitution without  qualification,  the  protection  of  the 
Constitution  is  not  confined  to  executory  contracts, 
but  embraces  also  executed  contracts  (Story,  op.  cit., 
Sect.  1376-1392),  such  as  a  grant  which,  because  it 
amoimts  to  an  extinguishment  of  the  right  of  the 
party,  implies  a  contract  not  to  reassert  the  right. 
And  the  Constitution  also  protects  even  state  char- 
ters granted  to  private  persons  for  private  purposes, 
whether  these  be  literary,  charitable,  religious,  or 
commercial  (Kent,  op.  cit.,  I,  413-424;  Story,  op.  cit., 
Sect.  1376-1392).     See  also  Donation. 

P.\RSONs,  The  Law  of  Contracts  (9th  ert..  Boston,  1901): 
Wood,  A  Treatise  on  the  Statute  of  Frauds  (New  'iork  and 
.\lbany,  1884);  Idem,  .4  Treatise  on  the  Limitation  of  Actions, 
etc.  (3rd  ed.,  Boston,  1901). 

Charles  W.  Slo.^ne. 

Contract,  The  Social. — "Du  Contrat  Social,  ou 
Prinei]5es  du  droit  politique",  is  the  title  of  a  work 
written  by  J.- J.  Rousseau  and  published  in  1732. 
From  the  time  of  his  stay  at  Venice,  about  1741, 
Rousseau  had  in  mind  a  large  treatise  dealing  with 
"Les  institutions  politiques".  The  "Contrat  Social" 
is  but  a  fragment  of  this  treatise  which,  as  a  whole, 
has  never  been  published. 

The  "Contrat  Social"  is  divided  into  four  books. 
The  first  treats  of  the  formation  of  societies  and  the 
social  contract.  Social  order  is  a  sacred  right  which 
is  at  the  foundation  of  all  other  rights.  It  does  not 
come  from  nature.  The  family  is  the  most  ancient 
and  the  most  natural  of  all  societies;  but  this  associa- 
tion of  parents  and  children,  necessary  as  long  as  these 
cannot  provide  for  themselves,  is  maintained  after- 
wards only  by  convention.  Some  philosophers  have 
said  that  among  men  some  are  born  for  slavery,  others 
for  domination;  but  they  confound  cause  and  effect; 
if  some  are  slaves  by  nature,  it  is  because  there  have 
been  slaves  against  nature.  Again,  social  order  is  not 
based  on  force,  for  the  strongest  is  not  strong  enough 
to  retain  at  all  times  his  supremacy  unless  he  trans- 
forms force  into  right,  and  obedience  into  duty.  But 
in  that  case  right  would  change  places  with  force.  If 
it  is  necessary  to  obey  because  of  force,  there  is  no 
need  of  obeying  because  of  duty;  and  if  one  is  not 
forced  to  obey  there  is  no  longer  any  obligation. 

All  legitimate  authority  among  men  is  based  on  an 
agreement.  This  argument,  according  to  Grotius, 
has  its  foundation  in  tht;  right  of  a  people  to  alienate 
its  freedom.  But  to  alienate  is  to  give  or  to  sell.  A 
man  does  not  give  himself;  at  most  he  sells  himself 
for  a  living;  but  for  what  should  a  people  sell  itself. 
To  give  itself  gratuitously  would  be  an  act  of  folly 
and  therefore  null  and  void,  lloreover,  even  if  a 
man  has  the  right  to  give  himself,  he  has  no  right  to 
give  his  children  who  are  born  men  and  free.  Gro- 
tius, again,  in  order  to  legitimize  slaverj',  appeals  to 
the  right  of  the  conqueror  to  kill  the  conquered  or  to 
spare  his  life  at  the  price  of  his  freedom.  But  war 
is  a  relation  between  State  and  State,  and  not  be- 
tween man  and  man.  It  gives  the  right  to  kill 
soldiers  so  long  as  they  are  armed,  but,  once  they 
have  laid  down  their  arms,  there  remain  only  men 
and  no  one  has  the  right  to  kill  them;  besides,  no 
one  has  the  right  to  enslave  men.  The  words  slavery 
and  right  are  contradictory. 

The  social  order  originates  in  an  altogether  primi- 
tive and  unanimous  agreement.  When  men  in  the 
state  of  nature  have  reached  that  stage  where  the 
individual  is  unable  to  cope  with  adverse  forces,  they 
are  compelled  to  change  their  way  of  living.  They 
cannot  create  new  forces,  but  they  can  unite  their 
individual  energies  and  thus  overcome  the  obstacles 
to  life.     The  fundamental  problem  is,  then,  "to  find  a 


CONTRACT 


336 


CONTRACT 


form  of  association  which  defends  and  protects  with 
the  whole  common  energy,  the  person  and  property 
of  each  associate,  and  by  which  each  individual  asso- 
ciate, uniting  himself  to  all,  still  obeys  only  himself 
and  remains  as  free  as  before".  The  solution  is  a 
contract  by  which  each  one  puts  in  common  his  per- 
son and  all  his  forces  under  the  supreme  direction  of 
the  "general  will".  There  results  a  moral  and  col- 
lective body  formed  of  as  many  members  as  there  are 
persons  in  the  community.  In  this  body  the  condi- 
tion is  equal  for  all,  since  each  gives  himself  wholly; 
the  union  is  perfect,  since  each  gives  himself  unre- 
servedly; and  finally,  each,  giving  himself  to  all,  gives 
himself  to  nobody.  This  body  is  called  the  "State 
or  Sovereign";  the  members,  who,  taken  together, 
form  "the  people"  are  the  "citizens"  as  participating 
in  the  supreme  authority,  and  "subjects"  as  sub- 
jected to  the  laws.  By  this  contract  man  passes  from 
the  natural  to  the  civil  state,  from  instinct  to  morality 
and  justice.  He  loses  his  natural  freedom  and  his 
unlimited  right  to  all  that  he  attempts  or  is  able  to  do, 
but  he  gains  civil  liberty  and  the  ownership  of  all  that 
he  possesses  by  becoming  the  acknowledged  trustee  of 
a  part  of  the  public  property. 

The  second  book  deals  with  sovereignty  and  its 
rights.  Sovereignty,  or  the  general  will,  is  inaliena- 
ble, for  the  will  cannot  be  transmitted ;  it  is  indivisi- 
ble, since  it  is  essentially  general;  it  is  infallible  and 
always  right.  It  is  determined  and  limited  in  its 
power  by  the  common  interest;  it  acts  through  laws. 
Law  is  the  decision  of  the  general  will  in  regard  to 
some  object  of  common  interest.  But  though  the 
general  will  is  always  right  and  always  desires  what 
is  good,  its  judgment  is  not  always  enlightened,  and 
consequently  does  not  always  see  wherein  the  com- 
mon good  lies;  hence  the  necessity  of  the  legislator. 
But  the  legislator  has,  of  himself,  no  authority;  he  is 
only  a  guide.  He  drafts  and  proposes  laws,  but  the 
people  alone  (that  is,  the  sovereign  or  general  will)  has 
authority  to  make  and  impose  them. 

The  third  book  treats  of  government  and  its  exer- 
cise. In  the  State  it  is  not  sufficient  to  make  laws,  it 
is  also  necessary  to  enforce  them.  Although  the 
sovereign  or  general  will  has  the  legislative  power,  it 
cannot  exercise  by  itself  the  executive  power.  It 
needs  a  special  agent,  intermediary  between  the  sub- 
jects and  the  sovereign,  which  applies  the  laws  under 
the  direction  of  the  general  will.  This  is  precisely 
the  part  of  the  Government  which  is  the  minister  of  the 
sovereign  and  not  sovereign  itself.  The  one  or  the 
several  magistrates  who  form  the  Government  are  only 
the  trustees  of  the  executive  powers;  they  are  the 
officers  of  the  sovereign,  and  their  office  is  not  the 
result  of  a  contract,  but  a  charge  laid  upon  them; 
they  receive  from  the  sovereign  the  orders  which  they 
transmit  to  the  people,  and  the  sovereign  can  at  will 
limit,  modify,  or  revoke  this  power. 

The  three  principal  forms  of  government  are: 
democracy,  a  government  by  the  whole,  or  the 
greater  part,  of  the  people;  aristocracy,  government 
by  a  few;  monarchy,  government  by  one.  Democ- 
racy is  in  practice  impossible.  It  demands  conditions 
too  numerous  and  virtues  too  difficult  for  the  whole 
people.  "  If  there  were  a  people  of  gods,  its  govern- 
ment would  be  democratic,  so  perfect  a  government 
is  not  for  men. "  Aristocracy  may  be  natural,  hcredi- 
tarj',  or  elective.  The  first  is  found  only  among  sim- 
ple and  primitive  people;  the  second  is  the  worst  of 
all  governments;  the  third,  where  the  power  is  given 
to  th(?  wisest,  to  those  who  have  more  time  for  public 
affairs,  is  the  best  and  the  most  natural  of  all  govern- 
ments whenever  it  is  certain  that  those  who  wield  power 
will  use  it  for  the  public  welfare  and  not  for  their  own 
interest  No  government  is  more  vigorous  than 
inonarchy;  but  it  jin'sents  great  dangers;  if  the  end 
is  not  the  public  welfare,  the  whole  energy  of  the 
administration  i.s  concentrated  for  the  detriment  of 


the  State.  Kings  seek  to  be  absolute,  and  offices  are 
given  to  intriguers.  Theoretically,  a  government 
simple  and  pure  in  form  is  the  best;  practically,  it 
must  be  combined  with,  and  controlled  by,  elements 
borrowed  from  other  forms.  AlsO;  it  is  to  be  remarked 
that  not  every  form  of  government  is  equally  suitable 
to  every  country;  but  the  government  of  each  country 
must  be  adapted  to  the  character  of  its  people.  "  .\11 
things  being  equal,  the  best  form  of  government  for  a 
country  is  the  one  imder  which  the  citizens,  without  any 
outside  means,  without  naturalization  or  colonies,  in- 
crease and  multiply."  In  order  to  prevent  any 
usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  government,  some  fixed 
and  periodical  meetings  of  the  people  must  be  deter- 
mined by  law,  during  which  all  executive  power  is 
suspended,  and  all  authority  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
people.  In  these  meetings  the  people  will  decide  two 
questions:  "Whether  it  pleases  the  sovereign  to  pre- 
serve the  present  form  of  government,  and  whether  it 
pleases  the  people  to  continue  the  administration  in 
the  hands  of  those  who  are  actually  in  charge." 
Intermediary  between  the  .sovereign  authority  and 
the  Government  there  is  sometimes  another  power, 
that  of  the  deputies  or  representatives.  The  general 
will,  however,  cannot  be  represented  any  more  than 
it  can  be  alienated;  the  deputies  are  not  representa- 
tives of  the  people,  but  its  commissioners;  they  can- 
not decide  anything  definitively;  hence,  any  law 
which  is  not  ratified  by  the  people  is  null.  The  insti- 
tution of  the  Government,  therefore,  is  not  based  on  a 
contract  between  the  people  and  the  magistrates;  it 
is  a  law.  Those  wlio  liold  power  are  the  officers,  not 
the  masters,  of  the  people;  they  have  not  to  make  a 
contract,  but  to  obey;  by  fulfilling  their  functions 
they  simply  discharge  their  duties  as  citizens. 

In  the  fourth  book,  Rousseau  speaks  of  certain 
social  institutions.  The  general  will  is  indestructible; 
it  expresses  itself  through  elections.  As  to  different 
modes  of  elections  and  institutions,  such  as  tribunate, 
dictatorship,  censure,  etc.,  the  history  of  the  ancient 
republics  of  Rome  and  Greece,  of  Sparta  especially, 
can  teach  us  something  about  their  value.  Religion 
is  at  the  very  foundation  of  the  State.  .\t  all  times 
it  has  occupied  a  large  place  in  the  life  of  the  people. 
The  Christianity  of  the  Gospel  is  a  holy  religion,  but 
by  teaching  detachment  from  earthly  things  it  con- 
flicts with  the  social  spirit.  It  produces  men  who  fulfil 
their  duties  with  indifference,  and  soldiers  who  know 
how  to  die  rather  than  how  to  win.  It  is  important 
for  the  State  that  each  citizen  should  have  a  religion 
that  will  help  him  to  love  his  duty;  but  the  dogmas 
of  this  religion  are  of  no  concern  to  the  State  except 
in  so  far  as  they  are  related  to  moralitj'  or  duties 
towards  others.  There  must  be,  therefore,  in  the 
State  a  religion  of  which  the  sovereign  shall  determine 
the  articles,  not  as  dogmas  of  religion,  but  as  senti- 
ments of  sociability.  Whosoever  does  not  accept 
them  may  be  banished,  not  as  impious,  but  as  unsocia- 
ble; and  whosoever,  after  having  accepted  them,  will 
not  act  according  to  them  shall  be  punished  by  death. 
These  articles  shall  be  few  and  precise;  existence  of 
the  Divinity,  powerful,  intelligent,  good,  and  provi- 
dent; future  life,  happiness  of  the  just;  chastisement 
of  the  wicked;  sanctity  of  the  social  contract  and  the 
laws ;  these  are  the  positive  dogmas.  Tlicre  is  also  one 
negative  dogma:  Whosoever  shall  say,  "Outside  of 
the  Church  thirr  is  no  salvation",  ought  to  be  " 
i.shcd  from  Ihr  State. 

The  inlluence  of  this  book  was  immense.  Roussea 
owes  much  indeed  to  Hobbes  and  Locke,  and  t 
Montosiiuieu's  "Esprit  des  lois",  published  fourtee 
years  before;  but,  by  the  extreme  jirominence  give 
to  the  ideas  of  po|nilar  sovereignty,  of  liberty  an 
equality,  and  especially  by  his  highly  coloured  styl 
his  .short  and  concise  formul.'P,  he  put  within  th 
common  reach  principles  and  concepts  which  hai 
hitherto  been  confined  to  scientific  exposition.    Tlw 


CONTRITION 


337 


CONTRITION 


book  gave  expression  to  ideas  and  feelings  which,  at 
a  time  of  pohtical  and  social  unrest,  were  growing  in 
the  popular  mind.  It  would  be  interesting  to  deter- 
mine how  far  Rousseau  influenced  the  framing  of 
various  modern  constitutions;  at  any  rate,  he  fur- 
nished the  French  Revolution  with  its  philosophy, 
and  his  principles  direct  the  actual  political  life  of 
France.  His  book,  says  Mallet  du  Pan,  was  "  the 
Koran  of  the  Revolutionists",  and  Carlyle  rightly 
calls  Rousseau  "the  Evangelist  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution". The  orators  of  the  Constituante  quoted  its 
sentences  and  formulae,  and  if  it  may  be  believed  that 
Rousseau  would  have  condemned  the  massacres  and 
violences  of  179.3,  the  Jacobins,  nevertheless,  looked 
to  his  principles  for  the  justification  of  their  acts. 

It  is  quite  intelligible  that  the  "Contrat  Social" 
should  have  come  to  be  considered  by  some  as  the 
gospel  of  freedom  and  democracy,  by  others  as  the 
code  of  revolution  and  anarchy.  That  it  contains 
serious  contradictions  is  undeniable.  For  instance, 
Rousseau  assigns  as  the  essential  basis  of  the  general 
will  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  people,  yet  he  as- 
sumes that  this  general  will  is  expressed  in  the  plural- 
ity of  suffrages;  he  affirms  that  parents  have  no  right 
to  engage  their  children  by  a  contract,  and  yet  chil- 
dren from  their  birth  will  be  subject  to  the  primitive 
contract;  he  affirms  that  a  man  has  no  right  to  alien- 
ate himself,  yet  he  bases  the  social  contract  essentially 
on  the  totaralienation  of  personal  rights  and  person- 
ality in  favour  of  the  community.  If  there  are  some 
true  considerations  and  reflections  in  this  book — as, 
for  instance,  on  slavery  and  the  dignity  of  man,  on  the 
ail^jplation  of  the  divers  forms  of  government  to  the 
cliiiacter  of  the  people,  etc. — its  fundamental  princi- 
pli  -  -the  origin  of  society,  absolute  freedom  and 
:ili-i.l\ite  equality  of  all — are  false  and  unnatural. 

!  I>- liases  society  on  a  convention,  ignoring  the  fact 
I :  I  I  I  r  uth  so  clep.rly  shown  both  by  psychology  and  his- 
1  hat  man  is  a  being  essentially  social,  and  that, 
iiald  says,  the  "law  of  sociability  is  as  natural 
111  as  the  law  of  gravitation  to  physical  bodies". 
!li     :llirms  as  a  first  principle  that  all  men  are  born 
Inc.     He  calls  the  natural  state  a  state  of  instinct, 
:iihl  he  defines  natural  freedom  as  the  unlimited  right 
i'f  '  :ich  to  do  whatever  he  can.     He  opposes  to  this 
iiitind  state  and  freedom  the  civil  state  which  he 
i!l~  the  state  of  justice  and  morality,  and  civil  lib- 
which  is  freedom  limited  by  the  general  will. 
ividently  implies  that  man  is  born  an  animal 
lirce  as  its  power  and  instinct  as  its  guide,  and 
n  intelligent  and  free  being.     Rous.scau  forgets 
if  natural  freedom  is  power  to  act,  it  is  at  the 
time  an  activity  subjected  to  a  rule  and  disci- 
Ictcrmined  by  the  very  object  and  conditions  of 
11  life;  that  if  all  men  are  bom  with  a  right  to 
111,  tliey  are  also  born  with  a  duty  to  direct  this 
iin ;  that,  if  all  are  born  equally  free — in  the  fun- 
iital  sense  that  all  have  the  same  essential  right 
r  a  human  life  and  to  attain  human  perfection — 
^iill.  this  very  right  is  determined  in  its  mode  of  ex- 
ercise for  each  individual  by  special  laws  and  condi- 
tions; in  a  word,  that  the  natural  state  of  man  is  both 
freedom  and  discipline  in  the  individual  as  well  as  in 
the  social   life.     Rousseau's   conception  of   freedom 
leads  him  directly  to  an  individualism  and  a  natural- 
win  which  have  no  limits  save  those  of  brute  force 
itself. 

1  Again,  he  declares  that  all  men  are  born  naturally 
ipqiial.  Now  this  principle  is  true  if  it  is  understood 
in  the  sense  of  a  specific  equality,  the  foundation  of 
Ihuman dignity.  Everj-manhasthe  right. eijual  in  all. 
Ito  be  treated  as  a  man,  to  be  respected  in  his  personal 
dignitya-s  a  man.  tfl  be  protected  and  helped  by  author- 
|ity  in  his  effort  towards  perfection.  But  the  principle 
jisfundamentally  false,  if.  as  interpreted  by  Rousseau,  it 
|rneans  individual  e(|iiality.  The  son  is  not  individ- 
fually  equal  to  his  father,  nor  the  infant  to  the  adult, 
IV  —22. 


nor  the  dull  to  the  intelligent,  nor  the  poor  to  the  rich, 
in  individual  needs,  rights,  or  special  duties.  The 
natural  relations  between  individual  men,  their  re- 
ciprocal duties  and  rights,  involve  both  equality  and 
hierarchy.  The  basis  of  social  relations  is  not  abso- 
lute individual  independence  and  arbitrary  will,  but 
freedom  exercised  with  respect  for  authority.  By 
his  interpretation  of  this  principle,  Rousseau  leads 
to  a  false  individualism  which  ends  in  anarchy. 

Rousseau  maintains  that  society  arises  through  the 
total  alienation  of  the  personality  and  rights  of  each 
associate;  hence,  for  the  absolute  indiviilualism  of 
natiu'e  he  substitutes  an  absolute  socialism  in  the  civil 
state.  It  is  the  general  will  which  is  the  ultimate 
source  and  supreme  criterion  of  justice,  morality, 
property,  and  religion.  Then  we  have,  in  spite  of  all 
the  explanations  advanced  by  Rousseau,  the  sup- 
pression of  personality,  the  reign  of  force  and  caprice, 
the  tjT-anny  of  the  multitude,  the  despotism  of  the 
crowd,  the  destruction  of  true  freedom,  morality,  and 
society.  The  French  Revolution  was  the  realization 
of  these  principles.  Society  has  not  its  foimdation  in 
the  free  alienation  of  personality  and  rights,  but  in  the 
natural  union  of  all  personalities,  or,  rather,  families, 
with  a  view  to  reach  their  perfection.  Society  is 
not  the  source  of  duties  and  rights  of  families  or  indi- 
viduals, but  the  protector  and  helper  of  families  and 
individuals  in  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties  and  rights; 
its  existence  is  commanded,  its  authority  Ls  limited, 
by  this  very  end.  Society  is  not  formed  from  ele- 
ments all  individually  equal,  but  is  organized  from 
graduated  elements.  These  degrees  of  authority, 
however,  in  the  social  organization  are  not  by  nature 
the  exclusive  possession  of  anybody,  but  accessible 
to  the  capacities  and  the  efforts  of  all.  Society  is 
made  up  of  authority  and  subjects ;  and  this  authority, 
while  it  may  be  determined  in  its  subject  and  manner 
of  exercise  by  the  )-icopIo,  has  not  its  foiuidation  in 
their  will,  but  in  In, I       v  itself  as  God  created  it. 

MussET  Patiim,  ■/  /(■ouMcoM  (Paris,  1823-2S 

and  1870);    L,lli-,:~  .  uu  h  Marc-Michel  (Paris, 

185S);    Beauiioin.  7...  ,.-,  de  J.-J.  Rousseau  (Pari.?, 

1891);  HoRNuxo,  Ln  uL-ls  polUiquts  de  Rousseau  (1878); 
LicHTENBERGER,  Le  sorm/i,5m«  au  XVIII'  sitcle  (1895);  MoR- 
LEY,  Rousseau  (London,  1896),  II,  iii;  Lemaitre,  J.-J.  Rous- 
seau (Paris,  1907);  Brkpif,  Du  caractiTC  intellecluel  et  moral  de 
J.-J.  Rous.'icau  (Paris,  1906).  Also,  for  bibliography  of  Rous- 
seau, cf.  GuKEARD,  La  France  litlcrairc.  VIII,  192-230.  For 
the  influence  of  the  Contrat  Social,  see  (Euvres  de  Maximilini, 
Robespierre  (Paris,  ISIO);  Carlvle,  The  French  Revolution; 
Taine,  Oriffines  dc  la  France  contemporaine  (Paris,  1876-90), 
II.  III.  See  also  the  Encyclicals  of  Leo  XIII:  Diutumum 
Illud  (29  June,  1881),  and  Immortale  Dei  (1  Nov.,  1893). 
G.  M.  Sauvage. 

Contrition  (Lat.  contritio — a  breaking  of  some- 
thing hardened). — In  Holy  Writ  nothing  is  more  com- 
mon than  exhortations  to  repentance;  "I  desire  not 
the  death  of  the  wicked,  but  that  the  wicked  turn  from 
his  way  and  live"  (Ezech.,  xxxiii,  11);  "Except  you 
do  penance  you  shall  all  likewise  perish"  (Luke,  xiii, 
5;  cf.  Matt.,  xii,  41).  At  times  this  repentance  in- 
cludes exterior  acts  of  satisfaction  (Ps.  vi,  7  sqq.);  it 
always  implies  a  recognition  of  wrong  done  to  GocI,  a 
detestation  of  the  evil  wrought,  and  a  desire  to  turn 
from  evil  and  do  good.  This  is  clearly  expressed  in 
Ps.  1  (.5-14):  "For  I  know  my  iniquity.  ...  To  thee 
only  have  I  sinned,  and  have  done  evil  before  thee.  .  .  . 
Turn  away  thy  face  from  my  sins,  and  blot  out  all 
my  iniquities.  Create  a  clean  heart  in  me",  etc. 
More  clearly  does  this  appear  in  the  parable  of  the 
Pharisee  and  the  publican  (Luke,  xviii,  13),  and  more 
clearly  still  in  the  storj-  of  the  prodigal  (Luke,  xv, 
11-.32):  "P'ather,  I  have  sinned  against  heaven  and 
before  thee;  I  am  not  worthy  to  be  called  thy  son". 

Nature  of  CoNiKrnoN. — This  interior  repentance 
has  been  called  by  theologians  "contrition".  It  is 
defined  explicitly  by  the  Council  of  Trent  (Se.ss.  XIV, 
ch.  iv  d(!  Cont  rit  ione) ;  "  a  sorrow  of  soul  and  a  hatred 
of  sin  committed,  with  a  firm  purpose  of  not  sinning  iis. 


CONTRITION 


338 


CONTRITION 


the  future".  The  word  contrition  itself  in  a  moral 
sense  is  not  of  frequent  occurrence  in  Scripture  (cf. 
Ps.  1,  19).  Etymologically  it  implies  a  breaking  of 
something  that  has  become  hardened.  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  in  his  Commentary  on  the  Master  of  the  Sen- 
tences thus  explains  its  peculiar  use:  "Since  it  is 
requisite  for  the  remission  of  sin  that  a  man  cast  away 
entirely  the  liking  for  sin  which  implies  a  sort  of  con- 
tmuity  and  solidity  in  his  mind,  the  act  which  obtains 
forgiveness  is  termed  by  a  figure  of  speech  'contri- 
tion'"    (In  Lib.   Sent.  IV,  dist.  xvii;    cf.  Supplem. 

III,  Q.  i,  a.  1).  This  sorrow  of  soul  is  not  merely 
speculative  sorrow  for  wrong  done,  remorse  of  con- 
science, or  a  resolve  to  amend;  it  is  a  real  pain  and 
bitterness  of  soul  together  with  a  hatred  and  horror  for 
sin  committed;  and  this  hatred  for  sin  leads  to  the  re- 
solve to  sin  no  more.  The  early  Christian  writers  in 
speaking  of  the  nature  of  contrition  sometimes  insist 
on  the  feeling  of  sorrow,  sometimes  on  the  detestation 
of  the  wrong  committed  (Augustine  in  P.  L.,  XXXVII, 
1901,  1902;  Chrj'sostom,  P.  G.,  XLVII,  409,  410). 
Augustine  includes  both  when  writing:  "Compunctus 
corde  non  solet  dici  nisi  stimulis  peccatorum  in  dolore 
poenitendi"  (P.  L.,  Vol.  VI  of  Augustine,  col.  1440). 
Nearly  all  the  medieval. theologians  hold  that  contri- 
tion is  based  principally  on  the  detestation  of  sin. 
This  detestation  presupposes  a  knowledge  of  the  hein- 
ousness  of  .sin,  and  this  knowledge  begets  sorrow  and 
pain  of  soul.  "  As  sin  is  committed  by  the  consent,  so 
it  is  blotted  out  by  the  dissent  of  the  rational  will; 
hence  contrition  is  essentially  sorrow.  But  it  should 
be  noted  that  sorrow  has  a  twofold  signification — dis- 
sent of  the  will  and  the  consequent  feeling;  the 
former  is  of  the  essence  of  contrition,  the  latter  is  its 
effect"  (Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xvi,  Pt. 
I,  art.  1).  [See  also  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  Comment, 
in  Lib.  Sent.  IV;  Billuart  (De  Sac.  Poenit.,  Diss,  iv, 
art.  1)  seems  to  hold  the  opposite  opinion.] 

Necessity  of  Contrition. — Until  the  time  of  the 
Reformation  no  theologian  ever  thought  of  denying  the 
necessity  of  contrition  for  the  forgiveness  of  sin.  But 
with  the  coming  of  Luther  and  his  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation by  faith  alone  the  absolute  necessity  of  contri- 
tion was  excluded  as  by  a  natural  consequence.  Leo 
X  in  the  famous  Bull  "Exsurge"  [Denzinger,  no.  751 
(6.35)]  condemned  the  following  Lutheran  position: 
"By  no  means  believe  that  you  are  forgiven  on  ac- 
count of  your  contrition,  but  because  of  Christ's 
words,  'Whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose',  etc.  On  this 
account  I  say,  that  if  you  receive  the  priest's  absolu- 
tion, believe  firmly  that  you  are  absolved,  and  truly 
absolved  you  will  "be,  let  the  contrition  be  as  it  may." 
Luther  could  not  deny  that  in  every  true  conversion 
there  was  grief  of  soul,  but  he  asserted  that  this  was 
the  result  of  the  grace  of  God  poured  into  the  soul  at 
the  time  of  justification,  etc.  (For  this  discussion  see 
Vacant,  Diet,  de  th^ol.  cath.,  s.  v.  Contrition.)  Catho- 
lic writers  have  always  taught  the  necessity  of  contri- 
tion for  the  forgiveness  of  sin,  and  they  have  insisted 
that  such  necessity  arises  (a)  from  the  very  nature  of 
repentance  as  well  as  (b)  from  the  positive  command 
of  God.  (a)  They  point  out  that  the  sentence  of 
Christ  in  Luke,  xiii,  5,  is  final:  "Except  you  do  pen- 
ance", etc.,  and  from  the  Fathers  they  cite  passages 
such  as  the  following  from  Cyprian,  "De  Lajisis",  no. 
;j2:  "  Do  penance  in  full,  give  proof  of  the  sorrow  that 
comes  from  a  grieving  and  lamenting  soul  .  .  .  they 
who  do  away  with  repentance  for  sm,  close  the  door  to 
satisfaction."  The  Scholastic  doctors  laid  down  the 
principle,  "No  one  can  begin  a  new  life  who  does  not 
repent  him  of  the  old"  (Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent. 

IV,  dist.  xvi,  Pt.  II,  art.  I,  Q.  ii,  also  ex  professo,  ibid., 
Pt.  I,  art.  I,  Q.  iii),  and  when  asked  the  reason  why, 
they  point  out  the  absolute  incongruity  of  turning  to 
God  and  clinging  to  sin,  which  is  hostile  to  God's  law. 
The  Council  of  Trent,  mindf\il  of  the  tradition  of  the 
ages,  defined  (Se.sg,  XIV   cii.  iv  de  Contritione)  that 


"contrition  has  always  been  necessary  for  obtaining 
forgiveness  of  sin",  (b)  The  positive  command  of 
God  is  also  clear  in  the  premises.  The  Baptist  sound- 
ed the  note  of  preparation  for  the  coming  of  the  Mes- 
sias:  "Make  straight  his  paths";  and,  as  a  conse- 
quence, "they  went  out  to  him  and  were  baptized 
confessing  their  sins".  The  first  preaching  of  Jesus  is 
described  in  the  words:  "  Do  penance,  for  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  is  at  hand";  and  the  Apostles,  in  their  first 
sermons  to  the  people,  warn  them  to  "do  penance  and 
be  baptized  for  the  remission  of  their  sins"  (Acts,  ii, 
38).  The  Fathers  followed  up  with  like  exhortation 
(Clement  in  P.  G.,  I,  341;  Hermas  in  P.  G.,  II,  894; 
Tertullian  in  P.  L.,  II). 

Perfect  and  Imperfect  Contrition. — Catholic 
teaching  distinguishes  a  twofold  hatred  of  sin;  one, 
perfect  contrition,  springs  from  the  love  of  God  Who 
has  been  grievously  offended;  the  other,  imperfect 
contrition,  arises  principally  from  some  other  mo- 
tives, such  as  loss  of  heaven,  fear  of  hell,  the  heinous- 
ness  of  sin,  etc.  (Council  of  Trent,  Sess.  XIV,  ch.  iv  de 
Contritione).  For  the  doctrine  of  imperfect  contri- 
tion see  Attrition. 

Qo.\LiTiES. — In  accord  with  Catholic  tradition  con- 
trition, whether  it  be  perfect  or  imperfect,  must  be  at 
once  (a)  interior,  (b)  supernatural,  (c)  universal,  and 
(d)  sovereign. 

(a)  Interior. — Contrition  must  be  real  and  sincere 
sorrow  of  heart,  and  not  merely  an  external  manifes- 
tation of  repentance.  The  Old-Testament  Prophets 
laid  particular  stress  on  the  necessity  of  hearty  repent- 
ance. The  Psalmist  says  that  God  despises  not  the 
"contrite  heart"  (Ps.  1,  19),  and  the  call  to  Israel 
was,  "Be  converted  to  me  with  all  your  heart  .  .  . 
and  rend  your  hearts,  and  not  your  garments"  (Joel, 
ii,  12  sq.).  Holy  Job  did  penance  in  sackcloth  and 
ashes  because  he  reprehended  himself  in  sorrow  of 
soul  (Job,  xlii,  6).  The  contrition  adjudged  neces- 
sary by  Christ  and  his  Apostles  was  no  mere  formality, 
but  the  sincere  expression  of  the  sorrowing  soul 
(Luke,  XV,  11-32;  Luke,  xviii,  13);  and  the  grief  of 
the  woman  in  the  house  of  the  Pharisee  merited  for- 
giveness because  "she  loved  much".  The  exhorta- 
tions to  penance  found  everj'where  in  the  Fathers  have 
no  uncertain  sound  (Cyprian,  De  Lapsis,  P.  L.,  IV; 
Chrysostom,  De  compunctione,  P.  G.,  XLVII,  393 
sqq.),andthe  Scholastic  doctors  from  Peter  Lombard 
on  insist  on  the  same  sincerity  in  repentance  (Peter 
Lombard,  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xvi,  no.  1). 

(b)  Supernatural. — In    accordance   with   Catholic 
teaching  contrition  ought  to  be  prompted  by  God's 
grace  and  aroused  by  motives  wliich  spring  from  faith 
as  opposed  to  merely  natural  motives,  such  as  loss  ol 
honour,  fortune,  and  the  like  (Chemnitz,  Exam.  Con- 
cil.  Trid.,  Pt.II,De  Pcenit.).     In  the  Old  Testament  it 
is  God  who  gives  a  "new  heart"  and  who  puts  a  "new 
spirit"  into  the  children  of  Israel    (Ezech.,   xxxvi: 
25-29);   and  for  a  clean  heart  the  Psalmist  prays  ii 
the  Miserere  (Ps.  1,  11  sqq.).     St.  Peter  told  those  ti. 
whom  he  preached  in  the  first  days  after  Pentecos 
that  God  the  Father  had  raised  up  Christ  "to  give  re 
pentance  to  Israel"  (Acts,  v,  30  sq.).     St.  Paul  in  ad 
vising  Timothy  insists  on  dealing  gently  and  kindl; 
with  those  who  resist  the  truth,  "if  peradventure  Goi 
may  give  them  rejientance"  (II  Tim.,  ii,  24-25).     Ii 
the  days  of  the  Pelagian  heresy  Augustine  insists  o> 
the  supernaturalness  of  contrition,  when  he  writo,'^ 
"That  we  turn  away  from  God  is  our  doing,  and  thi 
is  the  bad  will ;  but  to  turn  back  to  God  we  are  unabl 
unless  He  arouse  antl  help  us,  and  this  is  the  goo 
will."     Some  of  the  Scholastic  doctors,  notably  Sec 
tus,  C.ajetan,  and  after  them  Suarez  (De  Poenit.,  Disj 
iii,  sect,  vi),  asked  speculatively  whether  man  left  t 
himself  could  elicit  a  true  act  of  contrition,  but  n 
theologian  ever  taught  that  repentance  which  mak( 
for  forgiveness  of  sin  in  the  present  economy  of  Go 
could  be  inspired  by  merely  natural  motives.     On  tl 


CONTRITION 


339 


CONTRITION 


rmitrary,  all  the  doctors  have  insisted  on  the  absolute 
71'  ri'ssity  of  grace  for  contrition  that  disposes  to  for- 
giveness (Bonavcnture,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  dist.  xiv, 
I't.  I,  art.  II,  Q.  ill;  also  dist.  xvii,  Pt.  I,  art.  I,  Q.  iii; 
ci.  St.  Thomas,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV).  In  keeping  with 
this  teaching  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  doctors,  the 
Council  of  Trent  defined:  ''If  anyone  say  that  with- 
out the  ir,spiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  without  His 
:ii  1  a  man  can  repent  in  the  way  that  is  necessarj'  for 
i'l>t:iiningthe  grace  of  justification,  let  him  be  anath- 

ic)  Universal. — The  Council  of  Trent  defined  that 
ri'al  contrition  includes  "a  firm  purpose  of  not  sinning 
in  the  future";  consequently  he  who  repents  must 
i.^olve  to  avoid  all  sin.  This  doctrine  is  intimately 
1 M  I  md  up  TN-ith  the  Catholic  teaching  concerning  grace 
uimI  repentance.  There  is  no  forgiveness  without  sor- 
row of  soul,  and  forgiveness  is  always  accompanied  I  y 
( ■111 Ts  grace;  grace  cannot  coexist  UNath  sin;  and,  as  a 
ci  iiis('(iuence,  one  sin  cannot  be  forgiven  while  another 
n mains  for  which  there  is  no  repentance.  This  is  the 
(liar  teaching  of  the  Bible.  The  Prophet  urged  men 
tn  t  urn  to  God  with  their  whole  heart  (Joel,  ii,  12  sq.), 
aii'i  Christ  tells  the  doctor  of  the  law  that  we  must 
l(i\.>  God  with  our  whole  mind,  our  whole  strength 
I  like,  X,  27).  Ezechiel  insists  that  a  man  must 
'  n  from  all  his  evil  ways"  if  he  wish  to  live.  The 
lastics  inquired  rather  subtly  into  this  question 
1  they  asked  whether  or  not  there  must  be  a  spe- 
r,  .1  :ict  of  contrition  for  every  serious  sin,  and  whether, 
in  crder  to  be  forgiven,  one  must  remember  at  the 
i;i"inent  all  his  grievous  transgressions.  To  both 
ciu.'^tions  they  answered  in  the  negative,  judging  that 
an  art  of  sorrow  which  implicitly  included  all  his  sins 
«i.iiM  be  sufficient. 

"I)  Sovereign. — Tlie  Council  of  Trent  insLsts  that 

tiui'  contrition  includes  the  firm  will  never  to  sin 

aL;ain,  so  that  no  matter  what  evil  may  come,  such 

(■\  i!  must  be  preferred  to  sin.     This  doctrine  is  surely 

I  lirist's:    "What  shall  it  profit  a  man  if  he  gain  the 

\vli..Ii_>  world  and  suffer  the  loss  of  his  soul?"     Theo- 

lii^ians  have  discussed  at  great  length  whether  or  not 

contrition  which  must  be  sovereign  appreliatii'e,  i.  e. 

ill  iii;,irding  sin  as  the  greatest  possible  evil,  must  also 

I  xereign  in  degree  and  in  intensity.     The  decision 

:;cnerally  been  that  sorrow  need  not  be  sovereign 

I'lisively",  for  intensity  makes  no  change  in  the 

-  ;.i-itance  of  an  act  (Ballerini,  Opus  Morale:   De  Con- 

tnrione;   Bonaventure,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,   dist.  xxi, 

I'l.  I,  art.  II,  Q.  i). 

"\TRITION    IN    THE    SaCR.UUENT    OF    PeNANCE. 

lition  is  not  only  a  moral  virtue,  but  the  Council 
!•  nt  defined  th.al  it  is  a  "part",  nay  more,  quasi 
<fi,  in  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  "The  (quasi) 
■iT  of  this  sacrament  consists  of  the  acts  of  the 
;  /int  himself,  namely,  contrition,  confession,  and 
satisfaction.  These,  inasmuch  as  they  are  by  God's 
institution  required  in  the  penitent  for  the  integrity  of 
the  sacrament  and  for  the  full  and  perfect  remission  of 
sin.  are  for  this  reason  called  parts  of  penance."  In 
consequence  of  this  decree  of  Trent  theologians  teach 
that  sorrow  for  sin  must  be  in  some  sense  sacramental. 
La  Croix  went  so  far  a.s  to  say  that  sorrow  must  be 
aroused  with  a  view  of  going  to  confession,  but  this 
seems  to  be  a.sking  too  much ,  most  theologians  think 
with  Schieler-Heuser  (Tlieory  and  Practice  of  Con- 
fession, p.  11.3)  that  it  is  sufficient  if  the  sorrow  co- 
exist in  any  way  with  the  confession  and  is  referred 
to  it.  Hence  the  precept  of  the  Roman  Ritual, 
"After  the  confessor  has  heard  the  confession  he 
should  try  by  earnest  exhortation  to  move  the  peni- 
tent to  contrition"  (Schieler-Heuser,  op.  cit.,  p.  Ill 
sqq.). 

Perfect  Contrition  Without  the  Sacrament. — 
Regarding  that  contrition  which  has  for  its  motive  the 
love  of  God,  the  Council  of  Trent  declares:  "Tlie 
Council  further  teaches  that,  though  contrition  may 


sometimes  be  made  perfect  by  charity  and  may  recon- 
cile men  to  God  before  the  actual  reception  of  this  sac- 
rament, still  the  reconciliation  is  not  to  be  ascribed  to 
the  contrition  apart  from  the  desire  for  the  sacrament 
which  it  includes."  The  following  proposition  (no. 
32)  taken  from  Baius  was  condemned  by  Gregory 
XIII :  "  That  charity  which  is  the  fullness  of  the  law  is 
not  always  conjoined  with  forgiveness  of  sins."  Per- 
fect contrition,  with  the  desire  of  receiving  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Penance,  restores  the  sinner  to  grace  at  once. 
This  is  certainly  the  unanimous  teaching  of  the  Scho- 
lastic doctors  (Peter  Lombard  in  P.  L.,  CXCII,  885; 
St.  Thomas,  In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  ibid. ;  St.  Bonaventure, 
In  Lib.  Sent.  IV,  ibid.).  This  doctrine  they  derived 
from  Holy  Writ.  Scripture  certainly  ascribes  to 
charity  and  the  love  of  God  the  power  to  take  away 
sin:  "He  that  loveth  me  shall  be  loved  by  My 
Father";  "Many  sins  are  forgiven  her  because  she 
hath  loved  much".  Since  the  act  of  perfect  contri- 
tion implies  necessarily  this  same  love  of  God,  theo- 
logians have  ascribed  to  perfect  contrition  what  Scrip- 
ture teaches  belongs  to  charity.  Nor  is  this  strange, 
for  in  the  Old  Covenant  there  was  some  way  of  recov- 
ering God's  grace  once  man  had  sinned.  God  wills 
not  the  death  of  the  wicked,  but  that  the  wicked  turn 
from  his  way  and  live  (Ezech.,  xxxiii,  11).  This  total 
turning  to  God  corresponds  to  our  idea  of  perfect  con- 
trition; and  if  under  the  Old  Law  love  sufficed  for  the 
pardon  of  the  sinner,  surely  the  coming  of  Christ  and 
the  institution  of  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  cannot 
be  supposed  to  have  increas(>d  the  difficulty  of  obtain- 
ing forgiveness.  That  the  earlier  Fathers  taught  the 
efficacy  of  sorrow  for  the  remission  of  sins  is  very  clear 
(Clement  in  P.  G.,  I,  .341  sqq.;  Hermas  in  P.  G.,  II, 
894  sqq.;  Chrysostom  in  P.  G.,  XLIX,  285  sqq.),  and 
this  is  particularly  noticeable  in  all  the  commentaries 
on  Luke,  vii,  47.  The  Venerable  Bede  writes  (P.  L., 
XCII,  425):  "What  is  love  but  fire;  what  is  sin  but 
rust  ?  Hence  it  is  said,  many  sins  are  forgiven  her  be- 
cause she  hath  loved  much,  as  though  to  say,  she  hath 
burned  away  entirely  the  rust  of  sin,  because  she  is 
inflamed  w^th  the  fire  of  love."  Theologians  have 
inquired  with  much  learning  as  to  the  kind  of  love  that 
justifies  without  the  Sacrament  of  Penance.  All  are 
agreed  that  pure,  or  disinterested,  love  (amor  bene- 
rolentia:,  amor  amicilia:)  suffices;  when  there  is  ques- 
tion of  interested,  or  selfish,  love  (amor  concupLscentia:) 
theologians  hold  that  purely  selfish  love  is  not  suffi- 
cient. WTien  one  furthennore  asks  what  must  be  the 
formal  motive  in  perfect  love,  there  seems  to  be  no 
real  unanimity  among  the  doctors.  Some  say  that 
where  there  is  perfect  love  God  is  loved  for  His  great 
goodness  alone;  others,  basing  their  contention  on 
Scripture,  think  that  the  love  of  gratitude  (amor  grati- 
tudinis)  is  quite  sufficient,  because  God's  benevolence 
and  love  towards  men  are  intimately  united,  nay,  in- 
separable from  His  Di\'ine  perfections  (Hurter,  Theol. 
Dog.,  Tliesis  cc.xlv,  Scholion  iii,  no.  3;  Schieler-Heuser, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  77  sq.). 

Obligation  of  Eliciting  the  Act  of  Contrition. 
— In  the  very  nature  of  things  the  sinner  must  repent 
before  he  can  be  reconciled  with  God  (Sess.  XIV, 
ch.  iv,  de  C'ontritione,  Fuit  quovis  tempore,  etc.). 
Therefore  he  who  has  fallen  into  grievous  sin  must 
either  make  an  act  of  perfect  contrition  or  supple- 
ment the  imperfect  contrition  by  receiving  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Penance;  otherwise  reconciliation  with  God 
is  imjjossible.  This  obligation  urges  under  pain  of 
sin  when  there  is  danger  of  death.  In  danger  of 
death,  therefore,  if  a  priest  be  not  at  hand  to  adminis- 
ter the  sacrament,  the  sinner  must  make  an  effort  to 
elicit  an  act  of  perfect  contrition.  Tlie  obligation  of 
perfect  contrition  is  also  tirgent  whensoever  one  has 
to  exercise  some  act  for  which  a  state  of  grace  is  neces- 
sary and  the  .Sacrament  of  Penance  is  not  accessible. 
Tlieologians  have  questioned  how  long  a  man  may  re- 
main in  the  state  of  sin,  without  making  an  effort  to 


CONTUMACY 


340 


CONVENT 


elicit  an  act  of  perfect  contrition.  They  seem  agreed 
that  sixh  neglect  must  have  extended  over  consider- 
able time,  but  what  constitutes  a  cdiisidcnible  time 
they  find  it  hard  to  determine  (Srhiiici-llnisir,  op. 
cit.,  pp.  83  sqq.).  Probably  the  rub'  nf  Si.  Alphon- 
sus  Liguori  will  aid  the  solution:  "The  tluty  of  mak- 
ing an  act  of  contrition  is  urgent  when  one  is  obliged 
to  make  an  act  of  love"  (Sabetti,  Theologia  Moralis: 
de  necess.  contritionis,  no.  731;  Ballerini,  Opus  Mor- 
ale:  de  contritione). 

Christian  Pesch,  PrfFjcctimirs  DoqmaticcE  (Freiburg,  1897), 
VII ;  Hunter.  Outlinn  rf  Donmnlir  Tlunlogy  (New  York,  1S96) ; 
St.  Tho.m.\s,  In  Sail.  IV.  ,li-t.  xvii.  '.I  ii.  a  1,  sol.  1;  SuAREZ, 
DePiznUenM,  dis|i.  i\  ,  -i-.-\  ni  .1,  2;  Hki.larmine.  De  Contro- 
versiis,  Bk.  II,  De  swrnin,  iiin  p.i  nd' utifje;  S.vlmanticenses, 
Cursus  Theologicus:  ,le  pa'Hiltidia  (Paris.  1S83),  XX;  De- 
NiFLE,  Lulher  und  Luthertum  in  der  erslen  Entwicklung  (Mainz, 
1906),  I,  229  sqq..  11,454,  517,  618  sq.;  Collet  in  Migne, 
Theologia  Cursus  Complctus  (Paris,  1840),  XXII;  Pal.miehi, 
De  Pcenilentid  (Rome,  1879;  Prato.  1896);  Petavius.  Dogmata 
Theologica:  de ptenitentid  (Paris.  1867). 

Edward  J.  Hanna. 

Contumacy  (in  Canon  Law),  or  contempt  of  court, 
is  an  ob.stinate  disobedience  of  the  lawful  orders  of  a 
court.  Simjile  disobedience  does  not  constitute  con- 
tumacy. Such  crime  springs  only  from  unequivo- 
cal and  stubborn  resistance  to  the  reiterated  or  per- 
emptory orders  of  a  legitimate  court,  and  implies 
contempt  or  denial  of  its  authority.  The  general  law 
of  the  Church  demands  that  the  citation,  or  order  to 
appear,  be  repeated  three  times  (in  the  United  States 
twice)  before  proceedings  declaratory  of  contumacy 
take  place.  A  peremptory  citation,  stating  that  the 
one  replaces  the  three,  satisfies  the  law.  Contumacy 
may  arise  not  only  from  disobedience  to  the  citation 
proper,  but  also  from  contempt  of  any  order  of  a  law- 
ful court.  Contimiacy  is  commonly  divided  into  true 
and  presumptive.  True  contumacy  takes  place  when 
it  is  certain  that  the  citation  was  served,  and  the  de- 
fendant without  just  cause  fails  to  obey  the  terms  of 
such  citation.  Presumptive  contumacy  occurs  when 
there  is  a  strong  presumption,  though  it  is  not  certain, 
that  the  citation  was  served.  The  law  holds  this  pre- 
sumption equivalent  to  a  moral  certitude  of  service  of 
citation.  The  defendant  becomes  guilty  of  contu- 
macy if,  when  lawfully  cited,  he  fails  to  appear  before 
the  j  udge,  or  if  he  secludes  himself,  or  in  any  way  pre- 
vents the  service  of  citation.  The  plaintiff  incurs  the 
guilt  of  contumacy  by  failure  to  appear  before  the 
court  at  the  specified  time.  And  the  defendant  or 
plaintiff  may  be  proceeded  against  on  the  charge  of 
contempt,  if  either  rashly  withdraws  from  the  trial,  or 
disobeys  a  special  precept  of  the  judge,  or  refuses 
to  answer  the  charges  of  the  other  party.  A  wit- 
ness becomes  guilty  of  contimiacy  by  disobeying  the 
summons  or  by  refusal  to  testify  in  the  cause  at  issue. 

All  causes  excusing  appearance  in  court  exempt 
from  contempt  of  court.  The  following,  among 
others,  produce  such  effects:  (1)  ill-health;  (2)  ab- 
sence on  public  affairs;  (3)  summons  to  a  higher 
court;  (4)  inclement  weather;  (5)  unsafety  of  place 
to  which  cited.  These  and  like  causes,  if  known  to 
the  judge,  render  null  and  void  any  sentence  pro- 
nounced by  hLni  in  such  circumstances.  But  if  they 
be  unknown  to  the  judge  at  the  time  of  sentence,  the 
condemned,  on  motion,  must  be  reinstated  in  the  posi- 
tion held  by  him  prior  to  the  sentence.  Contumacy 
should  never  be  held  equivalent  to  a  juridical  confes- 
sion of  guilt.  It  cannot  therefore  dispense  with  the 
trial,  but  only  makes  it  lawful  to  proceed  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  party  guilt}'  of  contumacy  as  though  he 
were  present  (Third  Plenary  Covmcil  ofHaltimore,  no. 
313).  Contempt  of  court,  being  an  act  of  resistance  to 
legitimate  authority,  is  a  crime,  and  therefore  punish- 
able. The  chief  penalties  are:  (1)  The  trial  proceeds 
in  the  absciiee  of  t  he  contumacious  per.son,  and  presum- 
ably to  his  detriment ;  (2)  presiimption  of  guilt,  b>it  not 
sufficient  for  conviction ;  (:})  a  pecuniary  fine  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  judge;  (4)  suspension;  (5)  excommuni- 


cation may  be  inflicted,  and  if  the  contumacious  party 
be  not  absolved  within  one  year  he  may  be  proceeded 
against  as  suspected  of  heresy  (Council  of  Trent.  Sess. 
XXV,  ch.  iii  de  Ref.);  (6)  loss  of  the  right  of  appeal 
from  a  definitive  sentence,  in  all  cases  of  true  con- 
tumacy. Presumptive  contumacy  does  not  carry  this 
penalty.  Before  inflicting  penalties  the  guilt  of  con- 
tumacy must  be  established  by  legal  proof.  The  ac- 
cused must  be  cited  to  answer  the  charge  of  con- 
tumacy, which  must  be  prosecuted  according  to  the 
procedure  established  and  laid  down  in  the  law. 

Santi-Leitner,  Prcehctiones  Juris  Caylonici  (New  York, 
1905);  Smith,  Ecclesiastical  Trials  (New  York,  IS87),  II,  \Olfy- 
1025;  Baart,  Legal  Formulary  (New  York,  1898),  324-330; 
Ferharis.  Projnpta  Bibliotheca,  s.  v.;  Andre-Wagner,  Diet, 
de  droit  can.  (3rd  ed.,  Paris,  1901),  I,  563;  Tadnton,  The  Law 
of  the  Church  (London,  1906),  s.  v. 

James  H.  Driscoll. 

Contzen,  Ad.vm,  economist  and  exegete,  b.  in  1573 
(according  to  Sommervogel  in  1575),  at  Montjoie  in 
the  Duchy  of  Julieh,  which  is  now  part  of  the  Rhine 
Province  of  Prussia;  d.  19  June,  1635,  at  Mimich. 
He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Trier  in  1595,  was 
professor  of  philosophy  in  the  University  of  Wiirzburg 
in  1606,  and  was  transferred  to  the  University  of 
Mainz  in  1610,  where  he  occupied  the  chair  of  Holy 
Scripture  for  more  than  ten  years.  He  had  a  share  in 
the  organization  of  the  University  of  Molsheim,  in 
Alsace,  of  which  he  was  chancellor  in  1622-23.  Cont- 
zen was  a  learned  and  versatile  writer  in  theological 
controversy,  in  political  economy,  and  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  Scriptures.  He  defended  the  contro- 
versial works  of  Cardinal  Bellarniine  against  the  at- 
tacks of  Professor  Parens  of  Ileidilbcig.  and  when  the 
lattersought  to  unite  the  Calviuists  and  the  Lutherans 
against  the  Catholics,  Contzen  demonstrated  the 
impractical  nature  of  the  project  in  his  work,  "De 
unione  et  synodo  Evangelicorum",  and  showed  the 
only  way  of  restoring  peace  to  the  German  nation  in  his 
important  work,  "De  Pace  Germanise  libri  duo,  prior 
de  falsa,  alter  de  vera"  (Mainz,  1616).  This  work 
was  twice  reprinted  at  Cologne,  in  1642  and  in  1685. 
His  ideas  on  the  restoration  of  peace  were  further  de- 
veloped in  the  works  occasioned  by  the  centenary  of 
the  Reformation,  one  of  which,  "  Jubilum  Jubilorum'" 
was  published  (1618)  in  Latin  and  in  German.  His 
most  interesting  work,  which  marks  him  as  a  thinker 
in  advance  of  his  age,  "  Politicorum  lib.  X",  was  pub- 
lished at  Mainz  in  1621  and  1629.  The  book  has  been 
called  an  "  Anti-Macchiavelli"  because  the  author  de- 
scribes the  rvder  of  a  Christian  commonwealth  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  principles  of  Revelation.  In  the 
questions  of  political  and  national  economy  which  he 
discusses  he  advocates  a  reform  of  taxation,  the  free- 
ing of  the  soil  from  excessive  burdens,  state  ownership 
of  certain  industries  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  indi- 
rect taxation  of  objects  of  luxury,  a  combination  of 
the  protective  system  with  free-trade,  and  state  aid 
for  popular  associations.  The  Elector  Maximilian  of 
Bavaria  w.as  so  impressed  by  the  ability  shown  in  this 
work  that  he  chose  Contzen  for  his  confessor.  During 
his  residence  in  Mimich,  which  began  in  1623,  he  com- 
pleted and  published  his  commentaries  on  the  Four 
Gospels,  and  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Ro- 
mans, the  Corinthians,  and  the  Galatians.  He  also 
WTOte  a  political  novel,  "Methodus  doctrinse  civilis, 
sen  .\bissini  Regis  Historia",  in  which  he  show-ed  the 
practical  working  of  his  political  theories. 

Brischar,  p.  .Adam  Contzen,  ein  Irrniker  und  National' 
iikonom  des  n.  Jahrhunderts  (WUrzbure.  1879);  I^ommervogei, 
Bibliothique  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II,  s.  v.;  Streber  in  Kirchenlex., 
B.  V.  B.    GULDNER. 

Convent  (Lat.  ccm'enius)  originally  signified  an  as- 
sembly of  Roman  citizens  in  the  provinces  for  pu^ 
poses  of  administration  and  justice.  In  the  historj 
of  monasticism  the  word  has  two  distinct  technita 
meanings:    (1)  A  religious  community  of  either  sea 


CONVENT 


341 


CONVENT 


\\\n-n  spokoii  of  in  its  corporate  capacity.     The  word 
v:is  first  used  in  this  sense  when  tlie  eremitical  life 
I .'  i;,iii  to  lie  conitiined  with  the  cenol)itical.     Tlie  her- 
mits  of   an    Ivisti-rn   laura.    living   in   separate   cells 
uroiiped  around  that  of  their  common  superior,  when 
>[ioken  of  collectively,  were  called  a  conventua.     In 
\\  cstern  monasticism"  the  term  came  into  general  use 
from  the  very  beginning,  and  the   technical  phrase 
ii'iluix  el  conventus  signifies  to  this  day  the  entire  com- 
uiiiuity  of  a  monastic  establishment.     (2)  The  build- 
inns  in  wliich  resides  a  community  of  either  sex.     In 
this  sense  the  word  denotes  more  properly  the  home 
( 'i  :i  strictly  monastic  order,  and  is  not  correctly  used 
!  i  designate  the  home  of  what  is  called  a  "congrega- 
tion''.    In  addition  to  these  technical  meanings,  the 
winl  has  also  a  popular  signification  at  the  present 
il:i.\-,  by  which  it  is  made  to  mean  in  particular  the 
:riHHle"of  female  religious,  just  as  "monastery"  de- 
11'  itcs  that  of  men,  though  in  reality  the  two  words  are 
■   tot-changeable.     In  the  present  article  the  word  is 
'.rn  chiefly  in  its  popular  sense.     The  treatment, 
roover,  is  limited  to  those  features  which  are  com- 
i  I  oil  to  all,  or  nearly  all,  convents,  while  peculiarities 
line  to  the  special  purpose,  rule,  or  occupation  of  each 
r  liyious  order  are  explained  in  the  pertinent  article. 
<  ONVENT  Life. — The  life  lived  by  the  inmates  of  a 
i\ent  nattirally  varies  in  its  details,  according  to 
particular  object  for  which  it  has  been  founded, 
■     tlie  special  circumstances -of  time  and  place  by 
wliich  it  is  affected.     Convents  are  often  roughly  di- 
•\iili-d  into  two  classes,  strictly  enclosed  and  unen- 
closed, but  with  regard  to  the  convents  existing  at 
ilio  present  day  this  division,  though  correct  as  far  as 
it  Ltoes,  is  not  a  very  satisfactorj'  one,  because  both 
rlisses  are  capable  of  subdivision,  and,  on  account  of 
iIh-  varied  kinds  of  work  undertaken  by   the   nuns, 
t  liise  subdivisions  overlap  one  another.     Thus,  of  the 
'■Mtly  enclosed  communities,  some  are  purely  con- 
1  Illative,   others  maizily  active   (i.   e.   engaged  in 
loiitionnl  or  rescue  work),  while  others  again  com- 
,:ir  the  two.     Similarly,  of  the  unenclosed  orders, 
some  are  purely  active  (i.  e.  undertaking  educational, 
I  imchial,  hospital,  or  other  work),  and  others  unite 
iiio  contemplative  with  the  active  life,  without,  how- 
r,  being  strictly  enclosed.     As  a  general  deduction 
nay  be  stated  that  the  contemplative  life,  in  which 
men  were  actuated  by  a  desire  to  save  their  own 
lis  and  the  souls  of  others  by  their  lives  of  prayer, 
liision,  and  mortification,  was  the  idea  of  the  older 
i  rs,  while  the  distinctive  note  of  the  more  modern 
urcgations  is  that  of  active  work  amongst  others 
I  the  relief  of  their  bodily  wants. 
With  regard  to  the  educational  work  of  the  con- 
its,  it  may  here  be  stated  that  this  includes  the 
oiling  of  both  elementary  and  secondary  schools, 
..    A  ell  as  the  training  of  teachers  for  such  schools  and 
higher  education.    The  hospital  and  nursing  work  com- 
prises the  management  of  hospitals,  both  general  and 
for  special  classes  of  patients,  as  well  as  the  nursing  of 
ih  rich  and  poor  in  their  own  homes.     Rescue  work 
'.iidcs  the  conduct  of  penitentiaries,  orphanages, 
.1  homes  for  the  aged  poor.     A  few  convents  make 
special  jirovision  for  the  reception  of  guests,  for  re- 
treats and  other  spiritual  purposes,  and  a  large  propor- 
tion of  then  receive  boarders  at  moderate  charges. 
I  Some,  mostly  of  enclosed  communities,  have  under- 
taken the  work  of  Perpetual  Adoration,  while  others 
devote  themselves  to  ecclesiastical  embroidery  and 
the  making  of  church   vestments.     This   particular 
I  kind  of  work  has  always  been  characteristic  of  Eng- 
lisli  nuns,  whose  cmbroiderj%  known    as    the   opus 
.'liciimtm,  was  famous  in  medieval  times  (Matthew 
lis.  Rolls  ed.,  IV,  an.  1240).     The  ordinary  routine 
iiie  in  a  nunnery  has  always  corresponded  approxi- 
t'ly  with  that  of  a  monasterj'.     The  nun's  day  is 
lied  between  the  choir,  the  workroom,  the  school- 
1,  the  refectory,  the  recreation-room,  the  cell, 


and,  with  the  active  orders,  the  outside  work,  in  peri- 
odical rotation.  Idleness  or  lack  of  occuiiation  is 
never  ijcrmitted.  The  earliest  rules  for  nims,  .as  well 
as  the  most  modern,  all  prescribe  labour  of  some  use- 
ful kind.  The  medieval  nuns  could  always  read  and 
write  Latin,  and  they  also  employed  themselves  in 
transcribing  and  illuminating  sacred  books,  and  in 
many  of  the  fine  arts,  the  cultivation  of  which  they 
consecrated  to  the  service  of  God.  The  convents 
thus  were  always  hc.nes  of  industry,  and  just  as  form- 
erly they  played  no  small  part  in  the  spread  of  civili- 
zation, so  now  they  are  almost  indis])ensable  hand- 
maids to  the  cause  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

Unfounded  C.\lu.mnies. — It  is  not  necessary  here 
to  refute  the  many  base  and  vile  charges  that  have 
from  time  to  time  been  brought  against  the  conven- 
tual system ;  a  mere  general  reference  to  them  is  suffi- 
cient, for  the  evidence  of  the  salutary  work  done  by 
convents  and  the  fruits  of  the  lives  of  the  nuns  are  in 
themselves  ample  refutation.  In  the  past  there  have 
been  "anti-convent"  and  "convent-inspection"  socie- 
ties, as  well  as  the  lectures  of  "escajied  nuns"  and 
literature  in  abundance  of  the  "Maria  Monk"  type, 
and  they  may  be  expected  to  crop  up  again  periodi- 
cally in  the  future.  These  may  and  do  for  a  time 
hamper  the  work  of  the  nims  and  cause  a  certain 
amount  of  disquietude  in  some  quarters,  but  it  is  a 
significant  fact  that,  whatever  excitement  they  may 
raise  for  the  time  being,  the  agitation  always  dies 
down  again  as  suddenly  as  it  arises,  and  its  harmful 
effects  never  appear  to  leave  behind  them  any  lasting 
results,  except  perhaps  an  increased  interest  in,  and 
respect  for,  the  conventual  life  that  has  been  vilified. 
Legislation  .\s  to  Convents. — Canon  law  con- 
tains a  Inrgp  and  important  section  relating  to  the 
estiililishiucnt,  and  government  of  convents.  The 
pri\  ilcoos  of  such  as  are  exempt  from  epi.scopal  juris- 
diction, the  aj)pointment  of  confessors  for  the  nuns, 
and  the  duties  of  the  same,  the  regulations  of  the 
Church  concerning  enclosure,  and  the  admission  and 
testing  of  candidates,  the  nature  and  obligations  of  the 
vows,  the  limits  of  the  powers  of  superiors,  and  the 
conditions  regarding  the  erection  of  new  convents 
are  among  the  many  points  of  detail  legislated  for. 
One  or  two  points  may  be  alluded  to  here.  The  law 
of  the  Church  requires  that  no  new  convent  be  estab- 
lished, whether  it  be  one  that  is  exempt  from  episcopal 
jurisdiction  or  not,  without  the  consent  of  the  bishop 
of  the  diocese;  for  what  is  technically  called  "canoni- 
cal erection"  further  formalities,  including  approba- 
tion from  Rome,  have  to  be  complied  with.  All 
confessors  for  nuns  must  be  specially  approved  by 
the  bishop,  even  those  of  convents  that  are  exempt 
from  his  ordinary  jurisdiction,  and  the  bishop  has  also 
to  provide  that  all  nuns  can  have  access  two  or  three 
timx'S  in  the  year  to  an  "extraordinary"  confessor, 
other  than  their  usual  one.  The  bishop  also  is  obliged 
periodically  to  visit  and  inspect  all  the  convents  in  his 
diocese,  excepting  those  that  are  exempt,  at  the  time 
of  which  visitation  everj'  nun  must  be  free  to  .see  him 
privately  in  order  to  make  any  complaints  or  sugges- 
tions that  she  may  wish.  With  regard  to  the  admis- 
sion of  postulants  the  law  provides  for  every  precau- 
tion being  taken,  on  the  one  hand,  to  prevent  coercion 
and,  on  the  other,  to  safeguard  the  community  from 
being  obliged  to  receive  those  about  whose  vocation 
there  may  be  any  doubt.  Physical  fitness  on  the  part 
of  a  canilidate  is  in  most  orders  an  indispensalile  con- 
dition, though  there  are  some  which  admit  women  of 
delicate  health;  but,  once  admitted  :in<l  profcssetl,  the 
contract  becomes  reciprocal,  and  while  the  nun  tmder- 
takes  to  keep  her  vows,  the  convent,  on  its  side,  is 
boimd  to  provide  her  with  lodging,  food,  and  clothing, 
and  to  maintain  her  in  sickness  or  in  health  (see 
Novitiate;  Vow). 

Do  WIS  V. — With  regard  to  the  dowry  required  of  a 
nun,  the  customs  and  rules  of  the  different  orders  vary 


CONVENTICLE 


342 


CONVENT 


much  according  to  circumstances.  Some  convents, 
on  account  of  their  poverty,  are  obliged  to  insist  upon 
it,  and,  generaUy  speaking,  most  expect  their  members 
to  bring  some  contribution  to  the  general  fund.  A 
convent  that  is  rich  will  often  dispense  with  the  dowry 
in  the  case  of  a  highly  promising  candidate,  but  it 
must  always  depend  upon  particular  circumstances. 
The  mintmimi  amount  of  the  dowry  required  is  gen- 
erally fixed  by  the  rule  or  constitutions  of  the  convent 
or  order. 

Office. — In  most  of  the  older  contemplative  orders 
the  choir  nuns  are  bound  to  recite  the  whole  Divine 
Office  in  choir.  In  only  a  very  few  of  the  English 
convents,  e.  g.  Cistercians,  Dominicans,  and  Poor 
Clares,  do  the  nuns  rise  in  the  night  for  Matins  and 
Lauds;  in  the  others  these  Offices  are  generally  said 
in  the  evening  "  by  anticipation".  In  some  there  are 
other  additional  offices  recited  daily;  thus  the  Cister- 
cians and  Poor  Clares  say  the  Office  of  Our  Lady  and 
that  of  the  Dead  every  day,  and  the  Brigittines  say 
tlie  latter  thrice  in  the  week,  as  well  as  an  Office  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.  Almost  all  the  active  orders,  both 
enclosed  and  unenclosed,  use  the  Office  of  Our  Lady, 
but  some,  like  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  are  not  bound  to 
the  recitation  of  any  Office  at  all. 

Lay  Sisters. — In  most  orders  the  nuns  are  divided 
into  choir  sisters  and  lay  sisters.  The  latter  are  usu- 
ally employed  in  the  household  duties  and  other 
manual  work.  They  take  the  usual  vows  and  are  as 
truly  religious  as  the  choir  nuns,  but  they  are  not 
bound  to  the  choir  Office,  though  they  often  attend  the 
choir  at  the  time  of  Office  and  recite  certain  prayers  in 
the  vernacular.  There  is  always  a  distinction  between 
their  habit  and  that  of  the  choir  nuns,  sometimes  very 
slight  and  sometimes  strongly  marked.  In  some 
orders  where  the  choir  sisters  are  enclosed  the  lay 
sisters  are  not;  but  in  others  they  are  as  strictly  en- 
closed as  the  choir  nuns.  Several  orders  have,  by 
their  rule,  no  lay  sisters,  among  them  being  the 
Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  the 
Sisters  of  Bon  Secours,  the  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor, 
and  the  Poor  Servants  of  the  Mother  of  God. 

Conventual  Buildings. — The  internal  arrange- 
ment of  a  properly  constituted  convent  is,  for  the 
mo.st  part,  similar  to  that  of  a  monastery  for  men 
(see  Abbey  and  Monastery),  but  from  poverty  and 
other  obvious  causes,  many  convents  have  had  to  be 
established  in  already-existing  ordinary  dwelling- 
houses,  which  do  not  always  lend  themselves  to  ideal 
adaptation.  (See  Cloister ;  Dower  of  Religious; 
Nun;  Office;  Schools.) 

Helyot,  Hist,  des  orders  religieux  (Paris,  1792);  Dugdale, 
Monasticon  Anglicanum  (London,  1817-30);  Smith  in  Diet. 
Christ.  Antiq.  (London,  1880),  s.  v.  Nun;  Eckenstein,  Woman 
under  Monasticism  (Cambridge,  1896);  Bateman,  Origin  and 
Early  History  of  Double  Monasteries  in  Transactions  of  Royal 
Historical  Society  (London,  1899),  XIII;  Graham,  St.  Gilbert 
of  Scmpringham  and  the  Gilbertines  (London,  1901):  Steele, 
The  Convents  of  Great  Britain  (London,  1902);  Gasquet,  Eng- 
lish Monastic  Life  (London,  1904);  Mabillon,  Annales  O.  S.  B. 
(Paris,  1703-39);  Dn  Cange,  Glossarium,  ed.  Henschel  (Lon- 
don, 1884),  s.  V.  Conventus. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Conventicle  Act.     See  Penal  Laws. 

Convent  Schools  (Great  Britain). — Convent  ed- 
ucation is  treated  here  not  historically  but  as  it  is  at 
till!  present  day,  and,  by  way  of  introduction,  it  may 
be  briefly  stated  that  the  idea  of  including  the  educa- 
tion of  the  young  amongst  the  occupations  of  a  re- 
ligious community  is  practically  as  old  as  that  of  the 
religious  life  for  women  itself.  From  the  earliest 
liiiiis  it  «:!■<  fustcimitry  in  England  for  children  to  be 
(■duc:iliii  iti  cMinciits,  and  we  know  that  the  nuns  who 
wriit  forth  fruiii  Wimborne  in  the  eighth  century  to 
licl|)  St.  Boniface  in  his  work  of  evaiigrliziiig  Saxony, 
cstalihshed  convent  schools  wherever  they  went,  in 
which  a  very  high  standard  of  scholarship  was  at- 
tained. Stray  remarks  in  Chaucer  and  other  medie- 
val writers  likewise  reveal  the  fact  that  the  English 


convent  schools  of  the  Middle  Ages  compared  favour- 
ably with  schools  for  the  other  sex.  But  all  this  came 
to  an  end  at  the  Reformation,  so  far  as  England  was 
concerned;  and,  .save  for  one  notable  exception,  Eng- 
lish convent  education  had  practically  to  start  afresh 
m  the  nineteenth  century.  The  exception  referred  to 
was  the  Bar  Convent  at  York,  belonging  to  the  Insti- 
tute of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary,  whose  foundress. 
Mary  Ward,  was  the  pioneer  of  religious  congregations 
devoted  to  the  education  of  English  girls.  The  Bar 
Convent  was  established  in  1686,  and  in  spite  of  penal 
laws,  Protestant  persecution,  no-popery  riots,  and 
even,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  the  imprisonment  of 
the  nuns  for  their  faith,  the  work  of  the  convent  has 
continued  from  that  day  to  this,  and  with  its  himdred 
and  eighty  houses  in  different  parts  of  the  English- 
speaking  world,  the  Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.  has  long 
held  a  foremost  place  amongst  the  teaching  orders  of 
the  Church. 

The  opening  of  numerous  convents  in  England  dur- 
ing the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  has  pro- 
duced correspondingly  numerous  convent  schools,  in 
many  of  which,  be  it  noted,  Protestant  as  well  as 
Catholic  girls  (especially  in  day  and  elementary 
schools)  have  been  and  are  still  being  educated.  The 
foundation  of  training  colleges  for  Catholic  teachers, 
the  demand  for  teachers  with  academic  qualifications, 
the  move  in  favour  of  Government  inspection  with 
the  consequent  official  recognition  of  convent  schools, 
and  the  more  recent  advance  in  the  way  of  higher 
education  for  Catholic  women,  have  all  combined  to 
raise  the  standard  of  convent  education;  and  the  lead- 
ing teaching  orders  have  proved  equal  to  the  demand 
made  upon  their  capabilities  and  energy.  The  con- 
vents stand  foremost  in  the  work  they  have  done  for 
religion  and  education,  and  they  have  turned  out 
hundreds  of  girls,  not  only  educated  in  the  highest 
sense  of  the  word  but  also  truly  religious. 

Although  in  its  widest  sense  the  term  "Convent 
Schools"  may  be  taken  to  include  all  those,  of  what- 
ever kind,  in  which  the  w'ork  of  education  is  under- 
taken by  female  religious — such  as  primary  or  ele- 
mentarj'  schools  (whether  mixed  or  for  girls  only), 
reformatory  and  industrial  schools — it  is  only  pro- 
posed in  this  article  to  deal  with  secondary  schools, 
i.  e.  day  or  boarding  schools  for  the  upper  and  middle 
classes,  training  colleges  for  Catholic  schoolmistresses, 
and  colleges  for  the  higher  education  of  women,  these 
being  more  closely  connected  with  convent  life  itself. 

Secondary  Education. — Almost  all  convent  sec- 
ondary schools  are  under  Government  inspection. 
This  gives  them  the  status  of  being  "recognized"  by 
the  Board  of  Education,  regulates  their  course  of 
studies,  and  ensures  unity  of  method  and  efficiency. 
Some  are  also  in  receipt  of  a  State  aid-grant,  which 
places  certain  restrictions  upon  their  methods  of  man- 
agement. Where  no  grant  is  accepted  the  nuns  are 
more  independent  as  regards  the  admission  and 
refusal  of  pupils.  The  aim  of  all  religious  orders 
engaged  in  secondary  education  for  girls  is,  whilst 
making  every  effort  to  keep  abreast  of  modern  require-  | 
ments  with  regard  to  scholastic  efficiency,  to  give  also 
the  additional  advantage  of  a  thorough  religious 
training,  so  that  jiarents  may  have  no  reason  to  fear 
that  by  securing  the  latter  for  their  children  they 
are  sacrificing  the  greater  temporal  advantages  that 
might  be  obtained  at  a  Protestant  school.  The 
system  of  Govermiient  inspection  and  recognition 
by  the  Board  of  Education,  with  or  without  the 
State  aid-grant,  .secures  the  necessary  degree  of  effi- 
ciency, whilst  the  general  character  and  repvitation  of 
the  various  commimities  by  which  the  schools  are 
conducted  sufficiently  guarantees  the  religious  side  of 
their  educational  work.  Government  inspectors  and 
public  examiners  have  fretiuently  testified  to  th 
excellent  moral  tone  and  atmosphere  of  conven 
schools  and  to  the  cordial  relations  existing  betwe 


CONVENT 


343 


CONVENT 


teachers  and  pupils,  no  less  than  to  the  high  teaching 
:ihihty  of  the  nuns  themselves.     The  fact  that  educa- 

I  inn  in  its  truest  sense  means  something  more  than 
lucre  book-learning  is  nowhere  more  fully  realized 
tliuu  in  the  convent  school,  and  results  all  tend  to 
|:rii\-e  that  the  religious  and  moral  training  imparted 
ill  such  establishments  has  in  no  way  acted  as  a  hin- 
.Inmce  to  the  more  technical  side  of  educational  work. 

I I  has  somet  imes  been  said  that  the  standard  of 
-I  holarship  attained  is  not  so  high  in  Catholic  as  in 
non-Catholic  schools  of  the  same  class,  but  however 
1  rue  this  may  have  been  in  the  past,  the  general  level- 
ling up  that  has  taken  place  during  the  last  ten  or 
1 1\  enty  years  has  rendered  the  reproach  an  idle  one 
n>nv.  The  public  examination  lists  of  recent  years 
:i!Ti>rd  ample  proof  that  the  leading  convent  schools 
arc  equal  in  efficiency  to  all  others. 

I'lie  range  of  studies  pursued  in  convent  secondarj- 
schools  is  a  wide  one.  It  includes  religious  knowl- 
'  '  i.^e,  English  in  all  its  branches,  French,  Latin,  math- 
ematics, science,  drawing,  needlework,  class-singing, 
.iiiil  drilling,  while  such  subjects  as  music,  singing, 
I  lancing,  Greek,  German,  Italian,  elocution,  short- 
hand, book-keeping,  dressmaking,  cooking,  etc.,  are 
e.  nerally  taught  as  optional  extras.  Pupils  are  en- 
ti  red  for  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Local  Examina- 
nuis,  the  Higher  Locals,  the  Higher  and  Lower 
I  crtificates  of  the  Oxford  and  Cambridge  Joint  Ex- 
aaiination  Board,  the  Matriculation  Examinations  of 
!lic  London  and  Liverpool  L'niversities,  as  well  as  for 
liaise  of  the  College  of  Preceptors,  the  Incorporated 
Society  of  Musicians,  the  Royal  Academy  of  Music, 
and  the  South  Kensington  .School  of  Art.  School 
li  lildings  and  accommodations  are  of  the  most  up-to- 
ilate  pattern — one  of  the  nece.ssary  conditions  for 
I  ':<  >vernment  recognition.  Physical  development  is 
liriividcd  for  by  means  of  hockey,  croquet,  tennis, 
cycling,  swimming,  and  gymnastics,  according  to  the 
particular  circumstances  of  each  school. 

.Ml  the  leading  educational  communities  make  a 
s|iicial  point  of  having  their  teachers  properly  trained 
ami  fully  qualified.     This  again  is  a  sine  qud  non  for 
oilicial  recognition,  and  the  Order  in  Council  of  1902, 
<   iiu'erning   the   registration   of   secondary   teachers, 
c  fresh  impetus  to  the  work  of  training  teachers 
convent  schools.     The  jirincipal  teaching  orders 
111  their  subjects  usually  to  one  or  other  of  (he  two 
iliolic  training  colleges  for  secondary  teachers  (St. 
ly's  Hall,  Liverpool,  and  Cavendish  Square,  Lon- 
!i),  or  else  have  them  qualify  by  obtaining  one  or 
re  of  the  following:    the  teaching  diploma  of  the 
I  abridge  Teachers'  Training  Syndicate,  the  Oxford 
I'loma  for  teachers,  Women's  Honours  in  Modern 
Languages  (Oxford),  the  Women's  diploma  for  the 
I  ixford  B.  A.  degree,  the  LL..4.  diploma  of  St.  An- 
I  rew's  University,  the  Licentiateship  of  the  College  of 
ecptors,  the  Higher  Certificate  of  the  O.xford  and 
abridge  Joint  Board,  the  Higher  Local  Certificate 
'  l.xford  or  Cambridge,  or  a  degree  at  one  of  the 
:\ersitics  that  grant  degrees  to  women,  e.  g.  Lon- 
a,  Liverpool,  or  Dublin.     Foreign  languages  are  in 
est  cases  taught  by  natives,  and  in  the  teaching  of 
many  of  the  special  siibjcct.s  the  religious  are  assisted 
by  extern  professors  holding  the  highest  qualifications. 
From  the.se  few  facts  it  will  be  evident  that  the  con- 
vent schools  of  England  are  adequately  keeping  pace 
with  the  times  and  that  in  point  of  efficiency  they  are 
in  no  way  behind  non-Catholic  schools  of  the  same 
class,   while  the   facilities   that  have   been   recently 
brought  into  existence  for  the  advanced  education  of 
Catholic  women,  religious  as  well  as  secular,  at  the 
Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  point  to  a  still 
higher  degree  of  efficiency  for  the  future. 

There  are  at  the  present  over  two  hundred  Catholic 
secondarj-  schools  in  England  under  the  care  of  repre- 
sentatives of  about  sixty  different  religious  orders. 
Chief  among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  English 


Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.,  with  six  such  schools,  the 
Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus  (eight  schools),  the 
Faithful  Companions  of  Jesus  (fourteen),  the  Sisters  of 
Notre  Dame  of  Namur  (eighteen),  the  Religious  of  St. 
Andrew  (one),  the  Religious  of  the  Sacred  Heart 
(eight),  the  Sisters  of  Mercy  (eleven),  the  Servites 
(three),  and  the  Crsulines  of  different;  congregations 
(twenty-three).  Some  of  the  best  known  and  most 
successful  of  these  schools  are  those  at  York  and 
Cambridge  (Inst,  of  B.  V.  M.);  Mayfield,  St.  Leon- 
ard's, Preston,  Harrogate,  and  Cavendish  Square, 
London  (Si.stcrs  of  the  Holy  Child  Je.sus);  Isleworth, 
Liverjiool,  Birkenhead,  and  Clarendon  Square,  Lon- 
don (Faithful  Companions) ;  Liverpool  (Mount  Pleas- 
ant), Northampton,  and  Norwich  (Notre  Dame); 
Streatham  (St.  Andrew's);  Stamford  Hill  (Servites); 
and  St.  Ursula's,  Oxford.  Many  of  these  secondary 
schools  have  attached  to  them  pupil  teachers'  cen- 
tres, where  valuable  preliminary  work  in  the  training 
of  elementarj'  schoolmistresses  is  done,  and  many  of 
them  serve  also  as  "practising  schools"  in  which  the 
students  of  Catholic  and  other  training  colleges  giv! 
their  model  lessons  in  the  presence  of  their  instructors 
and  the  Government  inspectors.  The  pass  and  hon- 
ours lists  of  the  various  [lublic  examinations  in  recent 
years  show  a  very  high  percentage  of  candidates  from 
the  convent  schools  and  prove  conclusively  that  as  far 
as  results  go  they  are  fully  equal  to  the  best  secondary 
schools  under  non-Catholic  management. 

Tr.\ining  Colleges. — The  training  colleges  are  of 
two  kinds — those  for  the  training  of  primary  or  ele- 
mentary schoolmistresses,  and  those  for  teachers  in 
secondary  schools.  Both  kinds  are  under  the  care  of 
the  religious  orders.  All  the  Catholic  training  col- 
leges are  recognized  by  Government,  and  in  those  for 
primary  teachers  the  students  whose  expenses  are 
assisted  by  a  Government  grant  are  known  as  "  King's 
Scholars",  their  selection  as  such  being  dependent 
upon  a  competitive  examination  under  Govermnent 
auspices.  There  are  si.x  recognized  training  colleges 
for  [primary  teachers.  Mount  Pleasant,  Liverpool  (un- 
der the  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame) ;  St.  Charles'  Square, 
London,  and  Newcastle-on-Tjme  (Religious  of  the 
Sacred  Heart);  Southampton  (Nuns  of  La  Sainte 
Union);  Salford  (Faithful  Companions);  and  Hull 
(Sisters  of  Mercy).  In  all  of  these  the  Government 
syllabus  is  followed  and  the  Board  of  Education  certi- 
ficate is  granted  after  two  years'  successful  teaching 
in  one  school,  subsequent  to  the  completion  of  the 
course  at  the  college.  An  important  part  of  the 
training  consists  in  the  "criticism  lessons",  which  are 
given  by  the  students  in  some  secondary  school  con- 
nectetl  with  the  training  college  under  the  direction 
of  the  "Mistress  of  Method",  and  which  are  criticized 
then  and  there  by  her  as  well  as  by  the  other  students 
in  turn.  The  best  known  and  largest  of  these  training 
colleges,  which  was  also  the  first  to  be  estalilished,  is 
that  of  Mount  Pleasant,  Liverpool,  under  the  Sisters 
of  Notre  Dame  of  Namur.  It  was  opened  in  1S.56  with 
twenty-one  students  and  now  numbers  one  hundred 
and  sixty  King's  Scholars.  It  has  been  (190.5)  officially 
affiliated  to  the  Liverpool  University  and  a  limited 
number  of  its  students  are  allowed  to  follow  the  arts 
or  science  degree  course  of  the  university  afterthe  u.sual 
two  years'  Government  covirse  has  been  completed. 
The  whole  of  the  jireliniinary  and  certain  subjects  of 
the  intermediate  coiirse  can  be  done  at  Moinit  Plea.sant 
under  the  sisters,  which  reduces  the  time  of  residence 
required  for  obtaining  the  degree.  .Vlthough  this  Ls 
quite  an  innovation,  it  speaks  well  for  the  college  that 
five  out  of  the  first  six  sent  in  obtained  the  B.  A. 
degree  in  the  minimum  period  of  time. 

The  training  colleges  for  secondary  teachers  are  St. 
Mary's  Hall,  Liverpool,  attached  to  Notre  Dame, 
Mount  Pleasant,  and  established  in  189S;  and  Caven- 
dish Square,  London,  under  the  Sisters  of  the  Holy 
Child  Jesus,  opened  in  1805.     Both  of  these  are  recog- 


CONVENTUALS 


344 


CONVENTUALS 


used  by  the  Board  of  Education  as  well  as  by  the 
Teachers  Syndicate  of  the  Cambridge  University;  and 
the  teachers'  diploma  of  that  university,  necessaiy 
for  "registration",  is  granted  to  successful  students  at 
the  end  of  the  course.  Many  of  the  other  teaching 
orders  send  their  subjects  to  these  colleges,  where 
while  following  the  usual  course  with  otlier  students, 
special  arrangements  are  made  for  them  to  carry  out 
the  duties  of  their  religious  life  and  to  follow  their  own 
rule  as  far  as  possible.  The  theoretical  studies  in- 
clude history  and  methods  of  education,  logic,  psy- 
chology, ethics,  school  management,  and  hygiene, 
tested  by  a  written  examination;  and  the  practical 
work,  taken  in  the  secondary  schools  attached  to 
the  two  colleges,  is  awarded  the  diploma  after  one 
year's  practice  and  a  test  lesson  given  before  a  Gov- 
ernment inspector.  The  syllabus  of  the  Cambridge 
Syndicate  is  followed  in  all  subjects  except  philosophy, 
for  which  a  course  of  Catholic  philosophy  is  allowed  to 
be  substituted. 

Hitherto  only  Catholic  students  have  been  admitted 
to  the.se  colleges,  but  regulations  issued  by  the  Board 
of  Education  (which  came  into  force  September, 
1908)  require  that  no  qualified  student  applying  for 
admission  may  be  rejected,  if  there  is  room,  on  the 
score  of  religion.  The  Catholic  hierarchy  have  pro- 
tested against  this  and  memorialized  the  prime  minis- 
ter, but  the  authorities  adhere  to  their  decision  and 
rule  that  no  training  college  failing  to  comply  with 
these  regulations  will  in  future  be  recognized.  The 
Catholic  training  colleges  had  therefore  to  face  the 
alternative  of  the  introduction  of  non-Catholic  stu- 
dents to  the  exclusion  of  Catholics,  where  numbers 
are  limited,  or  serious  monetary  loss  through  the  with- 
drawal of  the  State-aided  King's  Scholars. 

Higher  Education  fob  Women. — The  higher  edu- 
cation of  women,  in  connexion  with  convents,  is 
hardly  out  of  the  experimental  stage.  The  university 
class  in  the  Notre  Dame  Training  College  and  its  affili- 
ation to  the  Liverpool  University  have  already  been 
mentioned.  Up  to  1895  Catholics  were  prohibited 
(by  ecclesiastical  authority)  from  entering  the  older 
residential  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  and 
the  removal  in  that  year  of  the  prohibition  favoured 
men  only. _  Women  had  to  wait  still  longer;  but  this 
restriction~was  taken  away  in  June  1907,  by  a  decree 
from  Rome,  which  sanctions  under  certain  conditions 
the  opening  of  houses  for  women,  both  secular  and 
religious,  at  O.xford  and  Cambridge,  to  enable  them 
to  secure  the  advantages  of  a  university  education. 
The  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus  were  the  first  com- 
munity to  avail  themselves  of  this  concession.  They 
have  opened  a  convent  at  Oxford,  recognized  and 
licensed  by  the  University  authorities,  where  twenty 
secular  students  and  an  unlimited  number  of  religious 
may  reside  whilst  following  the  university  course. 
St.  Ursula's  Convent,  also  at  Oxford,  likewise  receives 
ladies  and  religious  desirous  of  reading  for  honours  in 
modern  languages  or  for  the  B.  A.  degree  examina- 
tion, which  they  may  do  either  by  attending  the  uni- 
versity lectures,  or  by  means  of  private  tuition  in  the 
convent  itself.  Women  are  not  eligible  for  degrees, 
either  at  Ox-ford  or  at  Cambridge,  but  they  are  al- 
lowed to  attend  almost  all  the  imiversity  lectures  and 
to  sit  for  the  degree  examinations,  receiving  if  success- 
ful a  diploma  instead  of  the  degree  itself.  It  is  pro- 
posed to  establish  at  Cambridge  a  college  for  Cutliolic 
women,  .similar  to  tho.se  of  Newnham  and  dirt  on. 
wliic^h  will  probably,  in  accordance  with  the  desires  of 
Propaganda,  be  placed  under  the  charge  of  one  of  the 
princijial  teaching  orders.  A  committee  to  carry  out 
the  proj(!ct  has  the  Archbishop  of  Westminster  at  its 
head. 

Secondary  Education  in  Ireland  and  Scot- 
land.— The  convent  schools  of  Ireland  and  Scotland 
compare  favourably  with  those  of  Flngland,  and  their 
general  character,  scope,  and  conditions  being  prac- 


tically similar,  they  need  no  further  description  here. 
There  are  in  Scotland  about  ten  different  orders  en- 
gaged in  secondary  education,  with  upwards  of  twenty 
schools  under  their  care,  besides  two  training  colleges 
— one  at  Glasgow  for  primary  teachers,  under  the 
Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  and  the  other  at  Edinburgh 
for  secondary  teachers,  conducted  by  the  Sisters  of 
Mercy.  In  Ireland  the  chief  teaching  orders  are  the 
Institute  of  the  B.  V.  M.  (with  thirteen  convent 
schools),  the  Faithful  Companions  of  Jesus  (with 
three  schools),  the  Dominicans,  Ursulines,  and  the  St. 
Louis  Nuns,  each  with  several  prominent  secondary 
schools.  The  equivalent  in  Ireland  of  recognition 
and  inspection  by  the  Board  of  Education  is  the  "In- 
termediate System",  introduced  in  1878,  which  pro- 
duces practically  the  same  results  and  has  been 
adopted  by  most  of  the  religious  in.stitutes  engaged  in 
secondary  education.  This  system  arranges  examina- 
tions and  awards  medals,  money  prizes,  and  e.xhibi- 
tions.  Catholic  girls  wishing  to  pursue  a  higher  course 
after  completing  that  of  the  Intermediate  System, 
have  had  to  take  the  examinations  and  degrees  of  the 
"Royal  University  of  Ireland."  To  meet  the  de- 
mand several  orders  have  colleges  under  their  care  in 
Dublin,  the  most  prominent  and  successful  being 
Loreto  College,  -belonging  to  the  Institute  of  the 
B.  V.  M.,  and  the  Dominican  College.  The  Irish  edu- 
cational authorities  do  not  insist  on  the  formal  train- 
ing of  secondary  teachers;  consequently  each  religious 
institute  is  responsible  for  the  training  of  its  own 
members.  The  results,  however,  of  their  work  prove 
that  this  is  no  less  thorough  and  efficient  than  that 
obtainable  at  one  of  the  recognized  English  training 
colleges. 

There  is  very  little  published  liter.iture  on  this  subject,  but 
scattered  information  can  be  had  in  Eckensteii^,  Woman 
under  Monasticism  (Cambridge.  1S96),  for  the  educational  woric 
of  medieval  convents,  and  Steele,  The  Convents  of  Great 
Britain  (London,  1902),  for  particulars  as  to  the  teaching  orders 
of  the  present  day.  Some  infoniijitifni  may  also  be  found  in 
various  articles  in  The  ';,.,.''.  .itxt.ril.  quarterly.  1905-08) 
and  in  the  Catholic  Dirr,-!..  I  i  ;,  I'.IOS).  The  foregoing 
article  has  been  compilei!  i     i  ■■  ;:ipublished  information 

supplied  by  the  superiors  ul  du:  ijiui-  ip:d  teaching  orders  work- 
ing in  England. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Conventuals,  Order  of  Friars  Minor. — This  is 
one  of  the  three  separate  bodies,  forming  with  the 
Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins  what  is  commonly 
called  the  First  Order  of  St.  Francis.  All  three  bodies 
to-day  follow  the  rule  of  the  Friars  Minor,  but  whereas 
the  Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins  profess  this  rule 
pure  and  simple,  differing  only  accidentally  in  their 
particular  constitutions,  the  Conventuals  observe  it 
with  certain  dispen.<:ations  lawfully  accorded. 

There  has  been  some  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  name  "Conventual".  Innocent  IV  de- 
creed (Bull  "Cum  tamquam  veri",  5  April,  1250) 
that  Franciscan  churches  where  convents  existed 
might  be  called  Conventual  churches,  and  some  have 
maintained  that  the  name  "Conventual"  w-as  .first 
given  to  the  religious  residing  in  such  convents. 
Others,  however,  assert  that  the  word  Convcniualis 
was  used  to  distinguish  the  inmates  of  large  convents 
from  those  who  lived  more  after  the  manner  of  her- 
mits. In  any  event  it  seems  safe  to  assert  that  the 
term  Conventual  was  not  used  to  signify  a  distinct 
section  of  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  in  any  official 
dofumont  prior  to  1431.  Since  that  time,  and  more 
especially  since  1517,  this  term  has  been  employed  ' 
to  ilesignate  that  branch  of  tlie  Franciscan  Order 
which  has  accepted  dispen.sations  from  the  substan- 
tial observance  of  the  rule  in  regard  to  poverty.  It 
may  be  noted,  however,  that  the  name  "Conventual" 
hiis  not  been  restricted  to  the  Franciscan  Order. 
Thus  the  statutes  of  the  Cainaldolose  approved  by 
Leo  X  distinguish  between  the  Conventuals  and 
the  Observants  in  thtit  ortler,  and  St.  Pius  V  (Bull 
"Superioribusmcnsibus",  10  April,  1507)  says:  "That 


CONVENTUALS 


345 


CONVENTUALS 


1  hicli  wp  have  decreed  for  the  Conventuals  of  the 
I  ir.lrr  of  8t.  Francis  >vc  decree  likewise  for  the  Con- 
\    iiluals  (if  other  orders". 

Altlunigh  all  the  religious  professing  the  rule  of  the 
Iriars  Minor  continued  to  form  one  body  under  the 
^  lino  head  for  over  three  hundred  years  (1209-10  to 
I'll?),  it  is  well  known  that  even  during  the  lifetime 
(if  St.  Francis  a  division  had  shown  itself  in  the  ranks 
.  I  ilie  friars,  some  favouring  a  relaxation  in  the  rigour 
nf  the  rule,  especially  as  regards  the  observance  of 
I'lverty,  and  others  "desiring  to  adliere  to  its  literal 
-irictness.  The  tendency  towards  relaxation  became 
iMore  marked  after  the  death  of  the  Seraphic  founder 
rj-*ii),  and  was  encouraged  by  his  successor.  Brother 
I  li:is.  The  latter,  a  man  of  great  abihty,  but  whose 
f  lii;ious  ideals  differed  vastly  from  those  of  St.  Fran- 
n-^.  c-ven  oppressed  such  as  opposed  liLs  views.  The 
!i  iii;  and  deplorable  controversy  which  followed — a 
c  niitroversy  which  called  forth  a  mass  of  remarkable 
XV  litings  and  even  affected  imperial  politics — resulted 
III  I  wo  parties  beingformed  within  theorder,  theZelanti, 
'■'■  1m  I  were  zealous  for  the  strict  observance  of  the  rule 

I  who  were  afterwards  named  Observants,  and  the 
•  s  de  communiUite  who  had  adopted  certain  miti- 

lons  and  who  gradually  came  to  be  called  Con- 
\'  i.inals.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  a  cleavage  had  been 
uridually  developing  between  these  two  branches 
til iin  at  least  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  it 
\Mis  only  in  1415  at  the  Couhcil  of  Constance  that 
tin-  Church  authoritatively  recognized  this  divi.sion 
in  tlie  order.  Hence  the  Holy  See  decreed  that  all 
th-  friars  who  died  before  that  council  may  not  be 
triaicd  either  Ob.servants  or  Conventuals,  but  simply 
1  liars  Minor  (see  Decrees  of  25  Sept.,  1723;  11  Dec, 
17j:-l;  and  26  Feb.,  1737).  Notwithstanding  this 
.li\  ision  of  the  order  formally  sanctioned  in  1415  by 
till-  Coimcil  of  Constance,  both  Observants  and  Con- 
\  I  iituals  continued  to  form  one  body  under  the  same 
hrail  until  1517. 

1 II  the  latter  year  Leo  X  called  a  general  chapter  of 

':■  whole  order  at  Rome,  with  a  view  to  effecting  a 

iplcte  reunion  between  the  Observants  and  Con- 

I I  uals.    The  former  acceded  to  the  wish  of  the  sove- 
mi    pontiff   but   requested   permission  to  observe 

uh-  rule  without  any  dispensation;  the  latter  declared 
I'l 'y  did  not  wish  for  the  union  if  it  entailed  their  re- 
iiicing  the  dis|3ensations  they  had  received  from  the 
'\-  See.  Leo  X  thereupon  incorporated  with  the 
-  Tvants  (Bull  "Ite  et  vos  in  vineani  meam",  29 
•.  1517)  all  the  Franciscan  friars  who  wished  to  ob- 
e  the  rule  without  dispensation,  abolishing  the 

■  rent  denominations  of  Clareni,  Colletani,  etc.;  he 
ii-ed  that  the  members  of  the  great  family  thus 
led  should  be  called  simply  Friars  Minor  of  St. 
1  iicis,  or  Friars  Minor  of  the  Regular  Observance, 
I  should  have  precedence  over  the  Conventiuiis; 

moreover  conferred  upon  them  the  right  of 
ting  the  .minister  general,  who  was  to  bear  the 
of  .Minister  General  of  the  Whole  Order  of  Friars 
or,  and  to  have  the  exclusive  u.se  of  the  ancient 
1  of  the  order  as  the  legitimate  successor  of  St. 
ncis.  On  the  other  hand,  those  w-ho  continued  to 
under  dispensations  were  constituted  a  separate 
\y  with  the  name  of  Conventuals  (Bulls  "Omni- 
•  rLs  Deus",  12  June,  1517,  and  "Licet  AHas  ", 
I -c.,  1517)  and  given  the  right  to  elect  a  ma.ster 

■  ral  of  their  own,  whose  election,  however,  had  to 
.y  lonfirmed  by  the  Minister  General  of  the  Friars 
Minor.  The  latter  appears  never  to  have  availed 
himself  of  this  right,  and  the  Conventuals  may  be  re- 
garded as  an  entirely  independent  order  from  1517, 
but  it  was  not  until  1.580  that  they  obtained  a  special 
cardinal  protector  of  their  own.  Some  years  later 
tlip  ma.sters  general  of  the  order  began  to  call  them- 
's" Ministers  General".  F.ather  Evangelist  Pelleo, 
tc'd  fifteenth  master  general  in  1587,  was  the  first 

I-  take  this  title,  which  has  been  generally  accorded  to 


his  forty-nine  successors  even  in  Apostolic  letters, 
though  the  ordinance  of  Leo  X  was  never  formally 
revoked.  Under  SLxtus  V  (1587)  tlic  <  '.Mivmiuals  at- 
tempted to  dispute  the  right  of  the  Mini-in  i  ii'ueral 
of  the  Friars  Minor  to  the  title  "Minister  General  of 
the  Whole  Order",  but  were  unsuccessful.  They  re- 
newed their  efforts  under  Clement  VTII  (1593  and 
1602)  but  with  no  greater  success.  In  1625  they  again 
reopened  the  question,  which  was  discussed  for  nearly 
six  years.  On  22  March,  1631,  the  right  of  the  Minister 
General  of  the  Friars  .Minor  to  the  title  in  dispute  was 
solemnly  confirmed  by  the  Sacred  Congregation  of 
Rules,  and  Benedict  :illl  by  a  Bull  of  21  July,  1728, 
imposed  perpetual  silence  upon  the  contestants. 

In  1565  the  Conventuals  accepted  the  Tridentine 
indult  allowing  mendicant  orders  to  own  property 
corporately,  and  their  chapter  held  at  Florence  in 
that  year  drew  up  statutes  containing  several  impor- 
tant reforms  which  Pius  IV  subsequently  approved 
(Bull  "Sedis  Apostolica;",  17  Sept.,  15()5).  Three 
years  later  St.  Pius  V  (Bull  "Ad  Extirpandos",  8  June, 
1568)  sought  to  enforce  a  stricter  observance  of  the 
vow  of  poverty  and  of  the  community  life  among  the 
Conventuals,  and  the  superiors  of  the  order  imme- 
diately enacted  statutes  conformable  to  his  desires, 
which  the  pope  approved  (Bull  "Ilia  nos  cura",  23 
July,  1568).  In  1625  new  constitutions  were  ado|)ted 
by  the  Conventuals  which  superseded  all  preceding 
ones.  These  constitutions,  which  were  subsequently 
promulgated  by  Urban  VIII  (Bull  "Militantes  Eccle- 
siis",  5  May,  1628),  are  kno%vn  as  the  " Constitu- 
tiones  Urbanse "  and  are  of  primary  importance, 
since  at  their  profession  the  Conventuals  vow  to 
observe  the  Rule  of  St.  Francis  in  accordance  with 
them,  that  is  to  say,  by  admitting  the  duly  authorized 
dispensations  therein  set  forth  (see  "  Constitutiones 
Urbanse  ordinis  fratrum  Minorum  Sti.  Francisci 
Conventuahum,  .\ssisi,  1803).  It  would  therefore 
be  no  less  false  than  unjust  to  regard  the  Conventuals 
as  less  observant  of  the  obligations  contracted  by 
their  profession  than  the  Friars  Minor  and  Capuchins, 
since  they  are  not  bound  by  all  the  obligations  as- 
sumed by  either  of  the  latter.  The  institution  of 
several  communities  and  even  provinces  of  Reformed 
Conventuals,  more  especially  between  1502  and  1668 
(see  "Constituzioni  generali  de'  frati  riformati  de' 
Minori  Conventuali  da  osservarsi  per  tutta  la  riforma, 
fatte  per  ordine  del  Capitulo  generale  de'  Minori 
Conventuali  celebrato  in  Orvieto  I'anno  1611"),  af- 
fords interesting  proof  of  the  vitality  of  the  order, 
which  for  the  rest  has  possessed  many  men  of  eminent 
virtue  and  has  rendered  important  services  to  the 
Church. 

St.  Joseph  of  Cupertino  (d.  1663),  one  of  the 
greatest  saints  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  Bl. 
Bonaventure  df  Potenza  (d.  1711)  were  both  Con- 
ventuals, and  the  beatification  of  several  other  mem- 
bers of  the  order  is  now  under  way.  The  Conventuals 
have,  moreover,  given  three  popes  to  the  Church: 
Sixtus  IV  (1471-84),  Sixtus  V  (1585-90),  and  Clement 
XIV  (1769-74),  besides  a  number  of  cardinals  and 
other  distinguished  prelates.  Among  the  eminent 
theologians  and  scholars  the  order  has  jiroduced,  the 
names  of  Mastrius,  Pagi,  Brancati,  Papini,  Sbaralea, 
and  lOubel  are  perhaps  most  familiar.  The  Con- 
ventuals enjoy  the  privilege  of  guarding  the  tomb  of 
St.  Francis  at  Assisi  and  that  of  St.  Anthony  at 
Padua,  and  tliey  furni.sh  the  penitentiaries  to  the 
Vatican  Ba.silica  and  to  the  sanctuary  at  Loreto.  At 
Rome  they  possess  the  famous  church  and  convent  of 
the  Twelve  .\postles,  and  it  is  here  that  their  general 
resides.  The  habit  of  the  Conventaals  which  was 
formerly  gray  is  now  black — whence  they  are  some- 
times called  by  the  people  the  "Black  Franciscans", 
in  contrast  to  the  Friars  Minor  and  Cajjuchins,  whose 
habit  is  brown;  it  consists  of  a  serge  tunic  fastened 
around  the  waist  with  a  thin  white  cord  with  three 


CONVERSANO 


346 


CONVERSI 


knots;  to  the  large  cape,  whieli  is  round  in  front  and 
pointed  behind,  a  small  hood  is  attached.  Unlike  the 
Friars  Minor  and  the  Capuchins,  the  Conventuals 
wear  birettas  and  shoes. 

In  1.517  the  Conventuals  formed  only  about  a  sixth 
part  of  the  order.  After  their  separation  from  the 
Friars  Minor,  the  number  of  Conventuals  diminished 
considerably.  In  Spain  Cardinal  Ximenes  was  instru- 
mental in  depriving  them  of  their  convents,  which 
were  given  to  the  Friars  Minor.  Clement  VII,  22  June, 
1524,  ordered  the  Provincial  of  the  Friars  Minor  at 
Burgos  to  bring  back  to  the  Regular  Observance  all  the 
Conventuals  in  the  Kingdom  of  Navarre,  and  St.  Pius 
V,  16  April,  1567,  commanded  all  the  Conventuals  in 
Spain  to  embrace  the  Regular  Observance.  Like 
measures  were  adopted,  30  October,  1567,  in  regard 
to  Portugal,  where  as  in  Flanders  and  in  Denmark 
all  the  Conventuals  gradually  passed  over  to  the 
Friars  Minor.  In  France  all  their  provinces  save 
three  joined  the  main  branch  of  the  order.  Never- 
theless the  Conventuals  continued  to  prosper  in 
other  countries.  In  Italy  and  Germany  they  suffered 
fewer  losses  than  elsewhere.  During  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  they  increased  very 
much,  for  in  1770  they  possessed  some  31  provinces 
with  966  convents.  In  France  alone  they  had  48 
convents  and  numbered  330  religious.  In  1771,  8 
convents  in  France  including  the  great  convent  in 
Paris,  which  had  since  1517  been  subject  to  the  Min- 
ister General  of  the  Friars  Minor,  passed  over  to  the 
Conventuals,  giving  them  a  total  of  2620  religious  in 
France  alone,  but  twenty  years  later  their  number  there 
had  fallen  to  1544.  Since  the  revolutionary  epoch 
the  order  lost  more  than  1000  houses,  principally  in 
France,  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Germany.  At  pres- 
ent (1907)  it  is  divided  into  26  provinces.  Of  these 
12  are  in  Italy,  the  others  being  those  of  Malta;  Gali- 
cia;  Russia  and  Lithuania;  Strasburg,  comprising 
Bavaria  and  Switzerland;  Liege,  comprising  Belgium 
and  Holland;  Austria  and  Styria;  Bohemia,  with 
Moravia  and  Silesia;  Hungary  and  Transylvania; 
Spain;  the  United  States;  Rumania,  with  the  mission 
of  Moldavia;  and  the  Orient,  with  the  mission  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  mission  of  Moldavia,  which  is  one  of 
the  oldest  in  the  Seraphic  Order,  comprises  10  con- 
vents with  parishes,  in  which  there  are  28  missionaries 
governed  by  an  archbishop  belonging  to  the  order. 
There  are  also  10  convents  and  28  missionaries  con- 
nected with  the  mission  at  Constantinople,  where  the 
Apostolic  delegate  is  a  Conventual.  The  order  has 
recently  made  new  foundations  in  England  and  Den- 
mark. According  to  the  latest  available  official  sta- 
tistics (1899),  the  Conventuals  numbered  in  all  some 
1500  religious. 

At  least  two  Conventual  missionaries  were  labour- 
ing in  the  LTnited  States  in  the  early  forties,  but  the 
establishment  of  the  order  there  may  be  said  to  date 
from  1850.  In  1907  there  were  two  flourishingprovinces 
of  the  order  in  the  United  States,  the  province  of  the 
Immaculate  Conception  which  numbers  thirteen  con- 
vents and  houses,  those  at  Syracuse,  Louisville, 
Trenton,  Camden,  Hoboken,  Albany,  and  Terre 
Haute  being  the  most  important;  and  the  province 
of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua,  the  members  of  wliich  are 
Poles,  and  which  has  ten  convents  and  houses  in  the 
Dioceses  of  Baltimore,  Brooklyn,  Buffalo,  Detroit, 
Harrisburg,  Hartford,  and  Springfield. 

The  Conventuals  were  not  affected  by  the  Apostolic 
Constitution  "Felicitate  qu&dam"  of  Leo  XIII  (4 
Oct.,  1897)  by  which  the  different  special  reforms  into 
which  the  Observants  had  become  divided  since  1517 
were  reunited  luider  the  name  of  Friars  Minor,  but 
like  the  Capuchins  (who  were  constituted  a  S(-parate 
body  in  1619)  they  .still  remain  an  independent  order. 
Leo  XIII,  however,  expressly  confirmed  the  right  of 
precedence  accorded  to  the  Friars  Minor  by  Leo  X. 

Wadding,  AnnaUs  Min.  (Rome,  1736),  XVI,  41-60;   Sbara- 


LEA,  BuUarium  Franciscanum.  (Rome,  1759),  I.  538-39; 
Helyot,  Diet,  des  ordrcs  religieux  (Paris,  1859)  in  Migne, 
EncycL,  1st  series,  XX,  1104-12;  Tossinianensi,  Hist.  Seraph. 
Religionis  libri  tres  (Venice,  ISSO),  II,  149:  De  GuBERNATia, 
Orbis  Seraphiciis  (Lyons,  1685),  II,  lib.  IX;  Vax  dejj  Haute 
Brevis  Hist.  Ord.  Min.  (Rome,  1777),  Tr.  ii;  Patrem,  Tableau 
synoptiqtie  de  I'hist.  de  tout  i'Ordre  S^raphigue  (Paris,  1879), 
en.  ii,  48-51;  Heimbucher,  Die  Orden  und  Kongregationen 
(Paderborn,  1907),  II,  380-87;  Palomes,  Dei  Frali  Minori  e 
delle  loTO  denominazioni  (Palermo,  1897),  1-60;  De  Kerval, 
S.  Franfois  d' Assise  et  I'Ordre  Scraphigue  (Paris,  1898).  Pt. 
II,  cfa.  ii;  Carmichael,  The  Franciscan  Families  in  Irish  Eccles. 
Record  (March,  1904),  235-254. 

P.isCHAi,  Robinson. 

Conversano,  Diocese  of  (Cupersanensis),  suf- 
fragan to  Bari.  Conversano,  situated  in  the  province 
of  Bari,  in  Apuha  (Southern  Italy),  is  the  ancient 
Cupersanum,  a  city  of  the  Peucetians.  Its  history  is 
practically  that  of  Apulia.  After  the  invasion  of  the 
Normans,  it  was  for  a  while  the  seat  of  a  duchj';  later, 
however,  it  became  a  fief  of  the  dukes  of  Atri.  The 
first  bishop  whose  date  is  certain  was  Hilarius,  present 
at  the  Roman  synod  of  501.  Local  tradition,  however, 
preserves  the  name  of  a  previous  bishop,  Simplicius, 
who  died  in  492.  No  other  names  are  recorded  up  to 
the  episcopate  of  Leo,  mentioned  in  a  document  of 
loss.  Other  bishops  worthy  of  mention  were:  the 
Cistercian  Stefano  (c.  1266);  Giovanni  de  Gropi 
(c.  1283);  Antonio  Guidotti  (d.  1433);  Paolo  de  Tor- 
coli,  who  died  in  the  odour  of  sanctity  in  1482;  Ro- 
molo  de'  Valenti  (d.  1579);  Giuseppe  Palermo  (who 
was  appointed  1658),  Andrea  Branoaccia  (1681). 
The  diocese  has  a  population  of  95,521,  with  7 
parishes,  130  churches  and  chapels,  132  secular  and 
8  regular  priests,  2  religious  houses  of  men  and  8 
of  women. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chiese  d'ltalia  (Venice,  1844),  XXI,  40-45; 
Ann.  Feci.  (Rome,  1907),  423-24;  Morea,  H  Chartularium 
di  San  Benedetto  di  Conversano  (Monte  Cassino,  1893),  815— 
1266. 

U.  Benigni. 

Conversi,  lay  brothers  in  a  religious  order.  The 
term  was  originally  applied  to  those  who,  in  adult  life, 
voluntarily  renounced  the  world  and  entered  a  reli- 
gious order  to  do  penance  and  to  lead  a  life  of  greater 
perfection.  The  renouncing  of  the  world  was  known 
as  the  conversio  a  stEculo,  which  had  as  its  object  a  re- 
form or  change  of  life,  the  conversio  morum,  hence  con- 
versi or  the  "converted".  The  conversi  were  thus 
distinguished  from  the  oblati  or  those  who,  as  children, 
were  presented  or  offered  (oblati)  by  their  parents  to 
the  religious  life  and  were  placed  in  a  monastery  to  re- 
ceive ]5roper  religious  instruction  and  to  be  educated 
in  profane  knowledge.  In  the  ele\'enth  century  St. 
John  Gualbert,  founder  of  the  Benedictine  congrega- 
tion known  as  the  Vallisumbrosani,  introduced  for  the 
first  time  a  distinction  between  the  jratres  conversi,  or 
lay  brothers,  and  priests,  or  choir  religious.  For 
among  the  conversi  there  were  not  seldom  those  who 
were  either  entirely  illiterate,  or  who  in  the  world  had 
led  a  life  of  public  scandal,  or  had  been  notorious 
criminals,  and  while  on  the  one  hand  it  was  unjust  that 
such  should  be  debarred  from  the  means  of  doing-pen- 
ance in  the  cloister  and  from  the  other  benefits  of  the 
religious  life,  they  were  at  the  same  time  hardly  to  be 
considered  fit  subjects  for  the  reception  of  Sacred 
orders.  They  were  thus  received  into  the  order  for 
the  purpose  of  engaging  in  manual  labour  and  occa- 
sionally for  directing  the  temporal  affairs  of  the  mon- 
astery. In  modern  canonical  usage  the  term  conrer- 
sus  is  synonymous,  or  nearly  so,  with  that  of  lay 
brother.  What  has  been  said  of  religious  orders  of 
men  can,  in  general,  be  applied  equally  to  those  of 
women,  though  the  tlistinction  between  conversa;,  or 
lay  sisters,  and  choir  religious  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  introduced  before  the  twelfth  century.  As  a 
rule,  the  conversi  wear  a  habit  different  from  that  of 
the  choir  religious;  but  the  essential  obligations  of  tho 
vows  and  of  the  monastic  life  in  general  are  alike  for 
all.     (See  Lay  Brother  and  Obl.\ti.) 


CONVERSION 


347 


CONVERSION 


K\nLEN  in  Kirchcnlex.,  s.  v.  For  the  large  share  of  these 
c  nersi,  or  lay  brothers,  in  the  development  of  medieval 
tLrrirulttire,  monastic  administration,  etc.  see  Hoffmann, 
!>'!^  konverseninstUiU  des  Cisterzienserordens  (Freiburg. 
.^w)tzerland,  1903). 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Conversion    (from    the   classical    Latin   converto, 
ai  jHiii.  convertor,  whence  conversio,  change,  etc.),  in 
t hi-  Latin  Vulgate  (Acts,  xv,  .3),  in  patristic  (St.  Augus- 
tinr.  Civ.  Dei,  VIII,  xxiv),  and  in  later  ecclesiastical 
Litin,  a  moral  change,  a  turning  or  returning  to  God, 
to  (ho  true  religion,  in  which  sense  it  has  passed  into 
n  ir  modern  languages:  the  conversion  of  St.  Paul,  of 
I     iistantine  the  Great,  of  St.  Augustine.     In  the  Mid- 
Ages  the  word  conversion   was  often  used  in  the 
-!•  of  forsaking  the  v.'orld  to  enter  the  religious 
•  '.     Thus  St.  Bernard  speaks  of  his  conversion, 
return  of  the  sinner  to  a  life  of  virtue  is  also  called 
uversion.     More  commonly  do  we  speak  of  the 
\  ersion  of  an  infidel  to  the  true  religion,  and  most 
n  iiimonly  of  the  conversion  of  a  schismatic  or  heretic 
ii  tlie  Catholic  Church. 

1  ",\cry  man  is  bound  by  the  natural  law  to  seek  the 
mil'  religion, embrace  it  when  found, and  conform  his 
life  to  its  principles  and  precepts.     And  it  is  a  dogma 

I  if  till'  Churcli  defined  by  the  Vatican  Coimcil  that  man 

lilc  by  the  natural  light  of  reason  to  arrive  at  the 
I  in  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  the  one  true 

I,  our  Creator  and  Lord.  The  same  council 
i(  M  lies  that  faith  is  a  gift  of  God  necessary  for  salva- 
tiMii,  that  it  is  an  act  of  the  intellect  commanded  by 
til''  will,  and  that  it  is  a  supernatural  act.  The  act  of 
filth  then  is  an  act  of  the  understanding,  whereby  we 
111 : Illy  hold  as  true  whatever  God  has  revealed,  not 
li  I  luse  of  its  intrinsic  truth  perceived  by  the  natural 
liuht  of  reason,  but  because  God,  who  can  neither  de- 
ctt\L-  nor  be  deceived,  has  revealed  it.  It  is  in  itself 
;iii  act  of  the  understanding,  but  it  requires  the  influ- 
ciii'  '  of  the  will  which  moves  the  intellect  to  assent. 
Ini-  many  of  the  truths  of  revelation,  being  mysteries, 
air  to  some  extent  obscure.  Yet,  it  is  not  a  blind  act, 
-ill.'  the  fact  that  God  has  spoken  is  not  merely  prob- 

II  li'  but  certain.  The  evidences  for  the  fact  of  revela- 
iiMi  are  not,  however,  the  motive  of  faith;  they  are 
il  ■  grounds  which  render  revelation  credible,  that  is 
til  -ay,  they  make  it  certain  that  God  has  spoken. 
A  1  since  faith  is  necessary  for  salvation,  that  we 
•     ■    comply  with   the  duty  of   embracing  the  true 

'h  and   persevering   in  it,  God   by  His  only-be- 
ti  Son  has  instituted  the  Church  and  has  adorned 
ith  obvious  marks  so  that  it  may  be  known  by  all 
as  the  guardian  and  teacher  of  revealed  truth. 
!■  marks  (or  notes)  of  credibility  belong  to  the 
'lolic  Church  alone.    Nay,  the  Church  itself  by  its 
irable   propagation,  sublime   sanctity,  and   inex- 
■tible  fecundity,  by  its  Catholic  unity  and  invin- 
stability,  is  a  great  and   perpetual   motive  of 
iliility  and  irrefragable  testimony  of   its  Divine 
ion  (see  Cone.  Vatic,  De  Fide,  cap.  .3). 
M'  first  step,  therefore,  in  the  normal  process  of 
version  is  the  investigation  and  examination  of  the 
•  iitials  of  the  Church,  which  often  is  a  painful  la- 
1    lasting  for  years.     The   external   grace   which 
A  -i  a  man's  attention  to  the  Church  and  causes  him 
uin  his  inquiry  is  as  various  and  manifold  as  there 
.1.1   individual  inquirers.     It  may  even  be  something 
to  one's  temporal  advantage,  which  was  the  case  with 
Henry  IV  of  France.     It  may  be  the  interest  aroused 
in  a  great  historical  personage,  such  as  Innocent  III, 
in  the  case  of  Friedrich  von  Hurter.     ^\'hatever  may 
have  been  the  initial  motive,  if  the  study  be  pursued 
with  an  open  mind,  we  hold  that  it  will  lead  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  true  Church,  i.  e.  to  this  certain  con- 
clusion:   The  Catholic  Church   is  the  true  Church. 
This  intellectual  conviction,  however,  is  not  yet  the 
act  of  faith.     One  may  hesitate,  or  refuse  to  take  the 
next  step,  which  is  the  "good  will  to  believe"  (pius 


creduUtatis  affectus).  And  this  leads  to  the  third  and 
final  act,  the  act  of  faith  itself:  I  believe  what  the 
Church  teaches  because  God  has  revealed  it.  These 
three  acts,  es]3ecially  the  last,  are,  in  accordance  with 
Catholic  teaching,  supernatural  acts.  Then  follows 
baptism  by  which  the  believer  is  formally  received  into 
the  body  of  the  Church.     (See  Baptism,  VII,  VIII.) 

Since  the  duty  of  embracing  the  true  religion  is  of 
natural  and  positive  Divine  right,  it  is  evident  that  no 
civil  law  can  forbid  the  fulfilling  of  this  duty,  nor 
should  any  temporal  considerations  be  allowed  to  in- 
terfere with  a  duty  on  which  depends  the  soul's  salva- 
tion. And  because  all  are  bound  to  enter  the  Church, 
it  follows  that  the  Church  has  a  right  to  receive  all 
who  apply  for  reception,  of  whatever  age,  sex,  or  con- 
dition they  may  be.  Nay,  in  virtue  of  the  Divine 
command  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  every  creature,  the 
Church  is  strictly  bound  to  receive  them,  and  no 
earthly  authority  can  forbid  the  exercise  of  this  duty. 
To  the  Church  alone  it  belongs  to  lay  down  the  condi- 
tions for  reception  and  to  inquire  into  the  interior  dis- 
positions of  him  who  presents  himself  for  admission 
into  her  bosom.  The  conditions  are,  knowledge  and 
profession  of  the  Catholic  Faith  and  the  resolve  to  live 
in  accordance  with  it.  The  right  to  admit  converts 
into  the  Church  belongs  strictly  speaking  to  the  bish- 
op. L%ually  all  priests  exercising  the  sacred  ministry 
receive  faculties  for  reconciling  heretics.  When  con- 
chtional  baptism  is  administered,  sacramental  confes- 
sion is  also  required  from  the  convert.  It  is  the  law 
clearly  laid  down  in  the  Acts  of  the  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore.  The  order  of  proceedings  is  as 
follows:  first,  abjuration  of  heresy  or  profession  of 
faith;  second,  conditional  baptism;  third,  sacra- 
mental confession  and  conditional  absolution.  (Tit. 
V,  Cap.  II,  n.  240.) 

Force,  violence,  or  fraud  may  not  be  employed  to 
bring  about  the  conversion  of  an  imbeliever.  Such 
means  would  be  sinful.  The  natural  law,  the  law  of 
Christ,  the  nature  of  faith,  the  teaching  and  practice 
of  the  Church  forbid  such  means.  Credere  voluntatis 
est,  to  believe  depends  upon  the  free  will,  says  St. 
Thomas  (II-II,  Q.  x,  a.  8),  and  the  minister  of  baptism, 
before  administering  the  sacrament,  is  obliged  to  ask 
the  question,  "Wilt  thou  be  baptized"?  And  only 
after  having  received  the  answer,  "I  will",  may  he 
proceed  with  the  sacred  rite.  The  Church  also  forbids 
the  baptism  of  children  of  imbaptized  parents  without 
the  consent  of  the  latter,  imless  the  children  have  been 
cast  away  by  their  parents,  or  are  in  imminent  danger 
of  death.  For  the  Church  has  no  jurisdiction  over  the 
unbaptized,  nor  does  the  State  possess  the  power  of 
using  temporal  means  in  spiritual  things.  The  pimish- 
ments  formerly  decreed  against  apostates  were  not 
intended  to  coerce  men  to  accept  outwardly  what  they 
did  not  believe  in  their  hearts,  but  to  atone  for  a 
crime  (see  the  article  of  St.  Thomas,  loc.  cit.).  Tlie 
medieval  legislation,  both  ecclesiastical  and  secular, 
clearly  distinguished  between  the  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  for  the  crime  of  apostasy  and  the  means  of 
instruction  to  be  used  in  order  to  bring  about  the 
resipiscence  of  the  apostate.  .\s  Bishop  von  Ketteler 
says,  "The  pimishment  inflicted  by  the  Church  upon 
heretics  in  comparatively  few  cases  was  not  based 
upon  the  false  principle  that  conviction  could  be 
forced  upon  the  mind  l)y  external  means,  but  upon  the 
truth  that  by  baptism  the  Christian  has  a.ssinned  obli- 
gations the  fulfilment  of  which  could  be  insisted  upon. 
This  punishment  w.as  only  inflicted  in  particular  cases 
and  upon  ptiblic  and  formal  heretics."  Convert  par- 
ents like  other  Catholics  are  obliged  to  have  their 
children  baptized  and  edticated  in  the  Catholic  religion. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  ,\merica 
proclaims  coni[)Iefe  .sejiaration  of  Church  and  State 
and  guarantees  full  liberty  of  conscience.  In  conse- 
quence the  laws  of  these  States  place  no  hindrance 
whatever  in  the  way  of  conversions.     It  may  also  be 


CONVERSION 


348 


CONVOCATION 


said  that  on  the  whole  the  American  people  are  soci- 
ally tolerant  towards  converts.  No  wonder  that  in  this 
country  conversions  are  comparatively  more  numer- 
ous than  in  any  other.  In  the  British  Empire  too, 
since  the  days  of  Catholic  Emancipation  in  1829,  lib- 
erty of  conscience  prevails  in  theory  as  well  as  in  prac- 
tice, although  there  exists  both  in  England  and  Scot- 
land an  established  Church.  Catholic  disabilities 
have  been  almost  entirely  removed.  Catholics  are 
only  excluded  from  the  throne  and  from  a  few  of  the 
highest  offices  of  the  State.  In  Germany  after  the 
Reformation  the  tyrannical  principle  cujus  rcgio,  il- 
lius  religio  was  proclaimed,  in  virtue  of  which  the 
sovereign  for  the  time  being  could  impose  his  religion 
upon  his  subjects.  He  exercised  the  power  both  to 
forbid  conversions  to  the  Catholic  Church,  and  to 
compel  apostasy  from  it.  In  the  present  German  Em- 
pire, where  nearly  two-thirds  of  the  population  is  Prot- 
estant, liberty  of  conscience  is  the  law  of  the  land. 
And  although  union  of  Church  and  State  exists,  con- 
version does  not  involve  any  disabilities  or  the  loss  of 
any  civil  or  political  rights.  In  some  of  the  States, 
however,  the  rights  guaranteed  by  the  empire  are 
somewhat  restricted  by  State  laws.  Most  of  the 
States  prescribe  the  age  before  which  conversions  are 
not  lawful,  which  is  either  fourteen  or  sixteen,  or  even 
eighteen.  In  Saxony,  Brunswick,  and  Mecklen- 
burg, the  public  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion  is 
subjected  to  vexatious  interference.  In  Russia 
the  Greek-Orthodox  is  the  State  religion,  other 
denominations  are  only  tolerated.  For  long  con- 
version from  the  Orthodox  Church  to  Catholicism 
was  followed  by  grievous  disabilities.  By  the  ukase 
of  1905  certain  rights  and  liberties  were  granted  to 
other  denominations.  The  ]5ublication  of  the  ukase 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  return  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church  of  many  Uniats  who  had  been  forced  into 
schism  by  persecution.  The  Scandinavian  countries 
were  very  intolerant  till  about  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Denmark  gave  liberty  to  the  Catho- 
lic Church  in  1849,  Sweden  and  Norway  in  1860. 

B.    GULDNER. 

Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  Feast  of.     See  Paul, 

Saint. 

Converts.  See  Counter-Reformation;  Oxford 
Movement;  Roman  Empire;  Statistics. 

Convocation  of  the  English  Clergy,  the  technical 
name  given  in  the  Church  of  England  to  what  corre- 
sponds in  some  respects  to  a  provincial  synod, 
though  in  other  respects  it  differs  widely  from  it. 
The  two  ecclesiastical  provinces  of  Canterbury  and 
York  have  each  their  Convocation,  but  that  of  Can- 
terbury is  the  more  important,  and  is  spoken  of  as 
"Convocation"  par  excellence.  The  history  of  its  ex- 
ternal constitution  is  continuous  down  to  the  present 
time  and  is  bound  up  with  the  development  of  Eng- 
lish constitutional  history;  its  powers  and  inde- 
pendence, however,  were  lost  at  the  Reformation; 
its  organization,  retained  as  a  mere  form  for  many 
years,  has  been  utilized  of  late  to  give  expression  to 
the  opinions  entertained  by  the  clergy  as  a  body  upon 
questions  of  the  day.  Thus  it  exercises  influence,  but 
has  no  power.  The  authority  of  the  Crown  asserted 
at  the  Reformation  is  still  supreme  and  intact. 

The  history  of  Convocation  may  be  divided  into 
five  periods:  (1)  Before  1295;  (2)  From  1295  until 
the  Heforniation;  (3)  The  Reformation  period;  (4) 
The  jiost-Rcformation  period;  (5)  Modern  timas. 

(1)  Hcfore.  1205.— Vvcviona  to  1295  the  Church  in 
England  had  assembled  in  diocesan  and  provincial 
synods  to  regulate  disciplinary  and  other  matters  inter- 
esting the  body  of  (he  clergy.  Moreover  the  archbi.sh- 
ops.  bishops,  alibots,  and  priors  u.sed  to  take  their  place 
in  the  national  council  on  account  of  the  estates 
they  held  in  chief  (in  rapilc)  of  the  Crown.     But 


the  beneficed  clergj-  took  no  part  in  it.  The  in- 
creasing frequency  of  royal  appeals  for  money 
grants  and  the  unwillingness  of  the  bishops  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  allowing  them  had  brought  Stephen 
Langton,  as  early  as  1225,  to  summon  proctors  of 
cathedral,  collegiate,  and  conventual  churches  to  at- 
tend his  provincial  synod,  and  gradually  that  repre- 
sentative principle  became  part  of  the  system  of 
Convocation.  The  failure  of  the  irregular  attempt 
of  Edward  I  to  convoke  the  clergy  at  Northampton 
led  him  to  issue  (1283)  a  writ  to  the  archbishop 
with  a  view  to  Convocation  meeting  in  London  in 
that  same  year,  and  at  that  meeting  a  "benevo- 
lence" was  duly  voted.  Tlie  form  of  writ  used  in 
1283  is  the  same  in  form  as  that  still  in  use,  and  the 
instructions  issued  on  that  occasion  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  John  Peckham,  still  embody 
the  existing  constitution  of  Convocation,  so  that, 
with  the  exception  of  the  disappearance  of  the  mon- 
astic representatives,  the  external  organization  of 
Convocation  remains  unchanged. 

(2)  ,4/;<'r  1S95. — In  addition  to  the  Baronage  and 
Commons  of  the  realm  we  find,  after  1295,  a  represent- 
ative body  of  the  beneficed  clergy  summoned  to  attend 
personally  in  Parliament,  the  summons  being  conveyed 
by  the  insertion,  in  the  bishop's  writ  of  summons  to 
Parliament,  of  the  pi'wmunientes  clause.  That  sum- 
mons was  the  beginning  of  a  new  phase  in  the  long 
struggle  waged  by  the  Crown  on  the  suliject  of  the 
taxation  of  the  clergy.  It  was  to  facilitate  the  ob- 
taining of  money  grants  that  Edward  I  endeavoured 
once  more  to  unite  representatives  of  the  clergy  and 
laity  in  one  deliberative  assembly,  composed  on  the 
basis  of  temporal  property.  To  have  countenanced 
the  attempt  would  have  been  to  recognize  the 
Crown's  claim  to  tax  church  property,  and  the 
clergy  insisted  upon  their  constitutional  right  of 
making  their  money  grants  in  Convocation.  The 
struggle  between  the  Crown  and  the  clergy  con- 
tinued until  1337,  when  the  Crown  gave  way,  though 
retaining  the  prcetnunientes  clause  in  the  bishop's 
writ  of  summons.  Authorities  dilfer  as  to  whether 
the  Parliamentary  proctors  of  the  clergy  sat  in  the 
Lower  House  or  in  the  L'pper  House;  most  probably 
they  sat  and  voted  in  the  Lower  House. 

The  question  of  the  exact  relation  of  Convocation 
to  the  newer  Parliamentarj'  representatives  of  the 
clergy  is  obscure;  nor  is  the  obscurity  lessened  by 
the  fact  that  the  proctors  of  the  clergy  for  Convoca- 
tion were  frequently  the  same  persons  as  the  proc- 
tors of  the  clergy  for  Parliament.  Two  opinions 
have  found  defenders:  the  first,  that  the  older  ec- 
clesiastical coimcil  fused  with  the  Parliamentary 
representatives  of  the  clergy;  the  other,  that  by  the 
process  of  gradual  decay  of  Parliamentary  repre- 
sentation of  the  clergy,  part  of  their  rights  passed  to 
the  ecclesiastical  councils,  thus  giving  rise  to  the  his- 
torical connexion  between  the  Convocations  and 
Parliament.  The  latter  view,  ably  advocated  by 
Stubbs,  at  present  holds  the  field. 

The  division  of  Convocation  into  an  Upper  and  a 
Lower  House  came  about  gradually,  and  was  not 
formed,  as  is  sometimes  supposed,  on  the  model  of 
the  two  Houses  of  Parliament.  In  1290  the  mem- 
bers ot  Convocation  resolved  themselves  for  delib- 
erative purposes  into  four  groups:  bishops,  monastic 
representatives,  dignitaries,  and  proctors  of  the 
clergy.  Eventually  Convocation  came  to  open  with 
a  joint  session  presided  o\-er  by  the  archbishop,  after 
which  the  bishojis  and  abbots  remaineti  to  deliberate 
as  the  Upper  House,  while  the  rest  withdrew  to 
deliberate  as  the  Lower  House. 

The  objection  of  the  clergy  to  sitting  in  Parlia- 
ment les.sened  indeed  their  influence  over  that  body; 
at  the  .same  time  they  .secured  the  right  of  meeting 
when  Parliament  met,  and  that  right  of  meeting  in- 
volved the  right  of  petitioning  and  to  some  extent 


CONWELL 


349 


CONWELL 


oi  legislating  for  themselves.  That  idea  of  Convo- 
ciiiun  as  the  clerical  parliament  had  important  con- 
v.|iionccs;   the   right   to   tax   church   property   was 

~i ssfiilly  maintained;  but  the  clergy  could  ileither 

Irrt  nor  be  elected  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
lo  iliis  day  a  person  in  Holy  orders  is  ineligible  for 
Parliament.  At  the  same  time  the  legislation  of 
invocation  was  binding  on  the  clergy  only  and  not 
iijHiu  the  laity. 

:;  1  The  H<'jormation  Period. — Convocation  lost  its 

m'l.'prndence  and  most  of  its  powers  by  the  Act  of 

<ii!. mission  [lio  Hen.  VIII  (1533-4),  c.  19],  which  en- 

n  1-  that  Convocation  can  only  meet  by  royal  com- 

li  ind,  and  that  without  royal  leave  and  licence  no 

canons,    constitutions,   or   ordinances   may   be 

This    act    was    repealed    in    Queen    Mary's 

,,  but  revived  by  1  Eliz.  (1558-9),  and  still  re- 

..     :.s   in   full   force.     The  climax  of  Convocation's 

Ir-i^idation  was  reached  when,  after  the  Act  of  Su- 

lirmacy  (1534),  Thomas  Cromwell,  the  representa- 

'>i  Henry  VHI,  though  a  lajTiian,  asserted  his 

to  preside,  a  right  never  subsequently  exercised. 

Post-Reformation    Period. — The   Act   of   Sub- 

'U  of  Henry  VIII  was  stringently  interpreted 

!•  judges  at  a  committee  before  the  Lords  in 

(inent  (in  8  Jac,   1)  as  forbidding,  even  after 

iiiing  royal  assent,   any  canon   (a)  against  the 

■  r.  i  liiative  of  the  king;  (b)  against  common  law;  (c) 

I'^iinst  any  statute  law;  or  (d)  against  any  custom 

I   :'ii'  realm.     The  loss  of  legislative  independence 

!  the  way  for  the  loss  of  taxing  powers,  which 

iiually  renounced  in  1665,  the  right  of  voting  at 

imentary   elections   being   obtained    in   return. 

lii.    power  of  Convocation  of  dealing  with  cases  of 

h  1'  -y  has  been  exerci.sed  bvit  rarely,  and  then  to  no 

iiii'ise.     It  continued  to  be  convoked  at  the  be- 

.'iiiiuiig  of  each  Parliament,  but  its  sittings  were  in- 

'  1    ipted  from  1640  to  1660,  to  be  resumed  after  the 

ir-t  I  ■ration.     In  1689,  in  view  of  the  opposition  of 

hi     clergy  to   the   Toleration   Act   of  William   and 

iliiy,  no  summons  was  issued  to  Convocation.     The 

'iianions,    however,    protested   against   the   innova- 

i'li:.  and  their  petition  had  its  effect;  at  the  same 

iiii'  Archbishop  Tillotson,  and  to  some  extent  his 

1'  i^^or  Tcnison,  met  the  difficulties  of  the  situa- 

•y  refusing  to  allow  any  deliberations.     Convo- 

1    was   summoned,    met,    and    was   prorogued. 

^  were  formed,  and  claims  were  made,  insist- 

I  on  the  independence  of  the  Lower  House  on 

■idogy  of  the  House  of  Commons.     Atterbury 

u'  malcontents;  Wake,  afterwards  ArchbLshop 

'!  I  aiiterbury,  Kennet,  Hoadley,  and  Gib.son  led  the 

I'f.  lice.     The  question  was   really  a   political   one. 

I    r\  i-^rn  dominated  the  Lower   House;   Liberalism, 

in  politics  and  theology,  pervaded  the  Upper 

Permission  to  deliberate  led  to  trouble  in 

and    prorogation    followed.     The    Bangorian 

iversy  arising  out  of   Hoadly's  sermon  led  to 

r    results    in    1717.     The    opposition    of    the 

r  House  was  worn  out  by  repeated   proroga- 

i:nmediately  following  the  opening  session,  and 

he  exception  of  the  discussions  allowed  in  1741 

1 742,  Convocation  ceased  to  be  a  deliberative 

lutil  1S.54. 

Moilrrn  Times. — -The  old  organization  had  sur- 

:    and  many  earnest  Anglicans  of  the  early  nine- 

I  century,  anxious  to  revive  the  sj-nodal  life  of 

\riglican  Church,   .sought  and  obtained  the  re- 

M'ln  of  the   customary   immediate  prorogation. 

,V  brief  session  was  authorized   in   18.54.     (The  ex- 

|\mple  was  followed  by  York  in  1859.)     The  action 

'f  (^"'invocation  as  a  deliberative  body  began  in  1861, 

at  its  own  request,  the  Crown  licen.sed  it  to 

I  the  twenty-ninth  of  the  canons  of  1603  on 

ibject  of  sponsors,  and  although  no  result  fol- 

'•■  new  canons  were  passed  in  1865,  1887,  and 

in  1802, 


Apart  from  such  general  authorizations  the  Crown 
also  possesses  the  right  to  submit  definite  business  to 
the  consideration  of  Convocation.  This  is  done  by 
"Special  Letters  of  Business",  a  method  used  in 
1872,  and  again  in  1907,  in  submitting  the  reports  of 
the  ritual  commissioners  to  its  consideration. 

The  House  of  Laymen,  which  first  met  in  con- 
nexion with  the  Convocation  of  Canterbury  in  1886 
(York,  1892),  is  an  assembly  unknown  to  law.  As 
at  present  constituted  the  two  Convocations  of  Can- 
terbury and  York  are  summoned  by  the  archbishops 
on  the  instruction  of  the  king  when  Parliament  is 
summoned.  Each  possesses  an  Upper  and  a  Lower 
House;  the  L^pper  House,  presided  over  by  the  arch- 
bishops, consists  of  the  diocesan  bishops;  the  Lower 
House  is  compo.sed  of  deans,  archdeacons,  a  proctor 
for  each  chapter,  and  proctors  for  the  beneficed 
clergy,  two  from  each  diocese  in  the  province  of 
Canterbury,  two  from  each  archdeaconry  in  the 
province  of  York.  The  Lower  House  elects  a  pro- 
locutor who,  on  being  presented  to  the  archbishop 
and  approved  by  him,  presides  over  the  delibera- 
tions of  the  Lower  House,  and  communicates  the  re- 
sults to  the  Upper  House.  The  stately  ceremonial 
of  Catholic  days  has  been  preserved  for  the  opening 
session  of  Convocation,  together  with  the  use  of  the 
Latin  tongue. 

Gibson,  tiynodns  .inglicana  (1702).  ed.  Cardwell  (London, 
1854);  Wake.  The  Authority  of  Chrialian  Princes  over  their 
Ecclesiastical  Si/noHs  (T.ondon,  1697);  Kennet,  Ecclesiastical 
Synods  {LoTii\"n  170l  ]■  }h^\iM^v:\,A  Historyof  EnglishCounciU 
andConvocahnn  <rr  .'  .,.  'K,  i  I'rgy  sitting  in  Farliamcni  (hondon, 
1701);  Tbev.ii      /'     '  nl  i  on  o1  the  7'wo  Provinces  {hondoa, 

1852);  Latiiiu:,,  1  ,'/  .r,,  oj  the  Convocation  of  the  Church 
of  England  [2iv{  .1  ,  I  .  >.n,  1s.-,;<V  Joyce,  England's  Sacred 
Synods  (LontU'u.  1^  :  i  '  .  vii  II  islory  of  England,  pass\m\ 
SrvBBa.  The  Coii-^tii    ■  "i  England  {London.  1H78); 

Idem,  Select  (Vi.i./.-  .         i        Imh.  l.SflS);    Makoweh.  The 

Constitutional  11  u-^lm  ;  <  ^^ '■!  thr  Church  of  England, 

tr.  from  German  (I. mi,  l  i  h  i  im..ke.  The  Ecclesias- 

tical Law  of  the  Chur  J.  ■        I  undon,  1895);Gee 

and  Hardy,  Docum<  n       I  ,    I     ,jlixh  Church  History 

(London,  1896);   He.nm..,.  C',..  .\- ...   i....  (  hi.rch  (London,  1908). 

Edward  Myers. 

Conwell,  Henry,  second  Bi.shop  of  Philadelphia, 
U.  S.  A.,  b.  at  Moneymore,  County  Dern,-,  Ireland, 
in  1745;  d.  at  Philadelphia,  22  April,  1842.  After 
the  death  of  Bishop  Egan,  in  1814,  the  Bishopric  of 
Philadelphia  was  offered  successively  to  the  Rev. 
Ambrose  Marechal  and  to  the  Very  Rev.  Louis  de 
Barth,  the  administrator,  but  both  these  clergymen, 
deterred  by  the  contumacious  attitude  of  the  trustees 
of  St.  Mary's  church,  retunied  the  Bulls;  whereupon 
the  Holy  See  appointed  (2(i  Nov.,  1819)  Henry  Con- 
well,  parLsh  prie.st  of  Dungannon  and  Vicar-(ieneral 
of  Armagh,  Ireland,  who  imjirudently  accepted  a  task 
too  heavy  for  his  seventy  four  years.  He  hail  made 
his  studies  in  the  Irish  ("ollege  at  Paris,  where  his 
family  had  founded  a  burse.  He  was  universally  be- 
loved by  his  jieople  and  the  clergy,  and  an  ineffectual 
attempt  was  made  to  retain  him  in  Ireland.  He  was 
con.sccrated  in  London  by  Hi.«hop  Poynter,  24  Aug., 
1820,  and  arrived  in  Philadeljihia,  2  Dee.,  bringing 
with  him  a  young  priest  named  Keenan,  subsequently 
for  many  years  pastor  at  Lancaster.  The  seeds  of 
future  troubles  had  been  so«n  during  the  vacancy, 
when  the  administrator,  without  demanding  creden- 
tials, stationed  at  St.  Marj-'s  the  brilliant  but  dema- 
gogic and  unpriestly  Rev.  William  Hogan,  wlio  had 
so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  board  of  trustees  that 
when,  on  12  Dee.,  the  bi.shop  revoked  his  faculties,  a 
schism  ensued  which  histed  for  many  years.  For  de- 
tails of  the  quarrel,  the  reader  is  referred  to  J.  (!il- 
mary  Shea's  "History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the 
T^nited  States"  (see  below).  Bishop  Conwell  con- 
ducted the  controversy  with  dignity,  but  in  the  course 
of  it,  through  desire  of  peace,  committed  two  errors  of 
judgment.  Tlie  first  was  the  recalling  to  the  diocese 
and  appointing  as  vicar-general  of  William  Vincent 
Harold,  a  Dominican  whom  his  predecessor  had  dis- 


CONZA 


350 


COPACAVANA 


missed.  Contrary  to  the  bishop's  expectation,  the 
return  of  Harold  complicated  the  situation.  It  was 
a  more  serious  mistake  that  on  9  Oct.,  1826,  he  capitu- 
lated to  the  trustees,  yielding  to  them  the  right  of  de- 
termining salaries  and  of  vetoing  his  apj^ointments. 
Highly  displeased  at  this  surrender  of  episcopal  rights, 
the  Holy  See  appointed  an  administrator  and  sum- 
moned the  bishop  to  Rome.  His  explanations  were 
pronounced  unsatisfactory  and  he  was  forbidden  to 
return  to  his  see.  He  did  return  to  Philadelphia  and 
received  permission  to  perform  episcopal  functions, 
without  interfering  in  matters  of  administration.  In 
1830  Francis  Patrick  Kenrick  arrived  as  coadjutor 
and  administrator,  and  Bishop  Conwell  spent  his  re- 
maining years  in  seclusion  and  prayer. 

Shea.  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  U.  S.,  (New  York, 
1890)  III;  FiNOTTl.  Bibl.  Cath.  Americana  (New  York,  1872), 
gives  an  extensive  list  of  the  literature  of  the  Hogan  Schism. 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Conza,  .A.RCHDIOCESE  OF  (Comps.\na),  with  the 
perpetual  administration  of  Campagna  {Campanien- 
sis).  Conza,  a  city  of  the  province  of  Avellino,  South- 
ern Italy,  on  the  River  Ofanto  (the  ancient  Aufidus), 
was  formerly  called  Compsa,  and  belonged  to  the  Hir- 
pini,  allies  of  the  Samnites  during  their  wars  with  the 
Romans.  It  was  captured  in  213  B.  c.  by  Fabius 
Maximus  and  was  made  a  Roman  colony.  During 
the  Second  Punic  War  it  was  betrayed  to  Hannibal 
(214  B.  c.)  and  opened  the  way  to  Capua.  The  city 
was  twice  destroyed  by  earthquakes  (980,  1694),  and 
was  at  one  time  nearly  abandoned.  The  first  known 
Bishop  of  Conza  is  Pelagius,  who  was  present  at  the 
Roman  synod  of  743  held  under  Pope  Zacharj'.  The 
see  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  an  archbishopric  under 
Alexander  II  or  Gregory  VII  (i.  e.  between  1061  and 
1085),  having  previously  been  a  suffragan  of  Salerno. 
Among  the  bishops  worthy  of  mention  is  the  Blessed 
Erberto  (1169).  The  bishops  resided  either  in  their 
feudal  stronghold  of  San  Menna,  at  Campagna,  or  at 
Sant'  Angelo  de'  Lombardi,  the  present  episcopal 
residence.  The  Diocese  of  Campagna  was  erected 
by  Clement  VII,  19  June,  1525;  the  see  was  vacant 
from  1793  to  1818,  when  it  was  placed  under  Conza. 
The  dioceses  together  have  a  population  of  123,000, 
with  37  parishes,  230  churches  and  chapels,  232  secu- 
lar and  10  regular  priests,  3  reUgious  houses  of  men 
and  5  of  women. 

Cappelletti,  Le  chiese  d' Italia  (Venice,  1844),  XX,  531;  Ann. 
eccl.  (Rome,  1907).  424-26. 

U.  Benigni. 

Cooktown,  Vicariate  Apostolic  of,  comprises 
North  Queensland,  Australia,  from  16°  30'  south 
latitude  to  Cape  York,  and  from  the  Pacific  Coast  to 
the  boundary  of  Northern  Territory.  It  was  formed 
out  of  the  Diocese  of  Brisbane,  as  a  pro-vicariate  in 
1876,  was  first  entrusted  to  Italian  priests,  who  sub- 
sequently withdrew,  and,  in  1882,  to  the  Irish  Augus- 
tinians  (Father  John  Hutchinson,  Pro-Vicar).  In 
1887  the  mission  was  created  a  vicariate  apostolic, 
and  Dr.  Hutchinson  was  appointed  its  first  vicar. 
He  died  28  October,  1897,  and  was  succeeded  by  the 
Right  Rev.  James  D.  Murray,  consecrated  3  July, 
1898.  The  administrative  centre  of  the  vicariate  is 
at  Cairns. 

Statiitics  to  close  of  1907. — Parochial  districts,  7; 
stations,  .32;  churches,  18;  regular  priests,  II;  nuns, 
24;  boarding  school,  1 ;  primary  schools,  3;  children 
attending  Catholic  schools,  470;  Catholic  population, 
about  6000. 

Mohan.  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Avstralasia  (Syd- 
ney, s.  d.):    Australasian  Catholic  Directory  (Sydney,  1908). 

Henry  W.  Cleary. 

Coombes,  William  Henry,  b.  8  May,  1767;  d.  15 
November,  1850.  He  passed  his  early  years  at  Mead- 
gate,  Somersetshire,  England,  the  property  and  for 
many  years  the  residence  of  his  uncle,  Rev.  William 


Coombes  (d.  18  April,  1822),  of  Douai  College,  Grand 
Vicar  of  the  Western  District.  Yoxmg  Coombes  wen 
to  Douai  at  the  age  of  twelve,  was  ordained  in  1791 
and  during  the  French  Revolution  escaped  (October 
1793)  from  Dourlens  to  England.  He  was  a  doctoi 
of  theology  and  co-operated  earnestly  with  Bisho[ 
Douglass  at  Old  Hall  seminary  as  professor  and  vice 
president.  From  ISIO  he  served  the  mission  of  Shep 
ton  Mallet  till  1849,  when  he  retired  to  Downsidi 
monastery,  where  he  died.  He  is  described  as  a  spirit 
ual  and  self-denying  priest,  an  eminent  scholar  anc 
theologian.  His  chief  works  are:  "Sacred  Eloquence 
being  Discourses  from  the  Writings  of  Sts.  Basil  am 
Chrysostom,  with  the  Letters  of  St.  Eucherius  o 
Lyons"  (London,  1798);  "Escape  from  France;  witl 
an  account  of  the  Englisli  Poor  Clares  from  Aire,  am 
a  narrative  of  the  sufferings  and  death  of  Pius  VI' 
(London,  1799);  "Life  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  fron 
the  French  of  MarsoUier"  (Shepton  Mallet,  1812) 
"Spiritual  Entertainments  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales' 
(Taunton,  1814);  "The  Essence  of  Religious  Con 
troversy"  (1827);  "Life  of  St.  Jane  Frances  di 
Chantal"  (London,  18.30).  There  survive  certah 
other  writings  by  Coombes  on  religious  and  politica 
themes. 

Oliver.  Collectanea,  272;  GiLiow.  Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Cath. 
I,  553;    Coopeh  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  109. 

P-^^TRicK  Ryan. 

Copacavana  (also  called  Copacabana),  a  villag( 
of  about  four  hundred  people,  Indians  chiefly,  on  tin 
shore  of  Lake  Titicaca,  pro\'ince  of  Omasuyos,  ii 
northern  Bolivia.  It  is  the  location  of  a  famous  sane 
tuary  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of  Carmel,  and  of  i 
convent  of  Franciscan  Recollects.  During  the  war: 
of  independence  it  was  despoiled  of  most  of  its  ricl 
ornaments  and  gifts,  and  ruthless  plundering  by  faith 
less  custodians  in  the  course  of  political  disturbancei 
has  further  contributed  to  impoverish  it.  The  edi 
fices,  originally  very  handsome,  are  in  a  state  of  sac 
neglect.  It  is  a  shrine  for  pilgrims  from  Bolivia  anc 
southern  Peru,  and  on  6  August  the  feast  of  it: 
patron  saint  is  frequented  by  thousands.  Befon 
1534  Copacavana  was  an  outpost  of  Inca  occu]iatioi 
and  perhaps  the  only  one  on  Bolivian  soil  of  anj 
prominence.  The  Incas  held  it  as  the  key  to  the  verj 
ancient  shrine  and  oracle  on  the  Island  of  Titicaca 
which  they  had  adopted  as  a  place  of  worship,  yield 
ing  to  the  veneration  in  which  it  stood  among  thi 
Aymara  from  time  almost  immemorial.  There  wen 
at  Copacavana  minor  shrines,  in  \\  hich  the  ceremonia 
of  the  Incas  was  observed  with  that  of  the  origina 
inhabitants.  Wlien  the  Spaniards  first  visited  fh< 
Islands  of  Titicaca  and  Koati,  in  1534  and  15.38,  thi 
primitive  cults  were  abandoned  and  the  Dominicani 
made  Copacavana  the  centre  of  their  missions.  Secu 
lar  priests  then  replaced  them  at  the  instigation  o 
the  Viceroy  Francisco  de  Toledo,  and  finally  the  mis 
sion  and  its  annexes  were  entrusted  to  the  Angus 
tinians  in  1589. 

In  1582  an  Indian  from  Copacavana,  struck  by  th( 
sight  of  the  statues  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  which  h( 
saw  in  some  of  the  churches  at  La  Paz,  tried  to  niak( 
one  himself,  and  after  many  failures,  succeeded  in  pro- 
ducing one  of  fair  workmanship  for  an  untraiiiet 
native,  and  it  was  ])laced  at  Copacavana  as  the  statu( 
of  the  tutelar  protectress  of  the  community.  Manj 
miracles  have  been  attributed  to  it.  and  its  fame  hat 
spread  far  bej'ond  the  limits  of  its  surroundings.  Il 
is  kept  in  a  special  chapel,  where  the  Indians  are  un- 
tiring in  their  devotions.  The  jewels  witli  which  it  i; 
adorned  are  jierhaps  the  only  ones  in  the  church  that 
have  not  been  replaced  by  modern  imitations.  Dur- 
ing the  uprising  of  the  Indians  in  1781,  while  the 
church  itself  was  desecrated,  the  "Camarin".  as  thf 
chapel  is  called,  remained  tintouched  and  exempt 
from  spoliation.  Copacavana  is  the  scene  of  offer 
repulsively  boisterous  Indian  celebrations.     On  the 


COPE 


351 


COPE 


2d  of  February  and  6tli  of  August,  Church  festivals 
"urnish  the  pretext  for  Indian  dances  that  the  clergy 
lave  not  yet  been  able  entirely  to  reform.  The  mix- 
;ure  of  the  old  Pagan  with  the  Christian  is  interesting, 
ilthough  a  source  of  mortification  to  the  Bolivian 
;lerg}',  who  are  as  yet  unable  to  modify  it.  Copaca- 
t'ana  is  surrounded  by  pre-Columbian  ruins  of  con- 
iiderable  interest. 

Mention  is  made  of  Copacavana  in  the  earlier  documents 
ouching  what  i.s  now  Bolivia,  as,  for  instance,  Documerttos 
nedilos  para  la  Historia  de  Chile  (1568);  Ramos.  Hist,  del 
Santuario  de  Copacavana  (Lima.  1621);  Oliva,  Hisloria  del 
Peri),  Etc.  (Lima.  s.  d.,  written  c.  1636);  Jaque  de  los  Rigs 
>E  Mancaned,  Voyage  axij;  hides  orientates  et  occidentales 
[ATchives  des  Voyages,  tr.  French.  1606);  Calancha,  Con'miea 
noralizada,  II:  Andres  de  S.  Nicolas,  y'mdgen  de  A'.  S.  de 
?opacavana  (Madrid,  1663);  Maracci,  De  diva  virgine,  Copaca- 
•xtna,  in  peruana  novi  mundi  Regno  celeberrima  (Rome,  1656). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Oope  (known  in  Latin  as  pluviale  or  cappa),  a  vest- 
ment which  may  most  conveniently  be  described  as  a 
iong  liturgical  mantle,  open  in  front  and  fastened  at  the 
breast  with  a  band  or  clasp.  .\s  existing  monuments 
show,  whether  we  look  at  pictorial  representations  or 
at  the  copes  of  early  date  which  still  survive,  there  has 
been  remarkably  little  change  in  the  character  of  the 
vestment  from  the  earliest  ages.  Then  as  now  it  w  as 
made  of  a  piece  of  silk  or  cloth  of  semicircular  shape, 
ind,  as  it  is  important  to  note,  it  diff(>rod  from  the 
jarlier  form  of  chasuble  only  in  this,  that  in  the  chasu- 
ble the  straight  edges  were  sewn  together  in  front  while 
ji  the  cope  they  were  left  open.  The  most  conspicu- 
jus  external  modification  which  the  cojie  has  imder- 
^ne,  during  the  past  thousand  years  and  more,  lies  in 
1  certain  divergence  in  the  shape  of  the  hood,  a  feature 
irhich,  after  all,  is  not  in  any  way  an  e.ssential  part  of 
She  vestment.  In  some  early  examples  we  find  only  a 
little  triangular  hood,  which  was  no  doubt  intended  to 
be  of  practical  utility  in  covering  the  head  in  proces- 
dons,  etc.  But  with  the  lapse  of  time  the  hood  has 
leveloped  into  a  mere  ornamental  ap])endage,  and  it  is 
now  quite  commonly  rciiresented  by  a  sort  of  shield  of 
rich  embroidery,  artificially  stiffened  and  sometimes 
adorned  with  a  fringe,  the  whole  being  fastened  by 
buttons  or  by  some  other  device  to  the  back  of  the 
Bope  below  the  broad  orphrey  which  usually  forms  an 
upper  border  to  the  whole.  The  fact  that  in  many 
early  chasubles,  as  depicted  in  the  drawings  of  the 
eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  w'e  see  clear  traces  of  a 
primitive  hood,  thus  bearing  out  the  explicit  state- 
ment upon  the  point  of  Isidore  of  Seville,  strongly  con- 
Gnns  the  view  that  in  their  origin  cope  and  chasuble 
were  identical,  the  chasuble  being  only  a  cope  with  its 
front  edges  sewn  together. 

History. — The  earliest  mention  of  a  cappa  seems  to 
meetusinGregoryof  Tours,andinthe"Mira('ula"of  St. 
Furseus,  where  it  seems  to  mean  a  cloak  with  a  hood. 
So  from  a  letter  written  in  787  by  Theodemar,  Abbot 
of  Monte  Ca.ssino,  in  answer  to  a  question  of  Charle- 
magne about  the  dress  of  the  monks  (see  Mon.  Germ. 
Hist.:  Epist.  Carol.,  II,  512)  we  learn  that  what  in 
Gaul  was  styled  cuculla  (cowl)  was  known  to  the  Ca.s- 
!8e  monks  as  cappa.  Moreover  the  word  occurs 
more  than  once  in  Alcuin's  corresiioiidence,  appar- 
ently as  denoting  a  garment  for  everyday  wear.  When 
Alcuin  twice  observes  about  a  cn.stila  which  was  sent 
him,  that  he  meant  to  wear  it  always  at  Ma.ss.  we  may 
probably  infer  that  such  garments  at  this  date  were 
not  distinctively  liturgical  owing  to  anj'thing  in  their 
Imaterial  or  construction,  but  that  they  were  set  aside 
'for  the  use  of  the  altar  at  the  choice  of  the  owner,  who 
■  might  equally  well  have  u.sed  them  as  part  of  his  ordi- 
narj-  attire.  In  the  case  of  the  chasuble  the  process  of 
liturgical  specialization,  if  we  may  so  call  it,  w.as  com- 
'ploted  at  a  comparatively  early  date,  and  before  the 
ind  of  the  ninth  century  the  maker  of  a  rnxxda  [irob- 
'ilily  knew  quite  well  in  most  ca.^es  whether  he  intended 
liis  handiwork  for  a  Ma.ss  vestment  or  for  an  everyday 


outer  garment.  But  in  the  case  of  a  cappa,  or  cope, 
this  period  of  specialization  seems  to  have  been  de- 
layed vmtil  much  later.  The  two  hundred  cappa:  of 
which  we  read  in  a  Saint-Riquier  inventory  in  the  year 
801,  a  number  increased  to  377  by  the  year  831, 
were,  we  believe,  mere  cloaks,  for  the  most  part  of 
rude  material  and  destined  for  conunon  wear.  It  may 
be  that  their  use  in  choir  was  believed  to  add  to  the  de- 
corum and  solemnity  of  the  Divine  Office,  especially  in 
the  winterseason.  InS31  one  of  the  Saint-Riquier  copes 
is  specially  mentioned  as  being  of  chestnut  colour  and 
embroidered  with  gold.  This,  no  doubt,  implies  use 
by  a  dignitary,  but  it  does  not  prove  that  it  Wiis  as  yet 
regarded  as  a  sacred  vestment.  In  fact,  if  we  follow 
the  conclusions  of  Mr.  Ednnmd  Bishop  (Dublin  Re- 
view, Jan.,  1897),  who  was  the  first  to  sift  the  evidence 
thoroughly,  it  was  not  until  the  twelfth  centurj'  that 
the  cope,  made  of  rich  material,  was  in  general  use  in 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Church,  at  which  time  it  had 
come  to  be  regarded  as  the  special  vestment  of  can- 
tors. Still,  an  ornamental  cope  was  even  then  con- 
sidered a  vestment  that  might  be  used  by  any  member 
of  the  clergy  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  in  fact 
even  by  one  who  was  only  about  to  be  tonsured. 
Amongst  monks  it  was  the  practice  to  vest  the  whole 
community,  except,  of  course,  the  celebrant  and  the 
sacred  ministers,  in  copes  at  high  Mass  on  the  greatest 
festivals,  whereas  on  feasts  of  somewhat  lower  grade, 
the  community  were  usually  vested  in  albs.  In  this 
moveinent  the  Netherlands,  France,  and  Germany  had 
taken  the  lead,  as  we  learn  from  extant  inventories. 
For  example,  already  in  870,  in  the  Abbey  of  Saint- 
Trond  we  find  '■thirty-three  jirecious  copes  of  silk" 
as  against  only  twelve  chasuliles,  and  it  was  clearly  the 
Cluny  practice  in  the  latter  j>art  of  the  tenth  century 
to  vest  all  the  monks  in  copes  during  high  Mass  on  the 
great  feasts,  though  in  England  the  regulations  of  St. 
Dunstan  and  St.  vEthelwold  show  no  signs  of  any  such 
observance.  The  custom  spread  to  the  secular  canons 
of  such  cathedrals  as  Rouen,  and  cantors  nearly  every- 
where used  copes  of  silk  as  their  own  pecidiar  adorn- 
ment in  the  exercise  of  their  functions. 

Meanwhile  the  old  cappa  7r>gra,  or  cappa  choralis,  a 
choir  cope  of  black  stuff,  open  or  partly  open  in  front, 
and  commonly  provided  w-ith  a  hood,  still  contiiuied 
in  use.  It  was  worn  at  Divine  Office  by  the  clergy  of 
cathedral  and  collegiate  churches  and  also  bv  many 
religious,  as,  for  example,  it  is  retained  by  the  Domin- 
icans during  the  winter  months  down  to  the  present 
day.  (vSee  Costume,  Clerical.)  No  doubt  the 
"copes"  of  the  friars,  to  which  we  find  so  many  refer- 
ences in  the  Wycliffite  literature  and  in  the  writings  of 
Chaucer  and  Langland,  designate  their  open  mantles, 
w'hich  were,  wo  may  say,  part  of  their  full  dress,  though 
not  always  black  in  colour.  On  the  other  han<l  we 
may  note  that  the  cappa  clausa,  or  close  cope,  was 
simply  a  cope  or  cape  sewn  up  in  front  for  conunon 
outdoor  use.  "  The  wearing  of  this  ",  says  Mr.  Bishop, 
(loc.  cit.,  p.  24),  "  instead  of  the  'cappa  scissa',  the  same 
cope  not  sewn  up,  is  again  and  again  enjoined  on  the 
clergy  by  synods  and  statutes  during  the  late  Middle 
Ages."  The  cappa  magna,  now  worn  accortling  to  Ro- 
man usage  by  cardinals,  bishops,  and  certain  specially 
privileged  prelates  on  occasions  of  ceremony,  is  not 
strictly  a  liturgical  vestment,  but  is  only  a  glorified 
cappa  choralis,  or  choir  cope.  Its  colour  for  cardinals 
is  ordinarily  red,  anil  for  l)ishops  violet.  It  is  ample 
in  volume  and  iirt)vided  with  a  long  train  and  a  dis- 
proportionately large  hood,  the  lining  of  which  last, 
ermine  in  winter  and  silk  in  summer,  is  made  to  show 
like  a  tippet  acro.ss  the  breast.  Further  we  must  note 
the  papal  manlum.  which  differs  little  from  an  ordinary 
cope  except  that  it  is  red  in  colour  and  somewhat 
longer.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  the 
immnnlatio,  or  bestowal  of  the  mantum  on  the  newly 
elected  pope,  was  regarded  as  specially  symbolical  of 
investiture  with  pai)al  authority.     "Investio  te  de 


COPENHAGEN 


352 


COPERNICUS 


papatu  romano  ut  prsesis  urbi  et  orbi"  were  the  words 
used  in  conferring  it  (I  invest  thee  with  the  Roman 
papacy,  that  thou  rule  over  the  city  and  the  world). 

Modern  Use. — Under  all  these  different  forms  the 
cope  has  not  substantially  changed  its  character  or 
shape.  It  was  a  vestment  for  processions,  and  one 
worn  by  all  ranks  of  the  clergy  when  assisting  at  a 
function,  but  never  employed  by  the  priest  and  his 
sacred  ministers  in  offering  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  At 
the  present  day  it  is  still,  as  the  "  Caremoniale  "  directs, 
worn  by  cantors  on  certain  festal  occasions  in  the  sol- 
emn Office;  but  it  is  also  the  vestment  assigned  to  the 
celebrant,  whether  priest  or  bishop,  in  almost  all  func- 
tions in  which  the  chasuble  is  not  used,  for  example  in 
processions,  in  the  greater  blessings  and  consecrations, 
at  solemn  Vespers  and  Lauds,  in  giving  Benediction 
of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  at  the  absolutions  and 
burial  of  the  dead,  at  the  .\sperges  before  Mass,  etc. 
At  a  pontifical  high  Mass  it  is  worn  by  the  assistant 
priest  who  especially  attends  upon  the  bishop.  As 
regards  colour  the  cope  follows  that  of  the  day,  and  it 
may  be  made  of  any  rich  or  becoming  material.  Ow- 
ing to  its  ample  dimensions  and  unvarying  shape, 
ancient  copes  are  preserved  to  us  in  proportionately 
greater  numbers  than  other  vestments  and  provide 
the  finest  specimens  of  medieval  embroidery  we  pos- 
sess. Among  these  the  Syon  Cope  in  the  South  Ken- 
sington Museum,  London,  and  the  Ascoli  Cope  are  re- 
markable as  representing  the  highest  excellence  of 
that  specially  English  thirteenth-century  embroidery 
known  as  the  opus  anglicanum.  We  are  also  indebted 
to  the  use  of  copes  for  some  magnificent  specunens  of 
the  jeweller's  craft.  The  brooch  or  clasp,  meant  to 
fasten  the  cope  in  front,  and  variously  called  7norse, 
pectoral,  bottone,  etc.,  was  an  object  often  in  the  high- 
est degree  precious  and  costly.  The  work  which  was 
the  foundation  of  all  the  fortunes  of  Benvenuto  Cel- 
lini was  the  magnificent  morse  which  he  made  for 
Pope  Clement  VIL  (See  Cellini,  Benvenuto.) 
Some  admirable  examples  of  these  clasps  still  survive. 

Besides  the  minor  articles  wliieh  are  devoted  to  this  subject 
in  the  ecclesiastical  encyclopedias  and  worlcs  on  archaeologj-, 
we  may  note  the  exhaustive  work  of  Braun,  Die  hturgi.iche 
Gewandung  (Freiburg,  1907).  306-35S  also  the  very  thorough 
discussion  of  Edmund  Bishop  m  Dublin  «f^I^ew  (.Jan..  isai  ), 
17-38;  and  Thalhofer,  Liturgik,  I,  8S7.  For  some  magnih- 
cent  illustrations  of  copes,  see  especially  db  Iarcy,  J^a 
Broderie.  (Angers,  18901,  and  also  Kohault  de  Fleury,  La 
Messe  (Paris,  1889),  VIII,  1-17. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Copenhagen,  University  of. — It  was  founded  by 
a  Bull  which  Sixtus  IV  issuetl  19  June,  1475,  at  the  re- 
quest of  King  Christian  I.  This  Bull  authorized  the 
primate,  the  Archbishop  of  Lund,  to  establish  a  uni- 
versity in  any  place  selected  by  the  king ;  and  the  latter, 
by  letters  patent  of  4  Oct.,  1478,  laid  the  foundation  at 
Copenhagen.  The  Bishop,  Dean,  and  Provost  of  Ros- 
kild  and  the  Dean  of  Copenhagen  were  appointed  con- 
servators. The  statutes,  drawn  up  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Lund  and  promulgated  28  Nov.,  1479,  followed 
closely  those  of  Cologne.  From  Cologne  also  the  new 
university  received  its  first  professors.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished among  these,  before  the  Reformation,  was 
the  Cannelite,  Povel  Helgesen  (Paul Helia, q.  v.)  writer 
of  imijortant  controversial  and  historical  works.  Both 
he  and  Bishop  Lage  Urne,  chancellor  of  the  university, 
vigorously  opposed  the  advances  of  Protestantism  in 
Denmark.  The  university  suffered  severely  during 
the  religious  upheaval,  but  was  reorganized  under  King 
Christian  III  by  the  Lutheran  theologian,  Johann  Bu- 
genhagen  (15.39),  called  for  that  purpose  from  Witten- 
berg. In  the  conflagration  of  1728  the  university 
buildings  were  almost  totally  destroyed,  but  were  at 
once  restored  by  King  ChristianVI  (1732).  Notable 
among  the  professors'  during  the  modern  (leriod  are 
HoUierg,  Oehlcnschlager,  Ra.sk,  Madvig,  and  Oersted. 
The  university  comprises  at  present  the  faculties  of 
theology,  la\v,"inedicine,  philosophy,  and  sciences,  with 


97  professors  and  about  2000  students.     Tlie  library- 
contains  3.50,000  volumes  anrl  (i500  manuscripts. 

i;i^ ,1.1     Ti..    r,,,- /,.„•  .,r  r>,r.~,.   ..,  ,".,    i/,.,'.,-'/.   .\„rs 


f; 


Nicoi-Ars  Copernicus 


E.   A.   P.1CE. 

Copernicus,  Nicolads,  latinized  form  of  Niclas 
KoppEHNiGK,  the  name  of  the  founder  of  the  helio- 
centric planetary  theory;  b.  at  Thorn,  19  Feb.,  1473, 
d.  at  Frauenburg,  24  May,  1543,  both  places  being  in 
what  is  now  Prussian  territory.  Whether  the  fam- 
ily came  originally  from  Silesia  or  from  Poland,  cer- 
tain it  is  that  his  father  Niclas,  a  merchant,  emigrated 
from  Krakow  to  Thorn,  and  married  the  sLster  of 
Lucas  Watzelrode,  later  Prince-Bishop  of  Ermland.  <  )f 
the  four  children 
the  oldest  and 
youngest,  Andreas 
and  N  i  c  o  1  a  u  s  , 
adopted  the  cler- 
ical career,  while 
the  older  girl  be- 
came a  Cistercian 
nun  and  Abbess  (if 
C  u  1  m  ,  and  tlic> 
younger  marrieil. 
The  whole  family 
belonged  to  the 
Third  Order  of  St. 
Dominic.  Nic- 
olaus  was  hardly 
ten  years  old  when 
hisfatherdied.  His 
uncle,  Lucas,  how- 
ever, took  charge 
of  the  children  and 
gave  the  boys  a  uni- 
versity training. 

Nicolaus  Nicolai  de  Thorunia  was  matriculated  in 
Krakow  in  1491,  where  he  studied  classics,  mathe- 
matics, drawings,  and  perspective.  Professor  Blar, 
who  represented  astronomy,  belonged  to  the  school  of 
Ptolemy.  The  bishop,  himself  a  former  student  of 
Bologna,  sent  the  boys  to  Italy.  In  1497  Nicolaus 
was  enrolled  in  the  LTniversity  of  Bologna  as  of  (\vr- 
man  nationality  and  a  student  in  canon  law.  He 
also  studied  Greek  and  became  a  disciple  of  Novara. 
then  professor  of  astronomy.  To  obtain  for  iiis 
nephews  the  necessary  support,  the  bishop  procured 
their  election  as  canons  by  the  chapter  of  Frauenburg 
(1497-1498).  In  the  spring  of  1500  the  brothers  went 
from  Bologna  to  Rome  for  the  jubilee.  According  to 
George  Joachim,  surnamed  "Rheticus"  (because  a 
native  of  Feldkirch,  in  ancient  Rhsetia)  anil  his  friend 
Achilles  Gasser,  Copernicus  gave  astronomical  lec- 
tures in  the  Eternal  City,  and  it  was  there  that  he 
awoke  to  his  vocation  of  founding  a  new  astronomy. 
The  brothers  obtained  from  the  chapter  of  Frauen- 
burg a  two  years'  leave  of  absence  to  continue  their 
studies.  From  1501  to  1503  Nicolaus  was  in  Padua 
and  Ferrara  studying  medicine  and  jurisprudence. 
In  Ferrara  he  took  his  degree  of  Doctor  of  Canon  Law; 
but  no  document  is  found  of  his  graduating  in  medi- 
cine. His  proficiency  in  that  profession  was,  how- 
ever, later  evinced  by  his  renown  as  a  physician  at  the 
episcopal  court  of  Heilsberg,  where  his  uncle  resided. 
After  his  university  studies  Copernicus  |>ractised  nl(^li- 
cine  for  six  years  (1500-1512)  at  Heilsberg.  1m  iim 
sought  by  bishops  and  princes,  but  especially  In  the 
poor,  whom  he  served  gratis.  Thereisno  docunieni  n' 
show  that  Copernicus  ever  received  higlier  orders.  11 1- 
medicul  [iractice.  which  was  only  private,  wouM  nei 
speak  against  him  being  a  priest;  and  the  fact  thai  in 
1537  King  Sigismund  of  Poland  put  his  name  on  the! 
list  of  four  candidates  for  the  vacant  episcopal  seat  of 


'H4rr  ^rr>*{f9,  AT  \>0r*A.  Uxr'tmt  ^»rAm^  /htJfit  :Jms 

XtM^Jf^:  OeUm  e^Mnr>*UtV^  iycr^^^M^^ ei-onrn^rr^. 
A-  ^^HmJU^  Vff^  ff  ferrff  (**^  ^f*M  hr^r^V*^  ■/'>«Arr*^  <fPvnfi^ 

iwol  0t^f*  'f**^  friri-  4MMe .  tyrrmff  ^^  *HA^rt  fffe  rr^^y-wf-  -  -^f- 

'(M'*^r*f  ^^^yS?  •'  <<W«^  f^^^fcirC7yrplM'*fr7f:fit-atni4Atn. 
Jfi  -•  #5^V^p»4W  m4fft*it  ft**f  ly^U^ht^nJ'H':  fry/*  ^*t^)  hvf*^ 


COPERNICUS,  "DE  ORBIUM  CCELESTIUM  REVOLUTIONIBUS  " 

FACSIMILE   OF   PAGE  OF  THE   MS.,    LIBRARY   OK  THE  COUNTS   NOSTITZ,    PRAGUE 


COPERNICUS 


353 


COPERNICUS 


>tiiland,  makes  it  probable  that,  at  least  in  later  life, 

r  I  Kid  entered  the  priesthood.     After  the  death  of 

is  uncle,  in  1512,  Copernicus  went  to  Frauenbiirg  for 

iic  election  of  the  new  bishop,  and  remained  there  until 

.'>lii,  when  he  was  nominated  administrator  of  the 

iniosan  castle  of  AUenstein.     His  term  of  four  years 

iiiii:  over,  he  returned  to  the  chapter  in  Frauenburg. 

liii'e  years  later  the  bishop  died, and  Copernicus  be- 

inic  administrator  of  the  diocese.     While  the  quiet 

iV  at  Heilsberg  had  left  him  enough  leisure  to  pub- 

^li  a  Latin  translation  of  the  Greek  letters  of  Theo- 

hylactus  (1509),  his  public  offices  gradually  drew 

im  into  the  study  of  finance.     In  1522  he  wrote  a 

lorandum  on  monetary  reforms,  which  five  years 

grew  into  a  Latin  treatise.     It  was  so  highly 

NL;ht  of  that  the  King  of  Poland  substantially  ac- 

I'li'd    it    (152S),    and   Copernicus   was    nominated 

'|nity  counsellor   on    the    financial  regulations    of 

riissi'a  (1522-29). 

Those  various  offices,  however,  could  not  distract 

le  ijenius  of  Copernicus  from  the  main  thought  of  his 

U'.     The  towers  of  Heilsberg,  of  AUenstein,  and  of 

raiienburg  became  so  many  observatories,  and  his 

tat   work   "On  the   Revolutions  of   the    Celestial 

■  niies"  bears  testimony  to  his  unremitting  observa- 

iis  of  sun,  moon,  and  planets.      His  reputation  was 

i<  'i  that  a.s  early  as  1514  the  Lateran  Council,  con- 

iki',1  by  Leo  X.  a.sked  through  Bishop  Paul  of  Fos- 

iiiil>rone,  for  his  opinion  on  the  reform  of  the  eccle- 

:i>iical  calendar.     His  answer  was,  that  the  length 

the  year  and  of  the  months  and  the  motions  of  the 

111  and  moon  were  not  yet  sufficiently  known  to  at- 

iiipt  a  reform.     Tlie  incident,  however,  spurred  him 

I  as  he  himself  writes  to  Paul  III,  to  make  more 

riirate   observations;    and   these   actually  served, 

\iiity  years  later,  as  a  basis  for  the  working  out  of 

!■  (Iregorian  calendar.     Twenty-five  years  after  his 

i!\ersity  career,  he  had  finished  his  great  work,  at 

t<t   in  his  own  mind,  but  hesitated  a  long  time, 

J  ether  to  publish  it  or  to  imitate  the  Pythagoreans, 

liM  transmitted  the  mysteries  of  their  philosophy 

ily  orally  to  their  owTi  disciples  for  fear  of  exposing 

I  ■ni  to  the  contempt  of  the  multitude.     His  friends 

iin  had  become  interested  in   the  new  theory  pre- 

)ilrd  on  him  to  write  at  least  an  abstract  for  them, 

iiiu.script  copies  of  which  have  been  discovered  in 

hiia  (187.3)  and  Stockholm  (1878).     In  this  com- 

jarj^  Copernicus  stated  his  theorj'  in  the  form  of 

II  axioms,  reserving  the  mathematical  part  for  the 

ipal  work.     This  was  in  15.31,  or  twelve  years 

ri-  his  death.     From  this  on  the  doctrine  of  the 

iientric  system  began  to  spread.     In  1533  Albert 

Imanstadt  lectured  before  Pope  Clement  VII  on 

I  ujiernican  solar  system.     His  reward  consisted 

<  Ircek  codex  which  is  preserved  in  the  State  li- 

!  y  of  Munich.     Three  years  later  Copernicus  was 

i   by  Cardinal   Schonberg,   then   Archbishop   of 

la,  in  a  letter,  dated  at  Rome,  1  November,  1536, 

il)li.sh  his  discoverj',  or  at  least  to  have  a  copy 

I  ■  at  the  cardinal's  expense.     But  all  the  urging 

I  riends   was    in    vain,  until  a  younger  man  was 

identlally  sent  to  hLs  side. 

1   was  George  Joachim  Rheticus  who  quitted  his 

r  of  mathematics  in  Wittenberg  in  order  to  spend 

'  years  at  the  feet  of  the  new  master  (1539-41). 

irdly  ten  weeks  after  his  arrival  in  Frauenburg  he 

lit  a  "First  Narration"  of  the  new  solar  .system  to 

scientific  friend  Schoner  in  Nuremberg,   in  the 

'  1  of  a  let  ter  of  sixty-six  pages,  which  was  soon  after 

i'd  in  Danzig  (1540)  and  Basle  (1541).     Rheticus 

■.I  obtained  for  publication  the  manuscript  of  a 

■litninary  chapter  of  the  great  work  on  plane  and 

lnrical  trigonometrj-.     Finally  Copernicus,  feeling 

weight  of  his  sixty-eight  years,  yielded,   as  he 

•s   to   Paul    III,   to   the   entreaties   of  Cardinal 

'iil)crg,  of  Bishop  Giese  of  Culm,  and  of  other 

iriied  men  to  surrender  his  manuscripts  for  publica- 

IV— 23 


tion.  Bishop  Giese  charged  Rheticus,  as  the  ablest 
disciple  of  the  great  master,  with  the  task  of  editing 
the  work.  The  intention  of  the  latter  was  to  take  the 
manuscript  to  A\ittenberg  and  have  it  published  at 
the  university;  but  owmg  to  the  hostility  prevailing 
there  against  the  Copernican  system,  only  the  chapter 
on  trigonometrj'  was  printed  (1542).  The  two  copies 
of  the  "First  Narration"  and  of  the  treatise  on  trig- 
onometry, which  Rheticus  presented  to  his  friend 
Dr.  Gasser,  then  practising  medicine  in  Feldkirch, 
may  be  seen  in  the  Vatican  Library  (Palat.  IV,  585). 
Rheticus  then  turned  to  Schoner  in  Nuremberg,  who, 
together  with  Osiander,  accepted  the  charge  and  en- 
gaged the  printing-house  of  Petreius  in  the  same  city. 
In  the  meanwhile  Rheticus  tried  to  resume  his  chair 
in  Wittenberg,  but  on  account  of  his  Copernican 
views  had  to  resign  (1542)  and  turned  to  Leipzig 
(1543).  He  was  thus  prevented  from  giving  his  per- 
sonal attention  to  the  edition,  nor  was  the  author  him- 
self able  to  superintend  it.  Copernicus  became  par- 
alyzed on  the  right  side  and  \\eakened  in  memory  and 
mind  many  days  before  his  death.  The  first  copy  of 
the  "  Six  Books  on  the  Revolutions  of  the  Celestial 
Orbits"  was  handed  to  him  the  very  day  he  died. 
Fortunately  for  him,  he  could  not  see  what  Osiander 
had  done.  This  reformer,  knowing  the  attitude  of 
Luther  and  Melanchthon  against  the  heliocentric  .sys- 
tem, introduced  the  word  "Hypothesis"  on  the  title 
page,  and  without  adding  his  own  name,  replaced  the 
preface  of  Copernicus  by  another  strongly  contrasting 
in  spirit  with  that  of  Copernicus.  The  preface  of  Osi- 
ander warns  the  reader  not  to  expect  anything  certain 
from  astronomy,  nor  to  accept  its  hypothesis  as  true, 
ne  slullior  ab  liac  disciplind  discedat,  quam  accessenl. 
The  dedication  to  Pope  Paul  III  was,  however,  re- 
tained, and  the  text  of  the  work  remained  intact,  as 
was  ascertained  later  when  access  was  had  to  the 
original  manuscript,  now  in  the  family  library  of  the 
Counts  Nostitz  in  Prague. 

Opposition  was  first  raised  against  the  Copernican 
system  by  Protestant  theologians  for  Biblical  reasons, 
and  strange  to  say  it  has  continued,  at  least  sporadic- 
ally, to  our  own  days.  A  list  of  many  of  their  pamph- 
lets is  enumerated  by  Beckmann.  On  the  Catholic 
side  opposition  only  commenced  seventy-three  years 
later,  when  it  was  occasioned  by  Galileo.  On  5  March, 
1616,  the  work  of  Copernicus  was  forbidden  by  the 
Congregation  of  the  Index  "until  corrected",  and  in 
1620  these  corrections  were  indicated.  Nine  sen- 
tences, by  which  the  heliocentric  system  was  repre- 
sented as  certain,  had  to  be  either  omitted  or  changed. 
This  done,  the  reading  of  the  book  was  allowed.  In 
1758  the  book  of  Copernicus  disappeared  from  the 
revised  Index  of  Benedict  XIV.  New  editions  were 
issued  in  Basle  (1566)  by  Rheticus;  in  Amsterdam 
(1617)  by  Miiller  of  Gottingen;  in  Warsaw  (18.54)  an 
Edition  de  luxe  with  Polish  translation  and  the  real 
preface  of  Copernicus;  and  the  latest  (5th)  in  Thorn 
(1873)  by  the  Copernicus  Society,  on  the  four  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  the  author's  birthday,  with  all 
the  corrections  of  the  text,  made  by  Copernicus, 
given  as  foot-notes.  A  monument  by  Thorwaldsen 
was  erected  to  Copernicus  in  Warsaw  (1830),  and 
another  by  Tieck  at  Thorn  (1853).  Rheticus,  Cla- 
vius,  and  others  called  Copernicus  the  second  Ptolemy, 
and  his  book  the  second  '.Vlmagest".  His  genius 
appears  in  the  fact  that  he  grasped  the  truth  centuries 
before  it  could  be  proved.  If  he  had  precursors,  they 
are  to  be  compared  to  those  of  Columbus.  What  is 
most  significant  in  the  character  of  Copernicus  is  this, 
that  while  he  did  not  shrink  from  demolishing  a  scien- 
tific system  consecrated  by  a  thousand  years'  univer- 
sal acceptance,  he  set  his  face  against  the  reformers 
of  religion.  For  supplementary  information  see  the 
article  Galileo. 


COPPEE 


354 


COQUAKT 


Nicolaus    Copernicus   mid    Martin    Luthrr    (18681,    ibitl..    TV; 
Idem,  i^picitegium  Copeniicanum  (H^auTl^t)0^<?.    ISTMi;     liinri. 

Capemico,  etc.    (Rome.    1876);     lihi.i      /.,,,/,',,    <,, ,    ,,  , 

(Leipzig,  1876);    Prowe.  Nicohi       ■  1  .  ;'  ■      l^- 

MuLLER,   Nicolaus  Copernicus  lu  '/-/■, 

(FreiburgimBr.,  1898).supplemfni  .  J,  ll.ii  1)  ■,  \  ..,;-,„  , 
in  Popular S';ience  Monthly  (New  York.  June.  lUOl);  CosT.uiD. 
History  of  Astronomy  (London,  1767);  N.\rrien',  Historical 
Account,  etc.  (London^  1833)  Rothma.n,  Hist,  of  Astronomy 
in  Library  of  Useful   Knowledge  ( — 1834). 

J.  G.  Hagen. 

Ooppee,FRANfois  Edodard  Joachim,  poet,  dram- 
atist and  novelist,  b,  at  Paris,  26  January,  1842;  d.  23 
May,  1908.  His  father,  a  clerk  in  the  war  depart- 
ment, gave  him  the  example  of  a  true  Christian  life. 
He  studied  for  a  few  years  at  the  Lyc^e  Saint- Louis, 
but  his  family  being  in  straightened  circumstances,  he 
left  the  school  before  graduating  to  aid  in  their  sup- 
port. He  completed  his  education  by  private  study, 
spending  long 
hours  in  the  Li- 
brary Ste-Gene- 
vieve,  after  a  hard 
day's  work.  In 
186.3,  he  joined  the 
group  of  poets 
later  celebrated 
imder  the  name  of 
the  "Parnas- 
siens",  and  three 
years  later  pub- 
lished his  first  col- 
lection of  verses, 
"Le  Reliquaire", 
soon  followed  by 
"Intimites".  His 
first  play  "  Le  Pas- 
sant ' ',  was  pro- 
duced in  1869. 
Through  the  in- 
fluence of  Prin- 
cesse  Mathilde,  he 
was  appointed  as- 
sistant-librarian at  the  senate,  a  sinecure  which  allowed 
him  to  devote  himself  to  literature.  From  1871  to  1885 
he  was  librarian  at  the  Com^'die  Fran(;aise.  In  1876  he 
received  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour,  and  was 
elected  to  the  French  Academy  in  1884,  succeeding  Lap- 
rade,  another  poet  whose  talent  did  no  little  honour  to 
the  Catholic  Faith.  The  works  of  Coppee  come  under 
four  classes :  narrative  poems,  dramas,  novels  and  short 
stories.  The  narrative  poems,  including  "  Le  Reli- 
quaire" (1866),  "Intimitfe"  (1868),  "Les  Humbles" 
(1872),  "Contes  en  Vers"  (1880),  and  "Les  Poemes 
Modernes"  (1867-1869),  present  picturesque  studies 
of  contemporary  life,  the  sentimental  realism  of  which 
is  entirely  free  from  coarseness  or  triviality.  He 
wrote  a  great  nimiber  of  plays  in  verse,  chief  among 
which  are:  "  Le  Passant"  "(1869),  "Le  Luthier  de 
Cremone"  (1876),  "Severo  Torelli"  (1883),  which  is 
regarded  as  his  dramatic  masterpiece,  "  Les  Jacobites" 
(1885),  "Pour  La  Couronne"  (1895),  "Fais  ce  que 
Dois  "  ( 187 1 ) ,  and  "  Le  Pater ' ',  a  play  dealing  with  an 
episode  of  the  Commune;  long  forbidden  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, it  obtained  a  great  success  in  1890.  His 
drama  is  remarkable  for  its  lofty  and  generous  ideals, 
while  its  technique  shows  a  constant  effort  to  combine 
the  theory  of  romanticism  with  the  demands  of  mod- 
ern theories.  His  works  in  prose  comprise  several 
novels-  "Henriette"  (1889);  " Une  idylle  pendant  le 
siftge"  (1874);  "Les  vrais  riches"  (1898);  "Rivales" 
(1893) ;  "  le  Coupable"  (1897),  and  many  short  stories 
"  Contes  en  prose  "  ( 1 882) ;  "  Vingt  contes  nou veaux ' ' 
(1883);  "Contes  rapides"  (1889).  The  short  stories 
are  the  most  popular  part  of  his  works.  Simplicity, 
truth  and  vividness  in  the  portrayal  of  familiar  scenes, 
constitute  the  charm  that  has  so  endeared  the  author 
to  readers  the  world  over.  In  "  La  Boime  Souf- 
france",  written  in  1898,  after  a  serious  illness  that 


brought  him  back  to  the  religious  faith  of  his  child- 
hooil,  there  are  elements  of  great  strength  and  sweet- 
ness. The  last  years  of  his  life  were  saddened  by 
cruel  sufferings  enilured  with  jjatience  He  was  a 
modest  man  and  led  a  quiet  simple  life.  He  was 
always  ready  to  help  those  who  struggle  through  life 
in  obscurity.  He  gave  to  the  French  Academy,  in 
1907,  a  sum  yielding  81200  annually  to  be  used  as  a 
prize  for  young  poets. 

.Standard  editions:  Edition  ehh-iriennc  (Paris,  1S70-1S94.  13 
vol.);  OcuiTps  compWcs  (Paris.  1887-1903).  16  vol.;  Lescurs 
F.  Coppee.  I'homme.  la  rie  et  I'muvre  (Paris,  18S9);  de  Jcllej- 
■\TLLE,  Hifttoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  fran^aises  (Paris, 
1899)   VIII;   G.iUBEHT,  F.  Coppee  (Paris.  1906). 

Louis  N.  Del.\marre. 

Coptic  Church.     See  Egypt. 

Coptic  Versions  of  the  Bible.  See  Versions  op 
THE  Bible.  i 

Coptos,  a  titular  see  of  Upper  Eg\-pt.     It  was  the  ' 
chief  town  of  the  Nomos  of  Harawi  (Two  Hawks  i ,  :infl 
was  once  politically  important,  but  under  the  elc\i  utli 
dynasty  it  was  overshadowed  by  Thefjes.     Its  ju  iiici- 
pal  god  was  Manou,  with  an  Isis  and  an  Horus  infant; 
the  remains  of  their  temple  were  explored  by  Flinders 
Petrie  in  1894.     Coptos  was  at  the  starting-point  of 
the  two  great  routes  leading  to  the  coast  of  the  Re<l 
Sea,  the  one  towards  the  port  Taaou  (Myoshormos), 
the  other  more  southerly,  towards  the  port  of  Sha- 
shirit   (Berenice).     Under   the   Pharaohs   the   wliole 
trade  of  southern  Egypt  with  the  Red  Sea  passed  over 
these  two  roads;  under  the  Ptolemies,  ami  in  Roman 
and  Byzantine  times,  merchants  followed  the  sami 
roads  for  purposes  of  barter  with  the  coasts  of  Zanzi- 
bar,   Southern   Arabia,    India,    and    the    Far    East 
Coptos  was  most  prosperous  under  tlie  Antoniiics;  ii 
was  captured  in  292  by  Diocletian  after  a  Ions:  ..-i.^c 
but  soon  recovered  its  former  staiidiim.     In  tlir  .sixtl 
century  it  was  called  Justiiiiaiiopi.lis.     The  scr  w;i 
suffragan  of  Ptolemais  in    IIk  hais   .•<i(\iii.la.     I'ivi 
bishops  are  known  (Lequifu,  11,  (.HIT):   Throdorus,  : 
partisan  of  Meletius;    Phcebammon  in  431;   Sabinuli; 
in  451 ;  Vincent,  author  of  the  "Canonical  Solutions''^ 
preserved  in  an  Arabic  translation  and  highly  esl 
teemed  by  the  Copts;  Moyses,  who  WTote  the  pane 
gjTic  of  Vincent.     Under  the  caliphs  and  the  sultan 
Koptos  remained  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  Said.     I 
1176  its  Christian  inhabitants  raised  the  standard  < 
revolt  against  the  Mussulmans,  but  were  proni;'tl 
suppressed  by  El  Adel.  brother  of  Saleh  ed-Din  iSak 
din),  who  hanged  nearly  3000  on  the  trees  arounil  lli 
city.     In  the  thirteenth  century  there  were  still  in  th 
region  numerous  monasteries.     Co|.)tos  was  ruinid  i 
the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Turkish  conquest.     It 
to-day  a  village  called  Kebt,  or  Keft,  with  about  2,Jt 
inhabitants,  subject  to  the  mudirieh  of  Keneh:   it 
situated  near  the  right  bank  of  the  Xile,  between  Dei 
derail   (Tynteris)  and  Karnak  (Thebes),  about  6: 
miles  from  Cairo. 

Smith,  Diet,  of  Gr.  and  Rom.  Geogr.  (London.  1S78\  I.  l)( 
S.   VailI!!':.    ; 

Coquart,  Claude-Godefroi.  missionary-  and  am  | 
chaplain,  h.  in  Pays  de  Caux,  France.  20  Februai   ( 
1706;    d.  at  Chicoutimi,  Canada,  4  July,  1765.     ]  ' 
began  his  novitiate  in  the  Jesuit  College  at  Paris. 
May,  1726,  studied  at  the  College  of  Louis  le  Gra 
and  at  La  Fleche,  and  was  professor  at  Arras  a 
Hesdin.     In  1740  he  set  out  for  Canada  and,  in  I 
following  year,  journeyed  with  \'erendrye  to  Fort 
Rcine.     lie  probably  returned  with  Verendr>-e  wl' 
that  explorer  was  compelled  to  resign  his  jjo.sition 
commandant  in  the  North-West.   From  1746  to  17 
Father  Coquart  laboured  on  the  Saguenay  niissi; 
and  later  at  Quebec.     After  the  con(|Ucst  of  Camil 
he  atteini>li<d  to  settle  a  few  Jesuits  in  Acadia,  but   >f 
English  avithorilies  forced  tlieni  to  leave.     He  tU: 
rcsmned  his  labours  in  the  Saguenay  region,  wherci»i. 


i 


CORACESIUM 


355 


CORBIE 


iclnsfd  his  missionarj-  career.     He  has  left  an  Abnaki 

jgraiiimar  and  dictionarj'.     In  the  Jesuit  Relations 

'(Thwaites  ed.,  LXIX)  is  a  memoir  written  by  liim 

for  tlic  Intendant  of  Canada,  in  which  he  describes 

1 1 II-  so-called  "  King's  Posts"  of  Eastern  Canada,  with 

pniiiical  observations  and  suggestions  that  make  it 

I 'liable  document  for  economic  study. 

M  iiEMONTF.ix,  Lcsjesuites  et  la  NouveUc-France  auXVlII'^ 

I'aris,  1906).  I,  iii;  Thwaites  ed..  Jesuit  Rdations  (Cleve- 

1S96-1901),  LXIX,  2S9,  290;    Pilu.ng.  Bibliography  of 

I    !nnquian  Languages  (\A'ashington,  1891).  94;   Bois,  Notice 

.    r,  Claude  Godfroid  Coquart  (copv  in  library  of  Wis.  Hist." 

1  );    S.tDLlER.    An  Historic  Spot  in  the  Catholic  World 

'  ;  .  LIX,  309  sq.;    Prud'homme,  Revue  Canadicnne  (1897), 

I    'I.-';    Brown',  Two  Missionary  Priests  at  Mackinac;    Idem, 

•I.  Anne's  Parish  Register  at  Michillimackinac  (Chicago,  1889). 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Coracesium,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.     Accord- 

:iu  to  Ptnli^my  (V,  5,  3),  this  town  was  not  in  Cilicia 

larlieia.  but  in  Roman  Pamphylia.     It  had  belonged 

o  Isauria  according  to  the  pre- Roman  ethnic  system, 

ml  from  A.  D.  74  was  probably  included  in  Lycia- 

'anijiliylia.     Its  port  was  the   chief  centre   of  the 

niiniis  CiHcian  pirates:  there  Diodorus  Tryphon  was 

ilii'l  by  Antiochus  VII,  and  the  pirates  utterly  de- 

irnyed    by   Pomjiey,    who    levelled    their    fortress. 

liiaccsium  became  a  suffragan  of  Side,  metropoHs 

f   Pamphylia   Prima.     Lequicn   (I,  1007)   mentions 

.Illy  four  bishops,  the  first  having  been  present  at 

iUe  Council  of  Constantinople  (381),  the  last  at  the 

J  ouncil  of  Constantino])le  in  681;   but  the  see  is  still 

lentioned  in  the  "Xotitiae  episcopatuum "  as  late  as 

le  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century.     Coracesium  is  now 

little   -town   with   about    2000    inhabitants    (500 

reeks;,  the  chief  centre  of  a  cma  in  the  vilayet  of 

onia.     Its  Turkish  name  is  Alaya.     The  Armenians 

ive  conijiletely  disapiwared,  though  the  town  was  a 

rj'  important  one  in  the  time  of  the  Rupens.     There 

•e  curious  ruins,  walls,  ancient  tombs,  and  other  re- 

ains  of  antiquity,  and  many  romantic  stories  are 

|«ociated  with  it. 

BEArroRT,  Caramania  (London,  1847);  Cuinet,  Turquie 
Asie.  I,  867-870;  AUSHAN,  Sissouan  (Venice,  1899),  368  sq., 
th  illustrations. 

S.   PtTRlDES. 

Corbavia,  Diocese  of.     See  Szeny. 

Corbeiensis  Codex.     See  MSS.  of  the  Bible. 

Corbett,  J.^.mes.     See  Sale,  Diocese  of. 

Corbie  (Corby  or  Corbington),  Ambrose,  b.  near 
tirham,  7  Dec,  1004;   d.  at  Rome,  11  April,  1649. 
i  was  the  fourth  son  of  Gerard  Corbie  and  his  wife 
ibella  Richardson,  exiles  for  the  Faith.     Of  their 
ildren,  Ambrose,  Ralph,  and  Robert,  having  he- 
me Jesuits  (Richard  died  as  a  student  at  St.-Omers, 
d  the  two  surviving  daughters,  Mary  and  Catherine, 
' '      came  Benedictine  nuns  at  Bru-ssels),  the  parents  by 
itual  agreement  entered  religion.   The  father  entered 
'■       [iSocicty  of  Jesusasalaybrothcr  in  1628. and  having 
.1    »nciled  his  father  Ralph  (aged  100)  to  the  Church, 
y,     sdat  Watten,  17  ."^ept.,  1037.     The  mother,  in  1033, 
a  professed  as  a  Benedictine  at  Ghent  and  died  a 
.^(     ttenarian,  25  Dec.,  1652.     Ambrose  at  the  age  of 
ffjl     elve  entered  St.-Omers,  going  thence  (1622)  to  the 
(;4     ^ish  College,  Rome.     He  entered  the  Society  of 
jia     lus  at  Watten  in  1027,  and  in  1641  was  professed. 
■M     .ving  taught  with  success  for  some  years  at  St.- 
t^     lers,  and  been  minister  at  Ghent  in  1645,  he  was 
j)     Jointed  confessor  at  the  English  College,   Rome, 
,.  ((B*"*  he  died  in  his  forty-fifth  year.     His  works  are: 
"Certamcn  Triplex"  etc.,  the  historv-  of  the  mar- 
dom  of  three  English  Jesuit  priests:   Thomas  Hol- 
^.jfv     id,  his  own  brother  Raliih  Corbie  (see  below),  and 
',-     nry  Mor.se  (Antwerp,  104.5,  12m(>),  with  three  en- 

fved  i)ortraits;  rejirinlcd  (Mtmich,  1046,  12mo); 
^ilish  translation  bv  10.  T.  Seargill  under  the  title  of 
'''''  he  Threefold  Conflict",  etc.;  ed.  W.  T.  Turnbull 
", f^  I  >ndon,  1858,  8vo).     (2)  An  account  of  his  family; 


# 


English  version  in  Foley,  "Records",  III,  64.  (3) 
"Vita  e  morte  del  Frafcllo  Tomaso  Stilintono  [i.  e. 
Stillington  alias  C>glethorpe]  novitio  Ingle.se  della  Com- 
pagnia  di  Gesu  morto  in  Messina,  15  Sept.,  1017"; 
(MS. at  .Stoneyhurst College;  see  "Hist.  MSS. Comm.", 
3rd  Report,  338,  tr.  and  ed.  Foley,  "Records",  III, 
15  sqq. 

SoMMERVOGEL,  BibUothique  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II,  1410;  Gillow, 
Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.,  1,  503. 

Ralph  (called  at  times  Corbingto.n),  Venerable, 
brother  of  the  above,  martyr-priest,  b.  25  March,  1598, 
near  Dublin;  d.  7  September,  1044.  From  the  age  of 
five  he  spent  his  childhood  in  the  north  of  England, 
then  going  over  seas  he  studied  atSaint-Omer,  Seville, 
and  Valladolid,  where  he  was  ordained.  Having  be- 
come a  Jesuit  about  1020,  he  came  to  England  in  1631 
and  laboured  in  Durham.  He  was  seized  by  the  Par- 
liamentarians at  Hamsterley,  8  July,  1644,  when 
clothed  in  his  Mass  vestments,  conveyed  to  London, 
and  committed  to  Newgate  (22  July),  with  his  friend 
John  Duckett,  a  secular  priest.  At  their  trial  (Old 
Bailey,  4  September)  they  both  admitted  their  priest- 
hood, were  condemned  to  death,  and  executed  at  Ty- 
burn, 7  September.  Stonyhurst  has  a  relic  of  Father 
Corbie;  for  the  Duke  of  Gueldres'  attestation  in  1650 
of  other  relics,  see  Foley's  "  Records  S.  J.",  I,  564 ;  the 
"Certamen"  portrait  is  reproduced  in  "Records", 
VII  (I),  168;  for  his  letters,  see  vol.  Ill,  69  sqq.,  of 
the  same  work.  The  Corbie  alias,  according  to  Foley 
[op.  cit.,  VII  (II),  898]  was  Carlington  or  Carlton. 

Tanner,  Societas  Jcsu  militans,  122;  Challoner,  Mission- 
ary Priests  (1742).  II.  278;  Dodd,  Church  History.  Ill,  111; 
OuvER,  Collectanea  S.  J.,  674;  Foley,  Records  S.  J.,  Ill, 
59-98,  151  sqq.;  VI,  299;  VII  (1).  167;  Gillow.  Bibl.  Diet. 
Eng.  Cath.,  I,  564;  Cooper  in  Diet.  i\al.  Biog.,  XII,  209;  Cer- 
tamen Triplex  (Antwerp,  1G45). 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Corbie  (also  Corbey),  Monastery  of,  a  Benedic- 
tine abbey  in  Pieardy,  in  the  Diocese  of  Amiens, 
dedicated  to  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul.  It  was  foundi  d 
in  657  by  Saint 
Bathilde,  widow  of 
Clovis  II,  and  both 
she  and  her  son 
Clotaire  III  en- 
dowed it  richly 
with  lands  and 
privileges.  The 
latter  were  subse- 
quently confirmed 
by  Popes  Benedict 
III  and  Nicholas 
I.  The  first  monks 
came  from  Lux- 
euil,  Theodefrid 
being  the  first 
abbot.  Under  .*>(. 
Adelhard,  the 
ninth  abbot,  tlic 
monastic  school  of 
Corbie  attained 
great  celebrity  and 

about    the    same      ~  \.      .^        ; 

time  it  sent  forth  ih"1'c"  "^  .^r. .  tephls-,  ^  i  u 
a  colony  to  found  the  ;ibl)ey  of  Corvey  in  .Saxony.  In 
1137  a  fire  destroyed  the  monastic  buildings  but  they 
were  rebuilt  on  a  larger  scale.  ( 'ommendatory  abbots 
were  introduced  in  15.50,  amongst  those  that  held  the 
benefice  being  Cardinal  Mazarin.  The  somewhat 
drooping  fortimes  of  the  abbey  were  revived  in  161S, 
when  it  was  one  of  the  first  to  be  incorporated  into 
the  new  Congregation  of  Saint-Maur.  At  its  sui>- 
pression  in  1790  the  buildings  were  partly  demolished, 
but  the  church  remains  to  this  day,  with  its  imposing 
portal  and  western  towers.  One  of  the  most  famous 
scholars  produced  by  Corbie  was  Paschasius  Radbert 
(d.  865),  the  first  to  write  a  comprehensive  treatise  on 


CORBINIAN 


356 


CORCORAN 


the  Blessed  Sacrament.  In  the  controversy  to  which 
this  work  gave  rise,  his  chief  opponent  was  Ratram- 
nus,  one  of  his  own  monks,  whose  views,  however,  are 
at  variance  with  Cathohc  teaching;  both  treatises  are 
printed  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CXX-CXXI.  The  library  of 
Corbie,  rich  and  extensive,  was  removed  to  Saint- 
Germain-des-Pr^s  in  1624. 

Mabillon,  Lives  of  St.  Bathilde  and  Bl.  Theodefrid  in  Acta 
Sanctorum  O.  S.  B.  soec.  II.  (Venice,  1733);  Sainte-Marthe, 
Gallia  Christiana  (Paris,  1728),  X,  1263;  Migne,  Diet,  des 
abbayes  (Paris,  1856);  Seiters  in  Kirchenlex,  III,  lOSS-89; 
Chevalier,  Topo-bibliogr.  (Paris,  1S94-99),  793-94,  good  bib- 
liography. A  view  of  the  abbey,  as  it  was  before  suppression, 
is  given  in  Delacourt  and  Delisle,  Monasticon  Gallicanum 
(Paris,  1871),  II.  pi.  76. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Corbinian,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Freising,  in  Bavaria, 
b.  about  680  at  Chatres  near  Melun,  France;  d.  8 
September,  730.  His  feast  is  celebrated  8  Septembor, 
translation,  20  November;  emblem,  a  bear.  Nothing 
is  known  of  his  youth.  His  father,  Waldekiso,  died 
before  the  birth  of  Corbinian.  After  the  death  of  his 
mother,  Corbiniana,  he  lived  as  a  hermit  at  the  church 
of  Saint-Germain  at  Chatres.  With  some  of  his 
disciples  he  went  to  Rome  in  716  (709).  Here  he  was 
consecrated  bishop,  given  the  pallium,  and  sent  to 
preach,  which  he  cUd  with  great  success  in  the  vicinity 
of  his  former  home.  In  723  (716)  he  again  visited 
Rome,  with  the  intention  of  resigning.  Tlie  pope 
would  not  listen  to  his  request.  On  his  return  trip 
Corbinian  came  to  Mais  in  TjtoI,  where  he  was  induced 
by  messengers  of  Duke  Grimoald  to  go  to  Bavaria, 
and  settle  at  Freising.  The  dates  of  the  Roman  jour- 
neys are  somewhat  confused,  but  the  people  of  Freis- 
ing seem  to  consider  724  as  the  date  of  Corbinian 's 
arrival,  for  in  1724  was  celebrated  the  tenth,  and  in 
1824  the  eleventh  centenary  of  the  existence  of  the 
diocese.  On  accoimt  of  the  incestuous  marriage  of 
Grimoald,  his  apparent  repentance,  and  subsequent 
relapse,  Corbinian  left  Freising,  but  returned  in  729 
(725),  on  the  invitation  of  Hucbert,  Grimoald's  suc- 
cessor, and  continued  his  apostolic  labours.  His  body 
was  buried  at  Freising,  then  transferred  to  Mais,  and 
in  769  brought  back  to  Freising  by  Bishop  Aribo,  who 
also  wrote  his  life.  St.  Corbinian  was  a  man  of  zeal, 
and  of  strong  feeling,  not  to  say  temper,  and  exercised 
great  influence  over  all  with  whom  he  came  in  con- 
tact. 

Mann,  Popes  of  the  Early  Middle  Ages  (London,  1902).  Vol.  I, 
Pt.  II.  p.  152  sq.;  Hope,  Conversion  of  the  Teutonic  Races,  II, 
40,'  Acta  SS.,  September.  Ill,  261 ;  Meichelbeck,  Historia  Fris- 
ingensis  I,  pt.  II.  3  sqq. ;  Hauck,  Kirchengeschichte  Deutschlands 
(1887),  I,  345;  Wattenbach,  Deulschl.  Geschichtsquellen,  1,96; 
Fastlinger,  Beitr.  zur  Gesch.  des  Erzb.  Munchen  und  Freising 
(1901).  VII. 

Francis  Mershm.\n. 

Corcoran,  James  Andrew,  theologian,  editor,  and 
Orientalist,  b.  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  U.  S. 
A.,  30  March,  1820;  d.  at  Philadelphia,  16  July,  1889. 
In  his  fourteenth  year  he  was  sent  to  the  College  of 
Propaganda,  Rome,  where  he  made  a  brilliant  course 
and  was  ordained  priest  21  December,  1842.  He  was 
the  first  native  of  the  Carolinas  who  received  priestly 
orders.  He  remained  a  year  longer  in  Rome  to  com- 
plete his  studies  and  was  made  doctor  in  sacred  theol- 
ogy. He  read  with  ease  the  literatures  and  dialects 
of  Western  and  Northern  Europe,  spoke  Latin  as 
fluently  as  his  native  tongue,  and  acquired  that 
thorough  mastery  of  the  idiom  which  distinguishes 
the  text  of  the  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Balti- 
more. In  addition,  he  was  a  profound  Semitic 
scholar,  with  a  special  predilection  for  SjTiac.  On 
the  death  of  Bishop  England  in  1842  he  was  recalled 
to  Charleston,  where  he  taught  in  the  seminary,  doing 
parochial  work  in  the  meantime,  and  in  conjunction 
with  Dr.  Lynch  edited  the  "Unile<l  States  Catholic 
Miscellany",  the  first  distinctively  Catholic  literary 
periodical  publi.shed  in  the  United  States.  His  posi- 
tion as  a  Catholic  editor  naturally  involved  him  in 


many  controversies,  one  being  on  the  life  and  teach- 
ings of  Martin  Luther,  for  which  Dr.  Corcoran  pro- 
cured from  Europe  an  abundance  of  Lulherana.  He 
had  made  great  headway  with  the  preparation  of  a 
life  of  Luther,  when  in  1861  his  manuscript  and  li- 
brary were  destroj'ed  by  fire.  During  the  Civil  War 
his  sympathies  were  with  the  South,  and  the  end  of 
the  struggle  found  him  rector  of  a  parish  at  Wilming- 
ton, North  Carolina,  where  he  proved  his  fidelity  to 
pastoral  duty  during  an  epidemic  of  cholera  which 
decimated  his  little  flock.  He  was  made  secretary  to 
the  Baltimore  Provincial  Councils  of  1855  and  1858; 
also  secretary  in  chief  at  the  Second  Plenary  Council 
of  1866.  He  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  complete 
works  of  Bishop  England.  In  1868  he  was  chosen 
by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  American  hierarchy 
as  their  theologian  on  the  commission  preparatory  to 
the  Vatican  Council.  He  was  assigned  to  the  doc- 
trinal commission  presided  over  by  Cardinal  Billio. 
During  the  debates  on  papal  infallibility,  a  doctrine 
which  he  firmly  held,  he  drew  up  for  Archbishop 
.Spalding  the  famous  ", Spalding  Formula",  destined 
as  an  olive-branch,  in  which  the  doctrine  is  rather 
implied  than  flatly  stated.  But  those  were  no  days 
for  compromises.  While  at  the  council.  Bishop  Wood 
of  Philadelphia,  his  school-fellow  at  the  Propaganda, 
perfected  arrangements  by  which  Dr.  Corcoran  took  i 
a  theological  chair  in  the  newly-opened  seminary  at 
Overbrook,  near  Philadelphia.  This  position  he  re- 
tained until  death,  declining,  on  the  plea  of  advancing 
years,  a  call  to  the  Catholic  L'niversity  at  Washington. 
In  1876  the  ".American  Catholic  Quarterly  Review" 
was  founded,  and  Dr.  Corcoran  was  made  chief  edi- 
tor. His  able  articles  and  book  notices  were  the  prin- 
cipal source  of  its  success.  (For  a  list  of  his  contribu- 
tions see  General  Index  of  the  Review,  Philadelphia, 
1900,  p.  15.)  In  1883,  when  the  archbishops  of  the 
United  States  were  invited  to  Rome  to  prepare  for 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  they  took 
Dr.  Corcoran  with  them  as  secretary,  and,  at  their 
request,  he  was  permitted  to  be  present  and  take 
notes  at  the  sessions  held  with  the  three  cardinals 
appointed  by  Pope  Leo  XIII  as  a  special  commission. 
The  following  year  he  was  made  a  domestic  prelate 
and  assisted  as  secretary  at  the  Plenary  Council. 
That  Monsignor  Corcoran  did  not  bequeath  to  pos- 
terity works  of  any  great  size  is  explained  by  th«p 
circumstances  of  his  life.  He  was  too  busy  a  mar> 
to  devote  himself  to  literary  pursuits.  A  great  parjv 
of  his  time  was  occupied  with  his  unmense  corresjf- 
pondence.  He  may  be  said  to  have  been  weightecS 
down  with  "the  solicitude  of  all  the  Churches",  fo] 
such  was  the  confidence  which  the  bishops  and  clergjl 
reposed  in  his  judgment,  that  they  sought  his  counsel 
on  all  difficult  points  of  theologj'  and  canon  lawS 
He  was  apparently  unconscious  of  his  great  giftfp 
claiming  no  superiority,  and  was  extremely  affabltf 
His  love  for  the  Church,  and  his  loyal  adhesion  to  a[ 
her  doctrines,  were  patent  in  all  he  said  or  wrote. 

Keane.  In  Memoriam:    Mgr.  Corcoran  in  Am.  Cath.  Quwl 
Rev.  (Philadelphia,  1889),  738. 

James  F.  Loughlin. 

Corcoran,  Michael,  soldier,  b.  at  Carrowkeel 
County  Sligo,  Ireland,  21  September,  1827;  d.  )| 
Fairfax  Court  House,  Virginia,  U.  S.  A.,  22  Decenl 
ber,  1863.  His  father  was  an  army  pensioner,  atl 
he  himself  joined  tlie  Royal  Irish  Constabulail 
when  nineteen  years  of  age.  He  resigned  after  thr>Ii 
years'  service  and  emigrated  to  New  York  in  Auguf] 
1849.  Here  he  soon  became  a  leader  among  11; 
fellow-count rjmien.  He  enlisted  .as  a  private  in  tljj 
Sixty-Nintli  "Regiment  of  the  State  Mihtia,  a  coil 
mand  composed  of  Catholics  of  Irish  birth  or  descerl 
and  rose  from  rank  to  rank  until  he  was  elect! 
colonel,  2,')  August,  1859.  Tlie  next  year  the  IMnr 
of  Wales  (afterwards  King  Edward  MI  of  EnglanK 
visited  New  York,  and  in  the  militarj'  parade  givj 


CORD 


357 


CORD 


ill  his  honour  Colonel  Corcoran  refused  to  order  the 
."^ixty-Ninth  Regiment  to  join.  For  this  act  of 
niiUtarj'  disobedience  he  was  placed  under  arrest 
liy  the  State  authorities  and  ordered  before  a  court 
martial.  The  trial  created  much  excitement  all  over 
the  country,  liis  Irish  countrj'men  enthusiastically 
:'I>l)lauding  his  course,  and  the  case  was  pending  when 
till-  Civil  War  broke  out.  The  proceedings  were 
iiu'iiediately  quashed,  and  the  Sixty-Ninth,  with 
cM-rflowing  ranks,  was  one  of  the  first  regiments  to 
r  i:iri'h,  with  Corcoran  at  its  head,  23  April,  18&1, 
In  the  defence  of  the  Union.  It  participated  with 
siH<(ial  gallantry  in  the  first  Battle  of  Bull  Run,  21 
.laly,  1861,  in  which  action  Colonel  Corcoran  w^as 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  He  was  kept  in  the 
I  '■Mifederate  prisons  for  thirteen  montlis  and  then  ex- 
I  'Kinged  in  August,  1862.  His  return  to  the  North 
I M  ought  him  a  series  of  popular  ovations  and  testi- 
iiiiinials.  He  was  commis-sioned  a  brigadier-general, 
at  <mce  raised  a  brigade  of  four  regiments,  which  was 
riilled  the  Irish  Legion,  and,  taking  command  of  it, 
ri.  lined  the  army  in  Virginia  in  November,  1862. 
:ing  the  following  year  the  Legion  participated 
o'\-eral  minor  engagements,  and  while  in  camp  at 
I ifax  Court  House,  \'irginia.  General  Corcoran  was 
■  'wn  from  his  horse  and  died  the  same  day  from 
effects  of  the  accident. 

ixYNGHAM,  The  Irish  Bn'oad-c  and  Its  Campaigns  (Boston, 
'  ;  Crimmins,  /n>ft  American  ftistorical  Miscellany  (New 
:..  190.5);  The  Irish  Amrrican  (New  Yorki,  The  Pilot  (Bos- 
:  rontemporary  files;  Cavanagh,  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Thomas 
.vcM  Meagher  (Worcester,  1S92). 

Tho.mas  F.  Meehan. 

■  Cord,  Confraternities  of  the,  pious  associations 
lof  the  faithful,  the  members  of  which  wear  a  cord  or 
[cincture  in  honour  of  a  saint,  to  keep  in  mind  some 
Ispecial  grace  or  favour  which  they  hope  to  obtain 
Ithrough  his  intercession.  Among  Oriental  peoples, 
land  es[)ecially  among  the  Jews,  whose  priests  and 
Iprophets  wore  a  cincture,  the  wearing  of  a  belt  or 

u'ir.lle  dates  back  to  very  ancient  times.  Christ  him- 
-•■\l  commanded  his  Apostles  to  have  their  loins 
girded.     In  the  early  Church  virgins  wore  a  cincture 

■  :i  sign  and  emblem  of  purity,  and  hence  it  has 
viys  been  considered  a  symbol  of  chastity  as  well 

'f  mortification  and  humility.  The  wearing  of  a 
nl  or  cincture  in  honour  of  a  saint  is  of  very  ancient 
-in,  and  we  find  the  first  mention  of  it  in  the  life 
>t .  Monica.  In  the  Middle  Ages  cinctures  were 
■<  worn  by  the  faithful  in  honour  of  saints,  though 
ronfraternities  were  formally  established,  and  tfie 
I  ring  of  a  cincture  in  honour  of  St.  Michael  was 
MTai  throughout  France.  Later  on,  ecclesiastical 
hority  set  apart  special  formula  for  the  blessing 
i'lclures  in  honour  of  the  Most  Precious  Blood, 
I  Lady,  St.  Francis  of  Paul,  and  St.  Philomena. 
re  are  in  the  Church  three  archconfraternities 
I  one  confraternity  the  members  of  which  wear 
lord  or  cincture. 

1)  TIte  Archconfraternily  of  Our  Lady  of  Consola- 
,  or  of  the  Black  Leathern  Bell  of  Si.  Monica,  St. 
luxline,  and  St.  Xirliolan  of  Toleniino. — -■Vccording 
ill  ol<l  tradition.  St.  Monica  in  a  vision  received  a 
'  k  leathern  belt  from  the  Blessed  Virgin,  who  xs- 
•  d  the  holy  widow  that  she  would  take  under  her 
I  i:il  protection  all  tho.se  who  wore  it  in  her  honour. 
Monica  related  this  vision  to  .St.  .-Vmbro.se  and 
Simplicianus;  both  saints  put  on  a  leathern  belt, 
1  St.  Ambrose  is  said  to  have  girded  St.  Augu.stine 
li  it  at  his  baptLsm.  Later  on  it  was  adopted  by 
llennits  of  St.  .Augustine  as  a  distinctive  part  of 
ir  habit.  When,  after  the  canonization  of  St. 
Imlas  of  Tolentino,  it  came  into  general  use 
ing  the  faithful.  Eugene  IV  in  1439  erected  the 
ifratcrnity  of  the  Cincture  of  St.  Monica,  St. 
^  is;iistine.  and  St.  Nicholas  of  Tolentino,  in  the 
jhurch  of  St.  James  at  Bologna.     In  1590  Thaddcus 


of  Perugia,  General  of  the  Augustinians,  united  this 
confraternity  and  that  of  Our  Lady  of  Consolation 
(founded  in  1318  or,  according  to  others,  in  1495) 
into  one  confraternity,  which  union  was  confirmed 
by  Gregory  XIII  in  his  Bull  "Ad  ea"  (15  July,  1575). 
The  same  pope  raised  this  confraternity  to  the  rank 
of  an  archconfraternity  and  enriched  it  with  many 
Indulgences.  He  further  ordained  that  all  confra- 
ternities of  the  black  leathern  belt  should  be  aggre- 
gated to  the  archconfraternity  at  Bologna,  in  order 
to  share  its  privileges  and  Indulgences.  The  princi- 
pal feast  of  this  confraternity  is  the  Sunday  within 
the  octave  of  the  feast  of  St.  Augustine  (28  August). 
The  members  are  obliged  to  wear  a  black  leathern 
belt,  to  recite  daily  thirteen  Paters  and  Aves  and 
the  Salve  Regina,  and  to  fast  on  the  vigil  of  the 
feast  of  St.  Augustine.  For  the  erection  of  and  re- 
ception into  this  archconfraternity  special  faculties 
must  be  had  from  the  general  of  the  .Augustinians. 

(2)  Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis. — 
After  his  conversion  St.  Francis  girded  himself  with 
a  rough  cord  in  memory  of  the  cords  with  which 
Christ  had  been  bound  during  His  Passion,  and  a 
white  girdle  with  three  knots  came  subsequently  to 
form  part  of  the  Franciscan  habit.  According  to 
Wadding,  St.  Dominic  received  the  cord  from  St. 
Francis  and  always  wore  it  under  his  habit  out  of 
devotion  to  the  saint,  his  example  being  followed  by 
many  of  the  faithful.  In  his  Bull  "Ex  supernae  dis- 
positionis"  (19  November,  1585),  Sixtus  V  erected 
the  Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis  in 
the  basilica  of  the  Sacro  Convento  at  Assisi,  enrich- 
ing it  with  many  Indvdgences,  and  conferred  upon 
the  minister  general  of  the  Conventuals  the  power  of 
erecting  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Francis  in 
the  churches  of  his  own  order  and  of  aggregating 
them  to  the  archconfraternity  at  Assisi.  The  same 
pope,  in  his  Bull  "  Divinse  caritatis"  (29  August, 
1587),  granted  new  Indulgences  to  the  archconfra- 
ternity and  empowered  the  minister  general  of  the 
Friars  Minor  to  erect  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of 
St.  Francis  in  the  churches  of  his  own  order  in  those 
places  where  there  are  no  Conventuals.  Paul  V,  in 
his  Bull  "Cumcertas"  (2  March,  1607),  and  "Nuper 
archiconfraternitati"  (11  March,  1607),  revoked  all 
spiritual  favours  hitherto  conceded  to  the  archcon- 
fraternity and  enriched  it  with  new  and  more  ample 
Indulgences.  Both  these  Bulls  were  confirmed  by 
the  Brief  of  Clement  X,  "Dudvim  felicis"  (13  July, 
1673).  Finally,  Benedict  XIII  in  his  Constitution 
"Sacrosancti  apostolatus"  (30  September,  1724),  con- 
ceded to  the  minister  general  of  the  Conventuals  au- 
thority to  erect  confraternities  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Francis  in  churches  not  belonging  to  his  own  order 
in  those  places  where  there  are  no  Franciscans. 
New  privileges  and  Indulgences  were  conceded  to  the 
archconfraternity  by  two  decrees  of  the  Sacred  Con- 
gregation of  Indulgences  dated  22  March,  1879,  and 
26  May,  1883.  Besides  the  ordinary  requireinents 
necessary  for  the  gaining  of  all  plenary  and  partial 
Indulgences,  tlie  wearing  of  the  cord  and  enrolment 
in  the  records  of  the  archconfraternity  are  the  only 
conditions  imposed  on  the  members. 

(3)  .Archconfraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St.  Joseph. — 
The  miraculous  cure  of  an  .\ugustinian  nun  at  Ant- 
werp in  1657  from  a  grievous  illness,  through  the 
wearing  of  a  cord  in  honour  of  St.  Joseph  gave  rise 
to  the  i)ious  practice  of  wearing  it  to  obtain  the 
grace  of  purity  through  his  intercession.  The  devo- 
tion soon  sprca<i  over  many  countries  of  Europe, 
an<l  in  the  last  century  was  revived  at  Rome  in  the 
church  of  San  Rocco  and  in  that  of  San  Nicol6  at 
Verona.  Pius  IX,  in  a  rescript  dated  19  Septem- 
ber, 1859,  approved  a  special  formula  for  the  bless- 
ing of  the  Cord  of  St.  Joseph,  and  in  his  Brief  "Ex- 
positum  nobis  nuper"  (14  March,  1802)  enriched  the 
confraternity  with  many  indulgences.     In  1860  sev- 


CORDAIIA 


358 


CORDELL 


eral  new  Indulgences  were  granted  to  the  confra- 
ternity erected  in  the  church  of  San  Nicolo  at  Verona 
and  by  the  Brief  ''Universi  Dominici  gregis",  23  Sep- 
tember, 18G2,  the  Confraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Joseph  was  raised  to  an  archconfruternitj-.  The 
members  are  obhged  to  wear  a  cord  luixiug  seven 
knots,  and  are  exliorted  to  recite  daily  sewn  Cilorias 
in  honour  of  St.  Joseph.  Confraternities  of  the  Cord 
of  St.  Joseph  must  be  aggregated  to  the  archconfra- 
ternity  in  the  church  of  San  Rocco  at  Rome  in  order 
to  enjoy  its  spiritual  favours  and  Indulgences. 

(4)  Confraternity  oj  the  Cord  of  St.  Thomas.— It  is 
related  in  the  life  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  that,  as  a 
reward  for  his  overcommg  a  temptation  against 
purity,  he  was  girded  with  a  cord  by  angels,  and  that 
in  consequence  he  was  never  again  tempted  against 
this  virtue.  This  cord  is  still  preserved  in  the  church 
at  Chieri  near  Turin.  Soon  after  the  saint's  death 
many  of  the  faithful  began  to  wear  a  cord  in  honour 
of  St.  Thomas,  to  obtain  the  grace  of  purity  through 
his  intercession.  In  the  seventeenth  century  socie- 
ties were  formed  at  different  uni\xTsities,  the  student 
members  of  which  wore  a  cord  in  honour  of  St. 
Thomas,  ho]jing  through  his  intercession  to  be  pro- 
tected from  the  dangers  to  which  youth  is  generally 
exposed.  The  first  Confraternity  of  the  Cord  of  St. 
Thomas  was  erected  at  the  University  of  Louvain  by 
the  Belgian  Dominican  Francis  Deuwerders,  and  num- 
bered among  its  members  all  the  professors  and 
students  of  the  faculty  of  theology  and  many  of  the 
faithful.  Thence  it  spread  to  Maastricht,  Vienna, 
and  many  other  cities  of  Europe.  Innocent  X  sanc- 
tioned this  new  confraternity  by  a  Brief  dated  22 
March,  1652.  The  members  are  required  to  have 
their  names  em-oUed,  to  wear  a  cord  with  fifteen  knots, 
and  to  recite  daily  fifteen  Ave  Marias  in  liouour  of  St. 
Thomas.  For  the  erection  of  and  recc|jtiun  into  this 
confraternity  special  faculties  must  be  had  from  the 
superior  general  of  the  Dominicans.  Its  Indulgences 
and  privileges  are  contained  in  the  great  Bull  of  Bene- 
dict XIII,  "Pretiosus"  (26  April,  1727,  §  9)  and  in  the 
decree  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Indulgences  (8 
May,  IS-l'l).     (See  Ahchconfrateknity.) 

MOCCHEGIAXI,    Collectio    III,)  .''I'  n!.:.^'   ,:n       i  jii  il  :icclli,    1897), 

1018-24,  1026-35;    Berini;i  i      ,"       i  li   n  rd.,  Pader- 

bom.  1895),  722-23.  712-1-i;    -  !i  .itdhenlica 

.S.  Cong.  Indutg.  (Ratisbon,  l^^i  .  'i.,  .,^,^  i  ;_-ori:  Idem, 
Decrela  Authentica  S.  Cong.  Induto.ab  a.  Ibt.'t  i  ^^  '  l:.iti-lion, 
1883):  Idkm.  Die  Abliisse.  ihr  Wesen  und  (.  ~  :.   I'd., 

Paderborn,  1884),   479-481,  540,  579,  70r..  i  i  ir, 

Vollstdndiger  Inbegriff  der  Gnaden  und  Abln  /.     h:  .^Ur- 

schaft  Maria  vom  Trosle  (lOth  ed.,  Ratisbon,  IMiU';  I'rkxdeh- 
GAST,  The  Cord  of  St.  Francis  (12th  ed.,  Dublin.  1885);  Gac- 
DENTlus,  Ablass~iind  Brudevsch<ijtsbuch  (2nd  ed.,  Innsbnick, 
1687),  300-307;  Segik,  Der  s,rapl,i.ch-  CHii.  I  ilnd  od.,  JIainz, 

1878);     DeI'wi   li-M:,,     .U;;'/,    ,.,.;,  '  ■•      •■••        ,  I. .',,:, ill, 

1679);    La  m.    ,  ,     ,     ,  ,    ,  s, 

■piires  (Pari>,    I-.  '   ,     ~    ■  ;-,  :     /  r,l., 

Rome.  lS7Si:    I,--  i-,  /'■  ■  i  ■.   i  •  ■■■  i  ■     i:;hl 

in  der  ihm  gewcihtcn  Ourlrlbruit'r.'^chajt  (  lUitisiinn,  ls>>.>i;  iint- 
stehung  und  Zweck  der  Erzbruderschaft  vom  Gurtel  des  id.  Joseph 
(Innsbruck,  1S75);   S.  Josephs  Giirtel  (3d  ed.,  Vienna,  1S81). 

Ferdinand  Heckmann. 

Cordaia,  Giuiao  Ces.\re,  historian  and  litterateur, 
h.  at  Ale.ssanilria  in  Piedmont,  Italy,  14  Dec,  1704; 
died  there  0  March,  1785.  The  scion  of  an  illustrious 
and  ancient  family  that  came  originally  from  Nice, 
young  Conlara  studied  at  Rome  imder  the  Jesuits,  and 
became  a  Jesuit  himself  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  Sub- 
sequently he  taught  in  various  colleges  of  the  order, 
soon  acquiring  a  great  reputation  not  only  for  a 
knowledge  of  general  literature,   but  especially  for 

f)roficicMicy  in  poetry,  rhetoi-ic,  and  history.  A  bril- 
iant  discounsc  on  Vopc  Clregory  XIII,  the  founder  of 
the  Roin.'in  College,  and  a  satire  on  the  Cabalists  of 
the  day,  won  for  him  jidrnission  into  the  .\caileniy  of 
the  Arcadians.  Several  poetic:d  works  of  his  ap- 
peared un<ler  the  pen  name  of  I';uneno  Cassio.  He 
W!Vs  in  high  favour  witli  (he  exiled  Stuarts,  then  resid- 
ing in  Rome,  on  account  of  an  allegorical  tlrama,  "Ly, 


Morte  di  Nice",  which  he  composed  in  honour  of  the 
titular  Iving  James  III,  and  a  history  in  Latin  of  the 
expedition  into  Scotland  of  Charles  Edward  Stuart, 
Prince  of  Wales,  which  some  of  his  admirers  look  upon 
as  his  most  finished  production.  His  satires  on  "The 
Literary  Spirit  of  the  Times",  published  in  17.37,  are 
of  a  high  order  of  merit.  In  them  he  pillories  a  class 
of  contemporary  writers  who  arrogated  to  themselves 
the  literary  censorship  of  their  day,  condemned  the 
classification  of  the  sciences  and  the  methods  of  in- 
struction in  vogue,  and  even  the  accepted  principles  of 
taste.  A  seventh  and  revised  edition  was  brought  out 
at  Augsburg  in  1764.  But  the  work  by  which  he  is 
perhaps  best  known  is  the  "  History  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus",  Sixth  Part,  in  two  volumes,  the  first  published 
in  Rome  in  1750,  the  second  posthumously,  by  Father 
Raggazzini  in  1859,  over  a  century  later.  This  work 
was  a  continuation  of  the  history  of  the  Society  by 
Orlandini,  Sacchini,  and  Juvency  and  embraced  the 
period  of  Mutius  Vitelleschi,  1616-1633.  It  is  in 
Latin  and  remarkable  for  the  elegance,  purity,  and 
dignity  of  its  style.  He  is  also  the  author  of  a  history 
of  the  Cierman  College  in  Rome,  which  contains  a  list 
of  its  distinguished  alumni  (Rome,  1770).  When  the 
Society  of  Jesus  was  suppressed,  Cordara,  who  had 
been  a  member  for  more  than  half  a  century,  with- 
drew from  Rome  to  Turin  and  later  to  Alessandria, 
where  the  King  of  Sardinia  had  allowed  some  members 
of  the  Society  to  live  unmolested.  Notwithstanding 
his  advanced  age  and  his  new  mode  of  life,  Cordara 
continued  his  literary  labours  and  published  much  in 
prose  and  verse.  Sommervogel  enumerates  more 
than  sixty  works,  large  and  small,  of  which  he  is  the 
author.  The  citizens  of  his  native  town  erected  a 
marble  statue  to  his  memory,  in  the  church  of  the 
Barnabites  where  he  w;is  interred. 

Sommervogel.  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II.  1411-1432;  de  Backer, 
1,369-74;  III.  2097-8;  Michaud.  Bios.  rniV.  (Paris,  nouvelle 
(■d..  8.  d.),  IX,  90;  Hdrter,  Nomenclator  (Innsbruck,  1895),  V, 
376;  Carayo.n',  Bibliographic  Historiqxie  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Paris, 
1S64),  249. 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Cordeliers.     See  Recollects. 

Cordell,  Charles,  English  missionary  priest,  b.  5 
October,  1720;  d.  at  Newcastle-on-Tyne,  26  January, 
1791.  He  was  the  son  of  Charles  Cordell  and  Hannah 
Darell,  of  the  well-known  family  of  Scotney  Castle 
and  Calehill,  Kent,  and  was  educated  first  at  "Dame 
Alice's  School",  Ferny halgh,  afterwards  at  Douai, 
where,  in  1739,  he  began  his  course  of  philosophy. 
Having  been  ordained  priest,  he  left  the  college  10 
June,  1748,  for  England,  where  he  ser\-ed  the  mission 
at  Arundel  (1748-.55),  Rounday,  in  Yorkshire,  the 
Isle  of  Man,  and  finally  Newcastle-on-Tyne  (1765-91). 
In  1778  the  presidencj'  of  tlie  Enghsh  college  at  Saint- 
Omer  was  offered  to  him,  but  he  would  not  accept  it. 
He  was  a  scholarly,  book-loving  man,  of  some  note  as 
a  preacher.  In  politics  he  remained  a  stanch  Jaco- 
bite. He  publisiied  many  translations  and  one  orig- 
inal pamphlet,  "A  Letter  to  the  Author  of  a  Book 
called  'A  Candid  and  Impartial  Sketch  of  the  Life 
and  Government  of  Pope  Clement  XIV '"  (17S5). 
The  translations  include  "The  Divine  Office  for  tlie 
Use  of  the  Laity"  (4  vols.,  Sheffield.  1763;  2d  ed., 
2  vols.,  Newcastle.  1780);  Bergier's  "Deism  Self-re- 
futed" (1775);  CaraccioU's  "Life  of  Pope  Clement 
XIV"  (1776);  Letters  of  Pope  Clement  XIV  (2  vols., 
1777);  Fronsletin's  "Travels  of  Reason"  (1781); 
Fleury's  "Manners  of  the  Christians"  (1786)  and' 
"Manners  of  the  Israehtes"  (1786);  "Larger  Histor- 
ical Catechism "  (1786);  and  " Short  Historical  Cate- 
chism" (178()). 

Kirk,  Biographies  (Earlu  Ifincteinlh  Cent.)  (London.  1908); 
Catholic  Mi.'allanii  (1826),  VI,  387;  \oles andQu,rics,-Mi  series, 
X,  330.  383;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Cath.  l  London.  1,885),  I, 
565;  Cooper  in />id.  Nat.  Biog.  (London,  1887).  \11,  213. 

Edwin  Bvhton.     , 


CORDIER 


359 


CORDOVA 


Cordier  (CoRDKRiut.),  B4lthasar,  exegete  and  ed- 
itor of  patristic  works,  b.  at  Antwerp,  7  June,  1592; 
d.  at  Rome,  24  June,  10.50.  He  entered  the  Society 
of  Jesus  in  1612,  and  after  teaching  f!reek,  moral 
theology,  and  Sacred  Scripture,  devoted  himself  to 
translating  and  editing  MSS.  of  Greek  catentE  and 
other  works  of  the  Greek  Fathers,  for  which  he 
searched  the  libraries  of  Europe.  He  published 
the  following:  (1)  "Catena  sexaginta  quinque 
Patrura  grsecorum  in  S.  Lucam"  Antwerp,  1628); 
(2)  "Catena  Patrum  gra>corum  m  S.  Joannem" 
(Antwerp,  1630);  (3)  "Joannis  Philoponi  in  cap. 
I  Geneseos  .  .  .  libri  septcni"  (Antwerp,  1630); 
(4)  "S.  CyrilH  apologite  morales"  (Vienna,  16.30);  (5) 
"Opera  S.  Dionysii  Areo|)agitse  cmn  S.  Maximi 
scholiis"  (Antwerp,  1634);  (0)  "Expo.sitio  Patrum 
eraecorum  in  Psalmos"  (Antwerp,  164.3-46);  (7) 
Symbolse  in  Matthieimi"  (2  vols.,  of  which,  however, 
only  the  second  is  by  him;  Toulouse,  1646-47);  (8) 
"S.  Dorothei  archimandritae  institutiones  asceticiE" 
(Antwerp,  1646);  (9)  "S.  P.  N.  Cyrilli  archiepiscopi 
Alexandrini  homilife  XIX  in  Jeremiam"  (Antwerp, 
1648) — in  this  case,  as  in  a  few  others,  his  critical 
acumen  was  at  fault;  these  homilies  are  Origen's.  He 
is  also  the  author  of  a  commentary  on  the  Book  of  Job, 
"Job  lUustratus"  (.\ntwerp,  1646;  reprinted  in 
Migne's  "Cursus  S.  Scriptural",  XIII  and  XIV,  and  in 
Campon's  edition  of  C'omelius  a  Lapide). 

SoMMERVOGEL.  BibUolh.  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II,  1438,  s.  v.; 
HuRTER,  Nomeiiclator.  F,  BecHTEL. 

Cordova,  Diocese  op  (Cordubensis),  in  Spain, 
formerly  suffragan  of  Toledo,  since  1851  of  Seville. 
It  includes  the  iirovince  of  the  same  name,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  parishes  that  pertain  to  the  Arch- 
diocese of  Seville,  while  in  retvirn  Cordova  takes  in 
a  portion  of  the  civil  province  of  Badajoz.  The 
Gospel,  it  is  believed,  was  preached  there  in  the 
ApostoUc  period,  it  being  very  probable  that  the 
Apostles  St.  James  the  Greater  and  St.  Paul,  while 
preaching  in  various  cities  of  Spain  may  ha\'e  sent 
thither  some  of  their  disciples;  Cordova  {Colonia 
Patricia)  was  then  the  chief  city  of  Baetica,  and  the 
centre  of  Andalusian  life.  The  name  of  the  apos- 
tolic founder  of  the  See  of  Cordova  is  unknown,  as 
the  oldest  extant  documents  do  not  antedate  the 
third  century.  The  conditions  of  the  Christian  re- 
ligion in  this  early  period  were  quite  similar  to  those 
Which  obtained  elsewhere  in  the  Roman  Emj^ire — 
persecution,  suspicion,  denunciation,  enforced  profes- 
sion of  idolatrj',  etc.  Many  illustrious  martyrs, 
Faustus,  Januarius,  and  others,  suffered  at  Cordova; 
their  relics  were  afterwards  eagerly  sought  by  the  other 
churches  of  Spain,  and  even  in  Gaul  and  elsewhere. 
The  earliest  known  bishop  (though  not  the  founder 
of  the  see)  is  Severus,  about  279 ;  he  was  followed  by 
Gratus  and  Berosus.  In  294  the  famous  Hosius  be- 
came Bishop  of  Cordova  and  immortalized  it  by  his 
resistance  to  Arianism.  Fifteen  bishops  governed 
tbo  see  from  the  death  of  Hosius  in  357  to  693,  from 
which  period  to  839  no  bishops  are  known.  AH  ec- 
clesiastical records,  doubtless,  perished  in  the  course 
of  the  .\rab  domination  that  began  in  711.  During 
this  time,  the  faithful  could,  it  is  true,  worship  freely, 
and  retained  their  churches  and  property  on  condi- 
|tion  of  paying  a  tribute  for  every  parish,  cathedral, 
|and  monastery;  frequently  such  tribute  was  in- 
icreased  at  the  will  of  the  conqueror,  and  often  the 
jliving  had  to  pay  for  the  dead.  Many  of  the  faithful 
Ithen  fled  to  Northern  .Spain;  others  took  refuge  in 
rthc  monasteries  of  the  Sierras,  and  thus  the  number 
of  Christians  shrank  eventually  to  small  proportions. 
I  In  786  the  Arab  Caliph,  Abd-er-Rahm.in  I,  began 
Ithe  construction  of  the  great  mosque  of  Cordova,  now 
[the  cathedral,  and  compelled  many  Chri.stians  to  take 
Ipart  in  the  preparation  of  the  site  and  foundations. 
Though  they  suffered  many  vexations,  the  Christians 
•intinued  to  enjoy  freedom  of  worship,  and  this  tol- 


erant attitude  of  the  ameers  se<luced  not  a  few  Chris- 
tians from  their  original  allegiance.  Both  Christians 
and  ,\ral)s  co-operated  at  thi.s  time  to  make  Cordova 
a  flourishing  city,  llic  i'li-_;:iii!  refinement  of  which  was 
unequalled  in  llunipr.  I  nder  ;\l)d-er-Rahman  II 
there  came  a  chauiir  iii  the  altitude  of  the  Arab  rulers, 
and  a  Herce  persecution  ensued,  during  which  many 
Christians  were  accused  of  abusing  the  memory  of 
Mohammed,  of  entering  mosques,  and  of  conspiracy 
against  the  CJovermnent.  Saracen  fanaticism  ran 
high.  Among  the  martyrs  of  this  period  are  Per- 
fectus.  Flora,  Maria,  numerous  ntms  of  the  monas- 
tery of  Tabana  in  the  Sierras,  also  Aurelius,  Sabiniana, 
Abundius,  Amator,  and  others;  the  names  of  more 
than  thirty  are  known.  The  most  famous  of  these 
martyrs  is  St.  Eulogius,  priest  and  abbot,  who  was  in 
858  chosen  Archbishop  of  Toledo.  For  his  encourage- 
ment of  the  confessors  by  his  writings,  "Memoriale 
sanctorum",  " Apologeticus  sanctorum  martyrum", 
"Documentum  martyrii",  "EpLstoIa;",  he  was  event- 
ually put  to  death  in  8.59.  His  life  was  written  (P.  L., 
CXV.  70.5-32)  by  Paulus  Al varus,  a  Scriptural  scholar 
and  theologian,  who  was  not  a  martyr.  Bamlissin  not- 
withstanding (Eulogius  und  Alvarus,  Leijjzig,  1872). 
^^'ith  slight  interruptions  this  persecution  continued 
under  succeeding  bishops,  Saul  (850)  and  Valentius 
(862);  it  co-o|)erated  with  the  Anthropomoiphite 
heresy  of  Hostegesis  and  other  causes  to  bring  about 
a  gap  of  a  centurj'  and  a  half  in  the  list  of  the  bishops 
of  Cordova.  In  902  Abd-er-Rahman  III  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Al-Ilakim.  Owing  to  the  peace 
which  the  Christians  of  Cordova  then  enjoyed,  soma 
knowledge  of  their  contlition  has  been  preserved, 
among  other  things  the  name  of  their  bishop,  Joannes, 
also  the  fact  that,  at  that  period,  the  citizens  of  Cor- 
dova, Arabs,  Christians,  an<l  Jews,  enjoyed  so  high  a 
degree  of  literary  culture  that  the  city  was  known  as 
the  New  Athens.  From  all  quarters  came  students 
eager  to  drink  at  its  founts  of  knowledge.  Among 
the  men  afterwards  famous  who  studied  at  Cordova 
were  the  scholarlv  monk  Gerbert,  ilestined  to  sit  on 
the  Chair  of  Peter  as  Sylvester  II  (999-1003),  the 
Jewish  rabbis  Moses  and  .Maimonides,  and  the  famous 
Spanish-Arabian  commentator  on  Aristotle,  Averroes 
(Bourret,  De  Schola  Cordulja-  Christiana  sub  Omiadi- 
tarum  imperio,  Paris,  1853).  On  account  of  the 
wretched  administration  of  the  successors  of  Abd-er- 
Rahinan  III,  the  invasion  of  the  Almohades  (1097), 
and  the  continuous  peninsular  warfare  between  Mos- 
lem and  Christian,  little  is  known  of  the  episcopal 
succession  in  Cordova  from  the  time  of  Bishop  Joan- 
nes (988)  to  the  reconfjuest  of  the  city  by  the  Chris- 
tians under  St.  Ferdinand  III  (1230).  The  long  period 
(524  years)  of  humiliation  of  the  Church  of  Cordova 
now  came  to  an  end,  and  a  new  ejioch  of  prosperity 
and  Cliristian  religious  service  began  which  was  in- 
augurated by  the  piety  and  generosity  of  the  saintly 
loiKjiii.sliidor  (Haines,  Christianity  and  Islam  in 
Spain,  I>ondon,  1889,  756-1031).  Reference  has  al- 
ready been  made  to  the  conversion  of  the  mosque 
into  a  cathedral;  several  parishes  were  also  estab- 
lished, and  sf>acious  c</nvents  were  built  for  various 
religious  orders,  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Merceda- 
rians.  A  cathedral  chapter  was  established,  some  of 
the  earlier  Christian  cln;iches  were  restored,  and  some 
mosques  were  convertetl  into  churches.  The  diocese, 
that  in  the  earlier  Hispano-Roman  period  had  been 
very  large,  began  to  expand  again  and  had  added  to 
it  many  cities  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Seville,  which 
was  yet  in  the  power  of  the  Moors.  The  newly  ac- 
quired territory  was  soon  occupied  by  Christian 
knights  and  Christian  families,  owing  to  the  privi- 
leges and  franchises  granted  by  St.  Ferdinand  to  such 
colonists.  Bishop  Lope  de  Fitero,  who  was  conse- 
crated about  1237,  began  a  new  episcopal  scries  which 
has  remained  unbroken,  the  Lishoj)  consecrated  in 
1898  being  his  seventy-third  successor. 


CORDOVA 


360 


CORDOVA 


Since  the  expulsion  of  the  Moriscos  and  Jews  at 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  Catholic  worship 
alone  has  been  exercised  in  the  diocese,  if  individuals 
belonging  to  a  few  sects  are  excepted.  It  is  true  that 
since  the  eighteenth  century  the  religious  fervour  of 
the  Catholics  of  Cordova  hus  ((Misi.li.rably  diminished, 
owing  to  the  assimilation  liy  the  civil  laws  of  the 
liberal  principles  of  the  i'rench  Kevolution,  the  legal- 
ized usurpation  of  ecclesiastical  property,  and  a  posi- 
tivism nourished  by  the  literature,  the  theatre,  and  the 
free  press  of  the  day.  There  remains,  nevertheless, 
much  of  the  Catholic  charity  and  zeal  which  distin- 
guished the  centuries  after  the  reconquest,  when 
bishops,  clergy,  and  faithful  rivalled  one  another  in 
generous  endowment  of  hospitals,  asylums,  and 
schools,  and  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Church 
a  rich  patrimony  capable  of  supporting  a  numerous 
clergy  and  a  continuous  and  splendid  public  worship. 
A  steady  sectarian  propaganda,  a  lowering  of  the 
moral  tone,  and  religious  ignorance  have  made  many 
Cordovans  quite  lax  in  their  Catholic  practice;  nev- 
ertheless, they  do  not  at  all  wish  to  appear  as  desert- 
ing the  Catholic  Faith.  The  palace  of  the  bishop 
faces  the  former  mosque,  and  in  it  are  located  all  the 
administrative  offices  of  the  diocese.  The  cathedral 
clergy  is  composed  of  twenty  canons,  fifteen  beneficed 
clergymen,  and  five  ecclesiastics  charged  with  various 
duties.  There  are  124  parishes,  about  500  priests, 
and  269  churches  and  chapels.  The  population  of 
the  diocese  is  about  430,000;  that  of  the  city  in  1900 
was  58,275.  The  following  religious  orders  and  con- 
gregations have  houses  in  the  city :  Jesuits,  Carmelites, 
Capuchins,  Dominicans,  Trinitarians,  Salesians,  and 
Diocesan  Missionaries  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Mary,  the 
last  named  founded  in  1876.  In  four  or  five  other  places 
in  the  tliocese  there  are  also  religious  houses,  among 
them  convents  of  Franciscans  and  Augustinians. 

In  the  near  vicinity  of  Cordova  is  the  solitude 
(dcsierto)  of  Our  Lady  of  Belen,  a  monastery  of 
(fourteen)  anchorites  under  a  common  rule  and  lead- 
ing a  very  austere  life ;  they  do  not  take  sacred  or- 
ders, and  are  governed  by  a  brother  superior  (her- 
mano  mayor);  their  spiritual  director  is  a  secular 
priest.  The  Salesian  Fathers  alone  are  engaged  in 
teaching;  the  other  orders  devote  themselves  to  the 
contemplative  life  or  conduct  public  worship.  There 
are  seventy-seven  religious  communities  of  women, 
of  which  twenty-seven  are  in  Cordova  and  the  rest 
scattered  throughout  the  diocese.  They  number  in 
all  1106  sisters.  Some  lead  the  contemplative  life, 
others  devote  themselves  to  teaching  or  to  works  of 
charity.  The  twelve  charitable  institutions  are 
cared  for  by  145  Sisters  of  Charity;  among  such  in- 
stitutions in  the  city  are  four  homes  for  the  aged, 
two  refuges  for  young  girls,  a  hospital  for  the  in- 
sane, a  hospital  for  chronic  diseases  with  239  pa- 
tients, a  boys'  orphan  asylum  with  425  inmates,  and 
a  foundling  asylum  containing  131  children.  There 
is  also  a  charitable  restaurant  {Comedor  de  la  Cari- 
(lad)  in  charge  of  six  brothers,  which  provides  good 
and  abundant  food  for  workingmen  and  poor  fami- 
lies at  very  modest  prices.  The  religious  educational 
institutes  of  the  city  for  both  sexes  number  twelve, 
and  the  pupils  attending  them  2023.  The  college  of 
the  Salesian  Fathers  has  325  boys.  Outside  of  Cor- 
dova there  are  several  educational  and  charitable  in- 
stitutions. The  Grand  Seminary  of  San  Pelagio  at 
Cordova  was  founded  in  the  sixteenth  century  by 
Dr.  Mauricio  Pazos  y  Figueroa,  and  enlarged  in  the 
eighteenth  by  Cardinal  Salazar.  It  has  fifteen  pro- 
fessors and  125  ecclesiastical  students.  Attached  to 
the  various  parishes  are  many  lay  confraternities  de- 
voted to  works  of  charity,  or  to  the  support  of  public 
worship.  Of  the  early  synods  held  at  Cordova,  two 
are  imi)ortant,  those  of  '839  and  852.  The  Acts  of 
the  former  were  first  printed  by  F16rez  (Espafia  sa- 
grada,   XV;  Hefele,  IV,  99).     It  was  held  against 


fanatical  heretics,  probably  from  Northern  Africa, 
and  known  as  "Casiani",  who  professed  loose  doc- 
trines regarding  marriage,  rejected  veneration  of 
relics,  demanded  more  rigour  in  fasting,  declared  un- 
clean certain  foods,  insisted  on  receiving  the  Euchar- 
istic  Host  each  in  his  own  hand,  etc.  The  synod  of 
852  reproved  those  Christians  who  voluntarily 
sought  the  occasion  of  martjTdom  and  declared  that 
such  had  no  right  to  the  veneration  due  to  martyrs 
(Mansi,  XIV,  970;  Hefele,  IV,  179). 

De  la  Fuente,  HUt.  ec.'^a  de  Espana  (Madrid,  1S72-75); 
Gams,  Kirchengeschichte  von  Spanien  (Ratisbon,  1S62  sqq.); 
Gomez  Bravo,  C'utdlogo  de  tos  obispos  de  Corduba  (Cordova, 
1778):  Sanchez  de  Feria,  Palestra  sagrada,  etc.  (Cordova, 
1782);  Ramirez  de  las  Casas-Deza,  Indvcador  Cordohes,  etc. 
(Cordova,  1837);  Ruano,  Hist,  general  de  Cordoba  (Cordova, 
1761)  1  vol.;  two  in  manuscript;  Morales  (ed.).  Ewioflu' Cordw- 
bensis  Opera  (Alcald,  1574)  in  P.  L.,  CXV.  703-960;  Boletln  ec.<^<> 
de  la  diocesis  de  Cordoba  (Cordova,  18.58-1907);  Redel,  San 
Rafael  en  Cordoba  (Cordova,  1889);  Ramirez  de  ,\rellano, 
Paseos  por  Cordoba  (Cordova,  1875). 

Manuel  Garcia  Osdna. 

Cordova,  Diocese  of  (Cordubensis  in  America), 
in  the  Argentine  Republic,  suffragan  of  Buenos  Aires. 
It  was  created  in  1570,  but  was  vacant  from  1819  to 
1830,  and  again  from  1841  to  1858.  It  has  46  par- 
ishes, 49  churches  and  chapels,  and,  by  reason  of  its 
vast  extent  (it  iiK'Judes  the  two  states  of  Cordova  and 
Rioja,  which  in  \x'.'-'i  had  about  570,000  souls),  has 
two  auxiliary  l>i.siinps.  The  population  of  the  episco- 
pal city  is  53.1 )()();  one  of  the  two  national  universities, 
the  second  oldest  in  the  New  World  (1573),  is  located 
there,  also  a  national  observatory,  and  a  meteoro- 
logical bureau. 

Battandier,  Ann.  Pont.  Cath.  (Rome,  1907),  227;  Stheit, 
Kathol.  Missionsatlas  (Steyl,  1907). 

Cordova,  Juan  de,  b.  1503,  at  Cordova  in  Anda- 
lusia, Spain,  of  noble  parents;  d.  1595  at  Oaxaca, 
Mexico.  It  is  not  certain  whether  Cordova  was  his 
family  name,  or  whether  he  assumed  it  from  liis 
native  city  after  he  became  a  Dominican.  He  first 
embraced  a  military  career,  serving  in  Flanders  as 
ensign.  Pie  then  went  to  Mexico,  and  accompanied 
Coronado  to  Nevi'  Mexico  in  1540-42.  In  1543  he 
entered  the  Dominican  Order  at  Mexico,  and  was 
sent  to  Oaxaca  in  1548,  where  he  acquired  the 
Zapotecan  idiom  and  ministered  to  the  Indians. 
He  was  named  provincial  in  15(58.  Brought  up  under 
military  discipUne,  he  administered  as  provincial 
with  such  rigour  and  severity,  that  tliere  were  many 
complaints  against  him  to  the  chapter  that  congre- 
gated at  Yanhuitlan  in  1570.  He  refused  to  comply 
with  the  admonitions  of  his  superiors  and  change  his 
methods,  and  was  accordingly  suspended.  With  the 
exclamation:  "Benedict  us  Deus!"  he  received 
the  notification  of  his  deposition,  and,  declining  the 
interference  of  the  Viceroy  Enriquez  in  his  favour, 
retired  to  his  convent  at  Tlacochauaya  in  Oaxaca 
where  he  died  after  twenty-five  j'ears  spent  in  retire- 
ment and  in  the  study  of  the  Zapotecan  languagf 
and  the  customs  of  the  natives.  His  knowledgt 
of  the  language  was  thorough,  and  he  composed 
"  Vocabulario  de  la  Lengua  Zapoteca,  6  Diccionaric 
Hispano-Zapoteco ''  (Mexico,  1571,  or,  accordin 
to  Ycazbalceta,  1578).  The  "Arte  en  Lengui 
Zapoteca"  appeared  in  1578  at  Mexico.  Beside 
the  linguistic  part,  this  book  contains  a  short  bu 
valuable  note  on  the  rites  and  superstitions  of  th 
Zapotecan  Indians,  and  an  equally  important  a<c 
count  of  tlieir  method  of  reckoning  time,  which  ha 
been  republished  by  Manuel  Orozco  v  Berra. 

D.wii.A  Pai.ii.i.a,  //is/,  dc  la  Fiindnrion  i,  Discurso  A-ca.  (Ms 
drid.  1596);  BuRGOA.Giooni/icnDc'.rn/iri'.i/M  Mexico,  1674);  Lb6 
Y    Pinelo,    Epilome     &ca.    (Madrid,    17:i7-17:«);     Antonk 
Bibliotheca   hhpana   nova    (Madrid,    1733-173S):    Berist.aijJ^ 
Biblioteca  &ca.  (1883);    Ycazbalceta,  Bibliografia 
(Me.xico,  1886). 

Ad.  Fa  Bandelier. 


Cordova,  Pedro  de.  See  Pedro  de  Cordova. 


r4j;ijBO 

\ntoick 

jRIST.UlSs 

:lier.  I 
ova.     I 


CORE 


361 


COREA 


Core,  Dathan,  and  Abiron  (mp,  |m,  DIUN), 
leaders  of  a  rcvcilt  against  Moses  and  Aaron  (Num., 
xvi).  Core  was  the  son  of  Isaar,  of  the  Caathite 
family  of  Levites;  Dathan  and  Abiron  were  the 
sons  of  Eliab,  the  son  of  Phallu,  of  the  tribe  of 
Rnben.  A  fourth  leader  is  mentioned,  Hon,  the  son 
of  Pheleth,  likewise  a  Rubenite;  but  as  the  name 
does  not  again  apjiear,  a  corruption  of  the  text  is 
rightly  suspected.  Core  was  the  head  of  the  re- 
bellion, whence  it  is  called  the  sedition  of  Core 
(Num.,  xvi,  49;  x.xvi,  9;  xxvii,  3;  Jude,  11),  and  the 
rebels  are  styled  the  congregation  of  Core  (Num., 
xvi,  40;  Ecclus.,  xlv,  22).  The  rebel  faction  con- 
sisted of  three  parties  with  different  motives  and  dif- 
ferent aims.  Many  of  the  people  w-ere  not  yet  recon- 
ciled to  the  exclusive  priesthood  instituted  at  Sinai, 
and  desired  the  restoration  of  the  old  order,  in  which 
the  priestly  functions  were  exercised  by  the  oldest 
member  of  each  family.  The  non-.\aronic  Levites 
bore  it  ill  that  the  prerogatives  of  the  priesthood 
should  be  confined  to  the  family  of  Aaron,  while 
they  occupied  the  position  of  mere  servants,  and 
they  demanded  that  they  also  be  admitted  to  exer- 
cise priestly  functions.  Lastlj'  the  Rubenites  were 
aggrieved  because  their  tribe  was  deprived  of  the 
leadership,  which  naturally  should  belong  to  it  as 
being  descended  from  the  oldest  son  of  Jacob.  But 
all  were  animated  by  jealousy  of  the  power  of  the 
house  of  Amram,  in  which  the  civil  and  religious  au- 
thority was  concentrated,  and  all  aimed  at  its  over- 
throw. The  two  first  parties,  however,  desired  the 
removal  of  Moses  from  power,  only  in  so  far  as  he 
was  an  obstacle  to  the  realization  of  their  claims, 
whereas  with  the  Rubenites  this  removal  was  the 
main  object.  In  the  account  of  the  revolt  neither 
time  nor  place  is  mentioned.  But  it  must  have  oc- 
curred .shortly  after  leaving  Sinai,  when  the  Aaronic 
priesthood  was  still  a  recent  institution.  It  prob- 
ably took  place  at  Cades,  after  the  attempt  to  pene- 
trate into  the  Promised  Land  had  ended  disastrously 
near  Horma  (Num.,  xiv,  40  sqq.),  and  the  people  had 
begun  to  realize  that  there  was  no  escape  from  the 
sentence  cpndemning  them  to  wander  forty  years  in 
the  desert.  The  taunting  words  of  Dathan  and 
Abiron  (Num.,  xvi,  13,  14)  point  to  such  a  situation. 
Core  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  leading  men  of  dif- 
ferent tribes  i  cf.  Num.,  x.xvii,  3) — Dathan  and  Abiron 
for  some  unknown  reason  were  not  with  them — went 
to  .Moses  and  demanded  the  abolition  of  the  exclu- 
sive priesthood.  "Enough  for  you",  they  said;  "all 
the  congregation  consisteth  of  holy  ones,  and  the 
Lord  is  with  them :  why  lift  you  up  yourselves  above 
the  j>eople  of  the  Lord?"  Moses  directed  them  to 
bring  their  censers  (fire-pans)  on  the  morrow  to  offer 
inccn.se  with  Aaron  before  the  Lord;  the  Lord  would 
choose  between  them.  When  the  next  day  Core  and 
his  two  hundred  and  fifty  companions  offered  in- 
cen.se  before  the  door  of  the  tabernacle,  they  were 
destroyed  by  fire  from  the  Lord.  In  the  meanw-hile 
Moses  went  to  the  dwellings  of  Dathan  and  Abiron, 
who  had  refu.sed  to  obey  his  stmimons  to  appear  be- 
fore him,  and  warned  the  people  to  depart  from  the 
tents  of  Core,  Dathan,  and  Abiron,  lest  they  should 
share  the  dreadful  punishment  about  to  be  inflicted 
on  the  two  last.  Hardly  had  he  done  speaking  when 
the  earth  broke  asunder  and  swallowed  up  Dathan 
and  .Vbiron  and  their  households  and  all  the  men 
[that  appertained  to  Core.  The  sons  of  Core  did  not 
I  perish,  however  (Num.,  xxvi,  10,  11),  and  later  we 
jfind  their  descendants  among  the  singers  (I  Par.,  vi, 
,37;  n  Par.,  xx,  19;  P.ss.  xli,  xliii,  xlviii,  Ixxxiii, 
Ixxxiv,  Ixxxvi,  Ixxxvii),  or  among  the  door-keepers 
of  the  temple  (I  Par.,  ix,  19;  xxvi,  1,  19).  Moses 
ordered  the  censers  of  Core  and  his  companions  to  be 
beaten  into  plates  and  fa.stened  to  the  altar  as  a 
warning  to  those  who  would  usurp  the  priesthood. 

The  critical  school  sees  in  the  story  of  this  rebellion 


a  clumsy  combination  of  three  distinct  narratives; 
one  relating  a  revolt  under  Dathan  and  Abiron 
against  the  civil  authority  of  Moses;  another  con- 
taining an  account  of  a  rising  of  representatives  of 
the  people  under  Core,  who  is  not  a  Levite,  against 
the  ecclesiastical  authority  of  the  tribe  of  Levi;  and 
a  third,  w-hich  is  merely  a  retouched  version  of  t\u: 
second,  telling  of  the  struggle  of  the  non-Aaronic 
Levites  under  Core,  who  is  now  a  Levite,  against  the 
exclusive  priesthood  vested  in  the  family  of  Aaron. 
But  it  may  be  asked  what  possible  object  a  redactor 
could  have  had  in  combining  the  narrative  of  a  re- 
bellion against  civil  authority  with  another  having 
for  its  moral  to  warn  against  usurpation  of  the  priest- 
hood. The  story  presents  nothing  improbable.  We 
need  not  search  deeply  into  history  to  find  similar 
examples  of  parties  with  different,  or  even  conflict- 
ing interests,  uniting  for  a  common  end.  It  may,  it 
is  true,  be  resolved  into  two  fairly  complete  narra- 
tives. But  many  an  historical  account  can  thus  be 
divided  by  using  the  arbitrary  methods  here  applied, 
picking  out  sentences  or  parts  of  sentences  here  and 
there  and  rejecting  as  later  additions  whatever  mili- 
tates against  division.  The  literary  argument  is  too 
weak  and  too  imcertain  to  base  a  theory  upon  it. 

HcMMELAUER,  Comm.  in  Num.  (Paris,  1899).  129  sq.; 
PALlsinflicf.de/aBift..  II,  969.  For  the  critical  view:  Selbie, 
in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bib.,  III.  11  sq.;  Gkay,  Comm. 
Num.  (New  York,  1903),  186  sq.;  Driver,  LU.  Old  Test.  (6th 
ed.,  New  York,  1897),  63  sq. 

F.  Bechtel. 

Corea,  Vicariate  Apostolic  of,  coextensive  with 
the  Empire  of  Corea;  it  was  created  a  distinct 
vicariate  Apostolic,  9  September,  1831.  But  for 
nearly  half  a  century  before  that  time  Corea  had  manj- 
fervent  Catholics.  In  a  manner  perhaps  unique 
in  the  annals  of  the  Church,  the  Faith  was  introduced 
there  without  preaching  and  before  any  missionaries 
had  penetrated  the  country.  The  educated  people, 
more  eager  for  new  knowledge  the  more  their  country 
was  jealously  clo.sed,  procured  through  the  annual 
embassy  to  Peking  all  the  books  possible  upon  science, 
literature,  etc.  Some  Christian  books  fell  into  their 
hands,  and,  the  grace  of  God  aiding,  they  recognized 
the  truth.  One  of  them,  Ni-seung-houn,  undertook 
in  1784  the  journey  to  Peking  and  was  baptized  there, 
under  the  name  of  Peter.  ITpon  his  return  he  bap- 
tized his  companions,  who,  like  himself,  were  men  of 
learning  and  high  position.  That  their  faith  was 
firm,  events  proved.  In  1791  Paid  Youn  and  Jac- 
qvies  Kouen  sealed  their  belief  with  their  blood  for 
having  refused  to  offer  sacrifice  ujMn  the  occasion  of 
the  death  of  their  relati\es.  Connected  by  reason  of 
its  origin  with  the  Church  of  Peking,  Corea  was  de- 
pendent upon  that  vicariate  until  1831.  About  the 
year  1794,  a  Chinese  priest.  Father  Jacques  Tjyou, 
was  sent  to  Corea.  Upon  his  arrival  he  fovmd  about 
4000  faithful.  After  seven  years  of  a  heroic  and 
fruitful  ministry  he  was  arrested  and  put  to  death, 
31  May,  1801.  Before  and  after  him  numerous  Chris- 
tians suffered  martyrdom  with  admirable  fortitude. 
Among  them  particular  mention  is  due  to  the  married 
couple,  Jean  Ryou  and  Liithganle  Ni.  Shaken  and 
tleeimatcd  by  the  tempest,  ami  dr]irived  of  its  priests, 
the  Cliristian  religion  was  preserved  by  the  zeal  of  the 
fervent  jieople,  voluntary  eateehists,  who  rallied  the 
dispersed,  and  made  unlieard-of  efforts  to  obtain 
p;i.stors  from  the  Bishop  of  Peking  or  the  sovereign 
pontiff.  It  w.as  at  this  time  that  the  vicariate  Apos- 
tolic was  established,  and  confided  to  the  Society  of 
Foreign  Missions  of  Paris.  The  first  vicar  Apostolic 
named,  Mgr.  Bruguiere,  came  from  the  mi-ssion  of 
Siam.  He  started  upon  his  journey  in  1832,  suffered 
incredible  hardships  in  pa.ssing  through  China  and 
Mongolia,  and  died  in  Talary,  just  as  he  was  com- 
pleting arrangements  to  enter  the  country  of  his 
mission.     His  companion,  Father  Maubant,  succeeded 


CORFU 


362 


CORFU 


in  crossing  the  northern  frontier  by  way  of  Eui-tjyou, 
and  in  January,  1836,  entered  the  closed  country. 
The  following  year  Father  Chastan  joined  him  there, 
and,  a  little  later,  the  new  vicar  Apostolic,  Mgr. 
Imbert.  Under  their  ministration  Christianity  soon 
flourished.  All  this  went  on  with  the  greatest  se- 
crecy; the  least  indiscretion  would  have  caused  all 
to  be  lost.  The  edicts  proscribing  Christianity  re- 
mained as  rigorous  as  ever,  and  all,  both  pastors  and 
flock,  lived  as  upon  the  eve  of  battle,  preparing  them- 
selves for  martjTdom. 

The  persecution  broke  out  in  1839,  many  Christians 
were  arrested,  tortured,  and  put  to  death;  the  mis- 
sionaries were  hunted  without  mercy.  Mgr.  Imbert 
was  the  first  to  be  taken,  and,  thinking  that  the  cap- 
ture of  his  two  companions  would  cause  the  persecu- 
tion to  cease,  he  directed  them  to  deliver  themselves 
up;  they  responded  heroically  to  the  call,  and  all 
three  were  beheailed,  21  September,  1839.  It  was  not 
until  1845  that  a  new  bishop,  Mgr.  Ferrcol,  succeeded 
in  entering  Corea;  he  brought  with  him  a  young  mis- 
sionary and  also  the  first  Coroan  priest,  Andre  Kim, 
who  had  made  liis  studies  at  Macao,  and  who  was 
taken  and  executed  the  following  year.  His  cause, 
and  those  of  the  Venerable  Mgrs.  Imbert,  Maubant, 
and  Chastan,  and  of  the  principal  Corean  niartjTS, 
eighty-two  in  all,  were  introduced  in  the  Roman  Court 
by  a  decree  of  24  S?ptember,  1857.  The  country  re- 
mained more  firmly  closed  than  ever,  the  Christian 
religion  more  severely  proscribed,  and  the  entrance  of 
apostolic  workers  more  perilous  and  difficult.  Ad- 
mission to  Corea  was  most  often  accomphshed  by 
way  of  the  sea,  a  Chinese  barque  bringing  the  mis.sion- 
aries  with  great  secrecy  to  the  coast  of  Corea,  where  a 
Corean  ship,  under  cover  of  the  darkness,  would  go 
to  meet  them.  Father  Maistre  spent  ten  years  in 
vain  attempts  and  useless  expeditions  before  he  was 
able  to  set  foot  in  Corea.  Notwithstanding  these 
difficulties,  and  numerous  local  persecutions,  during 
twenty  years  the  mission  prospered.  In  1866  it 
counted  upwards  of  25,000  faithful,  two  bishops,  and 
ten  missionaries.  A  terrible  persecution  then  broke 
out,  the  two  bishops  and  seven  missionaries  were 
taken  and  executed:  Mgr.  Berneux,  vicar  Apostolic, 
with  Fathers  Beaulieu,  Dorie,  and  de  Bretenieres 
(8  March);  Father  Pourthie,  pro-vicar,  and  Father 
Petitnicolas  (10  March);  and  Mgr.  Daveluy,  the  coad- 
jutor, with  Fathers  Aiunaitre  and  Huin  (30  March). 
Numbers  of  tlu-  laity  also  suffered  martyrdom,  while 
others  perisheil  of  distress  and  himger  in  the  mountains. 
The  process,  or  formal  declaration,  of  the  mart jTdom  of 
the  two  bishops,  of  the  seven  missionaries,  and  of 
twenty  of  the  principal  Christians,  was  sent  in  1901 
to  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Rites.  The  three  sur- 
viving missionaries,  unable  to  maintain  themselves 
in  the  country,  were  obliged  to  return  to  China. 
Tliis  persecution,  which  occurred  during  the  second 
year  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  who  abdicated  in 
1907,  was  not  precisely  his  fault.  During  his  minor- 
ity the  power  was  exercised  by  his  father,  known 
under  the  name  of  Tai-ouen-koun,  prince-regent.  Of 
a  suspicious  and  violent  character,  the  regent  believed 
that  the  extermination  of  the  Catholics  in  Corea  was 
the  best  policy  to  follow.  Later  he  recognized  his 
mistake  ami  repented  of  it. 

A  Frendi  attempt,  known  as  the  Kang-hoa  expe- 
dition, made  to  avenge  the  murder  of  the  Frencli  mis- 
sionaries, Wiis  not  prosecuted  wilh  .sudlrient  vigour, 
and  merely  served  to  revive  the  persecution  which 
lasted  as  long  as  tlu'  regent  remaineil  in  power.  In 
1876,  afteran  interval  of  ten  years, the  new  \icar  Apos- 
tolic, Mgr.  Kidc'l,  succe<'deil  in  sending  two  mission- 
aries to  Corea;  he  himself  entered  the  following  year 
with  two  others.  But  after  .somi^  months  of  sojourn 
in  Seoul  his  retreat  became  known  ami  he  was 
thrown  into  pri.son.  ITpon  ilw.  demand  of  the  French 
minister  to  Peking,  the  Corean  Government  consented 


to  send  him  back  to  China;  in  1879,  Fatlier  Deguette, 
arrested  in  turn,  was  also  sent  back  after  several 
months  of  captivity.  The  bloody  era  was  closed; 
nevertheless  the  missionaries  were  obliged  to  con- 
tinue their  life  of  seclusion.  Liberty  came  to  them 
only  with  the  treaty  of  commerce,  concluded  with  the 
different  Powers  towards  the  year  1884.  Upon  their 
return  in  1876  they  found  but  10,000  Christians; 
since  then  this  number  has  grown  from  vear  to  year. 
The  Catholic  Coreans  numbered  in  1885,  14,039;  1890, 
17,577;  1895,  25,998;  1900,  42,441:  1905,  58.593; 
and  in  1907,  63,340.  From  1876  dates  the  spread 
of  the  ordinary  mission-labours  whicli  the  persecu- 
tion had  not  permitted  to  develop. 

In  1888  the  Sisters  of  St.  Paul  of  Chartres  were 
called  to  take  charge  of  the  orphanages.  In  each 
district  some  chapels  have  been  built,  with  residences 
for  the  missionaries.  In  1892  a  seminary  was  built 
at  Ryong-saun  near  Seoul.  The  qviasi-cathedral 
church  of  Seoul  was  solenmly  consecrated  29  May, 
1898.  The  parish  schools  have  been  opened  anew, 
or  organized  upon  a  better  footing.  It  has  even  been 
possible  to  open  in  the  great  centres  a  few  schools  for 
girls,  a  thing  which  Corean  usage  would  never  before 
have  permitted.  In  1875  the  missionaries  published 
a  dictionary  and  a  grammar  in  French  and  Corean. 
The  movable  type  then  cast  has  served  as  a  standard 
for  all  that  is  used  to-day.  The  mission  possesses  a 
printing-house  tor  the  publication  of  Corean  Catholic 
books,  and  of  a  weekly  Corean  Catholic  newspaper, 
founded  in  1906,  wliich  counts  more  than  4000  sub- 
scribers. As  a  striking  event  of  this  period  may  be 
noted  the  conversion  to  Catholicism  of  the  princess, 
the  mother  of  the  emperor  and  the  true  wife  of  the 
terrible  regent.  Christian  in  her  heart  even  before 
the  persecution  of  1866,  she  was  baptized  and  con- 
firmed 11  October,  1896,  but  in  great  secrecy  and 
unknown  even  to  those  about  her.  The  following 
year  she  received,  under  the  same  conditions,  the 
Sacraments  of  Penance  and  of  Holy  Eucharist,  and 
died  piously  8  January,  1898.  The  Vicars  Apostolic 
of  Corea  have  been:  Barth^lemy  Bruguiere  (1831-35); 
Laurent-Marie-Joseph  Imbert  (1837-39) ;  Jean-Joseph 
Ferreol  (1843-53);  Simeon-Frangois  Berneux  (1854- 
66);  Maric-Antoine  Nicolas  Daveluy  (1857-66);  F^lix 
Clair  Ridel  (1870-84);  Jean-Marie-Gustave  Blanc 
(1884-90);  Gustave-Charles-Marie  Mutel  (1890—). 

The  following  statistics  show  the  state  of  the 
missions  in  1907:  1  bishop;  46  French  missionaries; 
10  Corean  priests;  11  French  sisters;  41  Corean  sis- 
ters; 72  schools  for  boys,  with  1,014  pupils;  5  schooli" 
for  girls,  with  191  pupils;  2  orphanages,  with  28  boys 
and  261  girls;  379  orphans  placed  in  families;  2 
pharmacies;  1  seminary,  with  22  preparatory  stu- 
dents and  9  theological  students;  48  churches  or 
chapels;  48  districts;  931  Christian  parishes;  63,340 
baptized  Christians;  5,503  catechumens  under  in- 
struction.    (See  map  of  China.) 

Dallet,  Hist,  de  I'Eglise  de  Corce  (Paris,  1874):  Pichon,  I 
Vie  de  Mgr.  Berneux  (Le  Mans,  1868);  Salmon.  Vie  de  Mgr. 
Daveluy  (Paris,  1883);  d'Hulst.  Vie  de  JusI  de  Bretenihre» 
(Paris,  1895);  Baudrv,  Fie  rfe  Hmri  Dorie  (1867 >;  Detdou, 
Bernard  Louis  Beaulieu  (Bordeaux,  1894);  Desire,  Vie  de  M. 
A.  Petitnicolas  (1891):  Rama  yet,  Vie  de  M.  L.  Huin  (Langres, 
1893);  PlACENTlNl,  Mgr.  Ridel  (Lyons,  1S90);  Ridel,  Ma  cap- 
liviti:  Annals  of  the  Propagatinn  of  the  Faith  (annual) ;  PlOLET,  | 
Les  missions  catholiques  francaises.  111. 

G.   MuTEL. 

Corfu,  Archdiocese  of. — Corfu  is  one  of  the  loniaal 
Islands,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Adriatic,  opposite  thel 
Albanian  coast,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  a  nai^l 
row  channel.  Its  modern  name  is  an  Italian  corrup-j 
tion  for  Kop<pol  (prono\mced  Corfi),  the  Byzantine! 
Greek  n:ime  for  the  chief  town  of  the  island.  Thell 
ancient  name  for  both  island  and  city  was  Cercyrau 
or  Corcyrn.  This  has  been  identified  with  the  Hom-r 
eric  Scheria,  where  reigned  Alcinous,  king  of  the! 
PhiEacians,   the    host  of    Ulysses,   and    Nausicaa'af 


CORIA 


36;^ 


CORINTH 


father.  In  735  b.  c.  the  island  received  Corinthian 
colonists  led  by  Chersicrates.  Its  navy  and  trade 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  as  early  as  (104 
B.  c.  it  covild  wage  war  upon  Corinth.  During 
the  Peloponnesian  VVar,  when  allied  with  the  Athe- 
nians, Corfu  fitted  out  120  ships  and  overcame  its 
suzerain.  But  internal  strife  soon  caused  the  de- 
cay of  its  power;  while  the  people  sided  with  the 
Athenians,  the  aristocracy  were  helped  by  the  Corin- 
thians. From  the  rule  of  the  Macedonians  Corfu 
passed  to  that  of  the  Romans.  Under  the  Byzantines 
it  became  practically  the  capital  of  the  Ionian  Islands 
and  of  the  neighbouring  cities  in  Epirus  (Preveza, 
Buthrotum,  etc.),  and  signalized  itself  by  courage- 
ous conflicts  with  Dalmatians,  Bulgars,  and  Saracens. 
About  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  it  formed  a 
duchy  under  the  despots  of  Epirus.  Charles  of  Anjou, 
King  of  Naples,  conquered  it  in  1274.  It  recovered 
its  independence  by  expelling  the  Neapolitan  garrison 
and  took  refuge  in  the  protectorate  of  \'enice.  After 
the  capture  of  Constantinople,  Mohammed  II  sent  an 
army  which  laid  unsuccessful  siege  to  Corfu  to  punish 
it  for  having  heljjed  Buthrotum.  Soljmian  II  was 
equally  unsuccessful,  though  he  took  away  16,000 
prisoners.  In  1716  Ahmed  III  was  ahso  driven  back, 
the  inhabitants  being  helped  by  the  Sa.xon  general 
Matthias  Schulenburg  and  inspired  by  a  monk  who 
led  the  way  bearing  an  uplifted  cross.  For  a  brief 
wiiile,  together  with  Venice  (1791),  Corfu  came  under 
French  rule,  and  was  then  successively  conquered  by 
the  Turks  and  the  Russians  (1799).  The  Seven 
Islands  were  united  in  a  republic  under  a  Turkish  and 
Russian  protectorate.  The  Treaty  of  Tilsit  gave  them 
again  to  the  French  in  1807,  but  in  1809  the  islands, 
with  the  exception  of  Corfu,  fell  into  the  power  of 
England.  In  1815  the  United  States  of  the  Ionian 
Islands  were  put  untler  the  jirotectorate  of  Great 
Britain,  with  Corfu  as  capital  .and  residence  of  the 
governor.  On  8  Marcli,  1S()4,  the  islands  were  an- 
nexed to  Greece,  and  since  this  time  Corfu  (Gr.  Ker- 
kyra),  with  Paxos,  Santa  Maura  (Leukas),  and 
Ithaca,  etc.  have  formed  a  nomarchy  or  province  of 
the  kingdom. 

The  island  has  a  mild,  salubrious  ciimate.  It  is 
hilly,  with  rather  barren  valleys,  and  produces  corn 
and  oil.  Brimstone  and  marble  are  among  its  ex- 
ports. The  whole  population  is  about  70,000.  Ital- 
ian is  still  much  used,  together  with  Greek,  chiefly 
among  the  Catholic  population.  The  city  of  Corfu 
is  situated  on  the  eastern  coast  and  boasts  of  a  broad 
and  good  port.  It  exhibits  ruins  of  a  temple  of 
Poseidon,  a  cenotaph  of  Menecrates,  and  a  statue  of 
Schulenburg.  In  1861  the  late  Empress  Elizabeth 
of  Austria  built  there,  in  the  purest  Greek  style,  her 
magnificent  palace,  the  Achilleion,  named  after  a 
colossal  statue  of  Achilles  on  one  of  the  terraces  of 
the  park ;  this  palace  has  been  bought  by  the  Emperor 
of  Germany.  The  po|iulation  of  the  city  is  about 
17,000;  5000  Jews,  4000  Catholics,  the  rest  orthodox 
Greeks. 

According  to  legend  the  Church  of  Corfu  was 
founded  by  St.  Jason,  a  disciple  of  St.  Paul,  but 
the  first  known  bishop  is  Ajiollodorus,  present  at 
Nicaea  in  .325.  It  was  at  first  a  sufTr.ag!in  of  Nico- 
polis  in  Epirus  Vetus,  but  in  the  Middle  Ages  was 
made  a  metropolis.  Since  1900  it  has  again  become 
asimple  bishopric.  (.See  "  Echos  d'Orient",  III,  285 
8qq.)  Among  its  distinguished  prelates  were  St. 
Arsenius,  a  tenth-century  author  of  homilies,  and 
Georgius  Bardanes,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  a  fiery 
adversary  of  the  Latins.  (See  Lequien,  "ll,  145.) 
The  island  honours  as  its  patron  the  celebrated  St. 
Spyridon,  whose  relics  lie  in  the  Greek  cathedral. 
Since  the  thirteenth  centun,-  Corfu  has  al.so  been  a 
Catholic  archiepi.scopal  see.  Tim  archdiocese  includes 
Paxos,  Antipaxos,  other  islets,  and  several  localities 
in  Epirus,  between  Parga  and  Sasino;  the  Catholics, 


however,  have  almost  comiiletely  disappeared  except 
in  Corfu.  There  is  but  one  parish,  with  six  churches 
or  chaiiels,  and  some  ten  priests.  The  Sisters  of  Our 
Lady  of  Compassion  conduct  a  .school  and  an  orphan- 
age. (For  the  episcopal  list  see  Lequien,  III,  877, 
completed  by  Gams,  .399,  and  I'Aibel,  I,  217,  II,  152.) 
Among  the  archliishops,  the  famous  Benedictine  Car- 
dhial,  .\ngi-lo  Maria  Quirini,  who  died  in  Italyin  1759, 
des(>rvcs  nimtion. 

M"'"'"''-.  "    ' '  "''■  '  "       ,  \.::i.r.   ir.TL'l;    Qvimm,  Pri- 

ntonli't  '  .  '     1  .      .      t  1:.         ,     1  ,  ,-,  ;    MoesTOXYDES, 

rilu^nr         <  '1  V      ;m'       ;.       .     .  r„,-«Vfsi  (Corfu, 

aviKlioTa  (Afliens,  ISSIM;  Hll>HOM  l.Nos,  ^vvoiniKrt  laropia  ttj^ 
KepniJpat  (Corfu,  1S95);  Jervis,  Histori/  of  Coiiu  (London, 
1852);    CLAPARiiDE,  Corfou  cl  les  Corfiotes  (Paris,  1900). 

S.  Petrides. 

Coria  (Cauria),  Diocese  of  (Cauriensis),  in 
Spain,  suffragan  of  Toledo;  it  includes  nearly  the  en- 
tire province  of  Ciiceres,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
parishes  that  belong  to  the  Diocese  of  Salamanca. 
The  first  mention  of  a  Diocese  of  Coria  is  in  589  when 
its  bishoji,  Jacintus,  subscribed  the  acts  of  the  Third 
Council  of  Toledo.  Under  Visigothic  rule  Coria  was  a 
suffragan  of  Merida.  During  the  Arab  conquest  the 
episcopal  list  was  continued  by  means  of  titular  bish- 
ops; one  of  them.  Jacobus,  appears  among  the  pre- 
lates who  assisted  at  the  consecration  of  the  church  of 
Compostela  in  876.  After  the  reconquest  of  the  city 
(1142)  Alfonso  VII  turned  the  mosque  into  a  cathe- 
dral, and  had  it  reconsecrated  in  honour  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  and  all  the  saints.  The  first  bishop  of  the  new 
series  was  Inigo  Navarron.  The  statistics  for  1906 
were:  Catholics.  171.011:  priests,  250;  parishes,  124; 
churches,  l.")!i;  (  !i -j:!  1      Isd. 

Fi-oREz.  £•  ;.  1  I  Irid,  1759),  XIV,  52-61;   D.i\aLA 

ia  Tealro  de  las  J  ,i     i.:    -,,    /    ;..;iia  (M.adrid.  1647),  II,  433-76. 

Eduardo  db  Hinojosa. 

Corinth  (('oRiNTHU.s),a  titular  archiepiscopalseeof 
Greece.  The  origin  of  Corinth  belongs  to  jirehistoric 
legend.  About  1100  B.C.  this  city, delivered  from  the 
Argives  by  the  Dorian  inva-sion,  became  the  centre  of 
the  Ileracloid  rule  in  Peloponnesus ;  at  this  time  it  waged 
successful  wars  against  neighbouring  cities,  including 
Athens.  A  little  later,  under  the  tyranny  of  the 
Bacchiada;  (750-657  b.  c),  it  founded  many  colonies, 
among  them  CorcjTa  and  Syracuse.  About  657  B.  c. 
a  revolution  substituted  for  tyranny  a  government 
based  on  jiojiular  election ;  from  that  t  ime  Corinth  took 
no  great  jiart  in  Greek  history,  except  as  the  scene  of 
the  Isthmian  games  and  by  the  transit  duty  it  im- 
posed on  all  goods  passing  by  its  citadel.  Its  name  is 
scarcely  mentioned  during  the  Medic  wars,  and  after 
beginning  the  Peloponnesian  war  (432-404)  it  handed 
the  direction  of  it  over  to  Sparta  and  later  on  aban- 
doned its  ally.  The  foreign  policy  of  this  .submissive 
vassal  of  Philip  (later  the  federal  centre,  but  not  the 
inspirer,  of  the  Acha-an  league)  was  ne\-er  positive  and 
domestic;  its  true  glory  was  its  luxury,  riches,  and 
artistic  culture.  It  gave  its  name  to  the  third  and 
most  ornamental  of  the  orders  of  Greek  architecture. 
Corinth  was  cajitured  and  ]ilundered  by  Mummius 
(146  B.  c),  restored  and  embellished  again  by  Cjesar 
and  Hadrian,  and  ravaged  in  turn  by  tli(!  Ileruli,  Visi- 
goths, and  Slavs.  In  1205  it  was  cajitured  by  the 
French,  who  gave  it  u])  to  the  Venetians,  by  whom  it 
was  held,  cxcejiting  brief  intervals,  until  1715.  The 
Turks  left  it  in  1821 ,  and  in  1858,  after  a  .severe  earth- 
quake, it  was  transferred  (o  the  western  shore  of  the 
gulf.  The  new  town,  in  the  ))rovinces  of  Argolis  and 
Corinthia,  has  alxmt  4.">()0  inhabitants,  and  exports 
drieil  currants,  oil,  corn,  and  silk.  The  ancient  site 
is  now  occupied  by  a  wretched  village,  Palaeo-Corin- 
thos,  or  Old  Corinth,  with  five  churches,  probably 
built  where  temiiles  had  formerly  stood.  Near  by  are 
the  lofty  Acropolis  (Acro-Corintlins)  and  ruins  of  a 
*'»mi)lc  and  amphitheatre.    The  ship  canal  between  the 


CORINTHIANS 


364 


CORINTHIANS 


bay  of  Corinth  and  the  gulf  of  itEgina,  about  four  miles 
in  length,  was  opened  8  November,  1893;  it  had  been 
begun  by  Nero,  and  is  in  great  part  cut  through  the 
solid  rock. 

St.  Paul  preached  successfully  at  Corinth,  where  he 
lived  in  the  house  of  Aquila  and  Priscilla  (Acts,  xviii, 
1),  where  Silas  and  Timothy  soon  joined  him.  After 
his  dejjarture  he  was  replaced  by  Apollo,  who  had 
been  sent  from  Ephesus  by  Priscilla.  The  Apostle 
visited  Corinth  at  least  once  more.  He  wrote  to  the 
Corintliians  in  57  from  Ephesus,  and  then  from  Mace- 
donia in  the  same  year,  or  in  58.  The  famous  letter 
of  St.  Clement  of  Rome  to  the  Corintliian  church 
(about  96)  exhibits  the  earliest  evidence  concerning 
the  ecclesiastical  primacy  of  the  Roman  Chiu-ch.  Be- 
sides St.  Apollo,  Lequien  (II,  155)  mentions  forty- 
three  bishops:  among  them,  St.  Sosthenes  (?),  the 
disciple  of  St.  Paul.  St.  Dionysius;  Paul,  brother  of 
St.  Peter,  Bishop  of  Argos  in  the  tenth  century;  St. 
Athanasius,  in  the  same  century;  George,  or  Gregory, 
a  commentator  of  liturgical  hymns.  Corinth  was  the 
metropolis  of  all  Hellas.  After  the  Byzantine  em- 
|Jcrors  had  violently  withdrawn  Illyricum  from  papal 
direction,  Corinth  appears  as  a  mofropcilis  with  seven 
suffragan  sees;  at  the  beginnins  <il  flic  i  i;;litoenth  cen- 
tury there  were  only  two  unite  i  in  mir  title.  Since 
1890  Corinth,  for  the  Greeks,  has  bei-n  a  simple 
bishopric,  but  the  first  in  rank,  Athens  being  the 
sole  archbishopric  of  the  Kingdom  of  Greece.  Le- 
quien (III,  883)  mentions  twenty  Latin  prelates  from 
1210  to  1700,  the  later  ones  being  only  titular.  But 
Eubel  (I,  218;  II,  152)  mentions  twenty-two  arch- 
bishops for  the  period  from  1212  to  1476. 

Lebas  and  Fotjcart,  Inscripticms  du  Peloponncse;  Beule, 
L'art  grec  avant  Pericles;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Hist,  de  Vart 
darts  I'antiquite;  Spon,  Voyage  d'ltalie,  de  Dalmaiie,  de 
Grtre  et  du  Levant  (Amsterdam.  1679),  II,  22.3  sq.;  Smith, 
Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography  (London,  1878),  I, 
674-86. 

S.  Petridks. 

Corinthians,  Epistles  to  the. — iNTRODUCTORy. 
— St.  Paul  Founds  the  Church  at  Corinth. — St.  Paul's 
first  visit  to  Europe  is  graphically  described  by 
St.  Luke  (Acts,  xvi-xviii).  When  he  reached  Troas, 
at  the  north-west  corner  of  Asia  Minor,  on  his  second 
great  missionary  journey  in  company  with  Timothy 
and  Silvan  us,  or  Silas  (who  was  a  "prophet"  and 
had  the  confidence  of  The  Twelve),  he  met  St.  Luke, 
probably  for  the  first  time.  At  Troas  he  had  a 
vision  of  "a  man  of  Macedonia  standing  and  beseech- 
ing him,  and  saying:  Pass  over  in  to  Macedonia  and 
helj]  us."  In  response  to  this  appeal  he  proceeded 
to  Philippi  in  Macedonia,  where  he  made  many  con- 
verts, but  was  cruelly  beaten  with  rods  according  to 
the  Roman  custom.  After  comforting  the  brethren 
he  travelled  southward  to  Thessalonica,  where  some  of 
the  Jews  "  believed,  and  of  those  that  served  God,  and 
of  the  Gentiles  a  great  multitude,  and  of  noble  women 
not  a  few.  But  the  Jews,  moved  with  envy,  and  taking 
unto  them  some  wicked  men  of  the  vulgar  sort,  set  the 
city  in  an  uproar.  .  .  .  And  they  stirred  up  the  people 
and  the  rulers  of  the  city  hearing  these  things.  But 
the  brethren  immediately  sent  away  Paul  and  Silas  by 
night  to  Beroea.  Who,  when  they  were  come  thither, 
went  into  the  synagogue  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of 
them  believed,  and  of  honourable  women  that  were 
Gentiles  and  of  men  not  a  few."  But  imbelieving 
Jews  from  Thessalonica  came  to  Beroea  "stirring  up 
and  troubling  the  multitude".  "  And  immediately  the 
brethren  scut  a  wtiy  Paul  to  go  to  the  sea ;  but  Silas  and 
Timothy  remained  there.  .A.nd  they  that  conducted 
Paul  brought  him  as  far  a.s  Athens"— then  reduced  to 
the  position  of  an  old  university  town.  At  Athens  he 
preached  his  famous  philosophical  discourse  in  the 
Areopagus.  Only  a  few  were  converted,  amongst 
these  being  St.  Dionysius  the  Areopagite.  Some  of 
bb  frivolous  hearers  mocked  him.     Others  said  that 


that  was  enough  for  the  present ;  they  would  listen  to 
more  another  time. 

He  appears  to  have  been  very  disappointed  with 
Athens.  He  did  not  visit  it  again,  and  it  is  never 
mentioned  in  his  letters.  The  disappointed  and  soli- 
tary Apostle  left  Athens  and  travelled  westwards,  a 
distance  of  forty-five  miles,  to  Corinth,  the  then  capi- 
tal of  Greece.  The  fearful  scourging  at  Philippi  com- 
ing not  very  long  after  he  had  been  stoned  and  left 
for  dead  at  Lystra,  together  with  all  his  ill-treatment 
by  the  Jews,  as  described  in  II  Cor.,  must  have  greatly 
weakened  him.  As  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  he, 
any  more  than  his  Master,  was  miraculously  saved 
from  pain  and  its  effects,  it  was  with  physical  pain, 
nervousness,  and  misgiving  that  the  lonely  Apostle 
entered  this  great  pagan  city,  that  had  a  bad  name  for 
profligacy  throughout  the  Roman  world.  To  act  the 
Corinthian  was  synonymous  with  leading  a  loose  life. 
Corinth,  which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Romans, 
was  re-established  as  a  colony  by  Julius  Ca?sar,  46 
B.  c,  and  made  the  capital  of  the  Roman  Province  of 
Achaia  by  Augustus.  It  was  built  on  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  isthmus  connecting  the  mainland 
with  the  Morea,  and  was  on  the  great  line  of  traffic 
between  East  and  West.  Its  two  magnificent  har- 
bours, one  at  eacli  side  of  the  isthmus,  were  crowded 
with  shipping  and  were  the  scenes  of  constant  bustle 
and  activity.  Corinth  was  filled  with  Greeks,  Ro- 
mans, Syrians,  Egyptians,  and  Jews,  many  of  the  last 
having  lately  come  from  Rome  on  account  of  their  ex- 
pulsion by  Claudius ;  and  its  streets  were  thronged  by 
tens  of  thousands  of  slaves.  Crowds,  too,  came  from 
all  parts  every  four  years  to  be  present  at  the  Isthmian 
games.  On  the  summit  of  the  hill  to  the  south  of 
the  city  was  the  infamous  temj^le  of  Venus,  with  its 
tliousand  female  devotees  dedicated  to  a  life  of  shame. 

It  was  to  this  centre  of  traffic,  excitement,  wealth, 
and  vice  that  St.  Paul  came,  probably  about  the  end 
of  \.  D.  51 ;   and  here  he  spent  upwards  of  eighteen 
months  of  his  Apostolic  career.     He  took  up  his  resi- 
dence with  two  Christian  Jews,  Aquila  and  his  wife 
Priscilla  (refugees  from  Rome),  because  they  were  of 
the  same  trade  as  himself.     Like  all  Jews  he  had  " 
learnt  a  trade  in  his  youth,  and  in  their  house  he  sup- 
ported himself  by  working  at  this  trade,  viz.,  that  of 
tentmaker,  as  he  had  determined  not  to  receive  any 
support  from  the  money-loving  Corinthians.     He  be- 
gan by  preaching  in  the  synagogue  every  Sabbath; 
and  he  persuaded  the  Jews  and  the  Greeks".     Of 
this  period  he  says  that  he  was  with  them  "in  weak- 
ness, and  fear,  and  much  trembling ".     The  ill-usage 
he  had  received  was  still  fresh  in  his  memory,  as, 
writing  a  month  or  two  later  to  the  Thessalonians,  he 
recalls   how   he   had    been    "shamefully   treated   at 
Philippi".     But  when  he  was  joined  by  Silas  and 
Timothy,  who  brought  him  pecuniary  aiil  from  Mace- 
donia, he  became  more  bold  and  confident,  and  "was 
earnest  in  testifying  to  the  Jews  that  Jesus  is  the| 
Christ.     But  they  gainsaying  and  blasphennng,  he 
shook  his  garments  and  said  to  them:   Your  blood  be' 
upon  your  owni  heads ;  I  am  clean:  from  henceforth  1' 
will  go  imto  the  Gentiles."     He  then  began  to  prc;icl 
in  the  house  of  Titus  Justus,  adjoining  the  synagogue 
Crispus,  the  ruler  of  the  synagogue,  and  his  family 
andseveral  of  the  Corinthians  were  converted  and  bap 
tized.     Amongst  these  were  Cains,  Stcphanius,  and  hi 
household,  and  the  house  of  Fortunatus  and  Achaii-us 
"the  firstfruits  of  .\chaia"  (I  Cor.,  i,  14,  16;  xvi,  1.')^ 
The  growing  opposition  of  the  Jews,  however,  and  th 
wicked  state  of  the  city  had  a  depressing  iiitiucnc 
upon  him ;  but  "the  Lord  said  to  Paul  in  thr  night,  h; 
ii  vision:    Do  not  fear,  but  speak;  and  hold  not  th; 
peace,  because  I  am  with  thee;  and  no  man  shall  si' 
upon  thee  to  hurt  thee ;  for  I  have  much  people  in  tlii 
city.  Andhestayed  there  a  year  and  six  months,  teach 
ing among  them  the  word  of  God"  (.\cts,  xviii,  0-11' 
Many  were  convertcxl ;  some  of  them  noble,  wealth_\ 


M 

If!'-- 


II 


CORINTHIANS 


•ibo 


CORIKTUIAKS 


and  learned,  but  the  groat  majority  neither  learned, 
nor  powerful,  nor  noble  (I  Cor.,  i,  2(5).  During  this 
long  period  the  Faith  was  planted  not  only  in  Corinth 
but  in  other  portions  of  Achaia,  especially  in  CenchreEP, 
the  ea.s;tern  port.  At  length  the  inibelieving  Jews, 
seeing  the  ever-increasing  crowd  of  Christians  fre- 
quenting the  house  of  Titus  Justus,  next  door  to  their 
synagogue,  became  furiou.s,  and  rose  up  with  one  ac- 
cord and  dragged  St.  Paul  before  the  newly-appointed 
Proconsul  of  Achaia,  Gallio,  the  brother  of  Seneca 
(\.  D.  54).  Gallio,  perceiving  that  it  was  a  question  of 
religion,  refused  to  listen  to  them.  The  crowed,  seeing 
this  and  supposing  that  it  was  a  dispute  betw-een 
Greeks  and  Jews,  fell  upon  the  ring-leader  of  the  lat- 
ter (Sosthenes,  w-ho  succeeded  Crispus  as  ruler  of  the 
synagogue)  and  gave  him  a  sound  beating  in  the  very 
iight  of  the  judgment  seat;  but  Gallio  pretended  not 
to  notice.  His  treatment  must  have  cowed  the  Jews, 
md  St.  Paul  "stayed  yet  many  days".  Comely  is  of 
jpinion  that  at  this  time  he  made  his  journey  as  far  as 
[llj'ricum,  and  that  his  first  visit  to  them  "in  sorrow" 
ivas  when  he  returned.  Others,  with  greater  proba- 
ailit}',  place  it  later.  St.  Paul,  at  last  taking  leave  of 
the  brethren,  travelled  as  far  as  Ephesus  with  Priscilla 
md  Aquila.  Leaving  them  there  he  w-ent  on  to  Jeru- 
salem and  came  back  by  Antioch,  Galatia,  and  Phrj'- 
5ia,  where  he  confirmed  all  the  disciples.  After  hav- 
ing thus  traversed  the  "upper  coasts"  he  returned  to 
Ephesus,  which  he  made  his  head-quarters  for  nearly 
three  years.  It  was  towards  the  end  of  that  period 
that  tile  First  Epistle  was  written. 

Authenticiti/  of  lite  Epislles. — Little  need  be  said  on 
this  point.  The  historical  and  internal  evidence  that 
they  were  written  by  St.  Paul  is  so  overwhelmingly 
strong  that  their  authenticity  has  been  frankly  ad- 
mitted by  every  distinguished  writer  of  the  most  ad- 
vanced critical  schools.  They  were  contained  in  the 
first  collections  of  St.  Paul's  Epistles,  and  were  quoted 
as  Scripture  by  early  Christian  w'riters.  They  were 
referred  to  as  authorities  by  the  early  heretics  and 
translated  into  many  languages  in  the  middle  of  the 
second  centurj^.  The  unique  personality  of  St.  Paul 
is  impressed  upon  their  every  page.  Baur,  the  ration- 
alistic founder  of  the  Tubingen  School,  and  his  fol- 
lowers, held  the  two  to  the  Corinthians,  Galatians,  and 
Romans  to  be  unassailable.  One  or  two  hypercritical 
miters,  of  little  weight,  brought  some  futile  objec- 
tions against  them;  but  these  were  scarcely  meant  to 
be  taken  seriously;  they  were  refuted  and  brushed 
aside  by  such  an  H?(ra  writer  as  Kuonen.  Schmiedel,one 
of  the  most  advanced  modern  critics,  says  (Hand- 
Kommentar,  Leipzig,  1893,  p.  51)  that  unless  better 
arguments  can  be  adduced  against  them  the  two 
E|ii.'<tles  must  be  acknowledged  to  be  genuine  writings 
of  .St.  Paul.  Tlie  Second  Epistle  was  known  from  the 
verj-  earliest  times.  There  is  a  trace  of  it  in  that 
portion  of  "The  Ascension  of  Lsaiah"  which  dates 
back  to  the  first  century  (ICnowling,  "The  Testi- 
mony of  St.  Paul  to  Christ",  p.  5S;  Charles,  "The 
Ascension  of  Isaiah  ",  pp.  .34, 1.50).  It  was  known  to 
St.  Polycarp,  to  the  write'  of  the  Epistle  to  Diognetus, 
to  Athenagoras,  Theophilus,  the  heretics  Basilides 
and  Marcion.  In  the  second  half  of  the  second  cen- 
tury it  w.as  so  widely  used  that  it  is  unnecessary  to 
give  quotations. 

The  First  Epistle. — Why  Written. — During  the 
years  that  St.  Paul  was  at  Ephesus  he  must  have  fre- 
quently heard  from  Corinth,  as  it  w.as  distant  only  2.50 
miles,  and  people  were  constantly  passing  to  and  fro. 
A  ship  sailing  at  the  rate  of  four  miles  an  hour  would 
cover  the  distance  in  three  days,  though  on  one  un- 
propitious  occasion  it  took  Cicero  over  a  fortnight 
{Ep.  vi,  8,  9).  By  degrees  the  news  reached  Ephesus 
that  some  of  the  Corinthians  w-ere  drifting  back  into 
their  former  vices.  Alfr)rd  and  others  infer  from  the 
words  of  II  Cor.,  xii,  20,  21 ;  xiii,  1,  "Behold  this  is 
the  third  time  that  I  come  to  you",  that  he  made  a  fly- 


ing visit  to  check  these  abuses.  Others  suppose  that 
this  coming  meant  by  letter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is 
generally  held  that  he  WTote  them  a  brief  note  (now- 
lost)  telling  them  "not  to  associate  with  fornicators", 
asking  them  to  make  collections  for  the  poor  brethren 
at  Jerusalem,  and  giving  them  an  account  of  his  inten- 
tion of  visiting  them  before  going  on  to  Macedonia, 
and  of  returning  to  them  again  from  that  place. 
News  which  he  heard  later  from  the  household  of 
Chloe  and  others  made  him  change  this  plan,  and  for 
this  he  was  accused  by  his  enemies  of  want  of  steadi- 
ness of  purpose  (II  Cor.,  i,  17).  The  accounts  which  he 
received  caused  him  great  anxiety.  Abuses,  bicker- 
ings, and  party  strife  had  grown  up  amongst  them. 
The  party  cries  were:  "I  am  of  Paul;  I  am  of  Apollo 
[Apollos);  I  am  of  Cephas;  I  am  of  Christ."  These 
parties,  in  all  likelihood,  originated  as  follows:  During 
St.  Paul's  circular  tour  from  Ephesus  to  Jerusalem, 
Antioch,  Galatia,  Phrj-gia,  and  back  to  Ephesus,  "a 
certain  Jew,  named  Apollo,  bom  at  Alexandria,  an  elo- 
quent man,  came  to  Ephesus,  one  mighty  in  the 
scriptures,  and  being  fervent  in  spirit,  spoke,  and 
taught  diligently  the  things  that  are  of  Jesus,  knowing 
only  the  baptism  of  John."  Priscilla  and  Aquila 
fully  instructed  him  in  the  Christian  Faith.  In  accord- 
ance with  his  desire  he  received  letters  of  recommen- 
dation to  the  disciples  at  Corinth.  "  Who,  when  he  was 
come,  helped  them  very  much  who  had  believed.  For 
with  much  vigour  he  convinced  the  Jews  openly,  shew- 
ing by  the  scriptures  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ"  (Acts, 
xviii,  27, 28).  He  remained  at  Corinth  about  two  years, 
but,  being  unwilling  to  be  made  the  centre  of  strife,  he 
joined  St.  Paul  at  Ephesus.  From  the  inspired  words 
of  St.  Luke,  no  mean  judge,  we  may  take  it  that  in 
learning  and  eloquence  Apollo  was  on  a  par  with  the 
greatest  of  his  contemporaries,  and  that  in  intellectual 
powers  he  was  not  inferior  to  Jews  like  Josephus  and 
Philo.  He  is  likely  to  have  known  the  latter,  who 
was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Jewish  community  in 
his  native  city  of  Alexandria,  and  had  died  only  four- 
teen years  before;  and  his  deep  interest  in  Holy 
Scripture  would  certainly  have  led  him  to  study  the 
works  of  Philo.  The  eloquence  of  Apollo,  and  his 
powerful  applications  of  the  Old  Testament  to  the 
Messias,  captivated  the  intellectual  Greeks,  especially 
the  more  educated.  That,  they  thought,  was  true 
wisdom.  They  began  to  make  invidious  comparisons 
between  him  and  St.  Paul,  who  on  account  of  his  ex- 
perience at  Athens,  had  purposely  confined  himself  to 
what  we  should  call  .solid  catechetical  in.struction. 
The  Greeks  dearly  loved  to  belong  to  some  particular 
school  of  philosophy;  so  the  admirers  of  Apollo  laid 
claim  to  a  deeper  perception  of  wisdom  and  boasted 
that  they  belonged  to  the  Christian  school  of  the  great 
Alexandrian  preacher.  The  majority,  on  the  other 
hand,  prided  themselves  on  their  intimate  connexion 
with  their  Apostle.  It  was  not  zeal  for  the  honour  of 
their  teachers  that  really  promjited  either  of  these 
parties,  but  a  spirit  of  pride  which  made  them  seek  to 
put  themselves  above  their  fellows,  and  prevented 
them  from  humbly  thanking  God  for  the  grace  of  being 
Christians.  About  this  time  there  came  from  the 
East  some  who  had  possibly  heard  St.  Peter  preach. 
These  regarded  the  others  as  their  spiritual  inferiors; 
they  themselves  belonged  to  Cephas,  the  Prince  of  the 
Apostles.  Commentators  are  of  opinion  that  this 
party  spirit  did  not  go  so  deep  as  to  constitute  formal 
schism  or  heresy.  They  all  met  together  for  prayer 
and  the  celebration  of  the  Sacred  Mysteries;  but  there 
were  hot  disputes  and  many  breaches  of  fraternal 
charity.  The  Fathers  mention  only  three  parties; 
but  the  text  obviously  implies  that  tfiere  was  another 
party  the  members  of  which  said,  "I  am  of  Christ". 
This  view  is  now  held  by  several  Catholics,  and  by 
many  non-Catholics.  What  was  the  nature  of  this 
party  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  a  few  of  those  who  were  specially  endowed 


CORINTHIANS 


366 


CORINTHIANS 


with  spiritual  gifts,  or  charismata,  boasted  that  they 
were  above  the  others,  as  they  were  in  direct  commu- 
ni<'atiou  witli  t'lirist.  Another  explanation  is  that 
they  had  seen  Christ  in  the  flesh,  or  that  they  claimed 
to  follow  His  example  in  their  reverence  for  the  Law  of 
Moses.  At  any  rate,  the  statement,  "  I  am  of  Christ", 
seemed  to  make  Christ  a  mere  party  name,  and  to  im- 
ply that  the  others  were  not  Christians  in  the  genuine 
and  perfect  sense  of  the  word. 

St.  Paul,  hearing  of  this  state  of  things,  sent  Tim- 
othy together  with  Erastiis  (probably  the  "  treasurer 
of  the  city"  of  Corinth — Rom.,  xvi,  23)  round  by 
Macedonia,  to  put  things  in  order.  Soon  after  they 
left,  Stephanas  and  other  delegates  came  with  a  letter 
from  the  Corinthians.  This  letter  contained  some 
self-glorification  and  requested  the  Apostle  to  give  a 
solution  to  several  serious  difficulties  which  they  pro- 
posed to  him ;  but  it  made  no  mention  of  their  short- 
comings. By  this  time  he  had  become  fully  aware  of 
the  grave  state  of  affairs  amongst  them.  Besides 
party  strife,  some  made  light  of  sins  of  impurity.  One 
man  had  gone  to  the  extent  of  marrying  his  step- 
mother, his  father  being  still  alive,  a  crime  unheard  of 
amongst  the  pagans.  So  far  were  they  from  showing 
horror  that  they  treated  him  in  a  friendly  manner  and 
allowed  him  to  be  present  at  their  meetings.  As  mat- 
ters were  too  pressing  to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  Tim- 
othy, St.  Paul  at  once  wrote  the  First  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians  and  sent  it  by  Titus,  about  Easter  A.  d.  57. 

Importance  of  the  First  Epistle. — This  is  generally 
regarded  as  the  greatest  of  the  writings  of  St.  Paul  by 
reason  of  the  magnificence  and  beauty  of  its  style  and 
the  variety  and  importance  of  its  contents.  So 
splendid  is  its  style  that  it  has  given  rise  to  the  con- 
jecture that  St.  Paul  took  lessons  in  oratory  at  Ephe- 
sus;  but  this  is  highly  improbable.  St.  Paul's  was 
not  the  type  of  eloquence  to  be  moulded  by  mechani- 
cal rules ;  his  was  the  kind  of  genius  that  produces  lit- 
erature on  which  rules  of  rhetoric  are  based.  If  the 
Corinthians  were  impressed  by  the  eloquence  of 
Apollo,  they  could  not  help  feeling,  when  they  heard 
and  read  this  Epistle,  that  here  was  an  author  capable 
of  bearing  comparison  not  only  with  Apollo,  but  with 
the  best  that  they  could  boast  in  Greek  literature,  of 
which  they  were  so  justly  proud.  Scholars  of  all 
schools  are  loud  in  its  praise.  The  striking  similes, 
figures  of  speech,  and  telling  sentences  of  the  Epistle 
have  passed  into  the  literatures  of  the  world.  Plum- 
mer,  in  Smith's  "Diet,  of  the  Bible",  says  that  chap- 
ters xiii  and  xv  are  among  the  most  sublime  passages, 
not  only  in  the  Bible,  but  in  all  literature. 

But  this  Epistle  is  great  not  only  for  its  style  but 
also  for  the  variety  and  importance  of  its  doctrinal 
teaching.  In  no  other  Epistle  does  St.  Paul  treat  of 
so  many  different  subjects;  and  the  doctrines  which 
are  touched  upon  (in  many  cases  only  incitlentally) 
are  important  as  showing  what  he  and  Silvanus,  a  dis- 
ciple and  trusted  delegate  of  the  older  Apostles,  taught 
the  early  Christians.  In  some  of  his  letters  he  had  to 
defend  his  Apostolate  and  the  freedom  of  Christians 
from  the  Law  of  Moses  against  heretical  teachers ;  but 
he  never  had  to  defend  himself  against  his  bitterest 
enemies,  the  judaizers,  for  his  teaching  on  Christ  and 
the  principal  points  of  doctrine  contained  in  these  two 
Epistles,  the  obvious  reason  being  that  his  teaching 
must  have  been  in  perfect  harmony  with  that  of  Tlie 
Twelve.  He  distinctly  states  in  ch.  xv,  11,  "For 
whether  I,  or  they  [The  Twelve  Apostles],  so  we  preach, 
and  so  you  have  believed." 

Divisions  of  the  First  Epistle. — Instead  of  giving 
a  formal  sununary  of  the  contents  of  the  Epistle,  it 
may  be  more  useful  to  give  the  teaching  of  the  Apos- 
tle, in  his  own  words,  classified  under  various  heads, 
following,  in  general,  the  order  of  the  Creed.  With 
regard  to  arrangement,  it  may  be  stated,  in  passing, 
that  the  Epistle  is  divided  into  two  parts.  In  the  first 
six  chapters  he  rebukes  them  for  their  faults  and  cor- 


rects abuses:  (1)  He  shows  the  absurdity  of  their 
divisions  and  bickerings;  (2)  deals  with  the  scandal- 
ous case  of  incest;  (3)  their  lawsuits  liefore  pagans; 
and  (4)  the  want  of  sufficient  horror  of  impurity  in 
some  of  them.  In  the  second  part  (tlie  remaining  ten 
chapters)  he  solves  the  difficulties  which  they  pro- 
posed to  him  and  lays  down  various  regulations  for 
their  conduct.  He  deals  with  questions  relating  to 
(1)  marriage,  (2)  virginity,  (3)  the  use  of  things  offered 
to  idols,  (4)  proper  decorum  in  church  and  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Eucharist,  (5)  spiritual  gifts,  or  Charis- 
mata, (6)  the  Resurrection,  (7)  the  collections  for  the 
poor  of  Jerusalem. 

Its  Teaching. — God  the  Father  {passim).  "Yet 
there  is  but  one  God,  the  Father,  of  whom  are  all 
things,  and  we  unto  him;  and  one  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
by  whom  are  all  things  and  we  by  him"  (viii,  6). 
Compare  II  Cor.,  xiii,  13:  "The  grace  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  the  charity  of  C!od,  and  the  commu- 
nication of  the  Holy  Ghost  be  with  you  all. "  (Bengel, 
quoted  by  Bernard,  calls  this  an  egregium  testimonium, 
to  the  Blessed  Trinity.) — Jesus  Christ.  (1)  "Grace  to 
you  and  peace  from  Clod  our  Father,  and  from  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (i,  3).  "You  are  called  unto  the 
fellowship  of  his  Son,  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord"  (i,  9). 
"Christ  the  power  of  God  and  the  wisdom  of  God" 
(i,  24).  "  We  speak  the  wisdom  of  God  in  a  mystery, 
a  wisdom  which  is  hidden,  which  C!od  ordained  before 
the  world,  unto  our  glory,  which  none  of  the  princes  of 
this  world  knew ;  for  if  they  had  known  it,  they  would 
never  have  crucified  the  Lord  of  glory"  (ii,  7,  8). 
"  But  you  are  washed,  but  you  are  sanctified,  but  you 
are  justified  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11 — see  also  i,  2,  4,  7, 
9,  13;  iii,  5,  11;  vi,  11;  xii,  4-6).  (2)  "The  word  of 
the  cross  to  them  that  are  saved  is  the  power  of  God" 
(i,  IS).  "  We  preach  Christ  crucified,  unto  them  that 
are  called  Christ  the  pow'er  of  God  and  the  wisdom  of 
God"  (i,  23,  24).  "  Biit  of  him  are  you  in  Christ  Jesus, 
who  of  Ciod  is  made  unto  us  wisdom,  and  justice,  and 
sanctification  and  redemption"  (i,  30).  "For  I 
judged  myself  not  to  know  any  thing  among  you,  but 
Jesus  Christ,  and  him  crucified"  (ii,  3).  "For  Christ 
our  pasch  is  sacrificed"  (v,  7).  "For  you  are 
bought  with  a  great  price"  (vi,  20 — cf.  i,  13,  17;  vii; 
23;  viii.  11,  12.)  (3)  The  following  passage  prob- 
ably contains  fragments  of  an  early  creed :  "  The  gospel 
which  I  preached  to  you,  which  also  you  have  re- 
ceived. .  .  .  For  I  delivered  unto  you  first  of  all, 
which  I  also  received:  how  that  Christ  died  for  our 
sins,  according  to  the  scriptures:  and  that  he  teas 
buried,  and  that  he  rose  again  the  third  day,  according  to 
the  scriptures:  and  that  he  was  seen  by  Cephas;  and 
after  that  by  the  eleven.  Then  was  he  seen  by  more 
than  five  hundred  brethren  at  once:  of  whom  many 
remain  until  this  present,  and  some  are  fallen  asleep. 
After  that,  he  was  seen  by  James,  then  by  all  the 
apostles.  And  last  of  all,  he  was  seen  also  by  me,  as 
by  one  bom  out  of  due  time"  (xv,  1-S).  "Have  not 
I  seen  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord?"  (ix,  1).  "And  il 
Christ  be  not  risen  again,  then  is  3ur  preaching  vain 
and  your  faith  is  also  vain"  (xv,  14).  "But  nc 
Christ  is  risen  from  the  dead,  the  firstfruits  of  thai 
that  sleep"  (xv,  20— cf.  vi,  14).  (4)  "Waiting  foil 
the  coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ"  (i,  7).  "That 
the  spirit  may  be  saved  in  the  day  of  our  Lord  Jesu; 
Christ"  (v,  5).  "He  that  judgeth  me  is  the  Lord 
Therefore  judge  not  before  the  time;  until  the  Lon 
come,  who  both  will  bring  to  light  the  hidden  things  o 
darkness,  and  will  make  manifest  the  counsels  of  th< 
hearts;  and  then  shall  every  man  have  praLse  fron 
God"  (iv,  4,  5). — The  Ilohj  Ghost.  "Now  there  an 
diversities  of  graces,  but  the  same  Spirit;  and  then 
are  diversities  of  ministries,  but  the  same  Lord;  anc; 
there  arc  diversities  of  operations,  but  the  same  God' 
(xii,  4-tl).  "But  to  us  God  hath  revealed  them,  b; 
his  Spirit.     Tlie  Spirit  scarcheth  all  things,  yea,  thi 


11 


CORU(THIAX4S 


CORINTHIANS 


ep  things  of  God.  .  .  .  the  things  that  am  of  God 
man  knowcth,  but  the  Spirit  of  God"  (ii,  10,  11 — 
ii,  12-14,  Ki).  "Know  you  not,  that  you  are  the 
nple  of  God,  ami  that  the  Spirit  of  God  dwelleth  in 
11?"  (iii,  IG).  "But  you  are  washed,  but  you  are 
ictified  ...  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
i  the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11).  "Or  know  you 
t,  that  your  members  are  the  temple  of  the  Holy 
ost,  who  is  in  you,  whom  you  have  from  God ;  and 
u  are  not  your  own?  .  .  .  Glorify  and  bear  God  in 
ur  body"  (vi,  19,  20).  "But  all  these  things  one 
1  the  same  Spirit  worketh,  dividing  to  every  one 
•ording  as  he  will"  (xii,  11).  "For  in  one  Spirit 
re  we  all  baptized  unto  one  body"  (xii,  1.3).  "Yet 
the  Spirit  he  speaketh  mysteries"  (xiv,  2). — The 
hi  Catholic  Chivch.  "The  head  of  every  man 
Christ"  (xi,  S).—Unihj.  "Is  Christ  divided?" 
13).  "Now  I  beseech  you,  brethren,  by  the  name 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  you  all  speak  the  same 
ng,  and  that  there  be  no  schisms  among  you ;  but 
it  you  be  perfect  in  the  same  mind,  and  in  the  same 
Igment"  (i,  10).  He  devotes  four  chapters  to  the 
irehension  of  their  divisions,  which  did  not  really 
ount  to  anything  constituting  formal  schism  or 
'esy.  They  met  in  common  for  prayer  and  the  partici- 
:ion  of  the  Blessed  Eucharist.  "  Know  you  not  that 
I  [the  Christian  body]  are  the  temple  of  God  .  .  . 
t  if  any  man  violate  the  temple  of  God  [by  pulling  it 
pieces),  him  shall  God  destroy.  For  the  temple  of 
d  is  holy,  which  you  are"  (iii,  16,  17).  "For  as  the 
iy  is  one,  and  hath  many  members,  and  all  the 
mbers  of  the  body,  whereas  they  are  many,  yet  are 
;  body,  so  also  is  Christ.  For  in  one  Spirit  were  wc 
baptized  into  one  body,  whether  Jews  or  Gentiles, 
ether  bond  or  free"  (xii,  12,  1.3).  [Here  follows  the 
?gory  of  the  body  and  its  members,  xii,  14-25.] 
ow  you  are  the  body  of  Christ,  and  members  of 
mber"  (xii,  27).  "And  God  hath  set  some  in  the 
irch;  first  apostles,  secondly  prophets  .  .  .  Are 
apost  Ics  ?  "  (xii ,  28-3 1 ) .  "  For  God  is  not  the  God 
di.ssension,  but  of  peace:  as  also  I  teach  in  all  the 
urches  of  the  saints"  (xiv,  33).  "I  have  sent  you 
nothy,  who  is  my  dearest  son  and  faithful  in  the 
rd,  who  will  put  you  in  mind  of  my  ways,  which  are 
Christ  Jesus:  as  I  teach  everywhere  in  every 
irch"  (iv,  17).  "But  if  any  man  seem  to  be  con- 
itious,  we  have  no  such  custom,  nor  the  church  of 
d"  (xi,  16).  "Tlie  gospel  which  I  preached  to  you 
.  and  wherein  you  stand;  by  which  also  you  are 
ing]  saved,  if  you  hold  fast  after  the  manner  I 
;ached  unto  you,  unless  you  have  believed  in  vain" 
!,  1-2).  "For  whether  I,  or  they  [The  Twelve 
iOStles],  so  we  preach,  and  so  you  have  believed" 
r,  11).  "The  churches  of  Asia  salute  you" 
n,  19). — Olit  Testament  Types.  "Now  all  these 
ngs  hapjiened  to  them  in  figure:  and  they  are 
itten  for  our  correction"  (x,  11). — Authority. 
V'hat  will  you?  .shall  I  come  to  you  with  a  rod;  or  in 
irity,  and  in  the  spirit  of  meekness?"  (iv,  21). 
few  concerning  the  collections.  .  .  .  as  I  have  given 
ler  to  the  churches  of  Galatia,  so  do  ye  also"  (xvi, 
— Power  of  creommiinication.  "1  indeed,  absent 
body,  but  present  in  spirit,  have  already  judged,  as 
JUgh  I  were  present,  him  that  hath  so  done.  In  the 
me  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  you  being  gathered  to- 
ther,  and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of  our  Lord 
JUS  Christ,  to  deliver  such  a  one  to  Satan  for  the 
struction  of  the  fle.sh,  th.at  the  .spirit  may  be  saved" 
,  3-.5). — Jetrs  nnrl  ]>(ir;rins  exempt  from  Church's  jnr- 
\idion.  "  For  what  have  I  to  do  to  judge  them  that 
;  without  .  .  .  For  them  that  are  without,  God  will 
ige"  fv,  12,  \3).—Srinrtilii.  "For  the  temple  of 
id  is  holy,  which  you  are"  fiii,  17).  "Know  you 
t  that  your  bodies  are  the  members  of  Christ" 
i,  1.5).  "  Your  members  are  the  temple  of  the  Holy 
lost  .  .  .  Glorify  and  bear  God  in  vour  body" 
i,  19,  20— cf.  vi,  11,  etc.).— Grace.     "God  is  faith- 


ful, who  will  not  suffer  you  to  lie  tempted  above  that 
which  you  are  able,  but  will  make  also  with  tempta- 
tion issue,  that  you  may  be  able  to  bear  it"  (x,  13). 
"Grace  be  to  you  ..."  (i,  3).  "But  by  the  grace 
of  God,  I  am  what  I  am ;  and  his  grace  in  me  hath  not 
been  void,  but  I  have  laboured  more  abundantly  than 
all  they:  yet  not  I,  but  the  grace  of  God  with  me" 
(xv,  10). — Virtuous  life  necessary  for  salvation. 
"Know  you  not  that  the  unjust  shall  not  possess  the 
kingdom  of  God?  Do  not  err:  neither  fornicators,  nor 
idolaters,  nor  adulterers,  nor  the  effeminate  .  .  .  nor 
thieves,  nor  covetous,  nor  drunkards,  .  .  .  shall  pos- 
sess the  kingdom  of  God"  (vi,  9,  10).  This,  like  a 
dominant  note,  rings  clear  thrnuijh  .all  the  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul  as  in  the  teaching;  of  his  Divine  Master.  "But 
I  chastise  my  body,  and  bring  it  into  subjection:  lest 
perhaps  when  I  have  preached  to  others,  I  myself 
should  become  a  castaway"  (ix,  27).  "Wherefore  he 
that  thinketh  himself  to  stand,  let  him  take  heed  lest 
he  fall"  (x,  12).  "Therefore,  my  beloved  brethren,  be 
ye  steadfast  and  immoveable;  always  abounding  in  the 
work  of  the  Lord,  knowing  that  your  labour  is  not  in 
vain  in  the  Lord"  (xv,  58).  "Watch  ye,  stand  fast  in 
the  faith,  do  nianfullv,  and  be  strengthened"  (xvi,  13). 
"Do  all  to  the  glory  of  God"  (x,  31).  "Be  without 
offence  to  the  Jews,  and  to  the  Gentiles,  and  to  the 
church  of  God  "  (x,  32).  "  Be  ye  followers  of  me  as  I 
am  of  Christ"  (xi,  1). — Resurrection  of  the  body  and 
life  everlasting.  "For  God  hath  r.aised  up  the  Lord, 
and  he  will  raise  us  up  also  by  his  power"  (vi,  14). 
"  And  as  in  Adam  all  die,  so  also  in  Christ  all  shall  be 
made  alive."  "For  star  differeth  from  star  in  glory. 
So  also  is  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  It  is  sown  in 
corruption,  it  shall  rise  in  incorruption.  It  is  sown  in 
dishonour,  it  -shall  rise  in  glory.  "  "  Behold,  I  tell  you 
a  mystery.  We  shall  all  indeed  rise  again."  "In  a 
moment,  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  at  the  last  trum- 
pet: for  the  trumpet  shall  soinid,  and  the  dead  shall 
rise  again  incorruptible."  (See  all  of  ch.  xv.)  "We 
see  now  through  a  glass  in  a  dark  manner;  but  then 
face  to  face.  Now  I  know  in  part;  but  then  I  shall 
know  even  as  I  am  known"  (xiii,  12). — Baptism. 
"Were  you  baptized  in  the  name  of  Paul?"  (i,  13).  "I 
baptized  also  the  household  of  Stephanus"  (i,  16). 
"For  in  one  Spirit  were  we  all  baptizeil  into  one  body" 
(xii,  13).  "But  you  are  washed  [dTreXoiSo-ao-ffe] ,  but  you 
are  sanctified,  but  you  are  justified  in  the  name  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  Spirit  of  our  God"  (vi,  11). 
— Eucharist.  "The  chalice  of  benediction,  which  we 
bless,  is  it  not  the  commimion  of  the  blood  of  Christ? 
And  the  bread,  which  we  break,  is  it  not  the  partaking 
of  the  body  of  the  Lord?  .  .  .  But  the  things  which 
the  heathens  sacrifice,  they  s.acrifice  to  devils.  .  .  .  You 
cannot  drink  the  chalice  of  the  Lord  and  the  chalice  of 
devils"  (x,  16-21).  "  For  I  have  received  of  the  Lord 
that  which  also  I  delivered  unto  you,  that  the  Lord 
Jesus,  the  same  night  in  which  he  was  betrayed,  took 
bread,  and  giving  thanks,  said:  Take  ye,  and  eat: 
this  is  my  body  ...  In  like  manner  also  the  chalice, 
etc.  .  .  .  Therefore  whosoever  shall  eat  this  bread,  or 
drink  the  chalice  of  the  Lord  unworthily,  shall  be 
guilty  of  the  body  and  of  the  blood  of  the  Lord.  .  .  . 
For  he  that  eatelh  and  drinketh  unworthily,  eateth 
and  drinketh  judgment  to  himself,  not  discerning  the 
body  of  the  Lord"  (xi,  23-29).  On  the  words  of  con- 
secration see  the  two  able  articles  by  Dr.  A.  R.  Eagar 
in  "The  Expositor",  March  .and  April,  1908. — Mar- 
riage. Its  use.  Marriage  good,  but  celibacy  better. 
— The  marriage  of  divorced  liersons  forbidden. — 
Second  marriage  allowed  to  Cliristians;  but  single 
state  preferable  for  those  who  have  the  gift  from  God. 
(vii,  1-8.)  Pauline  Dispensation:  a  Christian  is  not 
bound  to  remain  single  if  his  pag.an  partner  is  unwill- 
ing to  live  with  him  (vii,  12-15). — Virginity.  It  is  not 
wrong  to  marry;  but  preferable  to  remain  single— 
St.  Paul's  example — "He  that  giveth  his  virgin  in 
marriage  doth  well ;  and  he  that  giveth  her  not  doth 


30RINTHIANS 


368 


CORINTHIANS 


better."  (vii,  25-40.) — Principles  of  moral  theology. 
In  ch.  vii  and  following  chapters  St.  Paul  solves  sev- 
eral difficult  cases  of  conscience,  some  of  them  of  a 
very  delicate  nature,  falling  under  what  we  should 
now  call  the  tractatus  de  sexto  (sc.  pra:cepto  decalogi). 
He  would,  doubtless,  have  preferred  to  be  free  from 
the  necessity  of  having  to  enter  into  such  disagreeable 
subjects;  but  as  the  welfare  of  souls  required  it,  he 
felt  it  incumbent  upon  him,  as  part  of  his  Apostolic 
office,  to  deal  with  the  matter.  It  is  in  the  same 
spirit  that  pastors  of  souls  have  acted  ever  since.  If 
so  many  difficulties  arose  in  a  few  years  in  one  town,  it 
was  inevitable  that  numerous  complicated  cases 
should  occur  in  the  course  of  centuries  amongst  peo- 
ples belonging  to  every  degree  of  barbarism  and  civil- 
ization ;  and  to  these  questions  the  Church  was  rightly 
expected  to  give  a  helpful  answer;  hence  the  growth 
of  moral  theology. 

The  Second  Eplstle  was  written  a  few  months 
after  the  First,  in  which  St.  Paul  had  stated  that  he 
intended  to  go  roimd  by  Macedonia.  He  set  out  on 
this  journey  sooner  than  he  had  anticipated,  on  ac- 
count of  the  disturbance  at  Ephesus  caused  by  Deme- 
trius and  the  votaries  of  Diana  of  the  Ephesians.  He 
travelled  northwards  as  far  as  Troas,  and  after  waiting 
some  time  for  Titus,  whom  he  expected  to  meet  on  his 
way  back  from  Corinth,  whither  he  had  carried  the 
First  Epistle,  he  set  sail  for  Macedonia  and  went  on  to 
Philippi.  Here  he  met  Titus  and  Timothy.  The 
news  that  Titus  brought  him  from  Corinth  was  for  the 
most  part  of  a  cheering  character.  The  great  major- 
ity were  loyal  to  their  Apostle.  They  were  sorry  for 
their  faults';  they  had  obeyed  his  injunctions  regard- 
ing the  public  sinner,  and  the  man  himself  had  deeply 
repented.  We  hear  no  more  of  the  parties  of  Paul, 
Apollo,  and  Cephas,  though  the  letter  appears  to  con- 
tain one  reference  to  the  fourtli  party.  His  friends, 
who  had  expected  a  visit  from  himself,  were  deeply 
grieved  at  his  not  coming  as  he  had  promised ;  a  few 
who  were  his  enemies,  probably  judaizers,  sought  to 
take  advantage  of  this  to  undermine  his  authority  by 
discoi'ering  in  this  a  clear  proof  of  fickleness  of  mind 
and  instability  of  purpose;  they  said  that  his  unwill- 
ingness to  receive  support  betrayed  want  of  affection; 
that  he  used  threatening  language  when  at  a  safe  dis- 
tance, but  was  in  fact  a  coward  who  was  mild  and  con- 
ciliating when  present;  that  they  were  foolish  to  let 
themselves  be  led  by  one  who  made  the  rather  enor- 
mous pretension  to  be  an  Apostle  of  Christ,  when  he  was 
nothing  of  the  kind,  and  was  in  reality,  both  naturally 
and  supernaturally,  inferior  to  men  they  could  name. 
This  news  filled  the  soul  of  St.  Paul  with  the  deepest 
emotion.  He  purposely  delayed  in  Macedonia,  and 
sent  them  this  Epistle  to  prepare  them  better  for  his 
coming  and  to  counteract  the  evil  influence  of  his  op- 
ponents. It  was  sent  by  Titus  and  two  others,  one  of 
whom,  it  is  almost  certain,  was  St.  Luke.  The  cir- 
cumstances under  which  the  Epistle  was  -nTitten  can 
be  best  gathered  from  the  text  itself.  We  can  easily 
imagine  the  effect  produced  when  it  was  read  for  the 
first  time  to  the  assembled  Christians  at  Corinth,  by 
Titus,  or  in  the  sonorous  tones  of  the  Evangelist  St. 
Luke.  The  news  that  their  great  Apostle  had  sent 
them  another  letter  rapidly  spread  through  the  city; 
the  previous  one  had  been  such  a  masterly  production 
that  all  were  eager  to  listen  to  this.  The  great  bulk  of 
the  expectant  congregation  were  his  entliusiastic  ad- 
mirers, but  a  few  came  to  criticize,  especially  one  man, 
a  Jew,  who  had  recently  arrived  with  letters  of  recom- 
mendation, and  was  endeavouring  to  supplant  St. 
Paul.  He  said  he  was  an  Apostle  (not  one  of  The 
Twelve,  but  of  the  kind  mentioned  in  the  Didache). 
He  was  a  man  of  dignified  presence,  as  he  .spoke  slight- 
ingly of  St.  Paul's  insignificant  appearance.  He  was 
skilled  in  philosophy  and  polished  in  speech,  and  he 
insinuated  that  St.  Paul  was  wanting  in  both.  He 
knew  little  or  nothing  of  St.  Paul  except  by  hearsay, 


as  he  accused  him  of  want  of  tletcrmination,  of  cow- 
ardice, and  unworthy  motives,  things  belied  by  every 
fact  of  St.  Paul's  historj^.     The  latter  might  terrify 
others  by  letters,  but  he  would  not  frighten  him.   This 
man  conies  to  the  assembly  expecting  to  be  attacked 
and  prepared  to  attack  in  turn.     As  the  letter  is  being 
read,  ever  and  anon  small  dark  clouds  appear  on  the 
horizon ;  but  when,  in  the  second  part,  the  Epistle  has 
quieted  down  into  a  calm  exhortation  to  almsgiving, 
this  man  is  congratulating  himself  on  his  easy  escape, 
and  is  already  picking  holes  in  what  he  has  heard,  t 
Then,   suddenly,   as  upon  the  army  of  Sisara,  the  \ 
storm  breaks  upon  him ;    lightnings  strike,  thunder  ( 
upbraids.     He  is  beaten  down  by  the  deluge,  and  his  » 
influence  is  swept  out  of  existence  by  the  irresistible  ' 
torrent.     At  any  rate,  he  is  never  heard  of  again. 
These  two  Epistles  as  effectively  destroyed  St.  Paul's 
opponents  at  Corinth,  as  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians 
annihilated  the  judaizers  in  Asia  Minor. 

Style. — This  Epistle,  though  not  written  with  the 
same  degree  of  care  and  polish  as  the  First,  is  more 
varied  and  spontaneous  in  style.  Erasmus  says  that 
it  would  take  all  tlie  ingenuity  of  a  skilled  rhetorician 
to  explain  the  multitude  of  its  strophes  and  figures. 
It  was  written  with  great  emotion  and  intensity  of 
feeling,  and  some  of  its  sudden  outbursts  reach  the 
highest  levels  of  eloquence.  It  gives  a  deeper  insight 
than  any  other  of  his  writings  into  the  character  and 
personal  history  of  St.  Paul.  With  Comely,  we  may 
call  it  his  "  .\pologia  pro  Vita  Sua",  a  fact  which  makes 
it  one  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  writings  of  the 
New  Testament.  Erasmus  described  it  as  follows: 
"  Now  it  bubbles  up  as  a  limpid  fountain ;  soon  it 
rushes  down  as  a  roaring  torrent  carrj-ing  all  before  it; 
then  it  flows  peacefully  and  gently  along.  Now  it 
widens  out  as  into  a  broad  and  tranquil  lake.  Yonder 
it  gets  lost  to  view,  and  suddenly  reappears  in  quite  a 
different  direction,  when  it  is  seen  meandering  and 
winding  along,  now  deflecting  to  the  right,  now  to  the 
left;  then  making  a  wider  loop  and  occasionally 
doubling  back  upon  itself." 

Divisions  of  the  Epistle. — It  consists  of  three  parts. 
In  the  first  of  these  {chapters  i  to  vii,  inch),  after  (1) 
introduction,  (2)  the  .\postle  shows  that  his  change  of 
plan  is  not  due  to  lightness  of  purpose  but  for  the  good 
of  the  people,  and  his  teaching  not  mutable;  (3)  he 
did  not  wish  to  come  again  in  sorrow.  The  repentant 
sinner,  the  cause  of  his  sorrow,  to  be  now  reconciled 
(4)  His  great  affection  for  them.  (5)  He  does  not  re- 
quire, like  others,  letters  of  recommendation.  They, 
as  Christians,  are  his  commendatory  letters.  (6)  He 
writes  with  authority,  not  on  account  of  arrogance, 
bvit  because  of  the  greatness  of  the  ministry  with 
which  he  was  entrusted,  as  comjjared  with  the  minis- 
try of  Moses.  Those  who  refuse  to  listen  have  the 
veil  over  their  hearts,  like  the  carnal  Jews.  (7)  He 
endeavours  to  please  Christ  Who  showed  His  love  by 
dying  for  all,  and  will  reward  His  servants.  (8)  Mov- 
ing exhortation. 

The  second  part  (chapters  ^mi  and  ix)  relates  to  the  I 
collections  for  the  poor  Christians  at  Jerusalem.     (1) 
He  praises  the  Macedonians  for  their  ready  generosity  in 
giving  out  of  their  poverty.  He  e.xhorts  the  Corinthians 
to  follow  their  example  in  imitation  of  Christ  Wlio  ■ 
being  rich,  Ijccame  poor  for  our  sakes.     (2)  He  sendi 
Titus  and  two  others  to  make  the  collections  and  tc  • 
remove  all  groimds  of  calumny  that  he  was  enrichinj' 
him.self.     ('X)  He  has  boasted  of  them  in  Macedoni;i 
that  they  began  before  others.     (4)  .-V.  man  shall  reaj 
in  proportion  as  he  sows.     God  loves  the  cheerfu 
giver  and  is  able  to  repay.     Giving  not  only  relieve 
the  poor  bretliren  but   causes   thanksgiving  to  Ooi 
and  prayers  for  benefactors. 

The  third  part  (last  four  chapters)  is  directed  .agains 
the  jiseudo- Apostles.  (1)  He  is  bold  towards  .soim 
who  think  he  acts  from  worldly  motives.  He  ha 
powerful  arms  from  God  for  humbling  such  and  i)un 


CORINTHIANS 


369 


CORINTHIANS 


ihing  their  disobedience.  Some  say  he  terrifies  by 
otters  which  "are  weighty  and  strong;  but  his  bodily 
resencc  is  wealv,  and  his  speech  contemptible".  Let 
jch  a  one  understand  that  such  as  he  is  in  his  Epistle, 
i  will  he  be  when  present.  (2)  He  will  not  pretend,  as 
ley  do,  to  be  greater  than  he  is,  nor  will  he  exalt  him- 
■If  by  other  men's  labours.  (3)  He  asks  pardon  for 
viking  like  a  worldly-minded  man.  It  is  to  counteract 
le  influence  of  the  pseudo- Apostles.  He  jealously 
uards  the  Corinthians  lest  they  be  deceived  as  Eve 
as  by  the  serpent.  (4)  If  the  new-comers  brought 
lem  anything  lietter  in  the  way  of  religion,  he  could 
nderstanii  their  submission  to  their  dictatorship. 
'))  He  is  not  inferior  to  those  superlative  Apostles. 
F  his  s]ieech  Is  rude,  his  knowledge  is  not.  He  hum- 
led  himself  amongst  them,  and  did  not  exact  support 

I  order  to  gain  them.  Tlie  false  Apostles  profess  a 
ke  disinterestedness;  but  they  are  deceitful  work- 
len  transforming  themselves  into  Apostles  of  Jesus 
hrist.  And  no  wonder:  for  Satan  transformed  him- 
;lf  into  an  angel  of  light,  and  they  imitate  their  mas- 
;r.  They  make  false  insinuations  against  the  Apos- 
e.  (6)  He,  too,  will  glorj-  a  little  (speaking  like  a 
)olish  worldly  person,  in  order  to  confound  them), 
hey  boast  of  natural  advantages.  He  is  not  inferior 
5  them  in  any ;  but  he  far  surpasses  them  in  his  suf- 
;rings  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  in  his  super- 
atural  gifts,  and  in  the  miraculous  proofs  of  his 
.postleship  at  Corinth,  "in  aU. patience,  in  signs,  and 
'onders,  and  mighty  deeds".     The  Corinthians  have 

II  that  other  Churches  had  except  the  burden  of  his 
i|5port.  He  asks  them  to  pardon  him  that  injury, 
icitlicr  he  nor  Titus  nor  any  other  of  his  friends  over- 
cached  them.  He  writes  thus  lest  he  should  come 
gain  in  sorrow.     He  threatens  the  unrepentant. 

Unilu  of  the  Second  Epistk. — Whilst  the  Pauline 
uthorship  is  universally  acknowledged,  the  same 
innot  be  said  for  its  unity.  Some  critics  hold  that  it 
onsists  of  two  Epistles,  or  portions  of  Epistles,  by 
t.  Paul;  that  the  first  nine  chapters  belong  to  one 
Ipistle,  and  the  last  four  to  another.  As  these  two 
sctions  are  held  to  have  been  written  by  St.  Paul, 
acre  appears  to  be  nothing  in  this  view  that  can  be 
lid  to  be  in  opposition  to  the  Catholic  doctrine  of 
ispiration.  But  the  hj'pothesis  is  very  far  from 
eing  proved.  Nay  more,  on  account  of  the  argu- 
lents  that  can  be  alleged  against  it,  it  can  scarcely  be 
?gardeil  as  probable.  The  principal  objection  against 
\ie  unity  of  the  Epistle  is  the  difference  of  tone  in  the 
ivo  sections.  This  is  well  stated  and  answered  by  the 
'atholic  scholar  Hug  ("Introduction",  tr.  by  Wait, 
lOndon,  1S27,  p.  392):  "It  is  moreover  objected  how 
iffercnt  is  the  tone  of  the  first  part,  mild,  ami.able, 
fleet  ionate,  whereas  the  third  part  is  severe,  vehe- 
lent,  and  irrespectively  castigatory.  But  who  on 
bis  account  would  divide  Demosthenes'  oration  De 
'onmd  into  two  parts,  because  in  the  more  general 
efence  placidity  and  circumspection  predominate 
rhile  on  the  other  hand,  in  abashing  and  chastizing 
he  accuser,  in  the  parallel  between  him  and  ^Eschines, 
rords  of  bitter  irony  gush  out  impetuously  and  fall 
kc  niin  in  a  storm."  This  argument  is  referred  to 
rith  approval  by  Meyer,  Comely,  and  Jacquier. 
)thcrs  have  explained  the  difference  of  tone  by  sup- 
losing  that  when  the  finst  nine  chapters  were  finished 
resh  news  of  a  disagreeable  kind  arrived  from  Cor- 
ith,  and  that  this  led  St.  Paul  to  a<ld  the  la.st  four 
hapters.  In  the  same  way  the  parenthetical  section 
vi.  H,  vii,  2),  which  seems  to  have  been  inserted  as  an 
ftertliought.  can  be  explained.  It  was  added,  ac- 
ording  to  Bernard,  to  prevent  a  misconception  of 
he  expression  u.sed  in  vi,  11,  13,  "our  heart  is  en- 
jtrged  ...  be  you  also  enlarged",  which  in  the  O.  T. 
lad  tlie  Ijad  meaning  of  being  too  free  with  infidels. 
!t.  Paul's  manner  of  writing  has  also  to  be  taken  into 
<^count.  In  this,  as  in  his  other  Epistles,  he  speaks 
s  a  preacher  who  now  addresses  one  portion  of  his 
IV.— 24. 


congregation,  now  another,  as  if  they  were  the  only 
persons  present,  and  that  without  fear  of  being  mis- 
understood. Dr.  Bernard  thinks  that  the  difference 
of  tone  can  be  sufficiently  accounted  for  on  the  sup- 
position that  the  letter  was  written  at  different  sit- 
tings, and  that  the  writer  was  in  a  different  mood  ow- 
ing to  ill-health  or  other  circvmistanees.  The  other 
objections  brought  against  the  unity  of  the  Epistle  are 
ably  refuted  bj'  the  same  author,  whose  argmnent  may 
be  briefly  sinumarized  as  follows:  The  last  section,  it 
is  said,  begins  verj'  abruptly,  and  is  loosely  connected 
with  the  previous  one  by  the  particle  5^.  But  there 
are  several  other  instances  in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul 
where  transition  is  made  in  precisely  the  same  way. 
In  the  last  part,  it  is  objected,  people  in  open  rebellion 
are  tlenounced,  whereas  that  is  not  the  case  in  the  first 
portion.  Still,  there  is  clear  reference  in  the  first  sec- 
tion to  persons  who  accused  him  of  being  fickle,  arro- 
gant, brave  at  a  distance,  etc.  One  of  the  strongest 
arguments  against  the  integrity  is  that  there  are  sev- 
eral verses  in  the  first  nine  chapters  which  seem  to 
presuppose  an  equal  number  of  passages  in  the  second, 
and  the  contention  is  that  the  last  section  is  a  portion 
of  an  earlier  Epistle.  But  on  closer  examination  of 
each  passage  this  connexion  is  seen  to  be  only  appar- 
ent. On  the  other  hand,  there  are  at  least  as  many 
passages  in  the  last  part  which  clearly  and  unmistak- 
ably look  back  to  and  presuppose  verses  in  the  first. 
It  is  remarkable,  moreover,  that  the  only  extant  frag- 
ments of  the  supposed  two  Epistles  should  fit  so  well. 
It  has  also  been  urged  that  the  First  Epistle  is  not 
"painful"  enough  to  account  for  statements  in  the 
Second.  But  a  close  examination  of  i,  11,  14;  ii,  6; 
iii,  1,  2,  3,  4,  18;  iv,  8,  9,  10,  18,  19;  y,  etc.,  of  the 
First  Epistle,  will  show  that  this  objection  is  qviite  un- 
founded. The  linguistic  unity  between  the  two  por- 
tions of  the  Epistle  is  very  great;  and  many  examples 
can  be  given  to  show  that  the  two  sections  were  always 
integral  portions  of  one  whole.  The  evidence  afforded 
by  early  manuscripts,  translations,  and  quotations 
points  strongly  in  the  same  direction. 

Orgaxization  of  the  Church  at  Corinth  as  Ex- 
hibited IX  THE  Two  Epistles. — There  is  nothing  in 
either  Epistle  which  enables  us  to  say  what  was  the 
precise  nature  of  the  organization  of  the  Church  at 
Corinth.  In  I  Cor.,  xii,  28,  we  read:  "And  God  in- 
deed hath  set  some  in  the  ch\irch;  first  apostles,  sec- 
ondly prophets,  thirdly  doctors;  after  that  (the  gift  of] 
miracles;  then  the  graces  [charismata]  of  healings, 
helps,  governments  [or  wise  counsels],  kinds  of  tongues, 
interpretations  of  speeches.  Are  all  apostles?  .  .  .Are 
all  workers  of  miracles?  Have  all  the  grace  of  heal- 
ing?" From  the  whole  context  it  is  clear  that  this 
passage  is  nothing  else  than  an  enumeration  of  extraor- 
dinary gifts,  and  that  it  has  no  bearing  whatsoever 
on  church  government.  The  word  apnsllc  is  probably 
used  here  in  its  broad  sense,  not  as  meaning  the  Apos- 
tles of  Jesus  Christ,  but  the  apostles  of  the  Church.  If 
it  is  meant  to  include  the  former,  then  the  reference  is 
not  to  their  ruling  power,  but  to  their  supernatural 
gifts,  upon  which  the  whole  argument  turns.  St. 
Paul  thanked  God  that  he  spoke  with  all  their  tongues. 
Barnabas  is  called  an  apostle  (Acts,  xiv,  4,  13).  In 
1 1  Cor. ,  viii,  23,  St.  Paul  calls  his  messengers  "  the  apos- 
tles of  the  churches".  (Compare  Rom.,  xvi,  7:  Apoc, 
ii,  2.)  The  Didache,  or  "Teaching  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles",  which  is  probably  a  work  of  the  first  cen- 
tury, has  the  statement  that  if  an  apo.stle  remains  till 
tlie  third  day  claiming  support ,  he  is  to  be  regarded  as 
a  false  prophet.  It  also  says  that  every  true  teacher 
and  true  prophet  is  worthy  of  his  support;  and  it 
gives  one  of  the  rules  for  detecting  a  false  prophet. 
"Prophets  and  doctors"  are  referred  to  in  Acts,  xiii, 
1.  It  Ls  extremely  probable  that  St.  Paul  had  organ- 
ized the  Church  at  Corinth  during  his  long  stay  there 
as  carefully  as  he  had  previously  done  in  Galatia 
("and  when  they  had  ordained  to  them  priests  in 


CORIOLIS 


370 


CORK 


every  church" — Acts,  xiv,  22)  and  in  Ephesus 
("wherein  the  Holy  Ghost  hath  placed  you  bishops" 
— Acts,  XX,  7,  28).  We  have  these  statements  on  the 
authority  of  the  author  of  the  Acts,  now  admitted, 
even  by  Harnack,  to  be  St.  Luke,  the  companion  of 
the  .\postle.  St.  Paul  had  spent  six  or  eight  times  as 
long  at  Corinth  as  he  had  at  Philippi,  yet  we  find  him 
writing  to  the  latter  place :  "  Paul  and  Timothy  .  .  . 
to  all  the  saints  in  Christ  Jesus,  who  are  at  Philippi, 
with  the  bishops  and  deacons"  (Phil.,  i,  1 — cf.  I 
Thess.,  V,  12).  The  principal  office  of  the  bishops  and 
deacons  was,  according  to  the  Didache,  to  consecrate 
the  Blessed  Eucharist.  It  is  only  by  accident,  as  it 
were,  on  account  of  abuses,  that  St.  Paul  speaks,  in 
the  First  Epistle,  of  the  form  of  consecration  used  at 
Corinth,  and  which  is  substantially  the  same  as  that 
given  in  the  Gospels.  Had  the  abuses  not  arisen,  it 
seems  clear  that  he  would  not  have  referred  to  the 
Eucharist.  He  says  nothing  of  it  in  the  Second  Epis- 
tle. In  that  case  there  would  not  be  wanting  those 
who  would  have  loudly  asserted  that  the  Corinthians 
"knew  nothing  of  it",  and,  by  implication,  that  the 
Apostle's  mind  had  not  yet  developed  to  that  extent. 
But  as  he  speaks  so  clearly  we  may  take  it  as  certain, 
too,  that  the  ministers  of  the  Eucharist  were  the  same 
as  in  other  places.  There  is  no  evidence  that  it  was 
ever  consecrated  without  a  bishop  or  priest.  These, 
with  the  deacons,  were  the  regular  ministers  in  each 
place,  under  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  the  Apos- 
tles of  Jesus  Christ.  From  all  this  we  may  conclude 
that  the  Church  in  .\chaia  was  as  regularly  organized 
as  the  earlier  Churches  of  Galatia,  Ephesus,  and  the 
neighbouring  Province  of  Macedonia,  or  as  in  the 
Church  of  Crete  (Tit.,  i,  5).  There  were  "bishops" 
(which  word  certainly  meant  priests  and  perhaps  also 
our  modern  bishops)  and  deacons.  Later  on,  Tim- 
othy, and  Titus,  and  others  were  appointed  over  these 
"  bishops",  priests,  and  deacons,  and  were  monarchical 
bishops  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  word.  Other  such 
bishops  succeeded  the  Apostles.     (See  Bishop.) 

The  usual  Introductions,  such  as  CoRNELT.J.icqniER,  Salmon, 
Belser.  Zahn;  Bern.\rd,  Second  Corinthians  in  Expositor's 
Greek  Testament  (London,  1903);  Findlat,  First  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians  in  Exp.  Gr.  Test.  (London,  1900);  Rickaby,  Ro- 
mans, Corinthians,  Gatatians  (London.  1898);  Ken'nedy,  .Sec- 
ond and  Third  Corinthians  (London,  1900);  .\lford,  The  Greek 
Test.  (London,  1855),  II;  Robertson  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the 
Bible;  Lives  of  St.  Paul  by  Farh^r.  Conybeare  and  How- 
son,  Lewin,  Fouard;  McEvilly,  An  Exposition  of  the  Epistles 
of  St.  Paid  (3rd  ed.,  Dublin.  1875);  Cornely.  Commentarius 
(Paris,  1890).  See  also  the  commentaries  of  Estids.  Bisping, 
Maier,  Loch,  Reischl.  Drach,  Steenkiste.  The  critical 
commentary  of  Schmiedel,  Die  Briefe  an  die  Korinther  in 
Hand  Kommentar  (Leipzig.  1893);  Lightfoot,  Biblical  Essays, 
Notes  on  Epistles  of  SI.  Paul  (notes  on  seven  chapters  of  First 
Cor. — London.  1895);  Robertson,  Corinthians  m  The  Inter' 
TUXtiorud  Critical  Commentary   (Cambridge,  1908). 

C.  Aherne. 

Coriolis,  Gaspard-Gdstave  de,  French  mathema- 
tician, b.  at  Paris,  in  1792;  d.  in  the  same  city,  1843. 
He  entered  the  Ecole  Polytechnique  in  1808,  and  later 
continued  his  studies  at  the  Ecole  des  Fonts  et  Chaus- 
s^es.  Though  determined  to  become  an  engineer,  he 
did  not  enter  upon  the  practice  of  his  profession,  but 
became  instead,  in  the  year  1816.  a  tutor  in  mathe- 
matical analysis  and  mechanics  at  the  Ecole  Poly- 
technique. In  18.38  he  succeeded  Dulong  as  director 
of  studies  in  the  same  school.  He  became  a  member 
of  the  Academic  des  Sciences  in  1836.  Coriolis  was 
a  man  of  much  ability,  but  his  delicate  health  pre- 
vsnted  him  from  doing  justice  to  his  powers.  He  was 
a  successful  educator  and  together  with  Gen.  Ponce- 
let  was  one  of  the  pioneers  of  reform  in  the  methods 
of  teaching  mechanics.  While  engaged  in  teaching, 
he  at  the  same  time  carrie<l  on  his  researches  in 
theoretical  and  applied  mechanics.  The  theorem 
enunciated  by  him  nganling  relative  motions  has 
found  numeriiiis  apjilications.  particularly  in  the  ca.se 
of  motions  taking  place  on  the  surface  of  the  earth: 
as,  for  example,  the  deviation  towards  the  east  of 


falling  bodies,  the  apparent  rotation  of  the  plane  of 
vibration  of  a  pendulum,  etc.  Coriohs  was  the  author 
of  "Calcul  de  I'efl'et  des  machines"  (1829),  wliich  was 
reprinted  in  1844  with  the  title  "Traite  de  la  mecani- 
que  des  corps  solides",  and  of  "Theorie  mathe- 
matique  du  jeu  de  billard"  (1835).  He  also  pub- 
lished a  number  of  articles,  notably  in  the  "  Diction- 
naire  de  1 'Industrie  ". 

Marie,  Hist,  des  sciences  math,  ei  phys.  (Paris,  1S8S),  XII, 
190. 

Henry  M.  Brock. 

Cork  (Corcagia),  Diocese  of  (Corcagiensis),  in 
Ireland,  suffragan  of  C'ashel.  St.  Finbarr  was  the 
founder  and  first  bishop  of  this  see.  He  was  born 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  at  Rathculleen, 
six  miles  north  of  Bandon,  and  educated  in  Leinster. 
Having  spent  some  time  on  "a  green  island"  in 
Gougane  Barra.  he  founded  a  monastery  and  a  school 
at  Lough  Eire,  the  name  given  to  the  marshy  expan- 
sion of  the  river  Lee,  on  which  the  city  is  built,  and 
from  which  both  city  and  diocese  derive  the  name 
Cork  (corcagh,  "marsh").  This  monastery  seems  to 
have  been  erected  on  the  elevated  plateau  to  the 
south  of  the  city,  now  known  as  the  Rock,  close  by 
the  palace  of  the  Protestant  bishop.  Soon  many 
students  flocked  thither  from  various  parts.  They 
and  those  interested  in  them  rapidly  took  possession 
of  the  large  island  in  the  niar-sh  beneath,  built  on  it, 
and  so  gave  birth  to  a  city  which  now  numbers  over 
70,000  inhabitants,  and  is  the  residence  of  the  saint's 
episcopal  successor. 

The  limits  of  the  territory  over  which  St.  Finbarr 
ruled  cannot  be  accurately  defined  to-day.  A  fact, 
however,  not  generally  recognized  by  historians  en- 
ables us  to  conclude  that  the  boundaries  w-ere  suffi- 
ciently clear  even  in  the  most  ancient  times.  Finbarr's 
father  was  chief  metal-worker  to  Tigherneach.  chief 
of  Ui  Eachach  Mumhan.  As  the  saint  advanced  in 
years  he  was  venerated  as  a  patron  by  the  entire 
sept,  and  so  obtained  spiritual  jurisdiction  over  their 
wide  territories.  The  eastern  antl  western  limits  were 
respectively  Cork  and  Mizzen  Head,  and  there  are 
arguments  to  show  that  the  northern  and  southern 
were  the  Avonmore  (Blackwater)  and  the  ocean.  In 
the  Synod  of  Rathbreasail  (11 10)  these  are  also  named 
as  the  limits  of  the  Diocese  of  Cork,  whence  it  would 
appear  that  the  sept  lands  and  the  diocese  were  coter- 
minous, as  was  the  case  with  St.  Faughnan's  Diocese 
of  Ross,  which  coincides  with  the  lands  of  the  O'Dris- 
coUs;  and  that  of  St.  Munchin,  Limerick,  with  those 
of  Ui  Fighente,  in  later  times  O'Donovans.  At  some 
period  after  the  twelfth  century  part  of  the  territory 
between  the  Lee  and  Blackwater  to  the  north  was 
detached  in  favour  of  the  neighbouring  Diocese  of 
Cloyne;  the  land  of  the  O'Driscolls  had  been  already 
erected  into  the  Diocese  of  Ross;  and  to-day  Cork  is 
approximately  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  city  and 
suburbs,  and  the  River  Lee  as  far  as  Gougane  Barra, 
on  the  east  by  Cork  Harbour,  on  the  south  by  the 
Diocese  of  Ross  and  the  ocean,  and  on  the  west  by 
Bantry  Bay. 

The  church  and  monastery  founded  by  St.  Finbarr 
were  naturally  the  centre  of  the  diocese  till  the  six- 
teenth century.  For  many  years  the  successor  to  the 
first  abbot  was  also  bishoj)  of  the  diocese.  Other 
churches  and  monasteries,  however,  grew  up  in  the 
city  itself  and  in  the  territories  over  which  he  ruled. 
In  a  document  dated  1 1  Of),  in  which  Innocent  III  con- 
firms to  the  Bishop  of  Cork  his  various  privileges, 
mention  is  made  of  eight  churches  in  the  city,  the 
first  being  Sancta  Maria  in  Monte,  doubtless  St. 
Mary's,  Shandon.  close  by  w'hich  stands  the  Catholic 
cathedral  of  to-day.  Two  centuries  later  (1300"),  in 
the  will  of  John  de  Wychedon,  w-e  find  the  names  of 
no  fewer  than  fifteen  churches,  all  in  the  city,  four  of 
thcni  bearing  names  such  a.s  "Lepers  of  Dilby", 
"Lepers  of  Glenamore";   but  a  hundred  years  aftef 


UUKK. 


COKK 


liis  (MfiS),  in  a  charter  of  Edward  IV,  wo  find  only 
lovon  churches  m.'iitioiiod.  Of  the  churches  in  coun- 
ry  (hstricts  diirinj;  this  long  period  we  have  no 
efinite  account.  The  Cannclitcs  were  introduced 
ito  Kinsalc  in  1334  by  Robert  Bulrain;  nuich  earlier, 

I  the  seventh  century,  we  find  mention  of  Saint 
robban,  abbot  of  a  monastery  of  regular  canons  in 
he  same  town.  In  Bantry  Dermot  O'SuUivan  Beare 
uilt  a  convent  for  Franciscans  about  1463,  and 
Ict'arthy  Lauder  had  done  likewise  at  Balymacadane 
n  the  Bandon  Road  in  1460.  Tracton  Abbey,  two 
liles  west  from  Carrigaline,  was  begun  in  1224,  and 
he  great  monastery  of  Kilcrea,  five  miles  west  of 
'ork,  was  founded  by  MacCarthy  Mor  in  1466,  who 
!  interred  in  the  middle  of  the  choir. 

At  the  Reformation,  when  Bishop  Bennett  was  de- 
irived  of  the  temporalities  of  the  see  (1.535),  such  of 
he  churches  as  remained  passed  into  Protestant 
ands.  ,\mong  others  the  old  clmrch  of  St.  Finbarr, 
ailed  Gill  Abbey,  after  a  famous  bishop  of  the 
welfth  century  (11.52-72),  seems  to  have  remained 
!i  some  form  till  172o.  At  tliat  date  it  was  removed 
0  make  room  for  a  more  modern  buikling,  which  in 
urn  has  been  succeeded  by  the  present  Protestant 
athedral.  After  the  Sequestration  the  Catholics  had 
lerforce  to  rest  contented  with  very  humble  "  Mass- 
,ou.ses  ",  as  contemporary  accovmts  describe  them.  In 
he  reports  given  by  government  officials  in  1731  we 
nd  many  of  them  put  down  as  huts;  and  the  addi- 
ion  "built  since  George  the  1st"  applied  to  the 
ames  of  many  more.  The  existing  churches  of  the 
iocese  have  been  erected  in  recent  years  on.  or  near, 
he  sites  of  those  last  monuments  of  persecution.  In 
he  five  parishes  into  which  the  citv  is  divided  there 
re  thirteen  public  churches,  besides  private  orato- 
ies  and  chapels  attached  to  institutions.  In  each  of 
he  thirty  parishes  in  coimtry  districts  there  are  one, 
wo,  or  three  churches,  according  to  the  population, 

II  of  recent  erection,  and  built  in  a  manner  that  befits 
he  groat  mysteries  they  enclose.  Of  the  city  par- 
ihes  two — that  called  the  North,  or  St.  Mary's,  and 
hat  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul — are  held  by  the  bishop, 
n  the  former  stands  the  pro-cathedral,  begun  by  Dr. 
loylan  in  1720,  a  red  sandstone  structure,  overlooked 
ly  a  magiiificent  tower  of  the  same  material,  due  to 
he  energy  of  a  well-known  Cork  priest. 

The  lists  of  successors  to  St.  Finbarr  in  the  bishop- 
ic  vary  considerably  with  the  different  authorities, 
"he  present  (190S)  occupant  of  the  see  is  described  as 
he  50th,  or  the  105th,  from  the  first  bishop.  The 
ittor  number  seems  to  bo  the  more  correct,  though 
omowhat  too  large.  Two  have  been  raised  to  the 
Itars  of  the  Church — St.  Nessan  and  Blessed  Thad- 
cus  McCarthy.  The  veneration  of  the  former  dates 
roni  ancient  times,  that  of  the  latter  from  1492,  when 
e  died  a  pilgrim  at  Ivrea  in  Piedmont.  Italy.  First 
pjjointod  Bishop  of  Ross,  and  expelled  therefrom  on 

false  charge,  he  was  nominated  to  the  united  Dio- 
esos  of  Cork  and  Clo^me.  I'nable  to  occupy  the  see 
wing  to  the  opposition  of  the  Goraldinos,  etc.,  he 
Durneyed  to  Rome,  won  his  cause,  but  died  amid 
.•ondiTfu!  evidences  of  sanctity  on  the  return  journey, 
'he  docroe  of  his  beatification  was  iniblished  in  1895. 
iiolla  .\edh  O'Muighin  ( 1 1 .52-72 )  was  a  famous  bishop, 
le  practically  refounded  the  old  monastery  of  St. 
'inbarr;  like  his  great  predecessor  he  belonged  to  a 
'onnacht  clan.  The  Four  Masters  speak  of  him  as 
'th(!  lower  of  the  virginity  and  wisdom  of  the  time". 

Three  centuries  after  his  death  (1430),  at  the  in- 
tance  of  the  Bishop  of  Cloyno.  tlie  two  Dioceses  of 
!ork  and  Cloyne  were  united,  and  remained  thus  for 
hroe  hundred  years  (1747).  During  the  seventeenth 
entury  the  united  bishoprics  were  more  than  once 
;ovornod  by  vicars  ai>ostolic.  This  occurred  in  1614— 
2,  and  again  in  11566-76.  During  the  same  period 
'at  hdlio  citizens  of  ("ork  wore  more  than  once  expelled 
or  their  religion;    frequently  the  Catholics  of  the 


province  wore  forbidden  to  live  in  walled  towns  or 
fortified  places  (1644,  .56,  72).  In  1693,  on  the  repre- 
sentation of  King  .lames,  the  administration  of  Ro.ss 
was  given  to  tlio  reigning  Bishop  Slcyne.  It  seems 
to  have  remained  in  tiie  hands  of  his  successors  until 
1747,  when  it  passed  into  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
newly  enfranchised  Bishopric  of  St.  Colman. 

The  Diocese  of  Cork  possessed  a  chapter,  with 
twelve  prebendaries  and  the  usual  dignitaries. 
Though  re-established  by  Dr.  Delancy  in  1858-59,  it 
dates  from  the  twelfth  century;  naturally  it  ceased 
to  exist  during  the  years  of  persecution.  The  relig- 
ious orders  and  congregations  in  the  diocese  are  eight 
in  number:  Augustinians  (second  foundation,  Red 
Abbey,  in  fifteenth  century)  ;  Dominicans  (first 
foundation  Abbey  of  the  Island,  1220);  Friars  Minor 
(first  foundation  near  Wi.se 's  Hill,  1214);  Carmelites 
(Kinsale):  Franoiscan  Capuchins:  Vinoentians;  Fath- 
ers of  Charity;  Society  of  African  Missions,  the  last 
four  being  quite  modern  foundations.  There  are  in 
addition  two  teaching  orders  of  men,  the  Christian  and 
Presentation  Brothers,  liesides  1 1  communitiesof  nuns; 
the  latter  are:  Presentation  (4  houses),  Ursidines  (2 
houses).  Sisters  of  Mercy  (4  houses),  Sisters  of  Charity 
(4  houses).  Good  Shepherd  (1  house),  French  Sisters  of 
Charity  (2  houses),  Sisters  of  Marie  R^paratrice  (1 
house),  Bon  Secours  (1  house).  Sisters  of  the  Poor  (1 
house).  Sisters  of  the  Assumption  (1  house),  the  last 
nursing  the  poor  in  their  own  homes. 

At  the  census  of  1891  the  Catholic  population  of 
the  diocese  numbered  178,461.  They  are  attended 
by  one  bishop  and  114  priests,  who  administer  35 
parishes,  of  which  5  are  in  the  city.  Kilcrea  Abbey 
and  Gougane  Barra  are  the  best  preserved  among  the 
early  monuments  of  the  diocese.  A  great  part  of  the 
former  still  stands.  The  latter  is  an  islaiul  on  which 
are  the  ruins  of  a  square  court,  with  walls  fourteen 
feet  thick,  in  which  are  eight  cells  or  cloisters  rudely 
arched  over.  Each  of  the  cells  is  ten  feet  deep  by 
seven  broad,  and  the  court  fifty  feet  square.  It  was 
here  that  St.  Finbarr  prepared  himself  by  prayer  and 
seclusion  in  the  lonely  shadows  of  the  mountains  that 
surround  the  lake  for  the  great  work  of  founding  a 
city  and  a  diocese. 

Brady,  Episcopal  Succession  in  England,  Ireland,  and  Scot- 
land (Rome,  1876),  II,  78-98;  Archaolagical  Journal  (Cork), 
passim;  Smith,  Cork  (1750.  new  ed.  1815),  with  Notes  by 
Choker  and  Caci, I  III. I'  d'iirk.  18<):S);  Tvckky,  Cork  Remem- 
brances (Cork,  ls:!7  ;  IvNrii.  Cambrensis  Evcrsus  (1662), 
passim;  0'Dono\  w  fii.  ■.  Ann-tls  of  the  Four  Masters,  passim; 
CusACK,  Histori/  of  III,'  (■,/.;  „n.l  County  (Dublin,  1875);  GiB- 
so.v,  Hist,  of  the  Count!/  and  City  of  Cork  (London,  1861). 

P.  Sexton. 

Cork,  ScHooiy  OP. — The  monastic  School  of  Cork 
had  a  wide  reputation,  especially  in  the  seventh  and 
eighth  centuries.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  Irish 
corcayh.  which  means  a  marsh,  for  in  ancient  times  the 
floods  of  the  River  Lee  covered  the  low  ground  on 
which  most  of  the  present  city  of  Cork  was  afterwards 
built.  The  founder  of  the  School  and  Diocese  of  Cork 
was  Barra  or  Bairre  (Barry),  more  commonly  called 
Finbarr  the  Fair-haired.  His  family  belonged  to  the 
Hy  Brinin  Ratha,  a  tribe  that  dwelt  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  Lough  Corrib,  in  the  Cbunty  Gal  way;  but 
his  father,  a  skilful  cerd,  or  certified  worker  in  brass, 
was  forced  to  migrate  to  Hy  Liathain,  in  the  west  of 
the  County  Cork,  whore  the  saint  was  born  about  the 
middle  of  the  sixth  century.  His  chief  teacher  was  a 
certain  MacCuirp,  or  Curporius,  who  himself,  it  is 
said,  had  been  a  student  under  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
in  Rome.  To  perfect  himself  in  the  science  of  the 
saints,  Barra  retired  to  a  hermitage  in  a  small  island 
of  the  lonely  lake  which  still  bears  his  name,  Gougane 
Barra.  Callanan's  splendid  [loem  in  praise  of  the 
romantic  beauty  of  this  lake  has  made  its  name 
familiar  to  all  Irishmen.  From  Gougane  Barra,  it 
would  appear,  Barra  returned  to  his  native  territory, 
where  he  founded  some  dozen  churches  before  he 


CORKER 


372 


CORKER 


finally  established  himself  near  the  marsh  of  Lough 
^c  (Eu-ce),  which  appears  to  have  been  the  original 
nfme  of  the  place.     There  he  fomided  a  monastic 
sod  about  620,  which  in  a  short  time  attracted  a 
multitude   of   students   and    produced    many   great 
scholars.     The  Irish  "  Life 
of     Finbarr"     gives     the 
names  of  a  dozen  of  these 
holy  and  learned  men,  who 
in  turn  became  founders 
of   churches   and   schools 
in  the   South  of   Ireland. 
The  most  distinguished  of 
them  was  St.  Colman  Mac 
Ua  Cluasaigh,  Ferlegind  or 
professor  in  the  School  of 
Cork  about  the  year  664. 
At  that  time  all  Ireland 
was  devastated  by  a  terri- 
ble  yellow   plague   which 
carried    off  two-thirds  of 
the    population.        There 
was  a  prevalent  idea  that 
the  pestilence  could  not, 
or  at  least  did  not,  extend 
beyond  nine  waves  from 
the  shore.    So  Colman  and  . 

his  pupils  wisely  resolved  to  migratefrom  their  monas- 
tery in  the  marshes  of  Cork  to  one  of  the  islands  in  the 
high  sea.  Being  a  poet  and  a  holy  man  he  composed  a 
poem,  mostly  fn  Irish,  committing  himself  and  h^ 
pupils  to  the  protection  of  God  and  His  saints  espe- 
cially the  patron  saints  of  Erin.  As  they  sought  their 
isla/d  refuge  the  students  chanted  the  P°em  verseJjy 
verse,  each  one  reciting  his  o^v^l  stanza  until  it  was 
finished,  and  then  they  began  agam.     Fortunately 


lines  themselves  do.  The  School  of  Cork  cx)ntmued 
to  flourish  for  many  centuries,  even  after^the  Danes 
had  established  themselves  there;  m  8/4  we  tmd 
recorded  the  death  of  a  "Scribe  of  Cork",  and  m  891 
we  are  told  of  the  death  of  a  certam  son  of  Connudh, 
"  a  scribe,  wise  man,  bishop 
and  abbot  of  Cork".  In 
1134  the  ancient  monas- 
tery and  School  of  Cork, 
which  had  fallen  into  de- 
cay, were  ref  ounded  by  the 
celebrated  Cormac  Mac- 
Carthy,  King  of  Mimster. 

(See  FlNB-\RR,  S-UNT.) 
Tom.,  Bv.^k  ,>i  Hijmn.-i  (Dub- 


Dul-1 


-of 


Eccl.HM.  of   Inland    lUubUn. 
1S29),  II.  314  sqq. 

John  Healy. 


Corker,     M.'^rRDS,     an 
,  K\L,  Cork  English  Benedictine,  b.  in 

1636  in  Yorkshire;  d.  22  December,  1715  at  Padding- 
ton  near  London.  His  baptismal  name  James,  he  ex- 
changed for  Maurus  when  he  entered  the  order.  On 
2  Apr  ,  1656,  he  took  vows  at  the  English  Benedic- 
tine Abbey  of  Lamspringe  near  Hildeshcim,  in  Ger- 
many and  returned  to  England  as  missionarj'  m  lb6o 
Being  accused  by  Titus  Gates  of  implicanon  m  th^ 
Popish  Plot"  he  was  imprisoned  '? ^evx gate  but ^^ 
acquitted  of  treason  by  a  London  jury,  18  July,  1679. 


civj: 


QUEENSTOWN    HaRBOUH,    CORK 


most  of  this  poem  stUl  survives  and  is  pnnted  in  the 
"Leabhar  Imuin"  or  "Book  of  Hymns  (edited  by 
J  II.  Todd,  Dublin,  1855-69).  The  language  is  of 
the  most  archaic  tvpe  of  Gaelic,  and  is  interspersed 
here  and  there  willi'phrases  mostly  taken  from  Scrip- 
ture but  made  to  rhvme  with  each  other  as  the  Gaelic 


Hereupon  he  was  arraigned  for  being  a  priest  and  sei 
tenced  to  death.  17  January,  1680.  Through  infli 
In  ialfriends  he  was  granted  a  reprieve  and  detame 
in  Newgate.  While  thus  confined  he  is  said  to  hav 
recoi^iled  more  than  a  thousand  ^^^-?}^^}^^. 
Faith.     One  of  his  fellow-prisoners  at  Newgate  «. 


CORMAC 


373 


CORNEILLE 


the  saintly  Oliver  Pluiiket,  Archbishop  of  Armagh, 
with  whom  he  formed  an  intimate  friendship,  and 
whom  he  prepared  for  his  martyrdom,  which  took 
[ilace,  lo  June,  1681.  Some  very  interesting  corre- 
spontleiice  which  was  carried  on  in  prison  between 
tiiesc  two  confessors  of  the  Faith  was  published  in  the 
"Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record"  (Sept.,  1883).  On  the 
iccession  of  James  II  in  1685,  Father  Corker  was  re- 
leased and  kept  at  the  court  as  resident  ambassador 
of  Prince-Bishop  Ferdinand  of  Bavaria,  the  Elector  of 
(.'olof;ne.  In  1087  he  erected  the  little  convent  of  St. 
Joliii  at  C'lerkenwell,  where  religious  services  were  held 
for  the  jjublic,  but  which  was  destroyed  by  a  mob,  11 
November,  KiSS,  during  the  revolt  against  King 
James.  Father  Corker  himself  was  obliged  to  seek 
refuge  on  the  continent.  In  1691  he  was  made  Abbot 
of  Cismar  near  Liibeck  and,  two  years  later,  of  Lam- 
springe,  where  he  had  made  his  religious  profession. 
In  Ki'.it)  he  resigned  as  abbot  and  returned  to  England 
to  continue  his  missionarj'  labours.  He  is  the  author 
of  various  pamphlets  proving  the  innocence  of  those 
condemned  for  implication  in  the  fictitious  "Popish 
Plot." 

CiiLLow,  Bibl.  Diet,  of  Ena.  Cath.  s.  v.;  Weldon.  Chron- 
icl,  ..;•  ll,r  EnglM  Bmalidini:  Monks  (London.  18S1).  219,  etc.; 
I  MM  M.M.R,  Mcmoirx  of  M ix.iioimn,  Pricsls  (Derby,  1S431.  II; 
M  in  /n.v/,  Ktrl.  Keconi.  IV.  613  sq.;    Taunton,  The  Erw- 

-;.  Monks  uf  SI.  Biucdicl  (London,  189S),  II,  passim; 
M  (MNNN,  Dl.  Blnlziuqnt  au.t  den  Tagen  der  Titus  Oates 
\,rs,lm;,ning  iFreiburg  im  Br.,  1901\  135  sq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Connac  MacCuilenan  (836-908),  an  Irish  bishop 
and  King  of  Cashel,  was  of  the  race  of  Eoghanact,  of 
Southern  Ireland,  and  in  his  early  years  received  a 
good  education  in  one  of  the  Irish  schools.  He  was 
ordained  priest,  and  afterwards  appointed  Bishop  of 
Cashel.  In  the  year  900  he  became,  on  account  of  his 
descent.  King  of  Cashel,  and  thus  were  combined  in 
his  ])erson  the  two  offices  of  spiritual  and  temporal 
ruler  of  Leth  Moga,  as  the  southern  portion  of  Ireland 
was  called.  The  ardri  (high  king),  Flann,  assisted  by 
tlif  King  of  Leinster,  led  his  forces  into  the  Southern 
Pn)\ince  (906),  and  was  met  by  the  Munstermen  un- 
der Cormac  at  Moylena  (Tullamore).  The  ardri  suf- 
fered a  signal  defeat.  Later  on,  however  (908) 
Flann,  assisted  by  Ceorbhall,  King  of  Leinster,  and 
Cathal,  King  of  Connaught,  returned  to  the  attack, 
apparently  because  Cormac,  instigated  by  Flaherty, 
Abbot  of  Inniscathay,  had  claimed  tribute  from  Lein- 
ster, and  had  even  signified  his  intention  of  assuming 
the  position  of  ardri.  The  battle  was  fought  at  the 
present  Ballymoon;  the  Munstermen  suffered  a  com- 
plete defeat  and  Cormac  was  killed  in  the  battle.  .\n 
Irish  Olo.s.sary  called  "Sanas  Chormaic",  containing 
ethnologies  and  explanations  of  over  1400  Irish  words 
has  come  down  to  us.  Though,  etjTiiologically,  the 
work  is  of  little  value,  yet  on  account  of  the  light  it 
throws  upon  many  ancient  Irish  customs  and  institu- 
tions it  is  of  great  importance  to  the  historian.  The 
"Glossarj'  of  ('ormac"  is  said  to  be  only  a  part  of  the 
"Saltair  Chaisil",  also  attributed  to  Cormac.  This 
work,  if  it  ever  existed,  has  disappeared,  or,  as  W. 
Stokes  thinks,  it  is  more  likely  that  at  best  the 
"Saltair  Chaisil"  was  only  a  collection  of  transcripts 
of  manuscripts  from  the  hands  of  different  writers. 
The  above-mentioned  "Sanas  Chormaic",  or  "Cor- 
mac's  Glossary ",  was  t  ranslated  and  annotated  by  John 
O'Donovan  and  edited  by  W.  Stokes  (Calcutta,  1868). 
See  Stokes,  "Three  Irish  Glossaries"  (London,  1862). 

O'Donovan.  The  .innals  of  Ireland  (Dublin),  I.  II;  O'Cuhry, 
ilami.'tcripl  Malcriah  of  Irish  History  (Dublin,  1873);  O'Dono- 
van ed..  Books  of  Rights  in  Publications  of  Celtic  Society:  Webb, 
Compendium  of  Irish  Biography  (Dublin,  1878);   D' Alton,  His- 


tory  of  Ireland  (Dublin,  1903),  I. 


James   MacCaffrey. 


Comaro,  Elena  Lucrezia  Piscopia,  a  learned 
Italian  woman  of  noble  descent,  b.  at  Venice,  5  June, 
1646;  d.  at  Padua,  26  July,  l(iS4.     Her  father,  Gio- 


vanni Battista  Cornaro,  was  Procurator  of  St.  Mark's. 
At  the  age  of  seven  she  began  the  study  of  Latin  and 
Greek  under  distinguished  instructors,  and  soon  be- 
came proficient  in  these  languages.  She  also  mas- 
tered Hebrew,  Spanish,  French,  and  Arabic,  earning 
the  title  of  "  Oraculum  Septilingue".  Her  later  studies 
included  mathematics,  philosophy,  and  theology.  In 
166.5  she  took  the  habit  of  a  Benedictine  Oblate  with- 
out, however,  becoming  a  nun.  In  compliance  with 
her  father's  wishes  she  entered  the  University  of 
Padua  and  after  a  brQliant  course  of  study  received 
the  doctorate  in  philosophy.  The  degree  was  con- 
ferred 25  June,  1678,  in  the  cathedral  of  Padua  in 
presence  of  many  persons  eminent  for  learning  and 
rank.  Elena  was  a  member  of  various  academies  and 
was  esteemed  throughout  Europe  for  her  attainments 
and  virtues.  The  last  seven  years  of  her  life  were  de- 
voted to  study  and  charity.  She  w;us  buried  in  the 
church  of  Santa  Giustina  at  Padua  and  her  statue 
was  placed  in  the  university.  Her  writings,  pub- 
lished at  Parma  in  1688,  include  academic  discourses, 
translations,  and  devotional  treatises.  In  1685  the 
University  of  Padua  caused  a  medal  to  be  struck  in 
her  honour.  In  1895  Abbess  Mathilda  Pynsent  of 
the  English  Benedictine  Nuns  in  Rome  had  Elena's 
tomb  opened,  the  remains  placed  in  a  new  casket,  and 
a  suitable  tablet  inscribed  to  her  memory. 

Biographies  (in  Italian)  by  Deza  (Venice,  1686);  Lupis 
(Venice,  16S91;  Bacchim  (Parma.  168S);  more  recently,  De 
Santi  (Rome.  1899);  .\bbess  Pynsent.  Life  of  Helen  Lucretia 
Comaro  (Rome,  1896).  For  an  account  of  the  h)ibliography  see 
Civaib  Cattolica  (Rome,  1898-1899),  17th  series,  vols.  IV,  V; 
Bailey,  A  Daughter  of  the  Doges  in  Amer.  Cath.  Quart.  Review 
(Philadelphia,  1896),  XXI,  820. 

E.  A.  Pace. 

Corneille,  Jean-Baptiste,  French  painter,  etcher, 
and  engra\er,  b.  at  Paris  between  1646  and  1649; 
d.  there,  12  April,  1695.  He  was  the  youngest  son 
of  Michel  Corneille  of  Orleans,  and  brother  of  the 
younger  Michel.  He  is  known  as  "  the  younger 
Corneille".  His  devoted  father  was  his  teacher 
and  painstakingly  prepared  the  youth  for  his  future 
successes  as  an  historical  painter.  In  1664  he  won 
the  second  prize  and  in  16(58  the  fir-st  prize  of  the 
academy.  He  then  went  to  study  in  Rome  and, 
on  his  return  in  1675  was  received  into  the  Royal 
.Academy,  painting  for  liis  reception-picture  the 
"Punishment  of  Busiris  by  Hercules",  now  one  of 
the  notable  canva.ses  in  the  Louvre.  He  painted 
in  some  of  the  Paris  churches  and  in  1679  finished 
his  "Deliverance  of  St.  Peter  from  Prison"  for  the 
Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame.  With  Jacques  Vouet 
he  was  employed  on  the  decorations  of  the  Tuileries. 
In  1692  he  was  appointed  professor  in  the  academy. 

His  style,  like  Ivis  brother's,  was  that  of  the  scluiol 
of  the  Desiderosi,  but  Jean  was  somewhat  inferior 
to  the  younger  Michel  in  composition  and  drawing. 
Many  of  the  paintings  of  this  excellent  artist  were 
engraved  by  contemporaries,  a  few  by  the  great 
Mariette,  and  Jean  himself  engraved  and  etched 
plates  after  his  own  designs  and  finished  pictures, 
and  after  the  Carracci.  His  work  with  acid  and 
the  burin  was  spirited  and  exhibited  his  thorough 
masterj'  of  technic.  He  commenced  and  finished 
his  plates  after  the  manner  of  .\gostino  Carracci. 
His  most  important  plates  were:  "Bust  of  Michel- 
angelo", "St.  Bernard",  "Mercury  in  the  Air",  and 
"St.  John  in  the  Wilderness"  (after  Annibale  Car- 
racci). 

For  bibliography,  see  article  Corneille,  Michel  (the 
Younger) . 

Leigh  Hunt 

Corneille,  Michel,  a  French  painter,  etcher  and 
engraver,  b.  in  Paris  in  1642;  d.  at  the  Gobelins 
manufactory  at  Paris,  16  .-August,  1708.  He  w!is  the 
son  of  an  artist,  Michel  Corneille  of  Orleans,  and  on 
this  account  is  sometimes  called  the  "younger  Mi- 
chel".    He  is  .also  and  more  commonly  known  as 


CORNEILLE 


374 


CORNEILLE 


the  "elder  Corneille"  (Corneille  I'Afne),  to  distin- 
guish him  from  a  younger  brother,  Jean-Baptiste 
Corneille,  also  a  painter.  His  father  was  the  first 
and  the  most  indefatigable  of  his  teachers;  his  other 
masters  were  Mignard  and  the  celebrated  Lebrun. 
Devoting  himself  wholly  to  historical  painting,  Mi- 
chel won  the  Academy  Prize  and  went  to  Rome  on 
the  king's  pension;  but  feeling  his  genius  hampered 
by  the  restrictions  of  the  prize,  he  gave  up  the 
money  so  that  he  might  study  the  antique  in  his  own 
way.  Coming  under  the  then  powerful  influence  of 
the  Eclectics,  he  studied  with  the  Carracci  and  mod- 
elled his  style  on  theirs.  In  16G3  he  returned  to 
Paris  and  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Royal  Acad- 
emy, his  pictiu'e  on  entering  being  "Our  Lord's  Ap- 
pearance to  St.  Peter  after  His  Resurrection".  In 
1673  he  became  an  adjunct,  and,  in  1690,  a  full,  pro- 
fessor in  the  Academy. 

Corneille  painted  for  the  king  at  Versailles,  Meudon, 
and  p'ontainebleau,  and  decorated  in  fresco  many  of 
the  great  Paris  churches,  notably  Notre-Dame,  the 
church  of  the  Capuchins,  and  the  chapel  of  Saint- 
Gr^goire  in  the  Invalides.  His  style,  reminiscent  of 
the  old  masters,  is  the  conventional  style  of  the  Ec- 
lectics; his  drawing  is  remarkably  careful  and  exact, 
the  expression  on  the  faces  of  his  religious  subjects 
is  dignified  and  noble,  the  management  of  chiar- 
oscuro excellent,  and  the  composition  harmonious,  but 
suggestive  of  the  Venetian  School.  From  his  insuf- 
ficient knowledge  of  the  composition  of  pigments,  the 
colour  in  many  of  his  pictures  has  suffered  such  a 
change  that  it  is  to-day  disagreeable;  but  the  artist 
possessed  a  good  colour-sense,  and  contemporary 
records  go  to  jjrove  that  his  colour  was  refined  and 
pleasing.  He  etched  and  engraved  over  a  hundred 
plates  in  a  bold  and  free  style,  for  he  was  a  master 
of  the  line;  but  he  subsequently  spoiled  the  effect  by 
too  much  and  too  precise  work  with  the  graver.  A 
dishonest  dealer  put  Raphael's  name  on  some  of 
Michel  Corneille 's  plates,  anil  for  a  long  time  no  one 
disputed  their  attribution  to  the  great  master.  For 
many  years  Corneille  resided  at  the  Gobelins  manu- 
factory, and  was  sometimes  called  "  Corneille  des 
Gobelins".  Among  his  painting.s  are  a  "Repose  in 
Egypt",  now  in  the  Louvre,  and  a  "Baptism  of  Con- 
stantine",  in  the  museum  at  Bordeau.x.  Among  his 
more  important  etched  and  engraved  works  are: 
"The  Nativity";  "Flight  into  Egypt";  "Abraham 
journeying  with  Lot"  (wrongly  ascribed  to  Raphael), 
and  "Jacob  wrestling  with  the  Angel",  a  plate  after 
Annibale  Carracci. 

Memoirea  inedits  siir  la  vie  et  les  ouvrages  de  V Academic 
rot/ale  de  peinlure  (Paris,  1884);  Atlgemeines  Kunstlerlexikon 
(Berlin,  1870):  Durrien,  La  peinlure  fi  V ex-position  de  primi- 
tifs  franrais  (Paris,  1904). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Corneille,  Michel,  the  elder  Michel,  a  French 
painter,  etcher,  and  engraver,  b.  in  Orleans  about 
1601;  d.  at  Paris,  1664.  He  was  one  of  many  who 
studied  with  tliat  celebrated  master,  Simon  Vouet, 
who  exerted  a  despotic  influence  over  the  French 
School,  and  impressed  his  artistic  personality  so 
strongly  on  all  his  pupils.  Michel  devoted  himself 
to  historical  paintings,  and  was  one  of  the  twelve 
original  members  of  the  Royal  Academy  at  its  founda- 
tion in  1648.  He  became  its  rector  in  1656.  He  was 
an  excellent  colourist — in  this  more  Venetian  than 
French — and  his  early  style  resembled  that  of  Simon 
Vouet;  later  liis  work  had  all  the  merits  and  all  the 
faults  of  the  post-Raphaehte,  or  decadent,  "sweet", 
school  of  Italian  art,  showing  the  far-reaching  in- 
fluence of  the  Carracci.  He  was  long  employed  in 
the  decoration  of  churches  in  Paris,  his  masterpiece 
being  the  celebrated  "St.  Paul  and  St.  Barnabas  at 
Lystra",  painted  for  the  Cathedral  of  Notre-Dame. 
His  etched  and  engraved  work  differed  very  little 
from  that  of  tlie  Carracci  and  of  his  two  sons.     It  was 


chiefly  reproductive.  Notable  examples  are  the 
"Murder  of  the  Innocents",  after  Raphael,  and  the 
"Virgin  Suckling  the  Infant  Jesus",  after  Lodovico 
Carracci. 

Meyer.  Geschichte  der  franzosischen  Malerei  (Leipzig,  1867); 
see,  also,  bibliography  under  Cor.n'eille,  Michel  (tlie  Younger). 
Leigh  Hunt. 

Corneille,  Pierre,  a  French  dramatist,  b.  at 
Rouen,  6  June,  1606;  d.  at  Paris,  1  October,  1684. 
His  father,  Pierre  Corneille,  was  avocat  du  roi  and 
maltre  des  eaux  et  forets  in  tlie  Vicomt^  of  Rouen. 
His  mother,  Marthe  Lepesant,  belonged  to  an  old 
family  of  Normandy.  He  was  educated  at  the  Jesuit 
college  in  Rouen,  studied  law  at  Caen,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  Bar  in  1624.  Four  years  later  he  was 
granted  the  office  of  Advocate  to  the  Admiralty. 
Although  the  duties  of  his  charge  allowed  liim  leisure 
enough  to  follow 
his  poetical  voca- 
tion, he  soon  quitted 
the  Bar  and  went 
to  Paris,  in  1629. 
The  first  comedy 
he  produced,  "  M6- 
lite"  (1629),  met 
with  so  great  a  sur- 
cessthathe  resohi'l 
to  write  for  tli'' 
stage.  Other  play^ 
followed  rapidly 
"Clitandre"  (163-'  i, 
"La  Veuve",  "  La 
galerie  du  palais ' 
(16.3:!),  "La  sui- 
vante",  "La  place 
royale"  (1634), 
"M6d^e"  (1635), 
"L'illusion  comique"  (1636).  Cardinal  Richelieu, 
who  took  a  great  interest  in  dramatic  matters  and 
was  even  the  writer  of  several  plays,  realized  that 
the  young  author  had  some  talent  and  enrolled  him, 
in  1633,  among  "the  five  autliors",  who.se  functions 
consisted  in  revising  and  polishing  the  plays  written 
by  the  great  politician.  Corneille  was  too  indepen- 
dent a  genius  to  get  along  easily  with  the  autocratic 
playwright;  he  was  dismissed,  in  1635,  because  he 
had  no  esprit  de  suite,  and  returned  to  Rouen. 

The  year  1636  saw  the  production  of  "  Le  Cid" 
which  marked  tlie  beginning  of  a  new  epoch  in  the 
French  drama.  Its  remarkable  success  aroused 
Richelieu's  anger  and  jealousy  to  such  a  degree  that 
the  French  Academy,  which  was  so  much  indebted  to 
the  great  cardinal,  was  obliged  to  criticize  the  play  in 
a  public  pamphlet,  known  as  "Les  sentiments  de 
r.\cad^mie  sur  le  Cid",  written,  under  command,  b' 
Chapelain.  The  public,  however,  admired  "Le  Cid 
none  the  less,  and,  as  Boileau  said,  "all  Paris  saw 
Rodrigue  with  the  same  eyes  as  Chimene".  After  a 
silence  of  four  years  Corneille  brought  out  "  Horace 
and  "Cinna"  (1640).  Tlie  poet  was  then  in  full  pos- 
session of  his  talent  and  from  this  time  to  the  year 
1651  produced  a  series  of  plays,  most  of  wliich  are 
masterpieces:  "Polyeucte",  a  Christian  tragedy, 
perhaps  the  most  perfect  of  Corneille's  plays;  "Pom- 
pee";  "Le  Mentcur"  (1643),  a  comedy;  "Theodore, 
vierge  et  niartyre",  a  very  poor  drama  which  failed; 
"La  suite  du  mcnteur"  (1645);  "Rodogune"  (1646); 
"Heraclius"  (1047);  "Andromedo"  (1650);  "Don 
Sanche  d'.\ragon"  (16,50);  "Nicomcde"  (1651).  Cor- 
neille was  elected  to  the  French  Academy  in  1647.  Alter 
"Pertharitc"  (1653),  which  was  a  decided  failure,  lie 
resolved  to  quit  tlie  stage,  and  in  his  retreat  at  Rouen 
began  to  translate  the  "Imitation  of  Christ"  at  the 
solicitation  of  Queen  .\nne  of  .\ustria.  \  few  years 
later,  vielding  to  Folic piet's entreaties,  he  began  again 
to  write  plays:  "(Edipe"  (1659),  "Sertorius"  (1662), 


CORNELISZ 


375 


CORNELIUS 


'Sophonisbe"  (1663),  "Othon"  (1664),  "Ag&ilas" 
[1666),  "Attila"  (1667).  "Tite  et  B^rtnice"  (1670), 
'Pulcherie"  (1672),  "Surena"  (1674),  which,  in 
spite  of  a  few  sparks  of  genius,  show  too  well  the  de- 
jline  of  a  once  powerful  playwright.  Besides  his 
plays  Corneille  wrote  in  prose  "  Discours  sur  I'art 
iramatique  et  examens"  (1660),  and  contributed 
several  poems  to  the  "Guirlandc  de  Julie". 

Corneille  was  a  true  Cliristian.  For  years  he 
served  as  churchwarden  of  the  church  of  Saint-Sau- 
veur  in  Rouen,  and  discharged  his  duties  most  relig- 
iously. Towards  the  end  of  his  life  he  sold  the 
house  in  which  he  was  born  to  give  a  dowry  to  his 
laughter,  who  entered  tlic  (Jrder  of  Saint  Dominic. 
tn  all  his  dramas  he  constantly  pursued  a  lofty  ideal, 
showing  men  "as  they  should  be",  and  representing 
characters  whose  heroism,  sense  of  duty,  and  readi- 
ness to  self-sacrifice  contain  lessons  of  highest  moral- 
ity. The  standard  text  of  Corneille's  works  is  the 
edition  of  Martv-Laveaux  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1862-68). 

PicoT,  La  bibliograpliie  cnmilicnnc  (Paris,  1876);  Tasche- 
BKAV,  Histoire  de  la  vie  ct  des  ouvraf/m  de  Pierre  Corneille 
(Paris.  1855);  Sainte-Becve,  PortraiLi  UUeraires  (1829),  I; 
NiSARD,  Histoire  de  la  litlcrature  fran-;aise  (1844),  II;  Gdizot, 
Corneille  et  son  temps  (1852);  GoDEFROY,  Lexique  compare  de 
la  langtie  de  Cnmeille  (Paris,  1862);  Faguet,  Le  dix-septidme- 
giecle  (ISSO);  B rc n kti r: re  in  La  grande  encyc.,  s.  v.;  Idem, 
Les  epoque-^  du  thtdire  fran^ais:  Petit  i>e  Julle\tlle.  Histoire 
de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  iran^aise  (Paris,  1897),  IV, 
863-945. 

Louis  N.  Del.4.m.\rre. 

Cornelisz,  J.\cob,  also  called  Jacob  van  Amster- 
dam nr  van  Oostzann.  and  at  times  confoundetl  with 
a  Walter  van  Assen,  a  Dutch  painter  of  the  first  third 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  -N'otliing  certain  is  known 
regarding  the  life  of  Cornolisz  nor  of  his  relations  to 
other  artists.  He  wa.s  one  of  the  last  painters  of  the 
Netherlands  who  showed  no  traces  of  Italian  influ- 
ence; however,  his  pupil,  Jan  van  Score],  is  regarded 
as  the  first  "Romanist".  In  composition  Cornelisz 
was  natural  and  expressed  agreeable  feeling  in  the 
manner  of  the  old  Flemish  school;  his  colours  are 
rich  and  warm;  his  backgrounds  display  an  attractive 
landscaife.  But  besides  mistakes  in  drawing,  an  ugly 
realism  often  detracts  from  his  work.  Pictures  are 
e-xtant  which  it  is  certain  he  painted  in  the  years 
1506-30.  A  small  yet  attractive  altar-piece  in  Berlin 
represents  in  the  foreground  the  Madonna  and  Child 
with  angels  plajnng  mu.sical  instruments,  while  the 
background  shows  a  landseaoe;  on  the  wings  are 
depicted  St.  Augustine,  St.  Barbara,  and  the  donor; 
the  outer  sides  of  the  wings  show  St.  Anne  and  St. 
Elizabeth.  An  altar-piece  in  the  Belvedere  at  Vienna, 
reiire.senting  St.  Jerome,  is  full  of  force,  variety, 
and  religions  feeling.  St.  Jerome  is  drawing  a  thorn 
out  of  the  foot  of  a  lion:  the  landscape  in  the  back- 
gr<)\md  shows  scenes  from  the  life  of  the  saint;  on  the 
outsiile  of  the  doors  is  the  Ma,ss  of  St.  Gregory.  One 
of  the  most  important  works  of  Cornelisz  is  the  "Tri- 
umph of  Religion",  or  the  "Adoration  of  the  Trinity", 
at  Ca.ssel.  .\t  Antwerp  there  is  an  altar-piece  of  the 
Virgin  with  angels;  another,  representing  the  Cruci- 
fixion, is  at  Cologne.  A  "Xativity"  at  Naples  and 
an  "Adoration  of  the  Magi"  at  Verona  are  carefully 
executed  paintings.  Both  Berlin  and  the  archiepisco- 
pal  museum  at  Antwerp  jiossess  canvases  representing 
the  .\doration  of  the  .Magi;  a  painting  of  the  same 
subject  is  in  private  possession  at  The  Hague.  The 
figure  of  Christ  and  the  drapery  of  Mary  Magdalen  are 
not  pleasing  in  a  picture  at  Cas.sel  of  the  Risen  Christ, 
painted  by  Cornelisz  in  his  earliest  period.  Another 
canvas  of  a  later  date  shows  Saul  and  the  Witch  of 
Endor. 

Waagen.  Handbuchder  deulaehen  und  niederlandischen  Ma- 
lerachulen  (.Slultgart,  1.S62).  I;  Sciimi[>t.  Knnslehronik,  XV; 
Bode.  Kepirtnrium.  l\\  SrilKlBI.RR,  drmalde  des  Jakob  Cor- 
nelisz von  AnxMerdam  in  Jahrbneh  der  preiissiMchen  Kuwttsamm- 
lunoen  (18S2>;  Frwtz.  Gesclticltte  der  christlichen  Malerei 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1894).  II. 

G.    GlETMANN. 


Cornelius  (KopujXios),  a  centurion  of  the  Italic 
cohort,  whose  conversion  at  Cajsarea  with  his  house- 
hold is  related  in  Acts,  x.  The  Roman  name  Cornelius 
would  indicate  that  he  was  either  a  member  of  the 
distinguished  jen-s  Cornelia,  or  a  descendant  of  one  of 
its  freedmen — most  likely  the  latter.  The  cohort  in 
which  he  was  centurion  was  probably  the  Cohors  II 
Italica  civium  Romanorum,  which  a  recently  discovered 
inscription  proves  to  have  been  stationed  in  Syria  be- 
fore A.  D.  69.  The  description  of  Cornelius  as  "a  re- 
ligious man,  and  fearing  God  .  .  .  .,  giving  much  alms 
to  the  people"  [i.  e.  the  Jews  (ef.  x.  22)].  .shows  that 
he  was  one  of  those  gentiles  commonly,  though  incor- 
rectly, called  proselytes  of  the  gate,  who  worshipped 
the  one  true  (iod  and  observed  some  of  the  prescrip- 
tions of  the  Mosaic  Law,  but  who  were  not  affiliated 
to  the  Jewish  community  by  circumcision.  He  was 
certainly  not  a  full  proselyte  (.\cts,  x,  28,  34  sq..  4.5; 
xi,  3).  The  baptism  of  Cornelius  is  an  important 
event  in  the  history  of  the  Early  Church.  The  gates 
of  the  Church,  within  which  thus  far  only  those  who 
were  circumcised  and  observed  the  Law  of  Moses  had 
been  admitted,  were  now  thrown  open  to  the  uncir- 
cumci-sed  Gentiles  without  the  obligation  of  submit- 
ting to  the  Jewish  ceremonial  laws.  The  innovation 
was  disaiiproved  by  the  Jewish  Christians  at  Jeru- 
salem (.\cts,  xi,  2,  3) ;  but  when  Peter  had  related  his 
own  and  Cornelius's  vision  and  how  the  Holy  Ghost 
had  come  down  upon  the  new  converts,  opposition 
ceased  (.\cts,  xi,  4-18)  except  on  the  part  of  a  few 
extremists.  The  matter  was  finally  settled  at  the 
Council  of  Jerusalem  (.\cts.  xv).  According  to  one 
tradition  Cornelius  became  Bishop  of  Csesarea;  accord- 
ing to  another,  Bishop  of  Scejisis  in  Mysia. 

Ramsay,  Cornelius  and  the  Italic  Cohort  in  Expositor  (1896), 
194  sq  ■    Acta  SS.,  Feb.,  I.  279  sq.;    Baromus.  Annates  ad  an. 
41,  n.  2;  P.  G..  I,  1049;    CXIV,  1287;    P.  L.,  XMII,  265. 
F.  Bechtel. 

Cornelius,  Pope,  Martyr  (251  to  2.53).  We  may 
accept  the  statement  of  the  Liberian  catalogue 
that  he  reigned  two  years,  three  months,  and  ten 
days,  for  Lipsius.  Lightfoot,  and  Harnack  have  shown 
that  this  list  is  a  first-rate  authority  for  this  date. 
His  predecessor,  Fabian,  was  put  to  death  by  Deeius, 
20  Januar}',  250.  About  the  beginning  of  March,  251 
the  persecution  slackened,  owing  to  the  absence  of 
tlie  emperor,  against  whom  two  rivals  had  arisen. 
It  was  possible  to  assemble  sixteen  bishops  at  Rome, 
and  Cornelius  was  elected,  though  against  his  will 
(Cyprian,  Ep.  Iv,  24),  "by  the  judgment  of  God  and 
of  Christ,  by  the  testimony  of  almo.st  all  the  clcrgj', 
by  the  vote  of  the  people  then  present,  by  the  consent 
of  aged  priests  and  of  good  men,  at  a  time  when  no  one 
had  been  made  before  him,  when  the  place  of  Fabian, 
that  is  the  place  of  Peter,  and  the  step  of  the  .sacer- 
dotal chair  were  vacant".  "What  fortitude  in  his 
aeceptiince  of  the  episcopate,  what  strength  of  mind, 
what  firmne.ss  of  faith,  that  he  took  his  seat  intrepid 
in  the  sacerdotal  chair,  at  a  time  when  the  tyrant  in 
liis  hatred  of  bishops  was  making  unspeakable  threats. 
when  he  heard  with  far  more  patience  that  a  rival 
prince  was  arising  against  him,  than  that  a  bishop  of 
God  was  appointed  at  Rome"  (ibid.,  9).  Is  he  not, 
asks  .St.  Cyprian,  to  be  numbered  among  the  glorioiis 
confessors" and  martyrs  who  .sat  so  long  .awaiting  the 
sword  or  the  cross  or  the  stake  and  every  other  tor- 
ture? 

A  few  weeks  later  the  Roman  priest  Novatian 
made  himself  anti-pope,  and  the  whole  Christian 
world  was  convulsed  by  the  .schism  at  Rome.  But  the 
adhesion  of  ,St.  Cyprian  .secured  to  Cornelius  the  hun- 
dred bishops  of  .\frica.  and  the  influence  of  St.  Diony- 
sius  the  Great,  Bishop  of  Ale.\.andria,  brought  the 
E.ist  within  a  few  months  to  a  right  decision.  In 
Italy  itself  the  pope  got  together  a  synod  of  sixty 
bishops.  (See  Novati.^xism.)  Fabius,  Bishop  of 
Antioch,  seems  to  have  wavered.    Tliree  letters  to 


CORNELIUS 


376 


CORNELIUS 


him  from  Cornelius  were  known  to  Eusebius,  who 
gives  extracts  from  one  of  them  (Hist.  Eccl.,  VI, 
xliii),  in  which  the  pope  details  the  faults  in  Nova- 
tian's  election  and  conduct  with  considerable  bitter- 
ness. We  incidentally  learn  that  in  the  Roman 
Church  tliere  were  forty-six  priests,  seven  deacons, 
seven  subdeacons,  forty-two  acolytes,  fifty-two  os- 
tiarii,  and  over  one  thousand  five  hundred  widows 
and  persons  in  distress.  From  this  Burnet  estimated 
the  number  of  Christians  in  Rome  at  fifty  tliousand, 
so  also  Gibbon;  but  Benson  and  Harnack  think  this 
figure  possibly  too  large.  Pope  Fabian  had  made 
seven  regions;  it  appears  that  each  had  one  deacon, 
one  subdeacon  and  six  acolytes.  Of  the  letters  of 
Cornelius  to  Cyprian  two  have  come  dowTi  to  us, 
together  with  nine  from  Cj^irian  to  the  pope.  Mgr. 
Mercati  has  sho«ii  that  iu  the  true  text  the  letters 
of  Cornelius  are  in  the  colloquial  "\'ulgar  Latin"  of 
the  day,  and  not  in  the  more  classical  style  affected 
by  the  ex-orator  Cyprian  and  the  learned  pliilosopher 
>}ovatian.  Cornelius  sanctioned  the  milder  measures 
proposed  by  St.  Cyprian  and  accepted  by  his  Car- 
thaginian council  of  251  for  the  restoration  to  com- 
munion, after  varying  terms  of  penance,  of  those 
who  had  fallen  during  the  Decian  persecution  (see 
Cyprian). 

At  the  beginning  of  253  a  new  persecution  sud- 
denly broke  out.  Cornelius  was  exiled  to  Centum- 
celte  (Ci\-ita  Veccliia).  Tliere  were  no  defections 
among  the  Roman  Christians,  all  were  confessors. 
The  pope  "led  his  bretliren  in  confession",  writes 
(3yprian  (Ep.  be,  ad  Corn.),  with  a  manifest  reference 
to  the  confession  of  St.  Peter.  "With  one  heart  and 
one  voice  the  whole  Roman  Church  confessed.  Then 
was  seen,  dearest  Brother,  that  faith  which  the  blessed 
Apostle  praised  in  you  (Rom.,  i,  8);  even  then  he 
foresaw  m  spirit  your  glorious  fortitude  and  firm 
strength."  In  June  Cornelius  died  a  martyr,  as  St. 
Cyprian  repeatedly  calls  liim.  The  Liberian  cata- 
logue has  ibi  cum  glorid  dormicionem  accepit,  and 
tliis  may  mean  tliat  lie  died  of  the  rigours  of  his 
banishment,  though  later  accounts  say  that  he  was 
beheaded.  St.  Jerome  says  that  Cornelius  and  Cyp- 
rian suffered  on  the  same  day  in  different  years,  and 
his  careless  statement  has  been  generally  followed. 
The  feast  of  St.  Cyprian  was  in  fact  kept  at  Rome 
at  the  tomb  of  CorneUus,  for  the  fourth  century 
"  Depositio  Martirum"  has  "  XVIII  kl  octob  Cypriani 
Africfe  Romse  celebratur  in  Callisti".  St.  Cornelius 
was  not  buried  in  the  chapel  of  the  popes,  but  in  an 
adjoining  catacomb,  perhaps  that  of  a  branch  of  the 
noble  Comelii.  His  inscription  is  in  Latin:  Corne- 
lius* MARTYR*  whereas  those  of  Fabian  and  Lucius 
are  in  Greek  (Northcote  and  Brownlow,  "Roma 
sotteranea",  I,  vi).  His  feast  is  kept  with  that  of 
St.  Cyprian  on  14  September,  possibly  tlie  day  of  his 
translation  from  Centumcellae  to  the  catacombs. 

The  two  Latin  letters  will  be  found  in  all  editions  of  Cyprian. 
A  better  text  is  in  Mercati,  D'alcuni  nuovi  sussuli  per  la  critica 
del  teslo  di  S.  Cipriano  (Rome.  1899).  They  will  be  found  with 
the  fragments  in  Coustant,  Epp.  Rom.  Pontt.  and  in  Routh, 
Reliquice  Sacra.  There  is  a  spurious  letter  to  St.  Cyprian  in 
the  appendix  to  his  works,  another  to  Lupicinus  of  Vienne.  and 
two  more  were  forged  by  Pseudo-Isidore.  A.\\  these  will  be 
found  in  the  collections  of  councils  and  in  Migne.  The  pseudo- 
Cyprianic  Ad  Novatianum  is  attributed  to  Cornelius  by  Nelke, 
Die  Chronol.  der  Co}respondenz  Cypriarui  (Thorn,  1902);  but  it 
is  by  an  unknown  contemporary.  On  Cornelius  .see  Tii.lemont. 
Ill;  AclaSS.  14  Sept.;  Benson.  Cyprian  (London,  1897).  The 
Acts  of  St.  Cornelius  are  valueless.  JoHN  Chapman. 

Cornelius,  Peter,  later  when  ennobled,  von  Cor- 
nelius, b.  .it  Dusseldorf,  23  September,  1783;  d.  at 
Berlin,  G  March,  1867.  In  1811  he  went  to  Rome, 
where  he  stayed  until  1819.  Returning  home  he  be- 
came director  of  tlic  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  at  Dussel- 
dorf; while  at  Diisscldorf  he  also  executed  works  on 
a  large  scale  for  tlic  Crown-Prince  of  Bavaria,  later 
Louis  I.  In  1825  Cornelius  was  appointed  director 
of  the  Academy  at  Munich,  and  for  a  long  time 


Louis  I  of  Bavaria  was  his  liberal  patron.  After  fif- 
teen years,  however,  misunderstandings  and  the 
envy  of  detractors  obliged  Cornelius  to  accept  the 
position  offered  him  by  Frederick  IV  of  Prussia  as 
director  of  tlie  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  at  Berlin, 
which  office  he  retained  until  his  death.  Cornelius 
early  developed  poetic  imagination,  great  energy, 
courage  for  large  undertakings,  ami  technical  skill. 
He  felt  himself  called  to  accomplish  great  tasks,  and 
soon  occupied  himself  with  a  large  theme,  the-  illus- 
tration of  Goethe's  "Faust".  The  publication  of 
the  first  six  sheets  furnished  Cornelius  with  the 
means  for  his  first  visit  to  Rome.  Here  he  joined 
the  Italian  colony 
of  German  artists, 
the  so-called  "Naz- 
arene  painters ' ', 
and  was  power- 
fully stimulated 
both  by  working 
with  them  and  by 
their  enthusiasm 
for  a  new  school 
gf  German-Chris- 
tian art.  This  in- 
tercourse, how- 
ever, entailed  no 
loss  of  his  inde- 
pendence and  na- 
tive force.  He 
drew  the  remain- 
ing six  pictures 
for  "Faust",  illus- 
trated the"  Romeo 

and  Juliet"  of  Shakespeare,  wliose  works  just  at  tliLs 
period  were  becoming  better  known  in  Germany, 
and  filled  by  the  rising  national  spirit  of  his  country 
made  drawings  for  the  old  German  epic,  the  "Niebel- 
ungenlied". 

While  at  Rome  his  longing  to  express  great  con- 
ceptions in  fresco-painting  on  a  large  scale  had  its 
first  opportunity  of  fulfilment.  The  Prussian  am- 
bassador, Bartholdy,  gave  a  commission  to  the  Ger- 
man painters  for  the  decoration  of  his  house  on 
Monte  Pincio  with  frescoes  from  the  Old-Testament 
story  of  Joseph ;  through  Bartholdy's  influence  the 
same  painters  received  an  order  from  tlie  Marchess 
Massimi  to  paint  frescoes  from  the  works  of  Ariosto, 
Tasso,  and  Dante  in  his  villa  near  the  Lateran. 
Some  of  these  frescoes  liave  a  deservedly  high  repu- 
tation, as:  " Jo.seph  before  Pharao",  "Joseph  and  his 
Brethren",  "Dante  before  Peter,  James,  and  John", 
as  well  as  other  groups  in  the  cartoons  for  scenes  in 
Paradise.  Three  of  the  Dante  cartoons  were  com- 
pleted, but  one  of  them  has  since  vanished.  The 
superiority  of  Cornelius  to  the  entire  circle  of  his 
artist-friends,  Overbeck  included,  became  so  clear  to 
men  like  Niebuhr  and  Prince  Louis  of  Bavaria  that 
the  two  positions  above-mentioned,  at  Dtisseldorf 
and  Munich,  were  offered  him.  No  longer  hampered 
by  material  cares  or  artistic  limitations,  Cornelius  I 
had  now  full  opjjortunity  and  a  fine  field  for  the 
carrying  out  of  his  ideals.  A  commanding  place  in 
the  artistic  world  of  his  own  coimtry  was 
time  assured  him,  and  the  attainment  of  his  hop( 
for  the  development  of  art  on  a  heroic  scale  in  Ger- 
many seemed  near.  Tlie  first  ten  years  of  his  life  in 
Dusseldorf  and  Munich  as  a  professor  and  working! 
artist  formed  a  period  of  great  renown  and  success 

As  director  Cornelius  took  up  with  vigour  the  re-  I 
organization  of  the   art   academies  of  Municli   andi' 
Dusseldorf,  but  his  influence  in  the  latter  city  w; 
not  permanent.     After  he  had  made  Munich  his  pei^j 
manent   residence  and  most  of  his  friends  had  fol- 
lowed him  there,  the  academy  at  Diisscldorf,  imdeii 
the  direction  of  Schadow,  pursued  other  aims,  one  oil 
the  main  differences  being  that  the  scheme  of  de- 


CORNELIUS 


377 


CORNELIUS 


veloping  painting  in  fresco  on  a  heroic  scale  was 
abandoned.  At  the  same  time  Cornelius  did  not 
find  at  Munich  all  the  assistants  he  had  wished; 
aliove  all  Overbeck  had  not  followed  him.  Besides 
this  the  inii)ils  did  not  meet  the  great  problems  of 
painting  in  fresco  with  skill  equal  to  his;  he  was  also 
not  able  to  obtain  m  every  case  competent  teachers 
for  the  theoretical  instruction  in  the  subsidiary 
sciences  which  at  that  time  he  held  to  be  absolutely 
essential.  Moreover,  the  favour  of  the  king  was  too 
extreme  to  be  permanent,  nor  could  it  fail  to  arouse 
envy.  After  1S20  t'ornelius  and  his  pupils  decorated 
two  halls  and  an  entrance  chamber  of  the  Cilyiitothek 
at  Munich,  a  building  intended  for  the  e.xhibition  of 
ancient  sculpture.  The  subjects  were,  for  the  two 
halls,  the  gods  and  heroes  of  classic  antiquity  and, 
for  the  entrance  chamber,  the  history  of  primitive 
man,  the  compositions  being  based  on  Greek  my- 
thology. The  selertion  gave  the  artist  the  oppor- 
tunity of  presenting  beautiful  forms,  strong  action. 


and  lofty  ideals;  at  the  same  time  he  could  make  use 
of  symbolical  allusions  as  they  are  conceived  by 
Dante. 

Comelivis  has  been  called  a  poet  and  thinker;  the 
loftiness  and  imity  of  conception  displayed  by  these 
frescoes  justify  the  assertion.  The  mastery  of  the 
difficult  proportion  of  space  shown  is  astoni.shing; 
the  surfaces  seem  to  have  been  planned  for  the  fres- 
coes and  not  the  frescoes  for  the  spaces.  On  the 
Other  hand,  the  inequality  of  execution  especially  in 
regard  to  colour  is  very  striking.  Cornelius  allowed 
great  liberty  to  his  unequally  gifted  pupils;  still 
much  of  the  work,  especially  what  he  painted  him- 
self, is  excellently  carried  out,  as:  "The  Fall  of  Troy", 
"The  Judges  of  the  Lower  World",  "Eros  with  an 
Eagle",  and ' '  Eros  with  Cerberus".  It  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  Cornelius  was  not  strong  in  colour,  although 
his  frescoes  from  the  life  of  Jose[)h  in  the  Villa  Bar- 
tholdy  arc  in  all  particulars  satisfactory.  King 
Louis  I  allowed  him  to  make  only  the  drawings  for 
the  loggias  of  the  Pinakothek;  the  execution  of  the 
work  was  entrusted  to  Clemens  Zimmerraann.  In 
these  designs  Cornelius  gave  in  an  unconstrained 
manner,  yet  one  full  of  thought  and  imagination, 
the  history  of  German  and  Italian  painting.  He 
hoped  to  have  an  opportunity  in  the  new  church, 
the  "  Ludwigskirche ",  to  create  a  Christian  epic 
which  shouUl  be  a  Divine  Comedy  in  colour,  but  to 
his  bitter  disappointment  he  was  only  commi.ssioned 
to  decorate  the  choir  and  transept.  The  subject 
chosen  for  delineation  was  the  Christian  conception 
of  the  Creation,  Redemption,  and  the  Last  Judg- 
ment; the  gigantic  fresco  of  the  Judgment,  contain- 
ing 2,500  square  feet,  was  painted  by  Cornelius  him- 
self (18;<6-39).  Parts  of  the  fresco  show  great  merit 
in  composition  and  drawing;  a  reverent  composure 


and  the  avoidance  of  repellent  nudity  distinguish  the 
painting  from  Michelangelo's  "Judgment"  on  the 
altar  wall  of  the  Sistine  Chapel.  The  colour  scheme, 
it  must  be  acknowledged,  is  somewhat  lacking  in 
harmony,  and  the  light  "in  the  church  is  unfavourable. 
King  Louis  saw  the  fresco  under  peculiarly  unfor- 
tunate circumstances,  and  Cornelius  fell  into  dis- 
grace. 

In  1S41  he  went  to  B(>rlin  where  the  art-loving 
Frederick  William  IV  became  his  unwavering  patron. 
While  at  Berlin  he  drew  for  the  royal  mausoleum 
planned  by  the  king  the  celebrated  cartoons:  "Christ 
Conquering  Sin'',  mtended  for  the  east  wall  of  a 
cloister  designed  in  connexion  with  a  new  cathedral; 
"Christ  Conquering  Death",  for  the  west  wall  of  the 
cloister;  "Christ  in  His  Church",  for  the  .south  wall, 
and  "Christ  at  the  End  of  the  World",  taken  from 
the  imagery  of  the  ApocalJ^3se,  for  the  north  wall. 
In  harmony  w-ith  the  scheme  of  the  cartoons  is  the 
painting  for  the  apse  of  the  intended  cathedral, 
"Mankmd  Awaiting  the  Day  of  Judgment",  com- 
pleted by  Cornelius  in  18,50.  During  his  residence  at 
Berlin  Cornelius  produced  his  most  mature  work  as 
a  draughtsman ;  his  designs  were  at  all  times  so  com- 
plete that  they  were  not  certain  to  gain  by  execu- 
tion in  colour.  The  cartoons  for  the  royal  mauso- 
leum, of  which  the  one  for  the  north  wall  was  on  the 
scale  of  the  intended  fresco,  met  fairly  undisputed 
approval.  His  work  as  head  of  the  German  School 
at  Rome  and  as  leader  in  Germany  of  aspiring 
artists  gives  Cornelius  the  position  of  a  pioneer  of  the 
nineteenth  century  in  asserting  high  ideals  and  in 
developing  technic  on  the  heroic  scale. 

H.  Grimm,  Neue  Essais  (Berlin,  186.5);  Von  Wolzogen, 
Peter  von  Cornelius  (Berlin,  1867);  Riegel,  Cornelius,  der 
Meister  der  deutschen  Malerei  (Hanover,  1870);  Forster, 
Peter  von  Cornelius,  ein  Gedenkbuch  (Berlin,  1874);  Carri^rb 
in  Neuer  Plutarch  (Leipzig,  1880);  Eckbrt,  Peter  Cornelius 
(Bielefeld,  1906),  gives  on  p.  131  a  complete  bibliography. 
G.  GlETMANN. 

Cornelius  Cornelii  a  Lapide  (Cornelis  Cohne- 
LI8SEN  v.\N  DEX  Steex).  Flemish  .Jesuit  and  exegete, 
b.  at  Bocholt,  in  Flemish  Limburg,  IS  December, 
1.567;  d.  at  Rome.  12  March,  16.37.  He  studied  hu- 
manities and  philosophy  at  the  Jesuit  colleges  of 
Maastricht  and  Cologne,  theologj-  first ,  for  half  a  year, 
at  the  University  of  Douai,  and  afterwards  for  four 
years  at  Louvain;  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  1 1 
June,  1592,  and,  after  two  years'  novil  iatc  and  another 
year  of  theologj-,  was  ordained  priest  24  December, 
1.595.  After  teaching  philo.sopliy  for  half  a  year,  he  was 
made  professor  of  Holy  Scripture  at  Louvain  in  1596 
and  next  year  of  Hebrew  also.  Twenty  years  later, 
in  1616,  he  w;is  called  to  Rome  in  the  same  capacity, 
where,  on  the  3rd  of  November,  he  assumed  the  office 
which  he  filled  with  such  renown  for  many  years  after. 
The  latter  years  of  his  life,  however,  he  seems  to  have 
devoted  exclusively  to  finishing  and  correcting  his 
celebrated  commentaries.  He  was  a  sincerely  pious 
and  zealous  priest  and  an  exemplar}-  religious.  Dur- 
ing his  professorship  at  Louvain  he  liked  to  spend  his 
holidays  preaching  and  administering  the  sacniinents, 
especially  at  the  pilgrimage  of  Scherpenheuvel  (Mon- 
taigu).  With  movdng  simplicity  and  truth  he  por- 
trayed hunself  in  an  emotional  prayer  to  the  Propliets 
at  the  end  of  his  commentarj'  on  Daniel:  "For 
nearly  thirty  years  I  suffer  with  and  for  you  with 
gladness  the  continual  martyrdom  of  religious  life, 
the  martyrdom  of  illness,  the  martyrdom  of  study  and 
writing;  obtain  for  me  also,  I  beseech  you,  to  crown 
all,  the  fourth  martyrdom,  of  blood.  F'or  you  I  have 
spent  my  vital  and  animal  .spirits;  I  will  spend  my 
blood  too."  With  liis  brethren  in  religion  at  Rome 
he  enjoyed  so  high  a  reputation  for  sanctity  that, 
when  he  died,  they  gave  hun  a  separate  burial  [Jace, 
in  order  to  be  the  more  certain  of  finding  his  bones 
when  eventually,  as  they  hoped,  he  should  receive  the 
honour  of  beatification. 


CORNELY 


37S 


CORNELY 


Cornelius  a  Lapide  wrote  ample  commentaries  on  all 
the  books  of  the  Catholic  Canon  of  Scriiitiire,  with  the 
exception  only  of  Job  and  the  Psalms.  lOvcii  lufore 
leaving  Flanders,  he  edited  the  "Conmicntarius  in 
omnes  divi  Pauli  epistolas"  (1614)  and  "in  Penta- 
teuchum"  (1616),  both  at  Antwerp.  The  commen- 
taries on  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Prophets,  on  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  the  Canonical  Epistles  and  the 
Apocalypse,  Ecclesiasticus  and  the  Proverbs,  fol- 
lowed later  on.  The  rest  were  edited  only  after  his 
death;  but  all  of  them  have  been  several  times  re- 
edited,  both  separately  and  collectively.  Of  the 
Commentary  on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  he  himself 
was  permitted  to  see  at  least  eleven  editions.  The 
complete  series,  with  Job  and  the  Psalms  added  by 
other  hands,  appeared  at  Antwerp,  1681,  1714;  at 
Venice,  1717,  1740,  1798;  at  Cologne,  1732;  at  Turin, 
1838;  at  Lyons,  1839-42,  1865  and  1866;  at  Malta, 
1843-46;  at  Naples,  18.54;  at  Lyons  and  Paris,  1855 
and  1856;  at  Milan,  1857;  at  Paris,  1859-63.  The 
last-mentioned  edition  has  been  enriched  byCrampon 
and  Peronne  with  many  annotations  from  more  recent 
interpreters.  .\11  these  commentaries  are  on  a  very 
large  scale.  They  explain  not  only  the  literal,  but  also 
the  allegorical,  tropological,  and  anagogical  sense  of  the 
sacred  text,  and  furnish  a  large  number  of  quotations 
from  the  Fathers  and  the  later  interpreters  of  Holy 
Writ  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Like  most  of  his  pre- 
decessors and  contemporaries,  a  Lapide  intends  to 
serve  not  only  the  historical  and  scientific  study  of 
the  Bible,  but,  even  more,  the  purposes  of  pious  medi- 
tation, and  especially  of  pulpit  exposition.  An  ex- 
tract from  the  commentary  on  the  Acts  appeared 
in  1737  at  Tyrnau,  under  the  title:  "Effigies  Sancti 
Pauli,  sive  idea  vitae  apostolicEe".  A  large  work  in 
4  vols.,  "Les  trfeors  de  Cornelius  a  Lapide:  ex- 
traits  de  ses  commentaircs  de  I'dcriture  sainte  a 
I'usage  des  predicateurs,  des  communautes  et  des 
families  chr^tiennes  ",  by  the  Abbe  Barbier,  was  pub- 
lished at  Le  Mans  and  Paris,  1856,  re-edited  at  Paris, 
1859,  1872,  1876,  1885,  1896;  and  an  Italian  transla- 
tion of  the  same,  by  F.  M.  Faber,  appeared  at  Parma, 
1869-70,  in  10  vols.,  16  mo. 

These  numerous  editions  show  how  highly  these 
works  are  estimated  by  Catholics.  But  Protestant 
voices  have  joined  in  the  appreciation.  G.  H.  Goe- 
tzius  (Leipzig,  1699)  wrote  an  academical  disserta- 
tion, "Exercitatio  theologica  de  Cornelii  a  Lapide 
Commentariis  in  Sacram  Scripturam",  in  which  he 
praises  the  Jesuit  author  as  the  most  important  of 
Catholic  Scriptural  writers.  An  English  translation 
of  the  complete  commentaries  was  undertaken  by  the 
Rev.  Thomas  W.  Mossman,  an  Anglican  clergyman, 
under  the  title,  "The  great  Commentary  of  Cornelius 

a  Lapide"  (London,  1876 ).     A  manuscript  in  the 

Vatican  Library  contains  an  Arabic  translation  of  the 
Commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  by  Yusuf  ibn  Girgis 
(beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century).  The  same 
Maronite  writer  is  said  to  have  translated  the  Com- 
mentary on  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 

Terwecoren,  Comdiiis  a  Lapide  in  Collection  de  precis  his- 
ioriquts  (Brussels,  1837),  610-14,  630-45;  De  Backer  and 
SoMMERvoGEL,  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Brussels  and  Paris,  1893), 
IV.  1511-26,  IX  (1900),  573. 

John  P.  van  Ivasteren. 

Comely,  Karl  Josep  Rudolf,  German  Biblical 
scholar  and  Jesuit,  b.  19  April,  1830,  at  Breyell  in 
Germany;  d.  at  Treves,  3  March,  1908.  On  the  com- 
pletion of  his  classical  studies  he  matriculated  at 
Miinster  in  Westphalia  to  study  philology  and  theol- 
ogy. In  18,52  he  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Re- 
cognizing his  abilities,  his  superiors  determined  to  give 
him  the  best  possible  training  both  practical  and  theo- 
retical. Conseipiently,  his  novitiate  finished,  he  took 
a  two  years'  course  of  Scholastic  philosophy  at  Pader- 
born  and  Bomi  and  another  year  of  sacred  and  profane 
oratory.     Then  he  was  sent  to  Feklkirch  to  teach 


Latin,  Greek,  and  German,  and  to  preside  at  the  dispu- 
tations of  the  students  of  philosophy  from  1857  to 
1859.  After  this  practical  experience  he  returned  to 
Paderborn  to  go  through  the  necessary  course  of  dog- 
matic and  moral  theology  previous  to  his  ordination 
in  1860.  The  next  years  he  devoted  to  special  study 
of  the  Scriptural  sciences  and  languages  in  Geimany, 
at  Ghazir  near  Beirut,  in  Egypt,  and  in  Paris,  and  by 
dint  of  hard  labour  acquired  an  extensive  knowledge 
of  Syriac,  Arabic,  Samaritan,  and  .\ramaic.  After 
five  years  thus  spent  in  special  work,  he  was  recalled 
to  Maria-Laach,  the  theologate  of  the  Society,  to 
review  his  varied  acquirements  in  the  light  of  dog- 
matic theology  and  to  prepare  his  theses  for  the  final 
examination  and  the  ilegree  of  Doctor  in  the  Society. 
After  the  customary  third  year  of  probation  spent  in 
study  and  practice  of  the  exercises  and  the  Institute 
of  St.  Ignatius,  he  was  appointed  professor  of  Scrip- 
ture and  Oriental  languages  at  Maria-Laach. 

When  the  Jesuits  founded  the  ]5eriodical  "Stimmen 
aus  Maria-Laach",  Father  Comely  became  at  first  a 
regular  contributor  and  then  its  editor  from  1872  to    i 
1879.     His   style    is    remarkable   for   clearness   and    j 
vigour  and  compares  favourably  with  the  great  Ger-    I 
man  classics.     The  ring  of  indignation  and  irony  in   I 
his  articles  against  the  Old  Catholics,  on  the  Protes-   ' 
tant  Association,  and  on  political  hypocrisy  finds  its   |t 
explanation  in  the  unwarranted  attacks  and  in  the  |i 
relentless  persecution  of  tiie  Church  and  of  the  order  j| 
to  which  he  belonged.     The  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 
from  Germany  in  1872  interrupted  his  career  as  a  pro- 
fessor and  rendered  the  task  of  the  etlitor  extremely 
difficult.     With  three  or  four  of  his  brethren  he  took 
up   his  residence   at  Tervueren  near  Brussels,   and 
though  many  of  his  collaborators  and  the  rich  library 
of  Maria-Laach  were    scattered    about  in  different 
places,  he  succeeded  not  only  in  maintaining  the  peri- 
odical on  its  former  level  but  also  in  strengthening  and 
widening  its  influence  on  Catholic  Ciermany.     Most  of 
the  men  who  from  that  time  on  contributed  to  the 
"Stimmen"  were  won  and  trained  by  the  magnetic 
personality  of  Cornely,  who  frequently  inspired  and 
always  carefully  revised  their  papers,  thus  securing 
uniformity   of   tone   and   tendency.     An   important 
stage  in  the  development   of  the   "Stimmen"  was 
marked  by  the  appearance  of  the  first  supplements 
(Erganzungshefte),  in  1876.     This  new  departure  was 
occasioned  by  the  numerous  philosophic  writings  of 
Father  Tilmann  Pesch.     They  could  not  all  be  pub- 
lished in  the  "Stimmen"  without  altering  the  general 
character  of  the  periodical  and  .sacrificing  the  interest 
of  some  classes  of  readers.     They  might,  of  course, 
have  been  separately  published  in  book  form.     But 
Cornely  was  of  opinion  that  a  series  of  supplements  to 
a  widely  read  review  would  reach  larger  numbers  and 
would  in  a  manner  offset  the  numerous  non-Catholic 
publications  of  a  similar  character.     The  supplements 
embody  the  most  varied  scholarship:  theology,  philo- 
sophy, literature,  and  science. 

To  quicken  the  interest  of  his  countrymen  in  the 
missionary  work  of  theChurch,  FatherCornely  founded 
in  1873  "Die  katholischen  Missionen".  Intended 
for  German  readers  this  magazine  was  above  all  to 
describe  the  labours  and  successes  of  the  German  mis- 
sionary and  to  give  the  history,  the  geography,  and 
the  ethnographic  features  of  the  German  missions  in 
foreign  countries.  In  the  beginning  Cornely  took  the 
lion's  share  of  the  work  upon  himself.  Soon,  how- 
ever, the  labour  was  thus  divided:  Cornely  wrote  the 
reports  on  Europe  and  Australia;  Baumgartner  re- 
portetl  on  Asia;  Kreiten  on  .-Africa;  and  von  Hum- 
melauer  on  .\merica.  In  1879  Cornely  was  appointed 
professor  of  exegesis  at  the  Gregorian  University  in 
Rome.  Here  lie  jilanned  and  wrote  the  first  volumes 
of  the  "Cursus  Scri|itura^  Sacra;",  a  complete  Biblica! 
encyclopedia,  the  largest  publication  of  its  kind  ir 
modern  Catholic  literature.     To  carrj'  out  a  plan  sc 


B( 


%i 


CORNET 


379 


CORONADO 


v:i-t  rpiiuired  the  combined  efforts  of  many  scholars. 
I  vMrly  himself  undertook  to  write  the  general  and 
-|<'  i;il  introductions  and  the  commentaries  on  the 
l.l'i-tlf's  of  St.  Paul.  Even  this  ta.sk  he  could  not 
riMii|'lete,  although  he  discontinued  lecturing  in  1889 
In  Mi  vote  all  his  energies  to  the  greatest  work  of  his 
l:ilioriovis  life.  Among  his  writings  are:  "Introductio 
L^i'Miiiilis  in  U.  T.  librossacros"  (Paris,  1893);  "Intro- 
ihiriKi  specialis  in  historicos  V.  T.  libros"  (Paris, 
1 M 17);  "  Introductio  specialis  in  didacticos  et  propheti- 
ins  \'.  T.  libros"  (Paris,  1897);  "Introductio  specialis 
in  Mugulos  N.  T.  libros"  (Paris,  1897);  "HistoriciE  et 
L-ntic;!'  Introductionis  in  U.  T.  libros  Compendium" 
1  I'll  Is,  1900);  "Synopses  omnium  hbrorum  sacro- 
iinii  '  (Paris,  1S99);  "Psalmorum  synopses"  (Paris, 
IviMi'i;  "Analyses  librorum  .sacrorum  N.  T."  (Paris, 
1  sss  1 ;  "Commentarius  in  priorem  ep.  ad  Corinthios" 
I'll-;,  1890);  "Commentarius  in  epistolas  ad  Cor. 
lib  ram  et  ad  Galatas"  (Paris,  1892);  "Commenta- 
ii-  in  ep.  ad  Romanos"  (Paris,  1896);  "Leben  des 
.1  I'ltrus  Faber"  (Freiburg,  1900);  "  Leben  des  sel. 
-I  in. .la"  (Mainz,  1868). 

1 '.  \  1  MLiARTNER,  StintTTWii  Qus  Muria-Laach,  LXXIV,  IV,  357. 

Peter  Schweitzer. 

Cornet,    Xicolas,    a    French    theologian,    b.    at 

Vnii.ns.  1.572;  d.  at  Paris,  1663.     He  studied  at  the 

li -uii  college  of  his  native  place,  took  the  doctorate 

if  '  irologj'  at  the  University  of  Paris,  1626,  and  soon 

H I  aiiic  president   of  the  College    de    Navarre  and 

.yiidii-  of  the  Sorbonne  or  faculty  of  theologj\     In 

'i:-  latter  capacity  he  reported  to  the  assembly  of  the 

rue,  1649,  seven  propositions,  two  taken  from 

id's  "  Frequente  Communion"  and  five  from 

Vugustinus"  of  Jansenius.     In  spite  of  strong 

I  I'Mtion  created  by  members  of  the  faculty  who. 

Mill  Saint- Amour,  appealed  to  Parliament  and  by 

laii-iiiists   like   De   Bourseis   in   "  Propositiones   de 

;r:iiia   in  Sorbonns   facultate   prope  diem  examin- 

iii'li.  propositae  Cal.  Junii  1649",  and  Arnauld  in 

I     ii-iderations  sur  I'entreprise  faite  par  M.  Comet, 

'   de  la  faculte,  en  I'assemblee  de  Juillet  1649". 

ceded  in  having  tlie  A.ssembly  of  the  Clergy  of 

I'liounce  the  five  propositions  of  the  "Augus- 

to  Pope  Innocent  X,  who  condemned  them. 

v.  16.53  (Denzinger,  Enchiridion,  nos.  1092  (966) 

Maligned  by  Jansenist  writers  hke  Hennant. 

•  was  held  in  high  esteem  by   Richeheu  and 

11.     His  eulogy  was  pronounced  by  no  less  a 

age  than  Bossuet  himself  (Oraison  funebre  de 

i'     irr  Nicolas  Comet).     He  left  no  writings,  but  is 

ihI    to    have   collaborated   with   Richeheu   on   the 

Ml  tlindes  de  controversc". 

In.  ^[^moircs  (Paris.  1865):  SAlNTE-BEnvE,  Porl- 
I'aris,  1S71);  RoHRB.\cUER,  Hisloire  universelle  (Paris, 
'^1.9.  150.  J.    F.   SOLLIEB. 

Corneto-Tarquinia,  Diocese  of.     See  Civit.wec- 

III  \    AND    CORN'ETO. 

Cornice,  the  uppermost  division  of  the   entabla- 

iir.i.  tlie  representative  of  the  roof,  of  an  order,  con- 

i~ii:ii;  of  projecting  mouldings  and  blocks,  usually 

ilile  into  bed-moulding,  corona,  and  gutter.     In 

architecture  each  of  the  orders  has  its  pecuhar 

I  .     Any  moulded  projection  which  crowns  or 

~  the  part  to  which  it  is  affixed,  as  the  coping 

i)f  a  fa<;ade,  the  moulding  that  runs  round  an  apart^ 
nent  under  the  ccihng,  or  surmounts  a  door,  window, 
'tc. 

I  K.SON  ANP  Spiers,  Arrh.  of  Crrrce  and  Rome  (J^ondnn, 

KOSENGARTFN.  Arrhitrcturnl  Si'/lcs  (Sew  York,  1901)- 

AnctcnlArt  (New  York.  London.  1904) :  Stirgis.  Dirl. 

aruf  iJi/iWinff  (New  York.  1904);  Parkf.b.  CTosinrj/n/ 

IrrA    (London,  1845);   Gwii.t,  Ency.   of  Arch.   (New   York, 

Jombay.  1903).  Thomas  H.   PooLE. 


Oomillon,  .\ubf.v  of,  foun<leii  by  .\lbero.  Bishop  of 
Ljige,  in  1124,  three  years  after  St.  Norbert  had 
onned  the   PremonstrateiLsian  Order.     The  abbey 


was  intended  for  Canons  Regular  of  Prdmontr^  who 
had  been  sent  from  the  Abbey  of  Floreffe  near  Namur; 
it  stood  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Meuse  on  an  elevation 
called  Mont  Cornillon  which  overlooked  the  city  of 
Liege.  In  the  early  years  of  the  order  all  Norbertine 
abbeys  were  double  abbeys,  that  is  to  say,  the  canons 
lived  on  one  side  of  the  church  and  the  Norbertine 
nuns,  who  had  charge  of  the  hospital  for  women, 
dwelt  on  the  other  side.  Where  an  abbey  stood  on  an 
elevation,  as  was  the  case  at  Cornillon,  both  the  nun- 
nery and  the  hospital  were  erected  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill.  St.  Juliana  of  Cornillon  (b.  1193;  d.  1258), 
whose  name  is  connected  with  the  institution  of  the 
feast  of  Corpus  Christi,  was  a  nun  of  this  convent. 
The  first  abbot  of  Cornillon  was  Blessed  Lucas,  one  of 
St.  Norbert 's  disciples,  a  learned  and  holy  religious, 
some  of  whose  writings  have  been  published  in  the 
"Bibliotheca  Magna  Patrum",  and  also  by  Migne. 
The  Bishop  of  Liege,  wishing  to  build  a  fortress  on  the 
heights  of  Cornillon,  gave  in  1288,  in  exchange  to  the 
Norbertine  canons,  another  place  in  his  episcopal  city 
where  the  abbey,  now  called  Beaurepart  (Bellus  Redi- 
tus),  stood  until  it  was  suppressed  by  the  French  Re- 
public in  1796.  All  the  religious  refu.sed  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Republic ;  some  were  exiled 
and  one  was  put  to  death.  The  abbey  was  declared 
to  be  of  public  utility,  consequently  it  was  not  sold; 
for  a  time  it  served  as  an  arsenal  and  for  other  govern- 
ment purposes,  but  by  decree  of  11  June,  1809,  Napo- 
leon gave  the  abbey  to  the  Bishop  of  Liege,  as  the 
bishop's  residence  and  diocesan  seminary.  Where 
the  Abbey  of  Mont  Cornillon  originally  stood  the 
Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor  have  erected  a  home  for  old 
people,  and  close  to  the  home,  but  below,  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill,  the  former  convent  is  now  inhabited  by  Car- 
melite nuns.  Part  of  the  church  of  the  nuns  has  re- 
mained as  it  was  when  St.  Juliana  of  Cornillon  prayed 
in  it  and  was  favoured  with  visions  which  led  to  the 
institution  of  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi. 

Hcoo.  Annal.  Pram.  (Nantes,  1734-36);  Daris,  Histot're  de 
Liige  (LieKe.  1868-85). 

F.  M.  Geudens. 

Cornoldi,  Giovanni  Maria,  professor,  author,  and 
preacher,  born  at  Venice,  29  Sept.,  1822;  d.  at  Rome, 
18  Jan.,  1892.  He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
1840  and  taught  philosophy  at  Bressanone  and  Padua 
for  many  ye.ars.  From  1880  until  his  death  he  be- 
longed to  the  editorial  staff  of  the  "Civilta  Cattolica", 
at  Rome  and  often  preachetl  at  the  church  of  the  Gesii. 
He  was  an  ardent  disciple  of  St.  Thomas  and  wrote 
many  works  in  explanation  of  his  doctrine  and  in  refu- 
tation of  Rosniinianism.  His  "Lezioni  di  Filosofia" 
(Rome,  1872)  was  translated  into  Latin  by  Cardinal 
Agostini  under  the  title  "  Institutiones  Philosophies 
ad  mentem  divi  Thoms  Aquinatis".  In  addition  to 
his  purely  philosophical  writings  he  published  a  com- 
mentary on  the  "  Divina  Commedia  '  of  Dante,  illus- 
trated from  philosophy  and  theology.  He  founded 
academies  in  honour  of  St.  Thomas  at  Bologna  and  at 
Rome  and  established  two  periodicals,  "  La  Scienza 
Italiana"  and  the  journal  of  the  "Accademia  di  S. 
Tomma.so".  He  was  a  man  of  great  amiability,  zeal- 
ous and  fervent  in  religious  life. 

rivillh  Cnllnliai.  1S92.  I.  348-352,  gives  a  full  list  of  his  writ- 
ings;   HuRTER,  NomenckttoT. 

John  Corbett. 

Cornouailles,  Diocese  of.     See  Qcimper. 

Coro.     See  Caracas. 

Coronado,  Francisco  Vasquez  de,  explorer,  b.  at 
Salamanca.  .Soain,  1,500;  d.  in  Mexico,  1.5,53.  He 
went  to  .Mexico  before  1538,  and  is  said  (o  have 
been  a  favourite  of  the  viceroy  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza,  who  a])pointcd  him  Governor  of  New  Galicia  in 
15.38.     In  the  year  following,  on  the  strength  of  tjie 


CORONATION 


380 


CORONATION 


statements  of  Cabeza  dc  Vaca  and  other  vague  re- 
ports, the  viceroy  sent  Father  Marcos  of  Nizza  with 
the  negro  or  Moor  Estevanico  to  reconnoitre  towards 
the  north.  The  friar  coming  back  with  the  news  that 
sedentary  Indians  had  been  met  beyond  what  are  now 
the  limits  of  Mexico,  an  expetUtion  was  determined 
upon  and  Coronado  was  made  commander. 

One  of  the  cliief  objects  of  this  expedition  seems  to 
have  been  to  free  Mexico  from  an  idle  and  unruly  ele- 
ment. Hence  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  northern 
regions,  of  the  culture  of  their  inhabitants,  and  of  their 
mineral  resources,  were  purposely  spread  abroad. 
Whether  or  not  Coronado  knew  of  tliis  object  is  not 
stated.  The  expedition  collected  at  Compostella  on 
the  Pacific  coast,  and  consisted  of  about  300  Spaniards 
and  1000  Indians,  with  1000  horses  and  six  swivel 
guns  (pedereros) .  There  were  also  a  number  of  sheep 
and  some  cattle,  and  everything  indicated  that  the 
intention  was  not  only  to  explore  but  to  colonize.  In 
the  course  of  two  years  Coronado  visited  almost  every 
New  Mexican  ptiehlo  then  inhabited.  The  first  of  the 
pueblo  groups  touched  was  what  is  now  called  Zuiii, 
which  had  become  known  to  the  Spaniards  through 
Father  Marcos  of  Nizza  the  year  previous  under  the 
name  of  "Cibola".  The  first  engagement  took  place 
about  7  July,  at  the  village  of  Hauicu  of  the  Zuiii 
group.  Coronado  was  wounded,  but  the  pueblo  taken. 
After  that,  only  one  other  conflict  with  Pueblo  Indians 
occurred,  viz.,  near  Bernalillo,  in  New  Mexico,  on  the 
Rio  Grande,  in  March,  1541.  The  conduct  of  Coro- 
nado towards  the  Indians  during  the  whole  campaign 
was  humane  and  he  secured  their  respect  and  sym- 
pathy. New  Mexico  and  Arizona  (which  he  explored 
as  far  as  the  Colorado  River)  thsappointed  the  expec- 
tations of  the  Spaniards.  The  wealth  in  metals  sui> 
posed  to  exist  there  was  not  fovmd,  the  inhabited 
regions  were  partly  barren,  and  the  population  less 
numerous  than  it  had  been  represented.  While  Coro- 
nado was  establishing  himself  at  Zufii,  another  expe- 
dition, by  sea,  under  the  command  of  Hernando  de 
AlarQon,  reached  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  and  ex- 
plored the  course  of  the  river  for  about  two  himdred 
miles  inland,  but  found  it  impossible  to  communicate 
with  Coronado,  and  retm-ned  to  the  Mexican  coast. 

While  at  the  pueblo  of  Pecos,  south-east  of  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Santa  Fe,  the  Spaniards  had  been  told 
glowing  stories  of  metallic  riches  among  a  tribe  called 
Quiwa,  said  to  dwell  beyond  the  great  eastern  plains. 
These  tales  were  reported  by  an  Indian  from  the 
plains,  a  captive  among  the  Pecos  tribe.  Coronado 
set  out  for  Quivira  on  23  April,  1541,  with  part  of  his 
forces,  and  wandered  as  far  as  the  confines  of  Arkan- 
sas, then  northward  as  far  as  southern  Nebraska,  find- 
ing none  but  nomadic  IntUans,  except  at  the  farthest 
point  reached  by  him,  where  the  Quivira  Indians  lived 
in  more  stable  settlements  of  houses,  round  in  shape 
and  built  of  wood,  with  roofs  of  grass.  They  culti- 
vated corn,  and  the  only  trace  of  metal  was  a  piece  of 
native  copper  which  they  had  obtained  from  afar. 
After  an  absence  of  six  months  Coronado  returned 
to  New  Mexico  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  while  there 
suffered  a  fall  from  his  horse,  which  injured  his 
head  seriously.  Henceforward  he  lost  energy.  His 
people  also  were  discouraged  and,  while  some  were  in 
favour  of  remaining  in  New  Mexico,  the  majority 
clamoured  to  return  to  New  Spain.  In  April,  1542, 
the  homeward  march  was  resumed.  There  remained 
in  the  country  only  Fray  Juan  de  Padilla,  a  lay 
brother.  Fray  Luis,  and  a  Portuguese  soldier,  Do- 
campo.  Coronado  reported  to  the  Viceroy  Mendoza, 
who  was  highly  incensed  at  the  failure  of  his  plan  to 
rid  New  S]5ain  of  undesirable  elements.  Although 
Coronado  was  not  punisheil  for  what  was  looked  upon 
as  disobedience  to  orders,  he  fell  into  a  mild  chs- 
grace  and  died  in  comparative  obscurity,  leaving 
a  widow  and  eight  children.  The  reports  on  his 
expedition  are  of  the  greatest  importance  for  the  geog- 


raphy, and  more  particularly  ethnography,  of  the 
south-western  part  of  North  America.  They  were 
not  so  well  appreciated  at  the  time  as  they  are  now, 
when  the  "  March ' '  of  Coronado  is  looked  upon  as  one 
of  the  most  important  explorations  in  America  during 
the  sixteenth  century. 

For  documentary  material  see  Winship  in  Fourteenth  An- 
nual Report  of  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Ethnology  (Washington, 
1906),  with  Sp.  texts  and  tr.;  Idem,  The  Journey  of  Coronado 
in  The  Trailmakers  (New  York,  1904);  Gomara,  Historia  gen- 
eral dc  las  Indias  (Medina  del  Campo,  15.53):  Oviedo,  Historia 
general  y  natural  (Madrid.   l.S.jO):    Herreha.  Historia  general 

(Madrid.  16011;    Muta  Paiiilla.  // ,  ' ■■   ;,,  \ ,in<a  Galida 

(Mexn'o,  1S70,  tliouirli  written  in  1,._  ;i  >-,  Coronado's 
March:    Bani.ei.ier.  //^fr-,,^/„<Y,„„  (  .  '        ',,j  the  Seden- 

tary Indians  of  Xew  Mciicv:  Idem,  /;  ,  '  .  ■'',,  Ruins  of  the 
Pueblo  of  Pecos  (Boston.  1883);  Idem,  Final  Rrport  (Boston, 
1888  and  1890);   Idem,  Documentary  History  of  Zuni. 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Coronation. — The  subject  will  be  treated  under 
the  following  headings:  (I)  The  Emperors  at  Con- 
stantinople; (II)  Visigothic  and  Celtic  Elements;  (III) 
Tlie  English  Coronation  Orders;  (IV)  The  Western 
Empire  and  the  Roman  Pontifical;  (V)  Other  Cere- 
monials. 

I.  The  Emperors  at  Const.^ntinople. — "A  cor- 
onation rite",  it  has  been  well  said,  "is  ideally  the 
process  of  the  creation  of  the  monarch,  even  though 
in  course  of  time,  through  a  change  in  the  theory  of 
succession,  it  may  come  to  be  rather  the  ratification 
of  an  accomplished  fact  than  the  means  of  its  accom- 
plishment" (Brightman,  Byzantine  Coronations,  359). 
In  the  light  of  this  very  true  remark  it  will  be  needful 
to  trace  the  coronation  ceremonies  back  to  a  time  ear- 
lier than  the  introduction  of  any  ecclesiastical  ritual. 
Down  to  the  reign  of  Constantine  it  may  be  said  that 
coronation,  properly  speaking,  there  was  none,  for  it 
was  he  who  first  brought  the  regal  diadem  into  promi- 
nence. Yet  certain  features  about  the  accession  of 
the  emperors  in  this  early  period  deserve  attention. 
In  the  first  place,  theoretically  at  least,  the  emperor 
was  elected.  Normally,  the  senate  voted  and  the  peo- 
ple, or  more  commonly  the  army,  acclaimed  and  in 
that  way  ratified  the  choice.  No  doubt  this  procedure 
was  often  anticipated  and  the  result  was  assured  be- 
fore any  forms  were  gone  through.  But  the  forms 
were  not  dispensed  with,  and  even  when  the  senate  or 
the  army  had  exercised  an  influence  which  was  deci- 
sive, the  people  met  and  acclaimed  in  more  or  less 
formal  comitia.  In  spite,  however,  of  the  principle  of 
election,  the  emperor  was  often  able  to  exercise  a  pre- 
dominant voice  in  the  election  of  his  successor  or  his 
colleague,  as  he  coidd  also  create  his  wife  "Augusta". 
At  this  period  the  more  distinctive  imperial  insignia 
were  "the  purple",  that  is  the  pabulamentum  (or 
chlamys)  of  the  general  in  the  field,  emblematic  of  the 
supreme  military  authority,  for  the  emperor  was  sole 
imperator;  and  secondly,  the  laurel  wreath.  The 
more  or  less  violent  clothing  of  the  new  emperor  in  the 
pnhidamentum  often  constituted  a  sort  of  investiture. 
On  his  part  the  promise  of  a  largess  to  the  soldiers,  and 
sometimes  to  the  people,  became  the  equivalent  of  a 
formal  acceptance  of  the  election. 

A  new  order  of  things  was  brought  about  by  Con- 
stantine's  a.ssimiption  of  the  diadem  (see  Sickel.  in 
Byzantinischc  Zeitschrift,  VII,  513-5.'54).  Constan- 
tine wore  it  habitually  during  life  {caput  exornans  per- 
peiuo  iliitilenmte,  says  Aurelius  Victor,  Ep.  Ix),  and 
after  death  it  adorned  his  corpse.  In  this  way  the 
diadem  bec;une  the  primary  sjniibol  of  sovereignty, 
but  without  at  first  any  prescription  of  forms  accord- 
ing to  which  it  should  be  conferred.  When  Julian 
was  proclaimed  emperor  by  his  troops  in  360,  they 
hoisted  him  standing  upon  a  shield,  a  ceremony  theyf 
seemed  to  ha\'c  learned  from  the  (lerman  recruits  in- 
their  ranks,  and  then  a  st:ui(l;u-<l-l>earer  took  off  th( 
torque,  or  gold  ncckhice,  which  he  wore  anthset  itupo) 
Julian's  head.  No  other  crowning  seems  to  have  takei 
place,  but  soon  :ifter  we  find  the  emperor  at  Viennc 


CORONATION 


381 


CORONATION 


wearing  a  gorgeous  diadem  set  with  jewels.   In  the  case 

of  Valentinian  (364)  and  his  son  Gratian  (367)  we  have 

equally  mention  of  a  crown  assumed  amid  profuse 

acclamations  of  the  assembled  army.     In  each  case, 

also,  the  newlj-elected  sovereign  made  a  speech  and 

promised  a  largess  to  the  troops,  which  Julian  fixed  at 

five  gold  pieces  and  a  pound  of  silver  to  each  man. 

Informal  as  the  proceedings  in  all  these  cases  seem  to 

have  been,  most  of  the  elements  so  far  mentioned  took 

a  permanent  place  in  the  coronation  ceremonial  which 

W!is  ultimately  evolved.      Even   the   Teutonic 

practice  of  hoisting   upon   a   buckler   (see 

Tacitus,  Ann.,  XV,"  29)  though   rarely 

mentioned  explicitly,  was  probably 

maintained    for    a    considerable 

time,    for    it    certainly    was 

observed  in  the  election  of 

Anastasius    (491)    and 

Ju-stin  II  (565),  and 

the   miniature    of 

the    election    of 

David     in      a 

tenth-cent\ir\ 

psalter   :i' 

Paris,  in 

which  he 

is  repre- 


the  selection  of  the  patriarch  may  possibly  have  been 
due  simply  to  the  desire  to  preclude  jealousy  and  to 
avoid  giving  offence  to  more  powerful  claimants  of  the 
honour.  But  already  in  473,  when  Leo  II  was  crowned 
in  the  lifetime  of  his  grandfather,  we  find  the  Patriarch 
Acacius  not  only  figuring  in  the  ceremony  but  reciting 
a  prayer  before  the  imposition  of  the  diadem.  If  it 
was  Leo's  grandfather  and  not  Acacius  who  actually 
imposed  it,  that  is  only  on  aecoimt  of  the  accepted 
rule,  that  the  reigning  emperor  in  his  lifetime  is  alone 
the  fount  of  honour  whenever  he  chooses  to 
conunit  any  portion  of  his  authority  to 
colleague  or  consort.  Following  close 
upon  the  first  intervention  of  the 
patriarch,  the  ecclesiastical 
element  in  the  coronation 
ceremonial  rapidly  de- 
velops. At  the  elec- 
tion of  Anastasius 
(491)  the  patri- 
arch is  present 
at  the  assem- 
bly of  the 
.senate  and 
notables 
when 
they 


'^  I't.  il  .^landing  upon  a  buckler  supported  by  young 

while  another  sets  a  diadem  on  his  head,  im- 

Ihat  this  ceremony  w.is  generally  familiar  at  a 

date.     The  di.idem.  though  the  military  torque 

1   the  analogy  of  Julian's  election  was  often  re- 

'  d  as  well,  w,a.s  and  continued  to  be  the  symbol  of 

•  ine  power,  and  along  with  it,  from  the  time  of 

iiintine  onward,  went  the  ceremony  of  "adora- 

of  the  monarch  by  |)rostration. 
II'  next  epoch-making  change  seems  to  have  been 
iitroduction  of  the  P.-itriarch  of  Constantinople  to 
III'  diadem  upon  the  head  of  the  elected  sovereign. 
date  at  which  this  first  took  place  is  disputed, 
I'  cannot  altogether  ignore  the  alleged  dream  of 
"iosius  I  who  saw  himself  crowned  by  a  bishop 
idoret,  Hist.  Eccl.,  VI,  vi),  but  Sickel  (loc.  cit., 
||    ."il":    cf.  Gibbon,  ch.  xx.xvi)   holds   that  the  Pa- 
triarch Anatolius  in  4.50   crowned   Marcian   and   by 
'lilt  act  originated  a  ceremony  which  became  of  the 
i;ri'!itest  possible  significance  in  the  later  conception  of 
kini^ship.     At  first  there  seems  to  have  been  no  idea  of 
lending  any  religious  character  to  this  investiture ;  and 


.\achcn ) 


make  their  formal  choice,  and  the  book  of  the  Holy 
Gospels  is  exposed  in  their  midst  (Const.  Porph., 
De  Caer..  I,  92).  The  coronation  does  not  take 
place  in  a  sacred  building,  but  an  oath  is  taken  by 
the  emperor  to  govern  justly  and  another  written 
oath  is  exacted  of  him  by  the  patriarch  that  he 
will  keep  the  Faith  entire  and  introduce  no  novelty 
into  the  Church.  Then  after  the  emperor  had 
donned  a  portion  of  the  regalia,  the  patriarch  made  a 
prayer,  and  the  "  KjTie  eleison"  (possibly  an  ektene  or 
litany)  being  said,  put  ujion  his  sovereign  the  imperial 
chlamys  and  the  jewelled  crown.  The  acclamations 
also  which  .accompany  and  follow  the  emperor's  speech 
with  its  jjromises  of  the  usual  largess,  are  pronouncedly 
religious  in  character;  for  e.xample  "God  will  pre- 
serve a  Christian  Emperor!  These  are  common 
prayers!  These  are  the  prayers  of  the  world!  Lord 
help  the  pious!  Holy  Lord  uplift  Thy  world!  .  .  . 
God  1)0  with  you! "  Moreover  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
ceremony  the  emperor  went  straight  to  St.  Sophia, 
putting  off  his  crown  and  offering  it  at  the  altar. 
The  first  emperor  to  be  crowned  in  church  was  Pho- 


CORONATION 


382 


CORONATION 


cas  in  602,  and  although  our  records  of  procedure  are 
somewhat  defective,  no  doubt  can  be  felt  that  from 
this  time  forth  the  whole  ceremonial  assumed  a  formal 
and  religious  character.  The  rite  is  contained  in  the 
"Euchologium",  the  earliest  extant  manuscript,  dat- 
ing from  about  795.  There  is  a  partial  clothing  with 
the  Insignia  m  the  metatorium  before  the  ceremony 
begins,  but  the  ritual  centres  in  the  conferring  of  the 
chlamys  and  crown.  Before  each  of  these  is  imposed 
the  patriarch  reads  in  silence  an  impressive  prayer 
closely  analogous  in  spirit  to  what  we  find  in  the  West- 
ern orders  at  a  later  date.  For  example  the  prayer 
over  the  chlamys  begins  thus:  "  O  Lord,  our  God,  the 
King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  who  through  Sam- 
uel the  prophet  didst  choose  David  Thy  servant  to  be 
king  over  Thy  people  Israel ;  do  Thou  now  also  hear 
the  supplication  of  us  unworthy  and  behold  from 
Thy  dwelling  place  Thy  faithful  servant  N.  whom 
Thou  hast  been  pleased  to  set  as  king  over  Thy  holy 
nation,  which  Thou  didst  purchase  with  the  precious 
blood  of  Thine  only-l)egotten  Son:  vouchsafe  to 
anoint  him  with  the  oil  of  gladness,  endue  him  with 
power  from  on  high,  put  upon  his  head  a  crown 
of  pure  gold,  grant  him  long  life,"  etc.  After  the 
crowning  the  people  cry  out,  "Holy,  holy, holy"  and 
"Glory  to  God  in  the  highest  and  on  earth  peace", 
three  times.  Then  Holy  Communion  is  given  to  the 
emperor  from  the  reserved  Sacrament,  or  perhaps  even 
the  Mass  of  the  Presanctified  is  celebrated.  After 
which  all  the  standards  and  halberds  are  dipped  and 
raised  again,  and  the  senators  and  clergy  prostrate  in 
adoration. 

One  cannot  help  suspecting  that  the  choice  of  this 
particular  moment,  when  the  emperor  has  just  re- 
ceived the  Sacred  Host,  for  the  act  of  adoration  may 
have  been  motived  by  some  foresight  of  possible  con- 
scientious objections  about  performing  such  adoration 
merely  to  the  emperor's  person.  The  rite  of  prostra- 
tion, though  introduced  by  C'onstantine,  was  probably 
not  unaffected  by  lingering  memories  of  the  pagan 
apotheosis  of  the  Caesars.  Finally,  after  the  adoration 
came  the  Imides  (see  Acclamations)  or  acta  as  they 
were  called  in  the  East  (aKToXoyc'iy  was  the  technical 
word).  The  cantors  cried  "Glory  be  to  God  in  the 
highest.  .  .  .  This  is  the  great  day  of  the  Lord.  This 
is  the  day  of  the  life  of  the  Romans",  and  so  on  for 
many  verses,  the  people  repeating  each  once  or  thrice. 
After  which  "Many,  many,  many".  R.  "Many  years, 
for  many  years".  "  Long  years  to  you,  N.  and  N.,  auto- 
crats of  the  Romans",  ft.  "Many  years  to  you"  and 
so  forth  with  much  repetition.  Finally,  the  emperor 
leaves  the  church  wearing  his  crown  and  going  to  the 
metatorium  seats  himself  upon  his  throne  while  the 
dignitaries  (a^iu^ara)  come  and  do  homage  by  kissing 
his  knees.  Although  the  prayer  over  the  chlamys  begs 
God  to  "  anoint  him  with  the  oil  of  gladness"  the  early 
euchologia  contain  no  mention  of  any  rite  of  unction, 
and  it  seems  tolerably  certain  that  this  was  not  mtro- 
duced  in  the  East  until  the  twelfth  centm-y  (Bright- 
man,  loc.  cit.,  .383-386).  Even  when  adopted,  the 
unction  was  confined  to  making  the  sign  of  the  cross 
with  chrism  upon  the  monarch's  head.  The  introduc- 
tion of  this  new  feature  seems  to  have  been  accom- 
panied with  other  changes  which  are  found  in  the  later 
Byzantine  coronations.  The  investiture  with  the  pur- 
ple chlamys  altogether  disappears,  but  two  distinct 
prayers  or  blessings  are  retained,  between  which  are 
inserted  both  the  unction  and  the  crowning.  Finally, 
we  may  notice  thai  the  emjieror  is  to  some  extent 
treated  as  an  ecclesiastic,  for  he  wears  a  mandi/ns,  or 
cope,  and  discharges  the  functions  of  a  deputatus, 
which  is,  or  was,  the  Greek  equivalent  of  one  of  our 
minor  orders. 

II.  VisiGoTHic  AND  Cei.tic  Klkments. — Tunuug 
now  to  the  inauguration  rite  of  early  kingships  in  tlie 
West  the  first  traces  of  a  coronation  order  weui  to  bo 
found  in  Spain  and  in  Great  Britain.     Some  of  the 


Spanish  councils  speak  copiously,  though  vaguely,  of 
the  election  of  kings  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXXIV,  385, 396, 
426), and  while  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century 
there  is  no  mention  of  vmction  but  only  of  a  profession 
of  faith  and  promise  of  just  govenunent  on  the  part  of 
the  king  with  a  corresponding  oath  of  fealty  on  the 
part  of  his  subjects,  towards  the  close  of  the  same  cen- 
tury we  have  the  clearest  evidence  that  the  Visigothic 
kings  on  their  accession  were  solemnly  anointed  by  the 
Bishop  of  Toledo.  When  in  672  the  oil  was  poured 
upon  the  head  of  the  kneeling  King  Wamba  a  cloud  of 
vapour  arose  (evaporatio  qutrdam  jumo  similis  in 
mndum  columnce,  Julian,  Historia,  c.  iv;  Migne,  P.  L., 
XC'Vl,  766)  which  was  regarded  by  those  present  as  a 
supernatural  portent.  For  the  rest  we  know  little  of 
this  early  Spanish  coronation  rite  beyond  the  fact  that 
it  was  a  religious  ceremony  ami  that  the  king  under- 
took certain  obligations  towards  his  people.  It  is 
chiefly  interesting  as  supplying  the  earliest  known  ex- 
amples of  the  unction.  \^'hether  this  ceremony  wa-s 
instituted  by  the  S]Kinish  bishops  in  imitation  of  what 
they  read  in  the  Old  Testament  concerning  the  unction 
of  Saul,  David,  and  Solomon  (I  Kings,  x  and  xvi;  III 
Kings,  i)  or  whether  they  themselves  derived  it  from 
some  early  Christian  tradition  it  seems  impossible  now 
to  decide. 

In  view  of  what  has  been  written  of  late  about  the 
close  liturgical  relations  between  Spain  and  England, 
via  Celtic,  i.  e.  probably  Irish,  channels  (see  Bishop  in 
Journ.  of  Theol.  Stud..  VIII,  278),  it  is  natural  to  pass 
from  Spain  to  the  earliest  coronations  in  the  British 
Isles.  The  statement  of  Giidas  (c.  530?)  cannot  be  ig- 
nored, when,  speaking  of  the  desolation  and  corruption 
of  manners  in  Britain,  he  says:  "  ungebantur  reges  non 
per  Deimi,  sed  qui  ceteris  crudeliores  exstarent,  et 
paulo  post  ab  unctoribus  non  pro  veri  examinatione 
trucidabantur,  aliis  electis  trucioribus"  (De  Excidio, 
ch.  xxi ;  Mommsen,  37).  Again,  in  his  commentary  on 
the  First  Book  of  Kings  (x,  1)  St.  Gregory  the  Great 
certair.ly  seems  to  speak  as  if  the  rite  of  the  unction  of 
kings  was  practised  in  his  time  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXIX, 
278).  "LTngatur  caput  regis",  he  says,  "quiaspirituali 
gratia  mens  est  replenda  doctoris  ".  It  may  conceiva- 
bly be  that  these  passages  are  only  metaphorical,  but 
they  at  least  show  a  familiarity  with  the  conception 
which  might  at  any  moment  find  expression  in  actual 
practice.  .\t  the  same  time  no  record  exists  of  the  use 
of  unction  in  the  earliest  Scottish  coronations.  Gath- 
ering up  scattered  traditions,  the  Marquess  of  Bute 
gives  the  following  ceremonial  as  representing  in  all 
probability  the  rite  of  "ordination"  of  a  Celtic  king, 
say  the  Lord  of  th,;  Isles,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries.  There  was  a  gathering  of  the  principal 
people  of  the  nation  including,  if  possible,  seven 
priests.  The  new  ruler  was  elected  unless  a  tanut 
(a  lieutenant  w-ith  right  of  succession)  had  been  elected 
already.  The  king  was  clad  in  white  and  Mass  was 
celebrated  down  to  the  Gospel.  After  the  Gospel  the 
king  was  maile  to  set  his  right  foot  in  the  foot-print  of 
Fergus  Mor  Mac  Erca,  the  impression  of  which  was 
cut  in  stone ;  there  he  took  an  oath  to  preserve  all  the 
ancient  customs  of  the  country  and  to  leave  the  suc- 
cession to  the  tanist.  His  father's  sword  or  some 
other  sword  was  then  placed  in  one  of  his  hands  and  a 
white  rod  in  the  other,  with  suitable  exhortations. 
.\fter  this  a  bard  or  herald  rehearsed  his  genealogy. 
Re-entering  the  chiu-ch  seven  prayers  were  recited 
over  him  by,  if  possible,  as  many  priests,  one  at  least  of 
these  prayers  being  called  the  Benediction,  during 
which  he  who  offered  it  laid  his  hand  upon  the  king's 
head.  The  Mass  was  then  finished  and  the  king  j)rob- 
ably  Commvmicated.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  whole 
he  gave  a  feast  and  ilistriliutetl  a  largess  (Bute, 
Scottish  Coronations,  34).  It  will  be  noticed  that  here, 
as  in  thcearlier  Spanish  ritual,  there  is  no  mention  of  a 
crown  or  diadem,  and  though  the  unction  which  is  so 
prominent  a  feature  in  the  Spanish  ceremony  is  ap- 


CORONATION 


383 


CORONATION 


parently  lacking,  still  our  information  is  too  fragmen- 
tarj'  to  enable  us  to  speak  with  confidence,  more  espe- 
cially in  view  of  the  casual  utterance  of  (iildas. 

111.  The  English  Coronation  Orders. — But  of 
all  detailed  ceremonials  for  the  investiture  of  a  mon- 
arch the  earliest  which  has  been  preserved  to  us  in  a 
complete  form  is  one  of  English  origin.  It  is  known 
as  the  Egbert ine  Order,  because  the  best-known 
niamiscrii^t  in  which  it  is  contained  is  an  Anglo-Saxon 
codex  which  jjrofesses  to  be  a  copy  of  the  Pontifical  of 
Archbishop  Egbert  of  York  (732-766).  We  cannot  in 
such  a  case  be  secure  against  the  possibility  of  subse- 
quent interpolations,  for  the  Egbert  Pontifical,  now 
at  Paris  (MS.  Latin  10,575),  is  only  of  the  tenth  cen- 
turj',  but  the  character  of  the  coronation  order  itself  is 
quite  consistent  with  an  early  date.  Moreover  the 
same  ritual  occurs  in  other  early  manuscripts,  and  frag- 
ments of  it  are  found  embeddetl  in  Continental  orders, 
stich  as  that  for  the  coronation  of  Queen  Judith  (856). 
Nearl}'  everj-thing  in  this  Egbert  ine  Order  is  of  in- 
terest and  we  may  analyse  it  rather  closely.  At  the 
head  we  find  the  title:  Missa  pro  rcgibus  in  die  hene- 
diclionis  ejus  (sic).  Being,  as  the  title  says,  a  Mass.  it  be- 
gins with  a  "  proper"  Introit,  collect,  lesson  from  Leviti- 
cus (xxvi,6-9),  Gradual,  and  Gospel  (Matt.,  xxii,  15sq.). 
Then  occurs  the  rubric;  "the  blessing  upon  a  newly- 
elected  king",  upon  which  follow  three  prayers  of  mod- 
erate length  beginning  respectively:  "Te  invocamus, 
Doniine  .sancte",  etc.;  "Deusqui  populis  tuis",  etc.; 
and  "In  diebus  ejus  oriatur  omnibus  a-quitas",  etc. 
The  second  of  these  prayers,  which  still  remains  prac- 
tically unchanged  in  the  coronation  order  used  at  the 
accession  of  King  Edward  VII,  may  be  quoted  here  as 
a  siH'cimcn: — 

"O  (iod,  who  providest  for  Thy  people  by  Thy 
power  and  rulest  over  thezn  in  love ;  grant  unto  this 
Thy  servant  Edward  our  King,  the  spirit  of  wisdom 
and  government,  that  being  devoted  unto  Thee  with 
all  his  heart,  he  may  so  wisely  govern  this  kingdom, 
that  in  his  time  Thy  Church  and  people  may  continue 
in  safety  and  prosperity,  and  that,  persevering  in 
good  works  unto  the  end,  he  may  through  Thy  mercy 
come  to  Thine  everlasting  Kingdom;  through  Jesus 
Christ  Thy  Son  our  Lord.     Amen." 

It  is  worth  noting  that  we  have  no  reason  to  believe 
that  this  prayer  or  others  occurring  in  the  Egbertine 
Order  is  necessarily  of  English  origin.  On  the  con- 
trary it  seems  to  have  been  adapted  out  of  one  for 
the  pojie  occurring  in  the  Gregorian  Sacramentarj- 
which  begins:  Deus  qui  populis  tuis  indulgenliA  con- 
sulis,  and  an  intenncdiate  form  was  used  at  the  coro- 
nation of  Charles  the  Bald  as  King  of  Lotharingia  in 
869.  After  the  three  prayers  we  meet  the  rubric: 
"Here  he  .shall  pour  oil  upon  his  head  from  a  horn, 
with  the  anti|ihon:  Unxcrunt  Salomonem,  etc.,  and  the 
Psalm  Domini  in  rirlute  tu/'i,  etc.  (Ps.  xx).  Let  one  of 
th."!  bishops  say  t  ho  prayer  while  the  others  anoint  him." 

The  i^rayer  referred  to  is  the  Deus  electorum  forti- 
tudo,  some  jihrases  of  which  still  remain  in  the  prayer 
now  said  immediately  before  the  unction.  The  same 
Deus  electorum  jortitudo  is  found  in  the  coronation 
order  of  Queen  Judith,  who  was  anointed  queen  by 
Hincmar,  Bishop  of  Reims,  in  856.  It  contains  al- 
lusions to  the  olive-branch  brought  by  the  dove  to  the 
ark  and  to  the  anointing  of  Aaron  and  of  the  kings  of 
Israel  and  thus  shows  it^self  to  have  been  originally  de- 
signed for  some  such  purpose  as  a  prayer  of  imction. 
Tlien  follows  another  rubric:  "Here  all  the  bishops 
with  the  magnates  [principihus]  put  the  sceptre  into 
his  hand. "  Some  of  the  texts,  however,  omit  this  l:ust 
rubric  and  write  simply  Benediciio;  and  to  say  the 
truth  the  short  sentences  which  follow  are  very  much 
of  the  nature  of  acclamations  of  benediction,  such  .as 
we  have  already  iiuoted  from  some  of  the  Byzantine 
orders,  though  tliev  are  a  little  longer  in  form  and 
could  certainly  not  liave  been  repeated  in  Latin  by  the 
Anglo-Saxon  poptilace  or  even  the  magnates.     The 


people's  share  in  this  function  is  probably  indicated  by 
the  simple  "  .\men"  which  follows  each  clause.  There 
are  sixteen  of  these  brief  clauses  and  then  the  rubric 
announces:  "Here  a  staff  is  put  into  his  hand",  where- 
upon another  prayer  of  moderate  length  is  said  which 
is  followed  by  a  prayer  of  blessing,  vague  and  some- 
what extravagant  in  languag<-,  i)rcceded  by  the  rubric: 
"  Here  let  all  the  bishops  take  the  helmet  and  set  it 
upon  his  head."  The  simultaneous  crowning  by  sev- 
eral hands  is  rather  a  noteworthy  feature  in  the  cere- 
mony and  it  is  curious  that  although  in  the  later  "  Liber 
Regalis"  and  other  orders  the  archl>islio)i  is  namedas 
alone  imposing  the  crown,  the  illuniinations  in  medie- 
val chronicles  and  romances  almost  invariably  repre- 
sent the  crown  as  being  put  on  by  at  least  two  bishops 
standing  on  either  side.  After  this  jirayor  follows 
what  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting  rubric  of  the 
whole  order,  though  unfortimately  even  with  the  aid 
of  our  three  different  manuscripts  we  cannot  restore 
the  text  of  the  latter  part  with  any  great  degree  of  con- 
fidence. "And  all  the  people  shall  say  three  times 
with  the  bishops  and  priests:  'May  King  N.  live  for 
ever.  Amen,  Amen,  Amen.'  Then  shall  the  whole 
people  come  to  kiss  the  prince;  and  he  shall  be 
strengthened  on  his  throne  by  this  [i.  e.  the  following] 
blessing."  Accordingly  before  the  Mass  Ls  suffered  to 
proceed  another  solemn  prayer  is  said,  Deus  perpe- 
tuitatis  arictor,  which  in  the  Egbert  Pontifical  is 
emphasized  by  a  preceding  rubric :  "  Let  them  say  the 
seventh  prayer  over  the  King."  Now  the  prayer  in 
question  is  really  the  eighth,  and  undoubtedly  this  fact 
coupled  with  traces  of  marginal  numbering  which 
reveal  themselves  in  the  Egbert  Pontifical  lends 
probability  to  Lord  Bute's  theory  that  this  series  of 
prayers  betrays  Celtic  influences  and  was  originally 
destined  for  the  seven  priests  whose  [iresence  was  sup- 
posed in  the  Celtic  ritual.  The  eighth  prayer,  as  he 
thinks  that  of  the  unction,  is  shown  on  this  hypothe- 
sis to  be  an  interpolation  of  somewhat  later  date. 
After  this  last  prayer,  Deus  perpetuitatis  auctor,  the 
Mass  is  resumed.  The  Ma.ss  prayers  are  Roman  and 
the  same  Mass  prayers  are  attached  to  the  very  early 
coronation  order  which  Mgr.  Magistretti  has  printed 
from  an  Ambrosian  pontifical  of  the  ninth  century  and 
which  he  pronounces  to  be  also  indisputably  Roman. 
It  seems  probable  enough  that  we  are  here  again  in  the 
presence  of  the  same  sort  of  compromise  between  Celtic 
and  Roman  elements  which  we  find  in  the  Stowe  Mis- 
sal (see  Celtic  Rite).  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
Mass  we  find  the  following  rubric — it  may  perhaps  be 
an  interpolation  of  later  date  than  the  rest  of  the  order 
— and  we  may  here  see  the  ffing's  first  proclamation 
to  his  people: — 

"It  is  rightful  conduct  in  a  king  newly  ordained  to 
make  these  three  behests  [prcecepta]  to  his  people. 

"First,  that  the  Church  of  God  and  all  Christian 
folk  should  keep  true  peace  at  all  times.    Amen. 

"The  second  is  that  he  should  forbid  .all  robbery  and 
all  imrighteous  things  to  all  orders.     Amen. 

"The  third  is  that  he  .should  enjoin  in  all  dooms  jus- 
tice and  mercy,  that  the  gracious  and  merciful  God,  of 
His  everhisting  mercy,  may  show  pardon  to  us  all. 
Amen." 

It  is  probable  that  in  this  triple  division  of  the  primi- 
tive oath  we  have  the  explanation  of  a  feature  which 
still  survives  in  the  English  coronation  service.  Be- 
fore the  king  three  naked  swords  are  carried,  two 
pointed  and  one  without  a  point,  which  is  hence  known 
as  curtana,  the  sword  cut  short.  The  first  two 
swords  were  known  to  medieval  writers  as  the  sword  of 
the  clergy  and  the  sword  of  justice.  They  represent 
the  king's  two  promises,  to  defend  the  Church  (not,  as 
certain  Anglican  writers  have  vmwarrantably  sup- 
posed, to  coerce  and  punish  the  Church)  and  to  puni.sh 
evildoers.  The  third,  without  a  point,  most  aptly 
sjTnbolizes  the  mercy  with  which,  as  the  sovereign 
himself  is  taught  to  hope  for  mercy,  all  his  justice  is  to 


CORONATION 


384 


CORONATION 


be  tempered.  We  have  evidence  that  these  three 
swords  were  known  in  English  ceremonial  as  early  as 
Richard  I  (1189),  while  the  form  of  oath  just  cited  re- 
mained in  use  until  a  century  later.  Upon  this  oath 
something  more  will  need  to  be  said. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  tenth  century  we  find  that  a 
new  coronation  order  was  in  use  in  England.  It  incor- 
porated most  of  the  Egbertine  Order  but  it  added 
much  new  matter.  Various  considerations  show  that 
it  was  an  attempt  to  imitate  the  imperial  coronation  of 
the  Carlovingian  monarchs  on  the  Continent,  and  our 
knowledge  of  the  imperial  state  assumed  by  King 
Eadgar  strongly  suggests  that  it  is  to  be  assigned  to  the 
date  of  his  deferred  coronation  (973).  Another  modi- 
fication took  place  shortly  after  the  Conquest  and  is 
probably  to  be  traced  to  Norman  influences  which 
made  themselves  felt  in  Church  and  State.  But  the 
most  important  English  order  is  that  introduced  at  the 
coronation  of  Edward  II,  in  1307,  and  known  as  that 
of  the  "  Liber  Regalis  ".  It  lasted  practically  unaltered 
through  the  Reformation  period  and  though  translated 
into  English  upon  the  accession  of  James  I  it  was  not  sub- 
stantially modified  until  the  coronation  of  his  grand- 
son James  II,  and  it  may  be  said  even  at  the  present 
day  to  form  the  substance  of  the  ritual  by  which  the 
monarchs  of  Great  Britain  are  crowned.  While  it  con- 
tained many  prayers  in  common  with  those  used  in  the 
imperial  coronation  of  the  Western  Empire  antl  those 
of  the  existing  "  Pontificale  Romanum  "  it  also  pre- 
served many  distinctive  features.  A  short  synopsis 
of  it  will  be  serviceable. 

.After  the  sovereign  had  been  solemnly  brought  to 
Westminster  .\bbey  church  and  had  made  an  offering 
at  the  altar,  he  was  conducted  to  a  raised  platform 
erected  for  the  purpose  and  there  he  was  presented  to 
the  people,  who,  on  a  short  address  from  one  of  the 
bishops,  signified  by  acclamations  their  assent  to 
the  coronation.  Then  the  king  was  interrogated  by  the 
archbishop  as  to  his  willingness  to  observe  the  laws, 
customs,  and  libert  ies  granted  by  St.  Edward  the  Confes- 
sor, and  he  was  required  to  promise  peace  to  the  Church 
and  justice  to  his  people,  all  which  he  confirmed  by  an 
oath  taken  upon  the  altar.  Next  they  proceeded  to 
the  unction,  which  was  introduced  by  the  Veni  Creator 
and  the  litanies,  during  which  the  king  remained  pros- 
trate on  his  face.  For  the  unction  the  king  was  seated 
and  his  hand,  breast,  shoulder-blades,  and  joints  of  the 
arms  were  all  anointed  with  the  oil  of  catechimiens,  an 
anthem  and  several  long  prayers  being  recited  the 
while.  Finally  his  head  was  anointed,  first  with  the 
oil  of  catechumens  and  afterwards  with  chrism.  The 
next  stage  in  the  ceremony  was  the  dressing  and  inves- 
titure of  the  monarch.  A  tunic  (colobhim  sindonis) 
was  put  upon  him  with  sandals  upon  his  feet  and  spurs. 
Then  he  was  girded  with  a  sword  and  received  the 
armillce,  a  sort  of  stole  put  about  the  neck  and  tied  to 
his  arms  at  the  elbows.  These  were  followed  by  the 
pallium,  or  cloak,  formerly  the  equivalent  of  the  chla- 
mys,  or  purple  paludamenliim,  and  fastened  by  a  clasp 
over  the  right  shoulder,  but  now  represented  in  Eng- 
lish coronations  by  a  sort  of  mantle  like  a  cope.  Then 
the  crown  was  blessed  by  a  special  prayer,  Deus  tuo- 
riim  corona  fidelium,  and  imposed  by  the  archbishop 
with  two  other  prayers.  This  was  followed  by  the 
blessing  and  conferring  of  the  ring  and  finally  the  scep- 
tre and  rod  were  presented,  also  with  prayers.  A  fur- 
ther long  blessing  was  pronounced  when  the  king  was 
conducted  to  the  throne  there  to  receive  the  homage  of 
the  peers.  Then  if  there  was  no  queen  consort  to  be 
crowned,  Mass  began  immediately,  aM;iss  wit  h"proper" 
prayei-s  and  preface  and  a  special  benediction  given  by 
the  archbishop  before  the  Agnus  Dei.  After  the  Credo 
the  king  again  went  to  the  altar  and  offered  bread  and 
wine  and  a  mark  of  gold.  The  kiss  of  peace  was 
brought  to  the  king  at  his  throne  but  he  went  humbly 
to  the  altar  to  Communicate,  after  which  he  received  a 
draught  of  wine  from  St.  Edward's  stone  chalice.     At 


the  end  the  king  was  conducted  to  the  shrine  of  St. 
Edward  where  he  made  an  offering  of  his  crown. 

As  already  remarked,  the  service  for  the  coronation 
of  the  King  of  England  even  in  modern  times  remains 
substantially  the  same,  though  English  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  Latm  and  though  many  transpositions  and 
modifications  have  been  introduced  in  the  prayers  and 
ceremonies,  all  distinctively  Roman  expressions  being 
studiously  suppressed.  The  Mass  of  course  gives 
place  to  the  communion  service  of  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer,  but  the  sovereign  still  offers  bread  and 
wine  as  well  as  gold,  and  dowai  to  the  coronation  of 
Queen  Victoria  even  the  "proper"  preface  was  re- 
tained. Indeed  its  omission  and  other  omissions  and 
changes  introduced  for  the  first  time  in  the  coronation 
of  Iving  Edward  VII  were  prompted  only  by  the  de- 
sire to  abbreviate  a  very  long  ser\'ice.  The  most  seri- 
ous alteration  in  tlie  medieval  form  is  of  course  in  the 
oath.  Since  the  time  of  William  III  the  king  has 
sworn  to  maintain  "  the  Protestant  Reformed  Religion 
established  by  Law" — a  phrase  which  has  always  been 
a  thorn  in  the  side  of  those  advanced  Ritualists  who 
contend  that  the  Church  of  England  has  never  been 
Protestant.  Moreover  since  the  interrogative  form  is 
used,  this  description  Ls  uttered  by  the  ,\rchbishop  of 
Canterburj'  before  the  Lords  and  Commons  and  the 
representatives  of  the  whole  English  Church.  On  the 
other  hand  one  clause  in  the  interrogation  stiU  stands 
as  it  did.  The  king  is  asked,  ''  Will  you  to  your  power 
cause  Law  and  Justice  in  mercy  to  be  executed  in  all 
your  judgments?"  To  which  he  replies,  "I  ■nail" — s 
promise  which  differs  but  slightly  from  the  under- 
taking made  in  the  oldest  Egbertine  Order.  After 
the  archbishop's  questions  have  all  been  answered  the 
king  advances  to  the  "Altar",  as  it  is  still  called,  and 
takes  this  solemn  oath  upon  the  Bible  lying  there: 
"  The  things  which  I  have  here  before  promised  I  will 
perform  and  keep,  so  help  me  God."  The  coronation 
oath,  it  should  be  noticed,  must  be  carefully  distin- 
guished from  "the  Protestant  Declaration",  which  the 
sovereign  by  a  still  unrepealed  clause  of  the  Bill  of 
Rights  (1689)  is  required  to  make  on  the  first  day  of 
his  first  Parliament.  In  this  declaration  Transubstan- 
tiation  and  other  Catholic  doctrines  are  repudiated  and 
the  Mass  declared  idolatrous.  When,  as  sometimes 
has  happened,  the  coronation  ceremony  precedes  thf 
first  meeting  of  Parliament,  the  declaration  against 
Transubstantiation  has  to  be  made  in  the  coui-se  of  the 
coronation  ceremony.  The  only  new  element  intro- 
duced into  the  English  rite  since  the  Reformation  ii 
the  presenting  of  the  Bible  to  the  sovereign.  Thii 
like  the  Protestant  Declaration  dates  from  the  coro- 
nation of  William  and  Marj'. 

IV.  The  Western  E.mfire  .^nd  the  Rom.\x  Pon- 
tifical.— There  is  so  much  general  similarity  be- 
tween the  English  coronation  order  in  its  perfectec| 
form  and  that  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  Empero: 
and  the  King  of  the  Romans  that  it  will  not  be  neceaj 
sary  to  treat  this  section  in  great  detail.  The  fac 
undoubtedly  is,  though  .Anglican  liturgists  ignore  il 
as  far  as  possible,  that  at  each  of  the  early  modificaj 
tions  of  the  English  ritual,  more  especially  that  unde 
King  Eadgar,  the  imperial  ceremonial  was  freely  imi 
tated  (see  Thurston,  Coronation  Ceremonial,  18-2. 
sqq.).  But  owing  to  the  accidental  preservation  o] 
so  many  English  documents  there  is  no  coronatio: 
ceremonial  in  the  world  the  history  of  which  is  so  wel 
known  to  us  as  that  of  England  and  we  have  conse 
quently  given  it  the  preference  in  order  of  treatment 
.4part  from  Sjianish  examples,  the  earliest  definiti 
instance  of  miction  of  a  Christian  sovereign  seems  tit 
be  that  of  Pepin,  who  was  first  crowned  by  St.  Bmi 
face,  the  papal  legate  at  Soissons  in  752,  and  agaii 
together  with  h.is  sons  Charles  and  Carloman  and  h 
wife  Bertha,  by  Pope  Stephen  at  St-Denis,  Sundaj 
28  July,  75-1.  Charlemagne  was  solemnly  crowned  a 
St.  Peter's  iu  Rome  by  Pope  Leo  III,  on  Christma 


CORONATION 


385 


CORONATION 


Day,  800.  The  statement  of  a  Greek  chronicler  that 
he  was  anointed  from  head  to  foot  is  probalily  a  mere 
blunder  or  gross  exaggeration.  Despite  the  efforts  of 
Dr.  Dieinand  (Das  Ceremoniell  der  Kaiscrknmmigen) 
to  classify  the  various  Ordines  for  the  coronation  of 
the  emperor  and  to  trace  the  stages  of  their  develop- 
ment, the  subject  remains  intricate  and  obscure.  We 
may  be  content  to  note  rapidly  the  elements  of  its 
eomplete  form. 

The  ceremony  was  assumed  to  take  place  at  Rome, 
as  by  right  it  should,  and  the  first  incident  was  the 
solemn  entry  of  the  emperor  into  Rome,  which  should 
if  possible  take  place  on  a  Sunday  or  festival.  He 
sva.s  met  in  state  outside  the  walls  and  escorted  to 
St.  Peter's.  Next  came  the  reception  by  the  pope, 
who  sat  enthroned  and  surrounded  by  his  cardinals 
it  the  head  of  the  steps  before  St.  Peter's,  and 
there  the  emperor,  after  kissing  the  pope's  foot, 
took  the  coronation  oath  (Diemand,  108-123),  which 
in  its  earliest  form  ran  as  follows:  "In  the  name  of 
[Christ  I,  N.,  the  Emperor,  promise,  undertake  and 
arotest  in  the  presence  of  God  and  Blessed  Peter  the 
\postle,  that  I  will  be  the  protector  and  defender  of 
;he  Holy  Roman  Church  in  all  ways  that  I  can  be  of 
lelp  \in  omnibus  ulilitatibu.s]  so  far  as  I  shall  be  sup- 
jorted  by  the  Divine  aid,  according  to  my  knowledge 
ind  ability."  This  undertaking,  which  at  first  was 
;learly  not  an  oath  in  form,  was  afterwards  strength- 
!ned  by  a  number  of  added  clauses,  for  instance  by  the 
vords,  "  I  swear  upon  these  Holy  Gospels  ",  or  again  by 
m  explicit  promise  of  fealty  to  the  reigning  pope  by 
lamc  and  to  his  successors.  There  was  here  also  per- 
laps  a  prayer  of  blessing  spoken  as  the  emperor  was 
»corted  into  the  church.  At  one  time  this  was  fol- 
owed  by  a  sort  of  examination  into  the  fitness  of  the 
:andidate  (scrutinium),  but  this  disappeared  in  the 
ater  Ordines.  He  was  then  received  and  in  a 
lense  enrolled  among  the  canons  of  St.  Peter's  and 
jrepared  for  the  anointing.  The  unction  was  intro- 
luced  by  the  litany  and  performed  by  the  Bishop 
)f  Ostia,  who  only  anointed  the  right  arm  and  the 
jack  between  the  shoulders  with  the  oil  of  catechu- 
nens.  Two  prayers  follow,  both  of  which  have 
bund  their  way  into  the  English  order,  though  one 
nf  tlii'in  occurs  in  a  contracted  form  and  is  used 
)nly  for  conferring  the  ring.  All  this  took  place 
)cf.ir('  the  beginning  of  Mass,  but  in  the  later  forms  of 
111'  i!iiperial  ordo  the  next  item  of  the  coronation 
rr\  h  c.  the  bestowal  of  the  insignia  and  notably  of  the 
tm  II.  took  place  after  the  Gradual,  being  thus  in- 
I  in  the  Mass  itself.  The  order  in  which  the 
1  were  delivered  varied  much,  and  in  the  later 
a  mitre  was  given  to  the  emperor  before  the 
.  and  the  sceptre  was  accompanied  with  an  orb. 
i  ist  had  no  place  in  the  medieval  English  cere- 
After  the  giving  of  the  insignia  the  Laudes, 
limations,  were  sung  and  then  the  Go.spel  was 
'  •  I  and  the  Mxss  resumed  its  course.  The  whole 
iiiy  concluded  with  a  solemn  procession  to  the 
||'  lui  and  a  state  banquet. 

lii-    form   u.sed   in   Germany  for   the   coronation 

f    'm'   King  of  the  Romans   retains  much  in  com- 

.vith    the    imperial   order,  but  it  bears  a  still 

nsemblance  to  what  is  known  as  the  "second" 

li  ritual,  viz.:  that  used  for  the   Anglo-Saxon 

I  adgar.   The  fact,  as  Dr.  Diemand  points  out, 

to    have    been    that    the     Egbertinc    Order 

mforced  by  imperial  elements  borrowed  from 

I,  and  thus   acquired  a  certain  reputation  as 

■st  elaborate  fonn  for  the  crowning  of  a  king. 

it  came  to  be  largely  copied  on  the  Continent 

N  I   M  that  way  we  find  unmistakable  traces  of  prayers 

TiLjiiially  written  for  .\nglo-Saxon  kings  travelling 

nto  Central  Europe  and  even  :is  far  south  as  Milan. 

fill'  nrdo  in.scribed  "De  Benedictione  et  Coronatione 

'"t-'i-;",   which    is   still   extant   in   the   "Pontificale 

,  ti'iMaiium",  bears  much  resemblance  to  the  forma 

IV.- 25 


just  described  used  for  the  coronation  of  the  emperor. 
For  example  the  scrutinium  occurs  in  this  form: 
The  king  is  presented  to  the  consecrating  archbishop 
by  two  bishops,  who  petition  that  he  may  be  crowned, 
and  who,  when  themselves  interrogated  as  to  his  fit- 
ness, reply  that  they  know  him  to  be  a  worthy  and 
proper  person.  The  oath  follows,  also  the  litany  with 
prostration,  and  then  the  anointing  on  the  arm  and  be- 
tween the  shoulders.  Then,  after  Mass  has  been  be- 
gun and  brought  as  far  as  the  Gradual,  the  king  kneel- 
ing at  the  altar-steps  receives  successively  sword, 
crown,  and  sceptre,  each  accompanied  with  appro- 
priate prayers.  Finally  the  king  is  solemnly  en- 
throned, the  Te  Deum  sung,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
Mass  follows.  A  similar,  but  generally  somewhat 
shorter,  rite  is  observed  in  the  coronation  of  a  queen 
consort.  The  prayers  often  differ  from  those  used  for 
the  king  and  the  insignia  are  naturally  fe%ver. 

V.  Other  Ceremonials. — In  earlier  ages  almost 
every  country  imder  monarchical  government  had  a 
coronation  ceremony  of  its  own  and  this  was  nearly 
always  distinguished  by  some  peculiar  features.  For 
example  in  Aragon  the  king  was  expected  to  pass  the 
preceding  night  in  the  church  with  a  purpose  which 
was  evidently  analogous  to  that  of  the  knight's  vigil 
spent  in  the  watching  of  his  anns.  In  Scotland  again 
the  right  of  regal  unction  and  coronation  was  accorded 
(1329)  in  a  Bull  of  Pope  John  XXII  (the  crown  having 
previously  been  regarded  rather  as  a  civil  ornament) 
in  which  the  privilege  was  burdened  with  the  condition 
that  the  king  should  take  an  oath  that  he  would  do  his 
utmost  to  extirpate  from  his  dominions  all  whom  the 
Church  should  denounce  as  heretics.  As  a  remote 
consequence  of  this  James  VI,  the  infant  son  of 
Queen  Mary,  or  rather  Morton,  the  Regent,  in  his 
name,  took  an  oath  "to  root  out  all  heresy  and  ene- 
mies to  the  true  worship  of  God  that  shall  be  convicted 
by  the  true  kirk  of  God  of  the  aforesaid  crimes";  the 
principal  among  these  crimes  being  the  "ydolatre  of 
the  odious  and  blasphemous  mass".  At  present, 
however,  the  investiture  of  sovereigns  with  the  in- 
signia of  their  office  by  a  religious  ceremony  is  by  no 
means  universal,  and  it  is  curious  that  in  Spain,  a  most 
Catholic  country  in  full  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
Holy  See,  no  such  religious  ceremony  is  now  in  use.  Of 
European  countries  we  may  note  that  the  rite  followed 
in  France  in  the  fourteenth  and  subsequent  centuries 
was  almost  identical  in  substance  with  that  of  the  Eng- 
lish "  Liber  Regalis  "  (see  the  careful  comparison  in  De- 
wiek's  "  The  Order  of  Coronation  of  Charles  V",  pp.  xvi 
sqq.).  The  most  important  differences  were  first  the 
privilege  of  the  French  king,  a  privilege  not  shared  by 
his  consort,  of  Communicating  under  both  species,  and 
secondly  the  use  of  the  oil  from  the  Sainte  Ampoule, 
an  oil  which  according  to  universal  belief  had  been 
miraculously  brought  from  heaven  by  an  angel,  or  a 
dove,  for  the  baptism  of  Clovis.  This  oil  down  to  the 
Revolution  was  kept  in  the  Abbey  of  Reims.  The 
abbot  brought  the  Sainte  Ampoule  to  the  corona- 
tion and  by  means  of  a  golden  needle  a  drop  of  its 
contents  was  extracted  and  mixed  with  chrism.  With 
this  mixture  the  king  was  anointed  first  on  the  head, 
then  on  the  breast,  and  finally  on  the  back  and  on  the 
joints  of  the  arms.  It  seems  clear  that  this  privilege 
of  the  French  king  provoked  imitation  in  England, 
and  a  letter  of  Pope  John  XXII  has  recently  been 
brought  to  light  returning  a  guarded  answer  to  an 
application  of  Edward  II  who  wished  to  be  anointed 
with  certain  oil  said  to  have  been  revealed  by  Our 
Blessed  Lady  to  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury. 

It  would  take  us  too  far  to  enter  into  any  details  !us  to 
the  ceremonial  formerly  observed  in  the  coronation  of 
the  Kings  of  Hungary,  Bohemia,  and  Poland,  but  a  word 
may  be  added  about  one  of  the  most  splendid  of  Uw. 
coronation  orders  still  maintained,  namely  that  of  the 
czar,  which  always  takes  place  at  Moscow.  The  ser- 
vice begins  after  the  Proscomedy,  or  Offertory,  by  a 


CORONEL 


386 


CORPORAL 


solemn  procession  in  which  the  emperor  enters  the 
church  and  is  conducted  to  his  throne.  The  lifting 
upon  a  shield  which  was  long  retained  in  the  old 
Greek  ritual  of  Constantinople  is  not  now  used  at 
Moscow.  After  the  emperor  has  recited  the  Nicene 
Creed  a.s  a  profession  of  faith,  and  after  an  invocation 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  litany,  the  emperor  assumes 
the  purple  chlamys  and  then  the  crown  is  presented 
to  him.  He  takes  it  and  puts  it  on  his  head  himself, 
while  the  metropolitan  says,  "In  the  name  of  the 
Father  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Amen", 
and  then  the  metropolitan  makes  the  following  short 
address:  "Most  God-fearing,  absolute  and  mighty 
Lord,  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias,  this  visible  and 
tangible  adornment  of  thy  head  is  an  eloquent  symbol 
that  thou  as  the  head  of  the  whole  Russian  people  art 
invisibly  crowned  by  the  King  of  kings,  Christ,  with  a 
most  ample  blessing,  seeing  that  He  bestows  upon  thee 
entire  authority  over  His  people."  This  is  followed 
by  the  delivery  of  the  sceptre  and  orb,  each  with  ad- 
dresses. Then  the  queen  is  crowned,  the  emjieror  for 
a  moment  putting  his  own  crown  on  the  head  of  the 
empress  before  he  invests  her  with  that  which  prop- 
erly belongs  to  her.  This  is  followed  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  emperor's  style  and  by  a  general  act  of 
homage.  The  Liturgy  Ls  then  celebrated,  and  after 
the  Communion  hymn  (KoivoiviKdv)  the  royal  gates 
of  the  sanctuary  are  opened,  the  emperor  is  invited  to 
approach,  and  there,  near  the  entrance,  standing  on 
the  cloth  of  gold,  the  emperor  and  empress  are  anoint- 
ed. In  the  case  of  the  emperor  the  forehead,  eyes, 
nostrils,  mouth,  ears,  breast,  and  the  hands  on  both 
sides,  are  all  touched  with  oil  but  in  the  case  of  the 
empress  the  unction  is  confined  to  the  forehead  only. 
Then  the  emperor  passes  within  the  royal  gates  and 
receives  both  the  Eucharistic  species  as  a  priest  does, 
separately.  The  empress,  however,  remains  outside, 
and  receives  only,  as  the  Greek  laity  usually  do,  by 
intinetion. 

General. — Thalhofer  in  KirchenUi.,  s.  v.  Knmung;  Ven- 
ABLES  in  Diet.  Christ.  Ant.,  s.  vv.  Coronation  and  Crown.-  M\a- 
-rEN^.DeAnliqiiis  Ecdesite  Uitibus  (Venice,  1783).  II.  201-241; 
Catalani,  Cmremoniale  Romanum  (Home,  1750),  I,  85-145; 
Ponlificale  Romanum  (Rome,  1736),  I.  369-417. 

Particular  Rite.'!. — Bymntine. — Sickfx,  Das  byzantimsche 
Krunungsrecht  bis  sum  10.  Jahrhundert  in  Byzantinische  Zeit- 
schriU  (Leipzig,  1S9S),  VII:  Brightman,  Byzantine  Imperial 
Coronations  in  Joum.  of  Theol.  Studies  (1901),  II,  359-392. 
Spanish. — Ferotin,  Monumrnia  Errlr.iias  Liluririca  (Paris, 
1904).  IV,  498-505.     Cellir  — IUttf,  S,;,ii,xIi  t  ■,„■.,„ 

don,  1902);  CooPERj  Four. ^■r,,'    ■:  .  

Eccles.  Society);  Kinlocii.    - 

Review  (1902).     English.- ^l  :    •.      i,     '/  . ,  '  ''^'^ 

clesiaAnglicana  (Ox!ord,lb>,-.  li.  \\.ji;l-       ■--    .  'linner 

of  Coronation  of  King  Charles  1  (London,  ISU-';.  Ihc  vn-t  num- 
ber of  publications  produced  on  the  coronation  of  E,dward  VII 
cannot  be  mentioned  here,  but  among  the  more  important  are 
Wickham-Legg.  English  Coronation  Records  (London,  1901); 
Wordsworth.  Three  English  Coronation  Orders  (London,  1901); 
Macleane,  The  Great  Solemnity  (London,  1902);  Thurston,  The 
Coronation  Ceremonial  (London,  1902),  and  in  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury (March.  1902),  and  in  The  Month  (June,  July.  1902);  Wil- 
son, The  English  Coronation  Orders  in  Jour,  of  Theol.  Studies 
(July  1901).  Imperial  Coronations. — Diemand,  Das  Cere- 
moniell  der  Kaiserkrrmungen  (Munich,  1894);  Waitz.  Die  Eor- 
meln  fh-r  ^h-^'t.-rhrn  Kiinigs-vnd  der  riimischm  Kaiserkriinung 
(GtiH;:i  ■■■(  1^71  *;  ScHWARzER.  Die.  Ordines  der  Kai.^erkriinung. 
jil,  ,  1  tKmcK,  The  Order  of  Coronation  of  Charles  V 

(Hii.i.  r.i  I  i  i'l"  Society,  1899);  Maltzew,  Bill- Dank- und 
He,A,-i.o.'/..„.'.,;i.,rt  (Berlin.  1897),  1-61;  Haase.  Die  Kuniga- 
Krtjnungtn  in  Oberitalien  (Strasburg.  1901);  .Macistrf.tti. 
Pontificate  Ambrosianum  (Milan,  1897). 

Herbert  Thttrston. 

Coronel,  Gregorio  Nunez,  a  distinguished  theolo- 
gian, writer,  and  preacher,  b.  in  Portugal,  about  l.')4S; 
d.  about  1()20.  At  an  early  age  he  entered  the  Order 
of  St.  .\ugustine  in  one  of  its  many  houses  in  his  native 
land.  He  manifested,  during  the  course  of  his  stud- 
ies, great  powers  of  research  and  a  ready  grasp  of  the 
most  abstruse  problems  of  philosophy  and  theology. 
Soon  after  his  ordination  to  th(^  jiriesthood  he  became 
famous  as  a  profound  theologian  and  master  of  .sacred 
eloquence.  When  his  fame  was  at  its  zenith,  he  left 
Portugal  and  w;is  appointed  by  the  Duke  of  Savoy 


Lon- 
Ut02, 
hlin 


chaplain  and  preacher  to  his  court.     He  came  to 
Rome  by  order  of  his  superiors,  and  there  took  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity.     Coronel  taught  theol- 
ogy for  many  years  in  the  Eternal  City  with  credit 
to  himself  and  honoiu-  to  his  order.     At  this  time  the 
controversy  about  the    efficacy  of  Divine  grace  and 
free  will  between  the  Jesuits  and  Dominicans  was  at 
its  height.     The  reigning  pontiff.  Clement  VIII,  estab- 
lished the  famous  Congregatio  de  Auxiliis  to  decide 
the  points  at  issue,  and  Coronel  was  appointed  by  the 
jjope  to  the  onerous  and  invidious  position  of  secre- 
tary.    He  was  continued  in  this  office  by  Pope  Clem- 
ent's successor,  Paul  V.     As  a  reward  for  his  services 
to  the  congregation,  he  was  offered  a  bishopric.     This  3 
he  declined,  saying  that  at  his  age — he  was  then  sixty  li 
— honours  and  responsibilities  were  rather  to  be  laid  J 
down  than  assumed.     He  attended  the  general  chap-  i 
ter  of  his  order,  held  at  Rome  in  lf)20,  as  definitor  of  i : 
the  Sardinian  province.     Coronel 's  principal   works] 
are:  "Libri  decem  de  vera  Christ!  Ecclesia"  (Rome, 


In 


iloi 


1594);    "Libri    sex    de    optimo   reipublicse    statu" 
(Rome,  1597);  "De  traditionibus  apo.stolicis"  (Rome, 
1597).     A  history  of  the  Congregatio  de  Auxiliis,  in^ 
manuscript,  is  preserved  in  the  Angelica  Library  in 
Rome. 

Elssius,  Encomiasticon  A  uqi. 
OsslNGF.R.  Bibliotheca  .1  ;  .  ': 
Lanteri.  Postrema  .so-cn/.; 
1860);  Barbosa  and  Xuii.. 
Bibliotheca:  Angelica  (Ri.ii.r.  I  v.i. 
tiniani  Crusenii  continually  \,\ -M. 


ininnum    (Brus.sels,   1654); 

-7,i,7      (Ingoldstadt,    1768); 
.\ugustinianfB  (Rome, 
'    '!<ilngu.s   manuscriptorum   WJl 
l;\KiiON,  Monastici  Augus- 

uh.l.  1903). 

J.  A.  Knowles. 


Coronel,  Jr.\x,  b.  1.569,  in  Spain:  d.  1651 
Merida,  Mexico.  He  made  his  academic  studies  ai 
the  University  of  Alcala  de  Henares,  and  joined  th< 
Franciscans  of  the  province  of  Castile.  He  was  sent  t< 
Yucatan,  Mexico,  in  1590,  and  there  so  familiarizec 
himself  with  the  Maya  language  that  he  was  able  tt  «"» 
teach  it,  the  historian  Cogolludo  being  one  of  his  pu 
pils.  Cogolludo  says  he  wrote  a  Slaya  gramma 
(Arte)  that  was  printed  in  Mexico,  of  which,  howevei 
nothing  else  is  known.  A  catechism  in  Maya:  "  Doc 
trina  cristiana  en  lengua  Maya",  was  published  a 
Mexico  in  1C)2U,  and  in  the  same  year  there  appeared  i 
print,  also  at  Mexico,  "Discursos  predicables  y  trati 
dos  espirituales  en  lengua  Maya".  Both  are  exceec 
ingly  rare.  Father  Coronel  was  one  of  the  foremoi 
teachers  of  the  Indians  of  Yucatan  in  the  seventeent 
century.  He  was  a  strict  Observant  for  sixty-seve 
years,  always  travelling  barefooted.  His  great  au; 
terity  impeded  his  election  to  the  office  of  Pro\nnci 
of  the  Franciscan  Order  in  Yucatan. 

Cogolludo,   Hisioria   de   Yucatan    (Madrid,    16SS;  M^rid    Dj 
1842);  Beristaix.  Bihlioteca  hispano-americana  (Mexico,  181 
Amecameca,    1883);    Squier,    Monograph,    etc.    (New    Yor 
1861) ;  he  merely  copies  Beristain. 

Ad.  F.  B.vndelier, 


ttill 


Corporal  (from  Lat.  corpus,  body),  a  squa 
white  linen  cloth,  now  usually  somewhat  smaller  th; 
the  breailth  of  an  altar,  upon  which  the  Sacred  He 
and  chalice  are  placed  during  the  celebratiori  of  Ma 
Although  formal  evidence  is  wanting,  it  may  fairly 
assiuned  that  something  in  the  nature  of  a  corpo: 
has  been  in  use  since  the  earliest  tlays  of  Christianii 
Naturally  it  is  difficult  in  the  early  stages  to  dist 
guish  the  corporal  from  the  altar-cloth,  and  a  pasi 
of  St.  Optatus  (c.  .S75),  which  asks,  "What  Christ 
is  unaware  that  in  celebrating  the  Sacred  Myster] 
the  wood  [of  the  altar]  is  covered  with  a  linen  clot! 
(ipsa  lignn  lintetimine  cooprriri,  Optatvis,  VI, 
Ziwsa,  p.  145),  leaves  us  in  doul>t  which  he  is  refer) 
to.  This  is  probably  the  earliest  ilirect  testimoi 
for  the  statement  of  the  "Liber  Pontificalis", 
[Pope  Sylvester]  decreed  that  the  Sacrifice  should 
be  cclelirateil  upon  a  silken  or  dyed  cloth,  but  O] 
on  linen,  spnmg  from  the  earth,  as  the  Body  of  ■ 
Lord  ,Iesus  Christ  was  buried  in  a  clean  linen  shroij 
(Mominsen,  p.  51),  cannot  be  relied  upon.     Still, 


»«w 


■till 


CORPORAL 


387 


CORPORATION 


jeas  expressed  in  this  passage  are  found  in  an  aiithen- 
ic  letter  of  St.  Isidore  of  Pelusiuni  (Ep.  i,  l'2'.i)  and 
gaininthe''Expositio"of  St.Germanusof  I'arisin  the 
ixth  century  1 1'.  I..,  LXXII,  93).  Indeed  they  histed 
hrougli  tlie  Middle  Ages,  as  the  verses  attributed  to 
lUdebert  (P.  L.,  CLXXI,  1194)  sufficiently  show:— 
Ara  crucis,  tvimulique  calix,  lapidisque  patena, 
Sindonis  officivun  Candida  byssus  habet. 
It  is  quite  probable  that  in  the  early  centuries  only 
ne  linen  cloth  was  used  which  served  both  for  altar- 
loth  and  cor(>oral,  this  being  of  large  size  and  doubleil 
ack  to  cover  the  chalice.  Much  doubt  must  be  felt 
s  to  the  original  use  of  certain  cloths  of  figured  linen 
1  the  treasury  of  Monza  which  Barbier  de  Montault 
:>ught  to  identify  as  corporals.  The  corporal  was  de- 
jriiied  as  palla  corporalis,  or  relamen  dominicw  menscc, 
T  oprrlorium  dominici  corporis,  etc.;  and  it  seems 
enerally  to  have  been  of  linen,  though  we  hear  of 
Itar-cloths  of  silk  (Greg,  of  Tours,  "Hist.  Franc", 
'II.  'J2:  X,  Ifi),  or  of  purple  (.Paulus  Silentiarius, 
De.scr.  S.  Sophia"",  p.  758;  a  coloured  miniature  in 
le  tenth-century  Benedictional  of  St.  .Ethelwold  also 
;eins  to  show  a  purple  altar-covering),  or  of  cloth-of- 
old  (Chrysostom  in  Matt.,  Horn.  1).  In  some  of 
lese  cases  it  seems  difficult  to  decide  whether  altar- 
loth  or  corporal  is  meant.  However,  there  is  no 
oubt  that  a  clear  distinction  had  established  itself  in 
arlovingian  times  or  even  earlier.  Thus,  in  the 
mth  century,  Regino  of  Primi  (De  Disc.  Eccl.,  cap. 
Kviii)  quotes  a  council  of  Reims  as  having  decreed 
that  the  corporal  [corpornle]  ujion  which  the  Holy 
acrifice  was  offered  must  be  of  the  finest  and  purest 
nen  without  ailmixture  of  any  other  fibre,  because 
'ur  Saviiiur'.s  Bmly  was  wrapped  not  in  silk,  but  in 
can  linen  ".  He  a tlds  th.at  the  corporal  was  never  to 
■main  on  the  altar,  but  was  to  be  put  in  the  Missal 
iacrnmenlorum  libra]  or  shut  up  with  the  chalice  and 
aten  in  some  clean  receptacle.  And  when  it  was 
ashed,  it  was  to  be  washed  first  of  all  by  a  priest, 
eacon,  or  subdeacon  in  the  church  itself,  in  a  place 
r  a  ves.sel  specially  reserved  for  this,  because  it  had 
een  impregnated  with  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Our 
ord.  Afterwards  it  might  be  sent  to  the  laundry 
ad  treated  like  other  linen.  The  suggestion  as  to 
eeping  the  corporal  between  the  leaves  of  the  Missal 
interesting  because  it  shows  that  it  cannot,  even  in 
le  tenth  century,  have  always  been  of  that  extrava- 
int  size  which  might  be  inferred  from  the  description 
I  the  "Second  Roman  Ordo"(cap.ix),where  the  deacon 
nd  an  as,jistant  deacon  are  represented  as  folding  it 
p  between  them.  Still  it  was  big  enough  at  this 
eriod  to  allow  of  its  being  bent  back  to  cover  the 
lalicp,  and  thus  .serve  the  purpose  of  our  present  pall, 
his  is  done?  by  the  Carthusians  to  this  day,  who  use 
o  pall  and  have  no  proper  elevation  of  the  chalice. 
s  regards  the  size  of  the  corporal,  .some  change  may 
ave  taken  place  when  it  ceased  to  be  usual  for  the 
eople  to  bring  loaves  to  the  altar,  for  there  was  no 
kger  need  of  a  large  cloth  to  fold  back  over  them 
hd  cover  them.  Anyway,  it  is  in  the  eleventh  and 
fvelfth  centuries  that  the  practice  of  doubling  the 
[irporal  over  the  chalice  gave  place  to  a  new  plan  of 
'ing  a  second  (folded)  corporal  to  cover  the  mouth 
the  chalice  when  required.  The  question  is  debated 
some  detail  in  one  of  the  letters  of  St.  ,\nsclm.  who 
lite  approves  of  the  arrangement  (P.  L.,  CLVIII, 
'");  and  a  hundred  years  later  we  find  Pope  Inno- 
nt  III  stating,  "there  are  two  kinds  of  palls  or  cor- 
rals, a.s  they  are  called  [ihi/ilcx  rsl  pnllii  qwc  (licitur 
prpornle]  one  which  the  deacon  spreads  out  upon  the 
(tar,  the  other  which  he  places  folded  upon  the 
liouth  of  the  chalice"  (De  Sacrif.  MLssiP,  II,  ,56).  The 
Iwential  unity  of  the  pall  and  the  corporal  is  further 
hown  by  the  fact  that  the  special  blessing  which  both 
(alls  and  corporals  nmst  always  receive  before  use 
lesigiiates  the  two  as  "linteamen  ad  tegendum  invol- 
(endumque  Corpus  et  tfanguiucu  D.  N.  J.  C",  i,  e. 


to  cover  and  enfold  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ. 
This  special  blessing  for  corporals  and  palls  is  alluded 
to  even  in  the  Celtic  liturgical  documents  of  the  sev- 
enth century,  and  the  actual  form  now  prescribed  by 
the  modern  Roman  Pontifical  is  found  almost  in  the 
same  words  in  the  Spanish  "  Liber  Ordinum"  of  about 
the  same  early  date. 

According  to  existing  liturgical  rules,  the  corporal 
must  not  be  ornamented  with  embroidery,  and  must 
be  made  entirely  of  pure  white  linen,  though  there 
seem  to  have  been  many  medieval  exceptions  to  this 
law.  It  is  not  to  be  left  to  lie  open  upon  the  altar, 
but  when  not  in  use  is  to  be  folded  and  put  away  in 
a  burse,  or  "  corporas-case ",  as  it  was  commonly 
called  in  pre-Reformation  England.  Upon  these 
burses  much  ornamentation  is  lavished,  and  this  has 
been  the  case  since  medieval  times,  as  many  existing 
examples  survive  to  show.  The  corporal  is  now  usu- 
ally folded  twice  in  length  and  twice  in  breadth,  so 
that  when  folded  it  still  forms  a  small  square.  At  an 
earlier  period,  when  it  was  larger  and  was  used  to 
cover  the  chalice  as  well,  it  was  commonly  folded  four 
times  in  length  and  thrice  in  breadth.  This  practice 
is  still  followed  by  some  of  the  older  religious  orders. 
The  corporal  and  pall  have  to  pass  through  a  triple 
washing  at  the  hands  of  a  priest,  or  at  least  a  sub- 
deacon,  before  they  may  be  sent  to  a  laundry.  Also, 
when  they  are  in  use  they  may  not  be  handled  by  any 
but  the  clergy,  or  sacristans  to  whom  special  permis- 
sion is  given. 

Streber  in  Kirchcnlexikon.  Ill,  1105-1107;  Thalhofer, 
LituTQik.  I.  777-781;  V.an  der  Stappen,  Sacra  Liturgia  (Mech- 
lin. 19021.  in,  102-110;  GlHR,  The  Mass,  tr.  (Freiburg,  1902). 
I't'il  -'III;  l'\HHiKR  DE  Montault,  Le  Mobilier  Ecclesixistique; 
I;  .1.'  II  I  LEURT,  La  Messe  (Paris,   1S8S),  VI,  197-204; 

/'         '  '  )  ntiq.,  ?.   V.  Corporal;     Atchlev  in  ,-S/.  PauVs 

!■'-■' I' ■  >■.  Iransactionx  (1900).  IV,  156-160;  Barbier  de 
Montaii.t  in  Bulletin  Monumental  (1S82),  SSS-B.TO. 

Hehbert  Thurston. 
Corporal  Works  of  Mercy.     See  Mercy. 

Corporation  (Lat.  corpus,  a  body),  an  association 
recognized  by  civil  law  and  regarded  in  all  ordinary 
transactions  as  an  individual.  It  is  an  artificial  per- 
son. Ch.cf  .lustier  Marshall  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  ."states  of  .\inerica,  in  the  course  of  a  formal 
judicial  utterance,  thus  defined  the  term  corporation: 
"A  corporation  is  an  artificial  lieing,  invisible,  intan- 
gible, and  existing  only  in  contemplation  of  law.  Be- 
ing the  mere  creatiu'e  of  law,  it  possesses  only  those 
properties  which  the  charter  of  its  creation  confers 
upon  it,  either  expressly  or  as  incidental  to  its  very 
existence.  These  are  such  as  are  supposed  best  cal- 
culated to  effect  the  object  for  which  it  was  created. 
Among  the  most  important  are  immortality,  and,  if 
the  expression  may  be  allowed,  individuality;  prop- 
erties by  which  a  perpetual  succession  of  many  per- 
sons are  considered  as  the  same,  and  may  act  as  a  single 
individual.  They  enable  a  corporation  to  manage  its 
own  affairs,  and  to  hold  property  without  the  jierplex- 
ing  intricacies,  the  hazardous  and  endless  necessity 
of  perpetual  conveyances  for  the  purpose  of  transmit- 
ting it  from  hand  to  hand.  It  is  chiefly  for  the  pur- 
jiose  of  clothing  bodies  of  men,  in  succession,  with 
i|ualitirs  and  capacities,  that  corporations  were  in- 
vented, and  are  in  use.  By  the.se  means,  a  perpetual 
sueeession  of  individuals  are  capable  of  acting  for  the 
promotion  of  the  particular  object,  like  one  immortal 
being." 

Chancellor  Kent  of  New  York,  one  of  the  most 
famous  jurists  of  modern  times,  defines  a  corporation  as 
"a  franchi.se  possessed  by  one  or  more  individuals, 
who  subsist,  as  a  body  politic,  vmder  a  speci;il  denom- 
ination, and  are  vested,  by  the  policy  of  the  law,  with 
the  cap:icity  of  pej-|>Ptual  succession,  .and  of  acting  in 
.se\fral  respects,  however  numerous  the  associations 
may  be,  as  a  single  individual.  The  object  of 
the  institution  i.s  to  enable  the  members  to  act 
by  one   united    will,    and    to    continue    their   joint 


CORPORATION 


388 


CORPORATION 


powers  and  property  in  the  same  body,  undisturbed 
by  the  change  of  members,  and  without  the  nec- 
essity of  perpetual  conveyances,  as  the  rights  of 
members  pass  from  one  individual  to  another.  All 
the  individuals  composing  a  corporation  and  their 
successors,  are  considered  in  law  as  but  one  person,  cap- 
able, under  an  artificial  form,  of  taking  and  conveying 
property,  contracting  debts  and  duties,  and  of  enjoy- 
ing a  variety  of  civil  and  political  rights.  One  of  the 
peculiar  properties  of  a  corporation  is  the  power  of 
perpetual  succession;  for,  in  judgment  of  law,  it  is 
capable  of  indefinite  duration.  The  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  the  corporation  do  not  determine,  or  vary 
upon  the  death  or  change  of  any  of  the  individual 
members.  They  continue  as  long  as  the  corporation 
endiu-es." 

Ancient  Corporations. — Among  the  ancient 
Greeks  a  kind  of  association  called  eraipla  corre- 
sponded in  its  characteristics  very  closely  with  the 
modern  corporation.  Solon  is  said  to  have  encour- 
aged the  formation  of  such  bodies,  and  in  his  legisla- 
tion permitted  them  to  be  instituted  freely  and  to  en- 
gage in  any  transactions  not  contrary  to  law.  The 
Roman  prototype  of  the  corporation  as  it  came  into 
existence  under  the  common  law  of  England,  and  from 
England  was  transplanted  into  America,  was  the  col- 
legium. This  kind  of  association,  called  also  corpus, 
was  required  to  consist  of  at  least  three  persons  (Dig., 
L,  tit.  xvi),  and  persons  who  had  regularly  and  legally 
constituted  a  collegium  were  said  corpus  habere  (to 
have  a  body),  i.  e.  to  have  been,  as  we  say,  duly  incor- 
porated. The  persons  who  formed  a  collegium  were 
called  collegcE  or  sodales.  The  word  collegium  derivetl 
from  con,  "with",  and  lego,  "to  select",  had  the  lit- 
eral meaning  of  an  aggregation  of  persons  united  in 
any  office  or  for  any  common  purpose.  In  the  later 
days  of  the  Roman  Republic  corporation  was  used  in 
documents  relating  to  public  law  in  the  same  sense  as 
collegium.  The  word  societas  seems  to  have  been 
used  as  a  term  corresponding  to  our  word  partnership. 
A  collegium  possessed  the  legal  right  of  holding  prop- 
erty in  common.  Its  members  had  a  common  treas- 
ury and  could  sue  and  be  sued  by  their  si/Tidicus  or 
actor.  According  to  the  Roman  law,  that  which  was 
due  to  the  collegium  was  not  due  to  individuals  com- 
posing it ;  that  which  was  an  indebtedness  of  the  col- 
legium was  not  the  debt  of  individuals.  The  property 
of  the  collegium  was  liable  to  be  seized  and  sold  for  its 
debts.  The  term  universitas  is  used  by  the  Roman 
law  writers  in  the  same  sense  as  collegium.  The  ap- 
plication of  universitas  to  an  academic  or  literary  in- 
stitution is  first  found  in  a  Decretal  of  one  of  the  popes 
establishing  a  medieval  university  for  the  teaching  of 
religion,  literature,  science,  and  the  arts.  A  colle- 
gium or  universitas  was,  under  the  Roman  law,  man- 
aged by  its  officers  and  agents  under  regulations  es- 
tablished by  the  corporate  body  itself,  and  these 
regulations  might  be  such  as  were  agreed  upon  by  the 
members,  subject  only  to  the  limitation  that  they 
were  not  contrary  to  the  public  law. 

A  lawfully  constituted  collegium  was  termed 
legitimum.  Associations  attempting  to  act  as  a  col- 
legium, when  not  d\ily  authorized,  were  called  collegia 
iUicita.  It  seems  that  no  particular  Roman  law  de- 
fined the  mode  in  which  collegia  were  regularly  to  be 
formed.  They  appear  to  have  been  formed  by  the 
voluntary  association  of  individuals  according  to  some 
general  legal  authority.  Some  of  these  ancient 
Roman  corporations  resembled  the  guilds  of  medieval 
times,  such  as  the  collegia  jnhrorum,  collegia  piatorum, 
etc.;  others  wcr(!  of  a  religious  nature  such  as  the 
collegia  pontificum,  augwum.  According  to  Ulpian  a 
universitas,  thougli  reduced  to  a  single  member,  was 
still  considered  a  universitas;  for  the  rem.aining  mem- 
ber thereof  possessed  all  the  rights  aiul  privilegi'S  of 
the  universitas,  and  used  the  name  by  which  it  was 
originally  known.     When  a  new  memlitr  was  taken 


into  a  collegium,  he  was  said  co-optari,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  an  association  into  which  he  was  introduced 
were  said,  with  respect  to  him,  recipere  in  collegium. 
The  chief  public  corporation  of  ancient  Rome  was  the 
7nunicipium.  Municipia  possessed  all  of  the  charac- 
teristic powers  of  ordinary  corporations  together  with 
the  right  of  local  government.  It  is  stated  by 
Plutarch  that  corporations  were  introduced  into  the 
Roman  system  of  legislation  by  Numa.  That  sover- 
eign, upon  his  accession  to  the  tlu-one,  noted  that 
great  public  disorder  e-xisted  in  the  city  of  Rome  by 
reason  of  the  contentions  between  the  rival  factions 
of  Sabines  and  Romans ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting the  State  against  tumult,  divided  each  of  these 
factions  into  many  smaller  ones  by  creating  collegia  | 
for  each  of  the  professions  and  for  each  of  the  manual  I 
occupations.  i 

Classification. — Under  the  English  law  corpora- 
tions are  distinguished  in  the  first  place  as  being 
either  aggregate  or  sole.  A  corporation  aggregate 
consists  of  several  persons  united  in  a  society  and 
maintained  by  a  perpetual  succession  of  members. 
A  corporation  sole  consists  of  one  person  only,  and 
the  successors  of  that  person  in  some  particular  sta- 
tion or  office.  The  King  of  England  is  a  corporation 
sole;  so  is  a  bishop;  and  in  the  Church  of  England 
every  parson  and  vicar  is,  in  view  of  the  law,  a  corpo- 
ration sole.  The  laws  of  the  United  States  h 
rarely  recognized  any  sole  corporation,  but  "  the  Cath- 
olic Bishop  of  Chicago",  now  Archbishop,  was,  many 
years  ago,  created  a  corporation  sole  by  a  special  act 
of  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  Illinois.  In  Mary-I^ 
land  the  Archbishop  of  Baltimore  holds  all  Church 
property  as  a  corporation  sole.  Similarly  in  the  sev- 
eral Catholic  dioceses  of  California,  the  bishop  oi 
archbishop  is  a  corporation  sole,  and  since  1897  sue! 
is  the  case  in  Massachusetts  for  the  Archdiocese  o 
Boston  (H.  J.  Desmond,  The  Church  and  the  Law 
Chicago,  1898,  72,  73).  Under  certain  circumstance; 
the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (Acta  e 
Decreta,  no.  267)  urged  each  bishop  and  archbisho) 
of  the  United  States  to  have  himself  constituted  ; 
corporation  sole    (see   Property,    Ecclesiastical) 

A   further  division  of  corporations,  either  sole  o 
aggregate,  recognized  by  the  law  of  England,  is  tha 
of  ecclesiastical  corporations  and  lay  corporation,' 
Ecclesiastical  corporations  are  those  whose  niembei 
are  persons  devoted  to  spiritual  affairs,  such  as  bis! 
ops,  archdeacons,  parsons,  and  vicars.     Prior  to  th 
reign  of  Edward  VI,  deans  and  chapters,  priors  an 
convents,  abbots  and  monks  were  ecclesiastical  co) 
porations  aggregate.     Lay  corporations  are  of  t» 
kinds,   civil   and   eleemosynary.     Civil   are   such 
exist   for   the    safeguarding   and    administration 
temporal  affairs.     As  Blackstone  says,   the  king 
made  a  corporation  to  prevent  in  general  the  poss 
bility  of  an  interregnum  and  to  preserve  the  posse 
sions  of  the  Crown  entire;  for  immediately  upon  tl 
demise  of  one  king  his  successor  is  considered  in  la) 
as  having  full  possession  of  the  regal  dignitj'  ai 
privileges.     Examples  of  other  lay  corporations 
those  which  are  created  to  govern  towns  or  distrii 
such  as  the  corporation  known  as  the  City  of  Londol 
others  have  been  created  for  the  conduct  of  manufa    , '* 
turing  and  commercial  enterprises,  for  the  diffusi^ 
of  learning,  and  for  scientific  research.     The  Univi 
sities  of  O.xford  and  Cambridge  are  examples  of  c< 
jiorations  created  for  the  advancement  of  learnii 
Eleemosynary  corporations  are  defined  by  Blacksto 
to  he  such  as  are  constittited  for  the  perpetual  dist 
bution  of  free  alms  or  bounty  of  the  foiuxler  ther< 
to  such  persons  as  such  fovmder  may  have  designat< 
Of  this  kind  are  all  hospitals  for  the  maintenance 
the  poor,  sick,  and  impotent. 

Che.\tion. — Under   the   common  law  of  Englaj 
corporations   depenilcil    for   their   existence    upoi 
charter  (Lat.  cliarta,  a  paper)  granted  by  the  ki| 


spn 


Hfti 


tl 

ricl. 


'iSl« 


CORPORATION 


;5S9 


CORPORATION 


[Corporations  which  had  existed  so  long  a  time  that 
'the  memory  of  man  ran  not  to  the  contrary"  were 
iaid  to  exist  by  prescription;  but  that  considerate 
ioctrine  was  based  upon  the  theory  that  the  corpora- 
tion had  at  one  time  received  a  charter,  which,  in 
;ourse  of  time  and  by  reason  of  the  vicissitudes  of 
luman  affairs,  had  been  lost.  When  the  religious 
•evolution  of  the  sixteenth  century  occurred,  most  of 
;he  religious  houses  of  England  were  corporations  by 
prescription,  because  they  were  so  ancient  that  their 
>riginal  charters,  if  there  were  any,  had  disappeared, 
rhe  rights  of  a  corporation  by  prescription,  however, 
ire  quite  as  valid  at  common  law  as  are  the  rights  of 
hose  which  can  exhibit  a  charter.  Instances  of 
■orporations  interesting  to  American  people  are  those 
•reated  by  letters  patent  from  the  King  of  England  to 
he  London  Company,  under  which  the  original  settle- 
nents  of  the  New  England  coast  were  made;  and  the 
•harter  to  the  Virginia  Company,  under  which  the 
ihores  of  Virginia  were  first  colonized  by  Englishmen. 

Name. — Under  the  Roman  law  as  well  as  under  the 
English  common  law  a  corporation  must,  necessarily, 
lave  a  name,  and  by  that  name  alone  it  must  appear 
n  court  an<l  must  conduct  all  of  its  transactions. 
Such  a  name  is  said  by  Blackstone  to  be  for  a  corpora- 
ion,  "  the  verj-  being  of  its  constitution".  The  name 
if  incorporation  is  said  by  Sir  Edward  Coke  to  be  its 
jroper  name  or  name  of  baptism. 

ErrLE.si.\.STicAL  CoRPORATioN.s,  as  such,  are  not 
ecognized  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  or  of  the 
leveral  States  constituting  the  Union.  Under  the 
American  system  of  law,  corporations  arc  either  public 
)r  jirivate,  public  corporations  being  those  that  are 
'reeled  for  the  purposes  of  local  government,  such  as 
nunicipal  corporations  for  the  government  of  cities, 
rhe  term  private  corporations  includes  all  others, 
eligious,  literary,  charitable,  manufacturing,  insur- 
mce.  banking,  and  railroad  corporations.  In  the 
various  States  of  the  l^nion  corporations  were  formerly 
Teated  by  charter  granted  by  the  legislature.  In  the 
^eater  number  of  the  States  at  the  iiresent  time 
jrivate  corporations  are  created  by  the  voluntary  act 
)f  individuals  who  associate  themselves  together  and 
nake  a  public  declaration  of  their  intention  to  become 
I  body  corporate  and  take  such  action  in  conformity 
ivith  general  rviles  laid  down  by  legislation.  Charters 
>f  incorporation  granted  by  the  legislatures  of  the 
5tat('s  to  private  corporations  are  considered  as  exe- 
nited  contracts  within  the  protection  of  Article  1, 
>ection  10,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
jy  which  it  is  declared  that  "  no  State  shall  pass  any 
aw  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts".  This  was 
lecided  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in 
,he  case  entitled  "The  Trustees  of  Dartmouth  College 
re.  Woodward"  (Wheaton's  Reports,  Vol.  4,  p.  518). 
In  many  States  the  right  to  amend,  modify, or  repeal 
I  charter  was  usually  reserved  in  the  charter  itself. 
iuch  a  provision  is  now  incorporated  into  the  consti- 
tutions of  many  of  the  States. 

Power  of  Corporations. — The  principal  charac- 
teristic of  a  corporation  at  common  law  was  that  it 
was  vested  with  the  privilege  of  perpet\iity,  that  is, 
it  was  said  to  have  perpetual  succession.  At  the 
present  time  in  the  greater  number  of  American  States 
the  general  legLslation  providing  for  the  creation  of 
rorporations  expressly  designates  a  fixed  term  during 
which  a  corporation  may  exist.  The  second  of  the 
•Jriginal  powers  of  corporations  which  is  still  main- 
tained, is  to  sue  or  to  be  sued,  implead,  or  to  be 
impleaded,  grant  or  receive,  by  its  corporate  name 
ind  to  do  all  other  acts  as  natural  persons  may.  The 
■hird  privilege  was  to  purchase  lands  and  to  hold  them 
or  till'  benefit  of  the  members  of  the  corjioration  and 
:lieir  successors.  This  right  w.as  largely  nioilifittl  by 
;he  statutes  of  mortmain  (q.  v.)  in  England  and  lias 
>een  strictly  regulated  and  greatly  limited  by  Ameri- 
-■an  legislation.     The  fourth  original  power  possessed 


by  corporations  was  that  of  having  a  common  seal. 
As  was  said  by  the  ancient  law  writers  of  England,  a 
corporation,  being  an  invisible  body,  cannot  manifest 
its  intentions  by  any  personal  act  or  by  speech,  and 
therefore  can  act  and  speak  only  by  its  common  seal. 
In  modern  times  many  corporations  are  expressly 
authorized  by  legislation  to  act  without  using  a  seal, 
and  the  decisions  of  the  courts  have  generally  held, 
at  least  in  modern  times,  that  a  corporation  was  bound 
by  implication  in  many  cases  where  its  acts  had  not 
been  attested  by  the  corporate  seal.  The  fifth  privi- 
lege of  a  corporation,  which  has  existed  from  time 
immemorial  and  still  exists,  is  that  of  making  by-laws 
or  providing  statutes  for  the  regulation  of  its  own 
affairs;  and  these  are  binding  upon  the  corporation 
and  its  members  luiless  contrary  to  the  law  of  the 
land.  This  right  was  allowed  by  the  Law  of  the 
Tn'elve  Tables  at  Rome. 

Privileges  and  Disabilities. — A  corporation 
must  always  appear  by  attorney  or  agent  (the  actor 
or  syndicvs  of  the  Roman  law)  for  it  cannot  appear 
in  person;  being,  as  Sir  Edward  Coke  says,  invisible 
and  existing  only  in  contemplation  of  the  law.  LTnder 
the  strict  construction  of  its  legal  quality  the  courts 
of  England  originally  held  that  a  corporation  could 
not  be  held  liable  for  any  action  based  upon  tortious 
conduct;  that  is,  a  corporation  could  not  be  held 
liable  for  personal  injuries  inflicted  by  the  wrongful 
act  or  culpable  neglect  of  its  agents.  It  is  now  held 
however,  both  in  England  and  America,  that  a  cor- 
poration is  liable  in  damages  for  any  wrong  com- 
mitted by  its  servants  or  agents  when  acting  within 
the  scope  of  the  duties  which  properly  devolve  upon 
them.  The  doctrine  designated  by  the  term  ultra 
vires  is  that  which  governs  the  courts  in  limiting  the 
liability  of  a  corporation  to  acts  which  are  expressly 
authorized  by  its  charter,  or  acts  which  are  defined 
by  its  original  articles  of  institution  to  be  within  the 
scope  of  its  corporate  operations.  This  doctrine  is 
sound  because  it  would  be  contrary  to  public  policy 
to  hold  that  a  corijoration  had  the  right  to  do  any 
act  or  to  undertake  any  course  of  transactions  which 
was  not  within  the  scope  of  the  powers  which  it  orig- 
inally declared  itself  as  possessing.  However,  the 
application  of  this  doctrine  is  so  restricted  by  the 
courts  as  not  to  allow  corporate  officers  to  use  the 
doctrine  as  a  cloak  for  deeds  not  equitable  in  their 
nature.  It  is  construed  strictly  by  the  courts  as  a 
shield  and  is  not  allowed  to  operate  as  a  sword. 

Visitation. — The  necessity  of  supervision  over 
corporate  acts  being  generally  acknowledged,  it  was 
held  at  common  law  that  every  corporation  had, 
necessarily,  a  visitor.  As  Blackstone  well  says, 
"Corporations,  being  composed  of  individuals,  subject 
to  human  frailties,  arc  liable  as  well  as  private  persons, 
to  deviate  from  the  end  of  their  institution.  And  for 
that  reason  the  law  has  provided  proper  persons  to 
visit,  inquire  into  and  correct  all  irregularities  that 
arise  in  such  coqiorations,  cither  sole  or  aggregate, 
and  whether  ecclesiastical,  civil  or  eleemosynary". 
Prior  to  the  religious  revolution  of  the  sixteenth 
century  the  pope  was  the  visitor  of  the  archbishops 
and  metropolitans.  In  respect  to  all  lay  corpora- 
tions, the  founder,  his  heirs,  or  assigns  arc  the  visitors 
under  the  English  system.  In  the  various  States  of 
the  American  Union  visitors  of  coriiorations  are  prac- 
tically unknown:  the  supervision  of  private  corpora- 
tions being  vested  in  courts  of  equity.  In  England 
the  king  is  considered  as  the  visitor  for  all  civil  cor- 
porations, and  this  jurisdiction  is  exercised  through 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench. 

DissoLfTioN. — Any  member  of  a  corporation  may 
be  disfranchised,  th.at  is,  he  may  lose  his  membership 
ill  the  corporation  by  acting  in  .such  manner  as  to 
forfeit  his  rights  under  a  provision  of  the  by-laws;  or 
he  may  resign  from  the  corporation  by  his  own  volun- 
tary act.     A  resignation  by  parole,  if  entered  upon 


CORPORATION 


390 


CORPUS 


,    1  Uv  the  corporation,  is  sulfi- 

the  records  and  ««'^P'^^\  fel    m'y  be  dissolved  and 
trie  rei-  corporation  itseii  "'-'j  ,  .     ^  ,e  from    a 

Ilebenr  (PaAdects,  IH,  4,  7).  ^^^on  law 

The  method  of  '^r^^^'^^^JJl    ('rT^  the  case  of  a 
.a?a)byanae.oP-l— ^^^^^^^ 

L- .."through  voluntaiy  actio  ott'  ^^1  ^^^^  j^ 
(i\  by  the  forfeiture  of  't^  ^''7°^  ^buse  of  its  fran- 
,eSnce  or  through  "f-^f^„°glish  law  termed  the 
ehise      The  franchises,  a^  the  £.ng  ^„,,. 

pr  v1  eges    >vhich    corporaUons    enj  J.^^ 
sidered  a  trust  lodged  ^ J,'^^  ''"n^^  such  privileges  to 
pral  benefit  of  society,  and  *«  ^uow  ^^  ^^^^  ^ 

be  abused  or  to  di^,''°";'"\'fi,  PUnSle  according  t^ 
ehise  was  held  to  be  a  ff '^^Jf "  ,nishable  by  extmc- 
^r  ?ip^ree  and,  in  extreme  cases,  pui.  ^       course 

;^'o  "of  'orporate  exigence  ]^^J'^,,,  or  their 
adopted  for.  the  ^^^^if^U  ii  termed  a  wrrt  o 
flissolution  IS  to  proceea  u^  representati\  e  oi 

oLotmrranfo,  which  means  that  a      P^^   ^^  ^   ^ 

?he   State  presents  to   ^o^^   comp      ^^^^  ^^^       ^n- 
petition  reciting  abuses    wrons  .^^  dissolution 

action  of  a  corporate  body,  Pjay  ^^^^  requir- 


by  an.-^i  similar  m  nature  anu   i    .    ^j    gg  have 

no  attempt  to  dcbcr  ^^_  '^'"'-"^  '''      ;  ',./  /■:„»l..'"'. 

ed  Shabswooi.  ill"'';'''i    ,,,,,„    isMi.  1- •■-:'■;, .,-      ,,    r.- 
taries  "PO"  •''""' 


„f  tlm  "  Penal  Laws",  and 
coinu.only  spoken  of  as  one  ^ftte.^^ 

enumerated  by  Sutler  luw^  j^^^  ^f  England 

Uie  Laws  "^gf^^^.f^^i^ed  against  them,  but  against 
it  was  not  directly  ^^^'^^^  passed  in  December  16bl, 
Ihe  Presbyterians  It  ^^^^^P^^^^^on.  technicaUy  13 
ti,o    vear    after    tne    -i*---  .,    ^   time  entirely 

Charon.  P-||-"l;rwet  In  power.  and  they 
reactionary.  ,TheCa^ahe^  .^^^  ^.^^  i     ^  ,      t, 

aimed  at  nothing  suori  u      ^        ^onwealth.     It  re 
tTtp  before  the  time  of  the  L-miu        ^^      ^on,  the 
?mh-ed  all  the  prudence  of  the  Earl  ot^^^'^        .^^^ 
Xancellor,  to  restrain  t^.^',^-,^  ^.^^^  prepared  to  go  m 
S  ^ents'the  limit  to  ^^•l«^^  be  -as  p  ^P ^  p      byter- 
endeavouring  to  restrut  Uie  P°         ^  ;^^  ^^e  go\- 

f""      They  were  influentiallyreprL  ^^^^^ 

ner"  according  to  r'^e  rue  Oaths  of  Allegi 

?[e  was  also  commanded  ota^et.^^  .^^  t,ie  Doctrine 
ance  and  Supremacy,  ^o^^'l^'Venounce  the  Covenant. 
?^f  Passive  Obedience,  and  *°/^u"  election  was  to  be 

later,  known  as  the  Te^t  A^    P      ^       ^^  conditions, 
J^  Viviland  mihtary,  l^rtner  si      &  ^^^^^^^^^ 

?Sing  a  declaration  ^  ,reSldally  on  Catl^ 
These  two  acts  operated  \eiy  P    J  general  Penal        , 

vlf  forming  an  important  part  otn    g         ^^^  ^^^^^ 
cSc  which  kept  tbem  out  on-bhe^.'^     ^,,0  quali-  L.I., 
♦  imps  the  number,  even  ot  no^^-^     accordance  %Mth  lh«to 
fiS  for  civil  and  mihtary  posts  «  ^^^^^^.^ct  of  In-    1,« 
Sir  provisions  was  -'^^J'i^Uy,  to  reUeve  those 
demnfty"  used  to  be  Pa«P.«^^f '  ^^f  p^Aalt^    incurred, 
tho  had  not  done  _f  J  ""tVsact'^limiting  its  opera- 
There  was  no  expression  mtms  ^^  ^j^^       ly  oc- 
Uon  to  the  case  o  JrotesUnts,  .^  ^^^  j^_.  ^   ^ 
casion  yben  a  Catholio  ve    ^^^  ^^  the  ground  of  the 


„.TiiI'JtV- 


OSk. 
Bishop 
r-      teorin, 
nsttlA 

ladspei 


kimff 


^oW^en  a  Catholic  ^S^^^-ti^gfud  of  the 
the  Indemnity,  It     a.  reti  ^    ^^^j^^^ 

act  not  being  appl  ca«\  ^  remained  nomi 
.„  N     TUa  rnrnoration  n>-i'  *  „„„*„,t7 


lanes  "/'";v  ... 
268  sq.;  MoMM- 
V.  374;    Mv-' 


(,.ii 


So 


f" 


.     .  1AR1  —The  Corporation  -Vt 


act  not  being  apph?able  to  b™;  .  ^^^  nominally  m 

eventually  repealed  m  182S,  the  ^^^^^^^  ^abd. 

Corpus  Christi  (BODV  °J  (  «f  ,,J'Thursday  afte. 
celebrated  in  the  La  m  t  nurc  ^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^  tu- 

as  the  day  "j, ^^f^Tek^  a  season  of  «adne«-.  ^  ^>  ";• 
ever,  was  'i^.H"'>  f\\,e  fiithful  are  expected  to  be  o 
,.-l.i<-h  the  mmds  ot  tnc  !;>"'     ,       ,.    passion.     Mori 

ft  sscKis  ?i  ss"&i^: 

tion  of  the  new  ff\';  '  "^  a„d  of  Divine  Providenc 
.:^^^:t;^'^M;r^rniUo.in^ 

iins  of  ^iont  CorniUom  H^ ;'=/  ^.camo  sunenorej 
religious  profe««!0'\ '^">\f 'several  times  drove  h 
Intrigues  of  various  kind^^c  _^.^      ^.^.g_     ^^ 

K^^^fX'cte^Sln'nuns  at  Fosses,  and  . 
^'SinlS"ber  early  y-^  ^^1^^,^^^^ 

l^v:;e:^st5r=^-isde.reis« 


CORPUS 


■A91 


CORPUS 


X5  havp  I)ppn  increased  by  a  vision  of  tlio  Clnirrh 
inder  the  appoaranro  of  tlii'  full  moon  liaviiig  oiu' 
lark  spot,  which  signified  the  al)sctico  of  such  a 
;olemnity.  She  made  known  her  ideas  to  Robert  de 
rhorete,  then  Bishop  of  Liege,  to  the  learned  Domini- 
can Hugh,  later  cardinal  legate  in  the  Netherlands, 
md  to  Jacques  Pantaleon,  at  that  time  Arclideacon  of 
l.iege,  afterw  ards  Bishop  of  \'erdun,  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
lalem,  and  finally  Pope  Urban  IV.  Bishop  Robert 
vas  favoiiral)!y  impressed,  and,  since  bishops  as  yet 
lad  the  right  of  ordering  feasts  for  their  diocese.s, 
le  calleil  a  .synod  in  1246  and  ordered  the  celebra- 
ion  to  be  held  in  the  following  year,  also,  that  a 
nonk  nametl  John  should  write  the  Office  for  the  oc- 
asion.  The  decree  is  preserved  in  Binterim  (Denk- 
siirdigkeiten,  V,  1,  276),  together  with  parts  of  the 
Office. 

Bishop  Robert  did  not  live  to  see  the  execution  of 
lis  order,  for  he  died  16  October,  1246;  but  the  feast 
I'as  celebrated  for  the  first  time  by  the  canons  of  St. 
riartin  at  Liege.  Jacques  Pantaleon  became  pope  29 
Uigust,  1261.  The  recluse  Eve,  with  whom  Juliana 
lad  spent  some  time,  and  who  was  also  a  fervent 
idorer  of  the  Holy  Eucharist,  now  urged  Henry  of 
iiielders.  Bishop  of  Liege,  to  request  the  pope  to  ex- 
end  the  celeljration  to  the  entire  world.  Urban  IV, 
.iways  an  ailmirer  of  the  feast,  published  the  Bull 
'Transiturus"  (8  September,  1264),  in  which,  after 
laving  extolled  the  love  of  Our  .Saviour  as  expressed 
n  the  Holy  Eucharist,  he  ordered  the  annual  celebra- 
ion  of  Corpus  Christi  on  the  Thursday  next  after 
rrinity  Sunday,  at  the  same  time  granting  many 
ndulgences  to  the  faithful  for  the  attendance  at  Mass 
,nd  at  the  Office.  This  Office,  composed  at  the  re- 
|uest  of  the  pope  by  the  Angelic  Doctor  St.  Thomas 
Iquinas,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the  Roman 
Jreviary  and  has  been  admired  even  by  Protestants. 
:'he  death  of  Pope  Urban  IV  (2  October,  1264), 
hortly  after  the  publication  of  the  decree,  somewhat 
aipedcd  the  spread  of  the  festival.  Clement  V  again 
ook  the  matter  in  hand  and,  at  the  General  Council 
if  Vienne  (1311),  once  more  ordered  the  adoption  of 
he  feast.  .  He  publi.shed  a  new  decree  which  em- 
(odied  that  of  I'rban  IV.  John  XXII,  successor  of 
'lemint  V,  urged  its  observance.  Neither  decree 
peaks  of  the  theophoric  procession  as  a  feature  of 
he  celebration.  This  procession,  already  held  in 
ome  places,  was  endowed  with  Indulgences  by  Popes 
ilartin  V  and  Eugene  IV.  The  feast  had  been  ac- 
epted  in  1.106  at  Cologne;  Worms  .adopted  it  in  1315; 
itrasburg  in  1316.  In  England  it  was  introduced 
rom  Belgium  between  1320  and  132.5.  In  the  United 
States  ;ind  some  other  countries  the  solemnity  is  held 
in  the  .Sunday  after  Trinity. 

In  the  ( ireek  Church  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi  is 
mown  in  the  calendars  of  the  Syrians,  Armenians, 
^opts,  Melchites,  and  the  Ruthenians  of  Galicia, 
Calabria,  and  .Sicily. 

Gikiian<;f.r.  The  LUurgical  Year  (tr.  Worcester,  s.  d.);  BcT- 
£R.  Ffiist.^  and  Faxis;  Kellneb,  Heortologie  (2nd  ed.,  Freiburg, 
906):  Per  Kalholik  (Aug.,  1898),  151;  BXLMEn,  Gcich.  des 
irevuTx  (Freiburg,  1895). 

Francis  Meushiian. 

Corpus  Juris  Canonici. — I.  Definition. — The 
enn  cor//)/.'?  liere  denotes  a  collection  of  documents; 
or/iiis  juris,  a  collection  of  laws,  especially  if  they  are 
)laced  in  systematic  order.  It  may  signify  also  an 
pffici.al  and  compU'te  collection  of  a  legislation  made 
>y  thcr  legislative  power,  comprising  all  the  laws 
vhich  are  in  force  in  a  country  or  soeiety.  The  term, 
ilthough  it  never  received  legal  .sanction  in  either 
toman  or  canon  law,  being  merely  the  i)hraseology 
if  the  learned,  is  used  in  the  above  sense  when  the 
'Corpus  Juris  Civilis''  of  the  Roman  Christian  em- 
)prors  is  meant.  The  expression  corpux  juris  may 
Jso  mean,  not  the  collection  of  laws  itself,  but  the 
egislation  of  a  society  considered  as  a  whole.     Hence 


Benedict  XIV  could  rightly  say  that,  tlie  collection  of 
his  Bulls  formed  part  of  the  mrjuis  juris  (.lam  fere  sex- 
tus,  1746).  We  cannot  better  explain  the  significa- 
tion of  the  term  corpus  juris  nnwriici  than  by  showing 
the  successive  meanings  wliich  were  assigned  to  it  in 
the  past  and  which  it  usually  bears  at  the  present  day. 
Under  the  name  of  "corpus  canonum"  were  desig- 
nated the  collection  of  Dionysius  Exiguus  and  the 
"Collectio  Anselmo  dedicatii"  (see  below).  The 
"Decree"  of  Gratian  is  already  called  "Corpus  Juris 
Canonici"  by  a  glossator  of  the  twelfth  century,  and 
Innocent  IV  calls  by  this  name  the  "Decretals"  of 
Gregory  IX  (Ad  expediendos,  9  Sept.,  12.53).  Since 
the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Corpus 
Juris  Crinonici  in  contradistinction  to  Corpus  Juris 
Civiiis,  or  Roman  law,  generally  denoted  the  following 
collections:  (1)  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX;  (2) 
those  of  Boniface  VIII  (Sixth  Book  of  the  Decretals); 
(3)  those  of  Clement  V  (Clementinie),  i.  e.  the  collec- 
tions which  at  that  time,  with  the  "Decree"  of  Gra- 
tian. were  taught  and  explained  at  the  universities. 
At  the  present  day,  under  the  above  title  are  com- 
monly untlerstood  these  three  collections  with  the 
addition  of  the  "Decree"  of  Gratian,  the  "Extrava- 
gantes"  of  John  XXII,  and  the  "  Extra vagantes  Com- 
munes ' '. 

Thus  understood,  the  term  dates  back  to  the  six- 
teenth century  and  was  officially  .sanctioned  by  Greg- 
ory XIII  (Cum  pro  munere,  1  July,  1,580).  The  earli- 
est editions  of  these  texts  printed  under  the  now  usual 
title  of  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici",  date  from  the  end  of 
the  sixteenth  century  (Frankfort,  8vo,  1586;  Paris, 
fob,  1587).  In  the  strict  sense  of  the  word  the  Qiurch 
does  not  posse-ss  a  corpus  juris  clausum,  i.  e.  a  collec- 
tion of  laws  to  which  new  ones  cannot  be  added.  The 
Council  of  Ba.sle  (Sess.  XXIII,  ch.  vi)  and  the  decree  of 
the  Congregation  "Super  statu  regularium"  (25  Jan., 
1848)  do  not  speak  of  a  cor/ms  clautsum:  the  first  refers 
to  reservationihus  in  corpore  juris  rxpressc  chiusis,  that 
is,  reservations  of  ecclesiastical  benefices  contained  in 
the  "Corpus  Juris",  especially  in  the  "Liber  .Sextus" 
of  Boniface  VIII,  to  the  exclusion  of  tho.se  held  in  the 
"  Extra  vagantes  "  described  l)clow,  and  at  that  time 
not  comprised  in  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici";  the 
.second  speaks  of  cuilihet  pririlegio,  licet  in  corpore 
juris  chiuso  et  confirmato,  i.  e.  of  privileges  not  only 
granted  by  the  Holy  See,  but  also  inserted  in  the  oflS- 
cial  collections  of  canon  law. 

11.  PiuNciPAi-  Canonical  Collections. — We  shall 
briefly  sketch  the  history  of  the  earliest  collections  of 
canons,  and  shall  add  a  brief  description  of  the  "Cor- 
pus Juris  Canonici"  as  it  is  now  understood.  The  his- 
tory of  canon  law  is  generally  divided  into  three 
periods.  The  first  extends  to  the  "Decree"  of  (Gra- 
tian, i.  e.  to  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  {jus 
antiquum);  the  .second  reaches  to  the  Council  of 
Trent  (jus  novum) ;  the  third  includes  the  latest  en- 
actments since  the  Council  of  Trent  inclusively  (jus 
nonissimum). 

(1)  Jus  nniiquum. — The  most  ancient  collections  of 
canonical  legislation  are  certain  very  early  pseudo- 
Apostolic  documents:  for  instance,  the  AiSax»>  tQv 
SiiScKa  awoarbXav  or  "Teaching  of  the  Twelve  Apos- 
tles", which  dat(«  from  the  end  of  the  first  or  the  be- 
ginning of  the  second  century;  the  Apostolic  Church 
Ordinance;  the  "Didascalia",  or  "Teaching  of  the 
Apostles"  (third  century);  the  Apostolic  Canons  (see 
Canons,  Ai-o.stolic);  and  Apostolic  Con.stitutions. 
These  collections  have  never  liad  any  official  value, 
no  more  than  any  other  colleetion  of  this  first  period. 
It  was  in  the  East,  after  tlie  F-dict  of  Milan  (313),  that 
arose  the  first  systematic  collections.  We  cannot  so 
designate  the  chronological  collections  of  the  canons 
of  the  councils  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  (314- 
451) ;  the  oldest  systematic  collection,  made  by  an  un- 
known author  in  535,  has  not  come  down.  The  most 
important  collections  of  this  epoch  are  the  'S.vna.yuy^ 


CORPUS 


392 


CORPUS 


Knvbvuv,  or  the  collection  of  John  the  Scholastic  (Jo- 
annes Scholasticus),  compiled  at  Aiitioch  about  550, 
and  the  Nomocanons,  or  compilations  of  civil  laws 
affecting  religious  matters  (vA^os)  and  ecclesiastical 
laws  (KaviSiv).  One  such  mixed  collection  is  dated  in 
the  sixth  century  and  has  been  erroneously  attri- 
buted to  John  the  Scholastic;  another  of  the  seventh 
century  was  rewritten  and  much  enlarged  by  the 
schismatical  patriarch  Photius  (883).  In  the  West- 
ern Church  three  collections  of  canons  have  exercised 
an  influence  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  country  in 
which  they  were  composed;  they  are  the  "Collectio 
Dionysiana",  the  lengthy  Irish  collection  (Hibernen- 
•sis),  and  the  "Decretals"  of  Pseudo-Isidore.  The 
"Dionysiana",  also  called  "Corpus  canonum",  "Cor- 
pus codicis  canonum",  was  the  work  of  Dionysius 
Exiguus  who  died  between  the  years  540  and  555 ;  it 
contains  his  Latin  translation  of  the  canons  of  the 
councils  of  the  Eastern  Church  and  a  collection  of  (.38) 
papal  letters  (Epistolae  decretales)  dating  from  the 
reign  of  Pope  Siricius  (384-.398)  to  that  of  Anastasius 
II  (d.  498).  The  authority  of  this  Italian  collection, 
at  once  quite  considerable  at  R  me  and  in  Italy,  was 
greatly  increased  after  Adrian  I  had  sent  to 
Charlemagne  (774)  a  modified  and  enlarged  copy  of 
the  collection,  thenceforth  known  as  the  "Collectio 
Dionysio-Hadriana ",  and  the  Synod  of  Aachen  (802) 
accepted  it  as  the  "  Codex  Canonum ' '  of  the  immense 
Empire  of  the  Franks. 

The  lengthy  Irish  collection  of  canons,  compiled  in 
the  eighth  century,  influenced  both  Gaul  and  Italy. 
The  latter  country  possessed,  moreover,  two  fifth- 
century  Latin  translations  of  the  Greek  synods  (the 
collection  erroneously  called  "Isidoriana"  or  "His- 
pana",  and  the  "Collectio  Prisca") ;  also  an  important 
collection  of  pontifical  and  imperial  documents  (the 
"Avellana",  compiled  in  the  pontificate  of  Gregory 
the  Great,  590-604).  Africa  possessed  a  collection  of 
105,  or  more  exactly  94,  canons,  compiled  about  419; 
also  the  "Breviatio  Canonum",  or  digest  of  the 
canons  of  the  councils  by  Fulgentius  Ferrandus  (d. 
c.  546),  and  the  "Concordia  Canonum"  of  Cresconius, 
an  adaptation  of  the  "Dionysiana"  (about  690).  In 
Gaul  are  found,  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century, 
the  "Statuta  Ecclesi*  antiqua",  erroneously  attrib- 
uted to  Africa,  and,  among  many  other  collections, 
the  "Quesnelliana"  (end  of  the  fifth  or  beginning  of 
the  sixth  century)  and  the  "Daeheriana"  (about 
800),  both  so  called  from  the  names  of  their  editors, 
Paschase  Quesnel  and  d'Ach^ry.  Spain  possessed  the 
"Capitula  Martini",  compiled  about  572  by  Martin, 
Bishop  of  Braga,  and  a  "Codex  canonum"  or  "Col- 
lectio Hispana"  dating  from  about  633,  attributed 
in  the  ninth  century  to  St.  Isidore  of  Seville.  In 
the  ninth  century  arose  several  apocryphal  collections, 
viz.  those  of  Benedietus  Levita,  of  Isidorus  Merca- 
tor  (also  Peccator  or  Mercatus),  and  the  "Capitula 
Angilramni".  An  examination  of  the  controversies 
which  these  three  collections  give  rise  to  will  be  found 
elsewhere  (see  False  Decret.\ls).  The  Pseudo- 
Isidorian  collection,  the  authenticity  of  which  was 
for  a  long  time  admitted,  has  exercised  considerable 
influence  on  ecclesiastical  discipline,  without  however 
modifying  it  in  its  es.sential  principles.  Among  the 
numerous  collections  of  a  later  date,  we  may  mention 
the  "Collectio  Anselmo  dedicata",  com|iili>il  in  Italy 
at  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  the  "l.ilicllus  do 
ecclc.siasticis  disciplinis"  of  Regino  of  Pruni  (d.  915); 
the  "CoUectarium  canonum"  of  Burchard  of  Worms 
(d.  1025);  the  collection  of  the  yoimger  St.  Anselm  of 
Lucca,  compiled  towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  cent- 
ury; the  "Collectio  trium  partium",  the  "Decretum" 
and  the  "Panormia"  of  Yves  of  Chartres  (d.  1115  or 
1117);  the  "Liber  de  misericordia  et  ju.stitia"  of 
Algerus  of  Li6ge,  who  died  in  1132 — all  collections 
whichGratian  made  u.se  of  in  the  compilation  of  his 
"  Decretum  ".    The  aforesaid  collections  and  others  are 


described  more  fully  in  the  article  Canon.?,  Collec- 
tions OF  Ancient. 

(2)  Jus  novum  and  Corpus  juris  cntionici. — It  was 
about  1150  that  the  Camaldolese  monk,  Gratian, 
professor  of  theology  at  the  University  of  Bologna, 
to  obviate  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  study  of 
practical,  external  theology  (theologia  practica  ex- 
terna), i.  e.  canon  law,  compo.sed  the  work  entitled  by 
himself  "Concordia  discordantium  canonum",  but 
called  by  others  "Nova  collectio",  "Decreta",  "Cor- 
pus juris  canonici",  also  "Decretum  Gratiani",  the 
latter  being  now  the  commonly  accepted  name.  In 
spite  of  its  great  reputation  the  "Decretum"  has 
never  been  recognized  by  the  Church  as  an  official 
collection.  It  is  divided  into  three  parts  (ministeria, 
negotia,  sacramenta).  The  first  part  is  divided  into 
101  distinctions  (distincliones) ,  the  first  20  of  which 
form  an  introduction  to  the  general  principles  of 
canon  law  {Iractalus  decrelalium) ;  the  remainder  con- 
stitutes a  tractatus  ordinandorum,  relative  to  ecclesias- 
tical persons  and  functions.  The  second  part  contains 
36  causes  (causce),  divided  into  questions  {qucestiones), 
and  treat  of  ecclesiastical  administration  and  mar- 
riage; the  third  question  of  the  33rd  causa  treats  of 
the  Sacrament  of  Penance  and  is  divided  into  7  distinc- 
tions. The  third  part,  entitled  "De  consecratione ", 
treats  of  the  sacraments  and  other  sacred  things  and 
contains  5  distinctions.  Each  distinction  or  question 
contains  dicta  Gratiani,  or  maxims  of  Gratian,  and 
canones.  Gratian  himself  raises  questions  and  brings 
forward  difficulties,  which  he  answers  by  quoting 
auctoritates,  i.  e.  canons  of  councils,  decretals  of  the 
popes,  texts  of  the  Scripture  or  of  the  Fathers.  These 
are  the  canones;  the  entire  remaining  portion,  even 
the  summaries  of  the  canons  and  the  chronological 
indications,  are  called  the  maxims  or  dicta  Gratiani. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  many  auctoritates  have  been 
inserted  in  the  "Decretum"  by  authors  of  a  later 
date.  These  are  the  Palea;  so  called  from  Pauoa- 
palea,  the  name  of  the  principal  commentator  on  the 
"Decretum".  The  Roman  revisers  of  the  sixteenth 
century  (1566-82)  corrected  the  text  of  the  "Decree" 
and  added  many  critical  notes  designated  by  the 
words  Correctores  Romani. 

The  "Decretum"  is  quoted  by  indicating  the  num- 
ber of  the  canon  and  that  of  the  distinction  or  of  the 
cause  and  the  question.  To  differentiate  the  distinc- 
tions of  the  first  part  from  those  of  the  third  question 
of  the  33rd  cau.se  of  the  second  part  and  those  of  the 
third  part,  the  words  de  Poen.,  i.  e.  de  Paeniteniid,  ami 
de  Cons.,  i.  e.  de  Consecratione  are  added  to  the  latter. 
For  instance,  "c.  1.  d.  XI"  indicates  the  first  part  of 
the  "Decree",  distinction  XI,  canon  1;  "c.  1.,  de 
Pcen.,  d.  VI"  refers  to  the  second  part,  33rd  cause, 
question  3,  distinction  VI,  canon  1;  "c.  8,  de  Cons, 
d.  11"  refers  to  the  third  part,  distinction  II,  canon  8; 
"c.  8,  C.  XII,  q.  3"  refers  to  the  second  part,  cause 
XII,  question  3,  canon  8.  Sometimes,  especially  in 
the  case  of  well-known  and  much-quoted  canons,  the 
first  words  are  also  indicated,  e.  g.,  c.  Si  quis  siuidenit 
diabolo,  C.  XVII,  q.  4,  i.  e.  the  29th  canon  of  th( 
second  part,  cause  XVII,  question  4.  Occasionallj 
the  first  words  alone  are  quoted.  In  both  ciuses,  t< 
find  the  canon  it  is  necessary  to  consult  the  alpha 
betical  tables  (printed  in  all  editions  of  Gratian)  tha 
contain  the  first  words  of  every  canon. 

The  general  laws  of  a  later  date  than  the  "Decree 
of  (iratian  have  been  called  "Extravagantes",  i.  « 
laws  not  contained  in  Gratian's  "Decree"  {VaganU 
extra  Decretum).  The.sc  were  soon  brovight  togethe 
in  new  collections,  five  of  which  (Quinque  compila 
tiones  antique)  i)os.ses.sed  a  special  authority.  Tw 
of  them,  namely  the  third  and  the  fifth,  are  the  mos 
ancient  official  compilations  of  the  Roman  Churc 
(see  Deoretals,  Pai-al).  Among  other  compilation 
at  the  end  of  tlie  twelfth  and  tlie  begiiuiing  of 
thirteenth  century  the  following  deserve  special  att( 


nil- 

iBt.sni 
tw  t 
iitt,  ofi 


■  j4  lia( 
•  Jill  jI, 
-■'■tk" 


'*"D« 


.irali'cti 


tl.l 
teil^ 


CORPUS 


■A'.r.i 


CORPUS 


ion:  "Appendix  concilii  Lateranensis  III";  the  col- 
;ctions  known  as  "Bambcrgensis"  (Bamberg),  "Lip- 
iensis"  (Leipzig),  "Casselana"  (Cassel),  "Halensis" 
Halle),  and  "Lucensis"  (Lucca),  so  named  from  the 
ibraries  in  which  the  manuscripts  of  these  collections 
,ere  found;  the  collection  of  the  Italian  Benedictine 
lainerus  Poraposianus,  that  of  the  English  canonist 
lilbert  (Collectio  Gilberti),  that  of  his  countryman 
Llanus,  professor  at  Bologna  (Collectio  Alani),  and 
hat  of  the  Spaniard  Bernard  of  Compostella.  But 
oon  the  new  era  of  official  collections  began  to  dawn, 
n  1230  Gregory  IX  ordered  St.  Raymund  of  Penna- 
art  to  make  a  new  collection,  which  is  called  the 

Decretals  of  Gregorj'  IX''  (Decretales  Gregorii  IX). 
"o  this  collection  he  gave  force  of  law  by  the  Bull 

Re.x  pacificus",  5  Sept.,  1234.  This  collection  is 
Iso  known  to  canonists  as  the  "Liber  extra",  i.  e. 
xtra  Dccretiim  Gratiani.  Boniface  VIII  published  a 
imilar  code  .3  March,  1298,  called  the  "Sixth  Book 
f  the  Decretals"  (Liber  Se.xtus).  John  XXII  added 
o  it  the  last  official  collection  of  canon  law,  the  "  Liber 
eptimus  Decretalium",  better  known  under  the  title 
f  "Constitutiones  dementis  V",  or  simply  "Clem- 
ntinie"  (Quoniam  nulla,  25  Oct.,  1317).  Later 
n  the  canonists  added  to  the  manuscripts  of  the 

Decretals"  the  most  important  constitutions  of 
ucceeding  popes.  These  were  soon  known  and 
[uoted  as  "  Extra vagantes ",  i.  e.  twenty  constitu- 
ions  of  John  XXII  himself,  and  those  of  other  popes 
o  1484.  In  the  Paris  edition  of  the  canonical  eollec- 
ions  (1499-1.50o)  Jean  Chappuis  drew  them  up  in  the 
orm  since  then  universally  accepted,  and  kept  for  the 
irst  the  name  "  Extravagantes  Joannis  XXII",  and 
ailed  the  others,  "Extravagantes  communes",  i.  e. 
ommonly  met  with  in  the  manuscripts  of  the 
'Decretals"  (.see  Decret.vls,  P.-ipal). 

The  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  was  now,  indeed, 
omplete,  but  it  containeel  collections  of  widely  dif- 
erent  juridical  value.  Considered  as  collections,  the 
'Decree"  of  Gratian,  the  "Extravagantes  Joannis 
CXII",  and  the  "Extravagantes  communes"  have 
lot,  and  never  had,  a  legal  value,  but  the  documents 
phich  they  contain  may  possess  and,  as  a  matter  of 
act,  often  do  possess,  very  great  authority.  More- 
iver,  custom  has  even  given  to  several  apocryphal 
anons  of  the  "Decree"  of  Gratian  the  force  of  law. 
rhe  other  collections  are  official,  and  consist  of  legi.s- 
ativo  decisions  still  binding,  unless  abrogated  by 
ubsefjuent  legislation.  The  collections  of  Gregory 
X  I  Libri  quinque  Decretalium)  and  of  Boniface  VIII 
Liber  Sextus)  are  moreover  exclusive.  The  former, 
ndeed,  abrogated  all  the  laws  contained  in  the  afore- 
aid  compilations  subsequent  to  the  "Decree"  of 
jratian.  Several  authors,  however,  have  maintained, 
)Ut  wrongly,  that  it  abrogated  also  all  the  ancient  laws 
vhich  had  not  been  incorporated  in  Gratian.  The 
econd  abrogated  all  the  laws  passed  at  a  later  date 
ban  the  "  Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX  and  not  included 
Q  itself.  Each  of  these  three  collections  is  considered 
IS  one  collection  (collectio  uivi),  i.  e.  one  of  which  all 
he  decisions  have  the  same  value,  even  if  they  appear 
o  contain  antinomies.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however, 
hat.  in  cases  of  contradiction,  the  decisions  of  the 
■ollections  of  later  date  invalidate  those  found  in  a 
ioUection  of  an  earlier  date. 

The  "  Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  those  of  Boniface 
/III,  and  the  " Clement in;c"  are  divided  uniformly 
nto  five  books  (lihcr),  thi:  books  into  titles  (h'lulu.i}, 
he  titles  into  chapters  (ciiput),  and  treat  successively 
)f  jurisdiction  {judex),  procedure  {judicium),  the 
;lergy  {clerun),  marriage  (c/>nnul>ium),  and  delin- 
juencies  (crimen).  Th(?  rubrics,  i.  e.  the  summaries 
)f  the  various  titles,  have  the  force  of  law,  if  they  con- 
tain a  coniplet"'  meaning;  on  the  other  hand,  the  sum- 
mrics  of  tlic  rliiiptiTS  have  not  this  juridical  value. 
It  is  customary  to  i|uote  these  collectioas  by  indicat- 
ing the  number  of  the  chapter,  the  title  of  the  collec- 


tion, the  heading  of  the  title,  the  number  of  the  book 
and  the  title.  The  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX  arc  in- 
dicated by  the  letter  "X",  i.  e.  extra  Decrelum  Grati- 
ani; the  "Sixth  Book"  or  "Decretals"  of  Boniface 
VIII  by  "  in  VI°",  i.e.  "in  Sexto";  the  "Clementines" 
by  "in  Clem.",  i.  e.  "in  Clementinis".  For  instance: 
"c.  2,  X,  De  pactis,  I,  35",  refers  to  the  second  chap- 
ter of  the  "  Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  first  book,  title 
35;  "c.  2,  in  VP,  De  hEereticis,  V,  2",  refers  to  the 
second  chapter  of  the  "Decretals"  of  Boniface  VIII, 
fifth  book,  title  2;  "c.  2,  in  Clem.,  De  testibus,  II,  8", 
refers  to  the  second  chapter  of  the  "Clementines", 
second  book,  title  8.  If  there  is  only  one  chapter  in  a 
title,  or  if  the  last  chapter  is  quoted,  these  passages 
are  indicated  by  "c.  unic",  and  "c.  ult.",  i.  e.  "caput 
unicum"  and  "  caput  ultimum".  Sometimes  al.so  the 
indication  of  the  number  of  the  chapters  is  replaced  by 
the  first  words  of  the  chapter,  as  for  instance:  c. 
Odoardus.  In  such  cases  the  number  of  the  chapter 
may  be  found  in  the  index-tables  printed  in  all  the 
editions.  The  "Extravagantes  Communes"  are  di- 
vided and  quoted  in  the  same  manner  as  the  "Decre- 
tals", and  the  collection  is  indicated  by  the  abbrevia- 
tion: "Extrav.  Commun."  For  instance:  "c.  1  (or 
unicum,  or  AmbitiosEe),  Extrav.  Commun.,  De  rebus 
Ecclesia;  non  alienandis,  III,  4",  refers  to  the  first 
chapter  (the  only  chapter)  in  book  III,  title  4  of  the 
"Extravagantes  Communes".  This  collection  omits 
the  usual  "  Liber  IV"  which  treats  of  marriage.  The 
"  Extravagantes  of  John  XXII "  are  divided  only  into 
titles  and  chapters.  They  are  indicated  by  the  ab- 
breviation, "Extrav.  Joan.  XXII".  For  instance: 
"c.  2,  Extrav.  Joan.  XXII,  De  verborum  significatione 
XIV"  refers  to  the  second  chapter  of  the  fourteenth 
title  of  this  collection. 

Principal  rdiliiins. — Very  soon  after  the  invention 
of  printing  editions  of  the  "Corpus  Juris",  with  or 
without  the  gloss  (comments  of  canonists)  were  pub- 
lished. We  have  already  mentioned  the  importance 
of  the  Paris  edition  (1499-1505)  for  the  two  collec- 
tions of  "Extravagantes".  This  edition  includes  the 
gloss.  The  last  edition  with  the  gloss  is  that  of  Lyons 
(1671).  Though  the  Council  of  Trent  did  not  order  a 
revision  of  the  text  of  the  canonical  collections,  St. 
Pius  V  appointed  (1566)  a  commission  to  prepare  a 
new  edition  of  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici".  This 
commission  devoted  itself  especially  to  the  correction 
of  the  text  of  the  "  Decree"  of  Gratian  and  of  its  gloss. 
Gregory  XIII  ("Cum  pro  munere",  1  July,  1580; 
'•Emendationera",  2  June,  1582)  decreed  that  no  change 
was  to  be  made  in  the  revised  text.  This  edition  of 
the  "Corpus"  appeared  at  Rome  in  1582,  in  (xilibus 
popuH  Romani,  and  serves  as  exemplar  for  all  subse- 
quent editions.  The  best-known,  jjrevious  to  the 
nineteenth  century,  are  those  of  the  brothers  Pithou 
(Paris,  1687),  Freiesleben  (Prague,  1728),  and  the 
Protestant  canonist  Bbhmer  (Halle-Magdeburg. 
1747).  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  text  of  the  latter 
edition  differs  from  that  of  the  Roman  edition  of  1.582, 
and  does  not  therefore  possess  practical  utility.  The 
edition  of  Richf  er  ( Leipzig,  1833-39)  avoids  this  defect 
and  is  valuable  for  its  critical  notes.  The  edition  of 
Friedberg  (Leipzig,  1879-81)  does  not  reproduce  the 
text  of  the  Roman  edition  for  thi?  "  1  )ecree ' '  of  Gratian, 
but  gives  the  Roman  text  of  the  other  collections.  It 
is  the  best  and  most  critical  edition. 

(3)  Jus  novissimum. — .\fter  the  Council  of  Trent, 
an  attempt  to  .secure  a  new  official  collection  of  church 
laws  was  made  about  1.580.  when  Gregory  XIII 
charged  three  cardinals  with  tlie  task.  The  work 
continued  during  the  pontificate  of  Sixtus  V,  was  ac- 
complished under  Clement  VIII,  and  was  printed 
(Rome,  1,598)  as:  " Sancti.ssimi  Domini  nostri  de- 
mentis pal)a^  VIII  Decretales",  sometimes  .also  "Sep- 
tinuis  liber  Decretalium".  This  collection,  never 
approved  either  by  Clement  VIII  or  by  Paul  V,  was 
recently  edited  (Freiburg,  1870)  by  Sentis.     In  1557 


GORRADO 


394 


CORRECTORIES 


an  Italian  canonist,  Paul  Lancclottus,  attcmiJteJ  un- 
successfully to  secure  from  Paul  IV,  for  the  foui'  books 
of  his  " Institutiones  juris  canonici"  (Rome,  1563),  an 
authority  equal  to  that  which  its  model,  the  "Institu- 
tiones" of  Emperor  Justinian,  once  enjoyed  in 
tiie  Roman  Empire.  A  private  individual,  Pierre 
Mathieu  of  Lyons,  also  wrote  a  "  Liber  Septimus  De- 
cretalium ' ',  inserted  in  the  appendix  to  the  Frankfort 
(1590)  edition  of  the  ''Corpus  Jviris  Canonici".  This 
work  was  put  on  the  Inde.x.  The  soiu-ces  of  modern 
canon  law  must  be  looked  for  in  the  disciplinary 
canons  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (see  Trent,  Council 
of),  in  the  collections  of  papal  Bulls  (see  Bullarium), 
of  general  and  local  councils,  and  in  the  collections  of 
the  decisions  and  answers  of  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions (see  CoNGREG.\TiONS,  Rohan).  However,  the 
ancient  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici"  forms  yet  the  basis 
of  the  actual  canonical  legislation.  The  present  posi- 
tion is  not  without  grave  inconveniences.  At  the  Vat- 
ican Coimcil  several  bishops  asked  for  a  new  codifica- 
tion of  the  canon  law,  and  since  then  several  canonists 
have  attempted  to  compile  treatises  in  the  form  of  a 
full  code  of  canonical  legislation,  e.  g.  de  Luise  (1873), 
Pillet  (1890),  Pezzani  (1894),  Deshayes  (189-1),  Col- 
lomiati  (1898-1901).  Finally  Pius  X  determined  to 
undertake  this  work  by  his  decree  "  Arduum  sane 
munus"  (19  March,  1904),  and  named  a  commission  of 
cardinals  to  compile  a  new  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici" 
on  the  model  of  the  codes  of  civil  law.  (See  Law.) 
Lacrin,  IntTodudio  in  corpus  j'uri^  canonici  (Freiburg,  1889); 
Schneider,  Die  Lehre  von  den  KircJi,  nr,  iht^quiUtn  (:?nd  ed.. 
Ratisbon,  1892);   Tardif, //i  /,■  .      '  '     '      '  7"p 

(Paris,   1887);    Gallandi,   /)■  ' -s 

dissertationum  syttoffe  (Mentz,  1  .'"i  "^. 

Bibliotheca    juris    canonici    r- ■     .  ^. 

Geschichte  der  Quetlen  und  der  Ltlinr  '_'''-s 

im  Abendtande  bis  zum  Ausgang  drs    1/  '      '         -.ii>: 

ScHULTE,  Geschichte  der  Qxtellen  uwl  1  ' '" 'i 

RechtsvonGratianbisauj  die  (ligin>r>ii'    -m-      ■!     :  ,-ni)>; 

Smith,  Elements  of  F"  !■    '■/  '  "'  /  '       \.'       i  -        i    'V2 

sqq.;     ScHERER,  Hnn  '■       '      '       '\  I. 

178  sq.;    Wernz.  Jn     h  !: ■   i: 

S.iGMULLER,  Z/e/ir6(<r/'   ■''      '  -' '■    A.,'.'  iiii. 

19(X)-1904),  104  sqq.;     I'^umun.   Ihf  L„wu,  ,n,   t  „.-.<-.  .Luii- 
don,  1906),  258,  274,  336,  354,  355,  etc. 

A.  Van  Hove. 

Corrado,  Rudolfo.    See  Ghirlandajo. 

Correction,  Fr.^tern.^l,  is  here  taken  to  mean  the 
admonishing  of  one's  neighbour  by  a  private  individual 
with  the  purpose  of  refonning  him  or,  if  possible,  pre- 
venting his  sinful  indulgence.  This  is  clearly  distin- 
guishable from  an  official  disciplining,  whose  mouth- 
piece isajudgeorotherlike superior,  whoseobjcct  isthe 
punishment  of  one  found  to  be  guilty,  and  whcse  uio- 
tive  is  not  so  directly  the  individual  atlvantage  of  the 
ofTender  as  the  furtherance  of  the  common  good. 
That  there  is,  upon  occasion  and  with  due  regard  to 
circumstances,  an  obligation  to  administer  fraternal 
correction  there  can  be  no  doubt.  This  is  a  conclu- 
sion not  only  deducible  from  the  natural  law  bindmg 
us  to  love  and  to  assist  one  another,  but  also  explicitly 
contained  in  positive  precept  such  as  the  inculcation 
of  Christ:  "If  thy  brother  shall  offend  against  thee, 
go,  and  rebuke  him  between  thee  and  him  alone.  If 
he  shall  hear  thee,  thou  shalt  gain  thy  brother"  (Matt., 
xviii,  15).  Given  a  sufficiently  grave  condition  <)f 
spiritual  distress  calling  for  succour  in  this  way,  this 
commandment  may  exact  fulfahnent  under  pain  of 
mortal  sin.  This  is  reckoned  to  be  so  only  when  (1) 
the  deliiujuency  to  be  corrected  or  prevented  is  a 
grievous  one;  (2)  there  is  no  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  sinner  will  adequately  provide  for  himself; 
(3)  there  is  a  well-founded  expectation  that  the  ad- 
monition will  be  heeded;  (4)  there  is  no  one  else  just 
as  well  fitt('d  for  this  work  of  Christian  ch;irity  and 
likely  to  imdertake  it;  (5)  there  is  no  special  trouble 
or  disadvantage  accruing  In  the  reformer  as  a  result 
of  his  zeal.  I'ractically,  liowiver,  individuals  without 
any  official  capaeitj'  are  seldom  impeachable  as  having 
seriously  transgressed  the  law  in  this  matter  because 


it  is  but  rarely  one  fiuds  the  coalition  of  circumstances 
just  entunerated. 

Of  course  the  reproof  is  to  be  administered  pri- 
vately, i.  e.  directly  to  the  delinquent  and  not  in  the 
presence  of  others.  This  is  plaiiily  the  method  ap- 
pointed by  Christ  in  the  words  just  cited  and  only  as 
a  remedy  for  obduracy  is  any  other  contemplated  by 
Him.  Still  there  are  occasions  upon  which  one  might 
lawfully  proceed  in  a  different  way.  For  instance 
(a)  when  the  offence  is  a  public  one;  (b)  when  it 
makes  for  the  prejudice  of  a  third  party  or  perhaps 
even  the  entire  commimity;  (c)  when  it  can  only  be 
condignly  dealt  with  by  the  authority  of  a  superior 
paternaLy  exercised;  (d)  when  a  public  rebuke  is 
necessary  to  preclude  scandal:  witness  the  with- 
standing of  Peter  by  Paul  mentioned  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Galatians  (ii,  11-14);  (e)  when  the  offender 
has  already  in  advance  relinquished  whatever  right 
he  possessed  to  have  his  good  name  safeguarded,  as 
is  the  custom  in  some  religious  bodies.  The  obliga- 
tion of  fraternal  correction,  so  far  as  private  persons 
go,  does  not  obtain,  generally  speaking,  for  the  case 
of  one  w'ho  violates  a  law  through  invincible  igno- 
rance. The  obvious  reason  is  that  there  is  then  no 
formal  sin.  Superiors  to  be  sure  can  claim  no  such 
immunity  for  it  is  their  duty  to  instruct  their  subordi- 
nates. Every  one,  however,  whether  having  an  offi- 
cial competency  or  not,  is  bound  to  give  the  admoni- 
tion when  the  sin,  committed  though  it  be  from 
ignorance,  is  hurtful  to  the  offender  or  a  third  party 
or  is  the  occasion  of  scandal. 

NoLDiN,  Summa  Theologits  Moralis  (Innsbruck,  1905); 
Lehmkchl,  Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg,  1SS7);  Joseph 
RiCK.vBY,  Aquinas  Ethicus  (London,  1896). 

Joseph  F.  Delany. 

Correction,  House.s  op  Spiritu.^l.  See  Retreat, 
Houses  of  Correctional. 

Correctories  are  the  text-forms  of  the  Latin  Vul- 
gate resulting  from  the  critical  emendations  as  prac- 
tised during  the  course  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
Owing  to  the  carelessness  of  transcribers,  the  conjec- 
tural corrections  of  critics,  the  insertion  of  glosses  and 
paraphrases,  and  especially  to  the  preference  for  read- 
ings found  in  the  earlier  Latin  versions,  the  te.xt  of  St, 
Jerome  was  corrupted  at  an  early  date.     About  55C 
Cassiodorus  made  an  attempt  at  restoring  the  puritj 
of  the  Latin  text.     Charlemagne  entrusted  the  same 
labour  to  Alcuin,  who  presented  his  royal  patron  wit! 
a  corrected  copy  in  8(31.     Similar  attemijts  were  re- 
peated by  Theodulphus  Bishop  of  Orleans  [787(?) 
821].    Lanfranc,    Archbishop    of   Canterbury  (1070- 
1089),   Stephen  Harding.  Abbot  of  Citeaux   (1109- 
1134),  and  Deacon  Nicolaus  ilaniacoria  (about  th 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century).     Xt  this  pericx 
the  neetl  of  a  revised  Latin  text  of  the  Vulgate  becam 
more  imperative  than  ever.     When,  towards  the  em 
of  the  twelfth  centuiy,  the  schools  of  Paris  were  oi 
ganized  into  the  university  and  its  various  facultie 
adopteil  the  same  reference  te.xts,  the  faculty  of  thee 
logj-,  too,  adhered  to  a  vmiform  text  of  the  Lati 
Bible.     It  cannot  be  ascertained  at  jiresent  whetht 
this  adoption  was  owing  to  the  chance  prevalence  of 
certain  manuscript  or  to  the  critical  work  of  theoU 
gians,  whether  it  was  the  effect  of  an  official  choice  ( 
the  university  or  of  a  prevailing  cu.stom;  at  any  rat 
the  almost  general  adoption  of  this  text  threw  int 
oblivion  a  great  ntnnber  of  genuine  readings  which  ha 
been  current  in  the  jireceiling  centuries,  and  pcrpeti 
atcd  a  text,  imiforni.  intlecd.  but  very  corrupt.     Th 
is  the  so-called  "IJiblia  Parisiensis ",  or  Paris  Bibl 
no  copy  is  known  to  exist  in  our  tlays.     The  thirteen! 
century  re;uted  :igainst  this  evil  by  a  series  of  corre 
tories.     Father  Denifle  enumerates  as  many  :»s  thi 
teen  groups,  but  it  is  more  convenient  to  reduce  the 
to  three  classes:  the  Dominican,  the  Franciscan,  ai 
tlie  allied  correctories. 


lilin 


fm.0 


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"  apply 
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■It  tie 

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'«npts 


C0RREG6I0 


;i9r, 


CORRIGAM 


Dnminirin)  Corrrrtorirs. — The  gpiiornl  duiiitcr  of 
llir  l)i)iiiiiii(',iiis  held  in  V2'M  coiiiiccis  :i  coiTcctoil 
text  (if  tlic  Latin  Bible  with  the  inenihers  of  the  prov- 
ince of  France;  it  ordained  that  all  Bibles  should  be 
conformed  to  this.  Little  more  is  known  of  this  work ; 
but  the  following  correctories  are  more  notetl:  (1) 
The  "Biblia  Senonensis",  or  the  Bible  of  Sens,  is  not 
the  Paris  Bible  as  approved  of  by  the  Archl)ishop  of 
Sens,  nor  is  it  a  particular  text  adopted  by  the  ecelesi- 
:istical  authority  of  that  city,  but  it  is  a  correction  of 
the  Paris  Bible  prepared  by  the  Dominican  Fathers 
residing  there.  Whatever  be  the  value  of  this  correc- 
torj',  it  did  not  meet  with  the  approval  of  the  Domini- 
can Order,  a-s  may  be  inferred  from  an  ordination  of 
the  general  chapter  held  in  Paris,  12.5(i.  tjuotations 
from  it  found  in  the  " Correctorium  Sorbonieum"  re- 
semble the  readings  of  the  Latin  manuscript  No.  17  in 
the  National  Library-,  Paris.  The  fathers  of  Sens 
failed  to  produce  a  satisfactory  text  because  they  were 
too  sparing  in  their  emendation  of  the  Paris  Bible. 
(2)  Hugues  of  Saint-Cher  tried  to  restore  the  primitive 
text  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  which  in  his  day  was  prac- 
tically identical  with  the  Paris  Bible,  by  removing  its 
glosses  and  all  foreign  accretioiLs.  But  instead  of  h.-iv- 
ing  recourse  to  the  manuscripts  of  St.  Jerome's  text  he 
compared  the  Paris  Bible  with  the  original  Hebrew 
and  Greek  readings,  thus  furnishing  a  new  version 
rather  than  a  correctorj'.  Roger  Bacon  calls  his 
work  "  the  worst  corruption,  the  destruction  of  the 
text  of  God".  Eight  manuscripts  of  Hugues' correc- 
tory  are  still  extant.  (3)  Theobald  is  the  name  of  the 
Dominican  Father  who  is  usually  connected  with  the 
next  correction  of  the  Latin  Viilgate  text,  which  ap- 
peared about  1248.  The  text  of  this  too  resembles 
that  of  the  Latin  manuscript  No.  17  in  the  National 
Library,  Paris,  and  is  thus  related  to  the  "Correc- 
torium Senonense".  It  may  be  identical  with  the 
"Correctio  Parisiensis  .secunda",  quoted  in  the  "Cor- 
rectorium Sorbonieum".  (4)  .Another  correctory 
was  prepared  aljout  1256  in  the  Dominican  convent  of 
Saint-Jacques,  Paris.  The  manuscript  thus  corrected 
contains  a  text  as  bad  as,  if  not  worse  than  the  Bible 
of  Paris,  the  readings  of  which  were  carrietl  into  the 
new  correctorj'.  The  principles  of  Hugues  of  Saint- 
Cher  were  followed  by  the  correctors,  who  marked  in 
red  the  words  to  be  omitted,  and  added  marginal  notes 
to  explain  changes  and  suggest  variants.  They  are 
more  copious  in  the  Old  Testament  than  in  the  New. 
The  autograi)h  is  preserved  in  the  National  Librarj-, 
Paris,  MSS.  lat.  16,719-16,722. 

Francisrmi  Correctories. — Tlie  great  Franciscan 
writer,  Roger  Bacon,  was  the  first  to  formulate  the 
true  principles  which  ought  to  guide  the  correction  of 
the  Latin  Vulgate;  his  rehgious  brethren  endeavoured 
to  apply  them,  though  not  always  successfullj-.  (1) 
The  "Correctorium  .Sirbonicum",  probably  the  work 
of  \\'illiam  of  Brittany,  derives  its  name  from  the  fact 
that  the  thirteenth-century  manuscri])t  in  which  the 
emendations  were  m.ade  belonged  to  the  Library  of 
the  Sorbonne,  though  at  present  it  is  kept  in  the  Na- 
tional Librarj",  Paris,  M.S.  lat.  15,5.54,  fol.  147-253. 
Tlie  marginal  and  interlinear  glosses  are  derived  from 
the  Paris  Bible  and  the  correctory  of  the  Dominican 
Father  Theobald;  the  make-up  of  the  work  imitates 
the  Dominican  correctories.  (2)  The  "Correctorium 
Vatieanum"  owes  its  name  to  the  circumstance  that 
its  first  known  manu.script  was  the  Cod.  Vaticanus 
lat.  .'5466,  though  at  jirescnt  eight  other  copies  are 
known,  Ijelonging  to  the  thirteenth  or  the  beginning  of 
the  fourteenth  centurj-.  Its  author  is  William  de 
Mara,  of  Oxford,  a  disciple  of  Roger  Bacon,  whose 
principles  and  methods  he  follows.  Though  ac- 
quaint<'d  with  several  Latin  and  Hebrew  manu.scripts, 
the  Targum,  the  commentaries  of  Rashi,  and  the  orig- 
inal texts,  he  relied  more  on  the  authority  of  the  early 
manu.script.s  of  St.  Jerome's  text.  Tliere  are  some 
faults  in  the  correctory,  resulting  mainly  from  the 


author's  limited  knowledge  of  Greek.  Ci)  Gerard  de 
lluy  was  a  faithful  follower  of  Roger  Bacon's  princi- 
ples; the  old  Latin  manuscri|)ts  and  the  readings  of 
the  Fathers  are  his  first  authority,  and  only  w  hen  they 
disagree  does  he  have  recourse  to  the  original  texts. 
L'nfortunately  he  knew  no  Latin  manuscripts  okler 
than  those  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  containing 
a  text  of  Alcuin's  recension.  But  Gerard  knew  the 
history  of  the  versions  and  the  origin  of  the  textual 
corruptions  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures.  He  corrected 
the  Paris  Bible  and  gave  an  account  of  his  emenda- 
tions in  his  marginal  notes.  (4)  Two  more  Franei.s- 
can  correctories  must  be  noted:  MS.  61  (Toulouse),  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  reproduces  the  correctory  of 
G6rard  de  Buxo,  of  Avignon,  .a  work  rather  exegetieal 
than  critical  in  character;  MS.  28  (Einsiedeln),  of  the 
beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  contains  the 
work  of  John  of  Cologne. 

Allied  Correctories. — Mangenot  mentions  six  other 
groups  of  correctories  which  have  not  been  fully  in- 
vestigated as  yet.  Two  of  them  are  allied  to  the 
Dominican  correctory  of  the  convent  of  Saint-Jacques; 
one  is  represented  by  the  MS.  lat.  15,554,  fol.  1-146, 
National  Library-,  Paris;  the  other  by  Cod.  Laurent., 
Plut.,  XXV,  sin.",  cod.  4,  fol.  101-107  (Florence),  and  by 
MS.  131,  fol.  1,  Arsenal,  Paris.  Two  other  groups  are 
allied  to  the  Franciscan  correctories ;  one,  represented 
by  Cod.  141,  lat.  class.  I,  fol.  121-390,  Marciana  (Ven- 
ice), depends  on  William  de  Mara  and  Gerard  de  Huy ; 
the  other,  found  in  MS.  82,  Borges.  (Rome),  depends 
on  Gerard  de  Huy.  Finally  two  very  brief  correc- 
tories nrr  to  Im  frniTi'l  ill  MS  1(12,  Antoniana,  Padua, 
and  ill  M-   i  >  iii     I     17    iJ    IJ7,  Nurenberg, 

Ma-. I       ".        \  /'  /    >'!- .  s.  V.  Correcloire.<i;   Deni- 

FLE,  I)  ■    :i  .,l,,n,n  lies  13.  jahrhun- 

rf^W.s  n  ■  'lu'hie  de.^  Mittelal- 

tcrs  (1  !  S\MUEL  Bergef, 

flisl"  rh-K  du  moyen  I'n/^ 

(Pari-,    !     '  KihriiirtT  habuerint 

Chrisinn ;      ,  i,:i  ,  is'iiii;   D6der- 

i,EiN,    r....  r,,,-,, ,7,,,-,  :     ;         .      ,',       1/,  ,ium   (Alt- 

dorf,  177S  ,  I,  I;    11.17,      lii      ,i:,     \     :        I>.    ;riaztu7ii 

acadimuh,  ill.nnf.  I^r.i,  K,..,-,,  (,,  '.  .  i.',  ,1.  r  Vnluala 
(Mainz,  1S6S),  244-27.^;  Gkk.-.,,iiy,  I'miimmuna  (Leipzig. 
1904),  III,  973. 

A.  J.  Maas. 
Correg-g^o.     See  Allegri,  Antonio. 

Corrigan,  Mich.^el  Augu-stine,  third  Archbishop 
of  New  York,  b.  13  August,  1839,  at  Newark,  New  Jer- 
sey; d.  at  New  York,  5  May,  1902.  His  parents  were 
natives  of  Ireland.  After  graduating  at  Mt.  St.  Mary's 
College,  Emmittsburg,  Md.,  in  18.59,  he  entered  the 
(^ollege  of  the  Propaganda  at  Rome,  and  was  one  of 
the  twelve  students  with  whom  the  North  American 
College  was  opened  there,  8  December,  1859.  He 
was  ordained  priest  at  Rome,  19  September,  1863,  and 
received  there  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Divinity  in 
18G4.  Returning  to  his  native  diocese  in  September, 
1864,  he  was  succe.ssively  professor  of  dogni.atic  tlieol- 
ogy  and  of  Scripture,  vice-president  and  presidetit  of 
Seton  Hall  College  and  Seminary,  and  vicar-general  of 
the  diocese  until  1873,  when  on  4  May  he  \va.s  conse- 
crated Bishop  of  Newark.  His  administration,  dur- 
ing the  seven  years  of  its  continuance,  was  character- 
ized by  imceasing  and  successful  efforts  to  bring  the 
regulation  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  affairs  of  the 
dioce.se  into  strict  accordance  with  the  prescriptions 
and  recommendations  of  the  plenary  coiuicils  of  the 
Church  in  the  I'nited  States  that  liad  been  held  pre- 
vious to  his  accession  to  the  episcopacy. 

The  declining  health  of  Cardinal  .McClo.skey,  Arch- 
bi.shop  of  New  Y'ork  reqiiiring  the  appointment  of  a 
coadjutor,  the  young  Bisho|>  of  Newark  was  named, 
1  October,  1880,  titular  Archbi.shop  of  Petra,  with  the 
right  of  succession  for  New  Y'ork.  and  on  the  death  of 
Cardinal  McCloskey  in  October,  1885,  he  ass-umed 
charge.  Having  taken  an  active  part  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  (1884) 
as  the  representative  of  the  cardinal,  his  first  impor- 


CORRIGAN 


396 


CORSICA 


tant  act  as  archbishop  was  to  convoke  a  synod  of  the 
diocese,  in  November,  ISSti,  to  carry  into  effect  the  de- 
crees of  the  comicil.  The  considerable  changes  matle 
by  the  council  in  the  status  of  the  clergy  and  its  pro- 
visions for  the  administration  of  the  dioceses  of  the 
United  States,  as  to  their  subordinate  officials,  were 
adopted.  A  new  theological  semmary,  to  replace  that 
of  St.  Joseph's,  Troy,  was  built  at  Dunwoodie  and 
opened  September,  1896.  The  unfinished  towers  of 
St.  Patrick's  Cathedral  were  completed.  The  Orphan 
Asylums  on  Fifth  and  Madison  Avenues  were  trans- 
ferred to  a  new  suburban  location  at  Kingsbridge. 
The  construction  of  the  Lady  Chapel  of  the  cathedral, 
through  funds  donated  by  a  generous  Catholic  family, 
was  begun. 

During  the  municipal  election  of  1886  Archbishop 
Corrigan  deemed  it  his  duty  to  disapprove  of  the 
Bocialistic  character  of  the  writings  and  addresses  of 
one  of  the  candidates  for  the  mayoralty.  This  brought 
about  the  most  disturbing  incident,  perhaps,  of  the 
archbishop's  administration,  the  difference  between 
himself  and  a  prominent  member  of  his  clergy,  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Edward  McGlynn,  rector  of  St.  Stephen's 
Church,  New  York  city,  occasioned  by  the  latter's 
advocacy  of  opinions  which  the  archbishop  believed 
were  not  in  accord  with  Catholic  teaching  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  rights  of  property.  The  controversy  began 
in  1886  with  the  clergyman  s  appearance  on  the  public 
platform,  in  behalf  of  one  of  the  candidates  for  mayor, 
who  stood  for  certain  novel  economic  theories,  and  led 
to  the  privation  of  his  pastoral  office.  Not  complying 
afterwards  with  the  order  of  the  pope,  Leo  XIII,  to 
proceed  to  Rome,  he  incurred  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication. 

There  resulted  some  commotion  in  ecclesiastical  and 
other  circles,  accentuated  later  (1892)  by  a  new  phase 
which  the  Catholic  School  question  assumed  in  its  re- 
lation to  the  State.  A  period  of  much  public  discus- 
sion and  excitement  followed  which,  however,  began 
to  subside  rapidly  when  Dr.  McGlynn  was  relieved  of 
the  censure  by  the  Apostolic  Delegate,  then  Arch- 
bishop SatoUi,  and  obeyed  the  sinnmons  of  the  Holy 
Father.  In  1894  Archbishop  Corrigan  appointed  Dr. 
McGlynn  pastor  of  St.  Mary's  Church,  Newburgh, 
where  he  remained  until  his  death  in  1901. 

On  May  4th,  1898,  Archbishop  Corrigan  celebrated 
the  twenty-fifth  anniversary  of  his  episcopal  conse- 
cration. Laymen,  priests,  and  many  prominent  non- 
Catholics  assembled  to  testify  to  his  virtues  as  an 
ecclesiastic  and  as  a  citizen.  He  made  his  last  visit  ad 
limina  Apostolorum  in  1900.  Two  years  afterwards,  re- 
turning from  a  confirmation  visit  to  the  Bahamas,  he 
contracted  a  cold,  which,  aggravated  by  an  accident, 
caused  his  death  on  May  5th  of  the  same  year.  The 
manifestation  of  sentiments  of  respect  and  affection 
on  that  event  was  not  only  local  but  national.  From 
the  beginning  of  his  episcopate  in  New  York  he  was 
obliged  to  face  the  problem  of  the  great  influ.x  of  for- 
eign, especially  Italian,  immigration  and  its  religious 
requirements.  He  had  to  guide  and  direct  the  char- 
itable and  educational  interests  of  his  diocese  which 
rapidly  and  widely  expanded  during  his  administra- 
tion. During  the  seventeen  years  of  his  rule  he  was 
instrumental  in  the  increase  of  the  churches,  chapels, 
and  stations  of  the  archdiocese  by  one  hinulrcd  and 
eighty-eight,  of  the  clergy  by  two  hundred  and  citjhly- 
four,  of  schools  by  seventy-five.  His  schular.ship  was 
deep  and  wide,  extending  to  every  branch  of  ecclesias- 
tical learning;  his  piety  marked  jiut  unobtrusive;  his 
methods  gentle  bvit  firm,  llis  dexotion,  his  zeal,  and 
his  unceasing  labours  in  behalf  of  religion  make  him  a 
conspicuous  figure  in  the  history  of  the  American 
Church  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  only  literary 
production  that  his  busy  life  ;us  a  priest  and  bishop 
permitted  him  to  ))ubli.<ih  was  a  "Register  of  the 
Clergy  laboring  in  the  .\rchdiocese  of  New  York  from 
early  nii.ssions  to  1.SS5",  which  he  comjiiled  for  the 


"Historical  Records  and  Studies"  of  the  L^nited  States 

Cathclir  Ilistniy  S(.ri._'ty  i.Iari.,  1889,  sqq.). 

t'AitiM'i'M  l.i[<nM(v  \.^^'iM  \  [iMN,  Memortol  of  Most  Rev 
Arrhh:  Imp  r. .>,,„.,, I,  I  I,  n,i  A,,  hi, „.hup  of  New  York  INew  York, 
190-"i;  lnN\.  /■/(.  Cilli.Ch.  in  AVic  Jfrs(-M(Morristowii,  1904); 
Smith,  The  Calk.  Ch.  in  New  York  (New  York.  1908);  Reuss, 
Biog,  Cycl.  of  the  Cath.  Hierarchy  of  U.  S.  (Milwaukee,  1898); 
Farley,  The  History  of  St,  Patrick's  Cathedral  (New  York, 
1908). 

Joseph  F.  Mooney. 

Corrigan,  Sir  Dominic,  physician,  b.  1802,  in 
Dublin,  Ireland;  d.  there,  1880;  distinguished  for  his 
original  observations  in  heart  disease,  a  special  type 
of  pulse  being  named  after  him.  The  son  of  a  poor 
shopkeeper,  his  early  education  was  obtained  at 
Maynooth,  which  then  had  a  department  for  secular 
students  apart  from  the  ecclesiastical  seminary.  He 
was  attracted  to  the  study  of  medicine  by  the  physi- 
cian in  attendance.  After  several  years  of  medical 
study  in  Dublin  he  followed  the  prevailing  custom  of 
the  time  and  went  to  Edinbm-gh  where  he  received 
his  degree  as  M.  D.  in  1825.  After  his  return  to 
Dublin  he  was  appointed  physician  to  the  Jervis 
Street  Hospital,  which  had  but  six  medical  beds. 
During  the  next  four  years  he  studied  certain  forms 
of  heart  disease  to  such  good  purpose  that  he  recast 
the  teaching  of  diseases  of  the  aortic  valves.  His 
article  on  "Permanent  Patency  of  the  Aortic  Valves" 
appeared  in  the  Edinburgh  "Medical  and  Surgical 
Journal"  for  April,  18.32.  He  was  eminently  suc- 
cessful as  a  teacher  of  medicine.  In  1842  the  Lon- 
don College  of  Surgeons  conferred  on  him  its  diploma. 
In  1849  he  received  from  the  University  of  Dublin 
the  honorary  degree  of  M.  D.  He  was  known  as  a 
very  hard-working  physician,  and  his  self-sacrificing 
devotion  during  the  famine  fever  years  made  him 
famous.  His  "Lectures  on  Fevers"  (Dublin,  185.3) 
are  a  valuable  contribution  to  our  knowletlge  of  this 
subject.  He  was  created  a  baronet  partly  as  a  re- 
ward for  his  services  as  Commissioner  of  Education 
for  many  years.  He  was  a  member  of  Parliament 
in  the  Liberal  interest  for  five  years  after  1869.  He 
was  defeated  for  re-election  in  1874  by  the  liquor  in- 
terest which  he  had  antagonized  by  supporting  the 
Sunday  Closing  Bill.  He  was  President  of  the  Royal 
Zoological  Society  of  Dublin,  of  the  Dublin  Patho- 
logical Society,  of  the  Dublin  Pharmaceutical  So- 
ciety, and  was  five  times  elected  President  of  the 
College  of  Physicians  in  Dublin,  an  imprecedented 
honour.  His  work  on  heart  disease  stamps  him  as  a 
great  original  investigator  in  medicine.  Trousseau, 
the  French  clinician,  proposed  that  aortic  heart  dis- 
ease should  be  called  Corrigan's  disease. 

Sketches  in  Brit.  MeA.  Journal  and  The  Lancet  (1S80);  Walsh, 
Makers  of  Modern  Medicine  (New  Y'ork,  1907). 

James  J.  Walsh. 

Corsica,  the  third  island  of  the  Mediterranean  in 
point  of  size,  only  Sicily  and  Sardinia  being  of 
greater  extent.  The  distance  from  the  I'rench  seaport. 
Antibes,  on  the  Riviera,  to  Calvi,  the  port  of  Corsica 
nearest  to  France,  is  one  hundred  and  eleven  miles. 
There  is  a  brisk  commerce  between  Leghorn,  in  Italy, 
and  Bastia,  in  Corsica,  the  voyage  being  made  ini 
five  hours.  The  island  is  mountainous  and  well! 
watered,  a  large  part  being  covered  with  forests  and' 
almost  impenetrable  thickets  called  maquis.  The' 
climate  is  mild  on  the  coa.st,  but  cold  in  the  elevateil 
regions.  The  area  of  Corsica  is  3367  square  miles. 
th(!  population  300,000.  Both  the  natives  of  the  in- 
terior and  those  of  the  coast,  whose  ancestors  we; 
Italians,  are  nearly  all  Catholics. 

The  island  was  early  visited  by  the  Phopniciai 
and  Phocians  who  established  colonies  there.     For 
time  it  belonged  to  Carthage,  but  was  taken  by  tlu 
Romans,  who  retained  possession  from  260  B.  c.  tc, 
the  end  of  the  fiflli  century  of  the  Christian  Eraif  :"■ -'fiji 
But  they  never  svibdued  the  niouiitain  tribes  of  thii]^v.(jt 
interior,  and  even  in  the  time  of  Gregory 


ribes  of  t\vt\- 
I  (590-0041  f- 

1 


Stal 


.V, 


CORTE 


397 


CORTKS 


liero  were  iiiiiny  heathens  hi  Corsica,  which  long  re- 
aineil  ils  early  reputation  as  a  wild  and  unhospitable 
iland.  On  the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire  (476) 
'orsica  was  taken  by  the  Vandals,  but  was  recovered 
y  Belisarius,  only  to  be  captmed  by  the  Goths 
nder  Totila.  Kventually,  however,  it  became  sub- 
jet  to  the  exarchs  of  Ravenna,  and  remained  a 
iyzantine  possession  until  the  eighth  century.  At 
he  end  of  the  sixth  and  the  beginning  of  the  seventh 
entviry  the  Roman  Church  owned  large  landed  es- 
ites  in  Corsica.  By  the  Donation  of  Pepin  the  Short 
754-55)  the  island  came  under  the  civil  sovereignty 
f  the  popes  (Liber  Pontif.,  ed.  Duchesne,  I,  498;  11, 
04,  note  35).  From  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
ury  it  was  frequently  plundered  by  Saracen  pirates, 
'isa  then  set  up  a  claim  of  overlordship  which  was 
oon  disputed  by  Genoa.  In  1300  the  latter  made 
ood  its  claim  to  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  influence 
itherto  exercised  by  Pisa,  and  despite  numerous 
evolutions  (Sampiero,  1507;  Baron  Neuhof,  1729; 
'aoli,  17-55)  held  at  least  a  nominal  authority  until 
768.  In  that  yi-ar  Genoa  ceded  Corsica  to  France, 
ince  which  time  the  island  has  remained  a  French 
rovince.  Ajaccio,  its  chief  town,  is  historically 
imous  as  the  birthplace  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  Christianity  was  intro- 
uced  into  Corsica  in  Apostolic  times.  Ughelli,  in  his 
Italia  Sacra",  says  of  Mariana,' one  of  the  oldest  set- 
;ements:  "It  received  the  Catholic  Faith,  and  has 
ad  its  own  pastors,  ever  since  the  times  of  the  Apos- 
,es";  but  this  would  be  difficult  to  establish.  An- 
ther tradition  which  finds  favour  with  historians  is, 
iiat  Christianity  was  spread  in  the  island  by  con- 
!ssors  of  the  Faith  exiled  thither  (Hergenrother,  I,  in 
'ranch  tr.,  Paris,  1901,  p.  297).  The  Bollandists  say 
le  country  was  entirely  Christian  in  a.  d.  439.  It 
ave  saints  and  martyrs  to  the  Church;  Mgr.  de  la 
'oata,  in  his  "Recherches"  (see  bibliography  infra), 
ites  the  names  of  three  Corsican  I'Viars  Minor  of  the 
Ibservance,  Bernardino  Albert  i,  Franccschino  Muc- 
tiieli,  Teofilo  Designorio,  whose  virtues  had  been 
uthoritatiyely  declared  heroic,  and  also  claims  as 
orsicans  St.  Laurina,  virgin  and  martyr,  whose  fes- 
val  was  celebrated  as  a  first-class  feast  in  the  ancient 
•iocese  of  Aleria,  St.  Parthceus,  martyr,  St.  Vindc- 
lialis  and  St.  Florentius.  It  is  said,  also,  that  St. 
alia  was  a  Corsican. 

We  have  seen  that  before  and  after  600  Corsica 
as  in  close  dependence  on  the  Apostolic  See,  and 
Iways  remained  so,  (see  Cappelletti,  Le  Chiese 
'Italia,  Xyi,  307  sqq.).  In  1077  Gregory  VII 
amed  as  his  vicarius  for  Corsica  the  Bishop  of  Pisa. 
1  1092  Pope  Urban  II  made  its  bishops  suffragans 
f  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa.  In  11.33  Innocent  II, 
aving  granted  the  pallium  to  the  Archbishop  of 
enoa,  gave  him  for  suffragans  the  Corsican  Bishops 
f  Mariana,  Xobbio,  and  Accia,  the  Archbi.shop  of 
isa  retaining  as  suffragans  the  sees  of  Ajaccio,  ,\lcria, 
ad  Sagona.  Tlie  Bishoprics  of  Mariana  and  Accia 
ere  united,  .30  January,  1563.  About  1.580  the 
lesscd  Alexander  Sauli  (q.  v.),  known  as  the 
Apostle  of  Corsica"  awoke  the  islanders  to  a  more 
»rnest  religious  life  and  founded  a  seminary  on  the 
lodel  of  those  decreed  by  the  Council  of  Trent.  At 
le  time  of  the  French  Revolution  there  were  five 
ioceses  in  Corsica:  Mariana  and  Accia,  Nebbio, 
leria,  Sagona,  and  Ajaccio.  A  decree  of  12  July, 
790,  of  the  National  .\ssembly  at  Paris,  whose  mem- 
ers  had  voted  the  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Clergy, 
duced  these  five  bishoprics  to  one,  giving  to  Bastia 
le  piistoral  care  of  the  whole  island.  On  8  May, 
r91,  the  election  of  the  Constitutional  bi.shop  took 
lace.  The  choice  of  the  electors  fell  upon  the  canon 
^atius  Francis  Guasco,  Vicar-General  of  Mariana, 
nd  Provost  of  the  Cathedral.  He,  however,  made  a 
iiblie  and  solemn  rocant.ation  22  December,  1794. 
he  Concordat  of  1801,  between  the  Holy  See  and  the 


French  Republic,  which  officially  restored  Catholic 
worship  in  F'rance,  made  of  Corsica  a  single  diocese 
with  Ajaccio  as  its  episcopal  city.  (See  Concouuat 
ofLSOI;  Ajaccio.)  St.  Euphrasius,  bishop  and  mar- 
tyr, is  the  patron  of  the  diocese.  Sts.  Julia  and 
Devota  were  declared  patronesses  of  the  island  by 
decree  of  the  S.  C.  of  Rites,  5  August,  1809,  and  14 
March,  1820.  The  "Directorium  Cleri"  of  the  dio- 
ce.se  for  1907  states  that  there  are  in  Corsica  one 
bishop  and  five  hundred  and  ninety-seven  priests, 
professors,  directors,  and  chaplains.  There  are  one 
vicar-general,  eight  titular  canons,  twenty-nine  hon- 
orary canons,  five  archpriests,  thirteen  parishes  of 
the  first  class,  forty-eight  of  the  second  class,  and 
three  hundred  and  thirty-three  chapels.  Parochial 
councils,  composeil  of  members  of  the  laity,  assist  the 
parish  priests,  since  the  suppression  of  the  former 
boards  of  trustees  by  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State.  In  Ajaccio  there  was,  until  recently,  a  dioc- 
esan seminary,  but  the  students  were  dispersed  on 
account  of  the  non-acceptance  by  Pope  Pius  X  of 
the  so-called  "Law  of  Separation".  At  the  time 
it  ceased  to  exist,  it  had  thirty-eight  students  and 
ten  candidates  for  the  priesthood.  Every  newly 
ordained  priest  is  required  to  present  himself  yearly 
for  five  consecutive  years  for  examination  in  ecclesi- 
astical sciences  before  a  special  committee.  The 
degrees  in  theology  may  dispense  from  several  or  all 
of  these  examinations,  but  a  young  priest  is  never 
admitted  to  the  parish  ministry  without  having 
passed  an  examination  of  this  kind.  In  Corsica 
there  are  numerous  charitable  and  pious  brother- 
hoods, founded  in  the  days  of  Italian  rule.  Several 
of  these  associations  assemble  in  their  own  chapels. 
The  churches  are  usually  of  the  Italian  style  of 
architecture  and  sometimes  richly  adorned.  The 
Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Faith  is  directed 
by  a  diocesan  committee  instituted  13  February, 
1859.  The  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society  has  two 
conferences.  An  Association  for  free  Catholic  schools 
is  supported  by  the  subscriptions  of  the  faithful,  who 
also  provide  for  the  needs  of  Catholic  worship. 
Before  the  suppression  of  the  religious  orders  there 
were  in  Corsica  one  house  of  the  Jesuits,  si.x  Francis- 
cans, one  Dominican,  and  five  Capuchin  monasteries, 
and  one  house  of  the  Oblates  of  Mary.  These,  as  well 
as  the  schools  of  the  Christian  Brothers  and  all  convent 
schools,  have  been  closed  by  the  Government.  There 
are  still  six  convents  of  nuns.  In  consequence  of  the 
new  laws  of  France,  the  Catholic  Church  in  Corsica,  a 
poor  country,  is  confronted  with  a  crisis:  the  people, 
habituated  to  look  to  the  State  for  the  support  of 
public  worship,  must  now  adopt  new  methods  and 
make  many  sacrifices  for  the  maintenance  of  religion. 
PiETHO  Fklce  (or  Pktrcs  Cyrn(KUb),  Chronicle  to  the  Year 
IWO  in  MuRATORi,  Ilnlicartim  Ih-rum  Scriptores,  by  della 
Grossa,  Ceccaldi,  and  Monteckjiani,  Chronicles,  continued 
to  1590  by  FiLlPPlNl,  and  tr.  into  French  by  Letteron  (Bas- 
tia); (Jaudin,  Vouagc  en  Corse  (latter  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century):  Renucci,  Storia  di  Corsica  (Bastia,  1834);  Robiquet, 
Recherches  .  .  .  sur  la  Corse  (Paris,  1835):  Friess,  Hisloire  des 
Corses  (Bastia,  1852);  Gregoroviijs,  Hisloire  des  Corses,  a 
French  tr.  of  the  German  work  (Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  1854). 
by  LrcciANA;  Giamarchi,  Vita  politica  di  Pasquale  Paoli 
(Bastia,  1858);  Galetti,  Histoire  illustree  de  la  Corse  (Paris, 
1863);  BouRDE,  En  Corse:  Corresponilance  de  1881  (Paris); 
d'Ornano.  La  Corse  militaire  (Paris);  Bulletin  de  la  SociM  des 
Sciences  historiqurs  et  naturelles  de  la  Corse  (periodical,  Bastia; 
a  magazine  of  valuable  documents  for  Corsican  history);  de 
LA  FoATA,  Recherches  et  notes  diverses  sur  V histoire  de  Veglise  de 
Corse  (Bastia.  1S95);  Ortolan,  Diplomale  et  Soldat;  Mgr. 
Casanelli  d'htria.  Evfque  d' Ajaccio  (Paris,  1900);  Cortona, 
Hist.de  la  Corse  (Paris,  1906)  ;  PoLl,  La  Cone  dans  Vanliquili 
et  dans  le  haut  moyen  Age  (Pans,  1907). 

Alexandre  Guasco. 

Cortes,  DoNoso.    See  Donoso  Cortes. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  conqueror  of  Mexico,  b.  at 
MedeUin  in  Spain  c.  1485;  d.  at  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta 
near  Seville,  2  December,  1547.  He  was  married 
first  to  Catalina  Xuarez,  from  which  marriage  there 


CORTES 


.398 


CORTES 


was  no  issue,  antl,  after  her  death,  to  Dofia  Juana  de 
Ziifiiga,  niece  of  the  Duke  of  Bejar.  From  this  union 
there  sprang  four  children,  one  son  (Martin)  and 
three  daughters.  His  parents  were  Martin  Cortes 
de  Monroy  and  Catalina  Pizarro  Altamirano,  both  of 
honourable  extraction,  belonging  to  the  middle  class 
of  nobility,  but  not  wealthy.  They  sent  their  son  to 
school  at  (Salamanca  when  he  was  fourteen  years  of 
age,  but  study  was  irksome  to  him,  his  restless  and 
ambitious  temper  chafed  under  restraint,  and  he 
returned  home  much  to  the  displeasure  of  his  parents. 
As  he  was  the  only  son,  they  looked  upon  him  as  tlieir 
hope  and  future  support,  and  had  wished  that  he 
would  adopt  the  profes- 
sion of  the  law.  Dissatis- 
fied at  home  Cortes  turned 
his  eyes  to  the  newly  dis- 
covered Western  world, 
and,  after  an  unsuccess- 
ful attempt  to  embark 
for  the  West  Indies  with 
Ovando,  succeeded  in 
reaching  Espanola  in  a 
craft  commanded  by  one 
Quintero,  who  signalized 
himself  during  the  voy- 
age by  trying  to  deceive 
his  superiors  and  reach 
the  New  World  before 
them  in  order  to  secure 
personal  advantages.  It 
may  be  that  the  example 
of  Quintero  was  a  school 
for  Cortes  in  his  subse- 
quent career.  The  life 
Cortes  led  in  the  Antilles 
was  that  of  the  military 
man  of  his  time,  with  in- 
tervals of  rest  on  such 
estates  as  he  gradually 
acquired.  He  was  a  fa- 
vourite of  both  Ovando 
and  Velazquez,  but  he 
quarrelled  with  the  latter, 
deceived  him  and  made 
him  a  mortal  enemy.  The 
consequences  were  very 
serious,  for  Velazquez  was 
Governor  of  Cuba  and  a 
man  of  influence  at  court. 
The  conduct  of  Cortes 
during  his  stay  in  thr> 
Antilles  (1504-1519)  re- 
vealed, besides  military 
aptitude  (which  he  hail 
small  opportunity  of  dis-  (P; 
playing) ,  shrewdness,  dar- 
ing (in  his  dealings  with  Velazquez),  and  no  excess 
of  scruples  in  morals. 

In  1517  Cordova  reached  the  coast  of  Yucatan, 
while  commanding  a  modest  expedition  despatched 
liy  Velazquez.  He  was  mortally  wounded  and  only 
a  renuiant  of  his  crew  reached  Cuba  again,  bring- 
ing back  news  of  the  superior  culture  of  tlie  people 
they  had  met.  Another  expedition  was  deter- 
mined upon,  and  was  carried  out  the  year  following 
under  the  leadership  of  Orijalva.  It  touched  the 
coast  of  Mexico,  and  brought  home  metallic  objects 
and  evidences  of  superior  culture.  Dre  (irijalva  had 
come  back,  Velazquez  determined  to  send  a  third 
and  more  numerous  .stiuadron  to  the  Mexican  coast. 
Cort(5s,  then  one  of  Velazquez's  favourites,  was 
named  as  the  coirunander,  a  choice  which  created  no 
little  envy.  Cort(''s  enteretl  into  the  enterprise  with 
zeal  and  energy,  sacrificing  with  too  much  ostenta- 
tion a  considerable  part  of  his  fortune  to  equip  the 
expedition.     Eleven  vessels  were  brought,  together. 


in  I  lie  Hospital  of 


manned  with  well-armed  men,  and  horses  and  artillery 
were  embarked.  At  the  last  moment  Velazquez, 
whose  suspicions  were  aroused  by  the  actions  of 
Cortes,  instigated  by  his  surroundings,  attempted  to 
prevent  the  departure.  It  was  too  late;  Cortes,  after 
the  example  set  by  Quintero,  slipped  away  from  the 
Cuban  coast  and  thus  began  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
His  life  from  the  time  he  sailed  on  his  momentous 
undertaking  in  1519  is  so  intimately  linked  with  the 
history  of  Mexico,  that  the  reader  may  be  referred 
for  additional  details  to  the  articles  Mexico,  Aztecs, 
and  Pedro   de  Alvarado. 

As  a  soldier  Cortes  put  to  use  in  Mexico  the  Indian 
mode  of  warfare  he  had 
observed  in  the  Antilles, 
and  it  enabled  him  to 
achieve  an  unbroken  suc- 
cess in  the  open  field. 
Indian  defensive  tactics 
from  buildings  and  walls 
were  new  to  him,  but  he 
quickly  saw  both  their 
strong  and  their  weak 
points,  and  his  reduction 
of  the  island  settlement 
of  Tenochtitlan  was  no 
small  feat.  He  recognized 
at  an  early  date  the  Indian 
method  of  proceeding  by 
decoy  and  ambush,  and 
this  led  to  his  success 
against  the  tribe  of  Tlax- 
cals.  He  was  very  ciuick 
in  detecting  devices  and 
stratagems,  even  in  time 
of  apparent  peace,  and  in 
adopting  and  executing 
measures  to  defeat  them. 
(Ine  of  the  most  remark- 
able instances  is  what  has 
been  called  the  "  massacre 
ofCholula".  When  Cortes 
was  at  the  large  Indian 
settlement  of  Tlaxcals 
and  had  perfected  an  alli- 
ance witli  that  people, 
some  Indians  from  the 
neighbouring  tribe  of 
Cholula  urged  him  to  visit| 
their  home.  He  was 
warned  not  to  go,  since 
the  visitors  did  not  ex- 
])ress  the  wish  of  their 
kindred,  who  were  bit- 
terly opposed  to  dealing, 
.■n-ulate  Conception,  Mexico)  \nth  the  Spaniards. 
Though  unacquainted 
with  the  character  of  the  natives,  he  marched  tc 
Cholula.  but  noticed  that  a  trap  was  being  set  foi 
him.  He  prevented  the  outbreak  by  an  attack  or 
the  Indians,  and  after  a  short  struggle  forced  then 
into  submission. 

The  most  daring  of  his  exploits,  and  one  that  maj 
be  qualified  as  absolutely  reckless  althougli  success 
ful,  was  his  inarch  on  Narvaez  who,  with  a  mucl 
superior  force  of  Spaniards,  had  landed  on  the  gul 
coast  with  orders  from  Velazquez,  not  only  to  super 
sede  Cortfe,  but  to  ca))ture  him  and  bring  him  ti 
trial  in  Cuba  for  disobedience  and  treason  toward 
the  governor.  Tjcaving  only  one  hundred  and  fort; 
men  under  Alvarado  to  hold  an  Indian  sottlemont  o 
twenty  thousand  souls,  he  set  out  against  NarvaM 
who  had  nine  hundred  soldiers,  while  Corti^s,  rein 
forced  as  he  approaclied  the  coast,  mustered  abou 
two  hundred  and  sixty.  With  these  he  surprised  hi.l 
antagonist  and  took  him  prisoner.  The  move  was 
desperate  one,  as  the  sequel  proved.     But  the  secre 


CORTES 


.{DO 


CORTES 


)f  his  success  lay  in  his  marvellously  quiclt  niove- 
nents,  for  which  Narvaez  was  not  prepared,  as  well 
IS  ill  his  nipirl  return  to  the  plateau,  by  which  he  sur- 
3rised  tlic  Indians  who  lield  Alvarado  and  his  people 
it  tiioir  Miorcy.  Tlic  desperate  defence  of  the  Span- 
ards  in  the  absence  of  fortes  would  have  been  un- 
ivailing  had  tlie  latter  not  moved  with  sucli  celerity. 
.n  contrast  with  that  lightning-like  quickness,  but 
jqually  well  adapted  to  the  necessities  of  tlie  case, 
vas  the  methodical  investment  and  capture  of  the 
ake  settlement,  sliowing  the  fertility  of  the  con- 
queror's mind  in  suiting  his  tactics  to  altered  condi- 
lons. 

To  these  military  accomplishments  Cortes  joined 
m  unusual  perspicacity  in  penetrating  tl>c  general 
it  nation  in  aboriginal  Mexico.  He  saw,  soon  after 
anding  at  \'era  Cruz,  the  looseness  of  the  Ijonds  by 
vhicli  the  Indian  tribes  were  connected,  and  yet  his 
:een  percept  ion  remained  at  fault  in  that  lie  did  not  ap- 
)reciate  (nor  could  he.  from  t  he  standpoint  of  t  he  times, 
mderstand)  Indian  tribal  organization.  The  sway 
he  tribes  of  the  table-land  and  interior  lake-basin 
icld  over  many  of  tlieir  neighbours  appeared  to  limi 
judging  from  European  and  Asiatic  models)  as  an 
vidence  of  a  consolidated  empire;  the  offices  of 
uperior  rank  held  by  chiefs,  as  parts  of  an  organized 
lierarchy  or  feudal  lordships;  and  the  head  war- 
liief  a  hereditary  autocrat.  Of  the  nature  of  tribal 
ociety  he  h.ad  not.  and  could  not  ha\-e,  any  idea. 
Vhilo.  therefore,  his  attempts  at  winning  tribes 
pagiicd  with  the  Mexican  confederacy  over  to  the 
Ipanish  cause  were  usually  successful,  he  was  less 
ortunate  in  his  relations  with  the  Mexicans  them- 
elves.  His  seizure  of  the  person  of  Montezuma,  the 
lead  war-chief  of  the  confederates,  did  not  have  the 
:xpected  result.  Led  by  the  belief  that  Monte- 
;uma  was  a  supreme  ruler,  hence  the  pivot  of  a  state, 
)ort&  confidently  hoped  to  control  the  Mexican 
ribe  and  its  confederates  through  his  captive.  The 
eizure  itself  appears  as  an  act  of  singular  daring,  and 
fortes  and  his  men  were  astonished  at  the  ease  with 
vhich  it  was  executed,  and  the  lack  of  opposition  on 
he  part  of  the  Indians;  but  they  did  not  know  that 
heir  prisoner  was  of  so  little  importance.  He  was 
m  elected  officer,  who  could  be  replaced  without 
rouble,  and  the  tribal  council,  supported  by  the 
nedicine  men  and  guided  by  their  oracular  utter- 
mces,  were  the  real  lieads  of  the  confederacy.  The 
general  outbreak  against  the  Spaniards  began  after 
ilontezuma's  successor  had  been  installed;  until  then 
lostile  manifestations  were  limited  to  blockading 
Alvarado. 

For  th.e  sake  of  policy,  Cortes  was,  in  general,  far 
rom  cnicl  towards  the  Indians.  He  allowed  Cuauh- 
emotzin  to  be  tortured  in  order  to  force  him  to 
■eveal  the  whereabouts  of  his  supposed  hidden  treas- 
ires.  Such  acts  were  not  uncommon  at  tliat  period, 
ind  every  nation  was  at  times  guilty  of  them.  Tliis 
;ruelty  was,  however,  useless,  because  the  greater 
lart  of  the  Mexican  treasures  had  already  pas.sed  into 
he  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  The  execution  of 
^uauhtemotzin  on  the  journey  to  Honduras  was 
mother  instance  of  the  misconception  by  Cortes  of 
[ndian  conditions.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the 
VIexican  chieftain  was  party  to  a  plan  to  exterminate 
;he  Spaniards  while  they  were  floundering  through 
;he  forests  and  swamps,  but  even  if  this  were  so,  his 
jxecution  wa.s  not  necessary.  By  restraint  the 
same  object  miglit  have  been  achieved.  But  Cortfi's 
iiad  an  exaggerated  conception  of  the  power  and 
influence  of  t'uauhtemotzin's  office,  as  he  had  in  the 
:a.se  of  Montezuma.  To  the  Indians  as  a  mass  he 
Kos  kind.  He  recognized  tliat  their  preservation 
would  insure  eventual  prosperity  for  the  Spaniards, 
provided  the  Indians  gradually  accepted  European 
ideas.  Therefore  he  regarded  the  Church  as  the 
main  instrument  for  the  education  of  the  Indian. 


But  he  was  far  from  sharing  in  the  dreams  of  Las 
Casas.  His  relations  with  the  clergy  were  very 
cordial,  he  did  all  he  could  to  introduce  missionaries, 
and  even  L.as  Casas  mentions  him  favourably.  It 
has  been  intimated  that  the  kind  treatment  of  the 
Jlexican  natives  by  Cortes  was  part  of  a  deeply-laid 
plan  to  use  his  conquest  of  Mexico  for  selfish  and 
treasonable  purposes,  for  Cortes  was  not  always  the 
faithful  suliject.  This  leads  us  to  consider  his  rela- 
tions to  the  Crown  of  Spain  and  a  few  points  of  his 
private  character. 

The  imjiression  has  prevailed  that  Cortes  was 
treated  liy  the  Spanish  Government  with  base  in- 
gratitude. It  is  true  that  a  few  years  after  1521 
an  unfavourable  change  took  place  in  his  relations 
with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and  his  government. 
The  change  never  led  to  an  absolute  break,  but  it 
caused  a  gradual  curtailing  of  his  power  which 
Cortes  felt  very  keenly.  While  lavishly  contribut- 
ing his  own  means  at  the  outset,  Cortes  made  his 
conquest  avowedly  as  a  Spanish  subject,  for  and 
in  behalf  of  Spain  and  its  monarch.  Mexico  be- 
came a  Spanish  colony  through  his  uistrumentality, 
but  it  was  the  duty  of  the  Spanish  Government; 
to  care  for  it.  Cortes  personally  was  not  un- 
generously rewarded,  but  he  speedily  complained  of 
insufficient  coniijcnsation  to  himself  and  his  com- 
rades. Thinking  liimself  beyond  reach  of  restraint, 
he  disobeyed  many  of  the  orders  of  the  Crown,  and, 
what  was  more  imprudent,  said  so  in  a  letter  to  the 
emperor,  dated  1.5  October,  1524  (Ycazbalccta, 
"Document OS  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico",  Mexico, 
1858,  I).  In  this  letter  Cortfe,  besides  recalling  in 
a  rather  abrupt  manner  that  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  due  to  him  alone,  deliberately  acknowledges  liis 
disobedience  in  terms  which  could  not  fail  to  create 
a  most  unfavourable  impression.  Soon  after  the 
capture  of  the  Indian  settlement  the  Crown,  as  was 
its  prerogative,  in  1522  sent  to  Mexico  officers  to 
investigate  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  to  report  on 
the  conduct  of  Cortes.  To  tliis  he  could  not  object, 
as  it  was  an  estalilislied  custom.  The  commissioner, 
Tapia,  charged  with  the  investigation,  was  so  ham- 
pered, however,  by  the  officers  of  Cortes  that  he  did 
not  even  reach  the  valley  of  Mexico,  but  returned 
without  carrying  out  his  orders.  Cortes  himself, 
while  keeping  at  a  distance,  treated  him  with  the 
utmost  courtesy,  but  rendered  all  action  on  his  part 
impossible.  A  second  commissioner.  Luis  Ponce  de 
Leon,  was  sent  in  1526  with  discretionary  and  very 
dangerous  powers.  He  died  at  Mexico  soon  after 
his  arrival,  in  a  manner  that  leaves  little  doubt  of 
foul  play,  although  Prescott  discredits  it.  But  Prcs- 
cott  had  not  then  the  documentary  material  since 
unearthed.  A  number  of  minor  charges  were  brouglit 
against  the  conqueror,  and  they  appear  to  have  been 
substantiated.  They  could  not  fail  to  create  grave 
suspicion,  because  they  presented  the  picture  of  a 
conspiracy,  the  object  of  which  was  to  make  Cortfe 
the  independent  ruler  of  Mexico.  I'nder  such  cir- 
cumstances tlie  least  that  could  be  expected  was  the 
elimination  of  Corti'-s  from  the  government  of  the  new 
province.  The  situ.ation  was  a  very  critical  one  for 
the  Crown.  Cortes  held  the  countrj'  and  its  resources, 
and  controlled  a  body  of  officers  and  men  who  had,  in 
1520.  expressed  to  the  etnperor  in  writing  their  ad- 
miration for  their  captain,  and  dwelt  in  the  strongest 
tenns  on  the  oliligations  under  which  his  achieve- 
ments liad  placed  the  mother  countrj'.  It  is  tnie, 
in  ca.se  of  a  clash.  Spain  might  have  counted  upon  the 
svipport  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Antilles,  but  the 
military  reputation  of  Cort/w  had  become  so  great 
that  tiie  selection  of  a  leader  against  him  would 
have  been  very  embarni-ssing.  Hence  a  conflict  had 
to  be  avoided  iis  long  as  po.ssible.  Cortfe'  position 
was  gradually  tmdennined,  titles  and  honours  were 
conferred    upon    liim,   but   not    the   administrative 


CORTESE 


400 


CORTESE 


authority  he  coveted.  At  the  same  time  his  attention 
was  insensibly  directed  to  explorations  outside  of 
America,  to  the  much-desired  Moluccas  or  Spice 
Islands. 

At  a  time  when  there  was  almost  a  certainty,  in 
court  circles  in  Spain,  of  an  intended  rebellion  by 
Cortfe,  a  charge  was  brought  .against  him  that  cast  a 
fatal  blight  upon  his  character  and  plans.  He  was 
accused  of  the  murder  of  his  first  wife.  Prescott 
makes  light  of  the  accusation,  but  his  opinion  has 
little  weight  because,  as  above  stated,  evidence  has 
since  been  discovered  which  was  beyond  liis  reach. 
This  evidence  leaves  no  doubt  that  Catalina  Xuarez 
was  strangled  by  her  husband.  Tlie  proceedings  of 
the  investigation  were  kept  secret.  No  report, 
either  exonerating  or  condemning  Cortes,  was  pub- 
lislied.  Had  the  Government  declared  him  innocent, 
it  would  have  greatly  increased  his  popularity;  had  it 
declared  him  a  criminal,  a  crisis  would  have  been 
precipitated  by  the  accused  and  his  party.  Silence 
was  the  only  safe  policy.  But  that  silence  is  a 
strong  indication  tliat  grave  danger  was  appre- 
hended from  his  influence.  It  is  curious  that,  after 
the  conquest  of  the  Mexicans  had  been  consummated, 
but  more  particularly  after  the  sinister  deeds  above 
mentioned,  success  seems  to  have  abandoned  his 
banner.  Excluded  from  the  government  of  Mexico, 
his  eyes  were  turned  to  further  exploration.  Don 
Antonio  de  Mendoza,  first  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  was 
looked  upon  by  Cortes  as  his  enemy,  but  the  accusa- 
tion that  he  opposed  and  hami^ered  Cortes  in  nearly 
every  one  of  his  new  enterprises  is  not  justified.  It  was 
the  latter  who,  at  once,  opened  a  violent  campaign 
against  everybody  w!io  approached  what  he  consid- 
ered his  new  domain.  He  found  grave  faults  with 
every  measure,  and  resorted  to  statements  that  were 
utterly  baseless.  Thus  Iiis  attack  upon  Fatlier 
Marcos  of  Nizza,  charging  him  witli  having  attributed 
to  himself  the  discovery  of  New  Mexico  while  in 
reality  he,  Cortes,  had  been  the  discoverer,  is  so 
groundless  that  it  appears  almost  ridiculous.  Every 
expedition  set  on  foot  by  Cortes  in  the  Pacific  either 
failed  absolutely  or  produced  meagre,  unsatisfactory 
results.  Soured  by  these  failures  which  stood  in 
flagrant  contrast  to  the  brilliant  success  of  his  early 
efforts,  Cortes  became  a  chronic  complainant.  He 
saw  his  influence  gone,  his  prestige  waning.  The 
Government  could  not  forget  the  proofs  of  unrelia- 
bility which  the  conqueror  of  Jlexico  had  given 
when  he  thought  himself  master  of  tlie  situation. 
The  emperor  finally  permitted  him  to  join  tlie  great 
expedition  against  Algiers  in  1541.  It  may  be  that 
had  the  advice  of  Cortes  been  followed  tliat  under- 
taking would  have  had  a  less  disastrous  end;  but  he 
was  not  even  consulted.  The  enterprise  failed,  and 
the  conqueror  of  Mexico  did  not  long  survive  the 
failure. 

Cortds  was  a  good  writer.  His  letters  to  the  em- 
peror, on  the  conquest,  deserve  to  be  classed  among 
the  best  Spanish  documents  of  the  period.  They 
are,  of  course,  coloured  so  as  to  place  his  own  achieve- 
ments in  relief,  but,  withal,  he  keeps  within  bounds 
and  does  not  exaggerate,  except  in  matters  of  Indian 
civilization  and  the  numbers  of  population  as  implied 
by  the  size  of  the  settlements.  Even  there  he  uses 
comparatives  only,  judging  from  outward  appear- 
ances and  from  impressions.  His  first  letter  is  lost, 
and  tlie  one  from  tlie  municipality  of  Vera  Cruz  has  to 
take  its  place.  It  was  publislied  for  the  fii-st  time  in 
volume  IV  of  "Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Espafia",  and  subsequently  reprinted.  The  "Se- 
gunda  Carta  de  Holaeion",  bearing  the  date  of  30 
Oct.,  1,'')20,  appeared  in  print  at  Seville  in  1522.  The 
"Carta  tcrcera",  15  May,  1.522,  appeared  at  Seville 
in  1.523.  The  fourth,  20  October,  1524,  was  printed 
at  Toledo  in  1.525.  Tlie  fifth,  on  the  Honduras  ex- 
pedition, is  contained  in  volume  IV  of  the  "Docu- 


mentos para  la  Hist,  de  Espafia".  The  important 
letter  mentioned  in  the  te.xt  has  been  published  under 
the  heading  of  "Carta  inedita  de  Cortes"  by  Ycaz- 
balceta.  A  great  number  of  minor  documents,  either 
by  Cortes  or  others,  for  or  against  him,  are  dispersed 
through  the  voluminous  collection  above  cited  and 
through  the  "Coleccion  de  Documentos  de  Indias", 
as  well  as  in  the  "Documentos  para  la  Historia 
de  Mexico"  of  Ycazbalceta.  Of  Ms  letters  on  the 
conquest  there  are  a  number  of  reprints  and  transla- 
tions into  various  languages. 

See  articles  on  .Aztecs  and  Mexico  for  the  bulk  of  literature 
on  the  conquest  of  Mexico  and  the  part  played  by  Cortes  in  it. 
Peter  Martyr  and  especially  Oviedo  were  contemporaries; 
their  statements  therefore  deserve  particular  attention, 
although  absolute  impartiality  and  rehability  cannot  be 
expected.  On  the  sinister  occurrences  of  the  death  of  Ponce 
de  Lecjn  and  of  Catalina  Xuarez  the  Documentos  de  Indias 
contain  the  authentic  investigations.  The  early  hfe  of  Cort^ 
is  described  at  length  in  a  fragment  from  the  sixteenth  century, 
De  Rebus  Gestis  Ferdinand  Cortesii,  author  unknown,  pub- 
lished by  Yc.\zb.\lcet.\  in  his  Documentos,  I,  first  series. 
Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  gives  many  very  valuable  data  on 
Cortes,  but  he  must  be  classed  among  writers  on  the  conquest. 
Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Cortese,  Giov.\nni  Andre.^  (liis  name  in  the 
Benedictine  Order  was  Gregorio),  cardinal  and 
monastic  reformer,  b.  1483  at  Modena;  d.  21  Sept., 
1548.  After  receiving  a  training  in  the  Humanities 
at  Modena  under  the  learned  Cistercian  Varino  of 
Piacenza,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  juris- 
prudence for  five  years,  first  at  Bologna,  then  at 
Padua,  and  was  graduated  as  doctor  of  laws  at  the 
early  age  of  seventeen.  His  thorough  knowledge  of  [ 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages  induced  Cardinal 
Giovanni  de'  Medici,  the  future  Pope  Leo  X,  to  take 
him  into  his  service  and  afterwards  appoint  liim  legal 
auditor  in  the  Curia.  Desirous  of  leading  a  more 
quiet  life,  Cortese  resigned  this  office  and  in  1,507 
entered  the  Benedictine  monastery  of  Polirone  near 
Mantua,  one  of  the  most  flourisliing  abbeys  of  the 
recently  founded  Cassinese  Congregation.  When 
Cardinal  Giovanni  de'  Medici  heard  that  his  former 
auditor  had  become  a  monk,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
him  expressing  his  surprise  and  displeasure  at  the  step 
which  Cortese  had  taken  and  urging  him  to  leave  the 
monastery  and  resume  his  former  occupation  in  Rome. 
In  his  answer  to  the  cardinal's  letter  Cortese  points 
out  the  great  dangers  which  beset  his  soul  when  he 
was  still  engaged  in  worldly  pursuits,  and  speaks  of  the 
interior  happiness  which  he  exjierienced  while  cliant- 
ing  the  Divine  praises  and  applying  liimself  to  the 
study  of  Holy  Scripture.  When  in  1513  Giovanni  de' 
Medici  ascended  the  papal  throne  as  Leo  X,  Cortese 
sent  him  a  letter  of  congratulation  in  which,  however, 
he  did  not  omit  to  remind  the  new  pontiff  of  his  duty 
to  begin  at  last  that  general  reform  of  which  the 
Church  stood  in  extreme  need.  Like  many  other 
saintly  and  learned  men  of  the  time,  Cortese  was 
deeply  grieved  at  the  indifference  manifested  by 
many  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  towards  a  wholesome 
internal  reform  of  the  Church.  It  is  due  to  his 
untiring  zeal  that  the  Benedictine  reform,  which  had 
recently  been  inaugurated  in  Italy  by  the  Cassinea 
Congregation,  was  carried  through,  and  that,  with  th{ 
return  of  monastic  discipline,  the  Benedictine  monas- 
teries of  Italy  again  became  seats  of  that  learning  fo) 
which  they  had  been  so  famous  in  the  past. 

In  151(1  Augustin  de  Grinialdi,  Bishop  of  Grasst   \^^Z 


Kllfl 

tilth 
omng 
Cofti 
fcs 
fccls) 


and  abbot  of  the  monastery  of  Lerins,  united  hi 
monastery  with  the  Cassinese  Congregation,  and 
upon  the  bishop's  request,  Cortese  and  a  few  other 
were  sent  thither  fo  assist  in  introducing  the  Cassinea 
reform.  Here  Cortese  devoted  himself  to  literan 
pursuits,  and  in  order  to  ])roinote  the  study  of  thi 
Humanities  he  foiuiiled  an  academy  where  he  am 
other  learned  members  of  the  moniustcry  educated  thi 
French  youth,  thus  becoming  instrumental  in  trans 
planting  to  I'rench  soil  the  literary  Iliunanistic  move 


•"ra,! 


-mil 


CORTONA 


401 


CORTONA 


nent.  The  moral  and  literary  reform  of  L^rins  was 
issured  when  in  1524  Cortese  was  elected  its  abbot. 
His  health,  however,  was  greatly  impaired  during  his 
iojourn  at  Lerins,  so  that  in  1527  he  considered 
I  change  of  climate  indispensable  and  asked  the 
superior  of  the  congregation  for  permission  to  return 
;o  Italy.  As  a  result,  he  was  appointed  Abbot  of  St. 
Peter's  at  Modena;  a  year  later.  Abbot  of  St.  Peter's  at 
Perugia;  and  in  15.37  Abbot  of  the  famous  San  Giorgio 
Waggiore  at  Venice.  Cortese  was  now  considered  one 
)f  the  most  learned  men  in  Italy  and  had  regular 
;orrespondence  with  the  greatest  scholars  in  Europe, 
[le  counted  among  his  friends  Gasparo  Contarini, 
Reginald  Pole.  Jacopo  Sadoleto,  Pietro  Bembo,  Gian 
Hatteo  Giberti.  and  many  other  Humanists  and 
;cclesiastical  dignitaries.  The  garden  of  San  Giorgio 
Mas  the  place  where  those  pious  and  learned  discus- 
dons  were  held  to  which  the  Florentine  scholar  Bruc- 
;iolo  refers  in  his  dialogues  on  moral  jihilosophy.  In 
1536  Pojie  Paul  III  made  him  a  member  of  the  com- 
nittee  of  nine  ecclesiastics  who  were  to  draw  up  a 
statement  of  those  ecclesiastical  abuses  wliich  called 
Host  loudly  for  reform.  Soon  after,  he  was  appointed 
Apostolic  \'isitor  for  the  whole  of  Italy  and,  some- 
ivliat  later,  was  sent  to  Germany  to  take  part  in  the 
-heological  disputation  at  ^^"orms  in  1540,  but  became 
iick  on  the  journey  and  was  obliged  to  remain  in 
[taly.  Meanwhile  (1538)  he  had  become  Abbot  of 
5an  Benedetto  in  Polirone,  then  the  most  important 
nonastery  of  the  Cassinese  Congregation.  A  few 
;imrs,  moreover,  he  was  chosen  visitor  general  of  his 
longregation.  Finally,  2  June,  1542,  Pope  Paul  III 
ircated  him  cardinal-priest  and  appointed  him  a 
nember  of  the  committee  of  cardinals  for  the  prepa- 
■ation  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  Towards  the  end  of 
;he  same  year  he  became  Bisliop  of  I'rbino.  During 
;he  five  years  of  his  cardinalate  he  was  an  esteemed 
'riend  and  adviser  of  Pavd  III,  and  used  all  his 
nfluence  to  bring  about  that  reform  of  the  Church  for 
»'hich  the  better  sort  of  ecclesiastics  had  been  clam- 
juring  many  years. 

Cortese  was  one  of  the  best-known  writers  of  his 
;imes.  He  was  master  of  such  a  finished  style  that 
;he  classically  trained  Cardinal  Bembo  and  others  did 
lot  hesitate  to  class  him  among  the  most  elegant 
Latin  WTiters  of  this  Humanistic  period.  His  prin- 
cipal works  are  epistles,  poems,  a  treatise  pro\'ing  that 
■>t.  Peter  was  in  Rome,  a  Latin  translation  of  the  New 
IVslament  from  the  Greek  texts,  a  historical  work  on 
:lie  destruction  of  Genoa,  etc.  All  his  extant  works 
i\'ere  collected  and  edited  with  a  biography  of  the 
luthor  by  the  Benedictine  Bishop  Gradenigo  of 
L'eneda  in  two  volumes  (Padua.  1774). 

Prandi,  Elogio  storico  del  Cnnli:/  >!-  '/m  ./w  "'*  Cortese  (Pavia. 
1788);  Ansar.   Vie  de  Grcgoire  f','  '  .  <  ^jue  d'Urbin  et 

cardinal  (Paris.  1786);  Dittrk  n  ir    /,  Ziegelbauer, 

HM.  Lit.  n.  S.  B.,  Ill,  339-344:  (  m  .  i  i  -  ,  m,  i.niNns.  Vil(r  et 
ne*  grsta-  Ponlificum  Rom.etS.  li.  K.  i'ardinnhum  (Rome.  1677), 
HI,  683  sqq.;  Hurter,  NomencitUor  (Kreiburg.  1899).  IV. 
1278  sq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Cortona,  Dioce.se  of  (Cortonensis),  immediately 
subject  to  the  Holy  See.  Cortona  is  a  small  city  in 
the  province  of  Arezzo,  Tuscany,  Central  Italy,  situ- 
ated on  a  commanding  hill,  and  overlooking  the  Lake 
jf  Perugia.  Its  Cyclopean  walls,  still  in  great  part 
preserved,  are  said  to  be  3000  years  old.  It  is  cer- 
tainly very  ancient,  was  one  of  the  twelve  cities  of 
Etr\iria,  and  in  its  neighbourhood  many  ruins  and 
Etniscan  tombs  are  still  to  be  found.     Cortona  took 

fart  in  all  the  wars  again.st  Rome,  until  310  B.C.,  when 
';ibius  RuUianus  defeated  the  Etruscans  and  took 
Perugia  which,  thereupon,  with  other  cities,  made 
peace  with  Rome.  Later  it  was  destroyed  by  the 
Lombards  but  wxs  soon  rebuilt.  In  the  fourteenth 
ccnturj'  it  was  governed  by  the  Ca.sali,  and  became 
aftenvards  part  of  the  great  Duchy  of  Tuscany. 
Many  famous  men  were  born  or  lived  in  Cortona; 
IV.— 26 


Brother  Elias  (Elia  Coppi),  the  famous  companion  of 
St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  and  later  Vicar-General  of  the 
Franciscan  Order;  Cardinals  Egidio  Boni  and  Silvio 
Passerini;  the  painter  Luca  Signorelli;  the  architect 
and  painter  Pietro  Berrettini  (Pietro  da  Cortona). 
One  of  the  glories  of  the  city  is  St.  Margaret  of  Cor- 
tona (1248-97).  She  was  born  at  Laviano  (Alviano) 
in  the  Diocese  of  Chiusi,  and  formed  an  evil  relation 
with  a  nobleman 
of thevicinity.  On 
discovering  his 
body  after  he  had 
met  a  violent 
death,  she  repent- 
ed suddenly,  and 
after  a  pulilic  pen- 
ance, retired  to 
Cortona,  where 
she  took  the  habit 
of  a  Tertiary  of 
St.  Francis  and 
devoted  her  life  to 
works  of  penance 
and  charity.  There 
still  exist  at  Cor- 
tona religious 
works  due  to  her 
zeal.  Leo  X  per- 
mitted her  vener- 
ation at  Cortona, 
and  Urban  VIII 
extended  the  priv- 
ilege to  the  Franciscan  Order.  Benedict  Xlllcanonized 
herinl728.  Her  body  rests  in  a  beautiful  sarcophagus 
in  the  church  dedicated  to  her  at  Cortona.  It  is  not 
known  whether  Cortona  was  an  episcopal  .see  previous 
to  its  destruction  by  the  Lombards.  From  that  time 
until  1325  it  belonged  to  the  Diocese  of  Arezzo.  In 
that  year,  at  the  request  of  Guglielmo  Casali,  John 
XXII  raised  Cortona  to  episcopal  rank,  as  a  reward 
for  the  fidelity  of  its  Guelpli  populace,  Arezzo  remain- 
ing Ghibelline.  The  first  bishop  w.as  Rainerio  Uber- 
tini.  Other  bishops  were  Luca  Grazio,  who  was  a  dis- 
tinguished member  of  the  Council  of  Florence  (1438); 
Matteo  Concini  (1560)  and  Gerolamo  Gaddi  (1562) 
were  present  at  the  Council  of  Trent.     The  cathedral 


XVI 


CatiiedraL.  (■■-    I-  -      I  i.     r/i,.-il  l.v     \Ml,ir,h..i:,  -.ir^c.-ill..:') 

and  the  other  limn  Ik  n  of  Cortoaa  po.ssc.s-s  numerous 
works  of  art,  especially  paintings  of  the  school  of  Luca 
Signorelli  and  of  Fra  .\ngelico.  The  dif>cese  h;is  50 
parishes,  (iO  churches  and  oratories,  85  secular  and  36 
regular  priests.  .30,200  inliabitants,  6  religious  houses 
of  men,  and  6  of  women. 

t"APPKi,LKm,  Le  r/iiVw  d' llnlia  (Venire,  1844).  XVIII.  267- 
97;  Chevalier,  Hep.  hisl.:  Topo-bM..ii.  v.;  Ann.  red.  (Rome. 
1907),  427-29. 

U.  Benio.ni. 


CORVEY 


402 


■J 


COSA 


Corvey,  Abbey  of  (also  called  New  Corbie),  a 
Benedictine  monastery  in  the  Diocese  of  Paderborn, 
in  Westphalia,  founded  c.  820  from  Corbie  in  Picardy, 
by  the  Emperor  Louis  the  Pious  and  St.  Adelhard, 
Abbot  of  the  older  Corbie,  from  which  the  new  founda- 
tion derived  its  name.  Corvey  soon  became  famous, 
and  its  abbots  ranked  as  princes  of  the  empire.  In 
its  school  were  cultivated  all  the  arts  and  sciences, 
and  it  produced  many  celebrated  scholars.  To  it 
the  world  is  indebted  for  the  preservation  of  the  first 
five  books  of  tie  "Annals"  of  Tacitus.  From  its 
cloisters  went  forth  a  stream  of  missionaries  who  evan- 
gelized Northern  Europe,  chief  amongst  them  being 
St.  Ansgar,  the  Apostle  of  Scandinavia.  Here,  too, 
Widukind  is  believed  to  have  written  his  history  of 
the  Saxons  (see  Saxons),  and  the  "  Annales  Corbe- 
jenses",  which  issued  from  the  same  scriptorium, 
figure  largely  in  the  ''Monumenta  Germanise"  col- 
lected by  Pertz.  (These  "  Annales  "  must  not  be 
confounded  with  the  forged  "  Chronicon  Corbejense" 
which  appeared  in  the  nineteenth  century.)  The 
school  of  Corvey  declined  after  the  fifteenth  century, 
but  the  abbey  itself  continued  until  1803,  when  it  was 
secularized  and  given  to  the  family  of  Oranje-Nassau. 
The  famous  abbey  library  has  long  since  been  dis- 
persed. 

WiGAND,  Die  corvey'schen  Gcschicht-squcllfn  (Leipzig,  1841); 
ZiEGELBAUER.  Hisl.  Lit.  O.S.B  (.\uffshiirE.  1754);  Pebtz, 
Mm.  Germ,  //i.•^^.•  Scriptores  (Hanover.  1839).  Ill;  Migne,  Dia. 
des  Abbayes  (Paris,  1856);  Enck,  Kirchentrx..  III.  1143-51; 
Chevauer,  Topo-bibl.  (Paris,  1894-99);  Jansen,  Wibald  von 
Stable  und  Corvey  (Berlin,  1854) 

G.  CvPRiAN  Alston. 

Corycus,  a  titular  see  of  Cilicia  Tracha>a  in  Asia 
Minor.  It  was  the  port  of  Seleucia,  where,  in  191 
B.  c,  the  fleet  of  Antiochus  the  Great  was  defeated 
by  the  Romans.  In  the  Roman  times  it  preserved 
its  ancient  laws;  the  emperors  usually  kept  a  fleet 
there  to  watch  over  the  pirates.  Justinian  restored 
the  public  baths  and  a  hospital.  Alexius  Comnenus 
re-equipped  the  fortress,  which  had  been  dismantled. 
Soon  after  Corycus  was  conquered  by  the  Armenians, 
who  held  it  till  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
when  it  was  occupied  temporarily  by  the  Turks,  and 
for  a  time  played  an  important  part.  Peter  I,  King 
of  Cyprus,  captured  it  in  1361.  From  1448  or  1454 
it  belonged  alternately  to  the  Karamanlis,  the  Egy\>- 
tians,  the  Karamanlis  a  second  time,  and  finally  to 
the  Osmanlis.  The  ruins  of  the  city  are  at  Ghorghos, 
twenty-eight  miles  north-cast  of  Selefke  (Seleucia),  in 
the  vilayet  of  .\dana.  Among  them  are  a  triumphal 
arch,  a  beautiful  Christian  tomb,  sarcophagi,  etc. 
The  two  medieval  castles,  one  on  the  shore,  the  other 
in  an  islet,  connected  by  a  ruined  pier,  are  partially 
preserved;  the  former  was  reputed  impregnable. 
Three  churches  are  also  found,  one  decorated  with 
frescoes.  About  two  miles  from  the  cajje  is  the  fa- 
mous Corycian  cavern,  886  feet  long,  65  wide,  from 
98  to  228  high.  Near  this  castle  are  many  other 
smaller  but  curious  grottoes,  a  temple  of  Zeus,  and  a 
little  church  with  Byzantine  paintings,  converted  into 
a  mosque.  About  ten  miles  north  of  Ghorghos  exists 
another  large  grotto  with  thirteen  curious  bas-reliefs 
hewn  in  the  rock.  The  city  figures  in  the  "Synec- 
demus"  of  Hierocles,  and  about  840  in  Parthey's 
"Notitia  Prima";  it  was  suffragan  of  Tarsus.  Le- 
quien  (II,  879)  mentions  five  Greek  bishops  from  381 
to  680;  another  is  known  from  an  inscrijition  (Wad- 
dington,  InscriT)tions  .  .  .  d'Asie  mineure,  341).  One 
Latin  Hisho]),  Gerardus,  was  present  at  a  council  of 
Antioch  about  1 136;  four  are  known  in  the  fourteenth 
century  (Lequion,  III,  1197;   Eubel,  I,  218). 

CuiNET,  Turquie  d'Asie,  II,  73;  Alisiian,  Sissouan  (Venice, 
1899),  393-409.  S.  Vaii.HE. 

Oorydallus,  a  titular  see  of  Asia.  Minor.  Korydal- 
los,  later  also  Korydalla,  was  a  city  in  Lycia.  In 
Roman    times    it    .struck    coins.     It   figures   in    the 


■'Notitiae  episcopatuum"  as  late  as  the  twelfth  or 
thirteenth  century  as  a  suffragan  of  Myra.  Lequien 
(I,  979)  mentions  only  four  bishops:  Alexander, 
spoken  of  in  St.  Basil's  letter  ccxviii,  Palladius  in 
451  and  458,  Leo  in  787,  and  Eustratius  in  879.  Cory- 
dallus  has  not  as  yet  been  identified.  There  was  a 
see  of  the  same  name  in  Pamphylia,  suffragan  to 
Pcrge  (see  Lequien,  I,  1031).  S.  PsTRiDiiS. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  navigator  and  cartographer,  ac- 
cording to  tradition  b.  in  1460  at  Sta.  Maria  del 
Puerto  (Santofia),  on  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  Spain,  and 
hence  called  Juan  Biscayno,  d.  on  the  coast  of  the 
Gulf  of  Uraba,  28  February,  1510.  He  passed  his 
life  from  earliest  chiklhood  on  the  ocean.  From  the 
waters  of  his  native  country,  which  he  knew  thor- 
oughly, he  soon  ventured  onto  the  coast  of  Western 
Africa,  which  was  at  that  time  the  goal  of  so  many 
Spanish  expeditions.  When  Columbus  in  1492  made 
preparations  for  his  voyage  to  the  west,  Juan  de  la 
Cosa  had  attained  such  reputation,  that  the  great  dis- 
coverer engaged  him,  together  with  his  ship  Santa 
Maria,  and  in  spite  of  a  passing  estrangement  between 
them,  he  secured  de  la  Cosa's  services  as  cartographer 
for  his  second  expedition  in  1493-1496.  In  1499  Juan 
de  la  Cosa  joined  as  first  pilot  the  expedition  of  Alonso 
de  Ojeda  and  Vespucci,  and  was  with  them  amongst 
the  first  to  set  foot  on  the  South  American  Continent 
on  the  Gulf  of  Paria.  At  the  same  time  the  coast 
from  Essequibo  to  the  Cape  Vela  was  explored. 
Immediately  after  his  return  he  designed  his  chart  of 
the  whole  world,  which  is  of  the  utmost  importance 
for  the  history  of  the  discovery  of  America.  Later  in 
the  same  year,  or  early  in  1501,  he  continued  his  dis- 
coveries along  the  South  American  coast  to  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama,  and  returned  in  1502  to  Haiti.  When 
the  Spanish  court  found  soon  afterwards  that  the  Por- 
tuguese had  made  several  incursions  into  the  newly 
discovered  country.  Queen  Isabella  sent  Juan  de  la 
Cosa  at  the  head  of  a  delegation  to  Portugal,  to  remon- 
strate. He  was  nominated  alguazil  major,  and  in 
1504-05  was  commander  of  an  expedition  to  the  Pearl 
Islands  and  the  Gulf  of  L^raba  to  found  settlements 
there.  At  the  same  time  he  visited  Jamaica  and 
Haiti.  Another  voyage  undertaken  1507-08  with 
Martin  de  los  Reyes  and  Juan  Correa  as  pilots  had  the 
same  object  in  view.  In  1509  for  the  seventh  and  last 
time  Juan  de  la  Cosa  started  for  the  New  World.  He 
carried  two  hundred  colonists  on  three  ships  and  on 
reaching  Haiti  he  placed  himself  under  the  command 
of  Ojeda,  who  added  another  ship  with  one  hundred 
settlers  to  the  expedition.  After  having  decided  an 
old  frontier-dispute  between  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa, 
they  went  with  Pizarro  into  Ojeda's  territory  and 
landed  at  Cartagena  against  the  warnings  of  Cosa,  who 
proposed  to  disembark  on  the  more  peaceful  coast  of 
the  Gulf  of  Uraba.  They  were  attacked  by  the  na- 
tives and  de  la  Cosa  was  killed. 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  made  several  charts  of  which  one, 
the  famous  chart  of  the  world  is  still  preserved.  It  is 
the  oldest  representation  of  the  New  World.  Of 
special  interest  is  the  outline  of  Cuba,  which  Columbus 
never  believed  to  be  an  island.  Walkenaer  and  Alex- 
ander von  Humboldt  were  the  first  to  point  out  the 
great  importance  of  this  chart.  It  is  now  in  the 
Museo  Naval  in  Madrid.  Reproductions  of  it  are 
given  by  Humboldt  in  his  "  Atlas  g^ographique  et  phy- 
sique"; by  Jomard  in  his  "Collection  des  Monu- 
ments", tab.  XVI;  by  Winsor,  in  his  "History  of 
America",  III  (London,  1888),  and  by  Kretschmcr", 
"Die  Entdeckimg  Americas"  (Berlin,  1892),  Atlas, 
table  VII.  A  facsimile  was  published  in  Madrid, 
1892. 

Df.  Leocina.  Jiian  ile  la  Cosa  (Mailrid,  1877);  Vasoano,  Ew 
myo  biourdfico  del  crlebre  naviaanle  Juan  dc  la  Cosa,  Obra  iinr' 
presa  m  espai'iot,  jranci's  e  ingh's  para  aeompanar  al  Mapa  Munat 
de  Juan  de  la  Coaa  (Madrid,  1S9-'). 

OlTO  IIartig- 


NORTH 


■WESTERN  HALF  OF  THE  FIRST  MAP  OF  THE  NEW  DISCOVERIES,  DRAWN  ON 
OX-HIDE  IN  COLOURS  BY  THE  PILOT  JUAN  DE  LA  COSA,  A.  D.  I5C»,  NOW  PRE- 
SERVED IN  THE  NAVAL  MUSEUM,  MADRID.  SIZE  l8  X  21  INCHES.  THIS  CELE- 
BRATED MAP  W.\S  DISCOVERED  Bl'  BARON  ALEXANDER  VON  HUMBOLDT  WHII.F. 
AT  WORK  IN  THE  LIBRARY  OF  BARON  WALKENAER.  IN  THE  MIDDLE  OF  THE 
WEST  SIDE  OF  THE  MAP  IS  A  VIGNETTE  RBPRESE.VTING  SAINT  CHRISTOPHER 
(THE  CHRLST-BEARER)  CARRYING  UPON  HIS  SHCULDERS  THE  INFANT  CHRIST, 
SUPPOSED  TO    BE   AN   ALLUSION   TO   COLUMBUS. 


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COSENZA 


403 


COSMAS 


Cosenza,  ARCuniofF.SK.  of  (Ci-sentina").  immedi- 
atrly  subject  to  the  Holy  See  ('ospnza  is  a  city  in 
the  province  of  Calabria,  Southern  Italy,  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Crati  and  the  Busento.  It  was  known 
to  the  ancients  as  Conseiitia,  and  was  the  capital  of 
Bruttium.  It  was  conquered  (338  b.  c.)  by  Alexan- 
der of  Epirus,  uncle  of  Alexander  the  Great.  Later 
it  adhered  to  King  Pyrrhus,  when  he  invaded  Italy. 
Between  278-176  b.  c.  both  Lucania  and  Bruttium 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Rome.  Alaric  be- 
sieged the  city  (a.  d.  410),  but  died  there  the  same 
year  and  was  buried  in  the  bed  of  the  Busento  at  its 
confluence  with  the  Crati.  In  002  Cosenza  was  pil- 
laged by  the  Saracens,  who  were  later  expelled  by  the 
Normans  but  regained  possession  of  the  city  in  1004. 
In  1130  Cosenza  became  the  capital  of  Calabria 
Citeriore,  now  Cosenza,  and  thenceforth  shared  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  Kingdom  of  Naples.  Among  its 
famous  citizens  may  be  mentioneil  the  savant  Gian 
Vincenzo  Gravina,  co-founder  with  Queen  Christina 
of  Sweden  of  the  Roman  Academy  of  the  Arcadia  in 
lf).")6  (see  Academies,  Roman).  The  city  suffered 
much  from  earthquakes,  especially  in  1184,  16.58,  and 
1783.  The  Gospel  was  first  preached  in  Cosenza  by 
missionaries  from  Reggio;  its  earliest  known  bishop 
is  Palumbus,  a  correspondent  (599)  of  St.  Gregory 
the  Great.  Cosenza  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  an 
archbishopric  about  1050.  Among  the  best  known 
Archbishops  of  Cosenza  have  been:  Ruffo,  who 
perished  in  the  earthquake  of  1184;  the  Cistercian 
Martino  (1285),  a  prolific  but  uncritical  writer;  Pirro 
Caracciolo  (1452),  the  friend  of  St.  Francis  of  Paula; 
Bartolommeo  Fleury,  who  died  at  Rome  (1495)  in 
Cist  le  Sant' Angelo,  where  he  had  been  imprisoned 
for  forgery  of  pontifical  documents;  Taddeo,  later 
Cardinal,  Gaddi  (1535),  who  obtained  from  Paul  IV 
the  jirivilege  by  which  the  cathedral  canons  of 
Cosenza  wear  the  choir  habit  of  the  Vatican  basilica; 
and  Ciiusepi>e  Maria  Sanfelice  (1650),  frequently 
charged  by  the  Holy  See  with  diplomatic  missions. 
The  dioce.se  has  a  population  of  1,')9,,")()U,  with  109 
parishes,  264  churches  and  chapels.  200  secular  and 
16  regular  priests,  2  religious  houses  of  men  and  5  of 
women. 

t'APPELLETTi,  Le  Chiese  d'llalia  (Venice.  1844).  XXI,  285; 
Spiriti,  Memorie  degli  scriUori  Cosentini  (Naples,  1750);  Ann. 
«■<■/.  (Rome,  1907),  429. 

U.  Benigni. 

Cosgrove,  Henry,  second  Bishop  of  Davenport, 
Iowa,  U.  S.  A.,  b.  19  December,  1834,  at  Williams- 
port,  Pennsylvania;  d.  at  Davenport,  23  December, 
1906.  He  was  the  first  native  of  the  United  States 
appointed  to  a  see  west  of  the  Mississippi.  In  1845 
he  emigrated  to  Iowa  with  his  parents  from  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  was  ordained  priest  27  August,  1857,  and 
became  pastor  of  St.  Marguerite's  church,  Daven- 
port, in  1861.  After  the  death  of  Bishop  McMullen 
of  Davenport  he  was  administrator  of  the  see,  for 
which  he  was  consecrated  20  July,  1884. 

Uecsh.  Biog.  Encycoflhe  Cath.  Hu-rarchyol  U.  S.  (Milwau- 
kee, 1H9.S);    The.  Mnsmgrr  (New  York,  Jan..  1907). 

THOMA.S  F.  Meehan. 

Cosin  (the  name  is  ako  written  Costn),  Edmund, 
Vice-Chancellor  of  Cambridge  University,  England. 
Tlie  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are  uncertain.  He 
was  bom  in  Bedfordshire  and  entered  King's  Hall, 
Cambridge,  a.s  a  Bible  clerk,  receiving  the  degrees  of 
B.A.  eariy  in  1.535,  M.A.  in  1.541,  and  B.D.  in  1,547. 
He  held  the  living  of  Grendon,  Northamptonshire, 
which  was  in  the  gift  of  King's  Hall,  from  21  Septem- 
ber, 1538,  to  November,  1541,  and.  successively,  fel- 
lowships of  lung's  Hall,  St.  Catharine's  Hall,  and  of 
Trinity  College.  Early  in  Queen  Mary's  reign  he  was 
elected  Master  of  St.  Catharine's,  which  brought  him 
as  gifts  from  the  Cro\^^l  the  Norfolk  rectories  of  St. 
Edmund,  North  LjTin  (1533),  Fakenham  (1555),  and 


the  Norfolk  vicarages  of  Caistor  Holy  Trinity,  and  of 
Oxburgh  (1554).  He  was  presented  to  the  rectory 
of  Tliorplantl  by  Trinity  College  in  the  following  year. 
He  was  also  chaplain  to  Bishop  Bonner  of  London 
and  assistant  to  Michael  Dunning,  the  Chancellor  of 
the  Dioce.se  of  Norwich.  In  1558  he  was  elected  Vice- 
Chanccllor  of  Cambridge  but  being  a  Catholic  he  re- 
fused to  conform  to  the  Elizabethan  heresies,  and 
hence  in  1560  was  forced  to  resign  all  his  jireferments 
and  went  in  1564  to  live  in  retirement  in  Caius  ( 'ollege, 
Cambridge.  Four  years  later,  sunmioned  to  answer 
before  the  Lords  of  the  Council  to  a  charge  of  non- 
conformity, he  went  into  exile  rather  than  foreswear 
his  faith.  He  was  living  on  the  Continent  in  1576 
but  no  further  definite  records  of  his  career  are  avail- 
able. 

Lee  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  XII,  s.  v.;  Strtpe,  Memorials,  III,  i, 
SO;  Blomefield,  Norfolk. 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Cosmas  (called  Hagiopolites  or  Cosmas  of  Jeru- 
salem), a  hymn-writer  of  the  Greek  Church  in  the 
eighth  century,  was  the  foster-brother  of  St.  John  of 
Damascus.  The  teacher  of  the  two  boys  was  an  el- 
derly Silician,  also  named  Cosmas,  who  had  been  freed 
from  slavery  by  St.  John's  father.  St.  John  and  Cos- 
mas went  from  Damascus  to  Jerusalem,  where  both 
became  monks  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Sabas  near  that 
city.  Cosmas,  however,  left  the  monastery  in  743, 
when  he  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Maiimia,  the  port  of 
ancient  Gaza  on  the  southern  coast  of  Phcenicia.  The 
Greek  Church  observes  his  feast  on  14  October.  As  a 
learned  prose-author  Cosmas  wrote  comments  on  the 
poems  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzus;  as  a  poet  he  is  re- 
garded by  the  Greek  Church  with  great  admiration. 
It  considers  Cosmas  and  St.  John  of  Damascus  the 
best  representatives  of  the  later  Greek  classical  hym- 
nology,  the  most  characteristic  examples  of  which  are 
the  artistic  liturgical  chants  known  as  "Canons". 
The  hjnnns  of  Cosmas  were  originally  intended  to  add 
to  the  interest  of  the  services  at  Jerusalem,  but 
through  the  influence  of  Constantinoijle  their  use  be- 
came imiversal  in  the  Orthodox  Greek  Church.  It  is 
not  certain,  however,  that  all  the  hJ^nns  ascribed  to 
Cosmas  in  the  Greek  liturgical  books  were  really  his 
compositions,  especially  as  his  teacher  of  the  same 
name  was  also  a  hj-mn-writer.  Collections  of  hymns, 
varying  in  number,  are  attributed  to  Cosmas,  and 
may  be  found  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  XCVIII,  459-524,  and 
in  Christ- Paranikas,  "Anthologia  gra!ca  carminum 
christianorum "  (Leipzig,  1871),  161-204.  For  the 
above-mentioned  notes  or  scholia  on  the  poems  of 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus  see  Mai,  "Spicilegium  Roma- 
num","ll,  Pt.  II,  1-375,  and  Migne,  P.  G.,  XXXVIII, 
339-679. 

Krumbacher,  Gesch.  der  bysanlinischcn  Literalur  (2d  ed., 
Munich,  1896),  674  sqq. 

Anton  Baumstark. 

Cosmas  and  Damian,  Saints,  earlj' Christian  phy- 
sicians and  martyrs  uhnse  feast  is  celebrated  on  27  ,'>ep- 
tember.  They  were  tw  ins,  born  in  Arabia,  and  prac- 
tised the  art  of  healing  in  the  .seaport  /J^gea,  now 
Ayash  (.\jass),  on  the  Gulf  of  Iskanderun  in  Cilicia, 
Asia  Minor,  and  attained  a  great  rejjulation.  They 
accepted  no  pay  for  their  services  and  were,  therefore, 
called  d.vip-r\ipoi.  "tlie  silverless".  In  this  way  they 
brought  many  to  the  Christian  F'aith.  When  the  Dio- 
cletian persecution  began,  the  Prefect  Lysias  had 
Cosmas  and  Damian  arrested,  and  ordered  them  to  re- 
cant. They  remained  constant  imder  torture,  in  a 
miraculous  manner  suffered  no  injury  from  water, 
fire,  air,  nor  on  the  cross,  and  were  finally  beheaded 
with  the  sword.  Their  three  brothers,  Anthimus, 
Leontius,  and  Euprepius  died  as  martjTS  with  them. 
The  execution  took  place  27  September,  probably  in 
the  year  287.  At  a  later  date  a  number  of  fables  grew 
up  about  them,  connected  in  part  with  their  relics. 


COSMAS 


404 


COSMAS 


The  remains  of  the  martyrs  were  buried  in  tlie  city  of 
Cyrus  in  Syria;  the  Emperor  Justinian  I  (527-565) 
sumptuously  restored  the  city  in  their  honour.  Hav- 
ing been  cured  of  a  dangerous  illness  by  the  interces- 
sion of  C'osmas  and  Damian,  Justinian,  in  gratitude 
for  their  aid,  rebuilt  and  adorned  their  church  at  Con- 
stantinople, and  it  became  a  celebrated  place  of  pil- 
grimage. At  Rome  Pope  Felix  IV  (526-530)  erected 
a  chiu-ch  in  their  honour,  the  mosaics  of  which  are  still 
among  the  most  valuable  art-remains  of  the  city.  The 
Greek  Church  celebrates  the  feast  of  Saints  Cosmas 
and  Damian  on  1  July,  17  October,  and  1  November, 
and  venerates  three  pairs  of  saints  of  the  same  name  and 
profession.  Cosmas  and  Damian  are  regarded  as  the 
patrons  of  physicians  and  surgeons  and  are  sometimes 


landi  in  his  "Bibliotheca  veterum  patrum"  (Venice, 
1776),  and  in  Migne,  P.  Cf.  (Paris,  1S04),  LXXXVIII, 
51-476.  A  French  translation  of  the  most  important 
parts  is  found  in  Charton,  "Voyageurs  ancieus  et 
modernes"  (Paris,  1S55);  a  complete  English  transla- 
tion, with  notes  and  a  critical  introduction,  was  issued 
for  the  Hakluyt  Society  by  J.  W.  McCrindle  (London, 
1S97).  The  work  is  divided  into  twelve  books  and 
contains  a  descri]3tion  of  the  universe,  as  Cosmas  con- 
structed it  in  his  imagination,  and  an  account  of  those 
regions  which  he  had  visited,  or  concerning  which  he 
had  gathered  information.  According  to  Cosmas  the 
world  is  a  rectangular  structure  in  two  sections,  their 
length  much  greater  than  their  breadth,  and  corres- 
ponding in  form  and  proportions  to  the  Tabernacle  of 


tND  Damian     (I 

represented  with  medical  emblems.  They  are  in- 
voked in  the  Canon  of  the  Mass  and  in  the  Litany  of 
the  Saints. 

Acta  .S.S'.,  27  Sept.;  Schleyer  in  Kirchenlex.;  .\lois.  Das 
Lehen  itnd  Wirken  d.  hi.  Cosmas  und  Damian,  Patrone  der 
Aerzte  (Vienna,  1876);  Deubner,  Kosmas  und  Damian 
(Leipzig,  1907). 

Gabriel  Meiek. 

Cosmas  Indicopleustes  (CosM.is  the  Indlin 
Voyager),  a  Greek  traveller  and  geographer  of  the 
first  half  of  the  sixth  century,  b.  at  Alexandria,  Egypt. 
Cosmas  probably  received  only  an  elementary  educa- 
tion, as  he  was  intended  for  a  mercantile  life,  and  in 
his  earlier  years  was  engaged  in  business  pursuits.  It 
may  be,  however,  that  by  further  study  he  increased 
his  knowledge,  since  his  notes  and  observations  show 
more  than  ortlinary  training.  His  business  took  him 
to  the  regions  lying  south  of  Egypt,  the  farthest  point 
of  his  travels  in  this  direction  being  Cape  Guardafui. 
He  traversed  the  Mediterranean,  the  Red  Sea,  and  the 
Persian  Gulf,  and  gathered  information  about  lands 
lying  far  to  the  East ;  but  it  is  not  certain  that  he  actu- 
ally visited  India.  In  his  later  years  he  entered  the 
monastery  of  Raithu  on  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai.  If  it 
be  necessary  to  suppose,  as  some  investigators  assert, 
that  Cosmas  was  at  any  time  a  Nestorian,  it  would 
appear  from  his  work,  the  "Christian  Topography", 
that,  at  least  towards  the  close  of  his  life,  he  returned 
to  the  orthodox  faith.  While  an  inmate  of  the  mon- 
astery he  wrote  the  "Topography"  above  mentioned, 
a  work  which  gives  him  a  position  of  importance 
among  the  geographers  of  the  early  Middle  Ages. 

The  "Christian  Tojjography  "  has  been  preserved  in 
two  manuscript  copies,  one  in  the  Laurentian  Library 
at  Florence,  and  the  other  in  the  Vatican.  In  the 
second  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  Isaac  Vossius, 
Emerie  Bigot,  and  Mclchis^dech  Thovenot  first  made 
the  work  known  in  a  fragmentary  way  by  |niblishing 
extracts  from  it.  The  first  complete  and  critical  edi- 
tion, accom]ianied  by  a  Latin  translation,  was  issued 
by  Bernard  de  Moiitfaucon  in  his  "CoUectio  nova  pa- 
trum et  scriptorum  gnecorum  (Paris,  1707),  II,  11.3- 
345.     The  "Topograjihy"  was  also  printed  by  Gal- 


fnitlii 


the  Old  Testament.     The  base  is  formed  by  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth,  around  which  flows  the  ocean;  on  the 
other  side  of  the  ocean  lies  another — unknowns-con- 
tinent, from  which  rise  the  walls  that  support  the 
firmament  above.     The  stars  are  carried  by  the  angels 
in  a  circle  around  the  firmament.     Above  the  firma-  m 
ment  springs  a  vault  which  separates  the  heaven  of  li 
the  blessed  from  the  world  beneath.     The  theory  that  ker 
there  is  an  antipodes,  says  Cosmas,  is  a  doctrine  to  be 
rejected.     The  earth  rises  towards  the  north  and  ends 
in  a  cone-shaped  mountain  behind  which  the  sun  con- 
tinues its  wanderings  during  the  night,  and  the  nights 
are  long  or  short  according  as  the  position  of  the  sun  is 
near  the  base  or  the  summit  of  the  mountain. 

This  curious  attempt  to  harmonize  a  childish  Bibli- 
cal exegesis  with  ordinary  phenomena  and  the  current 
opinions  of  the  time  is  at  least  superior  to  the  extraor- 
dinary geographical  hypotheses  of  that  day.  Aside 
from  the  fact  that  the  theories  of  Cosmas  exercised 
no  influence,  they  are  not  of  sufficient  importance  to 
affect  the  genuine  worth  of  several  portions  of  the 
"Topography".  The  value  of  these  passages  rests 
on  the  methodical  conscientiousness  of  the  simple 
merchant,  as  it  is  seen,  for  example,  in  the  careful 
copy  of  the  so-called  Inscription  of  Adulis  (Monu- 
yyientum  AduUtanum)  which  has  been  preserved  to  'tjl, 
Greek  epigraphy  only  in  the  copy  of  Cosmas.  Cos- 
mas, with  the  aid  of  his  travelling  companion,  Menas, 
took  a  copy  of  it  in  522  for  the  governor  of  the  Chris- 
tian King  Elesbaan  of  Abyssinia,  retaining  a  replica 
for  himself.  Of  equal  importance  is  tlie  information 
he  collected  concerning  Zanzibar  and  the  Indian  [;„ 
Ocean,  and  what  he  learned  as  to  the  trade  of  .Vbys- 
sinia  with  the  interior  of  Africa  and  of  Egyi^t  with  the 
East.  The  best-known  and  most  celebrateii  part  of  .^,^ 
the  "Topography"  is  the  description,  in  tin'  ninth  ~ J 
book,  of  Ceylon  and  of  the  plants  and  animals  ol  ,! 
India.  The  work  also  gives  much  valuable  informa-  ^,! 
tion  concerning  the  extension  of  Christianity  in  liif  ■  ^„. 
day.  The  Vatican  manuscript  of  the  "Christiai  ; -.'? 
Topography"  has  explanatory  maps  and  sketches  .,'; 
either  made  by  Cosmas  him.self  or  prepared  under  hii  ■■J^ 
direction;  they  are  of  value  as  the  first  efforts  of  pa   i-j?',' 


IK  to 


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loiBo 

i  ilffi, 

IT.."  (I 

ff.ptore 
Pie,  - 
i  IX; 

t'k, 


iimj 


!ai!ti: 


COS  MAS 


405 


COSMOaONY 


ic  geography.  Four  oi her  writings  of  Cosinas  are 
)rtunately  lost:  a  cosiiiograpliy,  an  astronomical 
tise,  and  commentaries  on  the  Canticles  and  the 
,ms. 

IRINELU,  La  gcografia  e  i  padri  delta  chicsa  (Rome,  18S3); 
;er,  Kosman  der  Indienfahrtr  in  Jahrbuch  fiir  protestan- 
!  Tlutologie  (Leipzig,  1883),  IX,  10.'>-141;  Kretschmbh.  Die 
ische  Erdkunde.  im  christlichen  Milhlalter  (Vienna,  1889); 
LLEY,  The  Dawn  of  Modem  Geography  (London,  1897); 
MBACHEH.  Oe-tch.  der  byzanlinischen  Lilt,  (2nd  ed.,  Munich, 
),  412-14;  Strzygowski,  Der  liilderkreis  des  grifch.  Phy- 
gxts,  des  Kosmas  Irulicopteustcs,  etc.,  in  Byzantuiisches 
iv  (Leipzig,  1S99). 

Otto  Hartig. 

osmas  of  Prague,  Bohemian  historian,  b.  about 
5,  at  Prague,  Bohemia;  d.  there,  21  October,  1125. 

lieiunged  to  a  knightly  family,  received  his 
,  instruction  in  the  schools  of  Prague,  and 
lied  grammar  and  dialectics  at  Liege  under  the 
ction  of  a  renowned  master  named  Franco.  At 
le  he  acquired  good  literary  taste  and  that  ac- 
intance  with  the  classics  which  is  evident  through- 

his  work.  While  still  young  he  entered  ec- 
iastical  life  at  Prague,  but  was  not  ordained 
St  until  11  June,  1099,   at  Gran,  Hungary.     In 

time  he  became  a  member  of  the  cathedral 
pter  of  St.  Vitus  in  Prague,  and  ultimately  its 
n.  According  to  a  general  custom  of  the  age, 
le  still  a  minor  cleric,  he  was  married  to  one 
etecha,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  named  Henrj'  or 
3,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Olmutz.  With  the 
lops  of  Prague,  Gebhard,  Cosmas,  and  Hermann, 
was  on  terms  of  great  intimac.y,  and  often  ac- 
ipanied  them  on  their  travels;  he  likewise  en- 
?d  the  esteem  and  the  confidence  of  the  rulers  of 
lemia.  Cosmas  wrote  in  Latin  a  "Chronica  Bo- 
lorum",  or  hi.story  of  Bohemia  from  the  earliest 
es  to  112.5.  The  work  consists  of  three  books; 
first  brings  the  narrative  to  1038,  the  second  to 
2,  the  third  to  1125.  For  the  early  part  he  relied 
ost  exclusively  on  popular  tradition,  since  there 

no  previous  work  on  the  subject.  For  the 
;r  parts  he  drew  from  the  testimony  of  cyewit- 
ies,  from  his  own  experience,  or  from  monuments 

written  documents.  As  an  historian,  Cosmas  is 
srally  truthful  and  conscientious;  he  distin- 
ihes  between  what  is  certain  and  what  is  based 
r  on  rumours  or  tradition,  and  often  indicates  his 
rces  of  information.     The  style  is  pleasing,  and 

character-sketches  are  vivid.  Owing  to  these 
lities,  and  also  to  the  fact  that  he  was  the  first 
;er  of  Bohemian  history,  he  is  called  the  Herod- 
j  of  Bohemia.  The  work  was  edited  repeatedly: 
tier,  "Scriptores  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Hanover, 
2,  1(507,  1(320);  Mencke,  "Scriptores  rerum  Germ.: 
on."  (Leipzig,  1728),  I;  Pelzl  and  Dobrowsky; 
riptores  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Prague,  1783); 
!pke,  "Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script."  (Hanover, 
1),  IX;  also  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CLXVI;  Emler  and 
lek,  "Pontes  rerum  bohemicarum"  (Prague, 
4),  II. 

OEPKE,  Proteffomena  to  his  edition  of  Coitmas  in  Mon. 
».  Hill.,  and  Miqne,  P.  L.;  Bordwy  in  Kirchenler.  (Frei- 
;  im  Br.,  1884),  111;  Potthast,  Bibliolheca  medii  oevi  (Ber- 
1896),  I;   Chevalier,  Bio-bM.  (Paris,  190.i),  I. 

Francis  J.  Schaefer. 

losmati  Mosaic  (Gr.  xiff^s),  a  peculiar  style  of  in- 
.  ornamental  mosaic  introdiiced  into  the  decorative 
of  Europe  during  the  twelfth  century,  by  a  marble- 
•ker  nanieii  Laurentius,  a  native  of  Anagni,  a  small 
-town  thirty-seven  miles  east-south-east  of  Rome, 
irentius  acquired  his  craft  from  Greek  masters  and 
a  time  followed  t  heir  met  hod  of  work,  but  early  jnliis 
?er,  freeing  himself  from  Bvzantine  traditions  and 
uences,  he  worked  along  original  lines  and  evolved 
ew  style  of  decorative  mosaic,  vigorous  in  colour 
I  design,  which  he  invariably  employed  in  conjunc- 
l  with  plain  or  sculptured  marble  surf.aees,  making 


it  a  decorative  accessary  to  some  architectural  feature. 
As  a  rule  he  used  white  or  light-coloured  marbles  for 
his  backgrounds;  these  he  iiilaid  with  squares,  paral- 
lelograms, and  circles  of  darker  marble,  porphyry, 
or  serpentine,  surrounding  them  with  ribbons  of 
mosaic  composed  of  coloured  and  gold-glass  tesserae. 
These  harlequinads  he  separated  one  from  another 
with  marble  mouldings,  carvings,  and  flat  bands,  and 
further  enriched  them  with  mosaic.  His  earliest  re- 
corded work  was  executed  for  a  church  at  Fabieri  in 
1190,  and  the  earliest  existing  example  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  church  of  Ara  Cceli  at  Rome.  It  consists  of  an 
epistle  and  gospel  ambo,  a  chair,  screen,  and  pave- 
ment. In  much  of  his  work  he  was  assisted  by  his 
son,  Jacobus,  who  was  not  only  a  sculptor  and  mosaic- 
worker,  but  also  an  architect  of  ability,  as  witness  the 
architectural  alterations  carried  out  by  him  in  the 
cathctlral  of  Civit^  Castellana,  a  foreshadowing  of 
the  Renaissance.  This  was  a  work  in  which  other 
members  of  his  family  took  part,  and  they  were  all 
followers  of  the  craft  for  four  generations.  Those  at- 
taining eminence  in  their  art  are  named  in  the  follow- 
ing genealogical  epitome:  Laurentius  (1140-1210); 
Jacobus  (1 165-1234);  Luca  (1221-1240);  Jacobus 
(1213-1293);  Deodatus  (1225-1294);  Johannes  (1231- 
1303).  Their  noted  Cosmatesque  mosaics  are  to 
be  seen  in  the  Roman  churches  of  SS,  Alessio  e 
Bonifacio,  S.  Sabba,  S.  Ceeareo,  S.  Giovanni  a  Porta 
Latina,  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin,  S.  Balbina,  S.  Maria 
sopra  Minerva,  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  and  in  the  cloister 
of  S.  Scholastica  at  Subiaco,  the  basilica  of  St.  Magus 
at  Anagni,  the  duomo  of  CivitA  Castellana,  and  the 
ruined  shrine  of  St.  Edward  the  Confessor  in  West- 
minster Abbey. 

De  Montault,  Grnealogie  d^artisles  italiens;  Coleman, 
Coamati  Mosaic  in  The  Architeclurat  Record  (New  Yorlc,  June, 
1902).  XII;  Parker,  The  Archaeology  of  Rome  (.Oidord,  1876). 
Pt.  XI;  De  Rossi,  DcUe  attre  famiglie  di  marmorarii  romani 
(Rome,  1870). 

Caryl  Coleman. 

Cosmogony. — By  this  term  is  understood  an  ac- 
count of  how  the  universe  (cosmos)  came  into  being 
(gnnia — 7^7o>'a  =  I  have  become).  It  differs  fromcos- 
rnology,  or  the  science  of  the  universe,  in  this:  that 
the  latter  aims  at  understanding  the  actual  com- 
position and  governing  laws  of  the  universe  as  it 
now  exists;  while  the  former  answers  the  question  as 
to  how  it  first  came  to  be.  The  Christian  Faith  ac- 
counts for  the  origin  of  the  univer.'e  by  creation  ex 
nihilo  of  the  matter  out  of  which  the  universe  arose, 
and  the  preservntio,  or  maintenance,  of  Providence  ac- 
cording to  which  it  developeti  into  what  it  now  is. 
Modern  science  has  propounded  many  theories  as  to 
how  the  primeval  gaseous  substance  evolved  into  the 
present  harmony  of  the  universe.  These  theories 
may  be  called  scienli/lc  cosmogonies;  and  the  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  world  given  in  Genesis,  i  and  ii,  is 
styled  Mosaic  cosmogony.  The  word  cosmognny  is, 
however,  usually  applied  to  mythical  accounts  of  the 
world's  origin  current  amongst  the  peoples  of  an- 
tiquity and  the  more  modern  races  which  liave  not 
been  touched  by  recent  scientific  methods.  In  this 
article  the  word  is  understood  only  in  this  latter  sense. 
In  treating  of  the  strange  admixture  of  pseudo-scien- 
tific speculations  and  religious  ideas  which  the  human 
mind,  unassisted  by  revelation,  elaborated  to  account 
for  the  existence  and  harmony  of  the  universe,  we  are 
forced  at  first  to  follow  only  the  chronological  order. 
The  dilTerent  accounts  given  of  the  origin  of  the 
heavens  and  the  earth  are  at  first  sight  so  irreconcil- 
able, .so  fanciful,  that  no  other  order  of  treatment 
seems  po.ssible;  but  an  attempt  will  be  made  in  the 
conclusion  to  sum  up  and  systematize  the  various 
ideas  enumerated,  to  trace  the  various  lines  along 
which  past  thought  and  fancy  developed  to  some  great 
central  principles,  and  thus  to  show  the  unity  which 
underlies  even  this  confusing  diversity.     As  modern 


COSMOGONY 


406 


COSMOGONY 


scholarsliip  seems  to  siigjiest  the  K\iplirates  valley  as 
the  cradle  of  all  civilization,  the  npsiiiiit;(iiiies  there  in 
vogue  shall  be  treated  lirst ;  althiiut;h  l'^i;yptiaii  ideas 
on  this  subject  can  be  traced  to  an  antic(uity  at  least  as 
remote  as  that  of  the  earliest  Babylonian  cosmogonies 
known  to  us. 

Babylonian. — Two  different  Assyro-Babylonian 
cosmogonies  have  come  down  to  us.  The  longer  one 
is  known  under  the  name  of  Creation  Epos  or  "  Enimia 
elish",  the  words  with  which  it  begins.  The  shorter 
one  is  commonly  known  as  the  Bilinguar  Accovnit  of 
Creation  because,  on  the  fragmentary  tablet  on  wliich 
it  is  written,  the  iSemitic  Babylonian  is  accompanied 
by  a  Simierian  version. 

(a)  The  Creation  Epos  — A  good  summary  of  this 
cosmogony  had  been  known  since  the  .sixth  century  of 
the  Christian  Era,  through  Damascius  (the  Athenian 
neo-Platonist  who  emigrated  to  Persia  when  Justinian 
suppressed  the  schools  of  Athens),  as  follows:  "The 
Babylonians,  passing  over  in  silence  the  one-principle 
of  the  universe,  constitute  two,  Tauthe  and  Apason, 
making  Apason  the  husband  of  Tauthe  and  calling  her 
the  mother  of  the  gods.  And  from  these  proceeds  an 
only-begotten  son,  iVIoumis,  who,  I  consider,  is  nought 
else  but  the  intelligible  world  proceeding  from  the  two 
principles.  From  them  another  progeny  is  likewise 
produced,  Dache  and  Dachos,  and  also  a  third,  Kis- 
sar6  and  Assoros,from  which  last  three  others  proceed, 
Anos,  and  Illinos,  and  Aos.  And  to  Aos  and  Dauke 
a  son  is  born  called  Belos  of  whom  they  say  that  he 
is  the  creator  of  the  world  [dcmiurgus]."  The  As- 
syrian original  upon  which  this  siniimary  is  Ijased  was 
first  discovered  and  pulilished  by  ('•.  Smith,  in  1S75, 
from  seven  fragmentary  tablets  in  the  British  .Muse- 
um. It  has  been  translatetl  by  a  nmnber  of  scholars, 
and  recently  (London,  1903),  with  the  addition  of 
numerous  fragments,  by  L.  W.  King  of  the  same  mu- 
seum.    It  opens  as  follows: — 

When  on  high  the  heavens  were  not  uttered, 
Below  the  earth  bore  not  yet  a  name; 
The  ocean  primeval  was  their  begetter, 
Minnrau  Tiamtu  the  parent  of  all  of  them. 
Their  waters  were  mixed  together  in  one  and 
Fields  not  yet  marked,  marshes  not  yet  seen  [?] 
When  of  the  gods  there  existed  still  none 
None  bore  any  name,  the  fates  [not  yet  settled] 
Then  came  into  being  the  gods  [in  order?] 
Lahmu  and  Lahamu  went  forth  [as  the  first  ?] 
Great  were  the  ages  .... 
Ansar  and  Kisar  were  produced,  and  over  them 
Long  grew  the  days,  there  appeared 
The  God  .\nu,  their  son  .  . 

The  Greek  copyist  had  evidently  mistaken  AAXOC 
for  AAXOC,  but  otherwise  the  two  accounts  tally  ex- 
actly: Apason  is  Apsu  the  Ocean;  Tauthe  is  Tiamtu, 
as  Assyrian  labializes  the  nasals;  Lache  and  Laehos 
are  likewise  Lahmu  and  Lahamu;  Kissare,  Assoras, 
Anos,  Illinos,  and  Aos  correspond  to  Kisar  and  Ansar, 
Anu,  Enlil,  and  Ea  or  Ae.  Damascius  considered 
Moumis  the  son  of  Tiamtu.  But  in  the  Babylonian 
text  Mumnui  seems  to  have  Tiamat  in  apposition,  and 
the  participle  munlliilat  is  in  the  feminine,  yet  on  a 
later  fragment  Mummu  does  figure  as  the  son  of  Tia- 
mat, and  Damascius'  statement  seems  correct.  In 
any  case  they  began  with  a  double,  purely  material, 
principle  Apsu  and  Tiamat,  male  and  female,  probably 
personifying  the  mass  of  salt  and  sweet  water  "  mixed 
together  in  one".  Out  of  all  these  things  even  the 
gods  arise,  their  birth  is  in  reality  the  gradual  differ- 
entiation of  the  as  yet  undifferentiated,  undetermined, 
undivided,  watery  ALL.  The  meaning  of  Ansar  and 
Kisar  is  plain;  they  are  personified  ideas:  Above  and 
Below.  The  meaning  of  Lahmu  and  Lahamu  is  not  so 
clear.  Popular  mythology  spoke  of  the  Lahmu  as 
monsters  and  demons,  .spirits  of  evil,  and  their  pro- 


tliu 


geny  sides  with  Tiamat  as  the  monster  of  rh.aos;  yettto 
on  the  other  hand,  they  cannot  he  evil  in  themselves 
for  the  good  gods,  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea,  are  their  children 
It  has  been  suggested  with  great  probability  tha  J* 
Lahmu  and  Lahamu  are  the  personifications  of  Dawi 
and  Twilight. — In  the  watery  Chaos  first  the  lighi  t^ 
breaks;  an  above  ami  a  below  begin  to  be,  and  th«  milf 
result  is  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea — Sky,  Earth,. and  WaferJ  !»ii 
But  this  process  of  development  is  not  to  proceed  un-  H- 
opposed,  nor  are  the  powers  (gods)  of  order  peacefully  i  ■ 
to  conquer  the  power  of  Chaos.  This  war  is  mythologi-  iniffls 
cally  described  in  the  great  Epos.  Tiamat  creates  ai  mJ'' 
brood  of  monsters  to  fight  on  her  side,  puts  Kingu,  her  imii 
husband,  at  the  head,  gives  him  the  tablets  of  fate  in  rtelb 
his  bosom,  thereby  giving  him  supreme  power.  Ea'tsl'' 
hears  of  this  plot,  tells  Ansar,  his  father,  who  asks  Anu  fcl' 
to  interfere,  but  m  vain.  Ea  is  likewise  applied  to,  but  lOiuil 
without  result.  At  la.st  Ea's  son  Marduk,  at  the  re-llrn"' 
quest  of  the  gods,  becomes  their  champion  and  conquers  fc™?' 
the  Dragon  of  Chaos.  Cutting  the  lifeless  body  of  the  tain; 
dragon  in  two  he  makes  out  of  one  half  the  expanse  of  Banlu 
the  heavens,  thereby  preventing  the  waters  above  onk '' 
from  coming  down;  out  of  the  other  the  earth.  He  nil  or 
then  firmly  fixes  the  stars,  arranging  the  constella-  ms 
tions  of  the  zodiac,  creates  the  moon,  "  .sets  him  as  s  te 
creature  of  night,  to  make  known  the  days  monthlj 
without  failing".  After  this  Marduk's  "  heart  urged  bit  tha 
him,  and  he  made  cunning  plans,  he  opened  his  moutl  jiolar 
and  said  to  Ae:  "  Let  me  gather  my  blood  and  let  ra«  Sslemi 
[take  my]  bone,  let  me  set  up  a  man  and  let  the  mat  uJ  ih 
...  let  me  make  then  men  dwelling  ..."  Th( 
gods  praise  Mariluk's  work  and  they  applaud  liim  witl 
fifty  names;  each  god  transferring  to  Manluk  liis  ow 
function  and  ilignity.  Marduk,  then,  is  the  real  Demi 
urgus  or  world-creator,  a  dignity,  however,  which  wa 
not  originally  his.  The  political  success  of  Marduk' 
city,  Babylon,  necessitated  this  god's  rise  in  ran) 
in  the  Pantheon;  this  was  ingeniously  contrived  b;  Jmstj 
inventing  the  legend  of  all  the  gods  voluntarily  cedin; 
their  place  to  him  because  he  conquered  the  Dragon  o 
Chaos,  Tiamat.  This  part  of  the  cosmogony,  there 
fore,  probably  does  not  date  back  before  2000  b.  c.  I 
is  quite  likely,  however,  that  some  story  of  a  stru] 
with  a  monster  of  evil  and  disorder  is  of  much  greate 
antiquity.  In  any  case  this  cosmogony  is  sharp! 
characterized  because  in  it  the  cosmos  arises  out  of 
struggle  between  Chaos  and  Order,  good  and  ey\\.  1 
must,  however,  not  be  forgotten  that  both  goml  an 
bad  gods  are  alike  the  progeny  of  Apsu  anti  Tiunia 

(b)  The  Bilingual  Creation-Story  was  founil  on  aiioi 
tablet  in  Sippar  by  Rassam  in  18S2.  It  consists  <  ifimin 
three  columns,  the  central  column  being  Semitic,  th  tedw 
first  and  third  being  Sinnerian,  every  line  and  sentent  »pj)|j 
being  cut  in  two  by  the  intervening  Semitic  versioi  inmiij 
It  is  really  an  incantation  for  jiurification ;  unforti  Mule 
nately  the  tablet  is  mutilated,  and  the  connexion  c  ■■raiK 
this  temple  ritual  with  an  account  of  the  origin  of  tl  iJeg 
world  is  not  quite  clear.  At  the  end  of  the.  tablet :  .^jj; 
second  incantation  begins,  of  which  only  the  word  saj; , 
"The  star  .  .  .  long  chariot  of  heaven",  are  left-  tciiyf, 
sufficient  to  show  that  these  tablets  belonged  to  a  fjliit] 
astronomical  or  scientific  series.  The  cosmogony  b'  ^ir^jf 
gins,  as  is  usual  with  cosmogonies,  by  thinking  aw;?  rij, 
all  things  in  the  w'orld.  It  is  remarkalile  that  tli  ,  ,[u]i(j 
empty  void  is  expres.seil  by  first  thinking  away  civil  tiijijjj 
zation,  tcrniiles,  gardens,  houses,  cities;  the  anciei  Sat|  g 
cities  are  even   given  by  name:    "Nipinir  h.ad  m  (.■ji  > 


Vjlleyc 

fcyra 

iite 


been  built,  IvKura  [itstom])le]  not  been  constructC' 
Erechhad  not  been  built.  Ivananot  been  constructed 
— "The  Abyss  had  not  been  made;  Eridu[tli.- old 
all  cities,  once  on  tlie  Persian  ( iulf],  with  its  foundat  io 
in  the  deep  [the  abys.s],  had  not  been  construi-tcd,  t' 
foundation  of  the  house  of  the  gods  not  laid — tl 
whole  of  the  lands  was  .sea.     When  within  the  &   15 
there  was  a  stream,  in  that  day  Eridu  was  mac 
Esagila  [its  tem])lc]  constructed — Esagila,  which  t    ifcjij  t 
god  LugaUhiazaga  foimded  within  the  aliySs — Bab| 


-;I1 


COSMOGONY 


407 


COSMOGONY 


3n  he  built,  Esagila  [a  counterpart  nf  the  Esagila  nf 
Wdu]  was  completed.  He  created  the  gods;  the 
munnaki  [tutelary  spirits  of  the  earth]  created  the 
lorious  city  tugether  with  him.  The  seat  of  their 
eart's  joy  he  proclaimed  on  high  Marduk  bound 
ugether  a  foimdation  [o«j»]  upon  the  waters.  He 
lade  dust  and  cast  it  over  the  foundation,  that  the 
ods  might  sit  in  a  pleasant  place.  He  made  man- 
iud.  Aruru  [the  gotldess  of  Sippar]  made  the  seed 
f  mankind  with  him".  Marduk  then  creates  the 
nimals,  the  plants,  the  city,  the  state,  Xi|)pur,  Erech, 
nd  their  temples.  Lvigalduazaga  is  consideretl  to  be 
nother  name  for  Marduk.     In  the  text  it  is  doubtful 

hether  the  Animnaki  were  created  by  Maniuk  or 
•hether  they  were  assistant-creators  with  Marduk. 
'he  latter  seems  prcferaljle.  The  meaning  of  "he 
ound  together  a  fountlation"  is  doubtful,  because  of 
lie  imcertainty  about  the  word  amu.  The  ancients 
dought  the  earth  to  be  like  a  section  of  a  hollow  ball 
Dating  on  the  great  waters,  convex  side  upwards, 
[arduk  is  here  forming  his  rough  skeleton  of  the 
irth  as  a  raft  on  the  waters,  and  he  fills  it  up  with 
ail  or  clay  dust  according  to  the  text.  This  co.s- 
logony  is  probably  not  so  ancient  as  that  of  the 
reation  Epos,  Ijecause  it  makes  Marduk  sole  creator 
without  reference  even  to  .\nu  or  Ea.  It  is  reraarka- 
le  that  man  is  creatcfl  before  animals  and  plants,  and 
Aolars  have  not  failed  to  draw  attention  to  a  similar 
tatement  in  Genesis,  ii,  7-9.  Furthermore,  the  Tigris 
nd  the  Euphrates  are  named  in  this  cosmogony: 
He  made  them  and  set  them  in  their  place — well  pro- 
lainied  he  their  name",  which  also  reminds  one  of  the 
lention  of  the  rivers  in  the  .same  chapter  of  Genesis, 
ome  remote  connexion  is  of  course  possible. 

EGYPTI.A..V. — The  fundamental  ideas  of  Egj'ptian 
osmogonies  can  be  gathered  from  the  Book  of  the 
)ead,  chapter  xvii,  which  goes  back  to  the  eleventh 
ynasty  (c.  2560  B.  c),  if  not  to  the  sixth  (c.  3000 
.  c).  Cosmogonic  speculations  in  greater  detail  can 
e  found  in  the  funeral  inscriptions  of  Seti  I,  in  the 
'alley  of  the  Dead  nearThebes  (c.  1400  B.C.),  nor  are 
bey  wanting  in  texts  on  monuments  and  papyri  down 
3  late  in  the  Ptolemaic  period.  But  according  to 
Irugsch,  Egyptian  thought  was  but  little  subject  to 
hange  even  during  the  score  of  centuries  and  more 
uring  which  it  is  known  to  us.  In  the  beginning 
dere  was  neither  heaven  norearth.  Shoreless  waters, 
overed  with  thick  darkness,  filled  the  world-space, 
'hese  primeval  waters  are  called  Xun,  and  they  were 
lid  to  contain  the  male  and  female  germs  and  the 
cginnings  of  the  future  world.  From  the  very  first 
Kere  dwelt  in  this  watery  proto-matter  a  divine  force 
r  proto-soul,  which  pervaded  and  penetrated  its  as 
et  not  differentiated  parts.  This  penetration  was  so 
bsolute  that  this  soul  became  almost  identical  with 
tie  matter  it  [lervaded.  The  divine  proto-soul  then 
;lt  a  desire  for  creative  activity  and  tliis  his  will,  per- 
onified  as  the  god  Thot,  brought  the  universe  into 
eing;  whereas  the  image  of  the  universe  had  pre- 
iously  formed  itself  in  the  eyes  of  Thot.  The  word 
f  Thot  brought  movement  in  the  still  watery  sub- 
tance  of  Xun — movement  both  conscious  and  pur- 
oseful.  Xun  now  began  to  differentiate  itself,  i.  e. 
;s  qualities  became  manifest  in  a  cosmogonic  ogdoad 
f  deities  (four  pairs,  male  and  female):  Xun  and 
funet.  Hell  and  Hchet,  Keke  and  Keket,  Xenu  and 
fenut.  Xun  and  .Nunet  represent  the  begetting  and 
earing  Proto-Matter-.Soul ;  lleh  and  Hehet  are  rather 
itficult  ide:is  to  grasp,  perhaps  active  and  passive 
ifinity  would  be  a  good  ex[)ression.  This  infinity  is 
lostly  conceived  in  relation  to  time,  and  is  coiise- 
uently  equivalent  to,  and  often  described  by,  the 
Jrcek  Ai'iiK;  a.s  infinity  of  force  it  resembles  'Eput. 
Cek  and  Keket  are  the  abysmal  darkness,  the  Erebos 
f  the  Egj-ptians.  Xenu  and  Nenul  s>niibolize  rest; 
he  two  otiier  names  or  titles  of  Nenu.Gohr  and  Hems, 
mbody  the  same  idea — to  settle  or  lie  down,  to  cease 


fniMi  wiirk.  I  'nnlrary  to  the  Babylonian  idea  of  war 
with  the  Dragon  of  Chaos,  tranquillity  is,  in  Egypt,  a 
principle  of  progress.  All  united,  these  divinities  of 
the  ogdoad  form  the  beginnings  and  are  the  fathers 
and  mothers  of  all  things.  Pictorially,  they  are  indi- 
cated by  figures  of  four  men  and  women;  the  men 
carry  a  frog:  the  women  a  serpent's  head  on  their 
shoulders.  The  frog  and  serpent  represent  the  first 
elements  of  animal  creation;  the  unaccounted  for 
aiJjiearance  and  disappearance  of  frogs  in  marshes 
seemed  like  a  sort  of  spontaneous  generation  of  animal 
life  out  of  stagnant  water;  the  serpent  periodically 
shedding  its  skin  was  a  symbol  of  the  yearly  renewal 
of  nature.  The  male  figures  are  coloured  blue,  to 
signify  water  the  begetter  of  all  things;  the  female 
are  flesh-coloured,  to  signify  the  life  produced.  These 
cosmogonic  gods  then  transform  the  invisible  divine 
wUl  of  Thot  into  a  visible  universe,  harmoniously 
welded  together.  The  first  act  of  creation  is  the  for- 
mation of  an  egg,  which  rises  upon  the  hands  of  Heh 
and  Hehet  out  of  the  proto-matter.  Out  of  the  egg 
arises  the  god  of  light,  Ra,  the  immediate  cause  of  life 
in  this  world.  Xow  this  imiverse  was  conceived  as 
being  both  the  house  and  body  of  God,  divinity  not 
dwelling  in,  but  being  identical  with,  the  cosmic  All. 

This  universe,  however,  was  formed  by  concurrence 
of  nine  divine  things,  i.  e.  the  great  Ennead  of  Gods: 
(1)  Shu,  the  dry  air  of  day;  (2)  Tafnut,  the  night  air, 
pregnant  with  the  rays  of  the  waxing  moon;  (.3)  Keb, 
the  god  of  the  earth,  or  soil;  (4)  Xut,  the  goddess  of 
the  heavens  above ;  {5)  Osiris,  the  moist  or  fructifying 
element ;  (6)  Isis,  the  maternal  or  conceiving  force  of 
the  earth;  (7)  Set,  the  god  of  evil  and  contradiction — 
the  destructive  element  in  nature,  opposing  the  light, 
moisture,  and  fertility  of  the  earth — in  popular  myth- 
ology, the  brother-enemy  of  Osiris  and  Isis ;  (8)  Horus, 
popularly  conceived  as  the  divine  child  of  Isis  and 
Osiris,  living  nature  in  the  circle  of  her  perpetual  re- 
juvenesence;  (9)  Xephthys,  the  boundary  spirit  or 
horizon,  the  world-limit,  or  the  strand  of  the  endless 
sea. 

Parallel  with  these  quasi-scientific  explanations  of 
the  universe,  the  popular  mind  attributed  to  its 
favourite  divinities  a  share  in  the  cosmogony.  In 
Upper  Egyjit  the  egg-jiroductive  energy  gave  first 
rise  to  a  divinity,  Clinum,  the  potter  who  shapes  the 
egg  on  his  wheel ;  in  Lower  Egypt,  Ptah,  the  artificer, 
becomes  the  creator  of  the  egg.  Sometimes,  however, 
a  divine  bird  is  required  to  lay  it.  Not  unfrequently 
the  cosmogonic  functions  of  the  egg  are  attributed  to 
the  lotus-bud.  In  one  of  the  inscriptions  of  Denderah, 
Pharao  hands  a  lotus-flower  to  the  solar  deity,  say- 
ing: "  I  hand  thee  the  flower  which  arose  in  the  begin- 
ning, the  glorious  lily  on  the  great  sea.  Thou  camest 
forth  in  the  city  of  Chmun  out  of  its  leaves,  and  thou 
did.st  give  light  to  the  earth  till  then  wrapped  in  dark- 
ness". On  the  other  hand,  Ra  is  not  merely  the 
enlightener,  but  the  personal  creator  of  the  world,  the 
Lord,  infinite  in  his  being,  the  Master  Everlasting, 
who  was  before  all  things ;  none  is  like  unto  him.  He 
suspended  the  heavens  aliove,  that  he  might  dwell 
therein;  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth,  that  it 
might  sustain  his  form;  he  created  the  deep,  that  he 
might  be  hidden  in  the  lower  spheres,  he,  the  noble 
youth,  came  forth  out  of  Xun.  This  personification 
of  the  spirits  of  light  in  the  sun-god  Ra  could  evoke 
real  sublimity  of  thought  and  expression,  so  much  so 
that,  for  a  little  while,  the  idea  reached  a  quasi- 
mnnothoism  under  Amenophis  III  and  IV.  On  the 
other  h.iiid  the  amplitude  of  <livine  titles  of  each  local 
deity  plays  havoc  with  cosmogonic  consistency,  thus 
Ptah  in  ^iemphis  is  ruler  of  infinity  (Heh)  and  Lord  of 
eternity  (Tet),  Min  Anium,  Ijord  of  Infinity,  la.sting 
for  eternity;  Hathor  of  Denderah,  Mistress  of  Infinity 
and  f'reatrix  of  Eternity;  Hathor  and  Horus  are 
mother  and  father  to  Horsamtui,  a  phase  of  R4  the 
sun-god,  and  similar  fancies. 


COSMOGONY 


408 


COSMOGONY 


Iranian. — In  considering  these  cosmogonies  we 
must  distinguish  a  threefold  phase  of  development:  (a) 
The  ancient  Iranian  phase,  as  given  in  the  Avesta,  the 
Yasnas,  and  the  Vendidads.  Without  entering  into 
the  much-disputed  question  of  the  date  of  the  Avesta, 
it  may  be  safely  said  that  these  oldest  cosmogonies  go 
back  to  about  1000  b.  c.  (b)  The  later  Iranian  or  early 
Persian  phase,  as  contained  in  orthodox  Pahlavi  litera- 
ture, the  Bimdahis  and  the  Mainochired.  (c)  Hetero- 
dox Iranian  opinions  amongst  schismatical  sects,  as 
the  Zervanites,  Gayoniarthiya,  Rivayets,  and  others. 
We  shall  find  the  dualism,  which  is  the  great  charac- 
teristic of  Iranian  thought,  showing  a  gradual  tendency 
towards  monism,  and  its  primeval  simplicity  trans- 
formed into  fanciful  intricacy  -nathout,  however,  alto- 
gether losing  the  loftiness  of  its  first  ideas. 

Although  we  possess  no  full  systematic  expositions 
of  the  views  of  the  ancient  Iranians  on  the  origin  of  the 
universe,  yet  scattered  passages  in  the  Avesta  leave  no 
doubt  that  at  the  beginning  of  all  things  they  postu- 
lated a  twofold  principle:  good  and  evil.  At  the  head 
indeed  of  all  creation  stands  Ahura  Mazda,  a  purely 
spiritual  being,  who  is  distinctly  and  expressly  styled 
Creator  of  the  World"  of  spirit  and  of  matter.  Yet 
in  the  older  books  the  idea  of  the  unity  of  origin  of  the 
universe  is  far  from  having  come  to  maturity ;  so  in  the 
Gathas  a  distinct  dualism  of  origin  is  taught.  At  the 
end  of  Yasna,  xxviii,  Zarathustra  asks:  "Do  thou, 
Ahura  Mazda,  teach  me  from  thyself,  that  I  may  de- 
clare it  forth,  through  what  the  primeval  world  arose." 
And  in  Yasna,  xxx,  conies  the  answer:  "  Thus  are  the 
primeval  spirits,  who  as  a  pair — yet  each  independent 
in  his  action — have  been  famed  of  old.  They  are 
[these  two  spiritual  principles]  a  better  thing  and  a 
worse  thing  as  to  thought,  word,  and  deed.  When  the 
two  spirits  came  together  at  the  first  to  make  life  and 
non-life,  and  to  determine  how  the  world  at  last 
should  be  made,  [then  there  was]  for  the  wicked  the 
worst  life  and  for  the  holy  the  best  state  of  mind.  He 
who  was  the  evil  one  chose  the  evil,  but  the  bountiful 
spirit  chose  righteousness."  Ahura  Mazda,  or,  as  the 
name  later  became  abbreviated,  Onnuzd,  the  Wise 
Lord,  is  the  good  spirit  or  Spento  Mainyu;  the  Evil 
One  is  Anro  Mainyu,  the  destroying  spirit  later 
known  as  Ahrinian.  The  absolute  dualism  of  the 
above  passage  is  unmistakable:  in  the  beginning  was 
Good  and  Evil;  the  good  became  as  it  were  incarnate 
in  Ormuzd,  the  evil  in  .\hriman.  The  name  Ahriman, 
however,  does  not  actually  occur  in  this  Yasna.  This 
dualism  gradually  softened  as  centuries  went  on,  and 
Ormuzd  wjis  repeatedly  and  emphatically  designated 
as  the  Creator.  Thus  Yasna,  i,  1  (which  is  of  consid- 
erably later  date  than  Yasna,  xxx):  "I  confess  and 
proclaim  Ahura  Mazda,  the  creator,  the  radiant,  the 
glorious,  who  sends  his  joy-creating  grace  afar,  who 
made  us  and  who  fashioned  us,  who  has  nourished  us 
and  protected  us,  who  is  the  Spento  Mainyu."  But 
whenever  Ormuzd,  the  source  of  all  good,  produces 
what  is  good,  the  Evil  One  produces  its  opposite,  there- 
with to  destroy  Ormuzd's  creation.  Ahriman,  there- 
fore, becomes  only  a  secondary,  or  coimter-creator. 
This  is  thus  expressed  in  Fargard  i  of  the  Vendidad: 
"The  first  of  good  lands  which  I,  Ahura  Mazda,  cre- 
ated was  Iran- Veg,  thereupon  came  Ahro  Mainyu,  who 
is  all  death,  and  he  counter-created  the  serpent  in  the 
river,  and  the  winter,  the  work  of  demons.  The  second 
of  good  lands  which  I  created  was  the  jjlain  of  Sogdiana. 
Thereupon  came  Anro  JIainyu,  who  is  all  death, 
and  ho  counter-created  the  locust,  bringing  death 
inito  cattle  and  plants."  No  less  than  sixteen  such 
creations  and  coimter-creations  are  thus  enunu^rated: 
Ahriman  ccvmtcr-creates  plunder,  .sin,  ants  and  ant- 
hills, unbelief,  tears  and  wailing,  idolatry,  pride,  im- 
purity, burial  of  the  dead,  the  c<ioking  of  corp.ses,  .ab- 
normal issues,  excessive  lieat,  and  l)itter  cold.  From 
this  enunieratinu  of  Alirimaii's  work  one  gathers  (liat 
he  and  his  good  adversary  were  originally  personified 


fali 


illiii! 
,  ithsi 
otte 
m 
Wi 
Inni 
jteve 
iW 
lit  of  I 


le  Vaj 
aglty 


principles,  and  this  personification  led  to  their  being; 
accounted  real  spiritual  beings.  Sometimes  this  per- 
sonification was  so  materialized  as  to  lead  to  the  as-| 
cription  of  a  body  to  Ormuzd,  but  this  was  of  some 
aerial  substance  invisible  even  to  the  celestials.  Be- 
sides these  two  world-creators  we  meet  in  the  Avesta 
four  elementary  beings,  or  rather  attributes  of  Ormuzd, 
called  Thwasha  or  Infinite  Space,  Zrvan  Akarana  or 
Endess  Time,  .\naghra  raocao  and  Teniao  or  Begin- 
ningless  Light  and  Darkness.  These  personified  ab-  ^' 
stractions — Space,  Time,  Light,  and  Darkness — are  '^ 
co-eternal  with  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman;  they  do  not 
create,  but  they  constitute  the  receptacle,  the  source, 
and  the  twofold  material  of  creation. 

Later  Parthian  speculations  on  the  origin  of  the  uni- 
verse are  found  in  the  Bundahis,  a  Pahlavi  conimen- 
tarj'  on  the  Avesta,  which  may  date  from  the  Sassa- 
nids,  but  in  its  present  form  cannot  be  earlier  than  the 
seventh  century  of  the  Christian  Era.     Ormuzd  is  here 
described  as  in  endless  light  and  all-wise ;  but  Ahriman 
in  endless  darkness  and  lacking  in  knowledge.     Light 
and  darkness  seem  to  have  been  identified  with  Or- 
muzd and  Ahriman  at  an  earlier  period,  according  to 
Porphyrins  and  Plutarch.      Ormuzd    and    Ahriman 
both   produced   their  own  creatures,   which  remain 
apart  in  a  spiritual  or  ideal  state  for  3000  years;  for 
Ahriman  is  unaware  of  the  existence  of  Ormuzd  and 
his  good  creation.     After  this  begins  Ahriman's  oppo- 
sition to  the  work  of  Onnuzd,  with  the  understanding, 
however,  that  the  period  of  the  evil  influence  would  not 
exceed  9000  years,  and  onlj-  the  middle  3000  years 
were  to  see  Ahriman  successful.     By  pronouncing  a 
mysterious  spell  Ormuzd  throws  .-Uiriman  into  a  state 
of  confusion  for  a  second  3000  years.     Meanwhile,  Or- 
muzd creates  the  archangels  and  the  material  imiverse 
with  sun,  moon,  and  stars;  Ahriman  produces  the  de- 
vas,  or  evil  spirits,  and,  helped  by  them,  he  throws  him- 
self upon  the  good  creation  to  destroy  it.     The  six  di- 
visions of  creation — the  sky,  water,  earth,  plants,  and 
animals,  and  men — suffer  the  attacks  of  the  devas. 
The  primeval  ox,  symbolizing  the  later  animal  world, 
is  slain,  and  so  is  Gayomard,  representing  humanity. 
Yet,  though  Gayomard  dies,  his  offspring  lives.     After 
many  purifications  by  archangels,  the  Rivas  plant,  be-    . 
gotten  of  him,  grows  up.     This  plant  contains  both  *'™! 
man  and  woman ;  when  their  bodies  have  sufficiently  *' * 
developed  they  receive  "the  breath  spiritually  intoP*' 
them,  which  is  the  soul";  for  Ahura  Mazda  said  that' 
"the  soul  is  created  before  and  the  body  after,  for  hiiu' 
who  was  created".     And  Ahura  Mazda  said  to  them,,,  , 
"  You  are  man,  you  are  the  ancestry  of  the  •«  orld ".  A-i:."^' 
story  is  told  of  the  first  pair,  whether  Mashya  andr'" 
Mashyana  or,  as  elsewhere  given,  Yima  and  his  wife,"'?-" 
similar  to  that  of  Adam's  sin  in  paradi.se;  a  like  simil- 
arity can  also  be  found  in  Ahura  Mazda  creating  the 
world  in  six  stages,  but  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
the  Biljle  is  the  borrower,  in  fact  the  contrary  is  most 
probable.     In  the  Mainochired  a  further  stage  in  Per- 
sian cosmogonies  is  reached.     There    the  light  is  tlis- 
tinctly  named  as  the  matter  out  of  which  the  univcrsf 
is  created  and  zrvan,  or  entlless  time,  is  no  longer  con- 
sidered an  attribute  of  Ormuzd,  but  is  an  independent! 
fimdamental  being,  which  pronounces  its  blessing  and  '  '^a 
joy  over  the  creation  which  Ormuzd  produces.     Sd 
chapter  viii:  "The  creator  .\hura  produced  these  crea- 
tures and  creation,  the  archangels  and  the  spirit  ol  '^ 
wisdom  from  that  which  is  his  own  splendour  and  with  ■- 
the  blessing  of  endless  time.     For  this  reason  unlim- 
ited time  is  undecaying  and  immortal,  painless  and 
hungerless,  thirstlcss  and  imdisturbeil;  for  ever  and  -•' 
ever  no  one  will  be  able  to  overpower  it  or  to  make  it 
not  all-over-ruling  in  his  own  affairs.     And  -Mirinian, 
the  wicked,  counter-created  the  ilevtis  and  tlrmjs  [de- 
mons and  fieiiils]  and  the  rest  of  the  things  of  corrup- 
tion."    He  made  .a  treaty  witli  Ormuzd  forOOOOyears. 
during  which  things  nuist  remain  as  tliey  are.     Bui 
after  9000  years  .-\liriman  will  be  utterly  impotent 


BE.  At 

eivrfij 
fajet 


tiii, 


^sfe 


COSMOGONY 


409 


COSMOGONY 


).sh,  tlio  angel  of  obedience,  will  smite  Aeshun,  the 
ackiiic  demon.  Mithra.  the  angel  of  siniliglit,  and 
i-an  Akarana,  Time-without-eiid,  and  tin'  aiigi'l  nf 
itice  and  providenee,  will  .smite  the  crcatidn  of  .\lni- 
in,andAhnra  Mazd.awill  become  again  undistnrbcd 
in  the  beginning.  Cosmology  perhaps,  rather  than 
imogony,  i.s  contained  in  chapter  xliv:  "Sky,  and 
•th,  and  water,  and  what  is  therein  are  like  the  egg 
a  bird.  By  .\hnra  Mazda,  the  creator,  the  sky  Ls  ar- 
iged  above  the  earth  like  an  egg  and  the  semblance 
the  earth  in  the  midst  of  the  sky  is  just  like  the  yolk  , 
:hin  the  egg;  the  water  within  the  earth  and  sky  i.s 
■h  a.s  the  white  of  the  egg."  This,  of  course,  must 
t  be  understood  as  a  sort  of  early  evolution  theory; 
merely  imlieates  the  shape  of  the  iiniverse  as  con- 
ved  by  t-hi>  Persians. 

Iranian  dualism  then  was  never  quite  consistent, 
t  even  in  the  Avesta.  In  the  Mainochired  it  makes 
leed  an  attempt  at  monism  in  personifying  Zrvan, 
t  of  which  creation  comes,  and  by  which  creation  is 
■ssed,  but  the  inconsistencies  of  the  system  finally 
)ught  forth  a  number  of  unorthodox  sects.  Each  of 
'se  sects  solved  the  problem  of  unity  versus  plural- 
in  its  own  way.  Some,  as  the  Gayomarthiya,  those 
licated  in  Firdosi's  book  of  kings,  and  the  author  of 
;  Vajarkart,  practically  believed  in  an  eternal  al- 
ghty  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  much  in  the  same 
ise  as  Christians  do.  Ahriman,  at  first  a  primeval 
ing  coeval  with  Ormuzd,  is  transformed  into  the 
rsee  equivalent  for  Satan.  Others  reached  a  sort  of 
)nism  by  making  either  Thwasha  (Space)  or  Zrvan 
ime)  the  origin  of  all  things,  even  of  Ormuzd  and 
iriman.  That  Thwasha  was  once  the  head  of  the 
mian  pantheon  is  perhaps  indicated  by  so  early  a 
tness  as  Herodotus  (I,  cxx.xi)  and  much  later  by 
inuusciiis.  Zrvan,  as  thesource  of  all  things  amongst 
3  Persians,  is  attested  by  many  of  the  Fathers 
heod.  Mops.,  Moses  of  Chorene),  by  Eznik  and  Ell- 
is. At  this  period  the  origin  of  all  things  was  con- 
ved  in  varioiis  fantastical  ways.  According  to  some 
ivajets.  Cod.  XII),  Time  created  Water  and  Fire  and 
icn  these  came  together  Ormuzd  arose.  According 
others.  Time  for  1000  years  yearned  to  bring  forth  a 
1  and  offered  sacrifice  for  that  purpose,  but  then 
ubted;  Ormuzd  was  conceived  as  fruit  of  the  sacri- 
s,  Ahriman  as  fruit  of  the  doubt — and  similar  fan- 
s  which  strongly  suggest  Indian  influence.  It  is  re- 
irkalile,  however,  that  Ormuzd  remains  throughout 
3  foremost  and  immediate  creator  of  the  cosmos  or 
irld  as  it  now  is,  and  as  far  as  it  is  good.  It  is  remark- 
le  also  that  Iranian  cosmogonies  are  not  devoid  of  a 
ble  ethical  strain,  however  much  they  may  have 
mged  during  the  course  of  ages. 
Indian. — These  cosmogonies  are  so  manifold  and  so 
wildering  in  their  fantastic  variety  that  only  the 
lest  and  most  purely  Indian  can  be  referred  to,  and 
;  main  outlines  indicated.  As  ethical  dualism  is 
J  characteristic  of  Iranian  thought,  so  is  idealistic 
ntheism  of  the  thought  of  India.  In  Indian  co.s- 
jgonies  more  than  elsewhere  we  have  to  distinguish 
tween  [jhilosophic  speculation  and  popular  religion, 
lich  each  in  its  way  influenced  their  conception  of 
p  origin  of  the  world.  The  oldest  cosmogonies  must 
turally  be  sought  in  the  Rig- Veda.  The  age  of  these 
Ered  books  is  largely  a  matter  of  controversy,  but 
eir  origin  can  be  roughly  assigned  to  a  date  earlier 
an  1000  B.  c.  Among  the  1028  hymns  of  the  Rig- 
;da  none  is  so  famous  as  cxxix  of  Book  X,  of  which  a 
inslation  was  given  by  Max  MiiUer  forty  years  ago. 
lis  translation,  though  metrical,  is  remarkably  lit- 
il  and  contains  the  best  exposition  of  ancient  Indian 
ought  on  this  subject.     It  runs  as  follows: — 

>r  Aught  nor  Naught  existed;  yon  bright  sky 
as  not,  nor  heaven's  broad  woof  outstretched  above, 
hat  covered  all?  what  sheltered?  what  concealed? 
as  it  the  water's  fathomless  aby.ss? 


There  was  not  death — yet  there  was  nauglit  immortal. 
There  was  no  confine  betwLxt  day  and  night; 
Tlie  (  hily  One  breathed  breathless  by  it.self, 
<  )th('r  than  it  there  nothing  since  has  been. 
Darkness  there  was,  and  all  at  first  was  veiled 
In  gloom  profound — an  ocean  without  light— 
The  derm  that  .still  lay  covered  in  the  husk 
Burst  forth,  one  nature,  from  the  fervent  heat. 
Then  first  came  Love  upon  it,  the  new  Spring 
Of  mind — yea,  poets  in  their  hearts  discerned, 
Pondering,  this  bond  between  created  things 
And  uncreated.     Comes  this  spark  from  the  earth 
Piercing  and  all  pervading,  or  from  heaven? 
Then  seetls  were  sown  and  mighty  powers  arose — 
Nature  below  and  Power  and  Will  above — 
Who  knows  the  secret?     Who  proclaimed  it  here? 
Whence,  whence  this  manifold  creation  sjjrang? 
The  gods  themselves  came  later  into  being — 
Who  knows  from  whence  this  great  creation  sjjrang? 
He  from  whom  all  this  great  creation  came, 
Whether  his  will  created  or  was  mute. 
The  Most-High  Seer  that  is  in  highest  heaven. 
He  knows  it — or  perchance  even  He  knows  not. 

If,  however,  we  divest  this  and  similar  Intlian  effu- 
sions (Rig-V.,  X,  cxc,  Ixxii)  of  their  poetical  garb  and 
set  aside  the  agnostic  touch  in  the  last  line,  their  co.s- 
mogony  is  philosophically  conceived  as  follows:  The 
first  principle  of  all  Being  is  Tad  (i.  e.  the  absolutely 
indefinite  That),  this  unites  in  itself  all  spiritual  and 
material  elements  of  the  world.  Tad  is  an  idea  ob- 
tained only  by  absolute  abstraction,  for  it  possesses 
only  one  quality,  viz.  that  of  vitality.  From  Tad  the 
universe  proceeds  by  evolution.  This  evolution  is  in- 
troduced by  Tapas,  i.  e.  the  intensity  of  self-contem- 
plation or  introspection — self-love,  one  would  almost 
translate.  This  is  the  spiritual  progress  by  which 
Tad  for  the  first  time  leaves  his  inaction.  Then  there 
arises  within  Tad,  kama,  or  the  desire,  the  will,  the 
purpose  to  create.  Tad  has  therefore  evolved  into  a 
conscious  act  of  the  will,  that  is  Manas  has  begun, 
thereby  Tad  has  ceased  to  be  unconscious  and  has 
completely  left  his  state  of  inactivity.  There  further 
arises,  in  consequence  of  Tapas,  Ritam,  i.  e.  the  highest 
law  or  causality.  The  production  of  the  world  through 
the  intelligent  will  of  a  personal  creator  is,  at  least 
with  regard  to  the  first  stages  of  evolution,  unknown 
to  these  hymns.  Yet  a  universe  without  any  regular 
connexion  of  phenomena  seemed  unthinkable,  hence 
this  principle  of  causality  was  postulated  previous  to 
all  cosmic  evolution,  and  in  this  sense  Ritam  was  the 
first  thing  to  arise  out  of  Tad  previous  to  the  universe. 
But  all  Ritam  must  have  its  Satr/am,  or  coimterpart  in 
actuality.  In  theistic  phraseology  this  would  mean 
that  all  creation  must  have  its  archetype  in  the  Divine 
Mind,  and  that  to  create  is  nothing  but  the  realization 
of  this  archet  jT^e  as  distinct  from  God.  According  to 
Indian  thought  the  force  of  their  ground  principle, 
will,  or  kama,  was  not  blind  activity,  but  bound  by 
Ritam,  or  Supreme  Law.  The  world  therefore  was 
not  the  result  of  chance,  and  thus  their  philo.sophers 
could  estaljlish  connexion  between  their  speculations 
and  popular  religion.  Now  there  arose  out  of  Tad  the 
elements  of  the  material  world:  the  moist  primeval 
matter,  the  space  to  surround  it,  and  darkness  to  fill 
the  sjjace.  Time  was  not  reckoned  among  the  ele- 
ments, as  in  some  Iranian  cosmogonies;  it  was  but  the 
measure  of  changing  phenomena.  Material  evoh^ 
tions  having  so  far  proceeded,  the  first  cosmic  cycle  of 
gods  makes  its  appearance:  Aditi  and  his  Aditya.s. 
From  Aditi,  or  Infinity,  united  to  Dak.sha,  or  .Spirit 
Force,  the  Adityas  take  their  origin.  The  liighest 
among  them  is  Varuna  (oupai-is?),  the  world-creator  in 
popular  religion.  These  work  together  to  bring  about 
the  present  cosmos.  The  first  things  produced  by 
separating  the  primeval  waters  is  liglit,  then  follow 
darkness,  day  and  night;  and  thus  time  begins.    By 


COSMOGONT 


410 


COSMOGONY 


differentiation  of  the  primeval  matter,  sim,  moon,  and 
earth  arise ;  by  differentiation  of  space,  the  realms  of 
heaven,  air,  and  ether.     Thus: — 


Tad 

Protoplasm 

Tapas 

Darkness 

Kama 

Place 

Manas 

Alternation  of  Time 

Ritam 

Division  of  Space 

Satyam 

Great  World  Bodies 

Another  development,  or  rather  another  nomencla- 
ture for  the  same  cosmogonic  principles,  makes  Brah- 
ma the  source  of  all  things.  Brahma  is  Tad,  or  the 
impersonal,  unconscious  All-Soul.  ThLs  word  Brah- 
ma, from  meaning  originally  sacred  sacrificial  food, 
came  to  be  used  for  the  Supreme  Being  out  of  which 
the  universe  comes  and  unto  which  it  returns.  In 
later  days  Atman,  or  Highest  Self,  becomes  the  start- 
ing point  in  Indian  cosmogonies. 

A  curious  feature,  especially  in  later  cosmogonic 
ideas,  is  the  power  of  sacrifice,  to  wliich  even  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  universe  is  due;  in  fact  sacri'icial  food  is 
the  very  material  out  of  which  the  wmld  is  made. 
This  is  brought  out  in  one  of  the  latest  liymns  of  the 
Rig- Veda  (Book  X,  xc,  the  so-called  song  of  Purusha) 
and  often  in  the  Upanishads.  Purusha  is  one  more 
designation  of  the  Supreme  Being.  On  his  spiritual 
side  he  is  often  identified  with  Brahma  and  Atman,  on 
his  material  side  he  is  the  proto-matter  out  of  which 
the  world  is  made.  Out  of  Purusha 's  mouth  proceed 
Indra  and  Agni.  Indra  in  popular  religion  becomes  the 
world-creator,  as  also  Varima  the  king.  Some  refer- 
ences to  KingVaruna  areof  singular  sublimity(Atharva- 
Veda,  IV,.xvi):  "  If  two  persons  sit  together  and  scheme, 
KingVaruna  is  there  as  a  third  and  knows  it.  Both 
this  earth  here  belongs  to  King  Varuna  and  also  yonder 
broad  sky,  whose  boinidaries  are  far  away.  The  oceans 
are  the  loins  of  Varuna,  yet  he  is  hidden  in  a  small 
drop  of  water.  lie  that  should  flee  beyond  the  heav- 
enswould  not  bo  free  from  King  Varuna.  KingVaruna 
.sees  tliniui;!i  all  that  is  Vietween  heaven  and  earth  and 
all  that  is  beyond.  He  has  counted  the  winkings  of 
man's  eyes;  the  workl  is  in  his  hands  as  the  dice  in  the 
hands  of  a  player".  In  the  mind  of  the  people  the 
impersonal  abstractions  of  pantheism  became  individ- 
ualized and  conceived  as  an  intensely  personal  creator. 
On  the  other  hand  the  most  grotesque,  and  often 
coarse,  conceptions  arose  as  to  the  physical  process  of 
the  world's  production.  As  intermediary  beings  or 
stages  were  mentioned  seed,  or  an  egg,  or  a  tree,  or  the 
lotus-bud ;  different  animals,  such  as  a  boar,  a  fish,  a 
turtle;  or  sexual  intercourse.  The  most  common 
theory  is  that  of  the  egg  (Chand.  br.,  V,  xix):  "This 
all  was  in  the  beginning  non-existent,  only  Tad  ex- 
isted. Tad  became  transformed,  it  became  an  egg,  this 
lay  there  for  a  year;  then  it  divided  itself  in  two,  the 
two  halves  of  the  shell  were  silver  and  gold.  The 
Gold  is  the  Heaven,  the  Silver  the  Earth,  and  what 
was  born  is  the  Sun".  Not  infreq\ient  are  the  incar- 
nations of  the  deity  in  animals.  Brahmanspati,  the 
personification  of  the  creative  power  of  Brahma,  or 
Prajapati,  or  Vishnu,  became  incarnate  in  a  boar  or  a 
turtle;  and  similar  fancies.  In  the  Athar\'a-Veda, 
especially  XIX,  5.3,  54,  another  fundamental  cosmo- 
gonic being  or  personification  enters,  which  is  un- 
known to  earliest  Indian  speculations,  viz.:  Time;  it 
occurs  here  and  there  in  the  Rig-^'eda,  but  in  Ath.- 
Vcd.,  xix,  Kala  has  risen  to  the  first  jilace  of  all,  and 
even  Brahma  and  Tapas  proceed  from  it.  This  rise  in 
Kala's  dignity  was  prepared  already  in  the  Upani- 
shads (Maitri-Up.,  VI,  xiv),  where  Kala  and  Akala, 
time  and  not-time,  are  two  forms  of  Brahma,  after  he 
had  produced  the  world  or  rather  the  sun  as  the  first 
thing  in  the  universe. 

Phienician. — Almost  all  we  know  of  Phcenician 


Umf 


lid 

Clsoi 
ogony. 
me 
dorilf 

ijini: 
t).  He 
if  Til 
(^:iny 
nonjG 
IK  of 
i»iiial 


Btti 


cosmogonies  is  derived  from  a  late  source,  Pliilo  By- 
blius  (born  A.  u.  42),  transmitted  to  us  by  Eusebius  in 
his  "Praeparatio  Evangelica".     Philo,  however,  only 
claimed  to  have  translated  a  late  copy  of  an  ancient 
Phoenician  author  called  Sanchoniathon.     This  state- 
ment, though  believed  by  Eusebius  and  by  Porphy- 
rins before  him  (De  abst.,  II,  56)  is  rejected  as  a  liter- 
ary fraud  by  many  modern,  especially  German,  schol- 
ars.    Philo  is  supposed  to  have  pretended  to  use  an  ex- 
tremely ancient  source  merely  to  bolster  up  his  theory 
that  all  mythology  was  deified  ancient  history.     The  j 
great  controversy  that  has  raged  round  the  name  of 
Sanchoniathon  cannot  here  be  gone  into,  but  in  read- 
ing this  cosmogony  it  must  throughout  be  borne  in 
mind  that ,  instead  of  being  the  exposition  of  very  early 
Canaaiiitish  ideas,  it  may  possibly  be  a  manipulated 
account  of  that  cosmopolitan  mixture  of  ideas  which 
was  current  in  Syria  about  \.  d.  100.     The  beginning 
of  all  things,  according  to  this  account,  was  air  moved 
by  a  breath  of  wind  and  dark  chaos  black  as  Erebus. 
This  windy  chaos  was  eternal,  infinite.     But  when  this 
breath  yearned  over  its  own  elements,  and  confusion 
arose,  this  was  called  Desire.     This  Desire  was  the  ori- 
gin of  all  creation,  and,  though  it  knew  not  its  own 
creation,  out  of  its  self-embrace  arose  Mot  a  slimy  or 
waterj'  substance,  out  of  which  all  created  germs  were 
produced.     Animal  life  without  sensation  came  first; 
out  of  thLs  came  beings  endowed  with  intelligence 
which  were  called  Zophesamin    (['tDK'  'XSV),   "over- 
seers of  heaven".     Mot  had  a  shape  like  that  of  an 
egg  out  of  which  came  forth  sun,  moon,  and  stars. 
The  air  being  thus  illumined,  owing  to  the  glow  of  the 
sea  and  land,  winds  were  formed,  and  clouds  and  a 
vast  downpour  of  the  heavenly  waters  took  place.   By 
the  heat  of  the  sun  things  were  made  to  split  off  from 
one  another  and,  being  projected  on  high,  clashed  with 
one  another,  caused  thunder  and  lightning,  and  thus 
awoke  the  above-mentioned  intelligent   beings,  who  *[" 
took  fright  and  began  to  stir  on  the  earth  antl  in  the  *™' 
sea  as  males  and  females.     Not  luilike  this  is  the  cos-  ^ 
mogony  given  by  Damascius  on  the  authority  of  Eude- 
mos.     Before  all  things  was  Time,  then  Desire,  then  "f"* 
Darkness.     Out  of  the  imion  of  Desire  and  Darkness  ""' 
were  born  Air  (masc.)  aiid  Breath  (fem.).  Air  repr&-  ™'™ 
senting  pure  thought,  and  Breath  the  prototype  of  life  "' 
proceeding  therefrom  by  motion.     Out  of  Air  and  *™™ 
Breath  came  forth  the  cosmic  egg.     According  to  the  ■'"  "'"■ 
cosmogony  given  by  the  same  writer  on  the  authority  *'*'■'" 
of  Mochos,  Ether  and  Air  generated  Oulomos  (world-  '™' 
time,  swculum),  Chousoros  (artificer,  creative  energy),  i^""*; 
and  the  cosmic  egg;  and  Damascius  expressly  states  ^J"" 
that,  according  to  the  Phcenicians,  world-time  is  the  ^""'f" 
first  principle  containing  all  in  itself.     The  origin  olT' ,™5 
mankind  is  described  as  the  birth  of  ^Eon  and  Proto-f'  "'  ™ 
gonos  from  the  wind  Colpias  and  the  woman  Baauf^  .  ' 
(said  to  mean  "night").     The  name  Baau  strongljf''""'' 
suggests  in^  of  Genesis ;  for  Colpias  several  derivat  ion: 
have  been  suggested:   n'D  7lp  "voice  of  the  wind" 
iT  'D  pip.  "  tlie  soimd  of  the  voice  of  Jahve";  or.KoXTrias  i 
"turgid";    or  nSS  I'D,  "wind  from  every  side".     Bi 
these  derivations  are  perhaps  more  ingenious  tl 
probable.  ~  .  . 

Greek. — The  cosmogonies   are  far  too  nimierou  |"*[[^ 
and  divergent  to  allow  of  one  simpledescri  pt  ion  enibrac 
ing  all.     Only  some  prominent  cosmogonies  can  be  in 
dicalod,  an<l  some  of  the  points  conunon  to  all.    Home 
seems  to  have  taken  the  \mi  verse  as  he  found  it  withou 
inquiring  further,  but  from  Iliad,  XIV,  verse  201,  on 
gathers  that  Oceanus  is  origin,  and  Thetys  mother  c 
all ;  from  verse  244  that  Ni>f  (Night)  has  power  eve 
over  Oceaiuis;  hence  Darkness,  Water,  and  Mothei  ''~'''''M 
hood  seem  the  three  stages  of  his    cosmogony.     Th  '■  '■ 
fragments  of  Orphic  cosmogonies  given  by  Eudemof 
and  Plato,  and  Lydus  do  not  quite  agree,  but  at  leaf 
Night,  Oceanus,  and  Thetys  are  elementary  being! 
and  the  first  of  them  in  order  of  existence  w:us  probs 


bly  Night.     Amore  detaileil  cosmogony  of  great  anti(   ^- 


iKJtllg 


wk 


■■■  'llltii 


K-ikfn 


COSMOGONY 


411 


COSMOGONY 


y  is  to  be  found  in  Hcsiod's  "Tlioogony"  (al)out 
)  B.  c.)  in  verses  160  sqq.,  which  C.  A.  Elton  trans- 
ed  as  follows: — 

First  Chaos  was;  next  ample-bosomed  Earth, 
rhe  seat  immovable  for  evermore 
)f  those  Immortals  who  the  snow-topped  heights 
[nlialiit  of  Olympus,  or  the  gloom 
Jf  Tartarus,  in  the  broad-tracked  ground's  abyss. 
Love  then  arose,  most  beautiful  amongst 
rhe  deathless  deities;  resistless,  he 
3f  every  god  and  every  mortal  man 
iJnnerves  the  limbs ;  dissolves  the  wiser  breast 
3y  reason  steeled  and  quells  the  very  soul. 
?"rom  Chaos,  Erebos  and  ebon  Night; 
?rora  Night  the  Day  sprang  forth  and  shining  air 
A'hom  to  the  love  of  Erebos  she  gave. 
Earth  first  produced  the  heaven  and  all  the  stars, 
5he  brought  the  lofty  mountains  forth, 
\nd  next  the  sea.  .  .  Then,  with  Heaven 
jonsorting.  Ocean  from  her  bosom  burst 
kVith  its  deep  eddying  waters. 

!^aos,  then,  is  the  starting-point  of  Hesiod's  cos- 
gony.  Chaos,  however,  must  probably  not  be 
lerstood  as  "primeval  matter"  without  harmony 
1  order,  but  rather  as  the  "empty  void"  or  "place 
;he  abstract  ".  To  Hesiod  x<i<"  cannot  have  lost  its 
^inal  meaning  (from  x<^  in  x''"'''";  X^o^am.  "chasm", 
).  Hesiod,  then,startsatinfinitespace;otherGreeks 
:e  Time,  or  xP'^i'ot,  as  a  starting-point.  The  cos- 
gony  of  Pherecydes  (544  B.  c.)  claims  a  high  place 
ong  Greek  theories  as  to  the  origin  of  the  world,  be- 
ise  of  the  prominence  given  to  Zeus,  a  personal 
ritual  being,  !is  the  origin  of  all  things.  "  Zeus  and 
ronos  and  Chthonia  have  always  been  and  are  the 
ec  first  beginnings;  but  the  One  I  would  consider 
ore  the  Two,  and  the  Two  after  the  One.  Then 
ronos  produced  out  of  himself  fire,  air,  and  water, 
se  I  take  to  be  the  three  Logical  Elements,  and  out 
;hem  arose  a  numerous  jirogeny  of  gods  divided  into 
?  ])art  s  or  a  pcnlccosmrjs. ' '  Pherecydes'  cosm.ogony 
i  come  down  to  us  in  some  other  slightly  modified 
ms  but  Zeus  is  ever  at  the  head.  He  seems  also  to 
i'c  known  of  a  primeval  battle  between  Chronos  and 
hioneus,  but  how  it  fits  in  with  his  cosmogony  we 
3W  not.  Chthonia  seems  to  be  the  moist  Proto- 
tter,  neither  dry  earth  nor  sea,  out  of  which  Ge,  or 
!  earth,  is  created.  The  stages  of  his  cosmogony  are 
Tcfore:  God,  Time,  Matter — all  three  first  princi- 
s,  yet  God  is  in  some  sense  first ;  God,  when  feeling  a 
lire  to  create,  changes  himself  into  love,  so  that  he 
y  bring  forth  a  Cosmos,  i.  e.  a  well-ordered  world, 
;  of  contraries,  bringing  its  elements  into  agree- 
nt  and  friendship.  A  noble  idea,  truly,  only  falling 
)rt  of  the  Christian  idea  in  conceiving  time  and  mat- 
as  eternal,  Zeus  thus  being  maker  or  fashioner,  not 
ator,  of  heaven  and  earth. 

\.  cosmogony  of  almost  the  same  date  is  that  of  Epi- 
nides,  which  seems  in  flat  contrachction  to  that  of 
erecydes;  for  it  postulates  two  first  principles,  not 
ginating  from  Unity:  Air  and  Night.  Out  of  these 
se  Tartarus  etc.  Later  Orphic  cosmogonies  begin 
ne  with  Chronos,  others  with  Water  and  Earth, 
ne  with  'Aireipos  'TXij.  In  the  last  stage  of  the 
eek  cosmogony  the  egg  plays  an  important  part, 
fier  as  evolutionarj-  stage,  as  embrj-onic  state  of  the 
•th,  or  merely  to  indicate  the  shape  of  the  Cosmos. 
ft'e  pos,srss  no  ancient  Etruscan  or  Latin  cosmogo- 
s,l)ut  it  is  certain  that  the  God  Janus  was  a  cosmo- 
lic  deity;  though  Jupiter  was  summits,  the  highest 
1,  Janus  was  primus,  the  first  of  the  gotls,  an<l  as 
:h  he  received  sacrifice  before  even  Jupiter.  This 
pient  remitiisc'cnce  of  Janus  a.s  creator  is  made  use  of 
Oviil's  "Metamorphoses",  but  in  how  far  so  late  a 
iter  represents  early  speculations  we  know  not. 
aus  is  i^erhaps  the  Latin  equivalent  for  the  (!reek 
aos  as  origin  of  all  things.     Janus  is  said  to  be  not 


only  initium  mutuli,  but  mundia  ttself,  i.  e  the  all-em- 
bracing. 

Summary  op  Ancient  Co.smogoniks. — Common  to 
all  is  the  effort  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  world  by  as 
few  elementary  beings  as  possible.  In  order  to  arrive 
at  the  origin  of  all  things,  man  began  by  abstraction 
from  the  actual  differentiation  of  being  which  he  saw 
around  him  to  obtain  some  simple  element  imderlying 
all.  Mere  abstraction,  however,  or  reduction  from  the 
compoiiinl  to  the  simple,  did  not  suffice,  but  some  in- 
telligent causality  was  demanded  by  the  intellect  of 
man.  Hence  personification  plays  a  great  role  in 
every  cosmogony,  and  the  actual  function  of  creating, 
or  rather  forming  and  arranging  the  world  as  it  now  is, 
is  ascribed  to  one  intelligent  personality;  every  people 
worshipped  some  deity,  be  he  then  Marduk  orVaruna, 
or  Bel  or  Ahura-Mazda,  or  Zeus  or  Janus.  No  ancient 
cosmogony,  however,  rose  to  the  pure  concept  of  cre- 
ation out  of  nothing  by  an  infinite  spirit ;  for  none 
succeeded  in  eliminating  matter  or  its  phenomena 
altogether,  and  conceiving  a  subsistent  Intelligence 
which  could  create  both  matter  and  spirit.  The  first 
steps  in  this  process  of  abstraction  are  simple  enough 
and  common  to  most  cosmogonies ;  once  upon  a  time 
there  were  no  men  nor  beasts,  nor  plants:  no  stars  nor 
sky,  no  mountains  and  valleys,  and  neither  dry  land 
nor  sea.  Then  only  proto-matter  remained.  Some 
cosmogonies  stopped  here  and  were  frankly  material- 
istic; it  probably  depended  on  climatic  surroundings 
what  they  conceived  the  proto-matter  to  be,  whether 
clay  or  water,  or  air,  or  fire,  or  light  (conceived  as  sub- 
stances). Other  cosmogonies  carried  the  process  of 
abstraction  farther.  The  variation  between  light  and 
darkness,  day  and  night,  season  and  season  cannot  al- 
ways have  been,  hence  these  were  also  abstracted 
from ;  naught  therefore  remained  but  Darkness,  Night, 
Eternity.  By  thinking  away  all  special  localities  in 
the  imiverse,  only  Place  remained  in  the  abstract,  or 
the  Void.  By  thinking  away  all  differences  in  the 
mental  and  spiritual  sphere  naught  remained  but 
Force  in  general.  Force,  Place,  Time,  and  Darkness 
became  personified  cosmogonic  elements.  Some  were 
able  to  abstract  even  from  Force;  to  them  only  Place, 
Time,  and  Darkness  remained.  Some  rightly  argued 
that  time  was  but  the  measure  of  phenomena,  and  by 
abstracting  from  phenomena  Time  ceased  to  be.  To 
them  only  Space  and  Darkness  remained;  but  then 
Darkness  was  conceived  as  the  fluid  filling  the  vessel  of 
Space,  and  therefore  could  be  abstracted  from,  and 
only  the  Void  remained.  All  these  ideas  actually  oc- 
cur m  the  different  cosmogonies.  Chaos  is  empty 
space;  Chronos,  Zrvan,  Heh,  abstract  time;  Nux,  the 
unchangeable  quintessence  of  time;  Zeus,  Tad,  Ahura 
Mazda,  Thot  are  spirit  forces.  Those  cosmogonies 
which  did  not  go  so  far  ;us  to  personify  space  or  time  or 
darkness,  but  stopped  short  at  the  idea  of  some  proto- 
substance,  were  faced  by  the  problem  whether  this 
primeval  substance  was  spirit,  or  matter,  or  both. 
Some  answered,  both,  as  the  Egyptians  (Nim)  and  the 
later  Indians  (Purusha);  some  answered  that  spirit 
was  first,  as  some  Babylonian  thinkers  (Ann),  most 
Indians  (T.ad,  Brahma,  Atman)  and  the  Iranians 
(Ahura,  Ahriman);  some  answeretl  that  matter  was 
first,  as  Babylonians  (.\psu  Tiamat),  Persians,  and 
Egyi-)tians  (Light,  Ra)  Phcvnicians  (.\ir),  Etruscans 
(.'Ether).  Thus  ancient  thought  wandered  through 
the  whole  range  of  ]iossible  theories,  not,  however, 
guided  by  mere  caprie<".  but  forced  to  some  conclusion 
which  seemed  to  them  inevitable.  With  regard  to  the 
immediate  process  according  to  which  this  worhl  was 
produced,  freer  scope  was  given  to  unbridled  fancy. 
Vet  even  here  the  analogj-  with  the  production  of  life 
in  nature  w:ls  the  guiding  principle,  the  world  was  pro- 
duced as  life  comes  from  life  by  animal  generations,  or 
as  the  tree  comes  out  of  the  seed,  the  flower  o\it  of  the 
bud,  or  as  the  egg  is  laid  by  the  bird.  These  imagina- 
tions are  often  Qombiued  in  a  grotesque  ensemble, 


COSMOGONY 


412 


COSMOGONY 


against  the  complexity  of  which  appear  in  greater  re- 
Hef  the  majesty  and  simplicity  of  the  words:  In  the  be- 
ginning God  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth. 

Cosmogonies  of  More  Modern  Races. — Amongst 
more  modern  myths  of  the  world's  origin  the  Norse 
and  the  American  cosmogonies  call  for  comment. 

The  Norse  Cosmogonies  are  the  only  remnant  of  an- 
cient German  ideas  on  this  subject,  for  the  so-called 
"Prayer  of  Wessobrunn",  a  fragment  ascribed  to  the 
eighth  or  ninth  century,  is  too  short  to  give  us  any 
information  beyond  the  belief  in  the  existence  of  one 
almighty  god,  and  with  him  a  multitude  of  divine 
spirits,  before  the  world  was.  It  is,  moreover,  imcer- 
tain  whether  the  Wessobrunner  fragment  represents 
pure  Germanic  thought  uninfluenced  by  Christianity. 
The  Norse  cosmogonies  are  contained  in  the  Edda; 
the  more  ancient  one  in  the  Voluspa  of  the  Poetic  Ed- 
da,  the  younger  one  in  the  Gylfaginning  of  the  Prose 
Edda.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  these  cosmogonies 
so  clearly  betray  the  influence  of  the  Arctic  climate 
that  they  can  in  no  sense  belong  to  the  Southern  Ger- 
mans. This,  however,  is  hardly  convincing,  as  it  is 
unknown  where  precisely  the  Germans  lived  previous 
to  their  immigration  into  Europe,  and  what  was  the 
climate  of  Northern  Europe  and  Asia  when  these 
Sagas  first  grew  up.  In  the  third  verse  of  "The  Si- 
byl's Song",  of  Voluspa,  the  cosmogony  begins: — 

There  was  a  time  when  only  Ymir  was. 

Nor  sand,  nor  sea,  nor  briny  waves. 

Nay  earth  existed  not,  nor  heaven  above. 

A  yawning  space  without  a  spot  of  green 

Until  the  vaults  were  raised  of  all 

By  Burl's  Sons  creating  noble  Midgard. 

Then  shone  the  Southern  Sun  on  stony  mountains. 

And  from  the  very  soil  the  herbs  were  sprouting. 

And  yet  the  Sovithern  Sun,  the  helpmate  of  the  Moon, 

Bridled  heaven's  steeds  with  her  right  hand, 

For  it  was  unknown  as  yet  where  she  should  dwell. 

Nor  knew  the  moon  the  power  he  possessed. 

The  Stars  were  ignorant  of  their  abode. 

Then  went  the  Powers  all  to  sit  in  judgment 

The  all-holy  gods  held  thereupon  their  council. 

To  Night  and  to  the  waning  moon  gave  names. 

They  gave  to  Morn  and  Noon  their  calling 

To  Afternoon  and  Eve,  whereby  to  reckon  years. 

The  Sibyl  further  chants  how  the  Aesir  met  on  Ida's 
plain,  built  altars  and  temples,  lit  the  blazing  furnace, 
and"forged  their  tools.  The  creation  of  dwarfs  is  then 
related  in  detail,  and  finally  the  creation  of  man. 
Three  Aesir,  great  and  kind,  went  to  the  world  and 
found  in  utter  weakness  Ask  and  Embla,  the  first 
human  pair.  "  Spirit  they  possessed,  but  sense  had 
none;  No  blood,  nor  strength  to  move,  nor  goodly 
colour.  Life  gave  Odin,  Sense  gave  Hoenir,  Blood 
gave  Lodur  and  goodly  colour."  This  cosmogony  is 
explained,  enlarged,  and  slightly  modified  in  the  Gyl- 
faginning, or  Gylfa's  deception.  The  lengthy  account 
can  be  summecl  up  as  follows: — 

There  are  three  stages  of  development:  (a)  the  rise 
of  three  fundamental  beings  in  times  primeval,  Mus- 
pelheim,  or  the  southern  realm  of  Liglit,  Niflheim  or 
the  northern  realm  of  Darkness,  and  between  them  the 
Ginnunga  Gap,  or  yawning  cleft.  Muspelheim  ex- 
isted first,  and  Niflheim  is  secondary  in  the  order  of 
being,  but  how  either  arose  the  cosmogony  does  not 
explain.  In  the  northern  realm  there  e.xLsted  a  well, 
called  Hwergelniir,  from  which  jiroceeded  twelve  tor- 
rents, called  together  Elivagar,  or  Iccstreani.  This 
stream  flowing  into  the  Ginmmga  Gap  formed  thecos- 
mogonic  being  Ymir.  At  first  this  was  a  lifeless  mass, 
but  this  mass  develops  imder  the  influence  of  .\u(l- 
humla,  represented  as  a  cow  licking  the  ice,  being  a 
figure  for  the  Thawing  Warmth,  (b)  Out  of  Ymir  the 
Fro.st  fiiaiits,  ur  lliimthurses,  arise,  and  the  funda- 
mental gods;  out  of  Audhumla  arise  Odin,  Vili,  and 
Ve;   or  Odin,  \'ili,  and  Ve  are  the  sons  of  Biir,  who 


married  Bestla,  daughter  of  the  Frost  Giant  Bolthor 
(c)  Odin,  Vili,  .and  Ve  slay  the  monster  Ymir,  thro 
his  body  into  the  Ginnunga  Gap,  and  out  of  his  liml 
form  the  visible  universe,  or  the  Midgard,  out  of  h 
skull  the  vault  of  heaven,  out  of  his  brains  the  cloud 
out  of  his  blood  the  seas,  and  so  on.  Then  they  bui 
the  Burgh  of  theGods,  Asgard;  they  order  the  course  < 
the  stars  and  create  the  Dwarfs.  Lastly,  the  first  ma 
and  woman  are  created.  Ask  and  Embla,  whom  Odi 
found  as  weak  and  miserable  beings  on  the  .seashore 

These  Norse  cosmogonies  differ  from  the  more  an 
cient  cosmogonies  in  this :  that  they  do  not  really  g 
back  to  the  first  beginning  of  all  things,  but  presup 
pose  the  existence  of  a  twofold  world — one  South  tfi 
other  North — and  only  account  for  the  formation  d 
this  present  world  in  the  space  between  both.  The; 
agree  with  most  other  cosmogonies  in  ascribing  th 
actual  formation  of  this  Cosmos  to  one  (Odin)  or  mor 
(Odin,  with  Vili  and  Ve  as  destroyers  of  Chaos)  intelli 
gent  personal  beings  or  gods. 

Americnn  Cosmogo})ies  have  been  preserved 
fair  number.  The  early  missionaries  to  .\merica,  es 
pecially  those  to  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  Sout 
America,  were  strongly  impressed  with  the  monotheis 
tic  character  of  Indian  speculations,  ascribing  thi 
world  and  its  phenomena  to  the  influence  of  one  omni 
present  spiritual  being,  called  in  one  place  the  "  Grea 
Spirit ",  in  another  place  Viracocha,  in  another  Hunah 
ku,  elsewhere  Quetzalcoatl,  etc.  Yet,  concurrentl 
with  these  true  religious  and  philosophic  ideas,  ther 
existed  a  number  of  apparently  puerile  traditions  cor 
cerning  the  beginning  of  things.  But  again  thes 
childish  fancies  were  but  the  clothing  of  general  cos 
mogonic  ideas.  According  to  the  Ottawas  and  othe 
northern  Algonquins,  a  raft  was  floating  on  the  shore 
less  waters.  Upon  this  raft  were  a  munber  of  animal 
with  Michabo,  the  Giant  Rabbit,  as  their  chief.  A 
they  were  without  land  to  live  on,  Michabo,  the  Gian 
Rabbit,  made  first  the  beaver  and  then  the  otter,  tha 
they  should  dive  and  bring  up  a  piece  of  mud.  A 
they  failed,  Wajashk,  the  female  muskrat,  at  her  ow 
request  is  allowed  to  dive.  When  she  had  remaine 
below  for  a  day  and  a  night,  she  floated  to  the  surfac 
as  dead,  but  they  found  in  one  of  her  paws  a  little  clo 
of  mud.  Michabo,  endowed  with  creative  powe; 
kneads  this  little  bit  of  soil  till  he  makes  it  grow  int 
an  island,  a  mountain,  a  coimtry,  nay  into  this  worl 
in  which  we  live.  He  shoots  his  arrows  in  the  groun 
and  transfixes  them  with  other  arrows,  thus  creatin 
trees  with  stems  and  branches.  Some  say  he  create 
man  from  the  dead  bodies  of  certain  animals,  othei 
that  he  married  the  muskrat  and  thus  begat  the  anoe^ 
tors  of  the  human  race.  It  has  been  .suggesteil  tluit  i 
the  name  "Michabo"  there  lies  concealed  another  won,  -  t: 
viz.  "MichiWaban",  the  great  Dawn,  or  the  great  Easi  Ura 
The  word  ''Wajashk  ",  likewise,  probably  contains  th. 
word  "  Ajishki  ",  or  mud.  The  story  then  would  mear 
Wien  the  great  light  in  the  east  shone  upon  the  pr 
meval  waters,  dry  land  in  ever-increasing  extent  a| 
peared  above  the  surface,  and  the  rays  of  the  sui 
piercing  the  soil,  brought  forth  the  trees,  and  the  actio 
of  the  light  on  the  slime  brought  forth  man. 

Closely  similar  to  this  cosmogony  is  that  of  the  Ire 
quois.  In  the  beginning  theheavensabove  were  people 
with  celestial  beings,  and  the  wide  ocean  belnw  wit 
monsters  of  the  deep.  Then  .\taensic.  a  divine  being.fe 
through  a  rift  in  the  sky  into  the  primeval  waters.  Tlv 
turtle  otTered  her  liis  back  as  resting  place.  Then  som 
animal  brought  her  a  little  clay,  out  of  which  .she  pre 
duced  the  dry  land.  Ataensic  gave  birth  to  adaughtei 
who,  though  a  virgin,  gave  birth  to  twins,  Tawiscar 
and  ,I(>skeha.  This  daughter  having  died  in  child 
birth,  her  body,  being  buried,  imparts  fertility  to  th 
soil.  .\  mortal  battle  is  waged  between  the  tw 
brothers  Joskeha,  the  good,  and  Tawiscara,  the  ev 
one.  The  latter  is  overcome,  flies  to  the  West,  an^ 
becomes  the  god  of  the  dead.     Joskeha  creates  firs 


Ihtani 


nui't 


tbeiis 


fhS 


Elton 


111 


COSMOGRAPHY 


41. J 


OOSMOLOaY 


he  animals  and  then  man.  Ataensic  is  said  to  mean 
yhe-who-is-in-the-watcr",  i.  e.  the  dry  land  in  the 
lidst  of  the  ocean;  Joskeha  is  the  growing  light,  or 
awn;  Tawiscara,  the  evening  twilight,  or  growing 
arkness.  The  Quiche  of  Guatemala  have  left  us  in 
heir  sacred  book  "  Popol  Vuh  "  the  most  detailed  cos- 
mogony of  Central  America.  The  universe  first  con- 
isted  of  the  endless  ocean  and  the  twilight  brooding 
ver  it.  Then  the  Creator  took  counsel  with  his  heli> 
aate  to  produce  the  world.  Though  described  as  a 
lair  of  gods,  male  and  female,  this  pair  is  conceived  as 
unity  of  being,  male  and  female  being  but  different 
spects  of  the  Deity.  This  Creator  is  called  by  every 
onceivable  name,  even  with  names  proper  to  other 
cities.  Thus  he  is  called  Heart  of  the  Universe, 
,hirh  is  a  special  title  of  the  god  Hurakan,  or  of  Guku- 
latz  the  feathered  serpent.  He  is  evidently  con- 
eived  as  the  AU-in-One,  as  Hunabku,  from  whom 
len  and  gods  descend.  This  Creator  uttered  the 
.'ord  Earth,  and  the  land  began  to  rise  out  of  the 
.•at«rs.  As  often  as  God  called  a  thing  so  often  it  en- 
ered  into  reality.  Then  God  takes  counsel  with  the 
jsser  gods,  whom,  apparently,  he  has  meanwhile  cre- 
ted,  how  to  fashion  man.  They  first  created  him  out 
f  clay,  then  of  wood,  and  finally  out  of  maize.  The 
irst  two  attempts  failed,  the  third  succeeded.  The 
aonkeys  are  the  surviving  remnants  of  the  second  un- 
uccessful  endeavour. 

Very  weird  are  the  cosmogonies  of  the  ancient 
Mexicans.  They  are  characterized  by  the  strong  in- 
lucnce  of  dualism,  the  universe  being  in  the  throes  of  a 
)erpctual  contest  between  good  and  evil.  The  infinite 
leity  has  four  sons:  the  black  and  the  red  Tezcatlipoca, 
■nd  Quetzalcoatl,  and  Huitzilopochtli.  These  four 
)rothers  consulted  together  about  the  creation  of 
hings.  The  actual  work  fell  to  the  lot  of  Quetzal- 
oatl  and  Huitzilopochtli.  They  made  fire,  then  half 
he  sun,  the  heavens,  the  waters,  and  a  certain  great 
ish  therein  with  the  name  of  Cipactli.  From  its  flesh 
vas  formed  solid  earth  and  the  first  man  and  woman, 
'ipactonal  and  <  )xonuico.  The  half-sun  created  by 
Juetzalcoatl  lighted  the  world  but  poorly,  and  the 
o\ir  gods  consult  once  more  to  add  another  half  to  it. 
Pezcatlipoca  does  not  wait  for  their  decision,  but 
r.-iiisforms  himself  into  the  sun.  But  after  thirteen 
imcs  fifty-two  years,  t^uetzalcoatl  seized  a  great  stick 
md  with  a  blow  knocked  Tezcatlipoca  from  the  .sky 
ntn  tlie  waters,  and  became  himself  the  sun.  Four 
imcs  wiis  the  earth  destroyed  in  this  struggle.  Quet- 
;alc().itl  is  at  present  triumphant,  but  Tezcatlipoca  is 
)iily  biding  his  time.  This  cosmogonic  episode  of 
var  between  brothers  runs  through  other  North 
American  accounts,  lus,  e.  g.,  Tawiscara  and  Joskeha 
imongst  the  Iroquois,  and  is  prominent  in  the  Egyp- 
tian cosmogony. 

The  noblest  account  of  the  world's  origin  was  found 
imongst  the  Maya  of  Yucatan,  who  ascribed  all  to  an 
mmaterial,  invisible  god  Hunabku,  father  of  Itzamna, 
he  personification  of  the  heavenly  fire.  Similarly, 
he  ancient  Aymara  a.seribed  all  to  Viracocha  (Foam- 
if-tlic-Sea — the  colour  white,  the  Spaniards,  as  white- 
skins,  being  called  rinimchiis).  This  Viracocha,  or 
rt'hite  One,  wa.s  Creator  and  Pos,se.ssor  of  all  things, 
\s  all  things  were  his,  and  he  wa-s  everywhere,  the  In- 
;as  built  him  no  temples.  Ere  sun  or  moon  was  made, 
le  rose  from  the  bosom  of  the  lake  Titicaca  .and  presid- 
vl  over  the  huililiiii;cif  the  ancient  cities.  He  created 
the  luminaries  and  pl:ic(>d  them  in  the  sky,  and  peo- 
ph'il  the  earth  with  inhabitants.  Rut,  jf)urneying  from 
the  lake  westward,  he  was  attacked  by  the  creatures  he 
liad  made.  Scorning  the  contest  with  the  work  of  his 
own  hands,  he  only  hurled  lightning  over  hillside  and 
forest,  and  when  his  creatures  repented  he  became 
reconciled  and  taught  them  all  things.  Viracocha 
was  the  divine  light,  .symbolized  by,  but  not  identical 
with,  the  sun.  One  can  hardly  retrain  from  a  com- 
parison with  Khu-n-Aten,  the  solar  disc  of  Amenho- 


tep's  foreign  worship  introduced  into  Egypt  some 
three  thousand  years  before  the  religious  revival  of  the 
Incas  of  Peru. 

LuKAS,  Die  Grundideen  in  den  Koamogonien  der  alten  Vnlker 
(1893);  Lagrange,  Etudes  sut  les  religions  semitiques  (2d  ed., 
Paris,  1905),  36(5—141;  Von  Orelli,  AUqem.  Religionsgeschiehte 
(Bonn,  1899);  Jensen,  Die  Kosmologie  der  Babylonier  (Leipzig, 
1891);  Darmestetter,  Ormnzd  et  Ahrivuin  (Paris,  1877); 
Hopkins,  The  Heligion.i  of  India  (Boston,  1895);  WiNDELBANn. 
History  of  Ancient  Philosophy  (tr.,  London,  1900);  Meyer,  Die 
etldische Kosmogojiir  iVreihnrf]:  im  Br.,  1891);  Idem,  Mythologie 
dtr  (Ifrmancn  (.Stmsburs,  1903);  Habler,  Religion  d.  mittl. 
Amrnka  (Miinster,  1S99);  Brinton,  Religions  oI  Prim.  Peoples 
(Philadelphia,  1897);  h)EM,  American  Hero  iiylhs  (Philadel- 
phia,  1882);  Idem,  Myths  of  the  New  H'or/d  (1868). 

J.  P.  Arendzen. 
Cosmography.    See  GEocnAPHY. 

Cosmology. — From  its  Greek  etymology  ((tia-jnos 
world ;  \6-yos,  knowledge  or  science)  the  word  cosmol- 
ogy means  the  science  of  the  world.  It  ought,  there- 
fore, to  include  in  its  scope  the  study  of  the  whole 
material  universe:  that  is  to  say,  of  inorganic  sub- 
stances, of  plants,  of  animals,  and  of  man  himself. 
But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  wide  range  indicated  by 
the  etymologj'  of  the  word  has  been  narrowed  in  the 
actual  meaning.  In  our  day  cosmology  is  a  branch  of 
philosophical  study,  and  therefore  excludes  from  its 
investigation  whatever  forms  the  object  of  the  natural 
sciences.  While  the  sciences  of  physics  and  biology 
seek  the  proximate  causes  of  corporal  phenomena,  the 
laws  that  govern  them,  and  the  wonderful  harmony 
resulting  therefrom,  cosmology  aims  to  discover  the 
deeper  and  remoter  causes  which  neither  observation 
nor  experiment  immediately  reveals.  This  special 
purpose  restricts  in  many  ways  the  field  of  cosmology. 
There  is  another  limitation  not  less  important.  Man's 
unique  position  in  the  imiverse  makes  him  the  object 
of  a  special  philosophical  study,  viz,  psychology,  or 
anthropology;  and,  in  consequence,  that  portion  of 
the  corporeal  world  with  which  these  sciences  deal  has 
been  cut  off  from  the  domain  of  cosmology  properly  so 
called. 

There  is  a  tendency  at  present  to  restrict  the  field 
still  further;  and  limit  it  to  what  is  known  as  inor- 
ganic creation.  Psychologj'  being  by  its  very  defini- 
tion the  study  of  human  life  considered  in  its  first 
principle  and  in  the  totality  of  its  phenomena,  its  in- 
vestigations ought  to  comprise,  it  would  seem,  the 
threefold  life  of  man,  vegetative,  animal,  and  rational. 
And,  indeed,  the  inter-dependence  of  these  three  lives 
in  the  one  living  human  being  appears  to  justify  the 
enlargement  demanded  nowadays  by  many  authors  of 
note  for  the  psychological  field.  Hence  for  those  who 
accept  this  view,  cosmology  has  nothing  to  do  with 
organic  life  but  is  reduced  to  "a  philosophical  study  of 
the  inorganic  world".  Such,  in  our  opinion,  is  the 
best  definition  that  can  be  given.  At  the  same  time 
it  should  be  remarked  that  many  philosophers  still 
favour  a  broader  definition,  which  would  include  not 
only  the  mineral  kingdom  but  also  living  things  con- 
sidered in  a  general  way.  In  German-speaking  coun- 
tries cosmology,  as  a  rule,  is  known  as  Xaturphilo- 
sophic,  i.  e.  philosophy  of  nature. 

Under  this  name,  philosophers  usually  understand  a 
study  of  the  imiverse  along  the  lines  of  one  of  the  fore- 
going definitions.  Scientists,  on  the  other  hand,  give 
a  more  scientific  turn  to  this  philosophy  of  nature, 
transforming  it  into  a  sort  of  general  physics  with  an 
occasional  excursion  into  the  realm  of  sensitive  and 
intellectual  life.  A  notable  instance  is  the  work  of 
Prof.  Ostwald,  "  Vorlesungen  liber  Naturphilosophie" 
(Leipzig,  1902). 

Origin  of  Co.smology. — The  word  itself  is  of  recent 
origin.  It  was  first  used  by  Wolff  when,  in  1730,  he 
entitled  one  of  his  works  "Cosmologia  Generalis" 
(Frankfort  and  Leipzig).  In  this  treatise  the  author 
studies  especially  the  laws  of  motion,  the  relations 
that  exi.st  among  things  in  nature,  the  contingency  of 
the  universe,  the  hannony  of  nature,  the  necessity  of 


COSMOLOGY 


414 


COSMOLOGY 


postulating  a  God  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  cosmos 
and  its  manifestation  of  purpose.  Because  of  the  ad- 
vance the  natural  sciences  were  then  making,  Wolff 
omitted  from  his  philosophic  study  of  nature  the 
purely  scientific  portion  which  till  then  had  been 
closely  allied  with  it.  The  cosmology  of  the  ancients 
and  especially  of  Aristotle  was  simply  a  branch  of 
physics.  The  "Physics"  of  Aristotle  treats  of  cor- 
poreal beings  in  as  far  as  they  are  subject  to  motion. 
The  work  is  divided  into  two  parts:  (1)  General  phys- 
ics, which  embraces  the  general  principles  governing 
corporeal  being.  It  treats  of  local  motion  and  its 
various  kinds;  the  origin  of  substantial  compounds; 
changes  in  quality;  changes  in  quantity  by  increase 
and  decrease;  and  changes  arising  from  motion  in 
place,  on  which  Aristotle  hinges  our  notions  of  the  in- 
finite, of  time,  and  of  space.  (2)  Special  physics 
which  deals  with  the  various  classes  of  beings:  terres- 
trial bodies,  celestial  bodies,  and  man.  It  is  the  first 
part  of  this  work  that  comes  nearest  to  what  we  mean 
by  cosmology.  The  Schoolmen  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
as  a  rule,  follow  the  path  marked  out  for  them  by 
Aristotle.  Cosmological  subjects,  properly  so  called, 
have  no  reserved  place  in  philosophical  study,  and  are 
generally  treated  as  a  part  of  physics.  In  our  own 
time,  philosophers  employ  the  words  "cosmology" 
and  "philosophy  of  nature"  to  designate  the  philo- 
sophic study  of  the  corporeal  world. 

Method. — Cosmology  is  the  natural  complement  of 
the  special  sciences.  It  begins  where  they  leave  off, 
and  its  domain  is  quite  distinct  from  theirs.  The  sci- 
entist detennines  the  immediate  cause  of  the  phenom- 
ena observed  in  the  mineral  or  the  organic  world: 
he  formulates  their  laws,  and  builds  these  into  a  syn- 
thesis with  the  help  of  certain  general  theories,  such 
as  those  of  light,  of  heat,  and  of  electricity.  The  cos- 
mologist,  on  the  other  h.ind,  seeks  the  ultimate  causes, 
not  of  this  or  that  class  of  beings  or  of  phenomena,  but 
of  the  whole  material  universe.  He  inquires  into  the 
constituent  nature  of  corporeal  beings,  their  destiny, 
and  their  first  cause.  It  is  clear  that  these  larger 
problems  are  quite  beyond  the  range  and  purpose  of 
the  various  sciences,  each  of  which  is  by  its  method 
confined  to  its  own  particular  subject.  Nevertheless, 
cosmology  must  borrow,  and  borrow  largely,  from  the 
data  of  science,  since  the  causes  which  it  studies  are 
not  directly  perceptible;  they  can  be  known  only 
through  phenomena  which  arc  their  more  or  less 
faithful  manifestations.  It  is  on  these  that  cosmol- 
ogy must  rest  in  order  to  pass  upward  from  cause  to 
cause  till  the  ultimate  cause  is  reached.  Since,  then, 
it  is  the  role  of  the  natural  sciences  to  analyse  and 
classify  the  properties  and  phenomena  of  nature,  cos- 
mology is  obliged  to  draw  very  freely  upon  those  sci- 
ences and  to  neglect  none  of  their  definitive  results. 
In  a  word,  the  cosmological  method  is  essentially  a 
posteriori.  Descartes  and  his  school  followed  a  differ- 
ent, even  an  oijposite,  course.  Being  a  mathemati- 
cian above  all  else,  he  applies  to  cosmology  the  prin- 
ciples of  mathematics,  and  as  mathematics  sets  out 
from  the  simplest  propositions  and  travels  along  the 
road  of  deduction  to  the  most  complex  tniths,  so 
Descartes,  starting  from  extension  as  the  primordial 
and  universal  property  of  matter,  in  fact  its  very  es- 
sence, ends  by  ascribing  to  all  bodies  in  nature  what- 
ever extension  implies  and  by  eliminating  from  them 
whatever  it  excludes.  This  a  priori  method,  being  es- 
sentially dediictive  is  anti-scientific;  and  is  li.ised, 
moreover,  on  a  false  supposition,  since  extension  is 
only  one  of  the  many  propi-rties  of  matter,  not  its  es- 
sence. As  Leibniz  pointed  out,  extension  ])resupposes 
something  extended,  just  as  a  repetition  presupjioses 
something  to  be  repeated.  Philosophers,  therefore, 
have  almost  entirely  abandoned  this  method;  with 
the  exception  perhaps  of  the  Idealistic  Pantheists  of 
whom  we  shall  speak  presently. 

Pivjsjoff    Of   CosMOLouy. — Cosmology,    as    most 


rk 


philosophers  understand  it,  has  a  threefold  problem  to 
solve:  Whence  this  corporeal  world?  What  is  it? 
Why  is  it?  Hence  its  three  parts,  concerned  respec- 
tively with  (1)  the  primordial  efficient  cause  of  the 
cosmos;  (2)  its  actual  constituent  causes;  (3)  its  final 
cause. 

The  first  cause  of  the  material  universe. — Geology,  go 
back  as  it  may  and  as  far  as  it  may  in  the  scientific 
history  of  the  earth,  must  ever  remain  face  to  face 
with  a  fact  that  calls  for  explanation,  viz.  the  exist- 
ence of  matter  itself.  Even  if  it  could  decisively 
prove  Laplace's  hypothesis,  according  to  which  all  '  ie>" 
portions  of  this  universe,  earth,  sun,  and  the  whole 
stellar  system,  originally  made  up  a  single  nebular 
ma.ss,  there  would  still  remain  the  very  reasonable  noi^i 
question,  whence  came  this  mass  and  what  was  its  j  (wM 
origin?  Now  this  is  precisely  the  question  cosmology  fo 
asks;  and  in  seeking  the  answer  it  has  given  rise  to 
many  systems  which  can  always  be  brought  imder  one 
of  the  following  headings:  (a)  Monism;  (b)the  theory 
of  Transitive  Emanation;  (c)  Creationism.  (a)  The 
Monist  theory  is  that  all  beings  in  the  world  are  but 
one  and  the  same  necessary  and  eternal  substance 
having  w-ithin  itself  the  sufficient  reason  of  its  exist- 
ence; while  the  seeming  diversity  of  things  and  their 
attributes,  are  but  the  various  manifestations  and 
evolutions  of  this  single  substance.  Pantheism  iden- 
tifies the  world  with  the  Divine  Being.  This  Being  is 
ceaselessly  in  process  of  evolution;  which,  however,  in 
no  w'ise  disturbs  the  universal  identity  of  things.  The 
Pantheist  is  either  an  Idealist  or  a  Realist  according 
to  the  view  he  takes  of  the  nature  and  character  of  the 
original  substance.  If  that  substance  is  real  he  is 
styled  a  Realist,  and  such  were  Erigena,  Amalric, 
David  of  Dinant,  Giordano  Bruno,  and  Spinoza.  But 
if  the  original  substance  is  something  ideal,  e.  g.  the 
Ego,  the  Absolute,  the  Concept,  he  is  styled  an  Ideal- 
ist, and  such  were  Hegel,  Schelling,  and  Fichte. 
Kraus  and  Tiberghien  support  the  Pantheistic  view: 
God  is  in  the  world  and  the  world  is  in  God,  although 
they  are  not  identical.  Schopenhauer  devised  a  form 
of  Pantheism  which  is  known  as  Panthelism.  Ac- 
cording to  his  view  the  motive  force  of  the  whole  uni- 
verse is  a  single  blind  will.  Ilartmann  goes  a  step 
farther  and  says  the  world  is  but  the  constant  evolu-  Jotrilu 
tion  of  the  unconscious:  hence  the  name  Panhylisra.  iidion 
Modern  Materialists,  such  as  Biichner,  Hiickel,  Ba- 
ruch,  as  well  as  the  old  Greek  .\tomists,  Leucippus,  Wiiisl 
Democritus,  and  Epicurus,  consider  all  the  activities 
of  the  universe  as  so  many  purely  material  phenomena 
arising  from  one  necessary  and  eternal  substance,  iiims, 
Lastly,  according  to  the  supporters  of  the  Immanent  <id«I 
Emanation  theorj-,  the  Divine  Being  develops  within  Jsartk 
itself  so  that  it  is  continually  identifying  itself  with 
the  beings  it  evolves,  or  that  come  forth  from  it,  just  as 
the  grub  maintains  its  substantial  identity  throughout 
its  transformation  into  chrj'salis  and  butterfly.  It  is 
clear  that  such  a  thcorj' hardly  differs  from  Pantheism. 

(b)  In  the  Transitive  Emanation  theorj'  all  beings 
issue  from  the  Divine  Substance  much  in  the  same 
■n'.ay  as  new  fruits  appear  on  the  parent  tree  without 
changing  its  substance  and  without  diminishing  its 
productive  power,  (c)  Creationism  is  the  view  held 
by  the  generality  of  spiritualistic  philosophers.  The 
imiverse  through  its  endless  transformations  reveals 
its  contingency:  that  is  to  say,  its  existence  is  not  a 
necessity:  therefore  it  must  have  received  its  exist- 
ence from  some  other  being.  This  first  cause  nnist  be 
a  necessary  and  independent  one,  imless  we  a<lmit  an 
infinite  series  of  dependent  causes  and  so  leave  un- 
solved the  problem  of  the  world's  existence.  God  has, 
therefore,  drawn  all  things  from  nothingness  by  the 
free  act  of  His  Almighty  Will;  in  a  word.  He  has  made 
them  out  of  nothing,  since  any  other  explanation, 
e.  g.  Emanationism,  which  implies  a  real  intrinsic 
change  in  God.  is  incompatible  with  the  ininuitability, 
necessity,  and  absolute  perfection  of  the  Divine  Beiu^ 


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COSMOLOGY 


415 


COSMOLOGY 


The  conslititcnl  cnuse.i  of  the  world. — The  composi- 
jn  of  corporeal  beings  is  also  tlie  subject  of  much 
scussion.  There  are  actually  four  systems  of  note, 
,ch  promising  to  solve  this  delicate  problem:  Mech- 
lism;  Hylomorphisra  (the  Scholastic  system); 
ynamic  Atomism ;  and  Dynamism  proper. 
The  characteristic  tendency  of  Mechanism,  i.  e.  of 
e  mechanical  theorj-,  is  to  disregard  all  qualitative 
fference  in  natural  phenomena  and  to  emphasize 
eir  quantitative  differences.  That  is  to  say,  in  this 
stem  the  constituent  matter  of  all  corporeal  beings 
everywhere  the  same  and  is  essentially  homogene-' 
is;  aU  the  forces  animating  it  are  of  the  same  nature; 
ey  are  simply  modes  of  local  motion.  Further- 
ore,  there  is  no  internal  principle  of  finality;  in  the 
orld  everj'thing  is  determined  by  mechanical  laws. 
3  explain  all  cosmic  phenomena,  nothing  is  needed 
it  mass  and  motion ;  so  that  all  the  differences  ob- 
rvable  between  corporeal  beings  are  merely  differ- 
ices  in  the  amount  of  matter  and  motion.  Mechan- 
m  appeals  especially  to  the  law  of  the  correlation  of 
rces  in  nature  and  of  the  mechanical  equivalent  of 
'at.  Heat,  we  know,  does  work;  but  it  consumes 
?elf  in  pro|)ortion  to  its  own  activity.  In  like  nian- 
■r  mechanical  causes  ))rnduce  heat  and  grow  weaker 
proportion  to  the  intensity  of  their  effect.  So  it  is 
Ith  all  corporeal  energy;  one  form  may  be  substi- 
itetl  for  another,  but  the  quantity  of  the  new  force 
ill  be  always  equivalent  to  the  quantity  of  the  force 
lat  has  disappeared.  Having  in  this  way  identified 
echanical  force  with  motion,  the  holders  of  this 
leorj'  felt  authorized  to  imify  all  forces  and  reduce 
lem'to  local  motion;  and  it  was  then  an  easy  step 
I  consider  substance  as  homogeneous  since  its  only 
16  is  to  serve  as  a  background  for  phenomena, 
ther  arguments  are  drawn  from  chemistry,  espe- 
ally  from  the  facts  of  isomerism,  polymerism,  and 
lotropism. 

The  mechanical  theory*  is  of  ancient  origin, 
mongst  its  earliest  partisans  were  Thales,  Anaxi- 
ander,  and  Heraclitus,  whose  chief  concern  was  to 
•ove  the  derivation  of  the  workl  from  one  simple 
•imitive  sulistance.  Empedocles,  however,  held  out 
r  four  elements — air,  earth,  water,  fire.  But  De- 
ocritvis,  and  later  Epicurus,  suppressed  this  dis- 
nction  between  theelements,  proclaimed  theessential 
jmogeneity  of  matter,  and  referred  the  variety  of 
itural  phenomena  to  differences  of  motion.  After 
le  time  of  Epicurus  (270  b.  c),  this  system  disap- 
?ared  from  philosophical  thought  for  eighteen  cen- 
iries.  Restored  by  Descartes,  it  soon  won  the  favour 
'  most  scientists,  and  it  is  still  dominant  in  scientific 
search.  Tlie  Cartesian  philosophy  was  a  restate- 
ent  of  the  two  bsusic  principles  of  the  old  theory,  the 
5mogeneity  of  nature  and  the  reduction  of  all  forces 
I  terms  of  motion;  but  it  got  new  vigour  by  contact 
ith  the  natural  sciences,  especially  physics  and  chem- 
trj';  hence  the  name  Atomissm  (q.  v.)  by  which  it  is 
iually  known.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that 
lere  are  two  .\tomisms,  the  one  purely  chemical,  the 
;her  philosophical.  According  to  the  former  all  sim- 
le  bodies  are  made  up  of  atoms,  i.  e.  of  particles  so 
nail  that  no  chemical  force  known  to  us  can  divide 
lem,  but  which  have  all  tlie  properties  of  visible 
adies.  Atoms  form  grovips  of  two  or  four  or  some- 
nies  more;  these  small  tenacious  grou]is,  known  ;ls 
lemical  molecules  coalesce  in  physical  molecules,  and 
om  these  in  turn  are  built  up  tlie  material  Ixxlies  we 
18  around  us.  The  material  body  thus  results  from  a 
rogressive  aggregation  of  molecules,  and  the  very 
nallest  portion  of  it  that  is  endowed  with  the  proper- 
es  of  the  compound  contains  many  atoms  of  various 
secies,  since  by  definition  the  compound  results 
■om  the  union  of  numerous  elements.  On  this  ato- 
lic  theorj',  independent  a.s  such  of  all  philosophical 
^stems,  was  grafted  during  the  last  century  that 
liilosophical  Atomism  which,  while  ascribing  to  all 


atoms  the  same  nature,  differentiates  them  only  by 
varj'ing  amounts  of  mass  and  motion. 

Another  explanation  of  the  material  world  is  offered 
by  Dynamism.  If  Mechanism  attributes  extension  to 
matter  and  complete  pas.sivity  to  corporeal  substances. 
Dynamism  sees  in  the  world  only  simple  forces,  unex- 
tended,  yet  essentially  active.  There  is  nothing 
strange  in  the  antithesis  of  these  two  systems.  The 
Dynamism  of  Leibniz — it  was  In-  who  jiropounded  it — 
was  but  a  reaction  against  llic  Miihaiiism  of  Descar- 
tes. To  these  two  matrix-ideas  of  uiicxtended,  active 
forces  the  majority  of  Dynamists  adtl  tlie  principle  of 
actio  in  distiins.  They  soon  found  out  that  points 
without  extension  can  touch  only  by  completely 
merging  the  one  with  the  other,  and  on  their  own 
hypothesis  the  points  in  contact  would  amount  to 
nothing  more  than  a  mathematical  point  which  could 
never  give  us  even  the  illusion  of  apparent  extension. 
To  avoid  this  ]>itfall,  the  Dynamists  bethought  them 
of  consiilcriiig  all  Ijodies  as  aggregates  of  force  unex- 
tended  indeed  liut  separated  by  intervals  from  one  an- 
other. Conceived  by  Leiliniz,  who  lield  the  monads 
to  be  dowered  witli  an  immanent  activity,  this  system 
has  been  amended  and  modernized  by  Father  Bos- 
covich,  Kant,  Father  Palmieri,  Father  Carbonelle, 
Hirn,  and  Father  Leroy.  On  the  whole  it  has  found 
few  supporters ;  scientists  as  a  rule  prefer  the  mechan- 
ical view.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  a  reaction 
towards  it  has  set  in  since  the  discovery  of  the  radio- 
activity of  matter.  The  property  manifested  by  a 
considerable  number  of  bodies  of  emitting  at  ordinary 
temperatures  a  seemingly  inexhaustible  quantity  of 
electric  rays  suggests  the  idea  that  matter  is  a  focus  of 
energy  which  tends  to  diffuse  itself  in  space.  But  in 
point  of  fact  there  are  only  two  arguments  in  favour  of 
Dynamism.  One  is  drawn  from  the  difficulties  of 
grasping  the  concept  of  extension ;  the  other  from  the 
fact  that  all  we  know  of  matter  comes  to  us  through  its 
action  on  our  organs  of  sense ;  hence  the  inference  that 
force  is  the  only  thing  existing  apart  from  ourselves. 

Between  these  two  extremes  stands  the  Schola.stic 
theory,  known  as  Hylomorphism,  or  theory  of  matter 
and  form  (tJ\?),  matter;  /lopip-^,  form),  also  as  the  Aris- 
totelean  theorj',  and  later  as  the  Thomistic  theory 
from  the  name  of  its  princi|)al  defender  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  Aristotle  (:i84-!i2'J  n.  c),  who  was  its  author, 
gave  it  a  large  place  in  his  treatises  on  physics  and  on 
metaphysics.  It  was  discussed  during  centuries  in 
the  Peripatetic  and  neo-Platonic  schools  and  in  the 
schools  of  Constantinople  and  Athens;  but  from  the 
sixth  century  to  the  twelfth,  though  its  essential  prin- 
ciples survived,  it  was  an  insignificant  factor  in  philo- 
sophic thought.  An  exception,  however,  must  be 
made  in  favour  of  Avicenna  in  the  East  (980-1037) 
and  of  Averroes  in  Spain  (112(>-1198),  both  famous 
commentators  on  the  Aristotelean  encj'clopedia.  In 
the  thirteenth  centurj',  the  Golden  Age  of  Schola,sti- 
cism,  the  svsteiii  was  restored,  thanks  to  a  number  of 
Latin  translations,  and  its  long-forgotten  treasures 
were  brought  to  light  bj-  daring  prospectors,  such  .a.s 
Alexander  of  Hales,  Albertus  XIagnus,  .St.  Thomas 
Aquin.as,  St.  Bonaventure,  and  Henrj'  of  Ghent.  Dur- 
ing the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  the  cosmo- 
logical  theory,  and  indeed  the  wlicile  Scholastic  sys- 
tem, suffered  a  decline  which  lasted  till  the  nineteenth 
century,  though  during  the  interval  it  found  ardent 
supporters  in  some  of  the  religious  orders.  The  res- 
toration movement  began  about  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  with  the  works  of  Kleutgen  (181 1- 
188.S);  San.sevenno  (1811-18(>5),  and  Liberatore 
(1810-1892);  but  it  was  especially  owing  to  the  im- 
pulse given  it  by  the  famous  Encj'clical  of  Leo  XIII, 
"^Etenii  Patris"  (1879),  that  Scholasticism  regained 
its  place  of  honovir  beside  the  great  modem  sj'stems. 

The  Scholastic  theorj'  can  be  summed  up  in  the  fol- 
lowing propositions:  (1)  Bodies  both  elementarj'  and 
compound  have  an  essential  unity;   they  differ  spe- 


COSMOLOGY 


416 


COSMOLOGY 


cifically,  and  are  by  their  very  nature  extended;  (2) 
they  possess  powers  or  energies  both  passive  and  ac- 
tive which  spring  from  their  substantial  nature  and 
are  inseparable  from  it;  (3)  they  have  an  inmianent 
tendency  toward  certain  special  ends  to  be  realized  by 
the  exercise  of  their  native  energies.  The  basic  prin- 
ciple of  this  cosmology  is  that  of  immanent  finahty. 
The  corporeal  world  is  a  masterpiece  of  order  and  har- 
mony. In  spite  of  ceaseless  transformations,  every 
species  of  body,  simple  and  composite  alike,  reappears 
again  and  again  with  its  characteristic  properties  to 
further  the  well-being  of  the  individual  and  of  the  uni- 
verse as  a  whole.  Now  this  constant  and  harmonious 
co-operation  of  innumerable  causes  acting  imder  con- 
ditions the  most  diverse  can  only  be  explained,  say  the 
Scholastics,  by  admitting  in  the  material  agents  them- 
selves fixed  and  permanent  principles  of  order.  The 
universe  must  therefore  be  composed  of  specific  na- 
tures, i.  e.  of  beings  which  by  their  constitution  and 
properties  are  really  adapted  to  the  ends  they  have  to 
attain.  Substance  and  its  distinctive  energies  form  a 
whole  which  is  completely  subordinated  to  its  ap- 
pointed destiny;  so  that  if  serious  alterations,  such  as 
chemical  combinations,  succeed  in  affecting  these 
properties  and  in  marring  the  harmony  that  ought  to 
exist  between  them  and  their  substantial  base,  the 
being  so  affected  must  put  on  a  new  nature  in  har- 
mony with  its  new  state.  There  takes  place,  in  other 
words,  what  the  Scholastics  call  a  substantial  trans- 
formation. But  this  implies  that  an  essential  portion 
of  the  original  being  must  persist  throughout  the 
change,  and  be  carried  over  into  the  final  result,  other- 
wise transformation  would  involve  the  annihilation  of 
the  first  being  and  the  production  of  the  second  out  of 
nothing.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  hold  that  during 
the  process  the  being  in  question  does  not  lose  its  own 
specific  difference  in  exchange  for  another,  it  would  be 
illogical  to  speak  of  a  transformation,  since  a  change 
which  preserves  the  substantial  integrity  of  the  being 
can  never  have  as  its  result  the  production  of  a  new 
being  All  bodies,  then,  that  are  subject  to  such  a 
change  must  contain,  in  spite  of  their  unity,  two  con- 
stituent principles.  The  one  is  a  specifying  or  deter- 
mining principle  whence  spring  the  actuality  and  dis- 
tinguishing marks  of  the  body  itself;  and  it  is  this 
principle  which  is  born  and  dies  at  every  step  in  the 
deeper  transformations  of  matter.  It  is  called  sub- 
stantial form.  The  other,  the  indeterminate  comple- 
ment of  this,  is  the  substratum  which  receives  the 
various  essential  forms;  and  it  is  called  first  matter. 
These  are  the  fundamental  ideas  in  the  Scholastic 
theory. 

As  a  system  it  is  not  at  every  point  the  direct  anti- 
thesis of  the  two  other  systems  outlined  above.  It  is 
true  that,  while  Mechanism  claims  that  the  proper- 
ties of  bodies  are  nothing  but  local  motion,  the  Scho- 
lastics admit  the  existence  of  quahties  properly  so 
called  in  all  bodies,  i.  e.  accidental  determinations, 
fixed  and  destined  for  action.  These  properties  are 
generated  with  the  new  substance;  they  cling  to  it 
indissolubly  during  its  existence  and  they  are  its  nat- 
ural manifestation.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Scholastics  concede  to  the  mechanical  theory  that 
local  motion  plays  a  large  part  in  the  world,  that  it  is 
the  accompaniment  and  the  measure  of  every  exertion 
of  material  force.  Hence  they  give  Mechanism  credit 
for  assigning  a  quantitative  value  to  the  phenomena  of 
nature  by  measuring  the  movement  proportionate  to 
each;  while,  on  their  side,  they  explain  the  activity  at 
work  in  each  case  by  taking  into  accoimt  the  qualita- 
tive elements  as  well  as  the  kinetic.  Again,  with  the 
mechanical  theory  the  Scholastic  recognizes  in  every 
corporeal  being  an  essential  principle  of  passivity,  of 
inertia,  divisibility,  and  extension — in  a  word,  of  .all 
the  properties  so  highly  prized  by  Mechanism;  this 
principle  is  first  motter.  But  the  Scluilastic  theory 
adds  a  substantial  form,  i.  e.  a  determining  principle 


Ooi) 


and  a  root-cause  of  the  activities  and  peculiar  tenden- 
cies displayed  by  each  Individual  body. 

A  similar  partial  agreement  exists  between  Scho- 
lasticism and  Dynamism.  In  the  hylomorphic  consti- 
tution of  bodies  the  dynamic  element  has  a  preponder- 
ating role,  represented  by  the  substantial  form;  bul  tk«i 
since  the  corporeal  being  does  not  appear  to  be  a  source  iliiii 
of  energy  pure  and  simple,  the  dynamic  element  if  e 
joined  with  first  matter,  of  which  passivity  and  exten- 
sion are  the  natural  outcome. 

A  fourth  and  last  system  is  called  Dynamic  Atom- 
ism. The  only  real  difference  between  it  and  Mechan- 
ism lies  in  the  fact  that  it  attributes  to  bodies  forceaj 
distinct  from  local  motion;  but  at  the  same  time  itj 
maintains  that  they  are  purely  mechanical  forces.] 
Matter,  it  asserts,  is  homogeneous  and  the  atom  in- 
capable of  transformation.  This  theory,  proposed  by 
Martin  and  Tongiorgi,  and  upheld  nowadays  by  cer- 
tain scientists,  is  a  transition  between  the  mechanical 
and  the  Scholastic  system.  Its  partisans,  in  fact,  are 
persuaded  that  a  theory  which  denies  the  reality  of 
qualitative  energies  inherent  in  matter  and  reduces 
them  to  local  motion  thereby  makes  the  true  explana- 
tion of  natural  phenomena  impossible  and  hands  over 
the  universe  to  the  whims  of  chance.  Some  Dyna- 
mists,  therefore,  to  meet  the  obvious  requirements  of 
order  in  the  world,  seek  in  substance  itself  the  reasons 
of  its  secondary  principles  of  activity.  But  in  this 
hypothesis  it  seems  rather  hard  not  to  admit,  as  the 
Scholastics  maintain,  that  diversity  of  substance  is  the 
only  explanation  of  the  constancy  observed  in  the 
accidental  differences  of  things. 

The  final  cause  of  the  material  universe. — The  last 
problem  that  cosmology  attempts  to  solve  is  that  of 
the  final  cause.  It  is  intimately  bound  up  with  that 
of  the  first  cause.  Materialists  like  Hackel  and  BUch- 
ner,  who  refuse  to  see  in  the  universe  a  plan  or  a  pur- 
pose, can  assign  no  goal  to  cosmic  evolution.  In  their 
opinion,  just  as  the  world,  during  its  eternal  past,  has 
undergone  countless  variations  in  form,  so  during  its 
eternal  future  it  is  destined  to  ceaseless  change.  The 
laws  of  mechanics,  the  chance  encounter  of  atoms  and 
molecules,  the  capricious  [ilay  of  natural  forces  follow- 
ing no  preconceived  aim,  will  determine  the  number, 
nature,  and  form  of  the  states  through  which  matter  is  lnjj. 
to  pass.  Pantheists  and  all  who  identify  God  with  i^|k^ 
matter  share  as  a  rule  the  same  view.  For  them  the  ■  ,f  | 
condition  of  the  world  is  but  the  fatal  result  of  pur-  ij,j^ 
poseless  evolution;  so  that  the  world  is  its  own  end,  ,jjj(,'j 
or  rather  is  itself  the  term  of  its  existence  and  activity.  '^^^^^ 

Those  who  believe  in  the  existence  of  a  personal 
God  can  never  admit  that  an  all-wise  being  created 
without  a  purpose.  And  since  a  perfect  and  inde- 
pendent being  can  have  no  other  than  himself  as  the 
final  aim  of  his  action,  it  follows  that  the  ultimate  end 
of  creation  is  to  manifest  the  glorj'  of  the  Creator,  man 
being  the  intermediary,  and,  as  it  were,  the  high-priest 
of  the  material  world.  The  welfare  of  man  himself  is 
the  secondary  purpose  of  creation.  According  to  St. 
Thomas  the  world  is  a  vast  hierarchy  of  which  inor- 
ganic matter  is  the  base  and  man  the  summit.  The 
mineral  order  ministers  to  the  vegetable  and  this  in 
turn  to  the  animal,  while  man  finds  in  all  these  the 
satisfaction  of  his  needs  and  the  adornment  of  his 
earthly  life.  Above  all  he  finds  in  the  material  uni- 
verse and  in  the  service  it  renders  him  a  means  of  ris-  i 
ing  to  perfect  happiness  in  the  possession  of  God. 


fem 


ierll 


leiyi 
ijiire 
lUils, 

tin's 
:ienily 
(jfor 


IBffi 
tpn 
ftm 
al-hii 
r.stati 
Cnili 

EfOsil 

(Iml 
.tarn 
nail 
lilil 
*Ei 
il^ 
riir 


I  hi 
i-m 

T'iiif 
Ciill 

hii  I 


:»!(( 


loo:!*: 


Tlunl..  Contn 
tiom-s  philosoftfiiit 
ffrossiTl  Wfltritlhs, 
tioncs  m€tai)hi/si('. 
(Louvain,  10U4): 
1894):   John  Kr 


:  of  Phlln^nph'l   hv  T.- 
OHHIS.   N.-n    \  ,.,!,,    1>1 


1903).  Uebeb- 


-  -  ^'h 

.  (tr.  FiNLAT,  Dub-  ta, 

n   (Leipzig.   1898);  ^ 
Thomas.   Summa 
:m.  InstitU' 

.  ISSO);   Idem,  Die  ssj, 

AHOU8SE.  Praelee-  i 


Cii  TBF.RLET,     Nalurphilosophie     (Munster, 


Cosmologie   :'*« 
(Munster.    '*ilii 


Harper,  The  Metaphy. 


General  Metaphysic  (New  York.  1900);    jv^ 


oi  the  School  (London.   1879-84). 

D.  NTS. 


id 


ftif, 


COSSA 


41/ 


COSTA 


Cossa,  Francesco,  known  sometimes  as  del,  Cos- 
,  Italian  painter  of  the  School  of  Ferrara.  b.  about 
iO;  d.  probably  at  Ferrara,  1485.  Cossa  is  noted 
Decially  for  his  fresco  work.  The  first  record  we 
ve  of  him  is  in  1456  when  he  was  an  assistant  to  his 
her,  Cristofano  del  Cossa,  at  that  time  employed  in 
inting  the  carvings  and  statues  on  the  high  altar  in 
;  chapel  of  the  bishop's  palace  at  Ferrara.  Cossa 
,er  this  worked  in  conjunction  with  Cosimo  Tura, 
:orating  the  summer  retreat  known  as  the  Schi- 
loia,  and  of  the  frescoes  which  remain,  three  can  be 
ely  ascribed  to  him.  They  illustrate  the  manners 
1  dre.ss  of  the  period  and  are  rich  in  architectural 
;ails,  somewhat  less  decorative  and  less  fantastic 
m  those  of  Tura,  but  stronger  and  grander  than  the 
ter's  work.  Considering  himself,  however,  insuf- 
ently  remunerated  by  Duke  Borso,  Cossa  left  Fer- 
a  for  Bologna  in  1470.  where  he  obtained  many 
amissions  under  the  Bentivogli.  Here  he  painted 
two  masterpieces,  one.  the  Virgin  and  Child  with 
3  saints  and  a  portrait  of  .\lberto  de'  Catanei,  pro- 
?ed  in  1474;  the  other,  the  fresco  of  the  Madonna 
Baracano,  representing  the  Virgin  and  Child  with 
!  portraits  of  Giovanni  Bentivoglio  and  Maria  Vin- 
uerra,  painted  in  1472.  In  these  works  Cossa  re- 
ils  himself  as  a  painter  of  great  power  and  original- 
,  stately  in  his  conceptions,  grand  and  massive  in 
•traiture,  broad  in  modelling,  simple  and  severe  in 
nposition.  In  the  National  Gallery  there  is  a  fine 
ture  by  him  representing  St.  Vincent  Ferrer,  an 
nnunciation",  in  the  Dresden  collection,  which  has 
in  attributed  to  Pollajuolo,  and  a  fine  profile  por- 
it  at  Locko  Park  near  Derby,  said  to  represent 
ke  Ercole  I  of  Ferrara.  He  executed  some  glass 
ntings  in  Bologna,  the  best  of  which  is  a  beautiful 
:ular  window,  in  the  church  of  San  Giovanni  in 
nte,  representing  St.  John  in  Patraos;  this  bears 
signature. 

IRINTON.  The  Kenaissanee  in  Italian  Art  (London.  1898); 
GLER,  The  Italian  Schools  oi  Painting  (London,  1900);  Mal- 
JA,  FeUina  Pittria  (BoloEna,  1678);  Masini,  Bologna 
lastrata  (Bologna,  1666) ;  Guida  di  Bologna  ( 1782). 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

3osta,  Lorenzo,  Ferrarese  painter,  b.  at  Ferrara 
1460;  d.  at  Mantua  in  l,5:i5.  He  is  believed  to 
re  been  a  pupil  of  either  Tura  or  Cossa.  At  the 
!  of  t%venty-three  Costa  established  himself  at 
logna,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Bentivogli  fam- 
,  in  the  same  workshop  as  Francia.  The  two  men 
re  much  influenced  by  each  other;  Francia  worked 
a  goldsmith,  but  Costa  had  the  greater  imagina- 
n,  wider  knowledge,  and  more  perfect  skill  in  draw- 
;.  It  is  probable  that  his  coming  to  Bologna  was 
!  cause  of  Francia 's  change  of  craft,  and  that  but 

this  friendship  the  greater  man  would  have  re- 
ined all  his  life  a  goldsmith.  Costa's  earliest  work 
Bologna  is  the  fresco  in  San  Giacomo  Maggiore 
i80);  his  greatest,  the  altar-piece  in  San  Giovanni 
Monti  (1497).  The  two  friends  united  in  painting 
!  altar-piece  for  the  church  of  the  Misericordia.  the 
lire  and  upper  part  of  which  still  remain  in  Bolo- 
1,  while  the  predella  by  Costa  is  at  Milan.  They 
rked  for  the  same  patrons,  decorated  tlie  same 
lis  of  palace,  church,  and  oratory,  and  both  suf- 
ed  when  Bentivogli  wa.s  driven  from  Bologna  in 
)9,  and  his  palace  became  a  heaji  of  ruins.  Costa 
;n  passed  into  the  service  of  the  Gonzaga  fam- 

at  Mantua.  His  work  can  be  well  studied  in 
logna,  but  there  are  pictures  by  him  also  in 
Ian,  Berlin.  London,  and  Paris.  His  early  frescoes 
!  in  the  Schifanoia  in  Ferrara.  and  some  of  his 
est  in  the  Schalcheria  Castle  at  Mantua.  He  him- 
f  engraved  more  than  one  plate  after  his  pictures. 
3  paintings  are  very  much  in  the  style  of  tho.se  by 
incia.  but  the  subjects  are  treated  in  a  freer  and 
ire  pict\iresque  manner.  The  colouring  is  always 
srgetic,  the  heads  of  the  figures  well  modelled  and 
IV.— 27 


full  of  expression,  the  architectural  backgrounds  rich, 
varied,  and  accurate,  and  the  perspective  thoughtful 
and  well  jilaimcd.  The  draperies  in  Costa's  work  are 
far  less  hard  than  those  in  Francia 's,  and  fall  in  easy 
and  not  in  rigid  folds. 

Malvasia,  Felsina  Pitlrice  (Bologna.  1678);  Ohlandi, 
Abbecedario  Pittorico  (Bologna.  1719);  Oretti,  unpublished 
Notebooks  in  the  Arciginnasio  Library.  Bologna;  Williamson, 
Francia  in  Burlington  Fine  Arts  Club's  Catalogue  (1894);  Bryan, 
Diet,  of  Painters  and  Engravers  (New  York,  1903),  s.  v. 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

Costadoni,  Giovanni  Domenico,  frequently  known 
as  Dom  Ansclmo,  his  name  in  religion,  an  Italian 
Camaldolcse  monk,  historian,  and  theologian,  b.  6 
October,  1714.  at  Venice;  d.  23  Januarj',  1785,  in  the 
same  city.  The  son  of  a  rich  merchant,  he  .sacrificed 
at  an  early  date  his  prospects  of  success  in  the  world 
and  took  the  religious  habit  at  St.  Michael's  monas- 
terj-,  situated  on  the  island  of  Murano  in  the  Venetian 
lagoon.  Here  he  studied  philosophy  and  theology 
with  more  than  usual  success.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
three  he  revealed  his  literarj-  abihty  in  a  letter  (Let- 
tera  critica)  written  in  defence  of  certain  Camaldolese 
writers,  who  had  been  attacked  by  Giusto  Fontanini 
in  his  "Librarj'  of  Italian  Eloquence".  Costadoni 
subsequently  collaborated  for  eighteen  years  with  the 
learned  Mittarelli  in  the  publication  of  the  "Annales 
Canialdulenses"  (Venice,  1755-73).  Some  archaeolog- 
ical papers  due  to  his  pen,  such  as  "  Dissertazione 
sopra  il  pesce  come  simbolo  degli  antichi  cristiani", 
were  published  in  the  voluminous  collection  of  histor- 
ical essays  edited  by  Calogerii,  a  monk  of  the  same 
order.  His  works  also  include:  "  Avvisi  ed  istruzioni 
pratiche  intomo  ai  prineipali  doveri  de'  regolari" 
(Faenza,  1770;  Venice,  1771);  "Lettereconsolatorie" 
(Venice,  1775);  "Lettere  sopra  questione  teologiche" 
(Venice,  1773).  Costadoni's  unpublished  manu- 
scripts were  transferred,  after  his  death,  to  St.  Greg- 
orj''s  monastery  at  Rome,  by  order  of  the  Camaldo- 
lese abbot,  Mauro  Cappellari  (later  Pope  Gregory 
XVI). 

Mandelli,  Delia  vita  e  degli  scritti  di  A.  Costadoni  (Venice, 
1787);  Pkot.  Mimoires  (Paris,  1855),  V,  470;  Hurter, 
Nomenclator^  III,  376. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Costa  Rica,  Republic  of,  a  narrow  isthmus  be- 
tween Panama  on  the  east  and  the  Republic  of  Nica- 
ragua on  the  north,  the  Caribbean  Sea  on  the  north-east 
and  the  Pacific  Ocean  on  the  south-west.  Between 
latitudes  north  9°  and  1 1°  and  longitudes  west  of  Green- 
wich 83°  and  86°,  its  area  is  calculated  at  18,400  square 
miles;  the  population  in  1905  is  given  as  334, .307,  be- 
sides 3500  Indians.  The  principal  city  is  San  Jos6,  the 
capital,  with  24,500  inhabitants;  next  comes  Cartago 
with  7800,  then  Hercdia  with  7151.  Tliere  are  two 
ports  on  the  Atlantic  and  two  on  the  Pacific  coast. 
Mountain  chains  traverse  the  territory  in  many  direc- 
tions, but  the  principal  one  runs  through  the  whole 
length  from  north-west  to  south-east.  Its  tallest  peak 
is  called  "  Pico  Blanco"  and  ri.ses  to  11,800  feet  above 
sea-level.  Costa  Rica  has  six,  partly  active,  volca- 
noes among  which  the  tallest  (Irazu)  rises  to  a  height 
of  1 1 ,600  feet  and  has  been  dormant  for  many  years. 
The  surface  is  in  general  verj'  much  broken,  the  moun- 
tains are  eruptive  or  volcanic,  and  sedimentary  depos- 
its abut  against  them  at  a  lower  level.  Many 
streams,  some  of  which  are  navigable  for  a  short  dis- 
tance, water  the  territory.  The  Pacific  coast  has  two 
handsome  gulfs:  Nicoya  in  the  north,  and  the  Golfo 
Dulce  near  the  frontier  of  Panama. 

The  climate  is  tropical.  There  are  but  two  seasons: 
winter  or  the  drj',  and  .summer  or  the  wet,  season. 
Altitude  and  climate  divide  the  country  into  three 
zones,  the  hot  that  rises  from  the  shores  on  both  sides 
to  about  3000  feet ;  the  temperate  (between  3000  and 
7500).  and  the  cold  higher  up.  Snowfalls,  even  on  the 
highest  summits,  are  very  rare;  the  mean  temperature 


COSTA 


41 S 


COSTA 


of  the  hot  section  is  stated  as  varying  between  72°  and 
82°  Fahr;  of  the  temperate  zone,  from  57°  to  78  de- 
grees. Mahogany,  cedar,  rosewood  and  other  pre- 
cious woods  for  building  and  decorative  purposes  are 
scattered  through  its  forests,  also  dye-woods.  Medic- 
inal plants  are  numerous  and  india-rubber  of  the  spe- 
cies called  Castilloa  elaslica.  Among  resinous  plants 
copal  and  the  Myroxylum,  producing  Peru  and  tolu 
balsams,  abound.  The  chief  agricultural  products  are 
coffee,  bananas,  tobacco,  cocoa.  Cotton  and  indigo  are 
also  raised.  Most  of  the  cultivated  plants  were  im- 
ported from  Europe  by  the  Spaniards.  Nearly  if 
not  all  larger  mammals  of  the  torrid  zones  of  America 
are  foimd.  To  entomologists  Costa  Rica  is  a  rich 
field.  There  are  mines  of  gold,  silver,  copper  and 
lead.  Gold  was  discovered  as  early  as  Columbus' 
last  voyage  in  1502,  and  the  number  of  gold  ornaments 
found  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  as  well  as  the  auri- 
ferous sands  of  the  rivers,  gave  the  newly  discovered 
country  its  name  CJosta  Rica,  "the  rich  coast".  In 
1815  the  rich  gold  district  of  Monte  del  Aguacate  was 
first  brought  to  notice  by  Bishop  Garcia  of  Nicaragua 
and  Leon.  No  general  mining  statistics  exist.  Min- 
ing laws  are  rather  confused,  being  a  mixture  of  former 
Spanish  ordinances  with  modern  amendments.  But 
mining-machinery  is  imported  free  of  duty  and 
neither  the  Government  nor  municipalities  levy  any 
taxes  on  mining  property. 

Costa  Rica  became  independent  of  Spain  in  1821  and 
was  a  member  of  the  Central  American  confederacy 
from  1824  to  1848  when  that  confederacy  was  dis- 
solved. In  1870-1871  a  constitution  was  adopted 
which  has  been  modified  repeatedly  since.  The  exe- 
cutive head  of  the  republic  is  a  president,  but  there 
have  been  several  dictators.  The  president  is  elected, 
for  four  years,  indirectly  through  electors  chosen  by 
the  people,  and  cannot  serve  a  second  term.  He  is 
assisted  by  four  secretaries.  There  is  no  vice-presi- 
dent. In  case  of  the  inability  of  the  president  to  dis- 
charge his  duties,  he  is  replaced  by  one  of  three  per- 
sons designated  by  Congress,  at  the  first  session  in  each 
presidential  term.  Congress  consists  of  only  one 
house.  Its  members  are  also  indirectly  chosen  by  the 
people  for  four  years,  one  member  for  every  8000  in- 
habitants, and  one-half  are  elected  every  two  years. 
Members  of  the  supreme  court  of  justice  are  ap- 
pointed by  Congress.  The  territory  is  divided  politi- 
cally into  five  pro\'inces  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  is 
a  governor  appointed  by  the  president.  Costa  Rica 
has  a  civil  code,  a  code  of  civil  procedure  and,  since 
1888,  a  judiciary  law.  Trial  by  jury  takes  place  only 
in  criminal  cases. 

By  the  Constitution,  art.  51.,  "The  Catholic  Apos- 
tolic Roman  is  the  religion  of  the  state  which  contrib- 
utes to  its  maintenance  without  impeding  the  exercise 
in  the  republic  of  any  other  religion  not  opposed  to 
universal  morality  and  good  behaviour"  {buenas  cos- 
tumbres).  By  the  Concordat  (7  October,  1852)  the 
jurisdiction  previously  exercised  from  the  time  of  the 
Spanish  occupation  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in 
litigations  involving  Church  possessions  or  the  tem- 
poral rights  of  the  Church,  passed  over  to  the  civil  tri- 
bunals, but  it  was  stipulated  at  the  same  time  that,  in 
the  courts  of  thesecond  and  the  third  instance,  legal  trial 
of  criminal  cases  involving  priests  required  the  assists 
ance  as  judicial  assessors  of  ecclesiastics  nominated  by 
the  bishop.  In  1908,  no  Apostolic  delegate  having 
been  appointed  for  Costa  Rica  since  the  year  1882, 
Pius  X  communicated  to  the  republic  his  wish  to  re- 
establish the  delegation  there.  The  republic's  repre- 
sentative at  the  Vatican  answered  that  the  govern- 
ment welcomed  the  idea,  and  begged  His  Holiness  to 
give  the  new  delegate  the  character  of  envoy  to  the 
republic,  to  which  the  pope  assented.  The  envoy-ex- 
traordinary and  Ajiostolic  delegate  named  was  Mgr. 
Giovanni  Cagliera,  titular  Archbi.shop  of  Sebaste. 

Up  to  1850  the  Bishop  of  Leon  (Nicaragua)  was  also 


administrator  of  Costa  Rica.  The  first  Bishop  of 
Costa  Rica,  Anselmo  Llorente  y  Lafuente,  was  conse- 
crated in  Guatemala,  7  September,  1851,  and  installed 
5  January,  1852.  Bishop  B.  A.  Thiel  (b.  at  Elber- 
feld,  1850;  d.  at.  San  Jose,  1901)  a  Lazarist,  who  was 
professor  of  theology  in  Ecuador  and  banished  for  de- 
fending the  Jesuits,  was  appointed  Bishop  of  San  Jos<  |j 
in  1880.  He  was  an  explorer,  a  student  of  Indiar  |^, 
languages,  and  the  founder  of  an  ethnographic  anc  ji] 
biological  museum  at  San  Jose.  He  translated  a  num- 
ber of  religious  works  from  German  into  Spanish  anc 
wrote  "Idiomas  de  los  Indios";  "Viajes"  (1897)  anc 
"Datos  cronol.  para  la  Hist,  ec."^  de  Costa  Rica" 
There  are  forty-two  parishes  in  the  republic.  The  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul  conferences  are  verj'  active.  In  1899 
they  had  1396  members.     In  San  Jos6  there  are  six. 


linn. 


ix.| 

Women's  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  auxiliaries  are  organized^  |k(. 
in  nearly  all  the  cities.  In  1899  they  distributed  $26,-]  i^j 
208.  Since  the  Plenary  Council  of  Latin  America!  ^^ 
(1899)  sponsalia  (see  Betrothal)  to  be  valid  must  be  p, 
publicly  recorded.  In  1890  the  public  treasury  con-  j^j 
tributed  19,404  pesos  to  the  support  of  the  Church,  j,;;. 
Primary  education  is  free  and  compulsory.  Its  im-  pjpj, 
mediate  direction  belongs  to  the  municipalities,  the  jf^t; 
national  executive,  however,  reserves  the  right  of  gen-  ^  [, 
eral  supervision.  Art.  53  of  the  Constitution  permita  ,,j,; 
every  Costa  Rican  to  give  or  to  receive  what  instruo-  ^tfts 
tion  he  pleases  in  any  educational  establishment  not  ^ 
supported  by  public  funds.  The  budget  of  public  i^.,, 
instruction  rose  from  137,677.77  in  1890  to  235,203  .y, 
pesos  in  1902,  when  there  were  six  higher  schools,  one  jj), 
normal  school,  and  306  primary  schools,  the  latter,  ^^ 
with  17,746  pupils.  _ '  ^^ 

After  Costa  Rica  was  discovered  by  Columbus  ir  ^y 
1502,  Diego  de  Nicuesa  attempted  to  colonize  it  ir  ^^^' 
1509,  but  it  was  fourteen  years  later  when  Francisct  jnjB 
Hernandez  made  a  settlement  in  the  country,  and  ib  inik 
conquest  was  only  gradually  perfected  after  1526  "'"* 
Several  tribes  of  the  isthmus  spoke  a  language  allied  t( 
the  Chibcha  of  Colombia.     Among  these,  it  seemi  jjji^ 
that  the  Talamancas  and  Guaymis  were  the  mos  j^^j^ 
prominent.     The  former  held  the  eastern  coast,  ex  ,  ij 
tending  to  the  boundary  of  Nicaragua,  the  latter  Hvei  ,^^.1 
mostly  in  what  is  now  the  Republic  of  Panama.     ^  ^ij^,], 
tribe,  to  which  the  Spanish  name  of  Yalientes  has  bee  -^ 
given,  also  belonged  to  Costa  Rica.     In  culture,  espe  ^^^ 
cially  in  the  working  of  gold  and  silver,  the  Guaymi  jj^j 
resembled  the  Chibcha.     All  these  aborigines  wer  ( jj 
groujjed  in  small  independent  tribes  and  their  resisi  jjj, 
ance  to  the  European  invaders  was  protracted  ratht  ^jj! 
by   natural    obstacles    than    through   actual   powe  |X 
During  Spanish  colonial  times  Costa  Rica  had  sixtj  ^..jT 
two  successive  rulers, — governors  (adelantados),  et  („■  • 
and  was  regarded  as  a  province  of  Guatemala.  ^     ' 

Thiel.  La  Iglesia  Cattolica  en  Costa  Rica  in  Revisia  de  c.  I.  <  ^C}'} 
el  Siglo  XIX  (San  Jos^,  1902).     For  the  earliest  period  of  di      •''"' 
CQvery  and  Spanish  colonization  of  Costa  Rica,  the  lettei^  f' 
Columbus  are  indispensable.     Additional  information  is  ^i\i 
bv  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  Viajes  y  Descnbrimienios  (Madri 
1829).     0\lEDO,  HM.  general  (Madrid,  1850);    Gomara.  // 
toria  general  de  las  Indias  (.\ntwerp,  1554);    Fernandez.  // 
toria  de  Costa  Rica  durante  la  dominacif/n  espanola   (Madri'L 
1889);     MouNA,    Bosquejo   de    Costa   Rica    (London,    1S.J1 
Calvo,  Repiiblica  de  Costa  Rica  (San  Jos^,  1887);    PeraliJ 
Costa  Rica,  Nicaragua  y  Fajiaind  en  el  siglo  XVI  (Madrid  ai  ^x  In- 
Paris,    1883);    Idem,    Costa   Rica  y  Colombia,  de  157^  d  U  fiir^^li 
(Madrid,  1886);    Villa vicencio.  Repiiblica  de  Costa  Rica  (S  ,-, ,,  ™ 
Jose,  1!^^()';    PiTTii  R,  A^>llnlllmk■ntossobre  el  Clima  yGeogm  ',  ■"* 
d.  /     /.  '  ■;     '    >:in  Jos^,  1890);   Mohelot.  K  '■•'.itfn,! 

<,-;.  I '.ins,  1839);    Belly.  .4  trot.  i,A 

;■  1  !    ,  :-       :    Wagner.  OiV  ff.pufc/a- t   ,  '." "' 

(■,./,  '  1  .'    I  .'ipzig.  1856);   VON  SrHKRIl  ^'aljil, 

Wand.r,i,i,fn  ,1'irrh  ,!„■  Miltrhimerikanischen  Freistaal  'aii^i 
(Brunswick,  1857);  Froebel.  Aus  Amfrika  (LeipziE,  ISS  f,,,,,  , 
18S8);  Sqi'IER.  The  Stairs  of  Central  America  (New  Yo:  . ,,'™' 
1858).  The  numerous  official  reports  bv  the  (iovernment  a  "'91. 
consular  reports  of  U.  S.  officials;  Bureau  of  .-Vmerican  Kepi  fe;  ,» 
lies.  Costa  Rica  (WashinRton,  1.S92).  On  I.infcuistics:  Ludkw  |,,i  ,/' 
Literature  of  American  Abori,;irial  Languages  (London,  ISft  .,  * 
Brinton,  ne -tnu-ncnn /fare  (.\ew  York.  1S91);  FernXnj  i  «| 
Dociimentos  para  la  hist,  de  Costa  Rica  (San  Jos^,  1881-188  -i  fldatl 
DXvila.  Teatro  ec.ca  de  la  primiliva  Iglesia  de  las  Indias  oce  i»  I 
(Madrid,  lfi49).  -!    * 

An.  V.  BAiiDEUEB.    'Wnte 


COSTER 


419 


COSTUME 


Coster,  Francis,  theologian,  b.  atMechUn,  16  June, 
J2  (1531);  d.  at  Brussels,  16  December,  1619.  He 
s  received  into  the  Society  of  Jesus  by  St.  Ignatius, 
voveraber,  1552.  While  still  a  young  man  he  was 
it  to  Cologne  to  lecture  on  Sacred  Scripture  and 
ronomy.  His  reputation  as  a  professor  was  estab- 
led  within  a  very  short  time,  and  on  the  10th  of 
Cember,  lolU,  the  university  of  Cologne  conferred 
him  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  and  The- 
gy.  He  was  ever  ready  to  defend  the  teaching  of 
!  Catholic  Church,  which  at  thi.s  period  was  engaged 
the  struggle  with  heresy,  and  by  word  and  by 
iting  he  brought  many  back  to  the  true  fold.  He 
s  for  two  terms  provincial  of  the  province  of  Bel- 
im,  for  one  term  provincial  of  that  of  the  Rhine,  and 
isted  at  three  general  congregations  of  his  order, 
e  catalogue  of  his  writings  (De  Backer,  I,  218)  men- 
ns  forty-two  titles.  They  include  works  on  ascet- 
1  subjects,  meditations  on  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and 
mons  on  the  Gospel  for  each  Sunday  of  tlie  year, 
jbably  the  most  famous  was  his  "  Enchiridion  con- 
versianun  praecipuarum  nostri  temporis  de  Re- 
one"  f Cologne,  1585,  1587,  1589,  1593).  This  was 
erwards  revised  and  enlarged  by  its  .author  in  1596, 
15,  1608;  and  was  translated  into  various  languages, 
each  of  the  attacks  made  upon  it  by  Protestant 
iters,  such  as  Philip  Marbach,  Franciseus  Gommar, 
cas  Osiander,  Coster  gave  an  able  reply.  His  works 
ected  against  these  opponents  are  entitled:  "Liber 
Ecclesia  contra  Franciscura  Gommarum"  (Cologne, 
•4);  "Apologia  adversus  Lucae  Osiandri  ha?retici 
herani  refutationum  octo  propositionum  catho- 
irum"  (Cologne,  1606);  "  .\nnotationesinN.T.et  in 
?cipua  loca,  quae  rapi  possent  in  controversiam" 
atwerp,  1014). 

[rRTF.R.  Nomm.  Lit..  I,  299;  De  B.^cker,  BM.  des  £m- 
w  de  la  c.  de  J.;  Sommervogel,  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II,  1510; 
JE,  .S(.  Ignatius  Loyola  and  Early  Jesuits,  342,  343. 

G.  E.  Kelly. 

Jostume,  Cleric.\l. — To  discuss  the  question  of 
Icsiastical  costume  in  any  detail  would  be  impossi- 

in  an  article  like  the  present.  No  topic  has 
med  the  subject  of  so  many  synodal  enactments, 
1  in  almost  every  country  and  every  order  of  the 
rgy  we  find  distinctive  features  which  might  call  for 
cial  treatment.  Only  the  broad  outlines  can  there- 
B  be  dealt  with  here.  It  may  be  noted,  however,  that 
more  prominent  items  of  clerical  attire,  e.  g. 
ietta;  Manteletta;  etc.,  have  separate  articles 
igned  to  them. 

iisiory. — It  seems  that  in  the  early  centuries  of 
ristianity  no  distinctive  dress  was  adopted  by  ec- 
iiastics.  Many  indications  point  to  this  conclu- 
1,  e.  g.  the  hicernn,  or  birrus,  and  (civil)  dalmatic, 
ociated  with  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Cyprian.  The 
st  explicit  testimony  is  that  afforded  by  a  letter  of 
pe  Celcstine  in  428  to  certain  bishops  of  Gaul,  in 
ich  he  rebukes  them  for  wearing  attire  which  made 
m  conspicuous,  and  lays  down  the  rule  tliat  "we 
B  bishops  and  clergy]  should  be  distinguished  from 

common  people  [plehe]  by  our  learning,  not  by  our 
thes;  by  our  conduct,  not  by  our  dress;  by  clean- 
s  of  mind,  not  by  the  care  wo  sjiend  upon  our  i)er- 
i"  (Man.si,  "Concilia",  IV,  465).  In  the  Ea.st  it 
uld  seem  to  have  been  the  custom  for  ascetics  and 
losophers,  whether  Christian  or  not,  to  affect  a 
cial  habit,  but  the  Christian  clergy  generally  did 
,  profess  asceticism  in  this  distinctive  way,  and 
pe  content  to  wear  the  birrus  (Pvpoi)  like  the  laity 
)ut  tliem.  Tliis  usage  a  canon  of  the  Council  of 
ngra  (340),  especially  wlien  it  is  taken  in  conjunc- 
tj  with  other  facts  (cf.  Sozomen,  III,  14),  distinctly 
)roves.  "  If  anj'  man",  says  the  council,  "  uses  the 
lium  [cloak]  uiion  account  of  an  ascetic  life,  and,  a.s 
here  be  some  lioliness  in  that,  condemns  those  who 
h  reverence  usio  the  birnis  and  other  garments  that 

commonly  worn,  let  him  be  anathema"  (Hefele- 


Leclercq,  "  Hist,  des  Cone. ",  1, 1037).  Attheotherex- 
tremity  of  Christendom  the  documents  that  survive 
concerning  St.  Patrick  and  other  early  Celtic  bishops 
present  them  to  us  as  habitually  dressed  in  the  casula 
(chasuble),  which  was  at  that  time  not  a  distinctively 
liturgical  attire,  but  simply  an  outer  garment  com- 
monly worn  by  the  humbler  classes.  In  the  sixth  and 
following  centuries  we  find  that  in  Rome  and  in  coun- 
tries near  Rome  the  civil  dress  of  the  clergy  began 
markedly  to  differ  from  that  of  the  laity,  the  reason 
probably  being  that  the  fonner  adhered  to  the  old 
Roman  type  of  costume  with  its  long  tunic  and  vol- 
uminous cloak,  representing  the  toga,  whereas  the 
laity  were  increasingly  inclined  to  adopt  the  short 
tunic,  with  breeches  and  mantle,  of  the  gens  braccata, 
i.  e.  the  Northern  barbarians,  who  were  now  the  mas- 
ters of  Italy.  Probably  this  Roman  influence  made 
itself  felt  to  some  extent  throughout  Western  Christen- 
dom. 

The  canons  of  the  Council  of  Braga  in  Portugal 
(572)  required  the  clergy  to  w-ear  a  vcstis  talaris,  or 
tunic,  reaching  to  the  feet,  and  even  in  far-off  Britain 
we  find  indications,  both  among  the  Celts  and  Anglo- 
Saxons,  that  undraped  lower  limbs  were  not  regarded 
as  seemly  in  the  clergj-,  at  any  rate  during  their  service 
at  the  altar.  During  the  same  period  synodal  decrees 
became  gradually  more  frequent,  restraining  in  vari- 
ous ways  the  tendency  of  the  clergj-  to  adopt  the  cur- 
rent fashion  of  worldly  attire.  By  a  German  council 
of  742,  priests  and  deacons  are  bidden  to  wear  habitu- 
ally not  the  sagiim,  or  short  military  cloak,  but  the 
casula  (chasuble),  which  even  then  had  not  become  an 
exclusively  liturgical  dress.  Perhaps  the  most  inter- 
esting and  significant  enactment  of  this  period  is  a  let- 
ter of  Pope  John  VIII  (c.  875)  admonishing  the  Arch- 
bishops of  Canterbury  and  York  to  see  that  their 
clergy  wore  due  ecclesiastical  attire,  and  quoting  the 
example  of  the  English  clergy  in  Rome  who,  on  the 
eve  of  St.  Gregory^  feast,  had  given  up  their  short 
cloaks  and  adopted  the  long  Roman  tunic  reaching  to 
the  feet:  "Apostolicae  sententia  usque  adeo  Sedis 
praevaluit,  ut  voluntarie  omnes  Anglorum  clerici,  sub 
ipsis  vigiliis  S.  Gregorii,  laicalem  et  sinuosum,  sed  et 
curtum,  habitum  deponentes,  talares  tunicas  Ro- 
manas  induerent"  (Jaff(5-Wattenbach,  Reg.  RR.  PP. 
2995).  In  the  East  the  distinction  between  lay  and 
clerical  costume  was  somewhat  slower  in  developing 
than  in  the  West,  probably  because  the  influence  of 
the  Teutonic  invaders  was  less  acutely  felt.  In  Jus- 
tinian's legislation  it  seems  clear  that  a  distinctive 
dress  was  recognized  as  belonging  to  monks,  but  there 
is  nothing  to  show  that  any  similar  distinction  applied 
to  the  clergy  at  largo.  The  Trullan  council,  however, 
in  691  prescribed  that  all  who  wore  enrolled  among  the 
clergy  should  \me  at  all  times  the  robes  (trroXars)  ap- 
pointed for  those  of  their  profession,  under  pain  of  ex- 
communication for  a  week.  Furthermore  from  the 
eighth  century  onwards  we  find  almost  universally 
munerous  canons  passed  to  restrain  clerics  from  wear- 
ing rich  dresses,  bright  colours,  and  extravagant  orna- 
ments. In  Germany,  at  Aachen,  in  816  the  cuculla 
was  forbidden  them,  as  being  distinctive  of  monks. 
On  the  other  h.and,  at  Metz,  in  888,  the  laity  were  for- 
bidden to  wear  the  copes  (cappas)  belonging  to  the 
clergy,  while  in  another  synod  presbyters  were  en- 
joined to  wear  their  stoles  always,  as  an  indication  of 
their  priesthood.  Such  a  bishop  as  St.  Hugh  of  Lin- 
coln still  complied  with  this  rule  in  the  twelfth  century 
but  at  ihe  present  day  the  practice  is  peculiar  to  the 
Holy  Father  .alone. 

In  the  later  Middle  Ages  the  dress  of  the  clergy  was 
regulated  by  the  canon  law,  the  jus  commune  of  the 
Church  at  large,  but  with  many  supplementary  enact- 
ments pa.ssed  by  local  synods.  The  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  (1215)  laid  down  the  principle  that  clerics 
must  wear  garments  closed  in  front  and  free  from  ex- 
travagance as  to  length  (Clausa  deferant  desuper  in- 


COSTUME 


420 


COSTUME 


dumenta  nimia  brevitate  vel  longitudine  non  notanda. 
— Mansi,  XXII,  1006).  Ornamental  appendages, 
cloth  of  red  or  green  colour,  brooches  (fibulcr)  to  fasten 
their  cloaks,  and  the  wearing  of  sleeved  copes  (cappw 
manicntce),  either  at  OiBce  or  at  other  times,  are  all 
forbidden  by  the  same  enactment.  In  England,  the 
synod  held  under  Cardinal  Langton,  in  1222,  required 
that  dignitaries  and  ordinaiy  priests  should  be  seen 
abroad  becomingly  attired  in  the  "ecclesiastical 
habit",  and  should  use  "closed  copes"  (Mansi,  XXII, 
1161).  These  cappce  clausw  seem  to  be  prescribed  as 
an  addition  to  the  habitus  clericalis,  and  were  perhaps 
now  imposed  upon  the  ordinary  secular  clergy  for  the 
first  time.  In  1237  the  national  council,  held  under 
the  presidency  of  the  Legate  Otho,  declared  that  lay 
folk  were  scandalized  at  the  dress  of  the  clergy,  which 
was  not  clerical  at  all,  but  more  suited  to  knights  (non 
clericalis  sed  potius  militaris).  Offenders  in  future 
were  to  be  punished,  and  the  bishops  were  to  see  that 
all  in  sacred  orders  used  garments  of  fitting  length  and 
wore  closed  copes.  Somewhat  later  the  legatine  coun- 
cil under  Ottoboni  insisted  that  all  ecclesiastics, 
whether  in  Sacred  orders  or  not,  were  to  wear  clothes  of 
fitting  length,  coming  at  any  rate  below  the  middle  of 
the  shin  {saltern  ultra  tibiarum  medium  atlingentes). 
Further,  all  priests  and  beneficed  clergy  were  to  wear 
closed  copes,  except  when  on  a  journey,  or  for  some 
other  just  reason  (Wilkins,  "Concilia",  II,  4).  Severe 
penalties  were  enacted  against  transgressors,  but  they 
do  not  seem  to  have  produced  any  lasting  effect,  for 
numerous  other  decrees  on  the  same  subject  were 
passed  in  England  at  a  later  date,  notably  in  1281  and 
in  1342.  The  proper  dress  of  the  medieval  clergj'  was 
therefore  the  I'estis  talaris,  and  over  this  priests  and 
dignitaries  were  bidden  to  wear  the  cappa  clausa.  The 
former  of  these  must  have  been  a  sort  of  cassock,  but 
made  like  a  tunic,  i.  e.  not  opening,  and  buttoning 
down  the  front.  The  wearing  of  the  closed  cope  was 
no  doubt  often  evaded  by  the  secular  clergy.  Such 
writers  as  Chaucer  and  Langland  seem  to  lay  so  much 
emphasis  upon  the  copes  of  the  friars  that  it  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  this  mantle,  resembling  a  liturgical 
cope,  but  partly  at  least  sewn  up  in  front,  was  as  com- 
monly worn  by  secular  priests.  That  the  cope  was 
often  of  considerable  length  may  be  gathered  from  a 
passage  in  "Piers  Plowman's  Crede": — 

His  cope  that  biclj^pped  him,  wel  clene  was  it 

folden. 
Of  double-worstede  y-dyght,  doun  to  the  hele. 

It  would  seem  that  the  closed  cope  has  a  modem 
representative  in  tlie  cappa  magna  of  cardinals  and 
bishops,  and  also  in  the  chimere  (etymologically  de- 
scended from  the  Italian  zimaira),  the  loose  mantle 
now  worn  by  the  Anglican  episcopate  to  which  the 
well  known  lawn  sleeves  are  attached.  Tlie  wearing 
of  a  separate  head-dress,  or  "coif",  seems  to  have  been 
prohibited  to  the  inferior  orders  of  the  clergy  except 
when  on  a  journey ;  but  of  course  doctors  of  theology 
and  some  other  graduates  had  their  caps  of  honour. 
Besides  these  we  hear  of  the  "  liripipe",  a  sort  of  broad 
tippet  or  scarf  sometimes  drawn  over  the  head,  some- 
times worn  hanging  loose  on  the  shoulders.  The  dress 
of  the  clergy  in  other  countries  cUd  not  probably  differ 
very  greatly  from  that  of  medieval  England.  As 
already  said,  inniunerable  decrees  were  everywhere 
passed  in  provincial  synods  restraining  extravagances, 
for  every  eccentric  fashion — the  peaked  shoes,  the 
parti-coloured  dress,  the  headgear  of  fiowors.  the  in- 
ordinately tight  hose,  etc. — washable  to  find  imitators 
among  the  clergy.  One  article  of  costiuue  which  oc- 
curs repeatedly  on  brasses  and  other  funeral  monu- 
ments, both  in  England  and  abroad,  is  the  "almuce", 
a  fur-lined  tippet  and  hood,  still  retained  at  Rome  and 
elsewhere  by  the  canons  of  cathedral  and  collegiate 
churches,  and  now  practically  confined  to  them.  For- 
merly the  almuce  was  worn  by  uni\crsity  graduates, 


gb 


!)SJ 


and  many  other  orders  of  the  clergy.     It  is  probablj    jn 
only  a  warmer  variant  of  the  hood,  which  almosi    m 
everjT\here  survives  as  part  of  a  university  academi    Bu 
cal  costume,  and  which  is  the  familiar  adjunct  of  th(    ^ 
surplice  for  Anglican  clergj-men  when  officiating  ii 
the  sanctuary.     It  will  be  readily  understood  that  thi    oi 
indescribably  cold  and  draughty  condition  of  our  ol< 
cathedrals  rendered  some  such  furred  protection  fo 
the  head  and  neck  almost  a  necessity  during  the  lonj    iJ' 
hours  of  the  night  Offices.     Naturally,  the  richnesi 
and  amplitude  of  the  fur  lining  varied  in  some  measur 
with  the  dignity  of  the  wearer.   In  funeral  monument 
the  almuce  is  foimd  constantly  associated  with  thi 
cope,  also  primarily  a  choir  vestment. 

Modern  Usage. — The  modern  and  more  centralized 
legislation  regarding  clerical  costume  may  be  consid  "'■ 
ered  to  begin  with  a  constitution  of  Sixtus  V,  in  1589  *" 
insisting  under  the  severest  penalties  that  all  clerics  ^''' 
even  those  in  minor  orders,  should  uniformly  wear  the  ';  j 
Testis  talaris  and  go  tonsured.  Offenders  were  to  lose! ', 
all  title  to  their  benefices  or  any  other  emolument  .  ' 
which  they  held.  Another  edict  issued  under  Urban  ,! 
VIII,  in  1024,  goes  into  greater  detail.  It  directs  that  *',° 
the  ca,ssock  should  be  confined  with  a  cincture,  and  W" 
that  the  cloak  worn  over  it  should  normally,  like  the  *" 
cassock,  fall  as  low  as  the  ankles.  The  under-dress,  J"™. 
the  hose  included,  should  be  modest,  and  dark  in  col- 1?'" 
our.  All  embroidery  and  lace  upon  collar  or  cuffs  ii  " 
forbidden.  The  hat  shall  be  of  approved  shape,  and  i  '™ 
simple  cord  or  ribbon  shall  form  its  only  ornament  ^ 
Infringements  of  these  regulations  are  to  be  pimishec  """J 
with  a  pecuniary  fine.  Another  important  Romai"'?" 
decree,  issued  in  1708,  forbade  clerics  to  wear  a  per  "'?• 
ruque  covering  any  part  of  the  forehead  or  ears  and  *?"* 
while  admitting  the  use  of  shorter  garments  when  on ;  *  j 
journey,  required  such  garments  in  all  cases  to  exteni  *"' 
below  the  knees  and  to  exhibit  no  eccentricities,  sue)  *•"* 
as  large  buttons  and  huge  pockets.  In  1725  Pop  ^'"^ 
Benedict  XIII  made  the  wearing  of  lay  costume  by  a  ""''' 
ecclesiastic  an  offence  of  the  most  serious  kind,  whid  ""S.'" 
not  only,  according  to  the  Bull  of  Sixtus  V,  entail©  "* 
the  forfeiture  of  all  emoluments,  but  denied  absok"™'' 
tion  to  those  delinquents  who  did  not  spontaneous!  ^  V 
surrender  their  benefices  if  they  had  been  guilty  of  thi  '^'-  * 
offence.  It  would  seem  that  this  extreme  rigour  hs  ™'' 
never  been  upheld  in  practice  by  the  Roman  Congn  "'™! 
gations  with  whom  the  execution  of  such  decrees  ult  '*?™ 
mately  lies.  Mgr.  Barbier  de  Montault,  for  exampl  !™i 
remarks  that,  although  infractions  of  the  law  of  eccl  "*'■! 
siastical  costume  are  by  no  means  allowed  to  pass  wit  j"'™  i 
impunity,  and  though  "the  Sacred  Congregation  i  '.™'ff 
the  Council  is  wont  to  support  the  decrees  of  bisho)  ff"fl 
which  insist  upon  the  wearing  of  the  cassock,  still  i  """K 
far  as  concerns  the  question  of  punishment  it  answe  *'!'1> 
'Let  the  bishop  proceed  with  moderation"'  (B.  <  "»"o 
Montault,  "Le  Costume"  etc.,  I,  45).  In  EnglisS  'Wan 
speaking  countries  where  the  wearing  of  the  tonsure  «*iii 
not  obligatory,  the  rules  affecting  the  costume  of  e  II^W 
clesiastics  are  less  rigid.  The  decrees  on  the  subje  '"'"sb 
of  the  First  Synod  of  Westminster  and  the  Thi  'i''^« 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore  are  in  practical  agw  ?''ffliii 
nient.  The  latter  says  ( §  77),  "  We  wish  therefore  ai  •'^i 
enjoin  that  all  keep  the  law  of  the  Church,  and  tb  'iwisi 
when  at  home  or  when  engaged  in  the  sanctuary  th  '»l(r, 
should  always  wear  the  cassock  [rfsfi's  talaris]  which  ^^ot'tk 
proper  to  the  clergy.  When  they  go  abroad  for  du  -,!«-'«s 
or  relaxation,  or  when  upon  a  jouniey,  they  may  usi 
shorter  dress,  but  still  one  that  is  black  in  colour,  a 
which  reaches  to  the  knees,  so  as  to  distinguish  it  fw  (,.,t 
lay  costume.  We  enjoin  upon  our  priests  iis  a  mat  ►'.  , 
of  strict  jirecept,  that  both  at  home  and  abroad,  a  ."i  ' 
whether  they  are  residing  in  their  own  diocese  oro'  i-^*^ 
side  of  it,  they  should  wear  the  Roman  collar."  1  l,:;, 
general  introduition  of  the  use  of  bicycles  among  ( 
clergy  has  brought  about  a  somewhat  hixer  pract 
regarding  the  length  of  the  upper  gannents  worn  <  ►^/i'S 
of  doors  and  the  Second  Synod  of  Mavnooth  (19   il'"' 


421 


COTENNA 


rrrnitly  found  it  necessary  to  insist,  for  Ireland, 
III  certain  restrictions  in  this  matter. 
ARBIER  DE  MoNTAULT,  Le  Costume  et  Irs  usages  ecch'sias- 
F.i  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1902)— a  work  which  goes  into  much 
lil  regarding  the  costume  appropriate  to  the  clergv  of 
ous  grades;  PoNKEs  in  Kirchenlci.,  s.  v.  Kleider,  VII,  751; 
:rl.  ibid.,  a.  v.  Slandcspflichten,  XI,  718;  Cheetham  in 
.  Christ.  Antig.,  s.  v.  Dress;  Lacev  in  Transaclitms  of  St. 
I's  Ecrle.nologicnl  Society,  IV;  Binterim,  Dmkwiirdigkeitcn, 
Pt.  II,  385;    Ferraris,  Bibliotheea,  s.  v.  Habitus;   Wernz, 

nerrrtalium  (Rome.  1906),  II,  Pt.  I,  266-272;  Druitt, 
ii/n/  of  Costutne  (London,  1906);  Macklin,  The  Brasses  of 
land  (London,  1907),  lOQ-130. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

JSway,  M.\Ri.4,  miniature-painter,  b.  in  Florence, 
y,  1759 ;  d.  at  Lodi.  5  January,  IS.SS.  Her  maiden 
le  was  Hadfield,  her  father  being  an  English- 
[1.  She  .showed  great  talent  in  drawing  at  an  early 
,  and  when  only  nineteen  was  elected  a  member  of 
.\eiideniy  of  Fine  Arts  in  her  native  city,  where 
luid  been  educated  at  a  Visitation  convent.  Her 
ler  dying  in  1778  she  went  to  England,  at  the  invi- 
on  of  her  friend,  Angelica  Kauffman,  who  intro- 
ed  her  to  society.  She  then  met  Richard  Cosway, 
irded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  miniature- 
it^-rs  of  the  eighteenth  century,  whom  she  married  in 
idon.  ISJanuary,  1781.  Inthatyear.shefirstexhib- 
at  the  Academy,  continuing  to  do  so  down  to  1801 , 
her  oil  pict  ures,  mythological  and  allegorical  in  sub- 
,  were  not  works  of  specially  high  merit,  although 
f  showed  signs  of  genius.  She  was  no  mean  ex- 
ent  of  the  art  of  miniature-painting,  however,  and 
ly  of  her  copies  of  her  husband's  works  are  note- 
thy.  Her  Sunday  evening  concerts  in  London  are 
n  mentioned  by  Horace  Walpole  and  other  writers 
he  day.  She  was  passionately  attached  to  her 
band,  and  after  his  death  disposed  of  his  art 
.sures  and  went  to  Italy.  Prior  to  his  decease, 
.  Cosway,  had  started  in  Lyons  a  school  for  girls 
he  earnest  request  of  Cardinal  Fesch,  but  in  1811, 
ng  to  the  war,  this  was  closed.  In  the  following 
r  she  made  a  similar  effort  in  Italy,  acquiring  a 
vent  at  Lodi,  where  she  established  her  teachers 
n  Lyons.  Cosway  repeatedly  helped  her  in  her 
!me  and  gave  her  considerable  simis  of  money 
ards  it.  After  his  decease  she  made  her  home  in 
i,  bought  the  buildings  outright,  attached  them  to 
neighbouring  church,  and  merged  the  little  teach- 
coiiimunity  she  had  established  in  that  of  the 
ne.s  Inglesi,  a  branch  of  which  Francis  I  desired  to 
,blish  in  Italy.  For  her  generosity  the  Emperor 
8.34  created  her  a  Baroness  of  the  Austrian  Empire 
gave  her  a  grant  of  arms.  She  devoted  tli(>  whole 
er  time  and  means  to  her  school.  She  is  buried  in 
neighbotiring  church.  The  municipality  erected 
ust  to  her  memon,',  and  the  school  which  she 
ided  and  endowed  is  still  a  flourishing  institution 
the  education  of  girls.  In  the  dining-room  of  it 
erected  a  replica  of  the  monument  to  the  memory 
er  husband  that  she  had  Westmacott  put  up  in 
ylebone  Church,  London.  In  the  library  are  pre- 
ed  many  of  her  husband's  works  together  with 
ks  and  furniture  which  had  belonged  to  Cosway, 
papers  relative  to  her  own  and  her  husband's  life. 
'  sister,  Charlotte,  married  William  Combe,  the 
iior  of  the  "Tour  of  Dr.  Syntax". 
illiamson,  Richard  Cosway, R. A.,  Miniature  Painter  (Lon- 
1897;   new  ed.  1905). 

George  Charles  Williamson. 

otelier  (CoTELERirs).  Jean-Baptistb,  patristic 
>lar  and  theologian,  b.  December,  1629,  at  Ninies; 
9  .\ugu.st,  1686,  at  Paris.     The  early  education  of 

very  gifted  man  was  under  the  personal  direction 
lis  father,  at  one  time  a  minister  of  the  Reformed 
ircli.  but  later  a  convert  to  Catholicity.     So  rapid 

his  progress  in  learning  that  he  could  fluently 
!rpret  the  Bible  in  the  original  Hebrew  and  Greek 
)re  the  General  .\sscmbly  of  the  French  clergy  at 


Mantes  (Kill ).  On  the  same  occasion  he  showed  his 
proficiency  in  mathematics,  and  made  such  a  favour- 
able impression  on  the  clergy  that  they  increased  his 
father's  pension  from  600  to  1000  livres.  To  this  sum 
300  livres  were  added  for  the  purchase  of  books.  Dur- 
ing the  period  of  his  theological  studies  at  Paris  (1641- 
47),  Cotelier's  brilliant  intellectual  qualities  procured 
for  him  an  introduction  to  the  king  (1644).  He 
graduated  as  liachelor  in  theology  in  1647  at  the  Sor- 
bonnc,  of  which  he  became  a  member  in  1648,  though 
he  never  received  priestly  ordination.  In  1654,  he 
accomjianied  ,\rchbishop d'Aubusson de  la  Feuillade of 
Embrun  to  his  diocese  and  became  his  coun,sellor.  He 
returned,  in  1()59,  to  Paris  and  again  devoted  himself 
to  study.  With  the  philologist  Du  Cange  he  was 
commissioned  in  1667  by  Minister  Colbert  to  investi- 
gate and  catalogue  the  Greek  manuscrijits  of  the 
Royal  Library.  In  1676  he  was  appointed  jirofcssor 
of  the  Greek  language  in  the  College  Royal  at  Paris. 

The  editions  of  ancient  WTitings  prepared  by  Cote- 
lier  w-ere,  in  chronological  order:  (1)  "Homilia"  qua- 
tuor  in  Psalmos  et  intcrpretatio  prophetiae  Danielis, 
graece  et  latine"  (Paris,  1661).  He  attributed  these 
un-ublished  homilies  to  St.  John  Chrysostom;  other 
cnlics,  owing  to  the  diversity  of  style,  hold  a  different 
opinion.  (2)  "  SS.  Patrum  qui  temporibus  apostolicis 
floruerunt,  Barnabse,  dementis,  Herma?,  Ignatii, 
Polycarpi  opera  edita  et  non  edita,  vera  et  supjiosita, 
gra?ce  et  latine,  cum  notis"  (Paris,  1672).  This  ex- 
cellent edition  is  Cotelier's  princijial  work.  From  its 
title  was  derived  the  designation  of  Apostolic  Fathers 
for  the  earliest  non-inspired  Christian  writers.  Most 
of  the  copies  of  the  work  were  consumed  by  a  con- 
flagration in  the  College  Montaigu  at  Paris.  Two  re- 
vised editions  were  published  by  Leclerc  (Clericus), 
one  at  Antwerp  (1698),  the  other  at  Amsterdam 
(1724).  Reprints  of  this  last  edition  are  found  in 
Migne,  P.  G.,  I,  II,  V.  (3)  '^Ecclesia;  Grsocx  Monu- 
menta,  gra;ce  et  latine"  (Paris,  1677,  1681,  1686). 
The  third  volume  of  this  series  was  published  two 
days  before  the  author's  death.  He  had  collected 
materials  for  a  fourth  volume  which  was  edited  (1688) 
by  the  Maurists,  Pouget,  Montfaucon,  and  Lopin,  and 
is  sometimes  known  as  "Analeeta  Gneca".  Cotelier 
also  left  several  volumes  of  manuscripts,  which  bear 
cliiefly  on  Christian  antiquity  and  are  still  jireserved 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris.  He  was  an 
extremely  accurate  scholar,  of  a  modest  and  retiring 
nature  and  kindly  disposition. 

Baluze,  Letter  to  Bigot,  in  Cotelier-Leclero,  Palres  Apos- 
lolici  {Amsterdam,  1724).  I.  after  the  preface;  Niceron. 
Mcmoire.i,  IV,  243-49;  von  Hefele  in  Kirchmlex.,  s.  v.;  HuE- 
TER,  Nomenclalor  (Innsbruck,  1893),  II,  471-74. 

N.  A.  Weber. 

Cotenna,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Strabo 
(XII,  570)  mentions  the  Katenneis  in  Pisidia  adjoin- 
ing Selgc  (now  Siirk)  and  the  tribe  of  Homonades 
(east  and  north  of  Trogitis,  Seidi  Sheihr  Lake).  Their 
city  must  be  identified  with  the  modern  village  of 
Godena  or  Gudene,  on  the  Alaghir  Tchai,  in  the  vil- 
ayet of  Konia.  .\n  inscription  has  been  foimd  show- 
ing that  the  people  called  themselv(>s  Kotenneis,  so 
that  the  true  name  of  the  town  was  Kolenna.  Hie- 
rocles  mentions  it  as  Kotana  in  Pamjihylia.  It  ap- 
pears as  Kotaina  in  Parthey's  "Notifia^  episcopa- 
tuum",  X  and  XIII,  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century, 
as  a  suffragan  of  Si<le.  Six  bishops  are  known:  Hesy- 
chius  in  381,  Acacius  in  431,  Eugenius  or  luisebius  in 
451,  Flavianus  in  5.'{6,  Cosma.s  in  680,  Macarius  in  879. 
It  has  been  saitl  that  the  Kotenneis  are  the  same  as 
the  Etenneis,  mentioned  by  Polybius,  V,  73,  as  living 
in  Pisidia  above  Side,  and  who  struck  coins  in  the 
Roman  times.  The  native  name  may  have  been 
Hetenneis,  and  the  tribe  afterwards  divided  into  at 
least  two  districts,  the  northern  taking  the  name 
Etenneis  while  the  southern  preferred  Kotenneis. 
There  was  another  see  called  Etenna  or  something 


COTI^UM 


422 


COTRONE 


similar.  A  third  district  was  perliaps  also  called 
Banaba  or  Manaua;  for  in  680  Cosmas  appears  as 
Bishop  of  "Kotenna  and  Manaua". 

Ramsay,  Hist.  Geogr.  of  Asia  Minor  (London,  1890),  418; 
Lequien,  Orient  christianus,  X,  1009.  g,  Petrides 

Cotiaeum,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Kotiaion, 
according  to  its  coins,  better  Cotyaion,  the  city  of 
Cotys,  was  an  ancient  city  of  Phrygia  Salutaris. 
^sop  is  said  to  have  been  born  there.  It  was  a  cen- 
tre of  heresy  from  the  second  century  onwards.  Soc- 
rates (IV,  xxv-iii)  speaks  of  its  Novatian  bishop.  At 
first  a  simple  suffragan  of  Synnada,  it  became  an 
autocephalous  archbishopric,  probably  in  the  eighth 
century,  and  about  the  tenth  appears  as  a  metropolis 
with  tliree  suffragan  sees,  which  were  later  increased 
to  thirteen  (?).  Lequien  (I,  851)  mentions  ten  bish- 
ops, the  last  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  first  is 
Cyrus,  sent  thither  by  Theodosius  II,  after  four  bish- 
ops had  been  slain  by  the  inhabitants.  The  town 
preserves  some  ancient  ruins,  a  Byzantine  castle  and 
church.  It  was  taken  and  plundered  by  Timur-Leng 
(Tamerlane)  in  1402.  It  is  now  the  chief  town  of  a 
sanjak  in  the  vilayet  of  Brusa,  and  is  called  by  the 
Turks  Kutaya.  It  has  about  22,000  inhabitants,  in- 
cluding 4000  Greeks,  2300  Armenians,  700  Cathohc 
Armenians,  and  a  few  Latins;  it  contains  two  schools. 
It  is  also  the  see  of  a  non-Catholic  Armenian  bishop. 
During  late  centuries  Kutaya  has  been  renowned  for 
its  Turkish  earthenware,  of  which  fine  specimens  may 
be  seen  at  the  Imperial  Museum  in  Constantinople. 

CuiNET,  Turquie  dAsie.  IV,  201-205;  Ramsay,  Asia  Minor, 
144,  436;  Idem,  Early  Christian  Monuments  in  Phrygia,  in  The 
Expositor  (1888,  1889);  Idem,  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia, 
passim.  g.  Petrides. 

Coton,  Pierre,  a  celebrated  French  Jesuit,  b.  7 
March,  1564,  at  Neronde  in  Forez;  d.  19  March, 
1626,  at  Paris.  He  studied  law  at  Paris  and  Bourges, 
entered  the  Soci- 
ety of  Jesus  at  the 
age  of  twenty- 
five,  and  was  sent 
to  Milan  to  study 
philosophy.  Here 
he  became  ac- 
quainted with 
St.  Charles  Bor- 
romeo.  On  his 
return  to  liis  na- 
tive country  he 
preached  with  re- 
markable success 
at  Hoaiuie,  Avi- 
gnon, Nimes,  Gre- 
noble, and  Mar- 
seilles. An  ac- 
quaintance with 
Henry  IV  of 
France  soon  ri- 
pened into  friend- 
ship, and  the 
Archbishopric  of  Aries  being  vacant,  the  king  offered  it 
to  Father  Coton,  who  refused  the  lionour.  The  king 
having  recalled  the  exiled  Jesuits  to  France,  their 
enemies  could  not  pardon  the  influence  Father  Coton 
had  in  bringing  this  about,  and  an  attempt  was  made 
to  assassinate  him.  Some  writers  liave  pretended 
that  Father  Coton  was  not  alinve  suspicion  on  the 
doctrine  of  regicide,  and  when  lleni-y  IV  was  assassi- 
nated, they  accu.scd  Father  Coton  of  defending  Ka- 
vaillac,  the  king's  murderer.  But  if  his  enemies  at 
court  had  any  knowledge  that  he  held  such  views 
thoy  failed  lo'make  it  public. 

I'allicr  Coton  had  for  two  j'ears  previous  to  the 
death  of  Ilciirj-  been  confessor  to  his  son,  the  young 
Dauphin.  Ill  1(;I0  llie  Kiting  .satire  ".'Viiti-Cotoinori 
est  prouvcS  (jue  Ks  .h'suilcs  sont  coupablcs  du  parri- 
cide d'Hcnri  IV  "  was  followed  by  many  pamphlets 


for  and  against  the  Society.    It  was  an  easy  task  foi 
Father  Coton  to  defend  himself  against  these  calum 
nies  and  produce  proofs  of  his  innocence,  but  ver;     ji 
difficult  for  the  author  of  the  Ubel,  who  was  said  t'   | 
be  Pierre  Dumouhn,  a  Protestant  minister  of  Charen 
ton,  and  an  associate  of  the  Calvinists,  to  substantial 
any  statement  that  he  had  advanced.  FatherCoton  wa 
continued  in  Ids  capacity  as  confessor  to  the  new  kini 
Louis  XIII,  wliich  duty  he  discharged  until  161^ 
when  he  left  the  court  at  the  age  of  fifty-four  an    i 
withdrew  to  the  novitiate  at  Lyons.     He  then  trav    ji_ 
ersed  the  provinces  of  the  South  as  a  missionary,  an    ifc 
went  to  Milan,  Loreto,  and  Rome  to  fulfil  the  vow    i 
the  reigning  king  had  made  to  the  Blessed  Virgin   J, 
St.  Charles,  and  St.  Peter.     He  returned  to  Franc   jL 
as  provincial  of  the  Society  and  preached  at  Paris  ir  iw 
the  church  of  S.  Ger\'aise,  whither  the  king  and  th< 
whole  court  flocked  to  hear  him.     Just  at  this  perioc 
a  book   published   by  Santarelh,  an  Itahan  Jesuit 
who  attributed  to  the  pope  the  power  of  deposing 
kings  who  were  guilty  of  certain  crimes,  and  under 
such  circumstances  of  absolving  their  subjects  from 
their   allegiance,  was   the   object  of  severe  attacks 
from  the  many  enemies  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  ir 
France. 

The    doctrines  which    Santarelli    expounded   hac 
been  unwisely  accepted  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  wen 
still   further  professed    by  tlie  IHtramontane   theo 
logians,  although  they  had  become  impossible  in  prac  rTi 
tice.     This  book,  which  in  Italy  was  received  in  it;    ^ 
true  hght,  was  in  Paris,  under  the  rule  of  Riclielieu  ^' 
construed  into  a  provocation  to  regicide  and  rebellion  jji 
These  false  wws  were  attributetl  to  every  membe   ■] 
of  the  Society,  and  the  Parliament  demanded  that  ai  ■,■ 
Jesuits  residing  in  France  should  be  called  upon  t 
sign  a  protestation  disavowing  all  the  doctrines  con  j"?' 
tained  in  Santarelli's  treatise.    Father  Coton  was  ill  a  a  n 
the  time,  and  the  news  conveyed  to  him  aggravate  ^  ,,' 
his  condition.     On  his  death-bed  he  was  \'isited  by  a  .  .Ji 
envoy  of  Parliament,  who  informed  him  of  the  cor 
demnation   pronounced   against   Santarelli   and   tb 
severe  measures  that  threatened  his  brethren.     Tb 
dying  Jesuit  murmured:  "Is  it  possible  that  I  wb 
have  served  so  faithfully  the  Kings  of  France  shoul 
be  looked  upon  at  last  as  guilty  of  treason  and  a  di 
turber  of  the  peace?"     His  "  Institution  catholique 
and  "Geneve  plagiaire"  are  controversial  works,  ! 
also  his  ' '  Sacrifice  de  la  Messe  ".     For  his  other  worl 
see  De  Backer,  1st  ed.,  II,  p.  149. 

RovERius,  De  Vila  P.  P.tri  Cotoni  (Lyons,  1660);  D'O 
LEANS.  La  Vie  du  /'-  /'i.  .  (  /"i;  (Paris,  1688);  Prat,  Red" 
ches  hist,  et  crit.  -  /   -»s  en  France,  du  temps  diA 

Coton  (Lyons,  ls7ii  ^..mm'  i.\o(:el,  Bibl.  de  la  c.  da  J., 
1539;  B.N.,Th,./.  ./  ,  I  h.  r  F„„ndationand  History, I,Z', 
328;  Clemente,  History  of  the  Society  of  JesuSjl. 

G.  E.  Kelly. 


k 


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JuljL 


Dott 


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:tlioir, 
iwmpl 
ipifpiai 

iiillle 


feides, 
Is, « 


«ilii| 
IWs", 

oflhe, 


li-AHiti 
afestJ 


Cotrone,  Diocese  of  (Cotronexsis),  a  suffn 
of  Reggio.     Cotrone  is  a  city  of  the  province  of 
tanzaro,  in  Calabria.  Southern  Italy,  on  the  loni  |y 
Sea.     It  is  the  ancient  Croton,  an  .\chiBan  coloi  ■ 
founded  c.  707  n.  c,  and  long  one  of  the  most  floi 
ishing  cities  of  Magna  Gra?cia.     Its  inliabitants  we 
famous  for  their  physical  strength,  and  for  the  simf 
sobriety  of  their  lives.     It  was  the  birthplace  of  Ml  j,! , 
the  famous  athlete,  and  it  was  at  Croton  that  ]\vth8  k  ' 
oras  foundc<l  his  school.     In  380  b.  c.  the  city  w 
taken  by  Dionysius  the  Elder  of  Syracuse  and  in  2 
B.  c.  by  .\gathocles.     I.,ater  it  was  pillaged  liy  T 
rhus.     In  tlic  Second  Pimic  War  it  was  seized 
Hannibal,  but  some  time  later  became  a  Roman  c 
ony.     AI)o\it  .\.  n.  550,  it  w.as  unsucce.s.sfully  besie| 
by  Totila,  King  of  the  (ioths,  and  at  a  later  date 
came  a  ])art  of  the  Byzantine  Kmpire.     About  .S7t 
was  taken  and  sacked  by  the  Saracens,  who  put 
death  the  bishop  and  many  petiple  wlio  had  tal   ujjj,  - 
refuge  iu  the  catlieilral.     Later  on  it  was  conquei  !;|^,j!,j 
by  Normans  ;uul  tlienceforth  shared  the  fate  of 
liingdom  of  Naples. 


kt 


f-^:i 


fiijii 


COTTA 


423 


COUNCILS 


iccording  to  local  legend  the  Gospel  was  preached 
re  by  St.  Dionysius  the  Areopagite.  Its  first 
iwn  bishop  was  P'la\ianus.  during  whose  epis- 
ate  occurred  (lie  siege  of  the  city  by  Totila. 
icr  bishops  wore:  Theodosios  (012);  Petrus 
3);  Theotimus  (700):  and  Nicephorus  (S70). 
rthy  of  note  are:  Antonio  Sebastiano  Minturno 
55 ) ,  a  polislied  writer  and  poet :  the  Spanisli  Do- 
liran,  Juan  Lopez  (1595);  the  Tlieatine,  Toininaso 

Monti  (1599),  famous  for  his  zeal;  and  Nice- 
I  Alelisseno  Coinineno  (162S),  who  had  previously 
iered  signal  service  to  the  Holy  See  in  the  Orient 

in  France.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  14,- 
,  with  10  parishes,  29  churches  and  chapels,  24 
liar  priests,  and  5  religious  orders  of  women. 
IPPKI.I.KTTI,  Le  chiese  tl'Italia  (Venice.  1844).  XXI,  187; 
.  ec4:l.  (Home,  1907);  Lenormant,  La  Grande  Grixe  (Paris, 
-83). 

U.  Benigxi. 

otta.     See  Surplice. 

otter,  J.  B.     See  Winona,  Diocese  of. 

oucy,  Robert  de,  a  medieval  French  master- 
iliT  and  son  of  a  master-builder  of  the  same  name, 
t  Reims  (or  Coucy,  according  to  some  authorities) ; 
t  Keinis  in  1.311.  In  126.3  he  was  appointed  suc- 
or  to  Hugues  Libergier  as  director  of  the  work  of 
ding  the  church  of  .Saint-Nicaise  at  Reims,  and  be- 
en this  date  and  1279  he  constructed  the  choir, 
pels,  and  part  of  the  transept;  the  church  was 
rwards  destroyed  during  the  Revolution.  Some 
i  illustrations  of  this  building,  begun  in  1229  and 
sidcred  one  of  the  best  Gothic  churches  of  the  great 
od  in  France,  have  been  preserved.  A  nearly  con- 
porary  chronicle  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Nicaise 
i  that  "  Hugo  Libergiers  pronaon  ecclesiiE  per- 
t.  Robert  de  Coucy  caput  ecclesis  construxit". 
sr  the  death  of  his  father,  Robert  de  Coucy  had 
i  chief  charge  of  the  work  on  the  cathedral  at 
ois,  which  was  rebuilt  after  its  destruction  by  fire 
210.  The  new  cathedral  was  begun  in  1211.  and 
choir,  constructed  by  Robert  de  Coucy  the  elder, 

completed  in  1241.  The  cathedral  was  built  on  a 
pie  plan  of  a  vast  choir,  no  transepts,  and  a  rather 
•ow  nave.  VioUet-le-Duc  says:  "This  building 
all  the  strength  of  the  cathedral  of  Chartres  with- 

its  heaviness;  in  short  it  combines  the  essential 
lirements  of  artistic  beauty,  power  and  grace;  it 
jesides,  built  of  fine  materials  cunningly  put  to- 
ler,  and  there  is  found  in  all  its  parts  a  pains- 
ing  care  and  a  skill  very  rare  at  a  period  when  men 
t  with  great  lapitlity  and  often  with  inadequate 
urces".  In  a  labyrinth,  or  representation  of  a 
;e,  which  formerly  existed  in  the  pavement  of  the 
e  of  the  cathedral  were  effigies  of  the  architects  of 

edifice  from  its  founilation  up  to  1382;  among 
ie  cthtjics,  according  to  tradition,  were  those  of  the 

Rol)i-rt  lie  Coucys,  father  and  son.  In  the  cloister 
he  .Abbey  of  Saint-Denis  at  Reims  F^libien  noted 

gravestone  of  Robert  de  Coucy,  "Alaistre  de 
re- Dame  et  de  Saint-Nicaise,  qui  tr^passa  en  i'an 
l". 

ARLOT.  Histoire  de.  la  vQle  de  Reims  (Lille,  1666;  Reims, 
l-^.'j).  I.  636;  I.iBKE,  Hittory  of  Art  (1880).  I,  .529;  Reber, 
ory  uf  MrditrxxU  Art  (Sew  York.  1897),  498;  Gotlt  asd 
WORTH.  Encyc.  of  Archiiccture  (London  and  New  York. 
I),  1132:  Melizia.  Lixv.i  of  Celebrated  Archilecl.i.  I,  I5.'>: 
BABY,  .\fedianal  Art  (Ixjndon  and  New  Y'ork.  1904).  247; 
irandr  enrydopedie,  3.  v.  dc  Coucy:  Marshall,  Cathedral 
!»  of  France,  48-49. 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 
k)udert,  Antoixe.     See  Colombo,  Archdiocese 


loudert,  Frederic  Rene,  b.  in  New  York,  1 
rch,  ls:i2;  d.  ;it  Washington,  D.  C,  20  December, 
3.  He  graduated  from  Columbia  College  in  liis 
ive  city  in  lS.50,an<lc)n  his  majority  was  admitted 


to  practice  in  the  courts.  He  became  a  leader  of 
the  Bar,  being  learned  in  the  science  of  the  law  and 
skilled  in  its  ait  and  practice.  During  t  he  controversy 
conc'crning  .\merican  and  British  seal  fisheries  in  the 
Bering  Sea,  and  in  the  controversy  concerning  the 
(lisp\iled  boundary  bctwecni  Venezuela  and  British 
Columbia,  he  acted  as  legal  adviser  for  the  United 
States  Government.  He  was  an  orator  not  only  in 
F^nglish,  but  also  in  the  French,  Spanish,  and  Italian 
languages,  and  was  gifted  with  a  manner  and  style 
singularly  attractive,  with  ready  wit  and  power  of 
sarcasm.     He  bore  testimony  to  his  political  principles 

in    periods    of 

strain  and  con- 
troversy. He 
consented  in 
1876  to  visit 
Louisiana  for 
the  purpo.se  of 
urging  the  "  Re- 
turning Board" 
of  tliat  political- 
ly distracted 
State  to  act 
justly  respect- 
ing election  re- 
turns which 
were  to  deter- 
mine the  presi- 
de n  t  i  a  1  suc- 
cession, and  in 
1892  and  again 
in  1893  he  was 
a  prominent  op- 
ponent of  the 
courses  taken  by 
his  own  politi- 
cal party.  Poli- 
tics he  seemed 
to  regard  as  a  means  for  carrj'ing  into  effect 
certain  principles,  not  as  a  means  of  office-seeking. 
He  declined  the  Russian  mission,  a  judgeship  of  the 
Court  of  .\ppeals  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  a 
justiceship  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  He  accepted  (and  it  was  the  only  public 
office  he  ever  held)  the  incon.spicuous  and  unsalaried 
membership  in  the  Board  of  Education  of  the  City 
of  New  York.  As  a  Cathohc  he  was  always  loyal 
to  the  Church;  as  the  son  of  a  French  refugee  he  never 
forgot  France.  On  two  subjects  he  declared  himself 
to  be  sensitive:  the  Bark  of  Peter  and  the  land  of 
his  ancestors. 

Addresaea  by  Frederic  R.  Coudert  (New  Y'ork  and  London, 
190.5);  Annual  Reports  of  lite  Association  of  the  Bar  of  the  City 
of  Netv  York  (New  Y'ork,  190.5);  U.  S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc.  Records 
and  Studies  (New  York,  1904). 

Charles  W.  Sloan  e. 

Councils,  General. — This  subject  will  be  treated 
under  tlie  following  heads:  I.  Definition;  II.  Classifi- 
cation; III.  Historical  Sketch;  IV.  The  Pope  and 
General  Councils;  V.  Composition  of  General  Coun- 
cils: (a)  Right  of  participation;  (b)  Requisite  number 
of  members;  (c)  Papal  headship  the  formal  element 
of  Councils  ;  VI.  Factors  in  the  Pope's  Co-opera- 
tion with  the  Council:  (a)  Convocation:  (b)  Direc- 
tion; (c)  Confirmation;  VII.  Busines,-;  Metliods:  (a) 
The  facts;  fb)  The  theon,-;  VIII.  Infallibility  of  Gen- 
eral Councils;  IX.  Correlation  of  PaiKil  and  Concili- 
ary  Infallibility;  X.  Infallibility  Restricted  to  Unan- 
imous Findings;  XI.  Promulgation;  XII.  IsaCouncil 
above  the  Pope?  XIII.  Has  a  General  Council  Power 
to  Depose  a  Pope? 

I.  Definition. — Councils  are  legally  convened  as- 
semblies of  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  and  theological 
exjicrts  for  the  purpose  of  discu.ssing  and  regulating 
matters  of  church  doctrine  and  disciiiline.  Tlie 
terms  council  and  sijnod  are  synonymous,  although  in 


COUNCILS 


424 


COUNCILS 


the  oldest  Christian  literature  the  ordinary  meetings 
for  worship  are  also  called  synods;  and  diocesan 
synods  are  not  properly  councils  because  they  are  only 
convened  for  deliberation.  Councils  unlawfully  as- 
sembled are  termed  conciliahula,  conventiaila,  and 
even  latrocinm,  i.e.  "  robber  synods ".  The  constit- 
uent elements  of  an  ecclesiastical  council  are  the  fol- 
lowing:— 

(a)  A  legally  convened  meeting  of 

(b)  members  of  the  hierarchy,  for 

(c)  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  their  judicial  and 
doctrinal  functions, 

(d)  by  means  of  deliberation  in  common, 

(e)  resulting  in  regulations  and  decrees  invested 
with  the  authority  of  the  whole  assembly. 

All  these  elements  result  from  an  analysis  of  the  fact 
that  councils  are  a  concentration  of  the  ruluig  powers 
of  the  Church  for  decisive  action. 

The  first  condition  is  that  such  concentration  con- 
form to  the  constitution  of  the  Church:  it  must  be 
started  by  the  head  of  the  forces  that  are  to  move  and 
to  act,  e.  g.  by  the  metropolitan  if  the  action  is  lun- 
ited  to  one  province.  The  actors  themselves  are  nec- 
essarily the  leaders  of  the  Church  in  their  double 
capacity  of  judges  and  teachers,  for  the  proper  oliject 
of  conciliar  acti\'ity  is  the  settling  of  questions  of  faith 
and  discipline.  When  they  assemble  for  other  pur- 
poses, either  at  regular  times  or  in  extraordinary  cir- 
cumstances, in  order  to  deliberate  on  current  ques- 
tions of  administration  or  on  concerted  action  in 
emergencies,  their  meetings  are  not  called  coimcils  but 
simply  meetings,  or  assemblies,  of  bishops.  Delibera- 
tion, with  free  discussion  and  ventilation  of  private 
views,  is  another  essential  note  in  the  notion  of  coun- 
cils. They  are  the  mind  of  the  Church  in  action,  the 
sensus  ecclesiw  taking  form  and  shape  in  the  mould  of 
dogmatic  definition  and  authoritative  decrees.  The 
contrast  of  conflicting  opinions,  their  actual  clash, 
necessarily  precedes  the  final  triumph  of  faith. 
Lastly,  in  a  council's  decisions  we  see  the  highest  ex- 
pression of  authority  of  which  its  members  are  capable 
within  the  sphere  of  their  jurisdiction,  with  the  added 
strength  and  weight  resulting  from  the  combined 
action  of  the  whole  body. 

II.  CL.4.SSIFICATION'. — tovmcils  are,  then,  from  their 
nature,  a  common  effort  of  the  Church,  or  part  of  the 
Church,  for  self-preservation  and  self-defence.  They 
appear  at  her  very  origin,  in  the  time  of  the  Apostles 
at  Jerusalem,  and  throughout  her  whole  history, 
whenever  faith  or  morals  or  discipline  are  seriously 
threatened.  Although  their  object  is  always  the 
same,  the  circumstances  under  which  they  meet  im- 
part to  them  a  great  variety,  which  renders  a  classifi- 
cation necessary.  Taking  territorial  extension  for  a 
basis,  seven  kinds  of  synods  are  distinguished: — 

(1)  Gi^cumemcal  counrils  arethose  towhichthe  bish- 
ops, and  others  entitled  to  vote,  are  convoked  from 
the  whole  world  {oUovfLivri)  luider  the  jjresidency  of 
the  pope  or  his  legates,  and  the  decrees  of  which,  hav- 
ing received  papal  confirmation,  bind  all  Christians. 
A  council,  oecumenical  in  its  convocation,  may  fail  to 
secure  the  approbation  of  the  whole  Church  or  of  the 
pope,  and  thus  not  rank  in  authority  with  oecimienical 
councils.  Such  was  the  casewiththeRobber  Synod  of 
449(Latrocimu  m  Epheftinuni). theSynod  of  Pisa  in  1 409, 
and  in  part  with  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle. 

(2)  The  second  rank  is  held  by  the  general  synods  nj 
the  East  or  of  the  West,  composed  of  but  one-half  of 
the  episcopate.  The  Sjmod  of  Constantinople  (^{S1) 
was  originally  only  an  Eastern  general  synod,  at 
which  were  present  the  four  patriarclis  of  the  East 
(viz.  of  Constant inopUs  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jer- 
usalem), with  many  metro|iolituns  and  bishops.  It 
ranks  as  oecimienical  because  its  decrees  were  ulti- 
mately received  in  the  West  also. 

(H)  Patriarchal,  national,  and  primatial  councils 
represent  a  whole  patriarchate,  a  whole  nation,  or  the 


councils  we  have  frequent  examples  in  Latin  Africa  "' 
where  the  metropolitan  and  ordinary  bishops  used  t  f 
meet  under  the  Primate  of  Carthage;  in  Spain,  unde  P 
the  Primate  of  Toledo,  and  in  earlier  times  in  Syria  *° 
under  the  Metropolitan  — later  Patriarch — of  Antiocl     f 

(4)  Provincial  councils  bring  together  the  suffraga 
bishops  of  the  metropolitan  of  an  ecclesiastical  pro\    !P 
ince  and  other  dignitaries  entitled  to  participate.  ,,' 

(5)  Diocesan  synods  consist  of  the  clergy  of  the  die 
cese  and  are  presided  over  by  the  bishop  or  the  ^^cal    * 
general.  *»' 

(6)  A  peculiar  kind  of  council  used  to  be  held  a    K 
Constantinople;  it  consisted  of  bishops  from  any  pai    , 
of  the  world  who  happened  to  be  at  the  time  in  tha      ' 
imperial   city.      Hence   the   name   aivoBoi   ivitiiwvirt   ' 
"  visitors' synods  ".  'i 

(7)  Lastly  there  have  been  mixed  synods,  in  whicl  ^"'^ 
both  civil  and  ecclesiastical  dignitaries  met  to  settU  '<^' 
secular  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  matters.  They  we«  '*'" 
frequent  at  the  beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  France  *',! 
Germany,  Spain,  and  Italy.  In  England  even  ab  '■' .. 
besses  were  occasionally  present  at  such  mixed  couii'  ™* 
cils.  Sometimes,  not  always,  the  clergy  and  laitj  !  ' 
voted  in  separate  chambers.  '^' 

Although  it  is  in  the  nature  of  councils  to  represett  ™ 
either  the  whole  or  part  of  the  Church  organism  ye^  2'  i 
we  find  many  councils  simply  consi.sting  of  a  nunibe  j 
of  bishops  brought  together  from  different  coimtrie  5^?^ 
for  some  special  purpose,  regardless  of  any  territoria  'J '' 
or  hierarchical  connexion.  They  were  most  frequen  ''-j' 
in  the  fourth  century,  when  the  metropolitan  anc  j"'- 
patriarchal  circumscriptions  were  still  imperfect,  ani  ~* 
questions  of  faith  and  discipline  manifold.  Not  a  fei  j,™ 
of  them,  summoned  by  emperors  or  bishops  in  opposi  ["^* 
tion  to  the  lawful  authorities  (such  as  that  of  Antioc  j^ 
in  341),  were  positively  irregular,  and  acted  for  ev  "|"' 
rather  than  good.  Coimcils  of  this  kind  may  be  con  ''™/ 
pared  to  the  meetings  of  bishops  of  our  own  timei  ™P* 
decrees  passed  in  them  had  no  binding  power  on  an  '™' 
but  the  subjects  of  the  bishops  present;  they  wei  ?™"i 
important  manifestations  of  the  sensus  ecclesice  (min  'J  ^'f 
of  the  Church)  rather  than  judicial  or  legislati^  ™,»( 
bodies.  But  precisely  as  expressing  the  mind  of  tl  f  ''? 
Church  they  often  acquired  a  far-reaching  influem  ™'5 
due,  either  to  their  internal  soundness,  or  to  the  ai  ffsli 
thority  of  their  franiers,  or  to  both. 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  terms  concilia  ph 
unii-ersalia,  or  generalia  are,  or  used  to  be,  appli 
discriminately  to  all  synods  not  confined  to  a  si 
pro\-ince;  in  the  Middle  Ages,  even  provincial  syn( 
as    compared    to    diocesan,    received    these    nai 
Down  to  the  late  Middle  Ages  all  papal  synods' 
which  a  certain  numlier  of  bishops  from  differei 
countries  had  been  summoned  were  regularly  stylL 
plenan.-,    general,    or   universal   SJ^lods.     In   earlil'. 
times,  before  the  separation  of  East  and  West,  coup 
cils  to  which  several  distant  patriarchates  or  exarc  f-awii 
ates  sent  representatives,  were  described  absolute  ^'^bi 
as  "plenary  councils  of  the  universal  Church".  The 
terms  are  applied  by  St.  Augustine  to  the  Council 
Aries   (314),   at  which   only   Western   bishops  Wf 
present.     In  the  same  way  the  Council  of  Constan 
nople  (382),  in  a  letter  to  Pope  Daniasus,  calls 
council  held  in  the  same  town  the  year  before  (3f 
"an  oecumenical  synod"  i.  e.  a  synod  representing  t  '  iseEj; 
olKovnivT],  the  whole  inhabited  world  as  known  to  t  '-: 
Greeks  and  Romans,  because  all  tlie  Eastern  pat  'ciil, 
archates,  though  no  A\'estern,  took  part  in  it.     1 
synod  of  381  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  tenned  oet 
nienical  in  the  strict  sense  now  in  use,  because  it  s 
lacked  the  formal  confirmation  of  the  Apostolic  S 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Greeks  themselves  did  not  I 
this  council  on  a  par  with  tliose  of  Nica-a  ami  Ephei 
until  its  confirmation  at  the  Synod  of  Chalcedon,  a 
the  Latins  acknowledged  its  authority  only  in  ' 
sixth  century. 


Hi!  Si 

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[I.  Historical  Sketch  of  CEcrMENicAL  Coun- 
i. — The  present  article  deals  chiefly  with  the  theo- 
cal  and  canonical  questions  concerning  councils 
ch  are  cecumenical  in  the  strict  sense  above  de- 
d.  Special  articles  give  the  history  of  each  im- 
;ant  synod  under  the  head  of  the  city  or  sec  where 
as  held.  In  order,  however,  to  supply  the  reader 
1  a  basis  of  fact  for  the  discussion  of  principles 
ch  is  to  follow,  a  list  is  subjoined  of  the  twenty 
imenical  councils  with  a  brief  statement  of  the  pur- 
!  of  each. 

I)  The  First  fficumenical,  or  Council  of  Nicaea  (.325) 
pd  two  months  and  twelve  days.  Three  hundred 
eighteen  bishops  were  present.  Hosius,  Bishop  of 
iova,  assisted  as  legate  of  Pope  Sylvester.  The 
peror  Constantino  was  also  present.  To  this 
icil  we  owe  the  Creed  (Si/mbolum)  of  Nicaea,  defin- 
against  Arius  the  true  Divinity  of  the  Son  of  God 
avcTioi).  and  the  fi.xing  of  the  date  for  keeping 
ter  (against  the  Quartodecimans). 
!)  The  Second  Q'>umenical,  or  First  General 
ncil  of  Constantinople  (381),  under  Pope  Damasus 
the  Emperor  Theodosius  I,  was  attended  by  150 
ops.  It  was  directed  against  the  followers  of 
edonius,  who  impugned  the  Divinity  of  the  Holy 
st.  To  the  above-mentioned  Nicene  Creed  it 
jd  the  clauses  referring  to  the  Holy  Ghost  (qui 
d  adoralur)  and  all  that  follows  to  the  end. 
I)  The  Third  (Ecumenical,  or  Council  of  Ephesus 
),  of  more  than  200  bishops,  presided  over  by  St. 
1  of  Alexandria  representing  Pope  Celestine  I,  de- 
i  the  true  personal  unity  of  Christ,  declared  Mary 
Mother  of  God  {0eoT6Kos)  again.st  Nestorius,  Bishop 
bnstantinople,  and  renewed  the  condemnation  of 
,gius. 

;)  The  Fourth  (Ecumenical,  or  Council  of  Chalce- 
(451) — 150  bishops  under  Pope  Leo  the  Great  and 
Emperor  Marcian — defined  the  two  natures  (Di- 
!  and  human)  in  Christ  against  Eutyches,  who  was 
mimunicated. 

i)  The  Fifth  (Ecumenical,  or  Second  General 
ncil  of  Constantinople  (553),  of  165  bishops  under 
e  Vigilius  and  Emperor  Justinian  I,  condemned 
errors  of  Origen  and  certain  writings  (The  Three 
pters)  of  Theodoret,  of  Theodore,  Bishop  of  Mop- 
tia,  and  of  Ibas,  Bishop  of  Edessa;  it  further  con- 
ed the  first  four  general  councils,  especially  that  of 
Icedon  whose  authority  was  contested  by  some 
tics. 

i)  The  Sixth  (Ecumenical,  or  Third  Council  of  Con- 
tinople  (680-681),  under  Pope  Agatho  and  the  Em- 
ir Constantine  Pogonatus,  was  attended  by  the 
•iarchs  of  Constantinople  and  of  Antioch,  174  bish- 
and  the  emperor.  It  put  an  end  to  Monothel- 
by  defining  two  wills  in  Christ,  the  Divine  and  the 
lan,  as  two  distinct  principles  of  operation.  It 
hemiitized  Sergius,  Pyrrhus,  Paul,  Macarius,  and 
heir  followers. 

)  The  Seventh  (Ecumenical,  or  Second  Council  of 
ea  (787)  was  convoked  by  Emperor  Constantine 
md  his  mother  Irene,  under  Pope  Adrian  I,  and 
presided  over  by  the  legates  of  Pope  Adrian;  it 
fated  the  veneration  of  holy  images.  Between 
and  367  bLshops  assisted. 

i)  The  Eighth  (Ecumenical,  or  Fourth  Council  of 
stantinople  (869),  under  Pope  .\drian  II  and  Em- 
ir Basil,  numbering  102  bishops,  3  papal  legates, 
4  patriarchs,  consigned  to  the  flames  the  Acts  of 
rreg\ilar  council  (mnrilinltnlum)  brought  together 
Photius  against  Pope  Nicholas  and  Ignatius,  the 
imate  Patriarch  of  ('onstantinople;  it  condemned 
tius  who  had  unlawfully  seized  the  patriarchal 
ity.  The  Photian  schi.sm,  however,  triutn|ihed  in 
Greek  Church,  and  no  other  general  council  look 
e  in  the  Ea.st. 

0  The  Ninth  (Ecumenical  Council  (1123)  wa.s  the 
held  in  the  Lateran  at  Rome  under  Pope  Callis- 


tus  II.  .Vbout  900  bishops  and  abljots  assisted.  It 
abolished  the  right,  claimed  by  lay  (irinces,  of  investi- 
ture with  ring  and  crosier  to  ecclesiastical  benefices 
and  dealt  with  church  discipline  and  the  recovery  of 
the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidels. 

(10)  The  Tenth  (Ecumenical  Council  (1139)  was  the 
Second  Lateran  held  at  Rome  under  Pope  Innocent  II 
with  an  attendance  of  about  1000  prelates  and  the 
Emperor  Conrad.  Its  object  was  to  put  an  end  to  the 
errors  of  .\rnold  of  Brescia. 

(11)  The  Eleventh  (Ecumenical  Council  (1179)  was 
the  third  assembled  at  the  Lateran,  antl  took  place 
under  Pope  .Alexander  III,  Frederick  I  being  emperor. 
There  were  302  bishops  present.  It  condemned  the 
Albigenses  and  Waldenses  and  issued  numerous  de- 
crees for  the  reformation  of  morals. 

(12)  The  Twelfth  (Ecumenical  Synod  (1215)  was 
the  Fourth  Lateran,  under  Innocent  III.  There  were 
present  the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and  Jeru- 
salem, 71  archbishops,  412  bishojis,  and  800  abbots, 
the  Primate  of  the  Maronites,  and  St.  Dominie.  It 
issued  an  enlarged  creed  (symbol)  against  the  Albi- 
genses (Firmitcr  credimus),  condemned  the  Trini- 
tarian errors  of  Abbot  Joachim,  and  published  70  im- 
portant reformatory  decrees.  This  is  the  most  im- 
portant council  of  the  Middle  Ages;  it  marks  the  cul- 
minating point  of  ecclesiastical  life  and  papal  power. 

(13)  The  First  General  Council  of  Lyons  (1245)  is 
the  Thirteenth  (Ecumenical.  Innocent  IV  presided; 
the  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  .\ntioch,  and  Aqui- 
leia  (Venice),  140  bishops,  Baldwin  II,  Emperor  of  the 
East,  and  St.  Louis,  King  of  France,  assisted.  It  ex- 
communicated and  deposed  Emperor  Frederick  II 
and  directed  a  new  crusade,  under  the  command  of 
St.  Louis,  against  the  Saracens  and  Mongols. 

(14)  The  Fourteenth  (Ecumenical  Council  was  held 
at  Lyons  (1274)  by  Pope  Gregory  X,  the  Patriarchs  of 
Antioch  and  Constantinoiilc.  1.')  r:inlinals, .500 bishops, 
and  more  than  1000  ntln  r  lll^lllt:l^il■s.  It  effected  a 
temporary  reunion  of  tlir  Cr.ik  Clmrch  with  Rome. 
The  word  filioqtie  was  added  to  the  symbol  of  Con- 
stantinople and  means  were  sought  for  recovering 
Palestine  from  the  Turks.  It  also  laid  down  the  rules 
for  papal  elections. 

(15)  The  Fifteenth  (Ecumenical  Council  took  place 
at  Vienne  in  France  (13U-1313)  by  order  of  Clement 
V,  the  first  of  the  Avignon  popes.  The  Patriarchs  of 
Antioch  and  .\lexandria,  300  bishops  (114  according 
to  some  authorities),  and  3  kings — Philip  IV  of 
France,  Edward  II  of  England,  and  James  II  of 
Aragon — were  present.  The  synod  dealt  with  the 
crimes  and  errors  imputed  to  the  Knights  Templars, 
the  Fraticelli,  the  Beghards,  and  the  Beguines,  with 
projects  of  a  new  crusade,  the  reformation  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  teaching  of  Oriental  languages  in  the 
universities. 

(16)  The  Council  of  Constance  (1414-1418),  the 
Sixteenth  (Ecumenical,  was  held  during  the  great 
Schism  of  the  West,  with  the  object  of  ending  the 
divisions  in  the  Church.  It  only  became  legitimate 
when  Gregory  XII  had  formally  convoked  it.  Owing 
to  this  circumstance  it  succeeded  in  putting  an  end 
to  the  schism  by  the  election  of  Pope  Martin  V,  which 
the  Council  of  Pisa  { 1 409)  had  failed  to  accomplish  on 
account  of  its  illegality.  The  rightful  |x)pc  confirmed 
the  fonner  decrees  of  the  synod  against  Wyclif  and 
Hus.  This  council  is  thus  only  cecumenical  in  its  last 
sessions  (XLII-XLV  inclusive)  and  with  resjject  to 
the  decrees  of  earlier  sessions  approved  by  Martin  V. 

(17)  The  Seventeenth  (Ecumenical  Council  met  at 
Basle  (1431),  Eugene  IV  being  pope,  and  Sigismund 
Emperor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  Its  object  was 
the  religious  pacification  of  Bohemia.  (Juarrels  with 
the  pope  having  ;iriscn,  t\u:  council  wa.s  transferred 
first  to  Ferrara  (1438),  then  to  Florence  (1439),  where 
a  short-lived  union  with  the  Greek  Church  w:is  ef- 
fected, the  Greeks  accepting  the  council's  definition  of 


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controverted  points.  The  Council  of  Basle  is  only 
oecumenical  till  the  end  of  the  twenty-fifth  session, 
and  of  its  decrees  Eugene  IV  approved  only  such  as 
dealt  with  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  the  peace  of 
Christendom,  and  the  reform  of  the  Church,  and 
which  at  the  same  time  did  not  derogate  from  the 
rights  of  the  Holy  See. 

(18)  The  Eighteenth  CEcumenical,  or  Fifth  Council 
of  the  Lateran,  sat  from  1.512  to  1517  under  Popes 
Julius  II  and  Leo  X,  the  emperor  being  Maximilian  I. 
Fifteen  cardinals  and  about  eighty  archbishops  and 
bishops  took  part  in  it.  Its  decrees  are  chiefly  disci- 
plinary. A  new  crusade  against  the  Turks  was  also 
planned,  but  came  to  naught,  owing  to  the  religious 
upheaval  in  Germany  caused  by  Luther. 

(19)  The  Council  of  Trent,  the  Nineteenth  (Ecu- 
menical, lasted  eighteen  years  (1.545-1563)  under  five 
popes:  Paul  III,  Julius  III,  Marcellus  II,  Paul  IV, 
and  Pius  IV,  and  under  the  Emperors  Charles  V  and 
Ferdinand.  There  were  present  5  cardinal  legates  of 
the  Holy  See,  3  patriarchs,  33  archbishops,  235  bish- 
ops, 7  abbots,  7  generals  of  monastic  orders,  ICiO  doc- 
tors of  divinity.  It  was  convoked  to  examine  and 
condemn  the  errors  promulgated  by  Luther  and  other 
Reformers,  and  to  reform  the  discipUne  of  the  Church. 
Of  all  coimcils  it  lasted  longest,  issued  the  largest 
number  of  dogmatic  and  reformatory  decrees,  and 
produced  the  most  beneficial  results. 

(20)  The  Twentieth  (Ecumenical  Council  was  sum- 
moned to  the  Vatican  bv  Pius  IX.  It  met  8  Decem- 
ber, 1869,  and  lasted  till  18  July,  1870,  when  it  was 
adjourned;  it  is  still  (1908)  imfinished.  There  were 
present  6  archbishop-princes,  49  cardinals,  11  patri- 
archs, 680  archbishops  and  bishops,  28  abbots,  29 
generals  of  orders,  in  all  803.  Besides  important 
canons  relating  to  the  Faith  and  the  constitution  of 
the  Church,  the  council  decreed  the  infallibility  of 
the  pope  when  speaking  ex  cathedra,  i.  e.  when, 
as  shepherd  and  teacher  of  all  Christians,  he  defines 
a  doctrine  concerning  faith  or  morals  to  be  held 
by  the  whole  Church. 

IV.  The  Pope  and  Gener.vl  Councils. — The  re- 
lations between  the  pope  and  general  councils  must 
be  exactly  defined  to  arrive  at  a  just  conception  of 
the  functions  of  councils  in  the  Church,  of  their  rights 
and  duties,  and  of  their  authority.  The  traditional 
phrase,  "the  council  represents  the  Church",  asso- 
ciated with  the  modern  notion  of  representative 
assemblies,  is  apt  to  lead  to  a  serious  misconception 
of  the  bishops'  fimction  in  general  synods.  The  na- 
tion's deputies  receive  their  power  from  their  electors 
and  are  bound  to  protect  and  promote  their  electors' 
interests;  in  the  modern  democratic  State  they  are 
directly  created  by,  and  out  of,  the  people's  own 
power.  The  bishops  in  council,  on  the  contrary,  hold 
no  power,  no  commission,  or  delegation,  from  the 
people.  All  their  powers,  orders,  jurisdiction,  and 
membership  in  the  council,  come  to  them  from  above 
— directly  from  the  pope,  ultimately  from  God. 
What  the  episcopate  in  council  does  represent  is  the 
Divinely  instituted  magisterium,  the  teaching  and  gov- 
erning pow'er  of  the  Church;  the  interests  it  defends 
are  those  of  the  depositum  fidei,  of  the  revealed  rules 
of  faith  and  morals,  i.  e.  the  interests  of  God. 

The  council  is,  then,  the  assessor  of  the  supreme 
teacher  and  judge  sitting  on  the  Chair  of  Peter  by 
Divine  appointment;  its  operation  is  essentially  co- 
operation— the  common  action  of  the  members  with 
their  head — and  therefore  necessarily  rises  or  falls  in 
value,  according  to  the  measure  of  its  connexion  with 
the  pope.  A  council  in  op])osition  to  the  pope  is  not 
representative  of  the  whole  Church,  for  it  neither 
represents  the  pope  who  oppo.ses  it,  nor  the  alisent 
bishops,  who  cannot  act  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
dioceses  except  through  the  pope.  A  comicil  not  only 
acting  independently  of  the  Vicar  of  Chri.st,  but  sitting 
in  judgment  over  him,  is  unthinkable  in  the  constitu- 


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Dtin 


tion  of  the  Church ;  in  fact,  such  assemblies  have  onl 
taken  place  in  times  of  great  constitutional  disturl 
ances,  when  either  there  was  no  pope  or  the  rightfi 
pope  was  indistinguishable  from  antipopes.  In  sue 
abnormal  times  the  safety  of  the  Church  becomes  th 
supreme  law,  and  the  first  duty  of  the  abandone 
flock  is  to  find  a  new  shepherd,  imder  whose  directic 
the  existing  evils  may  be  remedied 

In  normal  times,  when   according  to  the  Divii 
constitution   of  the  Church,   the  pope   rules  in  tl 
fullness  of  his  power,  the    function    of   councils 
to   support    and    strengthen   his    rule   on   occasioi 
of   extraordinary   difficulties    arising  from   heresie 
schisms,  relaxed  discipline,  or  external   foes.      GeiJ 
eral  councils  have  no  part  in  the  ordinary  norma.  , 
government  of  the  Church.     This  principle   is  cod  ''"' 
firmed  by  the  fact   that   during  nineteen   centurid  "?*' 
of  Church  life  only  twenty  cecumenical  councils  tool  ^^ 
place.     It  is  further  illustrated  by  the  complete  failur 
of  the  decree  issued  in  the  thirty-ninth  session  of  th 
Council  of  Constance  (then  without  a  rightful  head' 
to  the  effect  that  general  covmcils  should  meet  in 
quently  and  at  regular  intervals;  the  very  first  syno 
simimoned  at  Pavia  for  the  year  1423  could  not  bj   , 
held  for  want  of  responses  to  the  sunmions.     It  is  thv'**^' 
evident  that  general  councils  are  not  qualified  to  issui 
independently  of  the  pope,  dogmatic  or  disciplinai 
canons  binding  on  the  whole  Church.     As  a  matter 
fact,  the  older  councils,  especially  those  of  Ephest 
(431)  and  Chalcedon  (451),  were  not  convened  to  d  ^'"" 
cide  on  questions  of  faith  still  open,  but  to  give  add  j  , 
tional  weight  to,  and  secure  the  execution  of,  pap  Ij 
decisions   previously   issued   and    regarded   as   ftu' 
authoritative.     The  other  consequence  of  the  san 
principle  is  that  the  bishops  in  coiuicil  assembled  a 
not  commissioned,  as  are  our  modern  parliaments, 
control  and  limit  the  power  of  the  sovereign,  or  hei 
of  the  State,  although  circumstances  may  arise 
which  it  would  be  their  right  and  duty  firmly  to  e 
postulate  with  the  pope  on  certain  of  his  acts  or  me: 
ures.     The   severe   strictures    of   the  Si.xth    Geneip™ 
Council  on  Pope  Honorius  I  may  be  cited  as  a  case- 
point. 

V.  Composition  of  Gener.\l  CorxciLS. — (a)  Rii 
of  participation. — The  right  to  be  present  and  to  ll 
at  general  councils  belongs  in  the  first  place  and  lo  **'' 
cally  to  the  bishops  actually  exercising  the  episcoj  '"™i 
office.  In  the  earlier  coimcils  there  appear  also  1  f*™" 
chorepiscopi  (country-bishops),  who,  according  to  1  ff"' 
better  opinion,  were  neither  true  bishops  nor  an  on  '™ 
interposed  between  bishops  and  priests,  but  prie  "''**'i 
invested  with  a  jurisdiction  smaller  than  the  episco  ^fj^' 
but  larger  than  the  sacerdotal.  They  were  ordaii  '""* 
by  the  bishop  and  charged  with  the  administratior  '  '*'■ 
a  certain  district  in  his  diocese.  They  had  the  po'f  ^"'i 
of  conferring  minor  orders,  and  even  the  subiliaconi 
Titular  bi.shops.  i.  e.  bishops  not  ruling  a  diocese,  1  "^'"^ 
equal  rights  with  other  bishops  at  the  Vatican  Co 
cil  ( 1869-70),  where  117  of  them  were  present.  Tl 
claim  lies  in  the  fact  that  their  order,  the  episcc 
consecration,  entitles  them,  jure  tlivino,  to  take  f 
in  the  administration  of  the  Church,  and  that  a  f 
eral  council  seems  to  afford  a  proper  sphere  for 
exercise  of  a  right  which  the  want  of  a  proper  dioi 
keeps  in  abeyance.     Dignitaries  who  hold  episct 


iitliro: 


KJonlri 


t-.tisi 


or  quasi-episcopal  jurisdiction  without  being  bisb  '*Moil, 


th 


-.such  as  carilinal-priests,  cardinal-deacons,  abl 
nulliu.i,  mitred   abbots   of  whole  orders  or  con 
gat  ions  of  monasteries,   generals   of  clerks   regi 
mendicant  and  monastic  orders — were  allowed  to 
at  the  \'atican  Council.     Their  title  is  ba.sed  on  f 
tive  canon  law:   ;it  the  early  councils  .such  votes 
not  admitted,  but  from  the  .seventh  centurv  do 
the  en.l  of  th.>  .Middle  .\gcs  the  contrary  jiral-tice  _ 
|)revailed,  and   has  since  become  an  aequ 
right.     Priests  ami  deacons  frequently  cast  deci 
votes  in  the  name  of  absent  bishops  whoii}  they  W   ^"yiosf 


aiion,  1 


■tobrii 
ten  an- 


COUNCILS 


427 


COUNCILS 


ited;  at  the  Council  of  Trent,  however,  such  pro- 
nators were  admitted  only  with  great  limitations, 
i  at  the  Vatican  Council  they  were  even  excluded 
m  the  council  hall. 

Besides  voting  members,  every  council  admits,  as 
isultors,  a  mnnber  of  doctors  in  theology  and  canon 
IT.  In  the  Council  of  Constance  the  consultors 
re  allowed  to  vote.  Other  clerics  liave  always  been 
tnitted  as  notaries.  Lay  people  may  be,  and  have 
»n,  present  at  councils  for  various  reasons,  but 
rer  as  voters.  They  gave  advice,  made  complaints, 
lented  to  decisions,  and  occasionally  also  signed  the 
;rees.  Since  the  Roman  emperors  had  accepted 
ristianity,  they  assisted  either  personally  or  through 
auties  (commissarii).  Constantine  the  Great  was 
;sent  in  person  at  the  First  General  Council ;  Thco- 
sius  II  sent  his  representatives  to  the  third,  and 
iperor  Marcian  sent  his  to  the  fourth,  at  the  sixth 
sion  of  which  himself  and  the  Empress  Pulcheria 
listed  personally.  Constantine  Pogonatus  was 
'sent  at  the  sixth;  the  Empress  Irene  and  her  son 
nstantine  Porphyrogenitus  only  sent  their  repre- 
itative  to  the  seventh,  whereas  Emperor  Basil,  the 
icedonian,  assisted  at  the  eighth,  sometimes  in  per- 
1,  sometimes  through  his  deputies.  Only  the  Sec- 
i  and  the  Fifth  General  Synods  were  held  in  the  ab- 
ice  of  the  em])erors  or  imperial  commissaries,  but 
th  Theodosius  the  Great  and  Jirstinian  were  at  Con- 
ntinople  while  the  councils  were  sitting,  and  kept 
constant  intercourse  with  them.  In  the  West  the 
endance  of  kings,  even  at  provincial  synods,  was 
frecpient  occurrence.  The  motive  and  object  of 
'  royal  presence  were  to  protect  the  synods,  to 
gliten  their  authority,  to  lay  before  them  the  needs 
particular  Christian  states  and  countries, 
rhis  laudable  and  legitimate  co-operation  led  by 
;rees  to  interference  with  the  pope's  rights  in  con- 
ar  matters.  The  Eastern  Emperor  Michael 
imed  the  right  to  summon  councils  without  obtain- 
;  the  pope's  consent,  and  to  take  part  in  them  per- 
lally  or  by  proxy.  But  Pope  Nicholas  I  resisted 
!  pretensions  of  Emperor  Michael,  pointing  out  to 
n,  in  a  letter  (86.5),  that  his  imperial  predecessors 
1  only  been  present  at  general  synods  dealing  with 
,tters  of  faith,  and  from  that  fact  drew  the  conclu- 
n  that  all  other  synods  should  be  held  without  the 
peror's  or  his  commissaries'  presence.  A  few  years 
erthe  Eighth  General  Synod  (Can.  xvii,  Hefele,  IV, 
I )  declared  it  false  that  no  synod  could  be  held  with- 
t  the  emperor's  presence — the  emperors  had  only 
m  present  at  general  councils — and  that  it  was  not 
ht  for  secular  princes  to  witness  the  condemnation 
ecclesijistics  (at  provincial  synods).  As  early  as 
■  fourth  century  the  bishops  greatly  complained  of 
i  action  of  Constantine  the  Great  in  imposing  his 
nmi.ssary  on  the  Synod  of  Tyre  (335).  In  the  West, 
tvever,  secular  princes  were  •  present  even  at  na- 
nal  synods,  e.  g.  Sisenand,  King  of  the  Spanish  Vis- 
ths,  was  at  the  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo  (636)  and 
ng  Chintilian  at  the  fifth  (638);  Charlemagne  as- 
ted  at  the  Council  of  Frankfort  (794)  and  two  Anglo- 
xon  kings  at  the  Synod  of  Whitby  {Collatio  Pharen- 
)  in  6(i4.  But  step  by  step  Rome  established  the 
nciple  that  no  royal  commissary  may  be  present  at 
y  council,  except  a  general  one,  in  which  "faith, 
onnation,  and  peace"  are  in  question. 
(b)  Rcriuixite  nutnlier  of  members. — The  number  of 
hops  present  required  to  constitute  an  oecumenical 
incil  cannot  be  strictly  defined,  nor  need  it  be  so 
ined.  for  (ecumenicity  chiefly  depends  on  co-opera- 
n  with  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  only  secondarily 
the  number  of  co-operators.  It  is  physically  iin- 
ssible  to  bring  together  all  the  bishops  of  the  world, 
p  is  there  any  standard  by  which  to  determine  even 
approximate  number,  or  proportion,  of  prelates 
jessarj'  to  secure  cecumenicity.  All  should  be  in- 
ed, no  one  should  be  debarred,  a  somewhat  consid- 


erable number  of  representatives  of  the  several  prov- 
inces and  countries  should  be  actually  present:  this 
may  be  laid  down  as  a  practicable  theory.  But  the 
ancient  Church  did  not  conform  to  this  theory.  As  a 
rule  only  the  patriarchs  and  metropolitans  received  a 
direct  summons  to  appear  with  a  certain  number  of 
their  suffragans.  At  Ephesus  and  Cluilceilon  the 
time  between  the  convocation  and  the  meeting  of  the 
coimcil  was  too  short  to  allow  of  the  Western  bishops 
being  invited.  .\s  a  rule,  but  very  few  Western  bishops 
were  personally  present  at  any  of  the  first  eight  gen- 
eral synods.  Occasionally,  e.  g.  at  the  sixth,  their 
absence  was  remedied  by  sending  deinities  with  pre- 
cise in.structions  arrived  at  in  a  previous  council  held 
in  the  West.  What  gives  those  Eastern  .synotis  their 
(ecumenical  character  is  the  co-operation  of  the  pope 
as  head  of  the  universal,  and,  especially,  of  the  West- 
ern, Church.  This  circumstance,  so  remarkably  prom- 
inent in  the  Councils  of  Ephesus  and  Chalcedon,  af- 
fords the  best  proof  that,  in  the  sense  of  the  Church, 
the  essential  constituent  element  of  cecumenicity  is 
less  the  proportion  of  bishops  present  to  bishops 
absent  than  the  organic  connexion  of  the  council 
with  the  head  of  the  Church. 

(c)  Papal  headship  the  formal  element  of  councils. 
— It  is  the  action  of  the  pope  that  makes  the  councils 
cecumenic.  That  action  is  the  exercise  of  his  office 
of  supreme  teacher  and  ruler  of  the  Church.  Its 
necessity  results  from  the  fact  that  no  authority  is 
commensurate  with  the  whole  Church  except  that 
of  the  pope;  he  alone  can  bind  all  the  faithful.  Its 
sufficiency  is  equally  manifest :  when  the  pope  has 
sjjoken  e.x  cathedra  to  make  his  own  the  decisions  of 
any  council,  regardless  of  the  number  of  its  members, 
nothing  further  can  be  wanted  to  make  them  bind- 
ing on  the  whole  Church.  The  earliest  enunciation 
of  the  principle  is  found  in  the  letter  of  the  Council 
of  Sardica  (343)  to  Pope  Julius  I,  and  was  often 
quoted,  since  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  centuiy,  as 
the  (Nicffian)  canon  concerning  the  necessity  of 
papal  co-operation  in  all  the  more  important  con- 
ciliary  Acts.  The  Church  historian  Socrates  (Hist. 
Eccl.,  II,  xvii)  makes  Pope  Julius  say,  in  reference 
to  the  Council  of  Antioch  (341),  that  the  law  of  the 
Church  (Kavdv)  forbids  "the  churches  to  pass  laws 
contrary  to  the  judgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome", 
and  Sozomen  ( III,  x)  likewise  declares  "  it  to  be  a  holy 
law  not  to  attribute  any  value  to  things  done  without 
the  judgment  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome".  The  letter  of 
Julius  here  quoted  by  both  Socrates  and  Sozomen 
directly  refers  to  an  existing  ecclesiastical  custom, 
and,  in  particular,  to  a  single  important  case  (the  de- 
position of  a  jiatriarch),  but  the  underlying  principle 
is  as  stated. 

Papal  co-operation  may  be  of  several  degrees:  to 
be  effective  in  stamping  a  council  as  universal  it 
must  amount  to  taking  over  responsibility  for  its 
decisions  by  giving  them  formal  confirmation.  The 
Synod  of  Constantinople  (381)  in  which  the  Ni- 
cene  Creed  received  its  present  form — the  one  used 
at  Mass — had  in  itself  no  claim  to  be  oecumenical. 
Before  Pope  Damasus  and  the  Western  bishops  had 
seen  its  full  Acts  they  condemned  certain  of  its  pro- 
ceedings at  an  Italian  synod,  but  on  receiving  the 
Acts,  Damasus,  so  we  are  told  by  Photius.  confirmed 
them.  Photius,  however,  is  only  right  with  regard  to 
the  Creed,  or  Symbol  of  Faith:  the  canons  of  this 
coimcil  were  still  rejected  by  Leo  the  Great  and  even 
by  Gregory  the  Great  (about  600).  A  proof  that  the 
Creed  of  Constantinople  enjoyed  papal  sanction  m.ay 
be  drawn  from  the  way  in  which  the  Roman  legates  at 
the  Fourth  General  Synod  i Chalcedon,  451)  allowed, 
without  any  protest,  apiieals  to  this  Creed,  while  at 
the  same  time  they  energetically  protested  against  the 
canons  of  the  council.  It  was  on  account  of  the  papal 
approbation  of  the  Creed  that,  in  the  sixth  century, 
Popes  Vigiliu.s,   Pelagius  II,  and  Gregory  the  Great 


COUNCILS 


42.S 


COUNCILS 


declared  this  couiiril  rerumenical,  although  Grogorj' 
still  refused  to  sanction  its  canons.  The  First  Synod 
of  Constantinople  [jresents,  then,  an  instance  of  a 
minimum  of  papal  co-operation  impressing  on  a  par- 
ticular council  the  mark  of  universality.  The  normal 
co-operation,  liowever,  requires  on  the  part  of  the  head 
of  the  Church  more  than  a  post-Jactum  acknowledg- 
ment. 

The  pope's  office  and  the  council's  function  in 
the  organization  of  the  Church  require  that  the  pope 
should  call  the  council  together,  preside  over  and 
direct  its  labours,  and  finally  promulgate  its  decrees 
to  the  universal  Church  as  expressing  the  mind  of  the 
whole  teaching  body  guided  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  In- 
stances of  such  normal,  natural,  perfect  co-operation 
occur  in  the  five  Lateran  coimcils,  which  were  pre- 
sided over  by  the  pope  in  person;  the  personal  pres- 
ence of  the  highest  authority  in  the  Church,  his  direc- 
tion of  the  deliberations,  and  approbation  of  the  de- 
crees, stamp  the  conciliary  proceedings  throughout 
as  the  function  of  the  Magisterium  Ecdesiw  in  its 
most  authoritative  form.  Councils  in  which  the  pope 
is  represented  by  legates  are,  indeed,  also  representa- 
tive of  the  whole  teaching  body  of  the  Church,  but  the 
representation  is  not  absolute  or  adequate,  is  no  real 
concentration  of  its  whole  authority.  They  act  in  the 
name,  but  not  with  tlie  whole  power,  of  the  teaching 
Church,  and  their  decrees  become  universally  binding 
only  through  an  act,  either  antecedent  or  consequent, 
of  the  pope.  The  difference  between  councils  pre- 
sided over  personally  and  by  proxy  is  marked  in  the 
form  in  which  their  decrees  are  promulgated:  when 
the  pope  has  been  present  the  decrees  are  published  in 
his  own  name  with  the  additional  formula:  sacro  a]>- 
probante  Concilio;  when  papal  legates  have  presided 
the  decrees  are  attributed  to  the  synod  (S.  Synodus 
declarat,  definit,  decernit). 

VI.    F,\CTORS    IN   THE    PoPe'.S    Co-OPERATION   WITH 

THE  Council. — We  have  seen  that  no  council  is 
oecumenical  unless  the  pope  has  made  it  his  own  by 
co-operation,  which  admits  of  a  minimum  and  a  max- 
imum, consequently  of  various  degrees  of  perfection. 
Catholic  writers  could  have  saved  themselves  much 
trouble  if  they  had  always  based  their  apologetics  on 
the  simple  and  evident  principle  of  a  sufficient  mini- 
mum of  papal  co-operation,  instead  of  endeavouring 
to  prove,  at  all  costs,  that  a  maximum  is  both  re- 
quired in  principle  and  demonstrable  in  history.  The 
three  factors  constituting  the  solidarity  of  pope  and 
council  are  the  convocation,  direction,  and  confirma- 
tion of  the  council  by  the  pope ;  but  it  is  not  essential 
that  each  and  all  of  these  factors  should  always  be 
present  in  full  perfection. 

(a)  Convocation. — The  juridical  convocation  of  a 
council  implies  something  more  than  an  invitation 
addressed  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  world  to  meet  in 
council,  viz.:  the  act  by  which  in  law  the  bishops  are 
bound  to  take  part  in  the  council,  and  the  council 
itself  is  constituted  a  legitimate  tribunal  for  dealing 
with  Church  affairs.  Logically,  and  in  the  nature  of 
the  thing,  the  right  of  convocation  belongs  to  the  pope 
alone.  Yet  the  convocation,  in  the  loose  sense  of 
invitation  to  meet,  of  the  first  eight  general  synods, 
was  regularly  issued  by  the  Christian  emperors,  whose 
dominion  was  coextensive  with  the  Church,  or  at 
least  with  the  Eastern  part  of  it,  which  was  then  alone 
convened.  The  imperial  letters  of  convocation  to  the 
Councils  of  Ephesus  (Hardouin,  1,  V.WA)  and  of  Chal- 
cedon  (Hardouin,  II,  42)  .show  that  the  emperors  acted 
as  protectors  of  the  Church,  believing  it  their  duty  to 
further  by  every  means  in  their  iiower  tlie  welfare  of 
their  charge.  Nor  is  it  possible  in  every  case  to  prove 
that  they  acted  at  the  formal  instigation  of  the  pope; 
it  even  seems  that  the  emperors  more  than  once  fol- 
lowed none  but  their  own  initiative  for  convening  the 
council  and  fixing  its  place  of  meeting.  It  is,  how- 
ever, evident  that  the  Christian  emperors  cannot  have 


ODVOt 


acted  thus  without  the  consent,  actual  or  presumedj 
of  the  pope.  Otherwise  their  conduct  had  been  neiJ 
ther  lawful  nor  wise.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  none  of  tha 
eight  Eastern  oecumenical  synods,  with  the  exception! 
perhaps,  of  the  fifth,  was  summoned  by  the  emperor 
in  opposition  to  the  pope.  As  regards  the  fifth,  the 
conduct  of  the  emperor  caused  the  legality  of  tha; 
council  to  be  questioned — a  proof  that  the  mind  of 
the  Church  required  the  pope's  consent  for  the  lawJ 
fulness  of  councils.  As  regards  most  of  these  eigha 
synods,  particularly  that  of  Ephesus,  the  previous 
consent  of  the  j)ope,  actual  or  presumed,  is  manifesto 
Regarding  the  convocation  of  the  Council  of  Chalce4 
don,  the  Emperor  Marcian  did  not  quite  fall  in  withJ 
the  wishes  of  Pope  Leo  I  as  to  the  time  and  place  of 
its  meeting,  but  he  did  not  claim  an  absolute  right  to 
have  his  will,  nor  did  the  pope  acknowledge  such  a 
right.  On  the  contrary,  as  Leo  I  explains  in  his  let- 
ters (Epp.  Ixxxix,  xc,  ed.  Ballerini),he  only  submitted;  !l 
to  the  imperial  arrangements  because  he  was  unwilling, ! 
to  interfere  with  Marcian's  well-meant  endeavours. 

It  is  still  more  evident  that  convocation  by  the 
emperors  did  not  imply  on  their  part,  the  claim  to  con- 
stitute the  council  juridically,  that  is,  to  give  it  power 
to  sit  as  an  authorized  tribunal  for  Church  affairs. 
Such  a  claim  has  never  been  put  forward.  The  ex- 
pressions jubere  and  K(\eveiv,  occasionally  used  in  the  ictsoi 
wording  of  the  convocation,  do  not  necessarily  con-  elesiii 
vey  the  notion  of  strict  orders  not  to  be  resisted;  they  Slito 
also  have  the  meaning  of  exhorting,  inducing,  bidding,  itliei 
The  juridical  constitution  of  the  council  could  only  its. 
emanate,  and  in  fact  always  did  emanate,  from  theeiis 
Apostolic  See.  As  the  necessity  of  the  bishops'  meet-  is! tot 
ing  in  council  was  dictated  rather  by  the  distressful  bestot 
condition  of  the  Church  than  by  positive  orders,  the  ml  add 
pope  contented  himself  with  authorizing  the  council,  entecre 
and  this  he  effected  by  sending  his  legates  to  preside  tboil 
over  and  direct  the  work  of  the  assembled  prelates,  iffapa 
The  Emperor  Marcian  in  his  first  letter  to  Leo  I  de-  kiatii 
clares  that  the  success  of  the  intended  sjiiod  depends  oniumij 
on  his — the  pope's — authorization,  and  Leo,  not  Mar  ftrse 
cian,  is  later  called  the  auctor  synodi  without  anj  aiiial  i 
restrictive  qualification,  especially  at  the  time  of  th(  leyeup 
"Three  Chapters"  dispute,  where  the  extension  of  th(  'ikepB 
sjniod's  authority  was  called  in  question.  The  law  ilaliol 
therefore,  at  that  period  was  the  same  as  it  is  now  ai  ii^eif 
far  as  essentials  are  concerned:  the  pope  is  the  solioiw 
convener  of  the  council  as  an  authoritative  juridica  btmliii 
assembly.  The  difference  lies  in  the  circumstano  isiiiKp 
that  the  pope  left  to  the  emperor  the  execution  of  th"  ke.iyiiod 
convocation  and  the  necessarj'  measures  for  renderinj  l!  Ho; 
the  meeting  possible  and  surrounding  it  with  th  Slwisl 
eclat  due  to  its  dignity  in  Church  and  State.  ThpoiPo 
material,  or  business,  part,  of  the  coimcils  being  thu  Iwian. 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  emperors,  it  was  to  b  is<  lAti 
expected  that  the  pope  was  sometimes  induced — iftiiopg 
not  forced — by  circumstances  to  make  his  authorizt  uUv.inl 
tion  suit  the  imperial  wishes  and  arrangements.  nielSD 

After  studying  the  principles  it  is  well  to  see  ho'  t  indi 
they  worked  out  in  fact.  Hence  the  following  hist«  ijilHi 
rical  summary  of  the  convocation  of  the  first  ei^  i  ;B[(,it 
general  councils: —  ^:A}))] 

(1)  Eusebius  (Vita  Constantini,  III,  \i)  informs  i  fc  ide^ 
that  the  writs  of  convocation  to  the  First  Genep  iffiupitu 
Synod  were  issued  by  Emperor  Constantine,  but  t  ia ;, 
not  one  of  those  writs  has  come  down  to  us,  it  remaij  iti  i 
doubtful  whether  or  not  they  mentioned  any  previoi  Rfrv  : 
consultation  with  the  pope.  It  is,  however,  an  und  I  :,fHiiuj, 
niable  fact  that  the  Sixth  General  Synod  (OSO)  plain  t:.-'ii.n« 


affirmed  that  the  Council  of  Nica>a  hail  been  conveni 
by  the  emperor  and  Pope  Sylvester  (Mansi, Coll.  Com  l 
XI,  C61).     The  same  statement  appears  in  the  li  t 
of  Sylvester  found  in  the  "Liber  Pontificalis",  b 
this  evidence  need  not  be  pre.s,sed,  the  evidence  frfl 
the  council  being,  from  the  circumstances  in  which   io 
was  given,  of  sufficient  strength  to  carry  the  poll   imif 
For  the  Sixth  General  Council  took  place  ill  Consta   iit(j 


iaiag,] 


COUNCILS 


429 


ddtJNdiLS 


nople,  at  a  time  when  the  bishops  of  the  imperial 
ty  already  attempted  to  rival  the  bishojis  of  Old 
ome,  and  the  vast  majority  of  its  members  were 
reeks ;  their  statement  is  therefore  entirely  free  from 
le  suspicion  of  Western  ambition  or  prejudice  and 
ust  be  accepted  as  a  true  presentment  of  fact, 
ufinus,  in  his  continuation  of  Eusebius'  history  (1,1) 
ys  that  the  emperor  summonetl  the  synod  ex  sticcr- 
•tuni  senleiitid  (on  the  advice  of  the  clergy);  it  is  but 
ir  to  suppose  that  if  he  consulted  several  prelates  he 
d  not  omit  to  consult  with  the  heatl  of  all. 
(2)  The  Second  General  Synotl  (381)  was  not,  at 
■st,  intended  to  be  oecumenical;  it  only  became  so 
!cause  it  was  accepted  in  the  West,  as  has  been 
own  above.  It  was  not  summoned  by  Pope  Da- 
asus,  as  is  often  contended,  for  the  assertion  that  the 
sembled  bishops  professed  to  have  met  in  consc- 
ience of  a  letter  of  the  pope  to  Theodosius  the  Great 
based  on  a  confusion.  The  docimient  here  brought 
as  eviilence  refers  to  the  sjaiod  of  the  following  year 
liich  was  indeed  summoned  at  the  instigation  of  the 
)pe  and  the  Synod  of  Aquileia,  but  was  not  an  oecu- 
enical  synod. 

(.3)  The  Third  General  Council  (Ephesus,  4.31)  was 
invoked  by  Emperor  Theodosius  II  and  his  Western 
Ileague  Valentinian  III;  this  is  evident  from  the 
;ts  of  the  council.  It  is  equally  evident  that  Pope 
;lestine  I  gave  his  consent,  for  he  w-rote  (15  May, 
II)  to  Theodosius  that  he  could  not  appear  in  person 
the  synod,  but  that  he  would  send  his  representa- 
/es.  And  in  his  epistle  of  8  May  to  the  synod  itself, 
!  insists  on  the  duty  of  the  bishops  present  to  hold 
st  to  the  orthodox  faith,  expects  them  to  accede  to 
e  sentence  he  has  already  pronounced  on  Nestorius, 
id  adds  that  he  has  sent  his  legates  to  execute  that 
ntence  at  Ephesus.  The  members  of  the  council 
knowledge  the  papal  directions  and  orders,  not  only 
e  papal  consent,  in  the  wording  of  their  solemn  con- 
•mnation  of  Nestorius:  "Urged  by  the  Canons  and 
nfonning  to  the  Letter  of  our  most  holy  Father  and 
How  servant  Celestine  the  Roman  bishop,  we  have 
imed  this  sorrowful  sentence  against  Nestorius." 
ley  express  the  same  sentiment  where  they  say  that 
;he  epistle  of  the  Apostolic  See  (to  Cyril,  communi- 
ted  to  the  council)  already  contains  a  judgment  and 
rule  ("A^^o  tai  rvTrov)  on  the  case  of  Nestorius", 
id  that  they — the  bishops  in  coimcil — have  executeil 
at  ruling.  All  this  manifests  the  bishops'  conviction 
at  the  pope  w.as  the  moving  and  quickening  spirit  of 
e  synod. 

(4)  How  the  Fourth  General  Synod  (Chalcedon, 
il)  was  brought  together  is  set  forth  in  several  writ- 
gs  of  Pope  Leo  I  and  Emperors  Theodosius  II  and 
arcian.  Immediately  after  the  Robber  SjTiod, 
;o  asked  Theodosius  to  prepare  a  council  composed 
bishops  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  to  meet,  pref- 
ably,  in  Italy.  He  rc]ieated  the  same  request,  first 
ade  13  October,  449,  on  the  following  feast  of  Christ- 
as,  and  prevailed  on  the  Western  Emperor  Valen- 
lian  III  together  with  his  empress  and  his  mother, 
support  it  at  the  Byzantine  Court.  Once  more  (in 
ily,  4.50)  Leo  renewed  his  request,  adding,  however, 
at  the  council  might  be  dispensed  with  if  all  the 
shops  were  to  make  a  profession  of  the  orthodox 
ith  without  being  tniited  in  council.  About  this 
ne  Theodosius  II  died  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
iter,  St.  Pulcheria,  and  her  husband  Marcian.  Both 
once  informed  the  pope  of  their  willingness  to  sum- 
on  the  council,  Marcian  specially  asking  him  to  state 
writing  whether  he  could  assist  at  the  synod  in  por- 
n  CT  through  his  legates,  so  that  the  necessary  writs 
convocation  might  be  issued  to  the  Eastern  bishops. 
C  that  time,  however,  the  situation  had  greatly  im- 
oved  in  the  Ea.stem  Church;  nearly  all  the  bishops 
lo  had  taken  part  in  the  Robber  Svnod  had  now 
pentcd  of  their  aberration  and  signed,  in  union  with 
eir  orthodox  colleagues,  the  "Epistola  dogmatica" 


of  Leo  to  Flavian,  by  this  act  rendering  the  need  of  a 
council  less  urgent.  Besides,  the  Huns  were  just  then 
invading  the  West,  preventing  many  Latin  bishops, 
whose  presence  at  the  council  was  most  desirable, 
from  leaving  their  flocks  to  undertake  the  long  journey 
to  Chalcedon.  Other  motives  induced  the  pope  to 
postpone  the  synod,  e.  g.  the  fear  that  it  might  be 
made  the  occasion  by  the  bishops  of  Constantinople 
to  improve  their  hierarchical  position,  a  fear  well 
justified  by  subsequent  events.  But  Marcian  had 
already  svmnnoned  the  synod,  and  Leo  therefore  gave 
his  instnicticms  as  to  the  business  to  be  transacted. 
He  was  then  entitled  to  say,  in  a  letter  to  the  bishops 
who  had  been  at  the  council  that  the  synod  had  been 
brought  together  "ex  praecepto  christianorum  prin- 
cipum  et  ex  consensu  apostolicse  sedis"  (by  order  of 
the  Christian  princes  and  with  the  consent  of  the 
Apostolic  See).  The  emperor  himself  wrote  to  Leo 
that  the  synod  had  been  held  by  his  authority  {te 
atictore),  anil  the  bishops  of  Moesia,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Byzantine  Emperor  Leo,  said:  "At  Chalcedon  many 
bishops  assembled  by  order  of  Leo,  the  Roman  pon- 
tiff, who  is  the  true  head  of  the  bishops". 

(5)  The  Fifth  General  Synod  was  planned  by  Jus- 
tinian I  with  the  consent  of  Pope  Vigilius  (q.  v.),  but 
on  account  of  the  emperor's  dogmatic  pretensions, 
quarrels  arose  and  the  pope  refused  to  be  present, 
although  repeatedly  invited.  His  Constitutum  of  14 
May,  553,  to  the  ctTect  that  he  could  not  consent  to 
anathematize  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  and  Theodoret, 
led  to  open  opposition  between  pope  and  council.  In 
the  end  all  was  righted  by  Vigilius  approving  the 
synodal  decrees. 

(6,  7,  8)  These  three  synods  were  each  and  all 
called  by  the  emperors  of  the  time  with  the  consent 
and  assistance  of  the  Apostolic  See.  (See  Constan- 
tinople, Councils  op;  Nic.ba,  Cooncils  of.) 

(b)  Direction. — The  direction  or  presidency  of 
councils  belongs  to  the  pope  by  the  same  right  as  their 
convocation  and  constitution.  Were  a  council  di- 
rected in  its  deliberations  and  acts  by  anyone  inde- 
pendent of  the  pope  and  acting  entirely  on  his  own 
responsibility,  such  a  council  could  not  be  the  pope's 
own  in  any  sense:  the  defect  could  only  be  made  good 
by  a  consequent  formal  act  of  the  pope  accepting 
responsibility  for  its  decisions.  In  point  of  fact,  papal 
legates  presided  over  all  the  Eastern  councils,  which 
from  their  beginning  were  legally  constituted.  The 
reader  will  obtain  a  clearer  insight  into  this  point  of 
conciliar  proceedings  from  a  concrete  example,  taken 
from  Hefele's  introduction  to  his  "History  of  the 
Councils": — 

Pope  Adrian  II  sent  his  legates  to  the  Eighth  (Ecu- 
menical Synod  (787)  with  an  express  declaration  to 
the  Emperor  Basil  that  they  were  to  act  as  presidents 
of  the  council.  The  legates.  Bishop  Donatus  of  Ostia, 
Bishop  Stephen  of  Nepesina,  and  the  deacon  Marinus 
of  Rome,  read  the  papal  rescrijit  to  the  .synod.  Not 
the  slightest  objection  was  raised.  Their  names  took 
precedence  in  all  protocols ;  they  determined  the  dura- 
tion of  the  several  sessions,  gave  leave  to  make 
speeches  and  to  read  documents  and  to  admit  other 
persons;  they  put  the  leading  questions,  etc.  In 
short,  their  presidency  in  the  first  five  sessions  cannot 
be  disputed.  But  at  the  sixth  session  Emperor  Basil 
was  present  with  his  two  sons,  Constantine  and  Leo, 
and,  as  the  Acts  relate,  received  the  presidency. 
Tliese  same  Acts,  however,  at  once  clearly  distinguish 
the  emperor  and  his  sons  from  the  synod  when, 
after  naming  them,  they  continue:  conveniente  sanctA 
ac  uninersnli  s^ynoito  (the  holy  and  universal  synod 
now  meeting),  thus  disassociating  the  lay  ruler  from 
the  council  proper.  The  names  of  the  papal  legates 
continue  to  appear  first  among  the  members  of  the 
synod,  and  it  is  they  who  in  those  latter  sessions 
determine  the  matters  for  discussion,  subscribe  the 
Acts  before  anyone  else,  expressly  as  presidents  of  the 


COUNCILS 


430 


COUNCILS 


wnod,  whereas  the  emperor,  to  show  clearly  that  he 
did  not  consider  himself  the  president,  would  only 
subscribe  after  all  the  bishops.  The  papal  legates 
begged  hiin  to  put  his  and  his  son's  names  at  the  head 
of  the  list,  but  he  stoutly  refused  and  only  consented, 
at  last,  to  write  his  name  after  those  of  the  papal 
legates  and  of  the  Eastern  patriarchs,  but  before  those 
of  the  bishops.  Consequently  Pope  Adrian  II,  in  a 
letter  to  the  emperor,  praises  him  for  not  having 
assisted  at  the  council  as  a  judge  (judex),  but  merely 
as  a  witness  and  protector  {conscius  et  obsecundator). 

The  imperial  commissaries  present  at  the  synod 
acted  even  less  as  presidents  than  the  emperor  him- 
self. They  signed  the  reports  of  the  several  sessions 
only  after  the  representatives  of  the  patriarchs, 
though  before  the  bishops;  their  names  are  absent 
from  the  signatures  of  the  Acts.  On  the  other  hand 
it  may  be  contended  that  the  Eastern  patriarchs, 
Ignatius  of  Constantinople,  and  the  representatives 
of  the  other  Eastern  patriarchs,  in  some  degree  par- 
ticipated in  the  presidency:  their  names  are  con- 
stantly associated  with  those  of  the  Roman  legates 
and  clearly  distinguished  from  those  of  the  other 
metropolitans  and  bishops.  They,  as  it  were,  form 
with  the  papal  legates  a  board  of  directors,  fix  with 
him  the  order  of  proceedings,  determine  who  shall  be 
heard,  subscribe,  like  the  legates,  before  the  emperor, 
and  are  entered  in  the  reports  of  the  several  sessions 
before  the  imperial  commissaries.  All  this  being 
granted,  the  fact  still  remains  that  the  papal  legates 
unmistakably  hold  the  first  place,  for  they  are  alwaj's 
named  first  and  sign  first,  and — a  detail  of  great  im- 
portance— for  the  final  subscription  they  use  the 
formula:  huic  sanche  et  tiniversali  synodo  prwsidens 
(presiding  over  this  holy  and  universal  synod), 
while  Ignatius  of  Constantinople  and  the  representa- 
tives of  the  other  patriarchs  claim  no  presidency, 
but  word  their  subscription  thus:  suscipiens  et  omni- 
bus  qiicE  ab  ed  judicata  et  scripta  sunt  concordans  et 
definiens  subscripsi  (receiving  this  holy  and  universal 
synod  and  agreeing  with  all  it  has  judged  and  written, 
and  defining  I  have  signed).  If,  on  the  one  hand,  this 
form  of  subscription  differs  from  that  of  the  president, 
it  diPers  no  less,  on  the  other,  from  that  of  the  bishops. 
These,  like  the  emperor,  have  without  exception  used 
the  formula;  suscipiens  (synodum)  subscripsi  (receiv- 
ing the  synod  I  have  signed),  omitting  the  otherwise 
customary  definiens,  which  was  used  to  mark  a  decisive 
vote  (votum  decisivum). 

Hefele  gives  similar  documentary  accounts  of  the 
first  eight  general  synods,  showing  that  papal  legates 
always  presided  over  them  when  occupied  in  their 
proper  business  of  deciding  questions  on  faith  and  dis- 
cipline. The  exclusive  right  of  the  pope  in  this  matter 
was  generally  acknowledged.  Thus,  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  II  says,  in  his  edict  addressed  to  the  Coun- 
cil of  Ephesus,  that  he  had  sent  Count  Candidian  to 
represent  him,  but  that  this  imperial  commissary  was 
to  take  no  part  in  dogmatic  disputes  since  "it  was  un- 
lawful for  one  who  is  not  enrolled  in  the  lists  of  the  most 
holy  bishops  to  mingle  in  ecclesiastical  inquiries". 
The  Council  of  Chalcedon  acknowledged  that  Pope 
Leo,  by  his  legates,  presided  over  it  as  "  the  head  over 
the  members".  At  Nica>a,  Hosiiis,  Vitus,  and  Vincen- 
tius,  as  papal  legates,  signed  before  all  other  members 
of  the  council.  The  right  of  presiding  and  directing 
implies  that  the  pope,  if  he  chooses  to  make  a  full  use 
of  his  powers,  can  determine  the  subject  matter  to  be 
dealt  with  by  the  council,  prescribe  rules  for  conduct- 
ing the  debates,  and  generally  order  the  whole  busi- 
ness as  seems  best  to  him.  Hence  no  conciliar  decree 
is  legitimate!  if  carried  under  protest — or  even  without 
the  positive  consent — of  the  pope  or  his  legates.  The 
consent  of  the  legates  alone,  acting  without  a  special 
order  from  the  pope,  is  not  .sufficient  to  make  conciliar 
decrees  at  once  |)erfect  and  operative;  what  is  neces- 
sary is  the  pope's  own  consent.     F'or  this  reason  no 


decree  can  become  illegitimate  and  null  in  law  on  ac- 
count of  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  the  assembly  by 
the  presiding  pope,  or  by  papal  legates  acting  on  his 
orders.  Such  pressure  and  restriction  of  liberty,  pro- 
ceeding from  the  internal,  natural  principle  of  order 
through  the  use  of  lawful  power,  does  not  amount  to 
o.\ternal,  unnatural  coercion,  and,  therefore,  does  not 
invalidate  the  Acts  due  to  its  exercise. 

Examples  of  councils  working  at  high  pressure,  if 
the  expression  may  be  used,  without  spoiling  their 
output,  are  of  frequent  occurrence.  Most  of  the 
early  coimcils  were  convened  to  execute  decisions  al- 
ready finally  fixed  by  the  pope,  no  choice  being  left 
the  assembled  Fathers  to  arrive  at  another  decision. 
They  were  forced  to  confonn  their  judgment  to  that 
of  Rome,  with  or  without  discussion.  Should  papal 
pressure  go  beyond  the  limits  of  the  council's  dignity 
and  of  the  importance  of  the  matters  under  discussion, 
the  effect  would  be,  not  the  invalidation  of  the  coun- 
cil's decrees,  but  the  paralysing  of  its  moral  influence 
and  practical  usefulness.  On  the  other  hand,  the  fact 
that  a  synod  is,  or  has  been,  acting  under  the  leader- 
ship of  its  Divinely  appointed  head,  is  the  best  guar- 
antee of  its  freedom  from  unnatural  disturbances,  such 
as  intrigues  from  below  or  coercion  from  above.  In 
the  same  way  violent  interference  with  the  papal 
leadership  is  the  grossest  attack  on  the  council's  nat- 
ural freedom.  Thus  the  Robber  Synod  of  Ephe- 
sus (449),  though  intended  to  be  general  and  at  firet 
duly  authorized  by  the  presence  of  papal  legates,  was 
declared  invalid  and  null  by  those  same  legates  at 
Chalcedon  (451),  because  the  prejudiced  Emperor 
Theodosius  II  had  removed  the  representatives  of  the 
pope,  and  entrusted  the  direction  of  the  council  to 
Dioscurus  of  .Alexandria. 

(c)  Confirmation. — Confirmation  of  the  conciliar  de- 
crees is  the  third  factor  in  the  pope's  necessary  co- 
operation with  the  council.  The  council  does  not 
represent  the  teaching  Church  till  the  visible  head  of 
the  Church  has  given  his  approval,  for,  unapproved,  it 
is  but  a  headless,  soulless,  impersonal  body,  unable  to 
give  its  decisions  the  binding  force  of  laws  for  the 
whole  Church,  or  the  finality  of  judicial  sentences. 
With  the  papal  approval,  on  the  contrary,  the  coun- 
cil's pronouncements  represent  the  fullest  effort  of  the 
teaching  and  ruling  Church,  a.  judicium  plcnissimum, 
beyond  which  no  power  can  go.  Confirmation  being 
the  final  touch  of  perfection,  the  seal  of  authority,  and 
the  veiy  life  of  conciliar  decrees,  it  is  necessary  that  it 
should  be  a  personal  act  of  the  highest  authority,  for 
the  highest  authority  cannot  be  delegated.  So  much 
for  the  principle,  or  the  question  of  right.  When  we 
look  for  its  practical  working  throughout  the  history 
of  councils,  we  find  great  diversity  in  the  way  it  has 
been  applied  under  the  influence  of  varjung  circum- 
stances. 

(1)  Councils  over  which  the  pope  presides  in  person 
require  no  further  formal  confinnation  on  his  part,  for 
their  decisions  formally  include  his  own  as  the  body 
includes  the  soul.  The  Vatican  Council  of  1869-70 
offers  an  example  in  point. 

(2)  Councils  over  which  the  pope  presides  through 
his  legates  are  not  identified  with  himself  in  the  same 
degree  as  the  former.  They  constitute  separate,  de- 
pendent, representative  tribimals,  whose  findings  only 
become  final  through  ratification  by  the  authority  for 
which  they  act.  Such  is  the  theory.  In  practice, 
however,  the  papal  confirmation  is,  or  may  be,  pre- 
sumed in  the  following  cases: — 

(a)  When  tlie  council  is  convened  for  the  express 
purpose  of  carrying  out  a  papal  decision  previously 
arrived  at,  as  was  the  case  with  most  of  the  early 
.synods;  or  when  the  legates  give  their  consent  in  vir- 
tue of  a  special  public  instruction  emanating  from  the 
pope;  in  these  circvnnstances  the  papal  ratification 
pre-exists,  is  implied  in  the  conciliar  decision,  and 
need  not  be  formally  renewed  after  the  council.     It 


COUNCILS 


431 


COUNCILS 


nay,  however,  be  superadded  ad  ahundantiam,  as, 
3.  g.  the  confirmation  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  by 
Leo  I. 

(b)  The  necessary  consent  of  the  Apostolic  See  may 
ilso  be  presumed  when,  as  generally  at  the  Council  of 
Frent,  the  legates  have  personal  instructions  from  the 
3ope  on  each  particular  question  coming  up  for  deci- 
sion, and  act  conformably,  i.  e.  if  they  allow  no  decision 
;o  be  taken  unless  the  pope's  consent  has  previously 
jeen  obtained. 

(c)  Supposing  a  council  actually  composed  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  episcopate,  concurring  freely  in  a 
iiianiinous  decision  and  thus  Ijearing  unexceptional 
vitnpss  to  the  mind  and  sense  of  the  whole  Church; 
riio  pope,  whose  office  it  is  to  voice  infallibly  the  mind 
)f  the  Church,  would  be  oljligcd  by  the  very  nature  of 
lis  office,  to  adopt  the  coimcil's  decision,  and  conse- 
piently  his  confirmation,  ratification,  or  approbation 
■ould  be  presumed,  and  a  formal  expression  of  it  dis- 
)ensed  with.  But  even  then  his  approbation,  pre- 
lumed  or  expressed,  is  juridically  the  constituent 
actor  of  the  decision's  perfection. 

(.3)  The  express  ratification  in  due  form  is  at  all 
imes,  when  not  absolutely  necessary,  at  least  desir- 
ible  and  useful  in  many  respects: — 

(a)  It  gives  the  conciliar  proceedings  their  natural 
md  lawful  complement,  the  keystone  which  closes  and 
Towns  the  arch  for  strength  and  beauty;  it  brings  to 
he  front  the  majesty  and  significance  of  the  supreme 
lead  of  the  Church. 

(b)  Presimied  consent  can  but  rarely  apply  with  the 
ame  efficacy  to  each  and  all  of  the  decisions  of  an  im- 
lortant  council.  A  solemn  papal  ratification  puts 
hem  all  on  the  same  level  and  removes  all  possible 
loubt. 

(c)  Lastly  the  papal  ratification  forinally  promul- 
;ates  the  sentence  of  the  council  as  an  article  of  faith 

0  be  known  and  accepted  by  all  the  faithful;  it 
)rings  to  light  and  public  view  the  intrinsic  oecumen- 
city  of  the  council;  it  is  the  natural,  official,  indispu- 
able  criterion,  or  test,  of  the  perfect  legality  of  the 
onciliar  transactions  or  conclusions.  If  we  bear  in 
nind  the  numerous  disturbing  elements  at  work  in 
.nd  around  an  oecumenical  council,  the  conflicting 
eligious,  political,  scientific,  and  personal  interests 
lontending  for  supremacy,  or  at  least  eager  to  secure 
ome  advantage,  we  can  easily  realize  the  necessity  of 

1  papal  ratification  to  cru.sh  the  endless  chicanery 
fhich  otherwise  would  endanger  the  success  and  effi- 
acy  of  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  Church.  Even 
hey  who  refuse  to  see  in  the  papal  confinnation  an 
uthentic  testimony  and  sentence,  declaring  infallibly 
he  cecvimenicity  of  the  council  and  its  decrees  to  be  a 
logmatic  fact,  must  admit  that  it  is  a  sanative  act 
.nd  supplies  possil)Ie  defects  and  shortcomings;  the 
ecumenical  authority  of  the  pope  is  sufficient  to  im- 
lart  validity  and  infallibility  to  the  decrees  he  makes 
lis  own  by  officially  ratifying  them.  This  was  done 
ly  Pope  Vigilius  for  the  Fifth  General  Synod.  Suffi- 
ient  proof  for  the  sanatory  efficacy  of  the  papal  rati- 
ication  lies  in  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  pope 
,nd  in  the  infallibility  of  his  ex-cathedra  pronounce- 
nents.  Should  it  be  argued,  however,  that  the  sen- 
cnce  of  an  oecumenical  council  is  the  only  ab.solute, 
inal,  and  infallible  sentence,  even  then,  and  then 
lore  than  ever,  the  papal  ratification  would  be  nece.s- 
arj'.  For  in  the  tran.sactions  of  an  oecumenical 
ouncil  the  pope  plays  the  principal  part,  and  if  any 
leficiency  in  his  action,  especially  in  tlie  excrci.se  of 
lis  own  special  prerogatives,  were  apparent,  tlie  la- 
bours of  tlie  council  would  lie  in  vain.  The  faithful 
esitate  to  accept  as  infallible  guides  of  their  faith 
ocuments  not  aullicnticati'il  by  the  seal  of  the  fisher- 
man, or  the  .\p(istiilic  .Sec.  which  now  wields  th<'  au- 
hority  of  St.  Peter  and  of  Christ.  Leo  II  beautifully 
xpre,s.ses  these  ideas  in  his  ratification  of  the  Sixtli 
leneral  Council:  " Because  this  great  and  universal 


synod  has  most  fully  proclaimed  the  definition  of  the 
right  faith,  which  the  Apostolic  See  of  St.  Peter  the 
Apostle,  whose  office  w-e,  though  unequal  to  it,  are 
holding,  also  reverently  receives:  therefore  we  also, 
and  through  our  office  this  Apostolic  See,  consent  to, 
and  confirm,  by  the  authority  of  Blessed  Peter,  those 
things  which  have  been  defined,  as  being  finally  set  by 
the  Lord  Himself  on  the  solid  rock  which  is  Christ. " 

No  event  in  the  history  of  the  Church  better  illus- 
trates the  necessity  and  the  importance  of  papal  co- 
operation and,  in  particular,  confirmation,  than  the 
controversies  which  in  the  si.xtli  century  raged  about 
the  Three  Chapters.  The  Three  Chapters  were  the 
condemnation  (1)  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia,  his  per- 
son, and  his  writings;  (2)  of  Theodoret's  writings 
against  Cyril  and  the  Council  of  Ephesus;  (3)  of  a  let- 
ter from  Ibas  to  Maris  the  Persian,  also  against  Cyril 
and  the  council.  Theodore  anticipated  the  heresy  of 
Nestorius;  Ibas  and  Theodoret  were  indeed  restored 
at  Chalcedon,  but  only  after  they  had  given  orthodox 
explanations  and  shown  that  they  were  free  from  Nes- 
torianism.  The  two  points  in  debate  were:  (1)  Did 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  acknowledge  the  orthodoxy 
of  the  said  Three  Chapters?  (2)  How,  i.  e.  by  what 
test,  is  the  point  to  be  settled?  Now  the  two  contend- 
ing parties  agreed  in  the  principle  of  the  test:  the  ap- 
probation of  the  council  stands  or  falls  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  pope's  legates  and  of  Pope  Leo  I  himself. 
Defenders  of  the  Chapters,  e.  g.  Ferrandus  the  Deacon 
and  Facundus  of  Hermiane,  put  forward  as  their  chief 
argument  (prima  et  imtnobilis  ratio)  the  fact  that  Leo 
had  approved.  Their  opponents  never  questioned 
the  principle  but  denied  the  alleged  fact,  basing  their 
denial  on  Leo's  epistle  to  Maximus  of  Antioch  in 
which  they  read:  "Si  quid  sane  ab  his  fratribus  quos 
ad  S.  Synodum  vice  mea,  pra>ter  id  quod  ad  causam 
fidei  pertinebat  gestum  fuerit,  nullius  erit  firmitatis" 
(If  indeed  anything  not  pertaining  to  the  cause  of 
faith  should  have  been  settled  by  the  brethren  I  sent 
to  the  Holy  Synod  to  hold  my  place,  it  shall  be  of  no 
force).  The  point  of  doctrine  (causa  fidei)  referred  to 
is  the  heresy  of  Eutyches ;  the  Three  Chapters  refer  to 
that  of  Nestorius,  or  rather  to  certain  persons  and 
writings  connected  with  it. 

The  bishops  of  the  council,  assembled  at  Constan- 
tinople in  533  for  the  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
Three  Chapters  controversy,  addressed  to  Pope  Vigil- 
ius two  Confessions,  the  first  with  the  Patriarch  Men- 
nas,  the  second  with  his  successor  Eutychius,  in 
which,  to  establish  their  orthodoxy,  they  profess  that 
they  firmly  hold  to  the  four  general  synods  as  ap- 
proved by  the  Apostolic  See  and  by  the  popes.  Thus 
we  read  in  the  Confessio  of  Mennas:  "But  also  the 
letters  of  Pope  Leo  of  blessed  memory  and  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Apostolic  See  issued  in  support  of  the 
Faith  and  of  the  authority  (firmitan)  of  the  aforesaid 
four  synods,  we  promise  to  follow  and  observe  in  all 
points  and  we  anathematize  any  man,  who  on  any 
occasion  or  altercation  should  attempt  to  nullify  our 
promises."  And  in  the  Confessio  of  Eutychius: 
"  Suscipinius  aulem  et  ampler! imur  cpistolas  prcesulum 
Romance  Sedis  Aposlolicw,  tarn  aliorum  quam  Leonis 
sanctfB  memorial  de  fide  scriptan  el  de  qualtuor  Sanctis 
corwiliis  vcl  de  uno  corum"  (We  receive  and  embrace 
the  letters  of  the  bishops  of  the  Apostolic  Roman  See, 
those  of  others  as  well  as  of  Leo  of  holy  memory, 
concerning  the  Faith  and  the  fourholy  synods  or  any 
of  them). 

VII.  Business  Mkthod.s. — The  way  in  which  coun- 
cils trans.act  business  now  demands  our  attention. 
Here  as  in  most  things,  there  is  an  ideal  which  is  never 
completely  realized  in  practice. 

(a)  Tlic  facts—  It  has  been  sufficiently  shown  in  the 
foregoing  section  that  the  pope,  either  in  person  or  by 
deputy,  directed  the  transaction  of  conciliar  business. 
But  when  we  look  for  a  fixed  order  or  set  of  rules  regu- 
lating the  proceedings  we  have  to  come  down  to  the 


COUNCILS 


432 


COUNCILS 


Vatican  Council  to  find  an  ofBcial  Ordo  concilii  acu- 
menici  and  a  Methodus  servanda  in  primA  sessione,  etc. 
In  all  earlier  councils  the  management  of  affairs  was 
left  to  the  Fathers  and  adjusted  by  them  to  the  par- 
ticular objects  and  circumstances  of  the  council.  The 
so-called  Ordo  celebrandi  Concilii  Tridentini  is  a  com- 
pilation posterior  to  the  council,  written  by  the 
oonciliar  secretary,  A.  Massarelli;  it  is  a  record  of 
what  has  been  done,  not  a  rule  of  what  should  be 
done.  Some  fixed  rules  were,  however,  already  estab- 
lished at  the  reform  councils  of  the  fifteenth  century 
as  a  substitute  for  the  absent  directing  power  of  the 
pope.  The  substance  of  these  rulings  is  given  in  the 
"Cseremoniale  Romanvun"  of  Augustinus  Patritius  (d. 
1496).  The  institution  of  "congregations"  dates 
from  the  Council  of  Constance  (1415).  At  earlier 
councils  all  the  meetings  of  the  Fathers  were  called 
indiscriminately  sessiones  or  actionem,  but  since  Con- 
stance the  term  session  has  been  restricted  to  the 
solemn  meetings  at  which  the  final  votes  are  given, 
while  all  meetings  for  the  purpose  of  consultation  or 
provisory  voting  are  termed  congregations. 

The  distinction  between  general  and  particular 
congregations  likewise  dates  from  Constance,  where, 
however,  the  particular  congregations  assumed  a 
form  different  in  spirit  and  composition  from  the 
practice  of  earlier  and  later  councils.  They  were 
simply  separate  assemblies  of  the  "nations"  (first 
four,  then  five)  present  at  the  council;  their  de- 
liberations went  to  form  national  votes  which 
were  presented  in  the  general  assembly,  whose 
decisions  conformed  to  a  majority  of  such  votes. 
The  particular  congregations  of  more  recent  councils 
were  merely  consultative  assemblies  (conmiittees, 
commissions)  brought  together  by  appointment  or 
invitation  in  order  to  deliberate  on  special  matters. 
At  Trent  there  were  congregations  of  prelates  and 
congregations  of  theologians,  both  partly  for  dogma, 
partly  for  discipline.  The  congregations  of  prelates 
were  either  "deputations",  i.  e.  committeesof  specially 
chosen  experts,  or  conciliary  groups,  usually  three, 
into  which  the  coimcil  divided  for  the  purpose  of 
facilitating  discussion. 

The  official  ordo  of  the  Vatican  Council  confirmed 
the  Tridentine  practice,  leaving,  however,  to  the  in- 
itiative of  the  prelates  the  formation  of  groups  of  a 
more  private  character.  The  voting  by  "nations", 
peculiar  to  the  reform  councils,  has  also  been  aban- 
doned in  favour  of  the  traditional  voting  by  individ- 
uals (capita).  At  the  Vatican  Council  there  were 
seven  "commissions"  consisting  of  theologians  from 
all  countries,  appointed  a  year  before  the  actual 
meeting  of  the  assembly.  Their  duty  was  to  prepare 
the  various  matters  to  be  laid  before  the  council. 
The  object  of  these  congregations  is  sufficiently  de- 
scribed by  their  titles:  (1)  Congregatio  cardinalitia 
directrix;  (2)  Commissio  CEeremoniarum;  (3)  politico- 
ecclesiastica;  (4)  pro  ecclesiis  et  missionibus  Orientis; 
(5)  pro  Regularibus;  (6)  theologica  dogmatica;  (7) 
pro  disciplina  ecclesiastica  (i.  e.  a  general  directive 
cardinalitial  congregation,  and  several  commissions 
for  ceremonies,  politico-ecclesiastical  affairs,  the 
churches  and  missions  of  the  Orient,  the  regular  or- 
ders, dogmatic  theology,  ecclesiastical  discipline). 
On  the  basis  of  their  labours  were  worked  out  the 
schemata  (drafts  of  decrees)  to  be  discussed  by  the 
council.  Within  the  council  itself  there  were  seven 
"deputations":  (1)  Pro  recipiendis  et  expendendis 
Patrum  propositionibus  (appointed  by  the  pope  to 
examine  the  propositions  of  the  Fathers) ;  (2)  Judiccs 
excusationmn  (Judges  of  excuses);  (.'?)  Judices  quere- 
larum  et  controvcrsiarmn  (to  settle  quest  ions  of  prece- 
dence and  such  lik<0;  (4)  di  put:itio  pro  n'l)us  ad  fidem 
pertinentibus  (on  matters  j)ertainiii!^  to  faith);  (l>) 
deputatio  pro  rebus  discipliiue  ecclesiastica'  (on  eccle- 
Biastical  discipline) ;  (G)  pro  rebus  ordiiunn  regularium 
(on  religious  orders) ;  (7)  pro  rebus  ritus  orientalis  et 


apostolicis  missionibus  (Oriental  rites  and  Apostolic 
missions). 

All  these  deputations,  except  the  first,  were  chosen 
by  the  coimcil.  Objections  and  amentlments  to  the 
proposed  schemata  had  to  be  handed  in  in  writing  to 
the  responsible  deputation  which  considered  the  mat- 
ter and  modified  the  schema  accordingly.  Anyone  de- 
siring further  to  improve  the  modified  draft  had  to 
obtain  from  the  legates  permission  to  propose  his 
amendments  in  a  speech,  after  which  he  put  them 
down  in  writing.  If,  however,  ten  prelates  decided 
that  the  matter  had  been  sufficiently  debated,  leave 
for  speaking  was  refused.  At  this  stage  the  amend- 
ments were  collected  and  examined  by  the  synodal 
congregation,  then  again  laid  before  the  general  con- 
gregation to  be  voted  on  severally.  The  votes  for 
admission  or  rejection  were  expressed  by  the  prelates 
standing  or  remaining  seated.  Next  the  schema,  re- 
formed in  accordance  with  these  votes,  was  submitted 
to  a  general  congregation  for  approval  or  disapproval 
in  toto.  In  case  a  majority  of  placets  were  given  for 
it,  it  was  accepted  in  a  last  solemn  public  session,  after 
a  final  vote  of  placet  or  nan  placet  ("it  pleases",  or  "it 
does  not  please"). 

(b)  The  theory. — The  principle  which  directs  the 
practical  working  of  a  council  is  the  perfect,  or  best 
possible,  realization  of  its  object,  viz.  a  final  judgment 
on  questions  of  faith  and  morals,  invested  with  the 
authority  and  majesty  of  the  whole  teaching  body  of 
the  Church.  To  this  end  some  means  are  absolutely 
necessary,  others  are  only  desirable  as  adding  perfec- 
tion to  "the  result.  We  deal  first  with  these  latter 
means,  which  may  be  called  the  ideal  elements  of  the 
council: 

(1)  The  presence  of  all  the  bishops  of  the  world  is 
an  ideal  not  to  be  realized,  but  the  presence  of  a  very 
great  majority  is  desirable  for  many  reasons.  A  quasi- 
complete  council  has  the  advantage  of  being  a  real 
representation  of  the  whole  Church,  while  a  sparsely 
attended  one  is  only  so  in  law,  i.  e.  the  few  members 
present  legally  represent  the  many  absent,  but  only 
represent  their  jviridical  power,  their  ordinary  power 
not  being  representable.  Thus  for  every  bishop  ab- 
sent there  is  absent  an  authentic  witness  of  the  Faith 
as  it  is  in  his  diocese.  (2)  A  free  and  exhaustive  dis- 
cussion of  all  objections.  (3)  An  appeal  to  the  uni- 
versal belief — if  existing — witnessed  to  by  all  the 
bishops  in  council.  This,  if  realized,  would  render  all 
further  discussion  superfluous.  (4)  Unanimity  in  the 
final  vote,  the  result  either  of  the  universal  faith  as 
testified  to  by  the  Fathers,  or  of  conviction  gained  in 
the  debates.  It  is  evident  that  these  four  elements  in 
the  working  of  a  council  generally  contribute  to  its 
ideal  perfection,  but  it  is  not  less  evident  that  they  are 
not  essential  to  its  substance,  to  its  conciliary  elTec- 
tiveness.  If  they  were  necessary  many  acknowledged 
councils  and  decrees  would  lose  their  intrinsic  au- 
thority, because  one  or  other  or  all  of  these  conditions 
were  wanting.  Again,  there  is  no  standard  by  which 
to  determine  whether  or  not  the  number  of  assisting 
bishops  was  sufficient  and  the  debates  have  been  ex- 
haustive; nor  do  the  Acts  of  the  councils  always  in- 
form us  of  the  imanimity  of  the  final  decisions  or  of 
the  way  in  which  it  was  obtained.  Were  each  and 
all  of  these  four  elements  essential  to  an  authoritative 
council  no  such  council  could  have  been  held,  in  many 
cases,  when  it  was  none  the  less  urgently  required  by 
the  necessities  of  the  Church.  Authors  who  insist  on 
the  ideal  perfection  of  councils  only  succeed  in  under- 
mining their  authority,  wliich  is,  jjcrhaps,  the  object 
they  aim  at.  Their  fundamental  error  is  a  false  no- 
tion of  the  natur(>  of  coimcils.  They  conceive  of  the 
function  of  the  council  as  a  witnessing  to,  and  teaching 
of,  the  generally  acce])tcd  faith;  whereas  it  is  essen- 
tially a  juridical  function,  the  action  of  judges  as  well 
as  of  witncs.scs  of  tlic  Faith.  This  leads  us  to  consider 
the  essential  elements  in  conciliar  action. 


I 


COUNCILS 


433 


COUNCILS 


From  the  notion  that  the  council  is  a  court  of  judges 
le  following  inferences  may  be  drawn:  (1)  The  bish- 
ps,  in  giving  their  judgment,  are  directed  only  by 
leir  personal  conviction  of  its  rectitude;  no  previous 
)nsent  of  all  the  faithful  or  of  the  whole  episcopate  is 
■quired.  In  unity  with  their  head  they  are  one  solid 
)llege  of  judges  authoritatively  constituted  for  uni- 
■d,  decisive  action — a  body  entirely  different  from  a 
xly  of  simple  witnesses.  (2)  This  being  admitted, 
le  assembled  college  assumes  a  representation  of  their 
jlleagues  who  were  called  but  failed  to  take  their 
■ats,  provided  the  number  of  those  actually  present 

not  altogether  inadequate  for  the  matter  in  hand. 
!ence  their  resolutions  are  rightly  said  to  rest  on  uni- 
?rsal  consent:  universali  conscnsii  conslituta,  as  the 
imiula  runs.  (3)  Further,  on  the  same  supposition, 
le  college  of  judges  is  subject  to  the  rule  obtaining  in 
1  a.ssemblies  constituted  for  framing  a  judicial  sen- 
!nce  or  a  common  resolution,  due  regard  being  paid 
)  the  special  relations,  in  the  present  instance,  between 
lehead  and  the  members  of  the  college:  the  co-oper- 
tive  vertlict  embodies  the  opinion  of  the  majority, 
icluding  the  head,  and  in  law  stands  for  the  verdict  of 
le  whoie  assembly;  it  is  communi  sensu  constitulum 
'.stablished  by  common  consent).  A  majority  ver- 
ict,  even  headed  by  papal  legates,  if  disconnected 
om  the  personal  action  of  the  pope,  still  falls  short 
f  a  perfect,  authoritative  pronouncement  of  the 
hole  Church,  and  cannot  clairii  infallibility.  Were 
le  verdict  unanimous,  it  would  still  be  imperfect  and 
lUible,  if  it  did  not  receive  the  papal  approbation, 
he  verdict  of  a  majority,  therefore,  not  endorsed  by 
le  pope,  has  no  binding  force  on  either  the  dissen- 
ent  members  present  or  the  absent  members,  nor  is 
le  pope  bound  in  any  way  to  endorse  it.  Its  only 
alue  is  that  it  justifies  the  pope,  in  case  he  approves 
.,  to  Bay  that  ho  confirms  the  decision  of  a  council,  or 
ives  his  own  decision  sacro  approbante  concilio  (with 
lie  consent  of  the  council).  This  he  could  not  say  if 
e  annulled  a  decision  taken  by  a  majority  including 
is  legates,  or  if  he  gave  a  casting  vote  between  two 
qual  parties.  A  unanimous  conciliary  decision,  as 
istinct  from  a  simple  majority  decision,  may  under 
ertain  circumstances,  be,  in  a  way,  binding  on  the 
ope  and  compel  his  approbation — by  the  compelling 
ower,  not  of  a  superior  authority,  but  of  the  Cath- 
lie  truth  shining  forth  in  the  witnessing  of  the  whole 
'hurch.  To  exert  such  power  the  council's  decision 
lust  be  clearly  and  unmistakably  the  reflex  of  the 
lith  of  all  the  absent  bishops  and  of  the  faithful. 

To  gain  an  adequate  conception  of  the  council  at 
rork  it  should  be  viewed  under  its  twofold  aspect  of 
udging  and  witnessing.  In  relation  to  the  faithful 
he  conciliar  a.ssembly  is  primarily  a  judge  who  pro- 
lounces  a  verdict  conjointly  with  the  pope,  and,  at  the 
ame  time,  acts  more  or  less  as  witness  in  the  case, 
ts  position  is  similar  to  that  of  St.  Paul  towards  the 
irst  Christians:  quod  accepistis  a  me  per  multos  testes. 
n  relation  to  the  pope  the  council  is  but  an  assembly 
)f  authentic  witnesses  and  competent  counsellors 
vhose  influence  on  the  papal  sentence  is  that  of  the 
nass  of  evidence  which  they  represent  or  of  the  pre- 
)aratory  judgment  which  they  pronounce;  it  is  the 
)nly  way  in  which  numbers  of  judges  can  influence 
)ne  another.  Such  influence  lessens  neither  the  dig- 
lity  nor  the  efficiency  of  any  of  the  judges;  on  the 
)ther  hand  it  is  never  required,  in  councils  or  else- 
nrhere,  to  make  their  verdict  unassailable.  The  Vati- 
:an  Council,  not  excluding  the  fourth  session  in  which 
sapal  infallibility  was  defined,  comes  nearer  than  any 
former  council  to  the  ideal  perfection  just  described, 
[t  was  composed  of  the  greatest  number  of  bishops, 
both  absolutely  and  in  proportion  to  the  totality  of 
bishofiB  in  the  Church ;  it  allowed  and  exercised  the 
right  of  discussion  to  an  extent  perhaps  never  wit- 
nessed before;  it  appealed  to  a  general  tradition, 
present  and  past,  containing  the  effective  principle  of 
IV.— 28 


the  doctrine  under  discussion,  viz.  the  duty  of  sub- 
mitting in  obedience  to  the  Holy  See  and  of  coivforming 
to  its  teaching;  lastly  it  gave  its  final  definition  with 
absolute  unanimity,  and  secured  the  greatest  majority 
— nine-tenths — for  its  preparatory  judgment. 

VIII.  Infallibility  of  Geneb.al  Councils. — All 
the  arguments  which  go  to  prove  the  infallibility  of 
the  Church  apply  with  their  fullest  force  to  the  infalli- 
ble authority  of  general  councils  in  union  with  the 
pope.  For  conciliary  decisions  are  the  ripe  fruit  of 
the  total  life-energy  of  the  teaching  Church  actuated 
and  directed  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  Such  was  the  mind 
of  the  Apostles  when,  at  the  Council  of  Jerusalem 
(.\cts,  XV,  28),  they  put  the  seal  of  supreme  authority 
on  their  decisions  in  attributing  them  to  the  joint 
action  of  the  Spirit  of  God  and  of  themselves:  Visum 
est  Spiritui  sancto  et  nobis  (It  hath  seemed  good  to 
the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us).  This  formula  and  the 
dogma  it  enshrines  stand  out  brightly  in  the  deposit 
of  faith  and  have  been  carefully  guarded  throughout 
the  many  storms  raised  m  councils  by  the  play  of  the 
human  element.  From  the  earliest  times  they  who 
rejected  the  decisions  of  councils  were  themselves  re- 
jected by  the  Church.  Emperor  Constantine  saw  in 
the  decrees  of  Xicaea  "a  Divine  commandment"  and 
Athanasius  wrote  to  the  bishops  of  Africa:  "What 
God  has  spoken  through  the  Council  of  Nica;a  en- 
dureth  for  ever."  St.  Ambrose  (Ep.  xxi)  pronounces 
himself  ready  to  die  by  the  sword  rather  than  give  up 
the  Nicene  decrees,  and  Pope  Leo  the  Great  expressly 
declares  that  "  whoso  resists  the  Councils  of  Nicffa  and 
Chalcedon  cannot  be  numbered  among  Catholics" 
(Ep.  Ixxviii,  ad  Leonem  Augustuni).  In  the  same 
epistle  he  says  that  the  decrees  of  Chalcedon  were 
framed  instruente  Spiritu  Sancto,  i.e.  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Holy  Ghost.  How  the  same  doctrine  was 
embodied  in  many  professions  of  faith  may  be  seen  in 
Denzinger's  (ed.  Stahl)  "Enchiridion  symbolorum  et 
definitionum",  under  the  heading  (index)  "Concilium 
generale  representat  ecclesiara  universalem,  eique  ab- 
solute obediendum"  (General  councils  represent  the 
universal  Church  and  demand  absolute  obedience). 
The  Scripture  texts  on  which  this  unshaken  belief  is 
based  are,  among  others:  "  But  when  he,  the  Spirit  of 
truth,  is  come,  he  will  teach  you  all  truth  .  .  ."  (John, 
xvi,  1.3);  "Behold  I  am  with  you  (teaching]  all  days, 
even  to  the  consummation  of  the  world  "  (Matt.,  xxviii, 
20);  "The  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it 
[i.e.  the  Church]"  (Matt.,  xvi,  IS). 

IX.  Pap.al  and  Conciliar  Infallibility. — Papal 
and  conciliar  infallibility  are  correlated  but  not  iden- 
tical. .^  council's  decrees  approved  by  the  pope  are 
infallible  by  reason  of  that  approbation,  because  the 
pope  is  infallible  also  extra  concilinm,  without  the  sup- 
port of  a  council.  The  infallibility  proper  to  the  pope 
is  not,  however,  the  only  formal  adequate  ground  of 
the  council's  infallibility.  The  Divine  constitution  of 
the  Church  and  the  promises  of  Divine  assistance 
made  by  her  Founder,  guarantee  her  inerrancy,  in 
matters  pertaining  to  faith  and  morals,  independently 
of  the  pope's  infallibility:  a  fallible  pope  supporting, 
and  supported  by,  a  council,  would  still  pronounce  in- 
fallible decisions.  This  accounts  for  tne  fact  that, 
before  the  Vatican  decree  concerning  the  supreme 
pontiff's  ex-cathedra  judgments,  oecumenical  councils 
were  generally  held  to  be  infallible  even  by  those  who 
denied  the  papal  infiUlibility;  it  also  explains  the  con- 
cessions largely  made  to  the  opponents  of  the  papal 
privilege  that  it  is  not  necessarily  implied  in  the  infal- 
libility of  councils,  and  the  claims  that  it  can  be 
proved  separately  and  independently  on  its  proper 
merits.  'The  infallibility  of  the  council  is  intrinsic, 
i.e.  springs  from  its  nature.  Christ  promised  to  be  in 
the  midst  of  two  or  three  of  His  disciples  gathered  to- 
gether in  His  name;  now  an  (I'cumeiiical  council  is,  in 
fact  or  in  law,  a  g.athering  of  all  Chri.st's  co-workers 
for  the  salvation  of  man  through  true  faith  and  holy 


COUNCILS 


434 


COUNCILS 


F 


conduct;  He  is  therefore  in  their  midst,  fulfilling  His 
promises  and  leading  them  into  the  truth  for  which 
they  are  striving.  His  presence,  by  cementing  the 
unity  of  the  assembly  into  one  body — His  own  mysti- 
cal body — gives  it  the  necessary  completeness,  and 
makes  up  for  any  defect  possibly  arising  from  the  phys- 
ical absence  of  a  certain  number  of  bishops.  The 
same  presence  strengthens  the  action  of  the  pope,  so 
that,  as  mouthpiece  of  the  council,  he  can  say  in 
truth,  "it  has  seemed  good  to  tlie  Holy  Ghost  and  to 
us",  and  consequently  can,  and  does,  put  the  seal  of 
infallibility  on  the  conciliar  decree  irrespective  of  his 
own  personal  infallibility. 

Some  important  consequences  flow  from  these  prin- 
ciples. Conciliar  decrees  approved  by  the  pope  have 
a  double  guarantee  of  infallibility:  their  own  and  that 
of  the  infallible  pope.  The  council's  dignity  is,  there- 
fore, not  diminished,  but  increased,  by  the  defini- 
tion of  papal  infallibility,  nor  does  that  definition 
imply  a  "circular  demonstration"  by  which  the  coun- 
cil would  make  the  pope  infallible  and  the  pope  would 
render  the  same  service  to  the  coimcil.  It  should, 
however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  council  without 
the  pope  has  no  guarantee  of  infallibility,  therefore 
the  conciliar  and  the  papal  infallibilities  are  not  two 
separate  and  addible  units,  but  one  unit  with 
single  or  double  excellence.  An  infallible  statement 
of  Divine  truth  is  the  voice  of  Christ  speaking  through 
the  mouth  of  the  visible  head  of  His  mystical  body  or 
in  imison,  in  chorus,  with  all  its  members.  The  united 
voice  of  the  whole  Church  has  a  solemnity,  impressive- 
ness,  and  effectiveness,  an  external,  circvmistantial 
weight,  which  is  wanting  in  simple  ex-cathedra  pro- 
nouncements. It  works  its  way  into  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  the  faithful  with  almost  irresistible  force, 
because  in  the  universal  harmony  each  individual  be- 
liever hears  his  own  voice,  is  carried  away  by  the 
powerful  rhythm,  and  moved  as  by  a  Divine  spell  to 
follow  the  leaders.  Again,  the  bishops  who  have  per- 
sonally contributed  to  the  definitions  have,  in  that 
fact,  an  incentive  to  zeal  in  publishing  them  and  en- 
forcing them  in  their  dioceses;  nay  the  council  itself 
is  an  effective  beginning  of  its  execution  or  enforce- 
ment in  practice.  For  this  reason  alone,  the  holding 
of  most  Eastern  councils  was  a  moral  necessity;  the 
great  distance  between  East  and  West,  the  difficulty 
of  communication,  the  often  keen  opposition  of  the 
Orientals  to  Old  Rome  made  a  solemn  promulgation  of 
the  definitions  on  the  spot  more  than  desirable.  No 
aids  to  effectiveness  were  to  be  neglected  in  that  cen- 
tre of  heresies. 

These  considerations  further  account  for  the  great 
esteem  in  which  conciliar  definitions  have  always 
been  held  in  the  Church,  and  for  the  great  authority 
they  universally  enjoyed  without  any  detriment  to,  or 
diminution  of,  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See. 
From  of  old  it  has  been  customary  to  place  side  by 
side,  in  the  rule  of  faith,  the  authority  of  the  councils 
and  that  of  the  popes  as  substantially  the  same. 
Thus,  we  read  in  the  formula,  or  profession  of  faith, 
imposed  by  Pope  Hormisdas  (514-23)  on  the  East- 
ern bishops  implicated  in  the  schism  of  Acacius: 
"  The  first  [step  towards]  salvation  is  to  keep  the  rule 
of  orthodox  [recta]  faith  and  in  no  wise  to  deviate 
from  the  constitutions  of  the  Fathers  [i.e.  councils]. 
But  the  words  of  Our  Lord  to  St.  Peter  (Thou  art 
Peter  .  .  .  )  cannot  be  passed  over,  for  what  He  said 
has  been  verified  by  the  events,  since  in  the  Apostolic 
See  the  Catholic  religion  has  always  been  preserved 
without  spot  or  stain.  Wishing  by  no  means  to  be 
separati'd  from  this  hope  and  faith,  and  following  the 
constitutions  of  the  Fathers,  we  anathematize  all 
lieri'sii's,  especially  the  heretic  Nestorius,  in  his  time 
Bishop  of  ( 'onst.antinople,  who  was  cnndiMuned  in  the 
Council  of  Kphesus  by  Bles.sed  C'elestine,  Pope  of 
Rome,  antl  by  Cyril,  Bishop  of  Alexandria  .  .  .  We 
receive  and  approve  all  the  letters  of  Leo,  Pope, 


which  he  wrote  concerning  the  Christian  religion,  as 
we  have  stated  before,  following  in  all  things  the 
Apostolic  See  and  professing  [prcrdlcarites]  all  its  con- 
stitutions. And  therefore  I  hope  to  be  worthy  to  be 
with  you  [the  pope]  in  the  one  communion  which  this 
Apostolic  See  professes,  in  which  lies  the  entire,  vera- 
cious, and  peaceful  solidity  of  the  Christian  religion. 
.  .  ."  It  should  be  noted  that  in  this  formula  the  in- 
fallibility of  the  .\postolic  See  is  the  centre  from  which 
radiates  the  infalliljility  of  the  councils. 

X.  Subject  Matter  of  Inf.\llibility. — The  sub- 
ject matter  of  infallibility,  or  supreme  judicial  author- 
ity, is  foimd  in  the  definitions  and  decrees  of  councils, 
and  in  them  alone,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  theological, 
scientific,  or  historical  reasons  upon  which  they  are 
built  up.  These  represent  too  much  of  the  human 
element,  of  transient  mentalities,  of  personal  interests 
to  claim  the  promise  of  infallibility  made  to  the 
Church  as  a  whole ;  it  is  the  sense  of  the  unchanging 
Church  that  is  infallible,  not  the  sense  of  individual 
churchmen  of  any  age  or  excellence,  and  that  sense 
finds  expression  only  in  the  conclusions  of  the  council 
approved  by  the  pope.  Decisions  referring  to  dogma 
were  called  in  the  East  SiaTuTriicreis  (constitutions,  stat- 
utes) ;  those  concerned  with  discipline  were  termed 
Kavdves  (canons,  rules),  often  with  the  addition  of 
T^s  cvT-oJi'as  (of  discipline,  or  good  order).  The  ex- 
pressions deiTfwl  and  Upoi  apply  to  both,  and  the  short 
formulae  of  condemnation  were  known  as  avaSeiMTuriJuil 
(anathemas). 

In  the  West  no  careful  distinction  of  terms  was  ob- 
served: 'canones  and  decreta  signify  both  dogmatic  and 
disciplinary  decisions.  The  Council  of  Trent  styled 
its  disciplinarj'  edicts  decreta  de  rejormatione;  its  dog- 
matic definitions  decreta,  without  qualification,  where 
they  positively  assert  the  points  of  faith  then  in  dis- 
pute, and  canones  when,  in  imitation  of  the  ancient 
anathematisms,  they  imposed  an  anathema  sit  on 
those  that  refused  assent  to  the  defined  propositions. 
An  opinion  too  absurd  to  require  refutation  pretends 
that  only  these  latter  canons  (with  the  attached  ana- 
themas) contain  the  peremptory  judgment  of  the 
council  demanding  unquestioned  submission.  Equally 
absurd  is  the  opinion,  sometimes  recklessly  advanced, 
that  the  Tridentine  capita  are  no  more  than  explana- 
tions of  the  canones,  not  proper  definitions;  the  coun- 
cil itself,  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  each  chapter,  de- 
clares them  to  contain  the  rule  of  faith.  Thus  Session 
XIII  begins:  "The  Holy  Synod  forbids  to  all  the 
faithful  in  future  to  believe,  teach,  or  preach  concern- 
ing the  Holy  Eucharist  otherwise  than  is  explained  • 
and  defitied  in  the  present  decree",  and  it  ends:  "As, 
however,  it  is  not  enough  to  speak  the  truth  without  ! 
discovering  and  refuting  error,  it  has  pleased  the  Holy 
Synod  to  subjoin  the  following  canons,  so  that  all, 
now  knowing  the  Catholic  doctrine,  may  also  imder- 
stand  what  heresies  they  have  to  beware  against  and 
avoid."  The  same  remark  applies  to  the  chapters  of 
the  Vatican  Council  in  its  two  Constitutions,  as  appears 
from  the  concluding  words  of  the  procemium  of  the  first 
Constitution  and  from  the  initial  phrases  of  most  chap-- 
ters.  All  that  may  be  conceded  is  that  the  chapters 
of  both  councils  contain  the  doctrina  caiholica,  i.e.  the 
authorized  teaching  of  the  Church,  but  not  always  and-  '-:>][(,' 
invariably  dogmata  formalia,  i.e.  propositions  of  faith  : 
defined  as  such. 

XI.  Promulgation. — Promulgation  of  conciliar 
decrees  is  necessary  because  they  are  laws,  and  no  law 
is  binding  until  it  has  been  brought  unmistakably  to 
the  knowleilge  of  all  it  intends  to  bind.  The  decrees ; 
are  usually  i>romulgated  in  the  name  of  the  synod  j 
itself;  in  cases  of  the  pope  prcsiiling  in  person  theyj 
have  also  been  published  in  the  form  of  papal  decrees  i 
with  the  fornuila:  sacral  unircrxali  si/nnili)  approliante. 
This  w:is  done  first  at  the  Third  Lateran  Council,  then 
at  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Lateran, and  also  partlyat  the 
Council  of  Constance. 


COUNSELS 


435 


COUNSELS 


XII.  Is  A  Council  Above  the  Pope? — The  Coun- 
ils  of  Constance  and  of  Basle  have  affimied  with 
reat  emphasis  that  an  oecumenical  council  is  superior 
n  authority  to  the  pope,  and  French  theologians  have 
dopted  that  proposition  as  one  of  the  famous  four 
lallican  Liberties.  Other  theologians  affirmed,  and 
till  affirm,  that  the  pope  is  above  any  general  council, 
'he  leading  exponents  of  the  Galilean  doctrine  are: 
)upin  (1657-1719),  professor  at  the  Sorbonne  in 
'aris  ("Dissertatio  de  concilii  generalis  supra  Ro- 
nanuni  Pontificem  auctoritate",  in  his  book  on  the 
ncient  discipline  of  the  Church,  "De  antiqua  Ec- 
lesis  disciplina  dissert  ationes  historicie");  and 
latalis  Alexander,  O.  P.  (1639-1724),  in  the  ninth 
olume  of  his  great  "Ilistoria  Ecclesiastica"  (Diss. 
V  ad  sa'culum  XV).  On  the  other  side  Lucius  Fer- 
aris  (Bibliotheca  Canonica,  s.  v.  Concilium)  and 
lonc.aglia,  editor  and  corrector  of  Natalis  Alexander's 
listorj-,  stoutly  defend  the  papal  superiority.  Hefele, 
fter  carefully  weighing  the  main  arguments  of  the 
iallicans  (viz.  that  Pope  Martin  V  approved  the 
ieclaration  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  Pope 
Eugene  IV  the  identical  declaration  of  the  Council 
f  Basle,  affirming  the  superiority  of  an  oecumenical 
ynod  over  the  pope),  concluded  that  both  popes,  in 
he  interests  of  peace,  approved  of  the  councils  in 
eneral  terms  which  might  imply  an  approbation  of 
he  point  in  question,  but  that  neither  Martin  nor 
Jugene  ever  intended  to  acknowledge  the  superiority 
f  a  council  over  the  pope.  (See  Hefele,  Concilien- 
eschichte,    I,    50-54.) 

The  principles  hitherto  set  forth  supply  a  complete 
olution  to  the  controversy.  General  councils  repre- 
ent  the  Church ;  the  pope  therefore  stands  to  them 
1  the  same  relation  as  he  stands  to  the  Church.  But 
hat  relation  is  one  of  neither  superiority  nor  inferior- 
ty,  but  of  intrinsic  cohesion:  the  pope  is  neither  above 
:or  below  the  Church,  but  in  it  as  the  centre  is  in 
he  circle,  as  intellect  and  will  are  in  the  soul.  By  tak- 
ig  our  stand  on  the  Scriptural  doctrine  that  the 
!hurch  is  the  mystical  body  of  Christ  of  which  the 
lOpe  is  the  visible  head,  we  see  at  once  that  a  coun- 
il  apart  from  the  pope  is  but  a  lifeless  trunk,  a 
rump  parliament",  no  matter  how  well  attended  it 

16. 

XIII.  Can  a  Council  Depose  the  Pope? — This 
luestion  is  a  legitimate  one,  for  in  the  history  of  the 
church  circumstances  have  arisen  in  which  several 
irotenders  contended  for  papal  authority  and  coun- 
ils  were  called  upon  to  remove  certain  claimants, 
rhe  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basle,  and  Galilean 
heologians,  hold  that  a  council  may  depose  a  pope 
m  two  main  grounds:  (1)  oh  mores  (for  his  conduct 
ir  behaviour,  e.  g.  his  resistance  to  the  synod);  (2)  oh 
'idem  (on  account  of  his  faith  or  rather  want  of  faith, 
.  e.  heresy).  In  point  of  fact,  however,  heresy  is  the 
mly  legitimate  ground.  For  a  heretical  pope  has 
eased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Church,  and  cannot, 
herefore,  be  its  head.  A  sinful  pope,  on  the  other 
land,  remains  a  member  of  the  (visible)  Church  and 
3  to  be  treated  as  a  sinful,  unjust  ruler  for  whom  we 
nust  pray,  but  from  whom  we  may  not  withdraw  our 
ibedicnce. 

But  the  question  assumes  another  aspect  when  a 
lumber  of  claimants  pretend  to  be  the  rightful  occu- 
)ants  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  right  of  each  is 
loubtful.  In  such  a  cise  the  council,  according  to 
iellannine  (Disputationes,  II,  xix,  de  Conciliis)  has 
I  right  to  examine  the  several  claims  and  to  depose 
he  pretenders  whose  claims  are  unfounded.  This 
vas  done  at  the  Synod  of  Constance.  But  during  this 
jrocess  of  examination  the  synod  is  not  yet  oecvnneni- 
;al;  it  only  becomes  so  the  moment  the  rightful  pope 
issents  to  its  proceedings.  It  is  evident  that  this  is 
lo  instance  of  a  legitimate  pope  being  deposed  by  a 
egitimate  council,  but  simply  the  removal  of  a  pre- 
«nder  by  those  on  whom  he  wishes  to  impose  his  will. 


Not  even  John  XXIII  could  have  been  deposed  at 
Constance,  had  his  election  not  been  doubtful  and 
himself  suspected  of  heresy.  John  XXIII,  moreover, 
abdicated  and  by  his  abdication  made  his  removal 
from  the  Apnstnlir  See  lawful.  In  all  controversies 
and  coniplaints  n'uanliiii;  Rome  the  rule  laid  down  by 
the  Eighth  General  Synod  should  never  be  lost  sight 
of:  "If  a  universal  synod  be  assembled  and  any 
ambiguity  or  controversy  arise  concerning  the  Holy 
Church  of  the  Romans,  the  question  should  he  exam- 
ined and  solved  with  due  reverence  anil  veneration, 
in  a  spirit  of  mutual  helpfulness;  no  sentence  should 
be  audaciously  pronounced  against  the  suijreme  |jon- 
tiff  of  the  elder  Rome"  (can.  xxi,  Hefele,  IV,  421-22). 
ScHEEBEN  wrote  copiously  and  learnedly  in  defence  of  the 
Vatican  Council;  his  article  in  the  Kirchenlexicon,  written  in 
1SS3,  contains  the  marrow  of  his  previous  writings,  while 
Hefele's  History  of  the  Councils  is  the  standard  work  on  the 
.subject.  For  a  deeper  study  of  the  councils  a  good  collection 
of  the  Acta  Conciliorum  is  indispensable.  The  first  ever  printed 
was  the  very  imperfect  one  of  Merlin  (Paris,  1523).  A  sec- 
ond and  richer  collection,  by  the  Belgian  Franciscan  Peter 
Crabbe,  appeared  in  1538  at  Cologne,  in  3  vols.  Completer 
editions  were  published  as  time  went  on:  SuRlus  (Cologne, 
1567,  5  vols.);  Bolanus  (Venice,  1585,  5  vols.);  Binius  (Col- 
ogne, 1606),  with  historical  and  explanatory  notes  from  Baro- 
nius — republished  161S,  and  in  Paris,  1636,  in  9  vols.;  the 
Roman  collection  of  general  councils  with  Greek  text,  arranged 
by  the  Jesuit  Sirmond  (1608-1612).  in  4  vols. — each  council  is 
preceded  by  a  short  history.  On  Bellarmine's  advice  Sirmond 
omitted  the  Acts  of  the  Synod  of  Basle.  This  Roman  collec- 
tion is  the  foundation  of  all  that  followed.  First  among  these 
is  the  Paris  Collectio  Regia,  in  37  vols.  (1644).  Then  comes  the 
still  completer  collection  of  the  Jesuits  Labbe  and  Cossart 
(Paris,  1674),  in  17  folio  vols.,  to  which  Baluze  added  a  supple- 
mentary volume  (Paris,  1683  and  1707).  Most  French  authors 
quote  from  Labbe-B.vluze.  Yet  another  and  better  edition  ia 
clue  to  the  Je-suit  Hardouin;  it  is  of  all  the  most  perfect  and 
serviceable.  Maxsi — later  Archbishop  of  Lucca,  his  native 
town — with  the  help  of  many  Italian  scholars,  brought  out  a 
new  collection  of  31  volumes,  which,  had  it  been  finished,  would 
have  surpassed  all  its  predecessors  in  merit.  Unfortunately  it 
only  comes  down  to  the  fifteenth  centur>',  and,  bein^  unfinished, 
has  no  indexes.  To  fill  this  gap.  Welter,  a  Paris  publisher, 
took  up  (1900)  the  new  collection  proposed  (1870)  by  V.  Palm^. 
To  a  facsimile  reprint  of  the  31  volumes  of  Manbi  (Florence- 
Venice,  1757-1797)  he  added  19  supplementary  volumes,  fur- 
nishing the  necess.in,'  indexes,  etc.  The  A  eta  et  Dccreta  sacrorum 
conciliorum  rcccnliorumCoUeclio Lacensis  (FreiburgimBr.,  1870- 
90),  published  by  the  Jesuits  of  Maria-Laach,  extends  from 
1682  to  1869.  An  English  translation  of  Hefele's  standard 
History  of  the  Christian  Councils,  by  W.  R.  Clark,  was  com- 
menced in  1871  (Edinburgh  and  London);  a  French  translation 
by  the  Benedictines  of  Famborough  is  also  in  course  of 
publication  (Paris,  1907).  Among  the  latest  authors  treating 
of  councils  are  Wbrnz,  Jus  Decrelalium  (Rome.  1899),  I,  II; 
Ojetti,  Synopsis  rcrum  moralium  et  juris  canonici,  s.  v. 
Concilium. 

3.    WlLHELM. 

Counsels,  Evangelical  (or  Counsels  of  Perfec- 
tion).— Christ  in  the  Gospels  laid  down  certain  rules  of 
life  and  conduct  which  must  be  practised  by  every 
one  of  His  followers  as  the  necessary  condition  for  at- 
taining to  everlasting  life.  These  precepts  of  the 
Gos]jel  practically  consist  of  the  Decalogue,  or  Ten 
Commandments,  of  the  Old  Law,  interpreted  in  the 
sense  of  the  New.  Besides  these  precepts  which  must 
be  observed  by  all  under  pain  of  eternal  damnation, 
He  also  taught  certain  principles  which  He  expressly 
stated  were  not  to  be  considered  as  binding  upon  all, 
or  as  necessary  conditions  without  which  heaven 
could  not  be  attained,  but  rather  as  counsels  for  those 
who  desired  to  do  more  than  the  minimum  and  to  aim 
at  Christian  perfection,  so  far  as  that  can  be  obtained 
here  upon  earth.  Thus  (Matt.,  xix,  10  sq.)  when  the 
young  man  asked  Him  what  he  should  do  to  obtain 
eternal  life,  Christ  bade  him  to  "  keep  the  command- 
ments". That  was  all  that  was  necessary  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  word,  and  by  thus  keeping  the  com- 
mands which  God  had  given  eternal  life  could  be  ob- 
tained. But  when  the  young  man  pressed  further, 
Christ  told  him:  "If  thou  wilt  be  perfect,  go  sell  what 
thou  hast,  and  give  to  the  poor".  So  again,  in  the 
same  chapter.  He  speaks  of  "  eunuchs  who  have  made 
themselves  eunuchs  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven",  and 
added,  "He  that  can  receive  it,  let  him  receive  it". 

This  distinction  between  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel, 


COUNTERPOINT 


436 


COUNTERPOINT 


f 


which  are  binding  on  all,  and  the  counsels,  which  are 
the  subject  of  the  vocation  of  the  comparatively  few, 
has  ever  been  maintained  by  the  Catholic  Church.  It 
has  been  denied  by  heretics  in  all  ages,  and  especially 
by  many  Protestants  in  the  sixteenth  and  following 
centuries,  on  the  ground  that,  inasmuch  as  all  Chris- 
tians are  at  all  times  bound,  if  they  would  keep  God's 
Commandments,  to  do  their  utmost,  and  even  so  will 
fall  short  of  perfect  obedience,  no  distinction  between 
precepts  and  counsels  can  rightly  be  made.  The  op- 
ponents of  the  Catholic  doctrine  base  their  opposition 
on  such  texts  as  Luke,  xvii,  10,  "When  ye  have  done 
all  that  is  commanded  you,  say,  we  are  unprofitable 
servants".  It  is  impossible,  they  say,  to  keep  the 
Commandments  adequately.  To  teach  further  "  coun- 
sels" involves  either  the  absurdity  of  advising  what 
is  far  beyond  all  human  capacity,  or  else  the  im- 
piety of  minimizing  the  commands  of  Almighty  God. 
The  Catholic  doctrine,  however,  founded,  as  we  have 
seen,  upon  the  words  of  Christ  in  the  Gospel,  is  also 
supported  by  St.  Paul.  In  I  Cor.,  vii,  for  instance,  he 
not  only  presses  home  the  duty  incumbent  on  all 
Christians  of  keeping  free  from  all  sins  of  the  flesh,  and 
of  fulfilling  the  obligations  of  the  married  state,  if  they 
have  taken  those  obligations  upon  themselves,  but  also 
gives  his  "coiuisel"  in  favour  of  the  unmarried  state 
and  of  perfect  chastity,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  thus 
more  possible  to  serve  God  with  an  undivided  alle- 
giance. Indeed,  the  danger  in  the  Early  Church,  and 
even  in  Apostolic  times,  was  not  that  the  "counsels" 
would  be  neglected  or  denied,  but  that  they  should  be 
exalted  into  commands  of  universal  obligation,  "for- 
bidding to  marry"  (1  Tim.,  iv,  3),  and  imposing  pov- 
erty as  a  duty  on  all. 

The  difference  between  a  precept  and  a  counsel  lies 
in  this,  that  the  precept  is  a  matter  of  necessity  while 
the  counsel  is  left  to  the  free  choice  of  the  person  to 
whom  it  is  proposed.  It  is  fitting,  therefore,  that  the 
New  Law,  which  is  a  law  of  liberty,  should  contain 
counsels  of  this  kind,  which  would  have  been  out  of 
place  in  the  Old  Law,  which  was  a  law  of  servitude. 
The  precepts  of  the  New  Law  have  for  their  scope  the 
ordinance  of  those  matters  which  are  essential  for  the 
obtaining  of  life  eternal — the  gift  which  it  is  the  spe- 
cial object  of  the  New  Law  to  place  within  the  reach  of 
its  followers.  But  the  counsels  show  the  means  by 
which  that  same  end  may  be  reached  yet  more  cer- 
tainly and  expeditiously.  Man  is,  in  this  life,  placed 
between  the  good  things  of  this  world  and  the  good 
things  of  eternity,  in  such  a  way  that  the  more  he  in- 
clines to  the  first  the  more  he  alienates  himself  from 
the  second.  A  man  who  is  wholly  given  up  to  this 
world,  finding  in  it  the  end  and  object  of  his  existence, 
loses  altogether  the  goods  of  eternity,  of  which  he  has 
no  appreciation.  So  in  like  manner,  the  man  who  is 
wholly  detached  from  this  world,  and  whose  thoughts 
are  wholly  bent  on  the  realities  of  the  world  above,  is 
taking  the  shortest  way  to  obtain  possession  of  that 
on  which  his  heart  is  fixed.  The  children  of  this 
world  are  in  their  generation  wiser  than  the  children 
of  light,  but  the  case  is  reversed  if  a  larger  view  be 
taken. 

Now  the  principal  good  things  of  this  world  easily 
divide  themselves  into  three  cla.sses.  There  are  the 
riches  which  make  life  easy  and  pleasant,  there  are  the 
pleasures  of  the  flesh  which  appeal  to  the  appetites, 
and,  lastly,  there  are  honours  and  positions  of  author- 
ity which  delight  the  self-love  of  the  individual. 
These  three  matters,  in  themselves  often  innocent  and 
not  forbidden  to  the  devout  Christian,  may  yet,  even 
when  no  kind  of  sin  is  involved,  hold  back  the  soul 
from  its  true  aim  and  vocation,  and  delay  it  from  be- 
coming entirely  conformed  to  the  will  of  God.  It  is, 
therefore,  the  ol)j('ct  of  (he  three  counsels  of  perfection 
to  free  the  soul  from  these  huidranccs.  The  siml  may 
indeed  be  saved  and  lieaven  attained  without  fullciw- 
ing  the  coun.sels;  but  that  end  will  be  reached  more 


easily  and  with  greater  certainty,  if  the  counsels  be 
accepted  and  the  soul  does  not  wholly  confine  herself 
to  doing  that  which  is  definitely  commanded.  On  the 
other  hand,  there  are,  no  doubt,  individual  cases  in 
which  it  may  be  actually  necessary  for  a  person,  owing 
to  particular  circumstances,  to  follow  one  or  more  of 
the  counsels,  and  one  may  easily  conceive  a  case  in 
which  the  adoption  of  the  religious  life  might  seem, 
humanly  speaking,  the  only  way  in  which  a  particular 
soul  could  be  saved.  Such  cases,  however,  are  always 
of  an  exceptional  character.  As  there  are  three  great 
hindrances  to  the  higher  life,  so  also  the  counsels  are 
three,  one  to  oppose  each.  The  love  of  riches  is  op- 
posed by  the  counsel  of  poverty ;  the  pleasures  of  the 
flesh,  even  the  lawful  pleasures  of  holy  matrimony,  are 
excluded  by  the  counsel  of  chastity;  while  the  desire 
for  worldly  power  and  honour  is  met  by  the  counsel  of 
holy  obedience.  Abstinence  from  unlawful  indulg- 
ence in  any  of  these  directions  is  forbidden  to  all 
C!hristians  as  a  matter  of  precept.  The  further  volun- 
tary abstinence  from  what  is  in  itself  lawful  is  the  sub- 
ject of  the  coimsels,  and  such  abstinence  is  not  in  itself 
meritorious,  but  only  becomes  so  when  it  is  done  for 
the  sake  of  Christ,  and  in  order  to  be  more  free  to 
serve  Him. 

To  sum  up:  it  is  possible  to  be  rich,  and  married, 
and  held  in  honour  by  all  men,  and  yet  keep  the  Com- 
mandments and  to  enter  heaven.  Christ's  advice  is, 
if  we  would  make  sure  of  everlasting  life  and  desire  to 
conform  ourselves  perfectly  to  the  Divine  will,  that 
we  should  sell  our  possessions  and  give  the  proceeds 
to  others  who  are  in  need,  that  we  should  live  a  life  of 
chastity  for  the  Gospel's  sake,  and,  finally,  should  not 
seek  honours  or  commands,  but  place  ourselves  under 
obedience.  These  are  the  Evangelical  Counsels,  and 
the  things  which  are  counselled  are  not  set  forward  so 
much  as  good  in  themselves,  as  in  the  light  of  means  to 
an  end  and  as  the  surest  and  quickest  way  of  obtaining 
everlasting  life.  (See  Asceticis.m;  Monasticism;  Re- 
ligious Orders.) 

All  writers  on  doRmatic  or  moral  theology  touch  on  the  sub- 
ject more  or  less  directly.  The  following  especially  may  be 
consulted:  St.  Thomas,  Sumvia  TlieoL,  I-II,  Q.  oviii;  II-II, 
Q.  cx.xiv;  Su.AREZ,  Opera  (ed.  1858),  XV,  p.  3S;  Migne,  Did. 
d'asccticismc,  s.  v.;    M.vldonatus,  Covimentary  on  Matt.  xix. 

Arthur  S.  Barnes. 


i 


Counterpoint  (Lat.  conirapunctum;  Ger.  Kontra- 
punkt;  Fr.  contrepoint;  It.  contrapunto),  from  pu7ic- 
tuni,  "point" — as  a  note  was  formerly  called  in 
music — and  contra,  "against";  originally,  punctumt 
contra  punctum,  or  nota  contra  notam — "  point  againstj 
point ",  or  "  note  against  note ' '.  The  term  counter- 
paint  originated  in  the  fourteenth  century,  though 
the  art  designated  by  it  had  been  practised  for  several 
centuries  previous.  The  desire  for  harmony,  that  is, 
the  simultaneous  sounding  with  the  cantus  finnus, 
tenor,  or  theme,  of  one  or  more  voices  on  different 
intervals,  first  found  expression  in  the  so-called  di- 
aphony  or  "Organura"  of  Hucbald  (840-930  or  932). 
[H.  E.  Woolridge  in  his  "0.xford  History  of  Music" 
(1901),  vol.  I,  p.  61,  quotes  from  a  treatise  "  De 
divisione  naturoe",  by  Scotus  Erigena  (d.  880),  ayn 
passage,  describing  the  organum,  which  would  indi- 
cate that  diaphony,  even  in  contrary  motion,  was  in 
u.se  in  England  pre\'ious  to  Hucbald 's  innovation^ 
though  proof  of  its  general  use  in  the  British  Isles  ia 
want  in  .  ] 

In  the  twelfth  century,  in  France,  the  custom  arose»' 


Itael 


Tsiliii 


a« 


KEiJei 
Ike  Im 
Ijnaliii' 


'ilm 


and  became  general  among  singers,  of  improvising  on^ 
or  more  uidcpendcnt  mdotlies  above  the  liturgicaq 
melody,  or  ccintu.'<  firmii.'i.  This  was  known  as  dicharU^. 
or  discantus.  In  England  the  gymel,  or  o-.nltis  gemel- 
lus (twin  song),  flourished  at  an  even  earlier  date. 
The  gymcl  consisted  in  adding  the  interval  of  the  third 
both  above  and  below  the  cantus  firmus.  Later,  tha 
thir<l  below  was  transi)osed  an  octave  higher,  gi\'ing 
rise  to  the  falso-borJone,  faux-bourdon,  or  false  bass. 


Hi 
!:Jv  rec 
l.,t,  ' 
iniDj 
!-eMt 
f~r  in  11 
fliliolit 
fsfrea^  i 
fitWi[( 

Sat  8, 
softl 

It  CO 


H  lie 
mlin 
ptetaji 
.tetot« 
wlaller, 
itoiifOri 


!««ltlii 


COUNTER-REFORMATION 


437 


COUNTER-REFORMATION 


M\  these  sporadic  attempts  at  polyphony  culminated, 
n  the  fovrteenth  century,  in  the  addition  of  different 
nelodies  to  the  conliis  linmin  in  accordance  with  wcll- 
'ormulated  laws  of  counterpoint  which  are  still  valid 
it  the  present  day.  The  aim  was  the  perfect  integrity 
ind  independence  of  the  various  melodies  in  their 
Sow,  from  which,  of  course,  resulted  passing  disso- 
lances,  but  these  were  continually  solveil  into  conso- 
lances  on  the  accented  notes  of  the  measure.  During 
;he  course  of  the  following  century  contrapuntal  skill 
•cached  unprecedented  heights  among  both  the  nu- 
nerous  masters  of  the  Netherlands  and  those  of 
England;  but  it  served  its  highest  purpose  r.nd  bore 
ts  ripest  fruit  in  the  Roman  school  of  the  sixteenth 
;entury.  The  poh-phony  for  four,  five,  six,  eight,  or 
iiore  parts,  produced  in  that  century,  with  its  pre- 
railing  consonance  and  unifying  and  life-giving  prin- 
ciple, the  canhis  firmus  (generally  a  Gregorian  melody), 
is.  in  a  sense,  an  image  of  the  congregation  or  of  the 
Church  itself.  We  have  unity  in  variety:  each  voice 
singing  its  own  melody  and  still  harmonizing  with 
?very  other  voice,  just  as  every  member  of  the  C'lmrch 
ispires  to  the  same  ideal  according  to  his  own  natvu-e 
ind  capacity.  When  monody  came  into  fashion  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  study  and  practice  of  coun- 
teri>oint  was  almost  entirely  neglected,  but  it  received 
I  new  and  wonderful  development  at  the  hands  of 
Handel  and  Bach.  For  a  time  contrapuntal  art 
served  masters  other  than  the  Church  and  her  liturgy, 
3Ut  with  the  reNaved  observance  of  her  laws  in  regard 
to  music,  and  with  the  study  and  revival,  diu-ing  the 
past  sixty  years,  of  her  greatest  musical  treasures, 
jounterpoint  in  accordance  with  its  original  principles, 
las  come  into  its  own  again  and  is  bearing  fruit  as  it 
iid  of  yore. 

Ambras,  Geschichte der  Musik  (Leipzig,  1881),  III;  Riemanv, 
Udiuibudi  der  Musikgeschichte  (I.eipziK.  1907).  II.  pt.  I;  Hal- 
LF.R.  Komposilionstehre  (Ratisbon,  1890);  Dehm. /.c^re  tiom 
Vonlrapunkl  tBerlin,  2883).  JOSEPH  OtteN'. 

Comiter-Reformation,  The. — The  subject  will  be 
considered  under  the  following  heads:  I.  Significance  of 
the  terai;  11.  I^w  ebb  of  Catholic  fortunes;  III.  St. 
Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits,  pioneers  of  the  new  move- 
iient;  IV.  The  Council  of  Trent;  V.  Three  great 
reforming  popes;  VI.  The  missions;  VII.  Progress 
in  European  States;  VIII.  Ecclesiastical  literature; 
[X.  Close  of  the  period  and  retrospect. 

I.  Significance  of  the  Term. — The  term  Counler- 
Reformation  denotes  the  period  of  Catholic  revival 
'rora  the  pontificate  of  Pope  Pius  IV  in  1560  to  the 
close  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  1G4S.  The  name, 
though  long  in  use  among  Protestant  historians,  has 
jnly  recently  been  introduced  into  Catholic  hand- 
books. The  consequence  is  that  it  already  has  a 
■neaning  and  an  application,  for  which  a  word  with  a 
lifferent  nuance  should  perhaps  have  been  chosen. 
For  in  the  first  place  the  name  suggests  that  the 
[Catholic  movement  came  after  the  Protestant; 
whereas  in  truth  the  reform  originally  began  in  the 
i^atholie  Church,  and  Luther  was  a  Catholic  Reformer 
tjefore  he  became  a  Protestant.  By  becoming  a  Prot- 
estant Refonner,  he  did  indeed  hinder  the  pro- 
cess of  the  (,'atholic  reformation,  but  he  did  not  stop 
It.  It  continued  to  gain  headway  in  the  Catholic 
South  until  it  was  strong  enough  to  meet  and  roll 
:)ack  the  movement  from  the  North.  Even  if  our 
Catholic  reform  had  been  altogether  posterior  to  the 
Protestant,  we  could  not  admit  that  our  reform  move- 
Tient  owed  its  motive  power  or  its  line  of  action  to 
the  latter,  in  the  way  that  modern  reform  movements 
imong  Orientals  are  due  to  the  influence  of  Euro- 
Bean  thought.  For  the  principles  of  the  Protostant 
Reformation  are  to  Catholics  principles  leading  to 
deformation  and  to  the  perpetuation  of  abuses,  such 
js  the  subservience  of  (,'hurch  to  St[ite,  or  the  mar- 
riage of  the  clergj',  to  say  nothing  of  doctrinal  error. 


Both  the  continuance  and  correction  of  the  same  abuse 
cannot  be  due  to  the  same  movement.  Moreover,  it 
will  l)e  seen  that  the  Catholic  reform  was  not  even 
originally  due  to  reaction  from  Protestantism,  in  the 
way  in  which  inert  nations  are  sometimes  spurred  by 
initial  ilefeats  to  increased  energy,  which  in  the  end 
may  even  make  them  victorious.  Though  this  reac- 
tion undoubtedly  had  its  effect  on  certain  Catholic 
reformers,  it  had  little  or  no  influence  on  the  leaders 
or  on  the  best  representatives  of  the  movement,  as, 
for  instance,  on  St.  Ignatius,  its  pioneer,  or  on  St. 
Philip  Neri  and  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  exemplars  of  its 
maturity. 

Another  point  to  be  noticed  is  that,  though  w-e 
assign  certain  dates  for  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 
period  under  consideration,  there  has  never  been  any 
break  in  the  striving  of  the  Church  against  the  heresies 
which  arose  in  the  sbcteenth  century.  In  this  sense 
the  Counter-Reformation  began  in  the  time  of  Luther 
and  is  not  even  yet  closed.  But  while  the  points  of 
similarity  between  this  period  and  those  which  pre- 
ceded and  followed  it  might  be  dwelt  upon  at  some 
length,  and  must  occasionally  be  called  to  mind,  there 
is  no  reason  for  rejecting  the  term,  or  for  denying  that 
it  corresponds  with  a  real  and  important  historical 
period.  Historical  periods,  it  will  be  remembered, 
are  never  sharjily  cut  off,  during  the  actual  course  of 
events,  from  what  goes  before  and  comes  after,  as  they 
are  described  in  books;  for  history  in  the  concrete  is 
always  continuous.  In  this  case  the  limits  of  the 
period  are  to  be  measured  not  by  reversals  of  reform- 
ing policy  and  methods,  but  by  the  increased  or  de- 
creased energj'  with  which  such  reformation  is  pur- 
sued. When  there  is  intense  zeal  on  the  part  of  many 
for  making  reforms,  then  is  the  "period"  of  reform. 
Similarly  this  "period"  ceases  when  such  zeal  be- 
comes rare,  or  only  mediocre  in  intensity,  even  though 
it  does  really  continue  here  and  there  in  some  indi- 
viduals or  classes.  It  woukl  be  a.  misrepresentation  of 
the  heroes  of  the  Counter-Reformation  to  describe 
their  reforms  as  having  differed  from  those  of  the 
older  ojiponents  of  Protestantism,  except  in  degree, 
in  eamestnes.s,  thoroughness,  adaptability  to  altered 
circumstances,  etc.  Their  predecessors  had  been 
clear  in  the  condemnation  and  punishment  of  error. 
They  had  preached,  pleaded,  threatened,  even  fought, 
but  they  did  not  remodel  their  ways  seriously  every- 
where, in  small  things  and  in  great.  They  did  not  insti- 
tute new  and  vast  schemes  of  edvtcation,  or  alter  the 
constitutions  of  their  States.  They  did  not  succeed 
in  awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  their  party,  or  in 
encouraging  whole  classes  to  make  heroic  sacrifices, 
or  heroic  eff'orts.  But  there  did  come  a  time  when 
there  was  such  heroism  on  a  large  scale,  when  whole 
classes,  as  for  instance  episcopates,  new  religious  orders, 
and  even  the  laity  (as  in  England  during  the  persecu- 
tions), were  filled  with  enthusiasm;  when  martjTs 
were  numerous;  when  great  writers,  preachers,  and 
leaders  abounded;  when  education  was  attended  to 
from  the  highest  motives  and  with  the  greatest  in- 
terest; when  the  old  duties  of  life  were  discharged 
with  an  alertness,  a  faith,  a  meaning  which  were  new; 
when  for  a  time  Catholic  rulers  and  whole  States  rose 
superior  to  considerations  of  self-interest. 

The  span  of  time  during  which  this  enthusiasm 
lasted  may  be  justly  considered  as  an  historical 
period,  and  it  is  that  which  we  call  the  period  of  the 
Counter-Reformation.  It  may  also  be  well  to  note 
at  the  outset  that  this  period  is  the  harder  to  follow, 
not  only  beeau.se  of  its  continuity  with  previous  and 
succeeding  periods,  but  also  because  it  did  not  com- 
mence or  end  at  the  same  time  in  any  two  countries, 
and  in  each  land  began,  grew  strong,  and  died  away, 
through  different  causes,  in  different  ways  and  de- 
grees, and  at  different  times.  Broadly  considered, 
however,  the  dates  assigned  above  will  be  shown  to 
be  perfectly  accurate. 


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II.  Low  Ebb  op  Catholic  Fortunes. — "  From  the 
time  of  St.  Peter  there  has  not  been  a  pontificate  so 
unfortunate  as  mine.  How  I  regret  tlie  |iast!  Pray 
for  me."  Such  were  the  sad  words  of  Pope  Paul  IV 
to  Father  Laynez,  as  he  lay  dying  in  August,  1559 
(Oliver  Manare,  Commentarius  de  reljus  Soc.  Jesu, 
Florence,  1886,  125).  It  never  looks  darker,  it  is  said, 
than  just  before  dawn;  the  prospects  of  Catholicism 
at  that  moment  did  indeed  seem  gloomy  to  the  watch- 
ers in  the  Vatican.  Luigi  Mocenigo,  Venetian  ambas- 
sador at  Rome,  sent  thence  to  the  seiguory  this  report 
on  the  situation:  "In  many  countries,  obedience  to 
the  pope  has  almost  ceased,  and  matters  are  becoming 
so  critical  that,  if  God  does  not  interfere,  they  will 
soon  be  desperate  .  .  .  Germany  .  .  .  leaves  little 
hope  of  being  cured.  Poland  is  in  almost  as  hopeless 
a  state.  The  disorders  which  have  just  lately  taken 
place  in  France  and  Spain  are  too  well  known  for  me 
to  speak  of  them,  and  the  Kingdom  of  England  .  .  . 
after  returning  a  short  time  since  to  her  old  obedience, 
has  again  fallen  into  heresy.  Thus  the  spiritual  power 
of  the  pope  is  so  straitened  that  the  only  remedy  is  a 
council  summoned  by  the  common  consent  of  all 
princes.  Unless  this  reduces  the  affairs  of  religion 
to  order,  a  grave  calamity  is  to  be  feared."  Another 
Venetian  diplomatist  (and  these  men  were  reckoned 
among  the  most  acute  of  their  day)  wrote  not  long 
after,  that  Cardinal  Morone,  when  leaving  for  the 
council,  told  him  that  "there  was  no  hope"  (Alb^ri, 
Relazioni  degli  ambasciatori  Veneti,  1859,  II,  iv,  22, 
82).  Though  Morone's  prophecy  was  soon  falsified 
by  the  events  about  to  be  described,  his  words  must 
be  considered  as  conclusive  proof  that  even  the  brav- 
est and  best-informed  in  Rome  regarded  the  situation 
with  profound  discouragement,  and  it  will  be  worth 
while  to  seek  an  explanation  by  going  back  to  Mo- 
cenigo's  words.  At  the  same  time,  without  attempt- 
ing an  account  of  the  Reformation  itself,  notice  may 
be  taken  of  what  had  hitherto  been  done  in  order  to 
stem  the  religious  revolution. 

Germany. — Even  before  the  Protestant  Reforma- 
tion the  holding  of  synods  and  provincial  councils  had 
been  frequent,  and  they  had  always  been  attentive  to 
points  requiring  reform.  After  it,  the  popes  had  sent 
thither  a  succession  of  legates  and  nuncios,  such  as 
Aleander,  Campeggio,  Cajetan,  Contarini,  Morone, 
who  had  upon  the  whole  been  men  of  conspicuous  sin- 
cerity, vigour,  and  prudence.  There  had  also  been 
foimd  among  the  German  Catholics  many  men  of 
splendid  eloquence  and  zeal,  of  holy  life  and  ceaseless 
labour,  such  as  Tetzel,  Johaim  von  Eck,  Miltitz, 
Nausea,  Jerome  Emser,  Julius  Pflug,  Johann  Gropper, 
who  had  striven  courageously  and  most  effectively  on 
the  Catholic  side.  The  Emperor  Charles  V  (q.  v.) 
had  laboured  ujion  the  whole  with  marked  devotion 
in  favour  of  Catholicism,  though  his  Italian  policy, 
it  is  true,  had  frequently  been  repugnant  to  the  wishes 
and  the  interests  of  the  Roman  pontiffs.  But  now  he 
was  gone,  and  his  successors,  Philip  II  of  Spain  and 
Ferdinand  of  Austria,  whether  their  energy  and  devo- 
tion or  the  power  which  they  wielded  be  considered, 
were  far  inferior  to  him  as  champions  and  protectors 
of  Catholicism.  There  had,  of  course,  been  some,  in- 
deed many,  improvements  on  the  Catholic  side.  The 
German  episcopate,  once  so  worthless,  now  numbered 
many  noble  characters,  of  whom  Otto  von  Truchsess, 
Bishop  of  Augsburg  and  afterwards  cardinal;  was  the 
most  brilliant  representative.  The  Dominican  and 
Franciscan  friars  had  showed  from  the  first  to  advan- 
tage; always  ready  to  meet  the  foe,  they  everywhere 
encouraged  and  strengthened  the  men  of  their  own 
side,  ami  prevented  many  defections  (see  N.  Paulus, 
Die  deutschen  Dominikaner  ini  Kampf  gegen  Luther, 
1903).  The  first  Jesuits  too  liad  won  many  notable 
successes.  Thus  while  on  the  one  hand  it  was  evident 
that  there  was  still  life  in  the  Church  of  Germany, 
while  there  was  no  intrinsic  impo.ssibility  in  carrj'ing 


further  the  good  that  had  begun,  on  the  whole  the  out- 
look was  as  (lark  as  the  retrospect.  No  bulwark 
against  Protestantism  had  yet  been  found.  Attempts 
to  conclude  a  "religious  peace"  or  an  "Interim",  at 
the  various  diets  of  Nuremberg,  Speyer,  Ratisbon, 
and  Augsburg  seemed  to  effect  nothing  better  than  to 
give  the  Protestants  breathing  time  for  fresh  organ- 
ization, and  so  prepare  the  way  for  new  attacks  and 
victories.  The  Turks  were  pressing  on  Hungary  and 
Austria  from  the  south-east;  the  French,  allying 
themselves  with  the  Reformers,  had  invaded  the  Ger- 
man West,  and  had  annexed  the  "three  bishoprics" 
Metz,  Verdun,  and  Toul.  Charles  had  then  made 
large  sacrifices  to  get  the  Protestants  to  agree  to  "  the 
religious  peace  of  Augsburg"  (1555),  in  order  to  com- 
bine all  forces  against  France.  The  alliance  was 
made,  but  was  unsuccessful;  the  French  retained 
their  conquests;  Charles  retreated;  the  power  of 
Catholic  Germany  seemed  to  be  under  an  eclipse. 
Mocenigo  might  well  say  that  "  Germany  leaves  little 
hope  of  being  cured". 

Poland. — "Poland  is  in  almost  as  hopeless  a  state." 
Protestantism  had  latterly  gained  ground  rapidly. 
In  1555  a  "national  synod"  had  been  held,  which  had 
requested  the  marriage  of  priests,  Communion  under 
both  kinds.  Mass  in  Polish,  the  abolishment  of  "an- 
nates". Such  demands  had  but  too  often  proved  the 
forerunners  of  a  lapse  to  Protestantism,  and  in  fact  in 
1557  the  weak  King  Sigismund  Augustus  had  allowed 
"liberty"  of  conscience  in  Danzig  and  some  other 
towns.  There  were  waverers  even  among  the  clergy 
and  the  bishops,  like  James  Uchanski,  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen  and  Primate  of  Poland  in  1562.  Fortunately 
the  evil  was  not  yet  deeply  rooted  In  the  comitry. 
There  had  been  no  sweeping  confiscations  of  church 
property,  nor  apostasies  among  the  actual  rulers. 
The  great  bishop  and  cardinal,  Stanislas  Hosius,  was 
rising  to  fame,  and  behind  him  stood  a  number  of 
zealous  clergy,  who  would  in  due  time  renew  the  face 
of  the  Church.  Still  for  the  moment  the  state  of  the 
country  was  very  serious.  (See  Krause,  Die  Ref- 
ormation und  Gegenreform.  im  ehemaligen  Konig-  ! 
reiche  Polen,  Posen,  1901.)  ' 

France  and  Spain. — "The  disorders  in  France  and 
Spain  are  too  well  known  for  me  to  speak  of  them. " 
The  first  open  revolt  of  the  Huguenots,  styled  the 
Tumulte  d'Amboise,  had  taken  place  just  before  Mo- 
cenigo wrote.  Hitherto.  France  though  allying  herself 
with  the  heretics  of  Germany,  had  preserved  her  own 
religious  peace.  But  the  converts  to  Protestantism 
were  mmierous  and  well  organized,  and  countetl  not 
a  few  of  the  highest  nobility  and  of  the  blood  royal, 
especially  princes  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  to  which 
the  crown  was  destined  to  fall  ere  very  long.  The 
ruling  sovereign,  Francis  II,  was  but  a  boy,  and 
though  for  the  moment  the  House  of  Lorraine  and  the 
family  of  the  Guises  brought  victory  to  the  Catholics, 
the  position  was  one  of  evident  danger,  and  was. soon 
to  result  in  a  Ion"  series  of  wars  of  religion. 

The  troubles  of  Spain  were  in  a  sense  rather  foreign 
than  domestic.  It  was  true  that  there  had  been  some 
defections,  as  Enzinas  (Dryander),  Servetus,  and 
Valdez.  Though  :iot  numerous,  these  had  been  suf- 
ficient to  cause  much  alarm  and  suspicion,  so  nuich 
so  that  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo  himself,  Bartolomd 
Carranza  (q.  v.)  was  put  on  his  trial.  (Cf.  Scliafer, 
"Gesch.  des  sp.anischen  Protestantismus",  duter- 
sloh,  1902 ;  Menendez  y  Pelayo,  "Historia  de  los  heter- 
odoxos  Espaiioles",  Madrid,  1880-82.)  The  proceed- 
ings lasted  a  long  term  of  years,  but  in  the  end  noth- 
ing could  be  proved  against  him.  There  was  also 
danger  from  the  Moriscoes.  But  what  gave  most 
cause  for  anxiety  to  serious  thinkers  was  the  linking 
of  the  Netherlands,  Naples,  and  so  many  parts  of 
Italy  to  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  were  evcrj^vhere 
unjiopular,  and  the  Reformers  were  begiiming,  espe- 
])ecially  in  the  .N'etherlands,  to  pose  as  patriots,  with 


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439 


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results  verj'  unfortunate  for  Catholicism.  I'or  in- 
stance. King  Philip  had  arranged  with  the  Holy  See 
in  1559  for  certain  changes  in  the  Flemish  sees.  Sleeh- 
lin,  (^ambrai.  and  Utrecht  were  made  archbishoprics, 
and  fourteen  smaller  districts  were  formed  into  bish- 
oprics. This  measure,  wise  .and  commendable  in 
itself,  was  badly  received  when  it  came  from  Spanish 
rulers.  The  redistribution  of  benefices,  which  had  to 
be  made  in  order  to  endow  the  new  sees,  caused  com- 
plaints which  grew  constantly  louder,  and  in  the 
end  proved  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  revolt  of  the 
Netherlands. 

England. — Of  all  the  countries  of  Europe  none 
changed  sides  with  such  appalling  facility  as  England. 
At  first  she  had  seemed  the  least  likely  of  any  to  re- 
volt. She  had  been  peaceful  and  contented;  the  ob- 
servance of  the  canons  compared  favourably  with  that 
in  many  other  countries:  her  icing  was  emphatically 
on  the  side  of  the  Church,  until  "the  Gospel  light 
first  shined  in  Boleyn's  eyes".  Then  it  was  found 
that  the  absolute  power  of  the  sovereign  was  easily 
greater  than  any  other  force  in  the  realm.  There 
were  some  glorious  martyrs  (see  Flsher  ;  Hough- 
ton; More)  and,  in  general,  sufficient  resistance  to 
show  that  the  countrj-,  as  a  whole,  clung  to  its  old 
faith,  and  would  never  have  changed  l)ut  for  force. 
When  that  force  was  apjilied.  the  change  was  shame- 
fully rapid  and  complete.  Wlien  Queen  Mary  gained 
the  upper  hand,  there  was  remarkably  little  difficulty 
found  in  the  much  more  arduous  task  of  restoring  the 
old  order,  in  spite  of  the  church  property,  which  liad 
been  confiscated,  and  had  already  been  redistributed 
into  thousands  of  hands.  Only  about  two  years  were 
available  for  the  actual  restoration  of  the  Church,  and 
though  the  work  was  carried  out  in  a  way  that  was 
not  verj'  conciliating,  yet  the  Marian  establishment 
proved  itself  more  stable,  wlien  tried  in  the  fire  of 
Elizabeth's  persecution,  than  the  ancient  Church 
when  attacked  by  King  Henr^-.  In  neither  case, 
however,  could  the  Church  withstand  the  power  of 
the  Crown;  and  again  the  resistance,  though  sufficient 
to  be  reckoned  a  magnificent  protest  against  the  rcryal 
tyranny,  -was  entirelj'  inadequate  to  hinder  the  dic- 
tates of  the  Tudor  sovereign  and  her  powerful  minis- 
ters. The  Marian  reaction  movement  should  not  be 
reckoned  under  the  Counter-Reformation  proper,  for 
it  was  in  effect  almost  entirely  a  restoration  of  old 
methods  and  old  ideas,  and  derived  its  force  from  the 
okl  religious  feelings  of  the  land.  These  had  lain 
dormant  while  beaten  down  by  overwhelming  force, 
but  rose  again  as  soon  as  that  repression  ceased. 

Scotland  ntui  Irelaml. — These  countries  were  prob- 
ably included  by  Mocenigo  under  England,  thovigh 
their  condition  was  in  reality  widely  different.  Scot- 
land, unlike  England,  was  perhaps  of  all  countries  in 
Europe  the  most  likely  to  take  up  the  Reformation. 
Bloody  and  incessant  feuds  had  sadly  demoralized 
monastic  life,  and  rendered  ch\irch  government  ex- 
tremely difficult,  while  the  rough  liarons  had  intruded 
their  illegitimate  children  into  a  large  number  of  the 
livings,  abbacies,  and  episcopal  sees.  Yet  Scotland 
resisted  for  a  generation  the  reformation  which  Henry 
and  Edward  strove  with  all  their  might  to  impose 
upon  her.  Elizabeth's  efforts  were  more  subtle  and 
more  successful.  Mary  of  Guise,  Queen  Regent  of 
Scotland,  relied  almo.st  entirely  upon  the  French 
arms  for  the  maintenance  of  royal  and  religious 
authority.  It  wa.s  represented  to  the  nobility  that 
this  w.'is  an  insult  and  an  injury  to  those  on  whom 
the  government  of  Scotland  .should  naturally  have 
fallen,  the  House  of  Hamilton  and  the  nobility  of 
the  land.  -Moreover  the  C.alvinists  in  France  had 
won  over  many  young  Scottish  soldiers  and  .students 
in  Paris,  notably  the  ICarl  of  Arran  who  stood  but  two 
or  three  steps  from  the  throne.  The  revolution  took 
place,  and  though  the  regent  might  have  held  her  own 
if  England  had  been  neutral,  there  could  be  no  doubt 


as  to  the  issue  when  Elizabeth  actively  supported 
the  rebels  with  money,  men,  and  ships.  The  ninth 
clause  of  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh  (6  July,  1560) 
stipulated  that  "  the  matter  of  religion  be  passed  over 
in  silence",  which  in  effect  left  to  the  Scottish  Prot- 
estants, with  England  at  their  back,  absolute  power 
to  do  what  they  liked.  The  estates  of  the  Church 
were  seized  by  the  laity,  and  (except  in  the  inaccessi- 
ble North)  every  vestige  of  Catholic  observance  was 
forcibly  banished  from  the  land.  It  was  the  last  na- 
tional revolt  from  the  Church,  and  was  the  more  la- 
mentable because  of  Scotland's  previous  constancy. 

As  to  Ireland,  Rome  probably  knew  nothing  ex- 
cept the  darkest  features.  The  Marian  bishops  and 
indeed  all  the  Anglo-Irish  of  the  Pale  had  thrown 
in  their  lot  with  Elizabeth,  though  she  had  as  yet 
made  few  changes.  Officially  the  state  of  Ireland 
seemed  as  bad  as  that  of  England.  Communication 
with  the  Irish  beyond  the  Pale  was  most  difficult  to 
keep  up;  it  had  probably  not  yet  been  opened. 

Scaiidinavia  aiid  Italy. — Mocenigo  said  nothing  of 
these  nations.  The  former  was  so  far  away  from 
Roman  influence  that  the  Counter-Refonnation  never 
reached  it.  Of  the  latter  he  would  surely  have  given 
a  better  account  than  of  any  other  European  nation. 
A  couple  of  generations  back,  when  the  pagan  Renais- 
sance was  at  its  height,  it  might  have  been,  or  at  least 
seemed,  otherwise.  There  was  then  corruption  in 
high  places,  as  everyone  could  see,  but  the  miseries  of 
war  had  checked  the  spread  of  luxury,  which  had  not 
permeated  far  down  among  the  people,  and  better 
conditions  resulted  (Cantu.  Gli  eretici  d'ltalia,  Turin, 
1865-67).  At  every  papal  election  better  men  were 
chosen,  and  the  College  of  Cardinals  certainly  con- 
tained more  enlightened  reformers  than  could  be 
found  in  any  other  body.  Aleander,  Contarini,  Mor- 
one,  Pole,  Sadolet  may  be  named  as  good  examples  of 
their  class.  There  were  many  admirable  prelates  like 
GianMatteoGiberti.  Bishopof  Verona.  Moreover, sev- 
eral new  and  efficient  religious  orders  had  lately  come 
into  existence,  the  Capuchins,  The.atines,  and  Bama- 
bites,  while  St.  Jerome  EmUiani  had  formed  the  Clerics 
Regular  known  as  the  Somaschi. 

Pope  Paul  IV  (Giovanni  Pietro  Caraffa)  was  him- 
self a  representative  of  the  best  traditions  of  the  Ital- 
ian Church  immediately  before  the  Council  of  Trent. 
He  was  holy  and  sincere,  business-like  and  energetic, 
as  he  had  proved  before  his  elevation  to  the  papacy. 
But  the  virtues  of  a  great  reformer  are  not  always  the 
virtvies  most  needed  in  a  ruler.  Like  St.  Pius  V,  on 
certain  occasions,  Paul  IV  wa.s  sometimes  rash  in 
having  recourse  to  medieval  methods.  His  Bull 
against  nepotism  wa.s  a  reform  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, yet  he  was  betrayed,  in  a  great  measure  by 
nepoti.sm,  into  the  fatal  war  against  Spain  (1557-58), 
the  misfortunes  and  disturbances  of  which  affected 
the  cause  of  Catholicism  so  adversely  throughout 
Western  Europe.  Because  of  this  war  Mary  Tudor's 
reign  closed  in  gloom,  the  Netherlands  were  distracted, 
intercourse  with  the  pope  was  practically  intermitted 
for  England,  Flanders,  and  Spain,  and  the  Reformers 
inFran'ce  maintained  that  the  evils  of  the  time  were  due 
to  the  ambition  of  the  popes.  As  soon  as  the  Peace 
of  Paris  was  concluded,  in  l.'>.j9,  the  evils  which  had 
hitherto  been  working  unperceived  became  evident. 
While  England  fell  away,  followed  by  Scotland, 
France  and  the  Netherlands  were  found  to  be  deeply 
infected  l)y  heresy;  the  Holy  .See  had  either  no  repre- 
sentatives in  those  countries  to  combat  the  evil,  or 
they  were  so  out  of  favour  as  to  have  little  or  no 
power.  This  explains  the  words  of  Paul  IV  on  his 
death-bed,  quoted  .above,  which  so  vividly  describe 
the  unfortunate  condition  of  the  Church  at  this  mo- 
ment. 

III.  St.  Io.natius  .\m)  the  jEstirr.s,  Pioneeks  op 
THE  New-  Movement. — But  though  Paul  IV  diil  not 
advert  to  it,  the  Catholic  reaction  had  already  made 


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considerable  progress.  The  number  of  gre:it  men 
among  the  cardinals,  and  the  foundation  of  the  Capu- 
chins, Theatines,  and  other  orders,  have  already  been 
mentioned  as  symptomatic  of  the  improvement.  Then 
there  appeared  Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits,  so  conspicuous 
in  the  new  movement.  And  here  it  may  be  well  to 
notice  how  very  different  the  evolution  of  the  Protes- 
tant Reformers  (even  of  those  who  were  most  conscien- 
tious) was  from  that  of  the  vocation  of  this  Catholic 
leader.  The  monk  Luther  and  many  like  him  began 
by  denouncing  abuses.  The  abuses  were  serious,  no 
doubt,  but  from  the  nature  of  the  case  abuses  in 
matters  or  of  matters  themselves  holy  and  laudable. 
Yet  so  violent  did  the  accusers  become  that  they  grad- 
ually forgot  any  good  there  was  connected  with  the 
object  decried,  though  the  good  perhaps  in  reality  far 
outweighed  the  evil.  Then  came  attacks  upon  the 
persons  who  maintained  or  defended  the  thing  im- 
pugned, or  who  failed  to  make  the  changes  demanded, 
and  they  were  almost  always  declared  to  have  vir- 
tually or  actually  betrayed  or  deserted  the  Church  it- 
self. Finally  the  reformer,  setting  himself  up  as  the 
true  standard  of  orthodoxy,  fell  to  self-exaltation, 
and  at  last  rebelled  and  separated  from  the  Church, 
which  he  had  originally  intended  to  serve. 

The  soldier,  Ignatius,  in  the  enforced  leisure  after 
his  wound  at  Pampeluna  (1521)  bethought  himself  of 
serving  Christ  as  a  captain.  The  idea  slowly  took 
possession  of  him  and  aroused  a  lofty  spiritual  ambi- 
tion. The  imitation  and  service  of  Christ  were  to  be 
most  thorough.  He  would  first  educate  himself  as  well 
as  his  age  would  allow,  become  a  priest,  induce  the 
best  of  his  companions  to  join  him,  and  then  go 
to  the  Holy  Land  and  imitate  the  Saviour's  life  as 
literally  and  exactly  as  possible.  This  was  a  humble 
but  sublime  ideal,  capable  of  appealing  to  and  satis- 
fying the  most  earnest  souls,  and  sure  to  lead  to  great 
efforts.  There  was  no  preoccupation  here  about  the 
reform  of  abuses,  nor  indeed  any  temporal  concern 
whatever,  even  the  most  praiseworthy.  For  twelve 
years  Ignatius,  now  a  middle-aged  man,  laboured  at 
the  education  and  the  sanctification  of  himself  and  of 
the  few  followers  who  threw  in  their  lot  with  him,  and 
the  plan  would  have  been  completed  as  it  had  been 
conceived,  had  not  war  with  the  Turks  kept  him  and 
his  companions  waiting  for  several  months  at  Venice, 
imable  to  proceed  to  Palestine.  Then  he  turned  to 
Rome,  which  he  reached  in  November,  1537,  and 
never  left  again.  The  services  of  his  small  band  of  com- 
panions were  soon  in  great  request;  they  were  the 
"  handy  men  "  of  the  hour,  with  heads  and  hearts  ready 
for  any  work.  In  a  short  time  they  had  been  heard 
of  and  seen  everywhere.  Though  few  in  number  they 
had  carried  the  Gospel  to  Abyssinia,  India,  and  China, 
the  ends  of  the  known  world.  They  had  faced  and 
fought  the  most  redoubted  heretics;  they  had 
preached  to  the  poor  and  tended  the  sick  m  the 
darkest  purlieus  of  the  manufacturing  cities.  They 
had  not  indeed  as  yet  the  great  colleges  which  after- 
wards made  them  famous,  nor  did  people  feel  their 
force  as  a  corporate  body,  but  this  only  made  their 
position  as  the  pioneers,  or  advance  guard  of  the 
Church,  the  more  noteworthy.  If  so  few  preachers 
could  do  so  much,  their  calls  on  others  to  join  in  the 
struggle  roused  multitudes  to  confidence,  energy,  and 
fresh  efforts.     (See  Society  of  Jesus.) 

IV.  The  Council  op  Trent. — The  Council  had 
been  originally  summoned  in  the  year  1537,  and  six- 
teen sessions  were  held  during  the  next  fourteen  years. 
In  1552  it  was  prorogued  for  the  third  or  fourth  time, 
and  so  serious  were  the  cjuarrels  throughout  Europe 
that  its  conclusion  was  almost  despaired  of.  '"The 
only  remetly",  said  Mocenigo,  "is  a  council  summoned 
by  the  common  consent  of  all  princes."  Yet  there 
was  small  chance  that  the  factious,  overbearing 
jirinces  of  those  ilays  would  give  up  their  own  views 
and  interests.     Still,  for  the  common  good,  it  hud  to 


be  attempted,  and  when  the  bishops  met  again  in  1561 
they  came  with  hearts  resolved  to  do  their  utmost. 
But  "the  consent  of  all  the  princes"  was  not  easy  to 
obtain.  If  they  had  known  of  Elizabeth's  secret  deal- 
ings with  the  French  Court  (Foreign  Calendars,  1561, 
nn.  6S2,  684),  they  might  have  put  a  very  sinister 
interpretation  on  the  proposals  with  which  the  Cardi- 
nal of  Lorraine  and  other  Galileans  were  constantly 
interrupting  the  progress  of  business.  At  last  Cardi- 
nal Morone  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  paid  personal 
visits  to  the  emperor  and  the  pope.  A  better  under- 
standing between  the  clerical  and  the  state  parties 
ensued,  and  so  the  council  was  concluded,  with  much 
more  expedition  and  satisfaction  than  had  seemed 
possible.  While  the  politicians  had  been  squabbling, 
the  theologians  had  been  doing  their  work  well,  and 
when  the  decrees  came  to  be  promulgated,  there  was 
general  admiration  at  the  amount  of  definition  that 
had  been  accomplished.  Though  there  had  been  so 
many  rumours  of  quarrels  and  divisions,  the  points 
on  which  all  were  agreed  were  surprisingly  numerous 
and  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  contradictions 
and  feuds  among  the  Protestant  sects,  which  were 
becoming  ever  more  conspicuous  and  bitter.  No 
council  that  had  ever  been  held  had  pronounced  so 
clearly  nor  on  so  many  useful  points.  Moreover,  the 
Catholic  bishops  and  representatives  of  various  coun- 
tries had  come  to  know  one  another  as  never  before, 
and  when  they  separated  they  returned  to  their 
flocks  with  a  new  perception  of  the  unity  of  the 
Church,  and  edified  by  the  sincere  holiness  of  her 
hierarchy.  From  this  time  we  find  that  a  cer- 
tain readiness  for  compromise,  and  apprehension  of 
change,  which  was  once  widespread,  has  passed 
away.  Though,  for  instance,  many  had  wished  the 
laity  to  receive  the  Chalice,  in  order  to  stay  further 
defections,  and  though  the  council  and  the  Holy  See 
had  allowed  it  for  certain  countries,  it  was  now  found 
that  the  concession  was  unnecessary,  and  it  was  not 
made  use  of.  The  decrees,  at  least  those  which  regarded 
doctrine,  were  everywhere  received  with  approval. 
The  disciplinary  decrees,  on  the  other  hand,  were  not 
accepted  without  serious  qualifications  by  the  Catholic 
sovereigns.  Spain  withheld  "the  privileges  of  the 
Spanish  Crown";  France  at  first  refused  them  alto- 
gether as  inconsistent  with  the  Gallican  Liberties,  a 
refusal  significant  of  the  danger  of  Regalism  which 
was  to  beset  the  Church  of  France  for  generations  to 
come.  [Cf.  besides  the  decrees  of  the  council  (Rome, 
1564,  et  s(vp.),  the  valuable  publication  of  the  Gorres 
Society,  "Concilium  Tridentinum,  Diariorimi,  acto- 
rum,  epistularum,  Tractatuum  nova  collectio",  I, 
"Diariorum  pars  prima",  ed.  S.  Merkle  (Freiburg, 
1901),  and  "Actorum  pars  prima",  ed.  S.  Ehses 
(Freibm-g,  1904).] 

V.  Three  Great  Reforming  Popes. — The  popes 
are  as  a  rule,  and  from  the  nature  of  their  position, 
extremely  conservative,  but  it  was  characteristic  of 
the  Counter-Reformation  that  after  the  Council  of 
Trent  three  popes  of  great  reforming  energy  should 
be  elected  in  close  succession. 

(1)  St.  Pius  V. — The  great  achievement  of  this  pope 
was  the  example  which  lie  gave  of  heroic  virtue.  In 
the  language  of  the  day,  "he  made  his  palace  into  a 
monastery,  and  was  himself  a  model  of  penance, 
asceticism,  and  prayer".  He  inspired  all  about  him 
with  his  own  high  views,  and  new  life  and  strength 
were  soon  .seen  in  all  parts  of  the  papal  administra- 
tion. Many  and  notorious  had  been  the  corruptions 
which  had  crept  in  during  the  reigns  of  the  easy-going 
humanistic  popes  who  had  preceded  him.  They  had 
indeed  passeil  severe  laws,  after  the  fashion  of  the 
time,  hoping  to  maintain  good  order  by  occasional 
severities  and  the  constant  dread  of  heavy  penalties, 
but  with  lax  ailministration  such  a  method  of  govern- 
ment produci'd  deplorable  results.  Pius  V  applied 
the  laws  with  an  unflinching  regularity  to  rich  and 


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loble,  as  well  as  to  mean  and  poor.  His  rigour  and 
ifigour  were  sometimes  excessive,  no  doubt,  but  this 
would  not  have  seemed  very  reprehensible  in  those 
laj's.  There  had  been  a  popular  outcry  for  "  reform 
n  the  head  as  well  as  in  the  members",  but  it  had 
seemed  hopeless  to  expect  it,  considering  the  strong 
conservative  traditions  of  the  Roman  Court.  Now 
that  the  seemingly  unattainable  had  been  accom- 
alished,  occasional  excesses  in  the  manner  of  its  at- 
tainment were  easily  forgiven,  if  they  were  not 
ictually  relished,  as  signs  of  the  thoroughness  with 
which  the  desired  change  had  been  made.  Esteem 
:or  the  papacy  rose,  papal  nuncios  and  legates  faced 
tvith  firmness  the  powerful  sovereigns  to  whom  they 
were  sent,  and  strove  with  dignity  for  the  correction 
jf  abuses.  Reforms  were  more  easily  accepted  by 
inferiors  when  superiors  had  already  embraced  them. 
Even  Protestants  mentioned  Pope  Pius  with  respect. 
Bacon  spoke  of  ''that  excellent  Pope  Pius  Quintus, 
whom  I  wonder  his  successors  have  not  declared  a 
saint"  ("Of  a  Holy  War",  in  his  Works,  ed.  of  1838, 
[,  523;  the  words  however  are  put  into  the  mouth  of 
mother).  Though  the  forces  against  Pope  St.  Pius 
were  powerful,  and  the  general  position  was  every- 
where so  critical  that  extreme  caution  might  have 
seemed  the  best  policy,  his  fearless  enforcement  of 
existing  church  law  was  on  the  whole  wonderfully 
successful.  Thus,  though  his  Bull  excommunicating 
ind  depriving  Elizabeth  (1570)  was  in  one  sense  ill- 
timed  and  a  failure,  on  the  other  hand  its  results  in 
the  spiritual  sphere  were  admirable.  It  broke  the 
English  Catholics  of  their  subservience  to  Elizabeth's 
tjTanny  over  their  consciences  in  a  way  which  no 
milder  measure  could  have  done. 

(2)  Gregory  XIII  became  a  leader  of  the  reform 
movement  by  virtue  of  qualities  very  different  from 
those  of  his  predecessor.  He  was  a  kindly,  sociable 
man,  who  had  risen  to  fame  as  a  lecturer  on  canon 
law,  and  his  successes  were  due  to  his  zeal  for  educa- 
tion, piety,  and  the  machinery  of  government,  rather 
than  to  anj-t  hing  magnetic  or  inspiring  in  his  personal 
influence.  He  was  bountiful  in  his  support  of  the 
Jesuit  missions,  and  in  his  grants  to  seminaries  and 
colleges.  The  German.  English,  and  Greek  colleges, 
and  many  others  owe  him  their  foundation  Bulls,  and 
much  of  their  funds.  He  sent  out  missionaries  at  his 
own  expense  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  Though  he 
had  no  great  genius  for  politics,  he  had  an  admirable 
secretan,-,  Ptolomeo  Galli,  Cardinal  of  Como,  whose 
papers  remain  to  this  day  models  of  perspicacity  and 
order.  Standing  nunciatures  were  now  established 
at  Catholic  courts  in  lieu  of  the  old  special  envoys 
(Vienna,  1581;  Cologne,  1.584),  and  with  the  happiest 
results.  Thus,  when  Gebhard  Truchsess  (q.  v.)  the 
Archbishop  of  Cologne,  turned  Protestant  and  tried 
(1 582)  to  carry  over  his  electorate  with  him,  the 
nuncios  on  all  sides  organized  a  vigorous  counter- 
attack, which  was  completely  successful.  Since  then 
Cologne  has  been  a  tower  of  strength  to  the  Catholi- 
cism of  North-Western  Europe.  The  reform  of  the 
Calendar  was  another  piece  of  large-mintled  and  far- 
sighted  office  work,  if  it  may  be  so  described,  which 
reflected  much  credit  on  the  pope  who  organized  it. 
Gregory  was  also  most  generous  in  granting  Indul- 
gences, and  he  encouraged  works  of  piety  on  a  large 
scale.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  celebration  of 
the  Holy  Year  of  Jubilee  in  1.57.5,  and  the  pilgrims, 
who  had  flocked  in  thousands  to  the  Eternal  City, 
returned  to  spread  throughout  Europe  the  satisfac- 
tion they  had  felt  at  the  sight  of  the  good  pontiff 
performing  in  person  the  long  religious  ceremonies, 
leading  processions,  or  tending  poor  pilgrims  with  his 
own  hands. 

(3)  Sixhis  V. — Like  Pius  V,  Gregory  XIII  was  too 
much  of  an  enthusiast  for  abstract  theories  and  medie- 
val practices  to  be  .an  ideal  niler;  he  was  aUo  a  poor 
financier,  and,  like  many  other  good   lawyers,   was 


somewhat  deficient  in  practical  judgment.  It  was 
exactly  on  these  points  that  his  successor,  Si.xtus  V, 
was  strong.  Where  Gregory,  at  the  end  of  his  reign, 
was  crippled  by  debts  and  unable  to  restrain  the 
bandits,  who  dominated  the  country  up  to  the  gates 
of  Rome,  Sixtus,  by  dint  of  good  management,  was 
soon  one  of  the  richest  of  popes,  whose  word  was  law 
in  ever}'  comer  of  his  States.  He  finished  St.  Peter's, 
and  erected  the  obelisk  of  Nero  before  it.  He  built 
the  Vatican  Librarj'  and  that  wing  of  the  palace, 
which  the  popes  have  inhabited  ever  since,  while  he 
practically  rebuilt  the  Quirinal  and  Latcran  Palaces. 
He  constructed  the  aqueduct  known  as  the  Aqua 
Felice,  the  Via  Sistina,  the  hospital  of  San  Girolamo 
and  other  buildings,  though  his  reign  only  lasted  five 
and  a  half  years.  Sixtus  w.is  large-minded,  strong, 
and  practical,  a  man  who  did  not  fear  to  grapple  with 
the  greatest  problems,  and  under  him  the  delays  (re- 
puted to  be  perpetual)  of  the  Eternal  City  seemed  to 
be  changing  to  briskness,  almost  precipitation. 

As  the  Council  of  Trent  had  given  Catholics,  just 
when  they  most  needed  it,  an  irrefragable  testimony 
to  the  unity  and  catholicity  of  their  Faith,  so  these 
three  pontiffs,  with  their  varying  excellences,  showed 
that  the  papacy  possessed  all  the  qualifications  which 
the  faithful  expected  in  their  leaders,  virtues  which 
afterwards  repeated  themselves  (though  not  quite  so 
often  orsofreciuentlv)  in  succeeding  popes,  especially  in 
Clement  VIII,  Pauf  V,  and  Urban  VIII.  Now  at  all 
events,  the  tide  of  the  Counter- Reformation  was  run- 
ning in  full  flood,  and  nowhere  can  its  course  and 
strength  be  better  studied  than  in  the  missions. 

VI.  The  Missions. — While  persecution  and  war, 
politics  and  inveterate  custom,  hampered  progress  in 
Europe,  the  wide  continents  of  America,  Asia,  and 
Africa  offered  a  freer  outlet  for  the  spiritual  energy  of 
the  new  movement.  Beginning  with  St.  Francis 
Xavier  (q.  v.),  there  are  among  the  Jesuits  alone  quite 
a  multitude  of  apostles  and  martyrs,  confessors  and 
preachers  of  the  first  order.  In  India  and  China, 
Antonio  Criminale,  Roberto  de'  Nobih,  Ridolfo  Acqua- 
viva,  Matteo  Ricci,  Adam  Schall.  In  Japan,  after 
Padre  Valignano's  great  successes,  ensued  the  terrible 
persecution  in  which  there  perished  by  heroic  death 
almost  eighty  Jesuits,  to  say  nothing  of  others. 
Abyssinia  and  the  Congo  were  evangelized  by  Fathers 
Nunez,  Baretto,  and  Sylveira.  In  North  America 
there  were  heroic  struggles  to  convert  the  Indians  (see 
BRiiBEUF;  Lallemant),  and  in  South  America  St. 
Peter  Claver's  work  for  the  slaves  from  Africa  and  the 
reductions  of  Paraguay.  The  Franciscan  and  Do- 
minican friars  and  the  secular  clergy  were  in  the  field 
before  the  Jesuits  in  Central  America  (where  Las 
Casas  has  left  an  unperishing  name);  elsewhere  also 
they  were  soon  in  the  front  rank.  Later  on  in  the 
period  there  are  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  (q.  v.)  and  his 
zealous  apostolic  followers  and  (1622)  the  Roman 
Congregation  "De  Propaganda  Fide",  with  its 
organized  missionaries  (see  Propaganda,  College 
of). 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  connexion  of  the  afore- 
said names  with  the  movement  under  consideration, 
we  must  remember  that  these  apostles  were  not  only 
showing  forth  in  their  heroic  labours  and  sufferings 
the  true  nature  of  the  Counter-Refonnation;  they 
were  also  winning  many  new  converts  to  it  by  their 
preaching,  while  their  letters  raised  to  the  highest 
pitch  the  enthusiasm  of  generous  souls  at  home  (see 
Cros,  ".St.  Francjois  Xavier.  Sa  vie  et  Ses  lettres", 
Paris,  1900;  also  "Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses", 
34  vols.,  Paris,  1717,  sqq.). 

VII.  Progress  in  European  States. — Whilst  in 
distant  lands  the  new  spirit  found  to  some  extent  a 
free  field,  its  progress  in  Europe  was  very  largely 
dependent  on  the  varjang  fortunes  of  the  Catholic 
and  Protestant  political  powers.  Here  it  will  only 
be  possible  to  indicate  the  chief  stages  in  that  pro- 


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eress,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  controversies 
have  arisen  at  one  time  or  another  even  about  the 
leading  facts. 

Germany  and  Austria. — Here  it  is  evident  that  in 
the  first  named  country  the  losses  of  the  Cathohcs  did 
not  cease  with  the  Religious  Peace  of  Augsburg  in 
1555.  The  Protestants,  as  the  occasion  arose,  had 
not  hesitated  to  avail  themselves  of  religious  troubles 
in  various  episcopal  sees  and  had  possessed  themselves 
of  two  archbishoprics  (Magdeburg  and  Bremen),  and 
of  12  important  bishoprics.  It  was  only  by  recourse 
to  arms  that  Cologne  was  saved  in  1583;  and  the 
freedom  of  Strasburg  and  Aachen  was  in  grave  danger. 
There  were  also  many  defections  among  the  lesser 
princes,  and  so  long  as  Maximilian  II  (1564-76) 
was  emperor,  his  Protestant  proclivities  prevented 
the  Catholics  from  acting  with  the  vigour  and  author- 
ity which  became  their  number  and  their  cause.  For 
the  alarming  condition  of  Northern  Germany  about 
1600  see  "Rom.  Quartalschrift"  ( 1900) ,  p.  385  sqq.  So 
serious  did  the  general  position  become,  that  St.  Peter 
Canisius  (q.  v.;  rhetorically  compared  the  Catholic 
countries  of  Bavaria  and  the  Tyrol  to  the  two  tribes  of 
Israel,  which  alone  were  saved  while  all  the  others 
were  carried  off  captive  (see  O.  Braunsberger,  Canisii 
Epistulae  et  Acta,  Freiburg,  1896-1905,  I-IV).  In- 
deed, Albert  V  of  Bavaria  (1550-79)  seemed  almost 
the  only  Catholic  prince  who  could  make  head  against 
the  Protestants.  He  used  his  authority  freely  to  ex- 
clude Protestants  from  posts  of  trust,  etc.,  an  example 
afterwards  imitated  by  other  Catholic  princes  (see 
Knopfler,  Die  Kelchbewegung  in  Bayern  unter 
.\lbrecht  V,  Munich,  1901).  There  was  more  satis- 
factory progress  among  the  Catholics  themselves.  A 
new  generation  of  bishops  was  growing  up.  Though 
it  was  impossible  to  put  an  immediate  end  to  the 
abuses  of  "patronage"  practised  by  the  nobility  and 
the  princes,  the  proportion  of  men  chosen  for  their 
capacity  and  virtues  had  everywhere  increased.  Otto 
von  Truchsess,  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  has  been  men- 
tioned, and  with  him  may  be  classed  Julius  Echtcr 
von  Mespelbrunn,  Bishop  of  Wiirzburg  (said  to  have 
reconciled  some  60,000  souls).  Cardinal  Klcssel,  Arch- 
bishop of  Vienna,  Theodore  von  Fiirstenberg,  Ernst 
von  Mengersdorf,  Dietrich  von  Raitenau,  of  Pader- 
born,  Bamberg,  and  Salzburg  respectively,  and  many 
others.  They  were  truly  "columns  of  the  church", 
whose  influence  was  felt  far  beyond  the  limits  of  their 
dioceses.  Far-reaching,  too,  were  the  good  results 
effected  by  the  Catholic  writers.  Tanner,  Gretscher 
(Gretser),  Laymann,  Contzen,  and  by  preachers  and 
missionaries,  especially  Canisius,  called  the  malleus 
hwreticorum,  and  other  Jesuits  and  Dominicans.  The 
Jesuit  colleges  also  increased  steadily  and  were  pro- 
ductive of  great  and  permanent  good. 

At  last  with  the  reign  of  Rudolph  II  as  emperor 
(1576-1612)  came  the  occasion  for  tlic  Ciuiiitcr- 
Reformation  in  Germany  and  Austria.  \\  lunvn-  tln> 
House  of  Hapsburg  had  influence  the  Catholic  ininrrs 
and  lords  began  to  exercise  the  same  right  of  reforma- 
tion (Reformationsrecht,  Jus  reformandi)  in  behalf  of 
the  Church,  which  the  Protestants  had  hitherto  used 
against  her.  But  the  latter  ere  long  became  sus- 
picious. In  1608  they  joined  in  an  offensive  and  de- 
fensive "union"  which  the  Catholics  answered  by 
their  "League".  In  this  way  the  opposing  parties 
soon  drifted  into  the  Thirty  Years  War  (q.  v.)  which 
lasted  from  1618  to  1648.  "Though  the  Catholic  allies 
commenced  at  the  greatest  disadvantage,  they  grad- 
ually won  the  upper  hand.  By  the  end  of  1631  they 
seemed  .so  sec\ire  of  their  superiority,  that  Ferdinand 
II  by  his  "Restitutionsedict"  (Edict  of  Restitution) 
recalled  th(!  Church  lands  seized  by  Protestants  since 
the  Religious  Peace  of  AugsVjurg  in  1555,  and  in  partic- 
ular the  aforesaid  two  archbislioprios  and  twelve  liish- 
oprics.  The  political  power  of  thcCathdlics  now  stood 
at  the  highest  i)oint  it  reached  during  the  Counter- 


Reformation.  But  a  reaction  soon  set  in ;  France  and 
Sweden  joined  hands  with  the  Protestants,  and  the 
Catholics  hail  mithiT  the  enthusiasm  nor  the  unity  of 
purpose  to  iii;iiiit:Mn  their  advantage.  The  Peace  of 
Monster  ami  (  >sii;iliriick,  in  1648,  disastrous  and  hu- 
miliating as  it  was  for  tiermany  politically,  was  also 
most  injurious  to  Catholicism.  (See  Westphali.a., 
TRE.4.TY  OF.)  Church  lands  were  freely  secularized, 
and  distributed,  as  the  price  of  peace,  to  lay  lords 
who  practically  had  the  right  of  dictating  to  their 
subjects  the  religion  they  might  profess.  The  secular 
authorities,  even  in  Catholic  countries,  claimed  and 
exercised  a  right  of  plarel  in  tin-  clioice  of  bishops, 
which  was  in  the  long  run  most  injurioas.  .\mid  the 
distractions  of  war,  the  deceits  of  victory,  and  the 
miseries  of  defeat,  the  fervoiu'  of  the  Counter-Refor- 
mation had  evaporated. 

France. — If  the  Counter-Reformation  had  much  to 
fear  and  to  suffer  from  the  politics  of  secular  princes, 
it  was  from  France  that  it  had  most  to  dread.  The 
wars  of  Francis  I  with  the  Emperor  Charles  V  had 
given  the  Reformation  an  occasion  for  spreading. 
France  had  been  the  chief  difficulty  at  the  Council  of 
Trent.  In  France  the  struggle  between  Catholicism 
and  Protestantism  was  carried  on  with  great  bitter- 
ness and  cruelty.  Though  the  eventual  victory  of 
the  Counter-Reformation  was  very  extensive,  it  was 
nowhere  later  in  coming ;  no  where  had  there  been  such 
danger  of  a  great  disaster.  This  was  due  to  the  close- 
ness of  the  connexion  of  Church  with  State.  In  vir- 
tue of  the  so-called  Galilean  Liberties  (q.  v.)  the 
king  and  nobles  exercised  undue  influence  over  the 
appointment  of  bishops,  abbots,  and  clergy,  and  ec- 
clesiastical administration  in  general.  But  the  later 
rulers  of  the  House  of  Valois,  as  also  Catherine  de' 
Medici  were  miserably  wanting  in  principle,  and  all 
efforts  at  reform  under  such  leaders  ended  in  turmoil 
and  strife.  Margaret  of  Valois,  sister  of  Francis  I,  had 
favoured  Protestantism,  and  it  soon  infected  the 
House  of  Bourbon  (Kings  of  Navarre),  into  which  she 
had  married,  and  which  claimed  the  succession  to  the 
French  throne.  Henry  II  had  shamelessly  allied  him- 
self with  Protestant  powers  abroad,  while  he  burned 
heretics  at  home.  Heresy  spread  among  the  princes 
of  the  blood  and  the  highest  nobility,  who  drew  their 
retainers  after  them.  Hence  the  numberless  quar- 
rels and  the  seven  bloody  "Wars  of  Religion"  (1562, 
1567,  1569,  1573,  1577,  1580,  1587-93).  Both  sides 
were  cruel,  but  the  barbarities  of  the  Calvinists  were 
especially  revolting  to  Catholic  feelings.  In  battle 
the  Catholics  were  generally  victorious,  but  in  the 
negotiations  for  peace  the  Protestants  gained  more 
and  more  concessions.  This  was  in  great  measure 
due  to  the  unprincipled  "see-saw"  policy  of  Catherine 
de'  Medici  (q.  v.),  who  cynically  inclined  first  to  one 
side,  then  to  another.  At  last  Henry  III  having  as- 
sassinated the  Catholic  leaders  of  the  House  of  Guise, 
was  himself  assassinated,  and  the  throne  was  claimed 
by  Henrj'  of  Navarre.  But  as  he  was  a  Huguenot, 
the  Catholic  people  of  France  would  not  accept  him, 
and  the  war  dragged  on,  with  disastrous  effects  to 
French  power,  until  Henry  IV  became  a  Catholic  in 
1593,  and  was  absolvetl  by  Pope  Clement  VIII  in 
1.595.  France  recovered  with  wonderful  rapidity  on 
the  restoration  of  peace,  and  it  was  now  that  the 
Catholic  revival  began  in  earnest,  reaching  its  highest 
point  in  the  following  reign. 

Clement  VIII  had  laid  down  four  principal  condi- 
tions for  absolving  King  Henrv:  (1)  the  heir  to  the 
throne  must  be  educated  as  a  Catholic;  (2)  a  convent 
or  monastery  was  to  be  established  in  every  province 
in  reparation  for  the  numbers  which  had  been  de- 
stroyed; (3)  Catholic  worship  must  be  introduced 
even  into  Huguetiot  towns;  (4)  the  Council  of  Trent 
must  be  proclaimed.  The  Counter-Reformation  in 
France  may  be  said  to  have  followed  the  lines  here 
laid  down.     Thus  (1)  Louis  Xll  I,  the  son  and  heir  of 


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443 


COUNTER-REFORMATION 


Henry  IV,  was  educated  by  Pere  Colon  (q.  v.),  and  it 
was  through  him  that  most  of  the  good  traditions  of 
the  French  kings  in  exercising  their  ecclesiastical 
patronage  took  shape.  He  was  also  remarkable,  per- 
haps almost  singular,  among  the  old  French  kings  for 
the  purity  of  his  domestic  relations.  Thus,  though  he 
died  comparatively  young,  and  though  he  was  com- 
pletely eclipsed  by  his  omnipotent  prime  minister 
Richelieu  (q.  v.),  he  was  no  unfit  person  to  preside  over 
and  to  protect  a  movement  of  religious  reform.  (2) 
That  reform  reached  its  highest  development  in  the 
multiplication  of  religious  congregations  and  orders. 
In  his  "  M^moires"  Richelieu  says  of  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIII,  "Le  vrai  siecle  de  Saint  Louis  ^tait  revenu,  qui 
commen^a  k  peuplcr  ce  royaume  de  maisons  religi- 
euses".  The  most  distinguished  founder  and  director 
of  such  congregations  was  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  whose 
religious  organizations,  beginning  in  1617,  reached 
such  astonishing  extension  in  the  period  immetiiately 
following.  Besides  these,  there  were  the  foimdations 
or  reforms  of  Saint-Maur  (Benedictine) ;  Port-Royal ; 
Brothers  of  Charity;  Congregation  of  Notre  Dame 
(1607);  of  the  Visitation  (1610);  the  Ursulines  (1612); 
the  French  Oratory  by  ( 'ardinal  de  BeruUe.  Moreover 
the  Barnabites,  Capuchins,  and  Carmelites  developed 
new  provinces,  and  established  many  new  houses.  St. 
Peter  Fourier  founded  the  Canons  Regular  of  St. 
Saviour.  The  Jesuits,  who  had  previously  had  only 
thirteen  colleges,  now  increased  greatly  both  in  num- 
bers and  influence,  but  amid  many  contradictions  and 
acrimonious  controversies  with  the  University  and 
the  Parlement  of  Paris.  The  Society,  however,  was 
effectively  supported  by  the  Crown,  and  at  Paris  the 
College  de  Clermont,  afterwards  Louis-le-Grand,  be- 
came one  of  the  chief  centres  of  the  Counter-Refor- 
mation. (.3)  The  re-establishment  of  Catholicism  in 
the  districts  left  under  the  power  of  the  Huguenots 
through  the  Edict  of  Nantes  ( 1 .598)  proceeded  slowly 
and  was  attended  with  difficulty.  But  the  French 
monarchs  had  many  reasons  for  exacting  obedience 
from  their  often  insubordinate  Protestant  subjects. 
Eventually  La  Roehelle,  after  a  celebrated  siege,  was 
reduced  by  force  (1628).  Though  their  qnasi-inde- 
pendence  was  now  gone,  and  with  it  their  political  im- 
portance, the  Counter- Reformation  did  not  lead  to  the 
abolition  of  religious  liberty  for  the  Huguenots,  which 
was  fully  confirmed  by  the  Edict  of  Nimes  in  1629. 
(4)  There  was  much  reluctance  to  admit  the  Council 
of  Trent,  and  an  obstinate  insistence  on  the  Galilean 
Liberties  which  proved  eventually  a  calamity  for  the 
French  Church. 

On  the  one  hand  we  find  great  names  among  the 
bishops  of  this  period,  such  as  St.  Francis  of  Sales, 
Cardinals  de  Berulle  and  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  Hon- 
or6  de  Laurens,  Archbishop  of  Embrun,  Philippe 
de  Cosp(5an,  Bishop  of  Nantes.  Synods  were  fre- 
quent, the  education  of  the  priests  was  much  im- 
proved. In  1642  St.  Vincent  of  Paul  opened  the  Col- 
lege des  Bons  Enfants,  which  served  as  a  model  for 
seminaries  in  many  other  dioceses;  while  M.  Olicr  be- 
tween 1642  and  Kit.")  carried  itito  exceutinn  his  iilea 
of  the  Grand  Semiiiaire  of  Saint  Sulpice.  The  clergy 
in  general  reached  so  high  a  level  that  the  period  may 
be  regarded  as  one  of  the  brightest  in  the  history  of 
the  Galilean  Church.  On  the  other  hand  the  great 
influence  of  the  State  and  of  the  nobility  in  the  selec- 
tion of  abbots  and  bishops,  especially  for  the  highest 
and  most  wealthy  .sees,  could  not  but  be  injurious. 
We  sometimes  hear  of  prelates,  like  the  Cardinal  de 
Retz,  who  were  a  shame  to  their  order,  and  .still  more 
of  worldly  prelates,  like  the  Cardinal  Richelieu,  who 
though  not  provecl  lo  be  immoral,  lowered  the  ideals 
of  ecclesiastical  devotion  to  the  Church,  which  had 
given  the  Coimter-Kcfomiation  .so  much  of  its  first 
vigour.  Othi-r  weak  |iniiits  in  the  progress  of  the 
C*unter-Reforination  in  France  may  be  studied  in  the 
careers  of  Edmond  Richer  and  of  the  Abb6  of  Saint 


Cyran,  Du  Verger  de  la  Hauranne,  and  in  the  rise  of 
the  Jansenists.     (See  Jansenlsm.) 

Spain  and  Portugal. — Turning  now  to  Spain  and 
Portugal,  we  see  the  Counter-Reformation  winning 
here  its  most  signal  spiritual  victories.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  the  saints  of  Spain  who  flourished  at 
this  period,  the  theologians,  canonists,  and  spiritual 
writers  whom  it  educated,  were  more  remarkable  than 
those  produced  by  any  other  country,  e.  g.  St.  Igna- 
tius, St.  Teresa,  St.  Francis  Borgia,  St.  John  of  God, 
St.  Peter  of  Alcantara,  St.  John  of  the  Cross,  St.  Fran- 
cis of  Solano,  John  of  Avila,  Maldonado,  Navarro, 
Salmeron,  Toleto,  Gregory  of  Valencia,  Sanchez, 
Suarez,  Juan  a  Santo  Tomaso,  Ripalda,  Barbosa. 
These  form  a  galaxy  of  brilliant  names,  which  in  their 
sphere  have  never  been  surpassed.  The  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  colonies  in  South  America  and  the  East 
Indies  were  also  ennobled  by  missionaries,  whose 
heroism,  self-devotion,  and  energy  were  beyond  com- 
pare. Starting  from  Las  Casas,  whose  chief  achieve- 
ments, however,  belong  to  an  earlier  period,  mention 
must  be  made  of  the  reductions  of  Paraguay  and  the 
first  missions  to  the  Philippines,  while  the  majority 
of  the  spiritual  labourers  in  India,  China,  and  Japan 
were  also  furnished  by  the  Spanish  Peninsula.  But 
here  again,  as  in  France,  it  was  in  great  measure  the 
absolutism  of  the  Crown  which  prevented  the  tri- 
umph of  the  new  movement  from  being  as  complete 
and  permanent  as  it  might  have  been.  A  series  of 
second-rate  sovereigns,  an  indifferent  bureaucratic 
government,  slavery,  and  a  very  bad  colonial  system, 
brought  on  the  premature  decay  not  only  of  the 
temporal,  but  also  of  the  spiritual,  greatness  of  these 
countries.  Though  the  Inquisition  was  established 
in  several  European  countries,  it  was  more  active  in 
Spain  than  elsewhere. 

Italy. — This  country  had  from  the  first  been  ready 
for  the  Counter-Reformation,  and  in  the  papacy  and 
the  Council  of  Trent  had,  as  it  were,  opened  the  field  to 
reform.  Nowhere  did  the  course  of  the  movement 
progress  more  uniformly,  or  last  longer.  This  is  best 
seen  in  the  papal  Curia,  where  the  College  of  Cardinals 
continued  to  be  thoroughly  representative  of  the  best 
talent  and  virtue  in  the  Church  and  where  the  Sacred 
Congregations  worked  with  an  efficiency  and  steadfast- 
ness never  known  before.  But  in  truth,  wherever  it 
is  possible  to  look  into  the  religious  life  of  the  nation, 
a  remarkably  high  level  of  fervour  will  be  recognized. 
St.  Charles  Borromeo  did  not  lack  followers  among  the 
bishops,  as  the  great  names  of  Sirleto,  Paleotto,  Ar- 
rigoni,  Rusticucci,  and  many  others  testify.  The  de- 
tailed accounts  that  have  come  down  to  us  of  the  Jubi- 
lees of  l.WS  and  1600,  give  us  a  glimpse  of  a  whole 
community  sensible  to,  and  familiar  with,  works  of 
piety  and  charity  on  a  very  large  scale.  Among  the 
new  congregations  of  this  period  mention  should  be 
made  of  the  Scolopii,  founded  in  1600  by  St.  Joseph  of 
Calasanza  (Calasanctius).  The  most  serious  set-back 
was  the  quarrel  of  Paul  V  with  Venice,  1606  to  1607, 
and  the  constant  friction  with  unsympathetic  Span- 
ish rulers  of  Milan,  and  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  about  the 
immvmities  of  the  clergy  and  the  administration  of 
ecclesiastical  jiroperty.  In  the  former  case  the  pope 
may  have  precipitated  the  quarrel  by  the  vigour  with 
which  he  took  extreme  measures.  But  when  the  hos- 
tilities had  conuncneed  the  Venetians  .showed  an  om- 
inous tendency  to  ally  themselves  with  the  (iallicans 
and  even  with  English  heretics.  The  quarrel,  how- 
ever, only  lasted  one  year.  Such  men  as  Paolo  Sarpi 
and  Antonio  de  Dominis  were  found  but  seldom.  The 
"Index  Librorum  Prohibitonnn"  of  1.564  may  appro- 
priately be  mentioned  here,  though  it  ai)plies  to  and 
illu.strates  all  countries. 

England. — Turning  now  to  England  we  find  the 
spirit  of  the  Coiuit<T-Reformation  suddenly  bursting 
into  most  vigorous  life  at  the  jireaching  of  Blessed 
Edmund  Campion  in  1580.     The  organization  of  the 


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444 


COUNTER-REFORMATION 


mission  was  due  to  the  magnanimous  soul  of  Cardinal 
Allen,  whose  noble  sentiment  oportet  mcliora  non  ex- 
pectare  sed  facere  (Letters,  p.  367)  conceived  as  it  was 
in  the  face  of  overwhelming  persecution,  gives  us  the 
measure  of  his  lofty  spirit.  "This  Church  here", 
wrote  Campion,  "shall  never  fail,  so  long  as  priests 
and  pastors  shall  be  found  for  the  sheep,  rage  man 
or  devil  never  so  much."  So  it  fell  out.  Allen's 
seminary,  first  at  Douai,  then  at  Reims,  sent  forth, 
year  after  year,  its  small  quota  of  missionaries,  and 
the  Jesuits,  with  the  lesser  seminaries,  added  a  few 
more.  It  was  an  heroic  struggle,  for  no  persecution 
can  be  heavier  than  that  of  the  law  remorselessly  ap- 
plied in  a  law-loving  country.  But  the  courage  of  the 
whole  Catholic  body  (numerically  small)  rose  to  the 
occasion,  and  if  there  were  many  failures,  as  also  some 
serious  quarrels  and  scandals,  there  was  an  astonish- 
ingly high  average  of  courage  and  perseverance.  In 
time  their  worst  persecutors  died  off,  and  calmer 
days  ensued,  but  at  the  close  of  the  period  the  Puri- 
tans were  renewing  Elizabeth's  cruelties,  and  priests' 
blood  was  flowing  almost  as  fast  as  ever.  This  same 
religious  enthusiasm  manifested  itself  during  the  last 
decade  or  so  of  the  period,  in  the  foundation  of  new 
convents,  orders,  etc.,  on  the  Continent.  .The  move- 
ment roughly  corresponded  with  the  similar  move- 
ment in  France.  The  name  of  Mary  Ward  (q.  v.)  is 
one  of  the  most  noteworthy  in  England.  The  mission 
of  the  English  Jesuits  to  Maryland  (q.  v.)  in  spite  of 
home  trials  is  another  manifestation  of  the  same  spirit. 

Ireland. — During  Elizabeth's  reign  the  Irish  were 
almost  alw.ays  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  life  against  the 
ever  increasing  forces  of  the  English  "planters". 
Sometimes  they  had  their  hour  of  victory,  but  there 
never  had  been  time  for  reform.  The  process  of  the 
Irish  martyrs  claims  about  a  hundred  sufferers  in  this 
reign,  headed  by  Dermod  O'Hurley,  Archbishop  of 
Cashel.  There  were  also  many  missionaries  of  note, 
the  earliest  of  whom  was  David  Wolfe,  S.  J.,  sent  by 
Pope  Pius  V ;  there  were  also  several  heroic  bi.shops  like 
Richard  Creagh  of  Armagh,  and  many  notable  Fran- 
ciscans and  Jesuits. 

But  it  was  not  until  the  comparative  peace  under 
King  James  that  it  was  possible  to  fill  up  the  gaps  in 
the  episcopate,  to  found  colleges  on  the  Continent,  at 
Paris,  Salamanca,  Lisbon,  Douai,  etc.  (only  one  or 
two  had  commenced  earlier),  to  organize  anew  the  re- 
ligious orders  (especially  the  Franciscans).  The  old 
life  revived  in  many  secluded  sanctuaries  at  home; 
synods  were  actually  held  at  Kilkenny,  Dublin,  and 
Armagh,  and  elsewhere  literary  life  was  reawakening. 
(See  Four  Masters;  Wadding,  Luke.)  There  were 
many  notable  bishops  like  Peter  Lombard,  David 
Rothe,  etc.  Though  the  persecution  never  wholly 
ceased  (Bishop  Cornelius  O'Devany,  1612,  and  some 
sixty  others  were  martyred  during  this  period),  the 
Counter-Reformation  made  great  progress,  and  there 
were  moments  when  it  seemed  about  to  triumph,  as, 
for  example,  in  1625  and  1641-49.  But  at  the  clo.se  of 
the  period  Cromwell  was  to  blot  out  with  cruelties 
worse  than  those  of  the  Tudors  all  the  good  that  had 
been  accomplished. 

Scotland  and  Scandinavia. — The  Counter-Reforma- 
tion can  hardly  be  said  to  have  affected  Scotland  and 
Scandinavia,  so  complete  had  been  the  victory  of 
Protestantism.  Yet  while  Queen  Marj'  reigned  in 
Scotland  there  had  been  renewed  signs  of  life.  Fathers 
de  Gouda,  Edmund  Hay,  James  Gordon,  S.  J.,  Bishop 
Leslie,  and  Ninian  Winzet  are  the  more  notable  names 
of  this  period.  Mention  must  also  be  made  of  John 
Ogilvie,  S.  J.,  martyred  in  1615.  and  the  heroic  resis- 
tance made  by  many  Catholic  nobles  to  the  t  vranny  of 
the  Kirk.  There  was  no  local  ecclesiastical  supi'rior 
or  government,  the  mission  depending  directly  on  tlic 
Holy  See  till  165:!;  but  there  were  some  small  Scottish 
colleges  for  the  .secular  clcrgj'  at  Rome,  Douai,  Paris, 
and  Madrid.     In  Scandinavia  the  fall  of  Catholicism 


did  not  come  about  in  a  day  or  a  generation — Father 
Possevin,  S.  J.,  as  also  several  papal  nuncios  strove 
hard  to  avert  it — but  the  Counter- Reformation  as  a 
movement  did  not  reach  any  of  its  peoples. 

The  A^etherlands. — In  the  Netherlands  every  effort 
was  made  to  exterminate  Catholicism  in  the  United 
Provinces,  which  had  revolted  from  Spain,  contrary 
to  the  repeated  promises  of  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
Still  considerable  numbers  retained  their  faith — their 
spiritual  needs  being  cared  for  by  missionaries — - 
though  it  was  impossible  to  keep  up  the  ancient  hier- 
archy. In  Catholic  Flanders  the  re\'ival  ran  a  more 
or  less  imiformly  prosperous  course.  Amongst  the 
great  prelates  and  writers  of  this  period  were  Lin- 
danus.  Bishop  of  Roermond,  Justus  Lipsius,  Leonard 
Lessius,  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  Martin  Becan,  Thomas 
Stapleton  (an  Englishman),  etc.  But  the  contro- 
versies occasioned  by  Baius  form  a  less  pleasant  epi- 
sode, and  the  wars  at  the  end  of  this  period  were  most 
injurious.  Campaigns  and  battles  ruined  the  coimtry, 
and  the  final  terms  of  peace  notably  reduced  its  power. 

Poland. — In  this  country  there  was  a  long  struggle 
between  Catholicism,  which  was  held  by  the  Crown 
and  the  people,  and  Protestantism,  which  filtered  in 
from  the  neighbouring  Protestant  countries  and  uni- 
versities, and  was  affected  by  many  of  the  faction- 
loving  nobles  and  the  merchants.  Catholicism  at  last 
gained  the  decided  upper  hand,  through  the  efforts  of 
Stanislas  Hosius  and  other  bishops,  preachers  like 
Scarga,  and  the  Jesuit  colleges.  King  Sigismund  II 
and  Wladislaus  IV,  co-operating  with  a  series  of  very 
active  and  able  papal  nuncios,  ensured  the  Church's 
victory;  the  Protestants,  however,  still  retained  much 
power. 

VIII.  Ecclesiastical  Liter.ature. — The  high 
spirit  of  this  period  manifested  itself  in  literature  in 
many  characteristic  forms.  The  age  was  one  of  the 
greatest  for  theology  the  world  has  ever  known  It 
suffices  to  recall  the  names  of  Bellarmine,  Baronius, 
Suarez,  Vasquez,  Petavius,  and  many  others  who 
have  been  alluded  to  already.  More  characteristic 
still  were  the  writers  on  personal  or  interior  reform, 
foremost  among  them  St.  Ignatius,  whose  "Spiritual 
Exercises",  for  their  profound  spiritual  and  practical 
wisdom,  must  be  placed  in  a  class  apart.  Similarly 
distinguished  writers  were  St.  Francis  of  Sales  (de- 
clared, in  1877,  a  Doctor  of  the  Church),  St.  Teresa, 
Scupoli,  Blosius,  Louis  of  Granada,  M.  Olier,  Alfonso 
Rodriguez.  The  teachings  of  the  Church  were  set 
forth  in  the  admirable  catechisms  of  Canisius  (1555- 
60)  and  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (1566).  To  the  same 
period  belong  the  revised  editions  of  the  Vulgate 
(1590-9S),  the  Roman  Breviary  (1568),  the  Roman 
Missal  (1570),  the  Roman  Martyrology  (1582),  the 
Corpus  Juris  Canonici  (1582),  the  Decretum  of  Gra- 
tian  (1582).  Father  Campion's  "Decem  Rationes" 
(1581)  and  Father  Person's  "Christian  Directorv", 
exercised  an  extensive  influence,  doctrinal  and  relig- 
ious, on  contemporary  opinion,  which  was  also  deeply 
affected  by  the  religious  poems  of  Tasso  and  Calderon, 
of  Southwell  and  Crashaw.  The  music  of  the  age  also 
partook  in  the  revival,  as  is  testified  by  the  great  name 
of  Pale.strina  and  the  pleasant  memories  of  the  exer- 
cises of  the  Oratory  of  St.  Philip  Neri. 

IX.  Clcse  of  the  Period  and  Retrospect. — It 
has  been  said  before  that  a  iieriod  of  fervour  and 
zeal  comes  to  an  end  when  that  zeal  dies  down  to 
mediocrity  in  many  countries,  or  among  the  large 
majority  of  people.  This  had  taken  place  by  the 
year  1648.  In  Gormanv  the  period  is  generally  said 
to  close  in  1()18,  but  elsewhcr(\  i.  e.  in  France  and 
in  Ireland,  the  tide  of  fervour  was  still  flowing 
in  many  ]ilacos,  while  in  Rome  and  Italy  it  was 
still  fairly  strong.  Hut  tliis  does  not  prevent  our  re- 
garding tlie  broad  movement  sis  having  spent  itself. 
Though  the  level  of  education  had  risen,  the  diminu- 
tion in  the  number  of  men  of  genius  was  marked. 


COURT 


445 


COURT 


"here  were  but  few  new  foundations;  some  groat  mis- 
ions  (Japan,  Abyssinia,  the  Congo)  wore  given  up  or 
n  full  decline,  though  others  still  were  growing  and 
lourishing.  And  the  reason  was  that  the  interior 
crvour,  the  enthusiasm  had  cooled  down.  The  same 
hing  was  true  also  about  the  Protestants.  An  age  of 
air  mediocrity  had  taken  the  place  of  the  fiercely 
;een  ardour  of  the  previous  century.  In  this  there 
ras  no  wonder.  It  is  the  ordinary  course  of  human 
lature  to  slacken  down  after  unusual  effort,  to  wax 
ool  after  an  effervescence  of  excitement.  \\'hat  was 
lot  ordinary,  what  was  on  the  contrary  one  of  the 
trangest  things  in  the  history  of  the  world,  was  the 
lisplay  of  life  and  vigour  which  had  been  given  by  the 
"hurch  just  when  she  seemed  to  be  about  to  fall  be- 
lind,  and  to  be  beaten  out  of  the  field  by  her  rivals, 
jnder  such  circumstances  the  Counter-Reformation 
aay  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  striking  proofs  of 
he  inherent  vitality  of  the  Church  which  Providence 
las  ever  vouchsafed,  only  to  be  paralleled  by  her  tri- 
imph  over  the  persecutions  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the 
ii\asions  of  the  Barbarians,  or  the  subversive  forces  of 
he  French  Revolution. 
This  wide-spreading  subject  bas  occasioned  an  immense 
terature.  no  adequate  account  of  wUicli  can  be  given  here, 
hough  its  classifications  may  be  followed  by  referring  to  The 
!.vTHoLic  ExCYCLOPEDiA.where  the  various  persons  and  subjects 
lentioned  above  are  treated  in  detail.  Very  few  writers,  bow- 
ver,  have  studied  the  broad  but  subtle  influence  of  ideas,  in 
irtue  of  which  this  re\Tval  originated,  passed  from  land  to 
ind.  grew,  flourished  and  failed.  No  Catholic  writer  has 
escribed  the  whole  movement  with  adequate  fullness.  (1)  The 
»est  contemporary  witnesses  were  the  floman  nuncios,  whose 
pecial  business  it  was  to  study  these  subjects  and  to  report 
ipon  them.  But  few  of  their  papers  are  however  yet  published, 
xcept  those  relating  to  Germany.  The  reports  of  the  nuncios 
0  Germany  i Xunziaturbericlite  aus  Drutschland)  are  being 
dited  (since  1S92\  partly  by  the  Prussian  and  .\ustrian  Histor- 
ml  Institutes  at  Rome  and  partly  by  the  Gorres  Gesellschaft; 
)e  Hinojosa.  Lo9  despachos  de  la  diplomacia  pantificia  en 
^spaiia  (Madrid,  1896);  Cauchie,  Instructions  gcnerales  atix 
'^nces  de  FUindre,  1506-1535;  Pollex,  Papal  Nefjotiations  with 
\tary  Queen  of  Scots,  1501-1507  (London,  1901");  HtiBXER, 
\izlc-Quinl  (Paris,  1870);  Pastor,  History  of  the.  Popes  from  the 
'lose  of  the  Middle  Ages:  Jaxsses'.  History  of  the  German  Pco- 
'le,  with  criticisms  of  Maurexbrecher.  Geseh.  der  Kathol. 
^formation  (1880,  only  one  volume  published),  and  counter 
riticism  by  Dittrich  in  Jahrbuch  dcr  Gyrrcs  Ges.,  ii,  610. 
'here  are  several  monographs  on  the  details  of  the  progress, 
rst  of  the  Reformation,  then  of  the  rounter-Refomiation,  in 
-articular  parts  of  Gennany,  e.  g.  Wif.demaxx.  Gesch.  dcr 
Reformation  und  Gegenrrformation  im  I.'ir  '■  ,,'.,■  ^  t-  Enns 
5  vols.,  1879-.S6);  others  by  Gixdei.t  n  -  .  K'ki.lkr 
Westph.ilia).  Loserth  (.\ustria).  .Mavkk  ~  ■  -  i'  i  ;".  Mev- 
R  (Schleswig).  etc.;  Dlthr.  Gesch.  der  Jrx!'.:.  n  .  ,  ,,,  i,  l.nndem 
eulscher  Zun<le  (1907^;  Droysex.  Gesch.  der  <,c(,rnrrj,,rmatlon 
190.3.  'iaOscKV.:i,AllgcmeincGr.'^chie}U€).  Frenchhistory  is  the 
ardest  to  follow.  Consult  Vicomte  de  Meaux,  Liittes  reli- 
ieiises  en  France  (Paris,  1879\and  Lo  r^orme  et  la  politique 
Wancai.se  en  Europe,  3u.^qufi  la  paixdc  Westphalie  (Paris,  1.S89); 
'ERREX3,  L'iglise  el  Vctat  en  France  sous  Henri  IV  (1873); 
'ouzARD.  line  ambnssade  h  Rome  sous  Henri  IV  (1902);  Prat, 
Whcrrhes  suT  la  C.  de  Jesus  du  temps  du  P.  Colon,  l.'K/.-miG 
1S761:  Chenox.  r^  Cour  de  Rome  et  la  riforme  ealh.  in  Lavisse 
xn  HiMBM-n.  Histnire  Gcnrrole  (Paris,  1897).  V.  A  more 
hjpctive  tre.itmcnt  of  the  period  is  to  be  desired.  For  the 
crlesi.astical  writers  of  the  period,  see  Hurter,  Nomenelator; 
OMMERVOOEL.  Bibl.  rf«  la  c.  de  J.  (1890-1900);  Hilgers,  Dcr 
adcx  der  verbotenen  Biichcr  (Freiburg,  1904). 

J.  H.  Pollen. 

Court  (ly  ScRiPTUnEl. — T.  Opex  Space. — The 
lord  court,  in  the  English  Bible,  corresponds  to  the 
lebrew  IVPI  Off^)  enclosed  space.  Tlie  latter  is 
ised  to  designate:  (1)  an  encampment  of  nomails; 
2)  a  space  protected  by  a  stockade  or  palis;ides,  or  l)y 
,  rampart  of  stones  or  earth,  hence  a  village;  (.3)  the 
ourt-yards  of  the  hou.ses  or  temples.  In  the  first 
ense  the  lieorew  term  is,  in  the  D.V.,  rendered  in 
'arious  ways:  "ca.stlc"  (Cion.,  xxv,  16),  "cities  of  the 
lesert  "  (Is.,  xlii,  11).  "private  places"  (i.  e.  places  of 
imbush  near  the  .settlement.s,  Ps.  ix,  8).  The  word 
'Mnge  usually  expresses  the  second  meaning  (Lev., 
:xv,  .31;  Jos.,  xiii,  xv,  xvi,  etc.;  I  Par.,  iv,  .33,  etc. 
lowever,  in  Ex.,  viii,  13,  village  is  a  mistransla- 
ion  for  court-yard).  In  connexion  with  this  .sense 
t  may  not  be  amiss  to  notice  that  the  Hebrew  word, 
ither  in  the  form  fIaf(T,  or  in  the  slightly  different 


form  lli'ifor,  was  not  infrequently  used  in  proper 
names.  One  of  the  first  encampincnts  of  the  He- 
brews after  their  departure  from  the  foot  of  Mount 
Sinai  was  at  a  place  called  Haseroth  (Num.,  xi,  34). 
There  was  a  Chanaanite  city  of  Asor  near  the  waters 
of  Merom  (Jos.,  xi,  5;  Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.,  V,  v,  1); 
this  city,  taken  and  burned  by  Josue  (Jos.,  xi,  10,  1 1 ), 
was  allotted  to  the  tribe  of  Nephtali  (Jos.,  xix,  36), 
but  proliably  rebuilt  by  the  Chanaanites  (Judges,  iv, 
2),  fortifietl  liy  .'>olomon  (III  K.,  ix,  15),  and  seized 
by  Thcglathphalasar  (IV  K.,  xv,  29).  This  Asor  or 
Aser  was,  according  to  the  Greek  text,  the  native 
place  of  Tobias  (Tob.,  i,  2),  and  at  a  short  distance 
from  it  Jonathan  Machabeus  defeated  the  army  of 
Demetrius  (I  Mach.,  xi,  67).  We  read  (Jos.,  xv,  23) 
of  another  Asor,  called  Esron,  in  Jos.,  xv,  3,  and 
Hesron,  xv,  25  on  the  southern  frontier  of  Juda. 
The  same  text  (xv,  25)  even  mentions  in  the  same 
borders  a  New  Asor.  A  third  Asor  existed,  at  least 
after  the  Captivity,  near  Jerusalem,  in  the  territory 
of  Benjamin  (II  Esd.,  xi,  33).  Among  the  compound 
proper  names  may  be  mentioned:  Hasar  Adar  (D. 
v.,  "the  town  called  Adar",  Nimi.,  x.x,xiv,  4) ;  As- 
ergadda  (Jos.,  xv,  27) ;  Hasersusa  or  Hasarsusim 
(Jos.,  xix,  5;  I  Par.,  iv,  31);  Hasar  Enon  (D.  V., 
"court  of  Enan",  Ez.,  xlvii,  17;  xlviii,  1;  "village  of 
Enan",  Num.,  xxxiv,  9,  10);  Hasersual  or  Hasar- 
suhal  (Jos.,  XV,  28;  xbc,  3;  II  Esd.,  xi,  27;  I  Par., 
iv,  28);  Hasar  hattikhon  (D.  V.,  "the  house  of 
Tichon",  Ez.,  xlvii,  16);  Baalhasor  (II  K.,  xiii,  23); 
Enhasor  (Jos.,  xLx,  37). 

The  recent  excavations  in  Syria  and  Palestine,  as 
well  as  the  modern  custoins  inherited  from  olden 
times,  give  preci.se  indications  concerning  the  house- 
courts,  not  seldom  alluded  to  in  Holy  Writ.  When, 
as  occurs  frequently,  the  house  does  not  open  directly 
on  the  street,  there  is  a  first  court-yard  extending  be- 
tween the  outer  wall  and  the  building.  From  this 
outer  court  an  entrance  doorway  leads  into  the  inner 
court,  around  which  the  various  apartments  are  lo- 
cated. The  inner  court  sometimes  contains  in  the 
centre  a  well  (II  K.,  xvii,  18)  or  a  fountain  surrounded 
with  fine  trees;  the  walls,  porches,  and  verandas  are 
usually  covered  with  vines  and  creepers,  and  an  awn- 
ing may  be  stretched  overhead  to  keep  off  the  sun. 
From  the  narration  of  the  Passion  we  may  infer  that 
such  was  the  arrangement  in  the  high-priest's  house. 
While  Jesus  was  being  tried  in  one  of  the  halls,  the 
servants  and  ministers  had  gathered  around  a  fire  of 
coals  in  the  inner  court;  thither  Peter  came  to  warm 
himself,  and  there  he  denied  his  Master.  From  the 
judgment-hall,  Jesus  turning  (Luke,  xxii,  61)  could 
easily  look  outside  (Matt.,  xxvi,  69)  on  Peter.  Then 
the  latter,  smitten  with  remorse,  betook  himself  to  the 
outer  court  (.Mark,  xiv,  68;  D.  V.,  "before  the  court  ", 
a  literal  tran.slation  of  the  awkward  Latin  rendering: 
ante  atrium),  there  to  weep  freely.  Royal  residences 
displayed,  on  a  larger  scale  and  in  a  more  elaborate 
way,  a  similar  general  arrangement.  The  Bible 
speaks  of  the  courts  of  the  palaces  of  Solomon  (III  K., 
vii,  9,  etc.),  Ezechias  (IV  K.,  xx,  4),  and  Sedecias 
(Jer.,  xx.xii,  2,  12;  xxxiii,  l;xxxvi,  20;  xxxviii,  6),  aa 
well  as  tho.se  of  Assuerus  at  Susan  (Esth..  ii.  11;  iv,  1 1 ; 
V,  2;  etc.)  and  of  Seleucus  at  TjTe  (II  Mach.,  iv,  46). 

In  connexion  with  sacred  places,  courts  are  most 
freqtiently  mentioiuul.  We  le;irn  from  Ex.,  xxxviii, 
9  sq.  that  the  place  of  meeting  in  the  wilderness  was 
a  court,  a  hinidred  cubits  long  and  fifty  cubits  wide, 
encompas.sed  by  pillars  supporting  hangings  of  fine 
twisted  linen.  The  sacred  precincts  contained,  l)c- 
sides  tho  tabernacle  and  its  furniture,  the  altar  of  holo- 
causts and  the  brazen  laver  (Ex.,  xl,  6,  7).  Still  more 
famous  are  Solomon's  constructions.  All  the  buQd- 
ings  erected  by  this  prince  on  Mount  Sion  were  sur- 
rounded by  a  wall  encompassing  what  may  be  styled 
"the  greater  court".  Southernmost  in  the  lowest 
court  were  the  public  halls,  namely:  the  "house  of  the 


COTIRTENAT 


446 


COURTENAY 


?orest  of  Libanus",  the  "Porch  of  pillars",  and  the 
throne-hall;  farther  in  from  the  throne-hall  (III  K., 
vii,  8,  Heb.  text)  and  on  a  higher  level  another  court, 
called  "middle  court",  IV  K.,  xx,  4  (Heb.;  D.  V., 
■'the  middle  of  the  court"),  contained  the  king's  man- 
sion and  the  house  built  for  Pharao's  daugliter  (III 
K.,  vii,  8).  North  of  the  middle  court,  on  the  top  of 
the  hill,  was  the  "inner  court"  (III  K.,  vi,  36),  also 
called  "upper  court"  (Jer.,  xxxvi,  10)  and  "court  of 
the  priests"  (II  Par.,  iv,  9).  No  information  is  sup- 
plied by  the  Sacred  Text  about  the  extent  and  form  of 
this  latter  court.  Judging,  however,  from  the  second 
and  third  temples,  it  would  seem  to  have  been  rect- 
angular ;  the  rabbis  say  that  it  measured  135  (N.  to  S.) 
by  187  (E.  to  W.)  cubits;  but  these  figures,  obtained 
from  the  traditions  concerning  the  second  temple,  can 
claim  no  certainty.  The  floor  of  the  inner  court  was 
paved  with  stones  (II  Par.,  vii,  3;  IV  K.,  xvi,  17,  has 
no  reference  to  this  point;  pavement  in  the  Eng- 
lish Bibles  ought  to  be  understood  here:  stone  base- 
ment). The  descriptions  of  III  K.  and  II  Par.  men- 
tion no  gates,  but  some  must  have  existed ;  one,  very 
likely,  on  the  south  side,  connecting  the  temple  court 
with  the  middle  court,  and  others  probably  on  the 
north  and  east  sides  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
people.  At  any  rate,  that  some  time  before  the  Exile 
there  were  gates  is  evidenced  by  such  passages  as  Jer., 
xxxviii,  14;  IV  K.,  xxv,  18  (cf.  Jer.,  Hi,  24).  An 
eastern  gate  is  said  (I  Par.,  ix,  18)  to  have  existed;  it 
was  called  "the  king's  gate".  To  Joatham  is  attrib- 
uted (IV  K.,  XV,  35)  the  construction  of  "the  highest 
gate  of  the  house  of  the  Lord",  most  probably  the 
same  as  the  "upper  gate  of  Benjamin"  of  Jer.,  xx,  2, 
or  the  "  new  gate"  of  Jer.,  xxvi,  10,  xxxvi,  10,  and  per- 
haps also  the  "gate  of  the  altar"  of  Ez.,  viii,  5;  all 
these  passages  point  out  a  gate  on  the  north  side. 
Within  the  inner  court  were  the  temple  proper,  the 
altar  of  holocausts,  the  brazen  sea,  and  lavers.  All 
the  walls  encircling  these  various  courts  "were  made 
of  three  rows  of  hewn  stones  and  one  row  of  cedar 
beams"  (III  K.,  vii,  12).  Modern  archajologists  are 
inclined  to  attribute  to  the  son  of  David  these  courses 
of  huge  stones  which  may  be  seen  in  various  places  of 
the  walls  of  the  Haram  esh-Sherif . 

We  possess  little  information  concerning  the  second 
temple;  but  there  are  reasons  to  believe  that,  with  the 
exception  of  the  temple-house,  which  was  certainly 
smaller,  the  arrangement  and  dimensions  were  about 
the  same  as  those  of  Solomon's  temple.  In  Herod's 
time  the  temple  area  was  extended  towards  the  north, 
according  to  some;  towards  the  south,  in  the  opinion 
of  others,  so  that  the  outer  court  had  probably  the 
same  form  and  dimensions  as  the  actual  Haram. 
This  court  was  surrounded  by  a  high  wall  covered 
with  spikes.  Along  the  walls  on  the  inside,  north, 
west,  and  east  (Solomon's  Porch),  were  double  porti- 
coes, and  on  the  south  a  triple  portico,  the  "royal 
porch".  Eight  gates  gave  access  from  the  outside: 
four  on  the  west,  two  on  the  south  (Huldah  gates), 
one  on  the  east,  and  one  on  the  north  (Tadhi  gate); 
between  the  gates,  along  the  outer  walls,  halls  and 
chambers  had  been  erected,  among  which  we  may  men- 
tion the  Beth-Din,  or  meeting-place  of  the  ,Sanhedrin. 
Within  this  outer  court,  towards  the  north,  a  wall  forty 
cubits  high,  limited  the  inner  court.  .\11  around  this 
wall  extended  a  terrace  (the  yn.  M)  ten  cubits  wide 
and  reached  by  a  flight  of  fourteen  steps.  A  stone 
parapet,  about  a  cubit  high,  encircled  the  inner  edge 
of  the  yn,  to  whicli  thirteen  openings  gave  access; 
on  the  parapets  tablets  warned,  imder  penalty  of 
death,  the  non-.Iows  .against  tresp.ossing.  From  the 
yn  nine  gates  and  stairways  led  the  Israelites  into 
the  inner  courts.  On  the  inside,  along  the  walls, 
twenty-live  cubits  high  (the  ground  was  some  fifteen 
cubits  higher  than  the  court  of  the  ('.entiles'),  ran 
porticoes,  and  cells  for  sundry  purposes  had  been 
erected  between  the  gates.    The  walls  of  the  inner 


court  encompassed  two  distinct  spaces:  the  eastern 
part,  called  "the  women's  court",  which,  among 
other  things,  contained  the  boxes  for  the  various  col- 
lections ;  thence  a  gate,  preceded  by  a  flight  of  fifteen 
steps,  led  to  the  western  part,  or  "men's  court". 
There  a  balustrade  separated  the  "priests'  court", 
containing  the  temple  proper  and  the  altar  of  holo- 
causts and  all  their  appurtenances,  from  the  place 
assigned  to  the  lay  people. 

II.  Attend.\nce  of  a  King. — In  the  English  Bible 
the  word  court  is  occasionally  used  also  to  mean  the 
retinue  of  a  person  of  high  rank  and  authority  (Gen., 
xlv,  16;  IV  K.,  vii,  9;  Esth.,  xi,  3).  It  then  stands 
generally  for  the  Hebrew  word  n'a,  "house",  the 
only  word  which,  in  the  sacred  language,  might  in 
some  instances,  receive  the  sense  with  which  we  are 
now  concerned.  The  Latin  Bible  in  such  places  usu- 
ally has  the  noun  aula,  and  once  in  the  N.  T.  exercitus 
(Luke,  xxiii,  11).  Although  mention  of  a  court  is 
seldom  made  in  connexion  with  the  kings  of  Israel 
and  Juda,  they  nevertheless  naturally  had  their  court, 
consisting,  besides  their  family  and  body-guard,  of 
counsellors,  secretaries,  recorders,  chancellors,  min- 
isters, superintendents  of  public  works,  governors  of 
the  house,  even  the  high  dignitaries  of  the  temple. 
Glowing  descriptions  are  given  of  the  splendour  of  the 
court  of  such  kings  as  David  (II  K.,  xxiii;  I  Par.,  xi) 
and  Solomon  (Cant.,  iii,  7,  8) ;  they  furnished  to  later 
Jewish  writers  the  colours  wherewith  to  describe  the 
glory  of  the  palace  of  God.  For  Yahweh  is  king,  not 
only  over  Israel,  but  over  the  whole  world,  and  as  be- 
comes a  king,  he  must  have  his  court.  This  is  con- 
stituted by  the  innumerable  host  of  the  angels,  ever 
ready  to  do  his  will.  Several  (seven,  in  the  received 
text)  imceasingly  stand  in  His  presence;  legions  of 
seraphim  surround  his  throne,  as  a  body-guard;  thou- 
sands of  heavenly  spirits  form  his  council  (Tob.,  xii, 
15;  Is.,  vi,  2,  6;  Pss.  Ixxxii,  Ixxxix).  Ecclesiastical 
writers,  developing  this  idea,  oftentimes  describe  the 
heavenly  court,  made  up  not  only  of  the  angels,  but 
also  of  the  host  of  all  those  blessed  souls  who  enjoy 
the  beatific  vision.  On  the  other  hand  the  courts  of 
the  Temple  have  sometimes  been  regarded  by  mystic 
writers  as  a  figure  of  the  souls  striving  for  Christian 
perfection:  the  brazen  laver  represents  the  purifying 
penaoce,  whereas  tlie  altar  of  holocausts  signifies 
Christian  mortification  and  its  necessary  sacrifices. 

JosEPHDs,  Bell.  Jud..  V.  v;  Idem.  Ant.  Jud.,  VI.  ii,  iv,  XIV, 
iv,  xi;  Talmud,  tr.  Middoth  (Amsterdam,  1690-1703),  V; 
Wilson,  Warren,  etc..  The  Recovery  of  Jerusalem  (London, 
1870):  Stade.  Gesch.  des  Volkes  Israel  (1888);  De  VoguI:.  Lt 
temple  de  Jerusalem  (Paris.  1S641;  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  His- 
taire  de  I'art  dans  I'antiquite  (Paris').  IV;  Vincent,  Canaan 
d'aprrfi  r  erploralion  ri-cente  (Paris,  1907);  Revue  biblique  inter- 
na/., II.  VII.  etc. 

Charles  L.  Souvay. 

Courtenay,  William,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
b.  in  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's,  Exeter,  England,  c. 
1342;  d.  at  Maidstone,  31  July,  1396;  was  the  son 
of  Hugh  Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devon,  and  Margaret, 
daughter  of  Humphrey  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford.  He 
studied  at  Oxford,  where  he  took  the  degree  of  D.C.L. 
In  131)7  he  was  elected  chancellor  of  tlie  university, 
On  this  occasion  the  university  successfully  resisted 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln's  claim  to  the  right  of  confirm- 
ing its  choice,  and  later  Courtenay  obtained  from 
Urban  V  a  Bull  declaring  a  chancellor's  election  valid 
without  the  confirmation  of  the  diocesan.  After  hold 
ing  prebends  in  the  churches  of  Exeter,  WeUs,  and 
York,  he  was  elected  Bishop  of  Hereford  and  conse- 
crated, 17  March.  1370.  As  bishop  his  support  was 
given  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  Bi.shop  WyUeham 
against  the  anti-clerical  movement  led  by  John  of 
Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  l:itor  his  efforts  to  sup- 
press the  Lollards  were  unceasing.  In  the  Convoca- 
tion of  137.3  he  strongly  opposed  t\\e  granting  of  a  sub- 
sidy to  the  king  until  the  latter  should  try  to  remedy 
the  evils  then  afflicting  the  Church.     Courtenay  was 


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447 


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transferred  to  the  See  of  London,  12  Sept.,  1375.  In 
1377  Pope  Gregory  XI  issuetl  a  Bull  of  excommunica- 
tion aguinst  the  Florentines,  and  Courtenay  published 
it  at  Paul's  Cross.  The  result  was  that  the  Floren- 
tines in  London  were  attacked  hy  the  populace;  the 
magistrates  had  to  interfere,  and  the  king  extended 
his  protection  to  the  foreigners.  Courtenay  was  ac- 
cused of  violating  the  law  by  pul>lishing  the  Bull. 
^Vhen  called  upon  to  retract  what  ho  had  published, 
his  answer  was  made  through  an  official,  who  declared 
from  the  pulpit  that  the  bishop's  words  had  been  rais- 
understood,  and  there  the  matter  ended.  When  the 
Convocation  was  summoned  in  1377,  the  archbishop, 
in  the  interests  of  John  of  Gaunt,  omitted  to  summon 
the_  Bishop  of  Winchester.  Courtenay  protested 
against  this  and  succeeded  in  getting  Wykeham's 
rights  recognized.  Then  followed  his  attempts  to  re- 
press the  Lollards,  and  Wyclif  was  cited  to  appear  be- 
fore the  archbishop  at  St.  Paul's.  Wyclif  came  ac- 
companied by  John  of  Gaimt,  who  insisted  upon  a 
seat  being  provided  for  the  accused ;  an  altercation  en- 
sued which  resulted  in  the  court  breaking  up  in  con- 
fusion. Courtenay's  authority  alone  restrained  the 
citizens  from  using  violence  towards  Lancaster. 
Again,  in  obedience  to  the  pope.  18  Dec,  he  sum- 
moned Wyclif,  but  nothing  came  of  the  summons,  and 
the  Lollards  continued  to  increase  in  numbers  and  in- 
fluence. Some  think  that  about  this  time  the  pope 
jfTered  to  create  Courtenay  a  cardinal;  whether  this 
tv-as  so  or  not,  he  was  never  raised  to  that  dignity,  but 
3n  30  July,  1381,  he  became  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
3ury'.  Then  followed  his  appointment  to  the  cliancel- 
orship  of  the  kingdom  10  Aug.,  1382,  an  office  which 
ie  shortly  afterwards  resigned  (18  Nov.,  1382). 

Urged  by  Parliament  he  again  turned  his  attention 
to  the  Lollards,  calling  a  coimcil  which  condemned 
iheir  heretical  opinions.  Rigge,  the  Chancellor  of  Ox- 
'ord  and  a  leading  Lollard,  retracted  and  sued  for  par- 
ion  on  his  knees,  but  on  his  return  to  the  univer- 
sity continued  as  before.  The  Oxford  Lollards  were 
inally  brought  to  submission  on  18  Nov.,  when  the 
•ecantation  of  their  leaders  was  received  at  St.  Fridc- 
!widc's.  The  archbishop  then  obtained  a  statute  com- 
nanding  sheriffs  and  other  officers  of  the  king  to  im- 
jrLson  heretics  when  certified  as  such  by  a  bishop, 
rhough  this  law  was  rejiealed  the  next  year,  he  still 
lad  the  royal  sanction  allowing  bishops  to  detain 
leretics  in  their  own  prisons.  After  the  subjugation 
)f  Oxford  he  turned  to  Leicester  (1389),  placed  the 
»wn  under  an  interdict,  and  in  the  end  received  the 
■ecantation  of  the  leaders.  About  1382  he  began  a 
jeneral  visitation  of  his  province  and  met  with  much 
mposition;  his  interference  was  appealed  against  by 
.he  Bishops  of  Exeter  and  Salisbury,  though  both 
inally  submitted.  The  Benedictine  "abbots  also  or- 
;anized  a  strong  opposition  to  his  proposed  visitation 
)f  Gloucester  College,  Oxford  (1389);  on  his  arrival 
le  was  treated  with  due  respect,  but  they  so  firmly 
■efused  to  acknowledge  his  right  that  he  abandoned 
lis  design.  Though  a  strong  defender  of  the  rights  of 
he  Church  in  England,  he  was  always  true  and  loyal 
o  the  pope.  He  so  fearlessly  condemned  the  extrava- 
pnce  of  the  king  that  he  once  (1385)  had  to  take 
efuge  in  Devonshire  to  escape  the  royal  anger. 
iVhen  the  relations  between  king  and  Parliament  be- 
:ame  so  strained  as  almost  to  lead  to  war,  it  was 
Courtenay  who  acted  as  mediator  and  averted  the 
langer.  He  was  first  buried  at  Maidstone,  where  he 
lad  founded  the  College  of  St.  Mary  and  All  Saints; 
ifterwards  his  body  was  removed  to  rant<?rbury  and 
)uried,  in  the  king's  presence,  at  the  feet  of  the  iBlack 
iVince,  near  the  shrine  of  St.  Thomas. 

^fummfn^a  Academira.  ed.  Anstet  (Ix)ndon.  1868),  I.  229; 
'a.iCTr!//i'  Zizaniorum.  ed.  .Shirlf.y  (London,  1858),  xxix,  272-5, 
KM-Q.  .3.56.  493:  Hook.  Liim  of  Archbishops  of  Canterbury 
London.  1860-73).  IV,  31.5-98;  Stcbbs.  ron.ililulion<d  His- 
ory  of  Enolanil  (I/Ondon.  1857-80),  11.  428-38,  460-N8;  III, 
30.  356;  fcoxe.  Acts  and  Monuments  (London,  1684)  I,  495- 


500;   Green.  History  of  the  KnutM  People  (London.  1895).  II, 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Courts,  Ecri.E.siA.sTirAT,.— I.  JuDiriAL  Powder  in 
TUB  CH0RCH.— In  instituting  the  CInirch  as  a  perfect 
society,  distinct  from  the  civil  power  and  entirely 
independent  of  it,  Christ  gave  her  legislative,  judicial, 
and  executive  power  to  be  exercised  over  her  mem- 
bers without  any  interference  on  the  part  of  civil 
society.  It  does  not  fall  within  our  scope  to  prove 
that  the  Church  is  a  perfect  society,  consequently 
endowed  with  the  above-mentioned' power.  If  one 
admits  the  Divine  institution  of  t!ie  Church,  and 
the  authenticity  and  authority  of  the  Gospels,  he 
mu.st  acknowledge  that  Christ  so  constituted  'His 
Church  as  to  enable  her  rulers  to  make  laws  and 
regulations  for  the  faithful  conducive  to  the  attain- 
ment of  eternal  happiness.  Moreover,  as  John 
XXII  (1316-34)  wisely  remarks:  "It  would  be  folly 
to  make  laws  unless  there  were  some  one  to  enforce 
them"  (Cap.  un.  de  Judiciis,  II,  1,  in  Extra vag. 
Comm.).  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  Christ  in 
conferring  legislative  power  upon  the  Church  also 
gave  judicial  and  coercive  power.  In  proof  of  this 
we  have,  besides  theological  arguments,  the  practice 
of  the  Church  which  explicitly  claimed  such  power, 
as  well  in  the  beginning  (II  Cor.,  x,  8;  xiii,  2  sqq., 
etc.)  as  during  the  subsequent  centuries  of  her  ex- 
istence; and,  moreover,  made  frequent  use  of  it. 
Suffice  it  to  recall  the  institution  of  canonical  pen- 
ances, the  constitutions  and  laws  of  so  many  pontiffs 
and  councils,  containing  not  only  positive  enactments, 
but  also  sanctions  to  be  incurred  ipso  jacto  by  the 
rebellious  and  obstinate,  or  to  be  inflicted  upon  them 
at  the  discretion  of  ecclesia-stical  superiors. 

Now  the  infliction  of  punishment  certainly  pre- 
supposes evidence  of  the  crime,  since,  according  to 
the  natural  law,  no  one  should  be  condemned  until 
his  guilt  has  been  established.  Hence  the  Church, 
in  making  use  of  her  powers  of  legislation  and 
coercion,  nmst  have  also  exercised  judicial  power. 
It  is,  moreover,  historically  evident  that  the  Church 
often  exercised  these  powers  either  through  the 
Roman  pontiff  alone,  by  the  agency  of  his  delegates, 
or  through  councils,  individual  bishops,  or  other 
judges,  ordinary  or  delegated.  St.  Paul  plainly 
refers  to  a  perfect  judicial  procedure  when  he  cau- 
tions his  disciple  Timothy  (I  Tim.,  v,  19)  not  to 
receive  an  accusation  against  a  priest  except  in  the 
presence  of  two  or  three  witnesses.  In  the  next 
centurj',  Marcion,  after  being  expelled  from  the 
clergv-,  vainly  appealed  to  the  Apostolic  See  for 
restoration  to  his  office.  In  the  trial,  degradation, 
and  excommvmication  of  Paul  of  Samosata  by  the 
Council  of  Antioch  (c.  268)  we  meet  with  a  formal 
ecclesiastical  trial.  The  Council  of  Elvira  (c.  300) 
threatens  with  excommunication  every  accuser  of 
a  bishop,  a  priest,  or  a  deacon  who  fails  to  prove  his 
charge.  The  Third  Council  of  Carthage  (397)  dis- 
cusses regulations  regarding  appeals,  and  the  Fourth 
Council  of  Carthage  (398)  prescribes  the  manner  in 
which  bishops  are  to  exerci.se  judicial  authority. 
Finally,  in  the  Apostolic  Con.stitutions,  which  cer- 
tainly are  representative  of  the  ancient  practice  of 
the  Church,  we  find  that  certain  days  are  set  for  con- 
ducting trials;  the  mode  of  procedure  and  other 
details  are  also  clearly  set  forth.  For  later  periods 
evidence  abounds. 

II.  The  Hi.storical  Develop.ment  of  This 
Power. — In  the  early  centuries,  when  the  Christians 
were  still  few  in  number;  when  their  new  faith  and 
new  moral  life  constrained  the  followers  of  Christ 
to  carry  out  all  His  precepts  (especially  the  one  by 
which  He  wished  them  to  be  distinguished  from  all 
other  men  in  this  period);  and  when  there  existed, 
generally,  among  the  faithful  one  heart  and  one  soul! 


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it  was  customary,  in  case  a  controversy  arose,  to 
appear  Fxjfore  the  bishop  and  accept  liis  decision. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  the  grave  admonition 
of  St.  Paul  (I  Cor.,  vi,  1),  who  urged  the  faitliful  not 
to  appear  as  Utigants  before  the  civil  courts.  Though 
in  such  cases  the  bishops  often  assumed  the  role 
of  friendly  arbiters  rather  than  strict  judges,  we 
should  not  infer  that  thej'  never  conducted  a 
strict  trial.  TertuUian  (Apol.,  xxxix)  furni.shes  us 
with  information  on  this  point  in  these  words  ad- 
dressed to  the  pagans:  "Ibidem  [in  ecclesia]  etiam 
exhortationes  castigationes  et  censura  divina:  nam 
et  judicatur  magno  cum  pondere,  ut  apud  certos  de 
Dei  conspectu",  i.  e.  the  Church  is  wont  to  warn 
and  punish,  is  a  Divinely  appointed  censor,  whose 
weighty  decisions  are  accepted  as  rendered  in  the 
presence  of  God.  Many  similar  utterances  from 
the  Fathers  and  the  councils  could  easily  be  cited. 
It  was,  of  course,  impossible  for  the  ecclesiastical 
magistrates  (the  bishops)  to  make  use  at  that  time 
of  the  legal  solemnities  introduced  at  a  later  period. 
Though  rather  sununarj^  tlie  judicial  proceedings 
of  the  primitive  episcopal  tribunals  were  trials  in 
the  strict  sense  of  the  word.  In  the  work  of  Bishop 
Fessler  concerning  the  early  history  of  canonical 
procedure  (Der  kanonische  Process  ...  in  der 
vorjustinianisclien  Periode,  Vienna,  1S60)  may  be 
found  details  of  interest  concerning  the  ecclesiastical 
trials  of  Montanus,  Origen,  Fortunatus,  Paul  of 
Samosata,  Athanasius,  and  others. 

When  the  Christians  obtained  control  of  the  civil 
power  of  Rome,  tlie  reasons  that  moved  St.  Paul 
to  persuade  or  command  the  faithful  to  avoid  the 
civil  tribunals  were,  of  course,  no  longer  pertinent. 
Gradually  the  Church  allowed  the  faithful  to  submit 
their  differences  either  to  ecclesiastical  or  to  civil 
tribunals.  From  the  beginning  of  the  new  era  the 
bishops  shared  with  the  secular  magistrates  the 
power  of  settling  the  disputes  of  the  faithful.  Con- 
stantine  the  Great  published  two  constitutions  (321, 
3.31)  wherein  he  not  only  permits  laymen  to  have 
their  cases  tried  before  their  bishops,  but  also  decrees 
that  all  cases  wliicli  until  then  were  wont  to  be  tried 
by  the  praetorian,  i.  e.  by  the  civil,  law  should,  when 
once  settled  before  the  episcopal  courts,  be  considered 
as  finally  adjudicated.  It  was  rightly  established, 
however,  that  not  all  eases  could  be  submitted  to  the 
civil  courts,  nor  could  all  persons  liave  recourse  to 
them.  To  decide  a  controversy  the  judge  must  first 
have  jurisdiction  over  the  matters  in  cjuestion  and 
the  parties  engaged  in  the  controversy.  A  private 
individual,  for  instance,  could  not  hand  down  a 
decision,  nor  could  he  compel  otliers  to  abide  by  it. 
In  the  case  of  a  secular  judge,  his  jurisdiction  comes 
from  the  civil  authority.  In  purely  spiritual  matters 
the  latter  is  powerless,  since  God  has  committed  them 
exclusively  to  the  Churcli.  In  this  domain  the  civil 
power  has  neither  legislative  nor  judicial  authority. 
Whatever,  therefore,  concerns  tlie  Faith,  Divine  wor- 
ship, the  sacraments,  or  ecclesiastical  discipline  is 
foreign  to  the  civil  order.  With  regard  to  such 
matters  the  Church  has  ever  asserted  her  exclusive 
judicial  authority  [c.  1,  dist.  96;  c.  8,  de  arbitriis,  X. 
(I,  43);  c.  2,  de  judiciis,  X.  (II,  1)].  This  solemn 
contention  of  the  ecclesiastical  power  was  recognized 
and  confirmed  by  the  Roman  emperors  in  their  civil 
constitutions  [Cod.  Theod..  de  religione  (XVI,  2), 
an.  399;  VII,  De  episcop.  audientia,  C.  (I,  4)].  Like- 
wise, not  all  persons  are  to  be  judged  by  secular 
courts.  Tlie  Church  could  not  permit  lier  clergy  to 
be  judged  by  laymen;  it  would  be  utterly  unbecoming 
for  persons  of  superior  dignity  to  submit  tliemselves 
to  tlieir  inferiors  for  judgment.  The  clergy,  there- 
fore, were  exempt  from  civil  jurisdiction,  and  this 
ancient  rule  was  sanctioned  by  custom  and  confirmed 
by  written  laws.  On  this  point  the  Cliurch  h.as 
always  taken  a  firm  stand;  concessions  have  been 


wrung  from  her  only  where  greater  evils  were  to  be 
avoided.  Thus,  in  Christian  antiquity,  a  Council  of 
Aquileia  condemned  the  bishop,  Palladius,  for  de- 
manding a  civil  trial,  and  a  Council  of  Mileve  decreed 
that  clerics  who  strive  to  bring  their  lawsuits  or 
disputes  before  secular  judges  should  be  deprived  of 
their  clerical  dignity  and  removed  from  their  offices. 
Innocent  III  reprehended  the  Archbishop  of  Pisa 
[c.  12,  De  foro  competenti,  X.  (II,  2)]  for  maintaining 
that  at  least  in  temporal  matters  a  cleric  could 
renounce  his  right  of  exemption  and  appear  before 
a  secuhir  court.  Such  action,  said  Innocent,  was 
unlawful  even  when  the  conflicting  parties  agreed  to 
submit  the  matter  to  civil  magistrates.  The  eccle- 
siastical exemption  was  not  a  personal  privilege;  it 
belonged  to  tlie  entire  ecclesiastical  body  and  could 
not  be  renounced  by  individuals. 

Matters  purely  spiritual,  as  explained  above,  fall 
within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical  law. 
In  addition  to  these  there  were  in  the  past,  and  are 
still,  cases  in  which  the  natural  and  spiritual  elements 
are  so  conjoined,  as  Lega  remarks  in  his  excellent 
work  "  De  judiciis  ecclesiasticis  ".  that  they  take  on 
juridically  another  nature  and  give  rise  to  different 
rights.  To  make  this  clearer,  the  author,  in  addition 
to  tlie  example  drawn  from  certain  effects  of  matri- 
mony, borrows  from  the  ancient  canonists  the  illus- 
tration of  a  contract  entered  into  by  lay  persons  and 
confimied  by  oath.  Here,  to  the  obligation  of  justice 
is  added  that  of  religion,  and  we  easily  recognize  a 
twofold  juridical  element,  bringing  the  matter  in 
question,  at  least  as  far  as  the  value  or  execution  of 
the  contract  is  concerned,  mtliiii  the  ecclesiastical  as 
well  as  the  civil  domain.  Were  it  a  quest  ion  only  of  the 
value  of  the  oath,  the  matter  would,  of  course,  be  a 
purely  spiritual  one.  There  is  another  order  of  cases 
in  which  the  issues  are  purely  temporal.  Over  these 
the  Church  never  claimed  an  essential  right  to  the 
exclusion  of  civil  power.  Even  in  the  Middle  Ages 
she  recognized  the  principle  that  ecclesiastical  judges 
are  incompetent  in  such  cases  unless  urgent  necessity 
or  custom  should  require  otherwise.  If,  in  medieval 
times,  the  Church  exercised  jurisdiction  in  regard  to 
the  temporal  concerns  of  orphans,  widows,  or  other 
persons  of  unfortunate  condition,  no  equitable  mind 
will  see  tlierein  a  usurpation  of  civil  jurisdiction  on 
tlie  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The  true 
and  adequate  explanation  lies  in  the  peculiar  neces- 
sities of  the  age,  the  deficient  administration  of 
justice,  and  tlie  undue  power  exercised  by  tlie  rich 
and  mighty.  Rather  does  it  redound  to  the  honour 
of  the  Cliurch  that  she  tlien  assumed  tlie  defence  of 
the  poor  against  the  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  came 
to  the  aid  of  those  who  were  deprived  of  all  human 
help.  It  must  also  be  mentioned  tliat  in  medieval 
and  later  times  ecclesiastical  magistrates  were  often 
vested  wdth  ci\"il  power  legitimately  acquired,  and 
exercised  it,  not  as  ecclesiastics,  but  as  civil  magis- 
trates. 

III.  The  Subject  op  Judici.\1i  Power  in  the 
Church. — Since  the  judicial  power  flows  from  the 
legislative,  it  is  clear  that  the  former  resides  primarily 
and  chiefly  in  tho.se  wlio  possess  the  latter.  The 
common  welfare,  evidently,  does  not  require  that 
every  person  endowed  with  legislative  power  in  a 
social  organization  should  therefore  enjoy  the  fullness 
of  such  power;  so  also  it  is  obvious  that  not  every  one 
possessed  of  judicial  power  in  a  society  h;us  at  once  the 
right  to  exercise  it  upon  all  membci-s  of  that  society. 
It  was  this  exigency  of  the  common  welfare  that  made 
it  necessan.'  to  fix  the  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
magistrates  even  in  civil  societies.  We  know,  for 
instance,  that  in  primitive  Roman  society  there  was 
in  every  district  one  magistrate  who  was  supreme, 
and  who  had  undivided  jurisdiction  in  the  pro\'ince 
allotted  to  him,  but  none  beyond  its  limits  [Bks.  1  and 
9,Deoff.proc.,D.  (1,10)].   "This  first  limitation  of  the 


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agist  rate's  power  was  based  on  territory;  later  on 
lere  followed  anotlior  limitation  based  on  tlie  ini- 
jrtance,  or  "(]iiantity  ",  of  the  case  or  controversy, 
ence,  in  later  llornan  law  the  plaintiff  had  to 
quire  not  only  wiiat  territory  came  under  the 
risdiction  of  liis  judge,  but  also  what  "quantity", 

gravity  of  matter  [Bk.  19  sq.,  1,  De  jurisdic^t.,  D. 
I,  1)].  In  later  times  these  principles  have  been 
tained  and  even  partially  increased  and  extended 
'  our  civil  codes;  they  serve  even  yet  to  justify 
any  special  courts,  e.  g.  courts  for  aqueducts,  for 
nunereial  disputes,  etc.  Tliese  various  arrange- 
ents  are  not  altogether  foreign  to  ecclesiastical  law; 
deed,  in  many  cases  it  has  adopted  them  outriglit. 
uis,  it  is  not  only  by  Divine  disposition  that  tlie 
Dman  pontiff  is  the  supreme  judge  in  tlie  Universal 
lurch — as  he  is  also  its  sovereign  legislator — and 
at  the  bishops  are  the  law-givers  and  judges  in  their 
^pective  dioceses;  but  it  is  also  by  ecclesiastical 
ling  that  certain  cases  are  reserved  to  the  Roman 
mtiff.  These  were  first  called  by  Innocent  I  (401- 
),  in  liis  epistle  to  Victricius  of  Rouen,  causae 
ijnres  (greater  eases) ;  other  cases  are  reserved  to  the 
^liops,  to  the  exclusion  of  inferior  magistrates  and 
ilges;  and  others,  finally,  to  the  various  Roman 
ingregations.  It  was  Uke%\-ise  by  ecclesiastical  law 
at  in  former  times  certain  matters  were  reserved 

provincial  councils,  particularly  in  the  African 
lurch  (Concil.  Hipponense,  393);  this  custom,  bow- 
er, was  never  sanctioned  by  a  general  law. 
Many  facts  go  to  prove  that  this  limitation  of 
clesiastical  authority,  a  necessary  consequence  of 
e  primacy  conferred  by  Christ  on  Peter  and  his 
ccessors,  was  introduced  in  the  earliest  ages  of 
e  Cliurch;  a  brief  mention  of  some  will  suffice, 
jout  the  year  96,  we  find  the  celebrated  letter  of 
e  Corinthians  to  St.  Clement  of  Rome,  of  whicli 
isebiiLS  makes  mention  (Hist,  eccl..  Ill,  xv),  and 
lich  he  calls  "  in  every  respect  excellent  and  praise- 
>rthy".  This  letter  disclosed  to  St.  Clement  the 
uses  of  the  discords  in  Corinth  and  asked  for  a 
medy.  In  the  second  century  the  Montanists 
ought  their  grievances  before  the  Roman  pontiff; 
ceived  at  first,  he  restored  them  to  their  standing 

tlie  Church,  but  later  condemned  them.  Many 
her  similar  occurrences  could  be  enumerated;  let 
suffice  to  mention  the  letter  of  Marcellus,  Bishop 

Ancyra,  in  wliich  he  clears  himself  before  Pope 
ilius  I  (337-.'52)  and  makes  profession  of  his  faitli; 
so  the  letter  of  the  Arian  Bishops,  Valens  and 
rsacius,  in  which  they  retract  their  accusations 
;ainst  Athanasius  and  sue  for  pardon.  In  eccle- 
istical  law,  cases  affecting  civil  rulers  or  cardinals, 
30  criminal  cases  of  bishops,  are  still  reserved 
;clusively  to  tlie  Roman  pontiff.  In  the  Church, 
iwever,  judicial  authority  is  vested  (by  Divine 
jlit)  not  only  in  the  Roman  pontiff  and  the  bishops, 
it  in  others  also,  though  in  a  more  or  less  re- 
ricted  form.  In  former  times,  there  was  the  pro- 
ncial  council,  with  judicial  authority  in  not  a  few 
ses,  al.so  the  court  of  the  arclideacon,  distinct  from 
at  of  the  bi.shop,  and  with  these  the  courts  of 
ferior  judges,  whose  authority  was  ba.sed  on  custom 
,  niore  generally,  on  privilege.  In  place  of  these 
.rlier  judges  we  have  now  the  vicars-general  (q.v.), 
bo,  however,  constitute  but  one  court  with  their 
shop    and    judge-delegates,    representative    either 

bishops  or,  more  particularly,  of  the  sovereign 
mtiff. 

IV.  Classification  or  Ecclesi.vsticai.  Courts. — 
I  every  society  courts  may  be  classified  in  two 
ays,  according  to  the  twoifold  manner  in  which 
sticc  may  be  administered.  Thus  it  may  happen 
lat  in  a  certain  .society  the  administration  of  justice 

so  estalilishcd  that  a  controversy  is  not  ended 
f  one  sentence,  but  several  appeals  may  be  made, 
he  defendant,  if  unwilUng  to  abide  by  the  decision 
IV.— 29 


of  the  first  tribunal,  may  then  appeal  from  a  lower 
to  a  higher  court,  and  this  appeal  may  be  renewed 
as  often  as  the  law  allows  it;  thus  there  may  be  two, 
three,  or  even  more  courts  wherein  a  case  may  be 
tried.  It  may  also  happen  that  any  given  contro- 
versy must  be  settled  by  one  judicial  sentence,  even 
though  diverse  tribunals  exist,  because  the  cases, 
on  account  of  their  "quantity" — to  use  the  termi- 
nology of  the  Roman  law — i.  e.  on  account  of  their 
varying  importance,  come  under  tlie  cognizance  of 
various  judges  and  tribunals.  In  tliis  case  separate 
tribunals  are  so  arranged  that  tliere  exists  a  highest 
and  a  lowest,  between  which  there  may  be  a  third 
or  even  .several  other  tribunals.  Or  again  a  mixed 
system  may  prevail,  in  which  are  found  both  systems 
of  regulating  tlie  administration  of  justice. 

In  the  Church  it  is  precisely  this  last  intennediate 
.system  that  prevails.  For,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
there  are  certain  causw  majores  reserved  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  pontiff  exclusively;  and  as 
he  has  no  superior  there  can  be  no  higher  court  of 
appeal,  nor,  indeed,  is  it  becoming  that  his  judgment 
be  reconsidered  by  any  other,  much  less  that  it  be 
revised.  In  these  cases,  therefore,  there  can  be  but 
one  court  of  judgment.  Nevertheless  it  may  be  well 
to  remark  here  that,  as  the  Roman  pontiff  does  not 
generally  judge  personally,  but  through  delegates 
who  give  sentence  in  his  name,  he  usually  allows  a 
hearing  of  the  case  by  different  judges,  if  it  should 
happen  that  one  of  the  contending  parties,  not 
satisfied  with  the  first  judgment,  requests  this  re- 
vision from  the  pontiff  himself.  All  other  ecclesi- 
astical cases,  however,  in  which  inferior  courts  give 
judgment  admit  of  an  appeal  to  higher  ecclesiastical 
authority,  and  one  may  appeal  not  once  only,  but 
twice.  Hence  in  ecclesiastical  law  there  are, 
generally  speaking,  three  courts  of  judgment,  neither 
more  nor  less.  This  assertion  admits  of  one  excep- 
tion, viz.,  when  there  is  question  of  the  validity  of  a 
marriage,  or  of  similarly  important  matters,  appeal 
to  a  fourth  court  is  then  at  times  admitted.  In  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  however,  vicars- 
general  succeeded  the  archdeacons,  and  after  the 
Council  of  Trent,  during  the  seventeenth  and  eigh- 
teenth centuries,  the  archdeacons'  courts  ceased 
to  exist.  Consequently  the  first  ecclesiastical  court 
is  now  regularly  that  of  the  bishop  or  of  his  viear- 
general.  The  second  court  is  that  of  the  metropoUtan. 
But  if  it  should  happen  that  the  bishop  who  gave 
judgment  in  the  first  court  is  himself  the  metro- 
politan or  an  exempt  bishop,  or  if  the  case  was,  in 
the  first  instance,  brought  before  a  provincial  council, 
then  the  tribunal  of  first  appeal  is  none  other  than 
the  tribunal  of  second  and  last  appeal,  and  this  is 
always  and  for  all  parties  the  tribunal  of  the  Roman 
pontiff.  In  this  ca.se,  therefore,  only  two  apjieals  are 
possible.  This  is  the  provision  made  by  tlie  common 
law,  though  sometimes  an  approved  custom — more 
frequently  an  express  privilege — provides  dilferently. 
Thus,  for  instance,  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
the  ecclesiastical  court  of  Prague  is  the  court  of 
appeal  for  the  Archdioceses  of  Vienna  and  Salzburg; 
for  Prague  it  is  Olmutz;  foe  Olmiitz,  Vienna.  So, 
too,  in  Latin  America,  if  the  first  two  sentences  do 
not  agree,  an  appeal  may  be  taken  in  tlie  third  in- 
stance to  the  bishop  who  resides  nearest  to  the  one 
who  first  gave  judgment.  This  was  decreed  by 
Leo  XIII  in  his  Encyclical  "Trans  Oceanum' , 
18  April,  1897.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however, 
that,  owing  to  the  special  pre-eminence  of  the  Roman 
pontiff,  an  appeal  may  always  be  made  from  the 
tribunal  of  an  inferior  judge  to  his  tribunal  im- 
mediately, thus  passing  over  the  intermediate  courts, 
to  which,  according  to  the  general  rules,  the  appeal 
must  otherwise  be  directed. 

What  has  been  said  above  applies  to  the  ec- 
clesiastical   discipline    now   in    force.     It   must   be 


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added  that  in  the  Eastern  Church  the  title  of  metro- 
politan is  generally,  though  not  always,  a  merely 
honorary  title,  the  metropolitan  power  being  almost 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  patriarch  himself;  it  is 
consequently  to  liim  that  an  appeal  lies  from  the 
judgment  of  the  bishop.  With  regard  to  tlie  ancient 
ecclesiastical  discipline  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that 
in  former  times  an  appeal  was  allowed  from  the 
tribunal  of  the  metropolitan  to  that  of  the  primate 
or  patriarch.  Actually,  with  exception  of  the 
Primate  of  Hungary  in  certain  cases,  this  primate's 
court  no  longer  exists.  Where  appeals  are  possible, 
the  courts  are  said  to  be  subordinate  one  to  the 
other,  and  are  so  in  fact;  hence,  for  instance,  a  metro- 
politan court  can,  by  a  genuine  ortler  or  mandate, 
require  such  data  from  the  inferior  court  as  may 
seem  to  it  necessary  for  a  proper  cognizance  of  the 
case.  Here  we  must  carefully  note  the  difference 
which  oftentimes  exists  between  subordinate  courts 
in  ecclesiastical  and  in  civil  law.  In  the  latter  the 
superior  court  frequently  exercises  a  certain,  true, 
disciplinary  power  over  the  inferior  court,  either  by 
instituting  an  inquiry  into  its  proceedings,  or  by 
delegating  a  substitute,  if  the  inferior  judge  should 
be  prevented  from  exercising  his  office  or  should  be 
found  incapable.  All  this  is  foreign  to  ecclesiastical 
law,  in  wliich  the  courts  of  suffragan  sees  are  subject 
to  the  metropolitan  court  in  such  matters  only  as 
regard  the  appeal  actually  before  the  metropolitan. 
In  all  other  matters  the  episcopal  courts  are  quite 
independent  of  metropolitan  authority.  Other  courts, 
however,  whether  metropolitan  ot  episcopal,  are  in 
no  way  subordinate,  but  are  entirely  independent 
of  one  another,  though  tliis  does  not  relieve  them 
from  the  obligation  of  mutual  assistance.  Thus  it 
may  often  happen  that  the  administration  of  justice 
in  one  locality  necessitates  proceedings  in  the  territory 
of  another  judge.  Should  this  happen,  the  court 
which  has  the  case  in  hand  may  request  the  court 
of  the  locality  in  which  some  proceeding  necessary 
to  the  administration  of  justice  or  to  a  proper 
cognizance  of  the  case  must  be  instituted  (e.  g.  the 
examination  of  witnesses  or  the  execution  of  a 
summons)  to  see  to  its  performance.  And  the 
court  to  which  such  a  petition  has  been  addressed 
tlirough  requisitional  letters  by  another  court  is 
obliged  to  render  this  subsidium  iuris,  or  legal  assist- 
ance, unless  the  request  be  evidently  unlawful.  But 
the  obligation  arises,  not  from  the  authority  of  the 
court  requesting  assistance,  but  from  the  authority 
of  the  common  law,  which  so  ordains.  This  is 
evidently  just,  for  all  such  courts  are  courts  of  one 
ecclesiastical  society,  the  one  Catholic  Church, 
whose  welfare  demands  that  in  it  justice  be  rightly 
administered. 

V.  Constitution  of  thk  Courts. — In  ecclesiastical 
law  the  Roman  pontiff  and  the  bishops,  as  also  the 
metropolitans  in  cases  of  appeal,  likewise  all  those 
who  in  their  own  right  (ordinario  iure)  exercise 
judicial  power  in  the  Church,  may  pronoimce  sentence 
personally  in  all  cases  brought  before  their  tribunal. 
They  may  also,  if  they  think  fit,  entrust  the  hearing 
of  the  case  to  judges  delegated  by  them;  and  they 
may  thus  delegate,  not  only  one  person,  but  also 
several,  either — to  use  the  canonical  terms — in 
solidiim  or  colleguditer.  If  they  were  delegated  in 
solidum,  or  severally,  then  he  who  first  took  the  case 
in  hand  must  examine  it  and  pronounce  juilgment. 
But  if  they  are  to  proceed  cnUegialiter .  we  have  a  true 
college  of  judges,  in  which,  therefore,  everything  is  to 
be  observed  which  the  law  prescribes  and  the  nature 
of  tilings  demands  in  the  exercise  of  collegiate  acts. 
We  have  many  examples,  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  of  judges  who  had  thus  to  proceed  as  a 
college.  We  liave  already  made  mention  of  the 
ancient  discipline  that  prevailed,  principally  in  the 
African   Church,   and   according    to   which    certain 


f  raver  cases  were  to  be  referred  to  pro\'incial  councils;, 
'his  regulation  was  retained,  partially  at  least,  by 
the  Council  of  Trent.  It  decreed  that  the  more 
important  criminal  cases  of  bishops  should  be  re- 
ser\ed  to  the  pope,  wlnlst  those  of  lesser  importance 
are  left  to  the  cognizance  of  provincial  councils. 
This  is  also  the  origin  of  the  celebrated  tribunal^ 
called  the  Rota  Romana.  t 

The  Roman  congregations  themselves  are  simplyf 
collegiate  courts  whenever  they  exercise  judicial?; 
authority.  In  not  a  few  dioceses  the  so-called' 
Officialutus  (OfficiaHtcs)  exist,  whicli  also  administer 
justice  as  a  college.  Gregory  XVI  erected  in  the 
various  dioceses  of  the  States  of  the  Church  courts 
for  criminal  cases  which  were  truly  collegiate  bodies 
and  proceeded  as  such;  though  herein  the  pope  acted, 
not  as  pope,  but  as  temporal  sovereign.  Hence 
tliis  case  does  not  properly  belong  to  canon  law. 
In  these  courts  the  number  of  judges  is  not  definitely 
fixeil,  though  there  are  usually,  besides  the  president, 
two  or  four  judges,  seldom  more  than  six.  Therefore 
it  is  generally  the  rule  that  the  number  of  judges  be 
uneven,  as  the  case  might  otherwise  often  be  left 
undecided.  A  majority  of  votes  decides,  especially 
in  gi\'ing  sentence;  if  the  votes  for  both  sides  are  equal 
the  case  {per  se)  remains  undecided.  In  this  event, 
however,  it  is  often  provided  that  the  vote  of  the 
president  shall  be  decisive,  or  that  the  ease  shall  be 
decided  in  favour  of  the  defendant  and  not  of  the 
plaintiff,  unless  the  case  be  a  privileged  one,  v.  g., 
if  the  validity  of  a  marriage  is  in  question.  What 
the  powers  of  the  president  are  in  a  college  of  judges 
must  be  gathered  from  the  decree  which  established 
the  court  in  question,  or  also  from  the  latter's  practice 
and  tradition.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  sometimes  a 
court  resembles  a  college  of  judges  without  being 
such  in  fact.  Thus  a  bishop  can  order  his  ^•ica^- 
general  in  giving  judgment  in  certain  cases,  par- 
ticularly in  those  of  greater  moment,  to  appoint 
assessors,  whose  counsel  he  must  hear  before  pro- 
nouncing sentence.  In  this  case  it  is  e^^dent  that 
there  is  no  real  college  of  judges,  as  only  the  vicar- 
general  can  pronounce  sentence ;  still  the  case  must ! 
be  examined  by  the  assessors,  who  can  and  ought  to 
manifest  to  the  judge  all  which  they  think  may 
conduce  to  a  just  sentence. 

The  Jvdge. — It  is  evident  that  in  every  trial 
the  judge  has  the  leading  role,  whether  this  judge 
be  an  indi^■idual  or  a  college,  and  his  obligation  is  to 
apply  the  law  between  the  two  contending  parties 
or  to  pronounce  what  is  conformable  to  established 
right  and  eciuity;  and  as  his  office  is  to  see  to  the: 
execution  of  the  law,  he  has  the  right  to  require 
from  the  contending  parties  reverence  and  obedience.; 
For  tliis  same  reason  he  is  empowered  to  do  whate vei  j 
is  necessary  to  make  his  jurisdiction  effective,  anc( 
therefore  to  use  moderate  coercion  towards  obtaining 
the  same  end.  This  coercion  can  be  exercised  nolf 
only  against  the  contending  parties,  if  they  are  dis- 
obedient, but  also  against  others  who  have  ar 
accessary  part  in  the  trial,  e.  g.  the  procurators  anc 
advocates.  In  his  capacity  as  a  public  person  th< 
judge  is  worthy  of  public  confidence:  hence  the  pre- 
sumption is  in  his  favour  that  the  legal  formalitief 
have  been  properly  observed  in  his  judicial  proceed 
ings,  and  tliat  what  he  testifies  to  as  judge  is  true 
Canon  law  commonly  requires  that  in  ecclesiasti 
cal  tribunals  there  shall  be  other  persons  pre.sen' 
besides  the  judge:  thus  there  are  always  a  notan 
anil  a  defender  of  the  marriage  bond  in  matn 
monial  cases,  and  a  fiscal  jiromoter  (promotor  fiscalia 
in  the  great  majority  of  criminal  cases.  Ordinarilj 
other  ))ersons  are  admitted,  not  by  mandate,  buj 
throtigh  permission  of  the  law,  for  the  rapid  am 
better  administration  of  justice,  v.  g.  assessors  am 
auditors. 

The    Xotary     (actuarius),    whose     presence     wi 


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lecrood  by  Innocent  III  in  the  Fourth  Lateran 
Council  [cap.  38,  c.  11  de  probat.,  X.  (II  19)],  is  a 
lublic  person  whose  obligation  it  is  to  transcribe 
rith  fidehty  the  acts  of  tlie  case.  As  this  office  is 
neroly  tliat  of  a  clerk,  and  does  not  include  any 
udicial  power  or  jurisdiction,  it  may  be  held  in 
cclcsiastical  courts  even  by  a  layman.  Still,  clerics 
re  not  excluded  from  this  office,  nor  docs  cap.  8, 
Ne  dcriei  vel  monachi",  etc.,  X.  (Ill,  50)  contra- 
ict  (his,  as  there  it  is  a  question  only  of  clerics  who 
old  .such  office  for  the  sake  of  pecuniary  profit;  nor 
i  the  contrary  affirmation  of  Fagnani  of  any  weight, 
s  it  is  not  supported  by  conclusive  reasons.  This 
I  shown  also  by  the  actual  practice  of  ecclesiastical 
Durts.  It  is  sufficient  here  to  call  to  mind  the 
otaries  of  ancient  times  who  wrote  down  the  acts 
f  the  martyrs,  those  who  were  employed  in  the 
ouncils,  and  still  more  the  class  of  the  prothonotaries, 
'ho  have  recently  been  di\'ided  by  Pius  X  (21 
'eb.,  1005)  into  four  classes,  and  rank  among  the 
ighest  prelates. 

The  Auditor  is  sometimes  a  delegated  judge,  to 
•horn  is  entrusted  a  certain  amount  of  jurisdiction, 
.  g.  the  formal  opening  of  a  case  (contextatio  litis); 
1  the  practice  of  the  present  day  he  would  be  called 
n  instructing  judge.  He  may  also  be  an  ordinary 
fficial  to  whom  has  been  assigned,  but  without  any 
irisdiction.a  part  of  the  proceedings,  e.  g.  the  simple 
xaiuination  of  the  witnesses;  he  is  then  properly 
illeti  auditor.  It  follows  from  all  this  that  the 
uties  and  powers  of  the  auditor  must  be  deduced 
•om  the  mandate  itself.  It  was  customary  to  have 
uditors  even  in  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  in  the 
toman  Guria,  and  there  still  remains  some  vestige  of 
dis  office  in  the  auditors  of  the  Rota  Romana,  who 
fter  the  time  of  Gregory  IX  formed  a  special  college 
Durandus,  in  Speculum). 

AsxcsxoT. — The  title  of  assessor  has  also  a  twofold 
leaning,  i.  c.,  he  may  be  a  judge  in  a  collegiate 
ribunal  (Dig.  I,  22;  Cod.  I,  51),  or  one  who  assists  the 
residing  judge  in  interpreting  the  law.  In  the  latter 
leaning  assessors  are  simply  advisers  of  the  judge, 
■ho  aicl  him  to  obtain  a  full  knowledge  of  the  case  and 
y  their  advice  help  him  to  decide  ju.stly. 

There  are  some  other  inferior  ministers  of  the  judge 
1  an  ecclesiastical  court,  whose  names  it  will  be 
efficient  to  mention,  e.  g.  the  apparitore^'s,  tahclliones, 
ursores  (sheriffs,  reporters,  messengers),  etc.,  accord- 
ig  to  the  different  customs  of  the  courts. 

Fixnd  Promoter. — /Vfter  ha%'ing  spoken  of  the 
idgcs  and  of  those  who  assist  them  in  the  adminis- 
ration  of  ju.sticc  in  the  different  courts,  it  is  necessary 
3  say  a  few  words  on  the  fiscal  promoter  (promotor 
sculis),  since  he  plays  an  important  part,  especially 
1  criminal  cases.  Although  not  on  the  side  of  the 
jdge,  as,  by  public  authority,  he  rather  takes  the 
lace  of  accuser  or  public  prosecutor,  still  he  con- 
ributes  greatly  to  tlie  end  for  which  the  courts 
rere  established.  The  fiscal  promoter  (fisciis,  public 
reasury) — though  perhaps,  if  we  attend  to  the  most 
nportant  part  of  his  office,  a  better  title  would  be 
promoter  of  justice" — is  a  person  who,  constituted 
y  ecclcsi.istic.ll  authority,  exercises  in  the  ecclesias- 
ical  courts  and  in  his  own  name  the  office  of  a  public 
rosecutor,  especially  in  criminal  cases  (Instr.  S.  C. 
Ipi.sc.  ct  Keg.,  I  I  ,Ian.,  1880,  art.  1.3).  If  we  wish  to 
jclude  in  the  definition  all  that  is  comprehended  in 
is  office,  he  niis;ht  be  defined  as  a  public  person 
jgitimately  appointed  to  defend  the  rights  of  his 
hurch,  es|iecially  in  court.  Paries,  in  his  article 
he  iirocureur  fi.scal  ou  promoteur"  (Re\^le  des 
ciences  ecclfeia.'tiqucs,  April,  1897),  rightly  says  that 
he  whole  office  of  (he  fiscal  promoter  may  be  summed 
ip  in  three  points:  solicitude  for  the  observance  of 
lis<>ipline,  particularly  among  the  clergy;  attendance 
,t  (he  processes  of  beatification  and  canonization  in 
piscopal  courts;  and  defence  of  the  validity  of  mar- 


riage and  of  religious  profession.  All  these  functions, 
it  is  true,  are  not  always  carried  out  by  one  and  the 
same  person;  they  are  all,  however,  included  in  the 
full  idea  of  the  promotor  fiscal i>:.  for  it  is  this  ofticial's 
duty  to  defend  the  rights  of  (he  Church,  the  decency 
of  Divine  service,  the  dignity  of  the  cler^,  the  holi- 
ness of  matrimony,  and  perseverance  m  the  per- 
fect state  of  life. 

It  is  imnecessary  here  to  say  more  about  the 
plaintiff  and  the  defendant  in  ecclesiastical  courts,  or 
about  the  persons  appointed  to  assist  both,  e.  g. 
advocates  and  procurators. 

VI.  The  Competence  of  Ecclesiastical  Judges. 
— As  already  explained,  there  are  different  kinds  of 
judges  and  courts  in  the  ecclesiastical  foriun.  Never- 
theless contending  parties  cannot  choose  their  judge; 
the  trial  must  be  conducted  by  the  proper  judge 
(proprius  judex),  i.  e.  by  one  who  can  exert  his  juris- 
diction against  the  accused:  in  other  words,  he  must 
be  a  competent  judge.  Moreover,  as  the  accused  is 
brought  to  court  against  his  will,  it  is  further  neces- 
sary that  the  judge  have  the  power  to  summon  him 
and  oblige  him  to  appear.  There  are  four  chief  titles 
by  which  an  accused  party  comes  under  the  juris- 
diction of  a  certain  judge:  residence  or  domicile,  con- 
tract, situation  of  object  in  dispute,  place  of  crime 
committed.  It  is  self-evident  that,  if  in  the  civil 
courts  it  was  necessary  for  the  proper  administration 
of  justice  to  place  territorial  limitations  to  the  exer- 
cise of  jurisdiction,  this  same  restriction  was  much 
more  necessary  in  canon  law,  since  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Church  extends  to  the  entire  world.  Otherwise 
great  confusion  would  have  resulted  .and  the  admin- 
istration of  justice  itself  woukl  have  suffered,  since  it 
would  have  been  very  difficult  to  hear  many  cases  if, 
as  is  often  the  case,  the  persons  and  matters  con- 
cerned were  at  a  great  distance  from  the  court.  For 
this  reason  the  famous  principle  of  (he  Rfmian  law: 
"He  who  acts  as  judge  out  of  his  district  can  be  dis- 
obeyed with  impunity"  [extra  territorium  jus  dicenti 
impune  nnn  paretur,  §20,  De  jurisdict.,  D.  (II,  1)], 
adopted  also  by  modern  ci\'il  codes,  was  accepted  in 
canon  law.  This  territorial  character  of  certain  courts 
affects  not  only  persons,  but  also  things  (res)  and 
rights  (jura);  competent  judges,  therefore,  have 
power  not  only  over  persons,  but  also  over  things 
situated  in  their  territory.  In  both  civil  and  criminal 
cases,  therefore,  all  persons  are  subject  to  the  judge 
of  their  place  of  residence  (judex  domicilii).  This 
residential  forum  is  considered  the  most  natural  of  all, 
therefore  the  ordinary  and  general  forum  for  all  cases, 
so  that  a  person  may  be  summoned  to  trial  by  the 
judge  within  whose  jurisdiction  he  resides,  whether 
the  offence  was  committed  within  that  territory  or 
not.  Hence  it  is  acccjited  (hat  the  jurisdiction  of 
such  a  judge  always  concurs  with  the  jurisdiction  of 
any  other  judge  or  any  other  forum. 

A  person  may  also  "acquire"  forum,  i.  e.  become 
subject  to  trial  in  any  place  by  reason  of  a  crime 
committed  there;  in  other  words,  his  own  act  brings 
him  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  judge  of  a  given  place 
who  can  punish  him,  and  of  whom  he  would  otherwise 
be  independent.  It  is  easy  to  see  the  reasonableness 
of  this;  for  it  is  just  that  where  a  prTson  has  given 
scandal  by  his  bad  conduct  he  should  there  make 
amends  for  it  by  accepting  the  tleserved  jiunishment. 
Again  it  is  much  easier  to  establish  the  fact  and 
inquire  into  the  authorship  of  a  crime  in  the  very 
]ilace  where  it  has  been  committed.  Thus  a  person 
who  makes  a  contract  in  a  certain  place  thereby 
acquires  right  of  forvim  in  the  same  place,  though  not 
one  of  its  citizens  nor  in  anysen.se  a  resident,  provided, 
of  course,  he  be  present  in  that  locality  (c.  1,  §  3,  De 
foro  competenti,  II,  2,  in  6°),  it  being  much  easier  to 
adjudicate  disputes  about  a  contract  in  the  place 
where  i(  was  entered  into.  Fin.ally  the  possessor  of 
a  chattel  (res)  may  be  summoned  before  the  judge  of 


COURTS 


452 


COURTS 


the  territory  where  the  object  in  question  is  situated, 
because  it  is  only  natural  that  where  a  chattel  is  in 
question  (actio  realis),  precisely  such  chattel,  and  not 
the  person,  should  be  taken  chiefly  into  consideration; 
thereby,  also,  the  trial  becomes  more  easy  and  rapid. 
In  addition  there  are  other  (extraordinary)  ways  by 
which  a  person  can  obtain  "right  of  forum"  in  a 
certain  place;  it  will  suffice  to  indicate  them  briefly. 
Besides  the  "forum"  that  everybody  is  considered 
to  have  in  the  Roman  Curia,  there  is  also  the  "forum" 
granted  by  reason  of  the  prorogation  or  suspension  of 
a  case,  to  which  should  be  added  the  prevention 
(quashing  of  indictment)  and  transfer  of  a  case. 

VII.  Ecclesiastical  Procedure. — Two  methods 
of  judicial  procedure  are  recognized  in  canon  law: 
one  ordinaiy,  also  called  full  and  solemn;  the  other 
simple,  extraordinary,  and  summary.  In  the  ordinary 
procedure  all  the  solemnities  prescribed  by  the  law 
are  observed.  These  are  described  in  the  second 
book  of  the  "Decretals"  of  Gregory  IX,  devoted 
entirely  to  the  conduct  of  ecclesiastical  courts. 
They  may  be  summarized  as  follows: — The  party 
intending  to  bring  suit  must  first  send  to  the  judge 
a  written  petition  manifesting  his  intention,  and 
setting  forth  liis  claim.  If  the  judge  thinks  the 
claim  reasonable  and  therefore  worthy  of  a  hearing, 
he  issues  a  summons  (citatio)  calUng  the  accused 
before  his  court.  In  modern  civil  codes  a  private 
citizen  can  oblige  his  fellow-citizen  to  present  himself 
before  the  judge  for  the  examination  of  a  case. 
Though  found  in  the  Roman  law  of  tlie  Twelve 
Tables,  the  canon  law  does  not  recognize  in  the 
private  indi^•idual  any  such  right,  and  holds  to 
the  later  procedure  of  Roman  law,  that  dates  from 
Ulpian  and  Paulus,  and  was  afterwards  confirmed 
by  the  laws  of  Justinian.  According  to  tliis  pro- 
cedure, the  summoning  of  the  accused  imphes  power 
of  jurisdiction,  and  must  therefore  proceed  from 
the  judge  himself.  Generally  an  ecclesiastical  judge 
ought  not  to  be  satisfied  with  one  summons;  it  shoiUd 
be  repeated  three  times  before  the  accused  can  be 
considered  contumacious.  However,  if  in  the  sum- 
mons itself  it  be  clearly  stated  that  it  must  be  con- 
sidered as  final,  a  repetition  of  the  summons  is  not 
necessarj'.  The  defendant,  being  summoned,  must 
appear  before  the  judge,  and,  unless  the  case  be  a 
criminal  one,  instituted  to  bring  about  the  legal 
punishment  of  the  guilty  party,  or  one  of  certain 
other  exceptional  cases,  he  may,  after  hearing  the 
cause  of  the  simimons,  immediately  enter  a  counter- 
plea  against  the  plaintiff  before  the  same  judge. 

When  the  defendant  is  summoned,  whether  it  be 
his  wish  to  enter  a  counter-plea  or  not,  he  must 
appear  along  -nnth  the  plaintiff  before  the  judge, 
and  within  the  time  fixed  by  tlie  latter.  When  they 
have  come  before  the  judge,  the  plaintiff  states 
clearly  and  precisely  what  he  demands  of  the  de- 
fendant, and  the  defendant  on  his  part  either  admits 
the  justice  of  the  plaintiff's  demand,  in  which  case 
he  must  make  complete  satisfaction,  or  he  denies 
it  (at  least  in  part),  and  makes  known  his  wish  to 
contest  the  matter  judicially;  we  then  have  a  con- 
tested case  {lis  cnntestata).  Such  a  contestation 
accomplishes  two  things:  first,  it  fixes_  precisely  the 
object  of  the  trial,  and,  second,  the  parties  bind  them- 
selves by  a  quasi-contract  to  prosecute  the  trial, 
and  agree  from  that  moment  to  accept  all  tlie  obliga- 
tions imposed  by  the  sentence,  including  the  obliga- 
tion of  the  condemned  party  to  make  payment: 
in  a  word,  they  agree  to  abide  by  the  legitimate  find- 
ing of  the  court.  Tlien  follows  the  "  oath  of  calunmy" 
{juramentum  cahimnia-),  i.  e.  if  demanded  by  either 
party.  This  oath  covers  the  entire  case,  and  can 
therefore  lie  taken  but  once  in  the  course  of  the  same 
trial.  Its  object  is  the  credibility  which  both  plain- 
tiff and  defendant  arc  anxious  to  maintain,  convinced 
as  each  is  that  he  has  a  just  case.      By  this  oath 


each  party  affirms  that  he  will  continue  the  trial 
solely  for  the  purpose  of  htigation,  and  not  of 
calumny;  he  promises,  moreover,  to  observe  good 
faith  throughout  the  proceedings.  To  this  oath  is 
added  another,  namely,  to  tell  the  truth,  and  also 
an  oath  of  malice  or  fraud  (juramentum  malitia). 
This  latter  would  not  be  called  for  ^\ith  reference  to 
the  entire  case,  but  only  to  some  part  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, if  ever  a  presumption  arose  against  one 
of  the  litigants  as  acting  from  malice  or  fraud.  In 
modern  canonical  procedure  the  "oath  of  calumny" 
is  no  longer  called  for.  At  this  stage,  the  judge  fixes 
a  period  within  which  the  parties  must  set  forth 
their  arguments  in  defence  of  their  rights;  this  period 
can  easily  be  extended  by  the  judge  at  the  request 
of  one  of  the  parties,  should  he  declare  that  he  has 
not  yet  been  able  to  produce  all  liis  e%ddence.  There- 
upon the  case  is  argued,  and  tlie  judge  must  weigh 
all  the  evidence  brought  forward  by  the  contestants, 
whether  this  evidence  be  written  or  oral.  If  after 
this  the  parties,  on  being  questioned,  answer  that 
they  have  no  further  arguments  to  make,  the  judge 
declares  that  the  time  for  producing  e\'idenee  is 
closed.  The  aforesaid  judicial  interrogatory  and 
declaration  are  kno%\Ti  as  the  conclusio  in  causd, 
or  the  last  act  of  the  judicial  hearing  of  the  case, 
and  with  it  expires  the  time  allowed  for  submission 
of  evidence. 

To   this  period   of    argumentation    succeeds   the 
interval  during  which  the  judge  studies  and  weiglis 
the    arguments    advanced.     During    this    time    the 
judge  ni.ay  ask  the  parties  to  supply  declarations  | 
and  explanations  of  their  evidence.     If,  in  spite  of  I 
this,  tlie  judge  is  unable  to  form  a  morally  certain  , 
judgment  as  to  the  rights  of  the  plaintiff  or  of  the  i 
defendant,   he  must   request   that   the   proceedings  | 
be  supplemented  by  further  proofs;  if,  notwithstand-  I 
ing,  the  case  is  still  doubtful,  he  must  decide  that  the 
plaintiff'  has  not  estabhshed  his  claim.     If,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  judge  can  arrive  at  a  decision  from 
the   proceedings   and   from   the   evidence   adduced, 
he  must  legally  acquit  or  condemn  the  defendant 
by  a  definitive  sentence,   tliis  being  precisely  the 
legal  decision  of  the  judge  concerning  the  case  pro- 
posed   by   the   litigants.     What  has  been  said  thus 
far  holds  good   for   a    solemn    ecclesiastical    trial. 
In   a   summary   trial,   as    already  stated,  some  of 
these  solemnities  may  be  omitted.     To  begin  with, 
the  fonnal  'sratten  petition  may  be  omitted.     The 
plaintiff  may  present   his  petition  orally,  and   tlie 
chancellor  of  the  court  makes  record  of  it  in  the  acts 
of  the  proceedings.     Nor  are  tlu-ee  judicial  simmions 
required;  one  suffices,  even  though  it  be  not  expressly 
stated  that  it  must  be  considered  peremptory  and 
final.     The  solemn  declaration  of  mutual   purpose- 
to   pursue   the   case   to   a   legal  ending  is   likewise 
omitted,  being  implicitly  contained  in  the  articles 
on  which  the  mutual  argumentation  of  the  case  is 
based.     The  proceedings  may  continue  e\"en  on  days 
when  the  court   would   not  otherwise  sit   (tempon   k\ 
jeriato).     As  far  as  possible,  aU  postjX)nemcnts  (dila-    ^^ 
Clones)  are  avoided.     The  fonnal  declaration  of  thf 
judge  that  the  hearing  is  closed  is  not  necessary,  anc 
sentence  may  be  pronounced  without  the  usual  solomr 
fonnahties;  it  must,  however,  be  written,  and  the 
parties  must  have  previously  been  cited  by  at  leas! 
one  summons. 

Those  things,  Iwwever,  which  are  demanded  ii 
all  trials  by  the  natural  law  or  the  common  usagi 
of  nations  must  not  be  omitted  in  tliis  summar 
trial.  The  ]>roinisc  under  oath  to  speak  the  trutl 
Ls  never  dispcMiscd  with.  Each  litigant  may  preser 
a  full  arguiiu'iilation  {jmxiJionrs  ft  arlicnli)  of  hi 
case,  and  Mi:iy  pniduce  liis  evidence.  Finally,  th 
judicial  interrogatory  of  the  two  parties  c.innot  b 
omit  tod,  whether  it  takes  place  at  the  request  of  th 
litigants,  or  because  the  judge  eonsiilere  it  liis  dut; 


kn, 


COUSIN 


4.53 


COUSSEMAKER 


5uminary  proceedings  are  commonly  entered  upon 
or  one  of  two  reasons:  eitlier  because  the  cases  are 
)f  sucli  a  nature  as  to  demand  prompt  settlement 
alimony  or  necessarj'  support,  marriage  cases,  and 
nany  oases  of  ecclesiastics,  e.  g.  elections,  offices 
md  benefices);  or  because  the  cases  are  of  minor 
mportance,  slight  and  easily  remediable  injuries, 
loniparable  to  civil  lawsuits  for  trifling  debts.  In 
ill  such  cases  the  judge  is  allowed  to  base  his  sen- 
ence  on  evidence  somewhat  less  conclusive  than 
vould  be  called  for  in  cases  of  greater  importance 
ncmiplrrta  probalio).  Summary  procedure  is  now 
requently  employed  in  criminal  cases  of  clerics; 
he  canon  law,  however,  by  an  instruction  of  the 
Congregation   of   Bishops   and   Regulars    (11    June, 

SSiO).  restricts  its  use  to  countries  whose  bishops 
lave  fonnally  obtained  the  right  to  proceed  accord- 
ng  to  said  instruction,  originally  granted  to  the 
iishn]is  of  France.  In  1SS3  the  Congregation  of 
Propaganda  extended  its  use  to  the  bishops  of  the 
Jnited  States  of  America.  (See  also  the  decrees 
if  the  First  Plenary  Council  of  South  America, 
irt.  96.5-991.) 

It  may  be  asked,  finally,  what  influence  has  the 
Ionian  law  exercised  on  the  canonical  procedure 
loscribcd  above?  It  is  certain,  on  the  one  hand 
Fessler,  op.  cit.),  that  the  judicial  procedure  of  the 
anon  law  was  already  qviite  elaliorate  in  form  when, 
arly  in  the  sixth  centurj-,  the  Emperor  Justinian 
mblished  liis  "Institutes",  "Digest",  and  "Code". 
)n  tlic  other  hand,  it  is  very  evident  that  Roman 
aw,  and  particularly  that  of  Justinian,  has  exercised 
,  verj-  great  influence  upon  canon  law;  it  is  universally 
.dmitted  as  one  of  the  subsidiary  sources  {fontes) 
if  canon  law,  especially  in  court  procedure.  The 
anon  law,  however,  has  wisely  perfected  certain 
nactments  of  the  Roman  law.  Thus,  the  right 
if  provisional  possession,  instilxdum  possessorium 
n  the  Roman  law,  was  amplified  and  highly 
;e\'eloped  by  canon  law,  which  gave  additional 
;gal  protection  in  the  case  of  actual  possession 
btained  by  injunction  (interdictum)  of  the  magis- 
rate.  The  possessory  interdict  {wide  in),  it  is  well 
iio«Ti,  was  granted  by  Roman  law  for  immovable 
bjcrts  only;  the  canon  law  extended  it  to  movable 
bjcets,  and  even  to  abstract  rights  {jura  incor- 
<nrfilin).     Jloreover,  whereas   by  Roman   law  only 

strictly  legal  suit  (actio  spolii)  was  open  to  a  person 
pspciilcd  of  his  goods,  the  canon  law  allowed  him  an 
(Iditicinal  plea  in  equity  {exrcplio  Kpolii).  In  addi- 
ion,  in  the  Roman  law,  a  suit  lay  only  against  the 
espoilcr  {xpoliantfm)  or  the  one  who  ordered  or 
pproved  tlie  act  {spolium  mandaritem,  ratiha- 
entem),  whereas  the  canon  law  permitted  the  enter- 
ig  of  suit  against  any  tliird  person  found  in  pos- 
ession  of  the  plaintiff's  goods,  whether  such  detention 
re  re  in  good  faith  or  not. 

Pkriks,  La  procedure  can,  mod.  dans  les  causes  discip.  et 
Hm.  (F.iris.  1898);  Bouix.  De  judiciis  eccl.  (Paris,  1855); 
EoLlTOR,  Ueber  canon.  Gerichtsverf .  gcgen  Kleriker  (1856); 
ECN'fniKN.  Canon.  Gerichtsvcrf .  {2d  ed..  Cologne,  1874); 
OURNIER,  Les  officialiUs  an  moyen  fifje  (Paris.  1850);  Fessler, 
ler  canon.  Proceas  nach  scincn  positivcn  Grundl.  und  seiner  alt. 
ist.  Entwick.  in  der  vorjustininnischen  Periode  (Vienna,  1860); 
tERANTONELLi,  Praxis  fori  ccd.  (Rome,  1883);  Lega,  De 
idiciis  rrrJ.  (2d  ed..  Rome,  1905);  Keller,  Der  rim.  Zivil- 
rozr:^^  (Leipzie.  1855);  Endemann,  Das  Zivitprozessverf.  ruich 
mon.  Lchre  (Berlin,  1890). 

Be.vedetto  Ojetti, 

Cousin,  Jean,  a  French  paint<?r,  sculptor,  etcher, 
ngr.ivir,  and  geometrician,  b.  at  Soucy,  near  Sens, 
500:  (1.  at  Sens  before  l.j!l3,  jirobably  in  1.5'.)(). 
onsiii  began  his  long  art-life  in  his  native  town  with 
be  study  of  gla.ss-painting  under  Hjanpe  ami  (ira-ssot. 
it  thp  same  time  he  was  diligently  ajiplying  himself 
0  this  branch  of  art.  wherein  he  was  to  become  a 
ia.ster.  the  young  man  became  a  great  student  of 
lathcinatics  and  published  a  successful  book  on  the 


subject.  He  also  wrote  on  geometry  in  his  student- 
days.  In  1530  Cousin  finished  the  beautiful  windows 
for  the  Sens  cathedral,  the  subject  chosen  being  the 
"Legend  of  St.  Eutropius ".  He  had  also  painted  the 
windows  of  many  of  the  noble  chateaux  in  and 
around  the  city.  The  latest  date  on  any  of  his  Sens 
work,  15.30,  points  to  this  as  the  year  he  went  to  Paris, 
where  he  began  work  as  a  goldsmith;  but  the  amount 
and  kind  of  his  productions  in  the  precious  metals  are 
alike  unknown. 

In  Paris  Cousin  continued  his  eminent  career  as  a 
glass-painter,  and  his  masterpiece,  the  windows  of  the 
Sainte-Chapelle  in  Vincennes,  are  considered  the 
finest  examples  of  glass-painting  in  all  France.  He 
subsequently  devoted  himself  to  painting  in  oil,  and 
is  said  to  be  the  first  Frenchman  to  use  the  "new 
medivmi".  For  this  and  other  reasons  Cousin  has 
been  called  "The  Founder  of  the  French  School ";  but 
his  work  in  oil,  while  graceful,  refined,  reserved,  and 
even  cla.ssically  severe,  is  more  that  of  an  Italian 
"Eclectic"  than  of  a  "founder  of  a  national  school". 
Pictures  attributed  to  him,  all  of  much  merit,  are 
found  in  several  of  the  large  European  collections,  but, 
excepting  "The  Last  Judgment",  none  is  known  to  be 
authentic.  "The  Last  Judgment"  is  fine  in  compo- 
sition, noble  in  conception,  and  beautifiJ  and  har- 
monious in  colour,  strongly  suggesting  Correggio. 
For  a  long  time  this  masterpiece,  wliich  won  him  the 
name  of  the  "French  Michelangelo",  lay  neglected  in 
the  sacristy  of  the  church  of  the  Minims,  Vincennes, 
until  it  was  rescued  by  a  priest  and  became  one  of  the 
important  works  in  the  Louvre.  It  is  also  celebrated 
for  being  the  first  French  pictiu-e  to  be  engraved. 

In  the  sixteenth  centurj'  Cousin's  renown  came 
from  his  historical  and  glass-paintings;  to-day  he  is 
best  known  as  an  illustrator  of  books.  He  made 
many  fine  designs  for  woodcuts  antl  often  executed 
them  himself.  The  "Bible",  published  in  1596  by 
Le  Clerc,  and  the  "Metamorphoses"  and  "Epistles 
of  Ovid  (1566  and  1571  respectively)  contain  his  most 
celebrated  work  as  an  illustrator.  Cousin  etched  and 
engraved  many  plates  after  the  manner  of  Mazzuola 
of  Parma,  to  whom  the  invention  of  etching  has  been 
ascribed;  but  he  excels  all  his  contemporaries  in 
facility  of  execution  and  classical  breadth  and  sim- 
plicity of  idea  and  feeling.  His  etched  work 
approaches  in  excellence  the  oil-paintings  of  the  great 
masters.  Cousin's  sculptures  are  full  of  strength  and 
dignity.  The  mausoleum  of  Admiral  Philii)pe  de 
Chabot  is  the  best  piece  of  French  sculpture  of  the 
sixteenth  century;  the  strikingly  beautiful  tomb  of 
Louis  de  Breze  (Rouen)  is  another  celebrated  achieve- 
ment. In  addition  to  Ms  early  writings  on  mathe- 
matics, he  published,  in  1560,  a  learned  treatise  on 
perspective,  and,  in  1571,  an  excellent  work  on 
portrait-painting.  During  his  life  Cousin  success- 
fully pursued  every  branch  of  the  fine  arts,  and 
enjoyed  the  favour  of,  and  worked  for  four  kings  of 
France:  Henry  II,  Francis  II,  Charles  IX,  and 
Henry  III.  Among  liis  paintings,  in  a<ldition  to  the 
"Last  Judgment",  mention  .should  be  made  of  the 
miniatures  in  the  prayer  book  of  Henry  II  now  in  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale;  among  liLs  etchings  and 
engravings,  the  "Annunciation"  and  the  "Conversion 
of  St,  Paul";  among  his  woodcuts,  the  "Entree  de 
Henry  II  ct  Catherine  de  Medicis  k  Rouen"  (1551). 

FiRMlN-DiDoT,  Elude  sur  Jean  Cousin  (Paris.  1872);  PATTt- 
80N,  The  World's  Painters  since  Leonardo  (New  York,  1906). 
Leigh  Hunt. 

Coussemaker,  Cinnr.E.s-EDMoND-HENRiDE,  French 
historian  uf  music,  b.  at  Bailleul,  department  of 
Nord,  France,  19  .\pril,  1805;  d.  at  Lille,  10  January, 
1870.  Cou.ssemaker  rendered  great  .service  to  musi- 
cal science  by  bringing  to  the  notice  of  students 
the  early  devdopment  ami  history  of  hannony  and 
counterpoint,  a.s  shown  by  the  treatment  of  these  divi- 
sions of  music  in  that  section  of  the  "Musica  Enchi- 


COUSTANT 


454 


COUSTANT 


riadis"  in  which  diaphony  is  treated.  Tliis  he  did  in  a 
work  on  Hucbald,  who  lived  from  about  840  to  930,  was 
a  monk  of  the  monastery  of  Saint-Ainand,  and  wrote 
the  "Enchiriadis  "  as  well  as  other  works  on  music. 
While  pursuing  his  law  studies  in  Paris,  Cousse- 
maker  studied  singing  under  Pellegrini  and  Payer  and 
harmony  under  Reicha.  Even  after  entering  upon 
his  career  as  a  lawyer  at  Douai,  he  took  a  course  in 
counterpoint  under  Victor  LefebvTe.  His  early  ambi- 
tion to  become  a  composer,  especially  of  church  music, 
did  not  produce  permanent  results,  as  most  of  his  pro- 
ductions in  that  field  remain  in  manuscript.  While 
acting  as  judge  at  Bergues,  Hazebrouck,  Cambrai, 
Dunkerque,  and  Lille  successively,  he  piu'sued  studies 
and  made  researches  which  resulted  in  works  of  the 
highest  historical  importance  and  of  permanent  value. 
His  writings  have  had  an  important  part  in  the  revival 
of  true  church  music  that  began  some  sLxty  years  ago, 
and  in  the  restoration,  which  has  not  yet  reached  its 
culmination,  of  the  chant.  The  pioneer  natiu-e  of 
Cousseraaker's  labours  in  many  fields  explains  and 
condones  to  some  extent  the  fact  that  he  was  not 
always  correct  in  his  deductions.  Thus  his  assertion 
(Histoire  de  I'harmonie,  c.  ii,  pp.  158-159)  that  the 
neums  "have  their  origin  in  the  accents  of  the  Latin 
language",  an  assumption  which  became  the  basis  for 
the  so-called  oratorical  rhythm  in  plain  chant,  was  dis- 
proved long  ago  by  the  mensuralist  school  of  chant 
rhythm  and,  more  recently,  by  the  Rev.  J.  Thibaut  in 
his  work  "  Origine  byzantine  de  la  notation  neu- 
matique  de  I'^glise  latine"  (Paris,  1907).  Cousse- 
maker's  most  noted  musico-historical  works  are: 
"M6raoires  sur  Hucbald"  (1841);  "Histoire  de  I'har- 
monie au  moyen  age"  (1852);  "  Les  harmonistes  des 
XIP  et  XIIP  siecles"  (1864) ;  "(Euvres  completes  du 
trouvcre  Adam  de  la  Halle"  (1872);  "Joannis  Tinc- 
toris  Tractatus  de  Musica",  and  his  collection  in  four 
volumes,  intended  to  be  a  continuation  of  Gerbert's 
"Scriptorcs",  of  writings  by  medieval  authors  enti- 
tled: "Scriptorum  de  musica  medii  a'vi  nova  series  a 
Gerbertino  altera"  (186G-76).  Besides  these,  CoiLsse- 
maker  published  numerous  essays  and  magazine 
articles  on  historical,  technical,  and  aesthetic  ques- 
tions in  regard  to  music. 

Waaldridge,  The  Oxford  History  of  Mtisic  (Oxford,  1901- 
1905);  RiEMANN,  Handbuch  der  Musikgcschichle  (Leipzig, 
1905X 

Joseph  Ottbn. 

Coustant,  Pierre,  a  learned  Benedictine  of  the 
Congregation  of  Saint^Maur,  b.  at  Compiegne,  France, 
30  April,  1654;  d.  at  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Germain-des- 
Pr6s  near  Paris,  18  October,  1721.  After  receiving 
his  classical  education  in  the  Jesuit  College  at  Com- 
piegne, he  entered  the  Benedictine  monastery  of 
Saint-R^mi  at  Reims  as  novice  at  the  age  of  seven- 
teen, and  took  vows  on  12  August,  1672.  He  made 
his  philosophical  and  theological  studies  partly  at 
Saint- Remi,  partly  at  the  monastery  of  Saint-Medard 
in  Soissons  whither  he  was  sent  to  study  philosophy 
under  Francois  Lamy.  In  1G81  his  superiors  sent 
him  to  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Germain-des-Pr&  to  assist 
his  confrere  Thomas  Blampin  in  editing  the  works  of 
St.  Augustine.  Constant's  chief  contribution  to  this 
publication,  which  still  remains  the  best  edition  of  St. 
Augustine's  works,  consisted  in  the  separating  of  the 
spurious  from  the  genuine  WTitings.  He  also  aided 
his  f(-llow  Benedictines  Pldmond  Marti^ne  and  Robert 
Morel  in  making  the  indexes  for  the  fourth  volume 
containing  the  conunentaries  on  the  Psalms.  In  an 
appendix  to  the  fiftli  volume  he  collected  all  the  spuri- 
ous homilies  and  traenl  tlicm  Id  their  true  sources. 

The  learning  and  acumen  wliicli  ('ci\islaiit  displayed 
in  his  share  ofllic  edition  of  St.  Augustine's  worksdid 
not  remain  unnoticed  by  the  Abbot  Cieiieral  of  the 
Maurist  Congregation.  When  Mabillon  suggested  a 
new  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Hilary  of  Poitiers,  it 
was  Coustant  whom  the  abbot  general  selected  for 


this  difficult  undertaking.  There  was  before  this  time 
practically  only  one  edition  of  this  great  Gallic  Doctor 
of  the  Church,  namely  the  defective  and  uncritical 
one  published  by  Erasmus  (Basle,  1523).  The  subse- 
quent editions  of  Mira?us  (Paris,  1544),  Lipsius  (Basle, 
1550),  Gryna'us  (Basle,  1570),  Gillotius  (Paris,  1572), 
and  the  one  issued  by  the  Paris  Typographical  Soci- 
ety in  1605  were  little  more  than  reprints  of  the  Eras- 
mian  text.  After  making  himself  thoroughly  con- 
versant with  St.  Hilary's  terminology  and  train  of 
thought,  Coustant  compared  munerous  manuscripts 
with  a  view  to  restoring  the  original  text.  In  an  ex- 
tensive general  preface  he  proved  the  Catholicity  of 
Hilary's  doctrine  concerning  the  birth  of  Christ  from 
the  Virgin  Mary,  the  Holy  Eucharist,  Grace,  the  Last 
Judgment,  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  other  Catholic  dog- 
mas. The  preface  is  followed  liy  two  biographical 
sketches  of  the  saint,  tin-  fdninr  of  which  was  com- 
posed by  Coustant  him  ^'11  I'll  Ml  I  ihf  writings  of  Hilary, 
while  the  latter  is  a  njiroiliici  ji.ii  of  the  life  WTitten 
by  Fortunatus  of  Poitiers.  Each  treatise  is  preceded 
by  a  special  preface  stating  its  occasion  and  purpose, 
and  the  time  when  it  was  written.  Difficult  and  ob- 
scure passages  are  explained  in  foot-notes.  This  edi- 
tion of  St.  HUary  is  a  model  work  of  its  kind  and  ranks 
as  one  of  the  most  esteemed  literary  productions  of  the 
Maurist  Congregation.  It  was  published  in  one  folio 
volimie  at  Paris  in  1693  and  bears  the  title:  "Sancti 
Hilarii  Pictavorum  episcopi  opera  ad  manuscriptos 
codices  gallicanos,  romanos,  belgicos,  noc  non  ad 
veteres  editiones  castigata,  aliquot  aucta  opusculis", 
etc.  The  work  was  republished  with  a  few  additions 
by  Scipio  Maffei  (Verona,  1730)  and  by  Migne,  P.  L., 
IX  and  X. 

Constant's  love  for  study  did  not  prevent  him  from 
being  an  exemplary  monk.  Though  often  over- 
whelmed with  work,  he  was  pimctual  in  attending  the 
common  religious  exercises  and  found  time  for  private 
works  of  piety.  ^-Vfter  comiileting  the  edition  of  St. 
Hilary's  works  he  rei) nested  his  superiors  to  release 
him  temporarily  from  literary  labours  and  to  allow 
him  to  devote  more  of  his  time  to  prayer  and  medita- 
tion. The  wish  was  granted,  though  not  as  he  ex- 
pected. He  was  appointed  prior  of  the  monastery  of 
Nogent^sous-Coucy.  After  three  years  he  was,  upon 
his  own  urgent  request,  relieved  from  the  priorate  and 
retiu-ned  to  Saint-Germain-des-Pr^s.  For  some  time 
he  worked  on  the  new  edition  of  the  Maurist  Breviary; 
then  he  assisted  his  confrere  Claude  Guesni^  in  mak- 
ing the  elaborate  general  index  to  the  works  of  St. 
Augustine. 

Immediately  upon  the  publication  of  St.  Augus- 
tine's works  in  1700,  Coustant  was  entrusted  by  his 
superiors  with  the  editing  of  a  complete  collection  of 
the  letters  of  the  popes  from  St.  Clement  I  to  Innocent 
III  (c.  88-1216).  To  understand  the  colossal  labour 
which  such  an  undertaking  entailed,  it  must  be  borne 
in  mind  that  very  little  had  been  done  in  this  direction 
before.  There  were,  indeed,  the  papal  decretals  from 
Clement  I  to  Gregory  MI,  collected  by  Cardinal  An- 
tonio Caraffa  and  [iulilishe<l  by  Antonio  d'Aquino  ir 
159 1,  but  they  were  incomplete  and  their  chronological 
order  was  frequently  incorrect.  There  were  also  th( 
"Annales"  of  Baronius  and  the  "Concilia  antiquf 
Gallia;"  of  the  Jesuit  Jacques  Sirmond,  and  othe 
works  containing  scattered  letters  of  the  popes;  bu' 
no  one  had  ever  atteinpteci  to  make  a  complete  collec 
tion  of  pajial  letters,  much  le.ss  to  .sift  the  .spuriou; 
from  the  authentic,  to  restore  the  original  texts  an( 
to  order  the  letters  chronologically. 

After  devoting  more  than  twenty  years  to  thi 
gigantic  luidertaking,  Constant  was  able  to  publisi 
the  first  volume'  in  1721.  It  contains  the  letters  fron 
the  y<-ar  07  to  the  year  440,  and  is  entitled  "  Episloh 
Romanorum  Pontifieum  et  qu:e  ad  eos  seripta'  stmt 
S.  Clemente  I  u.sque  ad  Innocentiutn  III,  quotquol 
reperiri  potuerunt.  .  .  ."  (Paris,  1721).     In  the 


COUSTOU 


455 


COUTANCES 


tensive  preface  of  150  pages  Coustant  explains  the 
origin,  meaning  and  extent  of  the  papal  primacy  and 
critically  examines  the  existing  collections  of  canons 
and  papal  letters.  The  letters  of  each  pope  are  pre- 
ceded by  a  historical  introduction  and  furnished  with 
copiotis  notes,  while  the  spurious  letters  are  collected 
in  the  appendix.  Coustant  had  gathered  a  large 
anioimt  of  material  for  succeeding  volumes,  but  ho 
dieil  the  same  year  in  which  the  first  volume  was  pub- 
lislieti.  Simon  Mopinot,  who  had  assisted  Coustant 
in  the  preparation  of  the  first  volume,  was  entrusted 
with  the  continuation  of  the  work,  but  he  also  died 
(11  October,  1724)  before  another  volume  was  ready 
for  publication.  About  twi^lve  years  later,  Ursin 
Diirand  imdertook  to  continue  the  work;  in  his  case 
the  Jansenistic  disorders  in  which  he  became  involved 
prevented  the  publication  of  the  material  he  had  pre- 
pared. Finally  the  French  Revolution  and  the  disso- 
lution of  the  JIaurist  Congregation  gave  the  death- 
blow to  the  great  undertaking.  A  new  edition  of 
Coustant's  volume  was  brought  out  by  Schonemann 
(Gottingen,  1790);  a  continuation,  based  chiefly  on 
Coustant's  manuscripts  anil  containing  the  papal  let- 
ters from  461-521,  was  published  by  Thiel  (Brauns- 
berg,  1S67).  There  are  extant  in  the  Bibliotheque 
Rationale  at  Paris  fourteen  large  folio  volimies  con- 
taining the  material  gathered  by  Coustant  and  his 
Benedictine  continuators.  Constant  also  took  part 
in  the  controversy  occasioned  by  Mabillon's  "De  Re 
Diplomatica"  between  the  Jesuit  Germon  and  the 
Muurist  Benedictines.  In  two  able  treatises  he  de- 
fends himself  and  his  confreres  against  Germon  who 
dis|pute<l  the  genuineness  of  some  sources  used  in  the 
15eni'dictine  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Hilary  and  St. 
Augustine. 

Tassin,  Histoire  Hltcraire  de  In  conpn'tjation  de  Saint-Maur 
(Brussels,  1770),  417  sqq.;  Pkz,  liibliolheca  Benediclino- 
Mauriana  (Augsburg,  1716),  345  sqq.;  Le  Cekp,  BMiolhique 
historwue  et  critique  des  autcurs  de  la  congr.  de  Saint-Maur 
(The  Hague.  1726),  62  sqa.;  Mopinot  in  Journal  des  snmntx 
(Paris,  January.  1722);  Herbst  in  Theologisc/w  Quarlalschnft 
(Tubingen,  1833).  438  sqq.;  Sdralek,  ibid.  (1880),  222  sqq.; 
Kerker  in  Kirchenlex..  s.  v.;  Kukula  in  Wiener  Sitzungs- 
berichte  (1890,  1893,  1898);  Vai.enti,  Los  Benedictinos  de  S. 
Maura  (Palma  de  Mallorca,  1S99),  199;  Hurtek,  Xomenclator, 
II,  1103  sqq. 

Michael  Ott. 

Coustou,  XicoLAS,  French  sculptor,  b.  at  Lyons, 
9  January,  1658;  d.  at  Paris,  1  May,  1733.  He  was 
the  son  of  a  wood-carver,  from  whom  he  received  his 
first  instruction  in  art.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he 
went  to  Paris,  and  studied  tmder  the  tutorship  of  his 
uncle,  the  sculptor  Coysevox.  On  the  occasion  of 
Colbert's  last  visit  to  the  Royal  Academy,  Coustou 
received  from  his  hands  the  gold  medal  for  sculpture 
(Colbert  prize),  which  enabled  him  to  go  to  Rome  as 
a  pensioner  from  16S3  to  KiSO.  Here  he  applied  him- 
self especially  to  the  study  of  Michelangelo  and 
Algardi,  hoping  to  unite  in  his  own  work  the  strength 
of  the  one  and  the  grace  of  the  other.  On  his  return 
he  settled  in  Paris,  and  showed  his  independence  Ijy 
declining  to  submit  to  the  decrees  of  tlie  ruling  school 
of  sculpture.  The  design  made  by  him  for  a  public 
monument  being  refused,  he  appealed  directly  to  the 
king,  who  decided  in  his  favour  and  awarded  him  the 
commission.  Nicolas  was  joined  by  his  younger 
brother  Guillaume,  also  a  sculptor,  whom  he  admitted 
to  a  share  in  his  labours,  so  that  it  is  not  always  easy 
to  ascribe  particular  works  definitely  to  one  or  the 
other.  In  1720  Nicolas  was  appointed  rector  of  the 
academy  of  painting  and  sculjjture  and  held  his  post 
until  his  death,  shortly  before  which  he  was  also  made 
chancellor  of  the  academy.  Coysevox  and  the  Cous- 
tous  formed  a  school  in  French  sculpture  and  were 
distinguished  by  grace,  naturalness  and  truth  to  life. 
Many  of  the  works  of  Nicolas  were  destroyed  in  the 
furj-  of  the  Revolution,  but  a  number  still  remain. 
Chief  among  them  are  the  "  Union  of  the  Seine  and 
Mame";  the  "Huntsman  Resting"  (called  in  French 


"Berger  Chasseur");  "Daphne  Pursued  by  Apollo". 
All  of  these  are  now  in  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries; 
further,  the  statues  of  Julius  Cajsar  and  Louis  XV  in 
the  Louvre,  and  the  "  Descent  From  the  Cross"  in  the 
choir  of  Notre-Dame,  Paris,  one  of  his  best  efforts. 
There  are  also  statues  by  C'oustou  at  Versailles  and 
Marly.  A  good  terra-cotta  bust  of  him  by  his  brother 
Guillaume  is  in  the  Louvre. 

LuBKE,  History  of  Sculpture,  tr.  Bunnett  (London.  1878); 
Marquand  and  Frothingham,  History  of  Sculpture  (New 
York,  1886);  Dilke,  French  Architects  and  Sculptors  of  the 
X  VIII  Century  (London,  1900). 

M.  L.  Handley. 

Coutances,  Diocese  of  (Constantiensis),  com- 
prises the  entire  department  of  La  Manche  and  is  a 
suffragan  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Rouen.  It  was 
enlarged  in  1802  by  the  addition  of  the  former 
Diocese  of  A\Tanches  and  of  two  archdeaconries  from 
the  Diocese  of  Bayeux;  since  1854  its  bishops  have 
held  the  title  of  Bishop  of  Coutances  and  .\vranches. 


Diocese  of  Coutances. — The  catalogue  of  the 
bishops  of  Coutances,  as  it  w^as  made  out  about  the 
end  of  the  eleventh  century,  gives  as  the  first  bishops 
St.  Ereptiolus  and  St.  Exuperatus  (fourth  century). 
Leontianus,  the  first  bishop  historically  known, 
attended  the  Council  of  Orleans  in  511.  Coutances 
counted  among  its  prelates  Saint  L6  (Lauto),  promi- 
nent in  the  great  councils  of  the  middle  of  the  si.xth 
century;  St.  Rumpharius,  apostle  of  Barfleur  (d. 
about  586);  St.  Fremond  (Frodomundus),  who, 
assisted  by  Thierry  III,  founded  a  monastery  and  a 
church  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  in  079  at  Ham, 
near  Valognes;  Blessed  Geoffroy  de  Montbray  (1049- 
109.3),  friend  of  William  the  Con(|ueror,  whose 
episcopate  was  signalized  by  the  buikling  of  the 
catheclral  of  Coutances,  to  which  purpose  he  devoted 
large  sums  of  money  that  he  had  gathered  in  Apulia, 
and  also  by  the  founding  of  the  Benedictine  Abbeys 
of  Lessay,  Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte,  and  Montebourg, 
and  of  the  canonries  of  Cherbourg;  Hugues  de 
Morville  (1202-1238),  organizer  of  charities  in  the 
diocese  and  founder  in  1209  of  the  celebrated  Hotel- 
Dieu  of  Coutances;  Philibert  de  Mont  jevi  ( 1 424-1 439), 
who  presided  over  the  deputation  of  theologians  sent 
by  the  Council  of  Basle  to  the  Bohemians  and  Mora- 
vians in  order  to  reconcile  them  to  the  Church,  and 
Giuliano  della  Rovere  (147(>-1478),  afterwards  pojje 
under  the  name  of  ,Iulius  II.  The  account  book  of 
Thonuis  Marest,  cure  of  Saint^Nicoias  of  Coutances 
(1397-1433),  is  very  interesting  for  the  history  of 
social  life  during  the  Hundred  Years'  War.  The 
Huguenots  took  possession  of  the  city  in  1562,  but 
were  banished  in  1575.  Through  the  efforts  of  the 
Venerable  P(>re  F.udes  the  cathedral  of  Coutances 
was  the  first  church  in  the  world  to  have  aa  altar 
dedicated  to  the  Sacred  Heart. 


COUTURIER 


456 


COUTURIER 


Diocese  of  Avhanches. — Nepos,  the  first  bishop 
known  to  history,  assisted  at  the  Council  of  Orleans 
in  511.  Among  its  bishops  Avranches  included: 
St.  Pair,  or  Paternus  (d.  565),  a  great  founder  of 
monasteries,  notably  that  of  Sessiacuni,  near  Gran- 
ville, which  took  the  name  of  Saint-Pair;  St.  Leodo- 
valdus  (second  half  of  sixth  century) ;  St.  Ragert- 
rannus.  Abbot  of  Jumieges  (about  682) :  St.  Aubert, 
who  in  708  founded  the  Abbey  of  Mont  Saint-Michel; 
Robert  Ceneau  (1533-1560),  author  of  numerous 
works  against  the  Cah-inists;  and  Pierre- Daniel  Huet 
(1689-1699),  a  celebrated  savant  who  assisted 
Bossuet  in  educating  the  son  of  Louis  XIV  and 
directed  the  publication  of  tlie  Delphin  edition  of  the 
classics.  Between  875  and  990,  in  the  troubled 
period  caused  by  the  victories  of  the  Bretons  and  the 
incursions  of  the  Normans,  the  archbishops  of  Rouen 
were  titulars  of  the  See  of  Avranches.  In  the 
Middle  Ages  the  bishops  of  A\Tanches  were  at  the 
same  time  barons  of  Avranches,  barons  of  Saint- 
Philbert-sur-Rilles,  and  proprietors  of  numerous 
domains  in  England  and  Jersey.  The  school  of 
Avranches,  in  which  Lanfranc  taught  and  Anselm 
studied,  was  famous  in  the  eleventh  century.  The 
cathedral  where,  in  September,  1171,  Henry  II  of 
England  swore  Ijefore  the  legates  of  Alexander  III 
that  he  was  entirely  innocent  of  the  murder  of  St. 
Thomas  Becket  was  a  beautiful  monument  of  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  It  collapsed  during 
the  Revolution.     (See  Mont  Saint-Michel.) 

The  Diocese  of  Coutances  and  Avranches  honours 
in  a  special  way  St.  Pientia  (Pience),  put  to  death 
in  the  third  century  for  having  facilitated  the  burial 
of  St.  Nicasius,  the  apostle  of  Vexin,  and  conspicuously 
honoured  in  the  liturgy  of  Avranches;  St.  Floxel, 
born  in  the  district  of  Cotentin,  and  martyred  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fourth  century;  St.  Scubiho,  com- 
panion of  the  bishop  St.  Pair,  and  founder  of  the 
monastery  of  Mandane  on  Mont  Tombe  (subse- 
quently Mont  Saint-Michel);  Sts.  S6nier,  Gaud,  and 
Fragaise, monks  of  Sessiacum;  St.  Germanus  of  Scot- 
land, who,  in  the  fifth  centuiy,  evangehzed  the 
Saxon  colonies  of  the  district  of  Bessin;  St.  Severus, 
the  shepherd  (sixth  century),  who  was  perhaps  Bishop 
of  Avranches;  the  monk  St.  Marcouf  (sixth  century), 
founder  of  an  abbey  called  after  him,  and  whose 
name  is  borne  by  an  island  to  which  he  retired 
each  Lent  for  extraordinary  mortification;  St.  Helier, 
disciple  of  St.  Marcouf,  beheaded  in  a  grotto  at 
Jersey;  St.  Ortaire,  Abbot  of  Landelles  (end  of  sixth 
century);  St.  Paternus  of  Coutances, monk  at  Sessiac- 
um, then  at  Sens,  and  finally  assassinated  (eighth  cen- 
tury); St.  Leo  of  Carentan,  bom  about  810,  a  proteg^ 
of  Louis  the  Debonair  and  martyred  at  Bayonne; 
the  English  hermit  St.  Clair  (ninth  century);  St. 
Guillaume  Firmat  (eleventh  centuiy),  hermit,  pil- 
grim to  the  Orient,  and  patron  of  the  collegiate  church 
of  Mortain;  Blessed  Thomas  Helie  of  Biville,  chaplain 
to  St.  Louis  (thirteenth  century);  JuUe  Postel,  known 
in  reHgion  as  Soeur  Marie-Madeleine  (1756-1846), 
a  native  of  Barfleur,  declared  Venerable  in  1S97. 

Many  men  worthy  of  mention  in  ecclesiastical 
history  were  natives  of  this  diocese:  Alexandre  de 
Villedieu  (thirteenth  century),  canon  of  Avranches 
and  author  of  a  Latin  grammar  universally  studied 
during  the  Middle  Ages;  the  learned  but  visionary 
Guillaume  Postel  (d.  1.581),  professor  of  mathematics 
and  Oriental  languages  in  the  College  de  France; 
the  Franciscan  friar  Feuardent  (1539-1()10),  promi- 
nent in  the  Wars  of  the  League;  Cardinal  du  Perron 
(1556-1618),  who  converted  Henry  IV;  the  Calvin- 
istic  publicist    Benjamin   Basnage  (1.580-1652);  the 

Chysician  Hamon  (1618-1687),  well  known  in  the 
istory  of  Jan.seni.sm;  Jean  de  Launoy  (1603-1678), 
celebrated  for  his  critical  work  in  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory; Marie  des  VallA's,  the  demoniac  (tl.  16.56),  who 
made  a  great  sensation  in  her  day  and  whose  sayings 


were  gathered  into  four  volumes  by  the  Venerable 
Pere  Eudes,  who  had  exorcised  her;  the  Abbd  de 
Beauvais  (1731-1790)  and  the  Jesuit  Neuville  (169.3- 
1774),  both  great  preachers;  the  Abbe  de  Saint- 
Pierre  (16.58-1743),  author  of  the  "  Paix  perpetuelle", 
and  the  Eudist  Le  Franc,  superior  of  the  Coutances 
seminary  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  first 
Catholic  publicist   to   write  against   Freemasonry. 

Before  the  enforcement  of  the  law  of  1901  there 
were  in  the  diocese  Oratorians,  Sulpicians,  Eudists, 
and  a  local  congregation  of  Brothers  of  Mercy  of 
the  Christian  Schools,  founded  in  1842  (mother- 
house  at  Montebourg),  and  there  are  Trappists  still 
at  Bricquebec.  The  diocese  incliiiles  several  congre- 
gations of  women;  the  Tertiary  Sisters  of  Our  Lady 
of  Mount  Carmel, 
founded  in  1686; 
the  Sisters  of  the 
Sacred  Heart  of 
Jesus,  founded  in 
the  seventeenth 
century  by  Pere 
du  Pont,  a  Eudist, 
and  in  1783  placed 
under  the  patron- 
age of  the  Sacred 
Heart,  being  the 
oldest  French  con- 
gregation known 
by  that  title;  the 
Sisters  of  Mercy 
of  the  Christian 
Schools,  founded 
in  1802  at  Saint- 
Sau  veur-le-Vi- 
c  o  m  t  e  by  the 
Venerable  Soeur 
Postel.  Diocesan 
missionaries  aif 
installed  at  Bivillr, 
near  the  tomb 
of  Blessed  Thomas  Helie,  a  much  frequented  place 
of  pilgrimage. 

In  1900  the  diocese  included  in  religious  in- 
stitutions, 28  infant  schools,  1  orphanage  for  boys 
and  girls,  3  boys'  orphanages,  24  girls'  orphanages, 
6  industrial  schools,  35  hospitals,  hospices,  and 
asylums,  30  houses  of  nursing  sisters,  and  3  insane 
asylums.  The  statistics  for  the  end  of  1905  (close 
of  the  Concordat  period)  indicate  a  population 
of  491,372,  with  61  pastorates,  612  succursal  parishes 
(mission  churches),  and  284  curacies,  then  remu- 
nerated by  the  State. 

Gallia  Christiana  (ed.  nova,  1759),  XI,  466-509,  562-3, 
863-9U,  983,  and  Inslrummla,  105-24,  217-82.  L'Histoire 
rhronologique  des  Hvques  d' Avranches  de  maUre  Julien  Nicole 
(1669)  and  UHistoire  ecclisiastiqtte  du  diocise  de  Coufances, 
also  written  in  the  seventeenth  century  by  Rene  TorsTAl.v  he 
Billy  (1643-1709),  euri?  of  Mesnil-Opac,  are  works  of  sufficient 
historic  value  to  have  been  repubUshed  in  our  day,  the  first  by 
Beaurepaire,  the  second  by  H^ron  (Rouen,  1884-6).  Lec.vnu, 
Histoire  du  diocese  de  Coutances  et  Avranches  (Coutances, 
1877);  Pigeon,  Le  diocl-se  d'Avranches  (Coutances,  1890); 
Idem,  Vies  des  saints  du  diocese  de  Coutances  et  Avranches 
(.-Vvranches,  1S92,  1898);  Le  Cachecx.  Essai  historique  sur 
l'H6tel-Dieu  de  Coutances  (Paris,  1895);  Duchesne,  Pastes 
(piscopaux,  II,  221-4,  236-40;  Chevauer,  Topo-bibt.,  816-818, 
286-7. 

Georges  Gotau. 

Couturier,  Louis-Charles,  Abbot  of  the  Benedic- 
tine monastery  of  Saint-Pierre  at  Solesmes  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  Frencli  Congngaticm  of  Benedictines;  b. 
12  May,  1817,  at  ChcmilU'-sur-Dome  in  the  Diocese 
of  Tours;  d.  29  October,  1890,  at  Solesmes.  _  He  was 
educated  at  the  petit  simtnaire  of  Combrfe  in  Anjou 
and  at  the  gram!  ttanimiirc  of  Angers,  and  was  or- 
dained priest  12  March,  1812.  .Vfter  teaching  history 
at  Comliri''!'  from  18.36  to  18,54,  he  entered,  in  tlu' 
latter  year,  the  Benedictine  monasterv  of  Saint-1 
at  Solesmes,  then  newly  restored  by  t)om  GuOranger, 


i 


COVARRUVIAS 


457 


COVENANTERS 


His  religious  zenl  and  ascetical  learning  endeared  him 
to  the  latter,  who  appointed  him  master  of  novices 
one  month  after  his  profession,  and  towards  the  end 
of  1861  made  him  prior  of  the  monastery.  As  prior, 
Couturier  was  so  esteemed  that  on  the  death  of 
(iueranger  he  was  imaniniously  elected  Abbot  of 
Saint-Pierre  (11  February,  1875).  Pius  IX  appointed 
him  consultor  of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  In- 
dex, and  granted  him  and  his  successors  the  pri\Tlege 
of  wearing  the  cappa  magna. 

Couturier  was  a  worthj'  successor  of  the  great 
Gudranger.  Despite  the  persecutions  of  the  French 
Government,  which  turned  the  reign  of  Couturier  into 
a  veritable  marti,Tdom  for  the  abbot  and  his  com- 
muiiit}',  the  monks  of  Solesmes  not  only  upheld  but 
even  enhanced  the  high  prestige  for  piety  and  learn- 
ing which  they  had  gained  during  the  rule  of  Gueran- 
ger.  Couturier  and  his  monks  were  forcibly  expelled 
from  their  monastery  by  the  French  Govermnent  on 
6  November,  ISSO,  and,  having  attempted  to  reoccupy 
it,  they  were  driven  out  a  second  time  on  29  March, 
1882.  During  the  remainder  of  Coutiu-ier's  life  the 
community  lived  in  three  separate  houses  in  the  town 
of  Solesmes,  using  the  parochial  church  as  their  abbey 
church.  Nevertheless  the  community  continued  to 
flourish.  By  w-ord  and  example  Abbot  Couturier 
encouraged  the  numerous  learjied  WTiters  among  his 
monks,  and  contributed  to  the  spread  of  the  Bene- 
dictine Order  by  restoring  old  and  deserted  monas- 
teries and  by  fostering  the  foundations  made  by 
Gut'ranger.  On  2S  March,  1876,  lie  raised  the  priory 
of  St.  Mary  Magdalene  at  Marseilles  to  the  dignity  of 
an  abbey;  in  1880  he  restored  and  repeopled  the 
monastery  of  Silos  in  Spain;  in  July.  1889,  he  estab- 
lished the  priory  of  Saint-Paul  at  Wisques,  in  the 
Diocese  of  Arras;  and  on  15  September,  1890,  shortly 
before  his  death,  he  reopened  the  ancient  monastery 
of  Glanfeuil  in  the  Diocese  of  Angers,  deserted  since 
the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution  in  1789.  His 
literary  labours  are  confined  chiefly  to  his  collabora- 
tion in  the  publication  of  "Les  Actes  des  MartjTs",  a 
French  translation  of  the  Acts  of  the  martjTS  from 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  Era  to  our  times.  The 
third  edition  of  the  work  appeared  in  four  volumes 
(Paris,  1900). 

IlnrriN-.  Dom  CouluricT,  abbe  de  Solesmes  (Angers.  1899); 
Babin  in  Ifrruc  BtnidicUnc.  (Maredsous,  1S90),  VII,  578-588; 
Biblingraphie  des  Bhi^dictins  de  la  congregation  de  France  (Paris, 
1906),  s.  V. 

Michael  Ott. 

Covarruvias  (or  Covarrubl^s  t  Letva),  Diego, 
b.  in  Toledo,  Spain,  25  July,  1512;  d.  in  Madrid.  27 
Sept.,  1577.  According  to  his  biography  by  Sehott 
(in  the  Geneva.  1679,  edition  of  Covarruvias),  his 
niatcm.al  grandfather  was  the  architect  of  the  Toledo 
cathedral.  His  ma.ster  in  law,  both  canonical  and 
civil,  was  the  famous  Martin  Aspilcueta  (q.  v.),  who 
was  wont  to  glorj-  in  having  such  a  disciple.  At  the 
age  of  twenty-one,  Covarruvias  was  appointed  pro- 
fessor of  canon  law-  in  the  ITniversity  of  Salamanc;i. 
Later  on  he  was  entrusted  with  the  work  of  reforming 
that  institution,  already  vener.able  for  its  age,  and  the 
legislation  which  he  drew  up  looking  to  this  end  re- 
mained in  effect  long  after  his  time.  Such  was  the 
recognized  eminence  of  his  legal  science  that  he  was 
styled  the  Bartholo  of  .*<pain.  His  va.sl  legal  learning 
was  always  set  forth  with  a  peculiar  beauty  of  diction 
and  lucidity  of  .style,  says  Von  Scherer  (see  below). 
His  geiii\is  w.as  miiversal,  and  embraced  all  the  sci- 
ences subsidiary  to,  an<i  illustrative  of,  the  .science  of 
law.  If  report  be  true,  the  kirge  library  of  Oviedo, 
where  at  the  age  of  twenty-six  he  became  professor, 
did  not  contain  a  single  volume  which  he  had  not 
richly  annotated.  In  1519  Covarruvias  was  desig- 
njited  by  Charles  V  for  the  archiepiscopal  See  of  San 
Domingo  in  the  New  World,  whither,  however,  he 
never  went.     Eleven  years  later  he  was  made  Bishop 


of  Ciudad  Rodrigo  in  Spain.  In  this  cajiacity  he  at- 
tended the  Council  of  Trent,  where,  according  to  Ihe 
statement  of  his  nephew,  conjointly  with  (';Lrdinal 
Ugo  Buoncompagni  (afterw'ards  Gregory  XIII),  he 
was  authorized  to  formulate  the  famous  reform-decrees 
(De  Reformatione)  of  the  council.  Pressure  of  other 
duties  having  prevented  Cardinal  Buoncompagni 
from  doing  his  part  of  the  work,  the  task  devolved 
upon  C'ovarruvias  alone.  The  text  of  these  far-reach- 
ing decrees,  therefore,  formally  approved  by  the  coun- 
cil, we  apparently  owe  to  him.  (Von  Scherer,  in 
Kirchenlexikon,  III,  1170,  doubts  the  accuracy  of  this 
tradition.)  Having  returned  to  Spain,  Covarruvias 
was  in  1565  transferred  to  the  See  of  Segovia.  Up  to 
this  time  his  extraordinary  talents  had  been  discov- 
ered in  matters  more  or  less  scholastic  only;  they  were 
hereafter  to  reveal  themselves  also  in  practical  affairs 
of  state.  Appointed  in  1572  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  Castile,  he  was  two  years  later  raised  to  the  presi- 
dency of  the  Council  of  State.  In  the  discharge  of  this 
office  he  was  eminently  successful.  While  president 
of  the  Council  of  State  he  was  nominated  by  Philip  II 
for  the  Bishopric  of  Cuenca,  but  death  prevented  hira 
from  assuming  the  duties  of  this  new  see.  The  prin- 
cipal work  of  Covarruvias  is  his  "  Variarum  resolu- 
tionum  ex  jure  pontificio  regio  et  csesareo  libri 
IV".  He  WTote  also  on  testaments,  betrothal  and 
marriage,  oaths,  excommunication,  prescription, 
restitution,  etc.  Quite  distinct  in  character  from  his 
other  productions  is  his  numismatic  treatise,  "Vet- 
erum  nuraismatum  collatio  cum  his  quse  niodo  ex- 
penduntur",  etc.  (1594).  His  complete  works  have 
been  several  times  edited,  the  Antwerp  edition  (5 
vols.,  1762)  being  the  best.  Among  his  manuscrijits 
have  been  found  notes  on  the  Council  of  Trent,  a 
treatise  on  punishments  (De  pcenis)  and  an  historical 
tract,  "Catalogo  de  los  reyes  de  Espana  y  de  otras 
cosas",  etc. 

HuRTER.  Nomenclator.  I,  38;  Anto.nio,  Bibl.  Hisp.  nova 
(Madrid,  1783),  I.  276-79;  Schhlte,  Gesch.  d.  Qucllen  u.  Lit. 
des  can.  Rechls  (1880),  III,  721. 

John  Webster  Melody. 

Covenanters,  the  name  given  to  the  subscribers 
(practically  the  whole  Scottish  nation)  of  the  two 
Covenants,  the  National  Covenant  of  1638  and  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant  of  1643.  Though  the 
Covenants  as  national  bonds  ceased  with  the  conquest 
of  Scotland  by  Cromwell,  a  number  continue<l  to  up- 
hold them  right  through  the  period  following  the 
Restoration,  and  these  too  are  known  as  Covenanters. 
The  object  of  the  Covenants  was  to  band  the  whole  na- 
tion together  in  defence  of  its  religion  against  the  at- 
tempts of  the  king  to  impose  upon  it  an  episcopal  system 
of  church  government  and  a  new  and  less  anti-Roman 
liturgy.  The  struggle  that  ensued  was  a  struggle  for 
supremacy,  viz.:  as  to  w'ho  should  have  the  Last  word, 
the  King  or  the  Kirk,  in  decitling  the  religion  of  the 
country.  How  this  struggle  arose  must  first  be  briefly 
explained. 

The  causes  of  this  Protestant  conflict  between 
Church  and  State  must  be  sought  in  the  circumstances 
of  the  Scottish  Reformation.  (For  a  summary  of  the 
history  of  the  Scottish  Reformation  down  to  1601  see 
ch.  ii  of  Gardiner's  "  History  of  England  ".)  Owing  to 
the  fact  that  Scotland,  unlike  England,  had  accepted 
Protestantism,  not  at  the  dictates  of  her  rulers,  but  in 
opposition  to  them,  the  Reformation  was  not  merely 
an  ecch'siastical  revolution,  but  a  rebellion.  It  wa.s, 
therefore,  jierhaps  no  mere  chance  that  made  the  Scot- 
tish nation,  midcr  the  guidance  of  John  Knox  and  later 
of  .•Andrew  Melville,  adopt  that  form  of  Protestantism 
which  was,  in  its  tloctrine,  farthest  removed  from 
Rome,  to  wlilch  their  French  regt^nts  adhered,  and 
which  in  its  theory  of  church  government  was  the 
most  democratic.  Presbyterianism  meant  the  sub- 
ordination of  the  State  to  the  Kirk,  as  Melville  plainly 
told  James  VI  at  Cupar  in  1596,  on  the  famous  occa- 


COVENANTERS 


458 


COVENANTERS 


sion  when  he  seized  his  sovereign  by  the  sleeve  and 
called  him  "  God's  silly  vassal ".  In  the  Church,  king 
and  beggar  were  on  an  equal  footing  and  of  equal  im- 
portance; king  or  beggar  might  equally  and  without 
distinction  be  excommunicated,  and  be  submitted  to  a 
degrading  ceremonial  if  he  wished  to  be  released  from 
the  censure;  in  this  system  the  preacher  was  supreme. 
The  civil  power  was  to  be  the  secular  arm,  the  instru- 
ment, of  the  Kirk,  and  was  required  to  inflict  the  pen- 
alties which  the  preachers  imposed  upon  such  as  con- 
temned the  censure  and  discipline  of  the  Church.  The 
Kirk,  therefore,  believing  that  the  Presbj'terian  sys- 
tem, with  its  preachers,  lay  elders,  and  deacons,  kirk 
sessions,  synods,  and  general  assemblies,  was  the  one. 
Divinely  appointed  means  to  salvation,  claimed  to  be 
absolute  and  supreme.  Such  a  theory  of  the  Divine 
right  of  Presbytery  was  not  likely  to  meet  vyfith  the  ap- 
proval of  the  kings  of  the  Stuart  line  with  their  exag- 
gerated ideas  of  their  own  right  Divine  and  preroga- 
tive. Nor  could  a  CTaurch  where  the  ministers  and 
elders  in  their  kirk  sessions  and  assemblies  judged, 
censured,  and  punished  all  offenders  high  or  low, 
craftsman  or  nobleman,  be  pleasing  to  an  aristocracy 
that  looked  with  feudal  contempt  on  all  forms  of  la- 
bour. Both  noble  and  king  were  therefore  anxious  to 
humble  the  ministers  and  deprive  them  of  some  of 
their  influence.  James  VI  was  soon  taught  the  spirit 
of  the  Presbj'terian  clergy;  in  1592  he  was  compelled 
formally  to  sanction  the  establishment  of  Presbytery; 
he  was  threatened  with  rebellion  if  he  failed  to  rule  ac- 
cording to  the  Gospel  as  interpreted  by  the  ministers. 
If  his  kingly  authority  was  to  endure,  James  saw  that 
he  must  seek  for  some  means  by  which  he  could  check 
their  excessive  claims.  He  first  tried  to  draw  together 
the  two  separate  representative  institutions  in  Scotland 
— the  Parliament,  representing  the  king  and  the  no- 
bility, and  the  General  Assembly,  representing  the 
Kirk  and  the  majority  of  the  nation — by  granting  to 
the  clergy  a  vote  in  Parliament.  Owing,  however,  to 
the  hostility  of  clergy  and  nobiUty,  the  scheme  fell 
through.  James  now  adopted  that  policy  which  was 
to  be  so  fruitful  of  disaster;  he  determined  to  re-intro- 
duce episcopacy  in  Scotland  as  the  only  possible  means 
of  bringing  the  clergy  to  submit  to  his  own  authority. 
He  had  already  gone  some  way  towards  accomplishing 
his  object  when  his  accession  to  the  English  throne 
still  further  strengthened  his  resolve.  For  he  consid- 
ered the  assimilation  of  the  two  Churches  both  in  their 
form  of  government  and  in  doctrine  essential  to  the 
furtherance  of  his  great  design,  the  union  of  the  two 
kingdoms. 

By  1612  James  had  succeeded  in  carrying  out  the 
first  part  of  his  policy,  the  re-establishment  of  diocesan 
episcopacy.  Before  his  death  he  had  also  gone  a  long 
way  towards  effecting  changes  in  the  ritual  and  doc- 
trine of  Presbyterianism.  On  Black  Saturday,  4 
Aug.,  1621,  the  Five  Articles  of  Perth  were  ratified  by 
the  Estates.  Imposed  as  these  were  upon  an  unwill- 
ing nation  by  means  of  a  packed  Assembly  and  Parlia- 
ment, they  were  to  be  the  source  of  much  trouble  and 
bloodshed  in  Scotland.  Distrust  of  their  rulers,  hatred 
of  bishops,  and  hatred  of  all  ecclesiastical  changes  was 
the  legacy  bequeathed  by  James  to  his  son.  James 
had  sowed  the  wind  and  Charles  I  was  soon  to  reap  the 
whirlwind.  Charles'  verj'  first  action,  his  "matching 
himself  with  the  daughter  of  Heth",  i.  e.  France  (see 
Leighton,  "Sion's  Plea  against  Prelacy",  quoted  by 
Gardiner,  "Hist,  of  England,  ed.  1884,  VII,  146), 
aroused  siispicion  a.s  to  his  orthodoxy,  and  in  the  light 
of  that  suspicion  every  act  of  his  religious  policy  was 
interpreted,  wrongly  we  know,  as  some  subtle  means 
of  favouring  |iopery.  His  wisest  course  would  have 
been  to  aimul  the  liated  Five  Articles  of  Perth,  which 
to  Scotchmen  were  but  so  many  injunctions  to  com- 
mit idolatry.  In  spite  of  concessions,  however,  he  let 
it  be  known  that  the  .Articles  were  to  remain  (Row, 
Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  p.  340;  Balfour,  An- 


nals, II,  142;  Pri%-}-  Coimcil  Register,  N.  S.,  I,  91-93). 
Fiu-ther,  he  took  the  unwise  step  of  increasing  the 
powers  of  the  bishops;  five  were  given  a  place  in  the 
Privy  Council;  and  Archbishop  Spottiswoode  was 
made  President  of  the  Exchequer  and  ordered  as  pri- 
mate to  take  precedence  of  every  other  subject.  This 
proceeding  not  merely  roused  the  indignation  of  Prot- 
estants, who  m  the  words  of  Row  considered  bishops 
"  bellie-gods  ",  but  it  further  offended  the  aristocracy, 
who  felt  themselves  thus  slighted.  But  a  persecution 
of  the  Kirk  and  the  preachers  would  not  have  brought 
about  a  rebellion.  Charles  could  always  coimt  on  his 
subservient  bishops,  and  on  the  nobles  ever  willing  to 
himible  the  ministers.  But  he  now  took  a  step  which 
alienated  his  only  allies.  James  had  always  been  care- 
ful to  keep  the  nobles  on  his  side  by  lavish  grants  of 
the  old  church  lands.  By  the  Act  of  Revocation, 
which  passed  the  Privy  Seal,  12  October,  1025  (Pri\7 
Council  Register,  I,  193),  Charles  I  touched  the  pockets 
of  the  nobility,  raised  at  once  a  serious  opposition,  and 
led  the  barons  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Kirk  against 
the  common  enemy,  the  king.  It  was  a  fatal  step  and 
proved  "  the  ground-stone  of  all  the  mischief  that  fol- 
lowed after,  both  to  this  king's  government  and  fam- 
ily" (Balfour,  Annals,  II,  128).  Thus,  before  he  had 
set  foot  in  Scotland,  Charles  had  offended  every  class 
of  his  people.  His  visit  to  Scotland  made  matters 
worse ;  .Scotchmen  were  horrified  to  see  at  the  corona- 
tion service  such  "popish  rags"  as  "white  rochets  and 
white  sleeves  and  copes  of  gold  having  blue  sUk  to  their 
foot"  worn  by  the  officiating  bishops,  which  "bred 
great  fear  of  inbringing  of  popery"  (Spalding,  Hist,  of 
the  Troubles  in  England  and  Scotland,  1624-45,  I, 
36).  Acts,  too,  were  passed  through  Parliament 
which  plainly  showed  the  king's  determination  to 
change  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  Scotland.  Scot- 
lantl  was  therefore  ready  for  an  explosion. 

The  spark  was  the  New  Service  Book.  Both 
Charles  and  Laud  had  been  shocked  at  the  bare  walls 
and  pillars  of  the  churches,  all  clad  with  dust,  sweep- 
ings, and  cobwebs;  at  the  trafficking  that  went  on  in 
the  Scottish  churches;  at  the  lengthy  "conceived 
prayers ' '  often  spoken  by  ignorant  men  and  not  infre- 
quently as  seditious  as  the  sermons  (Baillie,  O.  S.  B., 
writing  in  1627,  cited  by  Wra.  Kintoch,  "Studies  in 
Scottish  Ecclesiastical  History",  pp.  23,  24;  also, 
"Large  Declaration",  p.  16).  'The  king  desired  to 
have  decency,  orderliness,  uniformity.  Hence  he  or- 
dered a  new  service  book,  prepared  by  himself  and 
Laud,  to  be  adopted  by  Scotland.  The  imposition  of 
the  New  Service  Book  was  a  piece  of  sheer  despotism 
on  the  part  of  the  king;  it  had  no  ecclesiastical  sanc- 
tion whatever,  for  the  General  Assembly,  and  even  the 
bishops  as  a  body,  had  not  been  consulted;  neither 
had  it  any  lay  authority,  for  it  had  not  the  approval  of 
Parliament ;  it  went  counter  to  all  the  religious  feelmg 
of  the  majority  of  the  Scottish  people;  it  offended 
their  national  sentiment,  for  it  was  English.  Row 
svmimed  up  the  objections  to  it  by  calling  it  a  "  Pop- 
ish-English-Scottish-Mass-Service-Book" (op.  cit.,  p. 
398).  There  could,  therefore,  be  very  little  doubt  as 
to  how  Scotland  would  receive  the  new  liturgy.  The 
famous  riot  in  St.  Giles',  Edinburgh,  23  July,  1637 
(accoimt  of  it  in  the  King's  "  Lar^e  Declaration"  and 
Gordon's  "Hist,  of  Scots  Affairs  ,  I,  7),  when  at  the 
solemn  inauguration  of  the  new  service  somebody, 
probably  some  woman,  threw  the  stool  at  the  dean's 
head,  was  but  an  indication  of  the  general  feeling  of 
the  country.  From  all  classes  anil  ranks  and  from 
every  Jiart  of  the  country  except  the  north-east,  the 
petitions  came  pouring  into  the  Council  for  the  with- 
drawal of  the  lilurgy.  Every  attempt  to  enforce  the 
j)rayer  book  led  to  a  riot.  In  a  word,  the  resistance 
was  general.  The  Coimcil  was  powerless.  It  was 
suggested  therefore,  that  each  of  the  four  orders — 
nobles,  lairds,  burghers,  and  ministers — should,  choose 
four  commissioners  to  represent  them  and  transact 


COVENANTERS 


459 


COVENANTERS 


)usiness  with  the  Council,  and  that  tlicn  the  crowd  of 
)etitioners  should  return  to  their  homes.  Accord- 
ii^ly  four  committees  or  "Tallies'"  (Row,  pp.  48.5,  6) 
ven;  chosen,  the  petitioners  ilisjierscd,  and  the  riots  in 
idinburgh  ccase<l.  But  this  arrangement  also  gave 
he  opposition  the  one  thing  necessary  for  a  successful 
iction,  a  government.  The  sixteen  could,  if  only 
mited,  direct  the  mobs  effectively.  The  effect  of  hav- 
ng  a  guiding  hand  was  at  once  seen.  The  demands  of 
he  supjilicants  became  more  definite  and  peremptory 
md  on  21  December  the  Tables  presented  the  Council 
I  collective  "Supplication"  which  not  only  demanded 
he  recall  of  the  liturgj',  but,  further,  the  removal  of 
he  bishops  from  the  Council  on  the  ground  that,  as 
hey  were  parties  m  the  case,  they  should  not  be 
udges  (Balfour,  Annals,  II,  244-.5;  Rothes,  Relation, 
itc,  pp.  26  sqrj.,  gives  an  account  of  the  formation  of 
he  "Tables").  The  supplicants,  in  other  words, 
ooked  upon  the  quarrel  between  king  and  subjects  as 
I  lawsuit. 

Charles'  answer  to  the  ".Supplication"  was  read  at 
iterling  on  19  February,  1038.  He  defended  the 
)rayer  book  and  declared  all  protesting  meetings  il- 
egal  and  treasonable.  A  counter  proclamation  had 
)een  deliberately  prepared  by  the  sujiplicants  and  no 
looner  had  the  king's  answer  been  read  than  Lords 
iome  and  Lindsay,  in  the  name  of  the  four  orders, 
odged  a  formal  protestation.  The  same  form  was 
;one  through  in  Linlithgow  and  Edinburgh.  By  these 
ormal  protestations  the  petitioners  were  virtually  set- 
ing  up  a  government  against  a  government,  and  as 
here  was  no  middle  party  to  ajipeal  to,  it  became  nec- 
issary  to  prove  to  the  king  that  the  supplicants,  and 
lot  he,  had  the  nation  behind  them.  The  means  was 
■eady  to  hand.  The  nobility  and  gentry  of  Scotland 
lad  been  in  the  habit  of  entering  into  "bands"  for 
nutual  protection,  .\rchibald  Johnston  of  Warris- 
oun  is  said  to  have  suggested  that  sueh  a  band  or 
covenant  should  now  be  adopted,  but  not  as  heretofore 
)y  nobles  and  lairds  only,  but  by  the  whole  Scottish 
)eople ;  it  was  to  be  a  national  covenant,  taking  as  its 
)asis  the  Negative  Confession  of  Faith  which  had  been 
irawn  up  by  order  of  James  VI  in  1581.  The  great 
locimient  was  composed.  After  reciting  the  reason 
)f  the  band,  that  the  innovations  and  evils  contained 
n  the  supplications  have  no  warrant  in  the  word  of 
jod,  they  promi.se  and  swear  "  to  continue  in  the  pro- 
ession  and  obedience  of  the  aforesaid  religion,  that 
ve  shall  defend  the  .same  and  resist  all  those  contrary 
srrors  and  corruptions,  according  to  our  vocation,  and 
o  the  uttermost  of  that  power  that  God  hath  put  in 
)ur  hands  all  the  days  of  our  life".  Yet,  whilst  utter- 
ng  oaths  that  seem  scarcely  compatible  with  loyalty 
o  the  king,  they  likewi.se  promisetl  and  swore  "that 
ve  shall,  to  the  uttermo.st  of  our  power  with  our 
neans  and  lives,  stand  to  the  tlefence  of  o\ir  dread 
lovereign,  his  person  and  authority,  in  the  defence  of 
;he  foresaid  true  religion,  liberties  and  laws  of  the 
cingdom"  (Large  Declaration,  p.  .57),  and  they  further 
wore  to  mutual  tlefc^nce  and  assistance.  In  the.se  pro- 
e-ssions  of  loyalty  the  Covenanters,  for  so  we  must 
low  call  the  supplicants,  were  probably  sincere;  dur- 
ng  the  whole  course  of  the  struggle  the  great  majority 
jever  wished  to  touch  the  throne,  they  only  wished  to 
;arry  out  their  own  idea  of  the  strictly  limited  nature 
jf  the  king's  authority.  Charles  was  to  be  king  and 
they  would  obey,  if  he  did  as  they  commanded. 

The  success  of  the  Covenant  was  great  and  imme- 
iiate.  It  was  completed  on  28  February  and  carrieil 
For  signature  to  Greyfriars  church.  Tradition  tells 
(low  the  parchment  w-as  unrolled  on  a  tombstone  in 
the  churt-liyard  and  how  the  people  came  in  crowds 
weeping  with  emotion  to  sign  the  band.  This  strange 
Jceno  was  soon  witnessed  in  almost  every  j)arish  of 
Scotland,  if  we  except  the  Highlands  and  the  Xorth- 
East.  Several  copies  of  the  Covenant  were  distributed 
^or  signature.     "Gentlemen  and   noblemen   carried 


copies  of  it  in  port  mantles  and  pockets  requiring  sub- 
scriptions thereunto,  and  usmg  their  utmost  endeav- 
ours with  their  friends  in  private  for  to  subscribe." 
"  And  such  was  the  zeal  of  many  subscribers,  that  for 
a  while  many  subscribed  with  tears  on  their  cheeks"; 
and  it  is  even  said  "that  some  did  draw  their  blood, 
and  used  it  in  place  of  ink  to  underwrite  their  name" 
(Gordon,  Scots  .\ffairs,  I,  46).  Not  all,  however,  were 
willing  subscribers  to  the  Covenant.  For  many  per- 
suasion was  sufficient  to  make  them  join  the  cause; 
others  required  rougher  treatment.  All  those  who  re- 
fused to  sign  were  not  merely  looked  upon  as  ungodly, 
but  as  traitors  to  their  coimtrj',  as  ready  to  help  the 
foreign  invader.  And  "as  the  greater  that  the  num- 
ber of  subscribents  grew,  the  more  imperious  they  were 
in  exacting  subscriptions  from  others  who  refused  to 
subscribe,  so  that  by  degrees  they  proceeded  to  con- 
tumelies and  reproaches,  and  some  were  threatened 
and  beaten  who  durst  refuse,  especially  in  the  greatest 
cities"  (ibid.,  p.  45).  No  blood,  however,  was  shed 
till  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Ministers  who  had  re- 
fused to  sign  were  silenced,  ill-treated,  and  driven  from 
their  homes.  Toleration  and  freedom  of  conscience 
was  hated  by  both  parties  and  by  none  more  fanati- 
cally than  by  the  Scottish  Presbj-terians.  Scotland 
was  in  truth  a  covenanted  nation.  A  few  great  land- 
owners, a  few  of  the  clergj',  especially  the  Doctors  of 
Aberdeen  who  feared  that  their  cpnet  studies  and  mtel- 
lectual  freedom  would  be  overwhelmed,  stood  aloof 
from  the  movement.  Many,  no  doubt,  signed  in  igno- 
rance of  what  they  were  doing,  some  because  they 
were  frightened,  but  more  still  because  they  were 
swayed  by  an  overpowering  excitement  and  frenzy. 
Neither  side  could  now  retreat,  but  Charles  was  not 
ready  for  war.  So  to  gain  tune  he  made  a  show  of 
concession  and  promised  a  General  Assembly.  The 
Assembly  met  at  Glasgow  2 1  No  v. ,  and  at  once  brought 
matters  to  a  head.  It  attacked  the  bishops  accusing 
them  of  all  manner  of  crimes;  in  consequence  Hamil- 
ton, as  commissioner,  dissolved  it.  Nothing  daunted, 
the  Assembly  then  resolved  that  it  was  entitled  to  re- 
main in  session  and  comi^etent  to  judge  the  bishops, 
and  it  proceeded  to  pull  down  the  whole  ecclesiastical 
edifice  built  up  by  James  and  Charles.  The  Service 
Book,  Book  of  Canons,  the  Articles  of  Perth  were 
swept  away;  episcopacy  was  declared  forever  abol- 
i.shed  and  all  assemblies  held  under  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion were  null  and  void ;  the  bishops  were  all  ejected 
and  some  exconununicated ;  Presbyterian  government 
was  again  established. 

War  was  now  inevitable.  In  spite  of  their  protesta- 
tions of  loyalty  the  Covenanters  had  practically  set  up 
a  theory  in  opposition  to  the  monarchy.  The  (pics- 
tion  at  issue,  !is  (,'harles  pouited  out  in  his  proclama- 
tion, was  whether  he  was  to  be  king  or  not.  Was  he 
supreme  head  of  the  Church  or  Wiis  he  not?  Tolera- 
tion was  the  only  basis  of  compromise  po.ssible;  but 
toleration  was  deemed  a  hensy  by  both  parties,  and 
hence  there  wa.s  no  other  course  but  to  fight  it  out. 
In  two  short  wars,  known  as  the  Bishops'  Wars,  the 
Covenanters  in  anns  brought  the  king  to  his  knees, 
and  for  the  next  ten  years  Ch;irles  was  only  nominally 
sovereign  of  Scotland.  A  united  nation  could  not  be 
made  to  change  its  religion  at  the  conunand  of  a  king. 
The  triumph  of  the  Covenants,  however,  was  destined 
to  be  short-lived.  The  oiitbreak  of  the  Civil  War  in 
England  was  soon  to  split  tin-  Covenanting  party  m 
twain.  Men  were  to  be  divided  between  their  alle- 
giance to  monarchy  and  their  allegiance  to  the  Cove- 
nant. Scotchmen  in  spite  of  their  past  actions  still 
finnly  adhered  to  th(^  monarchical  fonn  of  government, 
and  then?  cannot  be  nnich  doubt  that  they  would 
much  rather  have  acted  as  mediators  between  the  king 
and  his  Parliament  than  have  interfered  actively. 
But  the  royalist  succe.s.ses  of  164.'5  alarme<l  them. 
Presbyterianism  would  not  endure  long  in  Scotland 
if  Charles  won.     For  this  reason  the  majority  of  the 


COVENANTERS 


460 


COVENANTERS 


nation  sided  with  the  Parliament,  but  it  was  with 
reluctance  that  the  Covenanters  agreed  to  give  the 
English  brotherly  assistance.  This  assistance  they 
were  determined  to  give  only  on  one  condition,  name- 
ly, that  England  should  reform  its  religion  according 
to  the  Scottish  pattern.  To  this  end  England  and 
Scotland  entered  into  the  Solenm  League  and  Cov- 
enant (17  Aug.,  1643).  It  would  have  been  well  for 
Scotland  if  she  had  never  entered  the  League  to  en- 
force her  own  church  system  upon  England.  If  she 
had  been  satisfied  with  a  simple  alliance  and  assist- 
ance, all  would  have  been  well.  But  by  materially 
helping  the  English  Parliament  to  win  at  Marston 
Moor  she  had  helped  to  place  the  decision  of  affairs  of 
state  in  the  hands  of  the  army,  which  was  predomi- 
nantly Independent  and  hated  presbyters  as  much  as 
bishops.  If  the  Scotch  had  recrossed  the  Tweed  in 
1646  and  left  the  Parliament  and  the  army  to  fight 
out  for  themselves  the  question  of  ecclesiastical  gov- 
errmient,  England  would  not  have  interfered  with 
their  reUgion;  but  the  Covenanters  thought  it  their 
duty  to  extirpate  idolatry  and  Baal-worship  and  estab- 
lish the  true  religion  in  England,  and  so  came  in  con- 
flict with  those  who  wielded  the  sword.  The  result 
was  that  England  not  only  did  not  become  Presby- 
terian, but  Scotland  herself  became  a  conquered 
country.  In  military  matters  the  Covenanters  were 
successful  in  England,  but  in  their  own  country  they 
were  sorely  tried  for  a  year  (1644)  by  the  brilliant 
career  of  Montrose  (an  account  of  the  year  of  Montrose 
is  given  in  A.  Lang,  Hist,  of  Scot.,  Ill,  v).  On  ac- 
count of  the  nature  of  the  troops  engaged,  the  encoun- 
ters were  fought  with  a  vindictive  ferocity  unknown 
in  the  English  part  of  the  Civil  War.  Not  merely  was 
the  number  of  slain  very  great,  but  both  sides  slaked 
their  thirst  for  vengeance  in  plunder,  murder,  and 
wholesale  massacres.  In  this  respect  the  Covenanters 
must  bear  the  greater  share  of  blame.  The  Catholic 
Celts  whom  Montrose  led  undoubtedly  committed 
outrages,  especially  against  their  personal  enemies  the 
Campbells,  during  the  winter  campaign  of  Inverlochy 
(Patrick  Gordon,  Britane's  Distemper,  pp.  95  sqq.), 
but  restrained  by  Montrose  they  never  perpetrated 
such  perfidy  as  the  Covenanters  after  Philiphaugh, 
and  the  slaughter  of  three  hundred  women,  "married 
wives  of  the  Irish".  Montrose's  success  and  the  fact 
that  he  was  a  leader  of  Scoto-Irish  lashed  the  hatred 
of  the  preachers  into  fury.  They  raved  for  the  blood 
of  the  Malignants.  The  preachers,  with  a  fanaticism 
revoltingly  blasphemous  and  as  ferocious  as  that  of 
Islam,  believed  that  more  blood  must  be  shed  to 
propitiate  the  Deity  (Balfour,  Annals,  III,  311). 

The  victory  of  Philiphaugh  (13  Sept.,  1645)  removed 
the  immediate  danger  to  the  Covenanters  and  likewise 
extinguished  the  last  glimmer  of  hope  for  the  Royalist 
cause,  which  had  suffered  irreparable  defeat  a  few  weeks 
earlier  at  Naseby.  But  the  very  triumph  of  the  Parlia- 
mentary forces  in  England  was  fatal  to  the  cause  of  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant.  The  victory  had  been 
gained  by  the  army  which  was  not  Presbyterian  but 
Independent,  and  capable  now  of  resisting  the  inflic- 
tion of  an  intolerant  and  tyrannical  church  government 
upon  itself  and  upon  England.  When,  therefore,  the 
Scottish  army  recrossed  the  Tweed,  February,  1047.  it 
was  with  its  main  purpose  unfulfilled.  England  hatl 
not  been  thoroughly  reformed ;  heresy,  especially  in  the 
army,  was  still"  rampant.  The  Soienui  League  and 
Covenant  had  been  a  failure,  and  the  Soots  had  fought 
in  vain.  Worse  than  this,  the  Covenanters  tlicmselvcs 
were  divided.  The  success  of  the  Coveicant  had  been 
due  to  the  alliance  between  the  Kirk  and  the  nobility. 
The  latter  had  .ioinc(l  the  cause  from  jealousy  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  bishops  and  from  fear  of  the  loss  of  their 
estates  by  the  Act  of  Hevocation.  But  now,  bishops 
there  were  none,  and  the  nobility  were  still  in  po.s- 
session  of  their  estates.  Since  the  causes  for  further 
co-operation  were  thus  wanting,  the  feudal  in.stincts  of 


the  nobility,  love  of  monarchical  government,  con- 
tempt for  the  lower  orders  to  which  the  majority  of  the 
Kirk  belonged,  naturally  reasserted  themselves.  To 
this  must  be  added  their  intense  jealousy  of  Argyll, 
who  owed  his  influence  to  the  support  he  gave  the  Kirk. 
A  Royalist  party  began  thus  to  be  formed  among  the 
Covenanters.  The  cleavage  m  their  ranks  was  shown 
in  the  dispute  over  the  question  of  the  surrender  of 
Charles  I  to  the  Parliament  (1646).  Hamilton  had 
pressed  the  Estates  to  give  the  king  honour  and  shelter 
in  Scotland,  but  Argyll,  backed  by  the  preachers,  op- 
posed him.  There  must  be  no  imcovenanted  king  in 
Scotland.  The  breach  was  witlened  when  Charles  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  heretical  army.  To  many  it  now 
seemed  best  to  support  the  king,  for  if  the  army  should 
prove  successful  Presbyterianism  would  be  lost.  Ac- 
cordingly Scottish  commissioners,  Loudoim,  Lanark, 
and  Lauderdale  visited  Charles  at  Carisbrooke  and 
signed  the  hopeless  and  foolish  "Engagement"  (27 
Dec,  1647).  In  Scotland  the  Engagers  had  a  large 
following,  and  a  majority  in  the  Estates.  In  the  Par- 
liament the  Hamiltonian  party  could  carry  all  before 
it  and  was  ready  to  take  immediate  action  for  the  king. 
But  the  Kirk,  with  Argyll  and  some  ten  nobles,  re- 
mained immovably  on  the  otherside.  They  would  not 
defile  themselves  by  making  common  cause  with  the 
uncovenanted.  The  preachers  cursed  and  thundered 
against  the  Engagers  and  the  levies  that  were  being 
raised  for  an  invasion  of  England.  Scotland  thus  di- 
vided against  itself  had  not  much  chance  against  the 
veterans  of  Cromwell  and  Lambert.  After  Preston, 
Wigan,  and  Warrington  (17-19  Aug.,  1648)  the  Scot^ 
tish  Royalist  forces  were  no  more.  The  destruction  of 
Hamilton's  force  was  a  triimiph  for  the  Kirk  and  the 
anti-Engagers.  But  an  event  now  occurred  that  once 
more  divided  the  nation.  On  30  January,  1649, 
Charles  I  was  executed.  Scotchmen  of  whatever  party 
looked  upon  the  deed  as  a  crime  and  as  a  national  in- 
sult. The  day  after  the  news  reached  Scotland,  they 
proclaimed  Charles  II  King,  not  only  of  Scotland,  but  of 
England  and  Ireland.  The  acceptance  of  Charles  II, 
however,  had  been  saddled  with  the  condition  that  he 
should  pledge  himself  to  the  two  Covenants.  After 
some  hesitation  and  after  the  failure  of  all  his  hopes  to 
use  Ireland  as  a  basis  of  an  invasion  of  England 
Charles  II  swore  to  the  Covenants,  11  June,  1650. 

To  the  more  extreme  portion  of  the  Covenanters 
this  agreement  with  the  king  seemed  hypocrisy,  an  in- 
sult to  Heaven.  They  knew  that  he  was  no  true  con- 
vert to  the  Covenants,  that  he  had  no  intention  of 
keeping  them,  that  he  had  perjured  himself,  and  they 
refused  to  have  dealings  with  the  king.  Argyll  with 
the  more  moderate  wing,  still  anxious  to  avoid  a  defi- 
nite rupture  with  the  extremists,  had  perforce  to  make 
concessions  to  tliese  feelings ;  he  made  the  imfortunate 
prince  walk  through  the  very  depths  of  humiliation 
(Peterkin,  Records,  p.  599).  This  split  was  to  prove 
fatal.  Only  a  united  Scotland  could  have  defeated 
C'romwell.  Instead,  to  propitiate  the  Deity,  Charles 
was  kept  apart  from  the  army,  and  while  every  avail- 
able man  was  wanted  to  meet  the  soldiers  of  Cromwell, 
the  fanatics  were  "purging"  the  army  of  all  Royalists 
and  .Malignants  (op.  ci't.,  p.  623).  To  allow  tliem  to 
fight  would  be  to  court  disaster.  How  could  Jehovah 
give  victory  to  the  children  of  Israel,  if  they  fought  side 
by  side  with  the  idolatrous  Amalckites?  The  purgings 
of  the  army  went  merrily  on  daily,  and  the  jireachers 
promiscil  in  tiotl's  name  a  victory  over  the  erroneous 
and  blasphemous  sectaries.  Like  the  Scots  Cromwell 
also  looked  upon  war  as  an  appeal  to  the  goil  of  bat- 
tles, and  the  jvidgment  was  delivered  at  Dunbar,  3 
Sept.,  1650.  "Surely  it's  probable  the  Kirk  has  done 
their  do.  I  believe  their  king  will  set  u])  upon  his  own 
score  now."  This  was  Cromwell's  conunent  upon  his 
victory  and  he  was  right.  The  rout  of  Dunbar  de- 
stroyed the  ascendancy  of  the  Covenanters.  The 
preachers  had  promised  victory,  but  Jehovah  had  sent 


COVENANTERS 


46 1 


COVENANTERS 


them  defeat.  The  extremists,  under  such  leaders  as 
Johnston  of  Warristoun,  James  (iuthrie,  and  Patrick 
Gillespie,  attril)utiiig  their  dcfcMt  to  the  unlioly  alli- 
ance with  tlie  Malisnants  grew  in  vehemence  and  pre- 
sented to  the  Committee  (>f  Estates  (:J0  Oct.,  16.50)  a 
"Remonstrance"  arraigning  the  whole  policy  of  Ar- 
gyll's government  and  refusing  to  accept  Charles  as 
their  king  "  till  he  should  give  satisfactory  evidence  of 
bis  real  change"  (ibid.).  Seeing  his  power  gone  with 
the  "Remonstrants"  or  "Protesters",  Argyll  deter- 
mined definitely  to  go  over  to  the  king;  Malignant  and 
[Vncnantor  had  joined  hands.  In  answer  to  the  Re- 
monstrance the  Committee  of  Estates  passed,  25  No- 
vember, a  re.solution  condemning  it  and  resolved  to 
crown  Charles  at  .Scone.  On  1  .lanuary,  IGol  the  coro- 
nation took  place.  Cromwell's  answer  was  the  battle 
sf  Worcester,  3  September,  10.51.  For  nine  years 
Scotland  was  a  conquered  country  kept  under  by  the 
military  saints.  It  was  a  sad  time  for  the  Presbyter- 
ians. The  English  soldiers  allowed  all  Protestants,  as 
long  as  they  did  not  disturb  the  peace,  to  worship  in 
their  own  way.  In  October,  1G51,  Monk  forbade  the 
preachers  to  impose  oaths  and  covenants  on  the  lieges, 
and  prohibited  the  civil  magistrates  from  molesting 
excommunicated  persons,  or  seizing  their  goods,  or 
boycotting  them.  Lest  the  Remonstrants  and  Revolu- 
tio'ners,  who  all  the  while  with  ever  increasing  bitter- 
oess  quarrelled  as  to  which  was  the  true  inlieritor  of 
the  Covenants,  should  cause  trouble  to  the  common- 
wealth, the  General  Assembly  was  broken  up  (July, 
16.53),  and  all  such  assemblies  forbidden  for  the  future 
(Kirkton,  Secret  and  True  History  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland,  p.  .54). 

Dunbar,  Worcester,  and  the  Cromwellian  domi- 
nation destroyed  the  ascendancy  of  the  Covenanters. 
But  not  on  tliat  account  did  the  extreme  wing,  the 
Remonstrants,  abate  a  jot  of  their  pretensions;  they 
still  believed  in  the  eternally  binding  force  of  the  two 
Covenants.  On  the  other  hand  neither  had  the  king 
fully  learnt  the  lesson  from  his  father's  fate.  Like 
him  he  considered  it  his  right  to  force  liLs  ecclesiastical 
views  upon  his  people.  Episcopacy  was  restored,  but 
without  the  prayer  book,  and  the  meetings  of  synods 
were  forbidden.  Partly  because  he  had  the  support  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry,  partly  because  even  many 
Presbyterians  had  wearied  of  the  strife,  and  partly  be- 
cause of  his  dishonesty  Charles  succeeded  in  gaining 
his  ends,  but  at  the  cost  of  straining  to  the  utmost  his 
relations  with  his  subjects.  It  only  required  the  at- 
tempt of  James  II  to  introduce  hated  Catholicism  into 
the  country  to  sweep  the  Stuarts  forever  from  the 
throne  of  Scotland.  The  history  of  the  Covenanters 
from  the  Restoration  to  the  Revolution  is  the  history 
of  a  fierce  persecution  varied  with  occasional  milder 
treatment  to  win  the  weaker  members  to  the  moderate 
side.  As  the  Covenanters  would  no  longer  meet  in  the 
churches  they  now  began  to  meet  in  their  own  homes 
and  have  private  conventicles.  Against  these  pro- 
ceedings an  Act  was  passed  (1663)  declaring  preaching 
by  "ousted"  ministers  seditious,  and  it  was  rigor- 
ously enforced  by  quartering  soldiers  under  Sir  James 
Turner  in  the  houses  of  recusants.  (For  Turner's 
methods  sec  Lauderdale  Papers,  II,  82.)  Driven 
from  their  homes  the  Covenanters  took  to  holding 
their  gatherings  in  the  open  air,  in  distant  glens,  known 
as  field-meetings  or  conventicles.  The  Pentland  Ris- 
ing ( 1666)  was  the  result  of  these  measures  and  proved 
to  the  Government  that  its  severities  had  been  unsuc- 
cessful. On  the  advice  of  Lauderdale  Charles  issued 
Letters  of  Indulgence,  June,  1669,  and  again  in  Au- 
gust, 1672,  allowing  such  "ottstcd"  ministers  as  had 
lived  peacealjly  and  orderly  to  return  to  their  livings 
(Wodrow,  Hist,  of  the  Sufferings,  etc.,  II,  130).  These 
indulgences  were  disastrous  to  the  Conventiclers,  for 
many  of  the  ministers  yielded  and  conformed.  Stung 
bv  the  secessions  the  remnant  became  more  irreconcil- 
aljle;   their  sermons  were  simply  political  party  ora- 


tions denimciatory  of  king  and  bishops.  They  were 
especially  wroth  against  the  indulged  ministers;  they 
broke  into  their  houses,  f)ullicd  ajid  tortured  tliriii  to 
force  them  to  .swear  that  IIk'Y  wdmIiI  cease  from  tlicir 
ininistratioiis.  These  Laudcrdidcdclrrmined  to  crush 
by  a  persecution  of  the  utiuost  sfvcrity.  Soldiers 
were  quartered  in  the  disatf  ectctl  d  ist  ricls  (the  West  and 
South- West),  ministers  were  imprisoned,  and  finally, 
as  conventicles  still  increased,  a  band  of  half-savage 
Highlanders,  "The  Highland  Host"  (Lauderdale  Pa- 
pers, III,  93  sqq.),  was  let  loose  on  the  wretched  inhab- 
itants of  the  Western  Lowlands,  where  they  marauded 
and  plundered  at  will. 

The  Covenanters  now  became  reckless  and  wild,  for 
again  torn  asunder  by  the  "cess"  controversy  (a  dis- 
pute arose  as  to  whether  it  was  lawful  to  pay  the  tax 
or  "cess"  raised  for  an  unlawful  object,  the  carrying  on 
of  a  Government  persecuting  the  true  Kirk)  they  were 
but  a  remnant  of  the  once  powerful  Ivirk,  and  every 
year  became  less  capable  of  effectual  resistance.  They 
patrolled  the  country  in  arms  protecting  conventicles ; 
and  their  leaders,  Welsh,  Cameron,  and  others,  went 
about  as  "soldiers  of  Christ",  organizing  rebellion, 
even  murdering  the  soldiers  of  Claverhouse,  who  was 
engaged  in  dispersing  the  conventicles.  The  murder 
of  Archbishop  Sharpe  (2  May,  1679),  regarded  by 
them  as  a  glorious  action  and  inspired  by  the  spirit  of 
God,  was  the  signal  for  a  general  rising  in  the  Western 
Lowlands.  At  Rutherglen  they  publicly  burnt  the 
Acts  of  the  Government  which  had  overthrown  the 
Covenants,  and  at  Loudoun  Hill,  or  Drumclog,  de- 
feated the  troops  under  Claverhouse.  It  was  there- 
fore deemed  necessary  to  send  a  strong  force  inuler 
Monmouth  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  At  Bothwell 
Bridge  (22  June,  1679)  the  insurgents  were  utterly  de- 
feated. There  followed  a  third  Act  of  Indulgence 
which  again  cut  deep  into  the  ranks  of  the  Covenant- 
ers. But  in  spite  of  persecution  and  secessions  a  mi- 
nority contiinied  faithful  to  the  Covenant  and  the  fun- 
damental jirinciples  of  Presbyterianism.  Under  the 
leadership  of  Richard  Cameron  and  Donald  Cargill,  and 
styling  themselves  the  "Society  People",  they  con- 
tinued to  defy  the  royal  authority.  At  Sanquhar  they 
published  a  declaration,  22  June,  1680  (Wodrow,  III, 
213)  disowning  the  king  on  the  ground  of  "his  perjury 
and  breach  of  covenant  to  God  and  his  Kirk".  At  a 
conventicle  held  at  Torwood  (1680)  Cargill  solenndy 
excommunicated  the  king,  the  Duke  of  York,  Mon- 
mouth, and  others  (ibid.,  Ill,  219).  These  proceed- 
ings served  no  further  purpose  than  to  embitter  par- 
ties and  make  the  Government  all  the  more  determined 
to  extirpate  the  sect.  But  what  roused  the  Govern- 
ment more  than  anything  else  was  the  "Apologetical 
Declaration"  (ibid.,  IV,  148)  of  October,  1684,  in- 
spired by  Renwick  who  had  taken  up  the  standard  of 
Cameron.  The  document  threatened  that  anyone 
connected  with  the  Government,  if  oaught,  would  be 
judged  and  punished  according  to  his  offences.  These 
threats  were  carried  out  by  the  Cameronians  or  Ren- 
wickites;  they  attacked  and  slew  dragoons,  ami  jiun- 
ished  such  of  the  conformist  ministers  as  they  coidd 
get  hold  of.  It  was  at  this  period  that  the  "killing 
time"  properly  began.  Courts  of  justice  were  dis- 
pensed with  and  officers  having  commissions  from  the 
Council  were  empowered  to  execute  anyone  who  refused 
to  take  the  oath  of  abjuration  of  the  Declaration. 
With  the  accession  of  James  II  to  the  English  throne 
the  persecution  waxed  fiercer.  An  Act  was  passed 
which  made  attendance  at  field-conventicles  a  ca|)ital 
offence.  Claverhouse  carried  out  his  instructions 
faithfully,  many  were  summarily  executed,  while 
many  more  were  shipped  off  to  the  American  planta- 
tions. The  last  victim  for  the  Covenant  w'as  James 
Renwick  (Jan.,  1688).  His  followers  kept  to  their 
principles  and  even  at  the  Revolution  they  refused  to 
accept  an  imcovenanted  king;  one  last  brief  day  of 
triumph  and  of  vengeance  they  had,  when  they  "rab- 


COVETOUSNESS 


462 


COVINGTON 


bled"  the  conformist  curates.  The  day  of  the  Cove- 
nants had  long  since  passed.  How  much  the  ancient 
spirit  of  Presbyterianism  was  broken  was  clearly  seen 
by  the  subservient  letter  in  which  James  was  thanked 
for  the  Indulgence  of  1687,  for  allowing  all  "toserve 
God  after  their  own  way  and  manner"  (Wodrow,  IV, 
428,  note).  The  majority  had  learned  to  submit  to 
compromise,  and  thus  at  the  Revolution  the  Scottish 
nation  forgot  the  Covenants  and  was  allowed  to  retain 
Presbyterianism.  The  strife  of  a  century  between 
Kirk  and  State  had  come  to  an  end.  Both  sides  in  the 
struggle  had  in  fact  lost  and  won.  The  king  had  been 
defeated  in  his  attempt  to  dictate  the  religion  of  his 
subjects;  Presbyterianism  became  the  established  re- 
ligion. But  it  had  been  equally  proved  that  the  sub- 
jection of  the  State  to  the  Church,  the  supremacy, 
political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical,  of  the  Kirk,  was  an 
impossibility.     In  this  the  Covenants  had  failed. 

Lang,  A  History  of  Scotland  (Edinburgh  and  London,  1904), 
vol.  Ill;  Hume  Brown,  History  of  Scotland  {Cambridge.  1905), 
vol.  11;  Burton,  History  of  Scotland  (Edinburgh  and  London, 
1870),  vols.  VI  and  VII;  Mathieson,  Politics  and  Reliyion  in 
Scotland  (Glasgow,  1902);  Stephen,  History  of  Scoltiih  Church 
(Edinburgh,  1894-96). — Contemporary  authorities:  Row,  His- 
tory of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  (1558-1637)  (Wodrow  Societv, 
1841);  Balfour.  Annals  of  Scotland  (to  1652)  (Edinburgh, 
1824);  Bailue,  Letters  and  Journals  (1637-1662)  (Bannatvne 
Club,  Edinburgh,  1841-42);  Spalding,  History  of  the  Troubles 
in  England  and  Scotland  (1624-45)  (Bannatyne  Club.  Edin- 
burgh, 1828-29;  Gordon.  History  of  Scots  Affairs  from  ic." 
to  161,1  (Spalding  Club,  Aberdeen,  1841.);  Petkrkin.  ff.f.jnfe 
of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  (from  1638)  (Edinburt-h  ls:i:>:  W  ni,- 
Row,  The  History  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  (  '  '  ■  --  ',':'/ 
from  the  Restoration  to  the  Revolution  (Glas^.v      1^  n        l,ii:k- 

ton.   The  Secret  and  True  History  of  the  f  /  ,    ",l 

(Edinburgh,  1817);  Lauderdale  Papers  (IGoJ  rU/  iL.iiaciiii 
Society,  London,  1884-85). 

Noel  J.  C.\»ipbell. 

Covetousness,  generally,  an  unre.isonable  desire 
for  what  we  do  not  possess.  In  this  sense,  it  iliffiTS 
from  (•iiiiru|>isii-uee  only  in  the  implied  notion  of  non- 
possession,  and  thus  may  cover  all  things  which  are 
sought  after  inordinately.  Classified  under  this  gen- 
eral head,  we  may  have  covetousness  of  honours,  or 
pride ;  of  the  flesh,  or  concupiscence  properly  so  called ; 
ofriches,orcovetousness proper  (Lat.  avaritiu),  or  ava- 
rice. When  covetousness  of  the  flesh  or  of  wealth  has 
for  its  object  that  which  is  already  the  lawful  posses- 
sion of  another,  it  falls  under  the  ban  of  the  Ninth  or 
Tenth  Commandment  of  God;  and  such  desires,  wil- 
fully indulged,  partake,  as  we  are  told  by  the  Lord 
(Matt.,  v),  in  their  malice,  of  the  nature  of  the  external 
acts  themselves.  For  he  who  deliberately  desires  the 
possession  of  another  man's  lawful  wife  or  goods  has 
already  in  his  heart  committed  the  sin  of  adultery  or 
theft.  In  its  specific  meaning,  covetousness  looks  to 
riches  in  themselves,  whether  of  money  or  of  property, 
whether  possessed  or  not,  and  pertains  less  to  their 
acquisition  than  to  their  possession  or  accumulation. 
Thus  defined,  it  is  numbered  among  the  sins  which  are 
called  capital,  because  it  is,  as  St.  Paul  says  (Tim., 
vi),  a  radix  omnium  peccatomm. 

The  capital  sin  of  covetousness  is  in  reality  rather 
a  vice  or  inclination  to  sin,  which  is  sinful  only  in 
that  it  proceeds  from  the  unholy  condition  of  origi- 
nal sin  in  which  we  are  born,  and  because  it  leads 
us  into  sin.  And  so  far  is  the  desire — natural  in  us 
all — to  acquire  and  hold  possessions  from  being  re- 
proved as  offensive  by  God,  that,  if  kept  within  the 
bounds  of  reason  and  justice  and  resisted  triumph- 
antly in  its  inordinate  cravings,  it  is  positively  meri- 
torious. Even  when  indulged,  covetousness  is  not 
a  grievous  sin,  except  in  certain  cuiiditions  which  in- 
volve offence  of  God  or  the  neighbour,  e.  g.  when  one  is 
prepared  to  employ,  or  does  actually  employ,  illicit  or 
unjust  means  to  satisfy  the  desire  of  riche.s,  holds  to 
them  in  defiance  of  the  strict  d(-mands  of  justice  or 
charity,  makes  them  the  end  rather  than  the  means  of 
happiness,  or  suffers  them  to  interfere  seriously  with 
one's  bounden  duty  to  God  or  m.an.  Nourished  and 
developed  into  an  imrestricted  habit,  it  becomes  the 


fruitful  mother  of  all  manner  of  perfidy,  heartlessnesa 
and  unrest. 

Slater.  Manual  of  Moral  Theology  (New  York,  1908),  I; 
Lehmkuhl,  Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg.  1898).  I. 

John  H.  Stapleton. 

Covington,  Diocese  op  (Covingtonensis),  com- 
prises that  part  of  Kentucky,  U.  S.  A.,  lying  east  of 
the  Kentucky  River,  and  of  the  western  limits  of 
Carroll,  Owen,  Franklin,  Woodford,  Jessamine,  Gar- 
rard, Rockcastle,  Laurel,  and  Whitley  Counties,  an 
area  of  17,286  square  miles.  It  was  established  29 
July,  1853,  by  the  division  of  the  Diocese  of  Louis- 
ville, then  embracing  the  whole  State  of  Kentucky. 
This  portion  of  the  State  had  been  ministered  to  by  a 
body  of  clergy  conspicuous  for  ability,  learning,  and 
devotion  to  duty.  White  Sulphur,  the  first  organ- 
ized congregation  in  this  jurisdiction,  rejoiced  in  the 
zealous  administration  of  a  Kenrick,   who   in  later 


^  I  M   'HI 

\\     ;/.,  II  III 

ill             J  II 

1'  ^  ■ 

u 

:  .nm 

.  v'il 

Cathedral,  Co\tngton,  Kentucky 

years  graced  the  metropolitan  See  of  Baltimore,  and  of 
a  Reynolds,  destined  to  become  successor  of  the  great 
Bishop  England  of  Charleston.  Lexington  was  grow- 
ing into  an  important  parish  under  the  watcliful  guid- 
ance of  Rev.  John  McGill,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Rich- 
mond, Virginia.  All  of  tlie  clergy  manifested  in  their 
lives  the  glorious  traditions  of  Flaget,  Badin,  David, 
and  Nerinckx,  whose  successors  they  were.  Catholic 
immigration  has  been  almost  exclusively  confined  to 
two  nationalities:  German  anil  Irish.  The  former 
compose  a  large  majority  of  the  Catholic  population 
of  the  cities  and  towns  along  the  Ohio  River,  while  the 
latter  have  sought  the  interior  of  the  diocese.  In 
Covington  and  Newport  German  Catholics  predomi- 
nate, while  in  Lexington,  Frankfort,  and  Paris,  the 
Irish  are  in  the  majority.  Lying  south  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  Line,  although  rich  in  raw  material,  the  dio- 
cese has  been  handicapped  by  a  lack  of  industrial  and 
mineral  development.  Within  its  confines  there  is  a 
total  population  of  about  900,000,  of  whom  54,423  are 
Catholic.  The  attitude  of  non-Catholics  is  uniformly 
respectful,  considerate,  and  kind. 

Bishops. — (1)  The  choice  of  the  Holy  See  for  the 
first   bishop  of  the  new  diocese  fell  upon  the  Rev. 
George    Alov.sius   C.vrrell,    S.   J.,    rector   of   St. 
Francis  Xavier's  Church,  Cincinnati.     He  was  born  ; 
in  Philadelphia,  13  June.  1803.  ordained  priest  20  De- 
cember, 1827,  and  entered  the  Society    of  Jesus   19 
August,    183,^.      He    was    consecrated    1    November, 
1S53,  at  Cincinnati.     The  burden  resting  on  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  new  bishop  of  a  diocese  sparsely  settled  by 
8000  Catholics,   without  influence    or   material   re-  i 
sources,  was  a  hca\-y  one;  but  at  his  death  (25  Sept., 
1868),  after  fourteen  years  of  zealous  labours,  he  left 
it  thoroughly  organized  with  a  Catholic  population  i 
three  times  as  great  as  he  found  there,  a  self-sacrifio-  i 


COWGILL 


463 


COYSEVOX 


ing  clergy,  a  devoted  people,  and  many  educational 
and  eleemosynary  institutions. 

(2)  The  second  bishop,  Augustus  Marie  Toebbe, 
was  born  15  January,  1829,  at  Meppen,  Hanover, 
Germany,  and  ordained  priest  14  .September,  1854,  at 
Cincinnati.  He  was  consecrated  9  January,  1870, 
and  died  2  May,  1884.  He  contributed  largely  to  the 
increase  of  the  parishes  of  the  diocese  and  the  growth 
of  Cathohcism. 

(3)  Camiilus  Paul  Maes,  his  successor,  was  born 
in  Belgium,  13  Marrh.  1846.  studied  at  the  American 
College,  Louvain,  for  the  Diocese  of  Detroit,  where  he 
was  chancellor  when  apiminted  to  the  See  of  Coving- 
ton. He  was  consecrated  25  January,  1885,  and  soon 
cleared  off  a  diocesan  debt  of  $150,000.  He  next 
undertook  to  replace  the  old  cathetlral,  rapidly  tot- 
tering to  decay,  with  a  magnificent  Gothic  pile  in  the 
most  prominent  part  of  the  city.  Bishop  Maes  also 
found  time  to  care  for  the  remote  population  dwelling 
in  the  moimtainous  parts  of  the  diocese.  Few  people 
of  the  diocese  were  blessed  with  an  abundance  of 
(vealth.  James  Walsh,  a  conspicuous  benefactor, 
made  possible  the  first  free  parochial  school,  and  later 
enabled  Bishop  Maes  to  begin  the  erection  of  the 
cathedral.  His  son,  Nicholas  Walsh,  followed  gen- 
erously in  the  footsteps  of  his  father.  Mrs.  Mary 
Howard  Preston,  a  zealous  convert,  gave  the  neces- 
sary funds  to  start  the  great  work  of  the  missions  to 
non-Catholics  in  Eastern  Kentucky. 

Statistics. — The  Catholic  population  (1908)  is 
54,423  (10,162  families).  The  clergy  number  77  (68 
secular,  9  regular).  There  are  74  churches,  38  sta- 
tions, and  9  chapels;  3  orphan  asylums  (204  inmates) ; 
2  hospitals  (2962  patients);  2  homes  for  aged  poor  (351 
inmates)  ;7  female  academies(1491  pupils);  37  parochial 
schools  (7782  pupils,  of  these  3744  are  in  Covington). 

The  religious  commimities  in  the  diocese  include: 
Men — Benedictine  Fathers,  five  charges,  and  the 
Marist  Brothers.  Women — Sisters  of  St,  Benedict, 
sisters  of  Charity,  Sisters  of  St.  Francis,  Sisters  of  the 
Poor,  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd,  Sisters  of  Notre 
Dame,  Sisters  of  Providence,  Loretto  Sisters,  Visita- 
tion Nuns. 

Mafs.  Life  of  Rrv.  Charles  .Xcrinrkl  (Cincinn.afi,  1880);  Idem, 
JoWra  Jubilri-  nf  t),r  ninccxr  o!  C,<  •  ;  •-  r:i-i..nil  Letter,  Nov., 
1903):    Wkbb,  r/i.- rvn^nori/ .1/ '      '  '    A  r  „/i/<-fr,y  (Louis- 

rille,  1SS4);    Spali>i\<;,  Lijc  ../  I:.  -  /         A   Flagct  (Louis- 

.iUe,  18.52);    \nr.si,  Skelch(s  ol  Enrl,  1  r-'^    M       n,ns  in  Kentucky 
[Louisville.  1844).  J  ^^,l,^    L_    GoREY. 

Cowgill,  J.  R.     See  Leeds,  Diocese  of. 

Cowl  (kou/couXioi/,  cucullus,  cucuUa,  cucullio. — 
Ducange,  "Gloss.",  s.  v.),  a  hood  worn  in  many 
■eligious  orders.  The  name  was  originally  used  for 
I  kind  of  bag  in  which  grocers  sold  their  wares  (ibid.), 
:hen  for  an  article  of  dress  that  was  like  it  in  shape, 
rhe  Incerna  or  hyrrhus  (our  cope),  the  usual  cloak  for 
)Utdoor  wear  until  far  into  the  Middle  Ages,  had  a 
;owl  fixed  behind,  that  could  be  drawn  over  the  head. 
3o  also  had  the  pirnula  (chasuble — Wilpert,  "Gewan- 
iung  der  Christen',  pp.  13,  45,  etc.;  Braun,  "Liturg. 
jewandung",  pp.  240,  .348).  Juvenal  (VI,  118)  and 
Martial  (XI,  98)  refer  to  the  cucullus  of  the  lacerna. 
3ozomen  says  that  monks  covered  their  heads  with 
I  hood  called  curullus  (H.  E.,!!!,  xiii),  and  Palladius 
:ells  us  the  same  fact  about  St.  Ephram  and  the 
iisciples  of  Pachomius  (Hist.  Laus.,  XIII).  Both  St. 
Ferome  (Ep.  xxii,  ad  Eustochium)  and  Cassian  (De 
labitu  mon.,  I,  iv)  refer  to  it  as  part  of  a  monk's 
ire.ss.  St.  Benedict  ordered  two  kinds  of  cowls  for 
lis  monks,  a  warm  one  for  winter  and  a  light  one  for 
iummer  (Regula  S.  Ben.,  Iv).  The  cowl  became  a 
^reat  cloak  with  a  hood.  Benedict  of  Anagni  forbade 
iiis  monks  to  wear  one  that  came  below  the  knees 
[.\rdo,  V'ita  Ben,  Anian.,  xl).  The  Benedictines, 
L'istercians,  and  all  the  oltl  monastic  orders  now  use 
the  cowl,  a  great  mantle  with  a  hood  that  can  be 
thrown  back  over  the  shoulders,  as  a  ceremonial  dress 


for  choir;  the  Franciscans  have  a  smaller  hood  fixed 
to  their  habit;  canons  wear  it  on  their  mozzetta,  and 
bishops  and  cardinals  on  the  cappa.  With  the  Au- 
gustinians  and  Servites  it  is  still  a  separate  hood  not 
attached  to  anj-thing.  Ducange  (s.  v.)  says  the  name 
is  a  diminutive  of  casula — "quasi  minor  cella".  A 
cowl  fixed  to  a  cloak  is  still  commonly  worn  in  Tyrol, 
parts  of  Austria  and  Hungary,  etc.  Cucullata  con- 
gregatio  occurs  occasionally  as  a  general  name  for 
monastic  orders  (Ducange).  The  colour  of  the  cowl 
is  that  of  the  habit,  black  among  Benedictines,  white 
with  the  Cistercians,  etc. 

Ducange.  Glossarium  medicB  el  infimw  Latinitatis^  s.  v. 
Cucullus:  Wilpert,  Die  Gewandung  der  Christen  in  den  ersten 
Jahrhunderlcn  (Cologiie.  1898),  13.  45,  etc.;  Bhaun,  Die 
liturgische  Gewandung  im  Occident  und  Orient  {Freiburg  im  Br,, 
1907),  240,  348,  Adrian  Fortescue. 

Coxcie,  MicHiEL.  Flemish  painter,  imitator  of 
Raphael,  kitown  as  the  Flemish  Raphael;  b.  at  Mech- 
lin, 14'.M1:  d.  there  1,")02.  There  are  several  spellings 
for  his  name:  Cocxie,  Coxcie,  Coxis,  Coxci'en.  Coxcycn. 
He  was  a  pupil  of  his  father,  and  afterwards  studied 
under  Van  Orley,  with  whom  he  visited  Rome  in 
1532,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Vasari. 
There  he  married  his  first  wife,  Ida  van  Has,sclt,  with 
whom  he  returned  to  Mechlin,  in  1539,  and  the  same 
year  became  a  member  of  the  Academy  of  that  place. 
In  1561  he  was  in  Brussels,  and  after  that  back  in 
Mechlin,  where,  at  the  age  of  seventy,  in  1560,  he 
married  his  second  wife,  Jeanne  van  Schelle.  By  his 
first  wife  he  had  three  children,  Anne,  a  sculptor, 
William,  and  Raphael,  painters;  by  his  second,  two 
sons,  Michiel,  a  painter,  and  Conrad,  Coxcie  painted 
several  large  works  for  the  Emperor  Charles  V  and 
for  Philip  II,  King  of  Spain,  to  whom  he  was  court 
painter.  He  designed  thirty-two  subjects  from  the 
fable  of  Cupid  and  Psyche,  which  were  engraved, 
and,  in  conjunction  with  Van  Orley,  he  directed  the 
execution  of  some  tapestry  made  from  the  designs  of 
Raphael.  He  copied  part  of  the  great  Van  Eyck 
altar-piece  for  Philip  II  of  Spain,  and  portions  of  his 
copy  are  in  Berlin  and  Miniich  and  the  remainder  in 
Ghent.  Several  of  liis  ]>ainfings  are  to  be  seen  at 
Brussels,  Antwerp,  Bruges,  BitHu,  Madrid,  St,  Peters- 
burg, and  Vienna.  In  his  paintings  he  bestowed  spe- 
cial care  on  the  figures  of  women,  and  they  are  well 
modelled  and  invariably  graceful.  In  male  figures 
he  too  often  exaggerated  the  anatomy  and  selected 
awkward  and  unreasonable  attitudes.  His  composi- 
tion is  verj'  Italian  in  character,  sometimes  too 
academic  in  line  and  grou]iing,  but  .agreeable  in  effect. 
His  best  works  are  signed  and  dated  and  are  remarka- 
ble for  their  splendiil  colouring  and  harmonious  result. 
George  Charles  Williamson. 

Coysevox,  Charles-Antoine,  a  distinguished 
French  sculptor,  b.  at  Lyons,  29  Sept.,  1640;  d.  at 
Paris,  10  Oct.,  1720;  he  belonged  to  a  family  originally 
from  Spain.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  executed 
a  much  admired  Madonna.  In  1671  he  wasemployed 
by  Louis  XIV  on  various  sculptures  at  Versailles  and 
at  Marly.  He  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Academy 
in  1676,  and  had  among  his  pupils  his  two  nephews, 
Nicolas  and  Guillaume  Coustou.  Coysevox  made  two 
bronze  statues  of  Louis  XIV,  the  " Charlem.agne " 
at  Saint-Louis  des  Invalides,  and  other  famous 
works,  but  his  most  famous  is  probably  "LaRt-nom- 
m6e"  at  the  entrance  of  the  Tuileries — two  winged 
horses  bearing  Mercury  and  Fame.  Napoleon  is  said 
to  have  delight(!d  in  the  sculptor's  fancy  that  the 
horse  of  Mercurj-  should  have  a  bridle,  but  not  that 
of  Fame,  Coyse\-ox  also  producetl  some  fine  sepulchral 
monuments  for  the  churches  of  Paris.  We  owe  him 
a  special  debt  for  liis  contemporary  portraits. 

LfDKK.  History  of  Sculpture,  tr.  Bennett  (Ixinilon,  1878); 
DiLKE,  French  Architecli  and  Umiplors  of  the  XVIII  Century 
(London,  1900). 

M.  L.  Handley. 


COZZA 


464 


CRACOW 


Cozza,  Lorenzo,  Friar  Minor,  cardinal,  and 
theologian,  b.  at  San  Lorenzo  near  Bolsena,  31  March, 
1654;  d.  at  Rome,  18  January,  1729.  He  filled  the 
position  of  lector  at  Naples  and  Viterbo,  where  he 
became  guardian  of  the  convent.  Cardinal  Sacchetti 
chose  Cozza  as  his  confessor  and  ad\'iser,  thus  giving 
rise  to  a  friendsliip  that  lasted  through  life.  While 
in  the  Orient,  whither  he  had  been  .sent  as  superior 
of  the  Franciscan  monaster}'  in  Jerusalem,  Cozza 
found  leisure  to  compose  several  important  works, 
and  as  legate  of  the  supreme  pontiff  he  recon- 
ciled the  Maronites  and  the  Patriarch  Jacobus 
Petrus  of  Antioch,  who  had  long  been  at  variance 
with  the  Holy  See.  In  1715  he  returned  to  Rome, 
in  1723  was  elected  minister  general,  and  on  9  Decem- 
ber. 1726,  was  made  cardinal  by  Benedict  XIII. 
The  remaining  years  of  his  life  were  passed  at  Rome 
in  quiet  and  study  in  the  little  convent  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew on  the  Island.  His  writings  include  "His- 
toriapolemicade  Graecorum  schismate"  (Rome,  1719- 
20);  "Commentarii  liistorico-dogmatici "  (Rome, 
1707);  and  "Terra  Sancta  vindicata  a  calumniis", 
the  last  still  unpublished. 

Mahcellino  da  CivEZZA.  Safjgio  di  Bibliografia  Sanfran- 
cescana  (Prato.  1S79),  129-130,  n.  166;  Golubovich,  Serie 
del  Superiori  di  Terra  Santa  (Jerusalem.  1898),  98,  n.  168; 
HuRTER.  Nomenclator,  II,  1001;  Cardella,  Mcmorie  storiche 
del  cardinali  delta  S,  Romana  Chiesa  (Rome,  1792),  VIII.  223. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Cozza-Luzi,  Giuseppe,  Italian  savant,  Abbot  of  the 
Basilian  monastery  of  Grottaf errata  near  Rome;  b.  24 
Dec,  1S37,  at  Bolsena  in  the  Province  of  Rome:  d. 
there  1  Jime,  1905.  In  early  youth  he  entered  the 
ancient  monastery  of  which  he  became  abbot  in  1882. 
Pius  IX  was  attracted  by  his  scholarship,  as  was  later 
Leo  XIII.  In  1898  he  was  freed  from  all  official 
cares  and  devoted  himself  thenceforth  t»  his  be- 
loved studies.  He  won  distinction  by  his  edition  of 
several  ancient  Vatican  MSS.,  and  was  also  learned  in 
the  historj'  of  art  and  in  archa?ologj'.  Under  his  di- 
rection was  executed  the  phototype  edition  of  the 
Codex  Vaticanus,  (q.  v.)  (Vetus  et  Novum  Testamen- 
tum  e  Cod.  Vaticano  1209  phototyp.,  5  vols,  fol.,  Rome, 
1S89),  also  a  Vatican  codex  of  the  Prophets  (ibid., 
1889),  and  from  a  Vatican  SIS.  the  miniatures  of 
Giulio  Clovio  to  Dante's  "Paradiso".  Nearly  all  the 
copies  of  these  artistic  publications  perished  at  the 
burning  of  the  Danesi  establishment  in  Rome.  To- 
gether with  the  well-known  Scriptural  scholar.  Carlo 
Vercellone  (q.  v.),  he  supervised  the  printing  of  the 
Greek  text  of  the  Codex  Vaticanus  (see  Codex  V.\ti- 
CANUs),in  five  volumes  (Rome,  1868-81);  he  also  edited 
other  Scriptural  MSS.,  e.  g.  the  Greek  codex  of  Daniel  in 
the  Chigi  Library  at  Rome.  His  most  important  scien- 
tific work  was  the  publication  of  some  fragments  of 
the  "Geography"  of  Strabo  (Rome,  1884),  originally 
discovered  by  Cardinal  Mai  (q.  v.),  who  was,  however, 
unaware  of  their  importance.  We  owe  also  to  Cozza- 
Luzi  the  publication  of  the  eighth  and  ninth  volumes 
of  Mai's  "Nova  Bibliotheca  Patrum",  and  a  part  of 
the  cardinal's  correspondence. 

Among  the  theological  treatises  of  Cozza-Luzi  is  an 
important  study  on  the  evidence  of  the  Greek  litur- 
gies to  the  papal  supremacy  (De  Rom.  Pont,  auc- 
torit.  doctrinali  testim.  liturg.  ecclesi;e  grsece,  Rome, 
1870).  He  wrote  also  on  the  antiquities  of  his  native 
Bolsena,  on  the  cathedral  of  Orvieto,  the  Vatican  col- 
lection of  Assyrian  antiquities,  etc.  Among  his  more 
interesting  publications  is  an  edition  of  the  Greek 
version  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great's  accoimt  of  St.  Bene- 
dict (Ilistnria  S.  P.  N.  Benedicti  a  Pontif.  Gregorio  I 
descripta  ft  a  Zacluiria  gra^ce  reddita,  Tivoli,  ISSO). 
Many  of  his  writings  are  scattered  in  various  Italian 
I)eriodic:ds,  ecclesiastical  .and  historical.  Though 
possessed  of  a  strong  intellect  and  a  brojul  culture  he 
often  lacked  scientific  accuracy  and  it  is  regrett.able 
that  no  organic  plan  dominated  his  numerous  studious 


researches.     As  yet  there  exists  no  biography  of  him. 

Onoranze  rese  a  Giuseppe  Cozza-Luzi  (Rome,  1898)  contains 
a  list  of  his  principal  writings. 

U.  Benigni. 


Cracow  (Pol.  Krakou'),  the  Prince-Bishopric  of 
(Cracoviensis);  comprises  the  western  portion  of 
Galicia  in  Austria,  and  borders  on  the  Diocese  of 
Kielce  in  Russian  Poland,  Breslau  in  Prussia,  Tar- 
now  in  Galicia,  and  Zips  in  Hungary. 

It  has  long  been  disputed  at  what  time  the  Diocese 
of  Cracow  was  created.  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  was 
already  in  existence  in  the  year  1000;  for  at  that  time 
Poppo,  its  bishop,  was  made  a  suffragan  to  Radzym 
(the  Latin  St.  Gaudenlius)  the  first  Archbishop  of 
Gnesen  (Thietmar  Chronicon,  IV,  in  P.  L.,  CXXXIX, 
1226).  Father  Augustine  Arndt,  S.  J.  (Zeitschrift  fur 
kath.  Theologie,  XIV,  45-47,  Innsbruck,  1890)  ad- 
duces some  reasons  in  support  of  the  opinion  that  the 
Diocese  of  Cracow  was  fotmded  by  the  Polish  King 
Mieceslaw  I  as  early  as  984,  and  that  Poppo,  who  had 
been  tutor  of  Duke  Henry  of  Bavaria  until  983,  be- 
came its  first  bishop;  but  most  authorities  agree 
that  it  was  not  created  until  1000  or  shortly  before. 
There  are  extant  five  lists  of  the  bishops  of  Cracow. 
The  oldest  was  compiled  about  1266  (Mon.  Germ.  Hist.: 
Script..  XIX,  608),  the  second,  shortly  before  1347 
(Mon.  hist.  Polon.  Ill,  801);  the  others  are  of  a  later 
date.  During  the  invasion  of  the  Bohemians  in  1039, 
and  the  succeeding  period  of  anarchy,  all  ecclesiastical 
documents  were  lost,  and  the  names  and  dates  of  the 
bishops  of  Cracow  up  to  Bishop  Aaron  (1046-1059) 
are  very  unreliable.  Prochorus  and  Proculphus,  who 
are  mentioned  in  the  lists  as  predecessors  of  Poppo,  are 
entirely  legendarj'.  Three  of  the  bishops  of  Cracow 
are  publicly  venerated:  St.  Stanislaus  Szczepanowski 
(1072-1079),  who  suft'ered  martyrdom  at  the  hands  of 
Iving  Boleslaw,  canonized  in  1253,  patron  of  Poland 
and  of  the  Dioceses  of  Cracow  and  Posen ;  Blessed 
Vincent  Kadlubek  (1208-1218),  the  earliest  Polish 
historian  of  Poland,  resigned  his  see  and  entered  the 
Cistercian  monastery  of  Jedrzejow  in  1218,  died  8 
March,  1223,  beatified  in  1764;  John  Prandotha 
(1242-1266),  who  drove  the  heretical  Flagellants  from 
his  diocese,  and  was  venerated  until  the  seventeenth 
century,  when  his  veneration  ceased,  owing  to  a  mis- 
interpretation of  the  Bull  "De  cultu  servorum  Dei'' 
issued  by  Pope  Urban  VIII,  5  July,  1634.  Other 
renowned  bishops  were:  Matthseus  (1143-1165)  a 
historian;  Zbigniew  Olesnicki  (1423-1455),  a  great 
statesman  and  fearless  opponent  of  the  Hussites, 
created  cardinal  in  1439;  and  George  Radziwill 
(1591-1600),  founder  of  seminaries  and  hospitals. 

Originally  the  Diocese  of  Cracow  seems  to  have 
comprised  the  towns  and  districts  of  Sandomir,  Cra- 
cow, and  Lublin,  and  the  castellanies  of  Sieradz,  Spici- 
mir,  Rozpoza,  Lenczyc,  and  Wolborg;  but  ilis  area 
underwent  various  changes.  From  the  year  1443  to 
1795  the  Bishops  of  Cracow  were  at  the  same  time 
sovereign  dukes  of  Severia,  a  territorj-  situated  be- 
tween Silesia  and  Cracow.  Before  the  first  partition 
of  Poland  in  1772  the  Diocese  of  Cracow  comprised  the 
whole  of  Little  Poland,  Sieradz,  a  large  portion  of 
Silesia,  and  part  of  the  present  Diocese  of  Zips  (Scep- 
usium).  In  1772  it  lost  its  territorj'  south  of  the 
Vistula  (Dicecesis  Cis\-istulana),  which  in  1783  con.sti- 
tuted  the  new  Diocese  of  Tarnow.  In  1790  the  new 
Diocese  of  Lublin  and  in  1805  the  new  Diocese  of 
Kielce  were  severed  from  its  remaining  territory. 
Pope  Pius  VII  made  Cracow  an  exempt  diocese  in 
1815  and  restored  to  it  a  portion  of  the  Diocese  of 
Kielce  in  IS! 7,  wliieh  portion,  however,  was  returned 
to  Kielce  in  lSt(i,  so  that  (hen  the  Diocese  of  Cracow 
w;\s  confined  to  (lie  city  Cracow  and  two  deaneries 
south  of  the  \'istula.  From  1851  to  1S79  tliediocesewas 
ruled  by  adininistratoi-s.  Under  .Mbin  Uuiiajewski, 
who  became  bishop  in  1879,  it  was  soruewiiat  enlarged 


CRACOW 


m 


CRACOW 


towards  the  south,  in  1880  and  again  in  1886.  In  1889 
it  was  made  a  prince-bishopric,  and  a  year  later 
Prince-Bishop  Dunajewski  was  raised  to  the  cardinal- 
ate.  John  Puzyna  de  Koziel  was  made  Prince-Bishop 
of  Cracow  in  1S95,  and  Anatole  Nowak  auxiliary 
bishop  in  1900.  The  diocese  nmnbers  197  parishes, 
181  vicariates,  457  diocesan  and  223  regular  priests, 
850,000  Catholics,  4000  Protestants,  and  60,000  Jews. 
The  Emperor  of  Austria  has  the  privilege  of  appoint- 
ing the  prince-bishop,  after  consulting  with  the 
bishops  of  Galicia.  The  cathedral  chapter  includes  3 
prelates  (dean,  scholasticus,  and  custos)  and  6  canons. 
The  most  important  educational  institution  in  the 
diocese  is  the  Cracow  University  ( Uniwersitet  Jagiellon- 
ski),  founded  by  Casimir  the  Great  in  1364  and  ap- 
proved by  Pope  Urban  V  the  same  year.  The  dio- 
cese has  also  an  ecclesiastical  aeminarj',  various 
colleges,  and  minor  institutions  of  learning.  The  cathe- 
dral of  Cracow  is  one  of  the  most  venerable  struc- 
tures in  Europe.  Here  lie  buried  most  of  the  Polish 
kings,  the  two  national  heroes,  Kosciusko  and  Ponia- 
towski,  the  greatest  Polish  poet,  Mickiewicz,  and 
many  other  noble  sons  of  Poland;  here  also  are 
preserved  the  relics  of  St.  Stanislaus  (see  above).  It 
is  of  Gothic  architecture,  originally  built  probably  by 
Mieceslaw  I  about  966,  where  now  stands  the  church 
of  St.  Michael  and  where  St.  Stanislavis  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom ;  rebuilt  on  its  present  site  by  Ladislaus  Her- 
man, King  of  Poland  (10S3-1102);  restored  by  Nan- 
ker  Oksza,  Bishop  of  Cracow  (1320-132?);  rebuilt  in 
the  eighteenth  century  in  barocco  style;  and  renov- 
ated from  1886-1901.  It  contains  the  beautiful 
chapel  of  Signiund,  the  best  specimen  of  the  Renais- 
sance style  in  Flostern  Europe,  built  by  Bartolonuneo 
da  Firenze  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  renovated  in 
1894.  The  Church  of  St.  Mary,  a  Gothic  structure 
built  1226-1.397  and  restored  in  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, has  on  its  high  altar  a  large  Gothic  wood-car\'ing 
representing  the  death  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  the 
masterpiece  of  Veit  Stoss. 

The  chief  charitable  institution  is  the  Archconfra- 
ternity  of  Mercy,  founded  by  the  Jesuit  Peter  Skargo 
(d.  1618),  which  distributes  alms  to  the  poor  and  is 
the  owner  of  a  mo»/-dr-/)!'((('.  There  are  also:  another 
nont-de-pii  tc ;  an  asyhun  for  old  men  and  women, 
three  orphan  asylums,  an  insane  asylum,  various  hos- 
pitals and  workhouses.  All  these  establishments  are 
iubject  to  the  diocesan  authorities.  The  Catholic 
press  is  represented  by  two  dailies,  two  weeklies  ed- 
ited by  priests,  three  monthlies  published  by  religious, 
ind  two  monthly  magazines  of  high  literary  standard. 
Ihey  are  all  in  Polish. 

The  following  religious  orders  and  congregations  of 
men  are  engaged  in  parish,  educational,  or  charitable 
K'ork:  .\ugustinians,  Brothers  of  Mercy,  Camaldolese, 
[Canons  Regular  of  the  Lateran,  Canons  Regular  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  Carmelites,  Discalced  Carmelites  (2 
bouses).  Capuchins,  Cistercians  (.\bbey  of  Mogila), 
[Conventual  Franciscans,  Observant  Franciscans  (hei'e 
jailed  Bemardines  (3  houses).  Reformed  Franciscans 
'3houses),  Dominicans,  Hermits  of  St.  Paul,  Jesuits  (2 
louses),  Lazarists  (3houses),  Piari-sts,  Resurrectionists. 
rhe  religious  orders  and  congregations  of  women  are 
represented  by  the  following:  Augu.stinians,  Benedic- 
tines, Bemardines,  Canonesses  of  the  Holy  Ghost  de 
3axia,  Discalced  Carmelites,  Clarisses,  Daughters  of 
Divine  Love,  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Premonstra- 
tensians,  Re.surrectionists,  Sale.sians,  Servite  Ter- 
tiaries,  Ursulincs,  Sisters  of  St.  Albert,  Sisters  of  St. 
Dharles  Borromeo,  .Sisters  of  St.  Felix.  Sisters  of  the 
Holy  Family,  Sisters  of  the  Mother  of  Mercy,  Sisters  of 
^faza^eth,  Sisters  of  the  Presentation,  Vincentian  Si.s- 
ters,  Servants  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus. 

Mimum'-nin  Pnlnniir  hint.  rrtti«ti<<n:ma  (I,pml>ore.  1872'>,  II. 
189an.l  (Cracow.  IM-S),  III.  (l.t-STR;  Mmkiki,  Th,-  Oriainni 
Scde.tin.iUail  Cnnditinrui  nf  fohnrl  (l.prnljeri;.  lS7r,1.  in  P..li...h: 
Jtarowolski.  Fi/<c  anlisliUim  Crtienyirnsitim  (Cmrow.  Ifi.';.')): 
^t.rt:iA,,  Ge-tchichir  Piilcns  (Hamburg.  1840);  Chotkowski  in 
IV.— 30 


Dir  knIhoUshe  Kirche  unsercr   Zcit  und  ihre  Dirner  (^lunich, 
1900),  II,  527-533;  Neheb  in  Kirchenkx.  s.  v.  Krakau. 

Michael  Ott. 

The  University  of  Cracow. — The  first  document- 
ary evidence  regarding  the  scheme  that  King  Casimir 
the  Great  conceived  of  establishing  a  university  dates 
from  13()2.  Urban  V  favoured  the  plan,  and  King 
Casimir  issued  the  charter  of  the  imiversity,  12  May, 
1364.  It  was  modelled  after  the  schools  of  Padua  ami 
Bologna,  consequently  the  faculty  of  law  and  the 
study  of  Roman  law  held  the  first  place.  The  pope 
gave  his  approval,  1  September,  13t)4,  but  excluded 
theologj'.  Casimir's  school,  however,  was  refoimded 
during  the  reign  of  Jagiello  and  Hedwig  of  the  house 
of  Anjou.  The  consent  of  Boniface  IX  was  given,  H 
February,  1397,  and  King  Jagiello  signed  the  charter, 
26  July,  1400.  The  university  now  included  all  four 
faculties  and  was,  therefore,  patterned  on  that  of 
Paris.  The  first  chancellor  was  Bishop  Peter  ^^■ysz  of 
Cracow,  who  also  gave  the  opening  lecture.  The  first 
professors  were  Bohemians,  Germane,  and  Poles,  most 
of  whom  had  been  trained  at  Prague.  In  the  first 
year  the  number  of  matriculated  students  was  205;  in 
the  course  of  the  fifteenth  century  it  rose  to  500. 

The  university  took  an  active  part  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical controversies  of  the  fifteenth  century  and  showed 
itself  a  strong  supporter  of  the  coneiliar  doctrine: 
concilimn  supra  pajiani  (i.  e.  a  council  is  above  the 
pope).  It  maintained  nevertheless  a  strictly  Catholic 
position  during  the  Hussite  troubles.  In  the  struggle 
between  the  Nominalists  and  Realists  it  took  but 
little  part.  Realism  having  almost  exclusive  sway  at 
the  school.  Still  the  effect  on  the  university  of  the 
active  intercourse  with  the  ^^"est  was,  at  the  time,  but 
slight  and  transient.  King  Jagiello  died  in  1434;  in 
the  period  following,  the  vmiversity  was  controlled  by 
its  powerful  chancellor,  Zbigniew  Olesnicki,  who  was 
also  Bishop  of  Cracow  from  1423  to  1455.  A  circle  of 
learned  men  who  followed  the  new  tendencies  gath- 
ered around  him.  Among  these  scholars  was  Po- 
laml's  great  historian,  Dlugozs.  At  the  time  of  the 
Council  of  Basle  the  university  and  its  chancellor  were 
partisans  of  the  council,  and  Olesnicki  even  accepted 
the  cardinalate  from  Felix  V.  After  the  Union  of  Flor- 
ence Olesnicki  went  over  to  the  side  of  Nicholas  V,  but 
the  university  did  not  submit  to  the  control  of  the 
Church  until  1449.  The  age  of  Olesnicki  was  one  of 
great  scholars,  among  whom  were:  the  physician  and 
astronomer,  Martin  Krol;  the  decretalist,  Johann 
Elgot;  the  theologians,  Benedict  Hesse  and  Jacobus 
of  Parady^.  St.  John  Cantius,  student  and  later  pro- 
fessor of  theologj',  was  distinguished  for  virtue  even 
more  than  for  learning.  He  was  born  at  Kenty,  1397 ; 
died,  1473;  was  canonized  by  Clement  XIII,  1767; 
his  feast  is  observed  20  October.  Olesnicki  showed 
favour  to  men  who  were  not  Poles,  suppressed  the 
Hussite  tendencies  with  a  firm  hand,  and  was  very 
generous  to  the  university.     He  died  in  145.5. 

The  causes  which  finally  brought  the  university  into 
line  with  the  new  tendencies  were  various.  Poland 
was  then  the  great  power  of  Eastern  Europe,  the  court 
of  Casimir  of  the  Jagellon  dynasty  was  a  brilliant  one, 
and  Cracow  was  a  very  rich  city.  It  was,  therefore, 
not  surprising  that  many  famous  men  were  drawn  to 
this  centre.  From  1470  to  1496  (.'alliniachus  w.-is 
preceptor  in  the  royal  household.  Attracted  by  the 
fame  of  Callimachus,  Conrad  Celtes,  the  celebrated 
Humanist,  made  his  appearance  at  Cracow  before  the 
end  of  the  century.  Printing  also  soon  had  its  repre- 
.sentatives  here;  towards  the  clo.se  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
turj'  Haller  estalilished  his  press  in  Cracow  and  began 
his  patronage  of  art  and  letters.  In  this  way  the  num- 
ber of  those  who  followed  the  new  humanistic  tenden- 
cies of  tlie  West  continually  incre.a.sed,  but  unfortu- 
nately there  w:ls  also  an  increase  in  profligacy.  In 
1492,  John  I  Albert,  the  pupil  and  friend  of  Callim- 
achus, ascended  the  throne  of  Poland;  he  did  not, 


CRACOW 


466 


CRAIGIE 


however,  fulfil  the  expectations  excited  by  him. 
Callimachus  died  in  1496;  as  time  went  on  the  seed 
which  he  and  Celtes  had  sown  produced  its  fruit,  as  is 
shown  in  Rhagius  Sommerfeld,  also  called  JSsticam- 
pianus,  and  in  Heinrich  Bebel.  Thus,  at  the  opening 
of  the  sixteenth  centurj',  the  classic  writers  were 
more  and  more  read,  at  first  outside  of  the  lecture- 
rooms  of  the  imiversity,  in  the  students'  halls.  In 
1520  the  study  of  Greek  was  introduced  into  the  uni- 
versity, the  professors  being  Constanzo  Claretti,  Wen- 
zel  of  Hirschberg,  and  Libanus.  Hebrew  was  also 
taught  in  spite  of  the  opposition  to  the  "Judaizers", 
and  the  notorious  Italian,  Francesco  Stancari,  arrived 
at  Cracow  in  1546. 

Decline  of  the  University. — In  the  midst  of  this 
progress  signs  of  decay  were  visible,  though  the  de- 
cline did  not  originate  in  the  university  itself.  The 
national  policy  of  Poland,  the  founding  of  the  uni- 
versities of  Wittenberg  and  Frankfort^on-the-Oder, 
and  a  strong  anti-German  tendency,  caused  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cracow  to  lose  its  original  cosmopolitan 
character  and  to  become  rather  a  national  Polish  uni- 
versity; thus  a  gradual  decline  ensued.  Neverthe- 
less it  maintained  during  this  period  a  remarkably 
high  standing.  Such  scholars  as  Mart  in  Krol,  Mart  in 
Bylica,  and  finally  Adalbert  Brudzewski  made  the 
school  famous  as  a  seat  of  astronomical  studies  while 
the  name  of  Nicholas  Copernicus,  the  pupil  of  Brud- 
zewski, sheds  upon  it  undying  lustre.  Elementary 
studies  were  taught,  consequently  students  of  from 
fourteen  to  sixteen  years  of  age  entered  from  Him- 
gary,  Moravia,  Silesia,  Prussia,  and  the  provinces 
of  the  Polish  crown.  At  first  the  students  lived  in 
private  houses,  but  gradually  halls  were  established  in 
which  "commons"  were  provided,  and  a  clerical  dress 
was  worn.  The  expenses  of  these  halls  were  covered 
by  the  fees  which  the  students  paid  for  board,  matricu- 
lation, room  rent,  and  fuel.  The  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity was  chosen  l)y  a  committee  of  doctors  and  mas- 
ters. Up  to  1419  a  rector  was  chosen  for  the  whole 
year,  btit  from  this  date  until  1778  one  was  selected 
for  each  semester.  Other  officers  were:  the  curators 
who  watched  over  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  uni- 
versity, the  procurator  and  notarius,  and  the  co/isil- 
iarii  who  had  to  decide  in  case  of  an  appeal.  From 
the  start  the  professors  lived  together  in  colleges,  and 
were  divided  according  to  faculties.  They  had  a  com- 
mon table,  decitled  as  to  the  reception  of  members, 
and  bestowed  the  positions  of  canon  and  prebend,  of 
which  each  faculty,  with  the  exception  of  the  medical, 
had  often  as  many  as  twelve  at  its  disposal.  During 
the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  the  fortunes 
of  the  university  sank  to  a  very  low  ebb.  J.  Gorski,  in 
his  "Apology"  (1581),  and  Petrycy  give  as  the  chief 
reasons  for  this  the  utter  insubordination  of  the  stu- 
dents, complete  indifference  of  the  professors  to  the 
advances  of  learning  in  the  West,  and  lack  of  means 
for  the  support  of  the  university.  Above  all,  there 
arose  after  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century,  a 
bitter  conflict  on  the  part-  of  the  university  against  the 
Jesuits,  who,  on  the  strength  of  tlieir  constitutional 
privileges,  had  opened  schools  in  Cracow,  Posen,  Lem- 
berg,  and  other  places,  to  protect  Polish  youth  against 
the  advances  of  Protestantism.  The  university,  how- 
ever, appealed  to  a  privilege,  the  jus  cxclusionis,  and 
demanded  the  closing  of  the  Jesuit  institutions.  For 
nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  this  conflict  was 
carried  on  with  incredible  tenacity.  The  common 
people,  nobility,  clergy,  kings,  bishops,  and  popes 
were  drami  into  it,  an(I  the  striiggle  ended  in  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Jesuits  (cf.  Zafeski,  Jezuiri  ev  Polsic, 
II,  III).  When,  towards  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  national  misfortunes  overtook  the  coimtry, 
and  the  three  Partitions  of  Poland  put  an  end  to  Po- 
lish freedom,  the  life  of  the  imiverity  came  to  a  com- 
plete standstill.  It  is  truo_that  Bishop  Sottyk,  and 
after  him  the  energetic  Koltataj,  undertook  a  thor- 


ough reform  by  breaking  with  the  medieval  routine 
and  giving  prominence  to  the  natural  sciences.  But 
the  political  conditions  in  the  decades  following  these 
efforts  were  unfavourable  to  quiet  and  serious  study. 

Modern  Times. — After  Cracow  had  become,  in  1846, 
a  part  of  the  Austrian  Empire,  the  central  Govern- 
ment at  Vienna  endeavoured  to  make  the  imiversity 
more  German,  but  did  nothing  to  improve  it.  A  new 
era  did  not  open  for  the  school  until  1861,  when  Francis 
Joseph  I  permitted  Polish  to  be  again  used  as  the  lan- 
guage of  instruction  and  official  life,  and  the  Govern- 
ment allowed  a  new  building  to  be  erected  for  the 
university.  The  number  of  professors  and  students 
now  increased  each  year.  While,  in  1853  there  were 
only  47  professors,  of  whom  37  were  regular  professors, 
2  assistant  professors,  and  S  docents,  in  1900,  the  fifth 
centennial  of  the  university,  there  were  103  professors; 
of  this  number  48  were  regular,  36  assistant  professors, 
and  19  docents  and  lecturers.  In  1907  the  professors 
numbered  115.  In  1853  there  were  175  students;  in 
1893, 1320 ;  in  1907,  over  2700.  The  university  library 
contains  250,000  works  in  330,000  volumes;  5500 
manuscripts  in  7000  volumes  (some  of  them  very  val- 
uable and  as  yet  unpublished);  about  10,000  coins, 
and  1200  atlases.  The  university  has  a  college  of  the 
physical  sciences,  and  a  medical  college  for  anatomical 
and  phj'siological  lectures;  the  medical  school  is  en- 
tirely modem  in  its  equipment  and  possesses  very  fuie 
collections.  There  are  also  surgical,  gynaecological, 
and  ophthalmic  clinics,  besides  one  for  internal  and 
nervous  diseases:  an  agricultural  institute  is  in  pro- 
cess of  construction.  Among  the  distinguished  scholars 
connected  with  the  university  (1908)  are:  Professor 
Obszewski,  the  discoverer  of  a  new  method  for  liquify- 
ing gases,  the  surgeon  Professor  Kader,  and  Professor 
Wicherkiewicz,  the  oculist. 

Codex  di-plomaticus  Univ.  Crac&v.  (Cracow,  1870-84);  Liber 
diligentinrum  (Cracow,  1886);  Albutn  stndiosorum  Univ.  Cracov. 
(Cracow,  1887);  Aclarestmai;,,  iCnrnw,  1S93-97),  I,  II;  Rapy- 
MiNSKi,  Fasti  Univ.  Crarnr  ITs,  in  Ms.  Cod,  Jagell.,  225; 
Idem,  Annales  usque  ad  i"/:  |i,i>m  i;,  U,s\  Cod,  Jagell.,  226; 
SoLTYKOwicz,  O Stanie  Ak-na''  >n:,  1.  :n;.,-n  kwj  (on  the  Condition 
of  the  Cracow  Academy)  (<_'i;u*.a\,  IMU;;  Muczkowski,  Miesz- 
kania  i  postepowania  uczniow  Krakowskich  (Residences  and 
Customs  of  the  Cracow  Students)  (Cracow,  1842);  Ldkaszc- 
wicz,  Hi^torya  szkoTw  Koronie  i  W.  AS.  Ldtewskiem  (History  of 
the  Schools  in  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  and  the  Grand  Duchv  of 
Lithuania)  (Posen,  1S49-51);  Bkandowski,  Zalozenie  Vniw. 
Krakow.'fkiego  (Founding  of  the  Cracow  University)  (Cracow, 
1873);  FiJALEK.  Studya  do  dzicjdw  Umu'.Krak.  (Studies  in  the 
History  of  the  University  of  Cracow)  (Cracow.  1S9S);  Mokaw- 
SKr  Kazim,  Historya  Vniw.  Jaoidloii:ki-'ii"-  Srcdnit  wicki  i 
Odrodzenie — History  of  the  JagellMn  I  iiisri-ii\  in  the  Middle 
Ages  and  the  Renaissance  Period  ^('i  a*  I  >\s ,  I'.iiu)  . 

Osi.'Ali  Rddski. 

Craigie,  Peari,  Mary  Teresa,  better  known,  under 
the  pseudonjTn  which  first  won  her  fame,  as  John 
Oliver  Hobbes,  English  novelist,  dramatist,  and  con- 
vert; b.  3  November";  1867;  d.  13  August,  1906.  She 
was  the  eldest  daughter  of  John  Morgan  Richards,  a 
successful  man  of  business  in  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
U.  S.  A.,  and  of  Laiira  Hortense  Arnold,  a  lady  of  dis- 
tinguished colonial  descent.  Her  father  came  of  an 
intensely  Calvinistic  stock  long  settled  in  and  about 
New  York  and  New  Jersey;  and  her  grandfather,  the 
Rev.  James  Richards,  D.D.,  was  a  preacher  and  theo- 
logical writer  of  some  distinction  in  his  time.  In  Feb- 
ruary, 188".  before  she  had  completed  her  twentieth 
year,  Miss  Richards  was  married  to  Mr.  Reginald  Wal- 
pole  Craigie.  an  English  gentleman  of  good  connex- 
ions. The  union,  however,  proved  an  uncongenial 
one,  and  Mrs.  Oaigie  soon  sought  ;ind  obtained  a 
legal  separation  with  the  right  to  the  custody  of  her 
child.  In  1892.  as  the  result,  it  would  seem,  of  much 
private  and  imlepeiident  reflection,  she  was  received 
into  the  Chiu-rli.  She  had  begini  to  (urn  her  thoughts 
seriouslv  ti>  literature  some  time  before  this  event;  for 
already  in  1N91  she  had  ventureil  before  the  pviblic 
under  the  iiseuiliiii>nn  which  she  insisted  on  retaining 
long  after  her  identity  was  known,  and  challenged  the 
puzzled  critics  by  a  book  to  which  she  gave  the  lincon- 


CRANGANOR 


467 


CRASHAW 


ventit  lal  title  of  "  Some  Emotions  and  a  Moral ' '. 
Success  waited  upon  her  from  the  start:  "The  Sin- 
ner's Comedy"  (1892);  "A  Study  in  Temptations" 
(189:?);  "  ABuudlcof  Life"ilS91):  "The  Gods,  Some 
Mortals,  and  Lord  Wickenham  "  (1895);  "The  Herb 
Moon"  (189(5);  "The  School  for  Saints"  (1897); 
"Robert  Orange"  (1900);  "A  Serious  Wooing" 
(1901) ;  "  Love  and  the  Soul  Hunters"  (1902) ;  "  Tales 
About  Temperaments"  (1902);  "The  Vineyard" 
(1904):  "TheFluteof  Pan"  (1905);  "The  Dream  and 
the  Business"  (published  after  her  death  in  1906); — 
these  with  plays  like  "Journeys  End  in  Lovers 
Meeting:  Proverb,"  in  one  act,  written  for  Miss 
Ellen  Terry  (1894);  "The  Ambassador",  produced  at 
the  St.  James's  theatre  in  London  (1898);  "Osbern 
ind  Ursyne",  a  tragedy  in  three  acts,  published  in  the 
"Anglo-Saxon  Review"  (1899);  "A  Repentance",  a 
irama  in  one  act,  produced  at  the  St.  James's  Theatre 
ind  afterwards  at  Carisbrooke  Castle  (1899);  "The 
Wisdom  of  the  Wise",  produced  at  the  St.  James's 
rheatre  (1900);  and  "The  Bishop's  Move"  (1902), 
)f  which  she  was  author  only  in  part,  represent  the 
mm  of  her  considered  work,  the  output  she  preferred 
;o  be  judged  by.  As  she  grew  older  in  the  wisdom  of 
ler  art,  the  religious  quality  which  seems  to  lie  inevi- 
tably behind  all  her  theory  of  life  emerged  more  and 
nore  into  prominence.  It  readied  its  height  in  "The 
School  for  Saints"  and  its  sequel  "Robert  Orange". 
IVhether  in  literary  form  or  in  artistic  intention  she 
lever  rose  beyond  the  achievement  of  these  two 
jooks.  They  are  intensely  serious,  intensely  human, 
md  almost  too  religious;  yet  they  are  modern  and 
ilive.  Mrs.  Craigie  was  in  the  full  enjojnnent  of  a  well 
leserved  fame,  yet  hardly  at  the  acme  of  her  powers, 
vhen  death  came  to  her  suddenly  from  heart  disease. 
Cornelius  Clifford. 

Cranganor.     See  Damao. 

Craniotomy.     See  Abortion;  Embryotomy. 

Crashaw,  Richard,  poet,  Cambridge  scholar  and 
•onvtTt ;  d.  1049.  The  date  of  hLs  birth  is  uncertain. 
Ul  that  can  be  affirmed  positively  is  that  he  was  the 
)nly  child  of  a  one-time  famous  Puritan  divine,  William 
!^rashaw,  by  a  first  marriage,  and  that  he  was  born  in 
jondon,  probably  not  earlier  than  the  year  161.3.  Of 
he  mother  nothing  is  known  except  that  she  died  in 
ler  child's  infancy,  while  his  father  was  one  of  the 
)reachers  in  the  Temple ;  and  not  even  her  family  name 
las  been  preserved  to  us.  William  Crashaw,  the 
ather,  was  born  in  York.shire  of  a  prosperous  stock, 
rliich  had  been  settled  for  some  generations  in  or 
ibout  Handsworth,  a  jilace  some  few  miles  to  the  east 
if  the  present  town  of  Sheffield.  He  was  a  man  of  un- 
ihallenged  repute  for  learning  in  his  day,  an  argumen- 
ative  but  eloquent  preacher,  strong  in  his  Protes- 
antism,  and  fierce  in  his  denunciation  of  "Romish 
alsifications"  and  "besotted  Jesuitries".  He  mar- 
led a  second  time  in  llilO,  and  was  once  more  made  a 
fidower  in  the  following  year.  Richard,  the  future 
Kiet,  could  scarcely  have  been  more  than  a  child  of  six 
phen  this  event  took  place;  but  the  relations  between 
he  boy  and  his  ste|>-mother,  brief  as  they  must  have 
leen,  were  affectionate  to  an  unusual  degree.  She 
ras  but  four  and  twenty  when  she  died  in  child-birth 
arly  in  October,  1620,  and  she  was  buried  in  White- 
hapel.  No  other  details  of  this  period  of  Crashaw's 
ife  have  come  down  to  us,  but  the  few  to  which  refer- 
nce  has  been  made  make  it  abundantly  evident  that 
leither  his  jioetic  gifts  nor  the  strange  bias  which  he 
fterwards  displayed  for  the  more  mystical  side  of 
Siristianity  can  be  explained  altogether  by  heredity 
ir  even  by  early  environment. 

Owing  to  the  elder  Crashaw's  fame  as  a  Temple 
(readier  and  the  scarcely  less  notable  distinction 
chich  must  have  attached  to  him  as  a  hard-hitting 
'rotestant  pamphleteer,  it  was  only  natural  that,  in 


the  then  state  of  public  opinion,  a  career  should  in 
time  be  opened  to  his  promising  son.  On  the  nomina- 
tion of  Sir  Randolph  Crewe  and  Sir  Henry  Velverton, 
the  latter  one  of  the  judges  of  the  King's  Bench,  the 
boy  was  placed  on  a  foundation  in  the  Charterhouse 
School  where  he  was  brought  under  the  influence  of 
Robert  Brooke,  a  master  of  high  itlcals  and  great  prac- 
tical success.  The  elder  Crasha%v  died  in  1626,  leaving 
his  son  improvided  for;  but  the  influence  of  his  friends 
was  exerted  in  the  boy's  behalf,  and  on  6  July,  1631, 
some  five  years  after  his  father's  death,  Richard  en- 
tered Pembroke  Hall  in  Cambridge.  He  did  not  form- 
ally matriculate  as  a  scholar  until  26  March  of  the  fol- 
lowing year,  when  he  succeeded  in  getting  elected  to  a 
pensionership.  That  he  had  lived  for  some  time  at 
Pembroke  previous  to  his  actual  election  on  one  of  the 
foundations  there  seems  to  be  proved  by  the  poems 
composed  on  the  death  of  William  Herrys  (or  Harris) 
which  took  place  in  October,  1631.  Life  at  Cambridge 
was  not  niggardly  to  Crashaw  in  spite  of  the  improvi- 
dence which  led  him  to  deplete  his  uncertain  resources 
by  spending  his  little  all  on  books.  From  this  time 
forth  books  and  friends  and  religion  were  to  make  up 
the  staple  of  existence  for  him. 

It  is  significant  of  the  essential  aloofness  of  his  spirit, 
during  even  the  chief  formative  years  of  his  life,  that 
his  poems  contain  no  reference  to  his  early  London 
house  or  to  his  family.  Brooke,  his  kindly  Charterhouse 
master,  however,  he  commemorates  more  than  once  in 
affectionate  terms  both  in  Latin  and  in  English;  and 
the  ties  of  university  friendship  seem  ever  to  have  been 
strong  with  him.  Benjamin  Laney,  the  Master  of 
Pembrooke,  a  man  of  Laudian  views,  who  came  into  his 
own,  after  the  Cromwellian  troubles  were  over,  by 
being  appointed  successively  to  the  Sees  of  Peter- 
borough, Lincoln,  and  Ely;  John  Tournay,  the  High 
Churchman,  tutor  of  his  college,  who  was  refused  a 
divinity  degree  because  of  his  temerity  in  attacking 
the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone; 
Nicholas  Ferrer,  the  enthusiast  who  dreamed  of  reviv- 
ing the  cenobitical  idea  in  the  Anglican  Church  in  his 
home  at  Little  Gidding;  Cosin,  the  Royalist  master  of 
Peterhouse ;  John  Beaumont,  the  author  of  "  Psyche  "; 
and  most  characteristic  of  all,  perhaps  tenderest  of  all, 
and  certainly  not  the  least  notable  of  the  "  Metaphysi- 
cians", the  poet,  Abraham  Cowley; — these  were  the 
intimates  who  watched  the  ripening  of  tho.se  Cam- 
bridge years  during  which  Crashaw  achievetl  his  titles 
to  permanent  fame.  His  feeling  for  the  remote  and 
more  learned  sense  of  words,  which  accounts  in  part 
for  the  defects  as  well  as  for  the  felicities  of  his  poetic 
style,  had  manifested  itself  early  in  his  academic  ca- 
reer; and  he  had  been  but  a  short  while  at  the  univer- 
sity before  he  was  known  as  an  adept  in  five  lan- 
guages. His  knowletlge  of  Greek  and  Latin  was  above 
the  average,  even  for  a  generation  distinguished  in  no 
small  degree  for  its  classical  scholarship,  and  one  fa- 
mous line  on  the  Miracle  of  the  Marriage  Feast  of  Cana 
in  his  "  Epigrammatum  Sacroruni  Liber",  issued  from 
the  LTniversity  Press  in  Ui34,  will  probably  be  quoted 
as  long  as  the  Latin  tongue  retains  its  spell  ovor  West- 
ern Christianity:  "  Nympha  pudica  Deum  vidit,  et  eru- 
buit".  (The  conscious  water  saw  its  Lord,  and 
blushed.)  Cf.  Aaron  Hill's  translation,  1688-1750. 
The  year  in  which  the  "Epigrammatum  Sacrorum 
Liber"  appeared  was  the  year  in  which  Crashaw  took 
his  bachelor's  degree.  He  could  scarcely  have  been 
morethan  twenty-oneat  the  time,  and  two  years  later, 
possibly  on  the  promise  of  a  more  lucrative  fellowship, 
he  joined  his  friend  Dr.  Cosin  at  Peterhouse  and 
proceeded  M..\.  in  1638. 

For  the  details  of  his  life  during  the  next  ten  or  eleven 
years  we  are  indebted  largely  to  the  conjectures  of  the 
late  Dr.  Grosart,  based  upon  the  chance  statements  of 
his  friends  and  an  entry  here  and  there  in  registers  and 
diplomatic  correspondence ;  that  it  was  a  life  sincerely 
devoted  to  religious  meditation  is  proved  by  the  pre- 


CRASSET 


4f)S 


CRAVEN 


vailing  note  of  his  poetry  and  by  a  quaintly  significant 
remark  or  two  of  the  unknown  friend  who  wrote  the 
original  preface  to  the  "Steps  to  the  Temple".  That 
writer  calls  him  "Herbert's  second,  but  equall,  who 
hath  retriv'd  Poetry  of  late,  and  returned  it  up  to  its 
Primitive  use;  Let  it  boimd  back  to  heaven  gates, 
whence  it  came".  And  he  goes  on  to  tell  us  how  the 
"divine  poet"  had  passed  his  Ufe  "in  St.  Maries 
Church  neere  St.  Peter's  Colledge;  there  he  lodged 
under  Tertullian's  roofe  of  Angels;  there  he  made  his 
nest  more  gladly  than  David's  Swallow  neere  the  house 
of  God,  where,  like  a  primitive  Saint,  he  offered  more 
prayers  in  the  night  than  others  usually  offer  in  the 
day;  there  he  penned  these  Poems,  Steps  for  happy 
soules  to  climbe  heaven  by ' '.  Cambridge  was  at  this 
time  the  home,  not  only  of  "thorough"  or  Royalist 
principles  in  politics,  but  of  Laudian  ventures  in  An- 
glicanism ;  and  it  was  only  to  be  exjjected,  that,  when 
the  Puritan  storm  broke  at  last  in  the  guise  of  civil 
war,  Crashaw  and  his  friends  should  be  among  the 
first  to  suffer  from  its  fury.  The  poet  joined  the  king 
at  Oxford  sometime  after  March,  1643;  there  he  re- 
mained but  a  short  while.  When  next  we  hear  from 
him  it  is  as  an  impecvinious  scholar  in  great  distress  in 
Paris  where  his  friend  Cowley  unexpectedly  discovered 
him  and  obtained  for  him  an  introduction  to  Queen 
Henrietta  Maria.  Cowley  went  to  Paris  as  secretary 
to  Lord  Jermyn  in  1646;  but  some  time  before  this — 
the  date  and  immediate  circumstances  of  the  event  are 
entirely  unknown — Crashaw  had  become  dissatisfied 
with  Anglican  Christianity  and  had  made  his  sub- 
mission to  the  Roman  See. 

Through  the  intervention  of  Queen  Henrietta  he  ob- 
tained an  honourable  post  in  the  great  household  of 
Cardinal  Palotta.  It  is  pathetic  to  have  to  note  that 
the  conscience  of  the  man  w-ho  had  suffered  so  much  to 
win  for  himself  the  grace  of  a  consistent  creed  was 
scandalized  at  the  spectacle  of  inconsistency  afforded 
by  the  curious  lives  of  some  of  his  new-found  Italian 
fellow-believers.  Difficulties  multiplied  for  him,  and 
it  was  said  that  his  life  was  threatened.  ("  Pope  Alex- 
ander the  Seventh  and  the  College  of  Cardinals ' ',  ed- 
ited for  the  Camden  Society,  1867,  and  quoted  by 
Canon  Beeching  in  Tutin's  edition  of  the  "Poems", 
Introduction,  pp.  XXX-XXXI).  The  kindly  cardi- 
nal, however,  interested  liimself  in  his  behalf  and  ob- 
tained for  him  a  more  congenial  post  in  the  shape  of  a 
minor  benefice  at  the  shrine  of  Loretto.  He  was 
"inducted"  on  the  24th  of  April,  1649,  and  there 
Bome  four  weeks  later  he  died,  suddenly  it  would 
seem,  from  heat-apoplexy  brought  on  by  his  exer- 
tions during  a  pilgrimage. 

His  place  in  English  hterature  may  be  said  to  be 
fixed  now  for  all  time.  If  he  is  not  the  most  impor- 
tant, he  is  at  any  rate  not  the  least  distinguished  of 
that  remarkable  group  of  Caroline  lyrists  described  so 
unsympathetically,  it  might  even  be  said  so  ineptly,  by 
Dr.  Johnson,  as  belonging  to  the  Metaphysical  School. 
Like  Herbert  and  Donne  and  Cowley,  he  is  in  love 
with  the  smaller  graces  of  life  and  the  profoimder 
truths  of  religion,  while  he  seems  forever  preoccupied 
with  the  secret  architecture  of  things.  He  has,  in 
his  better  moments  of  inspiration,  a  rare  and  singularly 
felicitous  gift  of  epithet  and  phrase,  as  when  he  ad- 
dresses St.  Teresa  in  the  famous  outburst  of  religious 
enthusiasm  that  marks  the  close  of  the  "Apology": — 

O  thou  undaunted  daughter  of  desires! 

By  all  thy  dower  of  lights  and  fires; 

By  all  the  eagle  in  thee,  all  the  dove; 

By  all  thy  lives  and  deaths  of  love; 

By  thy  large  draughts  of  intellectual  day, 

And  by  thy  thirsts  of  love  more  large  than  they; 

By  all  thy  brim-filled  bowls  of  fierce  desire, 

And  by  thy  la.st  morning's  draughts  of  liquid  fire; 

By  the  full  kingdom  of  that  final  kiss 

That  seized  thy  parting  soul,  and  seal'd  thee  His, — 


or  when  he  bespeaks  for  the  ideal  wife  in  the  justly 
famed  "Wishes  to  his  (supposed)  Mistress." 

Whate'er  deUght, 

Can  make  Day's  forehead  bright, 

Or  give  down  to  the  wings  of  Night. 

If  his  predilection  is  for  those  wanton  arabesques  of 
rhythm  in  which  fancy  seems  suddenly  to  become 
crystallized  as  wit,  on  the  other  hand  his  lyric  gift  too 
often  becomes  merely  elaborate  and  flags  because  he 
is  forever  in  quest  of  a  surprise.  In  addition  to  the 
collections  of  his  verse  referred  to  above,  he  wrote  a 
group  of  sacred  songs  under  the  title  of  "Carmen  Deo 
Nostro"  which  he  dedicated  to  his  friend  and  patron. 
Lady  Denbigh,  but  which  was  not  published  until 
three  years  after  his  death,  and  another  group  of 
occasional  pieces  which  he  called  "  The  Delights  of 
the  Muses"  (1648). 

GiLFiLLAN,  The  Life  and  Poetry  of  Richard  Crashaw,  a  bio- 
graphical essay  prefixed  to  his  edition  of  the  poems  (Edinburgh, 
IS.'i?);  Fuller,  Worthies'  Library,  ed.  Grosart,  first  printed  in 
1S72-1S73,  and  supplemented  in  18S7-188S  by  collation  with 
the  British  Museum  MS.  (Addit.  MS.  33319);  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 
s.  v.;  Beeching,  Introduction,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  the 
poems  edited  by  J.  R.  Tutin  (London,  The  Muses  Library:  no 
date):  Steps  to  the  Temple,  Delights  of  the  Muses  and  other  Poems, 
ed.  W.iLLER  (Cambridge,  1904):  Wood,  fas<iOx(m.,  ii,  4;  Col- 
eridge, Literary  Recollections  (1836). 

Cornelius  Clifford. 

Crasset,  Je.vn,  ascetical  writer,  b.  at  Dieppe, 
France,  3  January,  1618;  d.  at  Paris,  4  January,  1692. 
He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1638,  became  pro- 
fessor of  humanities  and  philosophy,  was  director  for 
twenty-three  years  of  a  famous  sodality  of  men  con- 
nected W'ith  the  professed  house  of  the  Jesuits  in 
Paris,  and  was  also  a  successful  preacher.  Crasset  is 
the  author  of  many  ascetical  works,  among  which  are: 
"M^thode  d'oraison";  "Considerations  chr^tiennes 
pour  tons  les  jours  de  I'ann^e";  "  Le  chr^tien  en  soli- 
tude"; "Dissertation  sur  les  oracles  des  Sibylles", 
which  was  vigorously  attacked ;  "  Entretiens  pour  la 
jeunesse".  He  also  published  in  1689  a  "Histoire  de 
I'^glise  du  Japon"  which  has  been  translated  into  sev- 
eral languages  but  which  is  considered  inferior  to  that 
of  Charlevoix.  Crasset's  history  was  scarcely  origi- 
nal, for  it  was  drawn  in  great  part  from  the  work 
which  Father  Solier  had  issued  in  1627;  he  merely  re- 
touched the  style  and  continued  the  narrative  from 
1624  to  1658.  The  objection  is  made  that  the  work 
lacks  precision,  is  heavy,  and  is  crowded  with  details. 
The  author  attributed  the  origin  of  the  persecution  of 
1597  to  the  imprudence  of  the  friars  in  making  their 
religious  ceremonies  too  public.  There  is  a  posthu- 
mous w'ork  of  his  entitled:  "La  foy  victorieuse  de 
I'infideiite  et  du  libertinage".  On  9  September, 
1656,  the  Bishop  of  Orleans  issued  an  interdict  against 
him  for  havmg  in  one  of  his  sermons  charged  several 
ecclesiastics  w'ith  sustaining  the  propositions  con- 
demned by  the  Bull  of  Innocent  X,  "Cum  occasione" 
(31  May,  1()53).  The  interdict  was  removed  in  the 
following  February. 

Feller,  Biotj.  vnii>.  (Paris,  1837);  De  Backer,  Biblioth^giie 
de  la  c.  de  J.  (1st  series,  Li^ge,  1S53). 

T.  J.  Campbell. 

Craven,  Mrs.  Augustus  (Pauline-Marie-Ar- 
mande-.^glae-Ferron  de  la  Ferronnats),  b.  12 
April,  1808,  in  London;  d.  in  Paris,  1  April,  1891. 
Her  parents,  Comto  Augustc-Marie  de  la  Ferronnays, 
of  old  Breton  stock,  and  Marie-Charlotte- .\lbertine  da 
Sourchcs  lie  Montsorcau,  likewise  of  ancient  family, 
had  luidcrgone  all  the  miseries  attendant  on  the  emi- 
gration during  the  French  Revolution,  including  the 
lo.ss  of  estates.  Their  attachment  to  the  Due  de 
Berri  brought  about  their  return  to  France,  followed 
shortly  afterwards  by  the  appointment  of  M.  de  la 
Ferronnays  as  ambassador  to  St.  Petersburg,  where 
he  contiiuu'il  for  eight  years.  In  1827  he  returned  to 
France  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  Charles  X« 


CBAYER 


4()0 


CREAGH 


and  Pauline  was  introduceil  into  the  l)rilliant  socicly 
of  tlie  Rostoration.  In  18W  tier  fatlicr  was  given  the 
post  of  aniba.-^sailor  to  Riwnc,  whi-ic  he  was  acconi- 
panii'd  by  his  family.  It  was  prolialily  in  Naples  that 
she  nut  Auyustus  Craven,  son  of  Kcppel  Craven  antl 
granilsonof  tlieM;ui;nivincof  Anspaeh,  whoinl830had 
been  appointetl  atUieh(5  to  the  British  Legation  at  Na- 
ples. Their  marriage  was  celebrated.  '2i  August,  1S:J4, 
in  the  chapel  of  the  Acton  Palace,  Naples,  and  a  few 
days  afterwards  Augustus  Craven  was  received  into  the 
Church.  In  1836  Sir.  and  Mrs.  Craven  returned  to 
England,  whence  they  went  successively  to  Lisbon, 
Brussels  (1S38).  and  Stuttgart  (1843),  where  Mr. 
Cravrn  held  diplomatic  appointments.  Up  to  this 
time  .Mrs.  Craven's  life  had  been  intimately  bound  up 
with  those  of  her  immediate  family,  whom  the  w'orld 
has  come  to  know  an<.l  love  in  the  pages  of  "  Le  Recit 
d'une  Sceur".  She  took  a  keen  interest  in  English 
politics,  and  in  1851  wrote  a  protest  against  an  attack 
in  the  House  of  Commons  on  conventual  life  as  it 
was  being  revived  in  England. 

In  1851  Mr.  Craven  made  an  unsuccessful  stand  for 
Parliament,  which  caused  him  severe  financial  losses. 
In  1S53  the  Cravens  took  up  their  residence  at  Naples 
in  the  Palazzino  Chiatamone,  or  as  it  came  to  be 
called,  the  Casa  Craven,  formerly  occupied  by  Mr. 
Craven's  father,  who  had  died  in  1851.  During 
the  years  that  followed,  this  became  the  centre  of  the 
brilliant  Neapolitan  society  depicted  in  Mrs.  Craven's 
"  Le  mot  de  I'^nigme".  By  1864  she  had  arranged  the 
nia.ss  of  materials  for  "  Le  R^cit  d'une  Sceur",  and  had 
begun  "Anne  Severin".  "Le  Recit"  appeared  in 
January,  1866.  In  March,  1868,  the  first  part  of 
"Anne  Severin "  began  in  " Le  Correspondant ",  and 
Lady  FuUerton  commenced  the  translation. 

The  winters  of  1868-69  and  1869-70  w-ere  spent  in 
Rome,  and  at  the  Craven  apartments  numbers  of  dis- 
tinguished people  met,  among  them  many  of  the  prel- 
ates present  at  the  Vatican  Council.  Mrs.  Craven's 
best  known  novel,  "Fleurange",  appeared  in  1872 
sinuiltaneoasly  at  Paris  in  "Le  Correspondant"  and 
at  .\i-w  York  in  English  through  the  eiforts  of  Father 
Herker  in  "The  Catholic  World".  This  work  wius 
crowned  by  the  Academy.  It  was  followed  in  1874  by 
"Le  motde  I'dnigme".  In  the  same  year  Mrs.  Craven's 
answer  to  Gladstone's  article  in  the  "Contemporary 
Review",  entitled  "Ritualism  and  Ritual",  and  his 
subse()uent  pamphlet,  appeared  in  "Le  Correspon- 
dant "on  the  same  day  as  Cardinal  Newman's  "  Letter 
to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk". 

After  1870  Mrs.  Craven's  life  was  spent  chiefly  in 
Paris,  varied  by  lengthy  visits  to  English  friends,  and 
more  particularly  to  Monabri,  the  beautiful  chalet  of 
Princess  Sayn  Wittgenstein,  between  Lausanne  and 
Ouchy,  where  the  Empress  Augusta  was  also  a 
frefjuent  guest.  The  life  of  Natalie  Narischkin,  on 
which  Mrs.  Craven  had  long  been  at  work,  appeared  in 
1876.  Mr.  Craven  died  at  Monabri,  4  October,  1884, 
and  was  buried  at  Boury.  During  the  remaining 
seven  years  of  Mrs.  Craven's  life  she  w-as  busy  with 
various  articles  for  reviews,  but  chiefly  with  her  last 
novel,  "Le  Valbriant",  and  the  life  of  her  friend. 
Lady  Georgiana  Fullerton,  published  in  1888,  and 
adapted  by  Father  C'oleri<lge  in  his  life.  On  5  June, 
1890,  she  was  attacked  by  a  species  of  paralysis, 
which  after  ten  months,  during  which  she  was  de- 
prived of  speech,  resulted  in  her  death. 

Bishop,  A  Memoir  of  Mrs.  Augustus  Craven  (2nd  ed.,  Lon- 
don, 1895);   Lee,  in  Did.  Nal,  Biog.,  s.  v.  in  Supplement. 

F.  M.   RtTDGE. 

Crayer,  Caspar  de,  Flemish  painter,  b.  at  Ant- 
werp, 1582;  d.  at  Ghent,  1669.  He  was  a  pupil  of 
Rapliael  van  Coxcie,  but  speedily  surpassed  his 
master,  and  was  appointed  painter  to  the  Governor 
of  the  Ix)W  Countries  at  Brussels,  was  given  a  con- 
siderable  pension,   and   employed   in   the   churches 


and  public  etlifices  of  that  place.  He  resigned  his 
position,  however,  and  removed  to  Ghent,  where  he 
painted  his  most  celebrated  works.  Of  his  picture 
of  the  "Centurion  and  Christ",  painted  for  the 
refectory  of  the  abbey  at  Afflighcni.  Rubens  is  said 
to  have  declared:  "Crayer,  nobody  will  surpass  you". 
He  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  Flemish  painters, 
and.  althovigh  not  a  man  of  profound  genius,  was  a 
perfect  draughtsman  and  an  admirable  colourist. 
His  compositions  are  simple,  correct,  and  pleasing, 
his  colouring  clear  and  fresh,  comparable  only  in 
his  own  school  to  that  of  Van  Dyck.  In  many  of  his 
important  works  he  emjiloyed  De  Vadder  and 
Achtschellinck  to  paint  the  landscapes,  he  himself 
being  resjjonsible  for  the  composition  and  figures. 
His  chief  work  is  the  "  Death  of  the  Virgin  "  in  Madrid, 
and  liis  principal  ])ortrait  is  that  of  the  Cardinal  In- 
fant Don  Ferdinand,  brother  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
on  horseback.  There  are  several  of  liis  paintings 
at  Brussels,  three  in  Ghent,  one  at  Antwerp,  and 
others  at  Amsterdam,  Munich,  Nancy,  Paris,  St. 
Petersburg,  and  Rotterdam.  His  portrait  was 
painted  by  Van  Dyck  and  engraved  by  Pontius, 
and  he  hunself  is  said  to  have  been  responsible  for 
more  than  one  woodcut. 

CoxwM  /  <-  ■;  I  :.  ■'  .  '  1  ',  '  '  London,  1887);  Passavant, 
las- ;..  ,  ■  J  .  ni,  1842);  KuGLER,  i/anrf- 

buch.h  '  ;/  I       ,  11.  18.37):  Waagen, //an(/- 

bookuj  I- !'  nn  h  I'l!/!:' ''.ij  I  .  .'Mi..[i.  1  s'pO)  ;  HoussAYE,  L'//is(oi>e 
de  la  peinturt'  flamaii'lf  (Paris,  1848);  Crowe  and  Cavalca- 
SELLE,  Early  Flemish  Painters  (London,  1857). 

George  Ch.4.rles  Williamson. 

Creagh,  Richard,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  Ireland, 
b.  at  Limerick  early  in  the  sixteenth  century;  d.  in 
the  Tower  of  London,  in  1585.  The  son  of  a  mer- 
chant, he  followed  the  same  calling  in  his  youth  and 
made  many  voyages  to  Spain.  A  providential  escape 
from  shipwreck  led  him  to  embrace  a  religious  life, 
and  after  some  years  of  study  abroad  he  was  ordained 
priest.  Returning  to  Ireland,  he  taught  school  for  a 
time  at  Limerick.  He  refused  nominations  for  the 
Sees  of  Limerick  and  Cashel,  but  the  papal  nuncio, 
David  Wolfe,  determined  to  conquer  his  humility, 
named  him  for  the  primacy  when  it  became  vacant, 
and  would  accept  no  refusal.  Creagh  was  consecrated 
at  Rome,  and  in  1564  returned  to  Ireland  as  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh.  Shane  O'Neill  was  then  the  most 
potent  of  the  Ulster  chiefs.  From  the  first  he  and 
Creagh  disagreed.  O'Neill  hated  England;  Creagh 
preached  loyalty  to  England  in  the  cathedral  of 
Armagh,  even  in  his  presence.  O'Neill  retorted  by 
burning  down  the  cathedral.  Creagh  then  cursed 
him  and  refused  to  absolve  him  because  he  had  put 
a  priest  to  death.  Shane  retaliated  by  threatening 
the  life  of  the  primate,  and  by  declaring  publicly  that 
there  was  no  one  on  earth  he  hated  so  nuich,  except 
the  Queen  of  England,  whom  he  confessed  he  hated 
more.  In  spite  of  all  this,  Creagh  was  arrested  and 
imprisoned  l>y  the  English.  Twice  he  escaped,  l)ut 
he  was  retaken  and  in  1567  lodged  in  the  Tower  of 
London,  and  kept  there  till  his  death.  From  his  re- 
peated examinations  before  the  Engli.sh  Privy  Coun- 
cil his  enmity  to  Shane  (J'Neill  and  his  unwavering 
loyalty  to  England  were  made  plain.  But  his  stead- 
fastness in  the  Faith  and  his  great  popularity  in  Ire- 
land were  considered  crimes,  and  in  consequence  the 
Council  refused  to  set  him  free.  Not  content  with 
this  his  moral  character  was  as.sailed.  Tlie  daughter 
of  his  jailer  was  urged  to  charge  him  with  having 
assaulted  her.  The  charge  was  investigated  in  public 
court,  where  the  girl  retracted,  iledaring  her  accus.a- 
tion  absolutely  false.  It  has  been  said  that  Cre.agh 
was  poisoned  in  prison,  and  this,  whether  true  or  false, 
was  believed  at  the  time  of  his  death.  His  grand- 
nephew,  Peter  Creagh,  was  Bishop  of  Cork  about 
1676.  He  W'.is  imprisoned  for  two  years  in  conse- 
quence of  the  false  accusations  of  Titus  Gates,  but 


CREATION 


470 


CREATION 


acquitted  (1682),  was  transferred  to  the  Archdiocese 
of  Tuam  in  1686.  He  followed  James  II  to  the  Con- 
tinent, was  appointed  Archbishop  of  Dublin  in  1693, 
but  was  never  able  to  return  and  take  possession.  He 
became  Coadjutor  Bishop  of  Strasburg,  where  he  died 
(July,  1705). 

Bkady,  Epixcopril  Succrssinniii  Ireland  (Rome,  1S76):  Beg- 
LEY,  Histo,.,  ;  ;■,.  r> ;  T  m.  rick  (Dublin,  1906);  Ware- 
Harris,  7Vi  '  "  /  I  iiil.lMi,  1764);  Renehan,  Co«ec- 
Honsof  In  I.  <  7  i  n  Im,  1S81);  &TV\m,  Historical 
Memoirs  vf  .1  ./,,,,;/,,  .-l  (  ,,ii\hn!  (Dublin,  1900);  Moean, 
Spicilegium  Ussonrnse  lUulihn,  1S74),  I;  O'Sullivan  Beare, 
Catholic  History  of  Ireland  (partly  translated  from  the  Latin 
by  M.  J.  Byrne,  Dublin,  1903);  Hamilton  and  Carew,  Calen- 
dars of  State  Papers  (1509-85);  O'Reilly,  Memorials  of  those 
who  suffered  for  the  Catholic  Faith  in  Ireland  (London,  186S). 

E.  A.  D'Alton. 

Creation  (Lat.  creatio). — I.  Definition. — Like 
other  words  of  the  same  ending,  the  term  creation  sig- 
nifies both  an  action  and  the  object  or  effect  thereof. 
Thus,  in  the  latter  sense,  we  speak  of  the  "kingdoms  of 
creation",  "the  whole  creation",  and  so  on.  In  the 
former  sense  the  word  sometimes  stands  for  produc- 
tive activity  generally  (e.  g.  to  create  joy,  trouble,  etc.), 
but  more  especially  for  a  higher  order  of  such  efficiency 
(e.  g.  artistic  creation).  In  technically  theological 
and  philosophical  use  it  expresses  the  act  whereby 
God  brings  the  entire  substance  of  a  thing  into  exist- 
ence from  a  state  of  non-existence — productio  totius 
substantice  ex  nihilo  sui  et  subjecti.  In  every  kind  of 
production  the  specific  effect  had  as  such  no  previous 
existence,  and  may  therefore  be  said  to  have  been 
educed  ex  nildlo  sui — from  a  state  of  non-existence — 
so  far  as  its  specific  character  is  concerned  (e.  g.  a 
statue  out  of  crude  marble) ;  but  what  is  peculiar  to 
creation  is  the  entire  absence  of  any  prior  subject-mat- 
ter— ex  nihilo  subjecti.  It  is  therefore  likewise  the 
production  totius  substantice — of  the  entire  substance. 
The  preposition  ex,  "out  of",  in  the  above  definition 
does  not,  of  course,  imply  that  nihil,  "nothing",  is  to 
be  conceived  as  the  material  out  of  which  a  thing  is 
made — materia  ex  qud — a  misconception  which  has 
given  rise  to  the  puerile  objection  against  the  possibil- 
ity of  creation  conveyed  by  the  phrase,  ex  nihilo  nihil 
fit — "nothing  comes  of  nothing".  The  ex  means  (a) 
the  negation  of  prejacent  material,  out  of  which  the 
product  might  otherwise  be  conceived  to  proceed,  and 
(b)  the  order  of  succession,  viz.,  existence  after  non- 
existence. It  follows,  therefore,  that  (1)  creation  is 
not  a  change  or  transformation,  since  the  latter  pro- 
cess includes  an  actual  underlying  pre-existent  subject 
that  passes  from  one  real  state  to  another  real  state, 
which  subject  creation  positively  excludes;  (2)  it  is 
not  a  procession  within  the  Deity,  like  the  inward 
emission  of  the  Divine  Persons,  since  its  term  is  ex- 
trinsic to  God;  (3)  it  is  not  an  emanation  from  the 
Divine  Substance,  since  the  latter  is  utterly  indivisi- 
ble; (4)  it  is  an  act  which,  while  it  abides  within  its 
cause  (God),  has  its  term  or  effect  distinct  therefrom; 
formally  immanent,  it  is  virtually  transitive;  (5)  in- 
cluding, as  it  does,  no  motion,  and  hence  no  successive- 
ness, it  is  an  instantaneous  operation ;  (6)  its  immedi- 
ate term  is  the  substance  of  the  effect,  the  "accidents" 
(q.  V.)  being  "con-created";  (7)  since  the  word  crea- 
tion in  its  passive  sense  expresses  the  term  or  object  of 
the  creative  act,  or,  more  strictly,  the  object  in  its  en- 
titative  dependence  on  the  Creator,  it  follows  that,  as 
this  dependence  is  essential,  and  hence  inamissible, 
the  creative  act  once  placed  is  coextensive  in  duration 
with  th(!  creature's  existence.  However,  as  thus  con- 
tinuous, it  is  called  conservation,  an  act,  then'fore, 
which  is  nothing  else  than  the  unceasing  influx  of  the 
creative  cause  upon  the  existence  of  the  creature.  In- 
asmuch as  that  influx  is  felt  immediately  on  the  crea- 
ture's activity,  it  is  called  concurrence.  Creation, 
conservation,  and  concurrence  are,  therefore,  really 
identical  and  only  nolionally  distiuguishe<l.  Other 
characteristics  there  are,  the  more  important  of  which 
will  come  out  in  what  follows. 


II.  History  op  the  Idea. — 1.  The  idea  of  creation 
thus  outlined  is  intrinsically  consistent.  Given  a  per- 
sonal First  Cause  possessing  infinite  power  and 
wisdom,  creative  productivity  would  a  priori  be  nec- 
essarily one  of  His  perfections,  i.  e.  absolute  independ- 
ence of  the  external  limitations  imposed  by  a  material 
subject  whereon  to  exert  His  efficiency.  Besides,  the 
fecundity  which  organic  creatures  possess,  and  which, 
in  the  present  supposition,  would  be  derived  from  that 
First  Cause,  must  be  found  typically  and  eminently  in 
its  source.  But  creative  productivity  is  just  the  trans- 
cendent exemplar  of  organic  fecundity.  Therefore,  a 
priori,  we  should  look  for  it  in  the  First  Cause.  How 
the  creature  is  produced,  how  something  comes  from 
nothing,  is  of  course  quite  unimaginable  by  us,  and  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  conceive.  But  this  is  scarcely  less 
true  of  any  other  mode  of  production.  The  intimate 
nexus  between  cause  and  effect  is  in  every  case  hard 
to  understand.  The  fact,  however,  of  such  a  connex- 
ion is  not  denied  except  by  a  few  theorists;  and  even 
they  continually  admit  it  in  practice.  Consequently 
the  indistinctness  of  the  notion  of  creation  is  no  valid 
reason  for  doubting  its  inner  coherence.  Moreover, 
though  the  idea  of  creation  is  not,  of  course,  based  upon 
immediate  experience,  it  is  the  product  of  the  mind's 
endeavour,  aided  by  the  principle  of  sufficient  reason, 
to  interpret  experience.  Creation,  as  will  presently 
appear,  is  the  only  consistent  solution  that  has  ever 
been  given  to  the  problem  of  the  world's  origin. 

2.  On  the  other  hand,  though  the  idea  of  creation  is 
self-consistent  and  naturally  attainable  by  the  mind 
interpreting  the  world  in  the  light  of  the  principle  of 
causality,  nevertheless  such  is  not  its  actual  source, 
The  conception  has  a  distinctly  theological  origin, 
The  early  Christian  writers,  learning  from  Revelation 
that  the  world  was  produced  from  nothing,  and  seeing 
the  necessity  of  having  a  term  to  designate  such  an  act, 
chose  the  word  creare,  which  theretofore  had  been  used 
to  express  any  form  of  production,  e.  g.  creare  con- 
sulem  (Cicero).  The  theological  usage  afterwards 
passed  into  modern  language.  Probably  the  idea  of 
creation  never  entered  the  human  mind  apart  from 
Revelation.  Though  some  of  the  pagan  philosophers 
attained  to  a  relatively  high  conception  of  God  as  the 
supreme  ruler  of  the  world,  they  seem  never  to  have 
drawn  the  next  logical  inference  of  His  being  the  abso- 
lute cause  of  all  finite  e.xistence.  The  truth  of  crea- 
tion, while  not  a  mystery — not  supernal  tiral  in  its 
very  nature  (quoad  essentiam) — is  supernatural  in  the 
mode  of  its  manifestation  (quoad  inodum).  Implicitly 
natural,  it  is  explicitly  revealed.  The  distinct  con- 
ception of  his  created  origin  which  prunitive  man,  as 
described  in  Genesis,  must  have  received  from  his 
Creator  was  gradually  obscured  and  finally  lost  to  the 
majority  of  his  descendants  when  moral  corruption  liad 
darkened  their  understanding;  and  they  substituted 
for  the  Creator  the  fantastic  agencies  conjured  up  by 
polytheism,  dualism,  and  pantheism.  The  overarch- 
ing sky  was  conceived  of  as  divine,  and  the  heavenly 
bodies  and  natural  phenomena  as  its  children.  In  the 
East  this  gradually  gave  rise  to  the  identification  of 
God  with  nature.  Whatever  exists  is  but  the  mani- 
festation of  the  One — i.  e.  Brahma.  In  the  West  the 
forces  of  the  universe  were  separately  deified,  and  a 
more  or  less  esoteric  conception  of  the  Supreme  Being 
as  the  father  of  the  gods  and  of  man  was  feebly  held  by 
some  of  the  Egyjjtians  and  ])nibably  by  the  Greek  and 
Roman  sages  and  priests.  The  Creator,  liowever,  ilid 
not  leave  Himself  without  witness  in  the  race  of  men 
The  descendants  of  Sem  and  .Vbraham,  of  Isaac  ant! 
Jacob,  preservctl  the  itlea  of  creation  clear  and  pure 
and  from  the  ojiening  verse  of  Genesis  to  the  closing 
book  of  the  Old  Testament  the  doctrine  of  creation 
runs  unmistakably  outlined  and  absolutely  undefilec 
by  any  extraneous  element.  ''  In  the  beginning  Goc 
created  tlie  heavens  and  the  earth."  In  this,  the  first, 
sentence  of  the  Bible  we  see  the  fountain-head  of  th« 


CREATION 


471 


CREATION 


stream  which  is  carried  over  to  the  new  order  by  (he 
declaration  of  the  mother  of  the  Machabees:  "Son, 
look  upon  heaven  and  earth,  and  all  that  is  in  them:  and 
consider  that  God  made  them  out  of  nothing  "(II  Mach., 
vii,  28).  One  has  only  to  conijiare  the  Mosaic  account 
of  the  creative  work  with  that  recently  discovered  on 
the  clay  tablets  unearthed  from  the  ruins  of  Babylon 
to  discern  the  immense  difference  between  the  un- 
adulterated revealed  tradition  and  the  puerile  story 
of  the  cosmogony  corrupted  by  polytheistic  myths. 
Between  the  Hebrew  and  the  Chaldean  accoinit  there 
is  just  sufficient  similarity  to  warrant  the  supposition 
that  both  are  versions  of  some  antecedent  record  or 
tradition ;  but  no  one  can  avoid  the  conviction  that  the 
Biblical  accoimt  re|3rcsents  the  pure,  even  if  incom- 
plete, truth,  while  the  Baliylonian  story  is  both  legend- 
ary and  fragmentary  (Smith,  "Chaldean  Accoimt  of 
Genesis",  New  York,  1875).  Throughout  the  New 
Testament,  wherein  God's  creative  activity  is  seen  to 
merge  with  the  redemptive,  the  same  idea  is  continu- 
ous, now  reaffirmed  to  the  Greek  pagan  in  explicit 
forms,  now  recalled  to  the  Hebrew  believer  liy  expres- 
sions that  presuppose  it  too  obvious  and  fully  admitted 
to  need  ex]ilicit  reiteration. 

3.  The  extra-canonical  books  of  the  Jews,  notably 
the  Book  of  Henoch  antl  the  Fourth  Book  of  Esdras, 
repeat  and  expand  the  teaching  of  the  Old  Testament 
on  creation;  the  Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  early 
Church  in  the  East  and  West  everj-^vhere  proclaun  the 
same  doctrine,  confirming  it  by  philosophical  argu- 
ments in  their  controversies  with  Paganism,  Gnosti- 
cism and  Manicha-ism;  while  the  early  Roman  sjiiibols, 
that  of  Nica'a  and  those  of  Constantinople  repeat,  in 
practically  unvarying  phrase,  the  universal  Christian 
belief  "  in  God  the  Father  Almighty,  Creator  of  Heaven 
and  earth,  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible". 

4.  After  the  controversy  with  Paganism  and  the 
Oriental  heresies  had  waned,  and  with  the  awakening 
of  a  new  intellectual  life  through  the  introduction  of 
Aristotle  into  the  Western  schools,  the  doctrine  of 
creation  was  set  forth  in  greater  detail.  The  revival 
of  Manicha'ism  by  the  Cathari  (q.  v.)  and  the  Albi- 
genses  (q.  v.)  called  for  a  more  explicit  expression  of 
the  contents  of  the  Church's  belief  regarding  creation. 
This  was  formulated  by  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  in 
1215  [Denzinger,  •'Enchiridion",  428  (355)].  The 
council  teaches  the  miicity  of  the  creative  principle — 
units  snhis  Deus;  the  fact  of  creation  out  of  nothing  (the 
nature  of  creation  is  here  for  the  first  time,  doubtless 
through  the  influence  of  the  schools,  designated  by  the 
formula,  cnndidit  ex  nihiln);  its  object  (the  visible  and 
invisible,  the  spiritual  and  material  world,  and  man); 
its  temporal  character  {nh  initio  icmporis);  the  origin 
of  evil  from  the  fact  of  free  will. 

5.  The  conflict  with  the  false  dualism  and  the  ema- 
nationism  introduced  into  the  schools  by  the  Arabian 
philosophers,  especially  Avicenna  (1036)  and  Aver- 
rocs  (1198),  brought  out  the  more  philosophically 
elaborated  doctrine  of  creation  found  in  the  works  of 
the  greater  Scholastics,  such  as  Blessed  Albert,  St. 
Thomas,  and  St.  Bonaventure.  The  Aristotelean 
theorj-  of  causes  is  here  made  use  of  as  a  defining  in- 
strument in  the  synthesis  which  is  suggested  by  the 
well-known   distich:^ 

Efficiens  causa  Deus  est,  formalis  idea, 

Finalis  bonitas,  materialis  hyle 
(Albert .  Magn.,  Summa.  I,  Tr.  xiii ;  "Q.  liv.  Vol.  XXXI, 
p.  551  of  Bosquet  ed.,  Paris,  1805).  On  these  lines  the 
Schoolmen  built  their  system,  embracing  the  relation 
of  the  world  to  God  as  its  efficient  cause,  the  continu- 
ance of  creation  in  Goil's  conservation  thereof  .and  His 
concurrence  with  every  jihase  of  the  creature's  activ- 
ity; the  conception  of  the  Divine  idea  as  the  archetypal 
cause  of  creation;  the  doctrine  that  God  is  moved  to 
create  (speaking  by  analogv'  with  the  finite  will)  by 
His  own  goodness,  to  which  He  gives  expression  in 
creation  in  order  that  the  rational  creature  recognizing 


it  maybe  led  to  love  it  and,  by  a  corresponding  mental 
and  moral  adjustment  thereto  in  the  present  life,  may 
attain  to  its  complete  fruition  in  the  life  to  come;  in 
other  words  that  the  Divine  goodness  and  love  is  the 
source  and  final  cause  of  creation  both  active  and  pas- 
sive. Thus  the  application,  by  a  constantly  sustained 
analogy  of  the  three  causes — efficient,  final,  and  formal 
(archetypal) — results  in  the  Scholastic  philosophy  of 
creation.  There  being  no  previously  existing  material 
cause  (hylc)  of  creation,  the  application  of  the  fourth 
cause  appears  ui  the  Scholastic  theory  on  potency  and 
7naten'a  prima,  the  radical  and  undifferentiated  constit- 
uent of  nature. 

6.  The  idea  of  creation  developed  by  the  Scholas- 
tics passed  without  substantial  change  along  that  cur- 
rent of  modern  thought  which  preserved  the  essential 
elements  of  the  Thcistic-Christian  world- view — that  of 
Descartes,  Malebranche,  Leibniz — and  of  course  along 
the  continuovis  stream  of  traditional  teaching  within 
the  Catholic  Church.  In  the  ojiposing  current  it  dis- 
appears with  Spinoza,  and  gives  way  to  realistic  Pan- 
theism; with  Fichte,  Schclling,  and  Hegel,  its  place  is 
taken  by  some  phase  of  vaiying  idealistic  Pantheism; 
while  in  our  own  day  .^gnosticism  (Spencer),  material- 
istic Monism  (Hilckel),  and  spiritualistic  Monism 
(Neo-Hegelianism  and  the  New  Theology)  have  been 
put  forivard  as  substitutes.  Amongst  recent  Catholic 
theologians  there  is  a  practically  uniform  tendency  to 
interpret  the  traditional  and  Scriptural  data  as  postu- 
lating the  creative  act  to  account  for  the  origin  of  vm- 
embodied  spirits  (the  angels),  of  the  primordial  matter 
of  the  universe,  and  of  the  human  soul.  The  develop- 
ment of  the  universe,  the  introduction  of  plant  and 
animal  life,  the  formation  of  the  first  human  bodies 
can  be  explained  by  the  administrative  or  formative 
activity  of  God,  an  activity  which  is  sometimes  called 
second  creation  (secunda  creatio) ,  and  does  not  demand 
the  creative  act  as  such.  Catholic  philosophers  de- 
velop the  purely  rational  arguments  for  these  same 
positions,  except  for  the  origin  of  the  angelic  world, 
which  of  course  lies  beyond  the  sphere  of  philosophy. 
The  remainder  of  this  article  will  offer  a  summary  of 
the  aforesaid  theological  and  philosophical  positions 
and  their  bases. 

III.  Arguments  for  Creation. — 1.  For  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Church  on  the  origin  of  the  spiritual  world 
the  reader  is  referred  to  the  article  Angel. 

2.  That  the  material  of  which  the  imiverse  is  com- 
posed was  created  out  of  nothing  is  the  implicit,  rather 
than  specifically  explicit,  statement  of  the  Bible. 
The  Scriptural  teaching  on  God  and  the  relation  of  the 
universe  to  Him  unmistakably  affirms  creation.  God 
alone  is  declared  to  be  imdcrived,  self-existent  (Ex., 
iii,  14),  and  in  comparison  \\-ith  Him  all  things  else  are 
as  nothing  (Wisdom,  xi,  23;  Is.,  xl,  17).  God  is  said 
to  be  the  beginning  and  end  of  all  things  (Is.,  xlviii,  12; 
Apoc,  i,  8) ;  all  things  else  are  from  Him,  and  by  Him, 
and  in  Him  (Rom.,  xi,  .36;  I  Cor.,  viii,  6;  Coloss.,  i, 
16).  God  is  the  absolute  and  independent  sovereign 
(Ps.xhx,  12,  andls.,xliv,24;  Heb.,i,  10).  Th.at  those 
texts  equivalently  assert  that  God  is  the  Creator  of  all 
things  finite  is  too  obvious  to  call  for  further  com- 
ment. The  most  explicit  Scriptural  statement  re- 
specting the  created  origin  of  the  universe  is  found  in 
the  first  verse  of  Genesis:  "  In  the  beginning  God  cre- 
ated heaven  and  earth  ".  Tlie  objects  here  designated 
evidently  comprise  the  material  imiverse;  whether 
the  originative  act  is  to  be  understood  as  specifically 
creative,  depends  upon  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew 
verb  bara.  On  this  point  the  following  inter[)re- 
tations  by  imimpeachable  authority  may  be  ad- 
duced. Geseniua  says:  "The  u.se  of  this  verb  [bom]  in 
Kal,  the  conjugation  here  (>inployed,  is  entirely  differ- 
ent from  its  i)rimary  signification  (to  cut,  shape, 
fjishion);  it  signifies  rather  the  new  production  of  a 
thing  than  the  shaping  or  elaborating  of  the  pre-exist^ 
ing  material.     That  the  first  verse  of  Genesis  teaches 


CREATION 


472 


CREATION 


that  the  original  creation  of  the  world  in  its  rude  and 
chaotic  state  was  from  nothing  while  the  remaining 
part  of  the  chapter  teaches  the  elaboration  and  distri- 
bution of  the  matter  thus  created,  the  connection  of 
the  whole  section  shows  sufficiently  clearly"  (The- 
saurus, p.  357  b).  Miihlan  and  Volck  in  the  new  edi- 
tion of  Gesenius'  "Handworterbuch"  say:  " Bara  is 
used  only  of  Divine  creation  and  never  with  an  accusa- 
tive of  the  material".  Dillmann  (Gen.,  c.  i)  notes: 
"The  Hebrews  use  only  the  conjugation  Pjel  (inten- 
sativc)  in  speaking  of  human 'forming'  or  'shaping', 
while  on  the  other  hand  they  use  only  Kal  in  speaking 
of  creation  of  God".  Delitzschsays:  (Gen.,  p.  91)  "The 
word  bara  in  its  etymology  does  not  exclude  a  previ- 
ous material.  It  has,  as  the  use  of  Kal  shows,  the 
fundamental  idea  of  cutting  or  hewing.  But  as  in 
other  languages  words  which  define  creation  by  God 
have  the  same  etymological  idea  at  their  root,  so  bara 
has  acquired  the  idiomatic  meaning  of  a  divine  creat- 
ing, which,  whether  in  the  kingdom  of  nature,  or  of 
history,  or  of  the  spirit,  calls  into  being  that  which 
hitherto  had  no  existence.  Bara  never  appears  as  the 
word  for  human  creation,  differing  in  this  from  the 
synonyms  asah,  yatzar,  i/alad,  which  are  used  both  of 
men  and  of  God;  it  is  never  used  with  an  accusative 
of  the  material,  and  even  from  this  it  follows  that  it 
defines  the  divine  creative  act  as  one  without  any  lim- 
itations, and  its  result,  as  to  its  proper  material,  as  en- 
tirely new ;  and,  as  to  its  first  cause,  entirely  the  crea- 
tion of  divine  power."  Again  Kalisch  observes 
(Gen.,  p.  1):  "God  called  the  universe  into  being  out 
of  nothing;  not  out  of  formless  matter  coeval  with 
Himself"  (Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  I,  16). 

3.  The  patristic  teaching  as  to  the  created  origin  of 
the  world  is  too  explicit  and  well  known  to  require  ci- 
tation here.  The  few  ambiguous  expressions  occur- 
ring in  the  works  of  Origen  and  TertuUian  are  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  other  unmistakable  declara- 
tions of  these  same  writers,  while  their  at  most  excep- 
tional divergencies  are  as  nothing  in  comparison  with 
the  unanimous  and  continuous  teaching  of  the  other 
Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  Church. 

4.  Approaching  the  problem  of  origin  from  the  pure- 
ly rational  side,  we  find  the  field  preoccupied  almost 
from  the  beginning  of  the  history  of  philosophy  by  two 
directly  opposite  solutions:  one  maintaining  that  the 
world-matter  is  self-existent,  underived  from  any  ex- 
traneous source,  and  hence  eternal;  the  world  has 
therefore  attained  its  present  complex  condition  by  a 
gradual  evolutionary  process  from  an  original,  simple, 
undifferentiated  state  (materialistic  Monism);  the 
other  asserting  that  the  world  is  derived  from  an  ex- 
traneous cause,  either  by  emanation  from  or  evolution 
of  the  Divine  being  (Pantheism)  or  by  creation  (Cre- 
ationism).  Creationism,  though  an  essentially  philo- 
sophical solution,  is  never  found  divorced  from  Reve- 
lation. Materialistic  Monism  includes  a  varying 
number  of  philosophies ;  but  all  agree  in  maintaining 
that  the  world-matter  is  eternal,  unproduced,  and  abso- 
lutely indestructible.  They  differ  in  that  some  attrib- 
ute the  formation  of  the  universe  to  chance  (the 
ancient  Atomists),  others  to  a  sort  of  ubiquitous  cos- 
mical  life  or  world-soul  (Anaxagoras,  Plato,  Pan- 
psychists,  Feclmer,  Lotze,  Paulsen),  others  to  forces 
essentially  inherent  in  matter  (Feuerbach,  Buchner, 
Hiickel).  Against  materialistic  Monism  Catholic 
philosophers  (Creationists)  argue  thus:  The  world- 
matter  is  not  self-existent ;  for  what  is  self-existent  is 
essentially  necessary,  immutable,  .absolute,  infinite. 
But  the  world-matter  is  not  necessary;  its  essence  as 
such  furnishes  no  rea.son  why  it  should  exist  rather 
than  not  exist,  nor  why  it  is  definitely  determineil  as 
to  number,  extension,  and  space.  It  is  not  immuta- 
ble, for  it  undergoes  incess.int  change;  not  absolute, 
since  it  tiejjends  upon  the  natural  forces  which  condi- 
tion its  states;  not  infinite  as  to  extent,  since,  being 
extended,  it  is  numerable,  and  hence  finite;   nor  in- 


finite in  active  power,  since  it  is  inert  and  essentially 
limited  by  external  stimulation.  The  aggregate  of 
natural  forces  must  also  be  finite,  otherwise  there 
could  be  no  change,  no  laws  of  inertia,  no  con- 
stancy and  equivalence  of  energy.  The  world-sub- 
stance is  not  eternal.  For  that  substance  must  be 
conceived  either  as  possessing  eternal  motion  or  not. 
If  eternally  active  it  would  have  passed  through  an 
infinite  number  of  changes,  which  is  self-contradictory. 
Moreover,  the  supposed  evolutionary  process  would 
not  have  begun  so  late  as  geology  teaches  that  it  did, 
and  would  long  since  have  come  to  an  end,  i.  e.  to  a 
static  equilibrium  of  forces  according  to  the  law  of  en- 
tropy. If  the  primal  matter  was  not  endowed  with 
an  eternal  activity,  evolution  could  not  have  begun — 
not  from  within,  the  law  of  inertia  forbidding;  nor 
from  without,  since  the  materialistic  hypothesLs  ad- 
mits no  extraneous  cause.  Moreover,  since  chance  is 
no  cause,  but  the  negation  thereof,  some  reason  must 
be  assigned  for  the  differentiation  of  the  original 
material  into  the  various  chemical  elements  and  com- 
pounds. That  reason  may  be  supposed  either  in- 
trinsic or  extrinsic  to  the  primary  matter.  If  in- 
trinsic, it  does  not  explain  why  just  these  elements  (or 
compounds)  in  kind  and  number  become  differenti- 
ated ;  if  extrinsic,  the  supposition  contradicts  the  very 
basis  of  materialism  which  negates  transmaterial 
agency. 

A  similar  line  of  argument  may  be  used  to  prove  the 
impossibility  of  explaining,  on  the  materialistic  hj-po- 
thesis,  the  order  prevailing  everywhere  throughout  the 
universe.  To  the  counter  argument  that,  given 
infinite  series  of  atomic  arrangements,  the  present 
order  must  needs  result,  it  may  be  answered:  (a)  the 
origin  of  both  atoms  and  motion  still  remains  unex- 
plained; (b)  an  infinite  series  of  combinations  would 
demand  infinite  time,  while  geology  indicates  a  limited 
time  for  the  earth's  formation;  (c)  some  sort  of  order 
might  result  from  a  chance  concurrence  of  atoms,  but 
no  constant  and  imiversal  order ;  (d)  the  present  order 
presupposes  some  disposition  of  the  elements  for  this 
rather  than  another  order.  Now  the  question  still  re- 
mains: Whence  came  precisely  this  disposition,  and 
why  did  not  the  atoms  concur  in  a  way  unfavourable 
to  a  continuous  evolution,  since  the  number  of  possible 
arrangements  of  an  infinite  nimiber  of  atoms  must  be 
infinite? 

The  hypothesis  of  a  world-soul  exhibits  another 
group  of  inconsistencies.  If  the  universe  were  " ' 
formed  "  by  a  principle  of  life,  there  would  not  be  that 
essential  difference  between  inanimate  and  animate 
bodies  which  both  science  and  philosophy  establish; 
inanimate  bodies  would  manifest  signs  of  life,  such  as 
spontaneous  and  immanent  activity,  organs,  etc.  The 
materialistic  princiijle,  "  No  matter  without  force,  no 
force  without  matter"  (Buchner),  though,  with  some 
obvious  qualification,  true  as  to  its  first  part,  is  untrue 
as  to  its  second.  Force  is  the  proximate  principle  of 
action,  and  may  be  or  not  be,  but  it  is  not  of  necessity 
conjoined  with  matter.  The  principle  of  action  in 
man  is  not  intrinsically  dependent  on  matter. — For 
the  development  of  these  and  more  serious  arguments 
against  materialistic  Monism  see  "  Institutiones  Phil- 
osophi;r  .Naturalis",  by  Willems  or  Pesch. 

Pantheistic  dilTers  from  materialistic  Monism  in  as- 
serting a  being,  in  some  sense  unitary,  which  unfolds 
itself  in  the  material  universe  and  in  human  conscious- 
ness. That  such  a  being  is  called  "God  "is  an  obvious 
misuse  of  language.  Moreover,  God  is  indivisible, 
spiritual,  eternal,  nece.s.sary,  immutable,  omnipresent, 
absolute,  and  cannot,  therefore,  "evolve"  into  a  uni- 
verse of  matter  which  pos.sesses  just  the  contrary  attri- 
butes. For  a  like  reason  bodies  cannot  be  modes, 
either  real  (Spinoza)  or  logical  (Hegel"),  of  the  divine 
substance.  Since,  then,  the  world-material  is  not 
self-existent,  but  produced,  and  that  not  from  some 
antecedent  material   (for  such  a  supposition  would 


CREATION 


473 


CREATION 


only  defer  and  not  solve  the  problem) ;  since,  moreover, 
the  world-substance  has  not  emanated  from  the  divine 
naturo,  it  follows  that  it  must  have  been  prodnred  by 
some  extraneous  cause,  from  no  pre-uxist  ins;  iiiatorial, 
i.  e.  it  must  have  been  created.  'I'liat  that  oxt  rancnus 
cause  is  (iod,  the  self-existent,  nocossary,  alisohilc.  in- 
finite, and  consequently  personal  Deity,  is  jiroved 
from  the  finality  and  order  manifest  in  the  cosmos  that 
has  developed  from  the  original  material,  which  order 
demands  an  efficient  and  a  directive  cause  of  supreme 
if  not  infinite  intelligence:  and  from  the  further  fact 
that  the  creative  act  can  proceed  only  from  a  truly 
infinite  and  therefore  personal  agent,  as  will  be  shown 
towards  the  end  of  this  article. 

To  the  c)uestion:  In  what  condition  was  the  world- 
matter  created,  whether  homogeneous  or  differenti- 
ated into  various  specific  substances?  neither  Reve- 
lation nor  science  gives  answer.  Until  lately  the 
practically  tmiversal  opinion  of  Catholic  philosophers 
favoured  an  original  essential  differentiation  of  the 
elements.  Since,  however,  the  tendency  of  physico- 
chemical  experimentation  and  inference  now  points 
witli  some  probability  to  a  radical  homogeneity  of  mat- 
ter, and  since  philosophy  is  boimd  to  reduce  the  world 
to  its  fewest  and  simplest  principles,  the  opinion  seems 
justified  that  the  original  matter  was  created  actually 
unditTerentiated,  but  with  inherent  potency  toward 
elemental  and.  subsequently,  compound  diversifica- 
tion through  the  action,  reaction,  and  grouping  of  the 
ultimate  particles. 

When — probably  through  some  such  processes  as 
are  suggested  by  the  well-known  nebular  hypothesis 
(Kant,  Laplace)  and  by  the  inductions  of  geology — 
the  material  universe  was  disposed  for  the  simplest 
forms  of  life,  then  God  said:  "  Let  the  earth  bring  forth 
the  green  herb,  and  such  as  may  seed,  and  the  fruit 
tree  yielding  fruit  after  its  kind,  which  may  have 
seed  in  itself  upon  the  earth.  And  it  w-as  so  done" 
(Gen.,  i,  11) — the  work  of  the  third  creative  day. 
At  a  svib.sequent,  ''God  created  the  great  whales  and 
every  living  and  moving  creature,  which  the  waters 
brought  forth,  according  to  their  kinds,  and  every 
winged  fowl  according  to  its  kind"  (ib.,  21) — the 
work  of  the  fifth  day.  And  again,  "God  said:  Let 
the  earth  bring  forth  the  living  creature  in  its  kind, 
cattle  and  creeping  things,  and  beasts  of  the  earth, 
according  to  their  kinds.  And  it  was  so  done.  And 
God  made  the  beasts  of  the  earth  according  to  their 
kinds,  and  cattle,  and  every  thing  that  creepeth  on 
the  earth  after  its  kind"  (ib.,  24,  25) — part  of  the 
work  of  the  sixth  day.  In  these  simple  words  the  in- 
spired author  of  Genesis  describes  the  advent  of  life, 
plant  and  animal,  on  our  earth.  It  does  not  fall  within 
the  scope  of  the  present  article  to  discuss  the  various 
meanings  that  have  been  assigned  to  "the  days  of 
creation".  Suffice  it  to  say  that  Catholic  exegctes  are 
allowed  the  widest  liberty  of  interpretation  com|)ati- 
ble  with  the  obvious  substance  and  purport  of  the 
sacred  narrative,  viz.,  that  God  is  "the  creator  of 
heaven  and  earth".  Accordingly,  we  find  some  theo- 
logians following  St.  Augustine  (In  Gen.  ad  litt.,  I), 
that  the  six  days  signify  only  a  logical  (not  a  real)  suc- 
cession, i.  e.  in  the  order  in  which  the  creative  works 
were  manifested  to  the  angels.  Others  interpret  the 
days  as  indefinite  cosmical  periods.  Others,  though 
these  are  at  present  a  vanishing  number,  still  follow 
the  literal  interpretation.  An  immense  amount  of 
time,  patient  research,  and  ingenuity  has  been  spent  in 
the  task  of  harmonizing  the  successive  stages  of  ter- 
restrial evolution,  as  deciphered  by  geologists  from  the 
records  of  the  rocks,  with  the  Mo.saic  narrative ;  but  the 
highest  tribute  to  the  success  of  these  efforts  is  that 
they  more  or  less  graphically  corroliorate  what  must  be 
already  a  priori  certain  an<l  evident,  at  lea.st  to  the 
believer,  that  between  the  truth  of  Revelation  and  the 
truth  of  .science  there  is,  and  can  be,  no  discord.  But 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  effort  to  vindicate  in 


detail  the  parallelism  claimed  to  exist  between  the 
geological  succession  of  living  forms  and  the  order  de- 
scribed in  the  Bible,  it  is  certain  that  some  general  par- 
allelism exists;  that  the  testimony  of  the  strata  cor- 
roborates the  story  of  the  Book,  according  to  which 
the  lowliest  forms  of  plant  life,  "the  green  herb", 
appeared  first,  then  the  higher,  "  the  seed-bearing  tree", 
followed  in  turn  by  the  simpler  animal  tj-pes,  the  water 
creature  and  the  winged  fowl,  and  finally  by  the  highest 
organisms,  "  the  beasts  of  the  earth  and  the  cattle". 

IV.  Cre.vtion  and  Evolution'. — If  now,  from  the 
general  interpretation  of  the  Biblical  account  of  crea- 
tion, we  turn  to  the  biologico-philo.so[)hical  problems 
which  it  suggests,  and  which  revert  to  it  for  what  solu- 
tion it  may  have  to  offer,  we  find  Catholic  thinkers 
exercising  an  equally  large  liberty  of  speculation. 
"Considered  in  connection  with  the  entire  account  of 
creation",  says  a  recent  eminent  Jesuit  exegete,  "the 
words  of  Genesis  cited  above  proximately  maintain 
nothing  else  than  that  the  earth  with  all  that  it  con- 
tains and  bears,  together  with  the  plant  and  animal 
kingdoms,  has  not  produced  itself  nor  is  the  work  of 
chance;  but  owes  its  existence  to  the  power  of  God. 
However,  in  what  particular  manner  the  plant  and 
animal  kingdoms  received  their  existence:  whether  all 
species  were  created  simultaneously  or  only  a  few  which 
were  destined  to  give  life  to  others:  whether  only  one 
fruitful  .seed  was  placed  on  mother  earth,  which  under 
the  influence  of  natural  causes  developed  into  the  first 
plants,  and  another  infused  into  the  waters  gave  birth 
to  the  first  animals — all  this  the  Book  of  Genesis  leaves 
to  our  own  investigation  and  to  the  revelations  of 
science,  if  indeed  science  is  able  at  all  to  give  a  final  and 
imquestionable  decision.  In  other  words,  the  article 
of  faith  contained  in  Genesis  remains  firm  and  intact 
even  if  one  explains  the  manner  in  which  the  different 
species  originated  according  to  the  principle  of  the 
theory  of  evolution"  (Knabenbauer,  "Stimmen  aus 
Maria-Laach",  XIII,  74;  cf.  Muckermann,  "Attitude 
of  Catholics  towards  Darwinism  and  Evolution",  78.) 
The  two  general  biological  problems  connected  with 
the  Biblical  cosmogony  are  the  origin  of  life  and  the 
succession  of  organisms.  Concerning  both  these  prol)- 
lems  all  that  Catholic  Faith  teaches  is  that  the  begin- 
nings of  plant  and  animal  life  are  due  in  some  way  to 
the  productive  power  of  God.  Whether,  with  St. 
Augustine  and  St.  Thomas,  one  hold  that  only  the 
primordial  elements,  endowed  with  dispositions  and 
powers  (rationcs  seminales)  for  development,  were 
created  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  and  the  rest  of 
nature — plant  and  animal  life — was  gradually  evolved 
according  to  a  fixed  order  of  natural  operation  imder 
the  supreme  guidance  of  the  Divine  Administration 
(Harper,  "Metaphysics  of  the  School",  II,  746);  of 
whether,  with  other  Fathers  and  Doctors  of  the  School, 
one  hold  that  life  and  the  classes  of  living  beings — 
orders,  families,  genera,  species — were  each  and  all,  or 
only  some  few,  strictly  and  immediately  created  by 
God — whichever  of  these  extreme  views  he  may  deem 
more  rational  and  better  motived,  the  Catholic  thinker 
is  left  perfectly  free  by  his  faith  to  select.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  theory  of  spontaneous  generation  of 
certain  animalcukr,  worms,  in.sects,  etc.  was  held  by 
theologians  and  jihilosophers  alike  until  compara- 
tively recent  times,  imtil,  indeed,  experimental  evi- 
dence demonstrated  the  opposite  thesis.  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  universal  truth  of  biogenesis  (q.  v.), 
omne  vivtim  ex  rim,  was  then  seen  to  corroborate  the 
teaching  of  the  Bible,  that  life,  plant  and  animal,  is  due 
to  the  Divine  productive  agency.  Since  the  charac- 
teristics of  living  substance  are  contrary  to  those  of  the 
non-living  substance,  the  characteristics  of  life  being 
spontaneity  and  immanent  activity,  tho.se  of  inani- 
mate matter  being  inertia  and  transitive  activity,  the 
Divine  efficiency,  to  which  the  origin  and  differentia- 
tion of  life  are  a.scribed,  h.as  received  the  tiistinctive 
name  of  administration.    The  idea  conveyed  by  the 


CREATION 


474 


CREATION 


latter  term  is  thus  explained  by  a  philosopher  who  has 
drawn  it  out  from  the  suggestion  supplied  by  St. 
Thomas.  (De  Potentia,  Q.  iv.)  Though  God  can 
operate  as  He  does  in  the  creative  act,  without  the  co- 
operation of  the  creature,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  for 
the  creature  to  elicit  even  the  smallest  act  without  the 
co-operation  of  the  Creator.  Now  the  Divine  Admin- 
istration includes  this  and  more,  two  things,  namely, 
as  regards  the  present  subject.  The  one  is  the  con- 
stant order,  the  natural  laws,  of  the  universe.  Thus, 
e.  g.,  that  all  living  things  should  be  ordinately  prop- 
agated by  seed  belongs  to  the  Divine  Administration. 
The  second,  which  may  be  called  exceptional,  relates 
to  the  initial  organisms,  the  first  plant,  fish,  bird,  and 
beast,  upon  which  hereditary  propagation  must  have 
subsequently  succeeded.  That  these  original  pairs 
should  have  been  evolved  out  of  the  potency  of  matter 
without  parentage — that  the  matter,  otherwise  in- 
capable of  the  task,  should  have  been  proximately  dis- 
posed for  such  evolution — belongs  to  a  special  Divine 
Administration.  In  other  words,  God  must  have  been 
the  sole  efficient  cause — utilizing,  of  course,  the  ma- 
terial cause — of  the  organization  requisite,  and  hence 
may  strictly  be  said  to  have  formed  such  pairs,  and  in 
particular  the  human  body,  out  of  the  pre-existent 
matter  (Harper,  op.  cit.,  743).  It  need  hardly  be  said 
that  the  distinctions  between  creation  and  co-opera- 
tion, administration  and  formation,  are  not  to  be  con- 
sidered as  subjectively  realized  in  God.  They  are  only 
so  many  aspects  which  the  analytical  mind  must  take 
note  of  in  the  fundamental  and  essential  relation  of  de- 
pendence— contingency — in  which  the  creature  stands 
to  the  First  Cause.  For  a  sympathetic  account  of  the 
relation  of  Evolutionism  to  Creationism,  the  reader 
may  be  referred  to  Muckermann  (who  has  popularized 
Wasmann's  technical  illustrations  of  specific  trans- 
formations among  the  ant-guests).  Harper,  Mivart, 
Guibert,  Didiot,  Farges,  etc.,  mentioned  in  the  bibli- 
ography below.  A  more  vigorous  criticism  of  Evolu- 
tionism is  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Gerard,  Gutber- 
let,  Pesch,  Willems,  Hunter,  Thein,  and  Hughes. 

V.  Final  C.\use  of  Cre.\tion. — Since  the  produc- 
tion of  something  from  nothing,  the  bridging  of  the 
ohasm  between  non-existence  and  existence  demands 
infinite  power,  and  since  the  reason  for  the  action  of 
an  infinite  being  must  lie  within  that  being  Himself, 
the  primary  subjective  motive  of  creation  nmst  be  the 
Creator's  love  of  His  own  intrinsic  goodness.  The 
love  of  that  absolute  good  is  conceived  by  us  as  "in- 
ducing" the  Creator  to  give  it  an  extrinsic  embodi- 
ment (creation  in  its  passive  sense,  the  universe). 
The  type-idea  according  to  which  this  embodiment  is 
constructed  must  exist  within  the  Creator's  intelli- 
gence and  as  such  is  called  the  "exemplary"  or  arche- 
typal cause  of  creation  (passive).  The  objective 
realization  hereof  is  the  absolutely  final  objective  end, 
or  final  cause,  of  creation.  In  the  material  universe 
this  realization,  exhibited  in  the  ]iurposiveness  of  each 
individual  part  conspiring  to  the  purposiveness  of  the 
whole,  remains  imperfect  and  is  but  a  vestige  of  the 
original  design.  In  the  rational  creature  it  reaches  a 
certain  completeness,  inasmuch  as  man's  personality, 
with  its  intellectual  and  volitional  endowments,  is  a 
sort  of  (analogous)  "image"  of  the  Creator,  and,  !is 
such,  a  more  perfect  realization  of  the  creative  plan. 
Moreover,  in  man's  consciinisiicss  the  creative  i)urpo.se 
comes  to  explicit  manif(st:il  imi  :inil  reflcctivr  recogni- 
tion. His  iiitelligoiit  reaction  tlicrcon  by  reverential 
attitude  and  onlerly  conduct  realizes  the  absolutely 
final  pur|)ose  of  creation,  the  actual  "formal  glorify- 
ing" of  the  Creator,  so  far  as  that  is  possible  in  the 
present  life.  But  even  as  the  onlerly  or  normal  activ- 
ity of  the  individual  organisms  and  subordinate  parts 
of  the  vmiverse  develop  and  complete  tlio.se  org.anisms 
and  parts,  so  man's  rational  condiU't  perfects  him  and, 
as  a  consequence,  results  in  a  state  of  happiness,  the 
fvill  complement  whereof  is  attainable,  however,  only 


in  a  life  beyond  the  present.  This  completion  and 
happiness  of  man  are  said  to  be  the  relatively  ultimate 
end  of  creation,  and  thereby  the  creative  plan  is  ab- 
solutely completed,  the  Creator  finally  explicitly 
formally  glorified  by  the  return  of  the  creation,  carried 
up  by  and  in  man  to  conscious  inter-communion  with 
the  Source  and  End  of  the  creative  act.  Lactantius 
thus  sums  up  the  hierarchy  of  finality  in  creation: 
"The  world  was  made  that  we  might  be  born.  We 
were  born  that  we  might  know  God.  We  know  Him 
that  we  may  worship  Him.  We  worship  Him  that  we 
may  earn  immortality.  We  are  rewarded  with  im- 
mortality that,  being  like  unto  the  angels,  we  may 
serve  Our  Father  and  Lord  forever,  and  be  the  eternal 
kingdom  of  God"  (Instit.,  VII,  vi).  When  man  issaid 
to  be  the  (relatively)  ultimate  end  of  creation,  this 
obviously  docs  not  exclude  other  coexistent  and  sub- 
ordinate purposes. 

VI.  Creation  the  Prerogative  of  God  Alone. — 
The  Fourth  Lateran  Council  defined  that  "  God  is  the 
sole  principle  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible,  the 
creator  of  all"  [Denzinger,  op.  cit.,  428  (355)];  and  the 
Bible  throughout  ascribes  the  creative  act  to  Him 
alone:  "I  am  the  Lord,  that  make  all  things  .  .  .  and 
there  is  none  with  me"  (Is.,  xliv,  24  ;  cf.  xl,  25;  Ps 
cxxxv,  4).  As  to  the  question,  whether  it  is  intrin- 
sically possible  for  a  creature  to  be  endowed  with  crea- 
tive power,  theologians  answer  with  a  distinction.  (1) 
No  creature  can  possibly  be  a  principal  cause  of  crea- 
tion. This  is  the  unanimous  teaching  of  the  Fathers. 
The  philosophical  reasons  are:  (a)  the  creative  act, 
being  absolutely  independent  of  material  and  instru- 
ment, supposes  an  absolutely  independent  subject 
(agent) ;  (b)  the  term  of  the  creative  act  is  the  com- 
plete substance  of  the  effect  (spiritual  or  material),  and 
the  act  can  extend  indefinitely  to  whatever  is  intrinsic- 
ally possible,  while  the  act  of  the  created  agent  reaches 
only  to  the  accidents,  or  partial  constituents,  of  bod- 
ies, and  is  definitely  limited  in  range;  (c)  the  creative 
act  produces  its  effects  by  will  alone;  it  is  immanent, 
while  its  term  is  extraneous;  it  is  as  unlimited  as 
is  the  extent  of  will  power;  it  is  instantaneous.  No 
finite  cause  can  thus  operate.  (2)  Some  theologians 
(Peter  the  Lombard  and  Suarez)  have  thought  that  a 
creature  might  be  used  by  God  as  an  instrumental 
cause  of  creation.  The  general  opinion,  however,  is 
to  the  contrary,  on  the  ground  that  since  creation  ex- 
cludes inateria  ex  qud  there  is  no  subject  whereon  the 
dispositive  influence  of  an  instrument  could  be  ex- 
erted. 

God  u-as  absolutely  free  to  create  or  not  to  create,  and  to 
create  the  present  or  any  possible  world.  This  is 
an  article  of  Catholic  Faith  defined  by  the  Vatican 
Council  (Can.,  De  Deo  Creante,  v).  It  is  the  explicit 
teaching  of  Scripture,  Gotl  "  worketh  all  things  accord- 
ing to  the  counsel  of  his  will"  (Eph.,  i,  11),  and  of  the 
Fathers  generally.  It  is  an  obvious  rational  deduc- 
tion from  the  infinitude  and  absolute  self-sufficiency  of 
God.  The  creative  act,  as  a  subjective  aspect  of  the 
Divine  Will,  is  necessary,  but  the  external  positing  of 
a  term  is  free.  This  doctrine  of  creative  freedom  ex- 
cludes the  exaggerated  optimism  of  Leibniz  and  others, 
who  held  that  God  was  bound  to  create  the  best  possi- 
ble world.  The  Divine  act  must  be  perfect,  but  the 
effect  need  not,  and  indeed  cannot,  be  absolutely  per- 
fect; the  creature  being  necessarily  finite,  a  more  per- 
fect creature  is  always  possible  and  creatable  by  in- 
finite power.  The  world  is  the  very  best  possible  for 
the  Creator's  purpose;  it  is  relatively,  not  absolutely,  * 
perfect.     (See  Optimlsm.) 

VII.  The  Would  was  Cre.\.ted  in  Time,  not  from  ' 
Eternity. — The  Vatican  Council  defined  that  God  4 
created  ab  initio  temporis.  The  opening  words  of] 
Genesis,  "In  the  beginning  God  created",  are  re-j 
echoed  in  similar  ])hrases  throughout  the  Bible.  The  ' 
Fathers  reiterate  the  same  teaching.  .\s  to  the 
question,  whether  eternal  creation  is  intrinsically  pos-  ii 


CREATIONISM 


475 


CREATIONISM 


jible,  St.  Thomas,  in  his  sohcitude  that  infidels  might 
dave  no  ground  to  cavil  with  the  arguments  which  be- 
lievers assign  for  the  temporal  origin  of  creation  (pas- 
sive), says:  "That  the  world  has  not  always  existed  is 
held  by  faith  alone,  and  cannot  be  demonstrated" 
(Summa,  I,  Q.  xlvi,  a.  2).  St.  Bonavcnture  and  many 
athers  mamtain  that  the  inherent  impossibility  of 
eternal  creation  is  demonstrable.  Arguments  too 
subtle  for  discussion  here  are  adduced  by  both  sides 
of  the  controversy. 

VIII.  Specol.^tive  and  Practical  Position  of 
rHE  Doctrine  of  Cre.\tion. — From  what  has  been 
said  it  follows  that  belief  "in  God  the  Creator  of 
heaven  and  earth"  is  the  theoretical  basis  of  all  relig- 
ious and  theological  truth,  the  real  foimdation  under- 
lying all  other  truths  concerning  God,  and  the  objec- 
tive principle  whence  all  other  truths  proceed.  The 
Incarnation  completes  in  the  supernatural  order  the 
creative  purpose  and  plan  by  the  Divine  Personal 
Idea,  the  Word,  assuming  to  Himself  man's  nature, 
wherein  the  natural  order  of  creation  is  synthesized, 
and  thus  carrj-ing  back  completely  the  whole  creation 
to  its  origin  anil  end.  The  Redemption,  the  Church, 
ind  the  sacramental  system  are  obviously  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Incarnation,  and  so,  through  the  medium 
jf  the  latter  mystery,  follow  from  creation.  The 
proposition  that  the  Infinite  is  the  absolutely  primary 
source  of  all  other  re.ality  is  also-  the  first  philosophical 
truth,  not  of  course  in  our  order  of  attainment  but  in 
itself.  All  created  being,  truth,  goodness,  beauty, 
perfection  are  eminently  contained  in  the  Creator's 
jssence,  conceptually  in  His  creative  intelligence,  po- 
tentially in  His  creative  oinni|)otence,  and  are  deter- 
iiined  to  their  measure  of  actual  objective  existence 
ay  the  creative  vriW.  The  real  distinction  of  the  finite 
from  the  Infinite  opposes  every  form  of  exaggerated 
nonism,  while  the  entitative  contingency  and  depend- 
?nce  of  the  creature  on  the  Creator  refutes  an  ex- 
iggerated  dualism.  A  rational  mediating  dualistic 
iionism  is  based  on  the  truth  of  creation.  Lastly,  the 
•nd  aufl  purpose  of  creation  sets  before  man  the  first 
deal  and  norm  of  life;  and  thus  the  final  reason  of  the 
listinction  between  right  and  wrong  conduct  is  found 
n  the  conformity  of  the  one  and  the  diflfonnity  of  the 
jther  with  the  orginal  exemplar  in  the  Creator's  mind. 
Acting  up  to  his  complete  nature,  man  is  at  once  self- 
:onsistent  and  accordant  proximately  with  the  cre- 
ited  copy  and  hence  mediately  accordant  with  the 
jriginal  pattern  in  the  eternal  design  of  his  Creator. 

(See  Co.sMOLOGY,  Cosmogony,  Evolution,  God, 
Life,  Man,  Socl,  World,  M.\teri.\lism,  Pantheism.) 

Harper.  Mclaphyrics  of  the  School  (New  York,  1881),  II; 
UlvART.  Lessons  from  Sa{ure  (New  York,  1876);  Id..  Genesis 
>f  Species  (New  York,  1871);  GrinF.RT,  Lrs  orinines,  tr.  In  Ihn 
beginning  (New  York.  1901);  Gkh  ■  ':■  .  /:  -'  .i..nary  Philosophy 
ind  Common  Sense  (London.  19M_'  ,  M'  i  m  \vx,  Altitude  of 
he  Colholics  towards  Darwinism  n>:     I  ^i.  Louis,  1906); 

Hi-iiHKS.  Principles  of  Anthrop"t-  :  :  <n  '  /;  ',v;7  (New  York, 
1^'iu  .  Clerke.  Modem  Cosmofionirs  (Lon'lon,  1905);  Thein, 
.;  Anthropology  (.New  York,  1881);  Vaughan,  Faith 
;  ■•1,1  (London.  1901);  Hunter.  Outlines  of  Dogmatic 
7'  ■■:■/  (New  York.  1908).  II;  WiLHELM  AND  Scansei-l, 
Mongol  of  Catholic  Theology  (New  York,  1890),  I;  McCosh. 
Realistic  Philosophy  (New  York,  1881);  Wallace.  Darwin- 
ism (.New  York.  1881);  Shields.  Ultimate  Philosophy  (New 
^ork,  igO.')),  Ill;  Croll,  Basis  of  Evolution  (London,  1890); 
iV'iLLEMs.  Inslitutiones  Philosophiw  (Treves,  1906),  II;  Pe.sch, 
Wcllrntsel  (Freihure,  1907);  Pra^Jecliones  Phitosonhia:  Naturalis 
[Freiburg.  1897):  Didiot,  Contribuiion  philosophique  h  I'etudc 
ies  sciences  (Lille.  1902);  GuTBERLET.  Apologetik  (Miinster, 
189.5);  Der  Mensch  (Miin.ster.  190.5);  Mercier.  La  ps|/c/io/o(7ie, 
(Louv.tin.  1905):  Faroes.  La  vie  el  revolution  desesptces  (Paris. 
1894);  Pesch.  Pralectinnes  Dogmalicce:  De  Deo  CrearUe  (Frei- 
burg. 1895);  Van  Noort,  Dc  Deo  Croinfe  (Amsterdam,  1903); 
Pinard  in  Diet,  de  theoL.  cath.,  a.  v. — the  most  thorough  and 
iMst  documented  monograph  on  the  subjent. 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 

Creationism  (Lat.  crentio). — (1)  In  the  widest 
sense,  the  doctrine  that  the  material  of  the  universe 
was  created  by  God  out  of  no  pre-existing  subject. 
It  is  thus  opposed  to  all  forms  of  Pantheism.  (2) 
Less  widely,  the  doctrine  that  the  various  species  of 


living  beings  were  immediately  and  directly  created 
or  produced  by  God,  and  are  not  therefore  the  outcome 
of  an  evolutionary  process.  It  is  thus  opposed  to 
Transformism. 

(3)  In  a  restricted  but  more  usual  sense,  the  doc- 
trine that  the  individual  human  soul  is  the  immediate 
effect  of  God's  creative  act.  It  is  thus  opposed  to 
Traducianism.  The  first  two  acceptations  of  the 
term  are  treated  in  the  article  Cre,\tion;  the  third 
alone  is  here  considered.  The  proposition  that  the 
human  soul  is  immediately  created  by  God  is  a 
corollary  of  the  soul's  spirituality.  Certain  psychical 
phenomena,  viz.  intellectual  and  volitional — espe- 
cially when  these  regard  immaterial  objects — indicate 
that  their  radical  principle  subsists  essentially  and 
intrinsically  independent  of  the  purely  corporeal 
organism.  This  transmaterial  subsistence  supposes  a 
corresponding  mode  of  origin ;  for  that  the  soul  must 
have  had  a  beginning  follows  obviously  from  its 
finitude  and  contingency.     That  origin  cannot  be: 

(a)  by  way  of  emanation  from  God,  as  Pantheists 
declare,  since  the  Divine  substance,  being  absolutely 
simple,  cannot  be  subject  to  any  emissional  process; 

(b)  nor  by  spiritiLal  generation  from  the  souls  of  par- 
ents— as  the  German  theologian  Frohschammer  (1821- 
1893)  maintained — because  human  souls,  being  essen- 
tially and  integrally  simple  and  indivisible,  can  give 
forth  no  spiritual  germs  or  reproductive  elements; 

(c)  still  less  by  physical  generation  (as  corporeal 
Traducianists  suppose),  since  such  a  mode  of  produc- 
tion plainly  conflicts  both  with  the  essential  simplicity 
and  the  spirituality  of  the  soul.  The  only  other 
intelligible  source  of  the  soul's  existence  is  God;  and 
since  the  characteristic  and  excUisive  act  of  the 
Di\-ine  Cause  is  creation  (q.  v.),  the  soul  must  owe  its 
origin  to  that  operation. 

As  regards  the  time  when  the  individual  soul  is 
created,  philosophical  speculation  varies.  The  an- 
cient Platonic  doctrine  of  the  pre-natal  existence  of 
souk  and  their  subsequent  incarceration  in  bodies 
may  be  passed  over  as  poetic  fiction  and  not  scientific 
theorj''.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  ancient  hy- 
pothesis of  transmigration,  which,  however,  still 
survives  in  Buddhism  and  is  revived  by  recent  Theos- 
ojihy.  Besides  being  entirely  gratuitous,  metempsy- 
chosis rests  on  a  false  view  which  conceives  of  body 
and  soul  as  only  accidentally,  not  essentially,  com- 
bined in  the  unity  of  the  human  person.  The 
traditional  philosophy  of  the  Church  holds  that  the 
rational  soul  is  created  at  the  moment  when  it  is 
infused  into  the  new  organism.  St.  Thomxs,  follow- 
ing Aristotle's  embryologj',  taught  that  the  human 
fcEtus  passes  through  progressive  stages  of  formation 
wherein  it  is  successively  animated  by  the  vegetative, 
sensitive,  and  rational  principles,  each  succeeding 
form  summing  up  virtually  the  potencies  of  its  prede- 
cessor. Accordingly,  the  rational  soul  is  created  when 
the  antecedent  principles  of  life  have  rendered  the 
frotus  an  appropriate  organism  for  rational  life, 
though  some  time  is  required  after  birth  before  the 
sensory  organs  are  sufficiently  developed  to  assist 
in  the  fimctions  of  intelligence.  In  this  view  the 
embryonic  historj'  of  man  is  an  epitome  of  the  stages 
through  which  the  upward  march  of  life  on  our  globe 
is  now  held  by  pala-ontologists  to  have  pa.ssed.  On 
the  other  hand,  most  neo-Schol;istics  hold  that  the 
rational  soul  is  created  and  infused  into  the  incipient 
human  being  at  the  moiuent  of  conception.  It  should 
be  noted  that  the  doctrine  of  Creationism  is  not  an 
appeal  to  the  supernatural  or  the  "miraculous"  to 
account  for  a  natural  effect.  The  creation  of  the 
soul  by  the  First  Cause,  when  second  causes  hav<! 
posited  the  pertinent  conditions,  falls  within  the 
order  of  nature;  it  is  a  so-called  "law  of  nature",  not 
an  interference  therewith,  .as  is  the  c.a.se  in  .a  miracle. 

So  much  for  the  philosophical  or  purely  rational 
aspect  of  Creationism;  as  regards  the  theological,  it 


CREDENCE 


476 


CREDI 


should  be  noted  that  while  none  of  the  Fathers  main-  IX  (1050),  in  the  symbol  presented  to  the  Bishop 
tained  Traducianism — the  parental  generation  of  the  Peter  for  subscription,  lays  down:  "I  believe  and 
soul — as  a  certainty,  some  of  them,  notably  St.  Angus-  profess  that  the  soul  is  not  a  part  of  God,  but  is 
tine,  at  the  outbreak  of  Pelagianism,  began  to  doubt  created  out  of  nothing,  and  that,  without  baptism,  it 
the  creation  by  God  of  the  individual  soul  (there  was  is  in  original  sin"  (Denzinger,  Enchir.,  n.  296).  That 
never  any  doubt  as  to  the  created  origin  of  the  souls  the  soul  sinned  in  its  pre-existent  state,  a.nd  on  that 
of  Adam  and  Eve),  and  to  incline  to  the  opposite  accoimt  was  incarcerated  in  the  body,  is  a  fiction 
opinion,  which  seemed  to  facilitate  the  explanation     which  has  been  repeatedly  condemned  by  the  Church. 

"    "  •    •         Divested  of  this  fiction,  the  theory  | 

that  the  soul  exists  prior  to  its  in- 
fusion into  the  organism,  while  not 
explicitly  reprobated,  is  obviously 
opposed  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Church, 
according  to  which  souls  are  multi- 
plied correspondingly  with  the  multi- 
plication of  human  organisms  (Cone. 
Lat.  V,  in  Denzinger,  op.  cit.,  621). 
But  whether  the  rational  soul  is 
infused  into  the  organism  at  concep- 
tion, as  the  modern  opinion  holds,  or 
some  weeks  subsequently,  as  the 
Scholastics  suppose  (St.  Thomas,  Q.  i 
a.  2,  ad  2),  is  an  open  question  with 
theologians  (Kleutgen,  Phil.  d.  Vor- 
zcit,  II,  657).  (See  also  Man  ;  Metem- 
psychosis ;  Soul;  Traducianism.) 

Maker,  Psychology  (New  York,   1903); 
MivART,  Origin  of  Human  Reason    (Lon- 
don,   1889);     Dhiscoll,    The  Soul   (New- 
York,   1898);      Mercier.    La  Psychologic 
1905);  GcTBERLET,  Psychologic  (Munich,  1896). 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 


of  the  transmission  of  original  sin 
Thus,  writing  to  St.  Jerome,  St, 
Augustine  says:  "If  that  opinion  of 
the  creation  of  new  souls  is  not  op- 
posed to  this  established  article  of 
faith  [sc.  original  sin]  let  it  be  also 
mine;  if  it  is,  let  it  not  be  thine" 
(Ep.  clxvi,  n.  25).  Theodorus  Abucara 
(Opusc.  xxxv),  Macarius  (Hom.xx.x), 
and  St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  (De  Opif., 
Horn.,  c.  xxix)  favoured  this  view. 
Amongst  the  Scholastics  there  were 
no  defenders  of  Traducianism.  Hugh 
of  St.  Victor  (De  Sacr.,  VII,  c.  xii) 
and  Alexander  of  Hales  (Summa, 
I,  Q.  Ix,  mem.  2,  a.  3)  alone  char- 
acterize Creationism  as  the  more 
probable  opinion;  all  the  other 
Schoolmen  hold  it  as  certain  and 
differ  only  in  regard  to  the  censure 
that  should  be  attached  to  the  op- 
posite error.  Thus  Peter  Lombard  simply  says :  "The 
Catholic  Church  teaches  that  souls  are  created  at 
their  infusion  into  the  body"  (Sent.  II,  d.  xviii);  while 
St.  Thomas  is  more  emphatic:  " It  is  heretical  to  say 
that  the  intellectual  soul  is  transmitted  by  process 


Lorenzo  di  Credi  (By  himself) 


Credence  (or  Credence-Table). — A  small  table  of 
wood,  marble,  or  other  suitable  material  placed  -nithin 


of   generation"    (I,  Q.  cxviii,  a.   2).     For  the   rest,  the  sanctuary  of  a  church  and  near  the  wall  at  the 

the  following  citation  from  the  Angelic  Doctor  sums  Epistle  side,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  cruets, 

up  the  diverse  opinions:   "Regarding  this  question  acolytes'  candles,  and  other  utensils  requu-ed  for  the 

various  opinions  were  expressed  in  antiquity.     Some  celebration    of    the    Holy   Sacrifice.     The    credence, 


held  that  the  soul  of  the 
child  is  produced  by  the  p 
soul  of  the  parent  just 
as  the  body  is  generated 
by  the  parent-body. 
Others  maintained  that 
all  souls  are  created  apart, 
moreover  that  they  are 
united  with  their  respec- 
tive bodies,  either  by 
their  own  volition  or  by 
the  command  and  action 
of  God.  Others,  again, 
declared  that  the  soul  in 
the  moment  of  its  crea- 
tion is  infused  into  the 
body.  Though  for  a  time 
these  several  views  were 
upheld,  and  though  it 
was  doubtful  which  came 
nearest  the  truth  (as  ap- 
pears from  Augustine's 
commentary  on  Gen.,  x, 
and  from  his  books  on 
(he  origin  of  the  soul), 
the  Church  subsequently 
condemned  the  first  two 
and  approved  the  third" 
(De  Potentia,  Q.  iii,  a. 
9).  Others  (e.  g.  Greg- 
ory of  Valencia)  speak  of  Generationism  as  "cer- 
tainly erroneous",  or  (e.  g.  Estius)  as  maximc 
temerarius.  It  should,  however,  be  noted  that  while 
there  are  no  such  explicit  definitions  authoritatively 
put  forth  by  the  Church  as  would  warrant  our  calling 
the  doctrine  of  Creationism  </('  fule.  nevertheless,  as  a 
recent  eniinciit  theologian  ob.scrvcs.  "there  can  be  no 


The  Holy  Family — Lorenzo  di  Oodi 


properly  so  called,  is  con- 
templated only  in  con- 
nexion with  solemn 
Masses;  onit  the  chalice, 
paten,  corporal,  and  veil 
are  placed  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Mass  untU 
the  Offertory.  When  a 
bishop  celebrates,  it 
should  be  of  larger  dimen- 
sions than  usual,  the  ordi- 
nary size  being  about 
forty  inches  long,  twenty 
broad,  and  thirty-six 
high.  On  very  solemn 
festivals  it  should  be 
covered  with  a  linen 
cloth  extending  to  the 
ground  on  all  sides,  on 
less  solemn  occasions  the 
cloth  should  not  extend 
so  far,  while  on  days  of 
simple  rite  it  should  mere- 
ly cover  the  superficies. 
For  low  Masses  the  ru- 
bricscontcmplatoa  niche 
or  bracket  in  the  wall,  or 
some  small  arrangement 
for  holding  the  cruets, 
finger-bowl,   and   towel, 


but  custom  now  favours  the  use  of  a  credence-table. 

Cfrrcvionialr  Episcoponim,  1,  xil  sq.',    Ruhr.  (nm.  Miss.,  XX; 
Van  dek  Stappen,  De  Missa  Cticbralionr  (Mei-hhn,  1902). 

Pathick  Mohrisroe. 

Credi,  Lorenzo  di,  Florentine  painter,  b.  at  Flor- 
ence. H.'iO;  (1.  (here.  l.'):57.     Vasari  gives   his  family 


doubt  as  to  which  view  is  favoured  by  ecclesiastical     name  as  Sciarpelloni,  but  his  original  u.aine  seems  to 
authority"  (Pesch,  Priel.  Dogin.,  V,  3,  p.  66).     Leo     have  been  Barducci.     He  was  a  pupU  farst  of  the 


CREDITOR 


477 


CREE 


goldsmith  Crcdi,  from  whom  he  took  his  name,  and 
then  of  the  sculjitor  Verrocchio,  having  as  fellow- 
]Hiliils  Porufcino  and  Leonardo  da  Vinci.  To  the  latter 
paintcrLorenzoaftachedhimself  in  termsof  friendship, 
and  he  copied  the  manner  of  Leonardo  with  great  suc- 
cess. When  Verrocchio  went  to  Venice  to  cast  the 
bronze  equestrian  st.atue  of  Colleoni,  he  left  to  Lorenzo 
the  entire  administration  of  all  his  affairs,  and  in  his 
will  charged  him  to  complete  the  statue,  which  he 
had  been  unable  to  finish,  adding  the  following  re- 
mark: "Because  he  has  the  ability  to  finish  it  prop- 
erly". Leonardo  was,  however,  instructed  by  the  Vene- 
tians to  complete  the  figure.  Di  Credi  was  a  devout 
follower  of  Savonarola  and  a  :nan  of  deeplj-  religious 
character.  He  was  an  eminent  jiortrait-painter,  and 
his  religious  pictures  were  in  great  demand  for  the 
churches  and  convents  of  Florence  and  the  neighboiu'- 
hood.  Oneof  the  finest  is  at  Pistoja,  originally  painted 
for  t  he  hospital  of  t  he  Ceppo.  The  portrait  of  Verrocchio 
is  at  Florence.  Otherexamplesareat  Berlin,  Dresden, 
London,  Paris,  Rome. andTurin.  They  are  all  remark- 
al>le  for  their  magnificence  of  colour,  exquisite  compo- 
sition, but  extraordinary  rigidity  of  drapery,  the  folds 
having  the  appearance  of  metal  work  in  many  cases 
and  revealing  the  original  training  as  a  goldsmith 
which  the  artist  received.  He  died  at  the  age  of 
seventy-eight  in  his  own  house  in  Florence,  near 
Santa  Maria  Nuova,  and  was.  buried  in  San  Pietro 
Maggiore.  A  little  while  before  his  death  he  be- 
queathed to  the  hospital  of  Santa  Maria  Nuova  a 
farm  which  he  had  purchasetl  at  Casciano.  He  was 
said  to  have  been  a  very  slow  painter,  but  took 
iiiunrnse  pains  in  the  execution  of  all  he  did,  pre- 
jiarrd  and  ground  all  his  own  colours,  and  finished  his 
paintings  with  exquisite  refinement  and  care. 

\'  \sAni,  Vile  dei  piltori  (JooO)  :  Bottari.  \otr  alle  vite  deipil- 
Inn  I  Kome.  1707-72);  Idem,  Z,<;"fr,/'i7/„riWi.- 1  Rome.  1754-59); 
luKst.  Dialnphi  (Lucca,  1754);  unpuMi^hf.l  mss.  of  Oretti  at 
nnloKnn;  BnwN,  Did.  of  Painlrr.s  „nil  A'/iyr.nrrs  (New  York, 
London,  1903);  Burlington  Fine  Ahts  Club,  Catalogues. 
George  Charles  Williamson. 

Creditor.    See  Debt. 

Cree  (a  contraction  of  Crlstino  or  Kenisteno, 
their  Ojibwa  name,  of  uncertain  meaning;  they  com- 
monly call  themselves  .simply  Evthinyuwuk,  men), 
till!  largest  and  most  important  Indian  tribe  of  Can- 
ada, and  one  of  the  largest  north  of  Mexico.  They 
are  a  i)art  of  the  great  Algonquian  stock  and  closely 
related  to  their  .soiithern  neiglibours,  the  Ojibwa,  al- 
though only  remotely  cognate  to  the  Blackfeet,  farther 
to  the  west,  laitil  confined  to  reservations  their 
various  bands  held  most  of  the  extensive  territory 
about  Lakes  Winnipeg  and  Manitoba,  the  lower  Red 
and  Siuskatchewan  rivers,  and  eastward  to  the  coun- 
try of  the  Maskegon  alxiut  Hudson  Bay.  from  whom 
they  are  hardly  to  be  distinguished.  Most  of  their 
former  territory  is  now  included  in  the  Canadian 
provinces  of  Manitoba,  Assiniboia,  and  Saskatche- 
wan. Their  chief  alliance  was  with  the  Assiniboin; 
their  wars  were  with  the  Siou.\,  Blackfeet,  and  north- 
em  Tinneh  tribes.  With  both  French  and  English 
they  have  generally  been  on  friendly  terms.  When 
first  known  to  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  about  the  year 
16.')(),  the  Cree  lived  farther  to  the  south-ea-st,  but, 
on  obtaining  fire-arms  from  the  English  trading-posts 
established  on  Hudson  Bay  some  twenty  years  later, 
they  imsh.ed  out  into  the  open  jilains  in  [lursuit  of  the 
bultalo.  They  drove  the  Blackfeet  before  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  began  a  war  of  invasion  and  extermi- 
nation against  the  weaker  Tinneh  tribes,  ;i.s  far  even 
as  th('  M.iekenzi(?  River  and  the  Hocky  Mountains. 
A  great  sniall-pox  epideniie  in  1781  so  far  reduced 
their  numbers  that  they  retired  .south  of  Churchill 
Rtver,  which  has  since  remained  the  extreme  limit  of 
their  claims  in  that  direction. 

In  physique  and  intelligence  the  Cree  do  not  differ 
markedly  from  the  general  Indian  type,  but  are  per- 


haps slightly  below  the  general  "plains"  standard. 
Mackenzie,  who  knew  them  before  they  had  been 
greatly  modified  by  contact  with  the  whites,  describes 
them  (1790)  as  naturally  generous,  good-temiiered, 
and  honest.  Their  primitive  weapons  and  utensils 
were  fashioned  from  stone,  bone,  and  horn.  They 
used  the  canoe  of  birch-bark  and  the  tipi  of  buffalo 
skins.  They  had  no  agriculture  or  pottery  art,  but 
their  women  were  expert  skin-dressers  and  workers 
in  pore\i]nne  quills.  For  their  food  they  depended 
upon  fishing,  hunting,  and  the  gathering  of  wild  roots 
and  fruits.  Wild  plums  and  cherries  were  pounded, 
dried,  and  preserved  in  rawhide  bags  or  boxes.  Buf- 
falo meat  was  cut  into  strips,  and  dried  in  the  sun  for 
immediate  use,  or  was  pounded,  covered  with  melted 
grease,  and  kejjt  in  skin  bags  as  pemmican  for  winter. 
Two  pounds  of  this  was  a  sufficient  day's  ration  for  a 
man.  Their  clothing  was  of  dressed  skins;  theirorna- 
mentation  and  style  of  hair-cut  varied  in  different 
bands.  Their  dead  were  buried  in  the  ground  under 
a  mound  of  stones,  instead  of  being  placed  upon  scaf- 
folds or  in  the  branches  of  trees,  as  was  done  by  the 
Sioux  and  others.  In  accord  with  general  Indian 
custom,  the  personal  belongings  of  the  deceased  were 
buried  with  him  or  destroyed  near  the  grave.  Polyg- 
amy was  common,  and  a  man  might  marry  two 
sisters  at  once  from  the  same  family.  There  was  no 
trace  of  the  clan  system,  as  known  among  the  eastern 
and  southern  tribes.  They  sacrificed  to  a  number  of 
gods,  their  principal  myths  centring  about  a  super- 
natural hero  called  Wisukatcak.  They  were  also  great 
believers  in  conjurations  and  witchcraft,  and  had  an 
influential  order  of  priesthood  in  four  degrees.  Their 
great  religious  ceremony  was  the  annual  Sun  Dance. 
Their  two  main  divisions  were  distinguished  as  Wood 
and  Plain  Cree,  each  of  which  was  again  subdivided 
into  bands  differentiated  by  slight  peculiarities  of 
dialect  and  custom.  With  these  were  sometimes  in- 
cluded the  Maskegon,  under  the  name  of  Swampy 
Cree.  On  account  of  the  wide  extent  of  their  former 
range  the  early  estimates  of  Cree  pojndation  vary 
greatly.  They  number  now  about  15,000,  of  whom 
nearly  two-thirds  are  located  upon  reservations  in 
Manitoba. 

The  earliest  missionaries  in  the  Cree  country  were 
the  French  Jesuits,  who  aceomiianied  the  commander 
Verendrye  in  his  explorations  of  the  Saskatchewan 
and  Missouri  River  region  from  1731  to  1742.  Chief 
among  these  were  Fathers  Nicholas  Gonnor,  Charles 
Mesaiger,  and  Jean  Aulneau.  No  attempt  was  made 
at  this  time  to  found  permanent  mission  settlements, 
and  the  work  thus  begun  was  allowed  to  lajwe  in  con- 
sequence of  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  from  Can- 
ada until  after  the  establishment  of  the  Red  River 
colony  by  Lord  Selkirk.  In  181S  Fathers  Joseph 
Norbert  Provencher  and  Severe  Dumoulin  established 
the  first  regular  mission  station  at  Saint  Boniface, 
opposite  the  present  city  of  Wiiuii)ieg.  In  1S22  Father 
Provencher  was  made  bishop,  wit  h  jurisdict  ion  over  all 
of  Rupert's  Land  and  the  Northwest  Territories,  and 
at  once  proceeded  to  organize  a  systematic  mission 
work  throughout  the  whole  vast  region.  Upon  his 
death  in  l.S.'jU  he  was  succeeded  by  tlie  noted  Oblate 
FatherAIexanderTache.whohad  come  out  eight  years 
before.  Among  other  distinguished  workers  in  the 
same  field,  all  Oblates,  may  be  noted  F.ather  Albert 
Lacombe,  author  of  a  monumental  grammar  and  dic- 
tionary of  the  Cree  language,  besides  a  number  of  re- 
ligious and  other  translations;  Father  Valentin  V6gr6- 
ville,  founder  of  five  missions,  and  author  of  a  manu- 
script grannnar  and  dictionary  of  the  language; 
Father  Jean  Thibault;  and  Father  Emile  Petitot, 
better  known  for  his  great  work  among  the  remote 
Tinneh  and  Eskimo  tribes.  The  Fathers  were  assisted 
by  .sisters  of  the  Order  of  Gray  Nuns.  Prof  estant  work 
was  begun  by  the  Episcopalian  Rev.  John  West,  as 
chaplain  for  the  Hudson's  Bay  Comjiany  in  1820,  the 


CREED 


478 


CREED 


Wesleyan  Methodists  and  Presbyterians  coming  later. 
The  most  distinguished  Protestant  worker  was  the 
Wesleyan  Rev.  James  Evans  (1840-1861),  inventor 
of  the  C'ree  syllabary,  which  for  half  a  century  has 
been  in  successful  use  in  the  tribe  for  literary  pur- 
poses by  all  denominations.  Of  the  whole  number 
of  Cree  officially  reported  as  Christian  the  majority 
are  Catholic  and  rank  high  in  morality. 

Brtce,  Hudson's  Bay  Co.  (1900);  Canadian  Indian  Reports: 
Tbwaites.  Jesuit  Relations  (Cleveland.  1S96-1901);  Lacombe, 
Did.  des  Oris  (1874);  Mackenzie,  Voyages  (1802);  MacLean. 
Canadian  Savage  Folk  (1896);  Petitot,  in  Journal  Roy.  Geog. 
Soc.  (1883);  Pilling,  Bibl.  of  the  Algonquian  Languages  (1891); 
Richardson,  Arctic  Expedition  (1851). 

.  James  Mooney. 

Creed  (Lat.  credo,  I  believe),  in  general,  a  form  of 
belief.  The  word,  however,  as  applieil  to  religious  be- 
lief has  received  a  variety  of  meanings,  two  of  which 
are  specially  important.  (1)  It  signifies  the  entire 
body  of  beliefs  held  by  the  adherents  of  a  given  relig- 
ion; and  in  this  sense  it  is  equivalent  to  doctrine  or  to 
faith  where  the  latter  is  used  in  its  objective  meaning. 
Such  is  its  signification  in  expressions  like  "the  con- 
flict of  creeds",  "charitable  work  irrespective  of 
creed",  "the  ethics  of  conformity  to  creed",  etc.  (2) 
In  a  somewhat  narrower  sense,  a  creed  is  a  summary 
of  the  principal  articles  of  faith  professed  by  a  church 
or  a  community  of  believers.  Thus  by  the  "  creeds  of 
Christendom"  are  understood  those  formulations  of 
the  Christian  faith  which  at  various  times  have  been 
drawn  up  and  accepted  by  one  or  the  other  of  the 
Christian  churches.  The  Latins  designate  the  creed 
in  this  sense  by  the  name  symbolum,  which  means 
either  a  sign  (ffuM/SoXoi")  or  a  collection  (o-iz/i^oX-^).  A 
creed,  then,  would  be  the  distinctive  mark  of  ihose 
who  hold  a  given  belief,  or  a  formula  made  up  of  the 
principal  articles  of  that  belief.  A  "profession  of 
laith"  is  enjoined  by  the  Church  on  special  occasions, 
as  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop;  while  the  phrase 
"confession  of  faith"  is  commonly  applied  to  Protes- 
tant formularies,  such  as  the  "Augsburg Confession", 
the  "Confession  of  Basle",  etc.  It  should  be  noted, 
however,  that  the  Rule  of  Faith  is  not  identical  with 
creed,  but,  in  its  formal  signification,  means  the  norm 
or  standard  by  which  one  ascertains  what  doctrines 
are  to  be  believed. 

The  principal  creeds  of  the  Catholic  Church,  the 
Apostles',  Athanasian,  and  Nicene,  are  treated  in  spe- 
cial articles  which  enter  into  the  historical  details  and 
the  content  of  each.  The  liturgical  use  of  the  Creed  is 
also  explained  in  a  separate  article.  For  the  present 
purpose  it  is  chiefly  imjjortant  to  indicate  the  function 
of  the  creed  in  the  life  of  religion  and  especially  in  the 
work  of  the  Catholic  Church.  That  the  teachings  of 
Christianity  were  to  be  cast  in  some  definite  form  is 
evidently  implied  in  the  commission  given  the  Apos- 
tles (Math,  xxviii,  19-20).  Since  they  were  to  teach 
all  nations  to  observe  whatsoever  Christ  had  com- 
manded, and  since  this  teaching  was  to  carry  the 
weight  of  authority,  not  merely  of  opinion,  it  was 
necessary  to  formulate  at  least  the  essential  doctrines. 
Such  formulation  was  the  more  needful  because  Chris- 
tianity was  destined  for  all  men  and  for  all  ages.  To 
preserve  unity  of  lielicf,  the  first  requisite  was  to  have 
the  belief  itself  quite  clearly  stated.  The  creed,  there- 
fore, is  fundamentally  an  authoritative  declaration  of 
the  truths  that  are  to  be  believed. 

The  Church,  moreover,  was  organized  as  a  visible 
society  (see  Chithch).  Its  members  were  called  on  not 
only  to  hold  f.ast  the  teaching  they  had  received,  but 
also  to  express  their  beliefs.  .Vs  St.  Paul  says:  "With 
the  heart  we  believe  unto  justice :  but,  with  the  mouth, 
confession  is  mailc  unto  salvation"  (Romans,  x,  10). 
Nor  is  the  Apostle  conli<iit  with  vague  or  indefinite 
statements;  he  insists  that  his  followers  shall  "hold 
the  form  of  sountl  words  which  thou  hast  hcanl  of  me 
infaith"(II,Tim.i,  1.3),  "embracing  that  faithful  word 
which  is  according  to  doctrine,  that  he  [the  bishop] 


may  be  able  to  exhort  in  sound  doctrine  and  to  con- 
vince the  gainsayers"  (Titus  i,  9).  Hence  we  can 
understand  that  a  profession  of  faith  was  required  of 
those  who  were  to  be  baptized,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
eimuch  (Acts  viii,  .37) ;  in  fact,  the  baptismal  formula 
prescribed  by  Christ  himself  is  an  expression  of  faith 
in  the  Blessed  Trinity.  Apart  then  from  the  question  ' 
regarding  the  composition  of  the  Apostles'  Creed,  it  is 
clear  that  from  the  beginning,  and  even  before  the 
New  Testament  had  been  written,  some  doctrinal  for- 
mula, however  concise,  would  have  been  employed 
both  to  secure  uniformity  in  teaching  and  to  place  be- 
yond doubt  the  belief  of  those  who  were  admitted  into 
the  Church. 

Along  with  the  diffusion  of  Christianity  there  sprang 
up  in  the  course  of  time  various  heretical  views  regard- 
ing the  doctrines  of  faith.  It  thus  became  necessary  to 
define  the  truth  of  revelation  more  clearly.  The 
creed,  in  consequence,  vmdcrwent  modification,  not  by 
the  introduction  of  new  doctines,  but  by  an  expression 
of  the  traditional  belief  in  tenns  that  left  no  room  for 
error  or  misunderstanding.  In  this  way  the  "Filio- 
que"  was  added  to  the  Nicene  Creed  and  the  Triden- 
tine  Profession  set  fortt  in  full  and  definite  statements 
the  Catholic  Faith  oii  those  points  especially  which  the 
Reformers  of  the  sixteenth  centurj'  had  assailed.  At 
other  times  the  circumstances  required  that  special 
formulas  should  be  drawn  up  in  order  to  have  the 
teaching  of  the  Church  explicitly  stated  and  accepted; 
such  was  the  profession  of  faith  prescribed  for  the 
Greeks  by  Gregory  XIII  and  that  which  Urban  VIII 
and  Benedict  XIV  prescribed  for  the  Orientals  (cf. 
Denzinger,  Enchiridion).  The  creed  therefore,  is  to  be 
regarded  not  as  a  lifeless  formula,  but  rather  as  a  mani- 
festation of  the  Church's  vitality.  As  these  formulas 
preserve  intact  the  faith  once  delivered  to  the  saints, 
they  are  also  an  effectual  means  of  warding  off  the  in- 
cessant attacks  of  error. 

On  the  other  hand  it  should  be  remarked  that  the 
authoritative  promulgation  of  a  creed  and  its  accept- 
ance imply  no  infringement  of  the  rights  of  reason. 
The  mind  tends  naturally  to  express  itself  and  espe- 
cially to  utter  its  thought  in  the  form  of  language.  Such 
expression,  again,  results  in  greater  clearness  and  a 
firmer  possession  of  the  mental  content.  Whoever, 
then,  really  believes  in  the  truths  of  Christianity  can- 
not consist entlj'  object  to  such  manifestation  of  his  be- 
lief as  the  use  of  the  creed  implies.  It  is  also  obviously 
illogical  to  condemn  this  use  on  the  ground  that  it 
makes  religion  simply  an  affair  of  repeating  or  sub- 
scribing empty  formulas.  The  Church  insists  that  the 
internal  belief  is  the  essential  clement,  but  this  must 
find  its  outward  expression.  While  the  duty  of  be- 
lieving rests  on  each  individual,  there  are  further  ob- 
ligations resulting  from  the  social  organization  of  the 
Church.  Not  only  is  each  member  obliged  to  refrain 
from  what  would  weaken  the  faith  of  his  fellow-be- 
lievers ;  he  is  also  boimd,  so  far  as  he  is  able,  to  uphold 
and  quicken  their  belief.  Tlie  profession  of  his  faith 
as  set  forth  in  the  creed  is  at  once  an  object-lesson  in 
loyalty  and  a  means  of  strengthening  the  bonds  which 
unite  the  followers  of  Christ  in  "one  Lord,  one  faith, 
one  baptism." 

Such  motives  arc  plainly  of  no  avail  where  the  selec- 
tion of  his  beliefs  is  left  to  the  individual.  He  may,  of 
course,  adojit  a  scries  of  articles  or  propositions  and 
call  it  his  creed;  but  it  remains  his  private  possession, 
and  any  attempt  on  his  part  to  tlemonstratc  its  cor- 
rectness can  only  result  in  dis;igreement.  But  the  at- 
tempt itself  would  be  inconsistent,  since  he  must  con- 
cede to  cverj-  one  else  the  same  right  in  the  matter  of 
framing  a  creed.  The  final  consequence  nuist  be, 
tlierpfore,  that  faith  is  reduced  to  the  level  of  views, 
opinions,  or  theories  such  a-s  are  entertained  on  purely 
scientific  matters.  Hence  it  is  not  ea.sy  to  explain,  on 
the  liasis  of  consistency,  the  action  of  the  Protestant" 
Reformers.     Had  the  "principle  of  private  judgment] 


CREED 


479 


CREEKS 


been  fully  and  strictly  carried  out,  the  formulation  of 
creeds  would  have  been  unnecessary  and,  logically, 
impossible.  The  subsequent  course  of  events  has 
shown  how  little  was  to  be  accomplished  by  confession 
of  faith,  once  the  essential  element  of  authority  was 
rejected.  From  the  inevitable  multiplication  of  creeds 
has  developed,  in  large  measure,  that  demand  for  a 
"creedless  Gospel''  which  contrasts  so  strongly  with 
the  claim  that  the  Bible  is  the  sole  rule  and  the  only 
source  of  faith.    (See  Dogma,  Faith,  Protestantism.) 

Denzivgeh.  Enchiridion  (Freiburg,  1908);  Mohler,  Sj/mfco?- 
ism.  tr.  (New  York,  1894);  DuNLop.  Account  oj  All  the  Ends 
and  Uses  of  Creeds  and  Confessions  of  Faith,  etc.  (London. 
17J4);  Butler,  An  Historical  and  Literary  Account  of  the 
f'.irmularies,  etc.  (London,  ISlfi);  Sch.\ff,  A  History  of  the 
Cr.r.ls  of  Christendom  (London.  1878);  Gh.indmaison, 
L' FJnnticll&  des  formules  de  Foi  in  Etudes  1898:  Calkins, 
Crri'ls  and  Tests  of  Church  Membership  in  Andover  Review 
(IMiO),  13:  Sterreit,  The  Ethics  of  Creed  Conformity  (1890), 
ibid. 

George  J.  Litcas. 

Creed,  Liturgical  Use  of. — The  public  use  of 
orceils  began  in  connexion  with  baptism,  in  the  Tra- 
ditio  and  Redditio  symboli,  as  a  preparation  for  that 
sacrament,  and  in  the  preliminary  interrogations. 
This  use  is  found  as  early  as  the  "  Canons"  of  Hippoly- 
tus  and  the  "  Catecheses  "  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  and 
is  so  universal  as  to  be  probably  of  still  earl  ier  date.  (Cf . 
Acts,  viii,  .37.)  The  recitation  of  the  Nica^o-Constanti- 
nopolitan  Creed  at  the  Eucharist  seems  to  have  begun, 
according  to  Theodore  the  Reader,  at  Antioch  under 
Peter  the  Fuller  in  471  (though  James  of  Edessa  says 
that  it  was  adopted  as  soon  as  it  was  composed),  and 
to  have  been  adopted  at  Constantinople  by  the  Patri- 
arch TimotheiB  in  511.  Both  intended  to  protest,  as 
Monophysites,  against  Chalcedoniaii  "innovations", 
but  in  spite  of  this  heretic;il  origin  the  practice  spread, 
though  Rome  did  not  finally  ailopt  it  until  the  elev- 
enth century.  The  Nicene  Creed  is  the  only  one  in 
use  in  the  E;istern  Churches,  whether  Orthodox,  Mono- 

Chysite,  or  Nestorian,  or  in  the  corresponding  Uniat 
odies,  though  the  East  Syrians,  both  Nestorian  and 
IIni;it,  have  a  variant  of  their  own  (see  E.\sT  Syri.\n 
Rite)  which  may  have  been  originally  understood  in  a 
Nestorian  sense,  and  the  Copts  and  .\byssinians  have 
als( I  a  shortened  form  for  use  at  baptism.  The  Roman 
Rite,  besides  the  Nicene  Creed,  which  it  recites  only  at 
M:iss,  uses  also  the  Apostles'  Creed  and  the  so-called 
Atluinasian.  These  three  creeds  have  been  retained 
in  the  Anglican  Rite.  The  following  is  the  use  of 
Creeds  in  various  rites: — ■ 

Baptism. — Roman:  Apostles'  Creed  in  full,  followed 
by  .a  shortened  creed  in  interrogative  form. — A?n- 
brofsinn,  Gallic <in.  and  Mozarahir:  nearly  the  same. — 
Celtic:  either  the  .\|)ostles'  ( 'reed  in  full  or  a  shortened 
form,  both  as  interrogatives. — Amjlican,  complete 
Apostles'  Creed  in  interrogative  form. — Orthodox: 
Eastern:  Nii^ene  Creed  in  full  in  the  preliminary 
eiJxai  fts  Td  irot^<rat  Karrjxovfiei'ov. — West  Syrian  (Jaco- 
bite, Syrian  Uniat,  and  Maronite)  and  Arme7iian: 
Nicene  Creed  in  full. — East  Syrian:  variant  of 
Niceno  Creed  in  a  similar  position  to  that  which  it 
holds  in  the  Eucharist,  on  the  model  of  which  the  Ixip- 
tisinal  service  is  constructed. — Coptic  and  -iCthiojiic: 
a  short  confession  of  faith  in  the  Trinity,  the  Resurrec- 
tion, and  the  Church. 

Ei:cnARisT. — All  rites  use  the  Nicene  Creed,  though 
in  different  positions,  as  part  of  the  declaration  of  fel- 
lowship (of  which  the  Kiss  of  Peace  is  another  part) 
with  which  the  Missa  Fidelium  begins.  This  aspect  is 
less  evident  in  Western  than  in  Eastern  rites,  owing  to 
removal  of  the  Pax  to  another  position.  The  positions 
are: — (1)  Immediately  after  the  Gospel:  Roman,  Cel- 
tic, Anglican.  Artnenian.  (2)  After  the  Offertory,  but 
cjuite  unconnected  with  the  PdJ.-  Amhroaian.  There 
is  good  reason  to  think  that  the  Ambrosian  Pax  origi- 
nally came,  not  as  now  in  the  Roman  position,  but  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Offertory.  (.'!)  After  dismis.sal 
of  catechumens  and  Offertory,  but  before  the  Pax: 


Coptic,  Greek  St.  James,  West  Syrian,  East  Syrian.  (4) 
After  dismissal.  Offertory  and  Pax:  Orthodox  Eastern 
(Byzantine),  Greek  St.  Mark.  (5)  After  the  Consecra- 
tion, during  the  Fraction:  Mozarabic.  This  last 
seems  to  follow  the  use  ordered  by  the  Emperor  Justin 
at  Constantinople,  that  the  Creed  should  be  said  before 
the  Pater  Noster  at  Mass,  but  it  is  probably  of  much 
later  introduction. 

The  Divine  Office.— ftoman.-  Apostles'  Creed  at 
the  beginning  of  Matins  and  Prime,  ferially  with 
preces  in  the  course  of  Prime  and  Compline,  and  at  the 
end  of  Compline.  Athanasian  on  Sundays  at  Prime. 
The  earliest  mention  of  this  is  in  the  "Capitulare"  of 
Hayto,  Bishop  of  Basle,  c.  820.  Many  Roman  deriva- 
tives (e.  g.  the  Sarum)  said  the  Athanasian  daily  at 
Prime.  The  monastic  rites  and  the  French  breviaries 
of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  mostly 
follow  the  Roman  practice. — Ambrosian:  the  Apos- 
tles' Creed  in  the  course  of  Prime  and  Compline,  the 
Athanasian  daily  at  Prime. — Mozarabic:  The  Nicene 
Creed  at  Prime  on  Sundays  and  festivals.  This  was 
ordered  by  the  Council  of  'Toledo  of  589. — Celtic:  The 
Apostles'  Creed  is  given  with  the  Pater  Noster  in  the 
"Bangor  Antiphoner",  and  at  the  end  of  the  sketch 
service  in  the  "Book  of  Mulling",  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence how  it  was  used. — Anglican:  The  Apostles' 
Creed  is  said  with  preces  at  morning  and  evening 
prayer,  daily,  except  that  on  thirteen  fast-days 
(roughly,  once  a  month,  and  on  Trinity  Sunday) 
the  Athanasian  takes  its  place  at  morning  prayer. — 
Byzantine:  Nicene  Creed  at  the  Midnight  Office 
(ixeaovvKTiKbv)  after  the  Psalms,  excejit  on  Sundays, 
and  at  the  Little  Compline  (anoSenrvov  fuKpdv)  after 
the  Great  Doxology. — East  Syrimt:  Nicene  Creed  at 
the  end  of  the  morning  and  evening  services. — Coptic: 
At  the  "Offering  of  the  Morning  Incense",  at  Lauds, 
Comijline,  and  the  "  Prayer  of  the  Curtain". 

Other  uses  of  creeds  are:  The  Ambrosian  uses  either 
the  Apostles'  or  Athanasian  Creed  in  the  "  Ordo  Com- 
mendationis  Anima;". — The  Celtic  used  either  the  full 
Apostles'  Creed  or  a  shortened  confession  of  faith  in 
the  Trinity,  eternal  life,  and  the  Resurrection  (both 
forms  are  found)  before  the  unction  of  the  sick. — The 
Anglican  uses  the  Apostles'  Creed  in  an  interrogative 
form  (as  at  baptism)  in  the  visitation  of  the  sick. — 
The  Mozarabic  introduces  a  three-fold  repetition  of  a 
Spanish  variant  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  into  a  "Sermo 
ad  populum"  before  the  Epistle  at  Mass  on  Palm  Sun- 
day, which  is  the  ancient  Traditio  Symboli. — The  Bi/- 
zantine  has  a  recitation,  fuya\o<piiyut,  of  the  Nicene 
Creed  in  answer  to  the  question,  xai  ti  TL(rT(vets;  at 
the  consecration  of  bishops.  This  is  followed  by  two 
more  elaborate  confessions  of  faith,  resembling  the 
"Interrogatio"  at  the  same  service  in  the  Roman 
Pontifical. — In  the  Roman  ordination  of  priests  the 
Apostles'  Creed  is  recited  just  before  the  Accipe  Spiri- 
tnm  Sancluyn. — At  the  beginning  of  the  coronation  of 
the  Russian  emperor  he  is  required  to  recite  the  Nicene 
Creed  in  token  of  orthodoxy. 

ZACfAHiA,  BMwIhccM.  Ritualis  (Romp,  177f,-Sll;  SwAiN- 
80N'.  Thr  .Mcenc  and  Athanasian  Crcril-:  il  ..ii  I.ti,  isi.l.'i);  Mor- 
timer, The  Creeds  (London,  1902);  In  ■■.n\..:  v..  I:,l„s  Oricnta- 
Uum,  Cuptontm,  Syrorum  et  Amunu.  <nu  m  <i>hninistramiis 
Sacranuntis  (Wurzburg,  1863-1);  Duihi.sm..  UiHiuwsducidte 
Chretien  (Paris,  1902);  Brightman,  Eastern  aiui  Hc.vtem  Litur- 
gies (Oxford.  1896);  Bishop.  The  Gniius  of  the  Roman  Rite 
(London.  1899);  Marquess  of  Bute,  The  Coptic  Morning  Ser- 
vice for  the  Lord's  Day  (London,  1SS2);  also  llie  Service  Books  of 
the  various  rites  mentioned.  HenRY  JenNER. 

Creed,  Nicene.     See  Nicene  Creed. 

Creeks,  an  imj)ortant  confederacy  of  Indian  tribes 
and  tribal  remnants,  chiefly  of  Muskogian  stock, 
formerly  holding  the  greater  portion  of  Central  and 
Southern  Georgia  and  .Alabama,  but  now  settled  in 
Ea.stern  Oklahoma.  The  name  by  which  they  are 
commonly  known  was  originally  applied  not  to  the 
Indians,  but  to  their  home  territory,  i.  e.  "the  Creek 
Country".     The  dominant  tribe  is  the  Maskoki  (Mus- 


CREIGHTON 


480 


CREIGHTON 


cogee),  who  constitute  about  one-half  of  the  whole 
body.  Besides  these  there  are  Hichitee,  Koasati,  and 
Yuehi,  each  with  a  distinct  language;  there  are  also 
several  smaller  broken  triVjes.  The  Seminole,  too, 
are  originally  a  se]iarated  band  of  Creeks.  According 
to  traditional  and  linguistic  evidence,  the  Muscogee 
and  their  cognate  tribes  had  in  ancient  times  lived 
west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  but  they  were  found 
settled  in  Georgia  and  Alabama  as  early  as  1540  by 
De  Soto,  who  crossed  their  territory  from  east  to 
west.  In  the  colonial  ])eriod  they  held  the  balance 
of  power  between  the  English  of  Carolina  on  the  one 
side  and  the  Spaniards  and  French  of  Florida  and 
Louisiana  on  the  other.  Their  most  constant  alliance 
was  with  the  English,  whose  traders  supplied  them 
with  guns,  and  it  was  chiefly  by  this  means  that  the 
English  accomplished  the  utter  destruction  of  the 
flourishing  Franciscan  missions  of  upper  Florida  in 
1702-8.  In  the  final  inroad,  1400  of  tlie  Christian- 
ized mission  Indians  were  carried  off  ami  distributed 
as  slaves  among  the  English  of  Carolina  and  their 
savage  allies.  This  unfortunate  outcome  of  more 
than  a  century  of  devoted  missionary  effort  was  due 
to  the  short-sighted  policy  of  the  Spaniards,  who  re- 
fusal 'guns  to  their  own  Indians,  even  in  the  face 
of  threatened  invasion.  The  Creeks  adhered  to  the 
English  side  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  but  made 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  United  States  in  1790. 
English  instigation  in  the  War  of  1812  led  to  another 
war  with  the  Creeks  in  1813-14,  in  which  they  suf- 
fered such  heavy  losses  that  they  were  obliged  to 
purchase  peace  by  the  surrender  of  half  their  remain- 
ing territory.  Other  land-cessions  followed  in  quick 
succession  until,  in  1832,  they  sold  their  last  acre  east 
of  the  Mississippi  and  were  removed  to  a  new  home 
in  the  Indian  Territory,  where  they  were  permitted 
to  organize  an  autonomous  government  under  the 
name  of  the  Creek  Nation.  In  1906,  by  previous 
treaty  agreement,  this  Indian  government  was  for- 
mally dissolved,  the  Indians  being  admitted  to  citi- 
zen-rights and  their  country  incorporated  into  the 
new  State  of  Oklahoma.  They  number  now  about 
10,000  souls,  besides  half  as  many  more  "freedmen", 
descendants  of  their  former  negro  slaves. 

In  their  old  homes  the  Creeks  were  a  sedentary 
and  agricultural,  but  brave  and  warlike,  jieople. 
Their  houses  were  well  constructed  of  logs,  and  their 
villages  were  regularly  built  around  a  central  square 
devoted  to  public  games  and  ceremonies,  chief  of 
which  was  the  great  annual  Buskita,  or  Creek  Corn 
Dance,  when  every  fire  in  the  settlement  was  extin- 
guished and  solemnly  relighted  from  a  new  sacred 
fire  kindled  by  means  of  friction.  There  was  no  rec- 
ognized central  authority,  but  neighbouring  or  closely 
cognate  villages  commonly  acted  together.  They 
had  the  clan  system,  intermarriage  within  the  clan 
being  strictly  prohibited.  No  sj-stematic  mission  work 
was  attempted  among  them  until  after  their  removal 
to  the  Territory,  when  a  beginning  was  made  by  the 
Presbyterians.  A  few  of  their  children  are  now 
attending  the  neighbouring  Catholic  mission  schools. 

Adair,  Ristory  of  the  American  Indians  (London,  1775); 
Barcia,  Ensayo  chronologico  para  la  historia  general  de  la 
Florida  (Madrid.  1723);  Bartram,  Travels  through  North  and 
South  Carolina  (Philadelphia,  1791);  Gatschet,  A  Migration 
Legend  of  the  Creek  Irulians  (2  vols.,  Philadelphia,  1S84;  St. 
Louis.  1888);  Hawkins,  .-1  Sketch  of  the  Creek  Country  (The 
Georgia  Historical  Society,  Savannah,  1848);  Annual  Reports 
of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.      JamES  MooNEY. 

Creighton  University,  an  institution  located  at 
Omaha,  Nebraska,  U.  S.  A.,  and  conducted  by  the 
Jesuit  Fathers.  It  comprises  high  school  and  college 
departments,  a  free  classical  day  college,  and  schools 
of  medicine,  dentistry,  pharmacy,  and  law.  The  fac- 
ulty numbered  104  members  in  1907-8.  There  is  no 
charge  for  tuition  in  the  high  school  and  college  de- 
partnii'iits.  The  attendance  at  the  university  is 
about  SOO,  divided  among  the  different  departments 


as  follows:  Liberal  Arts,  360 ;  Medicine,  178;  Law,  51; 
Pharmacy,  105;  Dentistry,  107.  The  Medical  Col- 
lege free  dispensary  treats  between  3000  and  4000 
annually;  the  Dental  College  Infirmary,  400  or  500. 
Creighton  University  was  the  first  free  Catholic  col- 
lege founded  in  the  United  States.  Edward  Creigh- 
ton, after  whom  it  was  named,  had  proposed  during 
his  life  to  establish  a  free  school  for  higher  education, 
but  he  died  intestate,  before  making  provision  for 
carrying  out  his  project.  His  wife,  Marj'  Lucretia 
Creighton,  inheriting  his  fortune,  determined  to  carry 
out  his  intention.  She  died  23  Jan.,  1876,  but  her 
will  made  a  bequest,  which  in  the  settlement  of  the 
estate  amounted  to  about  .S200,000,  one-fourth  of 
which  was  devoted  to  the  grounds  and  building,  the 
balance  being  reserved  for  foundation.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  tenns  of  this  will,  the  executore,  1  July, 

1878,  conveyed  the  entire  property  and  securities  in 
trust  to  the  Rt.  Rev.  James  O'Connor,  Bishop  of 
Omaha.  On  27  February,  1879,  the  Legislature  of 
Nebraska  passed  an  act  to  pro\-ide  for  the  incorpora- 
tion of  universities  under  certain  circumstances.  The 
District  Court  then  permitted  Bishop  O'Connor  to 
turn  over  his  trust  to  a  corporation  called  the  Creigh- 
ton University,  and  he  appointetl  five  members  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus  as  the  Board  of  Trustees,  14  August, 

1879.  Creighton  College  as  such  was  not  incorporated 
and  the  name  merely  represented  what  was  left  in 
trust  by  Mrs.  Creighton.  ^\■hen  the  Creighton  Uni- 
versity accepted  the  trust,  the  endowment  fund 
amounted  to  about  S147,500.  Mrs.  Sarah  Emily 
Creighton,  who  died  3  Sept.,  1888,  wife  of  John  A. 
Creighton,  bequeathed  to  Creighton  University  a  busi- 
ness block,  according  to  the  same  terms  and  conditions 
as  were  designated  in  the  bequest  of  her  sister,  Mrs. 
Mary  Lucretia  Creighton.  During  1900  John  A. 
Creighton,  desirous  of  making  the  university  an  insti- 
tution fully  equipped  for  its  educational  work,  gener- 
ously offered  means  for  the  completion  of  the  college 
buildings.  The  School  of  Medicine  was  founded  30 
May,  1892,  and  the  School  of  Law  in  October,  1904. 
The  Edward  Creighton  Institute,  erected  in  1905,  is 
now  the  home  of  the  Law  Department.  The  Dental 
School,  opened  in  1905,  is  located  with  the  Law 
School.  The  School  of  Pharmacy,  a  distinct  depart- 
ment of  the  university  since  1  February,  1905,  took 
possession  of  its  splendidly  equipped  new  addition  to 
the  Medical  Building  in  September,  1908. 

Edward  Creighton  was  born  31  Aug.,  1820,  in  Bel- 
mont County,  Ohio,  near  the  present  town  of  Barnes- 
vUle;  and  died  5  Nov.,  1874.  John  A.  Creighton  was 
born  15  Oct.,  1831,  in  Licking  Countv,  Ohio,  and  died 
7  Feb.,  1907.  He  was  educated  at  St.  Joseph's  Col- 
lege, Somerset.  Ohio,  imder  the  Dominican  Fathers, 
and  for  these  teachers  he  always  retained  a  feeling  of 
gratitude.  Though  desirous  of  becoming  a  civil  en- 
gineer, he  was  obliged  to  shorten  his  course  of  study  by 
the  necessity  of  earning  a  livelihood.  He  married 
Sarah  Emily  Wareham  of  Dayton;  and  her  sister, 
Mary  Lucretia,  became  the  wife  of  Edward  Creighton. 
Both  these  men  were  remarkable  for  courage,  enter- 
prise, and  a  strong  sense  of  justice.  John  was  one  of 
the  first  members  of  the  "Vigilance  Committee" 
which  effectually  freed  Montana  of  the  desperadoes 
who  made  life  and  property  insecure  in  that  territory. 
Both  also  made  their  start  in  life  by  constructing 
roads  and  telegraph  lines  in  the  West  and  South ;  John 
was  moreover  actively  engaged  in  mining,  stock-rais- 
ing, and  investments  in  land.  He  left  by  will  large 
bequests  to  Creighton  I'niversity,  the  Creighton 
Memorial  Hospital  and  other  Catholic  institutions 
in  which  he  was  interested  during  life.  Though  these 
sums  were  somewhat  lessened  by  litigation  and  com- 
promise with  contestants,  the  university  received 
nearly  a  million  and  a  quarter  dollars,  the  Hospital 
nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million,  and  the  other  institu- 
tions smaller  amounts.     The  entire  revenue-produo- 


URELIER 


481 


CREMATION 


ing  property  of  the  university  approximates  two  mil- 
lions and  a  quarter,  exclusive  of  its  buildings,  grounds 
and  equipment.  The  hospital  takes  care  of  about 
2400  patients  a  year,  of  whom  more  than  half  are  non- 
Catholics,  and  one-third  absolutely  free.  John 
Creighton  was  honoured  by  Loo  XIII  with  the  order 
of  St.  Gregory  and  later  with  the  title  of  Count  of 
the  Papal  Siates.  In  1900  ho  received  the  Latare 
Medal  from  the  University  of  Notre  Dame. 

Reminh'icenfx.t  of  Crciqhton  Vnivcrsity;  Creighton  (biographi- 
cal sketches  of  the  family) — both  pubhshed  by  the  University; 
Morton,  History  of  Nebraska;  Savage  and  Bell,  History  of 
Omaha;  Sorensen.  History  of  Omaha;  the  annu.al  Catalogues 
and  other  publications  of  Creighton  University  and  the  annual 
reports  of  tbe  Creighton  Memorial  Hospital. 

M.    p.    DoWLING. 


was  made  a  see  and  a  suffragan  of  Milan.  Among  the 
most  noted  of  its  bishops  was  the  zealous  Marcan- 
tonio  ZoUi.  The  diocese  has  a  population  of  58,000, 
with  .53  parishes,  65  churches  and  chapels,  174  secular 
and  4  regular  priests,  1  religious  house  of  men  and  7 
of  women. 

Cappellktti,  Le  chicse  d'Jtalia  (Venice,  18.57),  XII,  241-75; 
Ann.  eccl.  (Rome,  1907),  432-33;  Barbieri,  Compendia  crono- 
logico  delta  storia  di  Crema  (Crema,  1SS8). 

U.  Benigni. 


Cremation. — I.  History. — The  custom  of  burning 
the  bodies  of  the  dead  dates  back  to  very  early  times. 
The  Prc-Canaanites  practised  it  until  the  introduction 
of  inhumation  among  them  along  with  the  civilization 
of  the  Semitic  people  about  2500  B.  c.  History  re- 
veals no  trace  of  incineration  among  the  Jewish  people, 
Crelier,  Henri-Joseph,  Swiss  Catholic  priest.  He-  except  in  extraordinary  circumstances  of  war  and  pes- 
brew  scholar  and  Bil)lical  exegete;    b.  at  Bure,  16     tilence.     It  was  likewise  unknown,  in  practice  at  least, 


October,  ISKJ;  d.  at  Bre.s- 
sancourt,  France,  22.\pril, 
1889.  From  1845  to  1855 
he  was  professor  at  the  col- 
lege of  Porrentruy  (Swit- 
zerland); later  he  became 
chaplain  of  the  Religious 
of  the  Sacred  Heart  at 
Besan(;on,  France,  and  de- 
vott^d  his  leisure  hours  to 
the  study  of  Sacred  Scrip- 
ture. He  was  subse- 
quently appointed  pastor 
of  the  church  of  Rebeuve- 
lier,  and  Knally  of  Bres- 
Bancourt,  where  he  died. 
He  l<'ft  many  works  on 
Sacred  Scripture,  some  of 
which  have  a  special  value. 
Among  the.se  we  note: 
"Lespsaumes  traduits  lit- 
t^ralement  sin-  le  texte 
hebreu  avec  un  commen- 
taire"  (Paris,  1858);  "  Le 
livre  de  Job  veng6  des  in- 
terpretations fausses  et 
impies  de  M.  E.  Renan" 
(Paris,  1800) ;   "  Le  Canti- 

3ue  des  cantiques  vengS 
es  interpretations  fausse-s 
et  impies  de  .M.  E.  Renan" 
(Paris,  1861);  ".\I.  Renan 
gticrmvant  contre  le  sur- 
naturc'l"  (Paris,  186.S); 
"M.  E.  Renan  trahissant 
le  Chri.st  par  un  roman, " 

etc.  (Paris,  1804).  To  the  "Commentaries  on  the 
Bible",  published  by  Lethielleux,  he  contributed  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  (188.3),  Exodus  (1880),  Leviticus 
(iss(i),  (ieiiesis  (1889). 

I.i.visgUE  in  Vic,  Did.  de  la  Bil/h 


OF  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  Crema 


to  the  Egyptians,  Phoeni- 
cians, Carthaginians;  or  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Asia 
Minor — the  Cdrians,  Ly- 
dians,  and  Phrj'gians.  The 
Babylonians,  according  to 
Herodotus,  embalmed  their 
dead,  and  the  Persians  pun- 
ished capitally  such  as  at- 
tempted cremation,  special 
regulations  being  followed 
in  the  purification  of  fire  so 
desecrated.  The  Greeks 
and  Romans  varied  in  their 
practice  according  to  their 
views  of  the  after  life; 
those  who  believed  in  a 
future  existence  analogous 
to  the  present  burieil  their 
dead,  even  leaving  food  in 
the  tomb  for  the  nourish- 
ment and  enjoyment  of 
the  departed;  such  as,  on 
the  other  hand,  held  the 
opinion  that  on  the  decay 
of  the  body  life  was  con- 
tinued in  the  shade  or 
image,  practised  crema- 
tion, the  more  expedi- 
tiously to  speed  the  dead  to 
the  land  of  shadows.  But 
the  practice  of  cremating 
never  entirely  superseded 
what  Cicero  tells  us  (De 
Leg.,  II,  xxii)  was  the  older 
rite  among  tlie  Roman  peo- 


R.   BUTIN. 


pie.  Indeed  the  Cornelian  gens,  one  of  the  most  cul 
tured  in  Rome,  had,  with  the  single  excejition  of 
Sulla,  never  permitted  the  burning  of  their  dead. 
By  the  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  Era,  owing  in 
great  part  to  the  rapid  progress  of  Christianity,  the 
practice  of  cremation  had  entirely  cea.scd. 

The  Christians  never  burned  their  dead,  but  fol- 
Crema,  Diocese  op  (Cremexsis),  suffragan  to  lowed  from  earliest  days  the  practice  of  the  Semitic 
Mil.an.  Crema  is  a  city  of  the  province  of  Cremona,  race  and  the  personal  example  of  their  Divine  Founder. 
Loinbardy,  Northern  Italy,  .situated  between  the  It  is  reconled  that  in  times  of  persecution  many  risked 
Rivers  Adda  and  the  Oglio,  in  a  mar.shy  region.  It  their  lives  to  recover  the  bodies  of  martyrs  for  the 
was  built  by  inhabitants  of  various  cities  of  the  Insu-  holy  rites  of  Christian  burial.  The  pagans,  to  destroy 
bres,  who  fled  thither  during  tlie  Lomb.'ird  inv;usion  of  faith  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  often  cast  the 
Italy.  Crema  fell  eventually  under  Lombard  rule  corp.ses  of  martyred  Christians  into  the  flames,  fondly 
and  shared  the  vicis.sit  tides  of  that  monarchy.  Crema  believing  thus  to  render  impossible  the  resurrection  of 
was  one  of  the  first  cities  to  organize  as  .1  commune,  the  body.  What  Cliristian  faith  has  ever  held  in  this 
It  joined  t  he  Lombard  League,  and  was  therefore  de-  regard  is  clearly  put  by  the  third-century  writer  Miim- 
stroyed,  first  by  Frederick  Barbaros-sa  and  later  by  cius  Felix,  in  his  dialogue  "Octavius",  refuting  the 
the  nihabitants  of  Cremona  and  Lodi.  It  afterwarcis  assertion  that  cremation  made  this  resurrection  an 
acknowledged  the  rule  of  the  Torriani  and  of  the  Vis-  impossibility:  "Nor  do  we  fear,  as  you  suppose, 
conti  of  Milan,  for  a  while  also  that  of  the  Benzoni.  .any  harm  from  the  (mode  of]  sepulture,  but  wo  adhere 
Finally  it  became  subject  to  the  Republic  of  Venice,  to  the  old,  .and  better,  custom"  ("Nee,  ut  creditis, 
It  belonged  to  the  Diocese  of  Lodi  until  1580,  when  it  ullum  damnum  sepultura;  timemus  «cd  vctercm  et 
IV — 31 


CREMATION 


482 


CREMATION 


^eUorem  cousuetudinem  huma.uU  f requentamus ' ' 

P.  L.,  HI.  ^'^-l-    ^,>,,  .TioN  — (1)  In  the  Middle  Ages 
n.  Church  Legislation.     W  ^^^      ^^.^^  „f 

—In  all  the  legislation  ol  tti^  "-'""  ^  of  Christian 

the  body  in  the  earth  or  t^'fcounctlTBraga  (Har- 
burial.  In  the  a. ts  of  the  Cou  ^^^.^^  ^^ 
doun,  III.  3o2),  m  ^"\/,^;^ ,„„,'  to  ^e  buried  within 
bodies  of  the  dead  are  by  "o^"^;^^;,^"  "„f  Apo.tles  and 
the  basilicas  ^-l^f^-^/^^V they  may  be  buried  without 
martyrs,  we  ^[6  told  that  they  uy  ^^.^^^^^  ^he 

the  wall;   and  that  if  <^;t4!^.^Xeir  wills,  with  much 
interment  of  the  dead  withm  their         ^^  ^^^_ 

greater  ^gW  f  ou W  the  re^  erence  ^^  .^ 

tvrs  claim  this  privilege.  ^  „  „f  i>j antes,  between 

tLeanons  of  °t^er  council  -e.|  of  N  ^  .^^  ^^^^ 

the  seventh  and  -'^t^^/^ ^."hT^-^th  centuiy.  This 
ninth  century,  otiriDuru  lo^g.^tanding  cus- 

legislation  evidently  ^"PP^^^^-^j^;^^^^  practises  to-day, 
torn  of  burial  such  as  the.  Churc     P  ^^^^ 

and  shows  that  m  the  sixth  <^enuiry,  ^^  ^^^ 

than  Rome,  where  .'^^^'^J°;^i'']„^f,ence;  the  Church 
Twelve  Tables  exerts  f  ™°!^^M^;'^  the  past  as  to 
had  so  far  conquered  the  P'^'^J^^^^    j^^,  je'ad  within 

have  gained  the  f'Y.  f ^he  enXsure  of  the  church- 
the  city  walls  and  withm  the  encK-sv^^.^^^^  ^^^  ^.^ 

yard.     Once  in  the  course  o  ^  retrogression 

there  seem  to  be  on  ^he  Part  o  Boniface 

to  the  pagan  ideals,  and  as  a  c°^^^j  ^j^  of  his 

VIII,  on  21  F^brua^,  1300   in^f4^;^^i/,^bstance 

pontificate,  Pron^"l§^*'','^f'?^to  excommunicated  who 

L  follows:  They  ^[^^^^^f  ^j"df  J'^oTinhumanly  boiled 
disembowelled  bodies  of  the  deaao  ^.^^  ^  ^.^^^ 

them  to  Beparate  the  flesh  from  the  b^.^   ,^^^.^^^ 
to   transportation   for   ^^^^^     „    ^^  ^alls  it,  and  i 
"Detestandae  /^"tatis  abusum    ,  ^^^^  ^^^ 

was  practised  mease  of  those  o^^^^ 
died  outside  of  th«r  own  terr       y  ^^         ,.g 

a  wish  to  be  buried  f  t  thf 'X  J'-ht  of  God  and  horri- 
of  it  as  an  abomination  '"the  si  j^^^.^i^g  that, 

fvinsi  to  the  mmds   of  the   laitniui  |    j^^le 

lerSafter,  such  bodies  ^,'-;;^^^^^t  the  place  oF^death  un- 
to the  spot  ehosen  or  buried  at  the  pi  ^^^  ^^  ^^ 
til,  in  the  course  of  nature,  tneo  ^^  ^^^^^ 

for  burial  elsewhere.  Those  who  we  P  ^^^^  ^^^^^_ 
enormities  either  as  t^^^  cause  or  ^g^  ^^  ^^^ 

rence  were  * ^f  "thf  boX  tS^^  ^^^"'^"ly  ^l^'^'^l 
a  ^Sl^:!^S^^V^esiastical  burial 

herence  to  the  pnne.ples  o  i^iie  ^^-^^y//„^fthe  Roman 
Church  n.ay  be  seen  '^^  \e  lat^^^^^f^^,  „f  vizagapatam, 
Congregations,     The  V^carAp  difficulty  to 

in  the  year  1884,  P'^°P°f 'f  p-ooaaanda:  The  bodies 
the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Prop^^^^^^  ,^  tes- 

of  two  neophytes  Ij^'^.^f^^,'^^^  idolatrous  ceremonies, 
titying  that  there  had  been  no  Kiout      ^^^^^^  ^ 

Should  the  n^!^«'°"''f  „"^^fwe  of  caste,  or  may  the 
what  is  considered  a  P."^''^f';,,iprated?-If  a  pagan 
following  present  Pf^^tice  be  to  eratea  ^^^^^-^^^^ 

seeks  baptism  at  the  hour  ot  «ea  ",  jture 

grants  it,  without  q"esUoning  what  mode  osep    ^^^^ 
fs  to  be  given  the  ^ody  after  death^pe-  ^^^ 
the  pagan  parents  will  malve  'i?  ai  „  you 

to  be  buried,  not  cremated      The  answer  .^ 

must  not  approve  o   c>-ematK,n,_  but  rem       P^^  ^^  . 
the  matter  and  confer  baptism     ^-^ J-a  ^^.^^ 

struct  your  people  'i<=<=o;.dmg  to  the  prmc  p 
you  set  forth''  (Cremationen  approbare  :    ^^^^     ^^ 
-Xi-^uS^.595a|-  e^-^ 

J^u^Xlirorts^^'s^nrt^.oi-^nd  finally  on 


27  July,  1892,  the  Archbishop  of  F.ijnirg,^ among 
other  questions,  ^sked  whether  it  ^_^^^^^^ 

operate  in  the  cremation  o^  bod^s  -^^^^J^^^^^,^ 
or  counsel,   or  to   taw;   I"  n  was  answered 

labourer  working  m  the  cremat.ory^  ^.^^  ^^  ^^^^ 

that  formal  ^^^we  Either  by  command  or  counsel 
deed,  IS  never  '^""^^'^^''^^^  ,,,„",>  aiding  in  the  physical 
Material  co-oPf^tion,  the  mere  ami  „  „^„,ation 

act,  may  be  tolerated  on  coiitmn  ;  ^^  ^  ^^^^^.^ 
benotlookeduponasadistmctive'  ^^  .^^^^^ 

sect;    (2)  that  there  be  nothmgm  ^^  ^^ 

directly  and  solely,  expresses  i  p  .^  ^^  ^^^ 

doctrine  and  aPPr°b^*'°  r^hei  have  been  assigned 
clear  that  the  officials^nd  othei^  ha   ^^  ^^^  ^^^^^,.^ 

or  mvited  to  tf^e  Part  in  com      f  .^^j^^^^ 

Religion.     And  whereas,  und^rthe^ab^^  ^ 

co-operator,  are  to  be  left  m  g^  ^„.„p    ation  ir.  the 
always  be  warneu  uui,  >:^     „„  a  p  p  V  "  nn.  1608,  i 
„en7ation.     (See  ''^f -^^tane^l.C/.L  Ecd-  Rev.",  I 
1609 ;  "  Acta  S.  bedis    ,  XX  V ,  D.i ,      «^ 

XII,  499.)  ,  „  ■    T  „„,\intion  —The  legislation  of 

-s.^=ilSiSi.°^it;S: 

profession  o^Xfe"  obtained  official  recognition  of 
Freemasons  ^^°  fi'^.;°°^' govermnents.  The  cam- 
thiB  practice  from  ^ario^  g      ^^^  ^^.^^  „    j 

paign  opened  in  itaiy,  ii  Numerous  societies 

EyBrunetti,  at  Padua,  '"^f^'^den   Zurich,  London, 
w-ere  founded  a  ter  this  f  Dre^fJ^^^-a^  established 
Paris.     In  the  last  city  a  crematory         ^^^  ^^ 
at  Pere  Lachaise,  on  the  passing  ^^^^^^ 

dealing  -''t  ^f-"^"'"™  .^JS  a  Practice  which  has 
has  opposed  from  the  begmnmgP  ^^  ^^^  ^^ 

been  used  chiefly  by  tne  enei  christiar 

Faith.     Reasons   based   on   the   spirit 
charity  and  the  plain  f ^«-^„^^t^,^"""she  ifolds  it  un- 
strengthened  her  in  her  oppositiom  ^_^    j^ 

'seemly  that  the  hmnan  b°dy ,  cn.ce^ the  U  g^^J^^ 
of  God,  the  instrument  of  hea^en,y^^^^^^^^^ 

so  often  by  the  ^f",%^f°i*^-et°  conjugal  and  f raterna 
to  a  treatment  that  fiial  pietj  ,  conj^  g  ^^^^^^^  .^^ 
love,  or  even  mere  friendship  seen^  cremation 

as  inhuman.  Another  ?J|"™^^\ef liS  in  this :  tha 
and  drawn  from  med.co-legasomxesh      ^^  ^^^^^^  ^ 

cremation  destroys  ^^^  f'f^^tioiUmpossible,  wherea 

^l^^e^Jro^rSofculture.-^^^^^^^^^^^ 

French  Cremation  Society  for  190^  has  tne  j 

^?here  exist  in  Europe  90  cremajoru^s         ^  ,,     ^ 

the  number  of  incinerations  is  above  ^, 

France  there  are  3  ^^rfn/tafy  30,  ii' Germany  9,  il 
29,  in  Great  Britain  12,  mItaly^3U^^^^  ^^^^^^^^  ^,^ 
Switzerland  4,  ">  Sweden  -,m  „        ^^^  ^^^ 

Argentine  Republic,  A^^traha  oiie  each^        ^^^ 
number  here  the  apphances  o    1  oK.io^  g.^^^^^  ; 

of  the  pyres  raised  \n  the  Indie^m  t  .^^^^^  j^^, 

Cambogia,ata^lpointso^UreAsiat^  ^^^^  ^  , 

fi-^^^-^?^/hi^rtr;ri^^ 

tions  in  Paris.  Only  ^f-^.^^^J^.e  embryos.  Of  tl 
were  hospital  debvLs;  32,V^'j;/9i6  in  1894,  354 
requested  crematioiis  th"';;!f^%-/ 138-not  a  lar 
1904-an  mcrease  m  ten  yeare  p^^.^ 

number,  and  ,  «''';f„^{  J°, Son  very  slowly  indee 
progressing  m  the  use  of  cren^atio.^^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  , 

The  arguinents  in    a^or  01  ^  the  corni 

dueed  to  a  few  ''fads .  (1  it  ^"^P^.j,!  ^e  safeguard 
tion  of  the  soil;  .(2)  dr  nk  ng  ^at^;  j^,^  „f  the  air  v 
against  contamination,   (J^corruH  ;       .5^, 

b!  avoided  in  localities  '^'■d'^^"'^^  °"  r  o^'nfection 
a  consequent  lessening  of  the  uang.r 


CREMONA 


483 


CREMONA 


timps  of  epidemic.  In  answer  it  has  been  urged  that 
cemeteries  are  not  a  cause  of  the  infection  of  the  air. 
In  any  well-ordered  cemeterj-  putrefaction  takes  place 
six  or  seven  feet  below  the  surface.  In  the  open  air, 
with  abundance  of  o.Yj-gen,  corruption  proceeds  more 
quickly,  with  continuous  discharge  of  noxious  gases 
in  large  quantities  highly  deleterious  to  health,  but 
it  is  not  so  in  the  grave.  Mantegazza,  a  celebrated 
bacteriologist,  has  shown  ("Civilta  Cattolica",  Ser. 
IX,  Vols.  X-XII)  that,  where  there  is  but  a  small 
supply  of  o.xygen,  bodies  will  decompose  without  the 
cni.mation  of  any  odour  whatever.  Often,  too,  the 
human  body  is  so  reduced  before  death  that  in  the 
earth  it  suffers  little  or  no  corruption  at  all,  but  is 
first  mummified  and  then  slowly  reduced  to  dust. 
Again,  earth-pressure  prevents  chemical  decomposi- 
tion to  a  great  extent,  producing  in  the  place  of  gas  a 
liquid  which  enters  into  various  combinations  with 
the  materials  in  the  soil,  without  the  slightest  danger 
to  the  living.  Earth  is  a  powerful  agent  of  disinfec- 
tion. Even  were  noxious  gases  to  escape  in  any 
quantity,  they  would  be  absorbed  on  their  way  up- 
wards, so  that  a  very  small  part  would  ever  reach  the 
surface,  or  were  the  soil  not  fit  for  absorption  (as  was 
said  to  be  the  case  at  Pere-Lachaise,  Paris)  the  process 
would  be  taken  up  by  the  vegetable  matter  on  the 
surface.  It  is  held,  also,  that,  it  is  no  more  true  to 
say  that  cemeteries  are  a  menace  to  water  wells. 
Charnock,  Delacroix,  and  Dalton  have  proved  that 
of  three  parts  of  rain  water  only  one  penetrates  the 
soil,  the  other  two  either  evaporating  or  flowing  into 
rivers.  Now  corpses  in  cemeteries  are  not  so  placed 
as  to  form  continuous  strata,  but  a  moderate  distance 
intervenes  between  any  two  bodies  or  rows  of  bodies. 
Of  the  third  part  of  rain,  then,  which  penetrates  the 
soil  of  a  graveyard  a  very  little  will  touch  the  bodies 
at  all,  and  what  does  will  not  all  reach  the  water 
streams,  but  will  be  absorbed  by  the  earth,  so  that 
the  remaining  drops  that  would  ultinmtely  trickle  into 
the  stream  would  have  absolutely  no  effect,  were  the 
stream  large  or  small.  Two  experiments  have  proved 
this.  The  doctors  above  mentioned  selected  a  tank 
6i  feet  high,  filled  it  with  sand,  and  for  many  month.s 
filtered  through  it  sewer  water  taken  from  the  drain- 
age pipes  of  Paris.  The  water  received  at  the  bottom 
of  the  vessel  was  always  found  pure,  clear  and  drink- 
able. .\  like  experiment  was  made  with  a  smaller 
vessel  with  like  results.  To  anticipate  the  difficulty, 
that  what  held  for  an  experiment  with  small  quanti- 
ties would  prove  untrue  were  the  amoimt  of  water 
verj-  great,  a  large  tract  of  ground  near  Genvillers  w.as 
inundated  for  many  months  with  the  same  putrid  and 
reeking  waters  of  the  Seine  after  they  had  passed 
through  the  sewers  of  Paris.  The  result  was  the  same. 
Wells  were  dug  in  the  inundated  portion,  and  the 
water  was  again  found  pure  and  clear,  purer,  as  it 
chanced,  than  that  of  other  wells  outside  the  boundary 
of  the  place  of  experiments.  In  like  manner,  the 
waters  in  the  cemeteries  of  Leipzig,  Hanover,  Dresden, 
and  Merlin  were  examined  and  found  purer  and  freer 
from  organic  matter  than  the  wells  of  the  town. 

In  conclusion,  it  must  be  remembered  that  there  is 
nothing  directly  oppo.sed  to  any  dogma  of  the  Church 
in  the  practice  of  cremation,  and  that,  if  ever  the 
leaders  of  this  sinister  movement  so  far  control  the 
governments  of  (he  world  as  to  make  this  custom  uni- 
versal, it  would  not  be  a  lapse  in  the  faith  confided  to 
her  were  she  obliged  to  conform. 

In  .iddilion  to  tlip  authorities  cited  in  the  body  of  this  artide, 
con.-ull  Corpus  Jtirin  Cnnonin:  HARnoriN,  Coll.  Cone,  VI,  44.1; 
Wkhvz,  Juh  Dicrrliilium,  III,  405;    Howe,  Sli,du.i  in  Ihc  Ch'it 


Law,  :i02. 


WiLLUM  Devlin. 


succumbed,  however,  to  Hannibal.  After  the  vic- 
tory of  Octavian  over  Antony,  the  territory  was  di- 
vided among  the  veterans  of  the  conqueror.  Caius 
ViteUius  defended  it  unsuccessfully  against  Vespasian, 
by  whom  it  was  pillaged,  but  it  rose  again  from  its 
ruins.  About  a.  d.  600  Cremona,  until  then  Byzan- 
tine, was  captured  by  the  Lombard  king,  Agilulf. 
Under  the  Emperors  Otto  (I-III)  its  bishops  ac- 
quired temporal  sovereignty,  but  in  990  the  people 
expelled  Bishop  Olderico  and  adopted  a  republican 
form  of  government.  The  Emperor  Henry  IV  (10.56- 
1106),  however,  confirmed  Bishop  Landulf  in  all  im- 
perial grants  made  to  his  predecessors.  On  the  other 
hand  Henry  V  (1106-25)  restored  to  the  people  their 


Cremona,  DrociwE  or  (Cremonexsi.s),  suffragan 
of  Milan.  Cremona  is  a  city  (.31,661  in  1901)  in  the 
Province  of  Lombardy.  Italy,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Po.  It  was  built  by  the  Cenomanni  Gauls,  but  later 
became  a  Koman  colony  and  a  frontier  fortress;    it 


D  ToRR.\zzo,  Cremona 


communal  rights.  Thenceforth  Cremona  became  a 
citadel  of  Ghibellinism  and  was  greatly  favoured  by 
Frederic  Barbarossa  and  Frederick  II.  though  for  the 
same  reason  frequently  at  war  with  the  neighbouring 
cities.  In  later  medieval  times  it  had  many  lords  or 
"tyrants",  the  Pallavicini,  the  Bovara,  the  Caval- 
cabo,  the  Visconti,  the  Sforza,  until  it  became  part 
of  the  Duchy  of  Milan  (132S).  In  1702  it  was  taken 
by  imperial  troops,  and  in  1796  and  1800  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  French. 

The  people  of  Cremona  venerate  St.  Sabinus  as 
their  first  missionary  and  first  bishop;  he  is  said  to 
have  lived  in  the  first  century  of  our  era.  Among 
the  better-known  early  bi.shops  are  St.  Syrinus  (c. 
340),  a  vaUant  apologist  of  the  Faith  against  the 
Arians,  and  St.  Silvinus  (733);  the  latter  is  held  in 
great  veneration.  Liudprand  of  Cremona  was  sent 
(946)  as  amba.s.sador  to  Constantinople  by  the  Em- 
peror Otto  II,  and  is  the  most  famous  historical  writer 
of  the  tenth  centurj'.  Other  important  bishops  were 
(iualtiero  (lOSti),  in  whose  time  the  cathedral  was  be- 
gun; Sicardo  (1185),  author  of  a  chronicle;  Caccia- 
conte  da  Somma  (1261),  under  whom  wtus  erected  the 
belfrj'  of  the  cathednil;  Nicolo  Sfondrati  (1.560),  later 
Pope  Gregory  XIV;  his  nephew  Paolo  (1607);  also 
the  zealous  and  charitable  Omobonodi  Offredi  (1791). 
The  cathedral  of  Cremona  is  a  splendid  specimen  of 


CREMONA 


484 


CRESCENTIUS 


Romanesque  architecture,  dates  from  t}ic  beginning 
of  the  twelfth  century,  and  is  noted  for  its  facade  in 
alternate  courses  of  red  and  white  marble.  It  pos- 
sesses many  famous  paintings  and  sculptures.  Its 
two  marble  pulpits  were  brouglit  tliither  from  the 
suppressed  church  of  the  OUvetans.  Near  tlie  ca- 
thedral is  the  baptistery  (1167),  surrounded  by  ranges 
of  narrow  Lombard  arches,  and  bearing  aloft  an  oc- 
tagonal cupola.  The  famous  brick  campanile,  known 
as  the  Torrazzo,  built  in  12S3  as  a  peace  momunent, 
is  396  feet  high  and  is  said  to  be  the  tallest  in  Italy. 
An  ancient  saying  runs:  Unus  Petrus  in  Romd,  una 
turris  in  Cremond  (One  Peter  in  Rome,  one  Tower  in 
Cremona).  Other  noteworthy  churches  are  those  of 
Sant'  Agata  and  Sant'  Agostino,  the  latter  externally 
Gothic,  while  its  interior  is  Renaissance.  San  Pietro 
and  San  Michele  are  believed  to  date  from  the  time  of 
the  Lombard  Queen  Theodolinda  (c.  .")'.»()).  There  are 
many  industries  at  Cremona,  cspi-cially  s^ilk  manvifac- 
tures;  in  the  liistorj'  of  music  it  is  known  as  the  birth- 
place of  four  famous  makers  of  violins:  Amati,  Guar- 
neri,  Stradivari,  and  Malpighi. 

The  population  of  tlie  diocese  is  350,000;  it  lias  34.'5 
parishes,  530  churches  and  chapels,  536  secular  and 
3S  regular  clergy,  9  houses  of  religious  men,  and  77 
of  women.     It  has  .also  15  educational  institutions. 

Cappelletti,  Chiese  d'ltalia,  XII.  125-239;  Annuario 
Ecdesiaxlico  (Rome,  1907),  -JSa-SG;  fi.vov.Tl,  Mcmorie  di  sloria 
ecd.  Crcmoncse  (Rome.  1835-37);  Chevalier.  Topo-hihliogr. 
(Paris,  1S94-99),  824-26;  Hake,  Cities  of  Northern  Ilaly  (Lon- 
don, 1896),  II,  231-40. 

U.  Benigni. 

Cremona,  Gctdo  da.    See  Frederick  I. 

Crepieul,  Francois  de,  Jesuit  missionary-  in  Canada 
and  vicar  Apostolic  for  the  Montagnais  Indians;  b.  at 
Arras,  France,  16  March,  1638;  d.  at  Quebec  in  1702. 
As  a  youth  he  studied  in  the  Jesuit  college  of  his  native 
to^Ti  and  in  that  of  Douai,  becoming  a  member  of  the 
order  at  Tournay  in  1659.  He  continued  his  studies 
at  Lille  and  Douai,  taught  at  Lille  and  Cambrai,  and 
in  1670  sailed  for  Canada.  LTpon  the  completion  of 
his  theological  studies  in  the  college  of  Quebec,  he  was 
assigned  in  October,  1671,  to  the  Tadousac  region, 
where,  with  untiring  devotion  and  great  success  he 
toiled  among  the  Montagnais  and  .Algonquin  tribes  for 
twenty-eight  years.  Writing  to  his  brethren  he  tells 
them  that  the  life  of  a  Jlontagnais  missionary  is  a 
tedious  and  prolonged  martyrdom,  and  that  his  jour- 
neys and  the  cabins  of  the  savages  are  truly  schools 
of  patience,  penance,  and  resignation.  For  the  bene- 
fit of  his  fellow  missionaries  Crepieul  WTOte  a  series  of 
instructions  embodying  the  results  of  his  long  service 
among  the  Indians,  which  are  interesting  and  practi- 
cal. These  observations  are  given  in  the  sixty-third 
volume  of  Thwaites'  "Relations".  In  1696  or  1697 
he  was  appointed  vicar  Apostolic  for  the  Montagnais 
and,  on  the  discontinuance  of  the  mission  a  few  years 
later,  repaired  to  Quebec,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of 
his  life.  Dablon,  Superior  of  all  the  missions  in  Can- 
ada, styles  him  "a  veritable  apostle". 

_  RocHEMONTEix.  Les  Jcsuites  ct  la  NouvcUe-Francc  an  XVIJ^ 
sif-de  (Paris.  1895-96),  a  most  interestinR  account  of  this  devoted 
and  successful  missionarj';  Thwaites,  Relations,  LVI,  301.  302; 
SoMMERvoGEL,  Dibl.  rfc  la  c.  dc  J.,  II.  1652. 1;  Pillinc,  UibUog- 
raphy  of  the  Algonquian  Languages  (Washington,  1891),  9S.  99. 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Crescens,  a  companion  of  St.  Paul  during  his  second 
Roman  captivity,  appears  but  once  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, when  he  is  mentioned  as  having  left  the  .\postle 
to  go  into  Galatia:  "Make  haste  to  come  to  me  cjuick- 
ly",  St.  Paul  writes  to  Timothy,  "for  Oemas  h;ith  left 
me,  loving  this  world,  and  is  gone  to  Thessalonica, 
Crescens  into  Galatia,  Titus  into  Dalmatia"  (II  Tim., 
IV,  8-10).  All  commentators  agree  in  ranking  Cre.s- 
ceris  with  Titus  rather  than  with  Demas,  and  in  seeing 
here,  therefore,  a  reference  to  a  missionarj'  journey 
into  Gal.atia.     ThLs  term,  in  New  Testament  times, 


might  mean  either  Gaul  or  the  Roman  province  of 
Galatia  in  Asia  Minor,  where  St.  Paul  had  laboured 
so  much ;  and  here  it  has  been  interpreted  in  either 
sense.  In  the  other  passages  where  it  occurs  in  the 
New  Testament,  however,  it  denotes  Galatia,  and 
most  probably  it  would  be  so  understood  here  by 
Timothy,  esijecially  as  the  other  regions  mentioned 
are  likewise  to  the  east  of  Rome.  Moreover,  St.  Paul 
might  easily  have  a  reason  for  sending  a  disciple  to 
visit  his  old  Churches  in  Galatia,  while  there  is  no 
proof  that  he  had  an  active  interest  in  Gaul.  Accord- 
ingly, the  earliest  tradition  (,\post.  Constit.,  VII,  46) 
represents  Crescens  as  bishop  of  the  Chiu'ches  in  Gala- 
tia. Later  traditions,  on  the  other  hand,  locate  him 
as  Bishop  of  Vienne  in  Gaul,  also  at  Mainz  on  the 
Rhine.  But  the  earliest  traditions  of  Gaul  itself  know 
nothing  of  this  disciple  of  the  Apostle  as  a  foimder 
of  their  Churches,  and  the  belief  seems  to  have 
arisen  later  from  the  desire  of  an  Apostolic  origin. 
The  claims  of  Vienne  have  been  most  strongly 
urged;  but  they  are  based  upon  the  mistaken  identifi- 
cation of  its  first  bishop,  Crescens,  who  lived  in  the 
third  century,  with  the  disciple  of  St.  Paul.  As  little 
can  be  said  for  Mainz.  The  reading  of  certain  manu- 
scripts (Sinaiticus,  Ephra^mi),  which  have  Gallia  in- 
stead of  Galatia,  has  also  been  advanced  in  favour  of 
Gaul ;  but  the  traditional  reading  is  supported  by  the 
great  mass  of  manuscript  evidence.  Crescens  is  men- 
tioned as  one  of  the  Seventy  Disciples  of  Christ  by  the 
Pseudo-Dorotheus,  which  has  no  authority.  His 
martyrdom  in  Galatia,  under  Trajan,  commemorated 
on  27  June  by  the  Roman  MartjTology,  lacks  the  con- 
firmation of  older  Martyrologies.  The  Greek  Church 
honours  him  on  30  July. 

TiLLEMONT,  Memoires  pour  servir  h  Vhistoire  ecele.tiastiqua 
(Paris,  1701),  I.  312,  584-587;  Duchesne,  Les  fastes  episcopaux 
de  I'ancienne  Gaule  (Paris,  1894),  I,  151-155. 

John  F.  Fenlon. 

Crescentius,  the  name  of  several  leaders  of  the 
Roman  aristocracy  in  the  tenth  century,  during  their 
opposition  to  the  imperial  government  of  the  time. 

Crescentius  the  Elder. — With  the  disappearance 
of  the  Carlovingian  dynasty  the  papal  government  of 
Rome  lost  its  most  powerful  protector,  and  the  Ro- 
mans took  matters  into  their  own  hands.  Out  of  the 
local  aristocracy  there  arose  a  powerful  family,  which 
assumed  the  practical  charge  of  all  governmental  af- 
fairs in  Rome,  controlled  the  nominations  to  the  papal 
throne,  and  held  the  power  for  many  years.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  century  the  family  -nas  repre- 
sented by  Theophylactus,  vrstararius  or  high  dignitary 
of  the  papal  jialace  and  the  pontifical  government,  by 
his  wife  Theodora,  and  their  two  daughters  Marozia 
and  Theodora.  Theophylactus  had  the  titles  of  Consul 
and  Senator  of  the  Romans.  Crescentius  the  Elder 
was  a  descendant  of  this  family,  being  a  son  of  Theo- 
dora, the  daughter  of  Theophylactus.  According  to 
the  records,  he  took  a  hand  in  Roman  affairs  for  the 
first  time  in  974.  At  the  death  of  Pope  John  XIII 
(96.5-72),  who  w.as  a  brother  of  Crescentius,  the  Em 
peror  Otto  I  (936-73)  designated  as  his  successor  th( 
Cardinal-Deacon  Benedict,  who  took  the  name  Bene- 
dict VI  (972-74).  The  Romans  bore  the  constant  in- 
terference of  the  emperor  in  the  papal  elections  wit! 
ill-concealed  indignation.  About  a  year  after  th<| 
death  of  Otto  I,  when  his  successor  Otto  II  (973-83] 
was  engaged  in  wars  at  home,  they  rebelled  against 
the  imperial  regime  under  the  leadership  of  Crcscen' 
tins.  The  unfortunate  Pope  Benedict  VI  w.is  de| 
throned,  thrown  into  the  Castle  of  Sant' .-Vngelo,  am, 
strangled  there  in  July,  974.  The  deacon  Franco, 
Roman,  son  of  Ferrucius,  w.as  chosen  to  succeed,  ann 
took  the  name  of  Boniface  VII  (974).  The  protest' 
of  the  imperial  envoy  Sicco  were  of  no  avail  agains, 
this  manifestation  of  national  aspirations  on  the  pari 
of  the  Romans.     Soon,  however,  the  imperial  partj 


ORESCENTinS 


485 


ORESCIMBENI 


gained  the  upper  hand ;  Pope  Boniface  VII  was  forced 
to  flee  to  Constantinople;  Benedict  VII  (974-83)  was 
chosen  in  his  place,  and  Crescentius  disappeared  for  a 
time.  In  all  likelihood  he  took  an  active  part  in  the 
restoration  of  Boniface  VII  in  984.  After  the  death 
of  the  Emperor  Otto  II  (December,  983)  the  anti- 
inipcrial  party  believed  that  the  time  had  come  for  re- 
asserting itseif.  In  April,  984,  Boniface  VII  returned 
from  Constantinople  and  took  possession  of  Rome. 
Pope  John  XIV  (983-84),  who  had  been  appointed  by 
the  Kmperor  Otto  II,  was  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of 
Sant'  Angclo,  where  he  perished  about  four  months 
afterwards,  and  Boniface  Xll  (984-85)  ruled  again  as 
pope  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  in  July,  98.5.  His 
protector  Crescentius  towards  the  end  of  his  life, 
whether  before  or  after  the  restoration  of  Boniface  Vll 
is  uncertain,  took  the  monastic  habit  in  the  monastery 
of  St.  Alexius  on  the  Aventine,  where  he  died,  7  July, 
984,  and  w.as  Ijuried  within  the  cloister.  The  epitaph 
on  his  tomb  (Armcllini,  Le  Chiese  di  Roma,  580)  Ls  still 
visible. 

Crescenthls  the  Younger. — ^The  aspirations  of 
the  Homan  aristocracy  did  not  vanish  with  the  death 
of  the  elder  Crescentius.  The  latter  left  a  son,  also 
callrd  Crescentius,  who  after  the  death  of  Boniface 
VII  took  the  reins  of  power  in  his  hands.  Circum- 
stances seemed  to  be  particularlv  favourable.  The 
Emiieror  Otto  III  (983-1002)  was  still  a  child,  and  the 
empress  mother,  Theophano,  although  an  energetic 
princess,  was  absent  from  Rome.  Crescentius  the 
Younger  took  the  title  of  Patricius  Romanorum,  by 
which  he  meant  to  express  that  he  v;as  ruler  in  Rome, 
though  not  altogether  independent  of  the  imperial 
authority  I  he  considered  himself  as  a  lieutenant  of  the 
enijipror.  It  is  quite  likely  that  the  election  of  Pope 
John  XV  (nS5-96),  who  succeeded  Boniface  VII,  was 
accciinplislicd  with  the  participation  of  Crescentius, 
although  the  ]).articulars  of  that  election  are  vmknown. 
In  some  of  tlic  official  docvunents  of  the  time,  issued  by 
the  pojie,  the  name  of  Crescentius  and  his  title  of  Pn- 
triritix  appear  together  with  the  name  of  John  XV; 
and  for  a  number  of  years  Crescentius  exercised  his 
authority  apparently  without  opposition.  When  the 
Empress  Tlieophano  came  to  Rome  in  989,  she  con- 
ducted herself  as  empress  and  sovereign,  while  leaving 
Crescentius  his  subordinate  position.  Meanwhile  the 
young  Emperor  Otto  III  assumed  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  in  996  made  his  first  journey  to  Italy,  in- 
duced by  various  considerations,  especially  by  the  ai>- 
peals  of  Pope  John  XV.  However,  death  overtook 
the  pope  at  the  beginning  of  April,  996,  before 
Otto  reached  Rome;  it  was  at  Pavia  that  the  em- 
peror was  .-qiprised  of  the  fact.  As  the  Romans  and 
their  le.iiler,  Crc-scentilus,  did  not  care  at  this  time  to 
nominate  ;i  sureessor  to  the  deceased  pope,  they  sent 
a  deleg;iticiii  to  the  emperor  with  the  reriuest  that  he 
provide  .a  suitable  can<lidate  for  the  Roman  See.  Otto 
III  was  at  Ravenn.a  when  the  delegates  from  Rome 
arrived.  After  a  consultation  with  hLs  counsellors  he 
chose  his  own  cousin,  Bnmo,  a  young  ecclesiastic,  only 
twenty-three  years  of  age,  who  seemed  to  have  the 
necessary  ipialifications.  Early  in  May  he  was  con.se- 
crated  at  Rome  as  flregon,'  V  (996-99),  being  the  first 
pope  of  Gemian  nationality.  A  few  weeks  after- 
wards Otto  III  himself  was  crowned  in  Rome  by  the 
new  pope  (21  May)  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Peter.  On  the 
25th  of  the  same  month  the  pope  and  the  emperor  held 
in  St.  Peter's  a  s\Tiod,  which  was  at  the  same  time  a 
high  court  of  justice.  The  rebellious  Romans,  includ- 
ing Crescentius,  who  h.ad  embittered  the  l.a.st  years  of 
the  pontificate  of  Pope  ,Iohn  XV,  were  summoned  to 
give  :in  account  of  their  doings.  Tlie  result  was  that  a 
certain  number,  among  them  Crescentius,  were  sen- 
tenced to  banishment.  Pope  Gregory  V,  who  wished 
to  inaugurate  his  pontificate  with  .acts  of  mercy, 
'pleafjed  for  the  guilt v,  and  the  emperor  withdrew  hia 
j  sentence  of  exile.    C'rescentitis  was  deprived  of  his 


title  of  Pntriciux,  but  was  permitted  to  live  in  retire- 
ment at  Rome. 

The  clemency  shown  to  Crescentius  by  the  pope 
was  repaid  with  deeds  of  ^•iolence.  Only  a  few  months 
after  the  departure  of  the  emperor  for  Germany  a  re- 
volt broke  out  in  Rome  under  the  leadership  of  Cres- 
centius. The  foreign  pope  and  the  many  foreign  offi- 
cers installed  throughout  the  Papal  States  were  offen- 
sive in  the  sight  of  the  Romans.  The  rebellion  suc- 
ceeded so  well  that  in  September,  99(),  the  pope  was 
forced  to  flee  with  only  a  few  attendants.  At  Pavia 
he  held  a  synod  in  February,  997,  in  which  ho 
pronounced  sentence  of  excommimieation  against 
Crescentius,  the  usurper  and  invader  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.  C'rescentius,  far  from  being  mo\-ed  by  these 
proceedings  against  him,  completed  his  work  of  rebel- 
lion by  appointing  an  antipope,  Philagathus,  Bishop 
of  Piacenza,  who  had  just  returned  from  an  embassy 
to  Constantinople  on  behalf  of  Emperor  Otto  III. 
Born  in  Calabria,  Philagathus  was  a  Greek,  and  owed 
his  elevation  to  the  episcopacy  to  the  Empress  The- 
ophano and  her  son,  but  was  willing  to  betray  his  mas- 
ter. In  April,  997,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Pope  John 
XVI  (997-98).  In  February,  998,  Otto  III  returned 
to  Rome  with  Pope  Gregory  V  and  took  possession  of 
the  city  without  much  difficulty.  The  antipope 
sought  safety  in  flight,  while  Crescentius  shut  himself 
up  in  the  Ciustle  of  Sant'  Angelo.  The  unfortunate 
John  XVI  was  soon  captured  by  the  emissaries  of  the 
emperor;  his  nose  and  ears  were  cut  off,  his  eyes  and 
tongue  were  torn  out,  and  in  this  pitiable  condition  he 
was  made  to  ride  backwards  on  an  a.ss.  At  the  inter- 
cession of  St.  Nilus,  one  of  his  countrj'incn,  his  life  w.as 
spared,  and  he  lived  until  1013.  Towards  the  end  of 
AprU  the  Castle  of  Sant'  Angelo  was  taken ;  Crescen- 
tius was  made  prisoner  and  executed  and  his  corpse 
hung  on  a  gibbet  erected  on  Monte  Mario.  After- 
wards his  remains  were  interred  in  the  church  of  S. 
Pancrazio  on  the  Janiculum. 

John  Cre.scentius,  son  of  Crescentius  the  Younger. 
— Early  in  1001  a  revolt  broke  out  in  Rome  against 
Otto  III,  who  now  permanently  resided  in  the  Eternal 
City.  The  emperor  and  Pope  Silvester  II  (999-1003), 
the  first  pope  of  French  nationality,  were  compelle<l  to 
flee;  it  is  quite  likely  that  John  Crescentius  was  the 
prime  mover  of  the  rebellion.  At  any  rate,  after  this 
he  a.ssumed  supreme  authority  in  Rome,  and  after  the 
death  of  the  Emperor  Otto  "ill  (24  Januan,-,  1002) 
took  the  title  of  Pntriciux  Pomanorum.  Pope  Silvester 
II  was  pennitted  to  return  to  Rome,  l«it  had  little  to 
do  with  tlie  temporal  government.  The  same  is  true 
of  his  three  immediate  successors:  John  XVII  (1003), 
John  XVIII  (1003  09),  and  Sergius  IV  (1009-12),  all 
of  whom  were  appointed  through  the  influence  of  John 
Crescentius.  The  patririus  liimself  died  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1012,  and  with  him  the  Crescentii  disap- 
peared from  the  history  of  Rome. 

DuCHKsNE,  Lcs  premurrs  temps  de  I'ctat  p<yntiiicnl  (Paris, 
1898);  GnEGOROvnnB,  Gcsch.  der  Stadt  Rom.  (Stuttgart,  1890), 
in,  IV:  GlESEBUECHT,  Gf.fch.  der  dndschcn  Kaisrrzrit  (I.oipziR, 
1881),  I;  Hefele.  CtmcifiejiflescA.  (Freiburg,  1879),  IV;  Fritz 
in  Kirchcnlcx.,  s.  v. 

Francis  J.  Schaefer. 
Crescentius  of  Jesi.     See  Fr.vnciscans. 

Crescimbeni,  Giovanni  Mario,  Italian  historian 
of  literature,  chronicler,  and  poet,  b.  in  Macerata,  9 
Oct.,  1663;  d.  8  March,  1728.  He  was  educated  at 
Rome  for  the  law,  but  gave  most  of  his  time  to  poetry 
and  literature.  In  1679  he  was  made  doctor  of  laws, 
and  in  1705  Clement  XI  named  him  canon  of  Santa 
Maria  in  Cosmcdin.  A  few  years  later  (1719)  the 
same  pontiff  appointed  him  arcliiiriest,  and  in  the 
same  year  he  was  ordaine<l  to  the  priesthood. 

Crescimbeni  composed  tragedies  and  rime  of  various 
kinds,  and  translated  into  Italian  ver.se  two  books  of 
Lucan's  "Pharsalia".  His  j>rose  is  superior  to  his 
verse,  and  it  is  especially  as  a  literary  critic  that  he  is 


CRESCONIUS 


■ISO 


CRESSY 


known.  Ilis  special  studies  in  Italian  literature 
heljierl  to  pave  the  way  for  the  general  histories  of 
that  subject.  His  greatest  work,  "Dell'  Istoria 
della  volgar  poesia"  (6  vols.,  Rome,  1698),  was  one  of 
the  best  productions  of  its  kind  and  is  still  of  consid- 
erable value.  In  it  he  treats  of  the  origin  and 
development  of  Italian  poetry,  appreciates  the  works 
of  the  one  hundred  chief  Italian  poets,  arranges  the 
poets  in  chronological  order,  and  discusses  the  art  and 
kinds  of  poetry.  Tliis  huge  work  was  followed  in 
1702  by  the  "Commentarii  intorno  alia  sua  Istoria 
della  volgar  poesia",  in  5  volumes,  which  was  at  first 
undertaken  to  supersede  the  "Istoria";  but  since  this 
had  met  wdth  such  favour,  the  new  work  became  a 
supplement  to  it. 

Crescimbeni  will  also  be  remembered  as  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Academy  of  "Arcadia,  conversatione 
di  belle  lettere",  over  which  he  presided  from  its 
foundation  in  1690  to  the  time  of  his  death.  "Arca- 
dia" was  a  kind  of  pastoral  republic,  whose  members 
included  the  leading  scholars  and  poets  of  Italy  who 
strove  to  root  out  the  perverted  taste  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  in  matters  of  art  and  literature,  and 
to  introduce  a  simpler  an<l  more  natural  style  into 
Italian  jjrose  and  ])oetry.  The  society  grew  out  of  a 
somewhat  similar  society  which  had  been  patronized 
by  Queen  Christine  of  Sweden  (d.  1689),  who  had 
taken  up  her  residence  in  Rome.  "Arcadia"  grew 
in  importance  and  numbers;  "Colonies"  were  estab- 
lished in  the  principal  Italian  cities;  and  its  influence 
extended  even  beyond  the  borders  of  Italy.  The 
members  assumed  shepherds'  names,  and  took  as 
their  device  a  Pan's  pipes  surrounded  by  laurels.  (See 
Academies,  Roman.) 

The  Life  of  Crescimbeni,  with  a  list  of  his  works 
edited  and  inedited,  written  by  a  contemporary, 
Francesco  Mancurti,  is  in  the  final  edition  of  the 
"Istoria"  (Venice,  1730-17.31),  VI,  213  sq.  This 
biographical  article  also  gives  much  information  on 
the  history  of  the  "Arcadia".  The  rime  were  edited 
in  Rome  in  1695,  and  more  completely  in  1723. 

Joseph  Dunn. 

Cresconius  (or  Crisconius),  a  Latin  canonist  of  un- 
certain date  and  place,  flourished  probably  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  seventh  century,  though  it  may  have 
been  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  or  even  in  the  eighth 
century.  He  was  probably  a  bishop  of  the  African 
Church.  We  owe  to  Cresconius  a  collection  of  canons, 
known  as  "Concordia  canonum",  inclusive  of  the 
Apostolic  Canons  (see  Canons,  Apostolic),  nearly  all 
the  canons  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  century  councils,  and 
many  papal  decretals  from  the  end  of  the  fourth  to  the 
end  of  the  fifth  century.  The  content  is  taken  from 
the  collection  of  Dionysius  Exiguus,  but  the  division 
into  titles  (301)  is  copied  from  the  "Breviatio  can- 
onum ' '  of  Fulgentius  Ferrandus,  a  sixth-century  dea- 
con of  Carthage.  In  many  manuscripts  the  text  of 
Cresconius  is  preceded  by  an  index  or  table  of  contents 
(breviarium)  of  the  titles,  first  edited  in  1588by  Pithou. 
In  its  entirety  the  work  was  first  published  by  Voellus 
and  Justellus  in  the  appendix  (33-1 12)  to  their  "  Bibli- 
othec:i  Juris  canonici"  (Paris,  1661),  and  is  in  P.  L., 
L.\.'\^XV11I,  829  sqq.  One  of  its  best  manuscripts, 
the  tenth-century  "  Vallicellianus"  (Rome),  has  anotc 
in  which  Cresconius  is  declared  thoauthorof  ametrical 
account  of  the  "bella  et  victorias"  of  the  "Patricius" 
Joliannes  in  Africa  over  the  Saracens.  This  wa.s  fonn- 
erly  interpreted  to  mean  the  African  victory  of  the  By- 
zantine "  Patricius  Johannes"  in  697,  hence  the  usual 
date  of  Cn'sconius.  Some,  however,  hold  that  the 
poem  in  question  is  the  "Johaimis"  of  Flavins  Cres- 
conius Corippus,  a  Latin  poet  of  about  .'J.'iO,  and  on  this 
ba.sis  identify  liiin  with  iiur  canonist,  thus  placing  the 
latter  in  thc'sixtli  century.  Others  (with  Maassi'-n,  p. 
810)  \\\n\v  admitting  that  the  poem  in  question  can  be 
none  other  than  the  "  Johannis"  of  the  aforesaid  Latin 


poet  (unknown  to  Fabricius,  and  first  edited  by  Maz- 
zuchelli,  Milan,  1820),  maintain  that  it  has  been 
wrongly  attributed  to  our  Cresconius,  and  that  it  can- 
not therefore  aid  in  fixing  his  date.  The  "Concordia 
canonum  "  was  much  used  as  a  handy  manual  of  eccle- 
siastical legislation  by  the  churches  of  Africa  and  Gaul 
as  late  as  the  tenth  century.  Few  of  its  manuscripts 
postdate  that  period. 

Ttie  best  account  of  Cresconius  and  his  work  is  in  Maassen, 
Gesch.  dcT  Qucllm  und  Lilt.  dcs.  can.  Rechls  in  Abendicinde,  etc. 
(Graz,  1S70).  806-13,  S46-47.  corrective  of  Fabricius,  BM. 
Lai.,  I.  400-01;  see  also  Venables  in  Diet,  of  Christ.  Biogr.,  I, 
712-13). 

John  Webster  Melody. 

Cressy,  Hugh  Paulinds  Serenus,  Doctor  of  The- 
ology and  English  Benedictine  monk,  b.  at  Thorpe- 
Salvin,  Yorkshire,  about  1605;  d.  at  East  Grinstead, 
Sussex,  10  August,  1674.  He  was  the  son  of  Hugh 
Cressy  by  Margery,  daughter  of  Thomas  d'Oylie,  a 
London  physician  belonging  to  the  old  Oxford  family 
of  that  name.  Educated  first  at  Wakefield  Grammar 
School,  when  fourteen  years  old  he  went  to  Ox- 
ford (1619)  w-here  he  took  the  degree  of  B.A.  in  1623 
and  that  of  M.A.  in  1627.  He  was  elected  a  Fellow  of 
Merton  College  and  took  orders  in  the  Established 
Church.  Leaving  Oxford  he  became  chaplain,  first  to 
Tliomas,  Lord  \\'entworth,  an<i  afterwards  to  Lucius 
Cary,  Lord  Falkland,  with  whom  he  went  to  Ireland 
in  1638.  During  his  sojourn  in  Ireland  he  was  ap- 
pointed Dean  of  Leighlin,  but  returned  to  England  the 
following  year  (1639).  A  canonry  in  the  collegiate 
church  of  Windsor,  which  he  received  in  1642,  he  was 
never  able  to  enjoy,  owing  to  the  disturbed  state  of 
the  country;  the  following  year  (1643)  his  patron, 
Lord  Falkland,  was  killed  at  Newbury.  Cressy  then 
attached  himself  to  Charles  Berkeley,  afterwards  Lord 
Falmouth,  and  travelled  with  him  through  several 
Catholic  countries  of  Europe;  this  experience  re- 
sulted in  his  conversion  to  the  Catholic  Faith  at  Rome 
in  1646.  From  Rome  he  went  to  Paris  where  he  re- 
ceived further  instruction  from  Henry  Holden,  a  doc- 
tor of  the  Sorbonne.  He  then  wrote  his  "Exomolo- 
gesis"  (Paris,  1647),  a  work  in  which  he  published  tc 
the  world  the  motives  which  led  him  to  change  his 
religion. 

After  becoming  a  Catholic  Cressy's  first  inclinatior 
was  to  be  a  Carthusian  monk;  this  intention  was  set 
aside  and  he  joined  the  English  Congregation  of  thi 
Order  of  St.  Benedict  at  .St.  Gregory's,  Douai,  but  st 
poor  was  he  at  the  time  that  Queen  Henrietta  Maris 
provided  him  with  money  for  his  journey;  he  was  pro 
fessed  at  St.  Gregory's,  22  August,  1649.     From  165 
to  1652  he  acted  as  chaplain  to  the  Benedictine  nun 
in  Paris,  returned  to  Douai  (165.3-60),  and  was  thei 
sent  to  the  mission  in  England,  residing  at  Somerse 
House  as  one  of  the  cha])lains  to  Charles  the  Second' 
queen.     In  the  English  Benedictine  Congregation  h 
held  the  office  of  definitor  of  the  iirovince  in  1666  ani 
was  appointed  the  titular  cathedral  prior  of  Rocheste 
in  1669.     His  last  years  were  spent  with  the  Cary   ' 
family  at  East  Grinstead,  Sussex,  where  he  died  in  h 
sixty-eighth  year.     The  moderate  party  in  the  ( 'In  ire 
of  England  respected  him  as  a  prudent  and  leaiiic 
man,  and  when  Dr.  Stillingfleet  charged  him  wit 
credulity  and  want  of  historical  judgment,  his  defenc 
was  taken  up  by  Anthony  Wood  who  commemlcil  hir 
for  "his  grave  and  good  style,  proper  for  an  ecclrsi.i, 
tical  historian"  and  spoke  of  him  as  one  who  "dot 
mostly  (piote  his  author  and  leaves  what  he  says  to  tl 
judgment  of  his  readers".     Cre.ssy's  "Church  lli-iloi 
of  Brittany  or  England,  from  the  Beginning  of  (lui 
tianity    to    the    Norman    Conquest"    (Rouen,     liii,. 
brings  the  narrative  ilown  to  about  the  middli-  cf  il 
fourteenth    century.     A   second    part,     "i''roni     11 
('on(|uest  Downwards",  was  discovered  at   Duiiii 
1S5(),  but  is  yet  in  MS.  (Gillow).     His  other  wnr 
are:  Appcndi.Y    to    "Exomologesis"    (Paris.    1647 


CRESWELL 


4S7 


CRETIN 


"  Arbor  virtutum,  a  MS.  preserved  at  Ugbrooke,  Devon- 
shirp";  "The  Scale  (or  Ladder)  of  Perfection"  by 
A\':illiT  Hilton,  ed.  Cressy  (LoiKlon,  l().5i));  "Sancta 
Sii|iliia"  Ijy  Von.  Fr.  Aui;.  Maker,  ed.  Cressy  (iJoiiai, 
l(i.")7);  "('ertain  PatteriiM  of  Devout  Exercises" 
(I)(i\iai,  1657);  "  Roman  Catholic  Doctrines  no  Novel- 
tics"  01)3.3);  "A  Non  Est  Inventus"  (London,  1662); 
"A  Letter  to  an  English  Gcntlein.an  concerning 
Bishop  Morley"  (London,  1662);  "Sixteen  Revela- 
tions of  Divine  Love",  from  an  ancient  copy  (1670); 
"Fanaticism  Fanaticallv  Imputed  to  the  Catholic 
Church  by  Dr.  Stillingflect"  ( l(i72);  "First  Question: 
\\  liy  Are  You  a  Catholic?"  etc.  (  London,  1672);  "An 
.Answer  to  Part  of  Dr.  StiUingtieet's  Book  intitul'd 
Idolatry  practised  in  the  Church  of  Rome"  (1674); 
"An  Epistle  Apologetical  of  S.  C.  to  a  Person  of 
Honour"  (1674) ;  "  An  Abridgment  of  the  Book  called 
The  Cloud  of  LTnknowing'  by  Maurice  Chauncey" 
(MS.). 

Wood,  Athenas  Oxon.,  ed.  Bliss  rT.m.lon,   l><.xrCi   TTT,  1011; 

5NOW.  Necrology  of  the  Etialixli    /'  '  >  i  !.n,   1SS3), 

56;     Allanson,  Biographies  oj    I      ■  /.  MS.  at 

\mpIeforth  Abbey,  York);  Doi-i  ,  '  '  ,  ,  .'/,  ,  l;ni.ssels, 
1738),  VII,  307;  Weldon,  Chr^iwl,:,,,,.,!  A./,,  .,  /,,,,/.  Cang. 
0.  .S.  B.  (Stanbrook  Abbey,  Worcesler,  ISSIJ,  JW,  :iypeu.  d.  10; 
3lLLOW,  Bibt.  Diet.  Eng.  Cath.,  s.  v. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Oreswell,  Joseph  (wre  Arthur),  controvensialist, 
b.  1.5.57  of  Yorkshire  stock  in  London;  d.  about  1623. 
His  widowed  mother  married  William  Lacey,  who, 
after  her  death,  was  ordained  priest  and  martyred 
(22  .\ugust,  1582)  at  Y'ork.  Creswell  joined  the 
Society  of  Jesus  in  Rome  11  Oct.,  1583,  having 
previously  studied  at  Reims  and  at  the  Roman  Col- 
lege. Having  been  rector  (1589-1592)  after  Father 
Persons  of  the  English  College,  Rome,  he  also  suc- 
ceeded Persons  as  vice-prefect  for  English  Jesuit 
interests  in  Spain.  Creswell's  character  and  conduct 
in  connexion  with  his  difficulties  over  the  seminaries 
of  Seville  and  Valladolid,  and  his  controversy  about 
Bem'dictine  vocations  have  been  severely  criticized 
(ef.  Camm,  Life  of  Ven.  John  Roberts,  and  Pollen, 
Tlie  Month,  London,  Sept.-Oct.,  1899).  Father  Cres- 
well had  considerable  intercourse  with  Sir  Charles 
Cornwallis,  the  English  resident  at  Madrid,  till  the 
Powder  Plot,  when  Creswell  was  smnmoned  to  Rome. 
Sent  to  Belgium  in  1614,  he  was  at  St-Omer  in  1620, 
and  in  1621  was  made  rector  of  Ghent.  His  chief 
works  are:  A  Latin  treatise,  "De  Vita  Beata";  "Ex- 
em|)lar  Literarum  ad  Cecilium  (sive  Burleigh)",  1592, 
under  the  pseudonym  "John  Perne",  against  Eliza- 
bet  li's  proclamation  of  29  Nov.,  1591;  "Vida  y 
Martyrio  del  P.  Henrique  Valpolo,"  (Madrid,  1596); 
treatise  against  James  First's  (1610)  proclamation 
(4ti),  St-Oraer,  1611);  "Meditations  upon  the 
Rosary"  (St-Omer,  1620);  translation  into  Spanish, 
un.lir  the  name  "  Peter  Manrique",  of  Father  William 
Baihc's  "Prei)aration  for  administering  Penance  and 
the  I'jicharist"  (Milan,  1614);  translation  into  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish,  under  initials  N.  T.  of  Salvian's 
"(>uis  dives  salvus?"  (St-Omer,  1618);  "Relacion 
de  Inglaterra",  Ms  X,  14,  National  Library,  Madrid; 
memoir  for  Philip  III  of  Spain  on  affairs  of  the  So- 
ciety; "Responsio  ad  calumni.as,"  Stonyhurst  Li- 
brary; Letters,  Vatican  Archives  (Lettore  di  parti- 
colai-i,  I,  1). 

Foley,  Rrcorrln.  VI  and  VII;  Olivf.h.  CoUrclanea  S.  J.;  Douay 
Diarieft,  p.  xrlx;   Butler,  Memoirs,  II,  224;   Sommkrvogkl, 
Bitliolhtque,  II,  1G56.     Cooper  in  Diet.  Nal.  Biog.,  XIII,  73. 
P.\TRicK  Ryan. 

Crete.     See  Candia. 

j  Cretin,  Joseph,  first  Bishop  of  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
[aota,  U.  S.  A.,  b.,  at  Montluel,  department  of  Ain, 
France,  19  December,  1799;  d.  at  St.  Paul,  Minne- 
sota. 22  February,  1857.  He  maile  his  preparatory 
Stu<Jies  in  the  petits  seminaires  of  Meximieux  f.\in) 
and  L'.\rgentiere  (Rhone),  his  studies  of  philo.sophy 
at  Alix  (Rhone),  and  of  theology  in  the  Seminary  of 


Saint-Sulpice,  Paris.  He  was  ordained  priest  20 
December,  1823,  and  soon  aiterwards  was  appointed 
vicar  in  the  parish  of  I'^erney,  once  the  home  of  Vol- 
taire, and  eventually  became;  its  parish  priest.  He 
built  there  a  new  and  beautiful  church  with  funds 
largely  gathered  by  himself  on  a  tour  through 
France,  founded  a  college  for  boys,  and  revivetl  the 
Catholic  Faith  among  his  parishioners,  many  of 
whom  had  Ijeeome  indifferent  towards  it,  owing  to 
the  surviving  influence  of  "the  philosopher"  and  the 
close  proximity  of  the  Protestant  cantons  of  Switzer- 
land. But  Cretin  longed  for  a  larger  field  of  ac- 
tivity; at  one  tune  he  thought  earnestly  of  going  as 
a  missionary  to  China.  His  perplexities  in  that  re- 
gard were  solved  by  the  advent  of  Bishop  Loras, 
first  Bishop  of  Dubuque,  Iowa,  who  arrived  in 
France  in  1838  in  quest  of  priests  for  his  Western 
diocese.  Cretin  was  one  of  the  few  who  volunteered, 
and  on  16  August,  1838,  he  secretly  left  his  parish, 
embarked  at  Le  Havre  with  Bishop  Loras,  and 
landed  in  New  Y'ork  in  October  of  the  same  year. 
The  winter  of  18.38-.39  was  spent  in  St.  Louis,  Mis- 
souri, and  on  his  arrival  at  Dubuque,  18  April,  1839, 
he  was  at  once  appointed  vicar-general  of  the  new 
diocese.  For  over  eleven  years  he  exercised  his 
priestly  ministry  in  these  new  and  unopened  regions, 
dividing  his  time  chiefly  between  Dubuque,  Iowa, 
Prairie  du  Chien,  Wisconsin,  and  the  Winnebago 
Indians  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Atkinson, 
Winneshiek  Co.,  Iowa.  Only  once,  in  1847,  did  he 
absent  himself,  when  he  made  a  journey  to  Europe 
in  the  interest  of  his  missions.  In  1850,  St.  Paul, 
Minnesota,  became  the  seat  of  a  new  diocese.  Cretin 
was  appointed  its  first  bishop,  and  went  to  France, 
to  be  consecrated,  26  January,  1851,  at  Belley  by 
Bishop  Dovie,  who  had  ordained  him  to  the  priest- 
hood. 

After  having  obtained  some  donations  and  several 
ecclesiastics  for  his  new  diocese,  he  returned  to  America 
and  arrived  in  St.  Paul  2  July,  1851.  The  same  evening 
he  made  his  first  appearance  in  the  log  chapel  of  St. 
Paul,  his  first  cathedral,  and  gave  the  first  episcopal 
blessing  to  his  flock.  Within  less  than  five  months 
a  large  brick  building  was  completed,  which  served 
as  a  school,  a  residence,  a:id  a  second  cathedral. 
Another  structure,  begun  in  1855,  was  finished  after 
his  death,  and  serves  as  the  cathedral  of  .St.  Paul. 
In  1853  a  hospital  was  built;  during  the  same  year, 
and  again  in  1856,  he  bought  land  for  cemetery  pur- 
poses. For  the  instruction  of  the  children  he  intro- 
duced, in  1851,  a  community  of  the  Sisters  of  St. 
Josejih,  and  in  18.55  the  Brothers  of  the  Holy  Family. 
He  also  planned  the  erection  of  a  seminary,  and 
always  eagerly  fostered  vocations  for  the  priest- 
hood, keeping  at  his  residence  seminarians  in  their 
last  period  of  preparation.  He  supported  likewise 
the  cause  of  temperance  not  only  by  jiersonal  ex- 
ample, but  also  by  organizing  in  January,  1852,  the 
Catholic  Temperance  .Society  of  St.  Paul,  the  first  of 
its  kind  in  Minnesota.  Another  work  to  which  he 
applied  himself  was  that  of  Catholic  colonization. 
With  an  eye  to  the  future  he  endea\oured  to  pro- 
vide for  the  growth  of  his  dioecse  by  bringing  Catholic 
immigrants  from  Eurojiean  countries  to  the  fertile 
plains  of  Minnesota.  Withal  he  did  not  neglect  his 
ministerial  and  p.astoral  office.  He  was  often  alone 
in  St.  Paul  without  the  help  of  a  priest,  and  at  times 
travelled  through  the  vast  extent  of  his  diocese  be- 
stowing on  his  people  the  consolations  of  religion. 
Bishop  Cretin's  memory  is  held  in  esteem  and  ven- 
eration, especially  by  the  old  .settlers  of  St.  Paul. 

Most  of  the  material  for  Bi-shop  Crf'-tin's  life  is  still  unpub- 
lished. The  above  details  are  from  letters  wTiften  by  him  and 
otiier  documents  in  possession  of  the  St.  Paul  Catholic  Histo- 
rical Society.  A  few  documents  and  references  on  the  subject 
are  found  in  Ada  el  Dicta  (St.  Paul,  1907),  I.  No.  1;  The  Dio- 
cese of  SI.  Paul  (St.  Paul.  1900;  Ravoux,  Mhnnires  (St.  Paul, 
1S92);  De  Cailly,  Memoirs  of  Bishop  Loras  (New  York,  1897): 
O'GoHMAN,  History  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  the  United 


CRETINEAU 


488 


CRIB 


States  (New  York,  1895);  Thebaud,  Forty  Years  in  the  I.  S. 
(New  York,  1904),  274-75;  Reuss,  Biog.  Cyclo.  of  the  Calh. 
Hierarchu  of  the  U.  S.  (MUwaukee,  1898);  Shea,  HUt.  of  the 
Cath.  Ch.  in  the  U.  S.  (New  York.  1904). 

Francis  J.  Schaefer. 

Cretineau-Joly,  Jacques,  journalist  and  historian; 
b.  at  Fontenay-Ie-Comte,  Vendue,  France,  2.3  Sept., 
180.3;  d.  at  Vincennes  near  Pari.s,  I  Jan.,  1875.  At 
first  he  studied  theology  at  the  seminary  of  Saint-Sul- 
pice,  Paris,  but,  feeling  that  he  had  no  vocation,  he 
left  after  a  stay  of  three  years,  during  which  he  had 
received  the  tonsure.  He  was  now  in  his  twentieth 
year;  he  quickly  obtained  the  professorship  of  philos- 
ophy at  the  college  in  his  native  town,  but  soon  re- 
signed the  position  on  account  of  ill-health,  and  went 
in  1823  to  Rome,  as  companion  and  private  secretary 
to  the  French  ambassador,  the  Duke  of  Laval-Mont- 
morency. 

In  1826  he  published  at  Rome  "Chants  remains", 
which  contained  poor  verses  of  an  irreligious  character. 
After  his  return  home  in  1828  he  issued  a  nimiber  of 
volumes  of  poems  and  dramas,  as  "Les  Trappistes" 
(Angouleme,  1828),  "Inspirations  po^tiques"  (An- 
gouleme,  1833),  and  other  poems,  all  of  which  proved, 
however,  that  he  was  no  poet.  He_  accomplished 
much  more  as  a  polemical  journalist  in  the  struggle 
against  the  liberalism,  which,  after  the  revolution  of 
July,  directed  the  State  during  the  reign  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  as  Louis-Philippe,  Being  a  Vendean  he 
was  an  enthusiastic  adherent  of  the  hereditary  royal 
house,  and  with  fiery  zeal  defended  its  rights  in 
several  Legitimist  newspapers  of  which  he  was  editor. 
In  1837  he  went  to  reside  in  Paris  in  order  to  devote 
himself  to  historical  research  concerning  the  history  of 
Vendfe,  but  in  1839  he  added  for  a  time  to  these 
labours  the  editing  of  "L'Europe  monarchique",  a 
newspaper  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  Bourbons. 
Before  this  he  had  published  two  writings  on  Vendfe: 
"Episodes  des  guerres  de  la  Vendee  (1834)  and  "His- 
toire  des  g^n^raux  et  chefs  vendeens"  (1838).  He 
now  combined  the  two,  made  use  of  a  large  number  of 
sources  until  then  unknown,  and  issued  his  most  im- 
portant work:  "  Histoire  de  la  Yendte  militaire" 
(Paris,  1840-41),  4  vols. ;  the  fifth  edition  appeared  in 
1865.  Although  he  did  not  lay  sufficient  weight  on 
the  religious  side  of  these  struggles,  the  work  brought 
him  reputation  on  account  of  the  animated  descrip- 
tions, the  clear  arrangement  of  the  great  mass  of  mate- 
rial, the  correctness  and  painstaking  care  in  the  use  of 
authorities.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  he  was  by 
no  means  scrupulous  how  he  obtained  his  materials, 
and  in  the  pro.secution  of  the  narrative  he  was  con- 
stantly influenced  by  practical  considerations,  for  his- 
tory had  no  value  to  him  except  as  a  storehouse  of 
weapons  against  the  foe  of  the  moment. 

His  reputation  outside  of  France  was  gained  largely 
by  his  religious-political  writings.  The  most  impor- 
tant of  these  is  his  great  history  of  the  Society  of  Jesus: 
"Histoire  religieuse,  politique  et  litt^raire  de  la  Com- 
pagnie  de  Jdsus"  issued  at  Paris,  1844-1846,  in  6  vols.; 
German  translation,  1845,  3d  ed.,  1851.  The  work 
was  written  imder  the  auspices  of  the  Society  and  was 
drawn  from  authentic  and  unpublished  sources;  it  is 
an  excellent  apology  for  the  much  abused  Society,  al- 
though at  times  it  shows  a  lack  of  critical  judgment 
and  of  moderation  in  treating  the  subject.  A  com- 
panion volume  was  his  much  discussed  work:  "Cl^ 
ment  XIV  et  les  Jfeuites"  (Paris,  1847,  3d  ed.,  1848). 
To  this  Theiner  wrote  a  rejoinder  on  behalf  of  Pope 
Pius  IX,  and  Ravignon  one  on  behalf  of  the  Society, 
whereupon  Cr<Stineau-Joly,  after  making  careful  re- 
Eearch  and  in  agreement  with  the  pope,  published 
"L'^glise  romaine  en  face  de  la  Revolution"  (1859,  2 
vols.;  2d  ed.,  1803),  a  work  which  testifies  to  his  un- 
wavering fidelity  to  the  Catholic  Church.  His  other 
writings  generally  treat  some  bm-ning  question  of  the 
day  and  possess,  therefore,  less  general  mterest. 


Matnard,  Jacques  Cretineau-Joly,  sa  vie  politique,  reliffieuae 
et  litleraire  (Paris,  1875). 

Patricius  Schlager. 

Crevecoeur,  Hector  St.  John  de,  a  French  agri- 
culturist, b.  at  Caen,  France,  1731 ;  d.  at  Sarcelles,  near 
Paris,  1813.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  went  to  Eng- 
land, whence  in  1754  he  emigrated  to  America, 
and  for  many  years  resided  on  a  farm.  In  1780  he 
was  obliged  to  return  to  France  to  settle  some  of 
his  affairs,  and  when  he  went  to  New  York  to  take 
passage  he  was  arrested  by  the  English  on  suspicion 
of  being  a  spy.  After  being  in  confinement  for  several 
months  he  was  released  and  permitted  to  proceed  on 
his  journey  unmolested.  During  his  stay  in  his 
native  land  he  succeeded  in  interesting  the  farmers 
of  Normandy  in  the  cultivation  of  the  potato,  and 
its  culture  was  taken  up  by  them.  After  a  stay  of 
about  three  years  he  once  more  came  to  America. 
It  was  largely  due  to  his  description  of  the  wonderful 
productiveness  of  the  land  that  several  hundred  of 
liis  countrymen  emigrated  to  America.  They  es- 
tablisheil  a  colony  in  Pennsylvania,  which  for  a  time 
flourished.  It  was  at  last  destroyed  by  the  savages 
and  its  inhabitants  massacred.  The  American 
Revolution  having  come  to  a  close,  Crevecoeur  was 
appointed  consul  at  New  York  by  the  French  Govern- 
ment, in  which  capacity  he  served  for  a  long  term. 
It  was  while  occupying  this  post  that  he  assisted  in 
the  founding  of  St.  Peter's,  the  first  Catholic  church 
in  the  city,  and  served  as  one  of  its  first  trustees. 
He  is  the  author  of  the  following  works:  "Lettres 
d'un  cultivateur  americain"  (1784);  "Voyage  dans 
la  haute  Pennsylvanie  et  dans  I'etat  de  New  York" 
(1801).  These  works  have  been  translated  into 
English  and  German,  and  are  admired  for  the  beauty 
of  their  style.  They  were  very  popular  throughout 
France. 

De  Courcy  and  Shea.  Hist,  of  Cath.  Ch.  in  U.  S.  (New 
York,  1856);  Fixom,  Bib.  Calh.  Am.  (New  Y'ork,  1872); 
Cyclop.  Am.  Biog.,  II,  8. 

Thomas  Gaepney  Taatfe. 

Crib  (Heb.  DIIX;  Gr.,  4>6.tvti;  Lat.  prcesepe, 
■prcesepium),  the  crib  or  manger  in  which  the  infant 
Saviour  was  laid  after  his  birth  is  properly  that  place 
in  the  stable  or  khan  where  food  for  domestic  animals 
is  put,  formed  probably  of  the  same  material  out  of 
which  the  grotto  itself  is  hewn.  A  very  ancient  tradi- 
tion avers  that  an  ass  and  an  ox  were  in  the  stable 
when  Christ  was  born.  The  tradition  bears  an  allu- 
sion to  Isaias  (i,  3):  "The  ox  knoweth  his  ownier  and 
the  ass  his  master's  crib";  and  is  probably  founded  on 
the  words  of  the  Prophet  Habacuc  (iii,  2)  which  in  the 
Septuagint  version  read:  "  In  the  midst  of  two  animals 
thou  shalt  be  known",  instead  of  "In  the  midst  of 
years"  etc.  as  St.  Jerome  rightly  translated  the  orig- 
inal Hebrew.  Be  this  as  it  may,  what  pertains  to  the 
crib  we  may  consitier  in  the  present  article  luuler  three 
separate  headings:  (I)  The  Basilica  of  the  Xati\'ity  anc 
the  Grotto  of  the  Nativity  at  Bethlehem;  (II)  The 
relies  of  the  crib  preserved  at  St.  Mary  Major's  it 
Rome;  (III)  Devotion  to  the  crib. 

I.  Bethlehem  is  situated  on  two  hills  and  is  236] 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  The  western  hill  is  th( 
Bethlehem  of  Scripture;  whilst  on  the  eastern  eleva; 
tion  is  situated  the  Basilica  of  the  Nativity  erectw 
over  the  grotto.  We  may  imagine,  then,  that  thi 
Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Joseph,  there  being  "no  roon 
for  them  in  the  inn",  left  the  town  and  came  to  thi 
cave  or  stable  on  the  eastern  hill  which  served  as 
place  of  refuge  for  shepherds  and  their  flocks  agains 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  We  are  not  conceniei 
here  with  the  controversies  both  as  regards  the  his 
toricity  of  St.  Luke's  narrative  of  the  birth  of  Chris 
and  as  reganls  the  actual  site  of  the  Grotto  of  the  Na 
tivity.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  there  appears  to  be  n 
sufficient  reason  for  abandoning  the  verj'  ancient  an 
unbroken  tradition  which  attests  the  authenticity  ( 


CRIME 


489 


CRIME 


th>  ]i1,icoof  the  crib  now  venerated.  From  the  earliest 
tiini  s,  moreover,  ecclesiastical  writers  bear  witness  to 
this  tradition.  Thus  St.  J\istin,  who  died  a  martyr  in 
165,  says  that  "  Having  failed  to  find  any  lodging  in  the 
town,  Joseph  sought  shelter  in  a  neighbouring  cavern 
of  Bethlehem''  (Dial.  c.  Tryph.,  70).  About  half  a 
centurj-  later.  Origen  writes:  "If  any  one  desires  to 
satisfy  himself  without  appealing  either  to  the  proph- 
ecy of  Micheas,  or  to  the  historj'  of  the  Christ  as  writ- 
ten by  his  diciples,  that  Jesus  was  born  in  Bethlehem, 
let  him  know  that,  in  accordance  with  the  Gospel  nar- 
rative, at  Bethlehem  is  shown  the  grotto  where  he  first 
saw  the  light"   (C.  Cels.  I,  51). 

St.  Helena  first  converted  the  grotto  into  a  chapel 
and  adorned  it  with  costly  marble  and  other  precious 
ornaments.  The  first  basilica  erected  over  the  crj-pt 
is  due  most  probably  to  the  devotion  and  munificence 
of  her  son  Constantine,  of  whom  Eusebius  says  that 
The  emperor  himself,  eclipsing  even  the  m.agnifi- 
cence  of  his  mother's  design,  adorned  the  same  place 
in  a  truly  regal  style"  (Vita  Const.,  Ill,  43).  Both 
the  grotto  itself  and  the  basilica  h.ave  undergone  nu- 
merous restorations  and  modifications  made  neces.sary 
in  the  course  of  centuries  by  the  ravages  of  war  and  in- 
vasion; but,  at  the  present  time,  little  remains  of  the 
splendid  mosaics  and  paintings  described  in  detail  by 
Quaresimus  and  other  writers.  The  Crj-jit  of  the  N.a- 
tiviiy  is  reached  from  the  upper  church  by  a  double 
flight  of  stairs  leading  from  the  north  side  of  the  choir 
of  the  basilica  to  the  grotto  below,  and  converging  at 
the  place  where  according  to  tradition  the  Infant 
Saviour  was  born.  The  exact  spot  is  marked  by  a 
star  cut  out  of  stone,  surrounding  which  are  the 
words; 

HIC  DE  VIKGI.VE  MARIA  JESUS  CHRISTUS  N.^TUS  EST. 

A  short  distance  to  the  southwest  is  the  manger  itself 
where  Christ  was  laid  and  where,  as  tradition  asserts, 
he  was  adored  by  the  Magi.  In  1S73  the  grotto  was 
plundered  by  the  Greeks  and  ever^ilhing  of  value,  in- 
cluding two  paintings  by  Murillo  and  Maello  respec- 
tively, was  carried  off.  No  restitution  of  the  stolen 
treasures  has  since  been  made. 

II.  The  relics  of  the  crib  that  are  preserved  at  St. 
Mary  Major's  in  Rome  were  probably  brought  there 
from  the  Holy  Land  during  the  pontificate  of  Pope 
Theodore  ((i-40-649),  who  was  himself  a  native  of  Pales- 
tine, and  who  w.as  well  aware  of  the  dangers  of  plunder 
and  pillage  to  which  they  were  exposed  at  the  hands  of 
the  .Mussulmans  and  other  marauders.  We  find  at 
all  events  that  the  basilica  erected  by  Liberius  on  the 
E.squiline  first  received  the  name  of  Sancta  Maria  ad 
PrEPsepe  imder  Pope  Theodore.  During  the  pontifi- 
cate of  Hadrian  I  the  first  altar  was  erected  in  the  basil- 
ica, and  in  the  course  of  succeeding  centuries  the  place 
where  the  relics  are  preserved  came  to  be  visited  by 
the  devout  faithful  from  all  parts  of  the  Christian 
world.  At  the  present  time  the  remains  of  the  crib 
preser\'ed  at  St.  Mary  Major's  consist  of  five  pieces  of 
board  which,  as  a  result  of  the  investigation  conducted 
by  lather  Lais,  sulxlirector  of  the  Vatican  Observa- 
tory, during  the  restorations  of  1S93  were  found  to  he 
taken  from  .a  sycamore  tree  of  which  there  are  several 
varieties  in  the  Holy  Land.  Two  of  the  pieces,  which 
like  the  other  three,  must  have  been  originally  much 
longer  than  they  are  at  present,  stood  upright  in  the 
form  of  an  X,  upon  which  three  other  pieces  rested, 
supported  by  a  sixth  piece,  which,  however,  is  missing, 
placed  aero.ss  the  b.a,se  of  the  upper  angle  of  the  X.  \\c 
may  conclude  from  this  that  these  pieces  of  wood  were 
properly  speaking  mere  supports  for  the  manger  itself, 
which  was  probably  maile  from  the  soft  limestone  of 
which  the  cave  was  formed.  The  rich  relii|uary, 
adorned  with  b.as-reliefs  and  statuettes,  which  at  pres- 
ent contains  the  relics  of  the  crib  was  presented  by  the 
Duchess  of  Villa  Hermo.sa  in  18.30.  Pius  IV  (1.5.59-65) 
restored   the  high  altar  upon  which  the  relics  arc 


solemnly  expo.sed  for  the  veneration  of  the  faithful 
yearly  on  the  eve  of  Christmas. 

III.  Devotion  to  the  crib  is  no  doubt  of  very  ancient 
origin ;  but  it  remained  for  St.  Francis  of  Assisi  to  pop- 
ularize it  and  to  give  it  the  tangible  form  in  which  it  is 
known  at  the  present  time.  When  St.  Francis  visited 
Rome  in  1223,  he  made  known  to  Pope  Honorius  III 
the  plans  he  had  conceived  of  making  a  scenic  represen- 
tation of  the  place  of  the  Nativity.  The  pope  listenetl 
gladly  to  the  details  of  the  project  and  gave  it  his  sanc- 
tion. Leaving  Rome,  St.  Francis  arrived  at  Greccio 
on  Chri.stmas  Eve,  when,  through  the  aid  of  his  friend 
Giovanni  Velita,  he  constructed  a  crib  and  grouped 
around  it  figures  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St.  Joseph, 
the  ass,  the  ox,  and  the  shepherds  who  came  to  adore 
the  new-bom  Saviour.  He  acted  as  deacon  at  the 
midnight  Mass.  The  legend  relates  that  having  sung 
the  words  of  the  Gospel  "  and  they  laid  him  in  a  man- 
ger" he  knelt  down  to  meditate  briefly  on  the  sub- 
lime mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  and  there  appeared  in 
his  arms  a  child  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  light.  A 
painting  by  Giotto  representing  St.  Francis  celebrat- 
ing Christmas  at  Greccio  is  preserved  in  the  Basilica  of 
St.  Francis  at  .Assisi.  Devotion  to  the  crib  has  since 
spread  throughout  the  Christian  world.  Yearly,  from 
the  eve  of  Christmas  until  the  day  of  the  octave  of 
Epiphany,  a  crib  rejiresenting  the  birthplace  of  Christ 
is  shown  in  all  Catholic  cliurclies  in  or'^'er  to  remind  the 
faithful  of  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation  and  to  recall 
according  to  tradition  and  the  Gospel  narrative  the 
historical  events  connected  with  the  birth  of  the  Re- 
deemer. The  old  Franciscan  church  of  .\ra  Cocli  pos- 
sesses perhaps  one  of  the  largest  and  most  beautiful 
cribs  in  the  world.  In  this  crib  the  famous  Sotito 
Bambino  di  Ara  CtU  is  exposed  from  the  eve  of  Christ- 
mas to  the  feast  of  the  Epiphany.  The  Santo  Bam- 
bino is  a  figure  carved  out  of  wood  representing  the 
new-born  Saviour.  It  is  said  to  have  come  from  the 
Holy  Land,  and  in  the  course  of  time  it  has  been  be- 
decked with  numerous  jewels  of  great  value.  It  is 
carried  in  procession  yearly  on  the  feast  of  the  Epiph- 
any by  the  Minister  General  of  the  Friars  Minor  who 
solemnly  blesses  the  city  with  it  from  the  top  of  the 
high  flight  of  stairs  that  lead  to  the  main  entrance  of 
Ara  Cceli. 

Meistermann,  a  New  Gvidc  to  thn  Holy  Land,  tr.  (Txindon, 
1907),  221-234;  Chandlery.  Pilgrim  Walks  in  Rome  (New 
York  and  London,  1903),  107-108;  Lesetre  in  Did.  rlc  In  Bi- 
ble (Pari.s,  1899).  All,  s.  v.  Cri-clie;  Armlrrla  Juris  Ponlificii. 
January,  1895,  II,  74.  7.5;  Mislin,  Die  Hciligen  Orte  (Vienna, 
1S60)  11.  655  .Iq.;  BiANCHlNi.  De  Translalione  Sacrarum  Cun- 
abularum  ac  Prasepii  Domini. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Crime,  iMPEDniENT  of,  nullifies  marriage  according 
to  ecclesiastical  law,  and  arises  from  adultery  and 
homicide  scpiirately  or  together.  The  Roman  civil 
law  prohibited  the  "marriage  of  a  man  with  a  widow 
with  whom  he  had  committed  adultery  during  the  life- 
time of  her  husband.  There  is  serious  doulit  ( Decre- 
tum,Ciratiani,Pt.  II,  c.xxxi,q.4  1)  whethertheChurch 
ever  acce[>ted  this  law.  Ecclesiastical  law  since  the 
twelfth  century  certainly  suppo.ses  other  circum- 
stances in  such  adultery  in  order  that  it  may  effect  a 
nullification  of  the  marriage. 

According  to  the  actual  law  (DecrctaL  Greg.  IX, 
Lib.  4  X  tit.  7:  Dc  eo  qui  duxit.  Cap.  i,  Propositum 
— Cap.vi,  Significasti)  there  are  two  cases  in  which 
an  adulterer  may  not  marrj-  one  with  whom  the  crime 
was  committed;  (1)  When  the  adulterer  promises  to  the 
partner  in  guilt  marriage  after  the  death  of  thi'  other's 
legitimate  spouse;  (2)  When  the  two  attempted  mar- 
riage and  this  w.as  consummated  during  the  lifetime  of 
a  legitimate  spouse.  Hence  neither  adultery  alone 
without  promise  of  marriage  nor  the  promise  of  mar- 
riage without  adulterj'  forms  a  diriment,  or  nullifying, 
impediment.  The  promise  must  be  accepted,  and  if 
it  precede  the  adultery,  must  not  have  been  recalled 


CRIMONT 


490 


CRISPINA 


before  the  sin.  Silence  alone  is  not  sufficient  evidence 
of  the  acceptance  of  the  jiromise.  The  adultery  to 
which  the  promise  is  attached  must  be  formal  and 
known  by  both.  If  Titus  should  corrupt  a  woman 
who  believed  him  to  be  free,  he  could  marry  her  after 
his  wife's  death,  even  if  he  attempted  marriage  with 
her  during  his  wife's  life,  provided  she  were  unaware 
of  his  marriage. 

Affected  ignorance,  certainly,  and,  most  probably, 
crass  ignorance  does  not  excuse  from  the  sin  or  its 
penalties.  The  adultery  must  be  consummated,  but 
it  is  not  required  that  the  promise  united  to  the  sin 
should  be  absolute,  nor,  most  probably,  that  it  should 
be  sincere,  because  the  impediment  does  not  depend 
upon  the  value  of  the  promise,  which  is  essentially 
null,  and  because  a  fictitious  promise,  if  apparently 
true,  is  natiu-ally  inductive  to  the  sin;  and  this  the 
Church,  by  establishing  such  an  impediment,  strives 
to  prevent  as  far  as  possible.  In  regard  to  the  im- 
pediment, it  is  indifferent  whether  the  promise  precede 
or  follow  the  adultery,  if  both  occur  during  the  mar- 
riage. If  the  promise  were  made  diu-ing  the  life  of  a 
first  spouse,  and  the  adultery  were  committed  during 
the  life  of  a  second,  the  impediment  would  be  doubt- 
ful. It  is  well  to  note  that  a  promise  of  two  persons  to 
marry  after  the  death  of  a  legitimate  spouse  is  recog- 
nized" as  criminal  and  null,  even  if  confirmed  by  oath 
and  made  without  any  thought  of  adultery. 

One  murdering  a  spouse  to  marry  another  cannot 
contract  marriage  with  this  other  (1)  when  there  was 
co-operation  in  the  murder  for  the  purpose  of  this 
marriage,  (2)  when,  without  co-operation  in  the  mur- 
der, adultery  was  committed  by  them,  and  the  murder 
committed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  their  contracting 
marriage.  Thus,  if  the  homicide  is  apart  from  adul- 
tery, both  must  concur  in  this  murder.  If  the  adultery 
occurs  with  the  homicide,  it  suffices  that  one  of  the 
guilty  should  take  part  in  the  murder.  In  both  cases, 
one  at  least  must  intend  to  marry  the  other.  That  the 
aduliery  and  homicide,  apart  or  joined,  form  a  du-i- 
ment  impediment  certain  conditions  are  necessary: 
(1)  the  homicide  must  take  place;  an  attempt  to  kill 
or  the  infliction  of  a  wound  not  mortal  would  not 
entail  it ;  (2)  the  homicide  must  be  of  the  spouse  of  one 
of  those  who  wish  to  be  married ;  so,  when  the  homi- 
cide is  apart  from  the  adultery,  both  must  be  accom- 
plices by  a  physical  or  moral  action  which  influences 
the  murder,  either  by  a  command  or  previous  ap- 
proval. Approval  of  the  event  after  its  occurrence 
does  not  suffice,  as  also  if  the  former  command  or  ap- 
proval had  been  recalled.  The  intention  of  marriage 
need  not  have  been  mentioned,  where  there  was  co- 
operation in  the  homicide.  In  the  public  ecclesiasti- 
cal court  credence  is  not  given  to  the  murderer  of  a 
spouse,  who  may  deny  the  intention  of  marrying  one 
with  whom  adulterous  intercourse  was  held.  This 
impediment  holds  if  only  one  of  the  parties  is  a  Chris- 
tian. The  Church  claims  the  right  to  legislate  for  her 
children  in  their  relations  with  infidels.  The  impedi- 
ment is  incurred  even  if  not  knowTi.  The  Church  may 
dispense  from  it,  as  the  impediment  is  established  by 
her  authority.  In  the  case  of  public  homicide,  how- 
ever, whether  due  to  only  one  or  both  of  the  parties, 
the  pope  never  dispenses  (Laurentius,  no.  659). 

Crime,  from  a  canonical  stand[3oint,  at  times  carries 
with  it  its  own  legal  punishment,  at  others  it  awaits 
the  decision  of  a  court.  Thus  we  have  seen  its  effect 
in  cavLsing  an  impediment  to  marriage.  For  certain 
crimes  determined  by  ecclesiastical  law,  the  "right 
of  patronage"  may  be  lost  to  the  guilty  party  or,  in 
some  cases,  to  his'heirs;  cecU'siastical  benefices  may 
also  he  lost  to  the  holder  when  guilty  of  a  crime  deter- 
mined in  the  law.  llomieide,  fornication,  or  adul- 
tery, hciwcvcr,  would  not  necessarily  (lci)rive  a  cleric 
of  his  beiielicc,  dii^uity,  or  otiici',  tliough  he  maj;  be 
deposed  by  his  superior  in  punishment  of  these  or  simi- 
lar crimes"     Unless  the  law  is  e.\i)licit  in  determining 


such  privation  as  resulting  from  the  fact,  a  legal  in- 
vestigation is  required  for  the  punishment.  (See 
I.MPEDLMENTs;  Adultery;  Homicide;  Murder.) 

Benedict  XIV,  Bullarium.  I.  9.  cxiii  (Prato,  1S39-46); 
Cr-Usson,  Manuale  Jur.  Can.  (8th  ed.,  Poitiers,  1892),  III,  II, 
art.  xiv;  Wagner,  Diet,  de  droit  canon.  (Paris,  1901),  s.  v.; 
Feije,  De  imped,  et  disp,  matr.  (4th  ed.,  Louvain,  1893); 
Ros-sET,  De  Sacramento  matrimonii  (St.  Jean  de  Maurienne, 
1S95),  III;  Heiner,  Grundriss  des  katholisehen  Eherechta 
(Mvinster,  1905),  l.^l  sqq. — For  the  history  of  this  impediment 
see  Freisen,  Geschichte  de.s  kanonischen  Eherechts  bis  zum 
Verfall  der  Glosscnlileratur  (Tubingen.  1888),  615  sqq.;  Esmein, 
Le  mnriage  en  droit  canonique  (Paris,  1891).  I,  384  sqq.  and 
passim. 

R.    L.   BURTSELL. 

Crimont,  Joseph  R.     See  Alaska. 

Crisium,  Diocese  op  (Grsco-Slavonic  Rite),  in 
Croatia. — Crisium  is  the  Latin  name  of  a  little  town 
some  miles  north-east  of  Agram  (Zagreb),  on  the 
Glagovnitza.  Its  Croatian  name  is  Krizevac  (pro- 
nounced KrizheraU);  Slavic,  Kriz;  Hungarian,  Ko- 
ros;  German,  Kreuz.  It  has  4,000  inhabitants;  trade 
of  cattle,  wood,  and  wine. 

About  the  year  IGOO  numerous  Serbs  emigrated 
from  Servia  and  Bosnia  to  Croatia,  where  they  found 
coreligionists,  known  to  historians  since  the  four- 
teenth century  as  Wallacbians.  The  emigrants  soon 
took  the  same  name.  Some  of  them  were  converted 
to  Catholicism  through  the  elTorts  of  Dimitrovich, 
Latin  Bishop  of  Agram,  who  granted  their  leader,  the  ' 
monk  .Simeon  ^'ratania,  the  monasterj'  of  St.  Michael 
on  Mount  Marzha,  near  Ivanitz.  In  1611  Simeon  was 
appointed  bishop  of  all  the  Catholic  Serbs;  he  re- 
mained a  staunch  friend  of  Rome,  as  did  his  successors 
and  their  flock,  in  spite  of  defections  caused  by  the 
schismatic  Ser\-ian  propaganda  and  conflicts  with  the 
Bishops  of  Agram.  They  bore  the  title  "  Episcopus 
Platiecensis ' '  from  Plata>a  in  Boeot  ia,  while  the  govern- 
ment called  their  see  "Episcopatus  Svidnicensis ",  a 
name  that  has  not  yet  been  e.xplained  satisfactorily. 
In  1671  Bishop  Paul  Zorcic  accepted  for  himself  and 
his  successors  the  position  of  vicar-general  of  the 
Bishop  of  Agram  for  the  Catholics  of  the  Slavonic  Rite. 
It  was  not  until  16  June,  1777,  that  Pius  VI  re-estab- 
lished the  Uniat  diocese  with  the  title  "Episcopatus 
Crisiensis".  Since  then  its  bishops  have  resided  at 
Krizevac;  as  stated  above,  they  first  resided  at  Moimt 
Marzha,  but  after  1690  had  no  settled  abode,  on  ac- 
count of  the  persecutions  caused  by  the  schismatic 
Serbs. 

The  list  of  the  bishops  is  given  by  Nilles  in  his 
"Symbols? ",  p.  Ixxxiii  (index),  765-69.  The  Grjcco- 
Slavonic  Uniat  Diocese  of  Krizevac,  suffragan  of  the 
Latin  Archbishop  of  Agram,  includes  to-day  20,700 
Catholics,  in  2.3  Ser\-ian  and  Ruthenian  parishes  sit 
uated  in  Croatia,  Slavonia,  Dalmatia,  and  the  county 
of  Bacs-Bodrog  in  Hungarj-.  The  languages  spoken 
are  Croatian,  Ruthenian,  and  Hungarian;  the  liturgi- 
cal language  is  of  course  Slavonic.  There  are  2? 
secular  priests,  30  churches,  22  with  a  resident  priest 
and  2  chapels.  The  schismatics  number  225,000 
there  are  also  in  this  territory  17,000  Calvinists,  'i'l 
Lutherans,  and  7,000  Jews. 

Nilles,  Symbol(F  ad  ilhistrandam  kistoriam  ecclesics  orienfali 
(Innsbruck,    1885),    703-775;     LAP.\9irH,  Karlovac.    Poriest 
vtjrslopis  grada  i  okolice  (Agram,  1879);    Missiones  Catholicc 
(Rome.  1907).  796. 

S.  Vailhe 

Crispina,  Saint,  a  martyr  of  .\frica  who  suffere( 
during  tlie  Diocletian  pensecution;  b.  at  Thagara  i 
the  Province  of  Africa;  d.  by  beheading  at  Thebest 
in  Numidia,  5  December,  301.  Crispina  belonged  t 
.1  distinguished  family  and  was  a  wealthy  matron  wit 
children  At  tlu'  time  of  the  persecution  .she  w:i 
brought  before  the  procon.sul  .Vnulinus;  on  luiii 
ordered  to  sacrifice  to  the  gods  she  declared  she  lioi 
cured  only  one  God.  Her  head  was  .shaved  at  tl 
command  of  the  judge,  and  .she  was  exposed  to  jmM 
mockerj',  but  she  remained  steadfast  in  the  Faith  an 


CRISPIN 


491 


CRITICISM 


was  not  moved  even  by  the  tears  of  her  children. 
W  hell   condemned   to  death,  she  thanked   God  and 

I'rd  her  hr:id  with  joy  for  execution.     The  Acts  of 

1.'  i  iiiartyrdiini,  written  not  long  after  the  event,  form 
■I  \alual)le  historical  document  of  the  period  of  the 
pi TMCution.  The  day  of  8t.  Crispina's  death  was 
iiliv,  rved  in  the  time  of  St.  Augu.stine;  in  his  sermons 
Augustine  repeatedly  mentions  her  name,  as  well 
kiinwn  in  Africa  and  worthy  to  be  held  in  the  same 
V(  Titration  as  the  names  of  .St.  Agnes  and  St.  Thecla. 
I'    i'lart  in  his  collection  of  the  Acts  of  the  martyrs 

the  account  of  her  examination. 
1  i-ER.  Ln'fs  oj  the  Saints,  5  Dec;   Pio  FRANCHr  de'  Cava- 

in  fitudi  e  Tesli  (Rome,  1902),  IX.  gives  a  new  edition  of 
tlie  A.ts;  BoissiER,  Melanges  (Paris,  1903),  383  sq.;  Allahd, 
fiistoire  des  Persecutions,  IV,  443  sq. 

Gabriel  Meier. 

Crispin  and  Crispinian,  Saints,  martyrs  of  the 
Early  Church  who  were  beheaded  during  the  reign  of 
Diocletian:  the  date  of  their  execution  is  given  as  25 
October,  28.5  or  2S6.  It  is  stated  that  they  were 
brothers,  but  the  fact  has  not  been  positively  proved. 
The  legend  relates  that  they  were  Romans  of  distin- 
guished descent  who  went  as  missionaries  of  the  Chris- 
tian Faith  to  Gaul  and  chose  Soissons  as  their  field  of 
labour.  In  imitation  of  St.  Paul  they  worked  with 
their  hands,  making  shoes,  and  earned  enough  by 
their  trade  to  support  themselves  and  also  to  aid  the 
poor.  During  the  Diocletian  persecution  they  were 
brought  before  Maxiraianus  Herculius  whom  Diocle- 
tian had  appointed  co-emperor.  At  first  Maximianus 
sought  to  turn  them  from  their  faith  by  alternate 
promises  and  threats.  But  they  replied:  "Thy 
threats  do  not  terrify  us,  for  Christ  is  our  life,  and 
death  is  our  gain.  Thy  rank  and  possessions  are 
nought  to  us,  for  we  have  long  before  this  sacrificed 
the  like  for  the  sake  of  Christ  and  rejoice  in  what  we 
have  done.  If  thou  shouldst  acknowledge  and  love 
Christ  thou  wouldst  give  not  only  all  the  treasures  of 
this  life,  but  even  the  glory  of  thy  crown  itself  in 
order  through  the  exercise  of  compassion  to  win 
eternal  life."  When  Maximianus  saw  that  his  ef- 
forts were  of  no  avail,  he  gave  Crispin  and  Crispinian 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor  Rictiovarus  (Hictius 
Varus),  a  most  cruel  persecutor  of  the  Christians. 
Under  the  order  of  Rictiovarus  they  were  stretched 
on  the  rack,  thongs  were  cut  from  their  flesh,  and  awls 
were  driven  under  their  finger-nails.  A  millstone  was 
then  fastened  about  the  neck  of  each,  antl  they  were 
thrown  into  the  Aisne,  but  they  were  able  to  swim  to 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  In  the  same  manner 
they  suffered  no  harm  from  a  great  fire  in  which  Ric- 
tiovarus, in  despair,  sought  death  himself.  After- 
wards the  two  saints  were  beheaded  at  the  command 
of  Maximianus. 

This  is  the  story  of  the  legend  which  the  Bollandists 
have  incorporated  in  their  great  collection ;  the  same 
account  is  found  in  various  breviaries.  The  narrative 
says  that  a  large  church  was  built  over  the  graves  of 
the  two  saints,  consequently  the  legend  could  not  have 
arisen  until  a  later  age;  it  contains,  moreover,  many 
details  that  have  little  probability  or  historical  worth 
and  seems  to  have  been  compiled  from  various  fabu- 
lous sources.  In  the  sixth  century  a  stately  basilica 
was  erected  at  .Sois.sons  over  the  graves  of  these  saints, 
and  St.  Eligius,  a  famous  goldsmith,  made  a  costly 
shrine  for  the  head  of  St.  Crispinian.  Some  of  the 
relics  of  Crispin  and  Crispinian  were  carried  to  Rome 
and  placed  in  the  church  of  San  Lorenzo  in  Pani.s- 
peFna.  Other  relics  of  the  saints  were  given  by 
Charlemagne  to  the  cathedral,  dedicated  to  Crispin 
and  Crispinian,  which  he  founded  at  Osnabriick. 
Crispin  and  Crispinian  are  the  patron  saints  of  shoe- 
makers, saddlers,  and  tamiers.  Their  feast  falls  on 
25  October. 

.Irra  .S.S.,  Oct.,  XI,  495-540;  BARiNo-GotiLo,  Lives  of  the 
Samls.  XII,  628;  Bdtleb,  Lives  of  the  Saints.  25  October;  liio- 
BiU.  a.  V.  Gabriel  Meier. 


Crispin  of  Viterbo,  Blessed,  Friar  Minor  Capu- 
chin; b.  at  Viterbo  in  IOCS;  d.  at  Rome,  19  May, 
1750.  When  he  was  five  years  old,  his  pious  mother 
took  him  to  a  .sanctuary  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  a  short 
distance  from  Viterbo,  wlic-n-  she  con.secrated  him  to 
the  Mother  of  God  and  placrd  liim  under  her  special 
protection.  The  child  grew  layotid  his  years  in  virtue 
and  the  science  of  the  saints;  so  that  the  townsfolk  of 
Viterbo  were  wont  to  call  him  il  Santnrtihi,  the  little 
saint.  As  Crispin  one  day  saw  the  Cajiuchin  novices 
walking  in  procession,  God  inspired  him  with  the  de- 
sire to  embrace  the  religious  life.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  received  into  the  Franciscan  Order  as  a 
simple  lay  brother.  Having  been  employed  for  some 
time  as  cook  in  the  convent  at  Viterbo,  he  was  sent  to 
Tolfa,  a  town  not  far  distant  from  Civita  Vecchia,  to 
fulfil  the  same  office.  Thence  he  was  sent  to  Rome 
and  finally  to  Albano.  Here  Crispin  was  visited  by 
men  of  the  world,  by  bishops  and  cardinals,  and  even 
by  the  pope  himself,  who  always  took  delight  in  con- 
versing with  the  humble  lay  brother.  It  was  Crispin's 
constant  endeavour  to  imitate  the  virtues  of  his  pa- 
tron, St.  Felix  of  Cantalice,  whom  he  had  chosen  as  his 
model  of  perfection  at  the  beginning  of  his  religious 
life.  Like  St.  Felix,  he  used  to  call  himself  the  a.ss  or 
beast  of  burden  of  the  Capuchins,  and,  having  on  one 
occasion  been  asketl  by  a  stranger  why  he  went  bare- 
headed, Crispin  answered  jocosely,  that  "an  ass  does 
not  wear  a  hat".  Enfeebled  by  old  age  and  by  his 
numerous  austerities,  he  was  sent  to  Rome  by  hfs  su- 
periors, there  to  end  his  holy  life.  His  body,  which 
even  at  the  present  time  is  stUl  in  a  remarkable  state 
of  preservation,  rests  under  one  of  the  side  altars  in 
the  church  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers  in  Rome.  Blessed 
Crispin  was  solemnly  beatified  by  Pope  Pius  VII  in 
180(5.     His  feast  is  (■.Irl.rat.  ,1  only  by  the  Capuchins. 

Leo.  Lives  of  the  S,i,„ls  „„.!  HI.  s-.d  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Francis  (Taunton,  1»0),  11,  ."<(]-s5. 

Stephen  M.  Donovji.n. 
Criterion  of  Truth.    See  Truth. 

Criticism,  Biblical,  in  its  fullest  comprehension 
is  the  examination  of  the  literary  origins  and  historical 
values  of  the  books  composing  the  Bible,  with  the 
state  in  which  these  exist  at  the  present  day.  Since 
the  sacred  Scriptures  have  come  down  in  a  great  vari- 
ety of  copies  and  ancient  versions,  showing  more  or 
less  divergence  of  text,  it  is  the  province  of  that  depart- 
ment of  Biblical  criticism  which  is  called  textual,  or 
lower,  to  study  these  documents  with  a  view  to  arriv- 
ing at  the  purest  possible  text  of  the  sacred  books. 
The  name  higher  critun.im.  w-as  first  employed  by  the 
German  Biblical  scholar  Eichhorn,  in  the  second  edi- 
tion of  his  "Einleitung",  appearing  in  1787.  It  is 
not,  as  supposed  by  some,  an  arrogant  denomination, 
a.ssuming  superior  wisdom,  but  it  has  come  into  use 
because  this  sort  of  criticism  deals  witli  the  larger 
aspects  of  Bible  study;  viz.,  with  the  .authorship,  date, 
composition,  and  authority  of  whole  books  or  large 
sections,  as  distinguished  from  the  discussion  of  tex- 
tual minutia",  which  is  the  sphere  of  the  lower,  or 
textual,  criticism.  The  subject  will,  therefore,  be 
treated  in  this  article  under  the  two  heads:  I.  Higher 
Criticism;  II.  Textual  Critici.sm. 

I.  Higher  Criticism. — Taken  in  this  limited  sen.se. 
Biblical  criticism,  in  the  light  of  modern  i)hilological, 
historical,  and  archaeological  science,  and  by  methods 
which  are  recent  in  their  development,  subjects  to 
severe  t<?sts  the  previously  accepted  and  traditional 
views  on  the  human  authorship,  the  time  and  manner 
of  composition,  of  the  sacred  writings,  and  discrimi- 
nates as  to  their  objective  historical  value.  In  reach- 
ing its  results  it  sets  more  store  on  evidences  internal 
to  the  book.s  than  on  extern.al  traditions  or  attesta- 
tions, and  its  undeniable  elTect  is  to  depreciate  tradi- 
tion in  a  great  measure,  so  that  there  exists  a  sharply- 


CRITICISM 


492 


CRITICISM 


drawn  line  between  the  exegetes  of  the  critical  and 
those  of  the  traditional  school.  In  the  process  by 
which  the  critics  arrive  at  their  conclusions  there  is  a 
divergence  of  attitude  towards  the  supernatural  ele- 
ment in  Holy  Writ.  Those  of  the  rationalistic  wing 
ignore,  and  at  least  tacitly  deny,  inspiration  in  the 
theological  meaning  of  the  term,  and  without  any 
doctrinal  preoccupations,  except  some  hostile  to  the 
supernatural,  proceed  to  apply  critical  tests  to  the 
Scriptures,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  they  were  merely 
human  productions.  Moderate  critics  of  Protestant 
persuasion — a  school  that  predominates  in  Great 
Britain — hold  to  inspiration  and  revelation,  though 
with  a  freedom  incompatible  with  Catholic  orthodoxy. 
Catholic  Biblical  critics,  while  taking  as  postulates  the 
plenary  inspiration  and  the  inerrancy  of  the  sacred 
Writings,  admit  in  a  large  measure  the  literary  and 
historical  conclusions  reached  by  non-Catholic  work- 
ers in  this  field,  and  maintain  that  these  are  not  ex- 
cluded by  Catholic  faith.  With  the  exception  of 
Abbe  Loisy  and  his  followers,  no  Catholic  scholar  has 
claimed  autonomy  or  complete  independence  for  criti- 
cism, all  proceeding  on  the  principle  that  it  cannot 
validly,  and  may  not  lawfully,  contradict  the  estab- 
lished dogmatic  teaching  of  the  Church.  Its  Christian 
exponents  insist  that  a  reverent  criticism  is  quite 
within  its  rights  in  sifting  the  elements  which  enter 
into  human  aspects  of  the  Bible,  as  a  means  of  a 
better  understanding  of  the  written  word,  since  its 
component  parts  were  given  their  form  by  men  in 
certain  historical  enviromnents  and  under  some  of 
the  limitations  of  their  age  and  place,  and  since,  more- 
over, inspiration  does  not  dispense  with  ordinary  hu- 
man industry  and  methods  in  Uterary  composition. 
(See  LvsPiRATioN.) 

Higher  Criticism  may  be  called  a  science,  though 
its  processes  and  results  do  not  admit  of  nicety  of 
control  and  demonstration,  as  its  principles  are  of  the 
moral-psychological  order.  Hence  its  conclusions, 
even  in  the  most  favourable  circumstances,  attain  to 
no  greater  force  than  what  arises  from  a  convergence 
of  probabilities,  begetting  a  moral  conviction.  While 
some  attempts  have  been  made  to  elaborate  a  system 
of  canons  for  the  higher  criticism,  it  has  not,  and 
probably  never  will  have,  a  strictly  defined  and  gen- 
erally accepted  code  of  principles  and  rules.  Some 
broad  principles,  however,  are  universally  admitted 
by  critical  scholars.  A  fundamental  one  is  that  a 
literary  work  always  betrays  the  imprint  of  the  age 
and  environment  in  which  it  was  produced;  another 
is  that  a  plurality  of  authors  is  proved  by  well-marked 
differences  of  diction  and  style,  at  least  when 
these  coincide  with  distinctions  in  ^-iew-point  or  dis- 
crepancies in  a  double  treatment  of  the  same  subject. 
A  third  received  canon  holds  to  a  radical  dissimilarity 
between  ancient  Semitic  and  modern  Occidental,  or 
Aryan,  methods  of  composition. 

History. — Before  the  eighteenth  eentury. — The  early 
ecclesiastical  writers  were  unconscious  of  nearly  all 
the  problems  to  which  criticism  has  given  rise.  Their 
attention  was  concentrated  on  the  Divine  content  and 
authority  of  sacred  Scripture,  and,  looking  almost 
exclusively  at  the  Divine  side,  they  deemed  as  of 
trifling  account  questions  of  authorship,  date,  com- 
position, accepting  unreservedly  for  these  points  such 
traditions  as  the  Jewish  Church  had  handed  down, 
all  the  more  readily  that  Christ  Himself  seemed  to 
have  given  various  of  these  traditions  His  supreme 
confirmation.  As  for  the  N.  T.,  tradition  was  the 
determining  factor  here  too.  As  exceptions  we  may 
note  that  Origen  concluded  partly  from  internal  evi- 
dence that  St.  Paul  could  scarcely  have  written  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  his  disciple  Dionysius 
adduceti  linguistic  grounds  for  rejecting  the  Apoca- 
lypse as  a  work  of  St.  John.  The  Fathers  saw  in 
every  sentence  of  the  Scripture  a  pregnant  oracle  of 
God.     Apparent  contradictions  and  other  difficulties 


were  solved  without  taking  possible  human  imperfec- 
tion into  view.  Only  in  a  few  isolated  passages  does 
St.  Jerome  seem  to  hint  at  such  in  connexion  with 
history.  Except  in  regard  to  the  preservation  of 
the  sacred  text  there  was  nothing  to  elicit  a  critical 
view  of  the  Bible  in  the  age  of  the  Fathers,  and 
this  applies  also  to  the  Scholastic  period.  Even 
the  Humanist  movement  preceding  the  Reforma- 
tion gave  no  impulse  to  the  critical  spirit  beyond 
fostering  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  in  their  original  ' 
languages.  It  was  not  a  Humanist,  but  the  erratic 
Reformer  Carlstadt,  who  first  broke  with  tradition  on 
the  authorship  of  an  inspired  book  by  declaring  that 
Moses  could  not  have  written  the  Pentateuch,  because 
the  account  of  his  death  is  in  the  same  style  as  the 
rest  of  his  book.  But  though  Carlstadt  adduced  a 
critical  argument  he  cannot  be  styled  a  critic.  Hobbes 
(1651),  Pereyre  (1655),  Spinoza  (1670)  attacked  the 
Mosaic  authorship,  but  merely  incidentally,  in  works 
in  which  anything  like  a  systematic  criticism  found 
no  place.  A  French  priest,  Richard  Simon  (1638- 
1712),  was  the  first  who  subjected  the  general  ques- 
tions concerning  the  Bible  to  a  treatment  which  was 
at  once  comprehensive  in  scope  and  scientific  in 
method.  Simon  is  the  forerunner  of  modern  Biblical 
criticism.  The  broadening  opportunities  for  the 
study  of  Oriental  languages,  a  keen  and  methodical 
mind,  probably,  too,  a  reaction  against  the  rigitl  view 
of  the  Bilile  which  reigned  amongst  both  Catholics 
and  Protestants  of  the  age  were  the  factors  which 
produced  Simon's  first  great  work,  the  "Histoire 
critique  du  Vieux  Testament",  which  was  published 
in  1G7S.  In  this  he  called  attention  to  the  double 
narratives  and  variation  of  style  in  the  Pentateuch, 
and  thence  deduced  that,  aside  from  the  legal  portion, 
which  Moses  himself  had  written  down,  nmch  of  the 
remaining  matter  was  the  work  of  several  inspired 
annalists,  a  class  to  whom  are  due  the  later  historical 
books,  and  who  in  subsequent  generations  added 
touches  to  the  inspired  histories  by  their  predecessors. 
This  theory  did  not  survive  its  author,  but  the  use 
of  internal  evidence  by  which  Simon  arrived  at  it 
entitles  him  to  be  called  the  father  of  Biblical  criti- 
cism. Ilis  novel  view  of  the  Mosaic  books  excited 
only  condemnation,  and  his  critical  work,  being  an 
isolated  effort  which  did  not  win  the  support  of  a 
school,  found  appreciation  only  in  recent  times.  A 
continuously  developing  higher  criticism  was  not  to 
begin  till  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  But 
a  capital  distinction  is  to  be  made  between  criticism 
as  applied  to  the  Old  and  as  applied  to  the  New  Testa- 
ment. The  two  have  followed  different  courses.  O.-T. 
criticism  has  been  developed  along  the  lines  of  lingu- 
istic and  historic  research.  Philosophico-religious  prej- 
udices have  been  kept  in  the  background.  But  in  re- 
sjiect  to  the  N.  T.,  criticism  began  as  the  outgrowth  of 
philosophic  speculations  of  a  distinctly  anti-Christian 
character  and,  as  exercised  by  rationalists  and  liberal 
Protestants,  has  not  yet  freed  itself  from  the  sway  of 
such  a  priori  principles,  though  it  has  tended  to  grow 
more  positive — that  is,  more  genuinely  critical — in  its 
methods. 

Since  the  eighteenth  century.  (1)  Old-Testament 
Criticism  outside  the  Church. — In  1753  Jean  Astruc, 
a  French  Catholic  physician  of  considerable  note,  pub- 
lished a  little  book,  "Conjectures  sur  les  m^moires 
originau.x  doiit  il  parait  que  Moise  s'est  servi  pour 
composer  le  livre  de  la  Gene.se",  in  which  he  conjec- 
tured, from  the  alternating  use  of  two  names  of  God 
in  the  Hebrew  Genesis,  that  Moses  had  incorporated 
therein  two  pre-existing  documents,  one  of  which 
employed  Elohim  and  the  other  Jehovah.  The  idea 
attracted  little  attention  till  it  was  taken  up  by  a 
German  scholar,  who,  however,  claims  to  have  made 
the  discovery  independently.  This  was  Johanii  Gott- 
fried Eichhorn,  the  author  of  an  Introduction  to  the 
O.  T.,  issued  17S0-S3,  and  distinguished  by  vigour 


CRITICISM 


493 


CRITICISM 


and  scientific  acumen.  Eichliorn  was  indebted  not  a 
little  to  his  friend  Herder,  the  noted  German  littera- 
teur, and  the  two  conjointly  originated  the  critical 
habit  of  looking  upon  the  O.  T.  as  a  collection  of 
Oriental  literature  whose  several  parts  are  to  be  read 
and  interi)reted  as  the  productions  of  the  Semitic 
genius.  Eichhorn  greatly  developed  Astruc's  hypoth- 
esis by  observing  that  the  Elohim  and  Jehovah 
sections  of  Genesis  bear  other  characteristics,  and  by 
extending  the  analysis  thus  derived  to  the  whole  Pen- 
tateuch. But  the  German  savant  was  not  so  orthodox 
an  adherent  of  the  Mosaic  authorship  as  was  Astruc, 
since  he  left  to  the  Hebrew  legislator  a  very  uncertain 
part  of  the  work.  When  Eichhorn  composed  his 
"Introduction"  he  was  somewhat  influenced  by  free- 
thinking  views  which  later  became  very  pronounced. 
His  criticism,  therefore,  had  as  its  antecedents  not 
only  Astruc's  fruitful  conjecture  and  Herder's  poetic 
insight  into  Oriental  literature,  but  also  eighteenth- 
century  German  rationalism.  "This  was  in  part  native 
to  the  soil,  but  it  drew  much  nurture  from  the  ideas 
of  the  English  Deists  and  Sceptics,  who  flourished  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  in  the 
first  part  of  the  eighteenth.  Such  authors  as  Blount 
(1654-93)  and  Collins  (1676-1729)  had  impugned 
miracles  and  prophecy  and  in  general  the  authority 
of  the  O.-T.  writings.  The  standpoint  of  the  German 
Orientalist  Reimarus  was  that  of  the  English  Deists; 
the  whole  drift  of  his  "  Wolfenbiittel  Fragments  ",  first 
aijpearing  1774-78,  is  one  of  antagonism  to  the  super- 
natural. Li'ssiiig  (1729-Sl),  his  literarj-  executor, 
without  dcjiarting  so  offensively  from  the  path  of 
orllii>doxy,  defended  the  fullest  freedom  of  discussion 
in  tlicologiial  matters.  Contemporary  with  Lessing 
was  J.  S.  Semler,  who  rejectetl  inspiration,  attributed 
a  mythical  character  to  episodes  in  O.-T.  historical 
books,  and,  on  lines  parallel  to  Lessing's  philosopliy 
of  religion,  distinguished  in  Scripture  elements  of  per- 
manent and  others  of  transitoiy  and  negligible  value. 
Eichhorn  is  the  first  typical  representative  of 
modern  Biblical  criticism,  the  especial  home  of  which 
lias  been  Germany.  He  gave  the  first  impulse  to  the 
literary  analysis  of  the  Scriptures,  applying  it  not  only 
to  the  Pentateuch,  but  also  to  Isaias  and  other  por- 
tions of  the  O.  T.  Outside  of  Germany  the  views  of 
Eichhorn  and  his  school  found  little  currency.  Yet 
it  w:is  a  Catholic  priest  of  Scottish  origin,  Alexander 
Geddes  (1737-1802),  who  broached  a  theory  of  the 
origin  of  the  Five  Books  (to  which  he  attached  Josue) 
exceeding  in  boldness  either  Simon's  or  Eiehhorn's. 
This  w;i.s  the  well-known  "Fragment"  hypothesis, 
which  reduced  the  Pentateuch  to  a  collection  of  frag- 
mentarj-  sections  partly  of  Mosaic  origin,  but  put  to- 
gether in  thi'  riMgii  of  Solomon.  Geddes'  opinion  was  • 
introduced  into  Germany  in  180.')  by  Vater.  For  tlu? 
fuller  accouiitof  thisand  laterstagesof  thecriticism  of 
the  Pentateuch  the  reader  is  referred  to  t  lie  art  icle  under 
that  heading.  With  .some  cs.says  of  a  young  scluilar, 
De  Wette,  which  were  published  180.5-07,  properly 
Ix'gan  the  historical  criticism  of  the  Bible.  De  Wette 
joined  to  the  evidences  supplied  by  vocabulary  and 
Btyle  (i.  e.  those  of  literary  criticism)  arguments  drawn 
from  history,  as  contained  in  the  sacred  narratives 
themselves,  and  the  discoveries  of  antiquarian  re- 
search. He  refused  to  find  anjihing  but  legend  and 
poetry  in  the  Pentateuch,  though  he  granted  it  a 
unity  of  plan,  and  a  development  in  accordance  with 
his  conception  of  Israel's  history,  thus  laying  the 
foundation  for  the  leading  hypotheses  of  the  prteent 
day.  De  Wette's  i(lea.s  also  furnisheil  the  basis 
for  the  Supplement-theory,  systematized  later  by 
Bleek  and  others.  He  was  the  first  to  attack  the 
historical  character  of  the  books  of  Paralipomenon,  or 
Chronicles.  Bleek  (1793-18.59),  Ewald  (1803-7.5), 
and  the  Catholic  Movers  (1S06-56),  while  following 
critical  methods,  opposed  the  purely  negative  criti- 
cism of  De  Wette  and  his  school,  and  sought  to  save 


the  authenticity  of  some  Mosaic  books  and  Davidic 
psalms  by  sacrificing  that  of  others.  Bleek  revived, 
anil  brought  into  prominence,  the  conclusion  of 
Geddes,  that  the  book  of  Josue  is  in  close  literary 
connexion  with  the  first  five  books  of  the  Bible,  and 
thenceforth  the  idea  of  a  Hexateuch,  or  sixfold  work, 
has  been  maintained  by  advanced  exegetes.  Hup- 
feld,  in  1853,  found  four  instead  of  three  documents 
in  the  Pentateuch,  ^^z.,  the  first  Elohist,  comprising 
the  priestly  law,  a  second  Elohist  (hitherto  unsus- 
pected except  by  a  forgotten  investigator,  Ilgen),  the 
Jehovist,  and  the  Deuteronomist.  He  allowed  to 
none  of  these  a  Mosaic  origin.  With  Hupfeld's  view 
the  idea  of  one  large  source,  or  Grundschrijt ,  supple- 
mented by  smaller  ones,  began  to  give  place  to  the 
"Document"  hypothesis.  Meanwhile  these  conclu- 
sions, so  subversive  of  ancient  traditions  regarding  the 
Five  Books,  were  stoutly  contested  by  anumber  of 
German  scholars,  prominent  among  whom  stood 
Ranke,  Havernick,  Hengstenberg,  and  Keil,  among 
Protestants ;  and  Jahn,  Hug,  Herbst,  and  Welte,  rep- 
resenting Catholic  learning.  These,  while  refusing  to 
allow  the  testimony  of  Jewish  tradition  to  be  ruled  out 
of  court  as  invalid  against  internal  evidence,  were 
compelled  to  employ  the  methods  of  their  adversaries 
in  defending  the  time-honoured  views.  The  questions 
were  agitated  only  in  countries  where  Protestantism 
predominated,  and,  among  these,  in  England  the  con- 
servative views  were  strongly  entrenched. 

The  critical  di.ssection  of  books  was  and  is  accom- 
plished on  the  ground  of  diversity  of  vocabulary  and 
style,  the  phetioniena  of  doubli;  narratives  of  the  same 
event  varying  from  each  other,  it  is  claimed,  to  the 
extent  of  disere|.)ancy,  and  dilTerencesof  religious  con- 
ceptions. The  critics  apjieal  for  confirmation  of  this 
literary  analysis  to  the  historical  books.  For  ex- 
ample, Moses  could  not  have  enacted  an  elaborate 
ritual  legislation  for  a  people  leading  a  nomad  life  in 
the  desert,  especially  since  we  find  (say  the  critics)  no 
trace  of  its  observance  in  the  earliest  periods  of  Is- 
rael's settled  existence.  These  and  like  tests  are  ap- 
plied to  nearly  every  book  of  the  O.  T.,  and  result  in 
conclusions  which,  if  allowed,  profoundly  modify  the 
traditional  beliefs  regarding  the  authorship  and  in- 
tegrity of  these  Scriptures,  and  are  incompatible  with 
any  strict  notion  of  their  inerrancy. 

The  Hegelian  principle  of  evolution  has  undoubt- 
edly influenced  German  criticism,  and  indirectly  Bibli- 
cal criticism  in  general.  Apjilicd  to  religion,  it  h.as 
powerfully  helped  to  beget  a  tendency  to  regard  the 
religion  of  Israel  as  evolved  by  processes  not  tran- 
scending nature,  from  a  polytheistic  wonship  of  the 
elements  to  a  spiritual  and  ethical  monotheism.  This 
theory  was  first  elaborated  by  Abram  Kuenen,  a 
Dutch  theologian,  in  his  "Religion  of  Israel"  (1869- 
70).  Without  being  essential  to,  it  harmonizes  with 
the  current  system  of  Pentateuelnd  criticism,  some- 
times called"  (he- Development  I  lypotlu'sis",  but  better 
known  as  "the  Grafian ".  This  hyi>othesis  is  accepted 
to-day  by  the  great  body  of  non-Catholic  Biblical 
scholarship.  It  makes  the  Pentateuch  a  growth  fonned 
by  the  piecing  and  interlacing  together  of  documents 
representing  distinct  epochs.  Of  these  the  oldest  is  the 
Jehovistic,  or  J,  dating  from  the  ninth  century  B.  c. ;  E, 
the  Elohistic  work,  was  composed  a  little  later.  These 
elements  .are  prophetic  in  sjiirit  and  narrative  in  mat- 
ter. D,  the  Deuteronomie  Code,  was  the  organ  and 
instrument  of  the  prophetic  reform  under  Josias;  it 
appeared  621  n.  c.  P,  the  great  document  containing 
the  Priestly  Code,  was  drawn  up  after  the  Babylonian 
Exile,  and  is  the  outcome  of  the  sacerdotal  and  ritual 
form.'dism  distinguishing  the  restored  Jewish  com- 
munity; it  therefore  dates  from  the  fifth  centurj'  B.  c: 
This  ingenious  and  coherent  hypothesis  was  formu- 
lated first  liy  1'".  Reu.ss  of  the  University  of  Stra.sburg, 
but  ])resented  to  the  public  many  years  later  (1866) 
by  his  disciple  II.  K.  Graf.     It  w;is  skilfully  elaborated 


CRITICISM 


494 


CRITICISM 


by  Julius  Wellhausen,  professor  (in  1908)  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Gottingen,  in  works  published  in  1883  and 
1889  ("Prolegomena  to  the  History  of  Israel"  and 
"Composition  of  the  Ilexateiich  and  the  Historical 
Books  of  the  O.  T. ").  and  to-day  it  dominates  the 
critical  treatment  of  the  Hexateuch.  The  shifting  of 
the  Priestly  Code  (formerly  calletl  the  First  Elohist) 
from  the  earliest  to  the  latest  in  time,  a  characteristic 
of  the  Grafian  system,  has  had  a  marked  influence  on 
the  drift  of  O.  T.  criticism  in  general,  notably  with 
regard  to  the  books  of  Paralipomenon.  It  has  re- 
versed the  chronological  order  of  the  prophetical  and 
priestly  elements  running  through  the  greater  part  of 
the  O.  T. 

Only  within  the  last  two  decades  has  higher  criti- 
cism made  notable  progress  in  English-speaking  lands, 
and  this  has  been  rendered  possible  by  the  moderation 
of  its  leading  spokesman  there.  Foremost  among 
these  semi-orthodox  critics  of  the  O.  T.  is  Professor 
Driver  of  Oxford,  whose  "  Introduction  to  the  Litera- 
ture of  the  Old  Testament"  first  appeared  in  1891. 
W.  Robertson  Smith  in  "The  Old  Testament  and  the 
Jewish  Church"  had  previously  (1880),  though  less 
systematically,  presented  the  Grafian  hypothesis  to 
the  English-speaking  world.  The  results  of  British 
conservative  criticism  are  embodied  in  Hastings' 
"Dictionary  of  the  Bible",  while  the  radical  wing  in 
England  is  represented  by  the  "Encyclopaedia  Bib- 
lica"  edited  by  Professors  Cheyne  and  Black.  In 
America  most  of  the  conclusions  of  German  criticism 
have  found  advocates  in  Professors  C.  H.  Briggs 
("  The  Bible,  the  Church  and  Reason ' ',  1892 ;  "  Higher 
Criticism  of  the  Hexateuch",  1893),  H.  P.  Smith,  and 
C.  H.  Toy. 

The  higher  criticism  claims  to  have  discerned  great 
inequalities  in  the  value  of  those  portions  of  the  O.  T. 
which  are  historical  in  form.  In  the  same  book  we 
may  find,  it  asserts,  myth,  legend,  and  material  of 
real  historical  worth,  the  last  of  these  elements  being 
abimdant  in  Judges  and  the  Books  of  I"iangs,  though 
even  here  a  careful  sifting  must  be  used.  In  parts  of 
the  Hexateuch,  especially  in  the  priestly  document 
and  the  cognate  Paralipomenon  writing,  history  is 
freely  idealized,  and  existing  institutions  are  projected 
artificially  into  the  remote  past.  Esther,  Tobias, 
Judith,  Jonas,  and  portions  of  II  Machabees  belong  to 
the  class  of  Jewish  Haggadah,  or  moralizing  fictions. 
The  Psalms  have  few  if  any  compositions  by  David; 
they  are  the  religious  poetry  of  Israel.  Isaias  is  a 
composite,  containing  messages  of  prophets  widely 
separated  in  time  and  circumstances.  The  prophets 
spoke  and  wrote  primarily  in  view  of  definite  contem- 
porary situations.  Job  is  an  epic,  and  Canticles  a 
pastoral  drama.  The  book  of  Daniel  is  an  apocalypse 
of  the  Machabean  period,  describing  history  of  the 
past  and  present  under  the  semblance  of  visions  of 
the  future.  To  conclude  this  outline  of  the  critical 
results,  the  human  element  in  Scripture  is  given 
prominence  and  represented  as  clothed  with  the  im- 
perfections, limitations,  and  errors  of  the  times  of  its 
origin ;  many  books  are  exhibited  as  the  products  of 
successive  literary  accretions,  excluding  any  unity  of 
authorship;  in  fact,  for  most  of  the  histories,  the  un- 
known writers  retire  into  the  shadow  to  give  place  to 
the  unifying  labours  of  the  equally  unknown  "redac- 
tor" or  "redactors". 

(2)  The  Reaction  against  Criticism. — This  has  been 
aided  by  the  antithesis  between  the  conclusions  of 
certain  Assyriologists  of  note  (viz.,  A.  H.  Sayce  and 
F.  Hommel)  and  the  prevailing  school  of  criticism. 
Recent  discoveries  in  Egj-pt,  Mesopotamia,  and  Per- 
sia prove  that  a  developed  civilization  existed  in 
•  Western  Asia  in  times  contemporary  with  Abraham, 
and  earlier.  (See  Babyloni.^;  Assyhia.)  The  in- 
ference dnuvn  by  the  above  scientists  (Suvce,  "  Higher 
Criticism  and  the  Vcnlict  of  the  Monuments",  1895; 
Hommel,  "Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition",  tr.,  1897)  ia 


that  the  elaborate  ritual  and  legal  code  of  the  Israelites 
could  well  have  been  framed  by  Moses.  They  charge 
the  critics  with  not  taking  Oriental  discoveries  suffi- 
ciently into  account,  and  argue  that,  since  the  monu- 
ments confirm  the  substantial  truth  of  some  of  the 
historical  books,  a  presumption  is  raised  in  favour  of 
the  veracity  of  Hebrew  literature  in  general.  The 
historical  character  of  the  narratives  is  upheld  by 
other  considerations  of  a  more  minute  and  technical 
nature.  In  America  the  old  views  of  the  Bible  were 
defended  with  zeal  and  learning  by  Dr.  William  H. 
Green,  of  Princeton,  author  of  a  series  of  Biblical 
works  extending  from  1863  to  1899;  also  by  E.  C. 
Bissel  and  W.  L.  Baxter.  In  Great  Britain  the  con- 
servatives have  been  represented  in  recent  times  by 
Alfred  Cave,  J.  J.  Lias,  and  others.  In  Germany, 
J.  K.  F.  Keil,  who  died  in  1888,  was  the  last  exegete 
of  international  name  who  stood  without  compromise 
for  tradition.  But  a  contemporary  group  of  Protes- 
tant German  theologians  and  Orientalists  have  cham- 
pioned the  claims  of  the  O.  T.  as  a  Divinely  inspired 
literature,  whose  narratives,  on  the  whole,  are  worthy 
of  belief.  Prominent  among  these  are  Dr.  F.  E. 
Konig  of  Bonn  ("Neue  Prinzipien  der  alttestament- 
lichen  Kritik",  1902,  "Bibel-Babel  Frage  und  die 
wissenschaftliche  Methode",  1904);  Julius  Bohm,  a 
pastor;  Dr.  Samuel  Oettli,  professor  at  Greifswald. 
The  resistance  to  the  so-called  scientific  criticism  in 
Germany  has  been  greatly  stimulated  by  the  radical 
positions  recently  taken  by  some  Assyriologists,  be- 
ginning with  a  lecture  delivered  in  1902  before  the 
German  court  by  Friedrich  Delitzsch.  The  still- 
continuing  discussion  it  provoked  is  known  as  the 
Bibel-Babel  controversy.  Delitzsch,  Jensen,  and 
their  followers  contend  that  the  Bible  stories  of  the 
Creation,  the  Fall,  the  Deluge,  etc.  were  borrowed  by 
the  Hebrews  from  Babylonia,  where  they  existed  in 
their  pure  and  original  form.  This  school  relegates 
all  the  events  and  personages  of  Genesis  to  the  region 
of  myths  and  attributes  a  Chaldean  origin  to  the 
Jewish  conception  of  Paradise  and  Sheol,  angels  and 
devils.  Of  still  more  recent  beginning  and  extrav- 
agant character  is  the  theory  of  astral  myths  de- 
fended by  Stucken,  Winckler,  and  Jeremias,  according 
to  which  the  narrations  not  only  of  the  Pentateuch, 
but  of  large  portions  of  the  later  books  as  well,  repre- 
sent in  human  guise  merely  the  nature  and  movements 
of  the  heavenly  bodies. 

In  replying  to  the  critical  systems,  conservatives, 
both  Catholic  and  Protestant,  re-enforce  the  argument 
from  Jewish  and  Christian  traditions  by  methods  bor- 
rowed from  their  opponents;  linguistic  distinctions 
are  coimtered  by  linguistic  arguments,  and  the  tradi- 
tionists  also  employ  the  process  of  comparing  the  data 
of  one  book  with  another,  in  an  endeavour  to  bring 
all  into  harmony.  Not  the  method.s  so  much  as  the 
conclusions  of  criticism  are  impugned.  The  difference 
is  largely  one  of  interpretation.  However,  the  con- 
servatives complain  that  the  critics  arbitrarily  rule 
out  as  interpolations  or  late  comments  passages  which 
are  unfavourable  to  their  hypotheses.  The  advocates 
of  tradition  also  charge  the  opposite  school  with  being 
swaycil  by  purely  subjective  fancies,  and  in  the  case  of 
the  more  advanced  criticism,  by  philosophico-religious 
prejudices.  Moreover,  they  assert  that  such  a  piece- 
meal formation  of  a  book  by  successive  strata,  as  is 
alleged  for  many  parts  of  the  O.  T.  is  without  analogy 
in  the  history  of  literature.  The  Catholic  criticisni  of 
the  O.  T.  will  be  described  in  a  separate  section  of  this 
article. 

(3)  New-Testament  Criticism  Outside  the  Church. 
— Before  the  eighteenth  century  N.-T.  criticism  did 
not  go  beyond  that  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  texts,  if 
we  except  the  ancient  remarks  on  the  authorship  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  .\pocaIypse  al- 
ready noticed.  When  the  German  Rationalism  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  in  imitation  of  the  English  Deism 


CRITICISM 


495 


CRITICISM 


iif  the  seventeenth,  had  discarded  the  supernatural, 
til.'  X.  T.  became  the  first  object  of  a  systematic  at- 
t  Ilk.  Reimarus  (1694-1768)  assailed  the  motives  of 
it  -  writers  and  cast  aspersions  on  the  honesty  of  Jesus 
Himself.  J.  S.  Semler  (1725-91)  used  the  greatest 
l;iiituile  in  discussing  the  origin  and  credibility  of  the 
s  irrod  Scriptures,  arguing  that  these  subjects  should 
1"  ilo;ilt  with  without  regard  to  any  Divine  content. 
S.  iiilfir  was  the  first  to  question  the  authenticity  of 
\  -  r.  books  from  a  critical  standpoint.  His  exegcti- 
■  ■  1 1  |irinciples,  if  admitted,  would  largely  destroy  the 
liihority  of  the  Gospels.  Paulus  (1701-1851),  pro- 
i  -or  at  Jena  and  Heidelberg,  granted  the  genuineness 
"I  ihe  Gospels,  and  their  authors'  honesty  of  purpose, 
Imt  taught  that  in  narrating  the  miraculous  and  super- 
II  itiiral  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists  recorded  their 
li  lusions,  and  that  all  the  alleged  superhuman  occur- 
1'^  are  to  be  explained  by  merely  natural  causes, 
horn,  the  pioneer  of  modern  German  criticism, 
Mcl  his  inquiries  into  the  field  of  the  N.  T.  and, 
lining  with  1794,  proposed  a  theory  to  explain 
similarities  and  differences  of  the  Synoptic 
i'cls,  i.  e.  Matthew,  Mark,  and  Luke.  Some 
I'll  ISPS  of  what  is  now  known  as  "the  Synoptic 
I'l'ihlem"  were  examined  by  Griesbach  as  early  as 
)77(i.  and  again,  in  1781,  by  a  posthumous  essay 
of  Lessing  treating  of  the  Evangelists  "considered 
simply  as  human  historians".  The  problem  was 
first  clearly  formulated  by  Lachraann  in  1835. 
The  dangerous  tendencies  of  the  rationalistic  writers 
were  ably  combated  by  J.  L.  Hug,  a  Catholic  exegete, 
whose  "Introduction  to  the  N.  T."  was  completed  in 
1808.  Schleiermacher  (1768-1834)  was  the  earliest 
of  tho.se  German  theologians  who  acknowledge  the 
religious  force  of  the  sacred  writings,  but  imperil  their 
authority  by  a  free  and  independent  treatment  of 
their  origin  and  historical  contents;  his  view  of  the 
N.  T.  was  influenced  by  Semler's  criticisms.  Some- 
what akin  to  Schleiermacher's  attitude  is  that  of  De 
Wette,  but  his  conclusions  are  often  negative  and 
doubtful.  The  Evangelistic  school  of  Protestant 
German  commentators,  represented  earliest  by  Gue- 
ricke,  Olshausen,  Neander,  and  Bleek,  were  in  the 
main  adherents  to  the  genuineness  and  truthfulness 
of  the  Gospels,  though  influenced  by  the  mediating  or 
mystico-rationalistic  tendencies  of  Schleiermacher.  As 
N.-T.  scholars  they  belong  between  1823  and  1859. 

The  "Life  of  Jesus"  by  David  Friedrich  Strauss, 
which  appeared  in  1835,  marked  a  new  departure  of  view 
with  regard  to  the  N.  T.,  and  made  a  great  sensation. 
Strauss  was  an  Hegelian  and  one  for  whom  the  "idea'' 
obscured  the  objective  facts,  while  it  rested  upon  them. 
He  held  that  the  orthodox  conception  of  Christ  was  the 
creature  of  the  ardent  Messianic  hopes  of  the  Jewish- 
Christians  of  the  primitive  Church,  who  imagined  that 
Jesus  fulfilled  the  O.-T.  prophecies,  and  who,  soon 
after  His  death,  invested  His  personality  and  the 
whole  tenor  of  His  life  with  mythical  qualities,  in 
which  there  was  nothing  but  a  bare  kernel  of  objective 
tnith,  \'iz.,  the  existence  of  a  nibbi  named  Jesus,  who 
was  a  man  of  extraordinarj-  spiritual  power  and  pene- 
tration, and  who  h.ad  gathered  about  him  a  band  of 
disciples.  Echoes  of  these  ideas  are  to  be  found  in 
Ronan's  "Vie  de  Jfeus".  Strauss'a  relatively  refined 
philo.sophy  of  religion  was  more  in  the  spirit  of  the 
age  than  the  moribund,  crude  naturalism  of  Paulus, 
though  it  only  substituted  one  form  of  rationalism  for 
another.  The  "  Life  of  .Tesus''  .soon  called  forth  refu- 
tations, but  in  the  advanced  circles  of  German  thought 
the  finishing  stroke  was  not  given  to  it  until  Ferdinand 
Christian  Haur,  the  founder  of  the  Tiibingen,  or  "Ten- 
dency", scliool  of  exegesis  and  criticism,  published  the 
mature  fruit  of  his  .speculation  under  the  title  "  Paulus 
der  .\postel  .Je.su  Christi ",  in  IS45.  Baur,  like  Strauss, 
w.as  a  disciple  of  Hegel,  but  had  taken  from  that  philos- 
opher a  different  key  to  the  significance  of  the  N.  T., 
viz.,  the  principle  of  the  evolution  of  all  truth  through 


the  conciliation  of  contradictions.  He  taught  that 
the  N.  T.  is  the  outcome  of  an  antagonism  between 
Jewish,  or  Petrine,  and  Pauline  tendencies  in  the 
primitive  Church.  The  Pauline  concept  of  Chris- 
tianity— one  of  a  philosophic  and  universal  order — 
is  represented  by  the  Epistles  to  the  Romans, 
Corinthians,  and  Galatians,  which  alone  Baur  ad- 
mitted as  the  certainly  authentic  works  of  St. 
Paul.  The  Apocalypse  was  comj^osed  in  direct  op- 
position to  the  spirit  of  the  Pauline  writings.  The 
above  works  were  written  before  A.  d.  70.  Between 
70  and  140  appeared  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  Petrine  in 
character;  St.  Luke's  Gospel,  Pauline,  though  re- 
touched in  a  conciliatory  spirit;  Acts,  adapted  simi- 
larly to  St.  Luke;  and  latest  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark, 
also  of  an  irenic  type.  This  second  period  is  one  of 
transition  between  antagonism  and  complete  recon- 
ciliation. This  latter  is  the  note  of  the  third  period, 
reaching  to  about  A.  D.  170,  which  produced  the  Gos- 
pel and  Epistles  bearing  the  name  of  St.  John,  and  the 
pastoral  Epistles,  which  therefore  cannot  have  come 
from  St.  Paul.  The  scheme  excluded  the  authenticity 
of  all  the  Gospels.  Baur's  theory  has  not  survived 
except  in  the  verj-  mitigated  form  seen  in  the  works 
of  Hilgenfeld  and  Pfleiderer.  Nevertheless,  aside 
from  his  philosophic  assumptions,  the  principles  and 
methods  of  Baur  have  left  a  deep  iinpress  on  later 
N.-T.  criticism.  He  first  practised  on  a  consistent 
and  developed  plan  the  habit  of  scrutinizing  the 
sacred  dociunents  themselves  for  evidences  of  the 
times  which  gave  them  birth,  and  led  the  way  in  the 
present  critical  trend  towards  a  division  of  the  N.  T. 
into  Judaistic,  Pauline,  and  Johannine  elements. 

The  Tubingen  ideas  evoked  a  reaction  against  their 
destructive  and  purely  rationalistic  conclusions.  This 
movement  has  been  twofold:  on  one  side  it  is  ortho- 
dox Protestant,  though  critical  in  its  method;  this 
section  is  the  natural  continuation  of  the  earlier 
Evangelistic  exegesis,  and  counts  as  its  ablest  repre- 
sentatives Zahn,  B.  Weiss,  and  Godet ;  the  other  branch 
is  partly  the  outgrowth  of  the  Schleiermacher  school 
and  acknowledges  as  its  founder  Albert  Ritschl,  whose 
defection  from  the  Tiibingen  group  (1857)  proved  a 
serious  blow  to  Baur's  system.  The  Ritschlian  theol- 
ogy insists  on  the  religious  value  of  the  N.  T.,  espe- 
cially in  the  impression  its  picture  of  Christ  makes  on 
the  individual  soul,  and  on  the  other  hand  allows  a 
free  rein  to  the  boldest  and  most  searching  criticism 
of  the  origin  and  historical  worth  of  the  N.-T.  books, 
in  a  blind  mystic  confidence  that  nothing  that  criti- 
cism can  do  will  impair  their  religious  value.  The 
indifference  of  the  Ritschlians  to  the  consequences  of 
criticism  is  also  shown  towards  the  miraculous  ele- 
ment in  our  Lord's  life  and  in  the  N.  T.  in  general. 
This  tendency  is  very  manifest  among  other  contera- 
porarj'  German  critics,  who,  while  influenced  by 
Ritschlianism,  belong  rather  to  the  "scientific"  and 
evolutionarj'  school.  Holtzmann,  Bousset,  Jiilicher, 
Harnack,  Schmiedel  by  critical  procedure  eliminate 
from  the  Gospels,  or  at  least  call  into  doubt,  all  the 
miraculous  elements,  and  reduce  the  Divinity  of 
Christ  to  a  moral,  pre-eminent  sonship  to  God,  and 
yet,  by  a  strange  inconsequence,  exalt  the  saving  and 
enlightening  power  of  His  personality.  This  latest 
school,  however,  admit  dates  which  approach  much 
nearer  to  the  traditional  ones  than  to  those  of  Baur. 
Harnack,  besides  affirming  the  geiuiinencss  of  all  the 
Pauline  Epistles  exce|)t  the  pastoral  ones,  and  of 
Mark  and  I^uke,  places  the  Synoptic  Gospels  between 
A.  n.  05  and  93,  and  fixes  the  year  1 10  as  f lie  latest 
limit  for  the  Gospel  and  ICpistles  of  St.  John  and  the 
Apocalypse. 

In  Great  Britain,  N.-T.  criticism  with  few  excep- 
tions has  been  moderate  and,  on  the  whole,  conserva- 
tive. Excellent  service  h.as  been  done  in  the  defence 
of  contested  books  by  the  British  divines  J.  B.  Light- 
foot,  B.  F.  Westcott,  W.   H.  Sanday,  and  others. 


CRITICISM 


496 


CRITICISM 


Holland  has  produced  a  small  group  of  radical  criiics, 
Van  Manen,  Pierson,  Loman,  who,  with  Steck  in  Ger- 
many, have  revived  Bruno  Bauer's  total  denial  of 
authenticity  to  St.  Paul's  Letters.  In  France  and 
French  Switzerland  conservatism  has  been  the  key- 
note of  the  Protestant  scholars  Pressense  and  Godet; 
a  rationalizing  evolutionism  that  of  Sabatier.  Abbe 
Loisy's  work  will  be  spoken  of  below. 

A  brief  summary  of  the  situation  of  particular  boolcs 
in  contemporary  non-Catholic  criticism  follows: 

The  Synoptic  Gospels. — The  prevalent  critical  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  they  present  is  the  "two-docu- 
ment" hypothesis,  which  explains  what  is  common  to 
all  of  them  by  supposing  that  Matthew  and  Luke  drew 
from  the  very  early  Gospel  bearing  St.  Mark's  name 
or  an  anterior  Apostolic  docviment  on  which  Mark  is 
based,  and  refers  the  material  which  is  common  to 
Matthew  and  Luke  only  to  a  primiti\e  Aramaic 
source  compiled  by  one  or  more  immediate  disci|iles  of 
Christ,  possibly  St.  JIatthew.  St.  Luke's  Gospel  is 
recognized  as  authentic;  our  canonical  Mark  as  at 
least  \'irtnally  so. 

Acts. — The  integrity  and  entire  genuineness  of  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  have  been  assailed  by  a  few 
recent  critics:  Hilgenfeld,  Spitta,  Clemen.  They 
would  analyze  the  work  into  a  number  of  sections,  by 
different  avithore,  including  St.  Luke,  rearranged  by 
successive  editors,  and  containing  materials  varying 
much  in  value.  No  conscious  falsification  was  used, 
but  legendary  narratives  crept  in.  These  critics  are 
by  no  means  unanimous  as  to  particulars. 

Epistles  of  St.  Paul. — Romans,  Corinthians,  and 
Galatians  are  acknowledged  by  all  serious  scholars  to 
be  authentic  writings  of  the  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles. 
About  Ephesians,  Philippians,  Colossians,  Thessaloni- 
ans,  and  Philemon  there  is  diversity  of  ojiinion.  First 
Thessalonians  is  generally  admitted  to  be  genuine, 
but  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  second  letter  of  that 
name  is  strongly  contested.  The  weight  of  non- 
Catholic  critical  opinion  is  against  the  authenticity  of 
the  pastoral  Epistles,  viz.,  the  two  to  Timothy  and  the 
one  to  Titus.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  is  assigned 
to  an  Alexandrian  Jewish  convert.,  contemporary,  or 
almost  so,  with  St.  Paul,  and  a  disciple  of  his  teaching. 
This  is  also  the  view  of  Catholic  exegctcs  of  the  new 
school.  First  Peter  is  generally  held  to  be  the  work 
of  that  Apostle,  but  the  composition  of  Second  Peter 
is  placed  in  the  second  century,  even  some  Catholics 
inclining  to  this  ilate.  The  question  whether  the 
Epistles  of  St.  James  and  St.  Jude  are  from  the  pens 
of  the  Apostles  of  those  names  is  variously  answered 
outside  the  Church. 

The  Johannine  Writings. — The  authenticity  and 
authority  of  St.  John's  Gospel  form  the  great  battle- 
field of  present  N.-T.  criticism.  Tliey  had  been  at^ 
tacked  as  early  as  1792  by  a  certain  Evanson.  The 
majority  of  contemporary  critics  incline  to  Hamack's 
view,  which  is  that  the  Fourth  Gospel  was  composed 
by  John  the  Presbj^ter  or  the  "elder"  referred  to  in  a 
fragment  by  Papias,  and  asserted  by  the  Harnackians 
to  be  distinct  from  the  Apostle  and  a  disciple  of  the 
latter.  He  wrote  in  the  beginning  of  the  second  cen- 
tury. Loisy  attributes  it  to  an  imknown  writer  of  tlic 
second  century  who  had  no  affiliations  with  St.  John. 
But  the  historical  value  of  this  Evangel  is  the  more 
vital  aspect  of  the  question.  The  German  school  of 
criticism  characterizes  the  Gospel  as  theology  and 
symbolism,  not  history ;  Loisy  agrees  with  them.  The 
Apostolic  .authorship"  and  liistoricity  of  the  Fourth 
Gospel  have  been  vindicated  by  such  critical  scholars 
as  Sanday,  Stanton,  and  Drummond  in  England,  and 
Zahn  and  B.  Weiss  in  Germany.  Orthodox  Catholic 
exegctes,  while  .always  holding  to  the  Catholic  tradi- 
tion of  the  Johannine  authorship  and  historical  qual- 
ity of  tlie  Foin-th  (iospel,  admit  that  St.  John's  theol- 
ogy indicates  reflection  and  a  development  over  and 
beyond  that  of  the  Synoptists.     The  first  Epistle  of 


St.  John  is  universally  admitted  to  be  by  the  same 
hand  as  the  Gospel.  The  criticism  of  Apocalypse  is 
still  in  an  immature  stage.  There  is  much  diversity 
of  view  as  to  its  author,  the  Anglican  school  inclin- 
ing to  St.  John.  It  h.as  been  recently  proposed  that 
the  book  is  a  Jewish  apocalypse  retouched  by  a  Chris- 
tian; so  Vischer,  Harnack.  Nearly  all  critics  acknowl- 
edge that  there  is  much  apocalyptic  element  in  it, 
admitting  that  some  of  its  visions  in  a  veiled  manner 
depict  historical  situations  under  the  guise  of  events  to 
come. 

(4)  The  Critical  Movement  Within  the  Church. — 
Old  Testament  Criticism. — France,  the  country  of 
Richard  Simon  and  Astnic,  has  been  also  that  of  the 
beginning  of  the  present-day  Catholic  criticism. 
Francois  Lenormant,  a  distinguished  Catholic  Orien- 
talist, in  the  preface  to  his  "Origines  de  I'histoire 
d'apres  la  Bible  et  les  traditions  des  peuples  Orien- 
taux"  (1880-84),  declared  no  longer  tenable  the  tradi- 
tion.al  imity  of  authorship  for  the  Pentateuch,  and 
admitted  as  demonstrated  that  the  fundamental 
sources  of  its  first  four  books  were  a  Jehovist  and 
Elohist  docmnent,  each  inspired  and  united  by  a 
"final  redactor".  Minor  discordances  exist  between 
them.  Tlie  earlier  chapters  of  Genesis  contain  mj-th- 
ical  and  legendary  elements  common  to  Semitic 
peoples,  which  in  the  hands  of  the  inspired  writers 
became  the  "figured  vestments  of  eternal  truths". 
The  same  preface  bespeaks  entire  liberty  for  the  critic 
in  the  matter  of  dates  and  authors.  Lenormant's 
work  was  placed  on  the  Index,  19  December,  1887. 
The  basis  of  his  literary  analysis  was  supplied  by  the 
conclusions  of  higher  criticism,  up  to  that  time  unac- 
cepted, at  least  publicly,  by  any  Catholic  savant.  E. 
Reuss,  a  liberal  Protestant  professor  at  the  university 
of  Strasliurg,  had  published  at  Paris,  in  1879,  "L'His- 
toire  Sainte  et  la  Loi;  Pentateuque  et  Josue".  In 
1883  appeared  Wellhausen's  influential  "  Prolegomena 
to  the  History  of  Israel",  re-edited  in  1889  under  the 
title,  "Composition  of  the  Hexateuch  and  the  His- 
torical Books  of  the  O.  T." 

Alfred  Loisy,  then  professor  of  Sacred  Scripture  at 
the  Institut  Catholique  of  Paris,  in  his  inaugural  lec- 
ture for  the  course  of  1892-93  made  a  clear-cut  plea 
for  the  exercise  of  criticism  in  the  study  of  the  human 
side  of  the  Bible  ("  Enseignement  Biblique",  Nov.- 
Dec,  1S92;  reprinted  in  "Les  dtudes  bibliques", 
1894).  In  an  essay  which  appeared  in  1893,  Loisy 
discussed  the  "Biblical  Question",  reasserted  the 
right  of  Catholic  science  to  treat  critically  the  general 
aspects  of  Holy  Scripture  and  also  its  interpretations, 
and  rejected  its  absolute  inerrancy,  while  holding  to 
its  total  inspiration.  The  historical  portions  offer 
data  which  have  only  a  "relative  truth",  i.  e.  with 
reference  to  the  age  in  w'hich  they  were  written.  The 
author  enumerated  conclusions  of  the  criticism  which 
he  regarded  as  fixed;  these  included  the  non-Mosaic 
authorship  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  unhistorical  <?har- 
acter  of  the  first  chapters  of  Genesis,  the  development 
of  Biblical  tloctrine.  Early  in  the  same  year  Mgr. 
d'llulst,  rector  of  the  Institut  Catholique  of  Paris, 
hail  draw^l  acute  attention  to  the  progress  of  critical 
itleas  in  Catholic  scientific  circles  by  an  article  in  the 
"Correspondant"  of  25  January,  1893,  entitled  "La 
Question  Biblique",  in  which  he  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  admission  of  inaccuracies  in  Scripture  is  theo- 
logically tenable.  The  discussion  of  these  questions 
was  the  occasion  of  the  encyclical  "  Providentissimus 
Deus",  issued  by  Leo  XIll,  18  November,  1893,  in 
which  the  total  inerrancy  of  the  Bible  was  declared 
to  be  the  necessary  consequence  of  its  inspiration 
(q.  v.).  The  imw.arranted  concessions  of  Catholic 
writers  to  rationalistic  criticism  and  the  exclusive  use 
of  internal  arguments  against  historical  authority 
were  condemned  as  contrary  to  correct  principles  of 
criticism.  Sounil  Biblical  criticism  was  commended. 
Similar  commcudatioit  was  given  in  the  Apostolic 


CRITICISM 


497 


CRITICISM 


li  ttrr,  "  VigilantiEe",  pstablishins;  the  Biblical  Coni- 
iiii  sion,  30  October,  1902. 

In  a  paper  read  before  the  Catholic  Scientific  Coii- 
i;nss  of  Fribourg,  1S97  (Revue  Biblique,  January, 
Is'is),  Father  M.-J.  Lagrange,  superior  of  (he  Doniin- 
II  in  school  of  Biblical  studies  at  Jerusalem,  defended 
:.  Iiierary  analysis  and  an  evolution  of  the  Pentateuch 
u  1 1  irh  are  substantially  identical  with  those  of  the  Graf- 
\\''llhausen  hypothesis.  He  distinguished  between 
tlir  tradition  that  Moses  was  the  historical  author  or 
fi'imder  of  the  Pentateuch,  which  he  retained,  and  the 
tr.i.lition  of  the  Mosaic  literarj'  authorship,  which  he 
:il>  iiidoned.  Like  Loisy,  the  learned  Dominican 
i;i  liiitained  that  the  literarj'  methods  of  the  ancient 
'  Mii>nt  are  sharply  differentiated  from  those  of  our 
ri\  ilization.  During  the  last  decade  a  considerable 
iriiiiber  of  Catholic  Biblical  scholars  have  coalesced 
into  what  has  been  called  the  "progressive"  school. 
-\:i!urally  disagreeing  somewhat  in  details,  they  agree 
in  holding  (a)  the  composite  texture  and  progressive 
fiirrnation  of  a  numlier  of  sacred  books,  and  in  aban- 
(!oriing  therefore  their  traditional  unity  of  authorship; 
I  111  in  allowing  a  theological  and  moral  development 
in  the  O.  T. ;  (c)  in  admitting  an  extensive  tacit  in- 
siTtion  of  popular  traditions  and  written  sources, 
w  liich  contain  unhistorical  statements.  Nevertheless 
these  exegetes  hold  firmly  to  the  objective  truth  of 
the  essential  and  larger  lines  of  the  history  of  the  Old 
Dispensation  as  embodied  in  the  Bible.  They  assert 
that  in  general  the  question  of  the  literarj'  procedure 
of  Biblical  writers  is  not  one  of  faith.  Their  position 
has  met  with  repeated  attacks  by  Catholic  adherents 
of  the  conservative  school,  who  have  combated  them 
with  arguments  drawn  chiefly  from  the  irreconcila- 
bility of  the  new  views  with  the  Catholic  dogmatic 
tradition  of  inspiration  and  inerrancy  as  witnessed,  it 
is  alleged,  in  the  N.  T.,  the  Fathers,  the  teachings  of 
the  councils  of  Trent  and  the  Vatican,  and  particularly 
the  encyclical  of  Leo  XIIL  (See  Inspiration).  The 
principal  adversaries  of  the  advanced  conclusions  are 
the  Jesuits  Delattrc  (Autour  de  la  question  biblique, 
1004),  Brucker  (contributions  to  the  "Etudes"  be- 
tween 189-1  and  1905),  Fontaine,  Fonck,  Pesch,  (De 
Inspiratione  Sac.  Scrip.,  1906),  Murillo,  Billot;  also 
Professor  Hoberg  and  Abbe  Mangenot  (L'Authenti- 
citd  du  Pentateuque,  1907). 

The  Biblical  Commission  (q.  v.),  whose  decisions 
have  now  the  force  of  acts  of  the  Roman  Congrega- 
tions, declared,  13  Februarj',  190,5,  that  the  fallibility 
of  implicit  citations  in  the  Bible  might  be  admitted, 
provided  solid  arguments  prove  that  they  are  really 
citations,  and  that  the  sacred  writer  does  not  adopt 
them  as  his  own.  The  Commission  conceded  on  23 
June,  1905,  that  some  passages  may  be  historical  in 
appearance  only,  always  saving  the  sense  and  judg- 
ment of  the  Church.  On  27  June,  1906,  the  commis- 
sion declared  that  the  arguments  alleged  by  critics  do 
not  disprove  the  substantial  authorship  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch by  Moses.  This  decision  has  necessarily  modi- 
fied the  attitude  of  such  Catholic  writers  and  teachers 
as  favoured  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  the  conclusions 
of  the  Graf-\\'ellhausen  hypothesis.  The  decree  of 
the  Inquisition  "Lamentabili"  (3  July,  1907)  and  the 
encyclical  "Pascendi  Dominici  Gregis"  (8  September, 
1907)  reasserted  against  the  Modernists  the  sound, 
Catholic  principles  to  be  followed  in  the  study  of 
Sacred  Scripture. 

Xew  Teatamenl  Criticism. — Catholic  scholars  who 
were  willing  to  accept  some  of  the  critical  theories 
have  drawn  a  line  of  distinction  between  the  criticism 
of  the  Old  and  that  of  the  New  Testament,  not  only 
because  of  the  greater  delicacy  of  the  latter  field,  but 
because  they  recognize  that  the  documents  of  the  Old 
and  New  Dispensations  were  produced  under  quite 
ditTercnt  conditions.  In  the  province  of  N.-  T.  higher 
criticism  Catholics  have  defended  the  traditional  au- 
thenticity, integrity,  and  veracity  of  the  books  in 
IV.— 32 


question.  Some  exegetes  admit  in  a  slight  measure 
divergencies  in  the  Evangelical  narratives,  and  the 
employment  of  older  documents  by  at  least  two  of 
the  Synoptic  writers.  As  to  the  "  Synoptic  problem  ", 
it  is  allowed  that  at  least  St.  Luke  utiUzed  St.  Mark's 
Gospel;  so  Batitfol,  Minocchi,  Lagrange,  Loisy,  Bo- 
naccorsi,  Gigot.  Unduly  influenced  by  contemporary 
German  criticism.  Abbe  Loisy  has  in  recent  times 
broken  with  the  orthodox  traditions  of  N.-T.  exegesis. 
In  a  reply  to  Harnack's  "What  is  Christianity?"  he 
defended  Catholic  dogma  as  an  evolution  with  its 
roots  in  the  Primitive  Church,  but  made  dangerous 
concessions  regarding  Christ's  claim  to  Divinity,  His 
Messianic  vocation,  knowledge,  miracles,  and  Resur- 
rection ("L'Evangile  et  I'Eglise",  1902;  "Autour 
d'un  petit  livre",  1903).  In  "Le  Quatrieme  Evan- 
gile"  (1903)  Loisy  rejects  the  Johannine  authorship 
and  the  historicity  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  both  of  which 
were  affirmed  by  the  Biblical  Commission  (29  May, 
1907).  His  system  virtually  severs  the  Catholic  Faith 
from  its  historical  credentials  as  found  in  the  N.  T., 
and  the  above  works  have  been  condemned  by  the 
Congregation  of  the  Index.  They  have  drawn  out  a 
number  of  refutations  from  Catholic  apologists,  such 
as  the  Abb(5  Lepin's  "Jesus  Messie  et  Fils  de  Dieu" 
(1904).  Jlore  recently  Loisy  published  a  work  on  the 
Synoptic  Gospels  (Les  evangiles  synoptiqucs,  1908) 
in  which  he  follows  the  most  extravagant  rationalistic 
criticism.  Loisy  was  excommunicated  7  March,  1908. 
As  has  been  remarked,  the  Church  warmly  recom- 
mends the  exercise  of  criticism  according  to  sound 
principles  unbiassed  by  rationalistic  presuppositions, 
but  it  must  condemn  iffidue  deference  to  heterodox 
writers  and  any  conclusions  at  variance  with  revealed 
truth.  When  doubt  arises  about  the  permissibility 
of  hypotheses,  it  is  for  ecclesiastical  authority  to  de- 
cide how  far  they  consist  with  the  deposit  of  faith 
or  are  expedient  to  the  welfare  of  religion. 

(Catholic  a  .^! .     ,      ,,  .  ,     ,..  ) 

From  a  > -  -iroux*,  Les  Hvres 

saints  ct  la  < :  u  ■;  Lias,  Eleirvnts  of 

Biblical  Cnl,,-    ,;,.<■  ■.  ,i  i,n.  The  Old  Testa- 

ment and  the  .\ew  Cnhri.^'n  il.undnii.  i,>;(.vi;  Beattie,  Radical 
Criticism  (Chicago,  l;>9oJ;  Anueksun,  2'hc  Bible  and  Modem 
Criticism  (London,  1902);  Hopfl*,  Die  hohere  Bibclkrilik  (2nd 
ed.,  Paderbom,  1905);  art.  Criticism,  in  Hasting,  Diet,  of  Christ 
and  the  Gospels. 

From  a  critical  standpoint:  Chetne,  FouTtder.i  of  0.  T.  Criti- 
cism (New  York.  1893);  Zenos,  Elements  of  the  Higher  Criticism 
(New  York,  1895);  Nash,  Hist,  of  the  Higher  Criticism  of  the  N. 
T.  (New  York,  1900);  Carpenter,  The  Bible  in  the  Nineteenth 
Century  (London,  1903);  Driver  and  Ivirkpatrick,  The  Higher 
Criticism  (London,  1905);  Gigot*.  Higher  Criticism  of  the  Bible, 
in  New  York  Review.  March,  1906-ApriI,  1907. 

Irenic:  Grannan*.  Higher  Criticism  and  the  Bible,  in  Am. 
Cath.  Quart.  Rev..  Julv,  1894;  McFatden.  O.  T.  Criticism  and 
the  Chrislinn  Church  (New  York,  1903);  Pkters*.  Die  grund- 
satztiche  .^trllung  der  katholische  Kirche  zur  Bibelforschung  (Pad- 
erbom, 1905). 

George  J.  Reid. 

Criticism  Textual. — The  object  of  textual  criti- 
cism is  to  restore  as  nearly  as  possible  the  original  text 
of  a  work  the  autograph  of  which  has  been  lost.  In 
this  textual  criticism  differs  from  higher  criticism, 
whose  aim  is  to  investigate  the  sources  of  a  literary 
work,  study  its  composition,  detennine  its  date  and 
trace  its  influence  and  various  transformations 
throughout  the  ages. 

A.  Xcresait}!  and  processes  of  textual  criticism. — 
Textual  criticism  has  no  application  except  in  regard 
to  a  work  whose  original  does  not  exist;  for,  if  extant, 
it  could  easily  be  reproduced  in  photogravure,  or  pub- 
lished, once  it  had  been  correctly  deciphered.  But 
no  autograph  of  the  inspired  writings  has  been  trans- 
mitted to  us,  any  more  than  have  the  originals  of  pro- 
fane works  of  tlic  same  era.  The  ancients  had  not 
that  superstitious  veneration  for  original  manuscripts 
■which  we  have  to-day.  In  very  early  times  the  Jews 
were  wont  to  destroy  the  sacred  books  no  longer  in 
use,  cither  by  burj'ing  them  with  the  remains  of  holy 
personages  or  by  hiding  them  in  what  was  called  a 


CRITICISM 


498 


CRITICISM 


ghenizah.  This  explains  why  the  Hebrew  Bibles  are, 
comparatively  speaking,  not  very  ancient,  although 
the  Jews  always  made  a  practice  of  writing  the  Holy 
Books  on  skin  or  parchment.  In  the  first  centuries  of 
the  Christian  era  the  Greeks  and  Latins  generally  used 
papyrus,  a  material  that  quickly  wears  out  and  falls 
to  pieces.  It  was  not  until  the  fourth  century  that 
parchment  was  commonly  used,  and  it  is  also  from 
that  time  that  our  oldest  manuscripts  of  the  Septua- 
gint  and  the  New  Testament  date.  Nothing  short  of 
a  continuous  miracle  could  have  brought  the  text  of 
the  inspired  writers  dowTi  to  us  without  alteration  or 
corruption,  and  Divine  Providence,  who  exercises,  as 
it  were,  an  economy  of  the  supernatural,  and  never 
needlessly  multiplies  prodigies,  did  not  will  such  a 
miracle.  Indeed  it  is  a  material  impossibility  to 
transcribe  absolutely  without  error  the  whole  of  a 
long  work;  and  a  priori  one  may  be  sure,  that  no  two 
copies  of  the  same  original  will  be  alike  in  every  de- 
tail. A  typical  example  of  this  is  furnished  by  the 
Augsburg  Confession,  presented  to  the  Emperor 
Charles  V  on  the  evening  of  25  Jime,  1530,  in  both 
Latin  and  German.  It  was  printed  in  September  of 
the  same  year  and  published  two  months  later  by  its 
author,  Melanchthon;  thirty-five  copies  of  it  are 
known  to  have  been  made  in  the  second  half  of  the 
year  1530,  nine  of  them  by  signers  of  the  Confession. 
But,  as  the  two  originals  are  lost,  and  the  copies  do 
not  agree  either  with  one  another  or  with  the  first 
editions,  we  are  not  sure  of  having  the  authentic  text 
in  its  minutest  details.  From  which  example  it  is 
easy  to  appreciate  the  necessity  of  textual  criticism 
in  the  case  of  works  so  ancient  and  so  often  tran- 
scribed as  the  books  of  the  Bible. 

Corruptions  introduced  by  copyists  may  be  di\'ided 
into  two  classes:  involuntary  errors,  and  those  which 
are  either  wholly  or  partly  intentional.  To  these  dif- 
ferent causes  are  due  the  observed  variations  between 
maunscripts. 

(a)  Involuntary  Errors  may  be  distinguished  as 
those  of  sight,  hearing,  and  memory,  respectively. 
Sight  readily  confounds  similar  letters  and  worc&. 
Thus  it  is  that  the  T  and  the  T  are  easily  interchanged 
in  square  Hebrew  writing,  E  and  S  and  6  and  0  in 
Greek  imcial  writing,  and  v  and  v  in  Cireek  cursives, 
etc.  When  the  exemplar  is  written  stichometrically, 
the  eye  of  the  copyist  is  apt  to  skip  one  or  several 
lines.  To  this  class  of  errors  belongs  the  verj-  frequent 
phenomenon  of  homwoteleuton  (o/wiorfKevrov),  i.  e. 
omission  of  a  passage  which  has  an  ending  exactly 
like  another  passage  which  comes  ne.xt  before  or  after 
it.  A  similar  thing  happens  when  several  phrases 
beginning  with  the  same  words  come  together.  Sec- 
ondly, errors  of  hearing  are  of  common  occurrence 
when  one  writes  from  dictation.  But  even  with  the 
exemplar  before  him,  a  copyist  gets  into  the  habit  of 
pronouncing  in  a  low  tone,  or  to  himself,  the  phrase 
he  is  transcribing,  and  thus  is  likely  to  mistake  one 
word  for  another  which  soimds  like  it.  This  explains 
numberless  cases  of  "itacism"  met  with  in  Greek 
manuscripts,  especially  the  continual  interchange  of 
viiett  and  ijfieh.  Lastly,  an  error  of  memory  oc- 
curs when,  instead  of  writing  down  the  passage  just 
read  to  him,  the  copyist  unconsciously  substitutes 
some  other,  familiar,  text  which  he  knows  by  heart, 
or  when  he  is  influenced  by  the  remembrance  of  a 
parallel  passage.  Errors  of  this  kind  are  most  fre- 
quent in  the  transcription  of  the  Gospels. 

(b)  Errors  Wholly  or  Partly  Intentional. — Deliber- 
ate corruption  of  the  Sacred  Text  has  always  been 
rather  rare,  Marcion's  case  being  exceptional.  Ilort 
[Introduction  (lS!t(l),  p.  2S'_']  is  of  the  opinion  that 
"even  uinniiiT  the  uni|uesti(inably  spurious  readings 
of  the  New  Ti-stanient  there  arc  no  signs  of  deliberate 
falsification  of  the  text  for  dogmatic  purixises." 
Nevertheless  it  is  true  that  the  scribe  often  selects 
from  various  readings  that  which  favours  either  his 


own  individual  opinion  or  the  doctrine  that  is  just 
then  more  generally  accepted.  It  also  happens  that, 
in  perfectly  good  faith,  he  changes  passages  which 
seem  to  him  corrupt  because  he  fails  to  understand 
them,  that  he  adds  a  word  which  he  deems  necessary 
for  the  elucidation  of  the  meaning,  that  he  substitutes 
a  more  correct  grammatical  form,  or  what  he  con- 
siders a  more  exact  expression,  and  that  he  harmon- 
izes parallel  passages.  Thus  it  is  that  the  shorter 
form  of  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Luke,  xi,  2-4,  is  in  al- 
most all  Greek  manuscripts  lengthened  out  in  accord- 
ance with  Matthew,  vi,  9-13.  Most  errors  of  this 
kintl  proceed  from  inserting  in  the  text  marginal  notes 
which,  in  the  copy  to  be  transcribed,  were  but  vari- 
ants, explanations,  parallel  passages,  simple  remarks, 
or  perhaps  the  conjectures  of  some  studious  reader. 
All  critics  have  observed  the  predilection  of  copyists 
for  the  most  verbose  texts  and  their  tendency  to  com- 
plete citations  that  are  too  brief;  hence  it  is  that  an 
interpolation  stands  a  far  better  chance  of  being  per- 
petuated than  an  omission. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  easy  to  imderstand  how 
numerous  would  be  the  readings  of  a  text  transcribed 
as  often  as  the  Bible,  and,  as  only  one  reading  of  any 
given  passage  can  represent  the  original,  it  follows 
that  all  the  others  are  necessarily  faulty.  Mill  esti- 
mated the  variants  of  the  New  Testament  at  30,000, 
and  since  the  discovery  of  so  many  manuscripts  un- 
knomi  to  Mill  this  number  has  greatly  increased.  Of 
course  by  far  the  greater  number  of  these  variants 
are  in  tmimportant  details,  as,  for  instance,  ortho- 
graphic peculiarities,  inverted  words,  and  the  like. 
Again,  many  others  are  totally  improbable,  or  else 
have  such  slight  warrant  as  not  to  deser\'e  even  cur- 
sory notice.  Hort  (Introduction,  2)  estimates  that  a 
reasonable  doubt  does  not  affect  more  than  the  six- 
tieth part,  of  the  words:  "In  this  second  estimate  the 
proportion  of  comparatively  trivial  variations  is  be- 
yond measure  larger  than  in  the  former;  so  that  the 
amoimt  of  what  can  in  any  sense  be  called  substantial 
variation  is  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  whole  residuary 
variation,  and  can  hardly  form  more  than  a  thou- 
sandth part  of  the  entire  text."  Perhaps  the  same 
thing  might  be  said  of  the  Vulgate;  but  in  regard  to 
the  primitive  Hebrew  text  and  the  Septuagint  version 
there  is  a  great  deal  more  doubt. 

We  have  said  that  the  object  of  textual  criticism 
is  to  restore  a  work  to  what  it  was  upon  leaving  the 
hands  of  its  author.  But  it  is,  absolutely  speaking, 
possible  that  the  author  himself  may  have  issued  more 
than  one  edition  of  his  work.  This  hj'pothesis  was 
made  for  Jeremias,  in  order  to  explain  the  differences 
between  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  texts;  for  St.  Luke, 
so  as  to  account  for  the  variations  between  the  "Codex 
Bezae"  and  other  Greek  manuscripts  in  the  third 
Gospel  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles;  and  for  other 
writers.  These  hypotheses  may  be  insufficiently 
founded,  but,  as  they  are  neither  absurd  nor  inapos- 
sible,  they  are  not  to  be  rejected  a  priori. 

B.  General  principles  of  textual  criticism. — In  order 
to  re-establish  a  text  in  all  its  purity,  or  at  least  to 
eliminate  as  far  as  possible,  its  successive  falsifica- 
tions, it  is  necessary  to  consult  and  weigh  all  the  evi- 
dence. And  this  may  be  divided  into:  external,  or 
that  furnished  by  documents  reproducing  the  text  in 
whole  or  in  part,  in  the  original  or  in  a  translation — 
diplomatic  evidence — and  intcj-nal,  or  that  resulting 
from  the  examination  of  the  text  itself  independently 
of  its  extrinsic  attestation — paradiplomatic  evidence. 
We  shall  consider  them  separately. 

1.  External  (Diplomatic)  Evidence. — The  evidence 
for  a  work  of  which  the  original  manuscript  is  lost 
is  furnished  by  (a)  copies,  (b)  vei-sions,  and  (c")  quo- 
tations. Tlie.se  three  do  not  always  exi.st  simultane- 
ously, and  the  order  in  which  they  are  here  enumerated 
does  not  indicate  their  relative  authority. 

(a)  Manuscripts, — In  regard  to  the  copies  of  an- 


CRITICISM 


499 


CRITICISM 


cient  works  three  tilings  are  to  be  considered,  namely: 
(a)  aye,  {p)  value,  and  (7)  genealogi/;  and  we  shall  add 
a  word  on  (5)  crilirul  nominclniurc,  or  notation. 

(a)  Age  is  somctinios  indicated  by  a  note  in  the 
manuscript  itself;  but  the  date,  when  not  suspected 
of  falsification,  may  simply  be  transcribed  from  the 
exemplar.  However,  as  dated  manuscripts  are  usu- 
ally not  verj'  old,  recourse  must  be  had  to  various 
pala-ographic  indications  which  generally  determine 
with  sufficient  accuracy  the  age  of  Greek  and  Latin 
manuscripts.  Hebrew  palseography,  though  more  un- 
certain, presents  fewer  difficulties,  inasmuch  as  He- 
brew manuscripts  are  not  so  old.  Besides,  the  exact 
age  of  a  copy  is,  after  all,  only  of  minor  importance, 
as  it  is  quite  possible  that  an  ancient  manuscript  may 
be  very  corrupt  while  a  later  one,  copied  from  a  better 
exemplar,  may  come  nearer  to  the  primitive  text. 
However,  other  things  being  equal,  the  presumption 
is  naturally  in  favour  of  the  more  ancient  document, 
since  it  is  connected  with  the  original  by  fewer  inter- 
vening links  and  consequently  has  been  exposed  to 
fewer  possiblities  of  error.  (/3)  It  is  more  important 
to  ascertain  the  relative  value  than  the  age  of  a  manu- 
script. Some  evidences  inspire  but  little  confidence, 
becau.se  they  have  frequently  been  found  to  be  defec- 
tive, while  others  are  readily  accepted  because  critical 
examination  has  in  every  instance  shown  them  to  be 
veracious  and  exact.  But  how  is  the  critic  to  dis- 
criminate? Prior  to  examination,  the  readings  of  a 
text  are  divided  into  three  or  four  classes:  the  cer- 
tainly or  probably  true,  the  doubtful,  and  the  cer- 
tainly or  probably  false.  A  manuscript  is  rated  good 
or  excellent  when  it  presents  in  general  true  readings 
and  contains  few  or  none  that  are  certainly  false; 
under  contrary  conditions  it  is  considered  mediocre 
or  worthless.  Needless  to  add,  the  intrinsic  excellence 
of  a  manuscript  is  not  measured  according  to  the 
greater  or  less  care  exercised  by  the  scribes;  a  manu- 
scrijit  may  teem  with  copj-ist's  errors,  though  it  be 
made  from  a  very  correct  exemplar;  and  one  tran- 
scribed from  a  defective  exemplar  may,  considered 
merely  as  a  copy,  be  quite  faultless.  (7)  The  geneal- 
ogy of  documents,  from  a  critical  view-point,  is  most 
interesting  and  important.  As  soon  as  it  is  proved 
that  a  manuscript,  no  matter  what  its  antiquity,  is 
simply  a  copy  of  another  existing  manuscript,  the 
former  should  evidently  disappear  from  the  list  of 
authorities,  since  its  particular  testimony  is  of  no 
value  in  establishing  the  primitive  text.  This,  for 
instance,  is  what  happened  to  the  "Codex  Sanger- 
manensis"  (E  of  the  Pauline  Epistles)  when  it  was 
proved  to  be  a  defective  copy  of  the  "Codex  Claro- 
montanus"  (D  of  the  Pauline  Epistles).  Now,  if  a 
text  were  preserved  in  ten  manuscripts,  nine  of  which 
had  sprung  from  a  common  ancestor,  we  would  not 
therefore  have  ten  independent  t^-stimonies  but  two, 
as  the  first  nine  would  count  for  only  one,  and  could 
not,  therefore,  outweight  the  tenth,  unless  it  were 
shown  that  the  common  exemplar  of  the  nine  was  a 
better  one  than  that  from  which  the  tenth  was  taken. 
The  consequences  of  this  principle  are  obvious,  and 
the  advantage  and  necessity  of  grouping  the  testi- 
monies for  a  text  into  families  is  readily  understood. 
It  might  be  supposed  that  the  critic  would  be  mainly 
guided  in  his  researches  by  the  birthplace  of  a  maini- 
script;  but  the  ancient  manuscripts  often  travelled 
a  great  deal,  and  their  nationality  is  rarely  known 
wth  certainty.  Th\is,  many  are  of  the  opinion  that 
the  Vaticanus  and  the  Sinaiticus  emanated  from 
Csesarea  in  Palestine,  while  others  maintain  that  they 
were  written  in  Egj-pt,  and  Hort  inclines  to  the  belief 
that  they  were  copied  in  the  West,  probably  in  Rome 
(see  Codex  Vaticanus;  Codex  Sinaiticus).  Hence 
the  critics'  chief  guide  in  this  matter  should  be  the 
careful  comparison  of  manuscripts,  upon  the  principle 
that  identical  readings  point  to  a  common  source, 
and  when  the  identity  between  two  or  more  manu- 


scripts is  constant — especially  in  exceptional  and  ec- 
centric variant-s — the  identity  of  the  exemplar  is  es- 
tablished. But  this  investigation  encounters  two 
difficulties.  A  first,  and  a  very  embarrassing,  com- 
l)lication  arises  from  the  mixture  of  texts.  There  are 
but  few  texts  that  are  pure ;  that  is  to  say,  that  are 
taken  from  a  single  exemplar.  The  ancient  scribes 
were  nearly  all  to  a  certain  extent  editors,  and  made 
their  choice  from  among  the  variants  of  the  different 
exemplars.  Moreover,  the  correctors  or  the  readers 
often  introduced,  either  on  the  margin  or  between 
the  lines,  new  readings  which  were  subsequently  em- 
bodied in  the  text  of  the  manuscript  thus  corrected. 
In  such  a  case  the  genealogy  of  a  manuscript  is  liable 
to  become  very  complicated.  It  also  sometimes 
happens  that  two  manuscripts  which  are  closely  re- 
lated in  certain  books  are  totally  unrelated  in  others. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  separate  books  of  the  Bible, 
in  ancient  times,  used  to  be  copied  each  upon  its  own 
roll  of  papyrus,  and  when  they  came  to  be  copied  from 
these  separate  rolls  upon  sheets  of  parchment,  and 
bound  together  in  one  enormous  "codex",  texts  be- 
longing to  quite  different  families  might  very  possibly 
be  placed  together.  All  these  facts  explain  why 
critics  frequently  disagree  in  determining  genealogical 
groupings.  (On  this  subject  consult  Hort,  "Intro- 
duction," pp.  39-69:   "Genealogical  Evidence".) 

(5)  Critical  Nomenclature,  or  Notation. — When  the 
copies  of  a  text  are  not  numerous  each  editor  assigns 
them  whatever  conventional  sjanbols  he  may  choose; 
this  was  for  a  long  time  the  case  with  the  editions  of 
the  original  Greek  and  Hebrew,  of  the  Septuagint  and 
the  Vulgate,  not  to  mention  other  versions.  But 
when,  as  nowadays,  the  number  of  manuscripts  be- 
comes greatly  increased,  it  is  necessary  to  adopt  a 
uniform  notation  in  order  to  avoid  confusion. 

Hebrew  manuscripts  are  usually  designated  by  the 
figures  assigned  them  by  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi. 
But  this  system  has  the  disadvantage  of  not  being 
continuous,  the  series  of  figures  recommencing  three 
times:  Kennicott  MSS.,  De  Rossi  MSS.,  and  other 
MSS.  catalogued  by  De  Rossi,  but  not  belonging  to 
his  collection.  Another  serious  inconvenience  arises 
from  the  fact  that  the  manuscripts  not  included  in  the 
three  preceding  lists  have  remained  without  symbol, 
and  can  only  be  indicated  by  mentioning  the  number 
of  the  catalogue  in  which  they  are  described. 

The  notation  of  Greek  manuscripts  of  the  Septua- 
gint is  almost  the  same  as  that  adopted  by  Holmes 
and  Parsons  in  their  Oxford  edition  179S-1S27.  These 
two  scholars  designated  the  uncials  by  Roman  figures 
(from  I  to  XIII)  and  the  cursives  by  Arabic  figures 
(from  14  to  311).  But  their  list  was  very  defective, 
as  certain  manuscripts  were  counted  twice,  while 
others  which  were  numbered  among  the  cursives  were 
uncials  either  wholly  or  in  part,  etc.  For  cursives 
the  Holmes-Parsons  notation  is  still  retained;  the 
uncials,  including  those  found  since,  are  designated 
by  Latin  capitals;  but  no  symbols  have  been  assigned 
to  recently  discovered  cursives.  (See  the  comi)lete 
list  in  Swctc,  "An  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament 
in  Greek",  Cambridge,  1902,  p.  120-170.) 

The  nomenclature  of  the  Greek  manuscripts  of  the 
New  Testament  also  leaves  much  to  be  desired. 
Wetstein,  the  author  of  the  usual  notation,  designates 
uncials  by  letters  and  cursives  by  Arabic  figures.  Ilia 
list  was  continued  by  Bircli  and  by  Scholz,  and  after- 
wards by  Scrivener,  indepcndentlj',  by  Ctregory.  The 
same  letters  answer  for  many  manuscripts,  hence  the 
necessity  of  distinguishing  indices,  thus  D'^="Codex 
Bezie",  D'""'''=Codex  Claromontanus,  etc.  More- 
over, the  series  of  figures  recommences  four  times 
(Gospels,  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles,  Epistles  of  Paul, 
Apocalypse),  so  that  a  cursive  containing  all  the  books 
of  the  New  Testament  must  be  designated  by  four 
different  numbers  accompanied  by  their  index.  Thus 
the  MS.  of  the  British  Museum  "  Aditit.  17409"  is  for 


CRITICISM 


500 


CRITICISM 


Scrivener  584",  228"^  ,  269^1"'  /J?"?"'  (i.e.  the  584tii 
MS  of  the  Gospel  on  his  list,  the  228th  of  Acts, 
etc.),  and  for  Gregory  498'",  198""',  255'"'"',  QT'V'^. 
To  remedy  this  confusion  Von  Soden  lays  down 
as  a  principle  that  uncials  should  not  have  a  tlifferent 
notation  from  the  cursives  and  that  each  manuscript 
should  be  designated  by  a  single  abbreviation.  Hence 
he  assigns  to  each  manuscript  an  Arabic  figure  pre- 
ceded by  one  of  the  three  Greek  initial  letters,  e,  a,  or 
S,  according  as  it  contains  the  Gospels  only  (£i5o77^- 
'Kiov),  or  does  not  contain  the  Gospels  ((■ir^ffToXos), 
or  contains  both  the  Gospels  and  some  other  part  of 
the  New  Testament  (SioS^ki;).  The  number  is 
chosen  so  as  to  indicate  the  approximate  age  of  the 
manuscript.  This  notation  is  UTiquestionably  better 
than  the  other;  the  main  point  is  to  secure  its  vmi- 
versal  acceptance,  without  which  endless  confusion 
will  arise. 

For  the  Vulgate  the  most  famous  manuscripts  are 
designated  either  by  a  conventional  name  or  its  ab- 
breviation (am=" Amiatinus",  /uW="Fuldensis"); 
the  other  manuscripts  have  no  generally  admitted 
symbol.  (The  present  nomenclature  is  altogether 
imperfect  and  deficient.  Critics  should  come  to 
terms  and  settle  upon  special  symbols  for  the  geneal- 
ogical groupings  for  manuscripts  which  are  as  yet  al- 
most entirely  deprived  of  them.  On  this  subject  see 
the  present  writer's  article,  " Mamiscrits  bibliques"  in 
Vigouroux,  "Diet,  de  la  Bible",  IV,  666-698). 

(b)  Versions. — The  importance  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions in  the  textual  criticism  of  the  Sacred  Books 
arises  from  the  fact  that  the  versions  are  often  far 
anterior  to  the  most  ancient  manuscripts.  Thus  the 
translation  of  the  Septuagint  antedated  by  ten  or  twelve 
centuries  the  oldest  copies  of  the  Hebrew  text  that 
have  come  down  to  us.  And  for  the  New  Testament 
the  Italic  and  the  Peshito  versions  are  of  the  second 
century,  and  the  Coptic  of  the  third,  while  the  "  Vat- 
icanus  and  the  "Sinaiticus",  which  are  our  oldest 
manuscripts,  date  only  from  the  fourth.  These  trans- 
lations, moreover,  made  on  the  initiative  and  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities, 
or  at  least  approved  and  sanctioned  by  the  Churches 
that  made  public  use  of  them,  have  undoubtedly  fol- 
lowed the  exemplars  which  were  esteemed  the  best 
and  most  correct;  and  this  is  a  guarantee  in  favour 
of  the  purity  of  the  text  they  represent.  Unfortu- 
nately, the  use  of  versions  in  textual  criticism  offers 
numerous  and  sometimes  insurmountable  difficulties. 
First  of  all,  unless  the  version  be  quite  literal  and 
scrupulously  faithful,  one  is  often  at  a  loss  to  deter- 
mine with  certainty  which  reading  it  represents.  And 
besides,  we  have  few  or  no  ancient  versions  edited 
according  to  the  exigencies  of  rigorous  criticism ;  the 
manuscripts  of  these  versions  differ  from  one  another 
considerably,  and  it  is  often  hard  to  trace  the  primi- 
tive reading.  When  there  have  been  several  versions 
in  the  same  language,  as  is  the  case,  for  example,  in 
Latin,  Syriac,  and  Coptic,  it  is  seldom  that  one  version 
has  not  in  the  long  run  reacted  on  the  other.  Again, 
the  different  copies  of  a  version  have  frequently  been 
retouched  or  corrected  according  to  the  original,  and 
at  various  epochs  some  sort  of  recensions  have  been 
made.  The  case  of  the  Septuagint  is  well  enough 
known  by  what  St.  Jerome  tells  of  it,  and  by  the  ex- 
amination of  the  manuscripts  themselves,  which  offer 
a  striking  diversity.  For  these  various  reasons  the 
use  of  the  versions  in  textual  criticism  is  rather  a  deli- 
cate matter,  and  many  critics  try  to  evade  the  diffi- 
culty by  not  taking  them  into  account.  But  in  this 
they  are  decidedly  wTong,  and  later  it  will  be  shown 
to  what  use  the  Sejituagint  version  may  be  put  in  the 
reconstruction  of  the  primitive  text  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament. 

(c)  Quotations. — Tliat  the  textual  criticism  of  the 
Greek  New  Testament,  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vul- 
gate has  profited  by  quotations  from  the  Fathers  is 


beyond  question;  but  in  using  this  authority  there 
is  need  of  caution  and  reserve.  Very  often  Biblical 
texts  are  quoted  from  memory,  and  many  writers 
have  the  habit  of  quoting  inaccurately.  In  his  Pro- 
legomena to  the  eighth  edition  of  Tischendorf  (pp. 
1141-1142),  Gregory  gives  three  very  instructive  e.x- 
amples  on  this  subject.  Charles  Hodge,  the  author  of 
highly  esteemed  commentaries,  when  informed  that 
his  quotation  from  Genesis,  iii,  15,  "The  seed  of  the 
woman  shall  bruise  the  serpent's  head",  was  a  serious 
inaccuracy,  refused  to  change  it  on  the  ground  that 
this  translation  had  passed  into  use.  In  his  history 
of  the  Vulgate  the  learned  Kaulen  twice  quoted  the 
well-known  saying  of  St.  Augustine,  once  accurately: 
"verborum  tenacior  cum  perspicuitate  sentientise ", 
and  once  inaccurately:  "verborum  tenacior  cum  ser- 
monis  perspicuitate".  Finally,  out  of  nine  quota- 
tions from  John,  iii,  3-5,  made  by  Jeremy  Taylor, 
the  celebrated  theologian,  only  two  agree,  and  not  one 
of  the  nine  gives  the  words  of  the  Anglican  version 
which  the  author  meant  to  follow.  Surely  we  should 
not  look  for  greater  rigour  or  accuracy  from  the 
Fathers,  many  of  whom  lacked  the  critical  spirit. 
Furthermore,  it  should  be  noted  that  the  text  of  our 
editions  is  not  always  to  be  depended  upon.  We 
know  that  copyists,  when  transcribing  the  works  of 
the  Fathers,  whether  Greek  or  Latin,  frequently  sub- 
stitute for  Biblical  quotations  that  form  of  text  with 
which  they  are  most  familiar,  and  even  the  editors  of 
former  times  were  not  very  scrupulous  in  this  respect. 
Would  anyone  have  suspected  that  in  the  edition  of 
the  commentary  of  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  on  the 
fourth  Gospel,  published  by  Pusey  in  1872,  the  te.xt 
of  St.  John,  instead  of  being  reproduced  from  St. 
Cyril's  manuscript,  is  borrowed  from  the  New  Testa- 
ment printed  at  Oxford?  From  this  standpoint  the 
edition  of  the  Latin  Fathers  undertaken  in  .\ustria 
and  that  of  the  ante-Nicene  Greek  Fathers  published 
at  Berlin,  are  worthy  of  entire  confidence.  Quota- 
tations  have  a  greater  value  in  the  eyes  of  the  critic 
when  a  commentary  fully  guarantees  the  text;  and 
the  authority  of  a  quotation  is  highest  when  a  writer 
whose  reputation  for  critical  habits  is  well  established, 
such  as  Origen  or  St.  Jerome,  formally  attests  that  a 
given  reading  was  to  be  found  in  the  best  or  most 
ancient  manuscripts  of  his  time.  It  is  obvious  that 
such  evidence  overrules  that  furnished  by  a  simple 
manuscript  of  the  same  epoch. 

(2)  Internal  or  Paradiplomatic  Evidence. — It  fre- 
quently happens  that  the  testimony  of  documents  is 
uncertain  because  it  is  discordant,  but  even  when  it 
is  unanimous,  it  may  be  open  to  suspicion  because  it 
leads  to  improbable  or  impossible  results.  It  is  then 
that  internal  evidence  must  be  resorted  to,  and,  al- 
though of  itself  it  seldom  suffices  for  a  firm  decision, 
it  nevertheless  corroborates,  and  sometimes  modifies, 
the  verdict  of  the  documents.  The  rules  of  internal 
criticism  are  simply  the  axioms  of  good  sense,  whose 
application  calls  for  large  experience  and  consummate 
judgment  to  ward  off  the  danger  of  arbitrariness  and 
subjectivism.  We  shall  briefly  formulate  and  ex- 
pound the  most  important  of  these  rules. 

Rule  1.  Among  several  variants  that  is  to  be  preferred 
which  best  agrees  with  the  context  and  most  closeti/  con- 
/orms  to  the  style  and  rnental  habits  of  the  author. — 
This  rule  is  thus  explained  by  Hort  ("The  New  Testa- 
ment in  the  Original  Greek",  Introduction,  London, 
1896,  p.  20):  "The  decision  may  be  made  either  by 
an  immediate  and  as  it  were  intuitive  judgment,  or 
by  weighing  cautiously  various  elements  which  go  to 
make  up  what  is  called  sense,  such  as  conformity  to 
gramm:ir  ami  congruity  to  the  purport  of  the  rest  of 
the  sentence  and  of  the  larger  context;  to  which  may 
rightly  be  added  congruity  to  the  usual  style  of  the 
autlior  and  to  his  matter  in  other  passages.  The 
process  may  take  the  form  either  of  simply  cofnparin| 
two  or  more  rival  readings  under  these  heads,  ani 


;i 


CRITICISM 


501 


CRITICISM 


t;i\  ing  the  preference  to  that  which  appears  to  have 
I  In-  advantage,  or  of  rejecting  a  reading  absolutely  for 
\  inlation  of  one  or  more  of  the  congruities,  or  of 
:Hlc.|iting  a  reading  absolutely  for  perfection  of  con- 
m  uity."  The  application  of  tliis  rule  rarely  produces 
crriainty;  it  usually  leads  onlj'  to  a  presumption, 
more  or  less  strong,  which  the  documentarj'  evidence 
confirms  or  annuls  as  the  case  may  be.  It  would  be 
sn|>histical  to  suppose  that  the  ancient  authors  are 
always  consistent  with  themselves,  always  correct  in 
tin  ir  language  and  happy  in  their  expressions.  The 
n  a.l(>r  is  all  too  liable  to  imagine  that  he  penetrates 
th.  ir  thought,  and  to  make  them  talk  as  he  himself 
w  uld  have  talked  on  a  like  occasion.  It  is  but  a 
St.  |i  from  this  to  conjectural  criticism  which  has  been 
SI'  much  abused. 

Kiile2.  Arrwng  several  readings  that  is  preferable 
v^.i.h  explains  all  others  and  is  explained  by  none. — 
(lnt;(iry,  in  his  "Prolegomena"  (8th  critical  ed.  of 
the  New  Testament  by  Tischendorf,  p.  63),  says  apro- 
p  IS  i]f  this  rule:  "Hoc  si  latiore  vel  latissimo  sensu 
ar(  i|.ietur,  omnium  regularum  principium  haberi 
jM  1.  rit ;  sed  est  ejusmodi  quod  alius  aliter  jurequidem 
sii.i,  ut  cuique  videtur,  definiat  sequaturque."  It  is, 
in  fact,  subject  to  arlsitrarj'  applications,  which  only 
pro\es  that  it  must  be  employed  with  prudence  and 
circumspection. 

Rule  3.  The  more  diffUuU  reading  is  also  the  more  prob- 
able.— "Proclivi  scriptioni  proestat  ardua"  (Bengel). 
— Although  it  may  seem  entirely  paradoxical,  this 
rule  is,  in  a  certain  measure,  founded  on  reason,  and 
those  who  have  contested  it  most  vigorously,  like 
W'etstein,  have  been  obliged  to  replace  it  with  pome- 
thing  similar.  But  it  is  true  only  on  condition  that 
the  clause  be  added,  all  other  things  being  equal;  else 
we  should  have  to  prefer  the  barbarisms  and  absurdi- 
ties of  copyists  solely  because  they  are  more  difficult 
to  understand  than  the  correct  expression  or  the  in- 
telligently turned  phrase.  Indeed  copyists  never 
change  tlieir  text  merely  for  the  pleasure  of  rendering 
it  obscure  or  of  corrupting  it;  on  the  contrary,  they 
rather  try  to  explain  or  correct  it.  Hence  a  harsh 
expression,  an  irregular  phr:i.se,  and  an  unlooked-for 
thought  are  possibly  primitive,  but  always,  as  we  have 
said,  on  this  condition:  ceteris  paribus.  Nor  must  it 
be  forgotten  that  the  difficulty  of  the  reading  may 
arise  from  other  causes,  such  as  the  ignorance  of  the 
scribe  or  the  defects  of  the  exemplar  which  he  copies. 

Rule  4.  The  ■'shortest  reading  is,  in  general,  the  best. — 
"Rrevior  lectio,  nisi  festium  vetustorum  et  gravium 
auctoritate  penitus  destituatur,  prieferenda  est  ver- 
bosiori.  Librarii  enim  multo  proniores  ad  addendum 
fuerunt,  quam  ad  omittendum  (Gricsbach). "  The 
reason  given  by  Griesbach,  author  of  this  rule,  is  con- 
firmed by  experience.  But  it  should  not  be  too  gen- 
erally applied;  if  certain  copyists  are  inclined  to  put 
in  an  insufficiently  authorized  interpolation,  others, 
in  their  haste  to  finish  the  task,  are  cither  deliberately 
or  unknowingly  guilty  of  omissions  or  abbreviations. 

We  see  that  the  rules  of  internal  criticism,  in  so  far 
as  they  can  be  of  any  use,  are  suggested  by  common 
sense.  Other  norms  fomuilated  by  certain  critics 
are  based  on  nothing  but  their  own  imaginations. 
Such  is  the  following  proposed  by  Griesbach:  "Inter 
plures  unius  loci  lectiones  ea  pro  suspecta  merito  habe- 
tur  quae  orthodoxonmi  dogmatibus  manifeste  prae 
ceteris  favet."  It  would  then  follow  that  the  variants 
suspected  of  heresy  have  all  the  probabilities  in  tlieir 
favour,  and  th.at  heretics  were  more  careful  of  the 
integrity  of  the  sacred  text  than  were  the  orthodox. 
History  and  re:ison  combined  protest  against  this 
paradox. 

C.  Conjectural  Criticism. — .\s  a  principle,  conjec- 
tural criticism  is  not  inadmissible.  In  fact  it  is  pos- 
sible that  in  all  existing  documents,  manuscripts,  ver- 
sions, and  quotations,  there  are  primitive  errors  which 
can  only  be  corrected  by  conjecture.     The  phrase 


primitive  errors  is  here  used  to  denote  those  that  w'ere 
committed  by  the  scribe  himself  in  dictated  works  or 
that  crept  into  one  of  the  first  copies  on  which  de- 
pend all  the  documents  that  have  come  down  to  us. 
Scrivener,  therefore,  seems  too  positive  when  he 
writes  ("Introduction",  189-1,  Vol.  II,  p.  244):  "It 
is  now  agreed  among  competent  judges  that  Conjec- 
tural Emendation  must  never  be  resorted  to  even  in 
passages  of  acknowledged  difficulty;  the  absence  of 
proof  that  a  reading  proposed  to  be  substituted  for 
the  conmion  one  is  actually  supported  by  some  trust- 
worthy document  being  of  itself  a  fatal  objection  to 
our  receiving  it."  Many  critics  would  not  go  thus 
far,  as  there  are  passages  that  remain  doubtful  even 
after  the  efforts  of  documentary  criticism  have  been 
exhausted,  and  we  cannot  see  why  it  should  be  for- 
bidden to  seek  a  remedy  in  conjectural  criticism. 
Thus  Hort  justly  remarks  ("Introduction",  1896,  p. 
71) :  "  The  evidence  for  corruption  is  often  irresistible, 
imposing  on  an  editor  the  duty  of  indicating  the  pre- 
sumed unsoundness  of  the  text,  although  he  may  be 
wholly  unable  to  propose  any  endurable  way  of  cor- 
recting it,  or  have  to  offer  only  suggestions  in  which 
he  cannot  place  full  confidence."  But  he  adds  that, 
in  the  New  Testament,  the  role  of  conjectural  emen- 
dation is  extremely  weak,  because  of  the  abundance 
and  variety  of  documentary  evidence,  and  he  agrees 
with  Scrivener  in  admitting  that  the  conjectures  pre- 
sented are  often  entirely  arbitrary,  almost  always  un- 
fortunate, and  of  such  a  nature  as  to  satisfy  only  their 
own  inventor.  To  sum  up,  conjectural  criticism 
should  only  be  applied  as  a  last  resort,  after  eveiy 
other  means  has  been  exhausted,  and  then  only  with 
prudent  scepticism. 

D.  Application  of  the  principles  and  processes  of 
textual  criticism. — It  remains  briefly  to  explain  the 
modifications  w'hieh  the  principles  of  textual  criti- 
cism imdergo  in  their  application  to  Biblical  texts, 
to  enmnerate  the  chief  critical  editions,  and  to  indi- 
cate the  methods  followed  by  the  editors.  We  shall 
here  speak  only  of  the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment and  of  the  Greek  text  of  the  New. 

1.  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testament,  (a)  The 
critical  apparatus. — The  number  of  Hebrew  manu- 
scripts is  very  great.  Kennicott  ("Dissertatio  gene- 
ralis  in  Vet.  Test,  hebraicuni",  Oxford,  1780)  and  De 
Rossi  ("VarisE  lectiones  Vet.  Testamenti",  Parma, 
1784-88)  have  catalogued  over  1300.  Since  their  day 
this  figure  has  greatly  increased,  thanks  to  discoveries 
made  in  Egypt,  Arabia,  Mesopotamia,  and  above  all 
in  the  Crimea.  Unfortvmately,  for  the  reason  given 
above  under  A.  Necessili/  ami  Processes,  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts  are  comparatively  recent;  none  is  an- 
terior to  the  tenth  century  or  at  any  rate  the  ninth. 
The  "Codex  Babylonicus"  of  the  Prophets,  now  at 
St.  Petersburg  and  bearing  the  date  916,  generally 
passes  for  the  oldest.  According  to  Ginsburg,  how- 
ever, the  manuscript  numbered  "Oriental  4445"  of 
the  British  Museum  dates  back  to  thi?  middle  of  the 
ninth  century.  But  the  dates  inscribed  on  certain 
manuscripts  are  not  to  be  trusted.  (See  on  this  sub- 
ject, Neubauer,  "  Earliest  MSS.  of  the  ( )ld  Testament" 
in  "Studia  Biblica",  III,  Oxford,  1891,  pp.  22-.36.) 
When  the  Hebrew  maiuiscri[)ts  are  compared  with 
one  another,  it  is  amazing  to  find  how  strong  a  re- 
semblance exists.  Kennicott  and  De  Ro.s8i,  who  col- 
lected the  variants,  found  hardly  any  of  importance. 
This  fact  produces  at  first  a  favourable  impression, 
and  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that  it  is  very  eiusy  to 
restore  the  primitive  text  of  the  Hebrew  Bible,  so 
carefully  have  the  copyists  performed  their  task.  But 
this  impression  is  modified  when  we  consider  that  the 
manuscripts  agree  even  in  material  imperfections  and 
in  the  most  conspicuous  errors.  Thus  tiiey  all  present, 
in  the  same  places,  letters  that  are  larger  or  smaller 
than  usual,  that  are  placed  above  or  below  the  line, 
that  are  inverted,  and  sometimes  unfinished  or  broken. 


CRITICISM 


502 


CRITICISM 


Again,  here  and  tliere,  and  precisely  in  the  same  places, 
may  be  noticed  spaces  indicating  a  hiatus ;  finally,  on 
certain  words  or  letters  are  points  intended  to  annul 
them.  (See  Cornill,  "Einleitung  in  die  Kanon. 
Bucher  des  A.  T.",  5th  ed.,  Tubingen,  1905,  p.  310.) 
All  these  phenomena  led  Spinoza  to  suspect,  and  en- 
abled Paul  de  Lagarde  to  prove  (Annierkungen  zur 
griechischen  Uebersetzung  dcr  Proverbien,  1803,  pp. 
1,  2)  that  all  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  known  come 
down  from  a  single  copy  of  which  they  reproduce  even 
the  faults  and  imperfections.  This  theory  is  now 
generally  accepted,  and  the  opposition  it  has  met  has 
only  served  to  make  its  truth  clearer.  It  has  even 
been  made  more  specific  and  has  been  proved  to  the 
extent  of  showing  that  the  actual  text  of  our  manu- 
scripts was  established  and,  so  to  speak,  canonized 
between  the  first  and  second  century  of  our  era,  in 
an  epoch,  that  is,  when,  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple  and  the  downfall  of  the  Jewish  nation,  all 
Judaism  was  reduced  to  one  school.  In  fact,  this 
text  does  not  differ  from  that  which  St.  Jerome  used 
for  the  Vulgate,  Origen  for  his  Hexapla,  and  Aquila, 
Symmachus,  and  Theodotus  for  their  versions  of  the 
Old  Testament,  although  it  is  far  removed  from  the 
text  followed  in  the  Septuagint. 

As  centuries  elapsed  between  the  composition  of  the 
various  boolvs  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  deter- 
mining of  the  Massoretic  text,  it  is  but  likely  that 
more  or  less  serious  modifications  were  introduced,  the 
more  so  as,  in  the  interval,  there  had  occurred  two 
events  particularly  favourable  to  textual  corruption, 
namely  a  change  in  writing — the  old  Phoenician  hav- 
ing given  way  to  the  square  Hebrew — and  a  change 
in  spelling,  consisting,  for  example,  of  the  separation 
of  words  formerly  united  and  in  the  frequent  and 
rather  irregular  use  of  matres  lectionis.  The  variants 
that  supervened  may  be  accounted  for  by  comparing 
parallel  parts  of  Samuel  and  Kings  with  the  Paralipo- 
mena,  and  above  all  by  collating  passages  twice  repro- 
duced in  the  Bible,  such  as  Ps.  xvii  (xviii)  with  II 
Sam.,  xxii,  or  Is.,  xxxvi-xxxix,  with  II  Kings,  xviii, 
17-xx,  19.  [See  Touzard,  "Dc  la  conservation  du 
texte  h^breu"  in  "Revue  biblique",  VI  (1897),  31-47, 
185-206;  VII  (1898),  511-524;  VIII  (1899),  83-108.] 

An  evident  consequence  of  what  has  just  been  said 
is  that  the  comparison  of  extant  manuscripts  en- 
lightens us  on  the  Massoretic,  but  not  on  the  primitive 
text.  On  the  latter  subject  the  Mishna  and,  for  still 
stronger  reasons,  the  remainder  of  the  Talmud  cannot 
teach  us  anything,  as  they  were  subsequent  to  the 
constitution  of  the  Massoretic  text ;  nor  can  the  Tar- 
gums,  for  the  same  reason  and  because  they  may  have 
since  been  retouched.  Therefore,  outside  of  the  Mas- 
soretic text,  our  only  guides  are  the  Samaritan  Pen- 
tateuch and  the  Septuagint  version.  The  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  offers  us  an  independent  recension  of  the 
Hebrew  text,  dating  from  the  fourth  century  before 
our  era,  that  is,  from  an  epoch  in  which  the  Samari- 
tans, under  their  high-priest  Manasseh,  separated 
from  the  Jews;  and  this  recension  is  not  suspected  of 
any  important  modifications  except  the  rather  inof- 
fensive, harmless  one  of  substituting  Mount  Gerizim 
for  Mount  Hebal  in  Deut.,  xxvii,  4.  As  to  the  Sep- 
tuagint version,  we  know  that  it  was  begim,  if  not 
completed,  about  280  b.  c.  To  Paul  de  Lagarde  es- 
pecially belongs  the  credit  of  drawing  the  attention 
of  scholars  to  the  value  of  the  Septuagint  for  a  critical 
edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible. 

(b)  Critical  editions  of  the  Hebrew  text. — After  the 
publication  of  the  Psalms  at  Bologna  in  1477,  of  the 
Pentateuch  at  Bologna  in  1482,  of  the  Prophets  at 
Soncino  in  1485,  and  of  the  Hagiographa  at  Naples  in 
1487,  the  entire  Old  Testament  appeared  at  Soncino 
(148H),  at  Naples  (1491-93),  at  Brescia  (1494),  at 
Pesaro  (1511-17),  and  at  Alcala  (1514-17).  Then, 
between  1510  and  15(i8,  came  the  four  Rabbinic  Bibles 
of  Venice.     It   is  the  second,  edited  by  Jacob  ben 


Chayim  and  printed  by  Bomberg  in  1524-1525,  that 
is  generally  looked  upon  as  containing  the  textus 
rcceptus  (received  text).  The  list  of  the  innmnerable 
editions  which  followed  is  given  by  Pick  in  his  "His- 
tory of  the  Printed  Editions  of  the  Old  Testament" 
in  "  Hebraica"  (1892-1893),  IX,  pp.  47-110.  For  the 
most  important  editions  see  Ginsburg,  "Introduction 
to  the  Massoretic-critical  edition  of  the  Hebrew  Bible" 
(London,  1897),  779-976.  The  editions  most  fre- 
quently reprinted  are  probably  those  of  Van  der 
Hoogt,  Halin,  and  Theile ;  but  all  these  older  editions 
are  now  supplanted  by  those  of  Baer  and  Delitzsch, 
Ginsburg,  and  Kittel,  which  are  considered  more  cor- 
rect. The  Baer  and  Delitzsch  Bible  appeared  in 
fascicles  at  Leipzig,  between  1809  and  1895,  and  ia 
not  yet  complete;  the  entire  Pentateuch  except 
Genesis  is  wanting.  Ginsburg,  author  of  the  "  Intro- 
duction" mentioned  above,  has  published  an  edition 
in  two  volumes  (London,  1894).  Finally,  Kittel,  who 
had  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of  a  new  edition 
(L'eber  die  Notwendigkeit  imd  Moglichkeit  einer 
neuen  Ausgabe  der  hebraischen  Bibel,  Leipzig,  1902) 
has  just  published  one  (Leipzig,  1905-00)  with  the 
assistance  of  several  collaborators,  Ryssel,  Driver,  and 
others.  Almost  all  the  editions  thus  far  mentioned 
reproduce  the  textus  receptus  by  correcting  the  typo- 
graphical errors  and  indicating  the  interesting  vari- 
ants; all  adhere  to  the  Massoretic  text,  that  is,  to  the  ] 
text  adopted  by  the  rabbis  between  the  first  and  sec- 
ond centuries  of  our  era,  and  found  in  all  the  Hebrew 
manuscripts.  A  group  of  German,  English,  and 
American  scholars,  under  the  direction  of  Haupt,  have 
undertaken  an  edition  which  claims  to  go  back  to  the 
primitive  text  of  the  sacred  authors.  Of  the  twenty 
parts  of  this  Bible,  appearing  in  Leipzig,  Baltimore, 
and  London,  and  generally  known  imder  the  name 
of  the  "  Polychrome  Bible",  sixteen  have  already  been 
published:  Genesis  (Ball,  1890),  Leviticus  (Driver, 
1S94),  Numbers  (Paterson,  1900),  Joshua  (Bennett, 
1895),  Judges  (Moore,  1900),  Samuel  (Budtle,  1894), 
Kings  (Stade,  1904),  Isaiah  (Cheyne,  1899),  Jeremiah 
(Cornill,  1895),  Ezekiel  (Toy,  1899),  Psalms  (Well- 
hausen,  1895),  Proverbs  (Kautzsch,  1901),  Job  (Sieg- 
fried, 1893),  Daniel  (Kamphausen,  1896),  Ezra- 
Nehemiah  (Guthe,  1901),  and  Chronicles  (Kittel, 
1895) ;  Deuteronomy  (Smith)  is  in  press.  It  is  need- 
less to  state  that,  like  all  who  have  thus  far  endeav- 
oured to  restore  the  primitive  text  of  certain  books, 
the  editors  of  the  "Polychrome  Bible"  allow  a  broad 
margin  for  subjective  and  conjectural  criticism. 

2.  Greek  text  of  the  New  Testament,  (a)  Use  of 
the  critical  apparatus. — The  greatest  difficulty  con- 
fronting the  editor  of  the  New  Testament  is  the  end- 
less variety  of  the  documents  at  his  disposal.  The 
number  of  manuscripts  increases  so  rapidly  that  no 
list  is  absolutely  complete.  The  latest,  "  Die  Schriften 
des  N.  T."  (Berlin,  1902),  by  Von  Sodcn,  enumerates 
2328  distinct  manuscripts  outside  of  lectiOnaries 
(Gospels  and  Epistles),  and  exclusive  of  about  30 
numbers  added  in  an  appendix,  30  October,  1902.  It 
must  be  acknowledged  that  many  of  these  texts  are 
but  fragments  of  chapters  or  even  of  verees.  This 
enormous  mass  of  manuscripts  is  still  but  imperfectly 
studied,  and  some  copies  are  scarcely  known  except 
as  figuring  in  the  catalogues.  The  great  uncials  them- 
selves are  not  yet  all  collated,  and  many  of  them  have 
but  lately  been  rendered  accessible  to  critics.  The 
genealogical  classification,  above  all,  is  far  from  com- 
plete, and  many  fundamental  points  are  still  under 
discission.  The  text  of  the  principal  versions  and 
of  the  patristic  quotations  is  far  from  being  satisfac- 
torily edited,  and  the  genealogical  relationship  of  all 
these  sources  of  information  is  not  yet  determined. 
These  varied  ditliculties  explain  the  lack  of  agreement 
on  the  part  of  editors  and  the  want  of  conformity  in 
the  critical  editions  published  down  to  the  present 
day. 


CRITICISM 


503 


CRITICISM 


( 1 0  Bricj  history  of  tfie  critical  editions  and  principles 
/  •:i,iircd  hi/  cditurs. — The  first  New  Testament  pub- 
li-li(-(l  in  Greek  is  that  which  forms  the  fifth  volume 
I't  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala,  the  printing  of  which  was 
tiiii.shcd  10  January,  1514,  but  which  was  not  delivered 
1  i  the  public  until  1520.  Meanwhile,  early  in  1516, 
J  I  ismus  had  published  his  rapidly  completed  edition 
III  Hasle.  The  edition  that  issued  from  the  press  of 
Alhis  at  Venice  in  151S  is  simply  a  reproduction  of 
lliit  of  Erasmus,  but  Robert  Estienne's  editions  pub- 
li-hrd  in  1546,  1549,  1550,  and  1551,  the  first  three  at 
I'lris  and  the  fourth  at  Geneva,  although  founded  on 
ill.'  text  of  the  Polyglot  of  Alcala,  presented  variants 
fi '  mi  about  fifteen  manuscripts,  and  into  the  last,  that 
of  1551,  was  introduced  the  division  of  verees  now  in 
nM>.  Theodore  Beza's  ten  editions  which  appeared 
1"  uvcen  1565  and  1611  differ  but  little  from  the  last 
of  Hobert  Estienne's.  The  Elzevir  brothers,  Bona- 
\  I  mure  and  Abraham,  printers  at  Le}-den,  followed 
l.stii'nne  and  Beza  verj-  closely;  their  small  editions 
(if  1624  and  163.3,  so  convenient  and  so  highly  appre- 
ciated by  booklovers,  furnish  what  has  been  agreed 
ii|ioii  as  the  textus  rcccptus. — "Te.xtum  ergo  habes 
iiutic  ab  omnibus  receptum,  in  quo  nihil  immutatmn 
Mit  corruptum  damns"  (Edition  of  1633).  It  must 
siiiiice  to  mention  here  the  editions  of  Courcelles 
(Amsterdam,  1658)  and  of  Fell  (Oxford,  1675),  both 
of  which  adhere  pretty  closely  to  the  textus  receptus 
of  Elzevir,  and  those  of  Walton  (London,  1657)  and 
of  Mill  (O.xford,  1707),  which  reproduce  in  substance 
the  text  of  Estienne,  but  enrich  it  by  the  addition  of 
variants  resulting  from  the  collation  of  numerous 
manuscripts.  The  principal  editors  who  followed — 
Wetstein  (Amsterdam,  1751-1752),  Mattha-i  (Moscow, 
1782-1788),  Birch  (Copenlia^en,  1788),  and  the  two 
Catholics,  Alter  (Vienna,  1786-1787),  and  Scholz 
(Leipzig,  1830-1836)  are  noted  chiefly  for  the  abun- 
dance of  new  manuscripts  which  they  discovered  and 
collated.  But  we  must  here  limit  ourselves  to  an 
appreciation  of  the  latest  and  best-known  editors, 
Griesbach,  Lachniann,  Tregelles,  Tischendorf,  West- 
cott  and  Hort. 

In  his  second  edition  (1796-1806)  Griesbach,  ap- 
plying the  theory  that  had  previously  been  suggested 
by  Bengel  and  subsequently  developed  by  Semler, 
distinguished  three  great  families  of  texts:  the  .Alex- 
andrian family  represented  by  the  codices  X,  B,  C,  by 
the  Coptic  versions  and  the  quotations  of  Origen ;  the 
Western  family,  represented  by  D  of  the  Gospels  and 
the  Acts,  by  the  bilingual  codices,  the  Latin  versions, 
and  the  Latin  Fathers;  and  lastly  the  Byzantine  fam- 
ily, represented  by  the  ma.ss  of  other  manuscripts 
and  by  the  Greek  Fathers  from  the  fourth  century 
onward.  Agreement  between  two  of  these  families 
would  have  been  decisive;  but,  unfortunately,  Gries- 
bach's  classification  is  questioned  by  many,  and  it  has 
been  proved  that  the  agreement  between  Origen  and 
the  so-called  .\lexandrian  family  is  largely  imaginary. 
Lachmann  (Berlin,  1842-18.50)  endeavoured  to  recon- 
struct his  text  on  too  narrow  a  basis.  He  took  ac- 
count of  only  the  great  uncials,  many  of  which  were 
then  either  entirely  unknown  or  imperfectly  known, 
and  of  the  ancient  Latin  ver.sions.  In  his  choice  of 
readings  the  editor  adopted  the  majority  opinion,  but 
reserved  to  him.self  the  conjectural  amendment  of  the 
text  thus  established — a  defective  method  which  his 
successor  Tregelles  has  not  sufficiently  avoided.  The 
lattcr's  edition  (18.57-1872).  the  work  of  a  lifetime, 
was  completed  by  his  friends.  Tischendorf  contrib- 
uted no  less  than  eight  editions  of  theXewTestatment 
in  Greek,  but  the  differences  among  them  are  deriil- 
edly  marked.  According  to  Scrivener  (Introduc- 
tion, n,  283)  the  seventh  edition  differs  from  the 
third  in  1296  places,  and  in  .Wo  it  goes  b.aok  to  the 
received  text.  After  the  discoverv'of  the  "Sinaiti- 
cus",  which  he  had  the  honour  of  finding  and  pub- 
lishing, his  eighth  edition  disagreed  with  the  preceding 


one  in  3369  places.  Such  an  amount  of  variation  can 
only  inspire  distrust.  Nor  did  the  edition  contributed 
by  Westcott  and  Hort  (The  New  Testament  in  the 
Original  Greek,  Cambridge  and  London,  1881)  win 
universal  approval,  because,  after  eliminating  in  turn 
each  of  the  great  families  of  documents  which  they 
designate  respectively  as  Syrian,  Western,  and  Alex- 
andrian, the  editors  rely  almost  exclusively  on  the 
"Neutral"  text,  which  is  only  represented  by  the 
"V.aticanus"  and  the  "Sinaiticus",  and,  in  case  of 
disagreement  between  the  two  great  codices,  by  the 
"  Vaticanus"  alone.  The  excessive  preponderance  thus 
given  to  a  single  manuscript  was  criticized  in  a  special 
manner  by  Scrivener  (Introduction,  II,  284-297). 
Finally,  the  edition  announced  by  Von  Soden  (Die 
Schriften  des  N.  T.  in  ihrer  altcsten  erreichbaren 
Textgestalt)  gave  rise  to  lively  controversies  even 
before  it  appeared.  (See  "Zeitschrift  fur  neutest. 
Wissenschaft;',  1907,  VIII,  .34-47,  110-124,  234- 
237.)  All  this  would  seem  to  indicate  that,  for  some 
time  to  come,  we  shall  not  have  a  definite  edition  of 
the  Greek  New  Testament. 


The  enryciopedias  and  dictionaries  of  the  Bible  hax'e  no 
special  article  on  textual  criticism  which  deals  in  a  particular 
manner  with  Biblical  texts,  but  most  of  the  Introductions  to 
Scripture  dedicate  one  or  several  chapters  to  this  subject:  e.  g., 
Ub.\ldi,  Inlroduclio  (5th  ed..  Rnmc,  1901),  II.  484-615  (De 
criticn  verbali  sacrorum  iryli^  ^';  ;  rMi;\i  i,y.  Inlroduclio  (Paris, 
1885),  I,  496-509  {De  vsu  .  vrimigmiorum  rl  ver- 

sionum  anliqitarum);  Grv.'.'^         ;  "■  na  to  8th  ed.  of  Tis- 

chendorf (Leipzig.  1S84  In'M  ;  --^  i;i\  i  \KR,  Inttrtdiiction  (4th 
ed.,  Lond..!,.  1^0^  ,  II,  l7:)-:i(ll;  Nkstlk,  Einfiihrung  in  das 
gricch.  N.  T  Jihlrl  ,  !  Mi'.) )  and  Holtzmann,  jFm/ctfunff  in  das 
N.  T.  (Freiliuo:  vu  l;r.i--:m,  1.S92). 

The  follnwiTi'.:  ni:i\  ho  mentioned  as  monographs:  Porter, 
Principles  of  Textual  Cnhcism  (Belfast,  1848);  Davidson,  A 
Treali.^e  of  Biblical  Crilicism  (1853);  Hammond,  Outlines  of 
Textual  Criticism  (2nd  ed.,  1878);  Miller,  Textual  Guide  (Lon- 
don, 1885);  Hort,  The  N.  T.  in  the  Original  Greek:  Introduction 
(2nd  ed..  London,  1896).  .Xlthmigh.  like  several  of  the  preced- 
ing, this  last  workaims  chiefly  at  the  triricism  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, the  entire  second  part  (pp.  19-72,  Tfie  Methods  of  Textual 
CnVtcrsm)  discusses  general  questions.  On  (b)  IVr,ston.s  and  (c) 
Quotations,  under  B.  General  Frinciples,  cf.  Bebb.  The  Evidence 
of  Early  VersioTis  and  Patristic  Quotations  on  the  Text  of  the 
Books  of  the  New  Testament  in  II  of  the  Oxford  Studia  Biblica  el 
Ecclesiastica, 

F.  Prat. 

Criticism,  Historical,  is  the  art  of  distinguishing 
the  true  from  the  false  concerning  facts  of  the  past.  It 
has  for  its  ooject  both  the  documents  which  have  been 
handed  down  to  us  and  the  facts  themselves.  We 
may  distinguish  three  kinds  of  historical  sources: 
written  documents,  imwritten  evidence,  and  tradition. 
As  further  means  of  re;iching  a  knowledge  of  the  facts 
there  are  three  processes  of  indirect  research,  viz.:  neg- 
ati^-e  argument,  conjecture,  and  a  priori  argument. 

It  may  be  said  at  once  that  the  study  of  sources  and 
the  u.se  of  indirect  processes  will  avail  little  for  proper 
criticism  if  one  is  not  guided  chiefly  by  an  ardent  love 
of  truth  such  as  will  prevent  him  from  turning  aside 
from  the  object  in  view  through  any  prejudice,  relig- 
ious, national,  or  domestic,  that  might  trouble  his 
judgment.  The  role  of  the  critic  differs  much  from 
that  of  an  advocate.  He  must,  moreover,  consider 
that  he  has  to  fulfil  at  once  the  duties  of  an  examining 
magistrate  and  an  expert  jurj-man,  for  whom  elemen- 
tary probity,  to  say  nothing  of  their  oath,  makes  it  a 
conscientious  dutyto  decide  only  on  the  fullest  possi- 
ble knowledge  of 'the  details  of  the  matter  submitted 
to  their  examination,  and  in  keeping  with  the  conclu- 
sion which  they  have  drawn  from  these  details ;  guard- 
ing themselves  at  the  .same  time  against  all  personal 
feeling  either  of  affection  or  of  hatred  respecting  the 
litigants.  But  inexorable  impartiality  is  not  enough; 
thc'^critic  should  also  possess  a  fimd  of  that  natural 
logic  known  as  common  sense,  which  enables  us  to  es- 
timate correctly,  neither  more  nor  less,  the  value  of  a 
conclusion  in  strict  keeping  with  given  premi.scs.  If, 
moreover,  the  investigator  be  actite  and  .shrewd,  so 
that  he  discerns  at  a  glance  the  elements  of  evidence 
offered  by  the  various  kinds  of  information  before  him, 


CRITICISM 


504 


CRITICISM 


which  elements  often  appear  quite  meaningless  to  the 
untrained  observer,  we  may  consider  him  thoroughly 
fitted  for  the  task  of  critic.  He  must  now  proceed  to 
familiarize  himself  with  the  historical  method,  i.  e. 
with  the  rules  of  the  art  of  historical  criticism.  In  the 
remainder  of  this  article  we  shall  present  a  brief  re- 
sum6  of  these  rules  apropos  of  the  various  kinds  of 
documents  and  processes  which  the  historian  employs 
in  determining  the  relath-e  degree  of  certainty  which 
attaches  to  the  facts  that  engage  his  attention. 

Written  Documents. — There  are  two  kinds  of 
written  documents.  Some  are  drawn  up  by  ecclesi- 
astical or  civil  authority,  and  are  known  as  public 
documents;  others,  emanating  from  private  individ- 
uals and  possessing  no  official  guarantee,  are  known  as 
private  documents.  Public  or  private,  however,  all 
such  documents  raise  at  once  three  preliminary  ques- 
tions: (1)  authenticity  and  integrity;  (2)  meaning; 
(3)  authority. 

Authenticity  and  Integrity. — Does  the  document 
which  confronts  us  as  a  source  of  information  really 
belong  to  the  time  and  the  author  claimed  for  it,  and 
do  we  possess  it  in  the  shape  in  which  it  left  that  au- 
thor's hand?  There  is  little  or  no  difficulty  in  the  case 
of  a  document  printed  during  the  author's  lifetime, 
and  given  at  once  a  wide  distribution.  It  is  otherwise 
when,  as  often  happens,  the  document  is  both  ancient 
and  in  manuscript.  The  so-called  auxiliary  sciences 
of  history,  i.  e.  palaeography,  diplomatics,  epigraphy, 
numismatics,  sigillography,  or  sphragistics,  furnish 
practical  rules  that  generally  suffice  to  determine  ap- 
proximately the  age  of  a  manuscript.  In  this  prelim- 
inary stage  of  research  we  are  greatly  aided  by  the 
nature  of  the  material  on  which  the  manuscript  is 
written,  e.  g.  papyrus,  parchment,  cotton  or  rag  paper ; 
by  the  system  of  abbreviations  employed,  character  of 
the  hand-writing,  ornamentation,  and  other  details 
that  vary  according  to  countries  and  epochs.  It  is 
rare  that  a  document  claiming  to  be  an  original  or  an 
autograph,  when  submitted  to  such  a  series  of  tests, 
leaves  room  for  reasonable  doubt  regarding  its  authen- 
ticity or  non-authenticity.  More  frequently,  how- 
ever, ancient  documents  survive  only  in  the  form  of 
copies,  or  copies  of  copies,  and  their  verification  thus 
becomes  more  complicated.  We  must  pass  judgment 
on  each  manuscript  and  compare  the  manuscripts  with 
one  another.  This  comparison  enables  us,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  fix  their  age  (approximately)  by  the  rules  of 
palseography ;  on  the  other,  it  reveals  a  number  of 
variant  readings.  In  this  way  it  becomes  possible  to 
designate  some  as  belonging  to  one  "family",  i.  e.  as 
transcribed  from  one  original  model,  and  thus  eventu- 
ally to  reconstruct,  more  or  less  perfectly,  the  primi- 
tive text  as  it  left  the  author's  hand.  Such  labour 
(merely  preliminary,  after  all,  to  the  question  of  au- 
thenticity), were  every  one  forced  to  perform  it,  would 
deter  most  stutlents  of  historical  science  at  the  very 
outset.  It  becomes,  however,  daily  less  necessary. 
Men  specially  devoted  to  this  important  and  arduous 
branch  of  criticism,  and  of  a  literary  probity  beyond 
suspicion,  have  published  and  continue  to  publish,  with 
the  generous  aid  of  their  governments  and  of  learned 
societies,  more  or  less  extensive  editions  of  ancient 
historical  sources  which  place  at  our  disposal,  one 
might  almost  say  more  advantageously,  the  manu- 
scripts themselves.  In  the  prefaces  of  these  scholarly 
publications  all  the  known  manuscripts  of  each  docu- 
ment are  carefully  described,  classified,  and  often  par- 
tially represented  in  fac-simile,  thereby  enabling  us  to 
verify  the  palaeographic  features  of  the  manuscript  in 
question.  The  edition  it.self  is  usually  made  after  one 
of  the  principal  manuscripts;  moreover,  on  each  page 
we  find  an  exact  summary  (sometimes  in  apparently 
excessive  detail)  of  all  the  variant  readings  found  in 
the  other  manuscripts  of  the  text.  With  such  helps 
the  authenticity  of  a  work  or  of  a  text  may  be  dis- 
cussed without  searching  all  the  libraries  of  Europe  or 


tiring  one's  eyes  in  deciphering  the  more  or  less  legible 
handwriting  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  manuscripts  once  counted  and  classified,  we 
must  examine  whether  all,  even  the  most  ancient,  bear 
the  name  of  the  author  to  whom  the  work  is  generally 
attributed.  If  it  be  lacking  in  the  oldest,  and  be  found 
only  in  those  of  a  later  date,  especially  if  the  name  of- 
fered by  the  earlier  manuscripts  differ  from  that  given 
by  later  copyists,  we  may  rightly  doubt  the  fidelity  of 
the  transcription.  Such  doubt  ■nill  often  occur  apro- 
pos of  a  passage  not  met  in  the  oldest  manuscripts,  but 
only  in  the  more  recent,  or  vice  versa.  Unless  we  can 
otherwise  explain  this  divergency,  we  are  naturally 
justified  in  suspecting  an  interpolation  or  a  mutilation 
in  the  later  manuscripts.  While  the  authenticity  of  a 
work  may  be  proved  by  the  agreement  of  all  its  manu- 
scripts, it  is  possible  further  to  confirm  it  by  the  testi- 
mony of  ancient  writers  who  quote  the  work  under  the 
same  title,  andasaworkof  the  same  author;  such  quota- 
tions are  especially  helpful  if  they  are  rather  extensive 
and  correspond  well  to  the  text  as  found  in  the  manu- 
scripts. On  the  other  hand,  if  one  or  several  of  such 
quoted  passages  are  not  met  with  in  the  manuscript,  or 
if  they  be  not  reproduced  in  identical  terms,  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  we  have  not  before  us  the  docu- 
ment quoted  by  ancient  writers  or  at  least  that  our 
copy  has  suffered  notably  from  the  negligence  or  bad 
faith  of  those  who  transcribed  it.  To  these  signs  of 
authenticity,  called  extrinsic  because  they  are  based 
on  testimony  foreign  to  the  author's  own  work,  may 
be  added  certain  intrinsic  signs  based  on  an  examina- 
tion of  the  work  itself.  When  dealing  with  official  and 
public  acts  care  must  be  taken  to  see  that  not  only  the 
handwriting,  but  also  the  opening  and  closing  formu- 
lae, the  titles  of  persons,  the  manner  of  noting  dates, 
and  other  similar  corroborative  indications  conform  to 
the  known  customs  of  the  age  to  which  the  document  is 
attributed.  Amid  so  many  means  of  verification  it  is 
extremely  difficult  for  a  forgery  to  escape  detection. 
Words  and  phraseology  furnish  another  test.  Each 
century  possesses  its  own  peculiar  diction,  and  amid  so 
many  pitfalls  of  this  nature  it  is  scarcely  possible  for 
the  forger  to  cloak  successfully  his  misdeed.  This  is 
also  true  for  the  style  of  each  particular  author.  In 
general,  especially  in  the  case  of  the  great  writers,  each 
one  has  his  own  peculiar  stamp  by  which  he  is  easily 
recognized,  or  which  at  least  prevents  us  from  attribu- 
ting to  the  same  pen  compositions  quite  unequal  in 
style.  In  the  application  of  this  rule,  no  doubt,  care 
should  be  taken  not  to  exaggerate.  A  writer  varies 
his  tone  and  his  language  according  to  the  subject  of 
which  he  treats,  the  nature  of  his  literary  composition, 
and  the  class  of  readers  whom  he  addresses.  Never- 
theless an  acute  and  practised  mind  will  have  little  dif- 
ficulty in  recognizing  among  the  various  works  of  a 
given  author  certain  qualities  which  betray  at  once  the 
character  of  the  writer  and  his  style  or  habitual  man- 
ner of  writing.  Another  and  a  surer  means  for  the  de- 
tection of  positive  forgery  or  the  alteration  of  a  docu- 
ment is  the  commission  of  anachronisms  in  facts  or 
dates,  the  mention  in  a  work  of  persons,  institutions, 
or  customs  that  are  certainly  of  a  later  date  than  the 
period  to  which  it  claims  to  belong;  akin  to  this  are 
plagiarism  and  the  servile  imitation  of  more  recent 
writers. 

Mcnninq. — The  critic  must  now  make  the  best  pos- 
sible use  of  the  written  sources  at  his  disposal,  i.  e.  he 
must  understand  them  well,  which  is  not  always  an 
easy  matter.  His  dilficulty  may  arise  from  the  ob- 
scurity of  certain  words,  from  their  grammatical  form, 
or  from  their  grouping  in  the  phrase  he  seeks  to  inter- 
pret. As  to  the  sense  of  the  individual  words  it  is  su- 
premely important  that  the  critic  should  be  able  to 
read  the  documents  in  the  language  in  which  they  were 
written  rather  than  in  translations.  Doubtless  there 
are  excellent  translations,  and  they  may  be  very  hel[)- 
ful ;  but  it  is  always  dangerous  to  trust  them  blindly. 


CRITICISM 


505 


CRITICISM 


The  scholar  who  enters  conscientiously  upon  the  work 
of  critic  will  always  feel  it  a  strict  duty  to  warn  his 
T'lilors  whenever  he  quotes  a  text  from  a  translation. 

I I  IS  well  known  that  to  interpret  a  term  correctly  it  is 

III  I  I'nough  to  know  its  meaning  at  a  particular  epoch, 
wliuh  wc  are  accustomed  to  regard  as  classic,  in  the 
I  I  nonage  to  which  it  belongs.  We  need  only  open  any 
1  fiLie  Latin  lexicon,  e.  g.  Forcellini's  or  Freund's  (es- 
[Hcially  if  we  keep  in  view  the  corresponding  page  of 
!::••  Latin  "Glossarium"  of  Du  Cange),  to  appreciate 
:ii  once  the  very  remarkable  modifications  of  meaning 
iiiicicrgone  by  Latin  terms  in  different  periods  of  the 
l:uii;uage,  eitherfrom  the  substitution  of  new  meanings 
f'  r  older  ones  or  by  the  concurrent  use  of  both  old  and 
I  ■  \v.  In  his  efforts  to  fix  the  age  of  a  text  the  critic 
v.  M.  therefore,  be  occasionally  obliged  to  exclude  a 
nicauing  that  had  not  yet  arisen,  or  had  ceased  to  be  in 
u-'-  when  the  te.xt  in  question  was  composed;  some- 
times he  will  be  left  in  a  condition  of  uncertainty  or 
suspense,  and  obliged  to  abstain  from  conclusions 
:ii;neable  enough  but  unsafe.  Again,  in  order  to 
i;i;i.s[i  correctly  the  sense  of  a  text  it  becomes  necessary 
'  '  understand  the  political  or  religious  opinions  of  the 

I  ithor,  the  peculiar  institutions  of  his  age  and  country, 
I  ■  general  character  of  his  style,  the  matters  which  he 
til  ats,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  he  speaks. 
Tliese  things  considered  a  general  expression  may  take 
on  quite  a  particular  sense  which  it  would  be  disas- 
trous for  the  critic  to  overlook.  Often  these  details 
can  only  be  understood  from  the  context  of  the  pas- 
sage under  discussion.  In  general,  whenever  there  is 
occ:ision  to  verify  the  exactness  of  a  quotation  made  in 
support  of  a  thesis,  it  is  prudent  to  read  the  entire 
chapter  whence  it  is  taken,  sometimes  even  to  read  the 
whole  work.  An  individual  testimony,  isolated  from 
all  its  surroundings  in  an  author's  work,  seems  often 
quite  decisive,  yet  when  we  read  the  work  itself  our 
faith  in  the  value  of  the  argument  based  on  such  par- 
tial quotation  is  either  very  much  shaken  or  else  dis- 
appears entirely. 

Authoritt/. — What  is  now  the  value  of  a  text  rightly 
understood?  Every  historical  statement  or  testimony 
naturally  suggests  two  questions:  Has  the  witness  in 
question  a  proper  knowledge  of  the  fact  concerning 
which  he  is  called  to  testify?  And  if  so,  is  he  altogether 
sincere  in  his  deposition?  On  an  impartial  answer  to 
these  questions  depends  the  degree  of  confidence  to  be 
accorded  to  his  testimony. 

Concerning  the  knowledge  of  the  witness  we  may 
a.sk:  Did  he  live  at  the  time  when,  and  in  the  place 
where,  the  fact  occurred,  and  was  he  so  circumstanced 
that  he  couki  know  it?  Or,  at  least,  are  we  sure  that  he 
obt;unetl  his  information  from  a  good  source?  The 
more  guarantees  he  gives  in  this  respect  the  more,  all 
else  being  ecjual,  does  he  prove  himself  trustworthy. 
As  to  the  question  of  sincerity  it  is  not  enough  to  be 
satisfied  that  the  witness  did  not  wish  to  utter  a  delib- 
erate lie ;  if  it  could  be  reasonalily  shown  that  he  had  a 
personal  interest  in  warping  the  truth,  grave  suspi- 
cions would  be  raised  .as  to  the  veracity  of  all  his  state- 
ments. Cases  of  fomial  and  wilful  mendacity  in  his- 
torical sources  may  be  regarded  as  rare.  Much  more 
frequently  prejudice  or  passion  secretly  pervert  the 
natural  sincerity  of  a  man  who  really  respects  himself 
and  esteems  the  respect  of  others.  It  is  possible,  and 
that  with  a  certain  good  faith,  to  deceive  both  one's 
self  and  others.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  critic  to  enumer- 
ate and  weigh  all  the  influences  which  may  have  altered 
more  or  less  the  sincerity  of  a  witness — persf)nal  likes 
or  dislikes,  social  or  oratorical  proprieties,  self-esteem 
or  vanity,  as  well  as  the  influences  which  may  affect 
the  clearness  of  a  writer's  memory  or  the  uprightness 
of  his  will.  It  by  no  means  follows  that  the  authority 
of  a  witness  is  always  weakened  by  the  process  de- 
scribed above;  often  quite  the  contrary  happens. 
When  a  witness  has  overcome  influences  that  usually 
powerfully  affect  a  man's  mind  and  dissuade  him  from 


yielding  to  the  natural  love  of  truth,  there  is  no  longer 
any  reason  to  doubt  his  veracity.  Moreover,  when  he 
asserts  a  fact  unfavourable  to  the  religious  or  political 
cause  which  he  otherwise  defends  with  ardour;  when 
he  thus  gains  no  particular  advantage,  but  on  the  con- 
trary subjects  himself  to  serious  disadvantage;  in  a 
word,  whenever  his  statements  or  avowals  are  in  mani- 
fest opposition  to  his  interests,  his  prejudices,  and  his 
inclinations,  it  is  clear  that  his  evidence  is  far  weightier 
than  that  of  a  perfectly  disinterested  man.  Again, 
the  preceding  considerations  apply  not  only  to  the  im- 
mediate witnesses  of  the  fact  in  question,  but  also  to 
all  the  intermediaries  through  whom  their  evidence  is 
transmitted  to  us.  The  trustworthiness  of  the  latter 
must  be  established  as  well  as  that  of  the  authorities  to 
which  they  appeal. 

Given  the  necessity  of  observing  so  much  caution  in 
the  use  of  historical  texts,  it  may  appear  very  difficult 
to  reach  complete  certainty  regarding  the  facts  of  his- 
tory. How  may  we  be  sure,  especially  in  dealing 
with  ancient  times,  that  our  witness  presents  every  de- 
sirable guarantee?  Often  he  is  scarcely  known  to  us, 
or  quite  anonymous.  How  many  facts,  once  held  to 
be  established,  have  been  eliminated  from  the  pages  of 
history.  And  for  how  many  more  must  we  indefi- 
nitely suspend  our  judgment  for  lack  of  sufficiently  con- 
vincing authority.  Historical  certitude  would  indeed 
be  difficult  to  reach  if  for  each  fact  we  had  but  one  iso- 
lated piece  of  evidence.  Full  certainty  would  then  be 
possible  only  when  it  could  be  shown  that  the  charac- 
ter and  position  of  a  witness  were  such  as  to  preclude 
any  reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  exactness  of  his  state- 
ments. But  if  the  veracity  of  the  witness  is  guaran- 
teed only  by  negative  data,  i.  e.  if  we  are  merely  aware 
that  no  known  circumstances  warrant  us  in  suspecting 
carelessness  or  bad  faith,  there  arises  in  us  a  more  or 
less  vague  belief,  such  as  we  easily  accord  to  any  quite 
unknown  person  who  seriously  relates  an  event  vv^ich 
he  says  he  has  seen,  while  on  our  part  we  have  no  rea- 
son to  suppose  either  that  he  himself  is  deceived  or 
that  he  is  deceiving  us.  Strictly  speaking,  our  belief  in 
such  a  witness  cannot  be  called  a  halting  faith.  On 
the  other  hand  it  differs  considerably  from  a  belief  that 
is  based  on  more  solid  foundations.  We  shall  not, 
therefore,  be  much  surprised  if  the  occurrence  be  later 
described  in  an  entirely  different  manner,  nor  shall  we 
object  to  abandoning  our  former  belief  when  better  in- 
formed by  more  reliable  witnesses.  Were  it  otherwise, 
our  passions  would  be  to  blame  for  causing  us  to  hold 
to  a  belief,  flattering  perhaps,  but  unsupported  by  suf- 
ficient evidence.  We  frankly  admit,  therefore,  the 
possibility  of  a  more  or  less  wavering  mental  adhesion 
to  facts  that  rest  on  a  single  testimony  and  whose 
value  we  are  unable  properly  to  appreciate.  It  is 
otherwise  in  the  case  of  facts  confirmed  by  several  wit- 
ncs.ses  placed  in  entirely  different  conditions.  It  is 
very  difficult,  nay  generally  speaking  morally  impossi- 
ble, that  three,  four,  or  even  more  persons,  not  subject 
to  any  common  influence,  should  be  deceived  in  the 
same  manner,  or  should  be  parties  to  the  same  decep- 
tion. When,  therefore,  we  find  a  fact  established  by 
several  statements  or  narratives  taken  from  different 
sources,  yet  all  concordant,  there  is  scarcely  any  fur- 
ther room  for  reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  entire  truth 
of  the  fact.  At  this  stage,  however,  we  must  be  very 
certain  that  the  historical  sources  are  truly  different. 
Ten  or  twenty  writers  who  copy  the  narrative  of  an 
ancient  author,  without  any  new  source  of  knowledge 
at  their  disposal,  in  general  add  nothing  to  the  author- 
ity of  him  from  whom  they  have  gleaned  their  infor- 
mation. Tliey  are  but  echoes  of  an  original  testi- 
mony, already  well  known.  It  may  happen,  however, 
and  the  case  is  by  no  means  rare,  that  narratives  based 
on  flifferent  sources  exhibit  more  or  less  disagreement. 
How  then  shall  we  fomi  our  judgment? 

Right  here  an  important  distinction  is  necessary. 
The  various  narratives  of  a  fact  often  exhibit  a  perfect 


CRITICISM 


506 


CRITICISM 


harmony  as  to  substance,  their  divergence  appearing 
only  in  matters  of  detail  upon  which  information  was 
had  with  greater  difficulty.  In  such  cases  the  partial 
disagreement  of  the  witnesses,  far  from  lessening  their 
authority  regarding  the  principal  fact  serves  to  con- 
firm it;  disagreement  of  this  kind  shows  on  the  one 
hand  an  absence  of  collusion,  and  on  the  other  a  reli- 
ance of  witnesses  on  certain  sources  of  information 
common  to  all.  There  is,  however,  an  exception.  It 
may  happen  that  several  writers,  whose  veracity  we 
are  otherwise  justified  in  suspecting,  agree  in  narrating 
with  much  precision  of  detail  a  fact  favourable  to  their 
common  likes  and  dislikes.  They  either  report  it  as 
eye-witnesses  or  they  declare  that  they  reproduce 
faithfully  the  narrative  of  such  witnesses.  In  dealing 
with  writers  of  this  character  the  critic  must  examine 
carefully  all  their  statements,  down  to  the  minutest 
detail ;  often  a  very  insignificant  circumstance  will  re- 
veal the  deception.  We  may  recall  here  the  ingenious 
questioning  by  which  Daniel  saved  the  life  and  reputa- 
tion of  .Susanna  (Dan.,  xiii,  52-60).  Similar  means  are 
often  employed  with  success  in  the  law  courts  to  over- 
throw clever  systems  of  defence  built  up  by  culprits, 
or  to  convict  a  party  who  has  suborned  false  witnesses 
in  the  interest  of  a  bad  cause.  Occasionally  such 
measures  might  be  advantageou.sly  applied  in  the  con- 
duct of  historical  examinations.  Let  us  suppose  that 
there  exists  a  conflict  of  opinion  about  the  substance  of 
a  fact,  and  that  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  recon- 
cile the  witnesses.  It  is  clear  that  they  disagree.  At 
this  point,  evidently,  we  must  cease  to  insist  on  their 
absolute  value  and  weigh  them  one  against  the  other. 
Keeping  always  in  view  the  circumstances  of  time, 
place,  and  personal  position  of  the  different  witnesses, 
we  must  seek  to  ascertain  in  which  of  them  the  condi- 
tions of  knowledge  and  veracity  appear  to  predomi- 
nate ;  this  examination  will  determine  the  measure  of 
confidence  to  be  reposed  in  them,  and,  consequently, 
the  degree  of  certainty  or  probability  that  attaches  to 
the  fact  they  narrate.  Frequently,  though  no  indis- 
pensable preliminary  of  mental  conviction,  a  careful 
comparison  of  more  or  less  discordant  versions  of  a 
fact  or  an  event  will  reveal  in  the  rejected  witnesses 
the  very  sources  or  causes  of  their  errors,  and  thereby 
exhibit  in  much  clearer  light  the  complete  solution  of 
problems  whose  data  seemed  at  first  sight  confused 
and  contradictory. 

Unwritten  Testimony. — To  hang  a  man,  a  clever 
examining  magistrate  does  not  always  need  one  line  of 
his  writing.  .Silent  witnesses  have  often  convicted  a 
criminal  more  efficaciously  than  positive  accusers. 
The  most  insignificant  object  left  by  him  on  the  scene 
of  his  crime,  another  found  in  his  possession,  an  un- 
common degree  of  prodigality,  a  hundred  other  equally 
trifling  tokens,  lay  bare  very  often  the  most  ingen- 
iously planned  schemes  for  avoiding  detection  by  the 
law.  Even  so  in  the  science  of  history.  Here  noth- 
ing is  negligible  or  unimportant.  Monuments  of  arch- 
itecture, objects  of  plastic  art,  coins,  weapons,  imple- 
ments of  labour,  household  utensils,  material  objects 
of  every  kind  may  in  one  way  or  another  furnish  us 
precious  information.  Certain  classes  of  historical 
sources  have  long  since  attained  the  dignity  of  special 
auxiliary  sciences.  Such  are  heraldry,  or  armorial 
science;  glyptics,  which  deals  with  engraved  stones; 
ceramics,  or  the  study  of  pottery  in  all  its  epochs.  To 
these  we  may  add  numismatics,  sigillography,  and  es- 
pecially linguistics,  not  so  much  for  a  surer  interpreta- 
tion of  the  texts  as  for  procuring  data  from  which  may 
be  conclusively  established  the  origins  of  peoples  and 
their  migrations.  Archaeology,  in  its  broadest  sense, 
comprises  all  these  sciences;  in  its  most  restricted 
sen.se  it  is  confined  to  objects  which  are  beyond  their 
scope.  Truly  it  is  a  vast  province  that  here  spreads 
out  before  the  historical  pioneer,  and  he  needs  much 
erudition,  acumen,  and  tact  to  veiitvire  therein.  For- 
tunately, as  with  maimscripts  and  inscriptions,  it  is  no 


longer  necessary  for  the  historical  student  to  possess  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  all  these  auxiliary  sciences  be- 
fore entering  on  his  proper  task.  For  most  of  them 
there  exist  excellent  special  works  in  which  we  may 
easily  find  any  archsological  details  needful  in  the  dis- 
cussion of  an  historical  question.  It  is  to  these  works 
and  to  the  advice  of  men  learned  in  such  matters  that 
we  must  have  recourse  in  order  to  solve  the  two  pre- 
liminary questions  regarding  all  evidence,  written  and 
unwritten:  that  of  authenticity  or  provenance,  and 
that  of  meaning,  i.  e.,  m  archaeological  remains,  the 
use  to  which  the  objects  discovered  were  once  put. 
In  dealing  with  unwritten  evidence  these  questions 
are  more  delicate;  similarly  the  rules  for  our  guidance 
are  much  more  difficult,  both  to  formvilate  and  to  ap- 
ply. It  is  here,  particularly,  that  shrewdness  and 
acumen,  and  the  prophetic  insight  that  comes  of  long 
practice,  offer  help  more  important  by  far  than  the 
most  exact  rules.  It  is  only  by  dint  of  observation 
and  comparison  that  we  learn  eventually  to  distin- 
guish with  accuracy.  These  preliminaries  once  satis- 
fied, we  enter  on  the  task  of  historical  criticism  prop- 
erly speaking.  Through  it  these  precious  relics  of  the 
past  are  called  to  shed  light  on  certain  writings,  to  con- 
firm their  evidence,  to  reveal  a  fact  not  committed  to 
them;  more  frequently  they  furnish  a  sure  basis  of 
conjectiu-e  whence  eventually  follow  discoveries  of 
great  importance.  Here,  however,  and  it  cannot  be 
repeated  too  often,  the  path  of  the  historical  student 
is  perilous  indeed.  The  misadventures  of  amateur 
archaeologists,  whether  in  the  matter  of  pretended  dis- 
coveries or  in  dissertations  based  on  them,  have  pro- 
voked no  little  raillery,  not  only  among  severely  just 
professional  critics,  but  also  among  romancers  and 
dramatic  ^Titers.  As  already  stated,  it  is  especially 
by  the  judicious  use  of  conjecture  that  we  obtain  from 
these  silent  witnesses  such  information  as  it  is  in  their 
power  to  furnish.  For  more  specific  treatment  of  this 
powerful  but  delicate  instrument  of  historical  criti- 
cism we  refer  the  reader  to  a  subsequent  section  of  this 
article:   Conjecture  in  History. 

TR-4.DITI0N. — Every  student  of  history  must  eventu- 
ally face  a  problem  very  emliarrassing  for  a  conscien- 
tious scholar.  Facts  appear  which  have  left  no  trace 
in  any  writing  or  contemporary  moniunent.  Buried 
in  obscurity  for  centuries  they  suddenly  appear  in  full 
publicity  and  are  accepted  as  incontrovertible.  Every 
one  repeats  the  story,  often  with  minute  detail,  though 
no  one  is  able  to  ofi'er  any  credible  evidence  of  the 
trustworthiness  of  the  current  statement  or  narrative. 
It  is  then  said  that  such  facts  rest  on  the  e\ddence 
known  as  oral  or  popular  tradition.  What  degree  of 
confidence  is  due  to  this  popular  tradition?  Its  orig- 
inators are  quite  unknown  to  us  as  are  also  the  many 
intermediaries  who  have  passed  it  down  to  the  time 
when  we  are  first  cognizant  of  it.  How  may  we  ob- 
tain a  guarantee  of  the  veracity  of  the  original  wit- 
nesses and  then  of  their  successors?  Perhaps  a  rather 
natural  comparison  wUl  help  us  to  a  clear  solution  of 
this  question.  We  may  note  at  once  a  striking  anal- 
ogy between  tradition  concerning  the  past  and  public 
rumovu-  about  present  events.  There  are  in  both 
cases  numberless  intermediary  and  anonymous  wit- 
nesses, concordant  as  to  the  substance  of  the  facts,  but 
as  to  the  details  often  quite  contradictory  of  one  an- 
other; in  both  cases  also  there  is  an  identical  ignorance 
concerning  the  original  ■fatnesses;  in  both  cases,  fi- 
nally, many  instances  in  which  the  current  informa- 
tion was  verifieil  and  many  others  in  which  it  was 
found  to  be  altogether  false.  Let  us  suppose  the  case 
of  a  prudent  man  deeply  interested  in  knowing  pre- 
cisely what  is  happening  in  a  distant  country;  one 
who,  moreo\er,  takes  much  pains  to  be  well  informed. 
What  does  he  do  when  he  learns  by  public  nmiour  of 
an  important  event  said  to  have  occurred  in  the  place 
in  which  he  is  intere.sted?  Does  he  accept  blindly  every 
detail  thus  bruited  abroad?    On  the  other  hand,  does 


CRITICISM 


507 


CRITICISM 


hf  [).iy  no  attention  whatever  to  rumour?  He  does 
iipiiher.  He  gathers  eagerly  the  various  narratives 
ciirient  and  compares  them  with  one  another,  notes 
th(  ir  points  of  agreement,  and  their  elements  of  diver- 
1:1  lu-p.  Nor  does  he  conclude  in  haste.  He  suspends 
his  judgment,  .seeks  to  procure  official  reports,  writes 
til  Ills  friends  who  are  on  the  spot  to  learn  from  them 
r'  liilile  news,  i.  e.  confirmation  of  the  facts  on  which 
i  I gree.  solutions  of  the  difficulties  which  arise  from 
'idant  versions  of  the  event.  Po.ssibly  he  has  no 
idence  in  the  persons  charged  with  drawing  up 
il;'  official  reports;  po.ssibly,  too,  he  cannot  corre- 
si"ind  with  his  friends,  owing  to  the  interruption  of 
c  mimunications  by  rea.son  of  war  or  other  causes.  In 
:i  vi  ( >r(l,  if  such  a  man  found  himself  dependent  on  pub- 
ln  rumour  alone  he  would  remain  indefinitely  in  a 
-I  to  of  doul)t,  content  with  a  more  or  less  probable 
kiHiwledge  imtil  some  more  certain  source  of  informa- 
tii'ii  offered. 

Wliy  should  we  not  deal  similarly  with  popular  tra- 
.1  t  ill  II?  It  appeals  in  just  this  way  to  our  attention  and 
ur  have  the  same  motives  for  mistrusting  it.  More 
;  III  iince  it  has  been  helpful  to  judicious  critics  and 
!od  the  way  to  important  discoveries  which  they 
'il  never  have  made  with  the  sole  aid  of  written 
1!  nnent.s  or  monuments.  Let  us  look  at  the  matter 
in  another  way.  Have  not  all  students  of  historical 
documents  come  frequently  across  the  same  peculiar, 
one  might  say  capricious  admixture  of  true  and  false 
which  meets  us  at  every  step  in  the  case  of  popular  tra- 
ditions? It  would  be  equally  rash  on  the  one  hand  to 
reject  all  tradition  and  place  faith  only  in  written  testi- 
mony or  contemporary  monimients,  and  on  the  other 
to  accord  to  tradition  an  implicit  confidence  merelybe- 
cau.se  it  was  not  formally  contradicted  byotherhistori- 
cal  data,  though  it  received  from  them  no  confirmation. 
The  historian  should  collect  with  care  the  popular  tra- 
ditions of  the  countries  and  epochs  he  is  treating,  com- 
pare them  with  one  another,  and  determine  their  value 
in  the  light  of  other  information  scientifically  acquired. 
Should  this  light,  too,  eventually  fail  him,  he  must  wait 
patiently  until  fresh  discoveries  renew  it,  content  in  the 
meantime  With  such  measure  of  probability  as  tradi- 
tion affords.  In  this  way  the  already  acquired  histori- 
cal wealth  will  be  retained,  yet  no  danger  run  of  exag- 
gerating its  value,  or,  finally,  of  casting  suspicion  on 
its  trustworthiness  by  incorporating  with  it  false  or 
doubtful  statements. 

The  Neg.\tive  Argument. — The  negative  argu- 
ment in  history  is  that  which  is  drawn  from  the  silence 
of  contemporary  or  ciuasi-contemporary  documents 
concerning  a  given  fact.  The  great  masters  of  histori- 
cal science  have  often  used  it  with  success  in  their  refu- 
tation of  historical  errors,  .sometimes  long  intrenched 
in  popular  belief.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  on  such  occa- 
sions they  have  always  held  firmly  to  two  principles: 
first,  that  the  author  whose  silence  is  invoked  as  a 
proof  of  the  falsity  of  a  given  fact,  could  not  have  been 
ignorant  of  it  had  it  really  occurred  as  related ;  second, 
that  if  he  were  not  ignorant  of  the  fact,  he  would  not 
have  failed  to  speak  of  it  in  the  work  liefore  us.  The 
greater  the  certainty  of  the.se  two  points,  the  stronger 
fs  the  negative  argument.  Whenever  all  doubt  in  re- 
gard to  them  is  removed,  we  are  quite  right  in  holding 
that  a  writer's  silence  concerning  a  fact  in  question  is 
equivalent  to  a  formal  denial  of  its  truth.  There  is 
nothing  more  rational  than  this  process  of  reasoning;  it 
is  daily  employed  in  our  courts  of  justice.  How  often 
is  a  legal  line  of  attack  ordofence  broken  by  purely  neg- 
ative evidence.  HonDUrable  men  are  brought  before 
a  judicial  tribimal  who  would  certainly,  in  the  hypo- 
thesis of  their  truth,  have  knowledge  of  the  facts  al- 
leged by  one  of  the  contending  parties.  If  they  affirm 
that  they  have  no  knowledge  of  them,  their  deposit  ions 
are  rightly  coiisidereil  positive  proofs  of  the  falsity  of 
the  allegations.  Now,  evidence  of  this  kind  does  not 
differ  substantially  from  the  negative  argument  in  the 


above  conditions.  In  one  case,  it  is  true,  the  witnesses 
formally  state  that  they  know  nothing,  while  in  the 
other  we  learn  as  much  from  their  silence.  Neverthe- 
less this  silence,  in  the  given  circumstances,  is  as  signifi- 
cant as  a  positive  a.ssertion. 

There  are,  nevertheless,  some  who  claim  that  a  nega- 
tive argument  can  never  prevail  against  a  formal  text. 
But  this  a.ssertion  is  not  even  admissible  respecting  a 
contemporary  text.  If  the  writer  to  whom  it  belongs 
does  not  offer  an  absolute  and  incontestable  guarantee 
of  knowledge  and  veracity,  his  authority  may  be  very 
much  weakened  or  even  destroyed  by  the  silence  of  a 
more  reliable  antl  more  prudent  writer.  It  often  hap- 
pens in  courts  of  law  that  the  deposition  of  an  eye  or 
ear-witness  is  questioned,  or  even  rejected,  in  view  of 
the  deposition  of  some  other  witness,  equally  well- 
placed  to  see  and  hear  all  that  occurred,  but  who  yet 
declares  that  he  neither  saw  anything  nor  heard  any- 
thing. Mabillon  was  certainly  wrong  in  maintaining 
that  the  negative  argument  could  never  be  used  imless 
one  had  before  him  all  the  works  of  all  the  authors  of 
the  time  w-hen  the  event  happened.  On  the  contrary, 
a  single  work  of  a  single  author  may  in  certain  cases  fur- 
nish a  very  sound  negative  argument.  Laimoy,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  equally  wrong  in  maintaining  that  the 
imiversal  silence  of  writers  for  a  period  of  about  two 
centuries  furnishes  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  falsity  of 
facts  not  mentioned  by  them;  it  is  quite  possible  that 
no  author  of  this  period  was  morally  bound  by  the  na- 
ture of  his  subject-matter  to  state  such  facts.  In  this 
case  the  silence  of  such  authors  is  by  no  means  equiva- 
lent to  a  denial.  But,  it  is  objected,  in  order  to  raise  a 
doubt  as  to  a  fact  related  by  later  writers,  have  not  the 
best  critics  often  relied  on  this  universal  silence  of  his- 
torians for  some  considerable  time?  This  is  true,  but 
the  epoch  in  question  was  one  already  carefully  studied 
and  conscientiously  described  by  several  historians. 
Moreover,  the  disputed  fact,  if  true,  would  necessarily 
have  been  so  public,  and  such,  in  kind  and  importance, 
that  neither  ignorance  nor  wilful  omission  could  be 
posited  for  all  these  historians.  We  have  here,  there- 
fore, the  two  conditions  needed  to  make  inexplicable 
the  silence  of  these  authors ;  consequently,  the  negative 
argument  loses  none  of  its  strength,  and  is  powerful  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  silent  witnesses.  Of 
course,  this  line  of  argvunent  does  not  apply  in  the  case 
of  some  obscure  detail,  which  may  easily  have  been  un- 
know^n  to,  or  little  remarked  by  some  contemporary 
authors  and  cjuite  neglected  by  others ;  nor,  more  par- 
ticularly, does  it  apply  to  an  epoch  of  which  few  monu- 
ments are  extant,  especially  few  historical  writings.  In 
the  latter  case,  the  fact  of  a  imiversal  silence  on  the 
part  of  all  w-riters  for  a  considerable  period,  may,  in- 
deed, weaken  the  certainty  of  a  fact ;  in  reality  we  do 
no  more  than  ascertain  thereby  the  absence  of  all  posi- 
tive evidence  in  its  favour,  otherthan  a  tradition  of  un- 
certain origin.  However,  once  the  lack  of  information 
is  admitted,  it  is  not  permissible  to  advance  a  step  fur- 
ther and  present  the  silence  of  documents  as  proof  of 
the  falsity  of  the  fact.  Their  .silence  in  this  case  is  not 
the  negative  argument  as  descril)ed  above. 

The  rule  laid  down  in  the  preceding  paragraphs 
seems  to  lack  no  element  of  precision  and  practical  ad- 
vantage. But  in  applying  it  to  ancient  times  some 
caution  is  necessary.  In  an  age  of  widespread  public- 
ity like  our  own,  no  important  event  can  occur  in  any 
part  of  the  civilized  world  without  being  immediately 
known  everywhere  and  to  all.  Its  principal  details, 
indeed,  are  at  once  so  fixed  in  the  memory  of  all  inter- 
ested jiartics  that  they  will  not  easily  be  effaced  with- 
in a  long  perioil.  Itis  astonishing  to  .see  how  easily 
.some  modern  writers  forpet  that  the  former  conditions 
of  mankind  were  very  different.  They  seek  to  estab- 
lish an  irrefutable  negative  argument  on  the  hj-pothesis 
that  a  given  public  fact  of  importance  could  not  have 
been  unknown  to  a  certain  person  of  education  and  re- 
finement who  lived  shortly  afterwards.    Such  writers 


CRITICISM 


508 


CRITICISM 


might  learn  to  be  more  cautious  by  recalling  a  series  of 
curious  historical  facts.  It  is  enough  to  remind  our 
readers  that  when  St.  Augustine  was  created  auxiliary 
Bishop  of  Hippo  (391)  he  did  not  know,  on  his  own 
avowal,  that  the  sixth  canon  of  the  Council  of  Nice 
(325)  forbade  any  consecration  of  this  kind. 

Conjecture  in  Hlstory. — Conjecture  or  hypothe- 
sis occurs  in  history  when  the  study  of  documents  leads 
us  to  suspect,  beyond  the  facts  which  they  directly  re- 
veal, other  facts,  so  closely  related  to  them  that  from  a 
knowledge  of  the  former  we  may  proceed  to  that  of  the 
latter.  Such  facts  are  most  f req  uent  ly  related  as  cause 
and  effect.  Let  an  important  event  happen.  How 
shall  we  explain  it?  How  was  it  brought  about?  Evi- 
dently by  another  fact  or  a  group  of  other  facts  which 
constitute  its  cause  or  sufficient  reason.  These  new 
facts  are  revealed  in  no  historical  documents,  or  at 
least  no  one  has  hitherto  perceived  them.  At  once  the 
investigator  sees  that  here  it  is  possible  to  discover  more 
than  is  known  from  the  extant  documents.  With  this 
hope  he  begins  to  read  extensively,  to  set  afoot  various 
researches,  to  interrogate  in  every  sense  a  great  many 
works  and  all  the  monuments  relating  to  the  fact  with 
which  he  has  been  keenly  impressed,  to  study  the  per- 
sons concerned  in  it,  or  the  age  in  which  it  took  place; 
all  this  in  order  to  recover  the  often  almost  invisible 
thread  which  connects  this  fact  with  details  that  were 
originally  unnoticed  or  set  aside  as  unimportant.  Ab- 
sorbed in  intense  meditation,  sometimes  made  needless 
through  a  sudden  illuminating  insight  which  reveals  at 
once  the  right  path,  he  seeks  with  earnestness  the  truth 
that  the  positive  evidence  before  him  still  withholds; 
he  passes  from  one  hypothesis  to  another;  he  calls  to 
his  aid  all  the  treasures  of  his  memory ;  thus  reinforced 
he  turns  again  to  the  study  of  the  documents,  and  col- 
lects with  minut«  care  every  hint  or  indication  that 
may  avail  to  demonstrate  their  accuracy  or  falsity. 
From  such  close  verification  it  sometimes  appears  that 
the  path  first  struck  out  was  misleading  and  must  be 
abandoned ;  often  the  investigator  is  led  by  this  hard 
toil  to  modify  more  or  less  his  original  ideas;  on  the 
other  hand,  he  sometimes  meets  with  striking  confir- 
mation of  them.  Feeble  rays  which  seemed  at  first 
quite  uncertain  grow  in  power  and  number  until  they 
seem  a  torch  that  pours  a  flood  of  light  before  which  all 
uncertainty  must  vanish.  In  this  way,  also,  many 
new  aspects  are  revealed  to  the  enraptured  eyes  of  the 
investigator  and  make  known  to  him  a  vast  field  of 
knowledge  of  the  highest  interest. 

As  already  stated  conjecture  enables  us  to  conclude 
from  effect  to  cause,  but  it  may  also  follow  an  inverse 
method  and  help  us  to  conclude  from  cause  to  effect. 
This  process,  however,  is  generally  less  reliable  in  his- 
torical research,  and  calls  for  more  caution  and  reserve 
than  when  it  is  applied  to  physical  facts.  In  the  latter 
case  the  agents  are  necessary  causes ;  once  their  mode 
of  operation  is  known  it  is  possible  to  predict  with 
almost  absolute  certainty  their  results  in  given  condi- 
tions, and  conjecture  avails  us  merely  to  arouse  the 
idea  of  an  effect  certain  to  follow,  but  which  we  have 
not  yet  seen  produced.  Moreover,  generally  speak- 
ing, in  the  physical  sciences  it  is  easy  to  imagine  a 
variety  of  methods  by  which  an  hypothesis  may  be 
tried  and  its  accuracy  verified.  In  historical  science 
the  situation  is  not  quite  the  same.  It  deals  largely 
with  the  moral  laws  that  regulate  the  actions  of  free 
beings,  and  these  are  far  from  being  as  invariable  in 
their  application  as  physical  laws.  Much  caution  is 
therefore  requisite  before  risking  any  judgment  as  to 
what  a  man  must  have  done  in  given  circumstances, 
all  the  more  as  his  acts  may  have  been  influeticed  by 
the  free  acts  of  others,  or  l)y  a  number  of  accidental 
circumstances  now  unknown  to  us,  but  which  may 
have  notably  modified  in  a  given  case  the  ideas  and 
ordinary  sentiments  of  the  person  in  question.  Pru- 
dence is  not  less  necessary  when  the  hypothesis  is 
principally  based  on  analogy;  i.  e,  when,  to  complete 


our  knowledge  concerning  a  fact,  certain  details  of 
which  are  not  known  to  us  from  historical  documents, 
we  have  recourse  to  another  fact  strikingly  similar  to 
the  one  under  consideration  and  conclude  thence,  in 
favour  of  the  first,  to  a  sLmilarity  of  details  that  are 
known  to  us  with  certainty  only  in  respect  of  the  sec- 
ond fact.  Nevertheless  we  must  not  reject  absolutely 
this  method  of  investigation ;  skilfully  treated  it  may 
render  valuable  service.  A  conjecture  appeals  to  the 
mind  all  the  more  convincingly  when  it  solves  at  once 
a  number  of  problems  hitherto  obscure  and  lacking 
correlation.  Frequently  enough,  a  given  hypothesis, 
taken  separately,  yields  only  slight  probability.  On 
the  other  hand,  full  certitude  often  results  from  the 
mora!  convergence  of  several  plausible  solutions,  all 
of  which  point  in  the  same  direction.  Let  it  be  added 
that  in  historical  research  we  shall  not  easily  obtain 
too  many  hints  nor  exceed  the  limit  in  verification; 
also  that  we  must  be  ever  watchful  against  our  own 
preconceptions  that  easily  tempt  us  to  exaggerate  the 
strength  of  a  conclusion  favourable  to  our  hypothesis. 
Nor  must  we  refuse  to  consider  the  arguments  that 
tend  to  weaken  or  eliminate  the  latter.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  precisely  these  arguments  that  we  must 
study  with  most  care  and  sift  in  every  sense  so  that, 
given  their  truth,  we  may  abandon  opportunely  our 
too  seductive  conjecture,  or  at  least  modify  it,  again 
and  again  if  needful,  until  eventually  it  acquire  such 
accuracy  and  precision  as  to  satisfy  the  most  exacting, 
and  be  admitted  by  all  as  a  scientific  acquisition  both 
new  and  solid.  A  final  recommendation,  meant  to 
forewarn  against  the  seductions  of  historical  conjec- 
ture certain  adventurous  and  inexperienced  writers, 
will  not  be  out  of  place  here.  Let  them  not  yield  to 
an  illusion  only  too  common  among  their  kind,  namely 
that  by  their  imaginative  power  and  their  genius  they 
are  destined  to  advance  notably  the  cause  of  historical 
science  without  acquiring  by  hard  and  painful  school- 
ing that  large  and  varied  and  accurate  knowledge 
which  men  call  erudition.  Not  every  learned  historian 
makes  brilliant  discoveries  on  the  basis  of  lucky  hypoth- 
eses; but  learning  is  generally  requisite  for  such  dis- 
coveries. In  historical  scholarship,  as  in  all  other  walks 
of  life,  toil  and  patience  are  the  usual  price  of  sucfcess. 
The  a  Priori  Argument. — Historical  criticism  has 
at  its  disposition  one  other  source  of  truth,  the  a  priori 
argument,  a  delicate  weapon,  indeed,  but  very  useful 
when  confided  to  a  well-trained  hand.  As  used  in  his- 
tory, this  argument  is  based  on  the  intrinsic  nature  of 
a  fact,  leaving  aside  for  the  time  being  all  evidence  for 
or  against  it.  In  presence  of  the  fact  thus  bared  of  all 
extrinsic  relations  the  a  priori  process  undertakes  to 
show  that  it  does  or  does  not  conform  to  the  general 
laws  which  regulate  the  world.  These  laws  fall  into 
three  principal  classes.  The  first  comprises  funda- 
mental or  metaphysical  laws,  e.  g.  the  principle  of  con- 
tradiction, according  to  which  there  cannot  co-exist 
in  the  same  subject  elements  absolutely  contradictory 
of  one  another,  also  the  principle  of  causality,  accord- 
ing to  which  no  being  exists  without  a  cause  or  suffi- 
cient reason  for  its  existence.  The  second  class  in- 
cludes physical  laws  which  govern  the  phenomena  of 
the  world  of  nature  and  the  activity  of  the  beings 
which  compose  it.  To  this  class  also  belong  the  laws 
which  govern  spiritual  natures  and  faculties  that  are 
independent,  or  in  as  far  as  they  are  independent,  of 
the  action  of  free  will.  The  third  class,  finally,  com- 
prises the  moral  laws  that  govern  the  activity  of  free 
beings,  considered  as  such.  No  one  who  has  acquired, 
under  good  guidance,  a  little  experience  of  the  human 
heart.  \\'ill  deny  tlie  existence  of  this  cla,ss  of  laws,  i.  e. 
that  in  given  conditions  and  under  certain  influences 
we  can  forecast  in  free  beings  certain  habitual  activi- 
ties. Thus,  one  well-ascertained  moral  law  is  that  no 
man  will  love  and  follow  evil  for  itself,  save  only  when 
it  appears  to  him  in  the  guise  of  good;  another  such 
law  is  that  a  man,  unless  he  be  a  monster  of  perversity, 


ORIVELLI 


509 


CROAGH 


i  ill  iintiinlly  trll  the  truth  if  he  have  absolutely  no 
Mtcrrst  in  lying. 

!  II  what  way,  now,  can  these  three  classes  of  laws, 
iu'htly  considered,  help  us  to  pronounce  on  the  truth  of 
in  historic  fact?  First,  if  the  fact  in  question  present 
ilisnlutely  contradictory  and  irreconcilable  details  it 
niist  eWdently  be  rejected  without  further  examina- 
io;i.  However,  it  must  be  clearly  proved  that  there 
..rally  is  such  absolute  and  irreconcilable  contradiction 
between  details  presented  for  simultaneous  acceptance. 
it  is  important,  moreover,  to  ascertain  with  certainty 
vhether  the  contradiction  affects  the  substance  of  the 
act,  or  only  accidental  circumstances  wrongly  con- 
leeted  with  it  in  the  imagination  of  the  witness,  as 
■requently  happens  with  popular  traditions.  In  such 
»se8  it  is  only  details  that  need  to  be  rejected,  pre- 
jisely  as  is  done  when  dealing  with  more  or  less  con- 
licting  testimonies.  Physical  impossibilitj',  i.  e. 
manifest  opposition  between  well  known  laws  of  nature 
ind  an  historical  statement,  is  also  a  conclusive  argu- 
nent  against  the  acceptance  of  such  a  statement. 
Ncn-believers  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  the 
possibility  of  miraculous  intervention  never  seriously 
troubles  at  this  point  the  judgment  of  Catholic  critics. 
They  know  quite  well  when  to  admit,  in  a  particular 
case,  such  a  possibility.  Nor  are  these  cases  very  fre- 
quent. They  are  also  aware  that  for  the  acceptance 
at  miracles  they  must  require  a  far  greater  amount  of 
evidence  than  when  it  is  question  of  purely  natural 
Facts.  We  have  in  the  Catholic  process  of  canoniza- 
tion (see  Be.\tific.\tion  and  Canoniz.\tion)  an  excel- 
lent example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  proof  of 
miracles  is  handled  by  the  tribunal  which  Catholics 
most  respect.  It  may  not  be  superfluous  to  add  that 
prudence  suggests  a  certain  hesitation  or  reserve  when 
the  physical  impossibility  of  a  fact  is  in  question. 
The  laws  of  nature  are  not  all  so  thorov:ghly  under- 
stood that  wo  run  no  danger  of  confoimding  a  strange 
or  new  fact  with  one  utterly  impossible.  The  treat- 
ment of  moral  laws  is  something  more  delicate,  since 
they  are  less  absolute  in  application  than  physical 
laws.  The  mysteries  of  liberty  are  even  more  hidden 
than  tho.«e  of  material  nature.  Consequently,  before 
asserting  the  moral  impossibility  of  a  fact  it  is  well  to 
consider  attentively  whether  there  be  not  some  cir- 
cumstance, however  trivial,  which  may  have  acci- 
dentally exercised  on  a  given  person  an  influence 
capable  of  making  him  act  in  a  manner  opposed  to 
the  habitual  current  of  his  ideas  and  sentiments.  Such 
exceptions  to  moral  laws,  very  rare  in  the  multitude, 
appear  more  frequently  among  individuals.  Care 
must  be  taken,  however,  not  to  admit  them  without 
grave  reason.  It  is  in  support  of,  or  in  opposition  to 
a  conjecture  that  the  a  priori  argument  is  mostly  used; 
frequently  enough  conjecture  is  confoimded  with  it. 
Iiuieed,  it  is  often  through  the  effort  to  reproduce 
mentally  what  certain  persons  in  given  conditions 
must  have  clone,  that  we  finally  hit  on  what  they  did 
do;  the  next  step  is  the  collection  of  more  precise  evi- 
dence such  as  may  confinn  and  establish  quite  satis- 
factorily the  truth  that  we  first  saw  with  the  eye  of  the 
imagination.  We  should  always  remember,  however, 
that  mere  possibility  or  non-repugnance  must  not  be 
considered  the  equivalent  of  positive  probability,  any 
more  than  mere  ignorance  of  the  causes  of  a  fact  is 
equivalent  to  its  improbability,  still  less  its  impossi- 
bility, when  it  is  sufficiently  attested  by  direct  evi- 
dence. Superficial  or  pa.ssionate  minds  are  very  much 
exposed  to  this  kind  of  confusion. 

In  formulating,  as  has  been  done  above,  the  proper 
rules  for  the  guidance  of  the  mind  in  it-s  search  after 
historical  truth,  it  should  be  repeated  that  the  mind 
must  bring  to  this  pursuit  certain  preliminary  qu.alities 
and  (lispositions  indicated  at  the  beginning  of  this 
article,  the  first  and  most  essential  of  which  is  a  sin- 
cere and  constant  love  of  truth.  Nothing  can  take 
the  place  of  this  sentiment.     It  is  the  rule  of  rules,  the 


vital  and  efficient  principle  in  all  the  processes  of 
criticism.     Without  it  they  are  quite  sterile. 

De  Smedt.  Principes  dc  la  critique  historimic  (Lifege,  Paris, 
18S4);  Bernheim,  Lchrbuch  drr  hixinrisrhcn  Mrthodc  (Leipzig, 
1894):  Langlois  et  Seignobos,  Intrndnrlion  mix  etudes  his- 
toriques  (Paris,  1899).  Butleh.  The  Modem  Critical  and  His- 
torical School,  its  methods  and  tendencies.  Dublin  Review 
(London,  1898). 

Ch.  De  Smedt. 

Crivelli,  Carlo,  an  Italian  painter.  Little  is  known 
of  his  life,  and  his  b.  and  d.  are  usu.ally  reckoned  by  his 
earliest  and  latest  signed  pictures,  l4(iS-93.  He  may 
have  been  a  pupil  of  Antonio  and  Bartolommeo 
Murano.  Crivelli  worked  entirely  in  tempera,  of 
which  he  was  a  master.  He  early  attained  a  style  of 
his  owTi  and  his  pictures,  though  sometimes  stiff,  are 
decorative  and  beautiful  in  colouring.  He  could  not 
compose,  in  the  modern  sense,  but  was  lavish  in  his 
treatment  of  single  figures.  Architectural  features 
were  often  introduced  by  him  and  life-like  fruits  and 
flowers  are  placed  in  vivid  relief  against  beautifully 
finished  marljles.  Crivelli,  it  would  seem,  worked  for 
twenty-two  years  in  cities  lying  within  the  Marches  of 
Ancona,  especially  near  Ascoli.  He  signed  himself 
"Crivellus"  and  after  1490,  when  he  was  knighted  by 
Ferdinand  II  of  Naples,  added  "miles"  to  his  signa- 
ture. The  cathedral  of  Ascoli  has  a  "Virgin  and 
Child"  dated  1493.  ."Vmong  his  earliest  work  is  the 
altar-piece  of  San  Silvestro,  Massa,  signed  and  dated 
1468,  while  the  "Coronation  of  the  Virgin"  (1493)  in 
the  Oggione  Collection,  Milan,  is  probably  the  latest. 
The  National  Gallery,  London,  has  a  number  of  Cri- 
velli's  paintings  and  the  galleries  of  the  Continent  are 
also  well  supplied.  His  work  is  best  seen  in  a  half 
light  and  at  a  little  distance.  His  more  celebrated 
pictures  are:  "Madonna  and  Child",  1476,  altar-piece 
for  San  Domenico,  Ascoli  (National  Gallery,  London); 
"The  Dead  Christ"  (National  Gallery);  "Piet^" 
(Cathedral,  Ascoli);  "Madonna  and  Saints",  1491 
(Berlin);  "St.  Francis  of  A.ssisi"  (Brussels);  "Piet3," 
(Vatican);  "Virgin  and  Saints"  (Lateran). 

RusnFORTH.  Carlo  Crivelli  (London,  1900):  Blanc,  Histoire 
des  pcintres  dc  tons  les  ccoles  (Paris,  1877). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Croagh  Patrick,  a  mountain  looking  out  on  the 
Atlantic  ocean  from  the  southern  shore  of  Clew  Bay, 
in  the  County  Mayo,  and  called  "the  Sinai  of  Ire- 
land." In  pagan  times  it  was  known  as  Cruachan 
Aigli.  It  rises  in  a  perfect  cone  to  a  height  of  2510 
feet.  The  account  given  below  is  taken  from  sources 
that  post-date  the  saint's  death  by  three  to  four 
hundred  years.  There  arc,  however,  good  reasons 
to  beheve  that  the  tra<litions  they  embody  are 
genuine.  St.  Patrick  was  careworn  and  fatigued  when 
he  came  to  this  remote  part  of  the  country.  He 
longed  to  retire  for  a  while  to  refresh  his  soul  in  soli- 
tude, and  for  that  purpose,  on  the  Saturday  before 
Ash  Wednesday  in  the  year  441,  he  betook  himself  to 
the  mountain  top.  Here  he  spent  the  days  of  Lent, 
chastising  his  body  with  fasts,  pouring  out  liis  heart  to 
God,  and  entreating  Him  with  prolonged  importunity 
and  with  tears  that  the  Faith  might  never  fail  in  the 
land  of  Erin.  The  "Book  of  jVrmagh"  mentions  that 
God  sununoned  all  the  saints  of  Erin,  jiast.  present 
and  future,  to  appear  before  their  Father  in  the  Faith 
to  comfort  him  with  a  vision  of  the  teeming  harvest 
his  labours  would  produce,  and  to  join  him  in  blessing 
their  kinsmen  and  their  countrj'.  The  "Tripartite 
Life"  relates  that  when  Patrick  was  on  Cruachan 
Aigli  in  441,  word  was  brought  to  him  that  a  new 
pope  ruled  the  Church  in  Rome.  The  new  pope  was 
St.  Leo  the  Great,  who  was  consecrated  on  the  29th  of 
Sept.,  440.  Patrick,  as  soon  .as  he  heard  it,  dispatched 
one  of  his  disciples  named  Mimis  to  bear  his  filial 
homage  to  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  to  render  an  account 
of  his  labours  and  his  teaching,  and  to  beg  a  blessing 
for  the  infant  church  in  Ireland.    The     Annals  of 


CROATIA 


510 


CROATIA 


Clonmacnoise"  relate  that  Munis  came  back  from 
Rome  bearing  sacred  relics  which  the  pope  had  given 
him  for  the  altars  that  Patrick  was  erecting  every- 
where through  the  country.  The  same  event  is  briefly 
referred  to  in  the  "Annals  of  Ulster",  under  date  of 
441:  "Leo  ordained  forty-second  Bishop  of  the 
Church  of  Rome;  and  Patrick  the  Bishop  was  ap- 
proved in  the  Catholic  Faith".  It  adds  a  special 
glory  to  Croagh  Patrick  that  the  first  tribute  of  hom- 
age from  the  Irish  Church  to  the  Chair  of  Peter  was 
sent  from  its  hoary  summit.  From  that  sacred  spot, 
on  Holy  Saturday,  Patrick  witli  outstretched  hands 
solemnly  blessed  the  men  of  Erin  that  they  might 
cling  to  the  Faith,  and  the  land  of  Erin  that  no  poison- 
ous reptile  might  infest  it.  Then,  refreshed  with  Di- 
vine grace  and  comforted  with  the  assurance  that  his 
labours  would  fructify  forever,  he  came  down  from 
the  mountain  to  celebrate  Easter  with  the  little  flock 
he  had  left  at  Aughagower. 

From  the  days  of  the  saint  himself  pilgrims  began 
to  do  penance  on  his  holy  mountain.  References  to 
them  are  found  in  many  pages  of  the  annals  of  the 
country.  It  is  recorded  that  in  the  year  1113,  on  the 
night  of  the  17th  of  March,  during  a  thunderstorm, 
thirty  of  the  pilgrims  perished  on  the  summit.  The 
"Annals  of  Boyle"  relate  that  Hugh  O'Connor,  King 
of  Coimaught,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  the  year 
1225,  cut  off  the  hands  and  feet  of  an  outlaw 
who  dared  to  molest  a  pilgrim  on  his  way  to 
Croagh  Patrick.  The  foIlo-nTng  document  of  Pope 
Eugene  IV,  dated  28  September,  1432,  shows  how 
this  ancient  pilgrimage  was  recognized  and  hon- 
oured in  Rome.  "  A  relaxation  of  two  years  and  two 
quarantines  of  enjoined  penance,  under  the  usual  con- 
ditions, to  those  penitents  who  \-isit  and  give  alms  for 
the  repair  of  the  chapel  of  St.  Patrick,  on  the  moun- 
tain which  is  called  Croagh  Patrick  whither  resorts  a 
great  multitude  of  persons  to  venerate  St.  Patrick  the 
Sundaybefore  the  feast  of  St.  Peter's  Chains"  (Calen- 
dar, etc.,  of  Papal  Registers,  Vol.  IV).  From  St. 
Patrick's  own  time  there  had  been  some  sort  of  a  little 
chapel  on  the  summit. 

The  "Tripartite  Life"  relates  that  the  apostle  him- 
self celebrated  Mass  on  the  mountain,  from  which  we 
infer  that  he  had  an  altar  and  a  place  to  shelter  it. 
For  several  centuries  the  Archbi.shops  of  Armagh  laid 
claim  to  this  chapel  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  founded 
by  St.  Patrick  and  that  they  were  his  successors ;  but 
the  Archbishops  of  Tuam  contended  that  it  belonged 
to  their  jurisdiction.  Finally,  Pope  Honorius  III  on 
the  30th  of  July,  1216,  assigned  it  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Tuam  (Calendar  Pap.  Reg.,  Vol.  1).  But  in  penal 
times  when  Murrisk  Abbey  at  the  mountain's  base  was 
dismantled,  the  venerable  relic  on  the  summit  was  de- 
molished. Still  the  pilgrims  never  ceased  to  go  there. 
It  was  not,  however,  till  1905  that  the  chapel  on  the 
heights  was  rebuilt,  and  then  on  the  30th  of  July, 
Archbishop  Healy  dedicated  it  to  St.  Patrick  in  the 
presence  of  many  pilgrims.  The  day  of  annual  pil- 
grimage from  time  immemorial  has  been  the  last  Sun- 
day in  July.  On  that  day  about  twenty  Masses  are 
celebrated  within  the  little  chapel  while  often  there 
have  been  more  than  20,000  persons  kneeling  without. 

Healv  Thr  Lif,'  nnd  Wnlmns  of  St.  Patrick  (Dublin,  190.5); 
Bury  St' I'alrirk  IlhPlnrcin  //isforj/ (London,  1905) ;  Mor- 
ris, St.  Palrifk.  Aposlte  of  Ireland  (London.  1900)  ;FLEMlNn. 
Life  of  St.  Patrick  (London,  1905).-  Thurston  in  The  Month 
(Nov.,  1905);  MORAN  in  The  Irish  Theological  Quarterly  (.\pnl. 

Michael  MacDon.\ld. 

Croatia,  with  Slavonia,  an  autonomous  state.  It 
is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Danube  and  the  Drave ; 
on  the  east  by  Servia;  on  the  south  by  the  Save;  and 
on  the  west  by  St  vria,  the  River  Kupa,  and  the  Adri- 
atic Sea  from  I'linne  (Hieka)  in  the  north-west  to 
Obrovac  on  the  Dahuatiiin  frontier. 

Hl.sroiiY. — Tlic  n:\iiie  Croatia  is  derived  from  that 
of  a  people  called  Croats  {Hrvdt,  Xpo^dros),  i.  e.  "the 


nation  ready  to  defend  its  home  and  rights",  whose 
migration  from  South-western  Russia  and  Galicia  of 
to-day — then  known  as  "White  Croatia"  or  "Great 
Croatia ' '  ( Velika  Hrvatska) — towards  the  old  lUyricum 
and  Dalmatia  began  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury. There  were  several  migrations  at  different  times. 
The  people  settled  duringthefirst  half  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury in  Pannonia  Inferior,  now  Lower  Hungary,  and  on 
the  eastern  banks  of  the  Danube.  Here  they  strug- 
gled for  their  veiy  existence  against  the  Avars,  a 
bloodthirsty  people,  and  then  crossed  the  Drave  to 
Pannonia  Superior  and  Dalmatia,  provinces  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Croatia.  From  610  to  641  the  Croats  established 
their  settlements  on  a  firm  basis.  From  that  time 
forward  they  suffered  various  vici.ssitudes  owing  to 
the  constantly  changing  political  life.  The  pro\nnces 
occupied  by  the  Croats  were  already  peopled  by 
lUyrian  and  Celtic  tribes  as  Roman  domains.  Friendly 
terms  ■were  maintained,  however,  and  together  they 
made  war  against  the  common  enemy,  the  Avars, 
conquered  them,  and  finally  established  their  own 
state.  The  executive  head  of  the  Croats  was  the  han, 
a  title  still  in  use,  and  he  had  unlimited  power  as 
leader  and  governor  of  the  people.  Heraclius,  the 
Byzantine  emperor,  was  comiielled  to  abandon  his 
provinces  in  the  western  part  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 
At  that  time  the  Croats  occupied  the  following  prov- 
inces: lUyricum,  Liburnia,  Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  and 
a  part  of  Histria,  now  known  respectively  as  Croatia, 
Slavonia,  Dalmatia,  Istria,  Bosnia,  and  Herzegovina. 
Their  kinsmen,  the  Serbs,  settled  in  Montenegro, 
Northern  Albania,  Old  Servia,  and  the  western  part 
of  the  Servian  Kingdom.  The  cities  Zara  (Zadar  or 
Jadera),  Trau  (Trogir  or  Tragurion),  Spalato  (Spljet), 
and  Ragusa  (Dubrovnik),  on  the  Dalmatian  coast, 
and  the  islands  Veglia  (Krk)  and  Arbe  (Rab  or  Ab- 
sorus),  in  the  Adriatic,  remained  Latin  in  character. 
Elsewhere,  however,  the  assimilative  power  of  the 
Croats  was  stronger  and  the  Latin  race  disappeared. 

Christianity  flourished  in  lUyria,  Dalmatia,  and  the 
other  provinces  before  the  coming  of  the  Croats.  At 
the  time  of  migration  the  Croats  were  heathens;  they 
did  not  accept  Christianity  until  the  seventh  century, 
when  they  and  the  Serbs  were  baptized  by  priests  of 
the  Roman  Church.  The  Croats  promised  the  pope 
to  live  in  peace  with  other  nations  and  he,  in  turn,  to 
help  them  in  case  an  enemy  invaded  their  territory. 
Pope  John  IV  (640-42)  sent  the  Abbot  Martin  to  the 
Croatians,  and  St.  Martin  I  commissioned  John  of 
Ravenna  to  evangelize  this  vigorous  and  adventurous 
nation.  He  created  John  Archbishop  of  Salona 
(Solin),  a  city  of  Roman  culture,  whence,  owing  to 
the  invasion  of  the  Croats,  many  moved  to  the  neigh- 
bouring Spalato.  Here  John  laboured  also,  and  the 
imperial  mausoleum  in  the  palace  of  Diocletian  was 
converted  by  the  people  into  a  Christian  temple. 
Cyril  and  Methodius  came  in  863,  devised  a  special 
alphabet  (the  Glagolitic  for  the  translation  of  the 
Gospels  and  liturgical  books  into  the  Old  Slavonic 
tongue,  and  spread  Christianity  through  the  western 
part  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  Even  before  this  time 
bishops  resided  at  Salona  (Sohn),  Nona  (Nin),  Narona 
(Mostar),  Epidaurus  (Ragusa  Vecchia),  Siscia  (Sisak), 
Mursia  (Osjek),  and  Syrmiuni  (Mitrovica). 

During  the  eighth  century  Croatia  was  divided  into 
several  provinces,  the  principal  of  which  were  the 
independent  territories  of  White  and  Red  Croatia  and 
the  Banatus  Sisciensis  et  Syrmiensis.  The  progress  of 
the  people  attracted  the  "attention  of  Charlemagne, 
who  occupied  Histria  in  7S,S  and  Northern  Croatia  in 
792.  In  the  year  800,  when  he  was  crowned  in  Rome, 
the  Croats  sent  a  representative.  The  rule  of  Louis 
the  Pious  (814  40),  whose  government  was  in  the 
liands  of  favourites,  wa.s  mifortunato  in  its  con.se- 
(luences  for  the  Croats.  Their  struggle  for  freedom 
lasted  from  879  until  925,  when  the  people  elected 


CROATIA 


511 


CROATIA 


their  own  king,  Thoniislav,  on  tlie  field  of  Duvno 
oefore  the  cathedral.  He  was  crowned  by  the  legate 
jf  John  X.  The  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  were,  on 
the  north,  the  Daniilie  and  the  Drave;  on  the  east, 
the  River  Drina;  on  the  west  and  south,  the  Adriatic. 
The  reigns  of  Zvoniniir  and  Peter  Kreshiniir,  sucees- 
jors  of  Thoniislav,  are  glorious  in  the  recortls  of  C'roa- 
tian  history,  and  both  Church  and  State  became 
firmly  established.  Native  rulers  reigncil  until  1102, 
when  the  last,  Peter  Svachich,  died  in  defence  of  his 
country,  and  Croatia  offered  the  crown  to  King  Colo^ 
man  of  Himgary.  The  Croats,  represented  by  twelve 
deputies,  administered  the  oath  and  stipulated  that 
the  new  monarch  shouUl  observe  the  Constitution  and 
rights  of  the  Croats,  exercise  the  judicial  power  only 
when  on  Croatian  soil,  and  allow  no  Hmigarian  to 
settle  upon  Croatian  territory.  This  agreement  was 
lonly  partially  kept.  Croatia  was  ruled  by  the  Arpdd 
il\  nasty  from  1102  to  1301,  but  was  not  made  a  part 
lit  Hungary.  The  monarchs  never  resided  perma- 
II'  ntly  in  Croatia,  but  were  represented  by  bans,  who, 
as  supreme  administrators  of  the  kingdom,  convened 
(III'  legislature,  exercised  the  highest  judicial  power  in 
the  ,State,  and  commanded  the  army.  The  national 
sabor  regulated  the  coinage  of  gold  and  silver.  The 
Arpdd  rulers  introduced  the  feudal  system  in  opposi 
tion  to  public  opinion,  reorganized  the  nobility,  and 
gave  the  lands  taken  from  the  peasants  (krnet)  to  the 
hoklers  of  titles.  During  the  reign  of  Croatian  rulers 
the  Church  flourished.  The  primas  (primate)  held 
the  office  of  chancellor  of  State  and  the  bishops  were 
the  principal  advisers,  spiritual  and  temporal,  of  the 
kings.  There  were  nine  bishoprics.  Under  the  Ar- 
pad  rulei-s,  a  change  was  made,  and  new  sees  were 
erected  suffragan  to  the  ecclesiastical  province  of 
Hungary.  The  following  religious  orders  were  repre 
sented  in  the  kingdom:  the  Benedictines,  favoured  b\ 
Croatian  rulers,  Cistercians,  Dominicans,  Franciscans, 
Templars,  Hermits  of  St.  Paul,  or  White  Friars.  Lit- 
erature, both  secular  and  ecclesiastical,  made  much 
progress  and  the  arts  w'ere  cultivated. 

Andrew,  the  last  of  the  Arpdds,  died  while  makinc; 
preparations  for  war  against  the  Croats  and  their  ban 
Paul  Shubich,  who  hail  declared  for  Charles  Robert  rt 
Anjou,  nephew  of  the  King  of  Naples,  as  King  ot 
Croatia,  Bosnia,  and  Dalmatia.  Charles  was  crowned 
in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  in  Agram  (Zagreb),  the 
capital  of  the  state,  by  Archbishop  Gregory.  The 
family  of  Anjou  occupied  the  throne  of  Croatia  from 
l.'iOl  to  1380,  mainly  through  the  support  of  Pope 
Boniface  VIII.  Charles  as  a  ruler  was  an  absolutist 
and  adopted  French  methods  in  conducting  the  army 
and  the  judiciary,  and  in  raising  money.  His  son, 
Louis  the  Great  (d.  11  Nov.,  13S2),  waged  war  against 
Venice.  He  became  King  of  Poland  17  November, 
1370.  ITpon  the  recommendation  of  Urban  V,  Louis 
appointed  his  relative,  Charles  Drachki,  Ban  of  Croa- 
tia, and  then  set  out  to  capture  Naples  from  Queen 
Joanna.  At  his  death  he  was  succeeded  on  the  throne 
of  Croatia  by  his  daughter  Mary,  who  reigned  con- 
jointly with  her  consort  Sigismund  of  Brandenburg, 
son  of  Emperor  Charles  IV,  and  later  emperor.  Dur- 
ing Marj''s  reign  there  was  great  hostility  among  the 
people  both  towards  her  and  Elizabeth,  her  mother. 
Foremost  in  the  opposition  were  John  Palizna,  prior 
of  the  Knights  of  St.  John,  Paul  Ilorvat,  the  saintly 
and  patriotic  Bishop  of  Agram  (Zagreb),  and  the 
bishop's  brother  John.  Declaring  that  a  woman  had 
no  right  to  the  Croatian  throne.  Bishop  Horvat  offered 
the  crown  to  Charles  III  Dratchki,  King  of  Naples. 
Charles  acce[)t('d,  was  crowned  by  Bishop  Horvat  at 
Stuhlweissenburg  in  the  presence  of  Mary  and  Eliza- 
beth, but  was  murdered  at  Buda,  Hungarj-,  tliirty- 
Beven  days  later  (2-1  Feb.,  1386),  by  Elizabeth's  hired 
assa-ssin.  Civil  war  followed.  Sigismund  (1387- 
1409)  was  taken  captive  by  Ivan  Ilorvat,  and  fresh 
ditficulties  arose  with  the  Turks  in  the  eastern  part  of 


the  Balkan  Peninsula.  The  coronation  of  Ladislaus, 
King  of  Naples,  at  Zara,  5  August,  1393,  did  not  re- 
sult in  peace.  Internal  discord  existeil  among  the 
Frankopani,  Zrinski,  Gurjaiiski,  Bhigaji,  Kurjakovici, 
etc.  Gregory  XII  organizrd  a  crusade  in  Siena  to  help 
Sigi.sinund,  and  Ladislaus,  seeing  that  he  could  not 
hold  his  ground  on  the  Eastern  Adriatic,  sold  Dal- 
matia to  Venice  for  100,000  ducats,  the  agreement 
being  signed  in  the  church  of  S.  Silvestro,  9  July,  1409. 
In  the  fourteenth  century  there  were  in  Croatia 
three  archbishoprics  and  seventeen  dioceses,  subdi- 
vided into  archdeaconries  and  parishes.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  century  the  See  of  Bosnia  was  trans- 
ferred to  Djakovo.  Each  diocese  had  an  average  of 
four  or  five  hundred  ]iarishi's  in  aildition  to  chapters 
and  collegiate  ehurilies.      Blessed  Augustine  of  Gazo- 


tich  was  Bishop  of  Agram.  Marc'  Antonio  de  Domi- 
nis,  famed  for  his  learning,  was  Bishop  of  Zengg  (Senj.) 
The  religious  orders  were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  es- 
pecially the  Knights  of  St.  John  (Crucijeri)  who  ex- 
erted great  influence  upon  the  people.  St.  .John  Cap- 
istran,  ilefender  of  Belgrade,  died  at  the  monastery  of 
Ilok,  Croatia,  23  October,  1456,  and  was  canonized  in 
1090.  The  missal  was  translated  into  Croatian,  and 
copies  are  preserved  to-day  in  some  of  the  libraries. 

In  Sigismund's  time  Croatia  was  severely  trietl  by 
the  wars  with  Venice,  and  those  against  the  Turks, 
who  invaded  Croatian  territory  in  1414-1.5.  From 
that  until  1838,  when  the  Turks  were  finally  re|)ulsed 
at  Cetin,  the  struggle  was  continuous  The  Bans 
Nicholas  and  John  Frankopani  and  Matko  Talovac 
were  the  first  in  the  field  against  the  Sultan  Murad  II. 
Sigismund  was  succeeded  Ijy  his  son-in-law  Archduke 
Albert  of  .\ustria,  who  died  in  1439  at  a  critical  period. 
His  wife,  though  civil  war  was  raging,  took  control  of 
the  Goverimient  in  1439,  and  lier  son,  Ladislaus  Pos- 
thumus  was  nominal  ruler  until  1457.  After  the  fall 
of  Constantinople  (1453)  and  the  occupation  of  Bosnia 
ten  years  later  by  the  Turks,  the  Turks  were  repulsed 
on  the  Croatian  frontier  and  Western  culture  was 
saved  to  posterity.  The  following  centuries  show 
bloody  records  of  constant  struggles  against  the  Turks. 
Yakub,  Pasha  of  Bosnia,  eager  to  enslave  Catholic 


CROATIA 


512 


CROATIA 


Balkan,  invaded  Croatia  in  1493.  He  was  met  by  the 
Croatian  forces  under  Ban  Derenchin  on  the  field  of 
Krbava.  The  Croats  were  defeated  and  left  the 
flower  of  their  nobility  on  the  field.  In  1513,  how- 
ever, the  Turkish  army  wa.s  defeated  by  the  Ban 
Bishop  Peter  Berislavieh,  and  Leo  X,  upon  receiving 
the  news  of  victory,  sent  the  warrior-bishop  a  blessed 
saber.  Bishop  Berislavich's  appeal  to  Charles  V  was 
unheeded,  and  the  former  was  killed  in  the  battle  of 
Korenica  (1520).  His  death  was  a  terrible  blow  to  the 
Aniemurale  Chrislianitalis,  as  the  pope  and  emperor 
styled  the  Croats  in  their  letters.  Then  followed  the 
conflicts  of  Jajco  (1521,  1525),  Klis  (1524),  Mohacs 
(1526),  and  Vienna  (1529),  which  Solyman  II  at- 
tempted to  take.  He  was  badly  defeated,  however, 
and  returned  to  Constantinople  with  thousands  of 
Christians,  who  became  either  slaves  or  soldiers  (Jani- 
zaries). The  pashas  in  Bosnia  in  retaliation  for  the 
defeat,  pillaged  the  country  and  slew  the  Christians. 

After  the  defeat  at  Mohacs  where  King  Louis  and  so 
many  of  his  warriors  were  slain,  the  Croatians  elected, 
at  Cetin,  New  Year's  Day,  1527,  Ferdinand  of  Aus- 
tria as  king.  The  Hapsburg  rule  was  thus  begun, 
Croatia  subsequently  having  the  same  rulers  as  Aus- 
tria. The  king  took  an  oath  to  defend  the  rights  and 
boundaries  of  his  new  kingdom,  a  promise  which  was 
never  fully  observed,  and  the  hopes  of  the  national 
heroes  Simeon  Bakatch,  Bishop  of  Zagreb  and  Krsto 
Frankopan  failed  of  fulfilment.  The  latter  fell  at 
Varazdin  while  the  former  died  of  grief.  Profiting  by 
the  indifference  of  Ferdinand,  the  Turks  took  the  for- 
tress of  Jajce  and  Klis  in  1536  as  well  as  a  large  part  of 
Eastern  Croatia.  With  Reliqukc  relirjinarum  regni 
Croatia!  for  a  battle-cry,  the  climax  of  the  struggle 
was  reached  at  Siget,  where  Nikla.s  Zrinski  met  the 
Turks,  imder  Soljnnan,  with  700  picked  men.  Having 
fired  the  city  behind  them,  they  made  an  onslaught  in 
which  they  all  perished.  The  Turks  left  20,000  on  the 
field.  Solyman  died  two  days  later  and  a  -shameful 
peace  was  concluded  by  Maximilian.  Neglected  and 
misruled,  the  people  rose  under  Mathias  Gubec.  They 
failed  and  Gubec  was  put  to  death  with  a  red  hot 
crown  of  iron.  Ever  ready  to  take  advantage  of  in- 
ternal strife,  Ferhad  Pasha  defeated  General  Auers- 
perg  at  the  River  Radonja,  in  1575.  Rudolf ,  who  suc- 
ceeded Maximilian  (1576),  had  little  interest  in  the  wel- 
fare of  the  State.  Hassan  Pasha  Predoje\'ich  crossed 
the  Kupa,  took  the  fortress  of  Bihac,  and  planned  an 
attack  on  Sisak.  He  was  met  by  Jurak  and  Fintich, 
canons  of  Agram,  and  Ban  Bakatch,  with  an  army. 
The  Turks  were  defeated  and  lost  18,000  men. 

Among  the  apostles  of  the  Reformation  in  Croatia 
were  the  Ungnad  family  and  George  Zrinski  who  estab- 
lished a  printing  plant  for  the  purpose  of  spreading 
their  teaching.  The  Croats,  however,  were  not  won 
over  to  Luther's  doctrine.  Catholicity  was  too  firmly 
rooted  and  Anthony  Dalmatin  and  Stephen  Istranin 
preached  the  new  creed  in  vain.  When  asked,  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Sabor,  to  grant  toleration  to  Protes- 
tantism, Ban  Bakatch  made  answer:  "I  prefer  rather 
to  break  off  relations  with  the  Hungarian  Cro-mi  than 
allow  this  post  to  spread."  Conflicts  occurred  with 
the  Turks  at  No\t  Zrinj  (1664),  and  at  St.  Gothard. 
The  miseries  and  oppression  of  the  people  led  to  an 
uprising  under  Peter  Zrinski  and  Krsto  Frankopani 
against  the  German  military  rule.  Leopold,  however, 
beheaded  the  leaders,  30  April,  1671,  at  Wiener  Neu- 
stadt,  imprisoned  their  children,  and  confiscated  their 
possessions.  Despite  the  injustices  done  the  people 
the  struggle  against  the  Turks  was  heroically  contin- 
ued under  Stojan  Jankovich  and  Elias  Smiljanich  in 
Dalmatia,  Friar  Luke  Imbrisimovich  in  Slavonia,  and 
Father  Mark  Mesich  in  Lika-Krbava.  A.  division  of 
Turkey  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Turks  from  the  Bal- 
kan Peninsula  anfl  Constantinople  w:ls  prevented  in 
Kiss  by  Lo\iis  XIV.  The  council  of  war  in  Vienna 
established  the  Military  Frontier  between  Turkey  and 


Croatia;  every  male  Croat  was  obliged  to  serve  lu  ths 
army  at  his  own  expense  and  to  be  ready  at  any 
moment.     This  organization  was  dissolved  in  1873. 

In  1712  the  Croatian  Sabor  accepted  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction,  by  which  Charles  VI  secured  the  succession 
to  his  daughter  Maria  Theresa.  In  the  Thirty  Years 
War  and  the  Seven  Years  War  between  Maria  Theresa 
and  Frederick  the  Great  the  Croats  took  a  prominent 
part.  During  the  reign  of  Leopold  I  (1658-1705) 
hundreds  of  families  of  the  Schismatic  Greek  Church 
had  entered  Croatia  as  refugees  from  Turkish  rule. 
Jealousy  existed  between  the  Catholics  of  the  country 
and  the  newcomers  because  the  rulers  did  not  favour 
any  but  the  Catholic  religion.  In  1777  Maria  Theresa 
secured  the  erection  of  a  diocese  for  the  Uniat  Greeks, 
■nith  the  Eastern  Rite  and  the  Old  Slavonic  Liturgy. 
She  hoped  in  this  way  to  bring  about  a  union  with 
Rome,  but  the  breach  was  only  widened.  Education 
reached  a  high  standard  in  the  sixteenth  centurj'  under 
the  Hermits  of  St.  Paul.  Later  on  the  Jesuits  became 
their  co-workers  in  the  field.  They  established  an  ex- 
cellent institution  in  Zagreb.  The  Croatian  youth  also 
attended  the  universities  at  Rome,  Padua,  and  Bologna. 

The  absolutist,  Joseph  II  (1780-90),  who  succeeded 
Maria  Theresa,  failed  in  his  reforms,  though  he  stopped 
at  nothing  in  his  attempts  to  carry  them  out.  In 
Croatia  he  suppressed  religious  orders,  confiscated 
monasteries  and  seminaries,  and  hampered  the  pro- 
gress of  education.  To  save  the  mother-tongue  a  re- 
action against  Latin  began  in  1835,  and  the  native 
speech  was  revived  in  church,  university,  and  street. 
In  1809  Napoleon,  ha^dng  conquered  Croatia,  set  up 
the  Kingdom  of  lUyria,  a  union  of  all  the  Croatian 
provinces,  under  French  control.  In  the  first  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  as  an  outgrowth  of  the  revival 
of  the  language,  a  vigorous  nationalizing  movement 
began  under  Louis  Gaj.  Representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, 300  in  number,  demanded  of  the  king  the  same 
rights  for  Croatia  as  those  possessed  by  Hungary:  inde- 
pendence imder  the  king;  the  election  of  the  ban  by 
the  people  and  his  presentation  for  the  king's  ap- 
proval ;  the  ban  was  to  be  ex-officio  president  of  Croa- 
tian cabinet  and  responsible  to  the  Sabor,  at  its  annual 
meeting ;  the  Croatian  army  with  its  head  was  to  take 
an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  king;  the  Military  Frontier  to 
be  abolished;  and  Croatian  made  the  official  tongue. 
The  only  point  gained  was  the  appointment,  as  ban, 
of  Joseph  Jellachich.  In  1848  the  revolution  broke 
out.  Jellachich  saved  the  throne  for  the  Hapsburg 
family,  but  further  enslaved  his  country  in  doing  so. 
The  Croatian  Generals  Davidovich  and  Vukasovich 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  war  against  Italy  in 
1866.  In  1878  Generals  Francis  and  Ivan  Philop- 
povich  occupied  Bosnia  with  Croatian  regiments. 

On  21  July,  1868,  a  compromise  was  effected  be- 
tween Croatia  and  Hiuigary.  Croatia,  Slavonia,  the 
Military  Frontier,  and  Dalmatia  constitute  a  separate 
poHtical  body;  Fiume  (Rieka)  and  its  district  were 
left  condominium,  with  two  representatives  in  the 
Croatian  Sabor.  The  military  Frontier  had  been  sup- 
pressed and  part  was  annexed  to  Transylvania  in  1851 
part  to  Hungary  in  1872;  and  part  to  Croatia-Slavonia 
in  ISSl.  Dalmatia  remained  separate,  with  eleven 
representatives  in  the  Austrian  parliament  [Reichs- 
rath).  Croatia  has  autonomy  in  administrative,  edu- 
cational, and  judicial  affairs.  The  national  legisla- 
tive l)ody  is  the  Sabor;  the  executive  body,  the  Royal 
Croatian-Slavonian-Dalmatian  Government.  The 
head  of  Croatia-Slavonia  is  the  ban,  appointed  by  the 
king  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Hungarian 
prime  minister,  responsible  to  the  Sabor.  .\11  State 
business  in  common  with  Hungary  is  regulated  in  the 
Hungarian-Croatian  Parliament  at  Butlapest.  Tliere 
are  also  executive  ministries  for  the  administration  of 
national  alTairs,  witli  separate  deiiartments  for  Ooa- 
tian  inlerests.  Tlie  Croatian  Minister  stands  a.s  a 
mediator  between  the  King  of  Croatia  and  the  Croatian 


CROCE 


)1.3 


CROIA 


Government.  He  is  a.  member  of  the  Hungarian 
cjibinet  and  is  responsible  to  the  Ilimgarian  Parlia- 
nicnr.  Croatia  is  represented  in  the  House  of  Magnates 
by  three  delegates;  in  tlie  House  of  Representatives 
by  forty  delegates.  On  Delegations  for  National 
Affairs  Croatia-Slavonia  is  repre.sented  liy  one  member 
from  the  Upper  House  and  four  from  the  Lower. 

Education  .a.nd  Religion. — There  is  a  university 
at  Zagreb  with  three  faculties:  philosophy,  theology, 
and  law;  an  agricultural  academy;  and  an  academy 
founded  and  endowed  by  Bishoj)  Strossmayer.  There 
are  twenty-five  high  schools  and  gymnasia  each  with 
eight  grades,  and  over  a  thousand  public  schools  of 
five  grades,  all  supported  by  the  Government,  with 
the  exception  of  some  private  institutions. 

Ecclesiastically  Croatia  constitutes  one  province, 
erected  by  the  Bull  "Auctorem  omnium"  of  Pius  IX, 
11  Dec.,  1852.  The  archiepiscopal  see  is  at  Agram 
(Zagreb),  and  there  are  three  suffragan  dioceses: 
Djakovo,  Senj-Modrus,  and  Kreuz  (Krizevci)  (Uniat 
Greek).  Theoretically  the  relations  between  Church 
and  State  are  regulated  by  a  concordat  of  IS  Aug., 
1S5J;  but  this  is  practically  disregarded.  Civil  mar- 
riage Is  not  recognized  and  ecclesiastical  regulations 
are  in  force.  Of  the  population  of  2,186,410,  71 
per  cent,  is  Catholic;  26  per  cent.  Schismatic  Greek; 
1.6  per  cent.  Protestant;  and  1  per  cent.  Jewish.  Free- 
dom of  worship  is  guaranteed  by  State  law.  Religious 
instruction  is  given  in  the  schools  under  Government 
supervision,  the  State  paying  such  teachers  and  sup- 
plying textbooks  out  of  the  |)ublic  revenues.  Churches 
are  incorporated  under  the  name  of  the  parish  or  com- 
munity to  which  they  belong,  subject  to  the  require- 
ments of  canon  law.  Church  property  is  taxed,  but 
the  clergy  are  exempt  from  military  and  jury  ser- 
vice. Tliey  are  also  subject  to  the  civil  penal  law, 
have  the  power  to  make  wills  but  not  witness  to  them, 
and  can  dispose  of  their  personal  property  according  to 
canon  law.  Cemeteries  are  regulated  by  ecclesiastical 
and  civil  law,  each  denoniinat  ion  having  its  own.  Re- 
ligious orders  may  be  estal)lished  with  the  consent  of 
the  Church  and  State;  the  Franciscans,  Capuchins, 
Jesuits,  and  Salvatorians  are  represented.  Bishops 
are  nominated  by  the  king,  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  Government,  and  aiipointed  by  the  pope.  Canons 
are  ajipointed  by  the  king  on  the  recommendation  of 
the  tiovemment",  and  the  latter  appoints  the  irremov- 
able rectors  from  the  lerna,  i.  e.  from  three  names 
proposed,  or  regardless  of  the  hTiia.  Each  diocese  hxs 
its  own  seminary.  The  Catholic  press  has  a  number 
of  weekly,  and  a'  few  daily,  papers. 

C.\u»ES  OF  Emigu.\tion. — The  people  are  over- 
taxed. Industrj-  and  commerce  are  handicapped  by 
tlie  centralization  of  common  carriers  and  by  a  trans- 
ponation  tariff  upon  export  goods.  The  import  and 
export  tariffs  are  unjustly  ap[)ortioned,  and  agricul- 
ture and  stock-raising  are  unprofitaljle  except  for 
domestic  purposes.  State  monopolies  prevent  free 
connnerce,  and  bureaucracy  hampers  the  development 
of  trade  and  the  comfort  of  the  people.  The  land  is 
generally  cultivated  and  is  rich  in  forests.  Quicksil- 
ver, gold,  copper,  iron,  coal,  coal  oil  and  sulphur  are 
found,  but  the  production  is  small.  The  rivers  arc 
navigalile,  and  there  are  exeellent  roads,  but  the  rail- 
roads have  not  kept  pace  with  the  needs  of  the  people. 

In  the  United  States  there  arc  over  200,000  Croats 
distrilHited  in  all  sections,  working  in  mines,  factories, 
and  upon  farms.  Many  of  these  are  well-to-do.  The 
immigration  began  in  tiie  early  part  of  the  nineteenth 
centurj'  and  numbers  fouglit  in  the  Civil  War.  There 
are  about  2.50  Croatian  societies  under  the  patronage 
of  various  saints.  Owing  to  the  scarcity  of  native 
priests  the  number  of  pari.shes  is  small,  only  twelve  in 
numlier  (1908)  and  four  parf)chial  schools.  It  inu.st 
be  remembered,  however,  that  the  first  Croatian  prie.st 
came  to  the  United  States  only  ten  years  ago,  while 
the  people  had  been  coming  in  large  numbers  for 
IV— 33 


thirty  years,  with  no  one  to  look  after  their  spiritual 
needs.  Tlie  Croatian  parishes  which  have  been  or- 
ganized are: — Visitation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary, 
Rankin,  I'ennsylvania;  St.  Nicholas,  Allegheny,  Penn- 
slyvania;  St.  Rock,  Johnstown,  Pennsylvania;  St. 
Paul,  Cleveland,  Ohio;  St.  Jo.seph,  St.  Louis,  Missouri; 
St.  John,  Calumet,  Michigan;  St.  John,  Kansas  City, 
Kansas;  Assvunption  of  B.  V.  M.,  Chicago,  Illinois; 
Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  (Greek  TTniat),  Chicago,  Ills.;  Sts. 
Peter  and  Paul,  Great  Falls,  Montana;  St.  Mary  of 
Grace,  Steelton,  Pennsylvania;  Church  of  the  Nativ- 
ity, San  Francisco,  California. 

Academia  scientiarum  et  artium:  Documenta  hislorifs  croaticcEf 
periodum  antiquam  illustrantia  (Agram,  1877);  Kukuljevich, 
Codex  diplomaticu^  rcffni  Croatia,  DalmatitF  et  Slfivonite  (.\grani, 
1874,  1876);  LnflCH,  De  regno  Dalmaliic  et  Croalirr,  libri  sex  (St.. 
Mark's  Librar>',  Venice);  Theiner,  Vetera  monumenla  Stavorum 
meridimwUiim  (Rome,  Agram,  1863,  1875);  Tkalcich,  Monu- 
menln  /.,./. ..-ir.r  i  \!;ram,  1896);  Fermendzin.  Acta  Bosnite 
(.\Kr:ii!i  I  ^'1  '  ;  tx  ii'cLicH,  De  refjnis  Dalmatian,  Croatia-  et  Sta- 
voni't  \  I  I  ''  ;  Farlati, /Wi/nciim  5acrum  (Venire,  1751, 
1801   ;    -         I      "       'i(ii   niirinmn    (Agram,   1839,    1842);Tka- 

L?-i(ii,   «,..)  't...-.,   I  \!'rnin,  _1861);   "LiVBlca,  Pregled 

hn'iitsk-i    pair  I    !' 1"^''!   :    >^MiciKLA8,  Hrvarsko  poviest 

(Aaram,    1S7',',    i-^         I    ,    ."nvi   Hrvata   (Agram,   1899, 

sq.l;   liALKi,  ,<    l.\gram);  Horn,  La  Hon- 

grie  et  la  Ciuai.^  i,i'.i:i  .  KHJ,  ,  rLivERicil,  Beitrage  (Agram, 
1SS6);  Macaulay,  Eduiburuh  Jicvicw  (April,  1842);  Statesman's 
Year  Book  (1908). 

M.  D.  Krmpotic. 

Croce,  Giovanni,  compo.ser,  b.  at  Chioggia  near 
Venice  in  1557;  d.  15  May,  1609.  Under  the  tutelage 
at  Venice  of  Gio.seffo  Zarlino,  Croce  became  one  of  the 
most  noted  composers  of  the  Venetian  School.  After 
entering  the  priesthood  he  was  attached  to  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  Formosa.  In  1593  he  was  given  charge 
of  the  choir  boys  at  San  Marco  with  the  title  of  vice- 
director.  On  the  death  of  Baltazzaro  Donati,  13  July, 
1603,  Croce  became  his  successor  as  choirmaster.  He 
wrote  a  great  deal  of  secular  music  in  the  forms  par- 
ticularly cultivated  in  his  time,  such  as  the  madrigal 
and  the  canzonetta,  but  his  chief  productions  are  those 
destined  for  the  Church.  Their  characteristics  are 
clarity  of  form  and  a  devotional  spirit.  Many  of  his 
compositions  form  part  of  Proske's  "Musica  Divina" 
and  Lueck's  collection  contains  three  motets;  "O 
sacrum  convivium  ", "  Cantate  Domino  ",  and  "  Exaudi 
Deus". 

Ambros.  Gcschichte  der  Mu.iik  (Leipzig,  1881);  Kornmclleh, 
Lexikon  der  kirehlichen  Tonktin.it  (Ratisbon,  1895),  Pt.  II.  p.  66. 
Caffi,  Storia  delta  Musica  Sacra  (Venice,  1854-55),  I,  200,  200. 

Joseph  Otten. 

Croia,  a  titular  see  of  Albania.  Croia  (pronounced 
Kruya,  Albanian,  "Spring")  stands  on  the  site  of 
Eriboea,  a  town  mentioned  by  Ptolemy  (III,  xiii,  13, 
41).  Georgius  Aeropolites  (Ixix)  mentions  it  as  a 
fortress  in  1251.  A  decree  of  the  Venetian  senate 
gave  it  in  1343  to  Marco  Barbarigo  and  his  wife.  In 
1.395  it  was  held  by  the  Castriots  (Ma-s-Latrie,  Tri^sor 
de  chronologic,  1773),  and  it  wa-s  the  birthplace  of  the 
Lion  of  Albania,  the  national  hero,  George  Castriota 
or  Seanderbeg  (d.  17  Jan.,  1468).  It  was  captured 
by  Mohammed  II  14  June,  1478,  and  the  whole  popu- 
lation was  slaughtered  together  with  the  Venetian 
garrison,  except  the  few  who  embraced  Mohammedan- 
ism. Since  the  thirteenth  century  Croia  has  been  a 
Latin  suffragan  of  DjTrachium  (Durazzo).  Farlati 
(Illyricum  sacrum,  VII,  411-432)  mentions  fourteen 
bishoi>s  from  1286  to  1694  (Gams,  404;  Lequien,  III, 
9.55,  incomplete);  Eubel  (1,224;  11,156)  adds  four 
names  and  corrects  some  data.  Croia  is  to-day  the 
chief  town  of  a  kaimakamlik  in  the  vilayet  of  Scutari, 
with  about  10,000  inhabitants,  all  Mussulmans.  The 
Venr-tian  citadel,  1500  feet  above  the  sea,  is  still  pre- 
served together  with  Turkish  guns  and  bells  dating 
from  the  days  of  Skanderbeg.  Croia  is  renowned 
among  the  Bektashi  dervishes  for  tlie  tombs  of  many 
of  their  saints. 

HoPF,  Chroniqui 
Ilautc-Albanie  (Paris,  1901),  215-227, 

S.  Pktbides. 


CROISET 


514 


CRONAN 


Croiset,  Jean,  ascetical  writer,  b.  at  Marseilles, 
1656;  d.  at  Avignon,  31  January,  1738.  He  entered 
the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1677,  and  was  for  a  long  time 
rector  of  the  novitiate  at  Avignon,  which  he  governed 
with  great  ^-isdom.  He  became  famous  as  a  director 
of  consciences,  and  as  a  wTiter  of  many  spiritual  books 
which  have  been  translated  into  several  languages. 
His  "Devotion  to  the  Sacred  Heart"  appears  to  have 
been  the  first  of  his  publications.  He  ivrote  also: 
■'Retreats  for  Each  Day  of  the  Month";  "The  Lives 
of  the  Saints  for  Each  Day  of  the  Year",  in  eighteen 
volumes,  in  the  last  of  which  is  "The  Life  of  Our 
Lord"  and  "The  Life  of  the  Blessed  Virgin";  "The 
Model  of  Youth";  "Spiritual  Illusions";  "Dialogues 
on  Worldly  Dangers " ;  "Parallel  of  the  Morals  of  Our 
Age,  with  the  Morality  of  Christ",  etc.  He  also  pub- 
lished collections  of  prayers.  De  Backer  accuses 
Lamennais  of  ha\'ing  plagiarized  from  Croiset  in  his 
little  work  called  "Guide  du  jeune  age".  Feller 
attributes  a  book  of  meditations  also  to  Croiset.  He 
is  regarded  as  one  of  the  great  masters  of  the  spiritual 
life. 

De  Backer,  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (Lii^ge,  1S53  and  1861); 
Feller,  Biog.  Univ.  (Paris,  1S131. 

T.  J.  Campbell. 

Croke,  Thomas  William,  Archbishop  of  Cashel, 
Ireland,  h.  near  Mallow,  Co.  Cork,  24  May,  1824;  d.  at 
Thurles,  22  July,  1902.  His  early  studies  were  made 
at  the  Irish  College,  Paris,  and  his  theological  course 
was  completed  at  Rome.  Returning  to  Ireland  he 
was  made  one  of  the  professors  at  St.  Patrick's  Col- 
lege, Carlow,  and  then  did  mission  work  at  Charleville 
in  his  native  diocese  from  1849  to  1858.  They  were 
the  years  of  misery  following  the  great  famine,  and  the 
suffering  of  the  people  from  their  economic  and  politi- 
cal misfortunes  intensified  the  national  leanings  that 
were  a  marked  characteristic  of  his  whole  career  and 
which  made  hun  to  his  fellow-countrjTnen  the  ideal  of 
the  patriot  priest.  He  was  a  zealous  follower  of 
O'Connell  in  the  Repeal  Era,  and  when  the  prestige  of 
The  Liberator  waned,  sided  with  the  Young  Ireland 
party. 

Appointed  president  of  St.  Colman's  College,  Fer- 
moy,  in  1858,  Dr.  Croke  administered  this  office  satis- 
factorily for  seven  years,  followed  by  five  equally  suc- 
cessful years  as  pastor  of  Doneraile,  and  was  then  ap- 
pointed Bishop  of  Auckland,  Australia.  He  was  con- 
secrated in  Rome  by  Cardinal  Cullen  and  took  part  in 
the  concluding  sessions  of  the  Vatican  Comicil.  Re- 
turning to  Ireland  for  a  brief  visit,  he  went  by  way  of 
the  United  States  to  take  possession  of  his  See  of 
Auckland.  During  the  succeeding  four  years  his  gov- 
enunent  of  the  diocese  was  marked  by  great  spiritual 
and  material  progress.  In  1874  Archbishop  Leahy  of 
Cashel  died,  and  at  the  request  of  the  Irish  hierarchy 
Bishop  Croke  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacancy.  His 
return  to  Ireland  gave  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  the 
people,  who  immediately  hailed  hun  as  the  imques- 
tioned  and  safe  ecclesiastical  leader  in  national  poli- 
tics that  Archbishop  MacHale  of  Tuam  had  been  for 
the  previous  generation.  He  at  once  resumed  his 
former  active  interest  in  political  affairs  and  became  a 
strong  supporter  of  the  Home  Rule  movement  under 
the  leadership  of  Isaac  Butt.  In  the  more  advanced 
agrarian  projects  of  the  Land  League  days  he  was  side 
by  side  with  Charles  Stewart  Parnell  in  popular  lead- 
ership, and  was  the  main  restraining  influence  when 
the  ultra-radical  element,  infuriated  by  the  new  co- 
ercion laws  of  British  officialism,  broke  out  with  the 
"No  Rent"  and  other  revolutionary  manifestos.  He 
made  several  visits  to  Rome  in  defence  of  the  popular 
cause  and  to  oppose  the  attempts  of  British  diplomacy 
to  enlist  the  direct  intervention  of  the  influence  of  the 
Vatican  against  the  Irish  Nationalists,  the  justice  of 
whose  efTorts  he  vigorously  championed.  After  the 
fall  of  PameU  and  the  confusion  and  factional  strife 


that  followed  he  withdrew  in  a  measure  from  active 
participation  in  politics,  but  never  lost  his  enthusiasm 
for  the  cause  of  Irish  national  regeneration. 

Freeman's  Journal  (Dublin);  The  Tablet  (London);  The 
Catholic  News  (New  York),  contemporary  files;  Moran,  His- 
tory of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Australasia  (Sydney,  s.  d.), 
917,  918. 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

CroUy,  William,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  b.  at 
Ballykilbeg,  near  Downpatrick,  8  June,  1780;  d.  6 
April,  1849.  At  fourteen  he  was  sent  to  a  classical 
school  in  Downpatrick,  conducted  by  Rev.  Mr.  Nel- 
son, a  Unitarian  minister,  as  there  were  no  Catholic 
schools  in  the  north  of  Ireland.  In  November,  1801, 
he  went  to  Maynooth,  and  obtained  first  place  in  dog- 
matic theology  in  1806.  At  Pentecost  of  the  same 
year  he  was  ordained  priest  by  Dr.  Troy,  Archbishop 
of  Dublin,  and  for  six  years  lectured  in  logic,  meta- 
physics, and  ethics.  In  1812  he  took  charge  of  the 
parish  of  Belfast,  which  comprised  not  only  the  entire 
town  but  also  a  district  more  than  tliirty  miles  in  ex- 
tent. On  being  appointed  Bishop  of  Down  and  Con- 
nor in  1825,  he  induced  the  Holy  See  to  change  the 
episcopal  parish  from  Downpatrick  to  Belfast,  the 
real  centre  of  the  dioce.se.  During  the  ten  years  he 
spent  as  bishop  of  this  see  he  built  a  large  church  in 
almost  every  parish,  and  founded  St.  Malachy's  Semi- 
nary. Owing  to  the  dearth  of  Catholic  schools.  Dr. 
CroUy  was  obliged  to  allow  Catholic  children  to  attend 
Protestant  schools,  a  course  of  action  which  caused  a 
fierce  controversy  after  his  death.  In  1835  he  was 
appointed  to  the  archdiocese  of  Armagh.  LTp  to  his 
time  no  primate  had  been  allowed  to  reside  in  that 
town,  but  he  lived  alternately  there  and  in  Drogheda, 
where  most  of  the  primates  had  dwelt  in  penal  times. 
His  first  care  was  to  found  St.  Patrick's  Seminarj-  in 
Armagh,  which  was  opened  in  1838.  His  great  work 
however,  was  the  foundation  of  the  cathedral,  which 
was  not  completed  till  twenty-four  years  after  his 
death.  Having  with  great  difficulty  acquired  a  site 
on  an  historic  hill  by  the  side  of  the  town,  he  laid  the 
foundation  stone  on  St.  Patrick's  Day,  1840,  amid  a 
vast  assemblage  of  clergy  and  laity.  The  work  of 
construction  went  steadily  on  until  the  famine  years, 
and  the  primate  vi.sited  several  cities  in  Ireland,  mak- 
ing an  appeal  in  person.  The  famine,  however, 
stopped  the  progress  of  the  work.  When  the  question 
of  the  Queen's  colleges  arose,  the  primate  was  one  of 
those  bishops  who  looked  favourably  on  the  project. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  if  he  had  lived  till  the 
Synod  of  Thurles,  in  which  these  colleges  were  for- 
mally condemned  as  pernicious  to  the  Faith,  he  would 
have  laid  aside  his  own  private  opinions  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  Holy  See. 
He  died  in  Drogheda  of  the  cholera,  on  Good  Friday 
(6  April),  1849.  and  was  buried  on  Easter  Sunday  in 
the  centre  of  the  choir  of  the  still  unfinished  cathedral 
of  Armagh.  A  collection  of  the  "Select  Sermons"  of 
the  primate  was  jjublished  shortly  after  his  death. 

Crolly,  Life  of  Dr.  CroUy  (Dublin,  1851);  Stuart.  Histo- 
rical Memoirs  of  Armagh.  Coleman  ed.  (Dundalk,  1900),  XX, 
299  sqq. 

A.  Coleman. 
Cromer,  Martin.     See  Kromer. 

Cronan,  name  of  several  Irish  saints. — I.  Saint 
Cronan  Mochua,  founder  of  the  See  of  Balla,  sub- 
sequently merged  into  that  of  Tuc.-n.  Ireland,  flour- 
ished in  the  period  596-637,  d.  30  March,  637,  but 
his  Acts  are  more  or  less  of  a  legendary  character. 
However,  it  would  appear  that  he  was  educated 
at  Bangor,  under  St.  Comgall,  and  founded  a  mon- 
aster)' at  Gael,  among  the  Feara  Rois  of  Louth  and 
Monaghan,  whence  he  migrated  to  Fore  and  Te- 
hilly.  Passing  through  Hy  Many,  he  journeyed  to 
Connacht,  in  616,  and  founded  the  church  and  Abbey 
of  Balla,  of  which  he  was  first  ablxit-bishop.  Numer- 
ous miracles  are  recorded  of  St.  Cronan  ^Iochtla,  and 


CROSIER 


515 


CROSIER 


are  minutely  described  in  his  Irish  life.  His  feast  is 
celebrated  on  30  March,  though,  through  a  miscon- 
ception, his  Acts  are  given  by  the  Bollandists  under 
date  of  1  Januarj'. 

CoLGAN,  Acta  SS'.  Hib.  (Louvain,  1645);  Butler.  Lives  of 
the  Saints;  Ada  Sanctorum,  Jan.  I  and  III;  Todd  and  Reeves. 
Martyrolagu  of  Donegal  (Dublin.  18641;  O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the 
Irish  Saints  (Dublin,  1875).  HI;  Knox,  yolcs  on  the  Diaceses  of 
Tuam  (1904);   Whitley  Stokes,  Anecdota  Oxonicn.  (1890). 

II.  Saint  Cronan,  Abbot-Bishop  and  Patronof 
Roscrea,  a  see  afterwards  incorporated  in  that  of  Kil- 
laloe,  Ireland:  b.  in  the  territory  of  Ely  O'Carroll; 
d.  28  April,  640.  After  spending  his  youth  in  Con- 
nacht,  he  returned  to  his  native  district  about  the 
year  610  and  founded  the  Abbey  of  Roscrea,  where  he 
established  a  famous  school.  Previously  he  settled 
at  a  place  known  as  Seem  ros  or  Loch  Cre,  a  wooded 
morass  far  from  the  haunts  of  men;  in  fact,  it  was 
utterly  wild,  so  much  so,  that  St.  Cronan  abandoned 
it  and  moved  to  the  wood  of  Cre,  that  is  Ros  cre. 
County  Tipperarj'.  Like  those  of  so  many  other 
Irish  saints  the  Acts  of  St.  Cronan  abound  in  miracles. 
The  most  surprising,  perhaps,  is  the  legend  as  to  the 
transcribing  of  the  Four  Gospels  by  one  cf  his  monks, 
named  Dimma.  It  appears  that  Dimma  could  only 
undertake  one  day's  task,  from  sunrise  to  sunset.  St. 
Cronan,  however,  bade  him  write,  and  then  Dimma 
set  to  work,  never  ceasing  till  he  had  finished  the 
Four  Gospels,  the  sun  continuing  to  shine  for  the 
space  of  forty  days  and  forty  nights — the  scribe  him- 
self being  unconscious  that  the  work  had  occupied 
more  than  a  day.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this 
legend,  it  is  certain  that  a  magnificent  Evangelis- 
tarium,  known  as  the  "  Book  of  Dimma",  was  for  cen- 
turies preserved  in  St.  Cronan's  Abbey  at  Roscrea, 
and  is  now  in  the  library  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 
The  scribe,  Dimma  MacNathi,  signs  his  name  at  the 
conclusion  of  each  of  the  Gospels,  and  he  has  been 
identified  with  Dimma,  subsequently  Bishop  of  Con- 
nor, who  is  mentioned  with  St.  Cronan  in  the  letter  of 
Pope  John  IV  in  640,  in  regard  to  Pelagianism  in  Ire- 
land, but  this  identification  cannot  be  sustained.  The 
case  containing  the  "  Book  of  Dimma"  was  richly  gilt 
by  order  of  O'Carroll,  Lord  of  Ely,  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury. Notwithstanding  the  conflicting  statements 
arising  from  the  number  of  contemporary  Irish  saints 
bearing  the  name  of  Cronan,  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  St.  Cronan  of  Roscrea,  as  les  Petits  Bollandistes 
say,  lived  as  late  as  the  year  640,  and  his  death  oc- 
curred on  28  April  of  that  year.  His  feast  is  cele- 
brated on  28  April  and  as  such  is  included  in  all  the 
Irish  calendars,  as  also  in  the  Kalendar  of  Drummond. 

.Ida  SS.,  III.  2,S  .\pril:  Bi  tlkk.  Ltr.s  of  the  Saints,  IV; 
O'IIanlon.  lAr.s  of  thr  In..h  >  ■  Umi  Ini.  1875),  IV;  GlL- 
DKiiT     \alioiiol  Mnnii.^cripl.^  ,■:   I  l--!;    ies   I'ctils  Bol- 

hn-Iixtrs  (Paris.  ISSOi,  V;  I.i  ;  ,  /  -  nislicat  History  of 
Ireland  (Dublin.  1.S2!)),  Ill;  Hi  >  i  i ,  I.  hand's  Ancient  Schools 
and  Scholars  (4th  ed.,  Dublin,  19021. 

A  number  of  other  saints  of  this  name  find  a  place 
in  Irish  calendars.  The  three  most  important  arc 
St.  Cronan  Mochua,  of  Clashmore  (10  February);  St. 
Cronan,  .Xhbot  of  Clonmacnoise  (18  July);  and  St. 
Cronan,  Abbot  of  Moville  (7  Sept.).  Another  saint 
fref|uently  tpioted  as  of  this  name  is  really  St.  Cuaran 
(Cuaranus  Sapiens),  whose  feast  occurs  on  9  February. 
There  is  also  a  St.  Cronan  Mochua  of  Sliabh  Eibhlem 
(4  May). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Crosier  (or  Pastoral  Staff),  The,  is  an  ecclesi- 
astical ornament  which  is  conferred  on  bishops  at  their 
consecration  and  on  mitred  abbots  at  their  investiture, 
and  which  is  UK(>d  by  these  prelates  in  performing  cer- 
tain solemn  functions.  It  is  sometimes  stated  that 
archbishops  do  not  use  the  crosier.  This  is  not  so,  the 
truth  being  that  in  addition  to  the  pastoral  staff  they 
have  also  the  right  to  have  the  archiepiscopal  cross 
borne  before  them  within  the  territory  of  their  juris- 


diction. According  to  present-day  usage  the  Roman 
pontiff  does  not  use  the  crosier.  That  tnis  practice  is 
a  departure  from  primitive  discipline  is  now  thor- 
oughly established,  for  in  the  early  representations  of 
the  popes  found  on  tablets,  coins,  and  other  monu- 
ments, the  crosier  is  to  be  seen  (Kraus,  Geschichte  der 
christlichen  Kunst, 
II,  500).  But  in 
the  eleventh  cen- 
tury this  cutsom 
must  have  disap- 
peared, since  Inno- 
cent III  (d.  1216) 
intimates  that  it  no 
longer  prevailed 
(Epistola  ad  Patr. 
Const.).  As  a  rea- 
son why  the  pope 
does  not  use  a 
crosier  symbolists 
allege  the  giving  by 
St.  Peter  of  his  staff 
to  one  of  his  dis- 
ciples in  order  to 
raise  a  dead  com- 
panion to  life.  The 
pastoral  staff  will 
here  be  treated  un- 
der: (l)thesymbo- 
lism  of  the  crosier; 
(2)  its  origin  and 
antiquity;  (3)  early 
forms  and  subse- 
quent artistic  de- 
velopment. 

(1)  Symbolitm. — 
The  crosier  is  a 
symbol  of  author- 
ity and  j  urisdiction. 
This  idea  is  clearly 
expressed  in  the 
words  of  the  Roman 
Pontifical  with 
which  the  staff  is 
presented  to  the 
bishop  elect:  "Ac- 
cipe  baculum  pas- 
toralis  officii ;  et  sis  in  corrigendis  vitiis  pie  saeviens, 
judicium  sine  ira  tenens,  in  fovendis  virtutibus 
auditorum  animos  mulcens,  in  tranquillitate  sev- 
eritatis  censuram  non  deserens"  (Pont.  Rom.,  77). 
It  is  then,  as  Durandus  (Rationale  Divin.  Off.,  Ill, 
xv)  says,  borne  by  prelates  to  signify  their  authority 
to  correct  vices,  stimulate  piety,  administer  pimish- 
ment,  and  thus  rule  and  govern  with  a  gentle- 
ness that  is  tempered  with  severity.  The  same 
author  goes  on  to  say  that,  as  the  rod  of  Mosea 
was  the  seal  and  emblem  of  his  Divine  commis- 
sion as  well  as  the  instrument  of  the  miracles  he 
wrought,  so  is  the  episcopal  staff  the  sjTiibol  of  that 
doctrinal  and  discipUnary  power  of  bishops  in  vir- 
tue of  which  they  may  sustain  the  weak  and  faltering, 
confirm  the  wavering  in  faith,  and  lead  back  the  erring 
ones  into  the  true  fold.  Barbo.>ia  (Pastoralis  Sollicitu- 
flinis,  etc..  Tit.  I,  ch.  v)  alluding  to  the  i>rcv:ilent  form 
of  the  staff,  says  that  the  end  is  .sharp  and  pointed 
wherewith  to  prick  and  goad  the  slotlifiil.  the  middle 
is  straight  to  signify  righteous  rule,  while  the  head  is 
bent  or  crooked  in  order  to  draw  in  anil  attract  souls 
to  the  ways  of  God.  Bona  (Rerum  liturgic,  I,  xxiv) 
says  the  crosier  is  to  bishops  what  the  sceptre  is  to 
kings.  In  deference  to  this  symbolism  Ijishops  always 
carry  the  crosier  with  the  crook  turned  outwards, 
while  inferior  prelates  hold  it  with  the  head  reversed. 
Moreover,  the  crosiers  of  abbots  are  not  so  large  as 
episcopal  crosiers,  and  are  covered  with  a  veil  when  the 
bishop  is  present. 


CROSIERS 


516 


CROSIERS 


(2)  Origin. — The  origin  of  the  pastoral  staff  is  at 
times  associated  with  the  shepherd's  crook.  Wiether 
the  usage  was  borrowed  from  this  source  is  doubtful. 
Some  writers  trace  an  affinity  with  the  lituus,  or  rod 
used  by  the  Roman  augurs  in  their  divinations,  while 
others  again  see  in  the  crosier  an  afiaptation  of  the 
ordinary  walking-sticks  which  were  used  for  support 
on  journeys  and  in  churches  before  the  introduction  of 
seats  (Catalan!,  Pont.  Rom.,  Proleg.,  xx).  At  all 
events,  it  came  at  a  very  early  date  to  be  one  of  the 
principal  insignia  of  the  episcopal  office.  Just  how 
soon  is  not  easily  determined,  since  in  the  early  pas- 
sages of  the  Fathers  in  which  the  word  occurs  it  can- 
not be  ascertained  whether  it  is  to  be  taken  literally  or 
metaphorically  (see  I  Cor.,  iv,  21),  or  whether  it  desig- 
nates an  ecclesiastical  ornament  at  all.  In  liturgical 
usage  it  probably  goes  back  to  the  fifth  century 
(Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.  Hirtenstab).  Mention  of  it  is  made 
in  a  letter  of  Pope 
Celestine  I  (d.  4.32) 
to  the  Bishops  of 
Vienne  and  Nar- 
bonne.  Staffs  have 
indeed  been  found 
in  the  catacombs 
that  date  from  the 
fourth  century  but 
their  ceremonial 
character  has  not 
been  established. 
The  first  unequiv- 
ocal reference  to  the 
crosier  as  a  liturgical  instrument 
occurs  in  the  twenty-seventh  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Toledo  (633). 
At  present  it  is  employed  by  bish- 
ops whenever  they  perform  solemn 
pontifical  functions,  by  right  in 
their  own  dioceses  and  by  privilege 
outside,  and  by  inferior  prelates 
whenever  they  are  privileged  to  ex- 
ercise pontifical  functions. 

(3)  Form,  and  Development. — 
The  evolution  of  the  staff  is  of 
interest.  Ecclesiologists  distinguish 
three  early  forms.  The  first  was 
a  rod  of  wood  bent  or  crooked  at 
the  top  and  pointed  at  the  lower 
end.  This  is  the  oldest  form  and 
was  known  as  the  pedum.  The 
second  had,  instead  of  the  crook,  a 
knob  which  was  often  surmounted 
by  a  cross,  and  was  called  the 
ferula  or  cambuta.  It  was  some- 
times bome  by  popes.  In  the 
third  form  the  top  consisted  of  a 
crux  decus-^ata,  or  Greek  T,  the 
arms  of  the  cross  being  often  so 
twisted  as  to  represent  two  ser- 
pents opposed.  This,  known  as 
the  crocia,  was  bome  by  abbots 
and  bishops  of  the  Eastern  Rite. 
The  original  material  was  generally  cypress-wood, 
often  cased  or  inlaid  with  gold  or  silver.  Later  on 
the  staffs  were  made  of  solid  ivory,  gold,  silver, 
and  enamelled  metal.  From  the  many  specimens 
preserved  in  churches  as  well  as  from  the  representa- 
tions in  old  sculptures,  paintings,  and  miniatures, 
some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  artistic  development 
of  the  staff  and  of  the  perfection  it  attained.  In  the 
cathedral  of  Bruges  is  preserved  the  crosier  of  St. 
Malo,  a  bishop  of  the  sixth  century.  Tlie  staff  con- 
sists of  several  pieces  of  ivory  jointed  together  by 
twelve  copper  strips;  but  the  volute  is  modern 
(Reuscns,  KUm.  d'  arch.  chriH.,  I,  504).  The  eleventh 
and  twelfth  centuries  witness  an  elaborate  display  of 
most  exquisite  ornamentation  bestowed  on  the  head 


Crosier  of  an  Ab- 
bot— Cellini 
(Abbey  of  Monte 
Cassino,  Italy) 


of  the  staff.  The  volute  often  terminated  in  a  dragon 
impaled  by  a  cross,  or  in  some  other  allegorical  figure, 
whilst  a  wealth  of  floral  decoration  filled  up  the  curve. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  the  spaces  between  the 
spirals  of  the  crocketed  volute  were  filled  with  reli- 
gious subjects,  statues  of  saints,  and  scenes  from  the 
animal  and  vegetable  kingdoms,  while  in  those  of  the 
Gothic  form  the  knob  was  set  in  precious  stones  and 
embellished  with  a  wreath  of  allegorical  ornamenta- 
tion. Quite  a  number  of  these  rich  and  valuable 
efforts  of  artistic  skill  have  come  down  to  us,  and  one 
or  more  may  be  seen  in  almost  every  old  cathedral  of 
England  and  the  Continent.  Oxford  possesses  three 
very  old  and  interesting  patterns,  that  preserved  at 
New  College  having  belonged  to  William  of  Wykehara. 
St.  Peter's  staff  is  said  to  be  preserved  in  the  cathedral 
of  Trier.  The  legend  may  be  seen  in  Barbosa  (Pas- 
toralis  Sollicitudinis,  etc..  Tit.  I,  ch.  v).  As  to  the 
crosier  of  an  abbess  see  article  Abbess. 

Bona,  Rerum  liturgicarum  libri  duo  (Turin,  1745),  I,  xxi\'; 
Gatalani,  Pontifi^le  Romanu-m  (Rome,  1850),  I,  Prolefjomciia, 
xx;  Martene,  De  aniiauis  ecclesia:  ritibtis  (Antwerp,  1784).  I, 
viii;  Reubens,  Elfmmh  d'arch.  chrit.  (Dublin.  1885),  I,  502; 
II,  453;  Leroset,  U^tiv./  1-iurgique  (Paris,  1890),  I.  258; 
Macauster,  Ecch  ■  ■  '  I  ■>.,,, i(.s-  (London.  1896),  56.  124; 
PuGiN,   Glossary   .'    /    .  '    .J    Ornamni!    (London,  1868); 

Krads,  Gesch.  d,  r  ,  i ,\  „  ;  i  I'leilmrK  im  Br.,  1897),  I,  522, 

II,  500;  DE  Fleiih,  L„  .U,.~,m  (Paris,  1S89),  VIII,  75-110; 
Bock,  Gesch.  der  lilurg.  Gewdnder  (Bonn.  1856-62),  II,  218  sq.; 
Cahier,  Melanges  d'archeol.  (Paris,  1856),  IV,  139. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Crosiers  (or  Canons  Regular  of  the  Holy 
Cro.ss),  The,  a  religious  order,  founded  by  Theodore 
de  Celles,  who,  after  following  the  Emperor  F"rederick 
Barbarossa  on  the  Crusade,  obtained  a  canonry  in 
the  Cathedral  of  St.  Lambert  at  Liege.  On  the  feast 
of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Holy  Cross  (14  Sept.,  1211), 
Theodore  with  four  of  his  fellow-canons  pronounced 
his  religious  vows  before  the  Bishop  of  Liege.  Hav- 
ing received  from  him  the  church  of  St.  Theobald  at 
Oair-Lieu,  near  Huy.  de  CeUes  founded  there  the  first 
convent  of  the  order.  Pope  Innocent  III  verbally 
approved  the  new  order  in  1215,  and  Pope  Honorius 
III  gaA'e  his  written  approbation,  which  was  confirmed 
by  Innocent  IV  on  the  feast  of  the  Finding  of  tlie 
Holy  Cross  (3  May,  1248).  The  new  institution  soon 
extended  to  France,  the  Netherlands,  Germany,  and 
also  to  England.  The  Canons  of  the  Holy  Cross 
jireached  to  the  Albigenses  with  St.  Dominic.  Albert , 
Bishop  of  Prague,  took  several  Crosiers  and  other 
monks  with  him  to  Livonia,  where  a  great  many  of 
them  gained  the  glory  of  martyrdom  (1246).  Some 
other  Fathers  accompanied  St.  Louis  on  his  journey 
to  the  Holy  Land  in  1248.  After  returning,  he  en- 
abled them  to  build  the  main  convent  of  the  order  in 
Paris.  The  Canons  of  the  Holy  Cross  practise  botli 
interior  and  exterior  self-denial,  in  order  to  imitate 
the  Saviour  crucified.  Contemplating  Christ's  Pas- 
sion they  try  to  sanctify  themselves,  and,  preaching 
the  mysteries  of  the  Cross,  they  endeavour  to  save  Ji 
others,  inducing  them  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
Man  of  Sorrows. 

The  order  formerly  possessed  about  ninety  con- 
vents, nineteen  of  wliich  were  in  England.  These 
latter  were  destroyed  during  the  troublesome  times  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  Dutch  houses  were  de- 
spoiled at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  Only  two  of 
them  were  spared.  Finally,  the  French  Revolution 
expelled  the  Crosiers  from  France  and  Belgium.  The 
two  remaining  convents  in  Holland  (at  St.  Agatha 
and  Uden  in  North  Brabant)  were  Ukewise  doomed  to 
extinction  by  King  ^^'ill^am,  who  ordered  them  not 
to  admit  novices.  His  successor,  however,  retracted 
this  interdict  (14  Sept.,  1840),  and,  from  that  tiii! 
the  order  commenced  to  flourish  again.  From  the 
convents  three  large  branches  were  founded  in  Bel- 
giuni,  at  Dit'sl  (1S45);  at  Maesevck  (1S54);  at  Hannut 
(1904);  wliile  the  convent  of  I '(ien  has  been  totally  re- 
newed (I'.IO.j),  and  tlie  mother-house  at  St.  Agath; 


Sf. 


OBOSS 


517 


CROSS 


restored  (1907).  In  1857  the  master  general  of  the 
order  sent  some  missionaries  to  Bay  Settlement,  Wis- 
consin, U.  S.  A.,  but  the  undertaking  failed  on  ac- 
count of  insuperable  difficulties.  Pope  Urban  Xlll 
gave  to  the  master  general.  August  Neerius,  and  his 
sviccessors,  the  privileges  of  purple,  crosier-staff,  mitre, 
and  pontificaUa,  together  with  some  other  exceptional 
favours  (1630).  Pope  Leo  X  added  the  special  fac- 
ulty of  blessing  rosaries  or  chaplets,  so  that  on  a 
rosary  indulgenced  by  Crosiers  500  days  of  indulr 
gence  are  to  be  gained  each  time  a  Pater  or  Ave  is 
said.  Tlie  Indulgence  is  also  apphcable  to  the  souls  in 
ptirgatory  (Gregorj'  XVI,  decrees  of  15  Sept.,  1842; 
13  .July,  1S45;  Pius  IX,  9  Jan.,  18-18).  Pope  Pius  X 
decreed  that  both  the  Crosier  and  the  Dominican  In- 
dulgences may  be  gained  together  on  condition  that 
a  whole  chaplet  is  said. 

After  one  year  of  probation  the  Crosier  novice 
enters  into  the  order  by  a  simple  but  perpetual 
profession;  th.e  solemn  profession  follows  three 
years  thereafter.  The  priests  and  the  professed 
clerics  wear  a  white  tunic,  over  which  is  a  black 
scapular;  a  short  black  mantle  {mozetta)  and  a  hood  of 
the  same  colour  complete  their  costume.  I'pon  the 
brc;vst  of  the  scapular  a  cross  Ls  sewed,  the  upright  bar 
of  which  is  red,  and  the  cross-bar  white.  A  prior 
presides  over  each  convent  and  the  order  is  governed 
by  a  master  general,  elected  for  life,  fifty-two  having 
niled  from  the  foundation  to  1908.  As  their  particular 
patronej5S  the  Crosiers  venerate  St.  Odilia,  a  compan- 
ion of  .St.  Ursula,  who  is  said  to  have  appeared  in  Paris 
to  a  lay  brother  of  the  order,  named  Jean  de  Novellan 
(1387),  after  which  her  relics  were  found  at  Cologne 
and  brought  to  tlie  mother-house  at  Huy.  A  great 
many  pilgrims  \nsit  the  churches  of  the  Crosiers  dur- 
ing tlie  octave  of  St.  Odiha's  Feast  (18  July),  in  order 
to  obtain  her  protection,  and  to  be  cured  from  oph- 
thalmy,  and  water  blessed  in  honour  of  St.  Odiha  is 
sent  on  request  by  the  Crosiers  all  over  the  world. 
The  life  of  the  Crosier  Fathers  is  both  contemplative 
jnd  active.  Thej'  give  missions,  retreats,  and  a.ssist 
:he  secular  clergj-  when  asked.  They  also  educate 
roung  men  aspiring  to  the  priesthood  in  their  colleges. 

,T\\sKN  in  Kirchcnlex.,  s.v.;  Verduc,  t'i€  du  Pire  Throdore 

'.  '    //.  ^(P^^igueux.  1632");  GoDEFB.  A  J jT.,£rxp/an«/io  conA-fi- 

n  O.  fratrum  Cniciferorum  (Cologne.  1632);  Hermans, 

1  '  ^  ranonicorum  regulariums.Aug.  Ord.s.crucis  (Hertogen- 

1S58):    Regida    el    conatUuliones    Ft.  Ordinis    canonici 

s  (St.  Michael's,  1868);   Russel,  Chronicon  Ordinis  s. 

Tucis  (Cologne,  1635). 

H.   YZER.MANS. 

Cross,  AppARrrioN  of  the.    See  Constantine. 

Cross,  SiG.v  OF  THE.     See  Sign  of  the  Cross. 

Cross,  Way  of  the.     See  W'ay  of  the  Cross. 

Cross  and  Crucifix,  The. — For  greater  clearness 
md  convenience  the  article  under  this  general  heading 
vill  be  divided,  to  correspond  as  nearly  as  possible 
vith  three  bro.ad  aspects  of  the  subject,  into  three 
iriiicipal  sections,  each  of  which  will  again  be  divided 
nfo  subsections,  as  follows: — 

I.  Archaeology  of  the  Cross:  (1)  Primitive  Cnici- 
orm  Signs;  (2)  The  Cross  as  an  histrunient  of  Punish- 
ncnt  in  the  Ann'ent  Worhl:  (3)  The  Crucifixion  of  Jesus 
Christ:  (4)  Grailunl  Derrlopment  of  the  Cross  in  Chris- 
tan  Art:  (5)  Later  Development  of  the  Crurifir. 

II.  TheTritpiChossandRepresent.vtionsofitas 
)b.iects  of  Devotion:  (1)  Growth  of  the  Christian 
Jult;  (2)  Catholic  Doctrine  on  the   Veneration  of  the 

(3)    Relics  of  the  True  Cross;  (4)    Principal 


•"casts  of  the  Cross. 
111.  Cn 


'ROR.S  AND  Crucifix  in  Liturgy:  (1)  Material 
thjirts  in  Liturgical  Use;  (2)  Liturgical  Forms  Con- 
teelnl  irith  Them:  (3)  Festiv<ils  Commemorative  of  the 
lolti  Cross:  (4)  Pile  of  the  "Adoration";  (a)  The  Cross 
!S  a  Manual  Sign  of  filrssing;  ((>)  Dedications  of 
"Jkurches,  etc.  to  the  Holy  Cross;  (7)  The  Cross  in  Re- 


ligious Orders  and  in  the  Crusades;  (8)  The  Cross  out- 
side of  the  Catholic  Church. 

I.  ARCH.EOLOGY  OF  THE  Cross. — (1)  Primitive  Cru- 
ciform Signs. — The  sign  of  the  cross,  represented  in  its 
simplest  form  by  a  crossing  of  two  lines  at  right  angles, 
greatly  antedates,  in  both  the  East  and  the  West,  the 
introduction  of  Christianity.  It  goes  hack  to  a  very 
remote  period  of  human  civilizataon.  In  fact,  some 
have  sought  to  attach  to  the  widespread  use  of  this 
sign,  a  real  ethnographic  importance.  It  is  true  that 
in  the  sign  of  the  cross  the  decorative  and  geometrical 
concept,  obtained  by  a  juxtaposition  of  linos  pleasing 
to  the  sight,  is  remarkably  prominent;  nevertheless, 
the  cross  wa.s  originally  not  a  mere  means  or  object  of 
ornament,  and  from  the  earliest  times  had  certainly 
another — i.  e.  a  symbolico-religiou.s — significance. 
The  primitive  form  of  the  cross  seems  to  have  been 
that  of  the  so-called  "gamma"  cross  (rri/.r  gammata), 
better  known  to  Orientalists  and  students  of  pre- 
historic arehaeologj'  by  its  Sanskrit  name,  |  p 
swastika.     The  commonest  form  of  this  sign  is     ^j~\ 

At  successive  periods  this  was  modified,  becoming 
curved  at  the  extremities,  or  adding  to  them  more 
complex  lines  or  ornamental  points,  which  latter  also 
meet  at  the  central  intersection.  The  swastika  is  a 
sacred  sign  in  India,  and  is  verj'  ancient  and  wide- 
spread throughout  the  East.  It"  has  a  solemn  mean- 
ing among  both  Brahmins  and  Buddhists,  though  the 
elder  Burnouf  ("Le  lotus  de  la  bonne  loi,  traduit  du 
Sanscrit",  p.  625;  Journ.  Asiatic  Soc.  of  Great  Britain, 
VI,  454)  believes  it  more  common  among  the  latter 
than  among  the  former.  It  seems  to  have  represented 
the  apparatus  used  at  one  time  by  the  fathers  of  the 
human  race  in  kindling  fire ;  and  for  this  reason  it  was  the 
symbol  of  living  flame,  of  sacred  fire,  whose  mother  is 
Maia,  the  personification  of  productive  power  (Bur- 
nouf, La  science  des  religions).  It  is  also,  according  to 
Milani,  a  symbol  of  the  sun  (Bertrand,  La  religion  des 
Gaulois,  p.  159),  and  seems  to  denote  its  daily  rota- 
tion. Others  have  seen  in  it  the  mystic  representation 
of  lightning  or  of  the  god  of  the  tempest,  and  even  the 
emblem  of  the  Arj'an  pantheon  and  the  primitive 
.\ryan  civilization.  Emile  Burnouf  (op.  cit.,  p.  625), 
taking  the  Sanskrit  word  literally,  divided  it  into  the 
particles  su-asti-ka,  equivalents  of  the  Greek  ii-iarl- 
KT).  In  this  way,  especially  through  the  adverbial  par- 
ticle, it  would  mean  "  sign  of  benediction  ",  or  "  of  good 
omen"  (svasti),  also  "of  health"  or  "life".  The  par- 
ticle ka  seems  to  have  been  used  in  a  causative  sense 
(Burnouf,  Dictionnaire  sanscrit-fran^ais,  1806).  The 
swastika  sign  was  very  widespread  throughout  the 
Orient,  the  seat  of  the  oldest  civilizations.  The 
Buddhist  inscriptions  carv'ed  in  certain  caves  of  West^ 
em  India  are  usually  preceded  or  closed  by  this  sacred 
sign  (Thomas  Edward,  "The  Indian  Swastika",  1880; 
Philip  Greg,  "On  the  Meaning  and  Origin  of  the  Fylfot 
■and  Swastika").  The  celebrated  excavations  of 
Schliemann  at  Hissarlik  on  the  site  of  ancient  Troy 
brought  to  light  numerous  examples  of  the  swastika: 
on  spindle-racks,  on  a  cube,  sometimes  attached  to  an 
animal,  and  even  cut  upon  the  womb  of  a  female  idol, 
a  detail  also  noticeable  on  a  small  statue  of  the  goddess 
Athis.  The  sw;istika  sign  is  seen  on  Hittite  monu- 
ments, e.  g.  on  a  cylinder  ("Tlie  monuments  of  the 
Hittites"  in  "Transactions  of  the  Soc.  of  Bibl.  .Xrchx- 
ology",  VII,  2,  p.  2.59.  For  its  presence  on  G.alatian 
and  Bithynian  monuments,  see  Guillaume  and  Perrot, 
"Exploration  archeologique  de  la  Galatie  et  de  la 
Bithynie",  Atlas,  PI.  IX).  We  find  it  also  on  the 
coins  of  Lycia  and  of  Gaza  in  Palestine.  In  the  Island 
of  Cyprus  it  is  found  on  earthenware  vessels.  It  orig- 
inally represents,  as  again  at  Athens  and  Mycenfe,  a 
flying  bird.  In  Greece  we  hav(?  specimens  of  it  on 
urns  and  viLses  of  Bteotia,  on  an  Attic  vase  n-present- 
ing  a  Gorgon,  on  coins  of  Corinth  (Raoul-Rochette, 
"Mem.  de  I'acad.  des  inscr.",  XVI.  pt.  II,  302  sqq.; 
"Ilercule  assyrien",  377-380;   Minervini    in    "Bull. 


CROSS 


518 


CROSS 


arch.  Napolit.",  Ser.  2,  II,  178-179),  and  in  the  treas- 
ury of  Orehomenus.  It  seems  to  have  been  unknown 
in  Assyria,  in  Phoenicia,  and  in  Egypt.  In  the  West  it 
is  most  frequently  found  in  Etruria.  It  appears  on  a 
cinerary  urn  of  Chiusi,  and  on  the  fibula  found  in  the 
famous  Etruscan  tomb  at  Cere  (Grifi,  Mon.  di  Cere, 
PI.  VI,  no.  1).  There  are  many  such  emblems  on  the 
urns  found  at  Capanna  di  Cometo,  Bolsena,  and  Vetu- 
lonia;  also  in  a  Samnite  tomb  at  Capua,  where  it  ap- 
pears in  the  centre  of  the  tunic  of  the  person  there  de- 
picted (Minervini,  Bull.  arch.  Napolit.,  ser.  2,  PI. 
II,  178-179).  This  sign  is  also  found  in  Pompeian 
mosaics,  on  Italo-Grecian  vases,  on  coins  of  Syracuse 
in  Sicily  (Raoul-Rochette,  "M^m.  de  I'acad.  des 
inscr."  PI.  XVI,  pt.  II,  302  sqq.;  Minervini,  "Bull, 
arch.  Nap.",  ser.  2,  PI.  II,  p.  178-179);  finally,  among 
the  ancient  Germans,  on  a  rock-carving  in  Sweden,  on 
a  few  Celtic  stones  in  Scotland,  and  on  a  Celtic  stone 
discovered  in  the  County  of  Norfolk,  England,  and  now 
in  the  British  Museum.  The  swastika  appears  in  an 
epitaph  on  a  pagan  tombstone  of  Tebessa  in  Roman 
Africa  (Annuaire  de  la  Society  de  Constantine,  1858- 
59,  205,  87),  on  a  mosaic  of  the  tgmspicium  (Ennio 
Quirino  Visconti,  Opera  varie,  ed.  Milan,  I,  141, 
sqq.),  and  in  a  Greek  votive  inscription  at  Porto.  In 
this  last  mommient  the  swastika  is  imperfect  in  form, 
and  resembles  a  Phoenician  letter.  We  shall  explain 
below  the  value  and  symbolical  meaning  of  this  crux 
gammata  when  found  on  Christian  monuments.  But 
the  swastika  is  not  the  only  sign  of  this  kind  known  to 
antiquity.  Cruciform  objects  have  been  found  in  As- 
syria. The  statues  of  Kings  Asumazirpal  and  San- 
sirauman,  now  in  the  British  Museum,  have  cruciform 
jewels  about  the  neck  (Layard,  Monuments  of  Nine- 
veh, II,  pi.  IV).  Cruciform  earrings  were  found  by 
Father  Delattre  in  Punic  tombs  at  Carthage. 

Another  symbol  which  has  been  connected  with 
the  cross  is  the  ansated  cross  (crux  ansata)  of  the  an- 
cient Egj-ptians  Jf.  wrongly  called  the  "ansated 
key  of  the  Nile".  \  It  often  appears  as  a  symbolic 
sign  in  the  hands  of  the  goddess  Sekhet.  From  the 
earliest  times  also  it  appears  among  the  hieroglyphic 
signs  symbolic  of  life  or  of  the  living,  and  was  trans- 
literated into  Greek  as  'Awr;  (Ansa).  But  the 
meaning  of  this  sign  is  very  obscure  (De  Morgan, 
Recherches  sur  les  origines  de  I'Egypte,  1896-98); 
perhaps  it  was  originally,  like  the  swastika,  an  astro- 
nomical sign.  The  ansated  cross  is  found  on  many 
and  various  monuments  of  Egypt  (Prisse  d'Avennes, 
L'art  Egyptian,  404).  In  later  times  the  Egj'ptian 
Christians  (Copts),  attracted  by  its  form,  and  perhaps 
by  its  symbolism,  adopted  it  as  the  emblem  of  the 
cross  (Gayet,  "Les  monuments  coptes  du  Mus^e  de 
Boulaq"  in  "Memoires  de  la  mission  fran^aise  du 
Caire",  VIII,  fasc.  Ill,  1889,  p.  18,  pi.  XXXI-XXXII 
and  LXX-LXXI).  (For  further  information  regarding 
the  resemblance  between  the  cross  and  the  oldest  sym- 
bolic signs  see  G.  de  Mortillet,  "Le  signe  de  la  croix 
avant  le  christianisme",  Paris,  1866;  Letronne,  "La 
croix  ans^e  ^gyptienne"  in  "Memoires  de  I'academie 
des  inscriptions",  XVI,  pt.  II,  1846,p.  236-84;  L.  Miil- 
ler,  "Ueber  Sterne,  Kreuze  und  ICranze  als  religiose 
Symbole  der  alten  Kulturvolker",  Copenhagen,  186.5; 
W.  W.  Blake,  "The  Cross,  Ancient  and  Modern", 
New  York,  1888;  Ansault,  "M^-moire  .sur  le  culte  de 
la  croix  avant  J6sus-Christ ",  Paris,  1891.)  We  may 
add  that  some  have  claimed  to  find  the  cross  on 
Grecian  monuments  in  the  letter  X  (chi),  which,  some- 
times in  conjunction  with  P  (rho),  represented  on 
coins  the  initial  letters  of  the  Greek  word  xp"""^", 
"gold",  or  other  words  indicative  of  the  value  of  the 
coin,  or  the  name  of  the  coiner  (Madden,  "History  of 
Jewish  Coinage",  London,  1864,  83-87;  Eckhel, 
"Doctrina  nummorum",  VIII,  89;  F.  X.  Kraus, 
"  Real-Encyklopadiederchristlichen  Alterthiimer",  II, 
224-225).     We  shall  return,  later  on,  to  these  letters. 

In  the  bronze  age  we  meet  in  different  parts  of 


Europe  a  more  accurate  representation  of  the  cross, 
as  conceived  in  Christian  art,  and  in  this  shape  it  was 
soon  widely  diffused.  This  more  precise  characteriza- 
tion coincides  with  a  corresponding  general  change  in 
customs  and  beliefs.  The  cross  is  now  met  with,  in 
various  forms,  on  many  objects:  fibulas,  cinctures, 
earthenware  fragments,  and  on  the  bottom  of  drinking 
vessels.  De  Mortillet  is  of  opinion  that  such  use  of 
the  sign  was  not  merely  ornamental,  but  rather  a  sym- 
bol of  consecration,  especially  in  the  case  of  objects 
pertaining  to  burial.  In  the  proto-Etniscan  cemetery 
of  Golasccca  every  tomb  has  a  vase  with  a  cross  en- 
graved on  it.  True  crosses  of  more  or  less  artistic 
design  have  been  found  in  TirjTis,  at  Mycenae,  in 
Crete,  and  on  a  fibula  from  Vulci.  These  pre-Chris- 
tian figures  of  the  crass  have  misled  many  writers  to 
see  in  them  tTiT^es  and  symbols  of  the  manner  in 
which  Jesus  Christ  wa.s  to  expiate  our  sins.  Such 
inferences  are  unwarranted,  being  contrary  to  tlie 
just  rules  of  criticism  and  to  the  exact  interpretation 
of  ancient  monimients. 

(2)  The  Cross  as  an  Instrument  of  Punishment  in 
the  Ancient  World. — The  crucifixion  of  Uving  persons  I 
was  not  practised  among  the  Hebrews;  capital  pun- 
ishment among  them  consisted  in  being  stoned  to  j 
death,  e.  g.  the  protomartyr  Stephen  (Acts,  vii,  57,  ' 
58).     But  when   Palestine  became  Roman  territory 
the  cross  was  introduced  as  a  form  of  punishment, 
more  particularly  for  those  who  could  not  prove  their 
Roman   citizenship;     later   on   it   was   reserved   for 
thieves  and  malefactors  (Josephus,  Antiq.,  XX,  vi, 
2;  Bell.  Jud.,  II,  xii,  6;  XIV,  9;  V,  xi,  1).      Though 
not  infrequent  in  the  East,  it  was  but  rarely  that  the 
Greeks  made  use  of  it.     It  is  mentioned  by  Demos- 
thenes  (c.   Mid.)   and  by  Plato   (Rep.,   II,   5;    also 
Gorgias).     The  stake  and  the  gibbet  were  more  com- 
mon, the  criminal  being  suspended  on  them  or  bound 
to  them,  but  not  nailed.     Certain  Greeks  who  had 
befriended    the    Carthaginians    were    crucified    near 
Motya  by  order  of  Dionysius  of  Syracuse  (Diodor. 
Sic,  XIV,  53).     Both  in  "Greece  and  in  the  East  the 
cross  was  a  customary  punishment  of  brigands  ( Her- 
mann,    Grundsatze     imd     Anwendung     des     Straf- 
rechts,  Gottingen,  1885,  S3).      It  was  at  Rome,  how- 
ever, that  from  early  republican  times  the  cross  was 
most  frequently  iised  as  an  instrument  of  punishment, 
and  amid  circumstances  of  great  severity  and  even 
cruelty.     It    was    particularly    the    punishment   for 
slaves  found  guilty  of  any  serious  crime.     Hence  in 
two  places  (Pro  Cluent.,  66;   I  Philipp.,  ii),  Cicero 
calls  it  simply  "servile  supplicium" — the  punishment 
of  slaves — more   explicitly    (In    Verr.,    66),    "servi- 
tutis  extremum  summumque  supplicium" — the  final 
and  most  terrible  punishment  of  slaves.     Htischke, 
however  (Die  Multa),   does  not  admit  that  it  was 
originally  a  servile  pimishment.     It  was  inflicted  also, 
as  Cicero  tells  us  (XIII  Phil.,  xii;  Verr.,  V,  xxvii),  on     ^ 
pro\'incials  con\icted  of  brigandage.     It  is  certain,  >*< 
however,  that  it  was  absolutely  forbidden  to  inflict   ■'' 
this  degrading  and  infamous  punishment  on  a  Roman  "f 
citizen  (Cic,  Verr.  Act.,  I,  5;  II,  3,  5;  III,  2,  24,  26    Jl 
IV,  10  sqq.;   V,  28,  52,  61,  66);  moreover,  an  illegal   mo 
application  of  this  punishment  would  have  constituted   *  'i 
a  violation  of  the  leges  sacratcc.     Concerning  a  slave    W 
the  master  might  act  in  one  of  two  ways;   he  mighl   te 
condemn    the    slave    arbitrarily    (Horace,    Sat.    iii    "H 
Juvenal,  Sat.  vi,  219),  or  he  might  turn  him  over  t<   tJi 
the  triumvir  capitalis,  a  magistrate  whose  duty  it  wal  >»is] 
to  look  after  capital  puni.'ihment.  ""si 

The  legal  imnumity  of  the  Roman  citizen  was  some  ^ft; 
what  mollified  when  the  poorer  citizens  (httmiliores  %". 
were  declared  s\ibject  to  the  punishment  of  the  cros  fepn 
(Paul.,  "Sent.",  V,  x.xii,  1 ;  Sueton.,  "Galba",  ix;  Quin  »L" 
til.,  VIII,  iv").  The  puni.shment  of  the  cross  was  regu  ifft 
larly  inflicted  forsuch  grave  crimes  as  highway  robbei^  Hke 
and  piracy  (Petron.,  Ixxii;  Flor.,  Ill,  xix),  for  publi  Rlu 
accusation  of  his  master  by  a  slave  (detatio  Jomini/lmt! 


CROSS 


519 


CROSS 


or  for  a  vow  made  against  his  master's  prosperity 
(de  salute  domijiorum.  See  Capitolin.,  Pertinax,  ix; 
Herodian,  V,  ii;  Paul.,  "Sent.",  V,  xxi,  4),  for  sedi- 
tion and  tumult  (Paul.,  Fr.  x.xxviii;  Digest.  "De 
poenis",  xlviii,  19,  and  "Sent.",  V,  221 ;  Dion.,  V,  52; 
Josephus,  "Antiq.",  XIII,  xxii,  and  "Bell.  Jud.",  II, 
iii),  for  false  witness,  in  which  case  the  guilty  party  was 
sometimes  condemned  to  wild  beasts  {ad  bestias,  Paul., 
"Sent.",  V,  xxiii,  1),  and  on  fugitive  slaves,  who  were 
sometimes  burned  alive  (Fr.  xxxviii,  S.  1 ;  Digest.  "  De 
poenis",  XLVIII,  xix).  According  to  Roman  custom, 
the  penalty  of  crucifixion  was  always  preceded  by 
scourging  (inrgis  ca:dere,  Prud.,  "Enchirid.",  xli,  1); 
after  this  preliminary  punishment,  the  condenmed 
person  had  to  carry  the  cross,  or  at  least  the  trans- 
verse beam  of  it,  to  the  place  of  execution  (Plut., 
"Tard.  dei  vind.",  ix,  "  Arteniid.",  II,  xli),  expo.^ied  to 
the  gibes  and  insults  of  the  people  (Joseph.,  "Antiq.", 
XIX,  iii;  Plant.,  "Most.",  I,  1,  52;  Dion.,  VII,  69). 
On  arrival  at  the  place  of  execution  the  cross  was 
uplifted  (Tic.,  Verr.,  V,  Ixvi).  Soon  the  sufferer,  en- 
tirely naked,  was  bound  to  it  with  cords  (Plin.,  "Hist. 
Nat."",  XXVIII,  iv;  Auson.,  "Id.",  VI,  60;  Lucan,  VI, 
543,  547),  indicated  in  Latin  by  the  expressions  agere, 
iare,  ferre,  or  ioUere  in  crucem.  He  was  then,  as 
Plautus  tells  us,  fastened  with  four  nails  to  the  wood 
3f  the  cross  ("Lact.",  IV,  13;  Senec,  "Vita  beat.",  19; 
Pert.,  "Adv.  Jud.",  x;  Justus  Lipsius  "De  Cruce", 
(I,  vii;  xli-ii).  Finally,  a  placard  called  the  tilulus, 
rearing  the  name  of  the  condemned  man  and  his  sen- 
ence,  was  placed  at  the  top  of  the  cross  (Euseb., 
'Hist.  Eccl.",  V,  1;  Suet.,  "Caligula",  xxxviii  and 
'Domit.",  x;  Matt.,  xxvii,  37;  John,  xix,  19).  Slaves 
vere  crucified  outside  of  Rome  in  a  place  called  Ses- 
\orium,  beyond  the  Esquiline  Gate;  their  execution 
vas  entnisted  to  the  carnifex  servorum  (Tacit.,  "Ann.", 
I,  32;  XV,  60;  XIV,  .33;  Plut.,  "Galba",  ix;  Plant., 
'Pseudol,",  1.3,  V,  98),  Eventually  this  wretched 
ocality  became  a  forest  of  crosses  (Loiseleur,  Des 
leines),  while  the  bodies  of  the  victims  were  the 
)rey  of  vultures  and  other  rapacious  birds  (Horace, 
'  Epod, ",  V,  99,  and  the  scholia  of  Crusius ;  Plin., "  Hist, 
v'at.",  XXXVI,  cvii).  It  often  happened  that  the 
ondemned  man  did  not  die  of  hunger  or  thirst,  but 
Ingered  on  the  cross  for  several  days  (Isid.,  V,  27; 
ienec,  Epist.  ci).  To  shorten  his  punishment,  there- 
ore,  and  lessen  his  terrible  sufferings,  his  legs  were 
onietimes  broken  {rrnrifragium,  crura  frangere;  Cic, 
cm  Philipp.,  xii).  This  custom,  exceptional  among 
he  Romans,  was  common  with  the  Jews.     In  this 

ay  it  Wiis  possible  to  take  down  the  corpse  on  the 
erj'  evening  of  the  execution  (Tert.,  "Adv.  Jud.",  x; 
sid.,  V,  xxvii;  Lactant.,  IV,  xvi).  Among  the  Ro- 
lans,  on  the  contrary,  the  corpse  could  not  be  taken 
own,  unless  such  removal  had  been  specially  author- 
ed in  the  sentence  of  death.  The  corpse  might  also 
e  buried  if  the  sentence  permitted  (Valer.  Max.,  vi, 
;  Senec,  "Controv.",  VIII,  iv:  Cic,  "Tusc",  I,  43; 
atull.,  cvi,  1;  Horace,  "Epod.",  I,  16-48;  Prudent., 
Peristephanon",  I,  65;   Petron.,  l.\i  sqq.). 

The  punishment  of  the  cross  remained  in  force 
hroughout  the  Roman  Empire  until  the  first  half  of 
he  fourth  century.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign 
ionstantine  continued  to  inflict  the  penalty  of  the 
ross  (nffiyere  patibido)  on  slaves  guilty  of  delatio 
omini,  i.  c.  of  denouncing  their  masters  (Cod.  Th.  ad 
;g.  Jul.  magist.).  Later  on  he  abolished  this  infa- 
lous  punishment ,  in  memory  and  in  honour  of  the  Pas- 
,on  of  Jesus  Chri.st  (Eus.,  "Hist.  Eccl.",  I,  viii;  Schol. 
uven.al.,  XIV,  78;  Niceph.,  VII,  46;  Cassiod.,  "  Hist, 
'rip.",  I,  9;  Codex  Theod.,  IX.  5,  IS).  Thereafter, 
lis  punishment  was  very  rarely  inflicted  (Eus.,  "  Hi.st. 
)ccl.",  IV,  XXXV ;  Pacat.,  "Paneg.",  xliv).  Towards 
56  fifth  centur\'  the  jurca,  or  gibbet,  was  substituted 
)r  the  cro.ss  (Pio  Franchi  de'Cavalieri,  "Delia  forca 
jstituita  alia  eroce"  in  "  Xuovo  bulletino  di  archeo- 
igia  cristiana",  1907,  nos.  1-3,  63  sqq.). 


The  penalty  of  the  cross  goes  back  probably  to  the 
arhor  infelix,  or  unhappy  tree,  spoken  of  by  Cicero 
(Pro  Rabir.,  iii  sqq.)  and  by  Livy,  apropos  of  the 
condemnation  of  Horatiusafterthe  murder  of  his  sister. 
According  to  Huschke  (Die  Multa,  190)  the  magis- 
trates known  as  iluoviri  perducUioni'i  pronounced  this 
penalty  (cf.  Liv.,  I,  266),  styled  also  infelix  lignum 
(Senec,  Ep.  ci;  Plin.,  XVI,  xxvi;  XXIV,  ix;  Macrob., 
II,  xvi).  This  primitive  form  of  crucifixion  on  trees 
was  long  in  use,  as  Justus  Lipsius  notes  ("De  cruce", 
I,  ii,  5;  cf.  Tert.,  "ApoL",  VIII,  xvi;  and  "Martyrol. 
Paphnut.",  25  Sept.).  Such  a  tree  was  knowTi  as  a 
cross  (crux).  On  an  ancient  vase  we  see  Prometheus 
bound  to  a  beam  which  serves  the  purpose  of  a  cross. 
A  somewhat  different  form  is  seen  on  an  ancient  cist 
at  Prxneste  (Palestrina),  upon  w-hich  Andromeda  is 
represented  nude,  and  bound  by  the  feet  to  an  instru- 
ment of  punishment  like  a  militarj'  yoke,  i.  e.  two 
parallel,  perpendicular  stakes,  surmounted  by  a  trans- 
verse bar.  Certain  it  is,  at  any  rate,  that  the  cross 
originally  consisted  of  a  simple  vertical  pole,  sharpened 
at  its  upper  end.  Maecenas  (Seneca,  Epist.  xvii,  1, 
10)  calls  it  acuta  crux;  it  could  also  be  called  crux  sim- 
plex. To  this  upright  pole  a  transverse  bar  was  after- 
wards added  to  which  the  sufferer  was  fastened  with 
nails  or  cords,  and  thus  remained  until  he  died,  whence 
the  expression  cruci  figere  or  affigere  (Tac,  "Ann.", 
XV,  xliv;  Petron,,  "Satyr,",  iii).  The  cross,  especially 
in  the  earlier  times,  was  generally  low.  It  was  ele- 
vated only  in  exceptional  cases,  particularly  when  it 
was  desired  to  make  the  punishment  more  exemplarj', 
or  when  the  crime  was  exceptionally  serious.  Sue- 
tonius (Galba,  ix)  tells  us  that  CJalba  did  this  in  the 
case  of  a  certain  criminal  for  whom  he  caused  to  be 
made  a  very  high  cross  painted  white — "  multo  pra?ter 
coeteras  altiorem  et  dealbatam  statui  crucem  jussit". 
Lastly,  we  may  note,  in  regard  to  the  material  form 
of  the  cross,  that  somewhat  different  ideas  prevailed 
in  Greece  and  Italy.  The  cross,  mentioned  even  in 
the  Old  Testament,  is  called  in  Hebrew,  '('f,  i.  e. 
"wood",  a  word  often  translated  crux  by  St.  Jerome 
(Gen.,  xl,  19;  Jos.,  viii,  29;  Esther,  v,  14;  viii,  7;  ix, 
25).  In  Greek  it  is  called  o-raupis,  which  Burnouf 
would  derive  from  the  Sanskrit  sldvora.  The  word 
was,  however,  frequently  used  in  a  broad  sense. 
Speaking  of  Prometheus  nailed  to  Moimt  Caucasus, 
Lucian  uses  the  substantive  aravpis  and  the  verbs 
dva(TTavp6<a  and  avatrKoXoirffw,  the  latter  being  derived 
from  (rK6\o\f/,  which  also  signifies  a  cro.ss.  In  the 
same  way  the  rock  to  which  Andromeda  was  fastened 
is  called  crux,  or  cross.  The  Latin  word  crux  was 
applied  to  the  simple  pole,  and  indicated  directly  the 
nature  and  purpose  of  this  instrument,  being  derived 
from  the  verb  crucio,  "to  torment",  "to  torture" 
(Isid.,  Or.,  V,  xvii,  33;  Forcellini,  s.  vv.  Crucio,  Crux). 
It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  the  word  furca  must  have 
been  at  least  partially  equivalent  to  trux.  In  fact 
the  identification  of  these  two  words  is  constant  in 
the  legal  diction  of  Justinian  (Fr.  xxviii,  15;  Fr. 
xxxviii,  S.  2;  Digest.  "De  poenis",  xlviii,  19). 

(3)  The  Crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ. — Among  the 
Romans  the  cross  never  had  the  symbolical  meaning 
which  it  had  in  the  ancient  Orient :  they  regarded  it 
solely  as  a  material  instrument  of  punishment.  There 
are  in  the  Old  Testament  clear  allusions  to  the  Cross 
and  Crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ.  Thus  the  Greek  letter 
T  ilau  or  thau)  .appears  in  Ezechicl  (ix,  4),  according  to 
St.  Jerome  and  other  Fathers,  .as  a  solemn  sj'nibol  of 
the  Cross  of  Chri.st — "Mark  Thau  upon  the  foreheads 
of  the  men  that  sigh".  The  only  other  symbol  of 
crucifixion  indicated  in  the  Old  "Testament  is  the 
brazen  serpent  in  the  Book  of  Numbers  (xxi,  8-9). 
Christ  Himself  thus  interpreted  the  passage:  "As 
Moses  lifted  up  the  serpent  in  the  desert,  so  must 
the  Son  of  man  be  lifted  up"  (John,  iii,  14).  The 
P.salmist  predicts  the  piercing  of  the  hands  and  the 
feet  (Ps.  xxi,  17).     Tliis  was  a  true  prophecy,  inasmuch 


CROSS 


520 


CROSS 


as  it  could  not  be  conceived  from  any  custom  then 
existing;  tlie  practice  of  nailing  the  condemned  to  a 
T-shapcfl  cross  being,  as  we  have  seen,  at  that  time 
exclusively  Western. 

The  cross  on  which  Jesus  Christ  was  n:iilcil  was  of 
the  kind  known  as  mmj'sso,  which  means  that  ila-  ver- 
tical trunk  extended  a  certain  height  alioxr  ihr  trans- 
verse beam ;  it  was  thus  higher  than  the  crosses  of  the 
two  thieves,  his  crime  being  judged  a  graver  one,  ac- 
cording to  St.  John  Chrysostom  (Homil.  v,  c.  i.,  on  I 
Corinth.).  The  earliest  Christian  Fathers  who  speak 
of  the  Cross  describe  it  as  thus  constructed.  We 
gather  as  much  from  St.  Matthew  (xxvii,  37),  where  he 
tells  us  that  the  tilulus,  or  inscription  containing  the 
cause  of  His  death,  was  placed  i-n-ivui,  "over",  the 
head  of  Jesus  Christ  (cf.  Luke,  xxiii,  38;  John,  xix,  19). 
St.  Irenseus  (Adv.  Haer.,  II,  x.xiv)  says  that  the  Cross 
had  five  extremities:  two  in  its  length,  two  in  its 
breadth,  and  the  fifth  a  projection  {habitus)  in  the 
middle — "  Fines  et  summitates  habet  quinque,  duas  in 
longitudine,  duas  in  latitudine,  unam  in  medio".  St. 
Augustine  agrees  with  him:  "Erat  latitude  in  qua 
porrectae  sunt  manus ;  longitudo  a  terra  surgens,  in  qua 
erat  corpus  infixum ;  altitudo  ab  illo  divexo  ligno  sur- 
Burn  quod  imminet"  (Enarr.  in  Ps.  ciii;  Serm.  i,  44) 
and  in  other  passages  quoted  by  Zockler  (Das  Kreuz, 
1875,  pp.  430,  431). 

Nonnus  confirms  the  statement  that  Jesus  Christ 
was  crucified  on  a  quadrilateral  cross  {els  56pv  Terpd- 
TrXtvpov).  St.  Irenseus,  in  the  passage  cited  above 
says  that  the  Cross  had  a  fifth  extremity,  on  which 
the  Crucified  One  was  seated.  St.  Justin  calls  it  a 
horn,  and  compares  it  to  the  horn  of  a  rhinoceros 
(Dialogus  cum  Tryphone,  xci).  Tertullian  calls  it 
sedilis  excessus,  a  projecting  seat,  or  shelf  (Ad.  Nat.,  I, 
xii).  This  little  seat  {equuleus)  prevented  the  weight 
of  the  body  from  completely  tearing  the  nail-pierced 
hands,  and  it  helped  to  support  the  sufferer.  It  has 
never  been  indicated,  however,  in  representations  of 
the  Crucifixion.  On  the  Cross  of  Christ  was  placed  the 
iitulus,  as  to  the  wording  of  which  the  Four  Evange- 
lists do  not  agree.  St.  Matthew  (xxvii,  37)  gives, 
"This  is  Jesus  the  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  Mark  (xv, 
26),  "The  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  Luke  (.x.xiii,  38), 
"This  is  the  King  of  the  Jews";  St.  John,  an  eyewit- 
ness (xix,  19),  "Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  King  of  the 
Jews".  In  representations  of  the  Crucifi.xion  there 
often  appears  beneath  the  feet  a  wooden  svipport 
(ujro7r65tov,  suppedrnieum);  that  it  ever  existed  is  very 
doubtful.  The  first  express  mention  of  it  occurs  in 
Gregory  of  Tours  (De  Gloria  Martyrum,  vi).  St.  Cyp- 
rian, Theodoret,  and  Rufinus  hint  at  it. 

A  microscopic  examination  of  the  fragments  of  the 
Cross  scattered  through  the  world  in  the  form  of  relics 
reveals  the  fact  that  it  was  made  from  a  pine-tree 
(Rohault  de  Fleury,  "Memoire  sur  les  instruments  de 
la  Passion",  Paris,  1870,  63).  According  to  an  an- 
cient, but  somewhat  dubious,  tradition  the  Cross  of 
Jesus  Christ  measured  in  length  very  nearly  189  inches 
(4.80  metres),  from  90J  to  102i  inches  (2..30  to  2.60 
metres).  As  noted  by  the  Evangelists,  two  thieves 
were  crucified,  one  on  either  side  of  Christ.  Their 
crosses  must  have  resembletl  the  one  on  which  He  suf- 
fered; in  Christian  art  and  tr.idition  they  generally  ap- 
pear lower  (St.  John  Chrysostom,  Horn,  i,  xxvi,  on  I 
Cor.;  on  Rom.,  v,  5).  A  large  portion  of  the  cross  of 
the  good  thief  (traditionally  known  as  Dismas)  is  pre- 
served at  Rome  in  the  altar  of  the  Chapel  of  the  Relics 
at  Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme. 

The  historical  narrative  of  the  Passion  and  Crucifix- 
ion of  Jesus  ( 'hrist,  as  found  in  the  Four  Gospels,  agrees 
exactly  with  all  we  have  set  down  above  concerning 
this  form  of  punishment.  Jesus  Christ  w;is  con- 
demned for  the  crime  of  sedition  and  tumult,  as  were 
also  some  of  the  .Xpostlcs  (Malalas,  "Chronoyr.",  X,  p. 
256).  His  Crucifixion  was  preceded  by  flic  Scourging. 
He  then  bore  I  lis  Cross  to  the  place  of  punishment.    Fi- 


nally the  legs  of  Jesus  would  have  been  broken,  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  of  P.Tlestine,  in  order  to  permit  of 
burial  that  very  evening,  had  not  the  soldiers,  on  ap- 
proaching Him,  seen  that  He  was  already  dead  (John, 
xix,  32,  33).  Besides,  in  ancient  Christian  art  and 
tradition,  the  Crucifi.xion  of  Christ  appears  as  done 
with  four  nails,  not  with  three,  according  to  the  usage 
of  the  more  recent  Christian  art  (see  below). 

(4)  Gradual  Development  of  the  Cross  in  Christian 
Art.— Since  by  His  holy  sacrificial  death  upon  the 
Cross  Christ  sanctified  this  former  uistrument  of 
shame  and  ignominy,  it  must  have  very  soon  become 
in  the  eyes  of  the  faithful  a  sacred  symbol  of  the  Pas- 
sion, consequently  a  sign  of  protection  and  defence 
(St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  "Carm.  in  Natal.  S.  Felicis", 
XI,  612;  Prudent.,  "Adv.  Symm.",  I,  486).  It  is  not, 
therefore,  altogether  strange  or  inconceivable  that, 
from  the  beginning  of  the  new  religion,  the  cross 
should  have  appeared  in  Christian  homes  as  an  object 
of  religious  veneration,  although  no  such  monument  of 
the  earliest  Christian  art  has  been  preserved.  Early 
in  the  third  century  Clement  of  .Alexandria  ("  Strom.", 
VI,  in  P.  G.,  IX,  305)  speaks  of  the  Cross  as ToOKi/pioxoO 
ariiulov  ruirav,  i.  e.  signum  Christi,  "the  symbol  of 
the  Lord"  (St.  Augustine,  Tract,  exvii,  "In  Joan."; 
De  Rossi,  "Bull,  d'arch.  crist.",  1863,  35,  and  "De 
titulis  christianis  Carthaginiensibus  "  in  Pitra,  "Spici- 
legium  Solesmense",  IV,  503).  The  cross,  therefore, 
appears  at  an  early  date  as  an  element  of  the  liturgical 
life  of  the  faithful,  and  to  such  an  extent  that  in  the 
first  half  of  the  third  century  Tertullian  could  publicly 
designate  the  Christian  body  as  "  crucis  religiosi",  i.  e. 
devotees  of  the  Cross  (Apol.,  c.  xvi,  P.  G.,  I,  365-66). 
St.  Gregorj-  of  Tours  tells  us  (De  Miraculis  S.  Martini, 
I,  80)  that  in  his  time  Christians  habitually  had  re- 
course to  the  sign  of  the  cross.  St.  Augustine  says 
that  by  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  the  invocation  of  the 
Name  of  Jesus  all  things  are  sanctified  and  conse- 
crated to  God.  In  the  earliest  Christian  life,  as  can  be 
seen  from  the  metaphorical  language  of  the  primitive 
faithful,  the  cross  was  the  symbol  of  the  principal 
Christian  virtue,  i.  e.  mortification  or  victorj-  over  the 
passions,  and  suffering  for  Christ's  sake  and  in  union 
with  Him  (Matt.,  x,  38;  xvi,  24;  Mark,  viii,  34;  Luke, 
ix,  23;  xiv,  27;  Gal.,  ii,  19;  vi,  12,  14;  v,  24).  In  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  the  cross  is  synonJ^nous  with  the 
Passion  of  Christ  (Ephes.,  ii,  16;  Heb.,  xii,  2)  even 
with  the  Gospel,  and  with  religion  itself  (I  Cor.,  i,  18; 
Phil.,  iii,  IS).  Very  soon  the  sign  of  the  cross  was  the 
sign  of  the  Christian.  It  is,  moreover,  ven,-  probable 
that  reference  to  this  sign  is  made  in  the  .4pocalypse 
(vii,  2) :  "  And  I  saw  another  angel  ascending  from  the 
rising  of  the  sim,  having  the  sign  of  the  living  God." 

It  is  from  this  original  Christian  worship  of  the  cross, 
that  arose  the  custom  of  making  on  one's  forehead  the 
sign  of  the  cross.  Tertullian  says:  "Frontem  crucis 
signaculo  torimus"  (De  Cor.  mil.,  iii),  i.  e.  "  We  Chris- 
tians wear  out  our  foreheads  with  the  sign  of  the 
cross."  The  practice  was  so  general  about  the  year 
200,  according  to  the  same  writer,  that  the  Christians 
of  his  time  were  wont  to  sign  themselves  with  the  cross 
before  undertaking  any  action.  He  says  that  it  is  not 
commanded  in  Holy  Scripture,  but  is  a  matter  of 
Christian  tradition,  like  certain  other  practices  that 
are  confirmed  by  long  usage  and  the  spirit  of  faith  in 
which  they  are  kept.  A  certain  Scriptural  authority 
for  the  sign  of  the  cross  has  been  sought  by  some  in  a 
few  texts  rather  freely  interpreted,  especially  in  the 
above-mentioned  words  of  Ezechiel  (ix,  4),  "Mark  fciuj 
Thau  upon  the  foreheads  of  the  men  that  sigh,  and  i 
mourn  for  all  the  abominations  that  are  committed  ir 
the  midst  thereof",  also  in  several  expressions  of  tlu 
Apocalypse  (vii,  3;  ix,  4;  xiv,  1).  It  would  seem  thai 
in  very  early  Cliristian  times  the  sign  of  the  cross  wai 
made  with  the  tlunnb  of  the  right  hand  (St.  Join 
Chrj's.,  Hom.  ad  pop.  .Vntioch.  xi ;  St.  Jerome,  Ep.  ac 
Eustochium;  a  practice  .still  in  use  among  the  faithfu 


CROSS 


521 


CROSS 


ilnrinp:  Mass,  e.  g.  at  the  reading  of  the  Gospel),  and 
<,'<  nirally  on  the  forehead;  gradually,  by  reason  of  its 
syiiiliolism,  this  sign  was  made  on  other  parts  of  the 
l.o, ly,  with  particularized  intention  (St.  Ambrose,  De 
Is  I  10  etanima,Migne,  P.  L.,  XIV,  501-34).  Aftemards 
till  <i'  different  signs  of  the  cross  were  united  in  one 
l.ii_'''  sign  such  as  we  now  make.  In  the  Western 
I  liiirch  the  hand  w-as  carried  from  the  left  to  the  right 
-^Ih miller;  in  the  Eastern  Church,  on  the  contrarj',  it 
\v,:^  brought  from  the  right  shoulder  to  the  left,  the 
-  •  Ix'ing  made  with  three  fingers.  This  apparently 
1  liifference  was  one  of  the  (remote)  causes  of  the 
lliistern  Schism. 

is  probable,  though  we  have  no  historical  evi- 
for  it.  that  the  primitive  Christians  used  the 
to  distinguish  one  another  from  the  pagans  in 
iry  social   intercourse.     The  latter  called   the 
I  ians  "cross-worshippers",  and  ironically  added, 
nlunt  quod  merentur",  i.  e.  they  worship  that 
:.....  li  they  deser\-e.     The  Christian  apologi.sts,  such 
a.s  Tertullian    (Apol.,   xvi;   Ad.   Nationes,    xii)    and 
Minucius  Felix  (Octavius,  Ix,  xii,  xxvnii),  felicitously 
replied   to   the  pagan  taunt  by  showing  that  their 
persecutors    themselves    adored    cruciform    objects. 
Such  obser\'ations  throw  light  on  a  peculiar  fact  of 
primitive  Christian  life,  i.  e.  the  almost  total  absence 
from  Christian  monuments  of  the  period  of  persecu- 
tions of  the  plain,  unadorned  cross  (E.  Reusens,  "Ele- 
ments d'archeologie  ehrOtienne".  1st  ed.,  110).     The 
truculent  sarcasms  of   the   heathens   prevented   the 
faithful  from  openly  displaying  this  sign  of  salvation. 
^^"hen  the  early  Christians  did  represent  the  sign  of  the 
cross  on  their  monimients,  nearly  all  sepulchral  in 
character,  they  felt  obliged  to  disguise  it  in  some  artis- 
tic and  symbolical  way. 

One  of  the  oldest  of  these  sjTiibols  of  the  cross  is  the 
anchor,  sometimes  carved  thus  J2.  and  sometimes 
thus  JJL  The  latter  is  found  most  "^  generally  on 
the  M>  stone  slabs  of  the  oldest  sections  of  the 
Roman  catacombs,  especially  in  the  cemeteries  of  Cal- 
listus,  Domitilla,  Pri.scilla,  and  others.  The  anchor, 
originally  a  symbol  of  hope  in  general,  takes  on  in  this 
way  a  much  higher  meaning:  that  of  hope  based  on  the 
Cross  of  Christ.  The  similarity  of  the  anchor  to  the 
cross  made  the  former  an  admirable  Christian  symbol. 
Another  cruciform  symbol  of  the  early  Christians, 
though  not  verj'  common,  and  of  a  somewhat  later 
date,  is  the  trident  M-J  some  examples  of  which  are 
seen  on  sepulchral  I  slabs  in  the  cemetery  of  Callis- 
tus.  In  one  inscription  from  that  cemetery  the  sym- 
bolism of  the  trident  is  even  more  subtle  and  evident, 
the  instrument  standing  erect  as  the  mainmast  of  a 
ship  entering  port,  symbolical  of  the  Christian  soul 
saved  by  the  Cross  of  Christ.  We  must  note,  too,  the 
use  of  this  peculiar  symbol  in  the  third  century  in  the 
region  of  Tauric  Chersonesus  (the  Crimea)  on  coins  of 
Totorses,  King  of  the  Bosporus,  dated  270,  296,  and 
303  (De  Hoclme,  "Description  du  mus(>e  Kotschon- 
bey,  tl,  348,  .360,  416;  Cavcdoni,  "Appendice  alle 
ricerche  critiche  intomo  alle  med.  Costantiniane,  18, 
19 — an  extract  from  the  "Opuscoli  litterari  e  religiosi 
di  Modena"  in  "Bull.  arch.  Napolit.",  ser.  2,  anno 
VII.  .32).  We  shall  speak  again  of  this  sign  apropos 
of  the  dolphin.  On  a  picture  in  the  Crj-pts  of  Lu- 
cina,  artistically  imique  and  very  ancient,  there 
seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  Cross.  Turned  to- 
wards the  altar  are  two  doves  gazing  at  a  small  tree. 
The  scene  appears  to  represent  an  image  of  souls  loosed 
from  the  bonds  of  the  body  and  saved  by  the  power 
of  the  Cross  (De  Rossi,  Roma  Sotterranea  Cristiana, 
I,  PI.  XII). 

Before  passing  to  the  study  of  other,  more  or  less 
disguised,  forms  of  the  cro.ss,  e.  g.  various  monograms 
of  the  name  of  Christ,  it  may  bi-  well  to  say  a  word  of 
various  known  forms  of  the  cross  on  primitive  monu- 
ments of  Christian  art,  some  of  which  we  shall  meet 
with  in  our  early  study  of  the  said  monograms. — The 


cr!/.r  rknissnta  "V/"  or  decussated  cross,  so  called  from 
its  resemblance  x\.  to  the  Roman  decussis.  or  sym- 
bol for  the  numeral  10,  is  in  shape  like  the  Greek 
letter  chi;  it  is  also  known  as  St.  Andrew's  Cross, 
because  that  Apostle  is  said  to  have  suffered  martyr- 
dom on  such  a  cross,  his  hands  and  feet  bound  to 
its  four  arms  (Sandini,  Hist.  Apostol.,  130).  The 
crux  conimissa,  or  gallows-shaped  cross,  is,  according 
to  some,  the  one  on  which  Jesus  Christ  died.  In  order 
to  explain  the  traditional  longitudinal  extension  of 
the  Cross,  which  makes  it  resemble  the  crux  immissa,  it 
is  asserted  that  this  extension  is  only  apparent,  and 
is  really  only  the  titulus  crticis,  the  inscription  men- 
tioned in  the  Gospels.  This  form  of  the  cross  (crux 
coynmissa)  is  probably  represented  by  the  Greek  letter 
tau  (T),  and  is  identical  with  the  "sign"  mentioned  in 
the  text  of  Ezechiel  (ix,  4)  already  quoted.  Tertul- 
lian comments  (Contra  Mare.,  Ill,  xxii)  as  follows  on 
this  text:  "The  Greek  letter  T  and  our  Latin  letter 
T  are  the  true  form  of  the  cross,  which,  according  to 
the  Prophet,  will  be  imprinted  on  our  foreheads  in  the 
true  Jerusalem."  Specimens  of  this  veiled  form  of 
the  cross  are  met  with  on  the  monuments  of  the  Ro- 
man catacombs,  a  very  fine  one,  e.  g.,  in  an  epitaph  of 
the  third  century  found  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Callis- 
tus,  which  reads  ire  T  xe  (De  Rossi,  "Bulletino  d' 
archeologia  cristiana",  1863,  35).  In  the  same  ceme- 
tery a  sarcophagus  exliibits  clearly  the  gallow's-cross 
formed  by  the  intersection  of  the  letters  T  and  V  in 
the  monogram  of  a  proper  name  carved  in  the  centre 
of  the  cartella,  or  label.  This  second  letter  (V)  was 
also  figurative  of  the  cross,  as  is  evident  from  the  in- 
scriptions scratched  on  rock-surfaces  at  Mount  Sinai 
(Lenormant,  "  Sur  I'origine  chr(5tienne  des  inscriptions 
sinaitiques",  26,  27;  De  Rossi,  loe.  cit.).  A  mono- 
gram of  a  proper  name  (perhaps  Marturius),  discov- 
ered by  Annellini  on  the  Via  Latina,  shows  the  crux 
cojnmissa  above  the  intersection  of  the  letters.  Other 
monograms  show  similar  forms,  such  as  "D"  and 
\U  (De  Rossi,  "Bulletino  d'archeologia  i  cris- 
'^  tiana",  1867,  page  13,  fig.  10,  and  page  14).  It 
has  been  attempted  to  establish  a  connexion  between 
this  form  and  the  crux  artsata  of  the  Egyptians,  men- 
tioned above;  but  we  see  no  reason  for  this  (cf.  Le- 
tronne,  Materiaux  pour  I'histoire  du  christianisme  en 
Egjqite,  en  Nubie,  et  en  Abyssinie).  It  would  seem 
that  St.  .\nthony  bore  a  cross  in  the  form  of  tau  on  his 
cloak,  and  that  it  was  Egyptian  in  origin.  Such  a 
cross  is  still  used  by  the  Antonine  monks  of  Vienne  in 
Dauphiny,  and  appears  on  their  churches  and  on  the 
monuments  of  art  belonging  to  the  order.  St.  Zeno 
of  Verona,  who  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury was  bishop  of  that  city,  relates  that  he  caused  a 
cross  in  form  of  a  lau  to  be  placed  on  the  highest  point 
of  a  basilica.  There  w;is  also  another  motive  for 
choosing  the  letter  T  as  symbolical  of  the  cross.  As,  in 
Greek,  this  letter  stands  for  300,  that  number  in  Ajios- 
tolic  times  was  taken  as  a  symbol  of  the  instnmicnt 
of  our  salvation.  The  symbolism  was  carried  farther, 
and  the  number  318  became  a  symbol  of  Christ  and 
His  Cross:  the  letter  I  (iola)  being  equal  to  10,  and  H 
(eta)  to  8  in  Greek  (Allard,  "  Le  symbolisme  chretien 
d'aprcs  Prudence"  in  "Re\'ue  de  I'art  chr(;ticn", 
1885;  Hefele,  Ed.  Ep.  St.  Barnaba",  ix). 

The  cross  most  commonly  referred  to  and  most 
usually  depicted  on  Christian  monuments  of  all  ages 
is  that  called  the  crux  immtsxa,  or  crux  capitata  (i.  e. 
the  vertical  trunk  extending  beyond  the  transv'ersc 
beam).  It  was  on  a  cross  such  as  this  that  Christ 
actually  died,  and  not,  as  some  would  maintain,  on  a 
crux  commisaa.  And  this  opinion  is  largely  supporte<i 
by  the  testimony  of  the  writers  we  have  quot<'d.  The 
crux  immixna  is  that  which  is  usually  known  as  the 
I^atin  cross,  in  which  the  transverse  beam  is  usually 
set  two-thirds  of  the  way  up  the  vertical.  Tlie  equi- 
lateral, or  Greek  cross,  adopted  by  the  East  and  by 
Russia,  has  the  transverse  set  half-way  up  the  vertical. 


CROSS 


522 


CROSS 


Both  the  Latin  and  Greek  crosses  play  an  important 
part  in  the  architectural  and  decorative  styles  of 
church  buildings  during  the  fourth  and  subsequent 
centuries.  The  church  of  Santa  Croce  at  Ravenna 
is  in  the  form  of  a  Latin  cross;  and  on  the  pillars  of 
a  church  built  by  Bishop  Paulinus  at  Tyre  in  the 
fourth  century  the  cross  is  carved  in  the  Latin 
way.  The  facade  of  the  Catliolicon  at  Athens  shows 
a  large  Latin  cross.  And  this  style  of  cross  was 
adopted  by  West  and  East  until  the  schism  occurred 
between  the  two  churches.  Indeed,  at  Constanti- 
nople the  church  of  the  Apostles,  the  first  church  of 
S.  Sophia,  consecrated  by  Constantine,  those  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  John  at  Studium,  of  St.  Demetrius 
at  Salonica,  of  St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai,  as  well 
as  many  churches  at  Athens,  are  in  the  form  of  the 
Latin  cross;  and  it  appears  in  the  decorations  of 
capitals,  balustrades,  and  mosaics.  In  the  far-off 
lands  of  the  Picts,  the  Bretons,  and  the  Saxons,  it 
was  carved  on  stones  and  rocks,  with  elaborate  and 
complex  Runic  decorations.  And  even  in  the  Cathol- 
icon  at  Athens,  crosses  no  less  lavishly  ornamented 
are  to  be  found.  In  out-of-the-way  places  in  Scot- 
land, too,  it  has  been  discovered  (cf.  Dictionnaire  de 
r.\cademie  des  Beaux- Arts,  V,  38). 

The  Greek  cross  appears  at  intervals  and  rarely  on 
monuments  during  the  early  Christian  centuries.  The 
Crypts  of  Lucina,  in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus, 
yield  an  inscription  which  had  been  placed  on  a 
double  grave  or  sepulchre,  with  the  names  POT*IXA: 
EIPHNH.  Beneath  this  is  seen  the  equilateral  cross 
■J  — a  disguised  image  of  the  gibbet  on  which  the 
'"I"'  Redeemer  died  (De  Rossi,  Rom.  Soft.,  I,  p.  333, 
PI.  XVIII).  It  is  to  be  found  also  painted  into  the 
mantle  of  Moses  in  a  fresco  from  the  Catacomb  of  St. 
Saturninus  on  the  Via  Salaria  Nuova  (Perret,  Cat. 
de  Rome,  III,  PI.  VI).  In  later  times  it  is  to  be  seen 
in  a  mosaic  of  a  church  at  Paris  built  in  the  days  of 
King  Childebert  (Lenoir,  Statistique  monumentale  de 
Paris)  and  carved  on  the  pedestals  of  the  columns 
in  the  basilica  of  Constantine  in  the  Agro  Verano; 
also  on  the  roofs  and  pillars  of  churches,  to  denote 
their  consecration.  More  often,  as  we  might  expect, 
we  find  it  on  the  fagades  of  the  Byzantine  basihcas 
and  in  their  adornments,  such  as  altars,  iconastases, 
sacred  curtains  for  the  enclosure,  thrones,  ambones 
and  sacerdotal  vestments.  When  the  Emperor  Jus- 
tinian erected  the  church  of  Santa  Sophia  at  Constan- 
tinople, with  the  aid  of  the  architects  Artemius  of 
Tralles,  and  Isidore  of  Miletus,  a  new  architectural 
type  was  created  which  became  the  model  for  all 
churches  subsequently  built  within  the  Byzantine 
Empire,  and  the  Greek  cross  inscribed  in  a  square  thus 
became  their  typical  ground-plan.  Perhaps,  too,  the 
church  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  may  have  been  built 
upon  this  plan,  as  a  famous  epigram  of  St.  Gregory 
Nazianzen  would  seem  to  indicate.  There  are  other 
forms  of  cross,  such  as  the  crux  gammata,  the  criLV 
floridd,  or  flowering  cross,  the  pectoral  cross,  and  the 
patriarchal  cross.  But  these  are  noteworthy  rather 
for  their  various  uses  in  art  and  liturgy  than  for  any 
peculiarity  of  style. 

The  complete  and  characteristic  form  ^  of  Christ's 
monogram  is  obtained  by  the  super  -^N  posit  ion  of 
the  two  initial  Greek  letters,  chi  and  rko,  of  the 
name  XPISTOS.  This  is  inexactly  called  the  Con- 
stantinian  monogram,  although  it  was  in  use  before 
the  days  of  Constantine.  It  gained  this  name,  how- 
ever, because  in  his  day  it  came  much  into  fashion, 
and  derived  a  triumphal  signification  from  the  fact 
that  the  emperor  placed  it  on  his  new  standard,  i.  e.  the 
Labarutn  (Marucchi,  "Di  una  pregevole  ed  inedita 
inscrizione  cristiana"  in  "Studi  in  Italia",  anno  VI, 
II,  1883).  Older,  but  less  complete,  forms  of  this 
monogram  are  made  up  of  the  crux  ilecusgafa  accom- 
panied by  a  defective  letter  T,  differing  only  slightly 
from  the  letter  I,  or  encircled  by  a  crown.     These 


forms,  which  were  used  principally  in  the  third  cen- 
tury, present  a  striking  resemblance  to  a  cross,  but 
all  of  them  are  manifest  allusions  or  symbols. 

Another  symbol  largely  employed  during  the  third 
and  fourth  centuries,  the  swastika  already  spoken  of 
at  some  length,  still  more  closely  resembles  the  cross. 
On  monuments  dating  within  the  Christian  Era  it  is 
known  as  the  crux  gammata,  because  it  is  made  by 
joining  four  gammas  at  their  bases.  Many  fantastic 
significations  have  been  attached  to  the  use  of  this  sign 
on  Christian  monuments,  and  some  have  even  gone  so 
far  as  to  conclude  from  it  that  Christianity  is  nothing 
but  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  religions  and  myths  of 
the  people  of  India,  Persia,  and  Asia  generally ;  then 
these  theorists  go  on  to  point  out  the  close  relation- 
ship that  exists  between  Christianity,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Buddhism  and  other  Oriental  religions,  on  the 
other.  At  the  very  least  they  insist  upon  seeing  some 
relation  between  the  symbolical  concepts  of  the  an- 
cient religions  and  those  of  Christianity.  Such  was  the 
opinion  held  by  Emile  Bumouf  (cf.  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes,  15  August,  1868,  p.  874).  De  Rossi  ably 
refuted  this  opinion,  and  showed  the  real  value  of  this 
symbol  on  Christian  monuments  (Bull,  d'  arch,  crist., 
1868,  88-91).  It  is  fairly  common  on  the  Christian 
monuments  of  Rome,  being  found  on  some  sepulchral 
inscriptions,  besides  occurring  twice,  painted,  on  the 
Good  Shepherd's  tunic  in  an  arcosolium  in  the  Cata- 
comb of  St.  Generosa  in  the  Via  Portuensis,  and  again 
on  the  tunic  of  the  fossor  Diogenes  (the  original  epi- 
taph is  no  longer  extant)  in  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Domi- 
tilla  in  the  Via  Ardeatina.  Outside  of  Rome  it  is 
less  frequent.  There  is  one  example  in  an  inscription 
found  at  Chiusi  (see  Cavedoni,  Ragguaglio  di  due 
antichi  cimiteri  di  Chiusi).  A  stone  in  the  museum 
at  Bergamo  bears  the  monogram  joined  to  the  gamma 
cross,  but  it  would  seem  to  be  of  Roman  origin.  An- 
other in  the  JIannheim  Museum,  vnth  the  name  of  a 
certain  Hugdulfus,  belongs  to  the  fifth  or  sixth  cen- 
tury. In  a  sarcophagus  at  Milan  belonging  to  the 
fourth  centurj'  it  is  repeated  over  and  over  again,  but 
evidently  as  a  mere  ornamental  motive  (see  Alle- 
granza,  Mon.  di  Milano,  74). 

De  Rossi  (Rom.  Sott.  Crist.,  II,  318)  made  re- 
searches into  the  chronology  of  this  symbol,  and  the 
examples  of  it  l  be  found  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome, 
and  he  observed  that  it  was  seldom  or  never  used  until 
it  took  the  place  of  the  anchor,  i.  e.  about  the  first  halt 
of  the  third  centurj^,  whence  he  inferred  that,  not  be- 
ing of  ancient  tradition,  it  came  into  fashion  as  the  re- 
sult of  studied  choice  rather  than  as  a  primitive  sym- 
bol linking  the  beginnings  of  Christianity  with  Asiatic 
traditions.  Its  genesis  is  reflex  and  studied,  not  primi- 
tive and  spontaneous.  It  is  well  known  how  anx- 
iously the  early  Christians  sought  out  means  whereby 
they  could  at  once  portray  and  conceal  the  Cross  of 
Christ.  That  in  this  way  they  should  have  discovered 
and  adopted  the  crux  gammata,  is  easily  intelligible, 
and  it  is  explained  not  merely  by  what  has  already 
been  said,  but  also  by  the  similarity  between  the  Greek 
character  gamitia  (V)  and  the  Phoenician  character 
tan.  The  latter  has  been  famous  since  Apostolic 
times  as  a  symbol  of  the  Cross  of  Christ  and  of  the  Re- 
demption (cf.  Barnabse  Epist.,  ix,  9). 

On  the  crux  gammata  (swastika)  on  Christian  monumenta 
and  its  relation  to  similar  signs  on  pre-Christian  monuments  ia 
the  East:  Mi  nter,  ginnbilder  der  alien  ChrMen,  73-85;  Le- 
TRONNK.  Annalidcir  htit.  diCorr.  Arch.  (1S43),  122;  Rochette, 
Mem.  del'  acadcniie  des  inscriptions,  pi.  II.  302  sq.;  MiNER\T[Na, 
Bull.  .Areh.  Xap..  Ser.  2,  II,  178.  179;  C.ivedoni.  Ragguaglio  di 
due  anliehi  cimilcri  di  Chiusi,  70;  G.tRRCCCl,  Veiri  (2d_ed.), 
242,  243;  Ml-nz,  Archaoloffische  Bemerkungen  iiber  das  Kreuz, 
25.  26. 

Theso-calledConstantinian  monogram  prevailed  dur- 
ing the  whole  of  the  fourth  century, assimiing  various 
forms,  and  combining  with  the  apocalyptic  letters  A 
and  0  (see  ,\i.rHA  .\ni)  Omec.x),  but  ever  approaching 
more  and  more  closely  to  the  form  of  the  cross  pure 


CROSS 


523 


CROSS 


and  simple.  In  the  latter  part  of  that  centiuy  what  is 
known  as  the  "monogrammatic  cross"  'P'  makes 
its  appearance;  it  closely  resembles  the  T^  plain 
cross,  and  foreshadows  its  complete  triumph  in  Chris- 
tian art.  The  early  years  of  the  fifth  century  are  of 
the  highest  importance  in  this  development,  because 
it  was  then  that  the  undisguised  cross  first  appears. 
As  we  have  seen,  such  was  the  diffidence  induced,  and 
the  habit  of  caution  enforced,  by  three  centuries  of 
persecution,  that  the  faithful  had  hesitated  all  that 
time  to  display  the  sign  of  Redemption  openly  and 
publicly.  Constantine  by  the  Edict  of  Milan  had  given 
defitiitive  peace  to  theChurch ;  yet,  for  another  century 
the  faithful  did  not  judge  it  opportune  to  abandon  the 
use  of  the  Constant  inian  monogram  in  one  or  other  of 
its  many  fonns  But  the  fifth  century  marks  the 
period  when  Christian  art  broke  away  from  old  fears, 
and,  secure  in  its  triimiph,  displayed  before  the  world, 
now  become  Christian  also,  the  sign  of  its  redemption. 
To  bring  about  so  profound  a  change  in  the  artistic 
traditions  of  Christianity,  besides  the  altered  condition 
of  the  Church  in  the  eyes  of  the  Roman  State,  two 
facts  of  great  importance  played  a  part:  the  miracu- 
lous apparition  of  the  Cross  to  Constantine  and  the 
finding  of  the  Holy  Wood. 

Constantine  having  declared  war  on  Maxentius  had 
invaded  Italy.  During  the  campaign  which  ensued 
he  is  said  to  have  .seen  in  the  heavens  one  day  a  lu- 
minous cross  together  with  the  words  EN-  TOTTfil- 
JflKA  (In  this  conquer.)  During  the  night  that 
followed  that  day,  he  saw  again,  in  sleep,  the  same 
cro.ss,  and  Christ,  appearing  witli  it,  admonished  him 
to  place  it  on  his  standards.  Thus  the  Labarum  took 
its  origin,  and  under  this  glorious  banner  Constantine 
overcame  his  adversary  near  the  Milvian  Bridge,  on 
28  October,  312  (see  Constantine  the  Great).  The 
second  event  was  of  even  greater  importance.  In  the 
year  326  the  mother  of  Constantine,  Helena,  then 
about  80  years  old,  having  journeyed  to  Jerusalem, 
undertook  to  rid  the  Holy  Sepulchre  of  the  mound  of 
earth  heaped  upon  and  arovmd  it,  and  to  destroy  the 
pagan  buildings  that  profaned  its  site.  Some  revela- 
tions which  she  had  received  gave  her  confidence  that 
she  would  discover  the  Saviour's  Tomb  and  His  Cross. 
The  work  was  carried  on  diligently,  with  the  co-opera- 
tion of  St.  Macarius,  bishop  of  the  city.  The  Jews  had 
hidden  the  Cross  in  a  ditch  or  well,  and  covered  it  over 
with  stones,  so  that  the  faithful  might  not  come  and 
venerate  it.  Only  a  chosen  few  among  the  Jews  knew 
the  exact  spot  where  it  had  been  hidden,  and  one  of 
them,  named  Juda.s,  touched  by  Divine  inspiration, 
pointed  it  out  to  the  excavators,  for  which  act  he  was 
highly  praised  by  St.  Helena.  Judas  afterwards  be- 
came a  Christian  saint,  and  is  honoured  under  the 
name  of  Cj-riacus.  During  the  excavation  three 
crosses  were  found,  but  because  the  tilvlus  was  de- 
tached from  the  Cross  of  Christ,  there  was  no  means  of 
identifying  it  Following  an  inspiration  from  on  high, 
Macarius  caused  the  three  crosses  to  be  carried,  one 
after  the  other,  to  the  bedside  of  a  worthy  woman  who 
was  at  the  point  of  death.  The  touch  of  the  other 
two  was  of  no  avail;  but  on  touching  that  upon  which 
Christ  had  died  the  woman  got  suddenly  well  again. 
From  a  letter  of  St.  Paulinus  to  Severus  inserted  in  the 
Breviary  of  Paris  it  would  appear  that  St.  Helena  her- 
self had  sought  by  means  of  a  miracle  to  discover 
which  was  the  True  Cross;  and  that  she  caused  a  man 
already  dead  and  buried  to  be  carried  to  the  spot, 
whereupon,  by  contact  with  the  third  cro-ss,  he  came 
to  life.  From  yet  another  tradition,  related  by  St. 
Ambrose,  it  would  seem  that  the  titulus,  or  inscrip- 
tion, had  remained  fastened  to  the  Cross. 

After  the  happy  discovery-,  St.  Helena  and  Constan- 
tine erected  a  magnificent  basilica  over  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre, and  that  is  the  reason  why  the  church  bore  the 
name  of  St.  Constantinus.  Tlie  precise  spot  of  the 
finding  was  covered  by  the  atrium  of  the  basilica,  and 


there  the  Cross  was  set  up  in  an  oratory,  as  appears  in 
the  restoration  executed  by  de  Vogii^.  When  this  noble 
basilica  had  been  destroyed  by  the  infidels,  ,\rculfus,  in 
the  seventh  century,  enumerated  four  buildings  upon 
the  Holy  Places  around  Golgotha,  and  one  of  them  was 
the  "Church  of  the  Invention"  or  "of  the  Finding". 
This  church  was  attributed  by  him  and  by  topographers 
of  later  times  to  Constantine.  The  Franki.sh  monks  of 
Mount  Olivet,  writing  to  Leo  III,  style  it  St.  Constan- 
tinus. Perhaps  the  oratory  built  by  Constantine  suf- 
fered less  at  the  hands  of  the  Persians  than  the  other 
buildings,  and  so  could  still  retain  the  name  and  style 
of  Marlyrium  Constantinianum.  (See  De  Rossi, 
Bull,  d'  arch,  crist.,  1865,  88.) 

A  portion  of  the  True  Cross  remained  at  Jerusalem 
enclosed  in  a  silver  reliquary;  the  remainder,  with  the 
nails,  must  have  been  sent  to  Constantine,  and  it  must 
have  been  this  second  portion  that  he  caused  to  be  en- 
closed in  the  statue  of  himself  which  was  set  on  a 
porphyry  column  in  the  Forum  at  Constantinople; 
Socrates,  the  historian,  relates  that  this  statue  was  to 
make  the  city  impregnable.  One  of  the  nails  was  fast- 
ened to  the  emperor's  helmet,  and  one  to  his  horse's 
bridle,  bringing  to  pass,  according  to  many  of  the 
Fathers,  what  had  been  written  by  Zacharias  the 
Prophet:  "In  that  day  that  which  is  upon  the  bridle 
of  the  horse  shall  be  holy  to  the  Lord"  (Zach.,  xiv,  20). 
Another  of  the  nails  was  used  later  in  the  Iron  Crown 
of  Lombardy,  preserved  in  the  treasury  of  the  cathe- 
dral of  Monza.  Eusebius  in  his  life  of  Constantine,  de- 
scribing the  work  of  excavating  and  building  on  the 
site  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  does  not  .speak  of  the  True 
Cross.  In  the  story  of  a  journey  to  Jerusalem  made 
in  333  (Itinerarium  Burdigalense)  the  various  tombs 
and  the  basilica  of  Constantine  are  referred  to,  but  no 
mention  is  made  of  the  True  Cross.  The  earliest  refer- 
ence to  it  is  in  the  "  Catecheses  "  of  St.  CYril  of  Jerusa- 
lem (P.  G.,  XXXIII,  468,  686,  776),  written  in  the 
year  348,  or  at  least  twenty  years  after  the  supposed 
discovery. 

In  this  tradition  of  the  "Invention",  or  discovery, 
of  the  True  Cross,  not  a  word  is  said  as  to  the  smaller 
portions  of  it  scattered  up  and  down  the  world.  The 
.story,  as  it  has  reached  us,  has  been  admitted,  since 
the  beginning  of  the  fifth  centurj',  by  all  ecclesiastical 
writers,  with,  however,  many  more  or  less  important 
variations.  By  many  critics  the  tradition  of  the  find- 
ing of  the  Cross  through  the  work  of  St.  Helena  in  the 
\-icinity  of  Calvary  has  been  held  to  be  a  mere  legend, 
without  any  historical  reality,  these  critics  relying 
chiefly  upon  the  silence  of  Eusebius,  who  tells  of  all 
else  that  St.  Helena  did  in  Jerusalem,  but  says  nothing 
about  her  finding  the  Cross.  Still,  however  difficult  it 
may  be  to  explain  this  silence,  it  would  be  imsoimd  to 
annihilate  with  a  negative  argument  a  universal  tradi- 
tion dating  from  the  fifth  century.  The  wonders  re- 
lated in  the  Syriac  book  "  Doctrina  Addai "  (si.\th  cen- 
tury) and  in  the  legend  of  the  Jew  Cyriacus,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  iaspired  to  reveal  to  St.  Helena  the 
place  where  the  Cross  was  buried,  are  responsible  at 
least  in  part  for  the  common  beliefs  of  the  faithful  on 
this  matter.  These  beliefs  are  universally  held  to  be 
apocryphal.  (See  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.,  I,  p.  cviii.) 
However  that  may  be,  the  testimony  of  Cj-ril,  Bishop 
of  Jerusalem  from  3.50  or  3,51,  who  was  on  the  spot  a 
very  few  years  after  the  event  took  place,  and  was  a 
contemporary  of  Eusebius  of  CiPsarea,  is  explicit  and 
formal  as  to  the  finding  of  the  Cross  at  Jerusalem  during 
the  reign  of  Constantine;  this  testimony  is  contained 
in  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  Constantius  (P.  G.,  XXXIII, 
52,  1167;  and  cf.  686,  687).  It  is  true  that  the  authen- 
ticity of  this  letter  is  questioned,  but  without  solid 
runds.  St.  Ambrose  (De  obit.  Theod.,  45-48  in  P. 
XVI,  401)  and  Rufinus  (Hist,  eccl.,  I,  viii  in  P.  L., 
XXI,  476)  bear  n-itne.ss  to  the  fact  of  the  finding. 
Silvia  of  Aquitaine  (Peregrinatio  ad  loca  sancta,  ed. 
Gamurrini,  Rome  1888,  p.  76)  a-ssures  us  that  in  her  time 


CROSS 


524 


CROSS 


the  feast  of  the  Finding  was  commemorated  on  Cal- 
vary, that  event  having  naturally  become  the  occasion 
of  a  special  feast  under  the  name  of  "  The  Invention 
of  the  Holy  Cross".  The  feast  dates  from  very  early 
times  at  Jerusalem,  and  it  was  gradually  introduced 
into  other  Churches.  Papebroch  (Acta  SS.,  3  May)  tells 
us  that  it  did  not  become  general  until  about  the  year 
720.  In  the  Latin  Church  it  is  kept  on  the  ,3rd  of  May ; 
the  Greek  Church  keeps  it  on  the  14th  of  September, 
the  same  day  as  the  Exaltation,  another  feast  of  very 
remote  origin,  supposed  to  have  been  instituted  at 
Jerusalem  to  commemorate  the  dedication  of  the  basil- 
ica of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  (335)  and  thence  introduced 
at  Rome. 

Constantine's  vision  of  the  Cross,  and  perhajis  an- 
other apparition  which  took  place  in  Jerusalem  in  34G, 
would  seem  to  have  been  commemorated  in  thts  same 
feast.  But  its  chief  glory  is  its  connexion  with  the  res- 
toration of  the  True  Cross  to  the  Church  of  Jerusalem, 
after  it  had  been  carried  away  by  the  Persian  king, 
Chosroes  (Ivhusrau)  II,  the  conqueror  of  Phocas,  when 
he  captured  and  sacked  the  Holy  City.  This  Chosroes 
was  afterwards  vanquished  by  the  Emperor  Heraclius 
II  and  in  628  was  assassinated  by  his  owti  son  Siroes 
(Shirva),  who  restored  the  Cross  to  Heraclius.  It  was 
then  carried  in  triumph  to  Constantinople  and  thence, 
in  the  spring  of  the  year  629,  to  Jerusalem.  Herac- 
lius, who  wished  to  carry  the  Holy  Cross  upon  his  ow^l 
shoulders  on  this  occasion,  found  it  extremely  hea\'y, 
but  when,  upon  the  advice  of  the  Patriarch  Zacharias, 
he  laid  aside  his  crown  and  imperial  robes  of  state,  the 
sacred  burden  became  light,  and  he  was  able  to  carry 
it  to  the  church.  In  the  following  year  Heraclius  was 
conquered  by  the  Mahommedans,  and  in  647  Jerusa- 
lem was  taken  by  them. 

In  reference  to  this  feast  the  Paris  Breviary  associ- 
ates with  the  memory  of  Heraclius  that  of  St.  Louis  of 
France,  who,  on  14  September,  1241,  barefoot  and 
divested  of  his  royal  robes,  carried  the  fragment  of  the 
Holy  Cross  sent  to  him  by  the  Templars,  who  had  re- 
ceived it  as  a  pledge  from  Baldwin.  This  fragment 
escaped  destruction  during  the  Revolution  and  is  still 
preserved  at  Paris.  There,  also,  is  preserved  the  in- 
combustible croes  left  to  the  abbey  of  Saint-Germain- 
des-Pr^s  by  the  Princess  Anna  Gonzaga,  together  with 
two  portions  of  the  Nails.  Very  soon  after  the  discov- 
ery of  the  True  Cross  its  wood  was  cut  up  into  small 
relics  and  quickly  scattered  throughout  the  Christian 
World.  We  know  this  from  the  writings  of  St.  Am- 
brose, of  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  of  Sulpicius  Severus,  of 
Rufinus,  and,  among  the  Greeks,  of  Socrates,  Sozo- 
men,  and  Theodoret  (cf.  Duchesne,  "Lib.  Pont.",  I, 
p.  cvii;  Marucchi,  "Basiliques  de  Rome",  1902,  348 
sq. ;  Pennacchi,  "  De  Inventa  lerosolymis  Constantino 
magno  Imp.  Cnice  D.  N.  I.  C",  Rome,  1892;  Baronius, 
"Annales  Eccl.",  ad  an.  336,  Lucca,  1739,  IV,  178). 
Many  portions  of  it  are  preserved  in  Santa  Croce  in 
Gerusalemme  at  Rome,  and  in  Notre-Dame  at  Paris 
(cf.  Rohault  de  Fleury,  "Memoire",  45-163;  Gosselin, 
"Notice  historique  sur  la  Sainte  Couronne  et  les  au- 
tres  Instruments  de  la  Passion  de  Notre-Dame  de 
Paris",  Paris,  1828;  Sauvage,  "  Documents  sur  les  reli- 
ques  de  la  Vraie  Croix",  Rouen,  1893).  St.  Paulinus 
in  one  of  his  letters  refers  to  the  redintegration  of  the 
Cross,  i.  e.  that  it  never  grew  smaller  in  size,  no  matter 
how  many  pieces  were  detached  from  it.  And  the 
same  St.  Paulinus  received  from  Jerusalem  a  relic  of 
tlic  Cro.ss  enclosed  in  a  golden  tube,  but  so  small  that 
it  was  almost  an  atom,  "in  segmento  pene  atomo  has- 
tula>  brevis  munimentum  pnesentLs  et  pignus  iBtemiE 
salutis"  (Epist.  xx.xi  ad  Severiun). 

The  historical  detail  we  have  been  considering  suffi- 
ciently acco\mts  for  the  appearance  of  the  cross  on 
monuments  dating  from  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  the 
beginning  of  the  fifth  century.  In  an  arcosolium  in 
the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  a  cro.ss  compos(Ml  of 
flowers  and  foliage  with  two  doves  at  its  base  is  still 


partially  disguised,  but  begins  to  be  more  easily  recog- 
nizable (cf .  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Soft.,  Ill,  PI.  XII).  Es- 
pecially in  Africa,  where  Christianity  had  made  more 
rapitl  progress,  the  cross  began  to  appear  openly  dur- 
ing the  course  of  the  fourth  century.  The  most  an- 
cient text  we  have  relating  to  a  carved  cross  dates  from 
later  than  a.d.  362.  The  cross  was  used  on  the  coin- 
age of  Christian  princes  and  peoples  with  the  super- 
scription, Salus  Mutidi.  The  "adoration"  of  the 
Cross,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  restricted  to  pri- 
vate cult,  now  began  to  assume  a  public  and  solemn 
character.  At  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  Christian 
poets  were  already  writing,  "Flccte  genu  lignumque 
Crucis  venerabile  adora".  The  second  Council  of 
Nicaea,  among  other  precepts  that  deal  with  images, 
lays  down  that  the  Cross  should  receive  an  adoration 
of  honoiir,  "  honorariam  adorationem  ".  (See  Section 
II  of  this  article.)  To  the  pagan.s  who  taunted  them 
with  being  as  much  idolaters  as  they  accused  the  pa- 
gans of  being  towards  their  gods,  they  replied  that 
they  took  their  stand  on  the  nature  of  the  cult  they 
gave:  that  it  was  not  latria,  but  a  relative  worship,  and 
that  the  material  symbol  only  served  to  raise  their 
minds  to  the  Divine  Type,  Jesus  Christ  Crucified  (cf. 
Tert.,  "Apol.",  xv-i;  Minucius  Felix,  "Octav.",  ix- 
xii).  Wherefore  St.  Ambrose,  speaking  on  the  vener- 
ation of  the  Cross,  thought  it  opportime  to  explain  the 
idea:  "Let  us  adore  Christ,  our  King,  who  hung  upon 
the  wood,  and  not  the  wood"  {Regem  Chr'stum  qui 
pependit  in  ligno  .  .  .  non  lignum. — "In  obit.  Theo- 
dosii",  xlvi).  The  Western  Church  observes  the 
solemn  public  veneration  (called  the  "Adoration")  on 
Good  Friday.  In  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  we 
read:  "  Venit  Pontifexet  adoratamdeosculatur".  In 
the  Ea.stern  Church  the  special  veneration  of  the  Cross 
is  performed  on  the  Third  Sunday  in  Lent  {KvpiaKT] 
T^s  aTavpoTpoa-Kvi'Ti<reus,  "  Sunday  of  the  Cross-venera- 
tion") and  during  the  week  that  follows  it.  The  grad- 
ual spread  of  the  devotion  to  the  Cross  incidentally 
occasioned  abuses  in  the  piety  of  the  faithful.  In- 
deed, we  learn  from  the  edicts  of  Valentinian  and  Theo- 
dosius  that  the  cross  was  at  times  set  up  in  very  un- 
seemly places.  The  evil-minded,  the  ignorant,  and  all 
tho.se  who  practised  spells,  charms,  and  other  such 
superstitions  perverted  the  widespread  devotion  to 
their  own  corrupt  uses.  To  deceive  the  faithful  and 
turn  their  piety  into  lucre,  these  people  associated  the 
sign  of  the  cross  with  their  superstitious  and  magical 
symbols,  winning  thereby  the  confidence  and  trust  of 
their  dupes.  To  all  this  corruption  of  the  religious 
idea  the  teachers  of  the  Church  opposed  themselves, 
exhorting  the  faithful  to  true  piety,  and  to  beware  of 
superstitious  talismans  (cf.  St.  John  Chrysostom, 
Hom.  vii  in  Epist.  ad  Coloss.,  vii,  and  elsewhere; 
De  Rossi,  "Bull,  d'archeol.  crist.",  1869,  62-64). 

The  distribution  of  portions  of  the  wood  of  the  Cross 
led  to  the  making  of  a  remarkable  number  of  crosses 
from  the  fourth  century  onwards,  many  of  which  have 
come  down  to  us.  Known  vmder  the  names  of  encol- 
pia  and  pectoral  crosses  they  often  served  to  enclose 
fragments  of  the  True  Cross ;  they  were  merely  crosses 
worn  on  the  breast  out  of  devotion — "  To  wear  upon 
the  breast  a  cross,  hung  from  the  neck,  -n-ith  the  Sacred 
Wood,  or  with  relics  of  saints,  which  is  what  they  call 
an  enmlptum"  (Anastasius  Bibliothecarius  on  Act.  V 
of  VIII  Dec.  Counc).  On  the  origin  and  use  of  pec- 
toral crosses  see  Giovanni  Scandella,  "Considcrazioni 
sopra  un  encolpio  enco  rinvenuto  in  Corfu"  (Trieste, 
1854).  St.  John  Chrysostom,  in  his  polemic  against 
Jews  and  Gentiles,  wherein  he  panegyrizes  the  tri- 
wnph  of  the  Cross,  testifies  that  whosoever,  man  or 
woman,  possessed  a  relic  of  it  had  it  enclosed  in  gold 
and  wore  it  aroimtl  the  neck  (St.  John  Chrj-sostom,  ed. 
Montfaucon,  I,  571).  St.  Macrina  (d.  379),  sister  of 
St.  Gregory  Nazianzen,  wore  an  iron  cross  on  her 
breast;  we  do  not  really  know  its  shape;  perhaps  it  was 
the  monogrammatic  one  taken  by  her  brother  from 


CROSS 


525 


CROSS 


1'  r  dead  body.  Among  the  belongings  of  Maria,  the 
.1  niyliter  of  Stihcho  and  wife  of  Honorius,  laid  away 
I  either  with  hor  Ixxly  in  the  Vatican  basilica,  and 
it  Mind  there  in  li)4A,  tliere  were  counted  no  fewer  than 
1.  11  small  crosses  in  gold  adorned  with  emeralds  and 
i;'  lus,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  illustrations  preserved  by 
l.'uio  Fauno  (.\ntich.  Rom.,  V,  x).  In  the  Kircher- 
i:iii  Museum  there  is  a  small  gold  cross,  hollowed  for 
ivlirs,  and  dating  from  the  fifth  century.  It  has  a  ring 
:i  11  ached  to  it  for  securing  it  around  the  neck,  and 
>.  rrns  to  have  had  grapevine  ornamentation  at  the 
iMremities.  A  verj'  beautiful  cross,  described  by  De 
lli'ssi  and  by  him  attributed  to  the  sixth  century,  was 
f'limd  in  a  tomb  in  the  Agro  Verano  at  Rome  (Bull. 
li'irch.  Crist.,  1863,  3.3-88).  The  general  charac- 
;  i  ristic  of  these  more  ancient  crosses  is  their  simplicity 
:iim1  lack  of  inscription,  in  contrast  to  those  of  the  By- 
zantine era  and  times  later  than  the  sLxth  century. 
Among  the  most  noteworthy  is  the  staurutheca  of  St. 
Gregory  the  Great  (.590-004),  preserved  at  Monza, 
which  is  really  a  pectoral  cross  (cf.  Bugatti,  "Memorie 
di  S.  Celso",  174  sq.;  Borgia,  "De  Cruce  Veliterna", 
pp.  cxxxiii  sqq.).  Scandella  (op.  cit.)  points  out  that 
St.  Gregorj'  is  the  first  to  mention  the  cruciform  shape 
given  to  these  golden  reliquaries.  But,  as  we  have 
seen,  they  date  from  much  earlier  times,  as  is  proved 
by  the  one  found  in  the  Agro  Verano,  among  others. 
Some  writers  go  too  far  in  wishing  to  push  their  an- 
tiquity back  to  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century. 
They  base  their  opinion  on  documents  in  the  acts  of 
the  martyrs  under  Diocletian.  In  tliose  of  the  martyr- 
dom of  St.  Procopius  we  re.ad  that  he  caused  a  gold 
pectoral  cross  to  be  made,  and  that  there  appeared  on 
it  miraculously  in  Hebrew  letters  the  names  Em- 
manuel, Michael,  Gabriel.  The  BoUandists,  however, 
reject  these  acts,  which  they  demonstrate  to  be  of  lit- 
tle authority  (Xcta.  SS.,  July,  II,  p.  .554).  In  the  his- 
tory of  St.  Eustratius  and  other  martyrs  of  Lesser  Ar- 
menia, it  is  related  that  a  soldier  named  Orestes  was 
recognized  to  be  a  Christian  because,  during  some 
military-  manoeuvres,  a  certain  movement  of  his  body 
displayed  the  fact  that  he  wore  a  golden  cross  on  his 
breast. (cf.  Aringhi,  Rom.  Subt.,  II,  545);  but  even 
this  history  is  far  from  being  entirely  accurate. 

The  recent  opening  of  the  famous  treasury  of  the 
Sancta  Sanctorum  near  the  Lateran  has  restored  to 
our  possession  some  objects  of  the  highest  value  in  con- 
nexion with  the  wood  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  bearing 
on  our  knowledge  of  crosses  containing  particles  of  the 
Holy  Wood,  and  of  churches  built  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries  in  its  honour.  Among  the  objects  found  in 
this  treasury  was  a  votive  cross  of  about  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, inlaid  with  large  gems,  a  cruciform  wooden 
box  with  a  sliding  lid  bearing  the  words  iWS,  ZOH 
(light,  life),  and  lastly,  a  gold  cross  ornamented  with 
cloisonnes  enamels.  The  first  of  these  is  most  impor- 
tant because  it  belongs  to  the  same  period  (if  not  to  an 
even  earlier  one)  as  the  famous  cross  of  Justin  II,  of 
the  sixth  century,  presened  in  the  treasury  at  St. 
Peter's,  and  which  contains  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross 
set  in  jewels.  It  was  held,  up  to  the  present,  to  be  the 
oldest  cross  extant  in  a  precious  metal  (De  Waal  in 
"R6mLscheQu.artalsehrift",  VII,  1893,245sq.;  Moli- 
nier,  "Hist,  genf'rale  des  arts;  L'orfdvrerie  religieuse 
et  civile",  Paris,  1901,  vol.  IV,  pt.  I,  p.  37).  This 
cross,  containing  relics  of  the  Holy  Cro.ss,  was  dis- 
covered by  Pope  Sergius  I  (687-701)  in  the  sacristy  of 
St.  P<'tcr's  basilica  (cf.  Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.,  I,  .347, 
s.  v.  Sergius)  in  a  sealed  silver  case.  It  contained  a 
jewelled  cross  enclosing  a  piece  of  the  Tnie  Cross, 
and  dates,  perhaps,  from  the  fifth  century. 

Enamelled  crosses  of  this  nature,  an  inheritance  of 
Byzantine  art,  do  not  date  earlier  than  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. The  oldest  example  which  we  have  of  this  t\'pe 
is  a  fr.agment  of  the  reliquary  adorned  with  cloisonnes 
enamels  in  which  a  fragment  of  Xhv.  Cross  w:i8  car- 
ried to  Poitiers  between  565  and  575  (cf.  Molinier,  op. 


cit.;  Barbier  de  Montault,  "Le  tr^sor  de  la  Sainte 
Croix  de  Poitiers",  1883).  Of  later  date  are  theCross 
of  Victory  at  Limburg  near  Aachen,  Charlemagne's 
cross,  and  that  of  St.  Stephen  at  Vienna.  Besides 
these  we  have  in  Italy  the  enamelled  cross  of  Cosenza 
(eleventh  century),  the  Gaeta  cross,  also  in  enamel, 
crosses  in  the  Christian  section  of  the  Vatican  Museum, 
and  the  celebrated  cross  of  Velletri  (eighth  or  tenth  cen- 
tury), adorned  with  precious  gems  and  enamel,  and 
discussed  by  Cartlinal  Stefano  Borgia  in  his  work,  "  De 
Cruce  Veliterna". 

The  world-wide  devotion  to  the  Cross  and  its  relics 
during  the  fifth  and  succeeding  centuries  was  so  great 
that  even  the  iconoclast  Emperors  of  the  East  in  their 
suppression  of  the  cult  of  images  had  to  respect  that  of 
theCross  (cf.  Banduri,  "Numism.  imp.",  II,  p.  702 sq.; 
Niceph.,  "Hist.  Eccl.",  XVIII,  liv).  This  cult  of  the 
Cross  called  forth  the  building  of  many  churches  and 
oratories  wherein  to  treasure  its  precious  relics.  The 
church  of  S.  Croce  at  Ravenna  was  built  by  Galla 
Placidia  before  the  year  450  "  in  honorem  sanctae  crucis 
Domini,  a  qua  habet  et  nomen  et  fomiam"  (Muratori, 
Script,  rer.  ital.,  I,  PI.  II,  p.  544a).  Pope  Symmachus 
(498-514;  cf.  Duchesne,  "Lib.  Pont.",  261,  s.  v. Sym- 
machus, no.  79)  built  an  oratory  of  the  Holy  Cross 
behind  the  baptistery  at  St.  Peter's,  and  placed  in  it 
a  jewelled  gold  cross  containing  a  relic  of  the  True 
Cross.  Pope  Hilarius  (461-468)  did  the  like  at  the 
Lateran,  building  an  oratory  communicating  with  the 
baptistery,  and  placing  in  it  a  similar  cross  (Duchesne, 
op.  cit.,  1,242:  "ubi  fignum  posuit  dominicum,  eru- 
cem  auream  cum  gemniis  qua;  pens.  lib.  XX"). 

The  unvarying  characteristic  style  of  cross  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth  centuries  is  for  the  most  part  decked 
with  flowers,  palms,  and  foliage,  sometimes  sprouting 
from  the  root  of  the  cross  itself,  or  adorned  with 
gema  and  precious  stones.  Sometimes  on  two  small 
chains  hanging  from  the  arms  of  the  cross  one  sees  the 
apocaljTitic  letters  A,  fi,  and  over  them  were  hung 
small  lamps  or  candles.  On  the  mosaics  in  the  church 
of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  St.  Paulinus  caused  to  be  written: 
"Cerne  corona tam  domini  super  atria  Christi  stare 
crucem"  (Ep.  xxxii,  12,  ad  Sever.).  A  flowered  and 
jewelled  cross  is  that  painted  on  the  baptistery  of  the 
Catacomb  of  Ponzianus  on  the  Via  Portuensis  (cf. 
Bottari,  Rom.  Sott.,  PI.  XLIV).  The  cross  is  also 
displayed  on  the  mosaic  in  the  baptisterj'  built  by 
Galla  Placidia,  in  the  church  of  San  Vitale,  and  in 
Sant'  ApoUinare  in  Classe,  at  Ravenna,  and  over  a  ci- 
borium  from  St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople.  In  1867, 
at  Berezov  Islands,  on  the  River  Sosswa,  in  Siberia, 
there  was  found  a  silver  plate,  or  liturgical  paten,  of 
Syrian  workman.ship,  which  now  belongs  to  Count 
Gregorj'  Stroganov.  In  the  centre  of  it  is  a  cross 
standing  on  a  terrestrial  globe  studded  with  stars;  on 
either  side  stands  an  angel  with  a  stafT  in  his  left  hand, 
the  right  being  raised  in  adoration;  four  rivers  flow 
from  its  base  and  indicate  that  the  scene  is  in  Paradise. 
Some  learned  Russians  attribute  the  plate  to  the  ninth 
centun,-,  but  De  Rossi,  more  correctly,  places  it  in  the 
seventh  century.  In  these  same  centuries  the  cross 
was  of  frequent  use  in  liturgical  rites  and  processions 
of  great  solemnity.  It  was  carried  in  the  churches 
where  the  stations  were;  the  bearer  of  it  was  called 
draconariuis,  and  the  cro.ss  itself  sliilionalis.  These 
ero.sses  were  often  very  costly  (cf.  Bottari,  Rom.  Sott., 
PI.  XLIV),  the  most  famous  being  the  cross  of 
Ravenna  and  that  of  Velletri. 

The  sign  of  the  cro.ss  was  made  at  liturgical  func- 
tions over  persons  and  things,  sometimes  with  five  fin- 
gers extended,  to  represent  the  Five  Wounds  of  Christ 
sometimes  with  three,  in  sign  of  the  Persons  of  the 
Trinity,  and  sometimes  witti  only  one,  symbolical  of 
the  unity  of  Oofl.  For  the  blessing  of  the  chalice  and 
the  oblations  Leo  IV  prescribed  that  two  fingers  be  ex- 
tended, and  the  thumb  placed  beneath  them.  This  is 
the  only  true  sign  of  the  Trinitarian  cross.     The  same 


CROSS 


526 


CROSS 


pope  warmly  recommended  his  clergy  to  make  this 
sign  with  care,  else  their  blessing  would  be  fruitless. 
The  action  was  accompanied  by  the  solemn  formula, 
"In  nomine  Pat-ris,  etc."  Another  use  of  the  cross 
was  in  the  solemn  dedication  of  churches  (see  Alpha- 
bet ;  Consecr.vtion).  The  bishop  who  performed  the 
ceremony  wrote  the  alphabet  in  Latin  and  Greek  on 
the  floor  of  the  church  along  two  straight  hnes  crossing 
in  the  form  of  the  Roman  decussis.  The  letter  X, 
which  in  the  land-plottings  of  the  Roman  augurs  repre- 
sented, with  its  two  component  lines,  the  cardo  maxi- 
mus  and  the  decumanns  maximus,  was  the  same  decus- 
sis used  by  the  Roman  agrimensores,  in  their  surveys 
of  farms,  to  indicate  boundaries.  This  sign  was  ap- 
propriate to  Christ  by  its  cruciform  shape  and  by  its 
identity  in  shape  with  the  initial  letter  of  His  name, 
Xpio-Tis,  in  Greek.  For  this  reason  it  was  one  of  the 
genuine  forms  of  the  signum  Christi. 

The  use  of  the  cross  became  so  widespread  in  the 
fifth  and  following  centuries  that  anything  Uke  a 
complete  enumeration  of  the  monuments  on  which 
it  appears  is  wellnigh  impossible.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  there  is  hardly  a  remnant  of  antiquity  dating 
from  this  century,  whether  lowly  and  mean  or  noble 
and  grand,  which  does  not  bear  the  sign.  In  proof 
of  this  we  shall  give  here  a  cursory  enimieration.  It 
is  quite  frequent  on  sepulchral  monuments,  on  the 
imperial  urns  at  Constantinople,  on  the  plaster  of  the 
loculi  (resting-places)  in  the  catacombs,  especially  of 
Rome,  in  a  painting  in  a  Christian  cemetery  at  Alex- 
andria in  Egypt,  on  a  mosaic  at  Boville  near  Rome,  on 
an  inscription  for  a  tomb  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross 
and  now  in  the  museum  at  Marseilles,  on  the  interior 
walls  of  sepulchral  chambers,  on  the  front  of  marble 
sarcophagi  dating  from  the  fifth  century.  In  these 
last  instances  it  is  common  to  see  the  cross  sur- 
mounted by  the  monogram  and  surrounded  by  a 
laurel  wreath  (e.  g.  the  sarcophagi  at  Aries,  and  in 
the  Lateran  Museum).  A  very  fine  specimen  was 
found  recently  in  excavations  in  St.  Domitilla's  Cata- 
comb on  the  Ostian  Way;  it  is  a  sjTnbolical  picture 
of  souls  freed  from  the  trammels  of  the  body,  and 
saved  by  means  of  the  Cross,  which  lias  two  doves  on 
its  arms,  while  armed  guards  are  asleep  at  its  base. 
Lastly,  in  England,  crosses  have  been  found  on  se- 
pulchral monuments.  So  universal  was  its  use  by 
the  faithful  that  they  put  it  even  on  household  uten- 
sils, on  medals  of  devotion,  on  pottery  lamps,  spoons, 
cups,  plates,  glassware,  on  clasps  dating  from  Mero- 
vingian times,  on  inscriptions  and  votive  offerings,  on 
seals  made  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  on  toys  representing 
animals,  on  ivory  combs,  on  the  seals  of  wine-jars,  on 
reliquary  boxes,  and  even  on  water-pipes.  In  objects 
of  liturgical  use  we  meet  it  on  Biblical  codices,  on  vest- 
ments, pallia,  on  leaden  thongs  inscribed  with  exor- 
cising formulse,  and  it  was  signed  on  the  foreheads  of 
catechumens  and  candidates  for  confirmation.  The 
architectural  details  of  churches  and  basilicas  were 
ornamented  with  crosses;  the  faijades,  the  marble 
slabs,  the  transoms,  the  pillars,  the  capitals,  the  key- 
stones of  arches,  the  altar-tables,  the  bishops'  thrones, 
the  diptychs,  and  the  bells  were  also  ornamented  in 
the  same  way.  In  the  artistic  monuments  the  so- 
called  cruciform  nimbus  around  Our  Saviour's  head 
is  well  known.  The  cross  appears  over  His  head,  and 
near  that  of  the  orante,  as  in  the  oil-stocks  of  Santo 
Menna.  It  is  also  to  be  met  with  on  monuments  of  a 
symbolical  nature:  on  the  rocks  whence  flow  the  four 
celestial  rivers  the  cross  finds  its  place;  on  the  vase 
and  on  the  sjTubolical  ship,  on  the  head  of  the  tempt- 
ing serpent,  and  even  on  the  lion  in  Daniel's  den. 

When  Christianity  had  become  the  official  religion 
of  the  empire,  it  was  natural  that  the  cross  should  be 
carved  on  public  monuments.  In  fact  it  was  from  the 
first  used  to  purify  and  sanctify  monuments  and 
temples  originally  pagan;  it  was  prefixed  to  signa- 
tures and  to  inscriptions  placed  on  i)ublic  work;    it 


was  borne  by  consuls  on  their  sceptres,  the  first  to  do 
so  being  Basil  the  Younger  (a.d.  541— cf.  Gori,  Thes.       J 
diptych.,  II,  PI.  XX).     It  was  cut  in  marble  quarries       1 
and  in  brickyards,  and  on  the  gates  of  cities  (cf.de       I 
Vogu6,  Syrie  Centrale;  Architecture  du  VII  siecle).       | 
At  Rome  there  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  Gate  of  St. 
Sebastian  the  figure  of  a  Greek  cross  surrounded  by  a 
circle  with  the  invocations:  AriE  ■  KONON  •  AFIE  • 
rEDPri-      In   and  around  Bologna  it  was  usual  to 
set  the  sign  of  salvation  in  the  public  streets.     Ac- 
cording to  tradition,  these  crosses  are  very  ancient, 
and  four  of  them  date  from  the  time  of  St.  Petronius. 
Some  of  them  were  restored  in  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries  (cf.  Giovanni  Gozzadini,  Delle  croci  monu- 
mentali  che  erano  nelle  vie  di  Bologna  nel  secolo 
xiii). 

The  cross  also  played  an  important  part  in  heraldrj- 
and  diplomatic  science.  The  former  does  not  directly 
come  within  our  scope;  of  the  second  we  shall  give 
the  briefest  outlines.  Crosses  are  to  be  found  on  docu-  '' 
ments  of  early  medieval  times  and,  being  placed  at 
the  head  of  a  deed,  were  equivalent  to  an  invocation 
of  heaven,  whether  they  were  plain  or  ornamental. 
They  were  at  times  placed  before  signatures,  and  they 
have  even  been  equivalent  to  signatures  in  themselves. 
Indeed,  from  the  tenth  centurj'  we  find,  under  contracts, 
roughly-made  crosses  that  have  all  the  appearance  of 
being  intended  as  signatures.  Thus  did  Hugh  Capet, 
Robert  Capet,  Henrj-  I,  and  Philip  I  sign  their  official 
documents.  This  usage  declined  in  the  thirteenth 
century  and  appeared  again  in  the  fifteenth.  In  our 
own  day  the  cross  is  reserved  as  the  attestation-mark 
of  illiterate  people.  A  cross  was  characteristic  of  the 
signature  of  Apostolic  notaries,  but  this  was  carefully 
designed,  not  rapidly  written.  In  the  early  Middle 
Ages  crosses  were  decorated  with  even  greater  mag- 
nificence. In  the  centre  were  to  be  seen  medallions 
representing  the  Lamb  of  God,  Christ,  or  the  saints. 
Such  is  the  case  in  the  Velletri  cross  and  that  which 
Justin  II  gave  to  St.  Peter's,  mentioned  above,  and 
again  in  the  silver  cross  of  Agnello  at  Ravenna  (cf. 
Ciampini,  Vet.  mon.,  11,  PI.  XIV).  .\11  this  kind 
of  decoration  displays  the  substitution  of  some  more 
or  less  complete  symbol  for  the  figure  of  Christ  on  the 
cross,  of  which  we  are  about  to  speak. 

It  may  be  well  to  give  here  a  list  of  works  bearing  on  the 
departments  of  the  subject  just  treated,  and  containing  illus- 
trations which  it  has  not  been  opportune  to  quote  in  the  fore- 
going part  of  the  article:  Stockbauer,  Kunstgeschichte  des 
Kremes  (Schaflfhausen,  1870);  Grimou.^rd  de  S.UNT-LAtJRENT, 
Iconographie  de  la  Croij:  et  du  CrucifLc  in  Ann.  archeol.,  XXVT, 
XXVII;  M.vRTiGNT.  Dictioiinaire  d^s  antiquites  chretiennes,  s.  v. 
Crucifix;  Bayet,  Recherckes  pour  servir  a  Vhistoire  de  la  pein- 
ture  ...  en  orient  (Paris,  1879);  MuNZ,  Les  mosaigues 
chretiennes  de  V  Italic  iVoratoire  de  Jean  VII)  in  Rev.  archiol., 
1877,  II:  L.tBARTE,  HiMoire  des  arts  industries,  II;  Kratjs, 
Real-Encyklopadie  dcr  christlich.     AlterthUmer  (Freiburg,  1882). 

(5)  Later  Development  of  the  Crucifix. — We  have 
seen  the  progressive  steps,  artistic,  symbolical,  and 
allegorical,  through  which  the  representation  of  the 
Cross  passed  from  the  first  centuries  down  to  the 
Middle  Ages;  and  we  have  seen  some  of  the  reasons 
which  prevented  Christian  art  from  making  an  earlier 
display  of  the  figure  of  the  cross.  Now  the  cross,  as 
it  was  seen  during  all  this  time  was  only  a  sjTnbol  of 
the  Divine  Victim  and  not  a  direct  representation. 
We  can  thus  more  easily  understand,  then,  how  much 
more  circumspection  was  necessarj'  in  proceeding  to 
a  direct  portrayal  of  the  Lord's  actual  Crucifixion. 
Although  in  the  fifth  centurj'  the  cross  began  to  ap- 
pear on  public  monuments,  it  was  not  for  a  century 
afterwards  that  the  figure  on  the  cross  was  shown; 
and  not  until  the  close  of  the  fifth,  or  even  the  middle 
of  the  sixth,  centurj-,  did  it  appear  without  disguise. 
But  from  the  si.xth  century  onward  we  find  many 
images — not  allegorical,  but  historical  and  realistic — 
of  the  crucified  Saviour.  To  proceed  in  order,  we 
will  first  examine  the  rare  allusions,  as  it  were,  to  the 
Crucifixion  in  Cliristian  art  down  to  the  sixth  century, 


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527 


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iii.l  then  look  at  the  productions  of  that  art  in  the 
I  1 1  IT  period. 

Seeing  that  the  cross  was  the  symbol  of  an  igno- 
minious death,  the  repugnance  of  the  early  Christians 
In  any  representation  of  Christ's  torments  and  igno- 
r  M  i  1 1  y  is  easily  understood .  On  a  few  sarcophagi  of  the 
liflh  century  (e.g.  one  in  the  Lateran,  no.  171)  scenes 
! :  I  iMi  the  Passion  are  shown,  but  so  treated  as  to  show 

ill-  of  the  shame  and  horror  attaching  to  that  instru- 
iit  of  death  which  was,  as  St.  Paul  says,  "to  the 

i\  s  a  scandal,  and  to  the  Gentiles  foolishness".  Yet, 
iiMin  the  first  ages  Christians  were  loth  to  deprive 
tlirmselves  altogether  of  the  image  of  their  crucified 
lliileemer,  though,  for  the  reasons  already  stated  and 
Im  rause  of  the  "Discipline  of  the  Secret"  (q.  v.),  they 
'  1  mid  not  represent  the  scene  openly.  The  Council  of 
I  Ixira,  c.  300,  decreed  that  what  was  to  be  adored 

ulit  not  to  be  used  in  mural  decoration.  Wherefore 
iirse  was  had  to  allegory  and  to  veiled  forms,  as 
I  t  he  case  of  the  cross  itself.  (Cf .  Br^hier,  Les 
origines  du  Crucifix  dans  I'art  religieux,  Paris,  1904.) 
One  of  the  most  ancient  allegories  of  the  Crucifixion 
is  considered  to  be  that  of  the  lamb  lying  at  the  foot 
of  the  anchor — symbols  respectively  of  the  Cross  and 
of  Christ.  A  very  ancient  inscription  in  the  Crypt  of 
Lucina,  in  the  Catacombs  of  St.  Callistus,  shows  this 
picture,  which  is  otherwise  somewhat  rare  (cf.  De 
Rossi,  Rom.  Soft.  Christ.,  I,  PI.  XX).  The  same  sym- 
bol was  still  in  use  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  and  be- 
ginning of  the  fifth  century.  In  the  description  of 
the  mosaics  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Felix  at  Nola,  St. 
Paulinus  shows  us  the  same  cross  in  connexion  with 
the  mystical  lamb,  evidently  an  allusion  to  the  Cruci- 
fixion, and  he  adds  the  well-known  verse:  "Sub  cruce 
sanguinea  niveus  stat  Christus  in  agno". 

We  saw  above  that  the  trident  was  a  veiled  image 
of  the  cross.  In  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  we  have 
a  more  complicated  study:  the  mystical  dolphin  is 
twined  around  the  trident — a  very  expressive  symbol 
of  the  Crucifi-xion.  The  early  Christians  in  their  ar- 
ti.stic  labours  did  not  disdain  to  draw  upon  the  sym- 
bols and  allegories  of  pagan  mythology,  as  long  as 
these  were  not  contrary  to  Christian  faith  and  morals. 
In  the  Catacomb  of  St.  Callistus  a  sarcophagus,  dating 
from  the  third  century,  was  found,  the  front  of  which  ; 
shows  Ulysses  tied  to  the  mast  while  he  listens  to  the( 
song  of  the  Sirens;  near  him  are  his  companions,  who 
with  ears  filled  with  wax,  cannot  hear  the  alluring 
song.  All  this  is  sjTnbolical  of  the  Cross,  and  of  the 
Cnicified,  who  has  closed  against  the  seductions  of  ; 
evil  the  ears  of  the  faithful  during  their  voyage  over/ 
the  treacherous  sea  of  life  in  the  ship  which  will  bring  [ 
them  to  the  harbour  of  salvation.  Such  is  the  inter- 
pretation given  by  St.  Maximus  of  Turin  in  the  homily 
read  on  Good  Friday  (S.  Maximi  opera,  Rome,  1874, 
151.  Cf.  De  Rossi,  Rom.  Sott.,  I,  .344-.345,  PI.  XXX, 
5).  A  verj'  important  monument  belonging  to  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  shows  the  Crucifixion 
openly.  This  would  seem  to  contradict  what  we  have 
said  above,  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  this  is 
the  work  of  pagan,  and  not  of  Christian,  hands  (cf, 
De  Rossi,  Bull.'d'arch.  crist.,  lSfi.3,  72,  and  1867,  7h), 
and  therefore  it  has  no  real  value  as  a  proof  among 
purely  Christian  works.  On  a  beam  in  the  Ptrda- 
gogium  on  the  Palatine  there  was  discovered  a  graffito 
on  the  plaster,  showing  a  man  with  an  ass's  head,  and 
clad  in  a  perizoma  (or  short  loin-cloth)  and  fastened 
to  a  crux  immissa  (regular  Latin  cross).  Near  by 
there  is  another  man  in  an  attitude  of  praj'er  with  the 
legend  AXe^dfievos  a^^erai  0e6v,  i.  e.,  Alexamenos  adores 
God.  This  graffito  is  now  to  be  seen  in  the  Kircherian 
Museum  in  Rome,  and  is  but  an  impious  caricature  in 
mockery  of  the  Christian  Alexamenos,  drawn  by  one 
of  his  pagan  comrades  of  the  ipoedagogium.  (See 
Ass.)  In  fact  Tertullian  tells  us  that  in  his  day, 
i.  e.  precisely  at  the  time  when  this  caricature  was 
made,  Christians  were  accused  of  adoring  an  ass's 


head,  "Somniatis  caput  asininum  esse  Deum  nos- 
trum" (Apol.,  xvi;  Ad  Nat.,  I,  ii).  And  Minucius 
Felix  confirms  this  (Octav.,  ix).  The  Palatine  graffito 
is  also  important  as  showing  that  the  Christians 
used  the  crucifix  in  their  private  devotions  at  least 
as  early  as  the  third  century.  It  would  not  have 
been  possible  for  Alexamenos'  companion  to  trace  that 
graffito  of  a  crucified  person  clad  in  the  perizoma  (which 
was  contrary  to  Roman  usage)  if  he  had  not  seen  some 
such  figure  made  use  of  by  the  Christians.  Professor 
Haupt  sought  to  identify  it  as  a  caricature  of  a  wor- 
shipper of  the  Egyptian  god  Seth,  the  Typho  of  the 
Greeks,  but  his  explanation  was  refuted  by  Kraus. 
Recently,  a  similar  opinion  has  been  put  forth  by 
Wiinsch,  who  takes  his  stand  on  the  letter  Y  which  is 
placed  near  the  crucified  figure,  and  which  has  also 
been  found  on  a  tablet  relating  to  the  worship  of 
Seth;  he  therefore  concludes  that  Alexamenos  of  the 
graffito  belonged  to  the  Sethian  sect.  (With  refer- 
ence to  the  Alexamenos  graffito,  which  certainly  has  a 
bearing  on  the  crucifix  and  its  use  by  the  early  Chris- 
tians, see  Raffaele  Garucci,  "  Un  crocifisso  graffito  da 
mano  pagana  nella  casa  deiCesari  sul  Palatino",  Rome, 
1857 ;  Ferdinand  Becker,  "  Das  Spott-Crucifix  dei 
romischen  Kaiserpalaste",  Breslau,  1866;  Kraus, 
"Das  Spott^Crucifix  vom  Palatin",  Freiburg  im 
Breisgau,  1872 ;  Visconti,  "  Di  un  nuovo  graffito  pala- 
tino relativo  al  cristiano  Alessamcno",  Rome,  1870; 
Visconti  and  Lanciani,  "Guida  del  Palatino",  1873,  p. 
86;  De  Rossi,  "Rom.  Sott.  Crist.",  1877,  pp.  353-354; 
Wiinsch,  ed.,  "Setianische  Verfluchungstafeln  aus 
Rom",  Leipzig,  1898,  p.  110  sqq.;  Vigouroux,  "Lee 
livres  saints  et  la  critique  rationaliste",  I,  94-102.) 
The  crucifix  and  representations  of  the  Crucifixion  be- 
came general  after  the  sixth  century,  on  manuscripts, 
then  on  private  monuments,  and  finally  even  on  public 
monuments.  But  its  appearance  on  monuments  up  to 
about  the  eighth  century  surely  indicates  such  monu- 
ments to  be  works  of  private  zeal  and  devotion,  or,  at 
least,  not  clearly  and  decidedly  public.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  is  noteworthy  that,  in  the  year  692,  i.  e.  at  the 
end  of  the  seventh  century  the  Quinisext  Council  of 
Constantinople,  called  the  TruUan,  ordered  the  sym- 
bolical and  allegorical  treatment  to  be  laid  aside. 
The  earliest  MS.  bearing  a  representation  of  Christ 
crucified  is  in  a  miniature  of  a  Syriac  codex  of  the 
jGospels  dating  from  a.  d.  586  (Codex  Syriacus,  56), 
iwritten  by  the  scribe  Rabula,  and  which  is  in  the 
Laurentian  Library  at  Florence.  Therein  the  figure 
of  Christ  is  robed  (Assemani,  Biblioth.  Laurent. 
Medic,  catalog.,  PI.  XXIII,  p.  194).  Other  images  of 
the  crucifix  belong  to  the  sixth  century.  Gregory  of 
Tours,  in  his  work  "De  Gloria  Martyrum",  I,  xxv, 
speaks  of  a  crucifix  robed  in  a  colobium,  or  tunic, 
which  in  his  day  was  publicly  venerated  at  Narbonne 
in  the  church  of  St.  Genesius,  and  which  he  consid- 
ered a  profanation — so  far  was  the  public  cult  of  the 
crucifix  from  having  become  general  up  to  that  time. 
A  cross  belonging  to  the  sixth  century  is  to  be  found 
in  the  treasury  at  Monza,  on  which  the  image  of  the 
Saviour  is  wrought  in  enamel  (cf.  Mozzoni,  "Tavole 
cronologiche-critiche  della  stor.  eccl:  sccolo  VII",  79), 
and  which  seems  to  be  identical  with  that  given  by 
St.  Gregory  the  Great  to  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  the 
Lombards.  We  know  also  that  he  gave  a  cross  to 
Recared,  King  of  the  Visigoths,  and  to  others  (cf.  S. 
Gregorii  Lib.  Ill,  Epist.  xxxii;  Lib.  IX,  Epist.  cxxii; 
Lib.  XIII,  Epist.  xlii;  Lib.  XIV,  Epist.  xii). 

It  is  certain,  then,  that  the  custom  of  displaying 
the  Redeemer  on  the  Cross  began  with  the  close  of 
the  sixth  century,  especially  on  eneolpia,  yet  such  ex- 
amples of  the  crucifix  are  rare.  As  an  example,  we 
have  a  Byzantine  encolpion,  with  a  Greek  inscrip- 
tion, which  was  erroneously  thought  to  have  been  dis- 
covered in  the  Roman  Catacombs  in  1662,  and  about 
which  the  renowned  Leo  Allatius  has  written  learn- 
edly (cf.  "Codice  Chigiano",  VI;   Fea,  "Miscellanea 


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528 


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filol.   critica",   282).     The   little   metal    vases    pre-  To  this  same  period  belongs  a  crucifix  at  Mount 

served  at  Monza.  in  which  was  carried  to  Queen  Theo-  Athos  (see  Smith's  "Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiq- 

dolinda  the  oil  from  the  Holy  Places,  show  clearly  uities",  London,  1875,  I,  514),  as  well  as  an  ivorj'  in 

how  the  repugnance  to  effigies  of  Christ  lasted  well  the  British  Museum.     Christ  is  shown  wearing  only  a 

into  the  sixth  century.     In  the  scene  of  the  Cruci-  loin-cloth:    He  appears  as  if  alive,  and  not  suffering 


fixion  thereon  depicted,  the  two  thieves  alone  are 
seen  with  arms  extended,  in  the  attitude  of  cruci- 
fixion, but  without  a  cross,  while  Christ  appears  as  an 
orante,  with  a  nimbus,  ascending  among  the  clouds, 
and  in  all  the  majesty  of  glory,  above  a  cross  hidden 
under  a  decoration  of  flowers.  (Cf.  Mozzoni,  op.  cit.,  77, 
84.)  In  the  same  manner,  on  another  monument,  we 
see  the  cross  between  two  archangels  while  the  bust  of 
Christ  is  shown  above. 
Another  very  impor- 
tant monument  of  this 
century,  and  perhaps 
dating  even  from  the 
preceding  one,  is  the 
Crucifixion  carved  on 
the  wooden  doors  at 
S.  Sabina  on  the  Avcn- 
tine  Hill,  at  Rome. 
The  Crucified  Christ, 
stripped  of  His  gar- 
ments, and  on  a  cross, 
but  not  nailed  to  the 
cross,  and  between 
two  thieves,  is  shown 
as  an  orante,  and  the 
scene  of  the  Crucifix- 
ion is,  to  a  certain 
extent,  artistically 
veiled.  The  carving 
is  roughly  done,  but 
the  work  has  become 
of  great  importance, 
owing  to  recent  studies 
thereon,  wherefore  we 
shall  briefly  indicate 
the  various  writings 
dealing  with  it :  Grisar, 
"Analecta  Romana", 
427  sqq.;  Berthier, 
"La  Porte  de  Sainte- 
Sabinea  Rome;  Etude 
archeologiqvie"  (Fri- 
bourg,  Switzerland, 
1892);  Perate.  "L'Ar- 
cheologie  chretienne" 
in  "  Bibliotheque  de 
I'enseignementdes 
beaux  arts"  (Paris, 
1892,  pp.  330-36); 
Bertram,"  Die  Thuren 
von  Sta.  Sabina  in 
Rom:  das  Vorbild  der 
Bern  wards  Thuren  am 
Dom  zu  Hildesheim 
(Fribourg,  Switzer- 
land, 1892);  Ehrhard,  ' 

dor  Basilika  Sta.  Sabina  in  Rom"  in  "Der  Katholik", 
LXXII  (1892),  444  sqq.,  538 sqq.;  "CiviltiCattolica", 
IV  (1892),  68-89;  "Romische  Quartalschrift " ,  VII 
(189.3),  102;  "Analecta  Bollandiana",  XIII  (1894), 
53;  Forrer  and  Miiller,  "Kreuz  und  Kreuzigimg  Christi 
in  ihrcr  Kunstentwicklung"  (Strasburg,  1S94),  15,  PI. 
II  and  PI.   Ill;  Strzygowski,  "Das  Berliner  Moses- 


physical  pain.  To  the  left,  Judas  is  seen  hanged, 
and  below  is  the  purse  of  money.  In  the  following 
century  the  Crucifixion  is  still  sometimes  represented 
with  the  restrictions  we  have  noticed,  for  instance, 
in  the  mosaic  made  in  642  by  Pope  Theodore  in  S. 
Stefano  Rotondo,  Rome.  There,  between  Sts.  Pri- 
mas  and  Felician,  the  cross  is  to  be  seen,  with  the 
bust  of  the  Saviour  just  above  it.  In  the  same  sev- 
enth century,  also, 
the  scene  of  the  Cru- 
cifixion is  shown  in 
all  its  historic  reality 
in  the  crj-pt  of  St. 
Valentine's  Catacomb 
on  the  Via  Flaminia 
I  cf .  M  a  r  u  c  c  h  i ,  La 
cripta  sepolcrale  di  S. 
\'  a  1  e  n  t  i  n  o  ,  Rome, 
1S7S).  Bosio  saw  it 
in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, and  it  was  then 
in  a  better  state  of 
preser\'ation  than  it 
is  to-day  (Bosio, 
Roma  Sott.,  Ill,  Ixv). 
Christ  crucified  ap- 
pears between  Our 
Lady  and  St.  John, 
and  is  clad  in  a  long, 
flowing  tunic  (coyo- 
te; m ),  and  fastened  by 
four  nails,  as  was  the 
ancient  tradition,  and 
as  Gregory  of  Tours 
teaches:  "Clavorum 
ergo  dominicorum 
gratia  quod  qratuor 
fuerint  hsec  est  ratio: 
duo  sunt  affixi  in 
palmis.  et  duo  in 
plantis"  ("De  Gloria 
Martyrum",  I,  vi,  in 
P.  L.,  XXI,  710). 

The  liist  objections 
and  obstacles  to  the 
realistic  reproduction 
of  the  Crucifixion  dis- 
appeared in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  eighth 
century.  In  the  ora- 
tory built  by  Pope 
John  VII  in  the  Vati- 
can, A.  D. 705,  thecru- 
cifix  was  represented 
realistically  in  mosaic. 
Die  altchristliche  Prachtthiire     But  the  figure  was  robed,  as  we  may  learn  from  the 


drawings  made  by  Grimaldi  in  the  time  of  Paul  V, 
when  the  oraton,-  was  pulled  down  to  make  room  for 
the  modern  facade.  Part  of  such  a  mosaic  still  exists  in 
the  grottoes  at  the  ^'atican  similar  in  treatment  to 
that  of  John  VII.  Belonging  to  the  same  centurj', 
though  dating  a  little  later,  is  the  image  of  the  Cruci- 
.  _  fied  discovered  a  few  years  ago  in  the  apse  of  the  old 

relief  und  die  Thuren  von  Sta.  Sabina  in  Rom"  in     church  of  S.  Maria  Antiqua  in  the  Roman  Forum 


"  Jahrbuch  derkonigl.  preussischen  Kunstsammhmgen 
XVI  (1893),  6,5-81;  Ehrhard,  "Prachtthiire  von  S. 
Sabina  in  Rom  und  die  Domthiire  von  Spalato"  in 
"Ephemeris  Spalatensis"  (1894),  9  sqq.;  Grisar, 
"  Kreuz  und  Kreuzigung  auf  der  altchristl.  Thiire 
von  S.  Sabina  in  Rom  (Rome,  1894);  Dobbert,  "Zur 


This  remarkable  picture,  now  happily  recovered,  was 
visible  for  a  little  while  in  the  month  of  May,  1702, 
and  is  mentioned  in  the  diary  of  Vale.sio.  It  dates 
from  the  time  of  Pope  St.  Paul  I  (7.')7-76S),  and  stands 
in  a  niche  above  the  altar.  The  figure  is  draped  in  a 
long  tunic  of  a  greyish-blue  colour,  is  verj'  lifelike,  and 


Entstehungsgcschichte  des  Crucifixes"  in  "Jahrb.  der     has  wide-open  eyes.     The  soldier  Longinus  is  in  the 
preuss.  Kunstsammlungen",  I  (1880),  41-50.  act  of  woundingthe  side  of  Christ  with'the  lance.    On 


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I  It  her  hand  are  Mary  and  John;  between  them  and 
tir  (  ross  stands  a  soldier  with  a  sponge  and  a  vessel 
I  ! ;  I  with  vinegar ;  above  the  Cross  the  sun  and  moon 
H.fii  tlieir  rays. 

Aiidther  interesting  picture  is  that  in  the  crypt  of 
^-^  ( iiovanni  e  Paolo  at  Rome,  in  their  dwelling- 
li  iiisn  on  the  Celian  Hill.  It  is  Byzantine  in  style 
and  shows  the  crucifix.  In  the  ninth  century  the 
crucifix  of  Leo  IV  is  of  importance  (S40-847).  It  is  a 
stripped  figure,  with  a  perizoma,  and  four  nails  are 
used.  A  similar  figure  is  in  the  paintings  of  S.  Ste- 
fano  alia  Cappella.  To  the  same  century  belongs 
a  diptych  from  the  monastery  of  Rambona  of  about 
the  year  898,  and  now  in  the  Vatican  Library  (Buo- 
narroti, " Osser\'azioni  sopra  alcune  frammcnti  di 
vetro",  Florence,  1716,  257-283,  and  P.  Germano  da 
s.  Stanislao,  "La  casa  celimontana  dei  SS.  Giovanni 
e  Paolo",  Rome,  1895).  To  bring  this  hst  to  a  close 
we  may  mention  an  eleventh-centurj-  diptych  in  the 
cathedral  of  Tournai.  a  twelfth-centurj'  Roman  cross 
preserved  at  the  Porte  de  Halle,  at  Brussels,  and  an 
enamelled  crucifix  in  the  Spitzer  collection. 

Here  we  bring  our  researches  to  an  end,  the  field  of 
Christian  archaeologj'  not  extending  further.  In  the 
artistic  treatment  of  the  crucifix  there  are  two 
periods:  the  first,  which  dates  from  the  sixth  to  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries;  and  the  second, 
dating  from  that  time  to  our  own  day.  We  shall 
here  treat  only  of  the  former,  touching  lightly  on  the 
latter.  In  the  first  period  the  Crucified  is  shown  ad- 
hering to  the  cross,  not  hanging  forward  from  it;  He 
is  alive  and  shows  no  signs  of  physical  suffering;  He 
is  clad  in  a  long,  flowing,  sleeveless  tunic  (cohbium), 
which  reaches  the  knees.  The  head  is  erect,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  nimbus,  and  bears  a  royal  crown.  The 
figure  is  fastened  to  the  wood  with  four  nails  (cf. 
Garrucci,  "Storia  dell'  arte  crist.".  Ill,  fig.  1.39  and 
p.  61 ;  Marucchi,  op.  cit.,  and  "  II  cimitero  e  la  basilica 
di  S.  Valentino",  Rome,  1890;  Forrer  and  Mtiller,  op. 
cit.,  20,  PI.  Ill,  fig.  6).  In  a  word,  it  is  not  Christ 
suffering,  but  Christ  triumphing  and  glorious  on  the 
Cross.  Moreover,  Christian  art  for  a  long  time  ob- 
jected to  stripping  Christ  of  his  garments,  and  the 
traditional  colobium,  or  tunic,  remained  until  the 
ninth  century.  In  the  East  the  robed  Christ  was 
preserv-ed  to  a  much  later  date.  Again,  in  miniatures 
from  the  ninth  century  the  figure  is  robed,  and 
stands  erect  on  the  cross  and  on  the  suppedaneum. 

The  scene  of  the  Crucifixion,  especially  after  the 
eighth  ccnturj',  includes  the  presence  of  the  two 
thieves,  the  centurion  who  pierced  Christ's  side,  the 
soldier  with  the  sponge,  the  Blessed  Virgin  and  St. 
John.  Marj'  is  never  shown  weeping  and  afflicted, 
as  became  the  custom  in  later  ages,  but  standing 
erect  near  the  cross,  as  St.  Ambrose  says,  in  his 
funeral  oration  on  Valentinian:  "I  read  of  her  stand- 
ing; I  do  not  read  of  her  weeping."  Moreover,  on 
either  side  of  the  Cross  the  sun  and  the  moon,  often 
with  human  faces,  veil  their  brightness,  being  placed 
there  to  tjipify  the  two  natures  of  Christ;  the  sun, 
the  Divine,  and  the  moon,  the  human  (cf .  St.  Gregory 
the  Great,  Homily  ii  in  Evang.).  At  the  foot  of 
the  Cross  the  female  figures  are  symbolical  of  the 
Church  and  the  Synagogue,  the  one  receiving  the 
Saviour's  blood  in  a  cup,  the  other  veiled  and  dis- 
crowned, holding  in  her  hand  a  torn  banner.  With 
the  tenth  centurj'  realism  began  to  play  a  part  in 
Christian  art,  and  the  colobium  becomes  a  shorter 
garment,  reaching  from  the  waist  to  the  knees  (peri- 
zoma). In  the  "Hortus  delicianim"  in  the  "album" 
belonging  to  the  .Abbess  Herrada  of  Landsberg  in 
the  twclftli  the  colobium  is  short,  and  approaclies  the 
form  (if  flic  pirizoma.  From  the  eleventh  ccnturj-  in 
the  l".a.sl,  .inil  froni  tlie  Gothic  period  in  the  Wist,  the 
head  droops  onto  the  breast  (cf.  Borgia.  De  Cruce 
Velitema,  191),  the  crown  of  thorns  is  introduced, 
the  arms  arc  Ix>nt  back,  the  body  is  twisted,  the  face 
I        34 


is  wrung  with  agony,  and  blood  flows  from  the  wounds. 
In  the  thirteenth  century  complete  realism  is  reached 
by  the  substitution  of  one  nail  in  the  feet,  instead  of 
two,  as  in  the  old  tradition,  and  the  resulting  crossing 
of  the  legs.  ^All  this  was  done  from  artistic  motives, 
to  bring  about  a  more  moving  and  devotional  pose. 
The  living  and  triumphant  Christ  gives  place  to  a 
Christ  dead,  in  all  the  humiliation  of  His  Passion,  the 
agony  of  His  death  being  even  accentuated.  This 
manner  of  treatment  was  afterwards  generalized  by 
the  schools  of  Cimabue  and  Giotto.  In  conclusion  it 
may  be  noted  that  the  custom  of  placing  the  crucifix 
over  the  altar  does  not  date  from  earlier  than  the 
eleventh  centurj'.     (See  Section  III  of  this  article.) 

Works  of  reference  on  the  crucifix  and  its  various  forms  in 
general:  Justvs  Lipsirs.  De  Cruce  libri  Ires  (Antwerp,  l.'iQ.'j); 
Gretser,  De  Cruce  Chrisli  rebusque  ad  earn  pertinentibus 
(Ingoldstadt.  l,59o-160o);  Bosius,  Crux  Iriumphans  et  gloriosa 
(Antwerp,  1617,  folio);  Bartholincs,  Dc  Cruce  Chrisli  hy- 
pomnemata  (Copenliagcn,  1651);  Aloer.  Hislory  of  the  Cross 
(Boston,  1S.5S);  iI(-NZ,  Archaologische  Bemerkunqcn  iibcr  das 
Kreuz  Chrisli  (Frankfort,  1867);  Stockbaueh,  Kumloeschichle 
des  Krcuzes  (Schaffhausen,  1870);  Zockler,  Das  Krcuz  Chrisli 
(Guteisloh,  1875). 

Orazio  Marucchi. 

II.  The  True  Cross  and  Representations  of  it 
AS  Objects  op  Devotion. — (1)  Growth  of  the  Chris- 
tian Cult. — The  Cross  to  which  Christ  had  been  nailed, 
and  on  which  He  had  died,  became  for  Christians, 
quite  naturally  and  logically,  the  object  of  a  special 
respect  and  worship.  St.  Paul  says,  in  I  Cor.,  i,  17: 
"For  Christ  sent  me  not  to  baptize,  but  to  preach  the 
gospel:  not  in  wisdom  of  speech,  lest  the  cross  of 
Christ  should  be  made  void";  in  Gal.,  ii,  19:  "With 
Christ  I  am  nailed  to  the  cross";  in  Eph.,  ii,  16: 
Christ  .  .  .  "might  reconcile  both  to  God  in  one 
body  by  the  cross " ;  in  Phil.,  iii,  18:  "For  many  walk 
.  .  .  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ";  in  Col.,  ii, 
14:  "Blotting  out  the  handwTiting  of  the  decree  that 
was  against  us,  which  was  contrary  to  us.  And  he 
hath  taken  the  same  out  of  the  way,  fastening  it  to 
the  cross";  and  in  Gal.,  vi,  14:  "But  God  forbid  that 
I  should  glory,  save  in  the  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ ;  by  whom  the  world  is  crucified  to  me,  and  I 
to  the  world ' '. 

It  seems  clear,  therefore,  that  for  St.  Paul  the  Cross 
of  Christ  was  not  only  a  precious  remembrance  of 
Christ's  sufferings  and  death,  but  also  a  symbol  closely 
associated  with  His  sacrifice  and  the  mystery  of  the 
Passion.  It  was,  moreover,  natural  that  it  should  be 
venerated  and  become  an  object  of  a  cult  with  the 
Christians  who  had  been  saved  by  it.  Of  such  a  cult 
in  the  Primitive  Church  we  have  definite  and  suffi- 
ciently numerous  evidences.  TertuUian  meets  the 
objection  that  Christians  adore  the  cross  by  answering 
with  an  argumi-nlum  ad  hominem,  not  by  a  denial. 
Another  apologist,  Minucius  Felix,  replies  to  the  same 
objection.  Lastly  we  may  recall  the  famous  carica- 
ture of  Alexamcnos,  for  which  see  the  article  Ass. 
From  all  this  it  appears  that  the  pagans,  without 
further  consideration  of  the  matter,  believed  that  the 
Christians  adored  the  cross;  and  that  the  apologists 
either  answered  indirectly,  or  contented  themsejves 
with  saying  that  they  do  not  adore  the  cross,  without 
denying  that  a  certain  form  of  veneration  was  paid 
to  it. 

It  is  also  an  accepted  belief  that  in  the  decorations 
of  the  catacombs  there  have  been  found,  if  not  the 
cross  itself,  at  least  more  or  less  veiled  allusions  to 
the  holy  symbol.  A  detailed  treatment  of  this  and 
other  historical  evidence  for  the  early  (irevalence  of 
the  cult  will  be  found  in  i^'ction  I  of  this  article. 

Tliis  cult  liecanie  more  extensive  than  ever  after 
the  discoverj-  of  the  Holy  Places  and  of  the  True 
Cro.ss.  Since  the  time  when  Jerusalem  had  been  laid 
w.iste  and  niim  d  in  the  wars  of  the  Romans,  especially 
since  Hadrian  had  founded  upon  the  ruins  his  colony 
of  JEW'x  Capitolina,  the  places  consecrated  by  the  Pas- 


CROSS 


530 


CROSS 


sion,  Death,  and  Burial  of  Christ  had  been  profaned 
and,  it  would  seem,  deserted.  Under  Constaatine, 
after  peace  had  been  vouchsafed  to  the  Church,  Ma- 
carius.  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  caused  excavations  to 
be  made  (about  A.  d.  327,  it  is  believed)  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  location  of  these  holy  sites.  That  of 
Calvarj'  was  identified,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre;  it  was  in  the  course  of  these  excavations 
that  the  wood  of  the  Cross  was  recovered.  It  was 
recognized  as  authentic,  and  for  it  was  built  a  chapel, 
or  oratory,  which  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius,  also  by 
St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  and  Silvia  (Etheria).  From 
A.  D.  347,  that  is  to  say,  twenty  years  after  these  ex- 
cavations, the  same  St.  Cyril,  in  his  discourses  (or 
catecheses)  delivered  in  these  very  places  (iv,  10;  x, 
14;  xiii,  4)  speaks  of  this  sacred  wood.  An  in- 
scription of  .\.  D.  359,  found  at  Tixter,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  S6tif  in  Mauretania,  mentions  in  an 
enumeration  of  relics,  a  fragment  of  the  True  Cross 
(Roman  Miscellanies,  X,  441).  For  a  full  discussion 
of  the  legend  of  St.  Helena,  see  Section  I  of  this 
article;  see  also  Helena,  Saint.  Silvia's  recital 
(Peregrinatio  Etherise),  which  is  of  indisputable  au- 
thenticity, tells  how  the  sacred  wood  was  venerated 
in  Jerusalem  about  a.  d.  380.  On  Good  Friday,  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  faithful  and  the 
monks  assemble  in  the  chapel  of  the  Cross  (built  on  a 
site  hard  by  Calvary),  and  at  this  spot  the  ceremony 
of  the  adoration  takes  place.  The  bishop  is  seated 
on  his  chair;  before  him  is  a  table  covered  with  a  cloth ; 
the  deacons  are  standing  around  him.  The  silver-gilt 
reliquary  is  brought  and  opened,  and  the  sacred  wood 
of  the  Cross,  with  the  Title,  is  placed  on  the  table. 
The  bishop  stretches  out  his  hand  over  the  holy  relic, 
and  the  deacons  keep  watch  with  him  while  the  faith- 
ful and  catechumens  defile,  one  by  one,  before  the 
table,  bow,  and  kiss  the  Cross ;  they  touch  the  Cross 
and  the  Title  with  forehead  and  eyes,  but  it  is  for- 
bidden to  touch  them  with  the  hands.  This  minute 
watchfulness  was  not  unnecessary,  for  it  has  been 
told  in  fact  how  one  day  one  of  the  faithful,  making 
as  though  to  kiss  the  Cross,  was  so  unscrupulous  as 
to  bite  off  a  piece  of  it,  which  he  carried  off  as  a  relic. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  deacons  to  prevent  the  repetition 
of  such  a  crime.  St.  Cyril,  who  also  tells  of  this  cere- 
mony, makes  his  account  much  more  brief,  but  adds 
the  important  detail,  that  relics  of  the  True  Cross  have 
been  distributed  all  over  the  world.  He  adds  some 
information  as  to  the  silver  reliquary  which  contained 
the  True  Cross.  (See  Cabrol,  La  Peregrinatio  ad  loca 
eancta,  105.)  In  several  other  passages  of  the  same 
work  Silvia  (also  called  Egeria,  Echeria,  Eiheria,  and 
Etheria)  speaks  to  us  of  this  chapel  of  the  Cross  (built 
between  the  basilicas  of  the  Anastasis  and  the  Mar- 
tyrion)  which  plays  so  great  a  part  in  the  paschal 
liturgy  of  Jerusalem. 

A  law  of  Theodosius  and  of  Valentinian  III  (Cod. 
Justin.,  I,  tit.  vii)  forbade  under  the  gravest  penalties 
any  painting,  carving,  or  engraving  of  the  cross  on 
pavements,  so  that  this  august  sign  of  our  salvation 
might  not  be  trodden  under  foot.  This  law  was  re- 
vised by  the  TruUan  Council,  a.  d.  691  (canon  l.xxii). 
Julian  the  Apostate,  on  the  other  hand,  according 
to  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  (Contra  Julian.,  vi,  in 
0pp.,  VI),  made  it  a  crime  for  Christians  to  adore  the 
wood' of  the  Cross,  to  trace  its  form  upon  their  fore- 
heads, and  to  engrave  it  over  the  entrances  of  their 
homes.  St.  John  Chrysostom  more  than  once  in  his 
writings  makes  allusion  to  the  adoration  of  the  cross ; 
one  citation  will  suffice:  "Kings  removing  their  dia- 
dems take  up  the  cross,  the  symbol  of  their  Saviour's 
death;  on  the  purple,  the  cross;  in  their  prayers,  the 
cross;  on  their  armour,  the  cross;  on  the  holy  table, 
the  cross;  throughout  the  universe,  the  cross.  The 
cross  shines  brighter  than  the  sun."  The.se  quota- 
tions from  St.  Chrysostom  may  be  found  in  the  a>i- 
thorities  to  be  named  at  the  end  of  this  article.     At 


the  same  time,  pilgrimages  to  the  holy  places  became 
more  frequent,  and  especially  for  the  purpose  of  fol- 
lowing the  example  set  by  St.  Helena  in  venerating 
the  True  Cross.  Saint  Jerome,  describing  the  pil- 
grimage of  St.  Paula  to  the  Holy  Places,  tells  us  that 
"prostrate  before  the  Cross,  she  adored  it  as  though 
she  had  seen  the  Saviour  hanging  upon  it"  (Ep.  cviii). 
It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  even  the  Iconoclasts,  who 
fought  with  such  zeal  against  images  and  representa- 
tions in  relief,  made  an  exception  in  the  case  of  the 
cross.  Thus  we  find  the  image  of  the  cross  on  the 
coins  of  the  Iconoclastic  emperors,  Leo  the  Isaurian, 
Constantine  Copronymus,  Leo  IV,  Nicephorus, 
Michael  II,  and  Theophilus  (cf.  Banduri,  Numism. 
Imperat.  Rom.,  II).  Sometimes  this  cult  involved 
abuses.  Thus  we  are  told  of  the  Staurolaters,  or  those 
who  adore  the  cross;  the  Chazingarii  (from  chazus, 
cross),  a  sect  of  Armenians  who  adore  the  cross.  The 
Second  Council  of  Nic8ea(A.D.  787),  held  for  the  purpose 
of  reforming  abuses  and  putting  an  end  to  the  dis- 
putes of  Iconoclasm,  fixed,  once  for  all,  the  Catholic 
doctrine  and  discipline  on  this  point.  It  defined  that 
the  veneration  of  the  faithful  was  due  to  the  form  "of 
the  precious  and  vivifying  cross",  as  well  as  to  images 
or  representations  of  Christ,  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and 
of  the  saints.  But  the  council  points  out  that  we 
must  not  render  to  these  objects  the  cult  of  latria, 
"which,  according  to  the  teaching  of  the  faith,  belongs 
to  the  Divine  nature  alone.  .  .  .  The  honour 
paid  to  the  image  passes  to  the  prototype;  and  he 
who  adores  the  image,  adores  the  person  whom  it 
represents.  Thus  the  doctrine  of  our  holy  fathers 
obtains  in  all  its  force:  the  tradition  of  the  Holy 
Catholic  Church  which  from  one  end  of  the  earth  to 
the  other  has  received  the  gospel."  This  decree  was 
renewed  at  the  Eighth  (Ecumenical  Council ,  at  Constan- 
tinople, in  869  (can.  iii).  The  council  clearly  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  "salutation"  (cunracriiii)  and 
"veneration"  {vpoaKvvqaii)  due  to  the  cross,  and  the 
"true  adoration"  {aKr)divT}  Xarpeta),  which  should 
not  be  paid  to  it.  Theodore  the  Studite,  the  great 
adversary  of  the  Iconoclasts,  also  makes  a  very  exact 
distinction  between  the  adoratio  relativa  (irpoo-Ki/njirts 
(TX^TiKii)  and  adoration  properly  so  called. 

(2)  Catholic  Doctrine  on  the  Veneration  of  the  Cross. 
— In  passing  to  a  detailed  examination  of  the  Catho- 
lic doctrine  on  this  subject  of  the  cult  due  to  the  Cross, 
it  will  be  well  to  notice  the  theories  of  Brock,  the 
Abbg  Ansault,  le  Mortillet,  and  others,  who  pretend 
to  have  discovered  that  cult  among  the  pagans  be- 
fore the  time  of  Christ.  For  a  demonstration  of 
the  purely  Christian  origin  of  the  Christian  de- 
votion the  reader  is  referred  to  Section  I  of  this 
article.  See  also  the  works  of  de  Harlay.  Lafar- 
gue,  and  others  cited  at  the  end  of  this  section. 
With  reference,  in  particular,  to  the  ansated  cross  of 
Egypt,  Letronne,  Raoul-Rochette,  and  Lajard  discuss 
with  much  learning  the  symbolism  of  that  simple 
hieroglyphic  of  life,  in  which  the  Christians  of  Egypt 
seem  to  have  recognized  an  anticipatory  revelation  of 
the  Christian  Cross,  and  which  they  employed  in  their 
monuments.  According  to  the  text  of  the  Second 
Council  of  Nicisa  cited  above,  the  cult  of  the  Cross 
is  based  upon  the  same  principles  as  that  of  relics  and 
images  in  general,  although,  to  be  sure,  the  True  Cross 
holds  the  highest  place  in  dignity  among  all  relics. 
The  observation  of  Petavius  (XV,  xiii,  1)  should  be 
noted  here:  that  this  cult  must  be  considered  as  not 
belonging  to  the  substance  of  religion,  but  as  being 
one  of  the  aSidipopa,  or  things  not  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  salvation.  Indeed,  while  it  is  of  faith  that 
this  cult  is  useful,  lawful,  even  pious  and  worthy  of 
praise  and  of  encouragement,  and  while  we  are  not 
permittcfl  to  speak  against  it  as  something  pernicious, 
still  it  is  one  of  tho.se  devotional  practices  which  the 
Church  can  encourage,  or  restrain,  or  .stop,  according 
to  circumstances.     Tliis  explains  how  the  veneration. 


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531 


CROSS 


of  images  was  forbidden  to  the  Jews  by  that  text  of 
]'.xih1us  (xx,  4  sqq.)  which  has  been  so  grossly  abused 
liy  Iconoclasts  and  Protestants:  "Thoii  shalt  not 
nuiko  to  thyself  a  graven  thing,  nor  the  likeness  of 
any  thing  that  is  in  heaven  above,  or  in  the  earth  be- 
neath, nor  of  those  things  that  are  in  the  waters  under 
the  earth.  Thou  shalt  not  adore  thera,  nor  serve 
iIm'tu:  I  am  the  Lord  thy  God,"  etc.  It  also  explains 
ilie  fact  that  in  the  first  ages  of  Christianity,  when  eon- 
\.  Its  from  paganism  were  so  numerous,  and  the  im- 
1 1  r>  ssjon  of  idol-worship  was  so  fresh,  the  Church  found 
it  advisable  not  to  permit  the  development  of  this  cult 
;if  ini:Lges ;  but  later,  when  that  danger  had  disappeared, 
when  Christian  traditions  and  Christian  instinct  had 
eeined  strength,  the  cult  developed  more  freely. 
-\e,ijn,  it  should  be  noted  that  the  cult  of  images  and 
rehes  is  not  that  of  lalria,  which  is  the  adoration  due 
te  1  lod  alone,  but  is,  as  the  Second  Council  of  Nicoea 
t(  uehes,  a  relative  veneration  paid  to  the  image  or 
rehc  and  referring  to  that  which  it  represents.  Pre- 
( i^ely  this  same  doctrine  is  repeated  in  Sess.  XXV  of 
tile  Council  of  Trent :  "  Images  are  not  to  be  wor- 
.^hi|>ped  because  it  is  believed  that  some  divinity  or 
)iij-,\er  resides  in  them  and  that  they  must  be  wor- 
ship] )ed  on  that  account,  or  becau.se  we  ought  to  ask 
ainthing  of  them,  or  because  we  should  put  our  trust 
in  them,  as  was  done  by  the  gentiles  of  old  who  placed 
their  hope  in  idols;  but  because  the  honour  which  Is 
shown  to  them  is  referred  to  the  protot_vpes  which 
they  represent ;  so  that  through  the  images  which  we 
kiss,  and  before  which  we  kneel,  we  may  adore  Christ, 
and  venerate  the  saints,  whose  semblances  they  bear." 
(See  also  Image.s.) 

This  clear  doctrine,  which  cuts  short  every  objec- 
tion, is  also  that  taught  by  Bellarmine,  by  Bossuet,  and 
by  Peta\-ius.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  this 
view  was  not  always  so  clearly  taught.  Following 
Bl.  Albertus  Magnus  and  Alexander  of  Hales,  St. 
Bonaventure,  St.  Thomas,  and  a  section  of  the 
Schoolmen  who  appear  to  have  overlooked  the  Second 
Council  of  Nicaea  teach  that  the  worship  rendered  to 
the  Cross  and  the  image  of  Christ  is  that  of  latria,  but 
with  a  distinction:  the  same  worship  is  due  to  the 
image  and  its  exemplar,  but  the  exemplar  is  honoured 
for  Himself  (or  for  itself),  with  an  absolute  worship; 
the  image  because  of  its  exemplar,  with  a  relative 
worship.  The  object  of  the  adoration  is  the  same, 
though  it  be  primarj'  in  regard  to  the  exemplar  and 
secondary  in  regard  to  the  image.  To  the  image  of 
Christ,  then,  we  owe  a  worship  of  latria  as  well  as  to 
His  Person.  The  image,  in  fact,  is  morally  one  with 
its  prototype,  and,  thus  considered,  if  a  lesser  degree 
of  worship  be  rendered  to  the  image,  that  worship 
must  reach  the  exemplar  lessened  in  degree.  Against 
this  theory  an  attack  h.is  recently  been  made  in  "The 
Tablet",  the  opinion  attributed  to  the  Thomists  being 
sharply  combated.  Its  adversaries  have  endeavoured 
to  prove  that  the  image  of  Christ  should  be  venerated 
but  with  a  lesser  degree  of  honour  than  its  exemplar. 
The  cult  paid  to  it,  they  say,  is  simply  analogous  to 
the  cult  of  latria,  but  in  its  nature  different  and  in- 
ferior. No  image  of  Christ,  then,  should  be  honoured 
with  the  worship  of  Intria,  and,  moreover,  the  term 
"  relative  latria  ",  invented  by  the  Thomists,  ought  to 
be  banished  from  theological  language  a.s  equivocal 
and  dangerous. — Of  these  opinions  the  former  rests 
chiefly  upon  considerations  of  pure  reason,  the  latter 
upon  ecclesiastical  tradition,  notably  upon  the  Sec- 
ond Council  of  Xiciea  and  its  confirmation  by  the 
Fourth  Council  of  Constantinople  and  upon  the  decree 
of  the  Council   of  Trent. 

(.'i)  Relics  of  the  True  Cross. — The  testimony  of 
Silvia  (Etheria)  proves  how  highly  these  relics  were 
prized,  while  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  her  contemporarj', 
testifies  as  explicitly  that  "the  whole  inhabited  earth 
is  full  of  relics  of  "the  wood  of  the  Cross".  In  1889 
two  French  archa'ologists,   Letaille  and   Audollent, 


discovered  in  the  district  of  S^tif  an  inscription  of  the 
year  359  in  which,  among  other  relics,  is  mentioned 
the  sacred  wood  of  the  Cross  (de  ligno  crucis  et  de 
terra  promissionis  ubi  natus  est  Christus).  Another 
inscription,  from  Rasgunia  (Cape  Matifu),  somewhat 
earlier  in  date  than  the  preceding,  mentions  another 
relic  of  the  Cross  ("sancto  ligno  salvatoris  adlato". — 
See  Duchesne  in  Acad,  des  inscr.,  Paris,  6  December, 
1889;  Morel,  "Les  missions  catholiques",  25  March, 
1890,  p.  156;  Catech.  iv  in  P.  G.,  XXXIII,  469;  cf. 
also  ibid.,  800;  Procopius,  "De  Bello  Persico",  II,  xi). 
St.  John  Chrj'sostom  tells  us  that  fragments  of  the 
True  Cross  are  kept  in  golden  reliquaries,  which  men 
reverently  wear  upon  their  persons.  The  passage  in 
the  "Peregrinatio"  which  treats  of  this  devotion  has 
already  been  cited.  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  some  years 
later,  sends  to  Sulpicius  Severus  a  fragment  of  the 
True  Cross  with  these  words:  "Receive  a  great  gift 
in  a  little  [compass] ;  and  take,  in  [this]  almost  atomic 
segment  of  a  short  dart.,  an  armament  [against  the 
perils]  of  the  present  and  a  pledge  of  everlasting 
safety"  (Epist.  xxxi,  n.  1,  P.  L.,  LXI,  325).  About 
455  Juvenal,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  sends  to  Pope 
St.  Leo  a  fragment  of  the  precious  wood  (S.  Leonis 
Epist.  cxxxix,  P.  L.,  LIV,  1108).  The  "Liber  Ponti- 
ficalis",  if  we  are  to  accept  the  authenticity  of  its 
statement,  tells  us  that,  in  the  pontificate  of  St.  Syl- 
vester, Constantino  presented  to  the  Sessorian  basi- 
lica (Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme)  in  Rome  a  portion 
of  the  True  Cross  (Duchesne,  Liber  Pontif.,  I,  80: 
cf.  78,  178,  179,  195).  Later,  under  St.  Hilary  (461- 
68)  and  under  Symmachus  (498-514)  we  are  again 
told  that  fragments  of  the  True  Cross  are  enclosed  in 
altars  (op.  cit.,  I,  242  sq.  and  261  sq.).  About  the 
year  500  Avitus,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  asks  for  a  portion 
of  the  Cross  from  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  (P.  L., 
LIX,  236,  239). 

It  is  known  that  Radegunda,  Queen  of  the  Franks, 
having  retired  to  Poitiers,  obtained  from  the  Emperor 
Justin  II,  in  569,  a  remarkable  relic  of  the  True  Cross. 
A  solemn  feast  was  celebrated  on  this  occasion,  and 
the  monastery  founded  by  the  queen  at  Poitiers  re- 
ceived from  that  moment  the  name  of  Holy  Cross 
It  was  also  upon  this  occasion  that  Venantius  For- 
tunatus.  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  and  a  celebrated  poet  of 
the  period,  composed  the  hymn  "Vexilla  Regis" 
which  is  still  sung  at  feasts  of  the  Cross  in  the  Latin 
Rite.  St.  Gregory  I  sent,  a  little  later,  a  portion  of 
the  Cross  to  Theodolinda,  Queen  of  the  Lombards 
(Ep.  xiv,  12),  and  another  to  Recared,  the  first  Catholic 
King  of  Spain  (Ep.  ix,  122).  In  690,  under  Sergius  I, 
a  casket  was  found  containing  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross 
which  had  been  sent  to  John  III  (560-74)  by  the 
Emperor  Justin  II  (cf.  Borgia,  "De  Cruce  Vaticanii", 
Rome,  1779,  p.  63,  and  Duchesne,  "Liber  Pontifi- 
calis",  I,  374,  378).  We  will  not  give  in  detail  the 
history  of  other  relics  of  the  Cross  (see  the  works  of 
Gretser  and  the  articles  of  Kraus  and  Baumer  quoted 
in  the  bibliography).  The  work  of  Rohault  de  Floury, 
"Memoire  sur  les  instnnnent.s  de  la  Passion"  (Paris, 
1870),  describes  more  prolonged  attention;  its  author 
has  sought  out  with  great  care  and  learning  all  the 
relics  of  the  Trite  Cross,  drawn  up  a  catalogue  of 
them,  and,  thanks  to  this  labour,  he  has  succeeded 
in  showing  that,  in  spite  of  what  various  Protestant 
or  Rationalistic  authors  have  pretended,  the  frag- 
ments of  the  Cross  brought  together  again  would  not 
only  not  "be  comparable  in  bulk  to  a  battleship",  but 
would  not  reach  one-third  that  of  a  cross  which  has 
been  supposed  to  have  been  three  or  four  metres  in 
height,  with  a  transverse  branch  of  two  metres  (see 
above,  under  I),  proportions  not  at  ali  abnormal  (op. 
cit.,  97-179).  Here  is  the  calculation  of  this  savant: 
Supposing  the  Cross  to  have  been  of  pine-wood,  as  is 
believed  by  the  savants  who  have  made  a  special  study 
of  the  subject,  and  giving  it  a  weight  of  about  seventy- 
five  kilograms,  we  find  that  the  volume  of  this  cross  was 


CROSS 


532 


CROSS 


178,000,000  cubic  millimetres.  Now  the  total  known 
volume  of  the  True  Cross,  according  to  the  finding  of 
M.  Rohiuilt  de  Fleury,  amoimts  to  above  4,000,000 
cubic  millimetres,  allowing  the  missing  part  to  be  as 
big  as  we  will,  the  lost  parts  or  the  parts  the  existence 
of  which  has  been  overlooked,  we  still  find  ourselves 
far  short  of  178,000,000  cubic  millimetres,  which  should 
make  up  the  True  Cross. 

(4)  Principal  Feasts  of  the  Cross. — The  feast  of  the 
Cross,  like  so  many  other  liturgical  feasts,  had  its 
origin  at  Jerusalem,  and  is  connected  with  the  com- 
memoration of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross  and  the  buikl- 
ing,  by  Constantine,  of  churches  upon  the  sites  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  and  Calvary.  In  335  the  dedication 
of  these  churches  was  celebrated  with  great  solemnity 
by  the  bishops  who  had  assisted  at  the  Council  of 
Tyre,  and  a  great  number  of  other  bishops.  This 
dedication  took  place  on  the  13th  and  14th  of  Septem- 
ber. This  feast  of  the  dedioetion,  which  was  known 
by  the  name  of  the  Enccmia,  was  most  solemn;  it  was 
on  an  equal  footing  with  those  of  the  Epiphany  and 
Easter.  The  description  of  it  should  be  read  in  the 
"  Peregrinatio  ",  which  is  of  great  value  upon  this  sub- 
ject of  liturgical  origins.  This  solemnity  attracted 
to  Jerusalem  a  great  number  of  monks,  from  Meso- 
potamia, from  Syria,  from  Egyjit,  from  the  Thebaid, 
and  from  other  provinces,  besides  laity  of  both  sexes. 
Not  fewer  than  forty  or  fifty  bishops  would  journey 
from  their  dioceses  to  be  present  at  Jerusalem  for  the 
event.  The  feast  was  considered  as  of  obligation,  "  and 
he  thinks  himself  guilty  of  a  grave  sin  who  during  this 
period  does  not  attend  the  great  solemnity".  It  lasted 
eight  days.  In  Jerusalem,  then,  this  feast  bore  an 
entirely  local  character.  It  passed,  like  so  many 
other  feasts,  to  Constantinople  and  thence  to  Rome. 
There  was  also  an  endeavour  to  give  it  a  local  feeling, 
and  the  church  of  "The  Holy  Cross  in  Jerusalem" 
was  intended,  as  its  name  indicates,  to  recall  the 
memory  of  the  church  at  Jerusalem  bearing  the  same 
dedication. 

The  feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross  sprang  into 
existence  at  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  century. 
Allusion  is  made  to  it  during  the  pontificate  of  Ser- 
gius  I  (687-701),  but,  as  Dom  Baumer  observes,  the 
very  terms  of  the  text  (Lib.  Pontif.,  I,  374,  378) 
show  that  the  feast  already  existed.  It  is,  then, 
inexact,  as  has  often  been  pointed  out,  to  attribute 
the  introduction  of  it  to  this  pope.  The  Galilean 
churches,  which,  at  the  period  here  referred  to,  do  not 
yet  know  of  this  feast  of  the  14th  September,  have 
another  on  the  3rd  of  May,  of  the  same  signification. 
It  seems  to  have  been  introduced  there  in  the  seventh 
century,  for  ancient  Galilean  documents,  such  as  the 
Lectionary  of  Luxeuil,  do  not  mention  it ;  Gregory  of 
Tours  also  seems  to  ignore  it.  According  to  Mgr. 
Duchesne,  the  date  seems  to  have  been  borrowed  from 
the  legend  of  the  Finding  of  the  Holy  Cross  (Lib. 
Pontif.,  I,  p.  cviii).  Later,  when  the  Galilean  and 
Roman  Liturgies  were  combined,  a  distinct  character 
was  given  to  each  feast,  so  as  to  avoid  sacrificing 
either.  The  3rd  of  May  was  called  the  feast  of  the 
Invention  of  the  Cross,  and  it  commemorated  in  a 
special  manner  Saint  Helena's  discovery  of  the  sacred 
wood  of  the  Cross;  the  14th  of  Sejit ember,  the  feast 
of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  commemorated  above 
all  the  circumstances  in  which  Hcraclius  recovered 
from  the  Persians  the  True  Cross,  wliii-h  tlioy  had 
carried  off.  Nevertheless,  it  appears  from  the  history 
of  the  two  feasts,  which  we  have  just  examined,  that 
that  of  the  13th  and  14th  of  September  is  the  older,  and 
that  the  commemoration  of  the  Finding  of  the  Cross 
was  at  first  combined  with  it. 

The  Good  Friday  ceremony  of  the  Adoration  of  the 
Cross  also  had  its  origin  in  Jerusalem,  .as  we  have  seen, 
and  is  afaitliful  reproduction  of  the  rites  of  .\doration 
of  the  Cross  of  the  fourth  century  in  Jerusalem  which 
have  been  described  above,  in  accordance  with  the 


description  given  by  the  author  of  the  "  Peregrinatio  ". 
This  worship  paid  to  the  Cross  in  Jerusalem  on  Good 
Friday  soon  became  general.  Gregory  of  Tours 
speaks  of  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  consecrated  to 
tlie  Cross — probably  the  Wednesday  and  Friday  of 
Holy  Week.  (Cf.  Greg.,  De  Gloria  Mart.  I,  v.)  The 
most  ancient  adoration  of  the  Cross  in  the  Roman 
Church  is  described  in  the  "Ordo  Romanus"  generally 
attributed  to  Saint  Gregory.  It  is  performed,  accord- 
ing to  this  "Ordo",  just  as  it  is  nowadays,  after  a 
series  of  responsory  prayers.  The  cross  is  prepared 
before  the  altar;  priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  clerics 
of  the  inferior  grades,  and  lastly  the  people,  each  one 
comes  in  his  turn;  they  salute  the  cross,  during  the 
singing  of  the  anthem,  "  Ecce  lignum  crucis  in  quo 
salus  niundi  pependit.  Venite,  adoremus"  (Behokl 
the  wood  of  the  cross  on  which  the  salvation  of  the 
world  did  hang.  Come,  let  us  adore)  and  then  Ps. 
cxviii.  (See  Mabillon,  Mus.  Ital.,  Paris,  1689,  II, 
23.)  The  Latin  Church  has  kept  until  to-day  the 
same  liturgical  features  in  the  ceremony  of  Good  Fri- 
day, added  to  it  is  the  song  of  the  Improperia  and  the 
hymn  of  the  Cross,  "  Range,  lingua,  gloriosi  lauream 
cert  aminis ' '. 

Besides  the  Adoration  of  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday 
and  the  September  feast,  the  Greeks  have  still  another 
feast  of  the  Adoration  of  the  Cross  on  the  1st  of  August 
as  well  as  on  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent.  It  is  probable 
that  Gregory  the  Great  was  acquainted  with  this  feast 
during  his  stay  in  Constantinople,  and  that  the  sta- 
tion of  Santa  Croce  in  Gerusalemme,  on  La>tare  Sun- 
day (the  fourth  Sunday  in  Lent),  is  a  souvenir,  or  a 
timid  effort  at  imitation,  of  the  Byzantine  solemnity. 

On  the  theoJngy  of  the  subject,  St.  Thom-\s,  Summa  TheoL,  III, 
Q.  XXV,  aa.  3  and  4,  with  which  cf.  Idolatry,  the  controversy  in 
The  Tablet  from  22  June  to  21  Sept.,  1907.  Peta«us,  De 
Incamat.,  XV,  xv-xviii;  Bell.\rmine.  De  Imaginibus  Sancto- 
Turn,  II.  xxiv;  Theodore  the  Studite,  Adv.  Jconomachos  in 
P.  G.,  XCIX.  For  the  controversy  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne, 
GoNDi  OF  Orleans.  De  Cultu  Imaginum,  P.  L.,  CVI,  305  sq^; 
DoNGAL,  Liber  adversus  Claudium  Taurinensem,  P.  L.,  CV, 
457  sq. ;  Amalarius,  De  oi^ciis  eccles.,  I,  xvi,  P.  L.,  CV,  1028 
sq.;  PsEUDo-ALCtTiN,  Officia  et  Oratt.  de  Cruce,  P.  L.,  CI,  1207 
sq.;  Rabanus  Mauhhs,  De  Laudibus  S.  Crucis.  P.  L.,  CVII,  133; 
ScOTtJs  Eriugena,  De  Christo  Crucifixo,  P.  L.,  CXLI,  345. 

On  the  cult  of  the  Cross  in  pre-Christian  times:  Brock,  The 
Cross,  Heathen  and  Christian  (London,  1880),  criticized  by 
DE  Harley  in  Diet.  aval,  de  la  fai  catholiqueiPans,  1891).  670-78; 
de  Harlet,  Pretendue  origine  pazenne  de  la  Croix  in  La  Contro- 
verse  (1882),  IV,  705-32;  cf.  La  Croix  et  le  Crucifix,  ibid.  (1887), 
IX,  386-404.  and  La  croiz  chez  les  Chinois,  ibid.  (1886),  VII, 
589;  Bring-Mouton,  De  NotA  Christianismi  Ambigud  Cruce 
(London,  1745);  Saint  Felix-Mauremont,  De  la  croix  con- 
sideree  comme  signe  hieroglyphique  d'adoration  et  de  salut  in 
Bulletin  de  la  soc.  archeol.  du  midi  de  la  France  (1836-37),  III. 
183;  Laj.^rd,  Observatiotis  sur  Vorigine  et  la  signification  da 
symbole  appete  la  croix  ansee  in  Memoires  de  I'acad.  des  inscr. 
(1846);  Rapp,  Das  Labarum  u.  der  Sonnencultus  in  Jahrb. 
(Bonn,  1866),  XXXIX.  XL;  MOller,  Veber  Sterne,  Kreuze. 
u.  Krdnze  ah  retigivse  Symbole  der  alien  Kulturviilker  (Copen- 
hagen, 18651;  Mortillet,  Le  signe  de  la  croix  avant  le  chris- 
tianisme  (Paris.  1886)— cf.  Nuova  Antologia  (1867),  797,  805. 
and  Rerur  Chiqw-  (1S66).  297;  Verths,  Du  culte  de  la  croix 
avnnf  .T  C  in  I-;-:  M7i-.  de  la  Soc.  Hist.  Archeol.  de  Chdteau- 
rin.  1^:.    1^,!  ,   I\,  135-194;    Btsssen,  Das  Symbol  des 

Ki'  '  \         ■    Ji   H.  die  Entstehung  des  Kreuz-Siimbols 

d,x  <■  .  A,    '.    .Iterlin,  1876);    Hochart.  Le   symbole 

dr  la  ,-,,.,.,  Ill  .1/1/1.  ./,  la  lac.  litt.  de  Bordeaux  (1886);  RoBlou, 
Ob^^ermlioiis  sur  les  signes  hierogli/phiques  qui  peuvent  rappeler 
la  figure  de  la  Croix  in  Science  cath.  (1890),  IV,  465-471;  As- 
sault, Le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  (Paris,  1889);  Id.,  M{- 
nwire  sur  le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  (Paris,  1891) :  Lafargue. 
Le  culte  de  la  croix  avant  J.-C.  in  Rev.  cath.  de  Bordeaux  (1891), 
XIII,  321-330;  Pre-Christian  Cross  in  Ed.  Rev.  (1870),  CXXXI, 
222;  Meyer,  Die  Gesch.  de^  Kreuzholzes  von  Christus  in  .46- 
handl.  philos.-philol.  bayer.  Akad.  (1882).  XVI.  101,  116. 

On  crosses  m  general:  Borgia.  De  Cruce  Vaticand  (Rome, 
1774);  Id..  De  Cruce  Velitenui  (Rome.  17S0);  Gretser.  De 
Cruce  Christi  (2  vols.  4°.  Ingoldstadt.  1600)  and  4th  ed.  of 
the  same,  enlarged,  in  0pp.  Omnia  (l(ilS);  Bosio,  Crux  tri- 
umphans  et  Gloriosa  (.\ntwern,  1617);  Decker,  De  Staurolatriil 
RomanA  (Hanover,  1617);  BASlurs,  De  Veterum  Chri.ftiano- 
rum  Ritibus  (Rome,  1647>;  SrHi.icHTER.  De  Cruce  apud  Judaos, 
Christiannx  ri  '7,  ,,/:',,•  ,7,,^  Snh,Hs  (Halle.  1732);  Zaccaria. 
Dissert,  d.    I       ■  '     ■      >    1  n  Gori,  Symbol.  Lit!..  X.  65 

sq.;   Papii.  /•     /  ^   Crucisin  AclaSS..Z'Hl&\,\ 

sqq;    Lipsn  ^,  /).   > /.  .     '//  (4»,  Antwerp,  1593);    ZoCK- 

LER,  Das  l\i>tiz  </,>i.^ii  ^^lul,■r.sIoh,  1775);  Ziegelbaufh. 
Historia  didaciica  ilt  S.  Cruei.^  Cultu  et  Veneratione  in  Ord.  D. 
Benedicti  (Vienna.  1746);  Wiseman,  Four  Lectures  nn  the 
Offlcea  and  Ceremonies  of  Holy  Week  (London,  18391    11-114; 


1.  CROSS  OF  CONG  (1123),  NATIONAL  MUSKl'M,   HI  HI. IX 

2.  CROSS   OF    MOXASTERBOICE  4.    CROSS   OF   INN  ISM  ACSAINT,    LOIIGII    F.RNE 

3.  CROSS  OF  CLONMACNOISE  $.    CROSS   OF   GLF.NDALOUGH 


CROSS 


533 


CROSS 


HotrssATE,  Les  Ceremonies  de  la  Semaine  Sainte  ,  .  ,  eriltc 
dr  la  Croijc  in  Ra>.  ties  Questions  Historiques  (187S).  XXIII. 
47J  sq.;  The  Sign  of  the  Cross  in  the  Early  ChureA  in  The  Dltb.  Krv. 
(ISai).  XX.  113;  RKRNAnnAKis,  I.r  culle  de  la  Croix  che:  Irs 
(Irees  in  Eclios  d'OrunI  (1901'),  193-202;  Rkvius.  De  Cullu 
Crucis  (Levdeu,  ISol);  Ai.i:kr.  History  of  the  Cross  (Boston. 
1858);  Bkiukau.  Ilistorii  of  the  Holy  Cross  (London.  1S63); 
RoHAULT  iiE  Fleuhy.  Mt'-moire  siirles  instruments  de  la  Passion 
(Paris,  1870);    Nestle,  De  Sanctd  Cruce  (Berlin.  1889). 

On  tlie  Firuling  of  the  Cross  in  particular:  Papebrock  in 
Aeta  as.,  3  May;  Cabrol.  Etude  sur  la  Peregrinatio  Silvia- 
(Paris,  1895),  103-105;  Holden.  Inventio  S.  Cruets  (Leipzig. 
1S89):  Combes,  tr.  by  Luigi  Cappadelta,  The  Finding  of  the 
Cross  (London.  1907);  Stalev,  The  Liturgical  Year,  an  Ez- 
•nlnnation  of  the  Origin,  Hislori/  and  Significance  of  the  Festival 
Doi/s  and  Fasting  Dans  of  the  English  Church  (London,  1907), 
101-103;  DurHESNE,  tr.  Mct'i.unE.  Christian  Worship  (Lon- 
don, 1904),  274  sq.,  and  of.  li>.  Liber  Pontificalis,  I,  374.  378; 
Fe  *sev,  Ancient  English  Ilolij  Week  Ceremonial  (London,  1897), 
114  sq. 

See  also  Baumer  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  vv.  Kreuz,  Kreuzer- 
findung,  Kreuz partikel:  Marucchi  in  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  s.  v. 
C'roj".r.-  Schulte  in  Realencyk  fur  prot.  Theol.,  s.  vv.  Kreuz  u. 
Kreuzigung.  Kreuzaiiffindung,  Krcuzeszeichen. 

For  additional  bibliography  see  Baumer  and  above  all 
Chevauer,  TopO'Bibl.,  s.v.  Croix. 

Fernand  Cabrol. 

III.  The  Cross  and  Crucifix  in  LiTtmcT. — (1) 
Material  Objects  in  Liturgical  Use.— A.  The  Altar- 
Cros.s. — As  a  permanpiit  ailjunct  to  the  altar,  the  cross 
or  crucifix  can  hanlly  be  traced  farther  back  than  the 
thirteenth  centurj'.  The  third  canon  of  the  Second 
Council  of  Tours  (.567),  "ut  corpus  Domini  in  altario 
non  in  imaginario  ordine  sed  sub  crucis  titulo  coni- 
ponatur"',  which  has  sometimes  been  appealed  to  to 
prove  the  early  existence  of  an  altar-cross,  almost 
certainly  refers  to  the  arrangement  of  the  particles  of 
the  Host  upon  the  corporal.  They  were  to  be  arranged 
in  the  form  of  a  cross  and  not  according  to  any 
fanciful  idea  of  the  celebrant  (see  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte).  On  the  other  hand.  Innocent  lU  at  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  in  his  treatise  on 
the  Ma-ss  says  plainly,  "a  cross  is  set  upon  the  altar, 
in  the  middle  between  two  candlesticks",  but  even 
this  probably  refers  only  to  the  actual  duration  of  the 
Holy  Sacrifice.  From  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury the  rule  is  several  times  repeated:  "Let  nothing 
be  placed  on  the  altar  except  a  chest  with  relics  of 
saints  or  perhaps  the  four  gospels  or  a  pyx  w'ith  the 
Lord's  Body  for  the  viaticum  of  the  sick"  (cf.  Thiers, 
Sur  les  principaux  autels  des  ^glises,  129  sqq.). 
This  no  doubt  was  understood  to  exclude  even  the 
crucifix  from  the  altar,  and  it  is  certain  that  in  various 
liturgical  ivory  car^'ings  of  the  eighth,  ninth,  and 
tenth  centuries  no  cross  is  shown.  At  the  same  time 
it  should  be  noted  that  the  ciborium,  or  canopy  over 
the  altar,  was  often  surmounted  by  a  plain  cross,  and 
also  that  the  cnrontv,  or  ornamental  circular  frames 
which  were  suspended  from  the  inner  side  of  the 
ciborium,  frequently  had  a  cross  hanging  down  in  their 
midst.  Some  such  corona>  are  explicitly  referred  to 
in  the  "Liber  Pontificalis"  during  the  ninth  centurj'. 
The  best-known  existing  example  is  the  corona  of 
Reccsvinlhus  now  at  the  Musee  de  Cluny,  Paris,  in 
which  the  pendent  cross  is  set  with  large  gems.  The 
papal  chronicle  just  referred  to  also  mentions  a  silver 
cross  which  was  erected  not  over,  but  close  beside, 
the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's  in  the  time  of  Leo  III 
(795-816):  "There  also  he  made  the  cross  of  purest 
silver,  gilded,  which  stands  beside  the  high  altar,  and 
which  weighs  22  pounds"  (Lib.  Pont.,  Leo  III,  c. 
Ixxxvii).  It  is  probable  that  when  the  cross  was  first 
introduced  as  an  ornament  for  the  altar  it  w.as  most 
commonly  plain  and  without  any  figure  of  Our  S;iv- 
iour.  Such  is  the  cross  which  a  well-known  Anglo- 
Saxon  manuscript  ropr(>sents  King  Cnut  as  presenting 
to  Hyde  Abbey.  Winchester.  But  the  a.ssociation  of 
the  figure  of  Christ  with  the  cross  was  familiar  in 
England  as  early  as  678,  when  Benedict  Biscop 
brought  a  painting  of  the  Crucifixion  from  Rome 
(Bede,  Hist.  .Vbb..  §9).  anil  we  can  hardly  doubt  that 
a  people  capable  of  producing  such  sculptural  work 
as  the  stone  crosses  at  Ruthwell  and  Bewcastle.  or 


the  Franks'  casket,  would  soon  have  attempted  the 
same  subject  in  the  solid.  We  know  at  any  rate  that  a 
gold  crucifix  was  found  in  the  tomb  of  St.  Edward  the 
Confessor,  and  a  crucifix  is  mentioned  in  one  of  the 
later  Lives  of  St.  Dunstaii.  That  such  objects  were 
sometimes  used  for  the  altar  seems  highly  probable. 
Still,  Innocent  III  speaks  only  of  a  cross,  and  it  is 
certain  that  for  several  centuries  later  neither  cross 
nor  crucifix  were  left  upon  the  altar  except  at  Mass 
time.  Even  so  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century  an  engraving  in  the  Giunta  "Corpus  .luris  " 
shows  the  altar-crucifix  being  carrieil  in  at  high  Mass 
by  the  celebrant,  while  in  many  French  dioceses  this  or 
some  similar  custom  lasted  down  to  the  time  of  Claude 
de  Vert  (Explication,  IV,  31).  At  present  the  "Caere- 
moniale  Episcopo rum  "  assumes  the  permanency  of  the 
crucifix  on  the  altar,  with  its  attendant  candlesticks 
[see  Altar-Crucifix,  under  Alt.\r  (in  Liturgy)]. 

(1)  B.  The  Processional  Cross. — When  Bede  tells  us 
that  St.  Augustine  of  England  and  his  companions 
came  before  Ethelbert  "carrying  a  silver  cross  for  a 
standard"  {reniebant  crucem  provexillo  jerenles  argen- 
team)  while  they  said  the  litanies,  he  probably  touches 
upon  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  processional  cross. 
Its  use  seems  to  have  been  general  in  early  times  and 
it  is  so  mentioned  in  the  Roman  "Ordines"  as  to 
suggest  that  one  belonged  to  each  church.  An  inter- 
esting specimen  of  the  twelfth  century  still  survives 
in  the  Cross  of  Cong,  preserved  in  the  museum  of  the 
Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  This  is  made  of  oak 
covered  with  copper  plates,  but  much  decoration  is 
added  in  the  form  of  gold  filigree  work.  It  lacks  most 
of  the  shaft,  but  is  two  feet  six  inches  high,  and  one 
foot  six  inches  across  the  arms.  In  the  centre  is  a 
boss  of  rock  crystal,  which  formerly  enshrined  a  relic 
of  the  True  Cross,  and  an  inscription  tells  us  that 
it  was  made  for  Turloch  O'Conor,  King  of  Ireland 
(1123).  It  seems  never  to  have  had  any  figure  of 
Christ,  but  other  processional  crosses  of  the  thirteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries  are  for  the  most  part  true 
crucifixes.  In  a  great  number  of  cases  the  shaft  was 
removable,  and  the  upper  portion  could  be  set  in  a 
stand  to  be  used  as  an  altar-cross.  Indeed  it  seems 
not  improbable  that  this  was  the  actual  origin  of  the 
altar-cross  employed  during  Mass  (Rohault  de  Fleury, 
La  Messe,  V,  123-140).  Just  as  the  seven  candle- 
sticks carried  before  the  pope  in  Rome  were  deposited 
before  or  behind  the  altar,  and  probably  developed 
into  the  six  altar-candlesticks  (seven,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, when  a  bishop  celebrates)  with  which  we 
are  now  familiar,  so  the  processional  cross  seems  also 
to  have  first  been  left  in  a  stand  near  the  altar  ami 
ultimately  to  have  taken  its  place  upon  the  altar 
itself.  To  this  day  the  ritual  books  of  the  Chinch 
seem  to  assume  that  the  handle  of  the  processional 
cro.ss  is  detachable,  for  in  the  funeral  of  infants  it  is 
laid  down  that  the  cross  is  to  be  carried  without  its 
handle.  All  Christians  are  supposed  to  be  the  fol- 
lowers of  Christ,  hence  in  procession  the  crucifix  is 
carried  first,  with  the  figure  turned  in  the  direction  in 
which  the  procession  is  moving. 

(1)  C.  Archiepiscopal  and  Papal  Cross. — It  is  not  e.a.sy 
to  determine  with  certainty  at  what  period  the  archie- 
piscopal cross  came  into  separate  use.  It  was  prob- 
ably at  first  only  an  ordinary  processional  cross.  In 
the  tenth  "Ordo  Romanus"  we  read  of  a  subdeacon 
who  is  set  aside  to  carry  the  crui  papalis.  If  this 
specially  pajj.al  cro.ss  had  been  in  existence  for  some 
time  it  is  likely  that  it  was  imitated  by  patriarchs  and 
metropolitans  as  a  mark  of  dignity  which  went  with 
the  pallitim.  In  the  twelfth  centurv-  the  archbi.shop's 
cross  w.as  generally  recognizeil,  and  in  the  dispute 
regarding  the  primacy  between  the  Archbishojjs  of 
Canterbury  and  York  the  right  to  carry  their  cross 
before  them  played  a  prominent  part.  In  112.')  Pope 
Honorius  II  admonished  the  Southern  bishops  of 
England  that  they  should  allow  Archbishop  Thurstan 


CROSS 


534 


CROSS 


of  York  crucem  ante  se  deferre  juxta  antiquam  consue- 
tudinem.  In  all  ecclesiastical  functions  an  archbishop 
in  his  own  province  has  a  right  to  be  preceded  by  his 
cross-bearer  with  cross  displayed.  Hence  an  arch- 
bishop when  solemnly  giving  his  blessing  gives  it  with 
head  uncovered  out  of  reverence  for  the  cross  which 
is  held  before  him.  An  ordinary  bishop,  who  is  not 
privileged  to  have  such  a  cross,  blesses  the  people  with 
his  mitre  on.  As  regards  form,  both  the  papal  and 
the  archiepiscopal  cross  consists  in  practice  of  a  simple 
crucifix  mounted  upon  a  staff,  the  material  being 
silver  or  silver  gilt.  The  crosses  with  double  and 
triple  bars,  which  are  sometimes  termed  distinctively 
archiepiscopal,  patriarchal,  or  papal  crosses,  have  for 
the  most  part  only  a  heraldic  existence  (see  Barbier 
de  Montault,  La  croix  a  deux  croisillons,  1883).  An 
archiepiscopal  cross  is  borne  with  the  figure  turned 
towards  the  archbishop. 

(1)  D.  Pectoral  Crosses. — These  objects  seem  origi- 
nally to  have  been  little  more  than  costly  ornaments 
upon  which  much  artistic  skill  was  lavished  and  which 
usually  contained  relics.  A  jewel  of  this  kind  which 
belonged  to  Queen  Theodelinda  at  the  end  of  the 
sixth  cent\iry  is  still  preserved  in  the  treasury  of 
Monza.  Another  of  much  later  date,  but  wrought 
with  wonderful  enamels,  was  found  in  the  tomb  of 
Queen  Dagmar  and  is  at  Copenhagen.  When  the 
present  Queen  Alexandra  came  to  England  in  1863 
to  marry  the  then  Prince  of  Wales,  she  was  presented 
with  a  facsimile  of  this  jewel  containing,  among  other 
relics,  a  fragment  of  the  True  Cross.  Such  encolpia 
were  probably  at  first  worn  by  bishops  not  as  insignia 
of  rank,  but  as  objects  of  devotion.  For  example,  a 
famous  and  beautiful  jewel  of  this  kind  was  found  in 
the  tomb  of  St.  Cuthbert  and  is  now  at  Durham. 
When  they  contained  relics  they  often  came  later  on 
to  be  enclosed  in  processional  crosses.  This  no  doubt 
was  the  case  with  the  Cross  of  Cong,  mentioned  above, 
upon  which  we  read  in  Irish  characters  the  Latin  verse: 
Hac  cruce  crux  tegitur  qua  passus  conditor  orbis. — 
See  Journ.  Soc.  Antiq.  Ireland,  vol.  XXXI  (1901).  As 
a  liturgical  cross,  and  part  of  the  ordinary  episcopal 
insignia,  the  pectoral  cross  is  of  quite  modern  date. 
No  word  is  said  regarding  it  in  the  first  edition  of  the 
"Caeremoniale  Episcoporum"  of  1600,  but  latereditions 
speak  of  it,  and  its  liturgical  character  is  fully  recog- 
nized by  all  modern  rubricians.  It  is  worn  by  all 
bishops  at  Mass  and  solemn  functions,  and  also  forms 
part  of  their  ordinary  walking-dress.  It  is  usually  a 
plain  Latin  cross  of  gold  suspended  round  the  neck  by 
a  gold  chain  or  a  cord  of  silk  and  gold.  Its  use  seems 
gradually  to  have  been  introduced  during  the  seven- 
teenth and  eighteenth  centuries  in  imitation  of  the 
pectoral  cross  which  we  know  to  have  been  regularly 
worn  by  the  popes  from  a  much  earlier  date.  Cer- 
tain metropolitans  (e.  g.  the  Patriarch  of  Lisbon  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Armagh)  are  accustomed  to  wear  a 
cross  with  two  bars  or  transoms  (Anal.  Jur.  Pont.,  1896, 
344).  The  privilege  of  wearing  a  pectoral  cross  has 
also  been  conceded  to  certain  canons. 

(1)  E.  Consecration  Crosses. — These  are  the  twelve 
crosses,  usually  merely  painted  on  the  wall,  which 
mark  the  places  where  the  church  walls  have  been 
anointed  with  chrism  in  a  properly  consecrated  church. 
A  candle-bracket  should  be  inserted  immediately  be- 
low. Some  of  these  consecration  crosses  are  even  yet 
distinguishable  on  the  walls  of  old  churches  which  go 
back  to  the  Romanesque  period.  The  Carlovingian 
oratory  in  Nimeguen  preserv'es,  perhaps,  the  most 
ancient  known  example.  In  other  cases,  e.  g.  at 
Fiirstcnfeld,  some  of  the  old  Romanesque  candle- 
brackets  also  remain.  Owing  to  the  number  of  unc- 
tions, it  was  not  infrequently  the  custom  to  place 
these  consecration  crosses  on  shields,  each  borne  by 
one  of  the  twelve  Apostles.  In  the  Sainte  Chapelle 
at  Paris,  built  by  St.  Louis  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
we  find  twelve  statues  of  the  Apostles  carrying  discs 


used  for  this  purpose.  In  England  it  was  the  custom 
to  mark  twelve  consecration  crosses  on  the  outside 
walls  of  the  church  as  well  as  twelve  on  the  inside. 
The  Roman  Pontifical  only  prescribes  the  latter.  (See 
Consecration.)  Salisbury  cathedral  still  preserves 
some  remarkable  examples  of  consecration  crosses. 
At  Ottery  St.  Mary,  Devon,  the  old  crosses  are  carved 
in  high  relief  on  shields  borne  by  angels  within  moulded 
panels,  a  quatrefoil  in  a  square.  Those  inside  have 
marks  of  the  remains  of  iron  brackets  for  candles  or 
a  lamp.  (See,  on  English  examples,  Middleton  in 
"Archaologia",  XLVIII,  1885.) 

(1)  F.  Churchyard  or  Monumental  Crosses. — In  the 
contemporary  life  of  St.  Willibald  (bom  c.  700)  we 
have  a  significant  mention  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  custom 
of  erecting  a  cross  instead  of  a  church  as  a  rendezvous 
for  prayer.  Many  ancient  stone  crosses  still  surviving 
in  England  are  probably  witnesses  to  the  practice,  and 
the  conjecture  of  Prof.  Baldwin  Browne  (Arts  in 
Anglo-Saxon  England),  that  the  cross  and  graveyard 
often  preceded  the  church  in  date,  has  much  to  rec- 
ommend it.  Certain  it  is  that  the  earliest  known 
forms  for  blessing  a  cemetery  (q.  v.)  contain  five  bles- 
sings pronounced  at  the  four  points  of  the  compass 
and  one  in  the  centre,  thus  forming  a  cross,  while 
crosses  were  later  on  planted  in  the  ground  at  each  of 
these  places.  Throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  both  in 
England  and  on  the  Continent,  there  seems  always 
to  have  been  one  principal  churchyard  cross.  This 
was  commonly  an  object  of  great  importance  in  the 
Palm  Sunday  procession,  when  it  was  saluted  with 
prostrations  or  genuflexions  by  the  whole  assembly. 
There  was  also  a  scattering  of  boughs  and  flowers, 
and  the  cross  was  often  decorated  with  garlands  of 
yew  or  box.  For  this  reason  it  was  often  called  crux 
huxata  (cf.  Gasquet,  Parish  Life,  1906,  pp.  171-4). 
Many  beautiful  churchyard  crosses  are  still  preserved 
in  England,  France,  and  Germany;  the  most  remark- 
able English  examples  being  perhaps  those  of  Ampney 
Crucis,  near  Cirencester,  and  Bag  Enderby,  Lincoln- 
shire. The  famous  ancient  Northumbrian  crosses  at 
Bewcastle  and  Ruthwell  (which  English  scholars  still 
assign  to  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  despite  the 
plea  for  a  much  later  date  put  forward  by  Prof.  A.  S. 
Cook  of  Yale)  may  possibly  have  been  principal 
churchyard  crosses.  The  fact  that  they  were  prob- 
ably memorial  crosses  as  well  does  not  exclude  this. 
When  St.  Aldhelm  died  in  709,  his  body  had  to  be 
transported  fifty  miles  to  Malmesbury,  and  at  each 
stage  of  seven  miles,  where  the  body  rested  for  the 
night,  a  cross  was  afterwards  erected.  These  crosses 
were  still  standing  in  the  twelfth  century  (William 
of  Malmesbury,  Gesta  Pont.,  383).  An  even  more 
famous  example  of  such  memorial  crosses,  hut  of 
much  later  date,  is  supplied  by  the  removal  of  the 
body  of  Eleanor,  Queen  of  Edward  I,  from  Lincoln  to 
London.  Several  of  these  crosses  in  a  more  or  less 
mutilated  form  exist  at  the  present  day.  The  most 
famous  of  the  series,  however.  Charing  (  ?  Ch'cre  Rcine) 
Cross  in  London,  is  a  modern  reconstruction.  The 
route  followed  by  the  body  of  St.  Louis  of  France  on 
its  way  to  St.-Denis  was  similarly  honoured,  and  it 
seems  probable  that  a  large  number  of  wayside  crosses 
originated  in  this  manner.  No  stronger  testimony 
of  the  early  connexion  of  the  cross  with  the  cemetery 
could  be  desired  than  the  directions  given  by  St. 
Cuthbert  for  his  own  burial :  "  Cinn  auteni  Deus  susce- 
perit  animam  meam,  sepelite  me  in  hac  mansione  juxta 
oratorium  meum  ad  meridiem,  contra  orientalem 
plagam  sanctae  crucis  quam  ibidem  erexi"  (Bede, 
Vita  S.  Cuthberti). 

(1)  G.  Rood,  Rood-Screen,  and  Rood-Loft. — From 
very  early  times  it  seems  to  have  been  not  unusual  to 
introduce  a  plain  cross  in  such  a  way  into  the  mosaics 
of  the  apse  or  of  the  main  arch  (Trinmphbogen)  as  to 
dominate  the  church .  Notable  examples  may  be  found  i 
at  S.  Apollinare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna,  at  S.  Pudenziana     , 


CROSS 


535 


CROSS 


in  Rome,  and  at  the  Lateran  basilica.  There  are  also, 
:is  already  noticed,  incontestable  examples  both  of 
I  nisses  surmounting  the  ciborium  over  the  altar,  and 
•  'i  tlie  large  crosses  suspended,  with  or  ■n-ithout  a 
iMnma,  from  the  underside  of  the  ciborium.  It  must, 
linivever,  be  pronounced  very  doubtful  whether  the 
inil.  which  in  so  many  churches  of  the  four- 
t  It  nth  and  fifteenth  centuries  occupied  the  great 
arcli,  can  be  regarded  as  a  development  of  this  idea. 
I'll  is  point  will  be  more  fully  treated  under  Roon- 
S(  KEEN.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  notice  here  that  in  the 
'liirU'cnth  century  a  practice  grew  up  of  screening  off 
'Ii'-  choir  from  the  nave  of  the  greater  churches  by  a 
-I  rurture  broad  enough  to  admit  a  narrow  bridge  or 
u-  111  ry  spanning  the  chancel  arch  and  most  commonly 
I  I  rued  by  a  great  crucifix  with  the  figures  of  Our 
1  mIv  and  St.  John.  The  rood-loft  of  the  cathedral  of 
.  as  described  by  J.  B.  Thiers  (Traits  sur  les  jub^s) 
^(  Is  a  valuable  hint  of  how  this  process  was  effected. 
■  insisted,  he  tells  us,  of  two  stone  pulpits  quite 
-I  |i:irate  from  each  other,  supported  by  columns,  and 
Willi  a  crucifi.x  between  them,  each  having  an  entrance 
II  tlie  choir  side  and  an  exit  down  into  the  nave,  on 
I  itliiT  side  of  the  principal  door  of  the  choir.  From 
n  !<  it  seems  probable  that  the  two  ambos  (q.  v.) 
tie  ini  which  the  Gospel  and  Epistle  were  sung  in  earlier 
times,  became  gradually  connected  by  a  continuous 
gallery  upon  which  was  erected  a  great  crucifi.x,  and 
that  in  this  way  we  may  trace  the  development  of  the 
rood-loft,  or  jube,  which  was  so  conspicuous  a  feature 
in  later  medieval  architecture.  There  can  at  least  be 
no  doubt  that  this  loft  was  used  on  certain  occasions 
of  ceremony  for  reading  the  Epistle  and  Gospel  and  for 
making  announcements  to  the  people.  The  great 
rood  above  the  rood-screen  was  saluted  by  the  whole 
procession,  as  they  re-entered  the  church  on  Palm  Sun- 
day, with  the  words:  Ai-e  Rex  nost^r. 

(1)  H.  Absolution  Crosses. — These  have  already  been 
spoken  of  in  the  article  BuRi.\i„  Christian.  They 
seem  for  the  most  part  to  have  been  rude  crosses  of 
lead  laid  upon  the  breast  of  the  corpse.  It  is  only  in 
some  few  examples,  of  which  the  most  important  is 
that  of  Bishop  Godfrey  of  Chichester  (1088),  that  a 
formula  of  absolution  is  found  inscribed  upon  them  en- 
tire. We  may  infer  that  the  practice  in  the  West  was 
alwaj's  in  some  measure  irregular,  and  it  is  only  the 
absolution  paper,  which  is  uniformly  placed  in  the  hand 
or  on  the  breast  of  the  corpse  in  the  Eastern  Church, 
which  explains  them  and  gives  them  a  certain  impor- 
ance  as  a  liturgical  development. 

(1)  J.  Crosses  on  Vestments,  etc. — Rubrical  law  now 
requires  that  most  of  the  vestments,  as  well  as  some 
other  objects  more  immediately  devoted  to  the  service 
of  the  altar,  should  be  marked  with  a  cross.  Speaking 
generally,  this  is  a  comparatively  modern  develop- 
ment. For  example,  the  great  majority  of  the  stoles 
and  maniples  of  the  Middle  Ages  do  not  exhibit  this 
feature.  At  the  same  time  Dr.  Wickham  Legg  goes 
much  too  far  when  he  says  without  qualification  that 
such  crosses  were  not  used  in  pre-Reformation  times. 
For  example,  the  stole  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury 
preserved  at  Sens  has  three  crosses,  one  in  the  middle 
and  one  at  each  extremity,  just  as  a  modem  stole 
would  have.  That  the  archiepiscopal  pallium,  like 
the  Greek  omophorion  (see  Co.vst.a.ntinople,  Rite  of) 
was  always  marked  with  crosses,  is  not  disputed.  The 
large  cro.ss  conspicuous  upon  most  modem  chasubles, 
which  appears  behind  in  the  French  tj-pe  and  in  front 
in  the  Roman,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  originally 
adopted  with  any  sjTnbolic  purpose.  It  probably 
came  into  existence  accidentally  for  sartorial  reasons, 
the  orphreys  having  been  so  arranged  in  a  sort  of  Y- 
cross  to  conceal  the  seams.  But  the  idea,  once  sug- 
gested to  the  eye,  was  retained,  and  various  sjonboli- 
cal  reasons  were  found  for  it.  In  somewhat  of  the 
same  way  a  cro.ss  was  marked  in  the  Missal  before  the 
Canon,  and  this  the  priest  was  directed  to  kiss  when 


beginning  this  portion  of  the  Mass ;  probably  this  cross 
first  arose  from  an  illumination  of  the  initial  T,  in  the 
words :  Te  igitur  clementissime  Pater.  As  Innocent  III 
writes,  "  Et  forte  divina  factum  est  providentia  ut  ab 
ea  litera  T  [tau]  canon  inciperet  quae  sui  forma  signum 
crucis  ostendit  et  exprimit  in  figura";  and  Beleth  fur- 
ther comments,  "Unde  profecto  est,  quod  istic  crucis 
imago  adpingi  debeat"  (See  Ebner,  Quellen  und 
Forschungen,  445  sqq.).  The  tradition  is  perpetu- 
ated in  the  picture  of  the  CmcifLxion  which  precedes 
the  Canon  in  every  modern  Missal.  The  five  crosses 
commonly  marked  on  altar-stones  depend  closely  on 
the  rite  of  the  consecration  of  an  altar. 

(1)  K.  Crosses  for  Private  Devotion. — These  mayall 
be  held  to  wear  a  liturgical  aspect  in  so  far  as  theChurch, 
in  the  "  Rituale, "  provides  a  form  for  their  blessing,  and 
presupposes  that  such  a  cross  should  be  placed  in  the 
hanrls  of  the  dying.  The  crosses  which  surmount  the 
Stations  of  the  Cross,  and  to  which  the  Indulgences  are 
directly  attached  may  also  be  noticed.  In  the  Greek 
Church  a  little  wooden  cross  is  used  for  the  blessing  of 
holy  water,  and  is  dipped  into  it  in  the  course  of  the 
ceremony. 

(2)  Liturgical  Forms  connected  with  the  Material 
Olijects. — A.  Blessing  of  Consecration  Crosses. — The 
"  Pontificale  Romanum  "  directs  that  towards  the  close 
of  the  dedication  ceremony  the  twelve  consecration 
crosses  previously  marked  upon  the  walls  of  the 
church,  three  upon  each  wall,  are  to  be  each  anointed 
by  the  bishop  with  chrism,  the  following  form  of  words 
being  spoken  over  each:  "May  this  temple  be  hal- 
lowed -I-  and  consecrated  +  in  the  name  of  the  Father 
+  and  of  the  Son  +  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  -f  in 
honour  of  God  and  the  glorious  Virgin  Mary  and  of  all 
the  Saints,  to  the  name  and  memory'  of  Saint  N. 
Peace  be  to  thee."  This  is  prescrilied"  in  practically 
identical  terms  in  English  pontificals  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury; and  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert  (?768)  describes  the 
anointing  of  the  walls,  though  it  does  not  give  the 
words  of  the  form.  What  is  more,  an  analogous  cere- 
mony must  have  existed  in  the  Celtic  Church  from  a 
very  early  date,  for  a  liturgical  fragment  in  the  Lealjar 
Breac  describes  how  the  Ijishop  with  two  priests  is  to 
go  round  the  outside  of  the  church  marking  crosses 
upon  the  "tel-columns"  mth  his  knife,  while  the 
three  other  priests  do  the  same  within  (see  Olden  in 
"Trans.  St.  Paul's  Ecclcs.  Soc.",  IV,  103).  In  this 
case,  however,  the  use  of  chrism  is  not  mentioned. 
From  this  Celtic  practice  the  .\nglo-Saxon  and  .Sanim 
uses  seem  to  have  derived  the  custom  of  affixing  con- 
secration crosses  outside  the  church  as  well  as  within. 

(2)  B.  In  the  consecration  of  an  altar,  also,  crosses 
are  to  be  marked  in  chrism  upon  the  altar-slab  with 
almost  the  same  form  of  words  as  that  used  for  the 
walls.  This  practice  may  equally  claim  Celtic  ana- 
logues, whose  antiquity  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the 
altar  to  be  consecrated  must  have  been  of  wood.  The 
Tract  in  the  "  Leabar  Breac"  says:  "The  bishop  marks 
four  crosses  with  his  knife  on  the  four  corners  of  the 
altar,  and  he  marks  three  cro.sses  over  the  middle  of 
the  altar,  a  cross  over  the  middle  on  the  east  to  the 
edge,  and  a  cross  over  the  middle  on  the  west  to 
the  edge,  and  a  cross  exactly  over  the  middle. "  This 
makes  seven  crosses,  but  the  Roman  usage  for  many 
centuries  has  jirovided  five  only. 

(2)  C.  Pontifical  Blessings  of  Crosses. — The  conse- 
cration cro.sses  on  the  walls  of  churches  and  on  altars 
are  clearly  not  substantive  and  independent  objects  of 
cultus;  the  blessing  they  receive  is  only  a  detail  in  a 
longer  ceremony.  But  the  "Pontificale  Romanum" 
supplies  a  solemn  form  of  episcopal  blessing  for  a  cross, 
under  the  title,  Benedirtio  novae  Crucis,  which,  besides 
containing  several  prayers  of  considerable  length,  in- 
cludes a  consecrator>'  preface  and  is  accompanied  with 
the  use  of  incen.se.  XX  the  conclu.sion  of  the  ceremony 
we  find  the  rubric:  "Tum  Pontifex,  flexis  ante  cmcem 
genibus,  ipsam  devote  adorat  et  osculatur."     This 


CROSS 


536 


CROSS 


rite  is  of  great  antiquity,  and  many  of  the  prayers  oc- 
cur in  identical  terms  in  pontificals  of  the  tenth  cen- 
tury or  earlier,  e.  g.  in  the  Benedictional  of  Archbishop 
Robert  (Henry  Bradshaw  Soc).  But  in  the  ancient 
ceremony  the  cross  was  first  washed  with  holy  water 
and  then  anointed  with  chrism  precisely  as  in  the  form 
for  the  blessing  of  bells  (see  Bells).  For  cemetery 
crosses  in  this  comiexion,  see  Cemetery. 

(2)  D.  Blessings  of  Crosses  in  the  Ritual. — The 
"Rituale  Romanum"  (tit.  VIII,  cap.  xxiv)  supplies  an 
ordinary  blessing  for  a  cross  which  may  be  used  by  any 
priest.  It  consists  only  of  a  short  prayer,  with  a  sec- 
ond prayer  whose  use  is  optional,  and  only  holy  water 
is  used;  but  the  same  rubric  directing  the  priest  to 
kneel  and  "devoutly  adore  and  kiss  the  cross"  is 
added,  which  we  have  just  noticed  in  the  solemn  epis- 
copal benediction.  Furthermore,  the  Ritual,  in  an 
appendix,  reprints  the  longer  form  from  the  Pontifi- 
cal under  the  heading:  "  Benedictiones  reservats,  ab 
episcopo  vel  sacerdotibus  facultatem  habentibus  faci- 
ends.  '  It  may  be  noted  that  St.  Louis,  King  of 
France,  regarded  it  as  unseemly  that  crosses  and  stat- 
ues should  be  set  up  for  veneration  without  being  pre- 
viously blessed.  He  accordingly  ordered  search  to  be 
made  for  a  form  of  blessing  in  the  ancient  episcopal 
ceremonials.  The  form  was  found  and  duly  used  first 
of  all  in  St.  Louis'  own  private  chapel;  but  the  in- 
cident seems  to  suggest  that  the  practice  of  blessing 
such  objects  had  partly  fallen  into  desuetude.  (See 
Galfridus,  De  Bello  Loco,  cap.  xxxvi.) 

(2)  E.  Blessings  of  Crosses  for  Indulgences,  etc. — The 
indulgences  most  commonly  attached  to  crosses,  cruci- 
fixes, etc.,  are:  first,  the  so-called  "Apostolic  Indul- 
gences", which  are  the  same  as  those  attached  to 
objects  blessed  by  the  Holy  Father  in  person.  These 
are  numerous  and,  amongst  other  things,  entitle  the 
possessor  who  has  habitually  worn  or  used  such  a 
cross  to  a  plenary  indulgence  at  the  hour  of  death; 
secondly,  tlie  indulgences  of  the  Stations  of  the  Cross, 
which  under  certain  conditions  may  be  gained  by  the 
sick  and  others  unable  to  visit  a  church  upon  the  reci- 
tation of  twenty  Paters,  Aves,  and  Glorias  before 
the  indulgenced  cross  which  they  must  hold  in  their 
hand;  thirdly,  the  so-called  "Bona  Mors"  indulgence 
for  the  use  of  priests,  enabling  the  priest  by  the  use  of 
this  cross  to  communicate  a  plenary  indulgence  to 
any  dying  person  who  is  in  the  requisite  dispositions 
to  receive  it.  Special  faculties  are  needed  to  com- 
municate such  indulgences  to  crosses,  etc.,  though  in 
the  case  of  the  ".\postolic  Indulgences"  these  facul- 
ties are  easily  obtained.  The  only  blessing  required 
is  the  making  of  a  simple  sign  of  the  cross  over  the 
crucifi.x  or  other  object  with  the  intention  of  imparting 
the  indulgence.  For  further  details,  the  reader  must 
be  referred  to  the  article  Indulgences  and  to  such 
treatises  upon  indulgences  as  those  of  Beringer, 
"Les  Indulgences",  or  of  Mocchegiani,  "Collectio 
Indulgentiarum  "  (Quaracchi,  1897).  (See  also  Bless- 
ings.) 

(3)  Festivals  of  the  Holy  Cross. — A.  The  Invention 
of  the  Holy  Cross. — This  is  now  kept  by  the  Western 
Church  upon  3  May,  but  so  far  as  our  somewhat  un- 
certain data  allow  us  to  judge,  the  real  date  of  St. 
Helena's  discovery  was  14  September,  326.  Upon 
this  same  day,  14  September,  took  place  the  dedica- 
tion of  Constantine's  two  churches,  that  of  the  Ana- 
stasis  and  that  of  Golgotha  Ad  Crucem,  both  upon 
Calvary,  within  the  precincts  of  the  present  church 
of  the  Holy  Sepu'chre.  The  portion  of  the  Holy  ( 'ross 
preserved  in  Jerusalem  afterwards  fell  into  thr  hands 
of  the  Persians,  but  was  recovered  by  the  Ijiipcror 
Heraclius,  and,  if  we  may  trust  our  authorities,  wius 
solemnly  brought  back  to  Jerusalem  on  3  May,  029. 
This  day,  strangely  enough,  .seems  to  have  altractetl 
special  attention  among  Celtic  liturgists  in  the  West 
and,  tho\igh  disregarded  in  the  E.ast,  has  pa.'ised 
through  Celtic  channels  (we  meet  it  first  in  the  Lec- 


tionary  of  Silos  and  in  the  Bobbio  Missal)  into  general 
recognition  under  the  mistaken  title  of  "  Invention  of 
the  Cross".  Curiously  enough  the  Greek  Church 
keeps  a  feast  of  the  apparition  of  the  Cross  to  St.  Cj'ril 
of  Jerusalem  on  7  May,  though  that  of  3  May  is  un- 
known in  the  East. 

(3)  B.  The  Feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  14 
September,  though  apparently  introduced  into  the 
West  somewhat  later  than  the  so-called  "Invention", 
on  3  May,  seems  to  preserve  the  true  date  of  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Cross  by  St.  Helena.  This  festival  has 
always  been  kept  in  the  East,  and  especially  at  Jeru- 
salem, on  that  day,  under  the  name  of  C^wirii,  i.  e. 
"elevation",  which  probably  meant  originally  the 
"bringing  to  light". 

(3)  C.  Other  Feasts  of  the  Cross. — ^We  might  in 
some  sense  regard  such  a  festival  as  that  of  the  Holy 
Lance  and  Nails  as  a  festival  of  the  Cross,  but  it  should 
perhaps  rather  be  grouped  with  feasts  of  the  Passion. 
In  the  East,  however,  we  find  other  celebrations 
strictly  connected  with  the  Cross.  For  example,  on 
1  August  the  Greeks  commemorate  the  taking  of  the 
relic  of  the  Holy  Cross  from  the  palace  in  Constanti- 
nople to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  on  7  May,  as 
we  have  seen,  they  recall  an  apparition  of  the  Cross 
to  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem.  The  Armenians,  on  the 
other  hand,  observe  one  principal  feast  of  the  Cross, 
under  the  name  Chatz,  which  occurs  in  autimin  almost 
immediately  after  the  feast  of  the  Assimiption.  It  is 
counted  as  one  of  the  seven  principal  feasts  of  the 
year,  is  preceded  by  a  week's  fast,  and  followed  by  an 
octave  or  its  Armenian  equivalent.  See  also  above 
under  I. 

(4).  The  "Adoration". — From  a  theological  stand- 
point this  is  treated  above  under  Section  II.  (Sec 
also  L.VTRLV.)  As  a  liturgical  function  the  veneration 
of  the  Cross  on  Good  Friday  must  no  doubt  be  traced 
back,  as  Amalarius  already  in  the  ninth  century  cor- 
rectly divined,  to  the  practice  of  honouring  the  relic 
of  the  True  Cross  at  Jerusalem  which  is  described  in 
detail  in  the  "  Pilgrimage  of  Etheria",  c.  380  (see  Sec- 
tion II  of  this  article).  The  ceremony  came  to  prevail 
everywhere  where  relics  of  the  True  Cross  existed, 
and  by  a  very  natural  development,  where  relics  failed 
any  ordinary  cross  supplied  their  place  as  an  object 
of  cultus.  As  Amalarius  again  sensibly  remarks, 
"although  every  church  cannot  have  such  a  relic,  still 
the  virtue  of  the  Holy  True  Cross  is  not  wanting  in 
those  crosses  which  are  made  in  imitation  of  it." 
Neither  was  this  veneration,  in  the  case,  at  any  rate, 
of  relics  of  the  True  Cross,  confined  to  Good  Friday. 
St.  Gregory  of  Tours  uses  language  which  may  pos- 
sibly imply  that  in  Jerusalem  the  True  Cross  was 
honoured  every  Wednesday  and  Friday.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  at  Constantinople  a  Sunday  in  Mid-Lent, 
the  first  of  August,  and  the  14th  of  September  were 
similarly  privileged.  Even  from  early  times  there  | 
was  no  hesitation  about  using  the  word  adoratio.  1 
Thus,  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola,  writing  of  the  great  Jeru-  } 
salem  relic  (c.  410),  declares  that  the  bishop  offered 
it  to  the  people  for  worship  (crucem  quotaimis  ado-  \ 
randam  populo  promit),  and  first  adored  it  himself. 
(See  P.  L.,  LXI,  325.)  A  curious  practice  was  also 
introduced  of  anointing  the  cross,  or,  on  occasion, 
any  image  or  picture,  with  balm  (balsanw)  before 
presenting  it  for  the  veneration  of  the  faithful.  This 
custom  was  transferretl  to  Rome,  anil  we  hear  much 
of  it  in  connexion  with  the  veiy  ancient  reliquarj'  of 
the  True  Cross  and  also  the  suppo.scd  miraculous  por- 
trait of  Our  Saviour  (acln-irojioictn,  i.  e.  not  made  by 
the  hand  of  man')  preserved  in  tlie  Sancta  Sanctorum 
of  the  Lateral!,  both  of  which  recently,  together  with 
a  nuiltiliide  of  other  objects,  have  been  examined 
and  reported  on  by  papal  permission  (see  Grisar,  Die 
romischc  Kapi'llr  S;iiicta  Sanctorum  uiul  ihr  Schatz, 
Freiburg,  I'.IOS,  ',)!,  VI).  The  objects  mentioned  were 
completely  covered  in  jiart  with  solidified  balm.    Pope 


I.  SILVER  (CAPITULAR)  PROCESSIONAL  3.  BRONZE  CRUCIFIX— GIOVANNI  DA 

CROSS,  XVI  CENTURV  BOLOGNA 

PITTI  PALACE,  FLORENCE  PITTI  PALACE,  FLORENCE 

BRONZE  ALTAR  CRUCIFIX— BENEDETTO  4.  IVORY  CRUCIFIX— DONATELLO  (DONATO 

DA  MAJANO  DI  NICOLO  DI  BETTO  BARDI) 

CATHEDRAL,    FLORENCE  PITTI   PALACE,    FLORENCE 


CROSS 


537 


CROSS 


A  111  an  I,  in  ^^ndicating  the  veneration  of  images  to 
'  !  Iiiiiagne,  mentions  this  use  of  balm  and  defends 
M  iiisi,  ('i)Mcilia,  XIII,  778).  The  ceremony  of 
loiationnf  tho  Cross  on  Good  Friday  must  have 
1.1  througli  the  West  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
ct'iil  uries,  for  it  appears  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramentary 
and  is  presupposed  in  the  Gregorian  Antiphonarium. 
Botli  in  Anglo-Saxon  England  and  in  the  England  of 
the  later  Middle  Ages  the  "Creeping  to  the  Cross"  was 
a  ceremony  which  made  a  deep  impression  on  the 
popular  mind.  St.  Louis  of  France  and  other  pious 
princes  dressed  themselves  in  haircloth  and  crept  to 
the  cross  barefoot.  At  present,  instead  of  creeping 
to  the  cross  on  hands  and  knees,  three  profound 
double  genuflexions  are  made  before  kissing  the  feet 
of  the  crucifi.x,  and  the  sacred  ministers  remove  their 
shoes  when  performing  the  ceremony.  The  collection 
now  commonly  made  on  this  occasion  for  the  support  of 
the  Holy  Places  seems  also  to  date  from  medieval  times. 

(5)  For  the  Figure  oj  the  Cross  as  a  Manual  Sign  of 
Blessing  the  reader  must  be  referred  to  the  article 
Sign  of  the  Cross,  also  subtitles  (4)  of  Section  I  and 
(1)  of  Section  II  in  this  article. 

(0)  Dedications  of  Churches,  etc.  to  the  Holy  Cross. — 
Possibly  one  of  the  earliest  dedications  to  the  Cross, 
if  we  put  aside  Constantine's  church  upon  Calvary 
known  in  Etheria's  time  as  Ad  Crucem  and  also  the 
Sessorian  basilica  which  was  its  Roman  counterpart, 
was  the  monastery  erected  at  Poitiers  by  St.  Rhade- 
guiid  in  the  sixth  ceiiturj'.  In  behalf  of  this  founda- 
tion the  saint  begged  and  obtained  a  relic  of  the  True 
Cross  from  the  Emperor  Justin  II  at  Constantinople. 
The  bringing  of  the  relic  to  Poitiers  was  the  occasion 
of  the  composition  of  the  two  famous  hymns  by 
Venantius  Fortunatus,  ,"  Vexilla  regis"  and  "Range, 
lingua,  gloriosi  pr:elium  certaminis".  In  England 
perhaps  the  most  famous  monastery  bearing  this  dedi- 
cation was  the  Holy  Cross  Abbey  at  Waltham,  founded 
by  Iving  Harold.  At  present  about  sixty  ancient  Eng- 
lish churches  are  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Cross,  while 
twenty  more  bear  the  same  dedication  in  the  distinc- 
tively English  form  of  "Holy  Rood".  The  famous 
Holyrood  Palace  in  Edinburgh,  once  occupied  by 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  derives  its  name  from  a  monas- 
tery of  the  Holy  Rood  upon  the  site  of  which  it  was 
erected,  and  its  church,  now  in  ruins,  was  originally 
the  church  of  the  monks. 

(7)  The  Cross  in  Religious  Orders  and  in  the  Crusades. 
— Although  the  older  orders  were  earnest  in  conforming 
to  the  general  usage  of  the  Church  as  regards  the  ven- 
eration of  the  Cross,  no  distinctive  cultus  seems  to  be 
attributable  to  the  monasteries.  The  practice  of 
carrj'ing  a  crucifix  as  part  of  the  ordinary  religious 
habit  seems  to  be  of  comparatively  modern  date.  It 
is  significant  that,  although  in  most  modem  congrega- 
tions of  nuns  the  bestowal  of  the  crucifix  is  a  promi- 
nent feature  of  the  ceremony  of  profession,  the  service 
in  the  Roman  Pontifical,  "De  Benedictione  et  Conse- 
cratione  Virginum  ",  knows  nothing  of  it.  It  provides 
for  the  giving  of  rings  and  cro.sses  but  not  of  crucifixes. 
Probably  much  of  the  stimulus  given  to  devotion  to 
the  crucifix  may  be  traced  ultimately  to  Franciscan  in- 
fluences, and  it  is  not  mere  coincidence  that  the  devel- 
opment in  art  of  the  agonized  and  thorn-crowned  type 
of  figure  upon  the  Cross  coincides  more  or  less  exactly 
with  the  great  Franciscan  revival  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
turj'.  Somewhat  earlier  than  the  time  of  Francis  an 
Italian  Order  of  crociferi  (cross-bearers),  distinguished 
by  carrj'ing  as  part  of  their  costume  a  plain  cross  of 
wood  or  metal,  was  founded  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Bologna  to  tend  the  sick,  and  several  other  orders,  par- 
ticularly one  established  shortly  afterwards  in  the  Neth- 
erlands and  still  surviving,  have  since  borne  the  same 
or  a  similar  name.  In  the  case  of  the  Military  Orders, 
for  example,  that  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem  or  Knights 
Hospitallers,  the  cross  impre.ssed  upon  their  habit  has 
gradually  become  distinctive  of  the  order.     It  seems 


to  have  been  originally  only  the  badge  of  the  crusa- 
ders, who  wore  a  red  cross  upon  their  right  shoulders 
as  a  token  of  the  obligation  they  had  taken  u|)on 
themselves.  The  Roman  Pontifical  still  contains  the 
ceremonial  for  the  blessing  and  imposition  of  the 
cross  upon  tho.se  who  set  out  for  the  aid  and  defence 
of  the  Christian  Faith  or  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy 
Land.  After  the  cross  has  been  blessed  the  bishop 
imposes  it  upon  the  candidate  with  the  words:  "Re- 
ceive the  sign  of  the  cross,  in  the  Name  of  the  Father -t- 
and  of  the  Son  +  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost  +  in  token  of 
the  Cross,  Passion,  and  Death  of  Christ,  for  the  de- 
fence of  thy  body  and  thy  soul,  that  by  the  favour  of 
the  Divine  Goodness  when  thy  journey  is  accomplished 
thou  mayest  return  to  thy  family  safe  and  amended 
[sah'us  et  emendatus].  Through  Christ  Our  Lord, 
Amen."  The  crosses  conferred  by  sovereigns  in  con- 
nexion with  various  orders  of  knighthood  may  prob- 
ably be  traced  to  the  same  idea. 

The  various  types  of  cross  have  rather  to  do  with 
heraldry  or  art  than  with  the  historj-  of  Christianity. 
The  names  and  shapes  of  the  more  common  varieties 
can  best  be  gathered  from  the  annexed  table.  For  the 
vast  majority  the  form  is  purely  conventional  and  arti- 
ficial. Their  divergence  from  the  normal  type  is  a 
mere  freak  of  fancy  and  corresponds  to  no  attempt  to 
reproduce  the  shape  of  the  gibbet  on  which  Our  Sav- 
iour died,  or  to  convey  any  symbolical  meaning.  The 
crux  ansata,  or  cross  with  a  handle,  and  the  cru.T  gam- 
mata,  or  "fylfot",  are  much  more  ancient  than  Chris- 
tianity. (See  in  Section  I  of  this  article,  (1)  Primitive 
Cruciform  Signs.)  Thechrismon,  orchi-rho,  has  already 
been  mentioned  as  the  earliest  forms  in  which  the  cross 
appears  in  Christian  art  [Section  I  (4)].  The  forms 
which  it  took  varied  considerably  and  it  is  difficult  to 
classify  them  chronologically.  'With  regard  to  the 
great  Celtic  stone  crosses,  particularly  in  Ireland,  we 
may  note  the  tendency  conspicuous  in  so  many 
specimens  to  surround  the  cross  with  a  circle.  It 
is  just  conceivable  that  there  is  foundation  for  regard- 
ing this  circle  as  derived  from  the  loop  of  the  Egj-p- 
tian  crux  ansata. 

(8)  The  Cross  outside  of  the  Catholic  Church. — In  the 
Russian  Church  the  conventional  form  in  which  the 
cross  is  usually  shown  is  in  fact  a  three-barred  cross, 
like  this  .^  of  which  the  upper  bar  represents  the  title 
of  the  r  cross,  the  second  the  arms,  and  the  lowest, 
which  is  always  inclined  at  an  angle,  the  ■•'uppetlaneum 
or  foot-rest.  In  England  it  may  be  .said  that  in  the 
early  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  a  clean  sweep  was 
made  of  the  crosses  so  long  venerated  by  the  people. 
All  the  roods  were  ordered  to  be  pulled  down,  and 
the  crosses  were  removed  from  the  altars,  or  rather  the 
comnumion-tables  which  replaced  the  altars.  The 
only  check  in  this  movement  was  the  fact  that  the 
queen  herself,  for  some  rather  obscure  reason,  insisted 
at  first  on  retaining  the  crucifix  in  her  0'v\'n  private 
chapel.  The  presence  of  a  crucifix  or  even  a  plain 
cross  upon  the  altar  was  long  held  to  be  illegal  in  virtue 
of  the  "  Ornaments  Rubric  ".  In  recent  years,  how- 
ever, there  has  been  a  notable  reaction,  and  cro.sses,  or 
even  crucifixes,  are  quite  commonly  seen  upon  the 
altar  of  Anglican  churches.  Again,  in  the  reredos  re- 
cently erected  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  London  a 
large  crucifix,  with  the  figures  of  St.  Mary  and  St. 
John,  forms  the  most  conspicuous  feature.  In  Luth- 
eran churches  there  has  always  been  much  tolerance 
for  the  crucifix  either  upon  or  behind  the  altar. 

It  would  not  be  ea.sy  to  pro\-i(ic  an  adequate  bibliography 
for  the  very  wide  field  covered  by  tfiis  article.  A  few  worlis 
may  be  mentioned  of  a  more  general  kind. — BXrMF.R  in  A'lr- 
chr'nlex.,  VII.  10.54-1088;  QuiLI.lET  in  Diet,  de  thiol,  calh., 
III.  2339-2363;  Hoppenot.  Le  crucifii  danx  l'hi.-:loin:  (I.ille. 
1900);  Seymour,  The  Cros.«  in  Tradition.  History  and  Art  (New 
York.  1898). — Both  these  last  works  are  very  comprehensive 
in  scope,  but  unfortunately  quite  uncritical. — Stevens,  The 
Cross  in  the  Life  and  Literature  of  the  Anglo-i^axons  (New  York, 
1904);  RoHAULT  DE  Flelrv,  La  Mease  (Paris.  1885).  .speci.illy 
valuable  for  its  illustrations  of  liturgical  crosses;  Kraus,  G'c- 
achichle  der  christlichen  Kunsl  (Freiburg,  1895-1908);   Cox  and 


CROSS 


538 


CROSS 


1 

t 

2 

1 

3 

T 

4 

5 

6 

+ 

8 

9 

10 

T 

11 

Y 

12 

T 

13 

X 

14 

15 

+ 

16 

+ 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

X 

25 

26 

27 

28 

26 

■+ 

4 

t 

33 

34 

+ 

35 

^T^ 
^T^^ 

* 

38 

> 

"     p 

SOME  FORMS  OF  THE  CROSS  IN  CHRISTIAN  ART 


1.  LATIN  CROSS 

2.  CALVARY  CROSS 

3  and  4.  ANCHOR  CROSS 

5.  PATRIARCHAL  CROSS 

6.  PAPAL  CROSS 

7.  CROSS  PATEE 

8.  MALTESE  CROSS 

9  and  19.  CROSS  MOLINE 
10,   U.   12.  TAU  CROSS 
13  and  28.  FYLFOT  (28.  CRUX  aAAfMATA 

OR  SWASTIKA) 
14.  CROSS  QUARTER  PIERCED 


15.  GREEK  CROSS 

16    CROSS  QUARTERLY  PIERCED 

17.  CROSS  FLEURIE 

18.  CROSS  PATONCE 

20.  CROSS  FLEURETTE 

21.  CROSS  ENGRAILED 

22.  CROSS  RAGULEE 

23.  CROSS  QUADRATE 

24.  SALTIRE   (CRUX  DECUSSATA) 
2.5.  CROSS  BOTONNEE 

26.  CROSS  POMMEE 

27.  CROSS  POTENT 

28.  CRUX   GAMMATA  OR  SWASTIKA 


29.  CROSS  FOURCHEE 

30.  CROSS   URDEE 

31.  CROSS  CROSSLET 

32.  CROSS  FITCHEE 

33.  CROSS   RECERCELEE 

34.  CROSS  POINTED 

35.  CROSS  WAVY 
30.   CROSS  OF  lONA 

37.  FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 

38.  FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 

39  and  40.   FROM  THE  CATACOMBS 
(MONOGRAMS  OF  CHRIST) 


CROSS 


539 


CROTUS 


H  \  u\  FY,  English  Church  Furniture  (London,  1907);  Binterim. 
I),  nkuurdipkcitfn.  IV,  Part  I.  496  sqq.;  Martene,  De  Andquis 
EccUtivr  Ritibus;  Thiers.  Dissertation  sur  les  principaux  autels 
el  sur  les  jubes  (Paris,  1688).  HERBERT  ThurSTON. 

Cross-Bearer,  the  cleric  or  minister  who  carries 
the  processional  cro.'s,  that  is,  a  crucifix  provided  with 
a  long  staff  or  handle.  An  archbishop's  cross  is  borne 
with  the  figure  of  the  crucifix  towards  the  prelate,  but 
in  all  other  cases  the  figure  should  be  turned  forward. 
The  cross-bearer  should,  whenever  possible,  be  a  cleric 
(Council  of  Milan,  seventeenth  century),  but  in  lay 
processions  the  most  worthy  of  the  laity  should  be 
selected  for  the  office.  In  the  more  solemn  processions 
such  as  those  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  Palm  Sunday, 
and  Candlemas  Day,  the  cross  should  be  borne  by  a 
subdeacon  vested  in  amice,  alb,  and  tunic;  on  less 
solemn  occasions  by  a  clerk  in  surplice.  The  staff  is 
held  with  both  hands  so  that  the  figure  is  well  above 
the  head.  The  cross-bearer  and  the  two  acolytes  by 
whom  he  is  accompanied  on  the  more  solemn  occasions 
should  walk  at  the  head  of  the  procession,  except  when 
the  thurifer  is  there,  and  should  not  make  any  rever- 
ence whilst  engaged  in  this  function. 

Caremoniule  Episcoporum,  passim;  De  Herdt,  Praxis  Litur- 
gia:  Sacra:  (Louvain,  1904),  III,  318;  Le  Vavasseur.  Cere- 
monial Romain  (Paris,  1876),  I,  680. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Cross  of  Jesus,  Brothers  of  the,  a  congregation 
founded  in  1820  at  Lyons,  France,  by  Father  C.  M. 
Bochard,  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  Vicar-General  of 
the  Diocese  of  Lyons.  Father  Bochard  was  the  first 
superior  general  (1820-34).  He  had  as  successors 
the  Rev.  Father  Corsiain  (1834-65)  and  the  Rev. 
Father  Bernard  (1865-74).  Until  then  the  direction 
of  the  principal  houses  was  entrusted  to  Fathers  who 
were  members  of  the  congregation.  In  1873  Bishop 
Richard  of  Belley,  afterwards  Cardinal  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Paris,  employed  the  Fathers  as  parish 
priests  and  the  congregation  was  henceforward  com- 
posed of  Brothers  only.  The  superiors  general,  from 
this  epoch ,  have  been  the  Reverend  Bros.  Pierre-Joseph 
(1873-85),  Lucien  (1885-98),  and  Firmin  (1898—). 

The  name  of  the  congregation  indicates  its  dis- 
tinctive spirit.  It  grew  during  the  nineteenth  century 
in  eastern  France  and  in  Switzerland,  until  the  perse- 
cution of  1903,  which  destroyed  nearly  all  its  estab- 
lishments. Brother  Firmin,  Superior  General,  sent 
Brother  Evariste  with  32  religious  to  establish  a  prov- 
ince in  North  America,  under  the  patronage  of  the 
Right  Rev.  A.  A.  Blais,  Bishop  of  Rimouski,  Canada. 
The  institution,  incorporated  in  Canada  by  a  bill  of 
the  Legislative  Assembly  of  Quebec  (May,  1905), 
possesses  at  Rimoaski,  a  "house  of  formation" 
(novitiate  and  scholasticate),  where  the  young  mem- 
bers of  the  congregation  are  taught  all  the  high- 
school  branches  and  the  eommerical  courses  both 
English  and  French.  At  the  request  of  the  Most  Rev. 
L.  P.  A.  Langevin,  .\rchbishop  of  St.  Boniface, 
Manitoba,  the  institution  has  opened,  since  1904, 
the  colleges  of  St-Jean-Baptiste  and  of  St-Pierre, 
Joly,  Manitoba. 

Brother  Charle.s. 

Crotus,  JoH.\NN  (properly  Johanne.s  J.\ger,  hence 
often  called  Venator,  "hunter",  but  more  commonly, 
in  grecized  form,  Crotus,  "archer"),  German  Human- 
ist, b.  at  Domheim,  in  Thuringia,  c.  1480;  d.  probably 
at  Halle,  c.  1.5.39.  From  the  name  of  his  birthplace 
he  received  the  latinized  appellation  Rubianus  and  is 
generally  known  as  Crotus  Rubianus.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen  he  went  to  the  L'niversity  of  Erfurt,  then  the 
chief  centre  of  German  Humanism,  where  he  obtained 
his  baccalaureate  degree  in  1500.  Friendship  with 
Conrad  Mutianus  and  T'lrich  von  Hutten  led  him  from 
being  an  upholder  of  Scholasticism  to  become  an  en- 
thusiastic partisan  of  Humanism  and  a  violent  op- 
ponent of  the  older  learning.     In  1505  he  induced  von 


Hutten  to  leave  the  monastery  of  Fulda,  but  in  1506 
came  back  with  the  latter  from  Cologne  to  Erfurt, 
where  in  1508  Crotus  obtained  the  degree  of  Master 
of  Arts.  After  this  he  was  absent  from  Erfurt  for  a 
short  time  as  tutor  to  Count  von  Henneberg,  but  by 
1509  he  had  again  returned  to  his  studies  and  in  1510 
was  the  head  of  the  monasterj'  school  at  Fulda.  He 
now  formed  close  relations  with  Reuchlin  and  Reuch- 
lin's  supporters  in  Cologne;  about  1514  he  was  for  a 
short  time  in  Cologne  but  soon  returned  to  Fulda 
where  he  was  ordained  priest  and  obtained  a  small 
benefice.  About  1515  he  wrote  the  larger  part  of  the 
"Epistolae  Obscurorum  Virorum";  the  letters  com- 
po.sed  by  him  are  the  most  violent  in  character,  full 
of  venom  and  stinging  scorn  against  Scholasticism  and 
monasticism.  In  1517  he  settled  in  Bologna  as  tutor 
of  the  Fuchs  brothers,  and  during  his  stay  at  this  city, 
up  to  1519,  he  studied  successively  jurisprudence  and 
theology.  Before  leaving  Italy  he  went  in  company 
with  Eoban  Hesse  to  Rome  (1519)  in  order  to  observe 
for  himself  the  "see  of  corruption".  While  in  Bo- 
logna he  had  become  acquainted  with  Luther's  writ- 
ings and  actions,  learned  of  the  violent  stand  he  had 
taken  and  approved  it  as  the  beginning  of  a  greatly 
needed  reform  of  the  Church;  apparently  also  he  had 
a  share  in  the  anonymous  broadsides  which  appeared 
in  Germany.  From  1.520  he  was  again  in  Erfurt 
where  he  was  made  rector  of  the  university,  and  here 
in  1521  he  gave  Luther  a  warm  greeting  when  the 
latter  passed  through  Erfurt  on  his  way  to  Worms. 
Soon  after  this  Crotus  returned  to  Fulda  where  Me- 
lanchthon  visited  him  in  1524.  In  the  same  year 
Crotus  entered  the  sersnce  of  Duke  Albrecht  of  Prussia 
at  Konigsberg  and  endeavoured  to  justify  the  duke's 
withdrawal  from  the  old  Faith  in  a  pamphlet  directed 
against  the  new  master  of  the  Teutonic  Order  entitled 
"Christliche  Vermahnung"  (1526). 

Weary  of  his  position  at  Konigsberg  as  early  as 
1529,  he  went  first,  in  1530,  to  Leipzig,  and  soon  after- 
wards to  Halle;  here  Crotus  accepted  service  imder 
Cardinal  Albrecht  of  Brandenburg  as  councillor  and 
received  a  canonry.  As  a  genuine  Humanist  Crotus 
had  for  a  long  time  felt  disgusted  with  the  public  dis- 
turbance and  the  bitter  polemics  that  resulted  from 
the  Lutheran  movement;  he  was  still  more  dissatis- 
fied with  the  grave  disorder  in  morals  and  rehgion. 
Thus  in  Halle,  probably  through  the  influence  of  its 
canons,  he  positively  returned  to  Catholicism,  which 
he  seems,  however,  never  to  have  abandoned  con- 
sciously. The  first  clear  notice  of  this  change  of 
views  is  the  "Apologia,  qua  respondetur  temeritati 
caluraniatorum  non  verentium  confictis  criminibus  in 
populare  odium  protrahere  reverendissimum  in 
Christo  patrem  et  dominum  Albertum"  (Leipzig. 
1531).  The  "Apologia"  contained  a  po.sitive  denial 
of  the  accusations  made  by  Alexander  Crosner  or 
Luther  that  Cardinal  Albrecht,  in  the  persecution  of 
the  new  doctrine  and  in  his  opposition  to  granting  the 
cup  to  the  laity,  had  acted  with  extreme  cruelty  and 
lack  of  consideration.  Crotus  showed  that  the  Ref- 
ormation had  resulted  in  the  sanctioning  of  all  kinds 
of  immorality  and  blasphemy,  and  that  where  the 
"  Antipopes"  ruled,  those  of  other  beliefs  were  cruelly 
oppressed,  denounced  by  spies,  and  persecuted.  Vari- 
ous pamphlets,  chiefly  anonymous,  were  i.ssucd  in 
reply  to  the  "Apologia"  and  tlie  author  was  violently 
attacked  by  Justus  Jonas  and  other  of  his  former 
friends.  AJfter  this  Luther  always  gave  the  name  of 
Dr.  Krote  (toad)  to  his  one-time  adherent,  the  dreaded 
opponent  in  former  days  of  Scholasticism  and  monas- 
ticism. Suspicion  was  even  thrown  on  the  motives 
for  the  inner  change  in  Crotus.  His  connexion  with 
the  Church  was  attributed  to  desire  for  princely  favour 
and  greed  of  gain.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
his  resolution  was  a  deliberate  one  and  that  he  be- 
longed to  Luther's  party  only  so  long  as  he  hoped  in 
this  way  to  attain  a  reform  of  the  Church. 


CROWN 


540 


CROWN 


As  soon  as  there  was  a  formal  break  with  the  Church, 
and  the  pretended  reform  movement  produced  only- 
anarchy  in  religion  and  morals,  he  turned  his  back  on 
it  without  giving  a  thought  to  the  hatred  of  his  friends 
of  earlier  days.  In  a  letter  dated  1532  to  Duke  Al- 
brecht  he  states  his  religious  views  clearly:  "with  the 
help  of  God  he  intends  to  remain  in  communion  with 
the  Church  and  allow  all  innovations  to  pass  over  like 
a  disagreeable  smoke ' '.  Crotus  appears  to  have  spent 
the  last  years  of  his  life  entirely  at  Halle,  but  nothing 
positive  is  known  on  the  subject.  Most  probably  Georg 
Witzel  urged  him  at  different  times  to  write  again  in 
defence  of  the  Church,  and  he  seems,  indeed,  to  have 
made  an  effort  to  do  this.  But  afterwards  we  hear 
that  the  position,  "unworthy  of  a  man",  in  which  he 
was  placed,  did  not  permit  him  to  take  up  his  pen 
on  behalf  of  religion.  It  is  not  entirely  certain 
whether  his  canonry  or  his  character  of  official  in 
the  service  of  Cardinal  Albrecht  laid  these  limi- 
tations on  him.  Yet  he  apparently  had  an  im- 
portant influence  on  the  writings  of  others  as,  e.  g. 
on  those  of  Witzel.  Crotus  himself,  as  a  Humanist  of 
strong  intellectual  tastes,  preferred  above  all  the  quiet 
of  his  study.  It  may  be  that  the  revolutionary  tu- 
mult in  religious  and  social  life  took  from  him  both 
the  desire  and  the  strength  to  use  the  pen  which  had 
formerly  so  unmercifully  scourged  the  weaknesses  of 
his  opponents.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  influenced 
the  religious  demeanour  of  his  master,  Cardinal  Al- 
brecht, in  the  cardinal's  later  years.  The  last  scanty 
information  concerning  Crotus  reaches  to  the  year 
1539;  his  death  occurred,  if  not  in  this  year,  certainly 
not  much  later. 

Kamfschvute, DieUniversitat  Erfurt  in  ihremVerhiiltnis  zu  dcvi 
Humanismus  und  der  Reformation  (Trier,  1858-60).  I,  197  sqq.; 
II.  43  sqq.;  Idem,  De  Joanno  Croto  Rubiano  (Bonn,  1862);  R.iss, 
Die  Convertiten  seit  der  Reformation  (Freiburg,  1866),  I,  95-122; 
KiNERT,  Crotus  Rubiamis:  Ein  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  des  Humanis- 
mus in  Thiiringen  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Gesch.  und  Altertumskunde 
Thiiringens,  new  ser.,  IV,  1-75;  Redlich,  Cardinal  Albrecht  von 
Brandenburg  und  das  neue  Stift  zu  Halle  (Mainz,  1900),  55-69; 
Welte  in  Kirchenlex,,  III,  1206  sqq.;  Knod,  Deutsche  Studenten 
in  Bologna  (Berlin,  1899),  463  sqq.  JoSEPH  S.\UER. 

Crown,  Franciscan  (or  Seraphic  Rosary)  ,  a  rosary 
consisting  of  seven  decades  in  commemoration  of  the 
seven  joys  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  (the  Annunciation, 
Visitation,  Birth  of  Our  Lord,  Adoration  of  the  Magi, 
Finding  of  the  Child  Jesus  in  the  Temple,  the  Resur- 
rection of  Our  Lord,  and  the  Assumption  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  her  Coronation  in  heaven),  in  use 
among  the  members  of  the  three  orders  of  St.  Francis. 
The  Franciscan  Crown  dates  back  to  the  year  1422. 
Wadding  tells  us  that  a  young  novice  who  had  that 
year  been  received  into  the  Franciscan  Order  had, 
previous  to  his  reception,  been  accustomed  to  adorn  a 
statue  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  with  a  wreath  of  fresh  and 
beautiful  flowers  as  a  mark  of  his  piety  and  devotion. 
Not  being  able  to  continue  this  practice  in  the  noviti- 
ate, he  decided  to  return  to  the  world.  The  Blessed 
Virgin  appeared  to  him  and  prevented  him  from  carry- 
ing out  his  purpose.  She  then  instructed  him  how,  by 
reciting  daily  a  rosary  of  seven  decades  in  honour  of 
her  seven  joys,  he  might  weave  a  crown  that  would  be 
more  pleasing  to  her  than  the  material  wreath  of 
flowers  he  had  been  wont  to  place  on  her  statue. 
From  that  time  the  practice  of  reciting  the  crown  of 
the  seven  joys  became  general  in  the  order.  The  man- 
ner of  reciting  the  Franciscan  Rosary  is  as  follows: 
The  Apostles'  Creed,  the  Our  F'ather,  and  three  Hail 
Marys  having  been  said  as  usual,  the  mystery  to  be 
meditated  upon  is  introduced  after  the  word  Jesus  of 
the  first  Hail  Mary  of  each  decade,  thus:  "Jesus, 
whom  thou  didst  joyfully  conceive",  "Jesus,  whom 
thou  didst  joyfully  carry  to  Elizabeth",  and  so  on  for 
the  remaining  five  decades,  which  are  given  in  most 
manuais  of  I<'rancisean  devotion.  At  the  end  of  the 
seventh  dooadi'  two  Hail  Marys  are  added  to  complete 
the  lunnber  of  years  (72)  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  is 
eaid  to  have  lived  on  earth.    There  are  other  ways  of 


reciting  the  Crown  but  the  one  given  seems  to  be  in 
more  general  use.  The  plenary  Indulgence  attached 
to  the  recitation  of  the  Franciscan  Crow'n,  and  applica- 
ble to  the  dead,  may  be  gained  as  often  as  the  crown  is 
recited.  It  is  not  required  that  the  beads  be  blessed, 
or  in  fact  that  beads  be  used  at  all,  since  the  Indul- 
gence is  not  attached  to  the  material  rosary,  but  to  the 
recitation  of  the  prayers  as  such.  In  1905  Pope  Pius 
X,  in  response  to  the  petition  of  the  Procurator  Gen- 
eral of  the  Friars  Minor,  enriched  the  Franciscan 
Crown  with  several  new  Indulgences  that  may  be 
gained  by  all  the  faithful.  Those  who  assist  at  a  pub- 
lic recitation  of  the  Franciscan  Crown  participate  in  all 
the  Indulgences  attached  to  the  Seraphic  Rosary  that 
are  gained  by  the  members  of  the  Franciscan  Order. 
It  Ls  required,  however,  that  beads  be  used  and  that 
they  be  blessed  by  a  priest  having  the  proper  faculties. 
A  translation  of  the  pontifical  Brief  is  given  in  "St. 
Anthony's  Almanac"  for  1909. 

Wadding,  Annates  Minorum,  X,  61:  XVI,  62;  Mocchegi- 
ANl,  Colteclio  Indulgentiarum  (Ciuaracchi,  1897).  317-326:  and 
Jurisprudentia Ecclesiastica  (Quaracchi,  1905),  III,  516^519. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Crowning  of  Images.     See  Images. 

Crown  of  Thorns. — Although  Our  Saviour's  Crown 
of  Thorns  is  mentioned  by  three  Evangelists  and  is 
often  alluded  to  by  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  such  as 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  and  others,  there  are 
comparatively  few  writers  of  the  first  si.x  centuries 
who  speak  of  it  as  a  relic  known  to  be  still  in  existence 
and  venerated  by  the  faithful.  It  is  remarkable  that 
St.  Jerome,  who  expatiates  upon  the  Cross,  the  Title, 
and  the  Nails  discovered  by  St.  Helen  (Tobler,  Itinera 
Hierosolym.,  II,  3G),  says  nothing  either  of  the  Lance 
or  of  the  Crown  of  Thorns,  and  the  silence  of  Andreas 
of  Crete  in  the  eighth  century  is  even  more  surprising. 
Still  there  are  some  exceptions.  St.  Paulinus  of  Nola, 
writing  after  409,  refers  to  "the  thorns  with  which  Our 
Saviour  was  crowned"  as  relics  held  in  honour  along 
with  the  Cross  to  which  He  was  nailed  and  the  pillar  at 
which  He  was  scourged  (Ep.  ad  Macar.  in  Migne,  P.  L., 
LXI,  407).  Cassiodorus  (c.  570),  when  commenting  on 
Ps.  Ixx.xvi,  speaks  of  the  Crown  of  Thorns  among  the 
other  relics  which  are  the  glory  of  the  earthly  Jeru- 
salem. "  There ' ',  he  says, "  we  may  behold  the  thorny 
crown,  which  was  only  set  upon  the  head  of  Our  Re- 
deemer in  order  that  all  the  thorns  of  the  world  might 
be  gathered  together  and  broken  "  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXX, 
621).  When  Gregory  of  Tours  ("De  gloria  mart."  in 
"Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Scrip.  Merov.",  I,  492)  avers  that 
the  thorns  in  the  Crown  still  looked  green,  a  freshness 
which  was  miraculously  renewed  each  day,  he  does  not 
much  strengthen  the  historical  testimony  for  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  relic,  but  the  "Breviarius",  and  the 
"Itinerary"  of  Antoninus  of  Piacenza,  both  of  the 
sixth  century,  clearly  state  that  the  Crown  of  Thorns, 
was  at  that  period  shown  in  the  church  upon  Mount 
Sion  (Geyer,  Itinera  Hierosolpnitana,  154  and  174). 
From  these  fragments  of  evidence  and  others  of  later 
date — the  "Pilgrimage"  of  the  monk  Bernard  shows 
that  the  relic  was  still  at  Mount  Sion  in  870 — it  is  cer- 
tain that  what  p\irported  to  be  the  Crown  of  Thorns 
was  venerated  at  Jerusalem  for  several  hundred  years. 

If  we  may  adopt  the  conclusions  of  M.  de  Mi^ly,  the 
whole  Crown  was  only  transferred  to  Byzantium  about 
1()()3,  although  it  seems  that  smaller  ]iortions  must 
have  been  presented  to  the  Eastern  emperors  at  an 
earlier  date.  In  ;\ny  ca'io  ,Iuv:tinian,  who  died  in  .'>(i5, 
is  stated  to  have  gi^('^  a  thnin  to, St.  (Jcrmanus,  Bishop  Is. 
of  Paris,  whicli  wa^  li.im  ]ui-.i'TV('d  at  Saint-Ciermain-  , 
des-Pr(5s,  while  the  lanprcss  Irene,  in  79S  or  S02,  sent 
(^liarlemagne  .several  thorns  which  were  deposited  by 
him  at  Aachen.  Eight  of  these  are  known  to  have  been 
there  at  the  con.secr;ition  of  the  basilica  of  .\achen  by 
Pope  Leo  III,  and  the  subsequent  history  of  several  of 
them  can  be  traced  witliout  difliculty.  Four  were 
given  to  Saiut-Corneilleof  Compiegnc  in  877  by  Charles 


CROYLAND 


541 


CROYLAND 


the  Bald.  One  was  sent  by  Hugh  the  Great  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  King  Athelstan  in  927  on  the  occasion  of 
certain  marriage  negotiations,  and  eventually  found  its 
way  to  Malmesbury  Abbey.  Another  was  presented 
to  a  Spanish  princess  about  1160,  and  again  another 
was  taken  to  .\ndechs  in  Germany  in  the  year  1200. 

In  1238  Baldwin  II,  the  Latin  Emperor  of  Constan- 
tinople, an.xious  to  obtain  support  for  his  tottering  em- 
pire, offered  the  Crown  of  Thorns  to  St.  Louis,  King  of 
France.  It  was  then  actually  in  the  hands  of  the 
Venetians  as  security  for  a  heavy  loan,  but  it  was  re- 
deemed and  conveyed  to  Paris  where  St.  Louis  built 
the  Sainte-Cha|)elle  (completed  1248)  for  its  reception. 
There  the  great  relic  remained  until  the  Revolution, 
when,  after  finding  a  home  for  a  while  in  the  Bibliotlip- 
que  Nationale,  it  was  eventually  restored  to  the  Church 
and  was  deposited  in  the  Cathedral  of  Notre- Uame  in 
1806.  Ninety  years  later  (in  1896)  a  magnificent  new 
reliquary  of  rock  crystal  was  made  for  it,  covered  for 
two-thirds  of  its  circinnference  with  a  silver  case  splen- 
didly wrought  and  jewelled.  The  Crown  thus  pre- 
served consists  only  of  a  circlet  of  rushes,  without  any 
trace  of  thorns.  Authorities  are  agreed  that  a  sort  of 
helmet  of  thorns  must  have  been  platted  bj'  the  Ro- 
man soldiers,  this  band  of  rushes  being  employed  to 
hold  the  thorns  together.  It  seems  likely  according 
to  M.  deM(?ly,  that  already  at  the  time  when  the  circlet 
was  brought  to  Paris  the  sixty  or  seventy  thorns,  which 
seem  to  have  been  afterwards  distributed  by  St.  Louis 
and  his  successors,  had  lieen  separated  from  the  band 
of  rushes  and  were  kept  in  a  different  reliquary.  None  of 
these  now  remain  at  Paris.  Some  small  fragments 
of  rush  are  also  preserved  apart  from  the  sainle  Cou- 
ronne  at  Paris,  e.  g.  at  Arras  and  at  Lyons.  AA'ith  re- 
gard to  the  origin  and  character  of  the  thorns,  both  tra- 
dition and  existing  remains  suggest  that  they  must 
have  come  from  the  bush  botanically  known  as  Zizyph  im 
Sjiina  Christi,  more  popularly,  the  jujube-tree.  This 
reaches  the  height  of  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  and  is  fovmd 
growing  in  abundance  by  the  wayside  around  Jerusa- 
lem. The  crooked  branches  of  this  shrub  are  armed 
with  thorns  growing  in  pairs,  a  straight  spine  and  a 
cvirvedone  commonly  occurring  together  at  each  point. 
The  relic  preserved  in  the  Capella  dcUa  Spina  at  Pisa, 
as  well  as  that  at  Trier,  which  though  their  early  his- 
tory is  doubtful  and  obscure,  are  among  the  largest  in 
size,  afford  a  good  illustration  of  this  peculiarity. 

That  all  the  reputed  holy  thorns  of  which  notice  has 
survived  cannot  by  any  possibility  be  authentic  will  be 
ilisputed  by  no  one.  M.  de  Mely  has  been  able  to  enu- 
merate more  than  700  such  relics.  The  statement  in 
one  medieval  obituarj'  that  Peter  de  Averio  gave  to  the 
cathedral  of  .\ngers  "  unam  de  sjiinis  q\ia?  fuit  apposita 
corona;  spinea>  nostri  Redemptoris"  (de  Mely,  p.  362), 
meaning  seemingly  a  thorn  which  has  touched  the  real 
Crown  of  Thorns,  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  prob- 
able origin  of  many  such  relics.  Again,  even  in  com- 
paratively modern  times  it  is  not  always  easy  to  trace 
the  history  of  these  objects  of  devotion,  which  were 
often  divided  and  thus  multiplied.  Two  "holy 
thorns"  are  at  present  venerated,  the  one  at  St.  Mich- 
ael's church  in  Ghent,  the  other  at  Stonyhurst  College, 
both  professing,  upon  what  seems  quite  satisfactory 
evidence,  to  be  the  thorn  given  by  Mary  Queen  of  Scots 
to  Thomas  Percv  Earl  of  Northumberland  (see  "  The 
Month  ",  April.  1882,  .510-.5.56).  Finally,  it  should  be 
pointed  out  that  the  appearance  of  the  Crown  of 
Thorns  in  art,  notalily  upon  the  head  of  Hirist  in  rcj)re- 
sentations  of  the  ( 'rucifixion,  is  [losterior  to  the  time  of 
St.  Louis  and  the  building  of  the  ."^ainte-Chapelle. 
Some  archaeologists  have  professed  to  discover  a  figure 
of  the  Crown  of  Thorns  in  the  circle  which  .sometimes 
surrounds  the  rhi-rlm  emblem  \R;  on  early  Christian 
sarcophagi,  but  it  seems  to  be  /f\  (piite  as  probable 
that  this  is  only  meant  for  a  laurel-wreath.     . 

The  one  recent  and  autlioritalive  study  of  the  whole  subject 
is  that  of  DE  Mki.y.  forming  the  tiiirri  volume  of  Riant,  Exuvioe 
ConttantinopotUana:   (Paris,   1904).     See  also:   de   MfcLY,  La 


Couronnc  d'cpiTWs  in  the  Revue  de  Vart  chretien  (1899  and 
1900);  Monms,  EnolM  Itdicji  in  Tlir  Mimlh  (London,  April  and 
.\uEil=t.    ]-<■;■_>':    I  T-jfTRr  in   n,,!    .1.    I,,   lUI.I,    n':iMs.   1897).  II, 

lOSS;    l;,ii,,.  I  r  I.I     ri.riiv    1/ ,       ,     /.      :  ■:   u  „mrnls  de  la 

Pas,,.,,  i,.  l-,-|i  ,  I'i'i  j.;i:  \l  M,n  ,  \  ■....:,,  de  la  Pas- 
sion il';,n.,  I^'.l7  .  ,,.is  .i  Ir,;  I  c.Mi.i.,  I/.  !  ,,,:;„n..„  n  Vexalta- 
lion  di  iu  C,o,.c  a'ans,  lyu.j;  Ir.  lyilM,  i;is  sqij.;  GossELIN, 
Notice  historique  sur  la  sainle  Couronne  d'epuies  (Paris.  1828). 

Herbert   Thurston. 

Croyland  (or  Crowland),  Abdey  of,  a  monastery 
of  the  Benr<lictinc  Order  in  Lincolnshire,  si.xteen  miles 
from  Stamfortl  and  thirteen  from  Peterborough.  It 
was  founded  in  memory  of  St.  Guthlac,  early  in  the 
eighth  century,  by  Ethelbald,  King  of  Mercia,  but  was 
entirely  destroyed  and  the  community  slaughtered 
by  the  Danes  in  866.  Refoimded  in  the  reign  of  King 
Edred,  it  was  again  destroyed  by  fire  in  1091,  but  re- 
built about  twenty  years  later  by  Abbot  Joffrid.  In 
1170  the  greater  part  of  the  abbey  and  church  was 
once  more  burnt  down  and  once  more  rebuilt,  under 
.\bbot  Edward.  From  this  time  the  history  of  Croy- 
land was  one  of  growing  and  almost  unbroken  pros- 
perity down  to  the  time  of  the  Dissolution.  Richly 
endowed  by  royal  and  noble  visitors  to  the  shrine  of 


St.  Guthlac,  it  became  one  of  the  most  opulent  of  East 
Anglian  abbeys;  and  owing  to  its  isolated  position  in 
the  heart  of  the  fen  comitry,  its  security  and  peace 
were  comparatively  undisturbed  during  the  great  civil 
wars  and  other  national  troubles.  The  first  abbot  (in 
Ethelbald's  reign)  is  said  to  have  been  Kenulph,  a 
monk  of  Evesham;  and  one  of  the  most  notable  was 
Ingulphus,  who  ruled  from  107.5  to  1109,  and  whose 
pseudo-chronicle  was  long  considered  the  chief  au- 
thority for  the  history  of  the  abbey,  though  it  is  now 
acknowledged  to  be  a  compil.-ition  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. .\t  the  time  of  the  Dissolution  the  abbot  was 
John  Welles,  or  Bridges,  who  with  his  twenty-seven 
monks  subscribed  to  the  Royal  Suitremacy  in  1.534, 
and  five  years  later  surrendered  his  house  to  the  king. 
The  revenue  of  the  abbey  at  this  time  has  been  vari- 
ously estimated  at  £1083  and  £1217.  The  site  and 
builclings  were  granted  in  I'^dward  ^'^s  reign  to  Ed- 
ward Lord  Clinton,  and  afterwanls  came  into  the  pos- 
session of  the  Hunter  family.  The  remains  of  the 
abbey  were  fortified  by  the  Royalists  in  1643,  and  be- 
sieged and  taken  by  Cromwell  in  May  of  that  year. 
The  abbey  church  comprised  a  na\-e  of  nine  bays  with 
aisles,  183  feet  long  by  87  witle,  an  apsidal  choir  of 
five  bays  90  feet  long,  a  central  tower  and  detached 
bell-tower  at  tho.  east  end.  The  existing  remains  con- 
sist of  the  north  aisle,  still  used  (as  it  was  from  the 
earliest  times)  as  the  parish  church ;  the  .splendid  west 
front,  the  lower  (twelfth  century)  and  the  tipper  part 
{fourteenth  Century)  elaborately  decorated  with 
areading  and  statues,  it  is  thought  in  imitation  of 
Wells  cathedral;  and  a  few  piers  and  arches  of  the 
nave.  Much  careful  restoration  and  repair  has  been 
carried  out  since  1860,  under  Sir  (iilbert  Scott,  Mr.  J. 
L.  Pearson,  and  other  eminent  architects. 


CRUCIFIX 


542 


CRUELTY 


Felix  of  Croyland.  Life  of  St.  Guthlac  in  Acta  SS.,  April, 
II,  38;  GouGH,  History  and  Antiquities  of  Croytand  Abbey  in 
Bib.  Top.  Brit.,  XI;  Victoria  History  of  Lincolnshire  (1906), 
105-llS;  Hisloria  Croylandensis  in  Rerum  Angl.  Scriptores, 
ed  FuLM\N,  I,  1-107:  Ordericus  Vitalis,  Hist.  Ecclcsiast.^ 
II;    DuGDALE,  Monast.  Anglic.;   II,  90-126. 

D.  O.  Hunter-Blair. 

Crucifix.     See  Cross  and  Crucifix. 
Crucifixion.     See  Cross  and  Crucifix;  Passion. 

Cruelty  to  Animals. — The  first  ethical  writers  of 
pagan  antiquity  to  advocate  the  duty  of  kindness 
towards  the  brute  creation  were  Pythagoras  and 
Empedocles.  Holding  the  doctrine  of  metempsy- 
chosis, or  the  transmigration  of  human  souls  into  the 
bodies  of  lower  animals  after  death,  these  philosophers 
taught  that  animals  share  in  human  rights,  and  that  it 
is  a  crime  to  kill  them.  These  ideas,  together  with  an 
appreciation  of  the  services  rendered  by  domestic  ani- 
mals to  man,  found  some  expression  in  early  Roman 
legislation.  The  error  of  ascribing  human  rights  to 
animals  is  condemned  by  Cicero  (De  Finibus,  bk.  Ill, 
xx).  The  Old  Testament  inculcates  kindness  towards 
animals.  The  Jews  were  forbidden  to  muzzle  the  ox 
that  treadeth  out  the  corn  (Deut.,  xxv,  4)  or  to  yoke 
together  an  ox  and  an  ass  (ibid.,  xxii,  10).  Some 
other  texts  which  are  frequently  quoted  as  instances 
are  not  so  much  to  recommend  kind  treatment  of  ani- 
mals as  to  insist  upon  duties  of  neighbourly  goodwill. 
The  prohibition  against  seething  the  kid  in  its 
mother's  milk,  a  process  in  which  there  is  no  cruelty 
at  all,  and  the  one  against  taking  a  mother-bird  with 
her  young,  seem  to  have  a  religious  rather  than  a 
humanitarian  significance. 

The  New  Testament  is  almost  silent  on  this  subject. 
Even  when  St.  Paul  cites  the  Mosaic  prohibition 
against  muzzling  the  ox,  he  brushes  aside  the  literal 
in  favour  of  a  symbolic  signification  (I  Cor.,  Lx,  9  sq.). 
The  Fathers  of  the  Church  insist  but  little  on  this 
point  of  duty.  Nevertheless,  Christian  teaching  and 
practice  from  the  beginning  reflect  in  a  general  way 
the  Scriptural  ideal  of  righteousness  which  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  words:  "The  just  regardeth  the 
lives  of  his  beasts:  but  the  bowels  of  the  wicked  are 
cruel"  (Prov.,  xii,  10).  The  hagiological  literature 
of  monastic  life  in  the  Middle  Ages,  which  so 
largely  formed  and  guided  the  moral  sentiment  of  the 
Christian  world,  as  Lecky  sets  forth  with  ample  evi- 
dence, "represents  one  of  the  most  striking  efforts 
made  in  Christendom  to  inculcate  a  feeling  of  kind- 
ness and  pity  towards  the  brute  creation"  (History 
of  European  Morals  from  Augustus  to  Charlemagne, 
II,  161  sqq.).  This  considerate  feeling  was  a  char- 
acteristic of  many  holy  personages,  even  before  St. 
Francis  of  Assisi  and  some  of  his  followers  carried  it 
to  a  degree  that  seems  almost  incredible. 

The  scholastic  theologians  condemn  the  infliction 
of  needless  suffering  on  animals,  chiefly  because  of  the 
injurious  effects  on  the  character  of  the  perpetrator. 
Thus  St.  Thomas,  in  his  "Summa  Contra  Gentiles" 
(bk.  II,  cxii),  after  refuting  the  error  that  it  is  not 
lawful  to  take  the  lives  of  brutes,  explains  the  import 
of  the  above-mentioned  texts  of  Scripture.  He  says 
that  these  prohibitions  are  issued  either  "lest  anyone 
by  exercising  cruelty  towards  brutes  may  become 
cruel  also  towards  men;  or,  because  an  injury  to 
brutes  may  result  in  loss  to  the  owner,  or  on  account 
of  some  symbolic  signification".  Elsewhere  (Summa 
Theologica,  I-II,  Q.  cii,  a.  6,  ad  Sum)  he  states  that 
God's  purpose  in  recommending  kind  treatment  of 
the  brute  creation  is  to  dispose  men  to  pity  and  ten- 
derness for  one  another.  While  the  scholastics  rest 
their  condemnation  of  cruelty  to  animals  on  its  de- 
moralizing influence,  their  general  teaching  concern- 
ing the  nature  of  man's  rights  and  duties  furni.shes 
principles  which  have  but  to  be  applied  in  order  to 
establish  the  direct  and  essential  sinfulness  of  cruelty 


to  the  animal  world,  irrespective  of  the  results  of  such 
conduct  on  the  character  of  those  who  practise  it. 

Catholic  ethics  has  been  criticized  by  some  zoophil- 
ists because  it  refuses  to  admit  that  animals  have 
rights.  But  it  is  indisputable  that,  when  properly 
understood  and  fairly  judged.  Catholic  doctrine, 
though  it  does  not  concede  rights  to  the  brute  crea- 
tion, denounces  cruelty  to  animals  as  vigorously  and 
as  logically  as  do  those  moralists  who  make  our  duty 
in  this  respect  the  correlative  of  a  right  in  the  animals. 
In  order  to  establish  a  binding  obligation  to  avoid  the 
wanton  infliction  of  pain  on  the  brutes,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  acknowledge  any  right  inherent  in  them.  Our 
duty  in  this  respect  is  part  of  our  duty  towards  God. 
From  the  juristic  standpoint,  the  visible  world  with 
which  man  comes  in  contact  is  divided  into  persons 
and  non-persons.  For  the  latter  term  the  word 
"things"  is  usually  employed.  Only  a  person,  that 
is,  a  being  possessed  of  reason  and  self-control,  can  be 
the  subject  of  rights  and  duties;  or,  to  express  the 
same  idea  in  terms  more  familiar  to  adherents  of  other 
schools  of  thought,  only  beings  who  are  ends  in  them- 
selves, and  may  not  be  treated  as  mere  means  to  the 
perfection  of  other  beings,  can  possess  rights.  Rights 
and  duties  are  moral  ties  which  can  exist  only  in  a 
moral  being,  or  person.  Beings  that  may  be  treated 
simply  as  means  to  the  perfection  of  persons  can  have 
no  rights,  and  to  this  category  the  brute  creation  be- 
longs. In  the  Divine  plan  of  the  universe  the  lower 
creatures  are  subordinated  to  the  welfare  of  man. 
But  while  these  animals  are,  in  contradistinction  to 
persons,  classed  as  things,  it  is  none  the  less  true  that 
between  them  and  the  non-sentient  world  there  exists 
a  profound  difference  of  nature  which  we  are  bound  to 
consider  in  our  treatment  of  them.  The  very  essence 
of  the  moral  law  is  that  we  respect  and  obey  the  order 
established  by  the  Creator.  Now,  the  animal  Ls  a 
nobler  manifestation  of  His  power  and  goodness  than 
the  lower  forms  of  material  existence.  In  imparting 
to  the  brute  creation  a  sentient  nature  capable  of  suf- 
fering— a  nature  which  the  animal  shares  in  common 
with  ourselves — God  placed  on  our  dominion  over 
them  a  restriction  which  does  not  exist  with  regard  to 
our  dominion  over  the  non-sentient  world.  We  are 
bound  to  act  towards  them  in  a  manner  conformable 
to  their  nature.  We  may  la%\'fully  use  them  for  our 
reasonable  wants  and  welfare,  even  though  such  em- 
ployment of  them  necessarily  inflicts  pain  upon  them. 
But  the  wanton  infliction  of  pain  is  not  the  satisfac- 
tion of  any  reasonable  need,  and,  being  an  outrage 
against  the  Divinely  established  order,  is  therefore 
sinful.  This  principle,  by  which,  at  least  in  the  ab- 
stract, we  may  solve  the  problem  of  the  lawfulness  of 
vi\isection  and  other  cognate  questions,  is  tersely  put 
by  Zigliara:  " The  service  of  man  is  the  end  appointed 
by  the  Creator  for  brute  animals.  When,  therefore, 
man,  with  no  reasonable  purpose,  treats  the  brute 
cruelly  he  does  wrong,  not  because  he  violates  the 
right  of  the  brute,  but  because  his  action  conflicts 
with  the  order  and  the  design  of  the  Creator"  (Phil- 
osophia  Moralis,  9th  ed.,  Rome,  p.  136).  With 
more  feeling,  but  with  no  less  exactness,  the  late 
Cardin;d  Manning  expressed  the  same  doctrine:  "It 
is  perfectly  true  that  obligations  and  duties  are  be- 
tween moral  persons,  and  therefore  the  lower  animals 
are  not  susceptible  of  the  moral  obligations  which  we 
owe  to  one  another;  but  we  owe  a  seven-fol<i  obliga- 
tion to  the  Creator  of  those  animals.  Our  obligation 
and  moral  duty  is  to  Him  who  made  them ;  and  if  we 
wish  to  know  the  limit  and  the  broad  outline  of  our 
obligation,  I  say  .at  once  it  is  His  nature  and  His  per- 
fections, and  among  these  perfections  one  is,  most 
profoundly,  that  of  Eternal  Mercy.  .\nd  therefore, 
although  a  poor  mule  or  a  poor  horse  is  not,  indeed,  a 
moral  person,  yet  the  Lord  and  Maker  of  the  mule  is 
the  highest  Lawgiver,  and  His  nature  is  a  law  unto 
Himself.     And  in  giving  a  dominion  over  His  creat- 


CRUET 


54.3 


CRUSADES 


ures  to  man,  He  gave  it  subject  to  the  condition  that 
it  should  be  used  in  confonnity  to  His  perfections 
which  is  His  own  law,  and  therefore  our  law"  (The 
Zoophilist,  London,  1  April,  1887).  While  Catholic 
ethical  doctrine  insists  upon  the  merciful  treatment 
of  animals,  it  does  not  place  kindness  towards  them 
on  the  same  plane  of  duty  as  benevolence  towards  our 
fellow-men.  Nor  does  it  approve  of  unduly  magriify- 
ing,  to  the  neglect  of  higher  duties,  our  obligations 
concerning  anim.ils.  Excessive  fondness  for  them  is 
no  sure  index  of  moral  worth;  it  may  be  carried  to 
un-Christian  excess;  and  it  can  coexist  with  grave 
laxity  in  far  more  important  matters.  There  are 
many  imitators  of  Schopenhauer,  who  loved  his  dog 
and  hated  his  kind. 

St.  THOM.ts,  Summa  Theologica,  I.  Q.  xcvi.  a.  1,  2;  II-II. 
Q.  Uiv,  a.  1;  In..  Conlra.  Gent..  Ill,  cxii;  Zigliara,  Philo- 
sophia  moralis,  I.  i;  Joseph  Rickaby,  Moral  Philosophy,  Pt. 
11.  v;  Anon.,  The  Church  and  Kindness  to  Animals  (London, 
1906);  Tyrrell  in  Contemporary  Review,  LXVIII,  November, 
1895. 

Jajies  J.  Fox. 

Cruet,  a  small  vessel  used  for  containing  the  wine 
and  water  required  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass. 
Two  are  always  employed.  The  Roman  Missal  (Ru- 
brica?  Gen.,  XX)  directs  that  they  should  be  made  of 
glass.  This  is  the  most  suitable  material  because 
easily  cleaned,  and  its  transparency  obviates  danger 
of  confounding  the  water  and  wine.  Other  materials, 
however,  are  used,  such  as  gold,  silver,  and  other 
precious  metals.  In  this  case  it  is  advisable  to  have  a 
V  (Vinum)  on  the  wine  and  an  A  (aqua)  on  the  water 
cruet,  so  that  one  maybe  easily  distinguished  from  the 
other.  In  shape  nothing  is  prescribed,  but  the  ves- 
sels should  have  a  good  firm  base  on  which  to  stand 
securely  and  a  fairly  wide  neck  so  as  to  admit  of 
being  easily  cleansed.  They  should  have  a  cover  to 
keep  away  flies  and  insects.  Formerly  the  wine  for 
the  Holy  Sacrifice  was  brought  by  the  faithful  in  a  jar- 
shaped  vessel.  It  was  then  received  by  the  deacon 
and  poured  into  the  chalice,  a  vestige  of  which  custom 
is  still  observable  at  the  consecration  of  a  bishop. 

Van  Der  Stappen,  De  Miss(F  Celrhratione  (Mechlin,  1902\ 
88;   PUGIN,  Glossary  of  Ecdesiaslical  Ornament  (London,  186S). 

Patrick  Morbisroe. 

Crusade,  Bull  op  the,  a  Bull  granting  indulgences 
to  those  who  took  part  in  the  wars  against  the  infidels. 
These  indulgences  were  similar  to  those  which,  a.s  far 
back  as  the  eleventh  century,  had  been  granted  to  tlie 
faithful  of  the  Spanish  Mark  who  took  part  in  the 
work  of  building  churches  and  monasteries,  or  who 
gave  alms  to  be  devoted  to  this  purpose.  The  first  of 
these  Crusade  Bulls  which  concerned  Spain  was  that 
of  Urban  II  to  the  C'ounts  Berenguer  Ramon  de  Barce- 
lona and  Annengal  de  Besalu  in  1089  at  the  time  of 
the  reconquest  of  Tarragona,  and  that  of  Gelasius  II  to 
Alfonso  I  of  Aragon,  when  he  undertook  to  reconquer 
Saragossa  in  1118.  Clement  IV  in  1265  issued  a  gen- 
eral Bull  for  the  whole  of  ,•^pain,  when  the  Kings  of 
Aragon  and  Castile  joined  in  the  expedition  against 
Murcia.  In  the  course  of  time  these  pontifical  con- 
cessions became  more  and  more  frequent;  in  the  reign 
of  the  Catholic  kings  alone  they  were  granted  in  1478, 
1479,  1481,  1482,  1485,  1494^  1.50.3,  and  l.'>05,  and 
were  continueil  during  the  following  reigns,  that 
granted  by  Gregory  XIII  in  157.3  being  renewed  by 
his  successors. 

The  alms  given  by  the  faithful  in  response  to  this 
Bull,  which  were  at  first  used  exclusively  for  carrj'ing 
on  the  war  against  the  infidels,  were  afterwards  used 
for  the  construction  and  repair  of  churches  and  other 
pious  works ;  sometimes  they  were  also  used  to  defray 
expenses  of  the  State.  The  Cortes  of  Valladolid  of 
1.523  and  that  of  Madrid  of  1,592  petitioned  that  this 
money  should  not  be  used  for  any  other  purpose  than 
that  for  which  it  had  originally  been  intended  bv  the 
donors,  but,  notwithstanding  the  provisions  made  by 


Philip  III  in  compliance  with  this  request,  the  abuse 
already  mentioned  continued.  After  1847  the  funds 
derived  from  this  source  were  devoted  to  the  endow- 
ment of  churches  and  the  clergy,  this  disposition  being 
ratified  by  a  law  in  1849  and  in  the  Concordat  of  1851, 
still  in  force. 

In  virtue  of  the  concessions  granted  by  this  Bull ,  the 
faithful  of  the  Spanish  dominions  who  had  fulfilled  the 
necessary  conditions  could  gain  the  plenary  indul- 
gence, granted  to  tliose  who  fought  for  the  reconquest 
of  the  Holy  Land  and  to  those  who  went  to  Rome  in  the 
year  of  Juljilee,  provided  they  went  to  confession  and 
received  Holy  Communion.  They  enjoyed  also  the 
privilege  of  being  absolved  twice  of  sins  and  censures 
reserved  to  the  Holy  See  and  the  ordinary,  except  open 
heresy,  and  others  concerning  ecclesiastics;  to  have 
vows  which  could  not  be  fulfilled  without  difliculty 
commuted  by  their  confessor,  unless  failure  to  fulfil 
them  would  be  to  the  disadvantage  of  another;  also 
simple  vows  of  perpetual  chastity,  of  religious  profes- 
sion, and  of  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.  Those  who 
visited  five  churches  or  altars,  or  the  same  altar  five 
times,  and  prayed  for  the  intentions  of  the  Crusade, 
could  gain  the  indulgences  granted  to  those  who  visited 
the  stations  in  Rome.  The  Bull,  moreover,  permitted 
the  faithful  of  the  Spanish  dominions  to  eat  meat  on  all 
the  days  of  Lent  and  other  days  of  fast  and  abstinence, 
except  Ash  Wednesday,  the  Fridays  of  Lent,  the  last 
four  days  of  Holy  Week,  and  the  vigils  of  the  feasts  of 
the  Nativity,  Pentecost,  the  Assumption,  and  Sts. 
Peter  and  Paul. 

IIexdo.  Bulla:  Sacra:  Cruciata:  Dilucidalio  (Madrid.  1651); 
Llamazares.  Historia  de  la  Bula  de  la  Santa  Cruzada  (Madrid. 
I860);  Salces,  Erplicacidn  de  la  Bula  de  la  Santa  Cruzada 
(Madrid,  1881);  Gottlob,  Kreu2abla.ts  und  Almosenablass 
(Stuttgart,  1906),  195-246.        EdUARDO   DE   HiNOJOSA. 

Crusades. — The  Crusades  were  expeditions  under- 
taken, in  fulfilment  of  a  solemn  vow,  to  deliver  the 
Holy  Places  from  Mohammedan  tyranny.  The  origin 
of  the  word  may  be  traced  to  the  cross  made  of  cloth 
and  worn  as  a  badge  on  the  outer  garment  of  those 
who  took  part  in  these  enterprises.  Medieval  writers 
use  the  terms  crux  (pro  cruce  transmarina,  Charter  of 
1284,  cited  by  Du  Cange  s.  v.  crux),  croisement  (Join- 
ville),  croiserie  (Monstrelet),  etc.  Since  the  Middle 
Ages  the  meaning  of  the  word  crusade  has  been  ex- 
tended to  include  all  wars  undertaken  in  pursuance  of 
a  vow,  and  directed  against  infidels,  i.  e.  against 
Mohammedans,  pagans,  heretics,  or  those  under  the 
ban  of  excommunication.  The  wars  waged  by  the 
Spaniards  against  the  Moors  constituted  a  continual 
crusade  from  the  eleventh  to  the  sLxteenth  century; 
in  the  north  of  Europe  crusades  were  organized  against 
the  Prussians  and  Lithuanians;  the  extermination  of 
the  Albigensian  heresy  was  due  to  a  crusade,  and,  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  the  popes  preached  crusades 
against  John  Lackland  and  Frederick  II.  But  modern 
literature  has  abused  the  word  by  applying  it  to  all 
wars  of  a  religious  character,  as,  for  instance,  the  expe- 
dition of  Heraclius  against  the  Persians  in  the  seventh 
century  and  the  conquest  of  Saxony  by  Charlemagne. 
The  idea  of  the  crusade  corresponds  to  a  political  con- 
ception which  w,as  realized  in  ChrLstendom  only  from 
the  eleventh  to  the  fifteenth  century;  this  supposes  a 
union  of  all  peoples  and  sovereigns  under  the  direction 
of  the  popes.  All  crusades  were  announced  by  preach- 
ing. After  pronouncing  a  solemn  vow,  each  warrior 
received  a  cross  from  the  hands  of  the  pope  or  his 
legates,  and  was  thenceforth  considered  a  soldier  of 
the  Church.  Crusaders  were  also  granted  Indulgences 
and  temporal  privileges,  such  as  exemption  from  civil 
jurisdiction,  inviolability  of  persons  or  lands,  etc.  Of 
all  these  wars  undertaken  in  the  name  of  Christendom, 
the  most  important  were  the  E.astem  Crusades,  which 
are  the  only  ones  treated  in  this  article. 

Prf.sent  Kmowledge  of  the  Crusades. — A  his- 
tory of  the  Cnisades  was  begvm  in  France  in  the  seven- 


CRUSADES 


544 


CRUSADES 


teenth  century  by  the  Benedictines  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  St-Maur.  (Bongars  had  previously  published 
the  first  collection  of  texts  bearing  upon  the  Latin 
Orient,  under  the  title  of  "Gesta  Dei  per  Francos", 
Hanover,  1611,  fol.)  The  publication  of  original  Ori- 
ental texts  prepared  byBerthereau  in  the  eighteenth 
century  was  prevented  by  the  French  Revolution,  but 
in  the  nineteenth  century  the  Academy  of  Inscrip- 
tions and  Belles-Lett  res  adopted  the  Benedictine  plan 
and,  in  1841,  began  to  issue  a  "Collection  de  I'his- 
toire  des  Croisades" — Western  historians,  5  vols.; 
Eastern  or  Arabian  historians,  4  vols.;  Greek,  2 
vols.;  Armenian   documents,  2    vols.;    laws.  2  vols. 

The  historic  revival  that  followed  the  Restoration 
of  1815,  produced  works  of  a  romantic  character  like 
those  of  Michaud  (Histoire  des  Croisades,  1st  ed.,  3 
vols.,  Paris,  1812-17;  and  7  vols.  8vo,  1824-29); 
Wilken  (Gesch.  der  Kreuzzuge,  Leipzig,  7  vols.,  8vo, 
1807-32) ;  and  Mills  (History  of  the  Crusades,  2  vols., 
London,  1820).  Between  1839  and  1842  King  Louis 
Philippe  established  in  the  Versailles  Museum  the 
Halls  of  the  Crusatles,  decorated  with  the  armorial 
bearings  of  families  whose  ancestors  had  taken  part  in 
the  Holy  Wars.  At  this  time  was  brought  to  light  the 
unduly  famous  Courtois  collection,  consisting  of  re- 
ceipts for  advance-money  loaned  to  French  knights 
by  Italian  bankers  and  which,  upon  being  compared 
with  authentic  texts,  was  found  to  contain  a  large 
number  of  forgeries.  (See  L.  Delisle,  "Bibliotheque 
de  I'Ecole  des  Chartes",  1888,  304;  Cartellieri, 
"Philipp  II  August",  Leipzig,  1906,  II,  302  sqq.)  It 
is  only  with  in  the  last  thirty  years  that  the  history  of  the 
Crusades  has  been  studied  in  a  truly  scientific  manner, 
thanks  to  the  Societe  de  I'Orient  Latin  founded  by 
Count  Riant  in  1875  (principal  seats  at  Paris  and  Ge- 
neva). Its  publications  were  at  first  divided  into  geo- 
graphical and  historical  series,  the  former  containing 
the  itineraries  of  pilgrims  and  the  latter,  chronicles, 
letters,  and  charters.  The  "Archives  de  I'Orient 
Latin"  were  published  in  1881  (2  vols.,  Paris),  but 
since  1893  the  publications  have  been  included  in  the 
"Revue  de  I'Orient  Latin",  a  periodical  bibliography 
of  the  history  of  the  Crusades.  Moreover,  in  all  Euro- 
pean countries  national  collections  of  documents 
("Monumenta  Germaniie";  "Societe  de  I'histoire  de 
France";  "Rerum  britannicarum  medii  JBvi  scrip- 
tores";  "Pontes  rerum  austriacarum ",  etc.)  have 
done  much  toward  providing  us  with  sources  of  the 
history  of  the  Crusades.  Owing  to  these  labours  the 
student  of  the  Crusades  may  now  consult: 

(1)  Documents  in  Archws. — Rohrieht's  "  Regesta 
regni  hierosolymitani,  1097-1291"  (Innsbruck, 
1893),  and  Delaville-Leroulx's  "Cartulaire  g^n^ral 
des  Hospitallers  de  S.  Jean  de  Jerusalem",  4  vols.,  fol. 
(Paris,  1894).  The  correspondence  of  the  popes,  pre- 
served in  the  Vatican  archives,  is  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant sources  for  the  historj'  of  the  Crusades.  After 
these  archives  were  made  accessible  to  scholars  by 
order  of  Leo  XIII  in  1881,  the  Ecole  Francjaise  of 
Rome  inaugurated  the  publication  of  the  registers  of 
the  popes  of  the  thirteenth  century  (Library  of  the 
Ecole  FrauQaise  of  Rome)— Gregory  IX  (Auvray,  ed.) ; 
Innocent  IV  (E.  Berger,  ed.);  Alexander  IV  (de  la 
Ronciere,  ed.) ;  LTrban  IV  (Guiraud,  ed.);  Clement  IV 
(Jordan,  ed.);  Gregory  X  and  John  XXI  (Guiraud 
and  Cardier,  ed.);  Nicholas  III  (Gay,  ed.);  Martin  IV 
(Soehn(5e,  ed.);  Honorius  IV  (Prou,  ed.);  Nicholas  IV 
(Langlois,  ed.);  Boniface  VIII  (Faucon,  ed.);  Bene- 
dict XI  ((irandjean,  ed.).  To  these  must  be  added 
the  rcgi.stci-s  of  Honorius  III  (Pressuti,  ed. ;  Rome, 
1888)  and  Clement  V  (Benedictines,  ed.;  Rome,  1885- 
88).  For  the  other  popes  see  Migno's  "Patrologia 
Latina"  an<l  the  "Annates  Ecclesiastici"  of  Baronius 
and  Raynaldi  (Mansi,  ed.,  Lucca,  173S-r)9).  The 
archives  of  the  Italian  states  of  N'cnice,  Genoa,  and 
Naples  have  also  been  of  groat  \aluc  for  throwing  new 
light  on  the  history  of  the  (^rusaiks,  e.  g.  Tafol  and 


Thomas,  "Urkimden  zuralteren  Handels-  und  Staats- 
geschichte  der  Republik  Venedig"  (Pontes  rerum 
austriacarum,  XII  XIV,  Venice,  1856-57);  Thoiii.is, 
"Diplomatariuni  Wiicto-Lcvantinum  "  (Venice,  IS.M)  . 

(2)  Judicial  Documents. — Such  are  the  "Assises  df 
Jerusalem"  (Beugnot,  ed.,  2  vols.,  Paris,  1841)  and  tin' 
"Regie  du  Temple"  (Curzon,  ed.,  Paris,  1886). 

(3)  ChronMes. — These  have  not  yet  been  gathciid 
into  a  single  collection.  The  reader  should  consult 
chiefly  the  "Collection  de  I'histoire  des  Croisades", 
published  by  the  Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  and  the 
"Serie  Historique"  of  the  Societe  de  I'Orient  Latin. 
The  most  detailed  account  of  the  Christian  states  is 
that  in  the  chronicle  of  William,  Archbishop  of  Tyre 
(d.  1190).  It  comprises  twenty-three  books  (1095- 
1 184  )  and,  from  1143,  has  the  value  of  an  original  source 
(Historiens  Occidentaux,  I).  This  work  was  translated 
into  French  under  the  title  of  "Livre  d'Eracles", 
the  translation  being  continued  until  1229  by  Ernoiil 
and  until  1231  by  Bernard,  Treasurer  of  Saint-Pierre 
de  Corbie. 

(4)  Accounts  of  Pilgrimagesand  Itineraries,  Especially 
in  the  Latin  Orient. — The  following  are  important:  a 
geographical  series  from  the  fourth  to  the  thirteenth 
century,  issued  by  the  Palestine  Pilgrims'  Text  Soci- 
ety (London,  1884 — );  "Recueil  de  voyages  et  m6- 
moires  ",  published  by  the  Societe  de  Geographic  (Paris, 
1824-66) ;  "  Recueil  de  voyages  et  de  documents  pour 
servir  a  la  geographic"  (Paris,  1890 — ). 

(5)  Oriental  Research. — The  history  of  the  Crusades 
has  profited  by  the  progress  made  in  the  stvidy  of  the 
Byzantine,  Arabian,  Armenian,  and  Mongolian  Orient 
(Collection  de  I'histoire  des  Croisades:  Greek  histo- 
rians, 2  vols.,  1875;  Arabian  historians,  4  vols.,  since 
1872;   and  Armenian  documents,  2  vols.,  since  1869). 

(6)  Archa'ology. — Finally,  archipological  exploration 
has  added  new  elements  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Latin 
Orient.  The  castles  of  the  crusaders  in  Palestine  and 
the  churches  in  French  style  throughout  Cj'prus  and 
Syria  have  been  discussed  by  Rey  in  his  "  Etudes  sur 
les  monimients  de  I'architecture  militaire  des  croisfe" 
(Paris,  1871)  and  by  Enlart  in  "L'art  gothique  et  la 
Renaissance  en  Chypre"  (Paris,  1899);  for  coins  and 
seals  see  Schlumberger's  "Numismatique  de  I'Orient 
Latin"  (Paris,  1878).  The  historj'  of  the  Crusades 
becomes  henceforth  a  special  field  of  study.  How- 
ever, many  sources  of  information  still  remain  unpub- 
lished, and  those  that  have  been  published  are  scattered 
through  numerous  collections  as  yet  but  little  known. 

Division. — It  has  been  customary  to  describe  the 
Crusades  as  eight  in  number:  the  first,  1095-1101; 
the  second,  headed  by  Louis  VII,  1145-47;  the  third, 
conducted  by  Philip  Augustus  and  Richard  Coeur-de- 
Lion,  1188-92;  the  fourth,  during  which  Constanti- 
nople was  taken,  1204;  the  fifth,  which  included  the 
conquest  of  Damietta,  1217;  the  sixth,  in  which  Fred- 
erick II  took  part  (1228-29);  also  Thibaud  de  Cham- 
pagne and  Richard  of  Cornwall  (1239);  the  seventh, 
led  by  St.  Louis,  1249-52;  the  eighth,  also  under 
St.  Louis,  1270.  This  division  is  arbitrary  and  ex- 
cludes many  important  expeditions,  among  them 
those  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries.  In 
reality  the  Crusades  continued  until  the  end  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  crusade  of  Lepanto  occurring 
in  1571,  that  of  Hungary  in  1664,  and  the  crusade  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  Candia,  in  1669.  A  more 
scientific  division  is  based  on  the  history  of  the  Chris- 
tian settlements  in  the  East;  therefore  the  subject 
will  be  considered  in  the  following  order:  I.  Origin  of 
the  Crusailes;  II.  Foimdation  of  Christian  states  in 
the  East;  III.  First  destruction  of  the  Christian  states 
(1144-87);  IV.  Attempts  to  restore  the  Christian 
states  and  the  crusatle  against  Saint-Jean  d'Acre 
(1192-98);  V.  The  crusade  against  Constantinople 
(1204);  VI.  The  thirteenth-centtio'  crusades  (1217- 
52);  VII.  Final  lo.ss  of  the  Christian  colonies  of  the 
East  (1254-91);  VIII.  The  fourteenth-century  crusade 


CRUSADES 


545 


CRUSADES 


md  the  Ottoman  invasion;  IX.  The  crusade  in  the 
Sfteenth  century;  X.  Modifications  and  survival  of 
;he  idea  of  the  crusade. 

I.  Origin  of  the  Crusades. — The  origin  of  theCru- 
sades  is  directly  traceable  to  the  moral  and  political 
5ondition  of  Western  Christendom  in  the  eleventh 
jentury.  At  that  time  Europe  was  divided  into  nu- 
iierous  states  whose  sovereigns  were  absorbed  in  tedious 
md  petty  territorial  disputes  while  the  emperor,  in 
;heory  the  temporal  head  of  Christendom,  was  wast- 
jig  his  strength  in  the  quarrel  over  Investitures.  The 
3opes  alone  had  maintained  a  just  estimate  of  Chris- 
;ian  unity;  they  realized  to  what  extent  the  interests 
)f  Europe  were  threatened  by  the  Byzantine  Empire 
ind  the  Mohammedan  tribes,  and  they  alone  had  a 
'oreign  policy  whose  traditions  were  formed  under  Leo 
[X  and  Gregory  \Il.  The  reform  effected  in  the 
Church  and  the  papacy  through  the  influence  of  the 
iionks  of  Cluny  had  increased  the  prestige  of  the 
Roman  pontiff  in  the  eyes  of  all  Christian  nations; 
lence  none  but  the  pope  could  inaugurate  the  inter- 
lational  movement  that  culminated  in  the  Crusades. 
3ut  despite  his  eminent  authority  the  pope  could 
lever  have  persuaded  the  Western  peoples  to  arm 
.hemselves  for  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land  had  not 
he  immemorial  relations  between  Syria  and  the  West 
avoured  his  design.  Europeans  listened  to  the  voice 
)f  Urban  II  because  their  own  inclination  and  historic 
.raditions  impelled  them  towards  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 
?rom  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  there  had  been  no 
jreak  in  their  intercourse  with  the  Orient.  In  the  early 
;!hristian  period  colonics  of  Syrians  had  introduced 
■he  religious  ideas,  art,  and  culture  of  the  East  into  the 
arge  cities  of  Gaul  and  Italy.  The  Western  Christians 
n  turn  journeyed  in  large  numbers  to  Syria,  Palestine, 
md  Egj'pt,  either  to  visit  the  Holy  Places  or  to  follow 
;he  ascetic  life  among  the  monks  of  the  Thebaid  or 
3inai.  There  is  still  extant  the  itinerarj-  of  a  pilgrira- 
ige  from  Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem,  dated  333 ;  in  385 
5t.  Jerome  and  St.  Paula  founded  the  first  Latin  mon- 
isteries  at  Bethlehem.  Even  the  Barbarian  invasion 
lid  not  seem  to  dampen  the  ardour  for  pilgrimages 
»  the  East.  The  Itinerary  of  St.  Silvia  (Etheria) 
ihows  the  organization  of  these  expeditions,  which 
vere  directed  by  clerics  and  escorted  by  armed  troops. 
n  the  year  600,  St.  Gregory  the  Great  had  a  hospice 
erected  in  Jerusalem  for  the  accommodation  of  pil- 
nims,  sent  alms  to  the  monks  of  Mount  Sinai  ("Vita 
jregorii"  in  "Acta  SS.",  March  II,  132),  and,  although 
he  deplorable  condition  of  Eastern  Christendom  after 
he  Arab  invasion  rendered  this  intercourse  more  diffi- 
;ult,  it  did  not  by  any  means  cease. 

As  early  as  the  eighth  century  Anglo-Saxons  under- 
vent  the  greatest  hardships  to  visit  Jerusalem.  The 
ourney  of  St.  Willibald,  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  took 
even  years  (722-29)  and  furnishes  an  idea  of  the 
raricd  and  severe  trials  to  which  pilgrims  were  subject 
Itiner.  Latina,  I,  241-283).  After  their  conquest  of 
he  West,  the  Carlovingians  endeavoured  to  improve 
he  condition  of  the  Latins  settled  in  the  East;  in  762 
'epin  the  Short  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
Caliph  of  Bagdad.  In  Rome,  on  30  November,  800, 
he  very  day  on  which  Leo  III  invoked  the  arbitration 
if  Charlemagne,  ambassadors  from  Haroun  al-Raschid 
lelivered  to  the  King  of  the  Franks  the  keys  of  the 
loly  Sepulchre,  the  banner  of  Jersualem,  and  some 
)recious  relics  (Einhard,  "Annales",  ad  an.  800,  in 
'Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  I,  187);  this  was  an 
icknowledgment  of  the  Frankish  protectorate  over  the 
Christians  of  Jerusalem.  That  churches  and  monas- 
eries  were  built  at  Charlemagne's  expense  is  attested 
)y  a  sort  of  a  census  of  the  monasteries  of  Jerusalem 
lated  808  ("  Commemoratio  de  Casis  Dei"  in  "  Itiner. 
3ieros.",  I,  209).  In  870,  at  the  time  of  the  pilgrim- 
ige  of  Bernard  the  Monk  (Itiner.  Hierosol.,  I,  314), 
iese  institutions  were  still  very  prosperous,  and  it  has 
jeen  abundantly  proved  that  alms  were  sent  regularly 
IV.— 35 


from  the  West  to  the  Holy  Land.  In  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, just  when  the  political  and  social  order  of  Europe 
was  most  troubled,  knights,  bishops,  and  abbots, 
actuated  by  devotion  and  a  taste  for  adventure,  were 
wont  to  visit  Jerusalem  and  pray  at  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre without  being  molested  by  the  Mohammedans. 
Suddenly,  in  1009,  Hakem,  the  Fatimite  Caliph  of 
Egypt,  in  a  fit  of  madness  ordered  the  destruction  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  all  the  Christian  establish- 
ments in  Jerusalem.  For  years  thereafter  Christians 
were  cruelly  persecuted.  (See  the  recital  of  an  eye- 
witne,ss,  Iahj;l  of  Antioch,  in  Schlumberger's  "Epo 
pie  byzantine",  II,  442.)  In  1027  the  Frankish  pro- 
tectorate was  overthrown  and  replaced  by  that  of  the 
Byzantine  emperors,  to  whose  diplomacy  was  due  the 
reconstruction  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  Christian 
quarter  was  even  surrounded  by  a  wall,  and  some 
Amalfi  merchants,  vassals  of  the  Greek  emperors, 
built  hospices  in  Jerusalem  for  pilgrims,  e.  g.  the  Hos- 
pital of  St.  John,  cradle  of  the  Order  of  Hospitallers. 
Instead  of  diminishing,  the  enthusiasm  of  Western 
Christians  for  the  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  seemed 
rather  to  increase  during  the  eleventh  century.  Not 
only  princes,  bishops,  and  knights,  but  even  men  and 
women  of  the  humbler  classes  undertook  the  holy 
journey  (Radulphus  Glaber,  IV,  vi).  Whole  armies 
of  pilgrims  traversed  Europe,  and  in  the  valley  of  the 
Danube  hospices  were  established  where  they  could 
replenish  their  provisions.  In  1026  Richard,  Abbot 
of  Saint- Vannes,  led  700  pilgrims  into  Palestine  at  the 
expense  of  Richard  II,  Duke  of  Normandy.  In  1065 
over  12,000  Germans  who  had  crossed  Europe  under 
the  command  of  Giinther,  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  while 
on  their  way  through  Palestine  had  to  seek  shelter  in 
a  ruined  fortress,  where  they  defended  themselves 
against  a  troop  of  Bedouins  (Lambert  of  Hersfeld,  in 
"Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.",  V,  168).  Thus  it  is 
evident  that  at  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century  the 
route  to  Palestine  was  familiar  enough  to  Western 
Christians  who  looked  upon  the  Holy  Sepulchre  as  the 
most  venerable  of  relics  and  were  ready  to  brave  any 
peril  in  order  to  visit  it.  The  memory  of  Charle- 
magne's protectorate  still  lived,  and  a  trace  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  the  medieval  legend  of  this  emperor's 
journey  to  Palestine  (Gaston  Paris  in  "Romania", 
1880,  p.  23).  The  rise  of  the  Seljukian  Turks,  however, 
compromised  the  safety  of  pilgrims  and  even  threat- 
ened the  independence  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  and 
of  all  Christendom.  In  1070  Jerusalem  was  taken, 
and  in  1091  Diogenes,  the  Greek  emperor,  was  de- 
feated and  made  captive  at  Mantzikert.  Asia  Minor 
and  all  of  Syria  became  the  prey  of  the  Turks.  Anti- 
och succumbed  in  1084,  and  by  1092  not  one  of  the 
great  metropolitan  sees  of  Asia  remained  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Christians.  Although  separated  from 
the  communion  of  Rome  since  the  schism  of  Michael 
Crerularius  (1054),  the  emperors  of  Constantinople 
implored  the  assistance  of  the  popes;  in  1073  letters 
were  exchanged  on  the  subject  between  Michael  VII 
and  Gregory  VII.  The  pope  seriously  contemplated 
leading  a  force  of  50,000  men  to  the  East  in  order  to 
re-establish  Christian  unity,  repulse  the  Turks,  and 
rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  But  the  idea  of  the  crusade 
constituted  only  a  part  of  this  magnificent  i)lan.  (The 
letters  of  Gregory  VII  are  in  P.  L.,  CXLVIII,  300, 
325,  329,  .386;  cf.  Riant 's  critical  discussion  in  Ar- 
chives de  I'Orient  Latin,  I.  56.)  The  conflict  over  the 
Investitures  in  1076  compelled  the  pope  to  abandon 
his  projects ;  the  Emperors  Nicephorus  Botaniates  and 
Alexius  Coninenus  were  unfavourable  to  a  religious 
union  with  Rome;  finally  war  broke  out  between  the 
Byzantine  Empire  and  the  Normans  of  the  Two 
Sicilies.  It  was  Pope  Urban  II  who  took  up  the  plans 
of  Gregory  VII  and  gave  them  more  definite  shape. 
A  letter  from  Alexius  Comnenus  to  Robert,  Count  of 
Flanders,  recorded  by  the  chroniclers,  Guibert  de 
Nogent  ("Historiens  Occidentaux  des  Croisades",  od. 


CRUSADES 


546 


CRUSADES 


bythe  Academiedcs  Inscriptions, IV,  131)and  Hugues 
de  Fleury  (in  "Mon.  Genn.  Hist.:  Script.",  IX, 
392),  seems  to  imply  that  the  crusade  was  insti- 
gated by  the  Byzantine  emperor,  but  this  has  been 
proved  false  (Chalaudon,  Essai  sur  le  regne  d'Alexis 
Comnene,  appendix),  Alexius  having  merely  sought 
to  enroll  five  hundred  Flcinisli  knights  in  the  imperial 
army  (Anna Comnena,  Alexiad.,  VII,  iv).  The  honour 
of  initiating  the  crusade  has  also  been  attributed  to 
Peter  the  Hermit,  a  recluse  of  Picardy,  who,  after  a 
pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  and  a  vision  in  the  church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre,  went  to  Urban  II  and  was  com- 
missioned by  him  to  preach  the  crusade.  However, 
though  eyewitnesses  of  the  crusade  mention  his 
preaching,  they  do  not  ascribe  to  him  the  all-important 
role  assigned  him  later  by  various  chroniclers,  e.  g. 
Albert  of  Aix  and  especially  William  of  Tyre.  (See 
Hagenmeyer,  Peter  der  Eremite  Leipzig,  1879.)  The 
idea  of  the  crusade  is  chiefly  attributed  to  Pope  Urban 
II  (1095),  and  the  motives  that  actuated  him  are 
clearly  set  forth  by  his  contemporaries:  ''On  behold- 
ing the  enormous  injury  that  all,  clergy  or  people, 
brought  upon  the  Christian  Faith  ...  at  the  news 
that  the  Rumanian  provinces  had  been  taken  from 
the  Christians  by  the  Turks,  moved  with  compassion 
and  impelled  by  the  love  of  God,  he  crossed  the 
moimtains  and  descended  into  Gaul"  (Foueher 
de  Ch.artres,  I,  in  "Histoire  des  Crois.",  Ill,  321). 
Of  course  it  is  possible  that  in  order  to  swell  his 
forces,  Alexius  Comnenvis  solicited  assistance  in  the 
West ;  however,  it  was  not  he  but  the  pope  who  agitated 
the  great  movement  which  filled  the  Greeks  with  anx- 
iety and  terror. 

II.  Foundation  op  Christian  States  in  the 
East. — After  travelling  through  Burgundy  and  the 
south  of  France,  Urban  II  convoked  a  council  at 
Clermont-Ferrand,  in  Auvergne.  It  was  attended  by 
fourteen  archbishops,  250  bishops,  and  400  abbots; 
moreover  a  great  number  of  knights  and  men  of  all 
conditions  came  and  encamped  on  the  plain  of  Chan- 
toin,  to  the  east  of  Clermont,  18-28  November,  1095. 
On  27  November,  the  pope  himself  addressed  the 
assembled  multitudes,  exhorting  them  to  go  forth  and 
rescue  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  Amid  wonderful  enthu- 
siasm and  cries  of  "God  wills  it!"  all  rushed  towards 
the  pontiff  to  pledge  themselves  by  vow  to  depart  for 
the  Holy  Land  and  receive  the  cross  of  red  material 
to  be  worn  on  the  shoulder.  At  the  same  time  the 
pope  sent  letters  to  all  Christian  nations,  and  the 
movement  made  rapid  headway  throughout  Europe. 
Preachers  of  the  crusade  appeared  everywhere,  and 
on  all  sides  sprang  up  disorganized,  undisciplined, 
penniless  hordes,  almost  destitute  of  equipment,  who, 
surging  eastward  through  the  valley  of  the  Danube, 
plundered  as  they  went  along  and  murdered  the  Jews 
in  the  German  cities.  One  of  these  bands,  headed  by 
Folkmar,  .1  German  cleric,  was  slaughtered  by  the 
Hungarians.  Peter  the  Hermit,  however,  and  the 
German  knight,  Walter  the  Pennyless  (Gautier  Sans 
Avoir),  finally  reached  Constantinople  with  their  dis- 
organized troops.  To  save  the  city  from  plunder 
Alexius  Comnenus  ordered  them  to  be  conveyed 
across  the  Bosporus  (August,  1096);  in  Asia  Minor 
they  turned  to  pillage  and  were  nearly  all  slain  by  the 
Turks.  Meanwhile  the  regular  crusade  was  being 
organized  in  the  West  and,  according  to  a  well  con- 
ceived plan,  the  four  principal  armies  were  to  meet  at 
Constantinople.  (1)  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  Duke  of 
Lower  Lorraine,  at  the  head  of  tlic  ix'ople  of  Lorraine, 
the  Germans,  and  the  French  from  tlie  north,  followed 
the  valley  of  the  Danube,  crossed  Hungary,  and  ar- 
rived at  Constantinojjle,  23  December,  1096.  (2) 
Hugh  of  Vermandois,  brother  of  King  Philip  I  of 
France,  Robert  Courte-IIeuse,  Duke  of  Normandy, 
and  Count  Stephen  of  Blois,  led  bands  of  French  and 
Normans  across  the  Ali)s  and  set  sail  from  the  jiorts  of 
Apulia  for  Dyrrachium  (Durazzo),  whence  they  took 


the  "Via  Egnatia"  to  Constantinople  and  assembled 
there  in  May,  1097.  (3)  The  French  from  the  south, 
under  the  leadership  of  Raymond  of  Sainl-Ciillcs, 
Count  of  Toulouse,  and  of  Adhemar  of  Monttil,  Bishop 
of  Puy  and  papal  legate,  began  to  fight  their  way 
through  the  longitudinal  valleys  of  the  Eastern  Alps 
and,  after  bloody  conflicts  with  the  Slavonians,  reached 
Constantinople  at  the  end  of  April,  1097.  (4)  Lastly, 
the  Normans  of  Southern  Italy,  won  over  by  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  bands  of  crusaders  that  passed 
through  their  country,  embarked  for  Epirus  under  the 
command  of  Bohemond  and  Tancred,  one  being  the 
eldest  son,  the  other  the  nephew,  of  Robert  Guiscard. 
Crossing  the  Byzantine  Empire,  they  succeeded  ia 
reaching  Constantinople,  26  April,  1097.  The  appear- 
ance of  the  crusading  armies  at  Constantinople  raised 
the  greatest  trouble,  and  helped  to  bring  about  in  the 
future  irremediable  misunderstandings  between  thi 
Greeks  and  the  Latin  Christians.  The  unsolicited  inl 
vasion  of  the  latter  alarmed  Alexius,  who  tried  to  pre! 
vent  the  concentration  of  all  these  forces  at  Constanl 
tinople  by  transporting  to  Asia  Minor  each  Western 
army  in  the  order  of  its  arrival ;  moreover,  he  emleav4 
oured  to  extort  from  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  o( 
promise  that  they  would  restore  to  the  Greek  Emjiirq 
the  lands  they  were  about  to  conquer.  After  resistinoj 
the  imperial  entreaties  throughout  the  winter,  God^ 
frey  of  Bouillon,  hemmed  in  at  Pera,  at  length  con- 
sented to  take  the  oath  of  fealty.  Bohemond,  Robert 
Courte-Heuse,  Stephen  of  Blois,  and  the  other  crusad- 
ing chiefs  unhesitatingly  assumed  the  same  obligation; 
Raymond  of  St-Gilles,  however,  remained  obdurate. 
Transported  into  Asia  Minor,  the  crusaders  laid 
siege  to  the  city  of  Nica>a,  but  Alexius  negotiated  with 
the  Turks,  had  the  city  delivered  to  him,  and  pro- 
hibited the  crusaders  from  entering  it  (1  June,  1097). 
After  their  victory  over  the  Turks  at  the  battle  of 
Dorylaeum  on  1  July,  1097,  the  Christians  entered 
upon  the  high  plateaux  of  Asia  Minor.  Constantly 
harrassed  by  a  relentless  enemy,  overcome  by  the 
excessive  heat,  and  sinking  under  the  weight  of  their 
leathern  armour  covered  with  iron  scales,  their  suffer- 
ings were  wellnigh  intolerable.  In  September,  1097, 
Tancred  and  Baldwin,  brothers  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
left  the  bulk  of  the  army  and  entered  Armenian  terri- 
tory. At  Tarsus  a  feud  almost  broke  out  between 
them,  but  fortunately  they  became  reconciled.  Tan- 
cred took  possession  of  the  towns  of  Cilicia,  whilst 
Baldwin,  summoned  by  the  Armenians,  crossed  the 
Euphrates  in  October,  1097,  and,  after  marrying  an 
Armenian  princess,  was  proclaimed  Lord  of  Edessa. 
Meanwhile  the  crusaders,  revictualled  by  the  Arme- 
nians of  the  Taurus  region,  made  their  way  into  Syria 
and  on  20  October,  1097,  reached  the  fortified  city  of 
Antioch,  which  was  protected  by  a  wall  flanked  with 
450  towers,  stocked  by  the  Ameer  Jagi-Sian  with 
immense  quantities  of  provisions.  Thanks  to  the 
assistance  of  carpenters  and  engineers  who  belonged 
to  a  Genoese  fleet  that  had  arrived  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Orontes,  the  crusadere  were  enabled  to  coiLstruct 
battering-machines  and  to  begin  the  siege  of  the  city, 
Eventually  Bohemond  negotiated  with  a  Turkish 
chief  who  surrendered  one  of  the  towers,  and  on  the 
night  of  2  June,  1098,  the  crusaders  took  Antioch  by 
storm.  Tlie  very  next  day  they  were  in  turn  besieged 
within  the  city  by  the  army  of  Kerbv'iga,  Ameer  oi 
Mosul.  Plague  and  famine  cruelly  decimated  theii 
ranks,  and  many  of  them,  among  others  Stephen  ol 
Blois,  escaped  under  cover  of  night.  The  array  wai 
on  the  verge  of  giving  way  to  discouragement  w'hen 
its  spirits  were  suddenly  revived  by  the  discovery  ol 
the  Holy  Lance,  resulting  from  the  ilream  of  a  Prov- 
enQal  priest  named  Pierre  Barthelemy.  On  28  June, 
1098,  Kerbilga's  army  was  effectually  repulsed,  but, 
instead  of  marching  on  Jerusalem  without  delay,  the 
chiefs  spent  several  months  in  a  quarrel  due  to  th< 
rivalry  of  Raymond  of  Saint-Gilles  anil  Bohemond, 


CCJROXATIOX  OF  HALDWIX   I,   KING  OF  JERUSALEM,   BY   F.NKICO   DANDOLO,  DOGE 

OF  VENICE 
VASSILACCHI    (l'ALIENSE),    DOGE'S    PALACE,    VENICE 


~~) 


CRUSADES 


547 


CRUSADES 


30th  of  whom  claimed  the  right  to  Antioch.  It  was 
lot  until  April,  1099,  that  the  march  towards  Jeru- 
salem was  begun,  Bohemond  remaining  in  possession 
jf  Antioch  while  Raymond  seized  on  Tripoli.  On  7 
fune  the  crusailers  began  the  siege  of  Jerusalem, 
rheir  predicament  would  have  been  serious,  indeed, 
lad  not  another  Genoese  fleet  arrived  at  Jaffa  and,  as 
it  .Antioch,  furnished  the  engineers  necessary  for  a 
iiege.  After  a  general  procession  which  the  crusaders 
made  barefooted  aroimd  the  city  walls  amid  the  in- 
jults  and  incantations  of  Mohammedan  sorcerers,  the 
ittack  began  14  July,  1099.  Next  day  the  Christians 
?ntered  Jerusalem  from  all  sides  and  slew  its  inhabi- 
tants regardless  of  age  or  sex.  Having  accomplished 
:heir  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  the  knights 
jhose  as  lord  of  the  new  conquest  Godfrey  of  Bouillon, 
,vho  called  himself  "  Defender  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre", 
rhey  had  then  to  repulse  an  Egyptian  army,  which 
was  defeated  at  Ascalon,  12  August,  1099.  Their 
:)Osition  was  nevertheless  very  insecure.  Alexius 
I^onmenus  threatened  the  principality  of  Antioch,  and 
n  1100  Bohemond  himself  was  made  prisoner  by  the 
Furks,  while  most  of  the  cities  on  the  coast  were  still 
ander  Mohammedan  control.  Before  his  death,  29 
Fuly,  1099,  T'rban  II  once  more  proclaimed  the  cru- 
sade. In  1101  three  expeditions  crossed  Europe  un- 
ier  the  leadership  of  Count  Stephen  of  Blois,  Duke 
i\'illiam  IX  of  Aquitaine,  and  Welf  IV,  Duke  of 
Bavaria.  All  three  managed  to  reach  Asia  Minor,  but 
vere  massacred  by  the  Turks.  On  his  release  from 
jnson  Bohemond  attacked  the  Byzantine  Empire,  but 
yas  surroimded  by  the  imperial  army  and  forced  to 
icknowledge  himself  the  vassal  of  Alexius.  On  Bohe- 
nond's  death,  however,  in  1111,  Tancred  refused  to 
ive  up  to  the  treaty  and  retained  Antioch.  Godfrey 
)f  Bouillon  died  at  Jerusalem  18  July,  1100.  His 
jrotherand  successor,  Baldwin  of  Edessa,  was  crowned 
King  of  Jenisalem  in  the  Ba.silica  of  Bethlehem,  25 
Decomljer,  1 100.  In  1 1 12,  with  the  aid  of  Norwegians 
indiT  Sigurd  Jorsalafari  and  the  support  of  Genoese, 
'isan,  and  Venetian  fleets,  Baldwin  I  began  the  con- 
|uest  of  the  ports  of  Syria,  which  was  completed  in 
1124  by  the  capture  of  Tyre.  Ascalon  alone  kept  an 
Sgj'ptian  garrison  until  1153. 

At  this  period  the  Christian  states  formed  an  ex- 
«nsive  and  unbroken  territory  between  the  Euphrates 
md  the  Egyptian  frontier,  and  inchuled  four  almost 
ndependent  principalities:  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
he  Coimtship  of  Tripoli,  the  Principality  of  Antioch, 
md  the  Countship  of  Ilohez  (Edessa).  These  small 
tutcs  were,  so  to  speak,  the  common  property  of  all 
'hristendom  and,  as  such,  were  subordinate  to  the 
uithority  of  the  pope.  Moreover,  the  French  knights 
ind  Italian  merchants  established  in  the  newly  con- 
[uered  cities  soon  gained  the  upper  hand.  The  au- 
hority  of  the  sovereigns  of  these  different  principali- 
ies  was  restricted  by  the  fief-holders,  vassals,  and 
inder-vassals  who  constituted  the  Court  of  Lieges,  or 
Jupreme  Court.  This  assembly  had  entire  control  in 
egislative  matters;  no  statute  or  law  could  be  estab- 
ishcd  without  its  consent ;  no  baron  could  be  deprived 
if  his  fief  without  its  decision;  its  jurisdiction  ex- 
ended  over  all,  even  the  king,  and  it  controlled  also 
he  succession  to  the  throne.  A  "Court  of  the  Bur- 
!e.s.ses"  had  similar  jurisdiction  over  the  citizens. 
£ach  fief  had  a  like  tribunal  composed  of  knights  and 
:itizcns,  and  in  the  ports  there  were  police  and  mercan- 
ilc  courts  (see  jV.ssize.s  of  Jerusalem).  The  author- 
ty  of  th(!  Church  also  helped  to  limit  the  power  of  the 
ting;  the  four  metropolitan  sees  of  Tyre,  Ca-sarea, 
Jessan,  and  Petra  were  subject  to  the  Patriarch  of 
lenisalem,  similarly  seven  suffr.ag.an  .■s'-es  and  a  great 
nany  abbeys,  among  them  .MdumI  Sioii,  Mount  Olivet, 
he  Temple,  Jo.saphat,  and  tlm  Holy  Sepulchre, 
rhrough  rich  and  frequent  donations  the  clergy  be- 
;anie  the  largest  property-holders  in  the  kingdom ; 
ihey   also   received   from   the   crusaders   important 


estates  situated  in  Europe.  In  spite  of  the  aforesaid 
restrictions,  in  the  twelfth  century  the  King  of  Jeru- 
salem had  a  large  income.  The  customs  duties  estab- 
lished in  the  ports  and  administered  by  natives,  the 
tolls  exacted  from  caravans,  and  the  monopoly  of 
certain  industries  were  a  fruitful  source  of  revenue. 
From  a  military  point  of  view  all  vassals  owed  tlie 
king  unlimited  service  as  to  time,  though  he  was 
obliged  to  compensate  them,  but  to  fill  the  ranks  of 
the  army  it  was  necessary  to  enroll  natives  w-ho  re- 
ceived a  life  annuity  (fiej  de  soudre).  In  this  way 
was  recruited  the  light  cavalry  of  the  "Turcoples", 
armed  in  Saracenic  style.  Altogether  these  forces 
barely  exceeded  20,000  men,  and  yet  the  powerful 
vassals  who  commanded  them  were  almost  independ- 
ent of  the  king.  So  it  was  that  the  great  need  of 
regular  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Christian  domin- 
ions brought  about  the  creation  of  a  imique  institu- 
tion, the  religious  orders  of  knighthood,  viz.:  the 
Hospitallers,  who  at  first  did  duty  in  the  Hospital 
of  St.  John  founded  by  the  aforesaid  merchants  of 
Amalfi,  and  were  then  organized  into  a  militia  by 
Gerard  du  Puy  that  they  might  fight  the  Saracens 
(1113);  and  the  Templars,  nine  of  whom  in  1118 
gathered  around  Hugues  de  Payens  and  received  the 
Rule  of  St.  Bernard.  These  members,  whether  knights 
drawn  from  the  nobility,  bailiffs,  clerks,  or  chaplains, 
pronounced  the  three  monastic  vows,  but  it  was  chief- 
ly to  the  war  against  the  Saracens  that  they  pledged 
themselves.  Being  favoured  with  many  spiritual  and 
temporal  privileges,  they  easily  gained  recruits  from 
among  the  younger  sons  of  feudal  houses  and  acquired 
both  in  Palestine  and  in  Europe  considerable  prop- 
erty. Their  castles,  built  at  the  principal  strategic 
points,  Margat,  Le  Crac,  and  Tortosa,  were  strong 
citadels  protected  by  several  concentric  enclosures. 
In  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  these  militarj-  orders 
virtually  formed  two  independent  commonwealths. 
Finally,  in  the  cities,  the  public  power  was  divided 
between  the  native  citizens  and  the  Italian  colonists, 
Genoese,  Venetians,  Pisans,  and  also  the  Marseillais 
who,  in  exchange  for  their  services,  were  given  su- 
preme power  in  certain  districts  wherein  small  self- 
governing  communities  had  their  consuls,  their 
churches,  and  on  the  outskirts  their  farm-land,  used 
for  the  cultivation  of  cotton  and  sugar-cane.  The 
Syrian  ports  were  regularly  visited  by  Italian  fleets 
which  obtained  there  the  spices  and  silks  brought  by 
caravans  from  the  Far  East.  Thus,  during  the  first 
half  of  the  twelfth  century  the  Christian  states  of  the 
East  were  completely  organized,  and  even  ecli|)sed 
in  wealth  and  pros|)erity  most  of  the  Western  states. 
III.  FiR.sT  Dk.struction  of  the  Christian  States 
(1144-87). — Many  dangers,  unfortunately,  threatened 
this  prosperity.  On  the  south  were  the  Caliphs  of 
Egypt,  on  the  east  the  Seljuk  Ameers  of  Damascus, 
Hamah  and  Aleppo,  and  on  the  north  the  Byzantine 
emperors,  eager  to  realize  the  project  of  Alexius  Com- 
nenus  and  firing  the  Latin  states  under  their  power. 
Moreover,  in  the  [)resence  of  so  many  enemies  the 
Christian  states  lacked  cohesion  and  discipline.  The 
help  they  received  from  the  West  was  too  scattered 
and  intermittent.  Nevertheless  these  Western  knights, 
isolated  amid  Mohammedans  and  forced,  because  of 
the  torrid  climate,  to  lead  a  life  far  different  from 
that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  at  home,  dis- 
played admirable  bravery  and  energy  in  their  efforts 
to  save  the  Christian  colonies.  In  1137  John  Com- 
nenus.  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  appeared  before 
Antioch  with  an  anny,  and  comiicllcd  Prince  Ray- 
mond to  do  him  homage.  On  the  death  of  this  poten- 
tate (1143),  Raymond  endeavoured  to  sliake  off  the 
irksome  yoke  and  invaded  Byzantine  tcnitorv,  but 
was  hemmed  in  by  the  imperial  army  and  compelled 
fl  144)  to  humble  himself  at  Constantinople  before  the 
Emperor  Mamiel.  The  Principality  of  Ede.s,sa,  com- 
pletely isolated  from  the  other  Christian  states,  could 


CRUSADES 


548 


CRUSADES 


not  withstand  the  attacks  of  Imad-ed-Din,  the  prince, 
or  atabek,  of  Mosul,  who  forced  its  garrison  to  capitu- 
late 25  December,  1144.  After  the  assassination  of 
Imad-ed-Din,  his  son  Nour-ed-Din  continued  hostili- 
ties against  the  Christian  states.  At  news  of  this, 
Louis  VII  of  France,  Queen  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  and 
a  great  number  of  knights,  moved  by  the  exhortations 
of  St.  Bernard,  enlisted  under  the  cross  (Assembly  of 
V^zelay,  31  March,  1146).  The  Abbot  of  Clairvaux 
became  the  apostle  of  the  crusade  and  conceived  the 
idea  of  urging  all  Europe  to  attack  the  infidels  simul- 
taneously in  Syria,  in  Spain,  and  beyond  the  Elbe. 
At  first  he  met  with  strong  opposition  in  Germany. 
Eventually  Emperor  Conrad  III  acceded  to  his  wish 
and  adopted  the  standard  of  the  cross  at  the  Diet  of 
Spires,  25  December,  1146.  However,  there  was  no 
such  enthusiasm  as  had  prevailed  in  1095.  Just  as 
the  crusaders  started  on  their  march,  King  Roger  of 
Sicily  attacked  the  Byzantine  Empire,  but  his  expedi- 
tion merely  checked  the  progress  of  Nour-ed-Din's 
invasion.  The  sufferings  endured  by  the  crusaders 
while  crossing  Asia  Minor  prevented  them  from  ad- 
vancing on  Edessa.  They  contented  themselves  with 
besieging  Damascus,  but  were  obliged  to  retreat  at 
the  end  of  a  few  weeks  (July,  1148).  This  defeat 
caused  great  dissatisfaction  in  the  West;  moreover, 
the  conflicts  between  the  Greeks  and  the  crusaders 
only  confirmed  the  general  opinion  that  the  Byzantine 
Empire  was  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  success  of  the 
Crusades.  Nevertheless,  Manuel  Comnenus  endeav- 
oured to  strengthen  the  bonds  that  united  the  Byzan- 
tine Empire  to  the  Italian  principalities.  In  1161  he 
married  Mary  of  Antioch,  and  in  1167  gave  the  hand 
of  one  of  his  nieces  to  Amalric,  King  of  Jerusalem. 
This  alliance  resulted  in  thwarting  the  progress  of 
Nour-cd-Din,  who,  having  become  master  of  Damas- 
cus in  1154,  refrained  thenceforth  from  attacking  the 
Christian  dominions. 

ICing  Amalric  profited  by  this  respite  to  interpose 
in  the  affairs  of  Egypt,  as  the  only  remaining  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Fatimite  dynasty  were  children,  and 
two  rival  viziera  were  disputing  the  supreme  power 
amid  conditions  of  absolute  anarchy.  One  of  these 
disputants,  Shawer,  being  exiled  from  Egypt,  took 
refuge  with  Nour-ed-Din,  who  sent  his  best  general, 
Shirkiih,  to  reinstate  him.  After  his  conquest  of 
Cairo,  Shirkiih  endeavoured  to  bring  Shawer  into  dis- 
favour with  the  caliph ;  Amalric,  taking  advantage  of 
this,  allied  himself  with  Shawer.  On  two  occasions, 
in  1164  and  1167,  he  forced  Shirkiih  to  evacuate 
Egypt;  a  body  of  Frankish  knights  was  stationed  at 
one  of  the  gates  of  Cairo,  and  Egypt  paid  a  tribute  of 
100,000  dinars  to  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  In 
1168  Amalric  made  another  attempt  to  conquer  Egjrpt, 
but  failed.  After  ordering  the  assassination  of  Sha- 
wer, Shirkiih  had  himself  proclaimed  Grand  Vizier. 
At  his  death  on  3  March,  1169,  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  nephew,  Salah-ed-Din  (Saladin).  During  that 
year  Amalric,  aided  by  a  Byzantine  fleet,  invaded 
Egypt  once  more,  but  was  defeated  at  Damietta. 
Saladin  retained  full  sway  in  Egypt  and  appointed  no 
successor  to  the  last  Fatimite  caliph,  who  died  in  1171. 
Moreover,  Nour-ed-Din  died  in  1174,  and,  while  his 
sons  and  nephews  disputed  the  inheritance,  Saladin 
took  possession  of  Damascus  and  conquered  all  Meso- 
potamia except  Mosul.  Thus,  when  Amalric  died  in 
1173,  leaving  the  royal  power  to  Baldwin  IV,  "the 
Leprous",  a  child  of  thirteen,  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem was  threatened  on  all  sides.  At  the  same  time 
two  factions,  led  respectively  by  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
brother-in-law  of  the  king,  and  Raymond,  Count  of 
Tripoli,  contended  for  the  supremacy.  Baldwin  IV 
died  in  1184,  and  was  .soon  followed  to  the  grave  by 
his  nephew  Baldwin  V.  Despite  lively  opposition, 
Guy  de  Lusignan  was  crowned  king,  20  July,  1186. 
Though  the  struggle  against  Saladin  was  already 
under  way,  it  was  unfortunately  conducted  without 


order  or  discipline.  Notwithstanding  the  truce  con- 
cluded with  Saladin,  Renaud  de  Chatillon,  a  powerful 
feudatory  and  lord  of  the  trans-Jordanic  region,  which 
included  the  fief  of  Montreal,  the  great  castle  of 
Karak,  and  Ailet,  a  port  on  the  Red  Sea,  sought  to 
divert  the  enemy's  attention  by  attacking  the  holy 
cities  of  the  Mohammedans.  Oarless  vessels  were 
brought  to  Ailet  on  the  backs  of  camels  in  1182,  and  |  ;] 
a  fleet  of  five  galleys  traversed  the  Red  Sea  for  a 
whole  year,  ravaging  the  coasts  as  far  as  Aden;  a 
body  of  knights  even  attempted  to  seize  Medina.  In 
the  end  this  fleet  was  destroyed  by  Saladin's,  and,  to 
the  great  joy  of  the  Mohammedans,  the  Frankish 
prisoners  were  put  to  death  at  Mecca.  Attacked  in 
his  castle  at  Karak,  Renaud  twice  repulsed  Saladin's 
forces  (1184-86).  A  truce  was  then  signed,  but, 
Renaud  broke  it  again  and  carried  off  a  caravan  in 
which  was  the  sultan's  own  sister.  In  his  exaspera- 
tion Saladin  invaded  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ami. 
although  Guy  de  Lusignan  gathered  all  his  forces  tn 
repel  the  attack,  on  4  July,  1187,  Saladin's  army 
annihilated  that  of  the  Christians  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Tiberias.  The  king,  the  grand  master  of  the 
Temple,  Renaud  de  Chatillon,  and  the  most  powerful 
men  in  the  realm  were  made  prisoners.  After  slay-  j  U 
ing  Renaud  with  his  own  hand,  Saladin  marched  on 
Jerusalem.  The  city  capitulated  17  September,  and 
Tyre,  Antioch,  and  Tripoli  were  the  only  places  in 
Syria  that  remained  to  the  Christians. 

IV.  Attempts  to  restore  the  Christi.vn  St.\tes 

AND    THE     CRUS.IDE     AG.IINST    S.\INT-Je.\N     d'AcRE. 

The  news  of  these  events  caused  great  consternation 
in  Christendom,  and  Pope  Gregory  VIII  strove  to  put 
a  stop  to  all  dissensions  among  the  Christian  princes. 
On  21  January,  1188,  Philip  Augustus,  Iving  of 
France,  and  Henry  II,  Plantagenet,  became  reconciled 
at  Gisors  and  took  the  cross.     On  27  March,  at  the 


■  p 


k 


Diet  of  Mainz,  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  a  great  num-  ^ 
ber  of  German  knights  m.ade  a  vow  to  defend  the  ^ 
Christian  cause  in  Palestine.  In  Italy,  Pisa  made  jjjj 
peace  with  Genoa,  Venice  with  the  Iving  of  Hungary,  ^ 
and  William  of  Sicily  with  the  Byzantine  Empire. 
Moreover,  a  Scandinavian  fleet  consisting  of  12,000 
warriors  sailed  around  the  shores  of  Europe;  when 
passing  Portugal,  it  helped  to  capture  Alvor  from  the 
Mohammedans.  Enthusiasm  for  the  crusade  was 
again  wrought  up  to  a  high  pitch;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  diplomacy  and  royal  and  princely  schemes  be- 
came increasingly  important  in  its  organization.  Fred- 
erick Barbarossa  entered  into  negotiations  with  Isaac 
Angelus,  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  with  the  Sultan 
of  Iconium,  and  even  with  Saladin  himself.  It  was, 
moreover,  the  first  time  that  all  the  Mohammedan 
forces  were  united  under  a  single  leader;  Saladin, 
while  the  holy  war  was  being  [jreached,  organized 
against  the  Christians  something  like  a  counter- 
crusade.  Frederick  Barbarossa,  who  was  first 
ready  for  the  enterprise,  and  to  whom  chroniclers 
attribute  an  army  of  100,000  men.  left  Ratisbon, 
11  May,  1189.  AJfter  crossing  Hungary  he  took  the 
Balkan  passes  by  assault  and  tried  to  outflank  the 
hostile  movements  of  Isaac  Angelus  by  attacking  Con- 
stantinople. Finally,  after  the  sack  of  Adrianople, 
Isaac  Angelus  surrendered,  and  between  21  and  30 
March,  1190,  the  Germans  succeeded  in  crossing  the 
Strait  of  Gallipoli.  As  usual,  the  march  across  Asia 
Minor  was  most  arduous.  With  a  view  to  replenish- 
ing provisions,  the  army  took  Iconium  by  assault.  On 
their  arrival  in  the  Taurus  region.  Frederick  Barba- 
rossa tried  to  cross  the  Selef  (  Kalykadnos)  on  horse- 
back and  was  drowned.  Thcreiiiion  many  German 
princes  returned  to  Europe;  the  others,  under  the 
emperor's  son,  Frederick  of  Swaliia,  reached  Antioch 
and  proceeded  thence  to  Saint-Jean  d'Acre.  It  was 
before  this  city  that  finally  all  the  crusading  troopa| 
assembled.  In  June,  11S9,  King  Guy  de  Lusignan, 
who  had  been  released  from  captivity,  appeared  there 


CRUSADES 


549 


CRUSADES 


^ith  the  remnant  of  the  Christian  army,  and,  in  Sep- 
eraber  of  the  same  year,  the  Scandinavian  fleet  ar- 
■ived,  followed  by  the  English  and  Flemish  fleets,  cora- 
nanded  respectively  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
ind  Jacques  d'Avesnes.  This  heroic  siege  lasted  two 
rears.  In  the  spring  of  each  year  reinforcements  ar- 
rived from  the  West,  and  a  veritable  Christian  city 
iprang  up  outside  the  walls  of  Acre.  But  the  winters 
vere  disastrous  to  the  crusaders,  whose  ranks  were 
leciniated  by  disease  brought  on  by  the  inclemency  of 
he  rainy  season  and  lack  of  food.  Saladin  came  to  the 
issistance  of  the  city,  and  communicated  with  it  by 
neans  of  carrier  pigeons.  Missile-hurling  machines 
pierricrcs),  worked  by  powerful  machinery,  were 
ised  by  the  crusaders  to  demolish  the  walls  of  Acre, 
)ut  the  Mohammedans  also  had  strong  artillery.  This 
amous  siege  had  already  lasted  two  years  when  Philip 
Augustus,  King  of  France,  and  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion, 
ving  of  England,  arrived  on  the  scene.  After  long 
ieliberation  they  had  left  V^zelay  together,  4  July, 
190.  Richard  embarked  at  Marseilles,  Philip  at 
Jenoa,  and  they  met  at  Messina.  During  a  sojourn 
a  this  place,  lasting  until  March,  1191,  they  almost 
[uarrelled,  but  finally  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace. 
Vhile  Philip  was  landing  at  Acre,  Richard  was  ship- 
wrecked on  the  coast  of  Cyprus,  then  independent 
inder  Isaac  Comnenus.  With  the  aid  of  Guy  de  Lusi- 
:nan,  Richard  conquered  this  island.  The  arrival  of 
he  Kings  of  France  and  England  before  Acre  brought 
,bout  the  capitulation  of  the  city,  13  July,  1191. 
icon,  however,  the  quarrel  of  the  French  and  English 
dngs  broke  out  .again,  and  Philip  Augustus  left  Pales- 
ine,  2S  July.  Richard  w;is  now  leader  of  the  crusade. 
,nd.  to  punish  Saladin  for  the  non-fulfilment  of  the 
reaty  conditions  within  the  time  specified,  had  the 
lohammedan  hostages  put  to  death.  Next,  an  attack 
m  Jerusalem  was  meditated,  but,  after  beguiling  the 
^ristians  by  negotiations,  Saladin  brought  numer- 
lus  troops  from  Egypt.  The  enterprise  failed,  and 
?icliard  compensated  himself  for  these  reverses  by 
irilliant  but  useless  exploits  which  made  his  name 
egenilarj'  among  the  Mohammedans.  Before  his  de- 
)arture  lie  sold  the  Island  of  Cyprus,  first  to  the  Tem- 
)iars,  who  were  unable  to  settle  there,  and  then  to  Guy 
le  Lusignan,  who  renounced  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusa- 
em  in  favour  of  Conrad  of  Montferrat  (1192).  After 
I  last  e.xpedition  to  defend  Jaffa  against  Saladin, 
Richard  declared  a  truce  and  embarked  for  Europe, 
I  October,  1192,  but  did  not  reach  his  English  realm 
uitil  he  had  undergone  a  himiiliating  captivity  at 
he  hands  of  the  Duke  of  Austria,  who  avenged  in 
his  way  the  insults  offered  him  before  Saint-Jean 
I'Acre. 

While  Capetians  and  Plantagenets,  oblivious  of  the 
ioly  War,  were  settling  at  home  their  territorial  dis- 
mtes.  Emperor  Henry  VI,  son  of  Barbarossa,  took  in 
land  the  supreme  direction  of  Christian  politics  in  the 
Sast.  Crowned  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  2.5  Decem- 
)er,  1194,  he  took  the  cross  at  Bari,  31  May,  1195,  and 
nade  ready  an  expedition  which,  he  thought,  would 
ecover  Jerusalem  and  wrest  Constantinople  from  the 
isurper  Alexius  III.  Eager  to  exercise  his  imperial 
lUthority  he  made  Amaury  de  Lusignan  King  of  Cy- 
>nis  and  Leo  II  King  of  Armenia.  In  September, 
[197,  the  Gennan  crusaders  started  for  the  East. 
rhcy  landed  at  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  and  marched  on 
Fcnisalcm,  but  were  detained  before  the  little  town 
)f  Tibnin  from  November,  1197,  to  February,  1198. 
)n  raising  the  siege,  they  learned  that  Henry  VI  had 
lied,  JS  .September,  at  Mcs.sina,  where  he  had  gathered 
the  fleet  that  was  to  convey  him  to  Constantinople. 
The  Germans  signed  a  truce  with  the  Saracens,  but 
their  future  influence  in  Palestine  was  assured  by  the 
creation  of  the  Order  of  the  Teutonic  Knights.  In 
1143.  a  German  pilgrim  had  founded  a  hospital  for  his 
fellow-count  rjTiien ;  the  religious  who  served  it  moved 
to  Acre  and,  in  1198,  were  organized  in  imitation  of 


the  plan  of  the  Hospitallers,  their  rule  being  approved 
by  Innocent  III  in  1199. 

V.  The  Crus.\de  against  Con.stantinople  (1204). 
— In  the  many  attempts  made  to  establish  the  Chris- 
tian states  the  efforts  of  the  crusaders  had  been  di- 
rected solely  toward  the  object  for  which  the  Holy 
War  had  beeen  instituted ;  the  crusade  against  Con- 
stantinople shows  the  first  deviation  from  the  original 
purpose.  For  those  who  strove  to  gain  their  ends  by 
taking  the  direction  of  the  crusades  out  of  the  pope's 
hands,  this  new  movement  was,  of  course,  a  triumph, 
but  for  Christendom  it  was  a  source  of  perplexity. 
Scarcely  had  Innocent  III  been  elected  pope,  in  Janu- 
ary, 1198,  when  he  inaugurated  a  policy  in  the  East 
which  he  was  to  follow  throughout  his  pontificate. 
He  subordinated  all  else  to  the  recapture  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  reconquest  of  the  Holy  Land.  In  his  first 
Encyclicals  he  summoned  all  Christians  to  join  the 
crusade  and  even  negotiated  with  Alexius  III,  the 
Byzantine  emperor,  trying  to  persuade  him  to  re-enter 
the  Roman  commmiion  and  use  his  troops  for  the  lib- 
eration of  Palestine.  Peter  of  Capua,  the  papal  legate, 
brought  about  a  truce  between  Philip  Augustus  and 
Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  January,  1199,  and  popular 
preachers,  among  others  the  parish  priest  Foulques 
of  Neuilly,  attracted  large  crowds.  During  a  tourna- 
ment at  Ecrj--sur-Aisne  2S  November,  1199,  Count 
Thibaud  de  Champagne  and  a  great  many  knights 
took  the  cross;  in  southern  Germany,  Martin,  Abbot 
of  Pairis,  near  Colmar,  won  many  to  the  crusade.  It 
would  seem,  however,  that,  from  the  outset,  the  pope 
lost  control  of  this  enterprise.  Without  even  consult^ 
ing  Innocent  III.  the  French  knights,  who  had  elected 
Thibaud  de  Champagne  as  their  leader,  decided  to  at- 
tack the  Mohammedans  in  Egypt  and  in  March,  1201, 
concluded  with  the  Republic  of  Venice  a  contract  for 
the  transportation  of  troops  on  the  Mediterranean. 
On  the  death  of  Thibaud  the  crusaders  chose  as  his 
successor  Boniface,  Marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  cousin 
of  Philip  of  Swabia,  then  in  open  conflict  with  the 
pope.  Just  at  this  time  the  son  of  Isaac  Angelus,  the 
dethroned  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  sought  refuge 
in  the  West  and  asked  Innocent  III  and  his  own 
brother-in-law,  Philip  of  Swabia,  to  reinstate  him  on 
the  imperial  throne.  The  question  has  been  raised 
whether  it  was  pre-arranged  between  Philip  and  Boni- 
face of  Montferrat  to  turn  the  crusade  towards  Con- 
stantinople, and  a  passage  in  the  "Gesta  Innocentii" 
(83,  in  P.  L.,  CCXIV,  CXXXII)  indicates  that  the 
idea  was  not  new  to  Boniface  of  Montferrat  when,  in  the 
spring  of  1202,  lie  made  it  known  to  the  pope.  Mean- 
while the  crus:iilrrs  :iss(>iiibled  at  ^'enice  could  not  pay 
the  amount  called  for  by  their  contract,  so,  by  way  of 
exchange,  the  \'enetians  suggested  that  they  help  re- 
cover the  city  of  Zara  in  Dalmatia.  The  knights  ac- 
cepted the  proposal,  and,  after  a  few  days'  siege,  the 
city  capitulated.  November,  1202.  But  it  was  in  vain 
that  Innocent  III  urged  the  crusaders  to  set  out  for 
Palestine.  Having  obtained  absolution  for  the  cap- 
ture of  Zara,  and  despite  the  opposition  of  Simon  of 
Montfort  and  a  part  of  the  army,  on  24  May,  1203,  the 
leaders  orilered  a  march  on  Constantinople.  They 
had  concluded  with  Alexius,  the  Byzantine  pretender, 
a  treaty  whereby  he  promised  to  have  the  Greeks  re- 
turn to  the  Roman  communion,  give  the  crusaders 
200,000  marks,  and  participate  in  the  Holy  War.  On 
23  ,Iune  the  cnisaders'  fleet  appeared  before  Constan- 
tinople ;  on  7  July  they  took  possession  of  a  suburb  of 
Galata  and  forced  their  way  into  the  Golden  Horn; 
on  17  July  they  simultaneously  attacked  the  sea 
walls  and  Ian<l  walls  of  the  Blachernip.  The  troops 
of  Alexius  III  made  an  unsuccessful  sally,  and  the 
usurper  fled,  whereupon  Isaac  Angelus  was  released 
from  prison  and  permitted  to  share  the  imperial  dig- 
nity with  his  son,  Alexius  IV.  But  even  had  the  latter 
been  sincere  he  would  have  been  powerless  to  keep  the 
promises  made  to  the  crusaders.     After  some  montha 


CRUSADES 


550 


CRUSADES 


of  tedious  waiting,  those  of  their  number  cantoned  at 
Galata  lost  patience  with  the  Greeks,  who  not  only 
refused  to  live  up  to  their  agreement,  but  likewise 
treated  them  with  open  hostility.  On  5  February, 
1204,  Alexius  IV  and  Isaac  Angelus  were  deposed  bya 
revolution,  and  Alexius  Murzuphla,  a  usurper,  under- 
took the  defence  of  Constantinople  against  the  Latin 
crusaders  who  were  preparing  to  besiege  Constanti- 
nople a  second  time.     By  a  treaty  concluded  in  March, 

1204,  between  the  Venetians  and  the  crusading  chiefs, 
it  was  pre-arranged  to  share  the  spoils  of  the  Greek 
Empire.  On  12  .\pril,  1204,  Constantinople  was  car- 
ried by  storm,  and  the  next  day  the  ruthless  plunder- 
ing of  its  churches  and  palaces  was  begun.  The  mas- 
terpieces of  antiquity,  piled  up  in  public  places  and  in 
the  Hippodrome,  were  utterly  destroyed.  Clerics  and 
knights,  in  their  eagerness  to  acquire  famous  and 
priceless  relics,  took  part  in  the  sack  of  the  churches. 
The  Venetians  received  half  the  booty ;  the  portion  of 
each  crusader  was  determined  according  to  his  rank 
of  baron,  knight,  or  bailiff,  and  most  of  the  churches 
of  the  West  were  enriched  with  ornaments  stripped 
from  those  of  Constantinople.  On  9  May,  1204,  an 
electoral  college,  formed  of  prominent  crusaders  and 
Venetians,  assembled  to  elect  an  emperor.  Dandolo, 
Doge  of  Venice,  refused  the  honour,  and  Boniface  of 
Montferrat  was  not  considered.  In  the  end,  Baldwin, 
Count  of  Flanders,  was  elected  anti  solemnly  crowned 
in  St.  Sophia.  Constantinople  and  the  empire  were 
divided  among  the  emperor,  the  Venetians,  and  the 
chief  crusaders;  the  Marquis  of  Montferrat  received 
Thessalonica  and  Macedonia,  with  the  title  of  king; 
Henry  of  Flanders  became  Lord  of  Adraniyttion; 
Louis  of  Blois  was  made  Duke  of  Nica^i.  anil  fiefs  were 
bestowed  upon  six  hundred  knights.  Meanwhile,  the 
Venetians  reserved  to  themselves  the  ports  of  Thrace, 
the  Peloponnesus,  and  the  islands.  Thomas  Moro- 
sini,  a  Venetian  priest,  was  elected  patriarch. 

At  the  news  of  these  most  extraordinary  events,  in 
which  he  had  had  no  hand,  Innocent  III  bowed  as  in 
submission  to  the  designs  of  Providence  and,  in  the  in- 
terests of  Christendom,  determined  to  make  the  best  of 
the  new  conquest.  His  chief  aim  was  to  suppress  the 
Greek  schism  and  to  place  the  forces  of  the  new  Latin 
Empire  at  the  service  of  the  crusade.  Unfortunately, 
the  Latin  Empire  of  Constantinople  was  in  too  pre- 
carious a  condition  to  furnish  any  material  support  to 
the  papal  policy.  The  emperor  was  unable  to  impose 
his  authority  upon  the  barons.  At  Nicfea,  not  far 
from  Constantinople,  the  former  Byzantine  Govern- 
ment gathered  the  remnant  of  its  authority  and  its 
followers.  Theodore  Lascaris  was  proclaimed  em- 
peror. In  Europe,  Joannitsa,  Tsar  of  the  Wallach- 
lans  and  Bulgarians,  invaded  Thrace  and  destroyed 
the  army  of  the  crusaders  before  Adrianople,  14  April, 

1205.  During  the  battle  the  Emperor  Baldwin  fell. 
His  brother  and  successor,  Henry  of  Flanders,  devoted 
his  reign  (1206-16)  to  interminable  conflicts  with  the 
Bulgarians,  the  Lombards  of  Thessalonica,  and  the 
Greeks  of  Asia  Minor.  Nevertheless,  he  succeeded  in 
strengthening  the  Latin  conquest,  forming  an  alliance 
with  the  Bulgarians,  and  establishing  his  authority 
even  over  the  feudatories  of  Morea  (Parliament  of 
Ravennika,  1209);  however,  far  from  leading  a  cru- 
sade into  Palestine,  he  had  to  solicit  Western  help, 
and  was  obliged  to  sign  treaties  with  Theodore  Las- 
caris and  even  with  the  Sultan  of  Iconium.  The 
Greeks  were  not  reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Rome; 
most  of  their  bishops  abandoned  their  sees  and  took 
refuge  at  Nica^a,  leaving  their  churches  to  the  Latin 
bishops  named  to  replace  them.  Greek  convents 
were  replaced  by  Cistercian  monasteries,  command- 
eries  of  Templars  and  Hospitallers,  and  chapters  of 
canons.  With  a  few  exceptions,  how<vir,  the  native 
population  remained  hostile  and  looked  upon  the 
Latin  comjuerors  as  foreigners.  Having  failed  in  all 
his  attempts  to  induce  the  barons  of  the  Latin  Empire 


to  undertake  an  expedition  against  Palestine,   and 
understanding  at  last  the  cause  of  failure  of  the  cru- 
sade in  1204,  Innocent  III  resolved  (1207)  to  organize 
a  new  crusade  and  to  take  no  further  notice  of  Con- 
stantinople.     Circumstances,    however,    were    unfa- 
vourable.    Instead    of   concentrating  the    forces    of 
Christendom  against  the  Mohammerlans,  the  pope  him- 
self disbanded  them  by  proclaiming  (1209)  a  crusade 
against  the  Albigenses  in  the  south  of  France,  and 
against  the  Almohades  of  Spain  (1213),  the  pagans  of 
Prussia,  and  John  Lackland  of  England.     At  the  same 
time  there  occurred  outbursts  of  mystical  emotion 
similar  to  those  which  had  preceded  the  first  crusade. 
In  1212  a  young  shepherd  of  Vendome  and  a  youth 
from  Cologne  gathered  thousands  of  children  whom  H 
they  proposed  to  lead  to  the  comiuest  of  Palestine. 
The   movement   spread   through   France  and   Italy. 
This  "Children's  Crusade"  at  length  reached  Brinih-i,  '■ 
where  merchants  sold  a  number  of  the  children  as  ■ 
slaves  to  the  Moors,  while  nearly  all  the  rest  died  oflV 
hunger  and  exhaustion.     In  1213  Innocent  III  had  i  i>' 
crusade  preached  throughout  Europe  and  sent  Car-   '; 
dinal  Pelagius  to  the  East  to  effect,  if  possible,  the  re4  W 
turn  of  the  Greeks  to  the  fold  of  Roman  unity.     On  » 
25  July,  1215,  Frederick  II,  after  his  victory  over  Ottd  "" 
of  Brimswick,  took  the  cross  at  the  tomb  of  Charle-  ji' 
magne  at  Aachen.     On  11  November,  1215,  Innocent  k! 
Ill  opened  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  with  an  ex-  i* 
hortation  to  all  the  faithful  to  join  the  crusade,  the  fc" 
departure  being  set  for  1217.    At  the  time  of  his  death  k 
(1216)  Pope  Innocent  felt  that  a  great  movement  had  '- 
been  started.  P" 

VI.  The  Thirteenth-centuky  Crus.vdes  (1217- 
52). — In  Europe,  however,  the  preaching  of  the  cru- 
sade met  with  great  opposition.     Temporal  princes 
were  strongly  averse  to  losing  jurisdiction  over  theii  1 
subjects  who  took  part  in  the  crusades.     Absorbed  ir 
political  schemes,  they  were  unwilling  to  send  so  fa 
away  the  military  forces  on  which  they  depended 
As  early  as  December,  1216,  Frederick  II  was  grantei 
a  first  delay  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  vow.      The  eru 
sade  as  preached  in  the  thirteenth  century  was  ni 
longer  the  great  enthusiastic  movement  of  1095,  bu 
rather  a  series  of  irregular  and  desultory  enterprises 
Andrew  II,  King  of  Hungary,  and  Casimir,  Duke  o  if 
Pomerania,  set  sail  from  ^'enice  and  Spalato,  w-hile  ai 
army  of  Scandinavians  made  a  tour  of  Europe.     Th 
crusaders  landed  at  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  in  1217,  but  con 
fined  themselves  to  incursions  on  Mussulman  territorj 
whereupon  Andrew  of  Himgary  returned  to  Europe 
Receiving  reinforcements  in  the  spring  of  1218.  Joh 
of  Brienne,  Kmg  of  Jerusalem,  resolved  to  make  a 
attack  on  the  Holy  Land  by  way  of  Egypt.     The  cm 
saders  accordingly  landed  at  Damietta  in  May,  121' 
and,  after  a  siege  marked  by  many  deeds  of  heroisn 
took  the  city  by  storm,  5  November,  1219.     Instea 
of  profiting  by  this  victory,  they  spent  over  a,  year  i 
idle  quarrels,  and  it  was  not  until  May,  1221,  that  the 
set  out  for  Cairo.     Surrounded  by  the  Saracens  a   bi 
Mansurah,  24  July,  the  Christian  army  was  routec   wk 
John  of  Brienne  was  compelled  to  |)urchase  a  retrea 
by  the  surrender  of  Damietta  to  the  Saracens.     Mear   ton 
while  Emperor  Frederick  II.  who  was  to  be  the  leadc   ij«-, 
of  the  crusade,  had  remained  in  Europe  and  continue  ftj 
to  importiuie  the  pope  for  new  postponements  of  h 
departure.     On  9  November,  1225,  he  married   Isi 
belle  of  Brienne,  heiress  to  the  Ivingdoin  of  Jerusalen 
the  ceremony  taking  ])lace  at  Brindisi.     Completeljj vjpi, 
ignoring  his  father-in-law,  he  a.ssumed  the  title  of  Kini  lit 
of  Jeru.salem.     In  1227,  however,  he  had  not  yet  lei::;;, 
for  Palestine.     Gregory  IX.  elected  pope  19  Marcl' 
1227,  .summoned  Frederick  to  fulfil  his  vow.     Finall\ 
8  September,  the  emperor  embarked  liut  soon  tunic, 
back;  therefore,  on  29  September,  the  pope  excoi 
munic.ited    him.     Nevertheless.    Frederick    set    .sa 
again  18  June,  1228,  but  instead  of  leading  a  crusad    ijdj 
he  played  a  game  of  diplomacy.     He  won  over  Malek    ^g 


«yi 


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CRUSADES 


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CRUSADES 


I-Tvliarail,  the  Sultan  of  Egypt,  who  was  at  war  with 
he  Priiico  of  Damusciis,  and  concluded  a  treaty  with 
lim  at  JalTa,  Fobiuary,  1229,  according  to  the  terms 
if  which  Jerusalem.  Bethlehem,  and  Nazareth  were 
estored  to  the  Cliristians.  On  18  March,  1229,  with- 
lut  any  religious  ceremony,  Frederick  assumed  the 
oyal  crown  of  Jerusalem  in  the  church  of  the  Holy 
iepulchre.  Returning  to  Europe,  he  became  recon- 
iled  to  Gregory  IX,  August,  V2'.)0.  The  pontilT  ratified 
he  Treaty  of  Jaffa,  and  Frederick  sent  knights  into 
iyria  to  take  possession  of  the  cities  and  compel  all 
eudatories  to  do  him  homage.  A  struggle  occurred 
letween  Richard  Filangieri,  the  emperor's  marshal, 
iid  the  barons  of  Palestine,  whose  leader  was  Jean 
I'Ibelin,  Lord  of  Beirut.  Filangieri  vainly  at- 
empted  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Island  of  Cyprus, 
nd,  when  Conrad,  son  of  Frederick  II  and  Isabelle  of 
Jriemie,  came  of  age  in  1243,  the  High  Court-,  de- 
cribed  above,  named  as  regent  .\lix  of  Champagne, 
Jueen  of  Cyijrus.  In  this  way  German  power  was 
boli.shed  in  Palestine. 

In  tlie  meantime  Count  Thibaud  IV  of  Champagne 
i.ad  been  leading  a  fruitless  cru.sade  in  Syria  (1239). 
Similarly  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  Richard  of  Corn- 
rail,  brother  of  the  King  of  England,  who  had  under- 
ukcii  to  recover  Ascalon,  concluded  a  truce  with 
Cgypt  (1241).  Europe  was  now  threatened  with  a 
iiost  grievous  disaster.  After  conquering  Russia,  the 
longdls  under  Jenghiz  Khan  appeared  in  1241  on 
lie  frontiers  of  Poland,  routed  the  army  of  the  Duke 
if  Silesia  at  Liegnitz,  annihilated  that  of  Bela,  King 
if  Hungary,  and  reached  the  Adriatic.  Palestine  felt 
he  consequences  of  this  invasion.  The  Mongols  had 
lestroyed  the  Mussulman  Empire  of  Ivharizm  in  Cen- 
ral  Asia.  Fleeing  before  their  conquerors,  10,000 
\liarizmians  offered  their  services  to  the  Sultan  of 
igypt,  meanwliile  seizing  Jerusalem  as  they  passed  by, 
n  .September,  1244.  The  news  of  this  catastrophe 
ireated  a  great  stir  in  Europe,  and  at  the  Council  of 
^yons  (June-July,  1245)  Pope  Innocent  IV  pro- 
ilairaed  a  crusade,  but  the  lack  of  harmony  betw-een 
lim  and  the  Emperor  Frederick  II  foredoomed  the 
)ontiff  to  disappointment.  Save  for  Louis  IX,  King 
if  France,  who  took  the  cross  in  Decemljer,  1244,  no 
tne  .showed  any  willingness  to  lead  an  expedition  to 
i'alestine.  On  being  informed  that  the  Mongols  were 
veil-disposed  towards  Christianity,  Innocent  IV  sent 
h(>ni  Giovanni  di  Pianocarpini,  a  Franciscan,  and 
'Jicola.s  .•Vscolin,  a  Dominican,  as  ambassadors.  Piano- 
■arpini  was  in  Karakorum  8  April,  1246,  the  day  of  the 
'lectiiHi  of  the  great  khan,  but  nothing  came  of  this  first 
itliiiipt  at  an  alliance  with  the  Mongols  against  the 
Jolianunedans.  However,  when  St.  Louis,  who  left 
I'aris  12  June,  1248,  had  reached  the  Island  of  Cyprus, 
le  received  tliere  a  friendly  embassy  from  the  great 
Lhan  and,  in  return,  sent  him  two  Dominicans.  En- 
louraged,  perhaps,  by  this  alliance,  the  King  of  France 
lecided  to  attack  Egypt.  On  7  June,  1249,  he  took 
)amictta,  but  it  was  only  si.x  months  later  that  he 
narched  on  Cairo.  On  19  December,  his  advance- 
;uard,  commanded  by  his  brother,  Robert,  of  Artois, 
)egan  imprudently  to  fight  in  the  streets  of  Mansurah 
md  were  destroyed.  The  king  himself  was  cut  off 
rom  communication  with  Damietta  and  made  pris- 
(ner  !i  April,  12.50.  At  the  same  time,  the  Ajoubite 
lyiiasty  founded  by  Saladin  was  overthrown  by  the 
Jaiiiiluke  militia,  whose  ameers  took  pos.session  of 
igypt.  St.  Louis  negotiated  with  the  latter  and  was 
ct  at  liberty  on  condition  of  .surrendering  Damietta 
ind  paying  a  ran.som  of  a  million  gold  bez.ants.  He 
•eniained  in  Palestine  until  12.54;  bargained  with  the 
Sgj-ptian  ameers  for  t!ie  deliverance  of  prisoners; 
mproved  the  equipment  of  the  strongholds  of  the 
cingdom,  Saint-Jean  d'.\cre,  t'a^sarea,  Jaffa,  .and 
3iili>n;  and  .sent  Friar  William  of  Rul)ruquis  as  am- 
)a.ssador  to  the  great  khan.  Then,  at  the  news  of  the 
leath  of  iiis  mother,  Blanche  of  Castile,  who  had  been 


acting  as  regent,  he  returned  to  France.  Since  the 
enisade  .-i^iainst  Sainl-.Je.'in  tl'.Vcre,  a  new  Prankish 
sliilc,  I  III'  Kinniloin  i>f  (  vpnis,  had  been  formed  in  the 
Miiiiiii  i;in(':in  .i|ip.isllc  Syria  and  became  a  valuable 
)juiul  iif  .support  fur  the  crusades.  By  lavish  distribu- 
tion of  lands  and  franchises,  Guy  de  Lusignan  suc- 
ceeded in  attracting  to  the  island  colonists,  knights, 
men-at-arms,  and  civilians;  his  successors  established 
a  government  modelled  after  that  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Jerusalem.  The  king's  power  was  restricted  by  that 
of  the  High  Court,  composed  of  all  the  knights,  vas- 
sals, or  under-vassals,  with  its  seat  at  Nicosia. 
However,  the  fiefs  were  Ie.ss  extensive  than  in  Pales- 
tine, and  the  feudatories  could  inherit  only  in  a  direct 
line.  The  Island  of  Cyprus  was  soon  populated  with 
French  colonists  who  succeeded  in  winning  over  the 
Greeks,  upon  whom  they  even  imposed  their  language. 
Churches  built  in  the  French  style  and  fortified  castles 
appeared  on  all  sides.  The  Cathedral  of  St.  Sophia 
in  Nicosia,  erected  between  1217  and  1251,  was  almost 
a  copy  of  a  church  in  Champagne.  Finally,  commer- 
cial activity  became  a  pronovmced  characteristic  of 
the  cities  of  Cyprus,  and  Famagusta  developed  into 
one  of  the  busiest  of  Mediterranean  ports. 

VII.  Final  Lcs-s  of  the  Christi.in  Colonie.s  of 
THE  East  (1254-91). — No  longer  aided  by  funds  from 
the  West,  and  rent  by  internal  disorders,  the  Christ  ian 
colonies  owed  their  temporary  salvation  to  the  changes 
in  Mu.ssulman  policy  and  the  intervention  of  the  Mon- 
gols. The  Venetians  drove  the  Genoese  from  Saint- 
Jean  d'Acre  and  treated  the  city  as  conquered  terri- 
tory; in  a  battle  where  Christians  fought  against 
Christians,  and  in  which  Hospitallers  were  pitted 
against  Templars.  20,000  men  perished.  In  revenge 
the  Genoese  allied  themselves  with  Michael  Pala?olo- 
gus,  Emperor  of  Niciea,  whose  general,  Alexius  Stra- 
tegopulos,  had  now  no  trouble  in  entering  Constanti- 
nople and  overthrowing  the  Latin  Emperor,  Baldwin 
II,  25  July,  1261.  The  conquest  of  the  Caliphate  of 
Bagdad  by  the  Mongols  (1258)  and  their  invasion  of 
Syria,  where  they  seized  Alepjio  and  Damascus,  terri- 
fied both  Christians  and  Mohanunedans;  but  the 
Mameluke  ameer,  Bibars  tlir  Arbelcstcr,  defeated  the 
Mongols  and  wrested  Syria  from  them  in  Sei.itember, 
1260.  Proclaimed  sultan  in  consequence  of  a  con- 
spiracy, in  12(!0,  Bibars  began  a  merciless  war  on  the 
remaining  Christian  states.  In  1263  he  destroyed  the 
church  at  Nazareth;  in  1265  took  Csesarea  and  Jaffa, 
and  finally  captured  Antioch  (May,  1268).  The  ques- 
tion of  a  crusade  was  always  being  agitated  in  the 
West,  but  except  among  men  of  a  religious  turn  of 
mind,  like  St.  Louis,  there  was  no  longer  any  earnest- 
ness in  the  matter  among  European  princes.  They 
looked  upon  a  crusade  as  a  political  instrument,  to  be 
used  only  when  it  .served  their  own  interests.  To  pre- 
vent the  preaching  of  a  crusade  against  Constantinople, 
Michael  Pala>ologus  promised  the  pope  to  work  for  the 
union  of  the  Clnirches;  but  Charles  of  Anjou,  brother 
of  St.  Louis,  whom  the  contpiest  of  the  Two  Sicilies 
had  rendered  one  of  the  most  powerful  princes  of 
Christendom,  undertook  to  carry  out  for  his  own  bene- 
fit the  Eastern  designs  hitherto  cherished  by  the 
Ilohenstaufen.  While  Marj-  of  Antiocli.  granddaugh- 
ter of  Amaury  II,  beqvieuthed  him  the  rights  she 
claimed  to  have  to  the  crown  of  Jerusalem,  he  signed 
the  treaty  of  Viterbo  with  Baldwin  II  (27  May,  1267), 
which  assured  him  eventually  the  inheritance  of  Con- 
stantinople. In  no  w  ise  troubled  by  these  diplomatic 
combinations,  St.  Louis  thought  only  of  the  crusade. 
In  a  parliament  held  at  Paris,  24  March,  1267,  he  and 
his  three  sons  took  the  cross,  but,  despite  his  example, 
many  knights  resisted  the  exhortations  of  the  preach- 
er Humbert  de  Romans.  On  hearing  the  reports  of 
the  missionaries,  Louis  resolved  to  land  at  Tunis,  whose 
prince  he  hoped  to  convert  to  Christianity.  It  has 
been  .'usserted  that  St.  Louis  was  led  to  Tunis  by 
Charles  of  Anjou,   but  instead  of  encouraging  his 


CRUSADES 


552 


CRUSADES 


brother's  ambition  the  saint  endeavoured  to  thwart 
it.  Charles  had  tried  to  take  advantage  of  the 
vacancy  of  the  Holy  See  between  1268  and  1271  in 
order  to  attack  Constantinople,  the  negotiations  of 
the  popes  with  Michael  Palsologus  for  religious  union 
having  heretofore  prevented  him.  St.  Louis  received 
the  embassy  of  the  Greek  emperor  very  graciously  and 
ordered  Charles  of  Anjou  to  join  him  at  Tunis.  The 
crusaders,  among  whom  was  Prince  Edward  of  Eng- 
land, landed  at  Carthage  17  July,  1270,  but  the  plague 
broke  out  in  their  camp,  and  on  25  August,  St.  Louis 
himself  was  carried  off  by  the  scourge.  Charles  of 
Anjou  then  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Mohamme- 
dans, and  the  crusaders  reimbarked.  Prince  Edward 
alone,  determined  to  fulfil  his  vow,  and  set  out  for 
Saint- Jean  d'Acre;  however,  after  a  few  razzias  on 
Saracenic  territory,  he  concluded  a  truce  with  Bibars. 

The  field  was  now  clear  for  Charles  of  Anjou,  but 
the  election  of  Gregory  X,  who  was  favourable  to  the 
crusade,  again  frustrated  his  plans.  While  the  emis- 
saries of  the  King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  traversed  the 
Balkan  peninsula,  the  new  pope  was  awaiting  the 
union  of  the  Western  and  Eastern  Churches,  which 
event  was  solemnly  proclaimed  at  the  Council  of 
Lyons,  6  July,  1274;  Michael  Palaeologus  himself 
promised  to  take  the  cross.  On  1  May,  1275,  Gregory 
X  effected  a  truce  between  this  sovereign  and  Charles 
of  Anjou.  In  the  meantime  Philip  III,  Iving  of 
France,  the  King  of  England,  and  the  King  of  Aragon 
made  a  vow  to  go  to  the  Holy  Land.  L^nfortunately 
the  death  of  Gregory  X  brought  these  plans  to  nought, 
and  Charles  of  Anjou  resumed  his  scheming.  In  1277 
he  sent  into  Syria  Roger  of  San  Severino,  who  suc- 
ceeded in  planting  his  banner  on  the  castle  of  Acre 
and  in  1278  took  possession  of  the  principality  of 
Achaia  in  the  name  of  his  daughter-in-law  Isabelle  de 
Villehardouin.  Michael  Palaeologus  had  not  been 
able  to  effect  the  union  of  the  Greek  clergy  with  Rome, 
and  in  1281  Pope  Martin  IV  excommunicated  him. 
Ha\nng  signed  an  alliance  with  Venice,  Charles  of 
Anjou  prepared  to  attack  Constantinople,  and  his 
expedition  was  set  for  April,  128.3.  On  .30  March, 
1282,  however,  the  revolt  known  as  the  Sicilian 
Vespers  occurred,  and  once  more  his  projects  were 
defeated.  In  order  to  subdue  his  own  rebellious  sub- 
jects and  to  wage  war  against  the  King  of  Aragon, 
Charles  was  at  last  compelled  to  abandon  his  designs 
on  the  East.  Meanwhile  Michael  Palaeologus  re- 
mained master  of  Constantinople,  and  the  Holy  Land 
was  left  defenceless.  In  1280  the  Mongols  attempted 
once  more  to  invade  Syria,  but  were  repulsed  by  the 
Egyptians  at  the  battle  of  Hims;  in  1286  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  expelled  Charles  of  Anjou's 
seneschal  and  called  to  their  aid  Henry  II,  King  of 
Cyprus.  Kelaoun,  the  successor  of  Bibars,  now  broke 
the  truce  which  he  had  concluded  with  the  Christians, 
and  seized  Margat,  the  stronghold  of  the  Hospitallers. 
Tripoli  surrendered  in  1289,  and  on  5  April,  1291, 
Malek-.4schraf,  son  and  successor  of  Kelaoun,  ap- 
peared before  Saint-Jean  d'Acre  with  120,000  men. 
The  25,000  Christians  who  defended  the  city  were 
not  even  under  one  supreme  commander;  neverthe- 
less they  resisted  with  heroic  valour,  filled  breaches  in 
the  wall  with  stakes  and  bags  of  cotton  and  wool,  and 
communicated  by  sea  with  King  Henry  II,  who 
brought  them  help  from  Cyprus.  However,  28  May, 
the  Mohammedans  made  a  general  attack  and  pene- 
trated into  the  town,  and  its  defenders  fled  in  their 
ships.  The  strongest  opposition  was  offered  by  the 
Templars,  the  garrison  of  whose  fortress  held  out  ten 
days  longer,  only  to  be  completely  annihilated.  In 
July,  1291,  the  last  Christian  towns  in  Syria  capitu- 
lated, and  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ceased  to  exist. 

VIII.  Tfie  Fourteenth  Century  Cru8.\de  and 
THE  Ottom.\n  Invasion. — The  loss  of  Saint-Jean 
d'Acre  did  not  lead  the  princes  of  Europe  to  organize 
a  new  crusade.     Men'f  minds  were  indeed,  as  usual, 


directed  towards  the  East,  but  in  the  first  years  of  the 
fourteenth  century  the  idea  of  a  crusade  inspired  prin- 
cipally the  works  of  theorists  who  saw  in  it  the  best 
means  of  reforming  Christendom.     The  treatise  by 
Pierre  Dubois,  law-officer  of  the  crown  at  Coutances, 
"De   Recuperatione   Terrae   Sanctae"  (Langlois,  ed., 
Paris,  1891),  seems  like  the  work  of  a  dreamer,  yet 
some  of  its  views  are  truly  modern.     The  establish- 
ment of  peace  between  Christian  princes  by  means  of 
a  tribunal  of  arbitration,  the  idea  of  making  a  French 
prince  hereditary  emperor,  the  secularization  of  the 
Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  the  consolidation  of  the  Orders  j 
of  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars,  the  creation  of  a 
disciplined  army  the  different  corps  of  which  were  to 
have  a  special  uniform,  the  creation  of  schools  for  then 
study  of  Oriental  languages,  and  the  intermarriage  of  j 
Christian  maidens  with  Saracens  were  the  principal^, 
ideas  it  propounded  (1307).     On  the  other  hand  thpL 
writings  of  men  of  greater  activity  and  wider  expe-j, 
rience  suggested  more  practical  methods  for  effectingr- 
the  conquest  of  the  East.     Persuaded  that  Christian 
defeat  in  the  Orient  was  largely  due  to  the  mercantile  '. 
relations  which  the  Italian  cities  Venice  and  Genoa 
continued   to   hold   with   the   Mohammedans,   these 
authors  sought  the  establishment  of  a  commercial 
blockade  which,  within  a  few  years,  would  prove  the 
ruin  of  Egypt  and  cause  it  to  fall  under  Christiai 
control.     For  this  purpose  it  was  recommended  tha' 
a  large  fleet  be  fitted  out  at  the  expense  of  Christiai 
princes  and  made  to  do  police  duty  on  the  Mediter 
ranean  so  as  to  prevent  smuggling.     These  were  th( 
projects  set  forth  in  the  memoirs  of  Fidentius  o 
Padua,  a  Franciscan  (about  1291,  Bibliotheque  Na 
tionale,  Latin  MSS.,  7247) ;   in  those  of  Iving  Charle 
II  of  Naples  (1293,  Bib.  Nat.,  Frankish  MSS.,  6049) 
Jacques  de  Molay  (1307,  Baluze,  ed.,  Vitae  paparun 
Avenion.,  II,  176-185);    Henry  II,  King  of  Cypru' 
(Mas-Latrie,  ed.,  Histoire  de  Chypre,  II,  118);    Guil 
laume  d'Adam,  Archbishop  of  Sultanieh  (1310,  Kohleij 
ed.,  Collect.  Hist,  of  the  Crusades,  Armenian  Docu 
ments,  II);   and  Marino  Sanudo,  the  Venetian  (Bon| 
gars,  ed.,  Secreta  fideliumCrucis,  11).     The  consolida 
tion  of  the  military  orders  was  also  urged  by  Charle 
II.     Many  other  memoirs,  especially  that  of  Haj-tor 
King  of  Armenia  (1307,  ed.  Armenian  Documents,  1] 
considered  an  alliance  between  the  Christians  and  th 
Mongols  of  Persia  indispensable  to  success.     In  fact 
from  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  many  mission 
aries  had  penetrated  into  the  Mongolian  Empire;    i 
Persia,  as  well  as  in  China,  their  propaganda  floui 
ished.     St.  Francis  of  Assisi  and  Raymond  Lully  ha^ 
hoped  to  substitute  for  the  warlike  crusade  a  peace 
able  conversion  of  the  Mohammedans  to  Christianitj  1 
Raymund  Lully,  bom  at  Palma,   on  the  Island  c  : 
Majorca,    in    12,35,    began    (1275)  his    "Great  Art' 
which,  by  means  of  a  universal  method  for  the  stud 
of  Oriental  languages,  would  equip  missionaries  t 
enter  into  controversies  with  the  Mohammedan  dot 
tors.     In  the  same  year  he  prevailed  upon  the  Kin 
of  Majorca  to  found  the  College  of  the  Blessed  Trinit 
at  Miramar,  where  the  Friars  Minor  could  learn  th 
Oriental  languages.     He  himself  translated  catechet 
cal  treatises  into  Arabic  and,  after  spending  his  lif 
travelling  in  Europe  trying  to  win  over  to  his  idea 
popes  and  kings,  suffered  martyrdom  at  Bougie,  whei 
he   had   begun   his   work   of   evangelization    (1314 
Among  the  Mohanunedans  this  propaganda  encoui 
tered  insunnountable   difliculties.  whereas  the  Moi 
gols,  some  of  whom  were  still  members  of  the  Nestoria 
Church,  received  it  willingly.     During  the  pontifical 
of  John  XXII  (1316  34)  permanent  Dominican  an 
Franciscan  missions  were  established  in  Persia,  Chin; 
Tatary,  ami  Turkestan,  and  in  1318  the  Archbishopr 
of  Sultanieh  was  created  in  IVrsia.     In  China  Gi< 
vanni  de  Monte  Corvino,  created  .Vrchbishop  of  Can 
baluc    (Peking),    organized   the   religious   Uierarch; 
founded  monasteries,  and  converted  to  Christianii 


CRUSADES 


553 


CRUSADES 


men  of  note,  possibly  the  great  khan  himself.  The 
account  of  the  journey  of  Blessed  Orderic  de  Porde- 
none  (Cordier,  ed.)  across  Asia,  between  1.304  and 
1.330,  shows  us  that  Christianity  had  gained  a  foothold 
m  Persia,  India,  Central  Asia,  and  Southern  China. 

By  thus  leading  up  to  an  alliance  between  Mongols 
and  Christians  against  the  Mohammedans,  the  crusade 
had  produced  the  desired  effect;  early  in  the  four- 
teenth century  the  future  development  of  Christianity 
In  the  East  seemed  assured.  Unfortimately,  how- 
ever, the  internal  changes  which  occurred  in  the  West, 
[he  weakening  of  the  political  influence  of  the  popes, 
the  indifference  of  temporal  princes  to  what  did  not 
directly  affect  their  territorial  interests  rendered  un- 
availing all  efforts  towards  the  re-establishment  of 
Christian  power  in  the  East.  The  popes  endeavoured 
to  insure  the  blockade  of  Egypt  by  prohibiting  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  infidels  and  by  organizing 
1  squadron  for  the  prevention  of  smuggling,  but  the 
Venetians  and  Genoese  defiantly  sent  their  vessels  to 
Alexandria  and  sold  slaves  and  military  stores  to  the 
Mamelukes.  Moreover,  the  consolidation  of  the  mili- 
tary- orders  could  not  be  effected.  By  causing  the 
suppression  of  the  Templars  at  the  Council  of  Vierme 
in  1311,  Iving  Philip  the  Fair  dealt  a  cruel  blow  to  the 
jrusade;  instead  of  giving  to  the  Hospitallers  the 
immense  wealth  of  the  Templars,  he  confiscated  it. 
rhe  Teutonic  Order  having  established  itself  in  Prus- 
sia in  122S,  there  remained  in  the  East  only  the  Hos- 
pitallers. After  the  capture  of  Saint^Jean  d'Acre, 
Henry  II,  King  of  Cyprus,  had  offered  them  .shelter  at 
Limasol,  but  there  they  found  themselves  in  very 
straitened  circumstances.  In  1310  they  seized  the 
Island  of  Rhodes,  which  had  become  a  den  of  pirates, 
jnd  took  it  as  their  permanent  abode.  Finally,  the 
contemplated  alliance  with  the  Mongols  was  never 
[ullj'  realized.  It  was  in  vain  that  Argoun,  Ivhan  of 
Persia,  sent  the  Nestorian  monk,  Raban  Sauma,  as 
embassador  to  the  pope  and  the  princes  of  the  West 
(1285-88);  his  offers  elicited  but  vague  replies.  On 
23  December,  1299,  Cazan,  successor  to  Argoun,  in- 
Bicted  .■),  defeat  upon  the  Christians  at  Hims,  and 
captured  Damascus,  but  he  could  not  hold  his  con- 
[juests,  and  died  in  1304  just  as  he  was  preparing  for 
1  new  expedition.  Tlie  princes  of  the  West  assumed 
the  cross  in  order  to  appropriate  to  their  own  use  the 
tithes  which,  for  the  defrayal  of  crusade  expenses, 
they  had  levied  upon  the  property  of  the  clergy.  For 
these  sovereigns  the  crusade  had  no  longer  any  but  a 
Bscal  interest.  In  1336  King  Philip  VI  of  France, 
n'hom  the  pope  had  appointed  leader  of  the  crusade, 
collected  a  fleet  at  Marseilles  and  was  preparing  to  go 
to  the  Ea.st  when  the  news  of  the  projects  of  Edward 
[II  caused  him  to  return  to  Paris.  War  then  broke 
3ut  between  France  and  England,  and  proved  an 
insurmountable  obstacle  to  the  success  of  any  crusade 
just  when  the  combined  forces  of  all  Christendom 
R'ould  have  been  none  too  powerful  to  resist  the  new 
storm  gathering  in  the  East.  From  the  close  of  the 
thirteenth  century  a  band  of  Ottoman  Turks,  driven 
3Ut  of  Central  .Asia  by  Mongol  invasions,  had  founded 
1  military  state  in  Asia  Minor  and  now  threatened  to 
invade  Europe.  They  captured  Ephesus  in  1308,  and 
in  1 326  Othman,  their  sultan,  established  his  residence 
at  Brou.ssa  (Prusa)  in  Bithynia;  under  Ourkhan, 
moreover,  they  organized  the  regular  foot-guards  of 
janizaries  against  whom  the  undisciplined  troops  of 
Western  knights  could  not  hold  out.  The  Turks  en- 
tered Xicomedia  in  1.328  and  \icsea  in  1.3.30;  when 
they  threatened  the  Emperors  of  Constantinople,  the 
latter  renewed  negotiations  with  the  popes  with  a 
view  towards  the  reconciliation  of  the  Greek  and 
Roman  Churches,  for  which  purpose  Barlaam  was  sent 
as  ambassador  to  Avignon,  in  13.39.  .\t  the  same  time 
the  Egj'ptian  Mamelukes  destroyed  the  port  of  La- 
iazzo,  commercial  centre  of  the  Kingdom  of  Armenia 
Minor,  where  the  remnants  of  the  Christian  colonies 


had  sought  refuge  after  the  taking  of  Saint-Jean 
d'Acre  (1337).  The  commercial  welfare  of  the  Vene- 
tians themselves  was  threatened ;  with  their  support 
Pope  Clement  VI  in  1344  succeeded  in  reorganizing 
the  maritime  league  whose  operations  had  been  pre- 
vented by  the  war  between  France  and  England. 
Genoa,  the  Hospitallers,  and  the  King  of  Cyprus  all 
sent  their  contingents,  and,  on  28  October,  1.344,  the 
crusaders  seized  Smyrna,  which  was  confided  to  the 
care  of  the  Hospitallers.  In  1345  reinforcements 
under  Humbert,  Dauphin  of  Viennois,  appeared  in 
the  Archipelago,  but  the  new  leader  of  the  crusade 
was  utterly  disqualified  for  the  work  assigned  him; 
unable  to  withstand  the  piracy  of  the  Turkish  ameers, 
the  Christians  concluded  a  truce  with  them  in  1348. 
In  1356  the  Ottomans  captured  Gallipoli  and  inter- 
cepted the  route  to  Constantinople. 

The  cause  of  the  crusade  then  found  an  unexpected 
defender  in  Peter  I,  King  of  Cyprus,  who,  called  upon 
by  the  Armenians,  succeeded  in  surprising  and  storm- 
ing the  city  of  Adalia  on  the  Cilician  coast  in  1361. 
Urged  by  his  chancellor,  Philippe  de  M^zieres,  and 
Pierre  Thomas,  the  papal  legate,  Peter  I  undertook 
a  voyage  to  the  West  (1362-65)  in  the  hope  of  reviv- 
ing the  enthusiasm  of  the  Christian  princes.  Pope 
Urban  V  extended  him  a  magnificent  welcome,  as  did 
also  John  the  Good,  King  of  France,  who  took  the 
cross  at  Avignon,  20  March,  1363;  the  latter's  example 
was  followed  by  King  Edward  III,  the  Black  Prince, 
Emperor  Charles  IV,  and  Casimir,  King  of  Poland. 
Everywhere  King  Peter  was  tendered  fair  promises, 
but  when,  in  June,  1365,  he  embarked  at  Venice  he 
was  accompanied  by  hardly  any  but  his  own  forces. 
After  rallying  the  fleet  of  the  Hosi)itallers,  he  appeared 
unexpectedly  before  the  Old  Port  of  Alexandria, 
landed  without  resistance,  and  plundered  the  city  for 
two  days,  but  at  the  approach  of  an  Egyptian  army 
his  soldiers  forced  him  to  retreat,  9-16  October,  1365. 
Again  in  1367  he  pillaged  the  ports  of  Syria,  Tripoli, 
Tortosa,  Laodicea,  and  Jaffa,  thus  destroying  the 
commerce  of  Egypt.  Later,  in  another  voyage  to  the 
West,  he  made  a  supreme  effort  to  interest  the  princes 
in  the  crusade,  but  on  his  return  to  Cyprus  he  was 
assassinated,  as  the  result  of  a  conspiracy.  Mean- 
while the  Ottomans  continued  their  progress  in  Eu- 
rope, taking  Philippopolis  in  1363  and,  in  1365,  cap- 
turing Adrianople,  which  became  the  capital  of  the 
sultans.  At  the  solicitation  of  Pope  Urban  V, 
Amadeus  VII,  Count  of  Savoy,  took  the  cross  and  on 
15  August,  1366,  his  fleet  seized  Gallipoli;  then,  after 
rescuing  the  Greek  emperor,  John  V,  held  captive  by 
the  Bulgarians,  he  returned  to  the  West.  In  spite  of 
the  heroism  displayed  during  these  expeditions,  the 
efforts  made  by  the  crusaders  were  too  intermittent 
to  be  productive  of  enduring  results.  Philippe  de 
M^zieres,  a  friend  and  admirer  of  Pierre  de  Lusignan, 
eager  to  seek  a  remedy  for  the  ills  of  Christendom, 
dreamed  of  founding  a  new  militia,  the  Order  of  the 
Passion,  an  organization  whose  character  was  to  be  at 
once  clerical  and  militarj',  and  whose  members,  al- 
though married,  were  to  lead  an  almost  monastic  life 
and  consecrate  themselves  to  the  conquest  of  the 
Holy  Land.  Being  well  received  by  Charles  V, 
Philippe  de  M^zieres  established  himself  at  Paris  and 
propagated  his  ideas  among  the  French  nobility.  In 
1.390  Louis  II,  Duke  of  Bourbon,  took  the  cross,  and 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Genoese  went  to  besiege 
el-Mahadia,  an  African  city  on  the  coast  of  Tunis. 
In  1392  Charles  VI,  who  had  signed  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  England,  appeared  to  have  been  won  over  to  the 
crusade  project  just  before  he  became  deranged.  But 
the  time  for  expeditions  to  the  Holy  Land  was  now 
passed,  and  henceforth  Christian  Europe  was  forced 
to  defend  itself  against  Ottoman  invasions.  In  1.369 
John  V,  PaL-pologus,  went  to  Rome  and  abjured  the 
schism ;  thereafter  the  popes  worked  valiantly  for  the 
preservation  of  the  remnants  of  the  Byzantine  Empire 


CRUSADES 


554 


CRUSADES 


and  the  Christian  states  in  the  Balkans.  Having  be- 
come master  of  Servia  at  the  battle  of  Kosovo  in  1.389, 
the  Sultan  Bajazet  imposed  his  sovereignty  upon  John 
V  and  secured  possession  of  Philadelphia,  the  last 
Greek  city  in  Asia  Minor.  Sigismvind,  King  of  Hun- 
gary, alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  Turks,  sent  an 
embassy  to  Charles  VI,  and  a  large  number  of  French 
lords,  among  them  the  Count  of  Nevers,  son  of  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  enlisted  under  the  standard  of  the 
cross  and,  in  July,  1396,  were  joined  at  Buda  by  Eng- 
lish and  German  knights.  The  crusaders  invaded 
Servia,  but  despite  their  prodigies  of  valour  Bajazet 
completely  routed  them  before  Nicopolis,  25  Septem- 
ber, 1.396.  The  Count  of  Nevers  and  a  great  many 
lords  became  Bajazet's  prisoners  and  were  released 
only  on  condition  of  enormous  ransoms.  Notwith- 
standing this  defeat,  due  to  the  misguided  ardour  of 
the  crusaders,  a  new  expedition  left  Aiguesmortes  in 
June,  1399,  under  the  command  of  the  Marshal  Bouei- 
cault  and  succeeded  in  breaking  the  blockade  which 
the  Turks  had  established  aroimd  Constantinople. 
Moreover,  between  1400  and  1402,  John  Palipologus 
made  another  voyage  to  the  West  in  quest  of  rein- 
forcements. 

IX.  The  Crusade  in  the  Fifteenth  Century. — 
An  unlooked-for  event,  the  invasion  by  Timur  and  the 
Mongols,  saved  Constantinople  for  the  time  being. 
They  annihilated  Bajazet's  army  at  Ancyra,  20  July, 
1402,  and,  dividing  the  Ottoman  Empire  among  sev- 
eral princes,  reduced  it  to  a  state  of  vassalage.  The 
Western  rulers,  Henry  III,  King  of  Castile,  and 
Charles  VI,  King  of  France,  sent  ambassadors  to 
Timur  (see  the  account  by  Ruy  Gonzales  de  Clavijo, 
Madrid,  1779),  but  the  circumstances  were  not  fa- 
vourable, as  they  had  been  in  the  thirteenth  centurj'. 
The  national  revolt  of  the  Chinese  that  overthrew  the 
Mongol  dynasty  in  1368  had  resulted  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Christian  missions  in  Farther  Asia;  in  Cen- 
tral Asia  the  Mongols  had  been  converted  to  Moham- 
medanism, and  Timur  showed  his  hostility  to  the 
Christians  by  taking  Smyrna  from  the  Hospitallers. 
Marshal  Boucicault  took  advantage  of  the  de- 
jection into  which  the  Mongol  invasion  had  thrown 
the  Mohammedan  powers  to  sack  the  ports  of  Syria, 
Tripoli,  Beirut,  and  Sidon  in  1403,  but  he  was  unable 
to  retain  his  conquests;  while  Timur,  on  the  other 
hand,  thought  only  of  obtaining  possession  of  China 
and  returned  to  Samarkand,  where  he  died  in  1405. 
The  civil  wars  that  broke  out  among  the  Ottoman 
princes  gave  the  Byzantine  emperors  a  few  years'  re- 
spite, but  Murad  II,  having  re-established  the  Turkish 
power,  besieged  Constantinople  from  June  to  Septem- 
ber in  1422,  and  John  VIII,  Palaeologus,  was  compelled 
to  pay  him  tril^ute.  In  1430  Murad  took  Thessalon- 
ica  from  the  Venetians,  forced  the  wall  of  the  Hexa- 
inilion,  which  had  been  erected  by  Manuel  to  protect 
the  Peloponnesus,  and  subdued  Servia.  The  idea  of 
the  crusade  was  always  popular  in  the  \^'est,  and,  on 
his  death-bed,  Henry  V  of  England  regretted  that  lie 
had  not  taken  Jerusalem.  In  her  letters  to  Bedford, 
the  regent,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Burgimdy,  Joan  of  Arc 
alluded  to  the  union  of  Christendom  against  the  Sara- 
cens, and  the  popular  belief  expressed  in  the  poetry  of 
Cliristine  de  Pisan  was  that,  after  having  delivered 
France,  the  Maid  of  Orleans  would  lead  Charles  VII  to 
the  Holy  Land.  But  this  was  only  a  dream,  and  the 
civil  wars  in  France,  the  crusade  against  the  Hussites, 
and  the  Council  of  Constance,  preventeil  any  action 
from  being  taken  against  the  Turks.  However,  in 
1421  Philip  the  Good,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  .sent  Gilbert 
de  Lannoy,  and  in  1432,  Bertrand  de  la  Brocquiere, 
to  the  East  as  secret  emissaries  to  gather  information 
that  might  be  of  value  for  a  future  crusade.  At  the 
same  tiiiK'  negotiations  for  tlie  religious  union  which 
would  f:nilil:itc  the  crus^nlr  were  resumed  between  the 
Byzantini-  ciuik  rors  anii  the  popes.  Emperor  John 
VIII  came  in  person  to  attend  the  council  convoked 


by  Pope  Eugene  IV  at  Ferrara,  in  1438.  Thanks  to 
the  good  will  of  Bessarion  and  of  Isidore  of  Kiev,  the 
two  Greek  prelates  whom  the  pope  had  elevated  to 
the  cardinalate,  the  council,  which  was  transferred  to 
Florence,  established  harmony  on  all  points,  and  on 
6  July,  1439,  the  reconciliation  was  solemnly  pro- 
claimed. The  reunion  was  received  in  bad  part  by 
the  CJreeks  and  did  not  induce  the  Western  princes  to 
take  the  cross.  Adventurers  of  all  nationalities  en- 
rolled themselves  under  the  command  of  Cardinal 
Giuliano  Cesarini  and  went  to  Hungaiy  to  join  the 
armies  of  Jdnos  Himyady,  Waywode  of  Transylvania, 
who  had  just  repulsed  the  Turks  at  Hermanstadt,  of 
Wladislaus  Jagello,  King  of  Poland,  and  of  George 
Brankovitch,  Prince  of  Servia.  Having  defeated  the 
Turks  at  Nish,  3  November,  1443,  the  allies  were  enf 
abled  to  conquer  Servia,  owing  to  the  defectioi 
of  the  Albanians  under  George  Castriota  (Scanderl 
beg),  their  national  commander.  Murad  signed  a  ten 
years'  truce  and  abdicated  the  throne,  15  July; 
1444,  but  Giuliano  Cesarini,  the  papal  legate,  did 
not  favour  peace  and  wished  to  push  forward  to 
Constantinople.  At  his  instigation  the  crusaders 
broke  the  truce  and  invaded  Bulgaria,  whereupon 
Murad  again  took  command,  crossed  the  Bosporus 
on  Genoese  galleys,  and  destroyed  the  Christian 
army  at  Varna,  10  November,  1444.  This  defeat 
left  Constantinople  defenceless.  In  1446  Murad  sue 
ceeded  in  conquering  Morea,  and  when,  two  years 
later,  Jiinos  Hunyady  tried  to  go  to  the  assistance  oi 
Constantinople  he  was  beaten  at  Kosovo.  Scander 
beg  alone  managed  to  maintain  his  independence  ir 
Epirus  and,  in  1449,  repelled  a  Turkish  invasion 
Mohammed  II,  who  succeeded  Murad  in  1451,  was 
preparing  to  besiege  Constantinople  when,  12  Decem- 
ber, 14.52,  Emperor  Constantino  XII  decided  to  pro 
claim  the  union  of  the  Churches  in  the  presence  of  thi 
papal  legates.  The  expected  crusade,  however,  die 
not  take  place;  and  when,  in  March,  1453,  the  armet 
forces  of  Mohammed  II,  numbering  160,000,  com 
pletely  surrounded  Constantinople,  the  Greeks  hat 
only  5000  soldiers  and  2000  Western  knights,  com 
manded  by  Giustiniani  of  Genoa.  Notwithstandinj 
this  serious  disadvantage,  the  city  held  out  against  th^ 
enemy  for  two  months,  but  on  the  night  of  28  May 
1453,  Jlohammcd  II  ordered  a  general  assault,  am 
after  a  desperate  conflict,  in  which  Emperor  Constan 
tine  XII  perished,  the  Turks  entered  the  city  fron 
all  sides  and  perpetrated  a  frightful  slaughter.  Mo 
hammed  II  rode  over  heaps  of  corpses  to  the  church  o 
St.  Sophia,  entered  it  on  horseback,  and  turned  it  iut' 
a  mosque. 

The  capture  of  "New  Rome"  was  the  most  appall 
ing  calamity  sustained  by  Christendom  since  the  tak 
ing  of  Saint-Jean  d'Acre.  However,  the  agitatio 
which  the  news  of  this  event  caused  in  Europe  wa 
more  apparent  than  genuine.  Philip  the  Good,  Diik 
of  Burgundy,  gave  an  allegorical  entertainment  a 
Lille  in  which  Holy  Church  solicited  the  help 
knights  who  jironounced  the  most  extravagant  vow 
before  GotI  and  a  pheasant  (sur  le  /disun).  ^neas  Sy 
vius.  Bishop  of  Siena,  and  St.  John  Capistran,  tb 
Franciscan,  preached  the  crusade  in  Germany  an 
Hungary;  the  Diets  of  Ratisbon  and  Frankfort  pron 
ised  assistance,  and  a  league  was  formed  between  Ver 
ice,  Florence,  and  the  Duke  of  Milan,  but  nothin 
came  of  it.  Pope  Callistus  III  succeeded  in  coUectin 
a  fleet  of  sixte(-n  galleys,  which,  under  the  comman 
of  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia,  guarded  the  .\rchipelag( 
However,  the  defeat  of  the  Turks  before  Belgrade  i 
1457,  due  to  the  bravery  of  Jriiios  Hunyady,  and  tl 
bloody  conquest  of  the  Peloponnesus  in  1460  seeme 
finally  to  revive  Christendom  from  its  torpor,  .^ne; 
Svlvius,  now  pope  under  the  name  of  Pius  II,  mult 
plied  his  exhortations,  declaring  that  he  himsc 
would  conduct  the  crusade,  and  towards  the  close  i 
1463  bands  of  crusaders  began  to  assemble  at  Ancon 


SYRIA  AND  THE  HOLY  LAND 

(TERRA   SANCTA) 
AT  THE  TIME  OF  THE  CRUSADES. 

Boundaries  of  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  after  the  peace  of  1229. 


fcKi 
3 

wife 

I'm  K 


1*1  on 

R 


CRUSADES 


555 


CRUSADES 


riip  Doge  of  Venice  had  yielded  to  the  pope's  en- 
roaties,  whereas  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  satisfied 
vith  sending  2000  men.  But  when,  in  June,  1404,  the 
3ope  went  to  Aiicona  to  assume  command  of  the  ex- 
pedition, he  fell  sick  and  died,  whereupon  most  of  the 
■rusaders,  being  unarmed,  destitute  of  ammunition, 
ind  threatened  with  starvation,  returned  to  their  own 
'ountries.  The  Venetians  were  the  only  ones  who 
nvaded  the  Peloponnesus  and  sacked  Athens,  but 
;hey  looked  upon  the  crusade  merely  as  a  means  of  ad- 
v^ancing  their  commercial  interests.  Under  Sixtus 
[V  they  had  the  presumption  to  utilize  the  papal  fleet 
"or  the  seizure  of  merchandise  stored  at  Smyrna  and 
.A.dulia;  they  likewise  )  purchased  the  claims  of  Cath- 
Briiie  t'ornaro  to  the  Kingdom  of  Cyprus.  Finally,  in 
14S0,  Mohammed  II  directed  a  triple  attack  against 
Europe.  In  Hungarj-  Matthias  Corvinus  witlistood 
the  Turkish  inva.sion,  and  the  Knights  of  Rhodes,  con- 
ductetl  by  Pierre  d'Aul^usson,  defended  themselves 
victoriously,  but  the  Turks  succeeded  in  gaining  pos- 
session of  Otranto  and  threatened  Italy  with  conquest. 
At  an  assembly  held  at  Rome  and  presided  over  by 
Si.xtus  IV,  ambassadors  from  the  Christian  princes 
again  promised  help;  but  the  condition  of  Christendom 
would  have  been  critical  indeed  had  not  the  death  of 
Mohammed  II  occasioned  the  evacuation  of  Otranto, 
while  the  power  of  the  Turks  was  imjiaired  for  several 
years  by  civil  wars  among  Jlohammed's  sons.  At  the 
time  of  Charles  VIII's  expedition  into  Italy  (1492) 
there  was  agaui  talk  of  a  crusade;  according  to  the 
plans  of  the  King  of  France,  the  conquest  of  Naples 
was  to  be  followed  by  that  of  Constantinople  and  the 
East.  For  this  reason  Pope  Alexander  VI  delivered  to 
him  Prince  Djem,  son  of  Mahommed  II  and  pretender 
to  the  throne,  who  had  taken  refuge  with  the  Hos- 
pit:illers.  When  Alexander  VI  joined  Venice  and 
Maximilian  in  a  league  against  Charles  VIII,  the  offi- 
cial object  of  the  alliance  was  the  crusade,  but  it  had 
become  impossible  to  take  such  projects  as  seriously 
meant.  The  leagues  for  the  crusade  were  no  longer 
anything  but  political  combinations,  and  the  preach- 
ing of  the  Holy  War  seemed  to  the  people  nothing  but 
a  means  of  raising  money.  Before  his  death,  Emperor 
Maximilian  took  the  cross  at  Metz  with  due  solemnity, 
but  these  demonstrations  could  load  to  no  satisfactory 
results.  The  new  conditions  that  now  controlled 
Christendom  rendered  a  crusade  impossible. 

X.    MoDIFIC.\TIO.\'S  A.VD  SURVIVAL  OF  THE  IdEA  OF 

THE  Cru.sade. — From  the  sixteenth  century  European 
policy  was  swayed  exclusively  by  state  interests; 
hence  to  statesmen  the  idea  of  a  crusade  seemed 
antiqutited.  Egypt  antl  Jerusalem  having  been  con- 
quered by  Sultan  Selim,  in  1.517,  Pope  Leo  X  made  a 
supreme  effort  to  re-establish  the  peace  essential  to 
the  organization  of  a  crusade.  The  King  of  France 
and  Emperor  Charles  V  promised  their  co-operation; 
the  King  of  Portugal  was  to  besiege  Constantinople 
with  .'300  ships,  and  the  pope  himself  was  to  conduct 
the  expedition.  Just  .at  this  time  trouble  broke  out 
between  Francis  I  and  Charles  V;  these  plans  there- 
fore failed  completely.  The  leaders  of  the  Reforma- 
tion were  unfavourable  to  the  crusade,  and  Luther 
declared  that  it  was  a  sin  to  make  war  upon  the  Turks 
because  God  had  made  them  His  instruments  in  pun- 
ishing the  sins  of  His  people.  Therefore,  although 
the  idea  of  the  crusade  was  not  wholly  lost  sight  of,  it 
took  a  new  form  and  adapted  itself  to  the  new  condi- 
tions. The  Cimquistiulores,  who  ever  since  the  fif- 
teenth century  had  been  going  forth  to  discover  new 
lands,  considered  themselves  the  auxiliaries  of  the 
crusade.  The  Infante  Don  Henrique,  Vasco  da  Gama, 
Christopher  Columbus,  and  .Mbuquerriue  wore  the 
cross  on  their  breast  and.  when  seeking  the  means  of 
doubling  .\frica  or  of  reaching  .\sia  liy  routes  from 
the  l",ast,  tliought  of  .attacking  the  Mohammrdans  in 
the  rear;  besidi's.  tliey  calculatcil  on  tlie  alliance  of  a 
fabulous  sovereign  said  to  be  a  Christian,  Prester  John. 


The  popes,  moreover,  strongly  encouraged  these  expe- 
ditions. On  the  other  hand,  among  the  Powers  of 
Europe  the  House  of  .iVustria,  which  was  mistress  of 
Hungary,  where  it  was  directly  threatened  by  the 
Turks,  and  which  had  supreme  control  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, realized  that  it  would  be  to  its  advantage  to 
maintain  a  certain  interest  in  the  crusade.  Until  the 
end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  a  diet  of  the 
German  princes  was  held  at  Ratisbon,  the  question  of 
war  against  the  Turks  was  frequently  agitated,  and 
Luther  himself,  modifying  his  first  opinion,  exhorted 
the  German  nobility  to  defend  Christendom  (1528- 
29).  The  war  in  Himgary  always  partook  of  the 
character  of  a  crusade  and,  on  different  occasions,  the 
French  nobles  enlisted  under  the  imperial  banner. 
Thus  the  Duke  of  Mercoeur  was  authorized  by  Henry 
IV  to  enter  the  Hungarian  service.  In  1664  Louis 
XIV,  eager  to  extend  his  influence  in  Europe,  sent  the 
emperor  a  contingent  which,  under  the  command  of 
the  Count  of  Coligny,  repulsed  the  Turks  in  the  battle 
of  St.  Gothard.  But  such  demonstrations  were  of  no 
importance  because,  from  the  time  of  Francis  I,  the 
kings  of  France,  to  maintain  the  balance  of  ix)wer  in 
Europe  against  the  Hovise  of  Austria,  had  not  hesi- 
tated to  enter  into  treaties  of  alliance  with  the  Turks. 
When,  in  1683,  Kara  Mustapha  advanced  on  Vienna 
with  30,000  Turks  or  Tatars,  Louis  XIV  made  no 
move,  and  it  was  to  John  Sobieski,  King  of  Poland, 
that  the  emperor  owed  his  safety.  This  was  the 
supreme  effort  made  by  the  Turks  in  the  West.  Over- 
whelmed by  the  victories  of  Prince  Eugene  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  centurj',  they  became  thence- 
forth a  passive  power. 

On  the  Mediterranean.  Genoa  and  Venice  beheld 
their  commercial  monopoly  destroyed  in  the  sixteenth 
century  by  the  discoverj'  of  new  continents  and  of 
new  water-routes  to  the  Indies,  while  their  political 
power  was  absorbed  by  the  House  of  Austria.  With- 
out allowing  the  crusaders  to  deter  them  from  their 
continental  enterprises,  the  Hapsburgs  dreamed  of 
gaining  control  of  the  Mediterranean  by  checking  the 
Barbary  pirates  and  arresting  the  progress  of  the 
Turks.  When,  in  1571,  the  Island  of  Cyprus  was 
threatened  by  the  Ottomans,  who  cruelly  massacred 
the  garrisons  of  Famagusta  and  Nicosia,  these  towns 
having  surrendered  on  stipulated  terms,  Pope  Pius  V 
succeeded  in  forming  a  league  of  maritime  powers 
against  Sultan  Selim,  and  secured  the  co-operation  of 
Philip  II  by  granting  him  the  right  to  tithes  for  the 
crusade,  while  he  himself  equipped  some  galleys.  On 
7  October,  1571,  a  Christian  fleet  of  200  galleys,  carry- 
ing .50.000  men  under  the  command  of  Don  Juan  of 
Austria,  met  the  Ottoman  fleet  in  the  Straits  of 
Lepanto,  destroyed  it  completely,  and  liberated  thou- 
sands of  Christians.  This  expedition  was  in  the 
nature  of  a  crusade.  The  pope,  considering  that  the 
victory  had  saved  Christendom,  by  way  of  connnemo- 
rating  it  instituted  the  feast  of  the  Holy  Rosary,  which 
is  celebrated  on  the  first  Sunday  of  October.  But  the 
allies  pushed  their  advantages  no  further.  When,  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  France  superseded  Spain  as 
the  great  Mediterranean  power,  she  strove,  despite  the 
treaties  that  bovmd  her  to  the  Turks,  to  defend  the  last 
remnants  of  Christian  power  in  the  East.  In  1C69 
Louis  XIV  sent  the  Duke  of  Beaufort  with  a  fleet  of 
7000  men  to  the  defence  of  Candia,  a  Venetian  prov- 
ince, but,  notwithstanding  some  brilliant  sallies,  he 
succeeded  in  putting  off  its  capture  for  a  few  weeks 
only.  However,  the  diplomatic  action  of  the  kings  of 
France  in  regard  to  Eastern  Christians  who  were 
Turkish  .subjects  was  more  efficacious.  The  regime 
of  "Capitulations",  established  imder  Francis  I  in 
1.536,  renewed  under  Louis  XIV  in  1673,  and  Louis 
XV  in  1740.  ensured  Catholics  religious  freedom  and 
the  juri.sdiction  of  the  French  amba.s.sador  at  Constan- 
tinople; all  Western  pilgrims  were  allowed  access  to 
Jerusalem  and  to  tlie  Holy  Sepulchre,  which  was  con- 


CRUSADES 


556 


CRUSADES 


fided  to  the  care  of  the  Friars  Minor.  Such  was  the 
modus  Vivendi  finally  established  between  Christendom 
and  the  Mohammedan  world. 

Notwithstanding  these  changes  it  may  be  said  that, 
until  the  seventeenth  century,  the  imagination  of 
Western  Christendom  was  still  haunted  by  the  idea 
of  the  Crusades.  Even  the  least  chimerical  of  states- 
men, such  as  Pere  Joseph  de  Tremblay,  the  confiden- 
tial friend  of  Richelieu,  at  times  cherished  such  hopes, 
while  the  plan  set  forth  in  the  memorial  which  Leibniz 
addressed  (1672)  to  Louis  XIV  on  the  conquest  of 
Egypt  was  that  of  a  regular  crusade.  Lastly,  there 
remained  as  the  respectable  relic  of  a  glorious  past 
the  Order  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem, 
which  was  founded  in  the  eleventh  century  and  con- 
tinued to  exist  until  the  French  Revolution.  Despite 
the  valiant  efforts  of  their  grand  master,  Villiers  de 
I'Isle  Adam,  the  Turks  had  driven  them  from  Rhodes 
in  1522,  and  they  had  taken  refuge  in  Italy.  In  1530 
Charles  V  presented  them  with  the  Isle  of  Malta,  ad- 
mirably situated  from  a  strategic  point  of  view, 
whence  they  might  exercise  surveillance  over  the 
Mediterranean.  They  were  obliged  to  promise  to  give 
up  Malta  on  the  recoveiy  of  Rhodes,  and  also  to  make 
war  upon  the  Barbary  pirates.  In  1565  the  Ivnights 
of.  Malta  withstood  a  furious  attack  by  the  Turks. 
They  also  maintained  a  squadron  able  to  put  to  flight 
the  Barbary  pirates.  Recruited  from  among  the 
younger  sons  of  the  noblest  families  of  Europe,  they 
owned  immense  estates  in  France  as  well  as  in  Italy, 
and  when  the  French  Revolution  broke  out,  the  order 
quickly  lost  ground.  The  property  it  held  in  France 
was  confiscated  in  1790,  and  when,  in  1798,  the  Direc- 
tory undertook  an  expedition  to  Egypt,  Bonaparte, 
in  passing,  seized  the  Isle  of  Malta,  whose  knights  had 
placed  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  Czar, 
Paul  I.  The  city  of  Valetta  surrendered  at  the  first 
summons,  and  the  order  disbanded ;  however,  in  1826 
it  was  reorganized  in  Rome  as  a  charitable  association. 

The  history  of  the  Crusades  is  therefore  intimately 
connected  with  that  of  the  popes  and  the  Church. 
These  Holy  Wars  were  essentially  a  papal  enterprise. 
The  idea  of  quelling  all  dissensions  among  Christians, 
of  uniting  them  under  the  same  standard  and  sending 
them  forth  against  the  Mohammedans,  was  conceived 
in  the  eleventh  century,  that  is  to  say,  at  a  time  when 
there  were  as  yet  no  organized  states  in  Europe,  and 
when  the  pope  was  the  only  potentate  in  a  position  to 
know  and  understand  the  common  interests  of  Chris- 
tendom. At  this  time  the  Turks  threatened  to  invade 
Europe,  and  the  Byzantine  Empire  seemed  unable  to 
withstand  the  enemies  by  whom  it  was  surrounded. 
Urban  "ll  then  took  advantage  of  the  veneration  in 
which  the  holy  places  were  held  by  the  Christians  of 
the  West  and  entreated  the  latter  to  direct  their  com- 
bined forces  against  the  Mohammedans  and,  by  a  bold 
attack,  check  their  progress.  The  result  of  this  effort 
was  the  establishment  of  the  Christian  states  in  Syria. 
While  the  authority  of  the  popes  remained  undisputed 
in  Europe,  they  were  in  a  position  to  furnish  these 
Christian  colonies  the  help  they  required ;  but  when 
this  authority  was  shaken  by  dissensions  between  the 
priesthood  and  the  empire,  the  crusading  army  lost 
the  unity  of  command  so  essential  to  success.  The 
maritime  powers  of  Italy,  whose  assistance  was  indis- 
pensable to  the  Christian  armies,  thought  only  of  using 
the  Crusades  for  political  and  economic  ends.  Other 
princes,  first  the  Hohenstaufen  and  afterwards  Charles 
of  Anjou,  followed  this  precedent,  the  crusade  of  1204 
being  the  first  open  rebellion  against  the  pontifical 
will.  Finally,  when,  at  tlu^  close  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
all  idea  of  the  Christian  monarchy  had  been  definitively 
cast  aside,  when  state  policy  w;is  the  sole  influence 
that  actuated  the  Powers  of  Europe,  the  crusade 
seemed  a  respectable  but  troublesome  survival.  In 
the  fifteenth  century  Europe  permitted  the  Turks  to 
seize  Constantinoiile,  and  [irinces  were  far  less  con- 


cerned about  their  departure  for  the  East  than  about 
finding  a  way  out  of  the  fulfilment  of  their  vow  as 
crusaders  without  losing  the  good  opinion  of  the  pub- 
lic. Thereafter  all  attempts  at  a  crusade  partook  of 
the  nature  of  political  schemes.  Notwithstanding 
their  final  overthrow,  the  Crusades  hold  a  very  impor- 
tant place  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Essentially  the 
work  of  the  popes,  these  Holy  Wars  first  of  all  helped 
to  strengthen  pontifical  authority;  they  afforded  the 
popes  an  opportunity  to  interfere  in  the  wars  between 
Christian  princes,  while  the  temporal  and  spiritual 
privileges  which  they  conferred  upon  crusaders  vir- 
tually made  the  latter  their  subjects.  At  the  same  time 
this  was  the  principal  reason  why  so  many  civil  rulers 
refused  to  join  the  Crusades.  It  must  be  said  that 
the  advantages  thus  acquired  by  the  popes  were  for 
the  common  safety  of  Christendom.  From  the  outset 
the  Crusades  were  defensive  wars  and  checked  the 
advance  of  the  Mohammedans  who,  for  two  centuries, 
concentrated  their  forces  in  a  struggle  against  the 
Christian  settlements  in  Syria;  hence  Europe  is  large- 
ly indebted  to  the  Crusades  for  the  maintenance  of  its 
independence.  Besides,  the  Crusades  brought  about 
results  of  which  the  popes  hatl  never  dreamed,  and 
which  were  perhaps  the  most  important  of  all.  They 
re-established  traffic  between  the  East  and  West, 
which,  after  having  been  suspended  for  several  centu- 
ries, was  then  resumed  with  even  greater  energy;  they 
were  the  means  of  bringing  from  the  depths  of  their 
respective  provinces  and  introducing  into  the  most 
civilized  Asiatic  countries  Western  knights,  to  whom 
a  new  world  was  thus  revealed,  antl  who  returned  to 
their  native  land  filled  with  novel  ideas;  they  were 
instrumental  in  extending  the  commerce  of  the  Indies, 
of  which  the  Italian  cities  long  held  the  monopoly,  and 
the  products  of  which  transformed  the  material  life  of 
the  West.  Moreover,  as  early  as  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  century,  the  development  of  general  culture 
in  the  West  was  the  direct  result  of  these  Holy  Wars. 
Finally,  it  is  with  the  Crusades  that  we  must  couple 
the  origin  of  the  geographical  explorations  made  bj' 
Marco  Polo  and  Orderic  of  Pordenone,  the  Italians 
who  brought  to  Europe  the  knowledge  of  continental 
Asia  and  China.  At  a  still  later  date,  it  was  the  spirit 
of  the  true  crusader  that  animated  Christopher  Co- 
lumbus when  he  undertook  his  perilous  voyage  to  the 
then  unknown  America,  and  Vasco  da  Gama  when  he 
set  out  in  quest  of  India.  If,  indeed,  the  Christian 
civilization  of  Europe  has  become  universal  culture, 
in  the  highest  sense,  the  glory  redounds,  in  no  small 
measure,  to  the  Crusades. 

KrGLER,  Gesch.  der  Kreuzziige  in  Collect.  Oncken  (1880); 
RoHRiCHT,  (7r.s-c/i.  der  Kreuzziige  im  Umriss  (Innsbruck,  189S); 
Brkhier.  L'Eplise  et  VOrient  au  moyen-dge,  Les  croisades 
(Paris,  1907);  Prutz,  Kulturgesch.  der  Kreuzziige  (Berlin.  1883); 
Uey,  Essai  aur  la  domination  franeaise  en  Syrte  pendant  le 
moyen-f'ige  (Paris,  1866);  Coxder,  The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem (London.  1897);  Rohricht,  Gesch.  der  Ktmigreichs  Jeru- 
salem (Innsbruck,  1898);  Mas-L,\trie,  Hist,  de  Vile  de'Chypre 
(Paris,  1852-61);  Delaville-Le-roux,  Le.s  Hospitalicrs  en 
Terrc  Sainte  et  h  Chypre  (Paris,  1904);  Prutz.  Enlwickelung 
und  Unlcrgang  des  Tempelherrenordens  (Berlin,  1SS8);  Riant, 
Expeditions  et  peterinages  des  Scandinaves  en  Terrc  Sainte  (Paris, 
1865);  Stevenson,  The  Crusades  in  the  East  (.Cwnhriiige,  1907). 

I.  Pouque^tlle,  Memoire  sur  les  itablissements  francais  au 
Levant  depuis  Van  500  iusqu'a  la  fin  du  XVII'  siecle  in  Me- 
moires  .lead,  des  Inscript.,  2d  series.  X;  Riant,  La  donation  de 
Ungues  marquis  de  Toscane,  au  Saint  Sepulcre  et  les  etablisse- 
menls  latins  de  Jerusalem  au  X*  si^cle,  ibid.  (1884);  Idem, 
Invcntaire  des  lettres  historiques  des  croisades  in  Archives  de 
VOrient  Latin,  I. 

II.  Hagenmeyer,  Chronologic  de  la  premiere  eroisade  (Paris, 
1902);  Sybel,  Gcsch.  des  ersten  Kreuzzuges  (Innsbruck,  1901); 
CilALANnoN,  Essai  sur  le  rtgne  d' Alexis  Comiune  (Paris.  1900); 
Hagenmeyer,  Peter  der  Eremit  (I.«ipzig,  IS, 9);  Idem.  Epis- 
tula-  et  eharttv  adhistoriam  primi  belli  spcctantes  {limsY^ruckt  1901 ). 

III.  Nr.UMANN.  Bernard  von  Clainwtx  und  die  Anfiinge  des 
zipeiten  Kreuzziiges  (HeidelberE,  1882);  Schlumberger,  Ren- 
aud  de  ChAtillon,  prinet  d'Antioche  (Paris.  1898):  Idem.  Cam- 
pagnes  du  roi  .imauru  Ida  Jerusalem  en  Egyple  (Paris,  1906). 

IV.  Fischer,  desch.  des  Kreuzziiges  Kaisers  Friedrichs  (Leip- 
zig, 1870);  Z1M.MERT.  Der  deulsch-bi/zantinische  Konflikt  vom 
Juli  11S9  bis  Fchruar  1 IM  in  Buzantinise)ie  Zeitschrift  (.ISCa); 
Idem.  Der  Fnede  :u  .idrianapol ,  ibid.  (1902);  Stanley  Lane 
Pole,  Saladin  and  the  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  (Ne' 


CRUTCHED 


557 


CRXJZ 


,     i8Q«v    Stubbs    The  Medieval  KingdoTns  olfyprM  and 
Li^V^S.l'fSSvl,'?plris!^tr7f);  ■  AKCHEH,  The  Cn^ade 


rart»raf.  Conrad  ^fpIS^lSsl)-    NoS,  Der  vierte  Kreu,- 

Jerlin.  ISMS),  """"^ii  nf  rnnstantinovle  (London,  1885), 
,03);     Pears    The  P^^jf^^iZTTZ  Heinrich.  nou-ine 

aomburg,  1905  :  ^''^^°^ii^A?^'^f,Z.  The  Princes  of  Achaia 
■atifaise  de  Morec  (Pans,  l***?''  'J-"""iQ07)-  Riant.  Ejuuki 
jTlhe  Chronicles  "I  f^  ,C^lxl  \Wl)'.  Roheicht.  £>cr 
icrtt    CorK(an/mopoWan<f    <V,  /,,WJirifl  (1876). 

VI  R8H'",<?„^V  Idem  O^  JCr?«^a/.r<  Vm^ricA  //  (Berlin. 
Innsbruck,  1891),  ^°^^-  ,Y^„AiT,lnmaliaues  des  Hohenstaufen 
874);    BLOcHET.I-es  relatimis  diplomaim^     Cahdn. /n(ro- 

Li;.Su;tar«/£«'P''  V°.«f^,'/S  3W''  ('paris,  •lS96); 
Iu«(um  a  ll^^'-Jf  J  ■^i^^'_,,iiuJ^Z„Z;a  della  Terra  Santci  e  deir 

l'i:^iS.tirtrfrTE?^"^^^^^^^^^^ 

in  Forschuna  zur  deutsche  Gesch    ^^-  g^^  „„  .Y/I" 

si^dc    (Pans,  .1885),     B«i?».^  Vp^ris    19(X));   Magnocavai.lo. 

'^JL-tiifi^'iJsJ^:^^^^^^^^ 
"^alrJ^rZ^^tqpfa^^^T^i^^^^ 

^ono.K.  Phaippede  ^^"'Zf/J"iZtinBv'ZlinZeit..XV-.  Par- 

IX.  DE  Sact  Af-^/?  n';^/,J^^l^Si6deWr..m> 
/ions.  \I-VII;  BfGER  DE  ^\a»K^i,  .y.  Le  cardinal 
VempereurMa,iudPedeolo^e^ul.J^ll.JJ^^J^-^f  ,^^  C,,,^ 

,m,.V  a  ;•*«(.  <i«<:r<.««d«'"'X^   "       LoUIS  BrEHIER. 


f^ave  them  constitutions  and  a  rule  of  life  similar  to 
fhat  of  the  Augustinians      Pope  Pius  "  P-cnbed 
for  them  a  blue  habit  and  substituted  a  small  silver 
ross  fo"  the  larger  wooden  one  they  had  hitherto  been 
accustomed  to  carry  m  their  hands.     It  was  frprnth^s 
custom  that  they  obtamed  their  -^ame      Their  mon 
asteries  were  at  one  time  numerous  in  Italy,  number- 
Tng  two  hundred  and  eight,  divided  into  five  prov- 
inces-   Bologna,  Venice,   Rome,  Milan,  and  Naples. 
The  prion- of  S.  Maria  di  Morella  at  Bologna  was  made 
the  chiS^^ouse  of  the  order  by  Pope  Clement  IV^  and 
a  w^s    rom  this  that  the  English  Crutched  Fnars 
came      In  later  times  corruptions  were  allowed  to 
cre"p  in   and  from  that  and  other  causes  their  num- 
bers'^dwindled  down  to  not  more  tl-n  fifty  house    m 
1656   when  the  order  was  suppressed  by  Pope  Alex 
ande'r  VII      A  similar  order  of  friars,  known  by  the 
same  name  and  like  them  claiming  to  come  from  the 
Ea"t   a?so  existed  in  France  and  tl«  L^-,^^""^!^ 
havine  been  introduced  or  organized  m  1211  by  ineo- 
dore  de  Celles.     H^lvot  says  their  houses  were  num- 
erous but  the  order  suffered  extinction  m  the  French 
Revoution.     These  friars  wore  a  black  habit  ^\  th 
f?ed  cross  upon  it.     Other  Fmtres  Crucijen  were  also 
\:t  ST  Bohemia  in  the  thirteenth  century  and 
some  are  said  to  have  existed  m  Ireland,  but  there  is 
practically  no  reliable  information  to  be  obtamed 

'"'^MAltTp.Ris,  H,Vor,a  ^npion^m  Ro^I^  'h^°''iTo- 
1866*)"?;  T.^NEB  ^YT^^'rl^Sl^Z^xltnO):  vll  RE?- 
DALE,  iV/o-iashcon  i^alicma'mO^nAo^^l^^^  (Douai,  1626): 
NER,  Aposlolaius  Benedict  norum.  "  '■'JJ»"''i^4,.  Heltot, 
Gasquet,  English  ^/""^^'^ris  1792)  II;  Heimbucber,  Ordm 
Hist,  des  ordres  rehgievx  (f  a"lki."'W'  W^^-j 
und  Canoregationcn  (2d  ed.,  1900,  H,  33^^37^^^  ^^^^^_ 


Crutched  Friars  (or  Crossed  Friars),  an  order  of 
mendicant  friars  who  went  to  England  m  the  t^ 
teenth  century  from  Italy,  where  they  had  existed  lor 
sometime  and  where  they  were  called  ^.™''««  VTh 
ri/^"Ze  below).  Their  first  appearance  m  England 
™t  a  s™od  of  the  Diocese  of  Rochester  m  1244 
Xn  they  presented  documents  from  the  pope  and 
S  to  be  allowed  to  settle  in  the  country  < Matthew 
Paris)  Each  friar  carried  in  his  hand  a  wooden  staff 
sSiounted  by  a  cross  and  had  also  a  cross  of  red 
cb^  ^on  his\abit,  from  which  circumstances  orig- 
toated  the  name  by  which  they  became  c.mmori^ 

Friars ' '.  Other  houses  were  at  Oxford  1.348),  Y  orK, 
Great  Weltham  fSuffolk),  Barham  (a  cell  to  Gt  T\  e - 
tham)  WoUon-under-Edge  (Gloucestershire),  Brack- 
lev  (\orthants),  and  Kildale  Ci  orkshire).  . 

Fratrfs  CRUCiFERi.-The  origin  of  the^e  fnars  is 
somewhat  uncertain.  They  claimed  to  have  been 
funded  in  the  East,  in  the  first  ce^ntury, ^Jl-^^'^l 
and  to  have  been  reconstituted  by  ''t- Cj'^acu^^  Pa 
triarch  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  fourth.  I*  >«  "?»  ™"^^^ 
when  they  came  to  Italy,  but  they  were  certainly  ttiere 
ta  the  twelfth  century,  for  in  11G9  Pope  Alexander  III 


Cruz  RvMoN  DE  LA.  a  poet,  b.  at  Madrid,  Spam, 
98  &V  1731;  d.  in  the  same  city.  4  November 
1795  h4  was  for  a  time  a  clerk  in  the  Ministry  of 
Finance  and  was  a  member  of  the  Royal  Academy 
o  Se^S'e  and  Tthe  Arcadians  of  Rome.  Very  ht  le 
t  know-Ti  of  his  life.  He  wrote  more  than  three 
hundred  pieces  for  the  stage,  -any  of  which  ^ ere 
imnrovdsed  It  was  his  custom  to  go  to  the  rrauo 
S?he  evening  and  there,  seated  on  one  of  the  stone 
'hei^^hes,   wort  out  some  theme  -gge^t^^^^ 

^rtheat^r?  a'nxiouS^'l.^ited   the  improvisation 
=^I'-ut!n»el-^-ofrpJrm| 

trks'orCru.,  among  which  may  be  -mentioned 
-  Ram6n  de  la  Cniz,.Sa.netes  (1  ^,?h^  "„^^^'^;TeatVo 
"La  Biblioteca  Umversal'    (XXX\),  and      leai^ 


CRUZ 


558 


CUBA 


Cruz,  San  Juan  de  i-\..     See  Johx  of  the  Cross, 

Saint. 

Crypt  (or  Lower  Church). — The  word  originally 
meant  a  hidden  place,  natural  or  artificial,  suitable 
for  the  concealment  of  persons  or  things.  When 
visits  to  the  burial-places  without  the  walls  of  Rome 
fell  into  disu.se  there  ensued  a  curious  change.  The 
Church,  no  longer  able  to  go  out  to  honour  the  mar- 
tyrs, brought  t\\e  martyrs  within  the  walls,  and  in- 
stead of  building  churches  above  the  tombs,  dug  tombs 
under  the  churches  in  which  the  precious  relics  were 
deposited.  This  was  tlie  origin,  first  of  the  confessio 
of  the  basilicas,  and,  at  a  later  period,  of  the  crypt, 
which  answered  the  same  purpose  in  the  churches 
of  the  early  Middle  Ages.  In  this  way  the  Roman- 
esque crj-pt  is  the  direct  descendant  of  the  hypogceum 
or  excavation  of  the  early  Christian  catacomb.  The 
term  crypt  is  sometimes  used  to  signify  the  lower 
story  of  a  two-storied  building,  e.  g.  the  lower  chapel 
of  the  Sainte-Chapelle  at  Paris,  and  of  the  church  of 
San  Francesco  at  Assisi;  and  in  England  the  over- 
ground crypt  of  St.  Ethelreda's  Chapel  in  London, 
which  is  all  that  remains  of  the  great  episcopal  palace 
called  Ely  Place. 

The  crypt  has  a  long  and  venerable  lustory.  What 
was  done  at  Rome  set  a  precedent  for  Christendom 
in  general.  There  is  an  early  example  of  a  crypt  at 
Raveima,  at  Sant'  ApoUinare  in  Classe  (534).  At  first 
crypts  were  sometimes  as  deep-sunk  as  the  cubiciila  of 
the  catacomljs  themselves,  e.  g.  in  Saint-Germain,  at 
Au.xerre,  and  in  the  Chartres  cathedral.  Or  they  were 
but  partly  above  ground,  and  were  lighted  by  small 
windows  placed  in  their  side  walls,  e.g.  Ernulph's  crypt 
at  Canterbury.  Occasionally  their  floor  was  but  little 
below  the  surface  of  the  ground,  as  in  the  eastern 
crypt  at  Canterbury;  or  it  was  on  a  level  with  the 
pavement  of  the  nave,  as  in  San  Miniato,  Florence, 
in  tliese  latter  cases  the  crj^Jt  practically  became 
a  second  or  lower  church,  e.  g.  St.  Faith's,  under  Old 
St.  Paul's,  London.  Such  a  crypt,  however,  entailed  a 
raised  choir;  hence  it  is  that  one  ascends  high  flights 
of  steps  to  such  choirs  as  those  of  San  Miniato, 
Rochester,  Canterbury,  etc.  Almost  all  the  crypts 
now  found  in  England  were  built  during  the  Nomian 
period,  or  verj'  early,  in  the  pointed  style.  That  at 
Glasgow,  however,  belongs  to  the  perfected  style  of  the 
thii-teentli  century.  Here  the  crypt  extends  under 
and  beyond  the  whole  choir.  Had  there  been  an 
opening  in  the  centre  of  the  vault  (and  it  is  by  no 
means  clear  that  one  was  not  originally  intended),  it 
woukl  be  more  like  a  German  double  church  than 
anything  found  in  England.  The  earliest  crypts  in 
England  are  those  of  Hexham  and  Ripon.  In  the 
eleventh,  twelfth,  and  thirteenth  centuries  crypts 
developed  into  magnificent  churches,  like  those  of 
Gloucester,  Rochester,  Worcester,  Winchester,  St. 
Peter's  at  Oxford,  Bayeux,  Chartres,  Saintes,  Bourges, 
Holy,  Trinity  at  Caen,  Padua,  Florence,  Pavia,  Paler- 
mo, and  Modena. 

Gailhabaud,  Ancient  and  Modem  Architeclure  (London, 
1844),  II;  Carter,  Ancirnl  Architecture  o1  England  (London, 
1S87);  BoND,&'o(/iir  !  . 'm,-,  ,'  r,  inEngland  (New  York,  19(X)); 
Brown,  from  Sc/io'.'  '  '  KdinburRh,  18861;  Lowrie. 
Monuments  of  the  I :<         •  l,..ndon,   1908);    Spenck,  T^ie 

White  Robe  ol  Chuuh,  N.  u  -,  .,,  k.  1900);  Banister,  .4  His- 
tory  of  Arch.  (New  \urk,  I'JUj;;  Parker,  Glossary  of  Arch. 
(London,  1845). 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 

Csanad,  Diocese  of,  includes  the  counties  of  Temes, 
Torontdl,  KrassCi-Szor^ny,  Arad,  Csanid,  and  a  part  of 
Csongrdd  and  Bi'kfe,  Hungary, an  area  of  13,718square 
miles.  It  is  suffragan  of  Kalocsa,  and  has  a  popula- 
tion of  2,0(10.000  souls,  of  whom  824,000  are  Catholics 
and  ."jO.OOO  I'niat  Greeks.  The  diocese  has  a  cathe- 
dral cha|itcr,  8  regular  and  &  titular  canonries,  8  titu- 
lar abbeys,  1  provost.ship,  3  titular  provostships,  6 
archdcaiieries,  24  subortlinate  deaneries,  236  parish 


churches,  1099  filial  churches,  231  parish  priests,  122 
chaplains,  28  other  ecclesiastics,  54  clerics,  8  retired 
ecclesiastics,  8  priests  outside  of  the  diocese.  The  male 
orders  and  congregations  have  11  houses  and  91  mem- 
bers, divided  as  follows:  Piarists  (who  also  conduct  3 
gymnasia),  3  houses;  Franciscans,  2;  Minorites,  4; 
Brothers  of  Charity,  1,  and  priests  of  the  Order  of  the 
Divine  Saviour,  1.  The  School  Sistere  of  Notre-Dame, 
Sisters  of  Charity  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  and  Holy 
Cross  Sisters  have  28  convents  and  484  members  in 
the  diocese.  There  is  a  seminary  for  priests  (with  aj 
lyceum),  a  preparatory  one  for  boys,  and  two  training- 
schools,  for  male  and  female  teachers.  The  cathedral 
built  in  barocco  style,  1736-54,  is  dedicated  to  St. 
George.  The  residence  of  the  bishop  is  at  Temesvar. 
Csandd  is  one  of  the  oldest  sees  of  Hungary.  It  w.as 
created  by  King  Stephen  in  1035  and  its  first  bishop 
was  the  Italian  Abbot  Gerardus,  the  tutor  of  Ste- 
phen's son,  Emmerich.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the 
diocese  suffered  greatly  from  the  invasion  of  the  Klon- 
gols ;  in  the  fourteenth  century,  after  the  Turkish  con- 


quest of  Ser\'ia,  from  the  imniit;rati(..u  of  schismatic 
Serbs  called  Rascians  into  Hungary;  in  the  sixteenth 
century  from  the  rebellion  of  the  peasants  (1514). 
By  order  of  Dozsa,  the  leader  of  the  peasants,  Bishop 
Nicholas  Cs.aky  was  impaled.  After  the  battle  of 
Mohdcs  (1526)  in  which  Bishop  Franz  Csaholy  (1514- 
26)  was  killed,  almost  the  entire  diocese  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Zapolya,  the  ally  of  the  Turks.  When  in 
1552  Temesvar  also  was  taken  by  the  Turks  the  dio- 
cese was  nearly  ruined.  The  see  had  henceforth 
merely  a  nominal  existence  and  the  residence  of  the 
bishop  was  transferred  in  1574  to  Szegedin.  It  was 
only  after  the  Treaty  of  Passarowitz  (1718)  freed  the 
land  from  the  yoke  of  the  Turks  that  Bishop  Ladislaus 
Nddasdy  (1710-30)  re-entered  the  diocese;  the  depoji- 
ulated  territory  was  largely  settled  anew  by  German 
colonists.  During  the  Revolution  of  1848  Bishop 
Joseph  Lonovics  von  Krivina  (1834-48)  was  driven 
into  exile;  later  the  Hungarian  minister  of  worship, 
Michael  Horvath.  was  appointed  bishop  but  was  not 
consecrated.  During  the  episcopate  of  Ladislaus 
Koszeghy  (1800-28)  the  seminarj'  for  priests  was 
founded;  during  that  of  Alexander  Csajjighy  (1851- 
60)  the  School  Sisters  of  Notre-Dame  were  brouglit 
into  the  diocese,  and  during  the  administration  of 
Alexander  Bonnaz  (1860-89)  the  seminary  for  boys 
was  erected. 

Schwicker,  Geschichte  des  Temeser  Banates  (NafO'-Ber.skerek, 
1861):  Neheu  in  Kirchenlex.,  VII.  935-37;  Die kalholische  Kirche 
imrf  ihre  Diener  in  Wort  und  Bild  (Munich,  1900),  II,  623-26; 
Scfiemalismus  cleri  dicecesis  Csajiadietlsis  (annual). 

Joseph  Lins. 

Cuba,  "The  Pearl  of  the  Antilles",  is  the  largest  and 
westernmost  island  of  the  West  Indies.  Its  extent, 
geographical  position,  the  great  number  of  its  ports, 
the  fertility  of  its  soil,  and  its  climate  make  it  one  of 
the  most  interesting  countries  in  the  New  World.     It 


CUBA 


559 


CUBA 


lies  at  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  between  19° 
and  23°  N.  latitude,  and  74°  and  85°  W.  longitude.  Its 
western  extremity.  Cape  San  Antonio,  approaches  to 
within  130  miles  of  Yucatan,  and  its  easternmost 
point.  Cape  Maisi,  is  within  50  miles  of  Haiti,  the 
Windward  Passage  separating  the  two  islands,  while 
the  soutliern  end  of  Florida  is  less  than  100  miles  from 
the  northern  coast  of  Cuba.  The  island  thus  occupies 
a  verj'  important  strategic  position,  commanding,  as  it 
does,  the  entrances  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  has  a 
length  of  almost  7.50  miles  from  east  to  west,  and  its 
width  varies  from  100  miles,  at  the  eastern  end,  to  30 
miles  in  the  western  portion.  Its  area  is  .about  45,000 
square  miles,  including  the  Isle  of  Pines,  w^hich  lies  im- 
mediately south  of  its  western  extremity.  It  is  there- 
fore a  little  less  in  size  than  the  State  of  Virginia  and 
about  the  size  of  England.  It  is  divided  politically 
into  six  provinces  in  the  following  order  from  west  to 
east:  Pinar  del  Rio,  H.avana,  Matanzas,  Santa  Clara, 
Puerto  Principe  (Camagiiey),  and  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

N.^TURAL  CHAR.\CTEniSTics. — The  coast  line,  espe- 
cially along  the  southern  shore,  is  dotted  with  numer- 
ous small  islands,  while  both  the  north  and  south 
coasts  h.ive  many  excellent  bays  and  harbours ;  those  of 
Bahia  Honda,  Havana,  Matanzas  and  Cdrdenas,  on 
the  north  coast,  and  Batabano,  Cienfuegos,  Santiago 
de  Cuba,  and  Guantanamo,  on  the  south,  being  accessi- 
ble to  ships  of  deep  draught.  The  principal  feature  in 
the  physical  geography  of  Cuba  is  a  range  of  moun- 
tains which,  more  or  less  broken,  runs  through  the  cen- 
tral portion  of  the  island  from  one  end  to  the  other. 
From  this  backbone  the  rivers  run  generally  north  and 
south,  in  sliort  courses,  to  the  sea.  For  the  most  part, 
low  tracts  intervene  between  the  central  elevation 
and  the  sea.  The  forests  are  noted  for  a  great  variety 
and  abundance  of  hardwoods,  some  of  which  are  un- 
surpassed for  their  special  qualities.  Among  these 
are  lignum-vita;,  cocoa-wood,  which  somewhat  resem- 
bles it,  mahogany  of  superior  quality  and  very  abun- 
dant, and  cedar.  Though  the  forests  are  extensive 
and  almost  impenetrable,  there  are  no  large  wild  ani- 
mals. There  are  more  than  two  hundred  species  of 
birds,  many  of  them  of  exceedingly  beautiful  plumage. 
Tlic  varieties  of  fish  are  even  more  abundant.  In- 
sects are  extremely  numerous  and  of  many  trouble- 
some kinds,  the  most  to  Ije  feared  being  the  tarantula 
and  scorpion;  the  most  beautiful,  the  large  fire-flies  or 
cunii/nx,  which  emit  a  mild,  steady  light.  Although  the 
mineral  riches  of  Cuba  have  not  as  yet  been  fully  ex- 
plored, it  is  known  not  to  be  deficient  in  this  respect. 
The  precious  metals  have  been  found,  but  not  in  suf- 
ficient quantities  to  repay  the  cost  of  working  There 
are  abundant  deposits  of  copper,  alum,  iron,  marble, 
and  manganese. 

Lying  just  within  the  tropical  zone,  Cuba  enjoys  a 
wann  climate  throughout  the  year.  This  is  tempered, 
during  the  summer  months,  by  the  cool  north-east 
trade-winds  which  blow  almo.st  every  day  in  the  year 
from  early  morning  until  sunset,  and  also  by  the  rains 
which  are  most  frequent  during  those  months.  The 
year  is  divided  between  the  hot,  wet  season,  and  the 
cool,  dry  season.  From  May  to  October  rain  and 
thunder  are  of  almost  daily  occurrence;  from  Novem- 
ber to  .4pril  is  the  dry  season,  during  which  period  the 
rainfall  is  comparatively  light.  The  temjierature  at 
Havana  during  the  hottest  month,  August,  averages 
82°  F.  fluctuating  between  a  maximum  and  a  mini- 
mum of  88°  F.  and  72°  F.  During  January,  the  cold- 
est month,  the  average  temperature  is  72°  F.,  the 
maximum  78°  F..  and  the  minimimi  .5,8°  F.  The  aver- 
age for  the  year  is  about  77°  F.  In  the  interior,  and 
especially  in  the  higher  portions  of  the  i.sland,  the  ther- 
mometer occasionally  drops  to  the  freezing-point,  and 
thin  ice  may  be  seen  on  the  surface  of  pools.  Snow, 
however,  is  unknown  throughout  the  island.  There 
are  no  disea.ses  specially  endemic  to  the  island.  Yel- 
low fever  was  formerly  very  common  and  virulent,  es- 


pecially in  Havana  and  other  seacoast  towns,  though 
unknown  in  the  interior.  During  the  American  occu- 
pation, however,  such  vigorous  and  thorough  sani- 
tarj'  measures  were  adopted  that  Havana,  from  being 
a  plague  spot  and  a  menace  to  the  ports  of  the  Uniteii 
States,  became  one  of  the  cleanest  cities  in  the  world. 

History. — Cuba  was  discovered  by  Columbus  dur- 
ing his  first  voyage,  on  the  2Sth  of  October,  1492.  He 
took  possession  in  the  name  of  the  Catholic  monarchs 
of  Spain,  and  named  it  J  nana  in  honour  of  the  Infante 
Don  Juan.  He  again  visited  the  island  in  1494,  and  in 
1502,  and  on  each  occasion  explored  part  of  the  coa.st. 
He  then  believed  that  Cuba  was  part  of  the  mainland, 
and  it  was  not  until  1.508  that  Seba.stian  Ocampo,  by 
order  of  the  king,  circumnavigated  it,  and  proved  it  to 
be  an  island.  In  1511,  Captain  Diego  Vela.squez,  who 
had  accompanied  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage,  was 
sent  to  Cuba  to  subjugate  and  colonize  the  island.  He 
landed  near  Cape  Maisf,  the  eastern  extremity,  and 
there  was  founded  Baracoa,  the  first  colony  in' Cuba. 
In  1514  Vehi.sqviez  founded  Trinidad  and  Santiago  do 
Cuba  on  the  south  coast,  Sancti  Spiritus,  Remedios, 
and  Puerto  Principe  in  the  central  portion;  and,  on 
the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Batabano,  towards  the 
western  extremity  of  the  south  coast,  San  Cristobal  de 
laHabana;  this  last  name,  however,  was  given,  in  1519, 
to  a  settlement  existing  on  the  present  site  of  Havana. 
The  same  year  Baracoa  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a 
city  and  a  bishopric,  and  was  made  the  capital,  as  it 
continued  to  be  until  1.522,  when  Ijoth  the  capital  and 
bishopric  were  transferred  to  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Ha- 
vana became  the  capital  in  1552,  and  has  remained  so 
ever  since. 

Upon  the  death  of  Ferdinand.  23  January,  1516, 
Velasquez  changed  the  name  of  the  island  to  Fcrnan- 
dina  in  honour  of  that  monarch.  Later,  the  name 
was  changed  to  Sanliago  in  honour  of  Spain's  patron 
saint,  and  still  later,  to  Ave  Maria  in  honour  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin.  During  all  these  official  changes, 
however,  the  island  continued  to  be  known  by  its  orig- 
inal name  of  Ctiha,  given  it  by  the  natives,  and  it  has 
retained  that  name  to  the  jiresent  day.  The  aborig- 
ines (Siboneys)  whom  the  Spaniards  found  in  Cuba, 
were  a  mild,  timid,  inolTensive  people,  entirely  unable 
to  resist  the  invaders  of  their  countrj',  or  to  endure 
the  hardships  imposed  upon  them.  They  lived  under 
nine  independent  caciques  or  chiefs,  and  possessed  a 
simple  religion  devoid  of  rites  and  ceremonies,  but 
with  a  belief  in  a  supreme  being,  and  the  immortality 
of  the  soul.  They  were  reduced  to  slavery  by  the 
white  settlers,  among  whom,  however,  the  energetic 
and  persevering  Father  Bartolomi^  de  LasCasas,  "The 
Protector  of  the  Indians",  as  he  was  officially  called, 
earned  a  high  reputation  in  history  by  his  j)hilan- 
thropic  efforts.  (See  Casa.s,  Bartolome  de  las.)  Tn 
1524,  the  first  cargo  of  negro  .slaves  was  landed  inCuba. 
Then  began  the  iniquitous  traffic  in  African  slaves  upon 
which  corrupt  officials  fattened  for  many  years  there- 
after. The  negroes  were  subjected  to  great  cruelties 
and  hardships,  their  natural  increase  was  cheeked, 
and  their  numbers  h.ad  to  be  recruited  Ijy  reiieateil 
importations.  This  traffic  constantly  increa.sed,  until 
at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  slaves 
were  being  imported  at  the  rate  of  over  10,000  per 
year. 

In  1538,  Havana  was  reduced  to  ashes  by  the 
French,  and  was  destroyed  a  second  time  in  1554.  In 
1762,  the  city  was  taken  by  the  Kngli.>;h,  but  within  a 
year,  under  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  which 
ended  the  Seven  Years  War.  it  was  returned  to  Si)ain 
in  exchange  for  Florida.  From  this  time  the  progress 
of  Cuba  was  rapid.  Luis  de  L.as  Casas.  who  was  sent 
to  Cuba  as  captain  general,  was  especially  energetic  in 
instituting  reforms,  and  he  did  much  for  the  prosperity 
and  advancement  of  the  island.  During  the  nine- 
teenth century,  however,  Cuba  was  governed  by  a  suc- 
cession of  captains  general,  some  of  whom  were  hon- 


CUBA 


560 


CUBA 


Durable  In  their  administration,  while  others  seemed  to 
regard  their  oiSce  solely  as  the  means  of  acquiring  a 
fortune.  Various  oppressive  measures  instituted  by 
some  of  these  governors,  such  as  depriving  the  native 
Cubans  of  political  and  civil  liberty,  excluding  them 
from  public  office,  and  burdening  them  with  taxation, 
gave  rise  to  the  deadly  hatred  between  the  Cubans  and 
the  Spaniards,  which  manifested  itself  from  time  to 
time  in  viprisings  for  greater  privileges  and  freedom. 
Of  this  kind  were  the  conspiracy  of  the  "  Black  Eagle" 
(1829),  the  insurrection  of  the  black  population  (1844), 
and  the  conspiracy  of  Narciso  Lopez  (1849-51),  all  of 
which  gave  occasion  to  repressive  measures  of  great 
cruelty.  The  rebellion  of  1868-78,  however,  compelled 
Spain  to  promise  the  Cubans  representation  in  the 
Cortes,  together  with  other  needed  reforms.  She  failed 
to  keep  many  of  her  promises,  and  the  general  discon- 
tent continued,  with  the  result  that  in  1895,  a  new  and 
formidable  revolt  broke  out.  The  insurgents,  under 
able  leaders,  were  able  to  keep  the  field,  in  spite  of  the 
extremely  energetic  and  even  cruel  measures  that  were 
adopted  to  crush  them.  They  were  able  to  maintain 
the  semblance  of  a  government,  and  their  heroic  re- 
sistance, as  well  as  the  conduct  of  Spain,  aroused  great 
sympathy  for  them  throughout  the  United  States. 

From  the  time  that  Florida  became  a  part  of  the 
United  States,  this  government  had  taken  a  deep  in- 
terest in  Cuba,  fearing  that  the  island  might  pass  from 
Spain  to  other  hands,  especially  England  or  France. 
In  1848,  President  Polk  had  authorized  the  American 
minister  at  Madrid  to  offer  $100,000,000  for  the  pur- 
chase of  Cuba,  but  Spain  rejected  the  offer.  The  sub- 
ject had  been  revived  in  1854,  following  the  Ostend 
Manifesto,  but  again  it  came  to  nothing.  During  the 
last  uprising  of  the  Cuban  people,  already  mentioned, 
not  only  the  United  States  government,  but  the  entire 
American  people  were  watching  the  struggle  with  in- 
tense interest,  when,  on  the  night  of  15  February,  1898, 
a  terrific  explosion  destroyed  the  United  States  battle- 
ship Maine  in  Havana  harbour,  whither  she  had  gone 
on  a  friendly  visit  by  invitation  of  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment. Relations  between  the  two  governments  became 
strained,  and  they  finally  went  to  war  in  April  of  the 
same  year.  The  war  was  of  only  a  few  months  dura- 
tion, and  as  a  result  of  it,  under  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Paris,  (10  December,  1898),  Spain  relin- 
quished her  hold  on  Cuba,  which  she  had  held  for  over 
400  years.  Beginning  1  January,  1899,  the  United 
States  occupied  the  island  and  appointed  a  military 
governor,  pending  the  formation  of  a  native  govern- 
ment. This  was  eventually  installed  with  the  inau- 
guration as  president  of  Don  Tomds  Estrada  Palma 
(20  May,  1902),  and  the  American  occupation  formally 
and  definitely  ceased  on  that  day.  Cuba  now  seemed 
to  be  entering  upon  an  era  of  peace  and  prosperity,  but 
it  was  to  be  of  short  duration.  Differences  between 
the  Moderate  and  Liberal  parties  occasioned  by  the 
second  presidential  election,  in  1905,  culminated,  in 
July,  1906,  in  a  revolutionary  movement  started  by 
the  Liberal  leaders.  The  Government  soon  lost  con- 
trol of  the  situation,  so  that  in  September,  1906,  the 
United  States  was  forced  to  intervene.  A  provisional 
government  was  then  established  under  authority 
from  Washington,  with  Charles  E.  Magoon  at  its  head. 
During  1907,  a  new  census  was  undertaken,  upon 
which  to  base  new  elections  for  president  and  members 
of  Congress. 

Agriculture. — For  two  hundred  and  fifty  years 
after  the  discovery  of  the  island,  cattle  raising  seems  to 
have  been  the  principal  industry,  and  very  little  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  agriculture.  Now,  however,  Cuba  is 
essentially  an  agricultural  country.  The  principal 
agricultural  products  are  sugar,  tobacco,  and  fruits. 
As  for  coffee,  little  more  is  grown  than  is  needed  for  do- 
mestic consumption,  although  the  soil  and  climate  of 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  island  are  adapted  to  the  cul- 
tivation of  a  superior  quality  of  coffee.     Oranges, 


limes,  lemons,  olives,  pineapples,  and  many  other  fruits 
are  also  grown,  as  well  as  all  kinds  of  vegetables,  which 
grow  almost  the  year  around.  The  Cuban  orange  is 
noted  for  its  exquisite  taste,  and  its  cultivation  was  an 
important  Cuban  industry  until  Californian  and  Flori- 
dan  competition  impaired  its  value.  Bananas  are 
grown  throughout  the  island,  but  the  best  come  from 
the  central  and  eastern  portions.  The  most  important 
of  all  the  products,  however,  are  sugar  and  tobacco. 
The  former  was  introduced  into  Cuba  by  its  first  gov- 
ernor, Veldsquez,  and  from  a  small  beginning  the  in- 
dustry grew,  with  improved  methods  of  cultivation 
and  the  introduction  of  improved  machinery,  until,  just 
before  the  last  insurrection  (1895),  the  annual  output 
amounted  to  over  1,000,000  tons.  The  product  next 
in  importance  to  sugar  is  tobacco.  This,  unlike  the 
former,  is  indigenous  in  Cuba,  and  was  in  use  by  the 
natives  when  the  Spaniards  first  visited  the  island. 
Cuban  tobacco  is  universally  admitted  to  be  the  finest 
in  the  world,  especially  that  grown  in  a  section  of  the 
province  of  Pinar  del  Rio  known  as  Vuelta  Abajo. 
Many  attempts  have  been  made  to  reproduce  the  to- 
bacco of  this  region  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  and 
even  in  other  parts  of  Cuba,  but  always  without  suc- 
cess, the  superiority  of  the  Vuelta  Abajo  product  being 
probably  due  to  peculiar  conditions  of  soil  and  climate, 
and  especially  to  the  peculiar  topography  of  the  coun- 
try. In  1894-95,  the  season  in  which  the  best  crop  was 
grown  previous  to  the  last  census  (1899),  the  produc- 
tion for  the  island  amounted  to  62,000,000  lbs.  valued 
at  $22,000,000. 

Transportation. — Cuba  had  very  few  railroads 
until  within  recent  years,  when  there  has  been  great 
activity  in  building  new  lines  and  extending  old  ones. 
The  completion  of  the  road  running  through  the  centre 
of  the  island,  and  connecting  Havana  with  Santiago  de 
Cuba,  marks  the  realization  of  a  long-felt  commercial 
need  and  the  attainment  of  a  political  end  of  great  un- 
portance. 

PopuL.\TiON. — The  official  census  of  1899  showed  a 
total  population  of  1,572,797  divided  by  provinces  as 
follows: — 

Havana 424,804 

Matanzas 202,444 

Pinar  del  Rio 173,064 

Puerto  Principe 88,234 

Santa  Clara 356,536 

Santiago  de  Cuba 327,715 

Of  the  inhabitants  1,400,262  are  natives,  and  172,535 
foreign-born.  The  white  population  constitutes  68 
per  cent,  of  the  total,  the  remaming  32  per  cent,  being 
made  up  of  negroes,  mLxed  elements,  and  Chinese. 
The  native  white  population  are  nearly  all  descen- 
dants of  the  Spaniards.  Although  since  the  evacua- 
tion of  Cuba  by  the  Spaniards  there  has  been  entire 
freedom  of  worship,  the  population  is  almost  exclu- 
sively Catholic.  Spanish  is  the  official  language  of 
Cuba,  though  it  is  characterized  by  certain  slight  local 
peculiarities  of  pronunciation. 

Religion. — In  1518,  Leo  X  established  the  Diocese 
of  all  Cuba,  which  included  also  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions of  Louisiana  and  Florida.  The  see  was  estab- 
lished at  Baracoa  in  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  in  1522,  by 
a  Bull  of  Adrian  VI,  it  was  transferred  to  the  city  of 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  where  it  has  remained  to  the  present 
day.  Prior  to  the  nineteenth  century,  there  appears 
to  have  been  no  question  regarding  the  titles  of  prop- 
erty held  by  the  (^hurch  in  Spain  or  in  Cuba.  But  in 
tlie  beginning  of  that  century,  the  property  held  by  the 
Church  in  Spain  was  confiscated  by  the  State.  This 
confiscation  liowever,  related  only  to  the  Church  pos- 
sessions in  Spain  .'ind  did  not  affect  her  insular  posses- 
sions. In  1837,  Captain  General  Tacon  .sought  to 
make  this  Spanish  confiscation  act  :ipplicable  to  the 
holdings  of  the  monastic  orders  in  Culia.  and  in  1S41, 
Vald(5s,  who  was  then  governor,  actually  seized  these 


Ore: 


T  Seat  of  ArcblJishopnc 
I      "     "  Bishopric 
+■      "     "         "         vacated  o 
f      "     "  Vicariate  Apostolic 
Indian  iribos  ill  ir.4/-/CS 


„  I  Seat  of  Dio- 

Namb  of  the  Diockse  or        cese  or  Vicari- 

vicariatk  apostouc         |^jg  apostouo 

I      EfCL.  PROV.  OF  SANTIAflO  DE  CIBA 

Archbishopric  of  Santiago  tie  ^    ,,  ^ 

CQ^a S-IagodeCuba, 

Diocese  of  St.  Christopher  of' 


60 


3.  Diocese  of  Cap  Haltien jCap  Haltien. 

,  Diocese  of  Goiialves, 

administered  from  Port--au-Pnnce. 

Diocese  of  Port-de-Paix ]Port-de-Paix. 

VI.     EICL.  PKOV.  ()F  SANTO  DOMINGO 
Archbishoprii 

iningo 

The  Exorapl  _  , 

I'orto  KW-o iPorto  Rico. 

Vril.     EIXL.  PROV.  OF  PORT  OF  SPAIN 

1.  Archbishopric  of  Port  of  Spain  I  Port  of  Spain. 

2.  Diocese  ot  Roseau  (Charlotte- 
town)  iRoseau. 

IX.     ECCL.  PROV.  OF  SANTIAGO    DE    VENEZUELA 
1.  Ai-chbishopric  Of  Santiago  de 


CUBA 


561 


CUBA 


properties  and  diverted  them  to  the  uses  of  the  State. 
Among  these  seizures  were  the  convent  of  the  Francis- 
cans, which  has  been  used  since  then  as  the  Custom 
House ;  the  convent  of  the  Dominicans,  used  for  a  time 
by  the  University  of  Havana;  the  convent  of  the  Au- 
gustinians,  used  as  the  Academy  of  Sciences;  the  con- 
vent of  San  Ysidro,  used  by  the  Spaniards  as  military 
barraclis,  and  later,  by  the  Americans,  as  a  relief  sta- 
tion. Up  to  the  time  of  the  American  occvipation 
these  and  other  valuable  properties,  formerly  held  by 
the  Catholic  Church,  had  been  held  by  Spain,  subject 
to  the  results  of  a  long  series  of  negotiations  between 
the  Crown  of  Spain  and  the  Holy  See.  The  Spanish 
Government  also  held  a  large  amount  of  censos,  or 
mortgages,  upon  property  in  different  parts  of  the  is- 
land which  had  been  given  to  the  Church  for  religious 
purposes,  but  which  had  been  taken  over  by  the  State 
for  purposes  of  administration.  The  Crown,  however, 
annually  paid  the  Church  a  large  sum  for  its  mainte- 
nance. With  the  American  occupation  these  annual 
payments  ceased,  and  the  American  Government  con- 
tinued to  use  the  property  for  the  same  governmental 
purposes  to  which  it  had  been  put  by  the  Spaniards. 
The  Church  thereupon  clauned  the  right  to  take  back 
the  property.  This  gave  rise  to  a  long  discussion  and 
investigation,  imtil  the  whole  matter  was  finally  re- 
ferred to  a  judicial  commission  in  1902.  This  commis- 
sion decided  in  favour  of  the  claims  of  the  Church,  and 
the  matter  was  adjusted  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  The 
Government  of  Intervention  agreed  to  pay  a  rental  of 
5  per  cent,  upon  the  appraised  value  of  the  jjroperty, 
which  amounted  to  about  $2,000,000,  with  a  five  years' 
option  to  the  Goverrunent  of  Cuba,  when  organized,  to 
buy  the  property  at  the  appraised  value,  receiving 
credit  against  the  purchase  price  for  25  per  cent,  of  the 
rental  paid ;  and  the  matter  of  the  censos  was  adjusted 
by  the  Government  of  Intervention  taking  them  at  50 
cents  on  the  dollar  and  permitting  the  debtors  to  take 
them  up  at  the  same  rate. 

The  island  at  present  is  divided  ecclesiastically  into 
one  archdiocese  and  three  suffragan  dioceses  as  fol- 
lows: the  Archdiocese  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  created  as 
such  in  1804,  comprising  the  civil  province  of  the  same 
name  and  that  of  Puerto  Principe;  the  Diocese  of  Ha- 
vana, established  in  I78S,  comprising thecivil provinces 
of  Havana  and  Matanzas;  the  Diocese  of  Cienfuegos, 
established  in  1903,  which  includes  the  province  of 
Santa  Clara ;  the  diocese  of  Pinar  del  Ri'o,  established 
at  the  same  time  as  the  precetling  in  1903,  and  com- 
prising the  civil  province  of  the  same  name  and  the  Isle 
of  Pines.  In  1899  the  remains  of  Christopher  Colum- 
bus, which  had  been  brought  from  Santo  Domingo  in 
1796  and  had  since  then  been  preserved  in  the  cathedral 
of  Havana,  were  once  more  removed,  this  time  to  Se- 
ville in  Spain.  The  .Archbishop  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  is 
metropohtan  of  the  island.  Francisco  Barnaba  Agui- 
lar,  the  first  native  incumbent  of  this  metropolitan  see, 
was  consecrated  by  Archbishop  Chapelle,  2  July,  1899. 
Under  Spanish  rule  all  the  bishops,  as  well  as  most  of 
the  priests  of  the  island  were  appointed  from  Madrid. 
An  Apostolic  Delegate  for  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  now 
resides  at  Havana.  He  is  not  accredited  to  the  Cuban 
Government,  and  Cuba  has  no  official  representative  at 
the  Vatican.  The  first  delegate  was  Archbishop  Cha- 
pelle of  New  Orleans,  who  was  sent  by  Leo  XIII  to 
look  after  the  interests  of  the  Chiu-ch  in  Cuba  during 
the  .Vmerican  occupation.  There  are  in  the  island  199 
secular,  and  129  regular  priests.  Of  institutions  con- 
ducted by  religious  orders,  there  are  13  colleges  for 
boys,  17  schools  and  academies  for  girls,  5  orphan  asy- 
lums, 1  reform  school,  2  houses  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
2  asylums  for  the  aged,  and  2  hospitals.  The  clergy 
are  exempt  from  military  service  and  jury  duty.  There 
are  no  chapels  in  the  prisons;  wills  and  inheritances  are 
subject  only  to  civil  laws ;  eemeteriesare  owned  in  some 
instances  by  the  municipalities,  in  others,  as  at  Ha- 
vana, by  the  Church.  Church  property  is  held  in  the 
IV.— 36 


name  of  "the  Roman  Catholic  Church".  Both  civil 
and  religious  marriages  are  legal  and  binding,  and  per- 
sons may  be  married  according  to  either  or  both.  Di- 
vorce is  not  legally  recognized. 

Education. — During  the  early  history  of  Cuba,  the 
clergy  seemed  to  have  been  the  principal  if  not  the  only 
agents  of  education.  By  the  Bull  of  Adrian  VI  (28 
April,  1 522),  the  Scholatria  was  established  at  Santiago 
deCuba  for  giving  instruction  in  Latin.  In  1689,  the 
College  of  San  Ambrosio  was  founded  in  Havana  vmder 
control  of  the  Jesuits,  for  the  purpose  of  preparing 
yoimg  men  for  the  priesthood.  The  foundation  of 
another  Jesuit  college  in  Havana  was  the  next  step 
that  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  education;  this  was  opened 
in  1724  under  the  name  of  the  College  of  San  Ignacio. 
The  old  College  of  San  Ambrosio  was  then  united  with 
it,  although  it  still  retained  its  character  as  a  founda- 
tion-school for  the  Chm-ch.  As  early  as  1688,  the  city 
council  of  Havana  petitioned  the  royal  Government  to 
establish  a  university  in  that  city,  in  order  that  young 
men  desirous  of  pursuing  the  higher  studies  might  not 
be  compelled  to  go  to  Europe  to  do  so.  This  was  not 
inunediately  granted,  but  finally,  by  a  letter  of  Inno- 
cent XIII  (12  September,  1721)," the  fathers  of  the  Con- 
vent of  San  Juan  de  Letran  were  authorized  to  open 
the  institution  desired,  and,  after  some  years  of  prepa- 
ration, the  present  University  of  Havana  was  founded 
in  1728.  The  rectors,  vice-rectors,  counsellors,  and 
secretaries  were  to  be  Dominicans  In  1793,  under  the 
administration  of  Don  Luis  de  las  Casas,  who  is  always 
gratefully  remembered  by  the  Cubans,  was  founded  La 
Sociedad  Economica  de  la  Habana,  which  has  always 
been  the  prime  mover  in  the  educational  advancement 
of  the  island. 

Not  until  the  last  century  was  well  advanced,  was 
there  a  free  institution  in  all  Cuba  where  children  could 
be  taught  to  read  and  write.  The  first  opened  was 
that  of  the  Bethlehemite  Fathers  in  Havana,  and  that 
through  the  generosity  of  a  private  citizen. 

In  1899,  the  date  of  the  American  occupation,  pri- 
vate schools  abounded  in  Cuba,  but  the  benefits  of 
these  could  be  enjoyed  only  by  the  children  of  the  rich. 
The  children  of  the  poorer  classes  who  attended  the  so- 
called  municipal  schools,  received  only  a  rudimentary 
education.  But  soon  after  the  American  intervention 
the  wonderful  work  of  reconstruction  was  begun.  Ade- 
quate school  buildings  were  provided,  the  number  of 
teachers  was  rapidly  increased,  and  measures  w-ere 
adopted  to  compel  children  to  attend  the  classes. 
When  the  Cuban  government  assumed  control,  it  con- 
tinued the  good  work  along  the  same  lines,  so  that  now 
it  can  be  said  that  the  public  schools  are  equal,  if  not 
superior  to  the  private  ones,  at  least  as  to  furniture  and 
teaching  apparatus.  Primary  education,  according  to 
the  Constitution,  is  gratuitous  and  compulsory.  The 
expenses  are  paid  by  the  municipality  or,  in  any  case 
of  municipal  inabiUty  to  pay,  by  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. Secondary  and  higher  education  are  controlled 
by  the  State.  The  children  of  the  public  schools  re- 
ceive religious  instruction  in  what  are  known  as  doc- 
trinas,  of  which  there  is  one  in  every  parish,  and  at  the 
head  of  it  is  the  parish  priest.  These  dmirinas  are  like 
Sunday  schools,  except  that  sessions  are  held  on  Sat- 
urday "instead  of  Sunday.  The  teachers  are  all  volun- 
teers, and  are  usually  ladies  who  live  in  the  parish. 
According  to  the  census  of  1899,  the  proiiortion  of  illit- 
eracy was  about  60  per  cent.  But  with  the  extraordi- 
nary increase  in  the  number  of  .schools  and  facilities  for 
teaching,  this  proportion  is  (in  1908)  rapidly  decreasing. 

Recently  the  University  has  been  divided  into  three 
faculties:  Letters  and  Sciences;  Medicine  and  Phar- 
macy; Law.  The  faculty  of  Letters  and  Sciences 
consists  of  the  schools  of"  letters  and  philosophy,  of 
pedagogy,  of  sciences,  of  engineering,  electricity,  of 
architecture,  and  of  agriculture.  The  faculty  of  Medi- 
cine and  Pharmacy  consists  of  the  schools  of  medicine, 
of  pharmacy,  of  dental  surgery,  and  of  veterinary  sur- 


CUBICULUM 


562 


CUERNAVACA 


gery.  The  faculty  of  Law  consists  of  the  schools  of 
civil  law,  of  public  law,  and  of  notarial  law.  There  are 
also  in  Havana  a  normal  school,  a  school  of  painting 
and  sculpture,  and  a  school  of  arts  and  trades. 

DE  L\  Sagra,  Historia  fisica,  potitica,  y  natural  de  la  Jsla  de 
C-uba  (13  vols.,  Madrid.  1849-61);  von  Sivers,  Cuba,  die  Perle 
der  Antitlen  (Leipzig,  1861);  Cabrera,  Cuba  and  the  Ctihans,  tr. 
by  GniTERAS  (Philadelphia,  1896);  Rowan  and  Ramsay,  The 
Island  of  Cuba  (New  York,  1896);  Clark,  Commercial  Cuba 
(New  York,  1898);  Porter,  Industrial  Cuba  (New  York,  1898); 
Canini,  Four  Centuries  of  Spanish  Rule  in  Cuba  (Chicago,  1898); 
NoA,  The  Pearl  of  the  Antilles  (New  York,  1898);  Currier. 
Cuba,  What  shall  we  do  with  itt  (Baltimore,  1898);  Informe  sobre 
el  Censo  de  Cuba.  1899  (Washington,  1900);  Senate  Documents 
(1903-04),  VII,  58th  Congress.  2nd  Session;  Robinson,  Cuba 
and  the  Intervention  (New  York,  1905).  RonRicuEZ,  The 
Church  and  Church  Property  in  Cuba  in  Am.  Calk.  Quar.  Ret\ 
(Philadelphia,  1900),  366  sqq.;  Clinch.  Spain  and  Cuba,  ibid. 
(1897),  809  sqq. 

Ventura  Fuentes. 
Cubiculum.    See  Catacombs. 
CucuUa.     See  Cowl. 

Cuenca  (Conc.\  in  Indus)  Diocese  of,  a  suffragan 
of  Quito,  in  the  Republic  of  Ecuador,  South  America, 
created  1.'?  June,  1779.  The  episcopal  city,  which  has 
30,000  inhabitants,  is  situated  7700  feet  above  the 
sea,  in  a  broad  plain  of  the  province  of  Azuay,  about 
seventy-five  miles  south-east  of  Guayaquil.  Peruvian 
antiquities  abound  in  the  vicinity.  Cuenca  is  the 
second  see  in  importance  of  the  Ecuadorian  provinces. 
It  includes  the  civil  divisions  of  Azuay,  of  which  Cu- 
enca is  the  capital,  and  Canar,  the  capital  of  which  is 
Azogues.  The  first  missions  were  centred  in  the  east^ 
em  portion  of  the  republic  owing  to  the  slow  progress 
of  civilization  elsewhere.  The  ifesuits  were  first  in  the 
field  followed  by  the  Franciscans,  Fathers  of  Mercy, 
Dominicans,  and  some  secular  priests.  In  1599  the 
Jesuit  Rafael  Ferrer  penetrated  to  Cofanes,  and  his 
associates  in  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Lucas  de  la  Cueva 
and  Caspar  Cujia,  later  organized  the  work  thatwent 
on  with  so  much  success  for  religion  and  civilization 
during  1.30  years,  until  the  Society  was  expelled  in 
1767.  A  mission,  imder  the  Salesian  Fathers,  is  now 
in  operation  in  the  Vicariate  of  Gualaquiza,  east  of 
Cuenca.  To  this  diocese  belonged  the  Franciscan 
Vicente  Solano  (1790-1865),  famous  as  a  Catholic 
controversialist. 

The  first  bishop  of  the  see  was  Jos^  Carrion  y  Marfil, 
consecrated  in  1786,  and  he  has  had  nine  successors, 
during  whose  administrations  the  faith  of  the  people 
has  been  loyally  preserved  in  spite  of  all  difficulties. 
The  organization  of  the  diocese  is  mainly  due  to  that 
excellent  administrator,  Bishop  Toral  (1861-1883), 
who  also  assisted  at  the  Vatican  Coimcil.  Devotion 
to  the  Blessed  Sacrament  has  been  so  notable  a  char- 
acteristic of  the  diocese  that  Cuenca  has  won  the  title 
of  the  "Eucharistic  City".  A  special  Eucharistic 
feast  known  as  "The  Cuenca  Septenary"  is  kept 
with  great  fervour.  Owing  to  the  domination  of 
radicalism  in  national  politics  the  Church  is  not  now 
able  to  make  very  special  progress  in  the  republic,  and 
the  secular  spoliation  of  ecclesiastical  property  has 
given  rise  to  scandalous  usurpations  of  her  rights. 
The  effects  of  continual  civil  strife  have  been  as  dis- 
astrous to  religious  progress  as  they  have  been  debili- 
tating and  destructive  to  commercial  and  industrial 
prosperity.  The  appointment  by  the  Holy  See,  after  a 
vacancy  of  seven  years,  on  11  January,  1907,  of 
Bishoj)  Manuel  Maria  Polit  has  liad  beneficial  results. 

SxATLSrics. —  Parishes,  (50;  priests,  secular  130, 
seminarians  18,  regular  60;  lay  brothers  25;  Congre- 
gations of  women,  contemplative  70,  active  140, 
novices  .TO;  1  college,  120  students;  2  liter.ary  acade- 
mies, 40  pupils;  2  schools.  Christian  Brothers,  1300 
pupils;  55  parish  schools  (boys),  1500  pupils;  48 
(girls),  785  pupils;  2  hospitals;  1  home  for  aged,  20 
inmates,  1  orphan  a.sylum,  15  inmates;  1  House  of 
Good  Shepherd.  14  penitents;  1  asylum,  50  children. 
Catholic  population  200.000. 


Battandier,  Ann.  ponl.  cath.  (1906);  Herder,  Konversa- 
tions-Lei.,  s.  v.;  Werner,  Orbis  terrarum  Calh.  (Freiburg  im 
Br.,  1890). 

ToiLis  Alvarado. 

Cuenca  (Conca),  Diocese  of,  in  Spain,  suffragan 
of  Toledo.  The  episcopal  city  (10,756)  is  also  the 
capital  of  the  civil  province  of  the  same  name,  and  the 
diocese  includes,  in  addition,  a  portion  of  the  prov- 
inces of  Guadalajara  and  Albacete.  Cuenca  was  made 
a  diocese  in  1183  by  Lucius  III,  shortly  after  its  re- 
conquest  from  the  Moors  by  Alfonso  IX  (1177). 
The  first  bishop  was  Juan  Yanez.  Among  its  famous 
prelates  were  (1577)  the  great  jurisconsult  Diego  de 
Covarruvias  y  Leyva  (q.  v.),  Isidore  de  Car vajaly  Lan- 
caster (1760),  and  (1858)  Cardinal  Miguel  Payd,  Arch- 
bishop of  Santiago,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
prelates  of  the  Vatican  Council.  The  cathedral  of 
Cuenca  is  a  magnificent  Gothic  edifice  begim  at  the 
end  of  the  twelfth  and  finished  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. One  of  its  chapels  bears  the  name  and  was 
built  at  the  expense  of  the  Albornoz  family  to  which 
belonged  the  great  cardinal  Gil  de  Albornoz  (q.  v.). 
The  church  of  Santa  Maria  de  Gracia,  once  a  syna- 
gogue, is  remarkable  for  its  fine  sculptures. 

D.v-viLA,  Trniro  eccl.  de  las  Iglesias  de  Espafia  (Madrid.  1645). 
I,  428-502;  La  Fuente,  Hist.  Bed.  de  Espana,  V,  526-27;  VI, 
286. 

Edtjabdo  de  Hinojosa. 

Cuernavaca,  Diocese  of  (Cuern.\v.\censis), 
erected  '-'3  June,  1891,  comprises  all  the  State  of  More- 
los  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  and  is  boimded  on  the 
north  and  the  west  by  the  Archdiocese  of  Mexico,  on 
the  east  by  the  Archdiocese  of  Puebla,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  Bishopric  of  Chilapa.  It  has  an  area  of 
7184  square  kilometers,  with  a  population  of  161,697. 
The  Gospel  was  first  preached  in  the  territorj'  of  the 
present  diocese  by  the  Franciscans  who  founded  the 
convent  of  Cuernavaca  in  1.526.  In  1529  the  Domini- 
cans established  themselves  at  Oaxtepec,  and  the 
Augustinians  in  1534  at  Ocuituco.  Motolinia,  the 
Franciscan  historian,  asserts  that  in  1536  all  the  in- 
habitants of  this  region  had  been  converted  to  the 
Faith.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the  churches 
founded  by  the  religious  of  these  three  orders  were 
secularized,  that  of  Cuautla  alone  remaining  to  the 
Dominicans,  but  this  also  finally  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  secular  clergy.  The  diocese  is  now  enjoying  a 
period  of  peace.  Agriculture,  the  manufacture  of 
alcohol,  and  the  sugar  industry,  form  the  principal 
means  of  livelihood  for  the  inhabitants.  The  non- 
Catholics,  who  are  about  500  in  number,  form  small 
communities  and  are  permitted  absolute  freedom. 

The  first  bishop,  Fortino  Hipolito  Vera  was  conse- 
crated 29  July,  1894.  He  died  23  September,  1898, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Francisco  Plancarte  y  Navar- 
rete,  consecrated  first  Bishop  of  Campeche,  16  Sep- 
tember, 1896,  and  translated  to  the  vacant  see  of 
Cuernavaca,  28  November,  1898.  He  took  possession 
16  February,  1899. 

The  diocese  is  divided  into  34  parishes  and  has  42 
secular  and  6  regular  priests,  who  have  charge  of  the 
seminarj'.  Eight  Marist  Brothers  have  charge  of  the 
schools  for  boys,  and  20  sisters  (Hijas  de  Maria  Innia- 
culada  tie  Guadalupe)  those  for  the  girls.  There  are 
12  parochial  schools  with  an  attendance  of  more  than 
one  thousand,  l)oys  and  girls.  Besides  thesie  there  are 
in  the  episcopal  city  a  seminary  with  about  36  board- 
ers, a  college  for  boys  attendccl  by  262  students,  both 
Iwarders  and  day  scholars,  an  orphan  a.sylum  with  40 
regular  inmates  and  274  girls  who  attend  cl.a.s.ses  there, 
and  a  Catholic  hcispital  supported  bv  tlie  Society  of  St. 
Vincent  de  PmuI.  The  "  Boletin  Oficial  v  Kevista  Eeles- 
iiistica  del  (l|iis|.:idc>  de  Cuernavaca  ","  published  fort- 
nightly, is  the  ciiily  Catlicilic  piililii-alioM  in  the  diocese. 
The  ejiisrop.'d  ri'sidcnce  is  in  the  city  of  Cuernavaca, 
whose  foundation  antedates  the  thirteenth  century. 


CUEVA 


563 


CULDEBS 


It  has  a  population  of  951)4.  Conquered  by  the  Az- 
tecs about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  it  was 
taken  by  the  Spaniards  in  April,  1521.  It  was  the 
favourite  rcsidi'ntr  of  llernan  Cortes  and  of  the  unfor- 
tunate Emperor  Maximilian.  Since  1870  it  has  been 
the  capital  of  the  new  State  of  Morelos. 

i;erarchia  Callotua  (.Rome,  lUOS)  ;  Baitandier,  Ann.  Pont. 
Calk.  tParis,  1908). 

Francisco  Plancarte  y  Navarrete. 

Cueva,  Juan  de  la,  poet  and  dramatist,  b.  oF  a 
noble  family  at  Seville,  Spain,  in  1550;  d.  in  1607. 
Little  is  known  of  his  lite  save  that  in  liis  later  years 
he  visited  the  West  Indies  and  lived  for  some  time 
in  Portugal.  It  is  as  a  dramatic  writer  that  Cueva 
merits  notice.  He  was  a  prolific  writer  for  the  stage, 
yet  but  few  of  his  plays  have  been  preserved.  They 
were  represented  in  1579  and  the  years  following, 
and  are  important  because  most  of  them  are  his- 
torical. He  must  be  given  credit  also  for  his  dramatic 
initiative,  for  he  ignored  Greek  and  Latin  traditions, 
and  developed  his  plots,  characters,  incidents,  and 
situations  with  Uttle  regard  for  "the  unities"  of  the 
classical  model.  He  was  thus  one  of  the  first  to  for- 
sake the  classical  for  the  romantic  drama.  In  addition 
he  reduced  the  number  of  jornadas,  or  acts,  from  five 
to  four,  and  introduced  a  number  of  metrical  fonns 
liitherto  unknown  upon  the'  stage.  Several  of  the 
plays  are  on  national  subjects,  such  as  "La  Libertad 
de  Espana  por  Bernardo  delCarpio"  and  "Los  Siete 
Infantes  de  Lara  ".  Among  those  dealing  with  ancient 
history  may  be  mentioned  "La  Muerte  de  Ajax", 
"Telamon  Sobre  las  Armas  de  Aquiles",  and  "La 
Muerte  de  Virginia  y  Apio  Claudio".  One  of  them, 
"El  Saco  de  Roma  y  Muerte  de  Borbon",  deals  with 
a  great  event  wliich  was  then  recent,  and  describes 
the  Italian  triumplis  of  Charles  V.  Another,  "  El  In- 
famador",  foreshadows  in  one  of  its  characters,  Leu- 
cino,  the  type  of  libertine  which  Tirso  de  Molina 
afterwards  immortalized  with  his  Don  Juan. 

These  plays  are  somewhat  crude  in  structure,  and 
a  noticeable  fault  is  that  the  avithor  makes  all  the 
characters,  whether  of  high  or  low  degree,  talk  in 
the  same  lofty  vein.  Again,  he  involves  his  char- 
acters in  difficulties  and  situations  whence  escape 
seems  impossible,  and  then,  without  regard  to 
plau.sibility,  grasps  the  first  solution  that  presents 
itself,  such  as  a  murder  or  some  supernatural  inter- 
vention. Among  his  non-dramatic  works  are:  a 
collection  of  lyric  poems  and  sonnets,  published  under 
the  title  "Obras  de  Juan  de  la  Cueva"  (Seville, 
1582);  "Coro  Febeo  de  Romances  historiales",  a 
collection  of  one  hundred  romances  (1587).  of  which 
A.  Duran  has  reproduced  sixty-three  in  his  "  Ro- 
mancero";  and  an  epic  poem  in  twenty-four  cantos, 
"La  Conquista  de  la  Betica"  (Seville,  1603),  describ- 
ing the  conquest  of  Seville  by  the  King  Saint  Ferdi- 
nand. 

TicKNOR. //f's/orr/  of  Spanish  Literature  (New  York.  18-'i7); 
Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  History  of  Spanish  Literature  (London, 
1907). 

Ventura  Fxtentes. 
Cujas,  Jacques.     See  L.\w. 

Culdees,  a  word  so  frequently  met  with  in  histories 
of  the  medieval  Churches  of  Ireland  and  Scotland, 
and  so  variously  understood  and  applied,  that  a  well- 
informed  writer  (Reeves)  describes  it  as  the  best- 
abused  word  in  Scotic  church-history.  The  etymol- 
ogy of  the  term,  the  persons  designated  by  it,  their 
origin,  their  doctrines,  the  rule  or  rules  under  which 
they  lived,  the  limits  of  their  authority  and  pri\nlcges 
have  all  been  matters  of  controversy;  and  on  these 
questions  muoh  learning  and  ability  has  been  shown, 
and  not  a  little  (lartizan  zeal.  In  the  Irish  language 
the  word  was  written  Ceile-De,  meaning  companion, 
or  even  spouse,  of  God,  with  the  Latin  equivalent  in 
the  plural,  Colidei,  anglicized  into  Culdees;   in  Scot- 


land it  was  often  written  Kdidei.  All  admit  that,  in 
the  beginning  at  all  events,  the  Culrlees  were  separated 
from  the  mass  of  the  faithful,  that  their  lives  were  de- 
voted to  religion,  and  that  they  lived  in  community. 
But  the  Scotch  writers,  unwilling  to  trace  the  name 
to  an  Irish  source,  prefer  to  derive  it  from  "cultores 
Dei",  worshippers  of  God,  or  from  mil,  a  shelter,  or 
from  kit,  a  church.  The  Irish  derivation,  however, 
is  the  easiest  and  the  most  natural,  ami  the  one  now 
generally  accepted.  From  Ceile-De  the  transition  is 
easy  to  Colideus  and  Culdee;  and  in  the  Irish  annals 
the  epithet  Ceile-De  is  a])propriately  given  to  St. 
John,  one  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  to  a  missioner  from 
abroad  whose  coming  to  Ireland  is  recorded  in  the 
Four  Masters  at  the  year  806,  and  to  Aengus  (q.v.), 
the  well-known  monk  and  author  of  Tallaght,  whose 
penances  and  mortifications,  whose  hiunijity,  piety, 
and  religious  zeal,  would  specially  mark  him  out  as 
the  companion  of  God. 

Taking  him  as  an  example  of  the  class  to  which  he 
belonged,  probably  the  highest  example  which  couki 
be  given,  when  we  remember  the  character  of  his  life, 
we  finil  that  the  ('uldees  were  holy  men  who  loved 
solitude  and  lived  by  the  labour  of  their  hands. 
Gradually  they  came  together  in  commvmity,  still 
occupying  separate  cells,  still  much  alone  and  in  com- 
munion with  God,  but  meeting  in  the  refectory  and 
in  the  church,  and  giving  obedience  to  a  common 
superior.  St.  Maelruan,  under  whom  Aengus  lived, 
and  who  died  as  early  as  792,  drew  up  a  rule  for  the 
Culdees  of  Tallaght  which  prescribed  the  time  and 
manner  of  their  prayers,  fasts,  and  devotions,  the 
frequency  with  which  they  ought  to  go  to  confession, 
the  penances  to  be  imposed  for  faults  committed. 
But  we  have  no  evidence  that  this  rule  was  widely 
accepted  even  in  the  other  Culdean  establishments. 
Nor  could  the  Culdees  at  any  time  be  said  to  have 
attained  to  the  position  of  a  religious  order,  composed 
of  many  houses,  scattered  over  many  lands,  bound 
by  a  common  rule,  revering  the  memory  and  imita- 
ting the  virtues  of  their  founder,  and  looking  to  the 
parent  house  from  which  they  sprang,  as  the  children 
of  Columbanus  looked  to  Luxeuil  or  Bobbio,  or  the 
Columban  monks  looked  to  lona.  After  the  death 
of  Maelruan  Tallaght  is  forgotten,  and  the  name 
Ceile-De  disappears  from  the  Irish  annals  until  919, 
when  the  Four  Masters  record  that  Armagh  was  plun- 
dered by  the  Danes,  but  that  the  houses  of  prayer, 
"with  the  people  of  God,  that  is  Ceile-De",  were 
spared.  Subsequent  entries  in  the  annals  show  that 
there  were  Culdees  at  Clonmacnoise,  Clondalken,  and 
Clones,  at  Monahincha  in  Tipperary,  and  at  Scattery 
Island. 

To  those  of  the  eighth  century,  such  as  were  rejire- 
scnted  by  Aengus,  were  soon  added  secular  priests 
who  assumed  the  name  of  Cvddees,  lived  in  commu- 
nity, subjected  themselves  to  monastic  discipline,  but 
were  not  bound  by  monastic  vows.  Such  an  order  of 
priests  had,  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  been 
founded  at  Metz.  As  they  lived  according  to  rules 
and  canons  of  councils,  they  came  to  be  called  secular 
canons  and  were  usually  attached  to  collegiate  or 
cathedral  churches.  They  became  pop\ilar  and  quick- 
ly extended  even  to  Ireland,  and  it  is  .significant  that 
in  the  accounts  given  of  the  Culdee  establishments  at 
Clones,  Devenish,  and  Scattery  Island,  Culdee  an<l 
canon  are  taken  as  convertibl(>  terms.  The  Danish 
wars,  which  brought  ruin  on  so  many  proud  monastic 
establishments,  easily  effected  the  destruction  of  the 
Culdee  houses  with  (heir  feebler  resisting  powers. 
Some,  such  as  Clondalken  and  Clones,  disappeared 
altogether,  or  dragged  out  a  miserable  existence  which 
differe<l  little  from  death.  At  Clonmacnoise,  as  early 
as  the  eleventh  century,  the  Culdees  were  laymen  and 
married,  while  those  at  Monahincha  and  Scaltery 
Island,  being  utterly  corrupt  and  unable,  or  unwilling, 
to  reform,  gave  way  to  the  regular  canons,  with  their 


CULLEN 


564 


CULLEN 


purer  morals  and  stricter  discipline.     (See  Canons 

AND   CaNONESSES    REGULAR.) 

Those  at  Armagh  were  more  tenacious  of  existence. 
Like  their  brethren  throughout  Ireland,  they  had  felt 
the  corrupting  influence  of  the  Danish  wars;  and 
while  lay  abbots  ruled  at  Armagh  the  Culdees  had  so 
far  departed  from  their  primitive  piety  that  in  the 
twelfth  century  regular  canons  were  introduced  into 
the  cathedral  church  and  henceforth  took  precedence 
of  the  Culdees.  But  the  latter,  six  in  number,  a  prior 
and  five  vicars,  still  continued  a  corporate  existence 
at  Armagh.  They  were  specially  charged  with  the 
celebration  of  the  Divine  offices  and  the  care  of  the 
church  building,  had  separate  lands,  and  sometimes 
had  charge  of  parishes.  When  a  chapter  was  formed, 
about  1160,  the  prior  usually  filled  the  office  of  pre- 
centor, his  brethren  being  vicars  choral,  and  himself 
ranking  in  the  chapter  next  to  the  chancellor.  He 
was  elected  by  his  brother  Culdees  and  confirmed  by 
the  primate,  and  had  a  voice  in  the  election  of  the 
archbishop  by  virtue  of  his  position  in  the  chapter. 
As  Ulster  was  the  last  of  the  Irish  ]irovinces  to  be 
brought  effectually  under  English  rule,  the  Armagh 
Culdees  long  outlived  their  brethren  throughout  Ire- 
land. By  tlie  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  however,  they 
had  died  out,  and  in  1628  a  new  body  was  incorpo- 
rated by  Charles  I — the  "Prior  and  Vicars  Choral" 
of  the  cathedral  church  of  Armagh — to  which  were 
transferred  the  lands  formerly  held  by  the  Culdees. 
Five  years  later,  the  Catholic  primate,  O'Reilly,  an- 
nounced to  Rome  that  he  had  been  elected  "Prior  of 
the  College  of  the  Culdees",  and  he  wanted  to  know 
if  in  assuming  the  title  he  had  acted  in  accordance 
with  canon  law.  We  do  not  know  what  was  the 
nature  of  the  answer  he  received,  but  this  is  the  last 
mention  made  of  the  Irish  Culdees. 

At  York  was  their  only  English  establishment, 
where  they  performed  in  the  tenth  century  the 
double  duty  of  officiating  in  the  cathedral  church  and 
of  relieving  the  sick  and  poor.  When  a  new  cathedral 
arose  under  a  Norman  archbishop,  they  ceased  their 
connexion  with  the  cathedral,  but,  with  resources 
augmented  by  many  donations,  they  continued  to 
relieve  the  destitute.  The  date  at  which  they  finally 
disappeared  is  unknown.  Nor  do  we  know  the  fate 
of  the  single  Culdean  house  in  Wales,  which  existed 
at  Bardsey  in  the  days  of  Giraldus  Cambrensis.  In 
Scotland  they  were  more  numerous  even  than  in  Ire- 
land. No  less  than  thirteen  monastic  establishments 
were  peopled  by  them,  eight  of  which  were  in  con- 
nexion with  cathedral  churches.  National  pride  in- 
duced some  of  the  Scotch  writers  to  assert  that  the 
Culdees  were  Scotch  and  not  Irish.  But  the  influ- 
ence of  Ireland  on  the  primitive  C'hristian  Church  of 
Scotland  was  so  overwhelming,  and  facts  to  show  this 
are  so  many,  that  the  ablest  among  the  Scotch  histo- 
rians, such  as  Pinkerton,  Innes,  and  Hill-Burton,  are 
compelled  to  admit  that  the  first  Culdees  were  Irish, 
and  that  from  Ireland  they  spread  to  Scotland.  They 
were  not,  however,  Columban  monks,  for  there  is  no 
mention  of  any  Culdees  at  any  Columban  monastery, 
either  in  Ireland  or  in  Scotland,  until  long  after  Co- 
lumba  was  in  his  grave;  nor  was  it  till  1164  that 
Culdees  are  mentioned  as  being  in  lona,  and  then 
only  in  a  subordinate  position.  Appearing,  then, 
first  in  Ireland,  they  subsequently  appeared  in  Scot- 
land, and  in  both  countries  their  history  and  fate  are 
almost  identical.  Attached  to  cathedral  or  collegiate 
churches,  living  in  monastic  fashion,  though  not  tak- 
ing monastic  vows,  the  Scotch,  like  the  Irish  Ciddees, 
were  originally  men  of  piety  and  zeal.  The  turbu- 
lence of  the  times  and  the  acquisition  of  wealth  sowed 
the  seeds  of  decay,  zeal  gave  way  to  indolence  and 
neglect,  a  celibale  community  to  married  men.  church 
property  was  siiuandrn-d  or  alienated,  even  the  altar 
offerings,  grasped  by  avarice,  were  diverted  to  \ipt- 
sonal  uses,  antl  by  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century 


the  Scotch  Culdee  houses  had  in  almost  every  case 
disappeared.  Some,  like  Dunkeld  and  Abernethy, 
were  superseded  by  regular  canons;  others,  like 
Brechin  and  Dunblane,  were  extinguished  with  tlie 
introduction  of  cathedral  chapters:  and  one  at  least, 
Monifieth,  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  laymen.  At 
St.  Andrews  they  lived  on,  side  by  side  with  the  regu- 
lar canons,  and  still  clung  to  their  ancient  privilege 
of  electing  the  archbishop.  But  their  claim  was  dis- 
allowed at  Rome,  and  in  1273  they  were  debarred 
even  from  voting.  Before  the  Reformation  they  had 
finally  disappeared,  and  in  1616  the  lands  they  once 
held  were  annexed  to  the  See  of  St.  Andrews. 

Reeves,  The  Culdees  in  Royal  Irish  Academy  Transactians 
(Dublin,  1864):  Lanig.^n,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ireland 
(Dublin,  1822);  Stokes  (ed.),  The  Felire  of  Aengus  in  Royal 
Irish  Academy  Transactions  (Dublin,  1880);  Stuart,  ed. 
Coleman,  Historical  Memoirs  of  Armagh  (Dublin,  1900); 
Pinkerton,  An  Enquiry  into  the  History  of  Scotland  (Edin- 
burgli,  1814),  II;  Hill-Burton,  History  of  Scotland  (London, 
1870),  I;  Cosmo  Innes,  Scotland  in  the  Middle  Ages  (Edin- 
burgh, 1800) :  Thomas  Innes,  A  Critical  Essay  on  the  Ancient 
Inhabitants  of  the  Northern  Parts  of  Britain  and  Scotland  (Lon- 
don, 1729). 

E.  A.  D' Alton. 


Cullen,  Paul,  Cardinal,  Archbishop  of  Dubhn,  b. 
at  Prospect,  Co.  Kildare,  Ireland,  29  April,  1803;  d.  at 
Dublin,  24  October,  1878.  His  first  school  days  were 
passed  at  the  Shackleton  School  in  the  neighbouring 
village  of  Ballytore.  He  entered  Carlow  College  as 
alumnus  in  1816,  and  proceeded,  in  1820,  to  the  Col- 
lege of  Propaganda  in  Rome  where  his  name  is  regis- 
tered on  the  roll  of  students  under  date  of  29  Novem- 
ber, 1820.  At  the  close  of  a  distinguished  course  of 
studies  he  was  selected  to  hold  a  public  disputation  in 
the  halls  of  Propaganda  on  the  11th  of  September, 
1828,  in  224  theses  from  all  theology  and  ecclesiastical 
history.  This  theological  tournament  was  privileged 
in  many  ways,  for  Leo  XII,  attended  by  his  court, 
presided  on  the  occasion,  while  no  fewer  than  ten  car- 
dinals assisted  at  it,  together  with  all  the  elite  of  eccle- 
siastical Rome.  The  youthful  .\bbate  Peeci,  the  fu- 
ture Leo  XIII,  was  present  at  the  disputation,  and 
referring  to  it  at  a  later  period  declared  that  it  made 
an  indelible  impression  upon  him,  and  that  he  was 
filled  with  admiration  for  the  brilliant  talent  and  sin- 
gular modesty  of  the  Irish  student.  During  his  course 
of  studies,  Paul  Cullen  had  acquired  a  profound  knowl- 
edge of  the  classical  and  Oriental  languages,  and  it  was 
a  novel  thing  to  see  a  young  Irish  priest  immediately 
on  his  ordination  appointed  to  the  chairs  of  Hebrew 
and  Sacred  Scripture  in  the  schools  of  Propaganda, 
and  receiving  at  the  same  time  the  charge  of  the  famed 
printing  establishment  of  the  Sacred  Congregation. 
This  latter  charge  he  resigned  in  1832,  when  appointed 
rector  of  the  Irish  College  in  Rome,  but  during  the 
short  term  of  his  administration  he  published  a  stand- 
ard edition  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Lexicon  of  Ilederi- 
cus,  which  still  holds  its  place  in  the  Italian  colleges; 
he  also  edited  the  Acta  of  the  Congregation  of  Propa- 
ganda in  seven  quarto  volumes,  and  other  important 
works. 

While  rector  of  the  Irish  College  (1S32-1S50)  he 
was  admitted  to  the  intimate  friendship  of  Gregory 
XVI  and  Pius  IX.  He  profited  by  the  influence 
which  he  thus  enjoyed  to  safeguard  the  interests  of  the 
Irish  Church,  and  to  unmask  the  intrigues  of  the  Brit- 
ish agents  who  at  this  period  were  untiring  in  their 
attemi.its  to  force  their  political  \iews  upon  the  Vati- 
can, and  to  forge  fetters  for  Catholic  Ireland.  During 
the  troubled  jicriod  of  the  Roman  Revolution,  Dr. 
Cullen,  at  the  request  of  the  Sacred  Congregation,  ac- 
cepted the  responsible  position  of  rector  of  the  College 
of  Proi)agaiRla,  retaining,  however,  the  charge  of  Rec- 
tor of  the  Irish  College.  Soon  after  his  appointment 
the  Revolutionary  Triumvirate  in  the  frenzy  of  their 
triumph  i.ssued  orders  that  within  a  few  hours  the 
College  of  Propagantla  was  to  be  dissolved  and  the 


CULLEK 


565 


CULLEN 


buildings  to  be  appropriated  for  government  purposes. 
Without  a  moment's  delay  the  rector  appealed  to 
Lewis  Cass,  the  United  States  minister,  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  were 
students  of  the  college.  Within  an  hour  the  American 
flag  was  floating  over  the  Propaganda  College.  The 
mandate  of  the  Triimivirs  was  withdrawn,  and  a  de- 
cree was  issued  to  the  effect  that  the  Propaganda 
should  be  maintained  as  an  institution  of  world-wide 
fame  of  wliich  Rome  was  justly  proud.  Thus  through 
the  Irish  rector  and  the  American  flag  the  venerable 
college  was  saved  from  confiscation. 

Dr.  CuUen  was  promoted  to  the  priniatial  See  of 
Armagh  on  19  December,  1S49,  and  was  consecrated 
by  the  Cardinal  Prefect  of  Propaganda  at  the  church 
of  the  Irish  College,  Rome,  24  February,  1850.  A 
wider  field  was  assigned  to  his  zeal  and  piety  when  he 
was  transferred  to  the  See  of  Dublin  1  May,  1852.  He 
was  elevated  to  the  cardinalate  as  Cardinal  Priest  of 
San  Pietro  in  Montorio  in  1867,  being  the  first  Irish 
bishop  on  whom  that  high  dignity  was  ever  conferred. 

The  first  great  duty  which  as  Delegate  of  the  Apos- 
tolic See  devolved  on  the  newly  appointed  Archbishop 
of  Armagh  was  to  convene  the  Synod  of  Thurles 
(1850),  the  first  national  synod  held  with  due  public 
solemnity  in  Ireland  since  the  beginning  of  the  Refor- 
mation period.  The  main  purpose  of  the  synod  was 
to  restore  the  vigour  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  in  Ire- 
land, and  this  was  in  the  fullest  measure  attained. 
Twenty-five  years  later,  CarcUnal  Cullen,  once  more  as 
Apostolic  Delegate,  presided  at  the  national  synod 
held  at  Maynooth  in  1875.  This  second  synod  added 
a  crowning  grace  to  the  manifold  blessings  that  had 
accrued  to  the  Irish  Church  from  the  First  Plenary 
Synod.  Throughout  his  episcopate  it  was  his  most 
an.xious  care  to  check  proselytism,  to  promote  the 
beauty  of  the  House  of  God,  and  to  multiply  institu- 
tions of  enlightenment,  charity,  and  benevolence.  In 
all  this  his  efforts  were  admirably  seconded  by  the 
clergy  and  the  various  sisterhoods  whose  devotion  to 
the  sacred  cause  of  religion  was  beyond  all  praise. 

He  was  particularly  intent  on  bringing  the  blessings 
of  religious  education  within  reach  of  the  poorest 
Catholics  in  the  land.  The  .system  of  national  educa- 
tion adopted  by  the  Government  for  Ireland  in  1832 
was  a  great  improvement  on  the  proselytising  systems 
hitherto  carried  on  by  anti-Catholic  agencies  receiving 
govenunent  aid.  The  working  of  the  system,  how- 
ever, was  for  many  years  practically  left  in  the  hands 
of  the  Protestant  Archbishop  of  Dublin  (Dr.  Whately) 
and  his  Presbyterian  ally.  Rev.  James  Carlile,  both  of 
whom  were  imceasing  in  unscrupulous  efforts  to  make 
it  an  engine  of  attack  on  the  Catholic  faith  of  the  Irish 
people.  Dr.  Cullen  from  the  beginning  of  his  episco- 
pate till  its  closing  hour  never  relaxed  his  endeavours, 
on  the  one  hand  to  counteract  those  proselytising 
agencies  and  to  remove  all  dangers  to  the  faith  of  the 
Catholic  children,  and  on  the  other  to  bring  gradually 
the  literature  and  methods  of  the  system  into  harmony 
with  the  national  traditions  and  soci.al  requirements  of 
Ireland.  His  evidence  on  the  national  system  of  edu- 
cation in  Ireland,  given  before  the  Earl  Powis'  Royal 
Commission  in  1809,  has  been  pronounced  by  experts 
to  be  a  most  complete  statement  of  the  Catholic  claims 
in  the  matter  of  primary  education.  The  national 
system  of  to-day  is  no  longer  what  it  was  in  1849,  and 
almost  all  the  improvements  that  have  been  made  are 
on  the  lines  suggested  in  the  evidence  of  Cardinal 
Cullen. 

From  the  first  days  of  his  episcopate  Archbishop 
Cullen  had  set  his  heart  on  the  erection  of  a  Catholic 
university  for  Ireland.  The  project  w.qs  hailed  with 
enthusiasm  by  the  Irish  race  at  home  and  abroad,  and 
the  beginnings  of  the  institution  in  Dublin  gave  [jrom- 
ise  of  success.  Countless  difficulties,  however,  arose 
over  which  the  Archbishop  had  no  control,  and  hence 
the  Catholic  University  of  Ireland  was  attended  with 


only  partial  success  (see  Ireland).  Throughout  his 
whole  episcopate  he  continued  to  extend  his  patronage 
to  it.  He  used  often  to  repeat:  "  No  one  can  question 
the  justice  of  Ireland's  claim  to  a  Catholic  Univer- 
sity". Even  when  its  fortunes  were  at  the  lowest 
ebb,  he  would  say:  "We  must  keep  the  flag  flying", 
being  assured  of  final  triumph.  Another  project  most 
dear  to  him  was  a  diocesan  seminary  for  Dublin.  The 
great  ecclesiastical  College  of  Holy  Cross  which  he 
erected  at  Clonliffe  in  the  immediate  suburbs  of  the 
city  will  long  remain  a  conspicuous  monument  to  his 
munificence  and  a  crown  of  immortal  glory  to  the  holy 
prelate  who  raised  it. 

In  political  matters  Cardinal  Cullen  was  quite  heed- 
less of  popularity,  and  he  made  it  a  rule  to  support 
every  measure  from  whatever  political  party  it  came 
that  he  considered  conducive  to  the  interests  of  Ire- 
land. He  condemned  the  Young  Irelanders  as  sowers 
of  dissension,  and  a  source  of  ruin  to  the  Irish  cause. 
He  highly  esteemed  the  literary  merit  of  many  of  the 
writers  for  "The  Nation",  but  he  felt  so  convinced 
that  some  of  those  connected  with  that  newspaper 
were  in  the  secret  pay  of  the  British  Government  that 
he  would  have  no  comniimication  with  them,  and  he 
regarded  them  as  the  worst  enemies  of  Ireland.  For 
the  same  reasons  he  relentlessly  opposed  the  Fenian 
movement.  It  was  his  constant  endeavour  to  bring 
together  all  the  friends  of  Ireland  so  as  to  form  a 
united  phalanx  in  order  to  redress  by  constitutional 
means  the  wrongs  of  centuries  and  thus  lift  up  Ireland 
from  her  oppressed  and  prostrate  condition.  His  pol- 
icy was  attended  with  success.  The  Protestant  Church 
in  Ireland  was  disestablished,  the  condition  of  the  poor 
in  the  workhouses  was  ameliorated,  the  Industrial 
Schools'  Act  was  passed,  the  laws  affecting  land  tenure 
were  amended,  and  in  many  other  matters  victory 
after  victory  crowned  the  constitutional  campaign  of 
Ireland's  friends. 

One  of  the  accusations  most  frequently  repeated  to 
stir  up  popular  prejudice  against  the  cardinal  was  to 
the  effect  that  he  was  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  vice- 
regal castle  in  search  of  favours  for  himself  or  friends. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  only  such  ^dsit  he  paid  wjis 
toward  the  close  of  1867.  The  Fenian  leader,  General 
Thomas  F.  Burke,  had  been  sentenced  to  death  and 
every  effort  to  obtain  a  reprieve  had  been  made  in 
vain.  He  had  fought  with  distinction  in  the  Civil 
War  of  the  United  States,  and  the  British  Government 
was  determined  to  deter  other  skilled  military  leaders 
from  enlisting  their  services  in  aid  of  the  Irish  cause. 
The  orders  for  execution  from  London  were  peremp- 
tory. The  scaffold  was  already  erected  and  the 
next  morning  General  Burke  was  to  be  hanged. 
Through  information  received  from  the  Archbishop  of 
New  York  and  other  American  friends  the  cardinal 
was  convinced  of  the  iipright  character  of  the  accu.sed 
who  had  been  betrayed  by  false  reports  to  engage  in 
the  Fenian  enterprise,  impelled  by  the  sole  motive  of 
love  of  his  native  land.  At  noon  on  the  vigU  of  the 
day  fixed  for  the  execution,  the  cardinal  accompanied 
by  his  private  secretary  and  Monsignor  Forde,  his 
vicar-general,  set  out  for  the  viceregal  castle  on  the 
forlorn  errand  to  obtain  a  reprieve  for  the  brave  man. 
The  interview  with  the  viceroy  lasted  for  more  than  an 
hour.  The  cardinal  on  personal  grounds  justified  his 
right  to  be  heard  in  the  case,  since  none  had  in  public 
or  private  more  strenuously  opposed  Fenianism  than 
him.self.  He  insisted  that  the  execution  of  such  a 
brave  man  would  only  add  fuel  to  the  flame,  while  the 
exercise  of  clemency  would  serve  to  open  men's  eyes  to 
the  recklessness  of  the  whole  Fenian  enterprLse.  The 
viceroy  listened  to  the  cardinal's  reasoning  with  due 
respect,  but  at  the  same  time  was  quite  inexorable. 
He  telegraphed,  however,  the  whole  matter  to  head- 
quarters in  London.  Late  at  night  the  response  came. 
The  reprieve  was  granted  and  the  life  of  the  brave  man 
was  spared.     This  was  the  first  and  last  visit  of  Cardi- 


CULM 


566 


CULM 


nal  CuUen  to  the  viceregal  castle  to  petition  for  per- 
sonal favours. 

He  paid  frequent  visits  to  Rome.  He  took  part  in 
the  solemn  celebrations  connected  with  the  definition 
of  the  dogma  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  Mary  in  1854,  and  with  the  centenary 
of  the  martyrdom  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul  in  1867.  On 
these  and  similar  occasions  he  took  up  his  residence  at 
the  Irish  College.  From  the  opening  of  the  Vatican 
Council,  Cardinal  Cullen  took  an  active  part  in  its  de- 
liberations. His  first  discourse  in  defence  of  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  Holy  See,  mainly  on  historical  grounds, 
in  reply  to  the  Bishop  of  Rottenburg,  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  ablest  discourses  delivered  in  the  council. 
At  its  close  the  hall  resounded  with  applause,  and  dur- 
ing the  afternoon  about  eighty  bishops  called  at  the 
Irish  College  to  present  their  congratulations.  Pius 
IX  in  token  of  appreciation  of  the  singular  ability  of 
the  discourse  forwarded  to  the  cardinal  a  gift  of  a  very 
fine  Carrara  marble  rilievo  representing  St.  Paul  ad- 
dressing the  Areopagus.  This  work  of  art  now  adorns 
a  side  chapel  in  the  church  attached  to  the  diocesan 
seminary  of  Dublin.  Towards  the  close  of  the  sessions 
of  the  council  at  the  express  wish  of  the  Central  Com- 
mission, conveyed  in  person  through  its  secretary, 
Archbishoj)  Franchi,  Cardinal  Cullen  proposed  the  pre- 
cise and  accurate  formula  for  the  definition  of  Papal 
Infallibility.  It  was  a  matter  of  great  delicacy,  as 
promoters  of  the  definition  were  split  up  into  various 
sections,  some  anxious  to  assign  a  wider  range  to  the 
pope's  decisions,  while  others  would  set  forth  in  a 
somewhat  indefinite  way  the  papal  prerogative.  All 
accepted  the  form  of  definition  proposed  by  Cardinal 
Cullen,  and  thus  it  became  the  jirivilege  of  the  Irish 
Church  to  have  formulated  for  all  time  the  solemn  defi- 
nition of  this  great  article  of  Faith. 

The  condition  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Ireland,  in 
1878,  in  contrast  with  what  it  was  in  1850,  affords 
abundant  proof  of  the  fruitfulness  of  Cardinal  Cullen 's 
zeal  and  of  the  beneficent  results  achieved  during  his 
episcopate.  Those  twenty-eight  years  marked  a  con- 
tinuous period  of  triumphant  progress  in  all  matters 
connected  with  religion,  discipline,  education  and 
charity.  The  eloquent  Dominican  Father  Thomas  N. 
Burke  (q.  v.)  wrote  in  1878-  "The  guiding  spirit  ani- 
mating, encouraging  and  directing  the  wonderful  work 
of  the  Irish  Catholic  Church  for  the  last  twenty-eight 
years  was  Paul,  Cardinal  Cullen,  and  history  will  re- 
cord the  events  of  his  administration  as,  perhaps,  the 
most  wonderful  and  glorious  epoch  in  the  whole  eccle- 
siastical history  of  Ireland.  The  result  of  his  labours 
was  the  wonderful  revival  of  Catholic  devotion  and 
piety  which  in  our  day  has  restored  so  much  of  our 
ancient  glory  of  sanctity  to  the  land  once  called  the 
'  Island  of  Saints'."  No  other  Church  in  Christendom 
during  the  same  period  achieved  grander  religious  re- 
sults or  yielded  in  richer  abundance  the  choicest  fruit 
of  genuine  Catholic  piety.  His  remains  rest  beneath 
the  apse  of  the  Chiu-oh  attached  to  the  diocesan  sem- 
inary at  Clonliffe. 

Patrick  Francis  Cardinal  Moran. 

Culm,  Diocese  of,  a  bishopric  in  the  north-eastern 
part  of  Prussia,  founded  in  1234,  suffragan  to  Gnesen. 
The  territory  on  the  Vistula  and  Baltic,  which  the 
Teutonic  Order  had  obtained  partly  by  gift  and  partly 
by  conciiiest,  was  divided  in  this  year  by  the  papal 
legate,  William  Bishop  of  Modena,  into  the  four  dio- 
ceses of  Culm,  Krnilaiid,  Pdmcsanicn,  and  Samland; 
in  1255  the  Archl)islii.p  of  liiga  l>cc:ime  the  metropoli- 
tan of  these  dioceses.  Tint  Bishopric  of  Culm  em- 
braced the  province  of  Culm,  that  is,  the  land  between 
the  Vistula,  Drewenz,  and  Ossa  rivers,  and  in  addition, 
the  city  of  Lobau  and  its  sin-roimding  district.  Pope 
Innocent  IV  consccrati'il  as  first  bishop  the  Domini- 
can, Heidenreich  ( 12  15 ;  d.  1 2(i:i)-  < >riginally  the  seat 
of  the  diocese  was  Culmsee,  where  Heidenreich  began 


in  1254  the  conslruction  of  a  cathedral.  The  bishop 
possessed  the  highest  authority,  both  spiritual  and 
secular,  in  his  diocese;  he  was  the  ruler  of  the  land, 
but  was  in  some  measure  depenilent  on  the  Teutonic 
Order.  During  the  episcopate  of  the  first  bishop,  the 
cathedral  chapter,  founded  in  1251,  followed  the  Rule 
of  St.  Augustine,  but  the  second  bishop,  Friedrich  of 
Hansen  (12t)4-74),  allowed  the  chapter  to  enter  the  ' 
Teutonic  Order,  taking  its  endowment  with  it.  Not 
only  was  Friedrich  a  member  of  the  Teutonic  Order 
but  most  of  his  successors  in  the  episcopal  office  until 
1406  also  belonged  to  it.  Under  the  powerful  protec- 
tion of  the  ICnights  rapid  progress  was  made  in  culti- 
vating the  soil  and  in  Christianizing  the  inhabitants. 
Many  flourishing  commimities  and  numerous  schools 
and  churches  were  founded,  an  excellent  system  of 
courts  was  provided,  and  the  Dominican,  Franciscan, 
and  Cistercian  orders  were  introduced.  As  early  as 
the  reign  of  the  seventh  bishop,  Otto  (1324-49),  who 
was  a  secular  priest,  there  were  113  parishes  and  538 
priests.  The  most  celebrated  schools  of  the  diocese 
were  the  "  Johannes ' '  school  at  Thorn  and  the  cathe- 
dral school  at  Culm ;  the  latter  was  changed  in  1473 
into  a  studium  particulare  and  had  celebrated  pro- 
fessors, among  whom  were  Johannes  Dantiscus, 
Eobanus  Hessus,  etc. 

On  account  of  its  close  connexion  with  the  Teutonic 
Knights,  the  diocese  was  involved  in  the  disputes  of 
the  order  with  Poland.  By  the  second  Treaty  of 
Thorn,  1466,  the  order  was  obliged  to  cede  the  prov- 
ince of  C\ilm,  with  other  territories,  to  Poland.  The 
bishopric  was  now  reconstructed  as  a  secular  diocese, 
the  bishops  were  named  by  the  kings  of  Poland,  and 
nobles  only  were  appointed  as  members  of  the  cath- 
edral chapter.  The  heresies  of  Hus  and  Wyclif  found 
many  adlierents  in  the  Diocese  of  Culm  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  and  thus  the  ground  was  prepared  for  the 
religious  revolution  of  the  sixteenth.  In  the  larger 
towns  especially,  such  at  Danzig,  Elbing,  and  Thorn, 
the  doctrines  of  Luther  won  nimierous  supporters, 
against  whom  the  bishop,  Johannes  IV  Konopacki 
(1508-30),  showed  himself  lacking  in  moral  force.  It 
was  only  through  the  exertions  of  the  Dominicans,  who 
had  remained  loyal,  that  lung  Sigismund  I  took  more 
severe  measures  against  the  innovations.  The  zeal- 
ous and  spiritual-minded  Johaim  V  von  HGf:"%  gen- 
erally called  Dantiscus  (1530-38),  laboured  to  main- 
tain the  Catholic  Faith,  as  did  also  Tiedemann  Giese 
(1538-49),  the  friend  of  Copernicus,  and  Stanislaus 
Hosius  (1549-51),  who,  after  an  episcopate  of  two 
years,  was  transferred  to  the  See  of  Ermland.  Nev- 
ertheless Protestantism  took  firm  root  in  Thorn, 
Graudenz,  Marienburg,  and  other  towns.  Peter  I 
Kostka  (1574-95)  was  the  reformer  of  the  diocese; 
through  his  efforts  a  provincial  council  was  held  at 
Gnesen  at  which  the  Diocese  of  Culm  was  placed 
under  the  metropolitan  control  of  Gnesen,  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Riga  having  been  suppressed  in  1566. 
Kostka  also  held  a  diocesan  sjmod  at  Culm  in  1583, 
promulgated  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  re- 
formed the  monasteries  of  the  diocese,  and  introduced 
the  Jesuits  in  1593.  The  preservation  of  Catholicism 
in  the  diocese,  as  well  as  the  reconquest  of  many  souls 
that  had  gone  astray,  was  due  to  the  effective  labours 
of  the  Jesuits  and  of  the  orders  which  were  success- 
fully re-established. 

The  fall  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  brought  the  dio- 
cese into  new  relations.  In  1772,  in  consequence  of 
the  first  Partition  of  Poland,  it  came  under  the  con- 
trol of  Prussia,  to  which,  with  a  short  interruption 
(1S07-15),  it  has  ever  since  belonged.  Under  Prus- 
sian auspices  I'mtestanlism  agaiu  increased  largely  in 
the  diocese:  in  1772  the  iiossessioiis  of  tlie  bishop,  the 
cathedral  cliapter.  and  many  monasteries  were  confis- 
cated, and  rrotfstant  colonists  were  settled  through- 
out tlie  province.  In  this  way,  and  also  on  account 
of  the  confusion  of  the  Napoleonic  era,  the  diocese 


CULT 


567 


CUMMINOS 


fpll  into  decay.  For  lack  of  a  proper  residence,  the 
forty-ninth  bishop,  Franz  Xaver  Count  Wrbna- 
Rydzynski,  was  only  once  in  his  diocese.  After  his 
death  the  see  was  vacant  for  ten  years,  and  the  diocese 
was  administered  by  tlie  coadjutor  bishop,  Nal^cz 
Wilkxycki.  The  Bull  "  De  salute  aniniarum",  1821, 
which  provided  for  the  reorganization  of  the  Prussian 
dioceses,  gave  Culm  new  boundaries;  to  the  old  dio- 
cese were  added  parts  of  the  Dioceses  of  Leslau, 
Gncsen,  Flock,  and  of  the  former  Diocese  of  Pome- 
sanien.  In  1824  the  seat  of  the  bishop  and  the  chap- 
ter was  fixed  at  Peli)lin,  where  it  still  remains.  The 
new  diocese  suffered  above  all  from  the  lack  of  priests, 
the  suppression  of  the  monasteries,  and  the  poverty 
of  the  Catholic  population.  Bishop  Ignatius  Matthy 
(1824-32)  bent  all  his  energies  to  the  founding  of  a 
seminary  for  priests.  Anastasius  Sedlag  (1834-56) 
made  it  his  aim  to  give  the  diocese  a  uniform  adminis- 
tration, to  safeguard  the  property  still  remaining  to 
the  Church  after  its  great  los.ses,  to  promote  the  de- 
velopment of  a  capable  clergy,  and  to  increase  the 
nimiber  of  priests.  In  the  same  way  Johannes 
Nepomuk  von  der  Marwitz  (1857-86)  devoted  his 
entire  attention  to  the  founding  of  new  cures  and  the 
reorganization  of  the  old  parishes.  Unfortunately 
the  diocese  suffered  greatly  during  the  ecclesiastical 
struggle  (Kullurkampf)  with  the  Prussian  Govern- 
ment. After  peace  had  beeii  restored  the  bishopric 
prospered  again  under  Leo  Redner  (1886-98)  and 
Augustinus  Ro.sentreter  (consecrated  9  July,  1899). 
In  this  period  the  diocese  in  some  measure  recov- 
ered from  its  losses;  the  suppressed  monasteries  have 
been  partly  refilled  with  religious,  and  new  institu- 
tions of  learning  under  the  supervision  of  the  Church 
have  been  founded.  However,  it  still  suffers  from 
the  effects  of  its  earlier  losses,  and  from  the  lack  of 
labourers  in  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord. 

Statistics. — The  present  Diocese  of  Culm  includes 
the  Pras.sian  province  of  West  Prussia  with  the  ex- 
ception of  five  Government  districts;  it  also  includes 
two  districts  of  East  Prussia,  two  of  Pomerania,  and 
tliat  of  Broniberg  belonging  to  Posen.  The  see  em- 
braces altogether  409  square  miles.  In  1900  it  had 
a  Catholic  population  of  769,166  souls;  in  1907, 
780,000.  The  cathedral  chapter  is  composed  of  two 
dignitaries,  the  cathedral  provost  and  the  cathedral 
dean,  and  eight  prebends.  In  1907  there  were  4 
episcopal  commissariats,  27  deaneries,  275  parishes, 
476  priests,  275  parish  churches,  77  dependent 
churches,  9  other  churches,  and  37  chapels.  Insti- 
tutions of  le;irning  under  religious  control  are:  the 
episcopal  seminary  for  priests  at  Pelplin  with  5  pro- 
fessors; the  ppiscop.al  seminary  for  boys  at  Pelplin 
with  12  eccli'siastical  teaohers;  the  episcopal  houses 
of  studies  at  Culm,  Konitz,  and  Neustadt.  In  the 
three  towns  just  mentioned  the  gymnasia  are  Catholic 
in  character.  The  diocese  also  possesses  4  Catholic 
seminaries  for  teachers,  and  2  higher  schools  for 
girls.  Orders  for  men  have  not  existed  in  the  dio- 
cese since  the  religious  struggle  (Kullurkampf)  with 
the  Government.  The  orders  and  congregations  for 
women  devote  their  attention  almost  exclusively  to 
the  care  of  the  sick,  the  poor,  and  the  children; 
but  they  arc  not  permitted  to  give  elementary  in- 
struction. In  190()  the  orders  and  congregations  of 
female  religious  were:  Sisters  of  Mercy  of  St.  Vin- 
cent de  Paul,  6  hou.scs  with  102  religious;  Sisters  of 
Mercy  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo,  2  houses  with  39 
religious;  Sisters  of  St.  Elizabeth,  12  hou.ses  with 
103  religious;  Sisters  of  ,St.  Francis.  2  houses  with  22 
religious.  These  religious  have  under  their  care  11 
hospitals  and  asylums,  8  d.ay-nurseries,  1  housekeeping 
school,  1  needle-work  school,  1  institution  for  sick 
and  old  religions,  1  home  for  .servants,  1  reform  in- 
stitution for  girls,  4  orj^hanages,  and  12  stations  for 
visiting  nurses. 
The  cathedral,  formerly  a  Cistercian  abbey  church. 


is  the  most  important  church  building  of  the  diocese; 
it  is  a  brick  Gothic  structure  with  three  naves,  was 
erected  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  completely 
restored,  1894-99.  Other  churches  of  note  are:  the 
parish  church  of  Culmsee,  built  1254-94  and  used  as 
the  cathedral  until  1824;  the  parish  church  of  Culm, 
built  in  1223;  the  churches  of  St.  John,  St.  James, 
and  St.  Mary,  all  three  erected  in  the  thirteenth  or 
fourteenth  century.  The  most  frequented  places 
of  pilgrimage  are  Maria-Lonk  near  Neumark  (the 
miraculous  picture  of  the  Mother  of  God  is  now  in 
the  parish  church  of  Neumark),  and  Mount  Calvary 
near  Neustadt  with  twenty-four  chapels. 

ScheTTiatirSmus  des  Bistums  Culm  mil  dim  lh'Krfinf.^si(zc  in 
Pelplin  (Pelplin.  1904)  gives  exhaustive  ."ilati-iM,  mI  ii,p  dio- 
cese and  lists  of  the  bishops  of  Culm,  Ponies.-inn  n,  .nil  (  u  mvien 
(LesLau);  Wolkv,  Katalog  dcr  Bisdinfe  vnn  i  ./;.i  iii  ,n!,~hpre 
1S7S1;  IiiKM,  lTl<:,ndr„b„rli  dcs  Bislumx  (uhn  .|i;M,,r.  I  S,S4- 
S7),  11;     rvNK.i, I   i^Kl,  ;</-    .-„'-.,..;..■,:.;.,;.,,    A        '.  K.ipcl- 


Ciiln 


Zcilschrilt      drs      ijvs/;)r<-i/.ssi.v/i,  n      ir.    .'      '  hnrzip; 

1880—);    Pawlowski.  Karte  der  h  ■  ■'^l„nd 

(Graudenz,  1890);    for  an  account  -i   ii L-   ,i  ,1     :     .1,  see 

Frydrychowicz,  Geschichte  der  Ci  /'  t  '  '  -  .,/.  /  ,  >i  ,nid 
ihre  Bau-und  Kun-stdcnkmMcr  (DiisseM.irt.  l!)l)7i;  tnr  the 
churches  in  general  see  Bau-  und  Kunstdcnkmalcr  der  I'rovinz 
Westpreussen  (Danzig,  1884 — ). 

Joseph  Lins. 
Cult.     See  W0R.SHIP. 

Culturkampf.     See  Kulturkh^mpf. 

Cummlngs,  Jeremiah  Williams,  publicist,  b.  in 
Washington,  U.  S.  A.,  April,  1814;  d.  at  New  York, 
4  January,  1866.  His  father's  death  caused  his 
mother  to  move  to  New  York  in  his  boyhood,  and 
he  was  there  accepted  as  an  ecclesiastical  student  by 
Bishop  Dubois,  who  sent  him  to  the  College  of  the 
Propaganda  ;it  Rome  to  make  his  theological  studies. 
He  displayed  much  ability,  and  after  winning  his 
doctor's  degree  returned  to  New  York,  where  he  was 
assigned  as  one  of  the  assistants  at  St.  Patrick's 
Cathedral.  He  there  proved  himself  an  accomplished 
linguist,  writer,  and  musician,  and  an  interesting 
and  popular  preacher  and  lecturer.  In  1S4S  Bishop 
Hughes  selected  liim  to  found  St.  Stephen's  parish. 
New  York,  and  to  erect  a  church.  Dr.  Cummings 
was  then,  and  had  been  for  several  years  previously, 
the  intimate  friend  and  disciple  of  Orestes  A.  Brown- 
son,  the  philosopher  and  reviewer.  He  w'as  instru- 
mental in  having  Brownson  change  his  residence 
from  Boston  to  New  York,  took  charge  of  his  lecture 
arrangements,  and  wrote  frequent  contributions 
for  the  "Review".  "It  w.as  often  complained  of  in 
Bro\vnson",  says  his  son  (Middle  Life,  Detroit,  1899, 
p.  132),  "that  he  was  lacking  in  policy,  and  no  doubt 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  plain  speaking;  but  Cummings 
was  more  so,  and  some  of  the  most  violent  attacks 
on  the  editor  and  his  '  Review '  were  occasioned  by 
unpalatable  truths  plainly  stated  by  f'ummings". 

Cummings  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits  in  a  little 
club  of  priests  and  laymen,  who  were  opposed  to 
what  they  called  tlie  "Europeanizing"  of  the  ('hurch 
in  the  United  Stales  by  the  foreign-born  teachers, 
to  the  system  of  teaching  in  vogue  in  the  Catholic 
colleges  iind  seminaries,  and  who  were  in  favour 
of  conciliating  those  outside  the  Church  by  the  use 
of  milder  polemics.  In  an  article  on  "  Vocations  to 
the  Priesthood"  that  Dr.  Cummings  contributed 
to  "  Brown.son's  Review"  of  October,  bSliO,  he  severely 
criticized  the  management  and  mode  of  instruction 
in  Catholic  colleges  and  seminaries  which  he  .styled 
"cheap  priest-factories".  This  aroused  a  bitter 
controversy,  and  brought  out  one  of  the  noted  e.ssays 
by  Archbishop  Hughes,  his  "Reflections  on  the 
Catholic  Press". 

Under  the  atlministration  of  Dr.  Cummings  St. 
Stephen's,  which  he  had  completed  in  March.  18.54, 
became  the  most  fasliionable  and  most  freipiented 
church  in  New  York,  its  sermons  and  music  making 


CUNCOLIM 


568 


CUNCOLIM 


it  a  local  attraction.  He  continued  its  pastor  till 
his  death;  which  followed  a  long  illness  that  in- 
capacitated liim  for  active  service.  Besides  his 
articles  in  "Brownson's  Review"  he  was  also  a  con- 
tributor to  "Appleton's  Encyclopedia"  and  pub- 
lished in  New  York:  "ItaUan  Legends"  (1859); 
"Songs  for  Catholic  Schools"  (1862);  "Spiritual 
Progress"  (1865);  "The  Silver  Stole". 

H.  F.  Brownson,  Orestes  A.  Brownson:  Middle  Life  (Detroit, 
1899);  Idem,  Later  Life  (Ibid.,  1900);  Shea,  The  Catholic 
Churches  of  New  York  City  (New  York,  1878);  contemporary 
eies  The  Freeman's  Journal,  The  American  Celt.  The  Metro- 
politan Record  (New  York),  The  Catholic  Herald  (Philadelphia). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Cuncolim,  Martyrs  of.— On  Monday,  25  July, 
1583  (N.  S.),  the  village  of  Cuncolim  in  the  district 
of  Salcpte,  territory  of  Goa,  India,  was  the  scene  of  the 
martyrdom  of  five  religious  of  the  Society  of  Jesus: 
Fathers  Rudolph  Acquaviva,  Alphonsus  Pacheco, 
Peter  Berno,  and  Anthony  Francis,  also  Francis 
Aranha,  lay  brother.  Rudolph  Acquaviva  was  born 
2  October,  1550,  at  Atri  m  the  Kingdom  of  Naples. 
He  was  the  fifth  child  of  the  Duke  of  Atri,  and  nephew 
of  Claudius  Acquaviva,  the  fifth  General  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  whUe  on  his  mother's  side  he  was  a  cousin  of 
St.  Aloysius  Gonzaga.  Admitted  into  the  Society  2 
April,  1568,  he  landed  in  Goa  13  September,  1578. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  was  selected  for  a  very 
important  mission  to  the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul 
Akbar,  who  had  sent  an  embassy  to  Goa  with  a 
request  that  two  learned  missionaries  might  be  sent 
to  Fatehpir-Sikri,  his  favourite  residence  near  Agra. 
After  spending  three  years  at  the  Mogul  court,  he 
returned  to  Goa,  much  to  the  regret  of  the  whole 
Court  and  especially  of  the  emperor.  On  his  return 
to  Goa,  he  was  appointed  superior  of  the  Salcete 
mission,  which  post  he  held  until  his  martyrdom. 
Alphonsus  Pacheco  was  bom  about  1551,  of  a  noble 
family  of  New  Castile,  and  entered  the  Society  on 
8  September,  1567.  In  September,  1574,  he  arrived 
in  Goa,  where  he  so  distinguished  himself  by  his  rare 
prudence  and  virtue  that  in  1578  he  was  sent  to  Eu- 
rope on  important  business.  Returning  to  India  in 
1581,  he  w;is  made  rector  of  Rachol.  He  accompanied 
two  punitive  expeditions  of  the  Portuguese  to  the 
village  of  Cuncolim,  and  was  instrumental  in  destroy- 
ing the  pagodas  there.  Peter  Berno  was  bom  of 
humble  parents  in  1550  at  Ascona,  a  Swiss  village  at 
the  foot  of  the  Alps.  After  being  ordained  priest  in 
Rome,  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in  1577,  arrived 
in  Goa  in  1579,  and  was  soon  appointed  to  Salcete. 
He  accompanied  the  expeditions  to  Cuncolim,  and 
assisted  in  destroying  the  pagan  temples,  destroyed 
an  ant-hill  which  was  deemed  very  sacred,  and  killed 
a  cow  which  was  also  an  object  of  pagan  worsliip.  He 
used  to  say  constantly  that  no  fruit  would  be  gath- 
ered from  Cuncolim  and  the  hamlets  around  it  till  they 
were  bathed  in  blood  shed  for  the  Faith.  His  supe- 
riors declared  that  he  had  converted  more  pagans  than 
all  the  other  fathers  put  together. 

Anthony  Francis,  born  in  1553,  was  a  poor  student 
of  Coimbra  in  Portugal.  He  joined  the  Society  in 
1571,  accompanied  Father  Pacheco  to  India  in  1581, 
and  was  shortly  afterwards  ordained  priest  in  Goa. 
It  is  said  that  whenever  he  said  Mass,  he  prayed,  at 
the  Elevation,  for  the  grace  of  martyrdom;  and  that 
on  the  day  before  his  death,  when  he  was  saying  Mass 
at  the  church  of  Orlim,  a  miracle  prefigured  the  grant- 
ing of  this  pr.'iyer. 

Brother  Francis  Aranha  was  born  of  a  wealthy  and 
noble  family  of  Braga  in  Portugal,  about  1551,  and 
went  to  India  with  his  uncle,  the  first  Archbishop  of 
Goa,  Dom  Caspar.  There  he  joined  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  1  November,  1571.  Being  a  skilled  draughts- 
man and  architect,  he  built  several  fine  chapels  in 
Goa. 

These  five  religious  met  in  the  church  of  Orlim  on 


the  15th  of  July,  1583,  and  thence  proceeded  to  Ctm- 
colim,  accompanied  by  some  Christians,  with  the  ob- 
ject of  erecting  a  cross  and  selecting  ground  for  build- 
ing a  church.  Seeing  an  opportunity  of  doing  away 
with  these  enemies  of  their  pagodas,  the  pagan  vil- 
lagers, after  holding  a  council,  advanced  in  large  num- 
bers, armed  with  swords,  lances,  and  other  weapons, 
towards  the  spot  where  the  Christians  were.  Gon^alo 
Rodrigues,  one  of  the  party,  levelled  his  gun,  but 
Father  Pacheco  stopped  him,  saying:  "Come,  come, 
Senhor  Gon(;alo,  we  are  not  here  to  fight."  Then, 
speaking  to  the  crowd,  he  said  in  Konkani,  their  native 
language,  "  Do  not  be  afraid."  The  pagans  then  fell 
upon  them ;  Father  Rudolph  received  five  cuts  from  a 
scimitar  and  a  spear  and  died  praying  God  to  forgive 
them,  and  pronoimcing  the  Holy  Name.  Father 
Berno  was  next  horribly  mutilated,  and  Father  Pa- 
checo, wounded  with  a  spear,  fell  on  his  knees  extend- 
ing his  arms  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  praying  God 
to  forgive  his  murderers  and  send  other  missionaries  to 
them.  Father  Anthony  Francis  was  pierced  with 
arrows,  and  his  head  was  split  open  with  a  sword. 
Brother  Aranlia,  wounded  at  the  outset  by  a  scimitar 
and  a  lance,  fell  down  a  deep  declivity  into  the  thick 
crop  of  a  rice-field,  where  he  lay  until  he  was  discov- 
ered. He  was  then  carried  to  the  idol,  to  which  he 
was  bidden  to  bow  his  head.  Upon  his  refusal  to  do 
this,  he  was  tied  to  a  tree  and,  like  St.  Sebastian, 
was  shot  to  death  with  arrows.  The  spot  where  this 
tree  stood  is  marked  with  an  octagonal  monument 
surmounted  by  a  cross,  which  was  repaired  by  the 
Patriarch  of  Goa  in  1885. 

The  bodies  of  the  five  martyrs  were  thrown  into  a  well, 
the  water  of  which  was  afterwards  sought  by  people 
from  all  parts  of  Goa  for  its  miraculous  healing  prop- 
erties. The  bodies  themselves,  when  foimd,  after 
two  and  a  half  days,  showed  no  signs  of  decomposi- 
tion. They  were  solemnly  buried  in  the  church  of 
Our  Lady  of  the  Snows  at  Racliol,  and  remained  there 
until  1.597,  when  they  were  removed  to  the  college  of 
St.  Paul  in  Goa,  and  in  1862  to  the  cathedral  of  Old 
Goa.  Some  of  these  relics  have  been  sent  to  Europe 
at  various  times.  All  the  bones  of  the  entire  right 
arm  of  Blessed  Rudolph  were  taken  to  Rome  in  1600, 
and  his  left  arm  was  sent  from  Goa  as  a  present  to  the 
Jesuit  college  at  Naples.  In  accordance  with  the  re- 
quest of  the  Pacheco  family,  an  arm  and  leg  of  Blessed 
Alphonsus  were  sent  to  Europe  in  1609.  The  process 
of  canonization  began  in  1600,  but  it  was  only  in  1741 
that  Benedict  XIV  declared  the  martyrdom  proved. 
On  the  16th  of  April,  1893,  the  solemn  beatification  of 
the  five  martyrs  was  celebrated  at  St.  Peter's  in 
Rome.  It  was  celebrated  in  Goa  in  1894,  and  the 
feast  has  ever  since  then  been  kept  w-ith  great  solem- 
nity at  Cuncolim,  even  by  the  descendants  of  the  mur- 
derers. The  Calendar  of  the  Archdiocese  of  Goa  has 
fixed  26  July  as  their  feast-day. 

Along  with  the  five  religious  were  also  killed  Gon- 
9alo  Rodrigues,  a  Portuguese,  and  fourteen  native 
Christians.  Of  the  latter,  one  was  Dominic,  a  boy  of 
Cuncolim,  who  was  a  student  at  Rachol,  and  had  ac- 
companied the  fathers  on  their  expeditions  to  Cun- 
colim and  pointed  out  to  them  the  pagan  temples. 
His  own  heathen  vuicle  dispatched  him.  .\lphonsus, 
an  altar-boy  of  Father  Pacheco,  had  followed  him 
closely,  carrying  his  breviary,  which  he  would  not 
part  with.  The  pagans  then^fore  cut  off  his  hands 
and  cut  through  his  knee-joints  to  prevent  his  escape. 
In  this  condition  he  lived  till  the  next  day,  when  he 
was  found  and  killed.  This  boy,  a  native  of  either 
Margao  or  Verna,  was  buried  in  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  at  Margao.  Francis  Rodrigues,  who  was  also 
murdered,  used  to  say,  when  he  was  reproached  by  the 
fathers  for  slight  faults,  that  he  hoped  to  alone  for 
them  by  slioilding  his  blood  as  a  niartjT.  Paul  da 
Costa,  another  of  tliosc  who  died  at  the  hands  of  the 
pagans,  was  an  inhabitant  of  Rachol,  and  had  been 


CUNE6UNDES 


569 


CURASAO 


distingiiished  by  his  desire  of  dying  for  the  Faith. 
Speaking  of  these  fifteen  courageous  Christians, 
Father  Goldie  says:  "  For  reasons  which  we  have  now 
no  means  of  judging,  the  Cause  of  these  companions 
of  the  five  Martyrs  was  not  brought  forward  before  the 
Archbishop  of  the  time;  nor  smce  then  has  any  spe- 
cial cultus,  or  the  interposition  of  God  by  miracle, 
called  the  attention  of  the  Church  to  them.  But  we 
may  hope  that  their  blood  was  in  the  odour  of  sweet- 
ness before  God  ". 

D'SouzA,  Oriente  Conquistado;  Goldie.  First  Christum  Mis- 
sion to  the  Great  Mogul;  The  Blessed  Martyrs  of  Cimcolim; 
Graci.^s,  Uma  Donna  Portugueza  na  Cdrte  do  Gr&o-Mogol 
(1907).  A.  X.  D'SouzA. 

CunegundeS)  Blessed,  Poor  Clare  and  patroness 
of  Poland  and  Lithuania;  b.  in  1224;  d.  24  July,  1292, 
at  Sandeck.  Poland.  She  was  the  daughter  of  King 
Bela  IV  and  niece  of  St.  Elizabeth  of  Hungarj-,  and 
from  her  infancy  it  pleased  God  to  give  tokens  of  the 
eminent  sanctity  to  which  she  was  later  to  attain. 
With  extreme  reluctance  she  consented  to  her  mar- 
riage with  Boleslaus  II,  Duke  of  Cracow  and  Sando- 
mir,  who  afterwards  became  Iving  of  Poland.  Not 
long  after  their  marriage,  the  pious  couple  made  a 
vow  of  perpetual  chastity  in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop 
of  Cracow ;  and  Cunegundes,  amidst  the  splendour  and 
pomp  of  the  royal  household,  gave  herself  up  to  the 
practice  of  the  severest  aiLsterities.  She  often  visited 
the  poor  and  the  sick  in  the  hospitals,  and  cared  even 
for  the  lepers  with  a  charity  scarcely  less  than  heroic. 
In  1279,  King  Boleslaus  died,  and  Cunegundes,  de- 
spite the  entreaties  of  her  people  that  she  should  take 
in  hand  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  sold  all  her 
earthly  possessions  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  en- 
tered the  monastery  of  the  Poor  Clares  at  Sandeck. 
The  remaining  thirteen  years  of  her  life  she  spent  in 
prayer  and  penance,  edifying  her  fellow  religious  by 
her  numerous  virtues,  especially  by  her  heroic  humil- 
ity. She  never  permitted  anyone  to  refer  to  the  fact 
that  slie  had  once  been  a  queen  and  was  foundress  of 
the  community  at  Sandeck. 

The  cultus  of  Blessed  Cimegundes  was  approved  by 
Pope  Alexander  VIII  in  1690;  in  1695  she  was  made 
chief  patroness  of  Poland  and  Lithuania  by  a  decree 
of  the  Congregation  of  Rites,  confirmed  by  Clement 
XI.  Her  feast  Ls  kept  in  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  on 
the  27th  of  July. 

Acta  SS.,  July,  V.  661-783;  Leo,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and 
Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton.  LSS6),  II. 

523-529.  Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Cuneo ,  Diocese  of  (Cuneensis)  ,  suffragan  to  Turin. 
Cuneo  is  the  capital  of  the  province  of  that  name 
in  Piedmont.  Northern  Italy,  agreeably  situated  on 
a  hill  between  the  Rivers  Stura  and  the  Ge.sso.  Orig- 
inally the  city  belonged  to  the  Diocese  of  Mondovi. 
In  1817  Pius  VII  made  it  an  episcopal  see.  The 
cathedral  is  verj-  ancient  and  beautiful,  remodelled, 
however,  in  the  sixteenth  centurj'.  The  painting 
over  the  main  altar  representing  St.  John  the  Baptist 
and  St.  Michael  is  the  work  of  the  Jesuit  Father  Pozzi, 
who  painted  also  at  Rome  the  ceiling  of  the  great 
Church  of  St.  Ignatius.  The  first  bishop  of  Cuneo 
was  Amadco  Bruno  di  Samone.  The  diocese  has  a 
population  of  111.200,  with  fil  parishes,  190  churches 
and  chapels,  220  secular  and  20  regular  priests,  3 
religious  houses  of  men,  27  of  women,  and  13  educa- 
tional institutions. 

C*PPF.I,I.F.1TI.  Le  chicse  d: Italia  (Venice,  1844'),  XIV,  345-56; 
Ann.  ecel.  (Rome,  1907),  440-42;  Vineib,  Stona  di  Cuneo 
(Cuneo,  1858). 

U.  Benioni. 

Cunningham,  J.  B.    See  Concordia,  Dioce.se  of. 

Cuoq,  .Vxdrk-Jean,  philologist,  b.  at  LePuy, 
France,  1S21;  d.  at  Oka  near  Montreal,  1898.  Jean 
Cuoq  entered  the  Company  of  Saint-Sulpice  in  1844, 


and  two  years  later  was  sent  to  Canada.  In  1847  he 
was  put  in  charge  of  the  mission  at  the  Lac  des  Deux- 
Montagnes.  So  ambitious  was  he  to  fulfil  well  the 
duties  of  his  ministry  that  in  a  short  time  he  ac- 
quired a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  Iroquois  and  the 
-Algonquin  dialects.  His  numerous  works,  all  pub- 
hshed  at  Montreal,  gained  liim  admission  to  many 
scientific  societies  of  Europe  and  -^nerica.  We 
have  from  his  pen:  "  Le  Livre  des  sept  nations" 
(1861);  "Jugement  errone  de  M.  Ernest  Renan  sur 
les  langues  sauvages"  (1864);  "  Etudes  philosophiques 
sur  quelques  langues  sauvages"  (1860);  "Quels 
^taient  les  sauvages  que  rencontra  Jacques  Cartier 
sur  les  rives  du  S.-Laurent?"  in  ".\nnales  de  philoso- 
pliie  chr^tienne"  (1869);  "  Lexique  de  la  langue  iro- 
quoise"  (1882);  "Lexique  de  la  langue  algonquine" 
(1886);  "Gramraaire  de  la  langue  algonquine,  ins^r^e 
dans  les  m^moires  [IX-X]  de  la  society  royale  du 
Canada"  (1891-92);  ",4noet  Kekon"  (ibid.,  1893); 
"  Nouveau  manuel  algonquin  "  (1893).  He  wrote  also 
many  other  works  destined  to  further  the  christianiza- 
tion  of  the  Indians. 

BuUelin  trimesl.  des  anc.  elives  de  S.-Sulpiee  (October,  1898); 
Bertrand,  Bibl.  sulpic.  (Paris,  1900),  III;  Notice  biog.  sur 
I'abbe  Cuoq  (Royal  Society  of  Canada,  1899). 

A.  FoURNET. 

Cupola. — A  spherical  ceiUng,  or  a  bowl-shaped 
vault,  rising  like  an  inverted  cup  over  a  circular, 
square,  or  multangular  building  or  any  part  of  it. 
The  term,  properly  speaking,  is  confined  to  the  under 
side,  or  ceiling,  of  a  dome,  and  is  frequently  on  a  dif- 
ferent plane  from  the  dome  which  surrounds  it  out- 
side. It  is  also  sometimes  applied  to  the  dome  (but 
for  this  there  is  no  authority),  and  to  a  small  room, 
either  circular  or  polygonal,  standing  on  the  top  of  a 
dome,  which  is  called  by  some  a  lantern.  A  cupola 
does  not  necessarily  presuppose  a  dome,  and  the  latter 
is  often  found  surmounting  flat  surfaces.  The  signifi- 
cance of  the  term  is  in  its  form  and  has  nothing  to  do 
either  mth  the  material  used  or  with  its  method  of 
construction.  According  to  Lindsay,  the  cupola  of 
San  Vitale,  at  Ravenna,  became  the  model  of  all  those 
executed  in  Europe  for  several  centuries.  This  cupola 
is  of  remarkable  construction,  being  built  wholly  of 
hollow  earthen  pots,  laid  spirally  in  cement,  a  fight 
construction  common  in  the  East  from  early  times. 
The  cupolas  of  the  Pantheon  at  Rome,  the  cathedral 
at  Florence,  the  churches  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome,  and 
Santa  Sophia  at  Constantinople  are  of  solid  construc- 
tion, and  the  support  of  the  cup-shaped  vault  is  either 
by  pendentives  or  by  a  drum.  In  some  cases,  how- 
ever, the  cupola  is  of  masonry,  and  the  outer  shell  of 
the  cupola  is  of  wood  covered  with  lead,  as  at  St. 
Paul's,  London,  and  at  St.  Mark's,  Venice,  the  five 
masonry  cupolas  hjive  the  outer  shell  of  wood  and 
metal.  The  dome  of  the  Invalides,  in  Paris,  has  a 
wood  and  metal  covering  above  two  inner  structures 
of  stone.  In  the  later  Byzantine  buildings  of  Greece 
and  other  parts  of  the  Levant,  many  of  the  cupolas 
have  singularly  lofty  drums,  which  are  pierced  with 
windows,  and  the  cupola  proper  becomes  a  mere  roof 
to  a  tall  cylindrical  shaft.  Cupolas  in  modem  con- 
struction are  generally  of  wrought  iron,  and  the  space 
filled  in  with  .some  tile  fonnation.  The  term  is  some- 
times applied  to  a  small  roof  structure,  used  for  a 
look  out  or  to  give  access  to  the  roof. 

Fletcher.  A  History  of  .Architecture  (London  and  New  York, 
1896);  C,v;ii.T.  Encycl.  of  Arch.  (London,  ISSl);  Parker,  G/os- 
sary  of  Arch.  (Oxford.  1S50):  \\em.k.  Did.  of  Terms:  Lindsay, 
History  of  Christian  AH,  I;  Sturgis,  Diet,  of  A  rch.  (London  and 
New  York,  1904). 

Thomas  H.  Poole. 

Curacao,  Vicariate  Apostolic  op,  includes  the 
islands  of  the  Dutch  West  Indies:  Curasao,  Bonaire, 
and  Aruba;  Saba,  St.  Eustatius.  and  the  Dutch  part 
of  St.  Martin  (Leeward  Islands).     These  islands  are 


CURATE 


570 


CURATE 


situated  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  the  former  off  the 
Venezuelan  coast,  12°  N.  lat.  and  69°  W.  long.,  the 
latter  about.  621  miles  north-east  of  the  former,  in  18° 
N.  lat.  and  63°  \V.  long.  The  former  were  discovered 
by  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  in  1499.  The  first  missionaries 
were  Spanish  Hieronymites  (Order  of  St.  Jerome) 
from  Santo  Domingo,  whose  names  have  been  for- 
gotten. Until  1634  Curai,-ao  remained  subject  to 
Spain,  and  Spanish  priests  attended  the  mission. 
Two  cliurches,  one  at  Santa  Barbara  the  other  at 
Groot-Kwartier,  bore  witness  to  their  zeal 

In  1634  Curasao  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
Dutcli  West-Indian  Company,  wliich  forbade,  under 
severe  penalties,  the  practice  of  the  Catholic  religion. 
A  few  Jesuits,  among  them  Father  Micliael  Alexius 
Schnabel,  continued  to  work  with  success  from  1701 
to  1742.  In  1772  Curasao  received  its  first  prefect 
Apostolic.  Arnold  de  Bruin,  a  secular  priest.  In 
1776  Fathers  Pirovani  and  Schenck,  Dutch  Fran- 
ciscans, took  up  the  work,  but  were  obliged  to  leave 
it  on  account  of  the  small  number  of  priests  in 
Holland.  The  last  of  these  priests  died  in  1821. 
In  1824  M.  J.  Nieuwindt  (d.  1860),  in  every  respect 
a  great  man,  was  appointed  prefect  Apostolic.  In 
1842  Curai^ao  was  made  a  vicariate  Apostolic,  the 
first  vicar  Apostolic  being  Monsignor  Nieuwindt. 
In  the  same  year  a  Catholic  sisterhood  came  to  the 
mission.  In  1868  the  vicariate  was  confided  to 
the  care  of  the  Dutch  Dominicans.  Nine-tenths  of  the 
people,  especially  the  lower  classes,  are  Catholics,  prin- 
cipally because  in  the  past  the  slaves  were  not  allowed 
to  have  the  same  religion  as  their  masters  (Dutch 
Protestants);  as  they  had  to  profess  some  reUgion, 
they  were  allowed  to  become  Catholics.  The  re- 
lations between  CathoUcs  and  Protestants  are  most 
peaceful.  Monsignor  Nieuwindt  (consecrated  1843) 
was  succeeded  as  vicar  Apostolic  by  J.  F.  A.  Kiste- 
maker  (1860);  P.  H.  J.  A.  van  Ewytc  (1869);  C.  H.  J. 
Reynen  (1886);  H.  A.  M.  Joosten  (1887).  and  J.  J.  A. 
van  Baars  (1897).  The  Catholic  population  of  the 
vicariate  is  about  45,000;  the  Protestants  number 
7000  and  the  Jews  850.  There  are  in  the  vicariate 
35  priests,  3  seculars  and  32  regulars,  principally 
Dominicans;  27  brothers;  191  sisters.  The  parochial 
schools  number  29,  with  2626  boys  and  2625  girls. 
There  are  17  churches  and  11  chapels. 

The  institutions  under  religious  direction  are :  a 
college  for  young  ladies  with  70  pupils;  a  liospital  for 
the  insane,  114  patients;  a  leper  hospital,  19  patients; 
2  orphan  asylums,  87  orphans;  a  hospital,  166  patients. 
The  theological  seminary  for  Venezuela  (Merida) 
is  at  present  closed.  There  are  2  Catholic  news- 
papers, the  "Amigoe  di  Curasao",  a  Dutch  weekly, 
founded  in  1883,  and  "La  Cruz",  a  weekly  in  the 
Papiamento  dialect  of  the  island,  founded  in  1900. 

Miisiones  CathoHca  (Rome,  1907),  649-.'>0;  Battaniiier, 
Ann.  pont.  calh.  (Paris.  1907),  346;  The  Statesman's  Year- 
Book  (London,  1907).  1201-02, 

J.  J.  A.  VAN  Baahs. 

Curate  (Lat.  citratus,  from  ntra,  care),  literally,  one 
who  has  the  cure  (care)  or  charge  of  souls,  in  which 
sense  it  is  yet  used  by  the  Church  of  England,  ''All 
Bishops  and  Curates  .  In  France,  also,  the  cognate 
cure  (Spanish,  cura)  is  used  to  denote  the  chief  priest 
of  a  parish.  In  English-speaking  countries,  however, 
the  word  eurnte  has  gradually  become  the  title  of  those 
priests  who  are  :i.ssistants  to  the  rector,  or  parish 
priest,  in  the  general  parochial  work  of  the  [)arish  or 
mission  to  which  they  are  sent  by  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese  or  his  delegate.  Technically  speaking  the 
curate  is  the  one  who  exercises  the  cure  of  souls,  and 
his  a.ssistants  are  vicars  and  coadjutors;  l)ut  in  tliis 
article  the  word  curette  is  used  in  its  accepted  English 
sense,  viz.  assistant  priest,  and  corresponds,  in  a  gen- 
eral way,  to  the  vicarius  temporalis,  auxiliaris  pres- 
byter, coadjutor  parochi. 


In  the  first  three  centuries  of  the  Church  there  was 
but  one  church  in  each  diocese,  located  generally  in 
the  principal  city,  i.  e.  in  the  city  where  the  bishofi 
resided.  To  this  church  the  faithful  of  the  city  and 
the  surrounding  villages  went  on  Sundays  and  feasts 
to  assist  at  Mass  and  receive  the  sacraments.  When 
the  faithful  became  more  numerous  as  the  Church 
developed,  the  number  of  churches  was  increased  not 
only  in  the  city  but  also  in  the  surrounding  country, 
and  services  were  performed  in  these  churches  by 
priests,  who,  however,  were  not  permanently  ap- 
pointed; i.  e.  the  bishop  remained  the  only  parish 
priest,  but  had  a  certain  number  of  priests  to  assist 
him  in  the  administration  of  the  sacraments  in  his 
parochia,  or  diocese  (Lesetre,  La  Paroisse,  Paris,  1906; 
Duchesne,  The  Origin  of  Christian  Worship,  London, 
1906,  11-13),  .\fter  the  fourth  century  parishes  be- 
gan to  be  formed  in  the  rural  districts,  but  it  was  not 
until  after  the  year  1000  that  they  were  formed  in 
episcopal  cities  (Lupi,  De  parochiis  ante  annum  mil- 
lesiinum,  Bergamo,  1788;  Vering,  Kirchenrecht,  3d 
ed.,  1893,  p.  598).  From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  just 
as  the  bishop  foimd  his  diocese  too  large  for  individual 
ministrations  and  care,  so  the  parish  priest,  in  the 
course  of  time,  found  it  necessary  to  secure  the  aid  of 
other  priests  in  attending  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  his 
people. 

In  English-speaking  countries,  also  in  a  number  of 
European  states,  at  the  present  day,  the  curate  holds 
his  faculties  directly  from  the  bishop,  but  exercLses 
them  according  to  the  wish  and  direction  of  the  parish 
priest  or  rector.  This  applies  not  only  in  the  case  of 
a  true  parish  priest  or  a  missionary  rector  (both  irre- 
movable), but  also  in  the  case  of  a  simple  rector,  who 
by  the  authority  of  the  bishop  governs  a  given  area 
styled  a  mission.  Curates  are,  in  general,  removable 
at  the  will  of  the  bishop.  Nevertheless,  this  power  of 
the  bishop  ought  to  be  exercised  with  prudence  and 
charity,  and  in  such  a  way  that  the  curate  shall  suffer 
no  loss  of  reputation,  e.  g.  by  being  sent  without  just 
and  reasonable  cavise  from  one  mission  to  another, 
such  arbitran.'  change  being  legitimately  interpreted 
by  common  consent  as  tantamount  to  a  punishment. 
In  such  a  case,  if  the  curate  feels  that  he  has  been 
unfairly  treated,  he  has  (in  England)  the  right  of 
appeal  to  the  Commission  of  Investigation,  which 
exists  in  each  diocese.  MeanW'hile  he  must  obey  the 
order  of  the  bishop.  The  form  of  investigation  and 
trial  is  the  same  for  curates  as  for  rectors  and  parish 
priests  (see  Wernz,  op.  cit.  below,  II,  1052).  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  the  Commission  of  Investigation 
provided  for  the  United  States  by  a  degree  of  Propa- 
ganda (20  July,  1878;  cf.  Acta  et  Deer.  Cone.  Bait. 
Ill,  292-96)  was  abrogated  by  the  Propaganda  In- 
struction of ''Cum  Magnopere"  of  1884,  which  pro- 
vides in  each  diocese  for  a  summary,  but  substantially 
just,  process  in  all  criminal  and  disciplinary  cau.ses  of 
ecclesiastics  (Cone.  plen.  Bait.  Ill,  cap.  Ill,  308-<i6. 
cf.  Acta  et  Decreta,  2S7-92).  This  Instruction  ob- 
tains in  Scotland,  and  has  lately  been  extended  to 
England  for  the  larger  dioceses  (Taunton,  p.  220). 

The  general  law  of  the  Church  with  regard  to 
curates  is  mainly  concerned  with  their  appointment 
and  their  right  to  proper  support.  By  common  ec- 
clesiastical law  the  appointment  of  curates  belongs 
to  the  parish  jiriest  aiul  not  to  the  bishop  (c.  30,  X, 
3,  5;  Council  of  'Prciit,  Se.ss.  XXI,  cap.  iv,  de  Ref.). 
But  the  bishop  can  ol)lige  the  parLsh  priest  to  accept 
a  curate  when  the  former  cannot  do  his  work,  either 
on  account  of  physical  or  mental  weakness  or  on 
account  of  ignorance;  and  it  belongs  to  the  bishop, 
and  not  to  the  parish  priest,  to  judge  whether  one  or 
more  curates  are  necessarj',  also  to  jjrovidc  for  their 
examination,  approbation,  and  the  issuing  of  faculties 
to  them.  In  English-speaking  countries,  also  in 
France,  Spain,  Cermany,  and  .\ustria,  curates  are 
appointed   by   the   bishop    (or   vicar-general),   who 


CURATOR 


571 


CURATOR 


determines  their  salary  and  may  remove  them  from 
one  mission  to  another.  By  a  particular  reply  of  the 
Congregation  of  the  Council,  14  August,  186.3,  it  is 
e.xpressly  provided  that  this  custom,  derogatorj'  to 
the  common  law,  shall  be  observed  until  the  Apostolic 
See  makes  other  provision. 

The  bishop  can  assign  to  the  curate  a  salary  from 
the  income  of  the  church.  If  the  income  of  the 
church  is  not  sufficient  the  parish  priest  is  not  to 
suffer;  but  according  to  the  common  opinion,  the 
bishop,  as  far  as  he  can,  must  provide  from  other 
sources  for  the  curate.  By  common  law  the  stole  fees 
(q.  v.)  belong  to  the  parish  priest,  therefore  the  bishop 
cannot  make  them  part  of  the  salary  of  the  curate. 
Still,  the  Council  of  Trent  says  that  the  bishop  can 
assign  a  salarj^  from  the  fruits  of  the  benefice,  or  other- 
wise provide;  hence  it  seems  to  some  that  he  might 
use  the  stole  fees  as  part  of  the  salary  of  the  curate. 
The  custom  of  each  diocese  is  a  sure  guide  on  this 
point;  in  any  case,  there  is  always  the  opportunity  of 
appeal  to  Rome  in  a  case  of  more  than  ordinary  diffi- 
culty. Tlie  authority  of  the  curate  is  gathered  from 
his  letter  of  appointment,  the  diocesan  statutes,  and 
legitimate  custom.  Its  actual  limitations  may  also 
be  gathered  from  the  manuals  of  canon  law  most  used 
in  the  various  Catholic  countries.  As  a  general  rule, 
curates  are  not  moved  without  good  reason  from  the 
churches  which  they  serve;  such  a  reason  should  be 
the  promotion  of  the  curate,  the  good  of  a  particular 
parish,  or  the  general  good  of  the  diocese.  This  latter 
is  fairly  comprehensive  and  gives  the  bishop  a  wide 
discretion.  Bishops  are  advised  to  act  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, in  a  manner  agreeable  to  the  parish  priest  or 
rector. 

In  England  the  synods  of  Westminster  provide 
that  in  each  mi.ssion  one  priest  is  appointed  to  be  the 
first  (primux),  with  the  duty  of  attending  to  the  cure 
of  souls  and  the  administration  of  the  church  or  con- 
gregation. Alms  given  for  Masses  are  the  property 
of  each  individual  priest.  Stole  fees  are  not  always 
dealt  with  in  the  same  way  in  each  mission.  It  is 
recommended  that  a  course  be  followed  which  is  most 
conducive  to  lightening  the  burdens  of  the  mission. 
Curates  ought  to  inform  the  head  priest  as  often  as 
they  are  absent  from  the  presbytery,  even  for  a  day; 
they  should  not  be  absent  for  a  Sunday  or  a  Holy 
Day  of  obligation  without  the  leave  of  the  bishop  or 
vicar-general,  except  in  case  of  urgency,  in  which  case 
the  curate,  on  leaving  home,  ought  as  soon  as  possible 
to  inform  the  bishop  of  said  urgency,  and  should  leave 
a  suitable  priest  to  supply  his  place.  Curates  must 
not  consider  that  they  are  freed  from  work  merely 
because  they  are  not  charged  with  the  administration 
of  a  mission.  It  is  their  duty,  under  the  rector,  to 
help  hun  by  preaching,  by  hearing  confessions,  by 
teaching  children  the  catechism,  by  visiting  the  sick 
and  administering  to  them  the  sacraments,  and  by 
fulfilling  .all  the  other  duties  of  a  missionary.  Rarely 
should  (-unites  take  meals  elsewhere  than  in  the  pres- 
hj-tery  at  the  common  table;  much  less  should  this 
become  habitual.  In  Ireland  the  synods  of  May- 
nooth  forbid  any  curate  to  incur  a  debt  of  over  £20; 
should  he  tlo  so,  he  is  liable  to  censure.  If  disputes 
ari.se  between  the  parish  priest  and  the  curate,  the 
matter  is  to  be  referred  to  the  bi.shop.  and  in  the 
meantime  the  curate  is  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the 
parish  priest.  Every  week  the  curate  is  to  meet  the 
parish  priest  in  order  to  receive  from  him  instructions 
as  to  the  arrangements  for  the  coming  week  (it  is  to 
be  noted  that  in  some  parts  of  Ireland  the  curate 
resides  apart  from  the  parish  priest).  Absence  from 
the  parish,  even  for  one  night  is  to  be  notifieil  to  the 
parish  priest;  absence  for  three  days  is  to  lie  notified 
to  the  bishop,  .\bsence  for  five  days  requires  the 
written  permission  of  the  bi.sliop,  as  does  also  ab.sence 
on  Sunday  or  a  Holy  D.ay  of  obligation.  Certain 
Other  statutes  are   incorporated   in   the  synods   of 


Maynooth  which  apply  equally  to  curates  and  parish 
priests.  Thus,  no  person  is  to  be  declared  excom- 
municated unless  the  bishop  has  given  his  written 
authority  for  such  proceedings.  Priests  are  on  no 
account  to  make  personal  remarks  about  their  parish- 
ioners in  church.  All  parochial  moneys  received  are 
to  be  entered  in  a  book  which  Ls  kept  by  the  parish 
priest.  Sick  priests,  before  they  receive  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Extreme  Unction,  are  "to  hand  over  to  the 
vicar  forane  or  other  responsible  priest,  the  pyx,  holy 
oil  vessel,  registers,  and  all  other  things  which  pertain 
to  the  church;  should  the  priest  die,  his  colleagues  are 
to  take  the  utmost  care  that  all  papers,  letters,  etc. 
are  locked  up  and  so  safeguarded  from  the  danger  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  unauthorized  lay  people. 

The  Second  Council  of  Quebec  deals  in  detail  with 
the  ecclesiastical  status  (rights  and  duties)  of  curates 
in  French  Canada  (see  Discipline  du  Diocese  de  Que- 
bec, Quebec,  189.5,  pp.  211,  252,  and  Gignac,  Coni- 
Send.  jur.  eccl.  ad  usum  Cleri  Canad.,  ibid.,  1901, 
'e  personis,  .398  sqq.).  In  the  United  States  alsoi 
and  in  other  English-speaking  countries,  the  statutes 
of  various  dioceses  and  the  legislation  of  some  prov- 
incial synods  (e.  g.  Fifth  New  York,  1886)  regulate  in 
similar  detail  the  duties  of  a  curate,  e.  g.  the  continu- 
ous residence  that  his  office  calls  for  (see  Reside.ncf., 
Oblig.itign  of)  and  other  statutory  priestly  obliga- 
tions. Apropos  of  the  relations  between  parish 
priests  and  their  curates,  many  modern  diocesan  and 
provincial  synods  repeat  with  insistence  the  immemo- 
rial principles  that  govern  the  exercise  of  ecclesiastical 
authority  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  cure  of  souls  (cura 
animoru/n),  viz.:  on  the  part  of  the  parish  priest, 
paternal  benevolence  and  mildness  of  direction,  due 
recognition  of  the  priestly  character  of  his  assistants, 
equitable  distribution  of  the  parochial  duties  and  bur- 
dens, good  example  in  religious  zeal  and  works,  wise 
counsel  of  the  young  and  inexperienced,  practical 
guidance  in  all  that  pertains  to  the  spiritual  and  even 
the  temporal  welfare  of  the  parish ;  on  the  part  of  the 
curate,  willing  obedience  to  his  superior,  due  consulta- 
tion in  all  matters  of  importance,  filial  co-operation, 
respect  for  the  parLsh  priest's  office  and  pricsily  repu- 
tation, a  peaceful  and  even  patient  attitude  when  the 
curate  seems  wronged,  and  recourse  to  the  diocesan 
authority  only  when  charity  has  exhausted  her  sug- 
gestions (.Synod  of  Miinster,  1897,  147  sqq.,  in  Lauren- 
tius,  op.  cit.  below,  pp.  170-71).  Similar  advice  and 
suggestions  are  found  in  many  modern  writings  on  the 
priesthood  (e.  g.  the  works  of  Cardinals  Manning, 
Gibbons,  Vaughan,  and  those  of  Mach,  Keating,  etc.). 
(See  Competency;  Congrua;  P.\^uish;  Pahish 
Priest;  Vicar;  Chaplain;  Priest.) 

Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York.  1SS7); 
LAURENTIU8,  InstitxU.  juris  eccl.  (FreibuFK.  19031,  nn.  210-11; 
Wernz,  Jus  Decretal.  (Rome,  1899),  II,  nn.  837-39;  Bar<;il- 
UAT,  Pralecl.  juris  can.  (24lh  ed.,  Paris,  190S);  Boi'ix,  De 
parocho  (Paris,  18.55);  Helkert,  Traite  dcs  vicainx  paroissiaux 
m  Analecia  juris  ponlif.  (1861).  8.-J8  sqq.;  De.necbourg,  Etude 
canoniquc  sur  Ics  vicaires  paroissiaux  (Paris.  1871);  Archiv  f. 
kath.  Kirchenrecht  (1878)  XXXIX.  .3;  (1879).  -XLII,  410.— 
For  the  office  and  condition  of  curates  in  tiie  ('hurch  of  Eng- 
land, see  Phili.imore.  The  ^Ecclesiastical  ljau?s  of  the  Church  of 
England  (London.  1873.  1876);  Makower,  Constitution  of 
The  Church  of  England  (London,  1896);  and  Cripps.  A 
Practical  Treatise  on  the  Law  lielating  to  the  Church  and  Clergy 
(6th  ed.,  London,  1886). 

David  Dunford. 

Curator  (Lat.  mrarc),  a  person  legally  appointed 
to  administer  the  [jroperty  of  another,  who  is  un.ablc  to 
undertake  its  management  himself,  owing  to  age  or 
physical  incompetence,  boilily  or  mental.  Curators 
are  often  confounded  with  tutors,  but  they  differ  in 
many  respects.  Tutors  are  appointed  principally  for 
the  guardianship  of  persims,  and  only  .secondarily  for 
the  care  of  property;  while  curators  are  deputed 
mainly  and  sometimes  solely  for  temporal  concerns 
and  only  incidentally  as  guarilians  of  persons.  Be- 
sides, a  tutor  is  appointed  for  minors,  while  a  curator 


CURt 


572 


CURIUM 


may  have  charge  of  incompetent  persons  of  any  age. 
Finally,  a  tutor  cannot  be  commissioned  for  a  particu- 
lar or  determined  duty,  though  a  curator  may  receive 
such  an  appointment.  When  the  ward  of  a  tutor  has 
reached  his  majority,  the  tutor  may  become  curator 
until  the  ward  is  twenty-five  years  of  age,  but  he  can- 
not be  compelled  to  undertake  such  a  charge.  Cura- 
tors, according  to  law,  are  to  be  constituted  for  those 
who  are  mentally  weak,  for  prodigals,  and  those  ad- 
dicted inordinately  to  gambling.  The  administration 
of  property  cannot,  however,  be  taken  from  a  person 
merely  because  he  lives  luxuriously.  Curators  may 
also  be  appointed  for  captives,  for  the  absent,  and  the 
deaf  and  dumb.  A  husband  may  not  be  constituted 
curator  for  his  wife. 

Before  the  curator  enters  upon  the  administration 
of  property,  he  is  obliged  to  give  proper  bond  for  his 
fidelity.  Whatever  salary  he  receives  must  be  deter- 
mined by  a  judge.  If  he  did  not  demand  a  salary  at 
the  beginning  of  his  administration,  but  later  requests 
one,  the  j  udge  is  to  fix  the  amount  of  such  salary  only 
for  the  future,  not  for  the  past.  The  obligation  of  a 
curator  to  render  an  account  of  his  administration 
after  the  time  of  wardship  has  past  constitutes  an 
ecclesiastical  impediment  to  entrance  into  the  religious 
state  until  such  obligation  has  been  duly  discharged. 
As  regards  the  administration  of  property,  curators 
are  obhged  to  take  such  care  of  it  as  would  a  diligent 
parent.  They  are  therefore  to  see  that  the  rents  are 
collected,  that  the  yearly  income  be  not  lessened,  that 
less  useful  goods  be  sold,  and  that  money  be  not  al- 
lowed to  lie  idle.  In  case  the  property  of  the  ward 
suffer  by  the  administration  of  the  curator,  the  latter 
is  obliged  in  conscience  to  make  restitution,  if  the  de- 
terioration was  caused  by  culpable  negligence  on  his 
part. 

Ferrams,  Bibl.  Canon.,  s.  v.  Tiitela  (Rome,  1891),  VII;  An- 
dre-Wagner, Diet,  du  droit  can.  (Paris,  1901). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Cure  d'Ars.  See  Jean  -  B.^ptiste  Viannet, 
Blessed. 

Cure  of  Souls  (Lat.  cura  animarum),  technically, 
the  exercise  of  a  clerical  office  involving  the  instruc- 
tion, by  sermons  and  admonitions,  and  the  sanctifica- 
tion,  through  the  sacraments,  of  the  faithful  in  a  de- 
termined district,  by  a  person  legitimately  appointed 
for  the  purpose.  Those  specially  having  cure  of  souls 
are  the  pope  for  the  entire  Church,  the  bishops  in  their 
dioceses,  and  the  parish  priests  in  their  respective  par- 
ishes. Others  may  likewise  have  part  in  the  cure  of 
souls  in  subordination  to  these.  Thus  in  missionary 
countries  where  episcopal  sees  have  not  yet  been 
erected,  those  who  labour  for  the  salvation  of  souls 
are  in  a  special  manner  sharers  of  the  particular  re- 
sponsibility of  the  Vicar  of  Christ  for  those  regions. 
In  like  manner,  a  parish  priest  may  have  curates  who 
attend  to  the  wants  of  a  particular  portion  of  the  par- 
ish, subordinate  to  himself.  The  object  of  the  cure  of 
souls  is  the  salvation  of  men,  and  hence  it  is  a  continua- 
tion of  Christ's  mission  on  earth.  As  the  Redeemer  es- 
tablished a  church  which  was  to  govern,  teach,  and 
sanctify  the  world,  it  necessarily  follows  that  those 
who  are  to  assist  in  the  work  of  the  Church  must  ob- 
tain their  mission  from  her  alone.  "  How  shall  they 
preach,  unless  they  be  sent?"  (Rom.,  x,  15). 

The  canonical  nii.'ision  of  a  priest  Ls  derived  from  the 
Apostolic  succession  in  the  Church.  This  succession 
is  twofold:  Holy  orders  and  authority.  The  first  is 
perpetuated  by  means  of  bishops;  tlie  latter  by  the 
living  magistracy  of  the  Church,  of  which  the  head  is 
the  pope,  who  is  the  source  of  jurisdiction.  Both  ele- 
nents  enter  into  the  mission  of  him  who  has  cure  of 
souls:  Holy  orders,  that  he  may  offer  sacrifice  and 
administer  the  sacraments,  which  are  the  ordinary 
channels  of  sanctification  employed  by  the  Holy 
Ghost;   and  jurisdiction,  that  he  may  teach  correct 


doctrine,  free  his  subjects  from  sins  and  censures,  and 
govern  them  in  accordance  with  the  canons  of  the 
Church.  The  power  of  Holy  orders  is  radically  com- 
mon to  all  priests  by  virtue  of  their  valid  ordination, 
but  the  power  of  jurisdiction  is  ordinary  only  in  pope, 
bishops,  and  parish  priests,  and  extraordinary  or  dele- 
gated in  others.  It  is  plain,  then,  that  while  valid 
orders  may  exist  outside  the  Catholic  Church,  juris- 
diction cannot,  as  its  so\irce  is  the  Vicar  of  Christ  and 
it  is  possessed  only  so  far  as  he  confers  it  or  does  not 
limit  it.  The  duties  of  those  who  have  cure  of  souls 
are  all  carefully  defined  in  the  sacred  canons.  (See 
Pope;  Blshop;  Parish  Priest.) 

We  have  here  touched  only  upon  what  is  common  to 
the  idea  of  a  pastor  of  the  faithful.  It  is  plain  that  the 
closer  the  bond  existing  between  the  subordinate 
members  of  the  hierarchy  and  their  superiors,  and  be- 
tween pastors  and  their  people,  the  more  eifective  will 
be  the  work  done  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  If  the 
pastor  be  earnest  in  preaching  and  admonishing,  un- 
remitting in  the  tribunal  of  penance  and  visitation  of 
the  sick,  charitable  to  the  poor,  kind  yet  firm  in  his 
dealings  with  all  the  members  of  his  flock,  observant 
of  the  regulations  of  the  Church  as  to  his  office  and 
particularly  that  of  dwelling  among  his  people  (see 
Residence,  Ecclesiastical),  that  he  may  know  them 
and  bring  them  succour  at  all  times ;  and  if,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  people  be  truly  desirous  for  their  own 
salvation,  obedient  towards  their  pastor,  zealous  to 
obtain  and  employ  the  means  of  sanctification,  and 
mindful  of  their  obligations  as  members  of  a  parish  to 
enable  their  pastor  to  institute  and  improve  the 
parochial  institutions  necessary  for  the  proper  further- 
ance of  the  object  of  the  Church,  we  shall  have  the 
true  idea  of  the  cure  of  souls  as  intentled  by  Christ  and 
as  legislated  for  in  the  canons  of  His  Church. 

Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Low  (New  York,  1S95),  I; 
tnstructio  Pastoralis  Eycstettensis  (Freiburg,  1900);  Bouix,  De 
Parocho  (Paris,  1880,  3rd  ed.). 

Willlam  H.  W.  Fanning. 
Curi,  Diocese  op.     See  Sabina. 
Curia  Romana.     See  Roman  Citria. 

Curityba  do  Parana,  Diocese  of  (CrrRTTUBENsis 
DE  Parana),  suffragan  of  Sao  Sebastiao  (Rio  de  Ja- 
neiro), Brazil.  The  city  of  Curityba,  on  the  Iguazu 
River,  was  settled  in  1 654  and  became  the  capital  of  the 
State  of  Parand  in  1831.  It  lies  in  a  fertile  plain  3200 
feet  above  sea-level,  and  has  gold  mines  in  the  vicinity. 
Erected  by  Bull  of  Leo  XIII,  "Ad  Universas"  (27 
April,  1892),  the  Diocese  of  Curityba  embraces  the 
states  of  Parand  and  Santa  Catarina,  an  area  of 
114,087  sq.  m.,  and  contains  a  Catholic  population  of 
600,900,  with  69  parishes,  68  secular  and  21  regular 
priests,  2  religious  orders  of  men  and  3  of  women,  1 
seminary,  2  colleges,  and  1  Catholic  school  with  an  at- 
tendance of  350. 

Battandier,  Ann.  pont.  calk.  (Paris,  1906);  Ann.  eccl. 
(Rome,  1908). 

F.    M.    RUDGE. 

Curium,  a  titular  .see  of  Cyprus,  suppressed  in  1222 
by  the  papal  legate,  Pelagius.  Koureus,  son  of  Kiny- 
ras,  is  said  to  have  founded  Kourion  on  the  south- 
west coast  of  Cyprus,  west  of  Cajie  Kourias  (now 
Gata),  and  to  ha\'e  settled  a  colony  of  Argives  there 
in  1595  B.  c.  The  city  became  the  capital  of  one  of 
the  kingdoms  in  the  island.  On  the  site  of  tlie  ruins 
is  the  modern  village  of  Ejiiskopi  ('Eirio-xoTrTj),  near 
the  sea,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Lykos;  it  was  here 
that  Cesnola  discovered  the  many  precious  antiquities 
now  in  the  MetrojioMtan  Museum,  New  York  City. 
In  the  Middle  Ages  Kpiskopi  belonged  first  to  the 
Ibelin  family,  counts  of  Jaffa,  and  later  to  the  Vene- 
tian family  of  Cornaro,  wlio  ownotl  valuable  sugar- 
cane plantations  there.  It  is  still  the  centre  of  a  very 
fertile  district.     The  tomb  of  St.  Hermogencs  and  ms 


CURLET 


573 


CURSING 


relics  are  preserved  in  the  church.  Only  two  bishops 
of  Curium  are  recorded:  Zeno,  present  at  the  Council 
of  Ephesus  (431),  and  Michael,  in  10,51.  Ricaut  (Tlie 
Present  State  of  the  Greek  and  Armenian  Churches, 
London,  1679,  ]>.  94)  mentions  a  Bishoji  Cosma-s  who 
resided  there,  who  was,  however,  probably  a  titular 
or  a  superannuated  bishop. 

Lequien,  Or.  Christ.,  II.  1057;  Hackett,  A  History  of  the 
Orthodox  Church  of  Cyprus,  312,  456:  Ma.s-Latrie,  Histoire  de 
Chj/pre,  passim;  Idem,  L'tle  de  Chypre,  22;  di  Cesnola, 
Cyprtts. 

S.  Petrides. 

Curley,  J.\mes,  astronomer,  b.  at  Athleague,  County 
Roscommon,  Ireland,  26  October,  1796;  d.  at  George- 
town. District  of  Columbia,  U.  S.,  24  July,  1S89.  His 
early  education  was  limited,  though  his  talent  for 
mathematics  was  discovered,  and  to  some  extent 
de\eloped,  by  a  teacher  in  liis  native  town.  He  left 
Ireland  in  his  youth,  arriving  in  Pliiladelphia,  10  Octo- 
ber, 1817.  Here  he  worked  for  two  years  as  a  book- 
keeper and  then  taught  mathematics  at  Frederick, 
Maryland.  In  1826  he  became  a  student  at  tlie  old 
seminary  in  Washington,  intending  to  prepare  him- 
self for  the  priesthood,  and  at  the  same  time  taught 
one  of  its  classes.  The  seminary,  however,  which 
had  been  established  in  1820,  was  closed  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  and  he  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  29 
September.  1827.  After  completing  his  novitiate  he 
again  taught  in  Frederick  and  was  sent  (1831)  to 
teach  natural  philo.sophy  at  Georgetown  CoUege.  He 
also  studied  theologj'  and  was  ordained  priest  on  1 
June,  1833.  His  first  Mass  was  said  at  the  Visitation 
Convent,  Georgetown,  where  he  afterwards  acted  as 
chaplain  for  fifty  years.  He  spent  the  remainder  of 
his  life  at  Georgetown,  where  he  tauglit  natural  phil- 
osophy and  mathematics  for  forty-eight  years.  He 
planned  and  superintended  the  building  of  the  George- 
towTi  Observatorj'  in  1844  and  was  its  first  director, 
filling  tliis  position  for  many  years.  One  of  his 
earliest  achievements  was  the  determination  of  the 
longitude  of  Washington.  His  results  did  not  agree 
wntli  those  obtained  at  the  Naval  Observatorj',  and 
it  was  not  until  after  the  laying  of  the  first  transat- 
lantic cable  in  1858  that  lus  determination  was  found 
to  be  near  the  truth.  The  coincidence,  however,  was 
partly  accidental,  as  the  method  which  he  employed 
was  not  susceptible  of  very  great  precision.  Fatlier 
Curley  was  alio  much  interested  in  botany.  He  is 
best  remembered,  however,  as  a  teacher.  He  WTote 
"Annals  of  the  Observatory  of  Georgeto^Ti  College, 
D.  C.  containing  the  description  of  the  Observatory 
and  the  description  and  use  of  the  transit  instrument 
and  meridian  circle"  (New  York,  1852). 

Woodstock  Letters.  XVIII.  3;  Shea.  History  of  Georgetown 
College  (Washington.  1891);  McLacghun,  CoUege  Days  at 
Georgetown  (Philadelphia,  1899). 

H.  M.  Brock. 

Curr,  Joseph,  priest,  controversialist,  and  martyr 
of  charity,  b.  at  Sheffield,  England,  in  the  Last  quarter 
of  the  eighteenth  ccnturj' ;  d.  at  Leeds,  29  June,  1847. 
He  was  educated  at  Crook  Hall,  County  Durham,  and 
Ushaw  College,  was  ordained  a  priest  and  served  for 
some  years  the  missions  in  Rook  Street  and  Granby 
Row,  Manchester,  where  he  engaged  in  controversy 
with  the  Protestant  Bible  Association.  Later,  after  a 
retirement  to  La  Trappe  in  France,  he  returned  to 
Ushaw,  going  thence  to  Callaly,  Northumberland. 
About  1840  he  was  at  St.  Albans,"Blackburn,  with  Dr. 
Sharjiles,  until  the  latter  was  consecrated  Bishop  of 
Samaria  in  partihus.  Father  Curr  then  went  to  Whit- 
by, remaining  there  until  about  1846.  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  Sheffield.  During  thetyphasfeverepidemic 
of  1847,  Leedswasalmost  bereft  of  priests;  Father  Curr 
volunteered  for  service  there,  and  fell  a  victim  to  the 
disease.  His  principal  works  are:  "The  Instructor's 
Assistant",  long  used  in  Manchester  Sunday  Schools ; 
"Visits  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  to  tlie  Blessed 


Virgin",  from  the  Italian  of  Liguori  (Manchester); 
"Spiritual  Retreat",  adapted  from  Bourdaloue; 
"Familiar  Instructions  in  Catholic  Faith  and  Moral- 
ity" (Manchester,  1827).  There  remain  two  sermons, 
also  several  pamphlets  and  newspaper  letters  of  a  con- 
troversial character. 

Orthodox  Journal  (1835),  36,  40;  Gillow,  Bibl.  Diet,  of  Erw. 
Cath.,  I,  608.  * 

Patrick  Ryan. 

Curry,  John,  doctor  of  medicine  and  Irish  his- 
torian; b.  in  Dublin  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
eighteenth  century;  d.  there,  1780.  He  studied 
medicine  at  Paris  and  Reims  and  returned  to  Dub- 
lin to  practise  his  profession.  He  was  an  ardent 
Catholic  and,  to  refute  the  calumnies  levelled  .against 
his  coreligionists,  published  in  London,  in  1747,  a 
"Brief  .\ccount  from  the  most  authentic  Protestant 
AVriters  of  the  Irish  Rebellion,  1641".  This  was 
bitterly  attacked  by  Walter  Harris  in  a  volume  pub- 
lished in  Dublin,  1752,  and  in  reply  Curry  published 
his  "Historical  Memoirs",  afterwards  enlarged  and 
published  (1775)  under  the  title  "An  Historical  and 
Critical  Review  of  the  Civil  Wars  in  Ireland".  This 
is  his  best  work;  a  new  edition  of  it,  enlarged  from 
Curry's  manuscript,  was  published  by  Charles  O'Con- 
nor of  Belnagare,  in  2  vols.  (Dublin,  1786),  and  in 
one  vol.  (Dublin,  1810).  In  this  work,  after  a  brief 
glance  over  the  developments  in  Ireland  after  the 
invasion  of  Henrj'  II,  he  takes  up  the  real  history  at 
the  reign  of  Elizabeth  and  carries  it  down  to  the 
Settlement  under  William  III.  Curry  took  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  struggle  of  the  Irish  Catholics  for 
the  repeal  of  the  Penal  Laws,  and  was  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  (Irish)  Catholic  Committee  which 
met  in  Esse.x  Street,  1760.  Besides  the  works  al- 
ready mentioned,  he  published  "An  Essay  on  Ordi- 
nary- Fevers"  (London,  1743)  and  "Some  Thoughts 
on  the  Nature  of  Fevers"  (London,  1774). 

Memoir  bv  Charles  O'Connor  in  the  editions  of  Historical 
Review  published  at  DubUn,  1786.  1810;  Wyse.  Sketch  of  the 
Catholic  .i.i.iociation  (London,  1829);  Webb,  Compendium  of 
Irish  Biography  (Dublin,  1878). 

James  MacC.^ffrey. 

Cursing. — In  its  popular  acceptation  cursing  is 
often  confounded,  especially  in  the  phrase  "cursing 
and  swearing",  with  the  use  of  profane  and  insulting 
language;  in  canon  law  it  sometimes  signifies  the  ban 
of  excommunication  pronounced  by  the  Church.  In 
its  more  common  Biblical  sense  it  means  the  opposite 
of  blessing  (cf.  Num..  .xxiii,  27),  and  is  generally 
either  a  threat  of  the  Divine  wrath,  or  its  actual  visi- 
tation, or  its  prophetic  announcement,  though  occa- 
sionally it  is  a  mere  petition  that  calamity  may  be 
visited  by  God  on  persons  or  things  in  refpiital  for 
wrongdoing.  Thim  among  many  other  instances  we 
find  God  cursing  the  serpent  (Gen.,  iii,  14),  the  earth 
(Gen.,  iii,  17),  and  Cain  (Gen.,  iv,  11).  Similarly  Noe 
curses  Chanaan  (Gen.,  ix,  25);  Josue,  him  who  should 
build  the  city  of  Jericho  (Jos.,  vi,  26-27);  and  in  various 
books  of  the  Old  Testament  there  are  long  lists  of 
curses  against  transgressors  of  the  Law  (cf.  Lev., 
xxvi,  14-25;  Deut.,  x.xvii,  15,  etc.).  So,  too,  in  the 
New  Testament,  Christ  curses  the  barren  fig-tree 
(Mark,  xi,  14),  pronounces  his  denunciation  of  woe 
against  the  increduloiis  cities  (M.att.,  xi,  21),  against 
the  rich,  the  worKlliiig,  the  scribes  and  the  Pharisees, 
and  foretells  the  awful  malediction  that  is  to  come 
upon  the  damned  (Matt  ,  xx\',  41).  The  word  curse 
is  also  applied  to  the  victim  of  expiation  for  sin  (Gal., 
iii,  13),  to  sins  temporal  and  eternal  (Gen.,  ii,  17; 
Matt.,  X.XV,  41). 

In  moral  theology,  to  curse  is  to  call  down  evil  upon 
God  or  creatures,  rational  or  irrational,  living  or  dead. 
St.  Thomas  treats  of  it  under  the  name  malcdiciio, 
and  says  that  imprecation  may  be  made  either  effi- 
caciously and  by  way  of  command,  as  when  made  by 


CURSORES 


574 


CURSOR 


God,  or  inefficaciously  and  as  a  mere  expression  of 
desire.  From  the  fact  that  we  find  many  instances 
of  curses  made  by  God  and  his  representatives,  the 
Church  and  the  Prophets,  it  is  seen  that  the  act  of 
cursing  is  not  necessarily  sinful  in  itself;  like  other 
moral  acts  it  takes  its  sinful  character  from  the  object, 
the  end,  and  the  circumstances.  Thus  it  is  always  a 
sin,  and  the  greatest  of  sins,  to  curse  God,  for  to  do  so 
involves  both  the  irreverence  of  blasphemy  and  the 
malice  of  hatred  of  the  Divinity.  It  is  likewise  blas- 
phemy, and  consequently  a  grievous  sin  against  the 
Second  Commandment,  to  curse  creatures  of  any  kind 
precisely  because  they  are  the  work  of  God.  If,  how- 
ever, the  imprecation  be  directed  towards  irrational 
creatures  not  on  account  of  their  relation  to  God,  but 
simply  as  they  are  in  themselves,  the  guilt  is  no 
greater  than  that  which  attaches  to  vain  and  idle 
words,  except  where  grave  scandal  is  given,  or  the 
evil  wished  to  the  irrational  creature  cannot  be  sepa- 
rated from  serious  loss  to  a  rational  creature,  as  would 
be  the  case  were  one  to  wish  the  death  of  another's 
horse,  or  the  destruction  of  his  house  by  fire,  for  such 
wishes  involved  serious  violation  of  charity. 

Curses  which  imply  rebellion  against  Divine  Provi- 
dence, or  denial  of  His  goodness  or  other  attributes, 
such  as  curses  of  the  weather,  the  winds,  the  world, 
the  Christian  Faith,  are  not  generally  grievous  sins,  be- 
cause the  full  content  and  implication  of  such  expres- 
sions is  seldom  realized  by  those  who  use  them.  The 
common  imprecations  against  animate  or  inanimate 
objects  which  cause  vexation  or  pain,  those  against 
enterprises  which  fail  of  success,  so,  too,  the  impreca- 
tions that  spring  from  impatience,  little  outbreaks  of 
anger  over  petty  annoyances,  and  those  spoken  lightly, 
inconsiderately,  under  sudden  impulse  or  in  joke,  are, 
as  a  rule,  only  venial  sins, — the  evil  being  slight  and 
not  seriously  desired.  To  call  down  moral  evil  upon 
a  rational  creature  is  always  illicit,  and  the  same  holds 
good  of  physical  evil,  unless  it  be  desired  not  as  evil, 
but  only  in  so  far  as  it  is  good,  for  example,  as  a 
punishment  for  misdeeds,  or  a  means  to  amendment, 
or  an  obstacle  to  commission  of  sin ;  for  in  such  cases 
the  principal  intention,  as  St.  Thomas  says,  is  directed 
per  se  towards  what  is  good.  When,  however,  evil  is 
wished  another  precisely  because  it  is  evil  and  with 
malice  prepense,  there  is  always  sin,  the  gravity  of 
which  varies  with  the  seriousness  of  the  evil;  if  it  be 
of  considfrahle  magnitude,  the  sin  will  be  grievous,  if 
of  trifling  character,  the  sin  will  be  venial.  It  is  to 
be  noted  that  merely  verbal  curses,  even  without  any 
desire  of  fulfilment,  become  grievous  sins  when  ut- 
tered against  and  in  the  presence  of  those  who  are 
invested  with  special  claims  to  reverence.  A  child, 
therefore,  would  sin  grievously  who  should  curse 
father,  mother,  or  grandfather,  or  those  who  hold  the 
place  of  parents  in  his  regard,  provided  he  does  so  to 
their  very  face,  even  though  he  does  this  merely  with 
the  lips  and  not  with  the  heart.  Such  an  act  is  a 
serious  violation  of  the  virtue  of  piety.  Between 
other  degrees  of  kindred  verbal  curses  are  forbidden 
only  imder  pain  of  venial  sin.  To  curse  the  devil  is 
not  of  itself  a  sin ;  to  curse  the  dead  is  not  ordinarily 
a  grievous  sin,  because  no  serious  injury  is  done 
them,  but  to  curse  the  saints  or  holy  things,  as  the 
sacraments,  is  generally  blasphemy,  as  their  relation 
to  God  is  generally  perceived. 

LisK-TKi  in  \i';  ,  nirt.tlrln  Riblr,  s.  V.  Malediction;  Lkvias 
in  ./,H,:./,  J':nni'-l'n"'lio.  s.  v.;  St.  Thomas,  Sum.  Theol.,  II-II. 
xxvi;  Sr.  .\i.i'ho.\si-.s,  Theol.  Moral.,  IV,  tract,  ii;  Ballerini- 
I'almikiu,  Ti-act.  vii,  sect,  ii;  Lehmkuhl,  Theol.  Moral.,  I, 
183;  Redtek.  Nco-Confessarius  (1905),  104;  Noldin,  Qutcs. 
Moral..l,2-H.  j     jj     FiSHER. 

Cursores  Apostolici,  Latin  title  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal heralds  or  pursuivants  ix-rtaining  to  the  papal 
court.  Their  origin  is  placed  in  the  twelfth  century, 
and  they  fulfilled  for  the  pontifical  government  the 
duties  entrusted  to  heralds  by  civil  states.     From  the 


sixteenth  century  onward  they  formed  part  of  the 
Roman  Curia  in  its  broader  sense,  and  are  at  present 
reckoned  members  of  the  pontifical  family.  Their 
number  is  fLxed  at  nineteen,  and  they  are  subject  to 
the  major-domo.  The  principal  duties  of  the  cursores 
are  to  invite  those  who  are  to  take  part  in  consistories 
and  functions  in  the  papal  chapel ;  to  act  as  servitors 
in  the  pontifical  palace  and  as  doorkeepers  of  the  con- 
clave; to  affix  papal  rescripts  to  the  doors  of  the 
greater  Roman  basilicas;  to  issue  the  summons  for 
attendance  at  canonizations,  the  funerals  of  cardinals, 
etc.  As  the  cursores  are  representatives  of  the  pope, 
they  must  be  received  with  the  respect  becoming  the 
personage  in  whose  name  they  speak,  and  their  invita- 
tion has  the  force  of  a  judicial  summons.  In  the 
early  ages  of  the  Church,  an  institution  somewhat 
similar  to  that  of  the  cursores  is  found  in  messengers, 
chosen  from  among  the  clergy,  to  carry  important  ti- 
dings from  one  bishop  to  another  or  from  the  bishop  to 
his  flock.  They  were  much  used  in  times  of  persecu- 
tion and  they  are  frequently  referred  to  in  the  writings 
of  the  Fathers  as  prcEcones,  inlernuntii,  etc.  As  guar- 
dians of  the  assemblies  of  the  faithful,  they  were  called 
vigilia;.  Despite  these  resemblances  to  the  modern 
cursores,  however,  it  seems  evident  that  the  latter  took 
their  rise  from  the  employment  of  heralds  by  civil 
states,  rather  than  from  the  prwcones  of  the  early 
Church.  Episcopal  courts  have  likewise  cursores  or 
apparitors  among  their  officials. 

Chajsson,  Man.  jut.  can.  (Paris.  1899),  IV ;  Akdre-Wag- 
NER,  Diet,  du  droit  can.  (Paris,  1901). 

WlLLI.tM    H.    W.    F.4.NNING. 

Cursor  Mundi  (The  Runner  op  the  World),  a 
Middle-English  poem  of  nearly  30,000  lines  containing 
a  sort  of  simimary  of  imiversal  history.  From  the 
large  nimiber  of  manuscripts  in  which  it  is  preserved, 
it  must  have  been  exceptionally  popular.  It  was 
originally  written,  as  certain  peculiarities  of  construc- 
tion and  vocabulary  clearly  show,  somewhere  in  the 
north  of  England,  but  of  the  author  nothing  can  be 
learnt  except  the  fact,  which  he  himself  tells  us, 
that  he  was  a  cleric.  He  must  have  lived  at  the 
close  of  the  thirteenth  and  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  his  poem  is  conjecturally  as- 
signed to  about  the  year  1300.  In  form  it  is  written 
in  eight-syllabled  couplets,  but  in  his  accoimt  of  the 
Passion  of  Christ  the  author  adopts  a  new  metre  of 
lines  of  eight  and  six  syllaliles  rhjaning  alternately. 
Although  the  poem  deals  with  universal  history,  the 
author  contrives  to  give  some  sort  of  unity  to  his  work 
by  grouping  it  around  the  theme  of  man's  redemption. 
He  explains  in  an  elaborate  jjrologue  how  folk  desire 
to  read  old  romances  relating  to  .Alexander,  Julius 
Caesar,  Troy,  Brutus,  Arthur,  Charlemagne,  etc.,  and 
how  only  those  men  are  esteemed  that  love  "para- 
mours". But  earthly  love  is  vain  and  full  of  disap- 
pointments. 

Therefore  bless  I  that  paramour  [i.  e.  Our  Lady] 
That  in  my  need  does  me  soccour 
That  saves  me  on  earth  from  sin 
And  heaven  bliss  me  helps  to  win. 

Mother  and  mayden  never-the-less 
Therefore  of  her  took  Jesu  flesh. 

He  goes  on  to  say  that  his  book  is  written  in  honour  of 
Mary  and  purposes  to  tell  about  the  Old  and  the  New 
Law  and  all  the  world,  of  the  Trinity,  the  fall  of  the 
Angels,  of  .\dani,  .Vbrahatn,  and  the  patriarchs,  then 
of  Christ 'scorning,  of  His  birth,  and  of  the  three  kings, 
etc.,  of  His  public  life  and  of  His  Pjission  and  Cruci- 
fixion, and  of  the  "Harrowing  of  Hell".  Thence  he 
will  go  on  to  the  Resurrection  and  .Ascension,  the  .A.s- 
smnjition  of  diu-  Lady,  the  Finding  of  the  Cross,  and 
then  to  .\ntirhrist  and  to  the  Day  of  Doom.  As  a 
sort  of  devotional  appendix  he  also  proposes  to  deal 


CtTRUBIS 


575 


CUSPINIAN 


with  Mary's  mourning  beneath  the  Cross  and  of  her 
("onception.     This  work  he  has  undertaken. 

In  to  English  Tongue  to  rode 

For  tlie  love  of  English  lede  [fieople] 

English  lede  of  England 

For  the  common  [folk]  to  understand. 

This  ambitious  programme  is  faithfully  carried  out 
with  considerable  literary  skill  and  a  devotional  feel- 
ing quite  out  of  the  common.  The  author  shows  him- 
self to  have  l)een  a  man  of  wide  reading.  Although 
his  main  authority  is  the  "Historia  Scholastica"  of 
Peter  Comestor  he  has  made  himself  acquainted  with  a 
number  of  other  books  in  English,  French,  and  Latin, 
and  his  work  may  be  regarded  as  a  storehouse  of  leg- 
ends not  all  of  which  have  been  traced  to  their  original 
sources.  Special  prominence  is  given  throughout  the 
work  to  the  history  of  the  Cross  which  for  some  reason 
(possibly  because  St.  Helena,  the  mother  of  Constan- 
tine,  was  reputed  to  have  been  of  British  birth)  was 
always  exceptionally  popular  in  England. 

After  commending  the  author's  "keen  eye  for  the 
picturesque",  a  recent  critic,  in  the  "Cambridge  His- 
tory of  English  Literature'',  remarks,  "The  strong 
humanity  which  runs  through  the  whole  work  is  one  of 
its  most  attractive  featvires  and  shows  that  the  writer 
was  full  of  sympathy  for  his  fellow-men." 

The  main  authority  upon  the  Cursor  Miindi  is  the  elaborate 
edition  of  the  noem  edited  hv  Dr.  Richard  Morris  for  the 
Early  English  Text  Society  (iST4-lS93.  3  vols.),  with  appen- 
dixes and  critical  appreciations  by  several  other  scholars.  The 
Cursor  Mundi  also  receives  full  attention  in  all  modern  histories 
of  English  literature,  of  which  the  best  is  the  Cambridge  History, 
edited  bj;  A.  W.  \Vari\  Cambridge,  1907).  See  also  especially 
Kaluza  in  Englische  Studien,  Vol.  XI. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Curubis,  a  titular  see  of  Africa  Proeon.sularis.  The 
town  was  fortified  about  46  B.  c.  by  P.  Attius  Varus 
and  C.  t.'onsidius  Longus,  generals  of  Pompey,  and 
jiroclaimed  by  Csesar  a  Roman  colony  under  the  name 
of  Colonia  Julia  Curubis.  It  is  mentioned  in  Pliny, 
Ptolemy,  "The  Itinerary  of  Antoninus",  etc.  In  257 
St.  Cyprian  was  exiled  to  Curubis  for  refusing  to 
sacrifice  to  the  gods  (Vita  Pontii,  c.  xii,  ed.  Hartel, 
III,  and  the  year  following  he  was  called  thence  to 
Carthage  to  be  put  to  death.  Four  bishops  are 
known  (one  Donatist).  from  411  to  646  (Morcelli, 
Africa  Christiana,  I,  149).  Curubis  is  to-day  Kourba, 
a  little  village  on  the  coast,  ca.st  of  Tunis,  between 
Cape  Mustapha  and  Ras  Mamoura.  The  region  is 
hilly  and  woody;  it  has  always  been  inhabited  by 
more  or  less  savage  ]x^ople,  for  which  reason  the 
Christians  wi  re  often  exiled  there.  S.  Vailhe. 

Cusack,  Thomas  F.     See  New  York,  Archdio- 

OSF.   OF. 

Cusse,  a  titular  see  of  Egypt.  The  Coptic  name  of 
this  town  was  KOsko;  in  Greek  it  becomes  Kousos, 
Akouasa,  .■Vkoussa,  Kousis,  Kousai,  Khousai ;  in  Latin 
we  find  Cussa,  Cusip.  Chusse,  etc.  It  is  now  the  fellah- 
town  ,  El-Kousiyet  ( Alquoussiah ,  AJ-Ku^^ije ,  El-Kusiye, 
Qossieh),  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  inland  be- 
tween the  railway  stations  Dt'rtit  esh-Sherif  and  Mont- 
falut.  Near  it  stands  Deir-el-Moharag,  the  largest, 
richest,  and  most  peopled  of  the  seven  great  Coptic 
monasteries;  tlie  Holy  Family  is  said  to  have  .so- 
journed there  and  it  is  the  centre  of  an  important 
]iili:rimage.  The  city  figures  in  the  "Synecdemus" 
of  Ilierocles  (730,  9),  Georgius  Cy^jrius  (764),  and 
Parthey's  "Notitia  Prima"  (about  840).  It  was  a 
saffragan  of  Antinoc  in  Thcbais  Prima.  Lequien  (II, 
597)  mentions  two  bishops,  Achilles,  a  Meletian,  in 
325,  and  Theonas,  present  at  Constantinople  in  .553. 
CusiE  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Kysis  in  the  southern 
part  of  the  Great  Oasis,  now  Dil.sh  el-Kal'a. 

Brcosch,  (leogr.  dfii  nltm  Aegypten-t,  X,  222;  Baedeker, 
Aeamten  (1891),  part  II,  45;  JnLUEN,  L'Egyple.  Souvenirs 
bibliquo)  H  chrUiewi  (Lille,  1896),  249. 

S.  Petrides. 


Cush  (son  of  Cham;  D.  V.  Chus),  like  the  other 
names  of  the  ethnological  table  of  Genesis,  x,  is  the 
name  of  a  race,  but  it  h;>s  generally  been  tmderstood 
to  designate  also  an  individual,  the  progenitor  of  the 
nations  and  tribes  known  in  the  ancient  world  as 
Cushites.  The  list  of  those  descendants  of  Cush  is 
given  in  Gen.,  x,  7-8.  The  country  known  to  the 
Greeks  as  Ethiopia  is  calleii  Cush  (Heb.  A'us)  in  the 
Bible.  In  its  broadest  extension  the  term  designated 
the  region  south  of  Assuan,  on  the  ITpper  Nile,  now 
known  as  Nubia,  Senaar,  Kardofan,  and  Northern 
Abyssinia.  This  region  is  referred  to  in  Egyptian 
inscriptions  as  Kes  or  Kas.  More  often,  however,  the 
name  Cush  was  given  to  a  part  of  the  territory  just 
mentioned,  called  by  the  Greeks  the  Ivingdom  of 
Meroe.  at  the  confluence  of  the  Nile  and  the  Astaboras 
(now  Tacassi).  It  is  from  this  kingdom  that  came 
the  eunuch  of  Candace,  Queen  of  Ethiopia  (Acts,  viii, 
26-40).  Cush  was  long  a  powerful  nation.  In  the 
course  of  the  eighth  century,  b.  c,  its  Kings  became 
rulers  of  Egypt.  Shabitku,  one  of  them,  was  the  prin- 
cipal opponent  of  the  great  Sennacherib,  King  of 
Assyria.  It  was  in  vain  that  Isaias  warned  his  people 
not  to  place  their  trust  in  such  princes  (Is.,  xviii,  1; 
XX,  3,  5). 

The  African  Cush  is  best  known;  but  there  were 
Cushites  in  Asia.  The  "land  of  Cush"  of  Gen.,  ii,  13 
(Heb.  text),  watereil  by  the  Gehon,  one  of  the  four 
rivers  of  Paradise,  was  doubtless  in  Asia.  Regiua, 
Saba,  and  Dadan  (Gen.,  x,  7)  were  in  Arabia.  The 
Madianite  w'ife  of  Moses,  Sephora,  is  called  a  Cushite 
(Ex.,  ii,  16,  21;  Num.,  xii,  1 — Heb.  te.xt).  Nemrod, 
son  of  Cush,  rules  over  cities  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  (Gen.,  x,  8-12).  This  text  points 
to  the  foundation  of  the  first  empire  in  this  region  by 
Cushites.  It  is  chiefly  tlie  relics  of  a  Semitic  civiliza- 
tion that  have  been  brought  to  light  by  archaeological 
discoveries.  But  traces  are  not  lacking,  according  to 
competent  scholars,  of  an  older  civilization. 

Rawlinson.  Five  Great  Monarilnis  (London.  1879),  I,  iii; 
Maspero.  Histoire  ancienne des  peuples  del'Orieiit  (Paris,  1905). 

W.  S.  Reilly. 

Cuspinian  (properly  Spieshatm  or  Spiesham),  Jo- 
hannes, distinguished  humanist  and  statesman,  b.  at 
Schweinfurt,  Lower  Franconia,  in  147.S;  <1.  at  Vieima, 
19  .\pril,  1529.  In  1490  he  matriculated  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leipzig,  went  to  the  University  of  Vienna 
(1493)  to  continue  his  humanistic  studies,  and  in  1494 
entered  there  on  a  cotirse  of  medicine.  At  this  early 
age  he  edited  the  "  Liber  Hymnorum"  of  Prudentius, 
and  made  a  reputation  by  his  lectures  on  Virgil,  Hor- 
ace, Sallust,  and  Cicero.  He  was  acquainted  with 
Emperor  Frederick  III.  In  1493,  in  reward  for  a 
panegj-ric  on  the  life  of  St.  Leopold  of  Austria,  he  was 
crowiied  as  poet  laureate  and  received  the  title  of  Mas- 
ter of  Arts  from  Maximilian.  Soon  after  this  he  was 
matle  a  doctor  of  medicine,  and  in  1500  rector  of  the 
university.  Maximilian  made  him  his  confidential 
councillor  and  appointed  him  curator  of  the  univer- 
sity for  life.  Cuspinian  also  recsivetl  the  position  of 
chief  librarian  of  the  Imperial  Library,  and  superin- 
tendent of  the  archives  of  the  imperial  family.  As 
curator  of  the  university  he  cxerci.sed  great  influence 
on  its  development,  although  he  was  not  able  to  pre- 
vent the  decline  caused  by  the  political  and  religious 
disturbances  of  the  second  decade  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  He  w^as  on  terms  of  friendsliip  with  the 
most  noted  humanists  and  scholars;  the  calling  of  his 
friend  Celtes  (q.  v.)  to  Vienna  is  especially  due  to  him. 
Celtes  and  he  were  the  leading  spirits  of  the  literary 
association  called  the  "Sodalitas  Litterarum  Danu- 
biana".  In  1515  Cuspinian  was  prefect  of  the  city  of 
Vienna.  Emperor  Maximilian,  also  Charles  V  at  a 
later  date,  sent  him  on  numerous  diplomatic  missions 
to  Ilungary,  Bohemia,  and  Poland.  He  brought 
about  a  settlement  of  the  disputed  succession  between 


CUSTOM 


576 


CUSTOM 


the  Hapsburg  line  and  the  King  of  Hungary  and  Bohe- 
mia ;  another  of  his  missions  was  to  accompany  Bona 
Sforza,  the  bride  of  King  Sigismund  of  Poland,  to 
Cracow.  His  literary  activity  covered  the  most  va- 
ried domains.  Although  his  poetical  writings  are  of 
little  importance,  and  his  manuscript  "Collectanea 
raedicin."  of  no  great  value,  nevertheless  he  attained  a 
high  reputation  as  a  collector  and,  to  some  degree,  as 
an  editor  of  ancient  and  medieval  manuscripts. 
Among  other  publications,  he  edited  in  1511  L.  Florus, 
in  1515  the  "  Libellus  de  lapidibus"of  Marboduus,  and 
the  medieval  chronicler  Otto  of  Freising.  Important 
as  a  contribution  to  the  study  of  ancient  history  is  the 
publication  which  first  appeared,  after  his  death  in 
155.3,  namely,  the  "Fasti  consulares",  with  which 
were  united  the  "Chronicle"  of  Cassiodorus  and  the 
"Breviarium"  of  Sextus  Rufus.  Another  valuable 
work  of  Cuspinian  is  the  "  History  of  the  Roman  Em- 
perors", prepared  during  the  years  1512-22  (in  Latin, 
1540,  and  in  German,  1541).  For  a  long  time,  espe- 
cially after  the  battle  of  Moh^cs,  he  busied  himself 
with  the  Turkish  question  and  printed  both  political 
and  historical  writings  on  the  subject,  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  is  his  "  De  Turcarum  origine,  reli- 
gione  et  tyrannide".  His  best  work  is  "Austria,  sive 
Commentarius  de  rebus  Austriae"  etc.,  edited  by 
Brusch  in  1553  with  critical  notes.  A  kind  of  diary 
(1502-27),  which  throws  much  light  on  his  political 
activity,  was  published  in  "  Fontes  reruni  austriaca- 
rum"  (1885),  I,  1  sqq.  A  life  of  Cuspinian,  not  always 
reliable,  is  found  in  the  complete  edition  of  his  works 
by  Gerbelius  (Commentationes  Cusp.,  Strasburg, 
1540) ;  a  more  complete  edition  of  his  works  appeared 
at  Frankfort  in  1601. 

Allff.  deutscJie  Biogr.,  IV.  662  sqq.;  Haselbach,  Cuspinian 
als  Staaismann  und  Getehrter  (Vienna.  1867);  Aschbach,  Gesch. 
der  Universilat  Wien  (1877),  II.  284-309;  Badch,  Die  Recep- 
tion des  Hutnanismus  in  Wien  (1903).  48  sqq. 

Joseph  S.\uer. 

Custom  (in  Canon  Law)  is  an  unwritten  law  in- 
troduced by  the  continuous  acts  of  the  faithful  with 
the  consent  of  the  legitimate  legislator.  Custom  may 
be  considered  as  a  fact  and  as  a  law.  As  a  fact,  it  is 
simply  the  frequent  and  free  repetition  of  acts  con- 
cerning the  same  thing;  as  a  law,  it  is  the  result  and 
consequence  of  that  fact.  Hence  its  name,  which  is 
derived  from  consueso)  or  consuefacio  and  denotes  the 
frequency  of  the  action.     (Cap.  Consuetudo  v,  Dist.  i.) 

I.  Division. — (a)  Considered  according  to  extent,  a 
custom  is  universal,  if  received  by  the  whole  Church ; 
or  general  (though  under  another  aspect,  particular), 
if  obser\'ed  in  an  entire  country  or  province;  or  spe- 
cial, if  it  obtains  among  smaller  but  perfect  societies; 
or  most  special  (specialissima)  if  among  private  in- 
dividuals and  imperfect  societies.  It  is  ob\'ious  that 
the  last-named  cannot  elevate  a  custom  into  a  legiti- 
mate law.  (b)  Considered  according  to  duration, 
custom  is  prescriptive  or  non-prescriptive.  The 
fonner  is  subdivided,  according  to  the  amount  of  time 
requisite  for  a  custom  of  fact  to  become  a  custom  of 
law,  into  ordinary  (i.  e.  ten  or  forty  years)  and  im- 
memorial, (c)  Considered  according  to  method  of  in- 
troduction, a  custom  is  judicial  or  extrajudicial.  The 
first  is  that  derived  from  forensic  usage  or  precedent. 
This  is  of  great  importance  in  ecclesiastical  circles,  as 
the  same  prelates  are  generally  both  legislators  and 
judges,  i.  c.  the  pope  and  bishops.  Extrajudicial 
custom  is  introduced  by  the  peoi)le,  but  its  sanction 
becomes  the  more  easy  the  larger  the  number  of 
learned  or  jironiinent  men  who  embrace  it.  (d)  Con- 
sidered in  its  relation  to  law,  a  custom  is  according  to 
law  {juxta  U-yem)  when  it  interprets  or  confirms  an  ex- 
isting statute;  or  beside  the  law  (pnrter  legem)  when 
no  written  legislation  on  the  .subject  exists;  or  con- 
tary  to  law  (contra  legem)  when  it  tierogates  from  or 
abrogates  a  statute  already  in  force. 

II.  CoNDiTioN.s. — The  true  efficient  cause  of  an  ec- 


clesiastical custom,  in  as  far  as  it  constitutes  law,  is 
solely  the  consent  of  the  competent  legislating  author- 
ity. All  church  laws  imply  spiritual  jurisdiction,  which 
resides  in  the  hierarchy  alone,  and,  consequently,  the 
faithful  have  no  legislative  power,  either  by  Di\Tne  right 
or  canonical  statute.  Therefore,  the  express  or  tacit 
consent  of  the  church  authority  is  necessary  to  give 
a  custom  the  force  of  an  ecclesiastical  law.  This  eon- 
sent  is  denominated  legal  when,  by  general  statute 
and  antecedently,  reasonable  customs  receive  appro- 
bation. Ecclesiastical  custom  differs,  therefore,  radi- 
cally from  civil  custom.  For,  though  both  arise  from 
a  certain  conspiration  and  accord  between  the  people 
and  the  lawgivers,  yet  in  the  Church  the  entire  juridi- 
cal force  of  the  custom  is  to  be  obtamed  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  hierarchy  while  in  the  civil  state,  the  peo- 
ple themselves  are  one  of  the  real  sources  of  the  legal 
force  of  custom.  Custom,  as  a  fact,  must  proceed 
from  the  community,  or  at  least  from  the  action  of  the 
greater  number  constituting  the  community.  These 
actions  mast  be  free,  uniform,  frequent,  and  public, 
and  performed  with  the  intention  of  imposing  an  obli- 
gation. The  iLsage,  of  which  there  is  question,  must 
also  be  of  a  reasonable  nature.  Custom  either  intro- 
duces a  new  law  or  abrogates  an  old  one.  But  a  law, 
by  its  very  concept,  is  an  ordination  of  reason,  and  so 
no  law  can  be  constituted  by  an  mireasonable  custom. 
Moreover,  as  an  existing  statute  cannot  be  revoked 
except  for  just  cause,  it  follows  that  the  custom  which 
is  to  abrogate  the  old  law  must  be  reasonable,  for 
otherwise  the  requisite  justice  would  be  wanting.  A 
custom,  considered  as  a  fact,  is  unreasonable  when  it 
is  contrarj'  to  Divine  law,  positive  or  natural;  or 
when  it  is  prohibited  by  proper  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity ;  or  when  it  is  the  occasion  of  sin  and  opposed  to 
the  common  good. 

A  custom  must  also  have  a  legitimate  prescription. 
Such  prescription  is  obtained  by  a  continuance  of  the 
act  in  question  during  a  certain  length  of  time.  No 
canonical  statute  has  positively  defined  what  this 
length  of  time  is,  and  so  its  determination  is  left  to  the 
wisdom  of  canonists.  Authors  generally  hold  that  for 
the  legalizing  of  a  custom  in  accordance  with  or  beside 
the  law  (Juxta  or  pnrter  legem)  a  space  of  ten  years  is 
sufficient;  while  for  a  custom  contrary  (contra)  to  law 
many  demand  a  lapse  of  forty  years.  The  reason 
given  for  the  necessity  of  so  long  a  space  as  forty  years 
Ls  that  the  community  will  only  slowly  persuade  itself 
of  the  opportuneness  of  abrogating  the  old  and  em- 
bracing the  new  law.  The  opinion,  however,  which 
holds  that  ten  years  suffices  to  establish  a  custom  even 
contrary  to  the  law  may  be  safely  followed.  It  is  to 
be  noted,  however,  that  in  practice  the  Roman  Con- 
gregations scarcely  tolerate  or  permit  any  custom, 
even  an  immemorial  one,  contrary  to  the  sacred 
canons.  (Cf.  Gasparri,  De  Sacr.  Ordin.,  n.  53,  69  sq.) 
In  the  introduction  of  a  law  by  prescription,  it  is  as- 
sumed that  the  custom  was  introduced  in  good  faith, 
or  at  least  through  ignorance  of  the  opposite  law.  If, 
however,  a  custom  be  introduced  through  connivance 
{rid  connivcntia;),  good  faith  is  not  required,  for,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  bad  faith  must,  at  least  in  the  begin- 
ning, be  presupposed.  As,  however,  when  there  is 
question  of  connivance,  the  proper  legislator  must 
know  of  the  formation  of  the  custom  and  yet  does  not 
oppose  it  when  he  could  easily  do  so,  the  contrary  law 
is  then  supposed  to  be  abrogated  directly  by  the  tacit 
revocation  of  the  legislator.  A  custom  which  is  con- 
trary to  good  morals  or  to  the  natural  or  Divine  posi- 
tive law  is  always  to  be  rejected  as  an  abuse,  and  it  can 
never  be  legalized. 

III.  Force  op  Custom. — The  effects  of  a  custom 
vary  with  the  nature  of  the  act  which  has  causetl  its 
introduction,  i.  e.  according  as  the  act  is  in  accord 
with  (juxta),  or  beside  (prceter),  or  contrarj'  (contra)  to. 
the  written  law.  (a)  The  first  (jiixta  legem)  does  not 
constitute  a  new  law  in  the  strict  sen.se  of  the  word; 


CUSTOS 


GUSTOS 


8  effect  is  rather  to  confirm  and  strengthen  an  aho.idy 
tisting  statute  or  to  interpret  it.  Hence  the  axiom 
F  jurists:  Custom  is  tlie  best  interpreter  of  laws, 
ustoin,  indeed,  considered  as  a  fact,  is  a  witness  to 
le  true  sense  of  a  law  and  to  the  intention  of  the  legi.s- 
itor.  If,  then,  it  bring  about  that  a  determinate 
!nse  be  obligatorily  attached  to  an  indeterminate 
gal  phrase,  it  takes  rank  as  an  authentic  interpreta- 
on  of  the  law  and  as  such  acquires  true  binding-force. 
lerm  (Jus  Decretalium,  n.  191)  refers  to  this  same 
rinciple  as  explaining  why  the  oft-recurring  |)hrase  in 
;clesiastical  documents,  "the  existing  discipline  of 
le  Church,  ajjproved  by  the  Holy  See",  indicates  a 
ue  norm  and  an  obligatorj'  law.  (b)  The  second 
)ecies  of  custom  (prwter  legem)  has  the  force  of  a  new 
,w,  binding  iipon  the  entire  community  both  in  the 
iternal  and  external  forum.  Unless  a  special  excep- 
on  can  be  proved,  the  force  of  such  a  custom  extends 
)  the  introduction  of  prohibitive,  permissive,  and 
receptive  statutes,  as  well  as  to  penal  and  nullifying 
lactments.  (c)  Thirdly,  a  custom  contrarj'  (contra) 
I  law  has  the  effect  of  abrogating,  entirely  or  in  part, 
1  already  existing  ordinance,  for  it  has  the  force  of  a 
?w  and  later  law.  As  regards  penal  ecclesiastical 
gislation,  such  a  custom  may  directly  remove  an 
^ligation  in  conscience,  while  the  duty  of  submission 
1  the  punishment  for  transgressing  the  old  precept 
ay  remain,  provided  the  punishment  in  question  be 
3t  a  censure  nor  so  severe  a  chastisement  as  neces- 
.rily  presupposes  a  grave  fault.  On  the  other  hand, 
lis  species  of  custom  may  also  remove  the  punish- 
ent  attached  to  a  particular  law,  while  the  law  itself 
mains  obligatorj'  as  to  its  obser\'ance.  Immemorial 
istom,  provided  it  be  shown  that  circumstances  have 
i  changed  as  to  make  the  custom  reasonable,  has 
)wer  to  abrogate  or  change  any  human  law,  even 
lOUgh  a  clause  had  been  originally  added  to  it  for- 
dding  any  custom  to  the  contrary.  To  immemorial 
istom  is  also  attached  the  unusual  force  of  inducing  a 
■esumption  of  the  existence  of  an  Apostolic  privilege, 
■ovided  the  said  privilege  be  not  reckoned  among 
)uses,  and  the  holder  of  the  presumed  privilege  be  a 
:rson  legally  capable  of  accpiiring  the  thing  in  ques- 
5n  without  first  obtaining  a  special  and  express 
postolic  permi.ssion  for  it  (cf.  Wemz,  op.  cit.,  who 
IS  been  followed  particularly  in  this  paragraph). 
?rraris  notes  that  no  immemorial  custom,  if  it  be  not 
mfirmed  by  Apostolic  privilege,  express  or  presump- 
\re,  can  have  any  force  for  the  abrogation  of  ecclesi- 
tical  liberties  or  immunities,  inasmuch  as  both  canon 
id  civil  law  declare  such  custom  to  be  unreasonable 
r  its  very  nature.  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  a 
did  custom,  in  both  the  constitution  and  the  abroga- 
)n  of  laws,  produces  the  same  effects  as  a  legislative 
t. 

IV.  Concerning  Tridentine  Decrees. — A  special 
lestion  has  been  raised  by  some  canonists  as  to 
bether  the  laws  of  the  Council  of  Trent  may  be 
langed  or  abrogated  by  custom,  even  if  immemorial, 

whether  all  such  contrary  customs  should  not  be 
jected  as  abuses.  Some  of  these  writers  restrict 
eir  denial  of  the  value  of  contrary  customs  to  ordi- 
iry,  some  also  to  immemorial  ones  (cf.  Lucidi,  De  Vis. 
ic.  Lim.,  I,  ch.  iii,  n.  111).  It  is  unquestionably  a 
meral  principle  in  canon  law,  that  custom  can  change 
le  disciplinarj'  statutes  even  of  oecumenical  councils, 
lie  main  reiuson  for  rejecting  this  principle  in  favour 

the  Tridentine  enactments  in  particular  is  that  any 
intrary  custom  would  certainly  be  unreasonable  and 
lerefore  unjustifiable.  It  is  by  no  means  evident, 
)wever,  that  all  such  contrary  customs  must  neces- 
.rily  be  unreasonable,  as  is  plain  from  the  fact  that 
ime  authors  allow  and  others  deny  the  value  of  im- 
emorial  customs  in  the  premises,  even  when  they 
rree  in  reprobating  the  force  of  ordinary-  customs. 
B  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  no  decree  of  the  Sacred 
sngregation  of  the  Council  which  declares,  abso- 
IV.— 37 


lutely  and  generally,  that  all  otistoms  contrary  to  tlie 
laws  of  the  Council  of  Trent  are  invalid.  Moreover, 
tlie  Tribunal  of  the  Rota  has  allowed  the  force  of  im- 
memorial customs  coidrary  to  the  flisciplinary  decrees 
of  Trent,  and  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  the  Council 
has  at  least  tolerated  them  in  secondaiy  matters.  A 
salient  instance  of  the  Roman  official  view  is  the  state- 
ment of  the  Holy  Office  (11  March,  1868)  that  the 
Tridentine  decree  on  clandestine  marriages,  even  after 
promulgation,  was  abrogated  in  some  regions  by  con- 
trary- custom  (Collect.  S.  C.  de  Prop.  Fid.,  n.  1408). 
The  confirmation  of  the  Council  of  Trent  by  Pope 
Pius  IV  (2(1  Jan.,  1564;  17  Feb.,  1565)  aboli-shes,  it  is 
true,  all  contrary  existing  customs,  but  the  papal  let- 
ters contain  nothing  to  invalidate  future  customs. 
Owing  to  the  comparatively  recent  date  of  the  Council 
of  Trent  and  the  urgency  of  the  Holy  See  that  its  de- 
crees be  observed,  it  is  not  easy  for  a  contrarj'  custom 
to  arise,  but  whenever  the  conditions  of  a  legitimate 
custom  are  fulfilled,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  Tri- 
dentine decrees  should  be  more  immune  than  those  of 
any  other  oecumenical  council  (cfr.  Laurentius,  op. 
cit.,  below,  n.  307). 

V.  Cess.^^tion  of  Custom.s. — Any  custom  is  to  be 
rejected  whose  existence  as  such  cannot  be  proved 
legally.  A  custom  is  a  matter  of  fact,  and  therefore 
its  existence  must  be  tested  in  the  same  way  as  the 
existence  of  other  alleged  facts  is  tested.  In  this  par- 
ticular, the  decrees  of  synods,  the  testimony  of  the 
diocesan  ordinaiy  and  of  other  persons  worthy  of 
credence  are  of  great  value.  Proofs  are  considered 
the  stronger  the  more  closely  they  approximate  public 
and  official  monuments.  If  there  be  a  question  of 
proving  an  immemorial  custom,  the  witnesses  must  be 
able  to  affirm  that  they  themselves  have  been  cogniz- 
ant of  the  matter  at  issue  for  a  space  of  at  least  forty 
years,  that  they  have  heard  it  referred  to  by  their 
progenitors  as  something  always  observed,  and  that 
neither  they  nor  their  fathers  have  ever  been  aware  of 
any  fact  to  the  contrarj-.  If  the  fact  of  the  existence 
of  an  alleged  custom  is  not  sufficiently  proved,  it  is  to 
be  rejected  as  constituting  a  source  of  law.  Customs 
may  be  revoked  by  a  competent  ecclesiastical  legisla- 
tor, in  the  same  way  and  for  the  same  reasons  as  other 
ordinances  are  abrogated.  A  later  general  law  con- 
trary to  a  general  custom  will  nullify  the  latter,  but  a 
particular  custom  will  not  be  abrogated  by  a  general 
law,  unless  a  clause  to  that  effect  be  inserted.  Even 
such  a  nullifying  clause  will  not  be  sufficient  for  the 
abrogation  of  immemorial  customs.  The  latter  must 
be  mentioned  explicitly,  for  they  are  held  not  to  be  in- 
cluded in  any  general  legal  phrase,  however  sweeping 
its  terms  may  be.  Customs  may  likewise  be  abro- 
gated by  contrary  customs,  or  they  may  lose  their 
legal  force  by  the  mere  fact  that  they  fall  into  desue- 
tude. Finally,  an  authentic  declaration  that  a  cus- 
tom is  absolutely  contrarj'  to  good  morals  (rumpens 
nervum  disripHna:)  and  detrimental  to  the  interests  of 
the  hierarchy  or  of  the  faitliful  deprives  it  of  its  sup- 
posed legal  value. 

Bauduin.  De  Con-iueludine  in  Jure  Canon.  (Louvain.  1888); 
Werne,  Jus  Decretalium  (Rome,  1898),  I;  L\uRE.VTins,  /n.i(i- 
tuliones  Juris  Eccl.  (Freiburg,  1903);  Ferr-iris.  Bibliolhecc 
Canon.  (Rome,  1886),  II. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Gustos  (1),  an  imder-sacristan.  (See  Sacristan.) 
12)  .\  superior  or  an  official  in  the  Franciscan  Order. 
The  word  has  various  acceptations  in  ancient  as  well 
as  in  modern  Franciscan  legislation.  Nor  do  the 
three  great  existing  branches  of  the  order — the  Friars 
Minor,  Conventuals,  and  Capuchins — attach  the  same 
meaning  to  the  term  at  the  present  day.  Saint  Fran- 
cis sometimes  applies  the  w^ord  to  any  superior  in  the 
order — guardians,  provincials,  and  even  to  the  general 
(see  Rule,  IV  and  VIII,  and  Te.stament).  Som("- 
times  he  restricts  it  to  officials  presiding  over  a  certain 
number  of  convents  in  the  larger  provinces  of  the 


CUTHBERT 


578 


CUTHBERT 


order  with  restricted  powers  and  subject  to  their  re- 
spective provincials.  It  is  in  this  latter  sense  that  he 
refers  (Rule,  VIII)  to  the  cuslodes  as  having  power, 
conjointly  with  the  provincials,  to  elect  and  to  depose 
the  minister  general. 

The  convents  over  which  a  custos  (in  this  latter 
sense)  presided  were  collectively  called  a  custodia. 
The  number  of  custodies  in  a  province  varied  accord- 
ing to  its  extent.  Already  at  an  early  period  it  was 
deemed  expedient  that  only  one  of  the  several  cus- 
todes  of  a  province  should  proceed  to  the  general  chap- 
ter with  his  respective  provincial  for  the  election  of  the 
minister  general,  although  the  rule  accorded  the 
right  of  vote  to  each  custos.  This  custom  was  sanc- 
tioned by  Gregory  IX  in  1230  ("  Quo  elongati  ",  Bull. 
Rom.,  Ill,  450,  Turin  ecUtion)  and  by  other  popes, 
evidently  with  the  view  to  prevent  unnecessary  ex- 
pense. The  custos  thus  chosen  was  called  Custos 
custodum,  or,  among  the  Oliservantines  until  the  time 
of  Leo  X  ("Ite  et  vos  ",  Bull.  Rom.,  V,  694),  discretus 
discretorum.  This  ancient  legislation,  which  has  long 
since  ceased  in  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor,  still  obtains 
in  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  Conventuals,  as  may  be 
seen  from  their  constitutions  confirmed  by  Urban 
VIII  (see  below).  The  present-day  legislation  on  the 
point  among  the  Capuchins  and  Friars  Minor  may  be 
briefly  summed  up  as  follows:  In  the  Capuchin  Order 
there  are  two  kinds  of  custodes — custodes  general  and 
custodes  provincial.  Two  custodes  general  are 
elected  every  three  years  at  the  provincial  chapters. 
The  first  of  these  has  a  right  to  vote  at  the  election  of 
the  minister  general  should  a  general  chapter  be  held 
during  his  term  of  office.  Besides,  he  has  the  obliga- 
tion of  presenting  to  the  general  chapter  an  official 
report  on  the  state  of  his  province.  Tlie  provin- 
cial custodes,  on  the  contrary,  have  no  voice  in  the 
general  chapters,  and  their  rights  and  duties  are 
nuich  restricted  and  unimportant.  In  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  there  is  also  men- 
tion of  two  kinds  of  custodes — one  called  custos  pro- 
vinriw,  the  other  custos  regiminis.  The  former  is 
elected  at  the  provincial  chapter  and  holds  office  for 
three  years.  Besides  having  a  voice  in  all  capitular 
acts  of  his  province  he  takes  part  in  the  general  chap- 
ter, should  his  provincial  be  impeded.  The  custos 
regiminis  is  a  prelate  who  rules  over  a  custody,  or 
small  province.  He  possesses  ordinary  jurisdiction 
and  has  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  provincial. 
The  number  of  convents  in  a  custodia  regiminis  ranges 
from  four  to  eight. 

Kerchove,  CommerUarim  in  Geiicralia  Slatula  Ordinis  S. 
Francisci  Fratr.  Minorum  (Ghent,  1770),  VIII,  11;  Piatos, 
Prcel.  Jur.  Regularis,  I,  644  sqq.;  Clement  IV,  Virtule  con- 
stticuos  (1265)  in  Bullar.  Ram.  (Turin  edition),  III,  737; 
Innocent  IV.  Ordinem  Vestrum  in  Bullar.  Francisc,  I,  401; 
Leo  X,  Ite  et  vos  in  Bullar.  Rom.,  V,  694;  Regulw  ct  Const. 
Generates  FF.  Minorum  (Rome,  1897),  VIII,  pasisim;  Constil. 
Urbance  FF.  Minorum  Convenlualium  (Mechlin),  VIII,  tit.  De 
Custode  Cws'odum:  Constil.  Ordinis  Min.  Cap.  anni  161,3 
(Tournai,  1876),  VIII:  Ordinationes  et  Dedsiones  Capitul, 
Generalium  Ord.  Cap.  (Rome,  1851). 

Gregory  Cleary. 

Cuthbert,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Lindisfame,  patron  of 
Durham,  b.  about  63.5;  d.  20  March,  687.  His  emblem 
is  the  head  of  St.  Oswald,  king  and  martyr,  which  he 
is  represented  as  bearing  in  his  hands.  His  feast  is 
kept  in  Great  Britain  andlreland  on  the  20th  of  March, 
and  he  is  patron  of  the  Diocese  of  Hexham  and  New- 
castle, where  his  commemoration  is  inserted  among 
the  Suffrages  of  the  Saints.  His  early  biographers 
give  no  particulars  of  his  birth,  and  the  accoimts  in 
the  "Libellus  de  ortu",  which  represent  him  as  the 
son  of  an  Iri.sh  king  n.anird  Muriadach,  though  re- 
cently supported  by  Cardinal  Moran  and  Archbishop 
Healy,  are  rejected  by  later  English  writers  as  legen- 
dary. Moreover  St.  Bede's  phrase,  Hril<inni(i  .  .  . 
genuil  (Vita  Metriea,  c.  i).,  points  to  his  Knglish  birth. 
He  was  proljably  born  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Mail- 
ros  (Melrose)  of  lowly  parentage,  for  as  a  boy  ho  used 


to  tend  sheep  on  the  mountain-sides  near  that  mon- 
astery. While  still  a  cliild  living  with  his  foster- 
mother  Kenswith  his  future  lot  as  bishop  had  been 
foretold  by  a  little  play-fellow,  whose  prophecy  had  a 
lasting  effect  on  his  character.  He  was  influenced,'] 
too,  by  the  holiness  of  the  community  at  Mailros,! 
where  St.  Eata  was  abbot  and  St.  Boisil  prior.  In; 
the  year  6,51,  while  watching  his  sheep,  he  saw  in  a! 
vision  the  soul  of  St.  Aidan  carried  to  heaven  by 
angels,  and  inspired  by  this  became  a  monk  at  Mail- 
ros. Yet  it  would  seem  that  the  troubled  state  of 
the  country  hindered  him  from  carrvdng  out  his 
resolution  at  once.  Certain  it  is  that  at  one  part  of 
his  life  he  was  a  soldier,  and  the  years  which  succeed 
the  death  of  St.  Aidan  and  Oswin  of  Deira  seem  to 
have  been  such  as  would  call  for  the  military  service 
of  most  of  the  able-bodied  men  of  Northumbria, 
which  was  constantly  threatened  at  this  time  by  the 
ambition  of  its  southern  neighbour,  King  Penda  of 
Mercia.  Peace  was  not  restored  to  the  land  until 
some  four  years  later,  as  the  consequence  of  a  great 
battle  which  was  fought  between  tlie  Northumbrians 
and  the  Mercians  at  Winwidfield.  It  was  probably 
after  this  battle  that  Cuthbert  found  hitnself  free  to 
turn  once  more  to  the  life  he  desired.  He  arrived  at 
Mailros  on  horse-back  and  armed  with  a  spear. 
Here  he  soon  became  eminent  for  holiness  and  learn- 
ing, while  from  the  first  his  life  was  distinguished 
by  supernatural  occurrences  and  miracles.  When 
the  monastery  at  Ripon  was  founded  he  went  there 
as  guest-master,  but  in  661  he,  with  other  monks  who 
adhered  to  the  customs  of  Celtic  Christianity,  re- 
turned to  Mailros  owing  to  the  adoption  at  Ripon  of 
the  Roman  Usage  in  celebrating  Easter  and  in  other 
matters.  Shortly  after  his  return  lie  was  struck  by 
a  pestilence  which  then  attacked  the  community,  but 
he  recovered,  and  became  prior  in  place  of  St.  Boisil, 
who  died  of  the  disea.se  in  664.  In  this  year  the  Synod 
of  Whitby  decided  in  favour  of  the  Roman  Usage,  and 
St.  ("uthbert,  who  accepted  the  decision,  was  sent  by 
St.  Eata  to  be  prior  at  Lindisfame,  in  order  that  he 
might  introduce  the  Roman  customs  into  that  house. 
This  was  a  difficult  matter  which  needed  all  his  gentle 
tact  and  patience  to  carry  out  successfully,  but  the 
fact  that  one  so  renowned  for  sanctity,  who  had  him- 
self been  brought  up  in  the  Celtic  tradition,  was  loy- 
ally conforming  to  the  Roman  use,  did  much  to  sup- 
port the  cause  of  St.  Wilfrid.  In  this  matter  St.  Cuth-l 
bert's  influence  on  his  time  was  very  marked.  At' 
Lindisfame  he  spent  much  time  in  evangelizing  the 
people.  He  was  notcil  for  his  devotion  to  the  Mass,, 
which  he  could  not  eeleljrate  without  tears,  and  for 
the  success  with  which  his  zealous  charity  drew  sin-i 
ners  to  God. 

At  length,  in  676,  moved  by  a  desire  to  attain; 
greater  perfection  by  means  of  the  contemplative.' 
life,  he  retired,  with  the  abbot's  leave,  to  a  spot  whicht 
Archbishop  Eyre  identifies  with  St.  Cuthbert's"  Island; 
near  Lindisfame,  but  which  Raine  thinks  was  near. 
Howburn,  where  "St.  Cuthbert's  Cave"  is  still  shown 
Shortly  afterwards  he  removed  to  Fame  Island,  oppo- 
site Bamborough  in  Northumberland,  where  he  gave  j, 
himself  up  to  a  life  of  great  austerity.     After  some 
years  he  was  called  from  this  retirement  by  a  synod 
of  bishops  held  at  Twyford  in  Northmuberland,  imder 
St.  Tlieodore,  Archl)ishop  of  Canterlmrj'.      At   tlii 
meeting  he  was  elected  Bishop  of  Lindisfame.  a.-;  St 
I'^ata  was  now  translated  to  Hexham.     For  a  Inns 
time  he  withstood  all  pressure  and  only  yieldeil  aftei 
a  long  struggle.     He  was  consecrated  at  York  by 
Theodore  in  the  ijresence  of  six  bishops,  at  Eu; 
G85.     For  two  years  he  acted  as  bi.shop,  prcacliing  and 
labouring  without  intermission,  with  wonilerf 
suits.     At  Christinas,   6S6,   foreseeing  tlie  near  af>- 
proach  of  death,  he  resigned  his  see  and  returm 
his  cell  on  Fame  Lsland,  Avhcre  two  months  later  he 
was  seized  with  a  fatal  illness      In  his  last  days,  ir 


Isc 


CUTHBERT 


579 


CUTHBERT 


larch,  687,  he  was  tended  by  monks  of  Lindisfarne, 
nd  received  the  last  sacraments  from  Abbot  Here- 
■id,  to  whom  he  spoke  his  farewell  words,  exhorting 
be  monks  to  be  faithful  to  Catholic  unity  and, the 
raditions  of  the  Fathers.  He  died  shortly  after  mid- 
ieht,  and  at  exactly  the  same  hour  that  night  his 
•iiMid  St.  Herbert,  tlie  hermit,  also  died,  as  St.  Cuth- 
KTt  hai.1  predicted. 

St.  Cuthbert  was  buried  in  his  monastery  at  Lindis- 
irne,  and  his  tomb  immediately  became  celebrated 
Df  remarkable  miracles.  These  were  so  numerous 
nd  extraordinary  that  he  was  callctl  the  "Wonder- 
■orker  of  England".  In  698  the  first  transfer  of  the 
>lics  took  place,  and  the  body  was  found  incorrupt, 
luring  the  Danish  invasion  of  875,  Bishop  Eardulf 
nd  tlic  monks  fled  for  safety,  carrying  the  body  of 
tv  saint  with  them.  For  seven  years  they  wandered, 
earing  it  first  into  Cumberland,  then  into  Galloway 
nd  ba'ck  into  Northumberland.  In  88.3  it  was  placed 
1  a  church  at  Chester-le-Street,  near  Durham,  given 
3  the  monks  by  the  converted  Danish  king,  who  had 

great  devotion  to  the  saint,  like  King  Alfred,  who 
Iso  honoured  St.  Cuthbert  as  his  patron  and  was  a 
eiiefactor  to  this  church.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
?nth  century,  the  shrine  was  removed  to  Ripon,  ow- 
ig  to  fears  of  fresh  invasion.  After  a  few  months  it 
■as  being  carried  back  to  be  restored  to  Chester-le- 
trcet,  when,  on  arriving  at  Durham  a  new  miracle, 
radition  says,  indicated  that  this  was  to  be  the  rest 
ig-place  of  the  saint's  body.  Here  it  remained,  first 
1  a  chapel  formed  of  boughs,  then  in  a  wooden  and 
nally  in  a  stone  church,  built  on  the  present  site  of 
•urhani  cathedral,  and  finished  in  998  or  999.  WhUe 
nUiain  the  Conqueror  was  ravaging  the  North  in 
Oi)!»,  the  body  was  once  more  removed,  this  time  to 
.iiidisfarne,  but  it  was  soon  restored.  In  1104,  the 
Iirine  was  transferred  to  the  present  cathedral,  when 
lie  body  was  again  found  incorrupt,  with  it  being  the 
cad  of  St.  Oswald,  which  had  been  placed  with  St. 
iuthbert's  body  for  safety — a  fact  which  accounts  for 
be  well-known  symbol  of  the  saint. 

From  this  time  to  the  Reformation  the  shrine  re- 
lainetl  the  great  centre  of  devotion  throughout  the 
forth  of  England.  In  1542  it  was  plundered  of  all 
;s  treasures,  but  the  monks  had  already  hidden  the 
lint 's  body  in  a  secret  place.  There  is  a  well-known 
raditicin,  alluded  to  in  Scott's  "Marmion",  to  the 
fi'cct  that  the  secret  of  the  hiding-place  is  known  to 
ertain  Benedictines  who  hand  it  down  from  one  gen- 
ration  to  another.  In  1827  the  Anglican  clergy  of 
be  cathedral  found  a  tomb  alleged  to  be  that  of  the 
lint,  but  the  discovery  was  challenged  by  Dr.  Lin- 
ard,  who  showed  cause  for  doubting  the  identity  of 
be  body  found  with  that  of  St.  Cuthbert.  AJrch- 
ishop  Eyre,  writing  in  1849,  considered  that  the 
offin  found  was  undoubtedly  that  of  the  saint,  but 
bat  the  body  had  been  removed  and  other  remains 
ubstituted,  while  a  later  writer,  Monsignor  Consitt, 
bough  not  expressing  a  definite  view,  seems  inclined 
3  allow  that  the  remains  found  in  1827  were  truly 
be  bones  of  St.  Cuthbert.  Many  traces  of  the  fonner 
ridespread  devotion  to  St.  Cuthliert  still  sur\'ive  in 
be  ninnerous  churches,  monimients,  and  crosses 
li.sed  in  his  honour,  and  in  such  terms  a.s  "St.  Cuth- 
crt's  patrimony",  "St.  Cuthbert's  Cross",  "Cuth- 
ert  ducks"  and  "Cuthbert  down".  The  centre  of 
lodern  devotion  to  him  is  foimd  at  St.  Cuthbert's 
■oUcgc,  Ushaw,  near  Durham,  where  the  episcopal 
ing  of  gold,  enclosing  a  sapphire,  taken  from  his  fin- 
:er  in  1537,  is  preserved,  and  where  under  his  patron- 
ge  most  of  the  priests  for  the  northern  counties  of 
ingland  are  trained.  His  name  is  connected  with 
wo  famous  early  copies  of  the  Gospel  text.  The 
j^t,  known  as  the  Lindisfarne  or  Cuthbert  Gospels 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  Cotton  MSS.  Nero  D 
),  was  wTitten  in  the  eighth  century  by  Ead- 
cid,  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne.     It   contains  the   four 


gospels  and  between  the  lines  a  number  of  valuable 
Anglo-Saxon  (Northumbrian)  glosses;  though  written 
by  an  Anglo-Saxon  hand  it  is  considered  by  the 
best  judges  (Westwood)  a  noble  work  of  old-Irish 
calligraphy  and  illumination,  Lindisfarne  as  is 
well  known  being  an  Irish  foundation.  The  manu- 
script, one  of  the  most  splendid  in  Europe,  was  origin- 
ally placed  by  its  scribe  as  an  offering  on  the  slirine  of 
Cuthbert,  and  was  soon  richly  decorated  by  monastic 
artists  (Ethehvold,  Bilfrid)  and  provided  by  another 
(.^Idred)  with  the  aforesaid  interlinear  gloss  (Karl 
Bouterwek,  Die  vier  Evangelien  in  altnordhum- 
brischer  Sprache,  1857).  It  has  also  a  history 
scarcely  less  romantic  than  the  body  of  Cuthbert. 
When  in  the  ninth  century  the  monks  fled  before  the 
Danes  with  the  latter  treasure,  they  took  with  them 
this  manuscript,  but  on  one  occasion  lost  it  in  the  Irish 
Channel.  After  three  days  it  was  found  on  the  sea- 
shore at  Whithern,  unhiu-t  save  for  some  stains  of 
brine.  Henceforth  in  the  inventories  of  Durham  and 
Lindisfarne  it  was  known  as  "Liber  S.  Cuthl>erti  qui 
demersus  est  in  mare"  (the  book  of  St.  CuthlxTt  tliat 
fell  into  the  sea).  Its  text  was  edited  by  Stevenson 
and  Warning  (London,  1854-65)  and  since  then  by 
Kerable  and  Hardwick,  and  by  Skeat  (see  Lindis- 
farne). The  second  early  Gospel  text  connected 
with  his  name  is  the  seventh-century  Gospel  of  St. 
John  (now  in  possession  of  the  .Jesuit  College  at  Stony- 
hurst,  England)  found  in  1105  in  the  grave  of  St. 
Cuthbert. 

Bede,  Liber  de  Vita  et  Miraculis  S.  Culhberli;  Vila  S.  Cuth- 
berti  Mdrica. — Both  these  lives  are  printed  in  P.  L.,  XCIV, 
also  in  Acta  SS.  O.  S.  B.  (Paris.  lefi'lt:  (Ipf-m  Hist.  Minora,  ed. 
Stevenson  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc,  ISo"'.  inni  lu  ihc.  various  collected 
editions  of  Bede's works).  The  [.i..  .■  Ii;,-  i~  printed  with  notes 
in  Acta  SS.,  IX,  Mar.  20.      Bei.i.,  //,    ■    /  .    ,'    i;,nlis  Anglorum. 

IV,   x.xvii-xxxii;     Anon..    Yiln    .<   _(,,■/,' il,y  a  monk  of 

Lindisfarne,  written  betwiM'n  il'.is  ,i)",  I  I, i-  was  the  founda- 
tion of  Bede's  life  and  Cimi.iin-  li  iml  .  -.niiiii  il  hy  him.  It  is 
printed  in  Ada  SS.,  IX,  Mar  _'(i,  an.i  l.\  Si  i  \  ens'on.  op,  cit.), 
tr.  by  Forbes-Leith  (EiliTil.nri;h,  Issv',  Si  mfon  of  Dukham, 
Hlltoria  de  Sancto  Cuthherlo;  In.,  Ili.ihiria  Translaliotlis 
Sancli  Cuthberti  (included  among  Symeon's  works,  though  not 
written  by  him.  Surtees  Soc,  LI.  London,  1S6.S).  See  also 
Brcvis  Rdatio  de  S.  Cuthberlo.  ibid..  22.',S.a.  The  Ilistoria 
Translationis  was  printed  l.v  il(c  r.^ni  isri^TS  (loc.  cit.)  and 
Stevenson  from  an  iinpcr!'.  rr  .m.i  ,  r  i , .[,,  r  ,ii^  copy,  and  must 
be  used  with  caution,  Uh  ir  \ii-ii.ii  )  .in/  -nperseded  by  the 
Surtees  edition  and  that  piiiii,.|  m  iln.  Knih  , Series.  Symeonis 
Monachi  Opera  Omni'i  i  i  ■  n  .  1^  a  I;  Reginald  of  CoL- 
TilSGHKtA,  Liber  de  B.  Cur  .//.s- (Surtees  Soc,  I,  Lon- 

don.  1835);    Spalding   il.        !  n,    1849),  XIX,  329-330; 

Anon,,  Liber  de  Ortu  .S',  (  '>■■■.  '  m  account  of  Irish  origin, 
Surtees  Soc,  VIII,  London.  l.sliS);  .\su}i..  Life  of  St.  Cuthbert, 
in  English  verse,  a,  d.  1450  (Surtees  Soc,  LXXXVII,  London, 
1891);  John  of  Tynemouth,  in  Capgrave,  Nova  Legenda 
vlnff/ie  (London,  1516;  latest  ed,  Oxford,  1901),  I,  216.  (This 
life  is  edited  in  Colgan,  Acta  SS.  Scot,  seu  Hib.,  I,  679.  It  is 
a  compilation  from  Bede,  preceded  by  an  extract  from  the 
Libellus  de  Ortu  and  followed  by  passages  from  Symeon  and 
Reginald,)  Hegge,  The  Legend  of  SI.  Cuthbert  (1626;  4th  ed„ 
London,  1816);  Challoner,  Britannia  Sancta  (London,  1745), 
I,  18.5-197;  Butler.  Lives  of  the  Saints  (London.  1756).  March 
20;  KA.ISE,  St.  Cuthbert;  with  account  of  the  opening  of  his  tomb 
in  1S37  (Durham.  1828).  In  connexion  with  this  see  Lingard, 
Remarks  on  the  "Saint  Cuthbert'*  of  Rev.  Jame^  Raine  (New- 
castle. 1828):  Eyre,  History  "f  St.  Cuthbert  (London,  1849;  3d 
ed.  1887);  Montalembert,  Moines  d'Occidcnt  (1867),  IV.  391- 
449;  Fryer.  C»/A*cr(  o^Ltndif/amc  (London,  1880);  Consitt, 
Life  of  St.  Cuthbert  (London.  1887);  Hunt,  Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 
(London.  1888),  XIII,  3.59;  Boli^andists,  Bibl.  Hag.  Latina 
(1889),  304-306;  Lessmann.  Studicn  zu  dem  Miildenglischen: 
Life  of  St.  Cuthbert.  in  Englische  Stud.  (1897),  XXIII,  34.5-365; 
XXIV,  176-195;  Phillips,  Usharo  Magazine.  II.  176-201,  in 
reply  to  Mohan,  Irixh  Saints  in  Great  Britain,  and  IIealy,  in 
Iruih  Ecrlr.^ia.^licl  h'rrord  (1888).  See  also  articles  in  Dublin 
Review  (1849).  XXVII,  512;  Quarterly  Kev.  (1872).  CXXXIII, 
1-42;  Ushaw  Magazine,  VI  and  \'II. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Cuthbert,  Abbot  op  Wearmouth,  a  pupil  of  the 
Venerable  Bede  (d.  735).  He  w.as  a  native  of  Dur- 
ham, but  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death  are  un- 
known. Becoming  a  monk  at  Jarrow,  he  studied 
under  St.  Bede  and  acted  as  his  secretary,  writing 
various  works  from  his  dictation.  Bede  dedicated  to 
him  his  work  "De  ■\rte  Metrica".  He  was  present 
when  Bede  died,  and  wrote  to  Cuthwin,  one  of  his 
fellow-pupils,  a  detailed  account  of  all  that  happened. 


CUTHBERT 


580 


CYBISTRA 


After  the  death  of  Huitbert,  who  succeeded  Ceolfrid 
as  Abbot  of  Wearmouth,  Cuthbert  was  elected  in  his 
place.  His  correspondence  with  LuUus,  the  disciple 
and  successor  of  St.  Boniface,  Archbishop  of  Mainz, 
is  still  preserved.  He  is  also  supposed  to  have  written 
many  other  letters  now  lost.  Priscus  mentions  a 
manuscript  bearing  his  name  which  contains  an  addi- 
tion to  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History.  His  letter  de- 
scribing Bede's  death  is  also  worthy  of  note  because 
of  the  mention  therein  of  the  Ro- 
gation procession  with  the  relics  of 
the  saints. 

M.tBiLLON.  Annahs  O.  S.  B.  (Paris, 
1703-39),  II.  99b.  101a:  Idem,  Acta  SS. 
(Venice,  1733,  etc.).  III.  503,  504,  510 
m;  Ceillier,  HiMoire  generale^  des  ait- 
iertrs  sacres  et  ecclesiastiques  (Paris,  1729- 
59),  s,  V.  Cuthbert,  Abbe  de  Jarrow;  P. 
L..  XCVI,  838.  846. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Cuthbert,  Archbishop  of  Can 
terbury,  date  of  birth  not  known; 
d.  25  October,  758.  He  is  first 
heard  of  as  Abbot  of  Liminge, 
Kent.  Consecrated  bishop  by 
Archbishop  Nothelm,  he  succeeded 
Wahlstod  in  the  See  of  Hereford 
in  736  and  was  translated  to 
Canterbury  about  740.  Journey- 
ing to  Rome  he  received  the  pal- 
lium, and  on  his  return  assisted 
at  the  Council  of  Cloveshoe  in  742. 
At  this  council  Ethelbald,  King  of  Church  of  Santo 
t,       .  r-  1  •    -1  (On  Inca  Found: 

Mercia,  confirmed  many  privileges  t], 

to  churches  and  monasteries.  His 
friendship  with  St.  Boniface,  Archbishop  of  Mainz, 
accounts  for  the  intimate  knowledge  that  St.  Boniface 
had  of  the  evil  life  of  Ethelbald,  which  prompted  the 
saint  to  correspond  with  the  king  in  the  hope  of  induc- 
ing him  to  reform.  Cuthbert,  in  obedience  to  the  wish 
of  Pcpe  Zachary,  called  a  second  Council  of  Cloveshoe, 
in  747,  which  formulated  many  canons  for  the  guidance 
of  monastic  life  and  the  duties  of  bishops  and  priest,';.  It 
especially  insisted  on 
catechetical  instruction 
being  given  in  the  Eng- 
lish tongue.  The  pro- 
ceedings of  this  council 
were  sent  to  St.  Boniface 
and  prompted  him  to 
act  similarly  in  Ger- 
many. Some  ha  v  n 
thought  that  St.  Boni- 
face took  the  initiatiM' 
and  not  Cuthbert,  but 
most  now  admit  that 
the  proceedings  in  Ger- 
many for  promoting  a 
greater  union  with  Rome 
took  place  after  this 
council  of  Cloveshoe  and 
in  imitation  of  it. 

Cuthbert     brought 
about     a     great    change 

with  regard  to  the  precedence  of  the  Cathedral  Church 
of  Canterburj-.  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  was  con- 
sidered inferior  in  dignity  to  the  Church  of  Sts.  Peter  and 
Paul  where  all  the  archbishops  were  interred  The 
pope  granted  his  reciuest  for  the  interment  of  the  arch- 
bishops at  Christ  (_'hurch  and  King  Eadbert  con- 
firmed this.  A  chapel  was  then  built  at  the  east  end 
of  the  catliedral  deilicated  to  St.  John  the  Baptist  to 
serve  as  the  bajit  isteiy,  the  court  of  the  archbishops 
and  their  place  of  burial.  Fearing  opposition  from  the 
monks  of  Sts.  Peti'r  and  Paul's  church  Cuthbert  was 
stealthily  buried  in  the  }U'\\  chapel  several  days  before 
his  death  was  generally  known.  From  that  time  until 
the  ('oni|uest  at  least,  every  ArchbLsliop  of  Canterbury 


except  one  was  buried  at  Christ  Church.  A  letter  of 
his  to  Lullus,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  is  still  extant  and 
also  two  short  poems  preserved  by  William  of  Malmes- 
bury.  Leland  speaks  of  a  volume  of  his  epigrams  in 
the  library  of  Malmesbury  Abbey.  This  volume  is 
now  lost. 

Ang.-Sax.   Chronicle,  suh  ann.  741,  742,  758;    H.\ddos  and) 
Stubbs,  Councils,   III,  340-96;     Gervase,  Actus  Pont.  Cant.\ 
(Twyscien,  164nj;    Simeon  of  Durham.  Mon.  Hist.  Brit.,  659,  i 
6()1;'  William  of  Malmesbury.  Gesla  Regum  (Eng.  Hist.  Soc),  I 
I.  115.  116;  Idem,  Gest.  Pontiff,  8,9,  15, 
299;    Hook,  Lives  of  the  Archbishops,    I,  \ 
217-34;   MiGXE,  P.  L..  LXXXIX.  763, 
757;    Anglia   Sacra,  II,    Metrical  Life  of 
Cuthbert. 

G.  E.  Hind. 

Cuthbert,  College  of  Saint. 
.See  I'sHAW. 

Cuyaba,  Diocese  op  (CnTABEN- 
sis),  suffragan  of  Sao  Sebastiao 
(Rio  de  Janeiro),  Brazil.  The  city, 
fntuidnl  by  miners  about  1720,  be- 
riiii-  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
\l:itin  I  irosso  in  1840.  The  present 
1 11  .|  iulation  is  somewhat  over  18,000. 
11  le  prelature  of  Cuyabd,  erected 
l.y  Bull  of  Benedict  XIV,  "Candor 
liuis  a^terna""  (6  Dec,  1745),  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  a  bishopric 
(Senhor  Bom  Jesus  de  Cuyabii)  by 
Bull  of  Leo  XII,  "Sollicita  catholici 
gregis"  (15  July,  1826).  The  dio- 
cese embraces  the  province  of  Matto 
Grosso,  an  area  of  532,705  sq. 
miles,  and  has  a  Catholic  popu- 
lation of  100,700,  with  17  parishes,  20  churches,  12 
secular  priests  and  10  regular. 

Battandif,r,  Ann.  pont.  cath.  (1906);  Herder,  Konversa- 
tions-Lex.,  s.  v.;  Werner,  Orbis  lerrarum  Cath.  (Freiburg  im  Br., 
1890),  213.  „     „     „ 

F.    M.    RUDGE. 

Cuyo.     See  San  Juan  de  Cuyo. 

Cuzco,  Diocese  of  (Cuzcensis),  suffragan  of  Lima, 

Peru.     The  city  of  Cuzco, 

capital  of  the  department 

of  the  same  name,  is  lo- 

f-ated  on  the  eastern  end! 

of  the  Knot  of  Cuzco,  11,-1 

000  feet  above  sea-level.f 

The    original    Inca    city.f 

said  to  have  been  foimded 

in  the  eleventh   century.t 

was  destroyed  by  PizarrcJ 

in  1535.     There  are  still 

remains,  however,  of  tht 

palace  of  the  Incas,   tht 

Temple  of  the  Sun,  anc 

the  Temple  of  the  Vii^ini 

of  the  Sun.     Among  thi 

most    noteworthy   build 

ings    of   the   city   is   thi   ^^ 

cathedral    of    Santo  DoIT' 

niingo.       The    diocese 

erected    by    Paul  III    (J 


of  tlie  Tempi 
the  Sun) 


Sept.,  1536),  comprises  the  departments  of  Cuzco  an< 
Apurimac,  an  area  of  21,677  sq.  m.,  containing  a  Cath 
olic  population  of  480,000,  with  106  pai-ishes,  65( 
churches  and  chapels,  150  priests,  a  seminary,  an( 
schools. 

Battandier,    Ann.   pont.   cath.    (Paris,    1906);     .Inn.   re 
(Rome.  1908). 

F.  M.  Rupge. 


Cybistra,  a  titular  see  of  Cappadocia  in  Asia  Mine? 
Ptolemy  (5,  7.  7)  places  this  city  in  Lycaonia;  Stral 
(12,  ."13.'))  in  Cilicia;  Cicero  (Ispisl.  ad  fam.,  15,  2.  • 
!/;  I'ltjiiuiitoi'tii  iwlrt-mu,  near  tlie  boundary  of  Cilici| 
;inil  not  far  from  Taurus.  It  is  mentioned  as  a 
fragan  of  Tyana,  metropolis  of  Cappadocia  "Sccunili 


\H 


CYCLADES 


581 


CYNEWULF 


in  the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles  (700),  and  in  some 
early  "Notitiae  episcopatuum".  It  was  captured  by 
Harun  in  805,  and  by  Almamun  in  832.  Afterwards, 
probably  in  tiie  eleventh  century,  it  was  made  an  in- 
dependent archbishopric  (Parthey's  Notitia?,  10  and 
11);  it  still  remained  a  Byzantine  possession  after  a 
great  part  of  Cappadocia  had  passed  into  Turkish 
hands.  From  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh  centuries 
we  hear  often  of  a  fortress  Heracleia,  now  known  to 
have  been  near  t'ybistra  and  united  with  it  in  one 
bishopric  (Notitia.lO).  The  name  of  this  fortress  has 
been  preserved  in  the  modern  form,  Eregli,  a  poor 
village  and  the  centre  of  a  caza  in  the  vilayet  of 
Konia.  Five  bishops  are  quoted  by  Lequien  (I,  40.3) ; 
the  first  was  present  at  Nica-a  in  325,  the  last  at  Con- 
stantinople at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century. 
R.4MSAV.  Ilisl.  Gcogr.  of  Asia  Minor,  341. 

S.    PETRIDiiS. 

Cyclades,  a  group  of  islands  in  the  ^Egean  Sea. 
The  ancients  called  by  this  name  only  Delos  and  eleven 
ni'ii^lil louring  islands.  Andros,  Tenos,  Myknos,  Siphnos, 
Serijihos,  Naxos,  Syros,  Faros,  Kythmos,  Keos,  and 
Gyaros.  According  to  mythology  they  were  nymphs 
metamorphosed  into  rocks  for  having  refused  to  sacri- 
fice to  Poseidon.  They  are  in  fact  remains  of  an 
ancient  continent  that  disappeared  in  the  tertiary 
epoch.  Successively  Cretan,  Dorian,  and  Ionian  col- 
onies, they  were  made  subject  to  Athens  by  Miltiades. 
Under  Byzantine  rule  the  Dodekanesoi  (twelve  is- 
lands) were  included  in  the  fifth  European  theme. 
Plundered  by  the  Saracens  in  the  seventh  and  eight 
centuries,  they  became,  after  the  Fourth  Crusade,  a 
duchy  belonging  to  the  Venetian  families  of  Sanudo 
and  ("rispo.  The  Tvirks  conquered  them  in  the  six- 
teenth century.  The  Cyclades  are  now  a  nomas,  or 
dcpiirtment,  of  Greece,  but  imder  this  name  are  com- 
prised also  Melos,  Kimolos,  Sikinos,  Amorgos  (birth- 
place of  Simonides),  Thera  or  Santorin,  los,  Anaphe, 
and  other  islands  between  them.  The  population  is 
about  130,000.  Silk,  wine,  cotton,  fruit,  sponges, 
marble  (Paros),  and  emery  (Naxos),  are  the  chief 
products.  There  is  also  a  coasting  trade;  Hermou- 
polis  in  Syros  is  an  important  port. 

There  were  in  the  Cyelades  many  Greek  sees  suffra- 
gan to  Rhodes.  Unfler  the  Frankish  rule,  Latin  sees 
were  also  established  at  Naxos,  Andros,  Keos,  Syros, 
Tenos,  Mykonos,  los,  Melos,  and  Thera,  as  suffragans 
of  Rhodes  and  Athens,  later  only  of  Naxos.  The 
Archdiocese  of  Naxos  includes  also  Paros  and  Anti- 
paros.  It  has  500  Catholics,  some  10  churches  or 
chapels,  and  10  priests.  Among  the  latter  are  Capu- 
chins, and  Oblates  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales;  Ursuline 
nuns  conduct  the  schools.  Naxos  and  Paros  were 
Greek  bishoprics  early  imited  under  the  name  of  Paro- 
naxia.  It  was  a  metropolitan  see  in  1088,  and  its 
episcopal  list  is  in  Lequien  (I,  937).  Several  of  its 
nictnijKilitans  united  with  Rome  from  the  fourteenth 
to  the  eighteenth  century.  The  list  of  the  Latin  arch- 
bishoiis  is  in  I^^quien  (III,  1001),  Gams  (448),  and 
]'.\t\<r]  (1,375,11,221).  The  See  of  Naxos  is  now  con- 
fided to  the  Archbi.shop  of  Athens  as  administrator 
Apostolic.  Andros  wa.s  likewise  a  Greek  see;  its  epis- 
copal list  is  in  I,equien  (I,  s.  v.).  The  Latin  list  is 
found  there  also  (III,  859),  in  Gams  (449),  and  more 
complete  in  Eubel  (I,  89,  II,  99).  From  1702  the  sec 
w.as  administered  by  a  vicar-Apostolic  dcpciidrnl  di- 
rectly on  Propaganda;  and  in  1824  it  was  confided  to 
the  Bi.shop  of  Tenos. 

Melos  (Milo)  is  famous  for  the  statue  of  Venus 
found  there ;  it  h;is  thermal  springs  and  solfataras,  and 
there  are  ruins  of  the  ancient  city.  The  Greek  epis- 
copal list  is  in  Lequien  (I,  945).  The  Latin  list  is  also 
in  L<'quien  (III,  1055),  and  Gams  (449);  see  al.so  Eu- 
bel ( I,  355,  II,  211).  In  1700  the  see  was  united  with 
Naxos  and  in  18.30  with  Thera.  The  list  of  the  Latin 
bishops  of  Keos  (Cea,  Zea)  is  in  Lequien  (III,  807), 


Gams  (449),  Eubel  (I,  194,  II,  143).  los  (Nio,  Nea), 
according  to  tradition  the  site  of  Homer's  death,  had  a 
series  of  Latin  bishops  (see  Lequien,  III,  1135,  and 
Gams,  448).  As  to  Mykonos  (Micone)  we  know  only 
that  the  see  was  united  with  Tenos  as  early  as  1400. 
(See  Syros,  Tends,  and  Thera.) 

Bent,  Thr  Cyclades,  Life  among  the  Insular  Greeks  (London, 
1S85);  TozKR.  The  Islands  of  the  .^gean  (Oxford,  1890);  PuL- 
LEN.  Murray's  Handbook  for  Greece  and  the  Ionian  Islands 
(London,  1S95). 

S.  Petrides. 
Cycle.     See  Calendar. 

Cycle  (Dionysian).    See  Chronology. 

Cydonia,  a  titular  see  of  Crete.  According  to  old 
legentls  Cydonia  (or  Kydonia)  was  founded  by  King 
Kydon,  on  the  northwest  shore  of  Crete.  It  was 
afterwards  occupied  by  the  Achffans  and  Cohans, 
but  remaineil  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  island  till 
it  was  taken  by  Q.  C.  Metellus  (a.  d.  69).  The  Vene- 
tians rebuilt  and  fortified  it  in  1252;  it  was  taken  by 
the  Turks  in  1645.  The  Arabs  called  it  Rabdh  el- 
Djebn,  the  modern  Greeks  and  Turks  Khania,  the 
Western  peoples  Canea.  Lequien  (II,  272)  knows  of 
only  two  Greek  bishops:  Sebon,  in  458,  and  Nicetas, 
in  692.  Gams  (404)  adds  Meliton,  in  787.  After  the 
Frank  occupation  there  was  in  Crete  a  Latin  see, 
Agriensis,  or  Agiensis,  which  must  have  been  the  same 
as  that  of  Cydonia,  or  Canea.  Lequien  (III,  923-928) 
knows  of  sixteen  Latin  bishops,  from  1310  to  1645. 
Eubel  (I,  76;  II.  93)  numbers  seventeen  for  the  period 
from  about  1300  to  1481  (see  also  ibid.,  II,  312).  The 
last  occuiJant  retired  to  Italy  when  the  city  had  been 
taken  by  the  Turks.  The  population  of  Canea  is  now 
about  20,000,  mostly  Greeks,  with  200  Latins.  It 
was  the  residence  of  the  Latin  Bishop  of  Candia,  after 
the  see  had  been  re-established  by  Pius  IX.  The 
Catholic  parish  is  held  by  Capuchins.  There  are  some 
Christian  Brothers  and  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  de  I'Ap- 
parition,  with  two  schools  and  an  orphanage.  Canea 
still  remains  a  Greek  see.  (See  Canea;  CJandia.) 
S.  Petrides. 

Cyme,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor.  Kyme  (Doric, 
Kyma)  was  a  port  on  the  Kymaios  Kolpos  (Tchan- 
darli  Bay),  the  most  im|)ortant  city  of  vEolis,  and 
was  founded  by  the  Cohans  about  the  eleventh  or 
the  thirteenth  century  b.  c,  according  to  old  tradi- 
tions, by  Pelops  on  his  return  from  Greece.  After 
defeating  Oenomanos  and  expelling  the  native  inhabi- 
tants, he  gave  to  the  city  the  name  of  the  Amazon 
Kyme.  Another  uncommon  name  was  Phrykonis. 
Cyme  is  mentioned  in  the  "Synecdemus"  of  Hierocles 
and  in  the  "Notitise  episcopatuum"  as  late  as  the 
thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century.  Five  bishops  are 
mentioned  in  Lequien  (I,  729),  from  431  to  787. 
There  was  another,  John,  in  1216.  Cyme  is  identi- 
fied with  the  small  village  of  Latnoiirt,  in  the  vilayet 
of  Smyrna.  The  name  is  sometimes  transcribed 
Cume,  or  even  Cuma?,  possibly  a  source  of  confusion 
with  Cuma;  in  Italy.  There  was  also  a  Cyme  in 
JCgyptus  Secunda,  a  suffragan  of  Cabasa. 

S.    PETRIDliS. 

Cynewulf. — That  certain  Anglo-Saxon  poems  still 
extant  were  written  by  one  Cynewulf  is  beyond  dis- 
|)ute,  for  the  author  has  signed  his  name  in  them  by 
s|ielliiig  it  out  in  runic  letters  which  may  be  so  read  as 
to  make  sense  in  the  context  of  the  poem.  It  is,  how- 
ever, quite  uncertain  who  this  ("yncwulf  was.  Despite 
strong  expressions  of  O[)inion  to  the  contrary,  there 
seems  good  reason  for  identifying  him  with  Cynewulf, 
Bishop  of  Litidisfarne,  though  Professor  A.  S.  Cook  of 
Vale  advoeatis  thi'  claims  of  a  certain  Cynulf,  an 
ecclesiastic  whose  signature  is  attached  to  the  Decrees 
of  the  Council  of  Clove.sho  in  S()3,  and  who  may  have 
been  a  priest  of  the  Diocese  of  Dunwich.  In  any  c;ise 
it  has  been  conclusively  shown  of  late  that  Professor 


CYNIC 


582 


CYPRIAN 


Cook's  chief  reason  for  rejecting  the  bishop's  claim,  viz. 
the  supposed  dependence  of  some  of  Cynewulf 's  poems 
on  Alcuin's  "  De  Trinitate ",  written  about  802,  is  base- 
less. (See  C.  F.  Brown  in  Pub's,  of  Mod.  Lang.  Ass'n. 
of  N.  Am.,  XVIII,  308.)  Apart  from  conjecture  our 
only  certain  knowledge  about  Cynewulf  is  derived 
from  what  he  tells  us  of  himself  in  the  four  runic  pas- 
sages. He  had  received  gifts  in  a  hall  amid  scenes  of 
revelry,  which  may  mean  that  he  had  been  in  youth  a 
sort  of  gleeman  or  minstrel.  He  was  converted,  and 
had  since  then  devoted  himself  to  sacred  song  but  now 
in  old  age  he  still  dreaded  the  punishMimi  i>f  |Kist  sins. 
Four  poems,  the  "Christ",  the  "Eloiii'",  llir  "Juliana" 
and  the  ''Fates  of  the  Apostles"  may  Ur  allriliuted  to 
Cj'newulf  with  certainty  in  virtue  of  their  runic  signa- 
tures. The  "Christ",  as  it  is  preserved  in  "The  Exe- 
ter Book",  the  only  manuscript  containing  it,  is  a 
glorification  of  three  themes,  the  Advent  of  Christ,  the 
Ascension,  and  His  second  coming  upon  Doomsday. 
As  in  all  the  other  poems  the  writer  shows  literary 
gifts  of  a  very  high  order  and  he  must  evidently,  from 
his  knowledge  of  earlier  writers,  especially  St.  Gregory, 
have  been  a  man  of  considerable  learning.  In  the 
"Christ"  he  paraphrases  several  of  the  anthems, 
known  as  the  great  O's,  in  the  Advent  liturgy  and  in 
doing  so  introduces  jia-ssages  of  much  beauty  breath- 
ing the  most  intense  devotion  to  Our  Blessed  Lady 
(cf.  11.  33-49,  71-103,  etc.),  and  differing  little  in  feel- 
ing from  the  tone  of  such  verses  as  those  of  Lydgate, 
six  hundred  years  later.  The  poem  also  contains  a  re- 
markable testimony  (11.  1307-1326)  to  the  practice  of 
confession.  "Juliana",  also  preserved  to  us  in  "The 
Exeter  Book",  is  a  poetical  version  of  the  Acts  of  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Juliana.  The  "Elene",  with  those 
next  mentioned,  became  known  only  in  1836  upon  the 
discovery  of  the  Vercelli  codex,  an  Anglo-Saxon  manu- 
script in  prose  and  verse,  which  for  some  unknown 
reason  had  found  its  way  to  Vercelli  in  Italy.  The 
"Elene"  is  generally  reputed  Cynewulf's  masterpiece. 
It  contains  a  narrative  based  on  earlier  Latin  legentls 
of  the  discovery  of  the  true  Cross  by  St.  Helen.  The 
"Fates  of  the  Apostles"  is  a  fragment  chiefly  impor- 
tant as  forming  a  connecting  link  between  CynewTilf 
who  signs  it,  and  the  kindred  poem  "Andreas"  in  the 
same  manuscript.  This  also  is  consequently  by  most 
authorities  assigned  to  Cynewulf,  though  Knapp,  its 
latest  editor  (Boston,  1906),  regards  it  as  the  work  of 
an  imitator  and  possibly  disciple  of  Cynp^'^^ilf-  Of  the 
remaining  works  conjecturally  attril)uted  to  this  poet 
the  beautiful  "Dream  of  the  Rood"  is  the  most  im- 
portant. Some  verses  apparently  derived  from  this 
allegory  and  engraved  upon  the  famous  Ruthwell 
Cross  have  led  to  much  controversy  regarding  both 
the  date  of  the  monument  and  the  authorship  of  the 
poem.  Other  doulitful  works  sometimes  attributed 
to  Cynewulf  are  the  "Guthlac",  the  "Phoenix"  and 
certain  riddles  in  "The  Exeter  Book."  It  is  safe  to 
say  that  unless  fresh  evidence  comes  to  light  the  au- 
thorship can  never  be  settled. 

It  is  impossible  to  indicate  more  IIkui  :i  fiw  "f  the  imnien.se 
number  of  essays  and  editions  wliirl,  ,.f  hii.-  .\,Mr>i  h;ive  been 

consecrated  to  Cynewulf's  poeni~.  an  i   i"  il ntmvcrsies 

centering  round  liis  name.  A  L"""i  •"■'  "'•it  ami  a  full  ttitdioj;:- 
raphy  is  supplied  by  the  CfTn.,':     '      //  ,  ,'j  l:,i,ili^h  I.il.r.ilure 

(Cambridge,  1907).  I.  49  li  1        !    '   "      ;':    •  f.  als..  Cook,  TOc 

Christ  of  Cynev-nli  (BcMm,,     m,    11,.    I>n.„„  „f  the 

Kood  (Oxford,  190,'5);    Goi  .  '  ,'r    r;,, ,  7  1 1  ..mlon, 

1892):    KfiKTV,  Andreas  II,'  '    ■      /     '  "       t  ;•  -  '.'        i'.n^ton, 

1906);     HoLTHAUSEN,   €,,„■  I     ■        i!      ■' "  '  ■       ''"'■''• 

Trautmann,  Kj/TU"wulf  iI' ,■  '■      '  ''    '  ' '^''iw'' 

BnooKF..  Ear/;/ Enff/iiiAI/i'' r.r  ,,  il  .lalMii,  1^'.'-  :  .- i  ^  nn>,  J  he 
Christ  of  English  Poetry  (London.  I'.idi.i. 

Hekbekt  Ihukston. 

Cynic  School  of  Philosophy.— Tlie  Cynic  School, 
founde<l  at  .Vthcns  alxnit  400  li.  c,  continued  in  ex- 
istence until  aliout  'JOO  n.  i'.  It  sprang  from  the  eth- 
ical doctrine  of  Socrates  regarding  the  necessity  of 
moderation  and  self-denial.  With  this  ethical  ele- 
ment it  combined  the  dialectical  and  rhetorical  meth- 


ods of  the  Eleatics  and  the  Sophists.  Both  these 
influences,  however,  it  perverted  from  their  primitive 
uses;  the  Socratic  ethics  was  interpreted  by  the 
Cjmics  into  a  coarse  and  even  vulgar  depreciation  of 
knowledge,  refinement,  and  the  common  decencies, 
while  the  methods  of  the  Eleatics  and  the  Sophists 
became  in  the  hands  of  the  Cynics  an  instrument  of 
contention  (Eristic  Method)  rather  than  a  means  of 
attaining  truth.  The  Cynic  contempt  for  the  refine- 
ments and  conventions  of  polite  society  is  generally 
given  as  the  reason  for  the  name  dogs  (icipes)  by 
which  the  first  representatives  of  the  school  were 
known.  According  to  some  authorities,  however,  the 
name  Cyme  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  first  repre- 
sentatives of  the  school  were  accustomed  to  meet  in 
the  gymnasium  of  Cynosarges. 

The  founder  of  the  school  was  Antisthenes,  an 
Athenian  who  was  born  about  436  B.  c,  and  was  a 
pupil  of  Socrates.  The  best  known  among  his  fol- 
lowers are  Diogenes  of  Sinope,  Crates,  Menedemus, 
and  Menippus.  Antisthenes  himself  seems  to  have 
been  a  serious  thinker  and  a  writer  of  ability.  In  his 
theory  of  knowledge  he  advocated  indi\-idualistic 
sensism  as  opposed  to  Plato's  intellectualistic  theory 
of  ideas;  that  is  to  say,  he  taught  that  the  sense- 
perceived  individual  alone  exists  and  that  there  are 
no  universal  objects  of  knowledge.  In  ethics  he 
maintained  that  Anrtue  is  the  only  good  and  that 
pleasure  is  always  and  under  all  conditions  an  evil. 
Self-control,  he  said,  is  the  essence  of  virtue,  and  a 
wise  man  will  learn  above  all  things  to  despise  mate- 
rial needs  and  the  artificial  comforts  in  which  worldly 
men  find  happiness. 

Diogenes,  generally  referred  to  as  "Diogenes  the 
Cynic'',  is  one  of  the  most  strikmg  figures  in  Greek 
history ;  at  least,  his  personality  with  its  eccentricities, 
its  coarse  humour,  its  originality,  and  its  defiance  of  the 
commonplace,  has  appealed  with  extraordinary  force 
to  the  popular  imagination.  His  interview  with  Alex- 
ander, of  which  the  simplest  version  is  to  be  foimd  in 
Plutarch,  was  greatly  exaggerated  by  subsequent 
tradition.  The  followers  of  Diogenes,  namely.  Crates, 
Menedemus,  and  Menippus,  imitated  all  his  eccentrici- 
ties and  so  exaggerated  the  anti-social  elements  in  the 
Cynic  system  that  the  school  finally  fell  into  disrepute. 
Nevertheless,  there  were  in  the  C_ynic  philasophy 
elements,  especially  the  ethical  element,  which  later 
became  a  source  of  genuine  inspiration  in  the  Stoic 
School.  This  element,  combined  with  the  broader 
Stoic  idea  of  the  usefulness  of  intellectual  culture 
and  the  more  enlightened  Stoic  concept  of  the  scope 
of  logical  discussion,  reappeared  in  the  philosophy  of 
Zeno  and  Cleanthes,  and  was  the  central  ethical  doc- 


-tnn  .if  i.lnln^r.] 


trine  of  the  last  t 

Zeller,  .Si 
285  fT.;    Uebekwi  .,  M    i-.,    ,  //      ■        '  ;■' 
(New  York,  1892",  I.:i_'~mm:    Wimhiihn 
ophy,  tr.  TCFTS  (.New  York.  1901).  S2  sqq 
of  Philosophy  (Boston,  1903),  87  sqq. 

WiLLiAii  Turner 


hv  in  Greece.l' 

I  nndon,    lSS.5),tJ 


in.slnryof  rhihs-i 
TcRNER,  Hisloryi 


Cyprian,  S.unt,  Bishop  of  Toulon,  b.  at  Marseillesl 
in  47t);  d.  3  Oct.,  .546.     He  was  the  favourite  pupil  oil 
St.  Ciesarius  of  Aries  by  whom  he  was  trained,  andjf  • 
who,  in  506,  ordained  him  to  the  diaconate,  and, 
516,  consecrated  him  Bishop  of  Toulon.     St.  Cyp-I 
rian  appears  to  have  been  present  in  524  at  the  SynoJ 
of  .\rles  and  in  the  following  years  to  have  attended  £ 
nunilier    of    eoimeils.     At    all    the.se    iissemblies    h< 
showed  himself  a  \-igorous  oi^ponent  of  Semipelagian 
isra.     Soon  after  the  death  of  Ciesarius  (d.  543)  Cy 
prian  wrote  a  life  of  his  great  teacher  in  two  books 
being  moveil  to  the  imdertaking  by  the  entreaty  of  th< 
Abl>e.ss('a'saria  th"  Vounsjer.  who  had  been  the  hea( 
of  the  convent  at  .\rles  since  ,")'J9.     The  life  is  one  o 
the  most  valuable  biographical  remains  of  the  sixtl 
century.     Cyjirian  was  aided  in  his  task  by.  the  twi 
bishops,  Firminus  and  Viventius,  friends  of  Csesarius 


CYPRIAN 


583 


CTPRIAN 


as  well  as  by  the  priest  Messianus  and  the  deacon 
Stephen.  The  main  part  of  the  work  up  to  the  for- 
tieth chapter  of  the  first  book  was  most  probably  writ- 
t<'n  by  Cyprian  himself.  Within  the  last  few  years 
another  writing  of  his  li;is  become  known,  a  letter  to 
Bishop  Maxinuis  of  tieiieva,  which  discusses  some  of 
the  disputed  theological  questions  of  that  age.  The 
feast  of  St.  Cyprian  falls  on  3  October. 

Ada  SS.,  Oct.,  II,  164-178;  Ilisl.  lilt,  dc  la  France.  Ill,  237- 
241;  Wawra  gives  the  letter  to  Maximus  in  Theolog.  Quarlal- 
schrift  (Tubingen.  1903),  L.XXXV,  S7&-594;  Mon.  derm.  Husl.: 
Kin.9l..  III.  434-436,  also  gives  the  letter;  the  life  of  St.  Cssarius 
can  be  found  in  the  following  collections:  Ada  SS.,  Aug. .VI, 
&4-7.5;  P.  L..  LXVII,  1001-1042;  and  Mon.  Germ.  Hisl.; 
Krusch,  Scriptores  Meroving..  Ill,  457-501. 

Gabriel  Meier. 

Cyprian,  S.mnt,  and  Justina,  Saint,  Christians  of 
Antioch  who  suffered  martyrdom  during  the  persecu- 
tion of  Diocletian  at  Nicometlia,  2fi  September,  304, 
the  date  in  September  being  afterwards  made  the  day 
of  their  feast.  Cyprian  was  a  heathen  magician  of 
Antioch  who  had  dealings  with  demons.  By  their 
aiil  he  sought  to  bring  St.  Justina,  a  Christian  virgin, 
to  ruin;  but  she  foiled  the  threefold  attacks  of  the 
devils  by  the  sign  of  the  cross.  Brought  to  despair 
Cyprian  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  himself  and  in  this 
way  was  freed  from  the  toils  of  Satan.  He  was  re- 
ceived into  the  Church,  was  made  pre-eminent  by 
miraculous  gifts,  and  became  in  succession  deacon, 
priest,  and  finally  bLshop,  while  Justina  became  the 
head  of  a  convent.  During  the  Diocletian  persecu- 
tion both  were  .seized  and  taken  to  Damascus  where 
they  were  shockingly  tortured.  .\s  their  faith  never 
wavered  they  were  brought  before  Diocletian  at  Nico- 
media,  where  at  his  command  they  were  beheaded  on 
the  hank  of  the  river  Ciallus.  The  same  fate  befell  a 
Christian,  Theoctistus,  who  had  come  to  Cyprian  and 
hail  embraced  him.  After  the  bodies  of  the  saints  had 
lain  iinburied  for  .six  days  they  were  taken  by  Chris- 
tian sailors  to  Rome  where  they  were  interretl  on  the 
estate  of  a  noble  lady  named  Rufina  and  later  were 
entombed  in  Constantine's  ba.silica.  This  is  the  out- 
line (if  the  legend  or  allegory  which  is  found,  adorned 
with  dilTuse  descriptions  and  dialogues,  in  the  unreli- 
able "  Symeon  Metaphrastes",  and  was  made  the  sub- 
ject of  a  poem  by  the  Empress  Eudocia  II.  The 
Btorj-,  however,  must  have  arisen  as  early  as  the 
fourth  century,  for  it  is  mentioned  both  by  St.  Greg- 
ory Xazianzen  and  PrudentiiLs;  both,  nevertheless, 
liave  confounded  our  Cyprian  with  St.  Cyprian  of 
Carthage,  a  mistake  often  repeated.  It  is  certain 
that  no  Bi-sho]!  of  Antioch  bore  the  name  of  Cyprian. 
The  attempt  has  been  made  to  find  in  Cyprian  a  mys- 
tical prototype  of  the  Fau.st  legend:  Calderon  took 
the  story  as  the  ba.sis  of  a  dr.ania:  "El  raagico  prodi- 
giiiso".  The  legend  is  given  in  Greek  and  Latin  in 
Acta  SS.  September,  VII.  Ancient  Syriac  and  Ethi- 
opic  versions  of  it  have  been  published  vsnthin  the  last 
few  years. 

Kallkn  in  Kirehenlrx.,  s.  v.;  Zaun,  Cuprian  van  Anliochien 
unil  die  d<iil.-<chv  Faimtsage  (Erlangen,  1SS2);  IIvssel,  Vrteit  d. 
Cyvriansrhm    Lcgcnilc    in   Archiv  /.  ru-urre  Sprachen  u.  Litl. 

i  1903),  ('X,  273-311;  BM.  hagiog.  lal.  30H;  see  also  Butlek. 
,ives  of  the  .Sninis,  25  September;  and  (ibid.)  Baring-Godld. 
Idves  of  the  Saints. 

Gabriel  Meier. 

Cyprian  of  Carthage  (Tha.sciu.s  C-ecilius  Cypri- 
ANis),  Saint,  bi.shop  and  martyr.  Of  the  date  of  the 
saint's  birlli  and  of  his  early  life  nothing  is  known. 
At  the  time  of  his  conversion  to  Christianity  he  had, 
perhaps,  pa.ssed  middle  life.  He  w.as  famous  as  an 
orator  and  pleader,  had  considerable  wealth,  and 
held,  no  doubt,  a  great  position  in  the  metropolis  of 
Africa.  We  learn  from  his  deacon,  St.  Pontius,  whose 
life  of  the  saint  is  preserved,  that  liis  mien  was  digni- 
fied without  severity,  and  cheerful  without  effusive- 
ness. Ilis  gift  of  elo()uence  is  evident  in  his  WTitings. 
He  was  not  a  thinker,  a  pliilosopher,  a  theologian,  but 


eminently  a  man  of  the  world  and  an  administrator, 
of  v.ast  energies,  and  of  forcible  and  striking  character. 
His  conversion  was  due  to  an  aged  priest  named  Caeci- 
liamis,  with  whom  he  seems  to  have  gone  to  live. 
(Aecilianus  in  dying  commended  to  Cyprian  the  care 
of  his  wife  and  family.  While  yet  a  catechumen  the 
saint  decided  to  observe  chastity,  and  he  gave  most 
of  his  revenues  to  the  poor.  He  sold  his  property, 
including  his  gardens  at  Carthage.  These  were  re- 
stored to  him  {Dei  indulgentiA  reslituti,  says  Pon- 
tius), being  apparently  bought  back  for  him  by  his 
friends;  but  he  would  have  sold  them  again,  had  not 
the  persecution  made  this  imprudent.  His  baptism 
probably  took  place  c.  246,  presumably  on  Easter 
eve,  18  April. 

Cyprian's  first  Christian  vvTiting  is  "Ad  Donatum", 
a  monologue  spoken  to  a  friend,  sitting  under  a  vine- 
clad  pergola.  He  tells  how,  until  the  grace  of  God 
illuminated  and  strengthened  the  convert,  it  had 
seemed  impossible  to  conquer  vice;  the  decay  of 
Roman  society  is  pictured,  the  gladiatorial  shows,  the 
theatre,  the  unjust  law-courts,  the  hollowness  of  polit- 
ical success;  the  only  refuge  is  the  temperate,  studi- 
ous, and  prayerful  life  of  the  Christian.  At  the  begin- 
ning should  probably  be  placed  the  few  words  of 
Donatus  to  Cj'prian  which  are  printed  by  Hartel  as  a 
spurious  letter.  The  style  of  this  pamphlet  is  affected 
and  reminds  us  of  the  bombastic  unintelligibUity  of 
Pontius.  It  is  not  like  TertuUian,  brilliant,  barbar- 
ous, uncouth,  but  it  reflects  the  preciosity  which 
Apuleius  made  fashionable  in  Africa.  In  his  other 
works  Cyprian  addresses  a  Christian  audience;  his 
own  fervour  is  allowed  full  play,  his  style  becomes 
simpler,  though  forcible,  and  sometimes  poetical,  not 
to  say  flowery.  Without  being  classical,  it  is  correct 
for  its  date,  and  the  cadences  of  the  sentences  are  in 
strict  rhythm  in  all  his  more  careful  writings.  On  the 
whole  his  beauty  of  style  has  rarely  been  equalled 
among  the  Latin  Fathers,  and  never  surpassed  except 
by  the  matclilcss  energy  and  wit  of  St.  Jerome. 

Another  work  of  his  early  days  was  the  "  Testimonia 
ad  Quirinum",  in  two  books.  It  consists  of  passages 
of  Scripture  arranged  under  headings  to  illustrate  the 
passing  away  of  the  Old  Law  and  its  fulfilment  in 
Christ.  A  third  book,  added  later,  contains  texts 
dealing  with  Christian  ethics.  This  work  is  of  the 
greatest  value  for  the  history  of  the  Old  Latin  version 
of  the  Bible.  It  gives  ils  an  African  text  closely  re- 
lated to  that  of  the  Bobbio  MS.  known  as  k  (Turin). 
Hartel's  edition  has  taken  the  text  from  a  MS.  which 
exhibits  a  revised  version,  but  what  Cyjirian  wrote 
can  be  fairly  well  restored  from  the  Mi^.  cited  in  Har- 
tel's notes  as  L.  Another  Ixjok  of  excerpts  on  mar- 
tyrdom is  entitled  "Ad  Fortunatum";  its  text  can- 
not be  judged  in  any  printed  edition.  Cyprian  was 
ci^rtainly  only  a  recent  convert  when  he  became 
Bishop  of  Carthage  c.  248  or  the  beginning  of  249,  but 
he  pa.ssed  through  all  the  grades  of  the  ministry.  He 
had  declined  the  charge,  but  was  constrained  by  the 
people.  A  minority  oppo.sed  his  election,  including 
five  priests,  who  remained  his  enemies;  but  he  tells 
us  that  he  was  validly  elected  "after  the  Divine  judg- 
ment, the  vote  of  the  people  and  the  consent  of  the 
bishops". 

The  Decian  Persecutiox. — The  prosperity  of  the 
Church  during  a  peace  of  thirty-eight  years  had  pro- 
duced great  disorders.  Many  even  of  the  bishops 
were  given  up  to  worldlincss  and  gain,  and  we  hear  of 
worse  scandals.  In  October,  249,  Decius  became 
emi)eror  with  the  ambition  of  restoring  the  ancient 
virtue  of  Rome.  In  Jamiary,  250,  he  published  an 
edict  against  Christians.  Bishoiis  were  to  be  put  to 
death,  other  persons  to  be  punished  and  tortured  till 
they  recanted.  On  20  January  Pope  Fabian  was  mar- 
tyretl,  and  about  the  same  time  St.  Cyjirian  retired  to 
a  .safe  place  of  hiding.  His  enemies  continually  re- 
proached him  with  this.     But  to  remain  at  Carthage 


CYPRIAN 


584 


CYPRIAN 


was  to  court  death,  to  cause  greater  danger  to  others, 
and  to  leave  the  Church  without  government;  for  to 
elect  a  new  bishop  would  have  been  as  impossible  as  it 
was  at  Rome.  He  made  over  much  property  to  a 
confessor  priest,  Rogatian,  for  the  needy.  Some  of 
the  clergy  lapsed,  otliers  fled;  Cyprian  suspended 
their  pay,  for  their  ministrations  were  needed  and 
they  were  in  less  danger  than  the  bishop.  From  his 
retreat  he  encouraged  the  confessors  and  wrote  elo- 
quent panegyrics  on  the  martyrs.  Fifteen  soon  died 
in  prison  and  one  in  the  mines.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
proconsul  in  April  the  severity  of  the  persecution  in- 
creased. St.  Mappalicus  died  gloriously  on  the  17th. 
Children  were  tortured,  women  dishonoured.  Numi- 
dicus,  who  had  encouraged  many,  saw  his  wife  burnt 
alive,  and  was  himself  half  burnt,  then  stoned  and  left 
for  dead;  his  daughter  found  him  yet  living;  he 
recovered  and  Cyprian  made  him  a  priest.  Some,  after 
being  twice  tortured,  were  dismissed  or  banished, 
often  beggared. 

But  there  was  another  side  to  the  picture.  At 
Rome  terrified  Christians  rushed  to  the  temples  to 
sacrifice.  At  Carthage  the  majority  apostatized. 
Some  would  not  sacrifice,  but  purchased  libelH,  or  cer- 
tificates, that  they  had  done  so.  Some  bought  the 
exemption  of  their  family  at  the  price  of  their  own  sin. 
Of  these  Ubellatici  there  were  several  thousands  in 
Carthage.  Of  the  fallen  some  did  not  repent,  others 
joined  the  heretics,  but  most  of  them  clamoured  for 
forgiveness  and  restoration.  Some,  who  had  sacri- 
ficed imder  torture,  returned  to  be  tortured  afresh. 
Castus  and  ^milius  were  burnt  for  recanting,  others 
were  exiled;  but  such  cases  were  necessarily  rare.  A 
few  began  to  perform  canonical  penance.  The  first 
to  suffer  at  Rome  had  been  a  young  Carthaginian, 
Celerinus.  He  recovered,  and  Cyprian  made  him  a 
lector.  His  grandmother  and  two  uncles  had  been 
martyrs,  but  his  two  sisters  apostatized  under  fear  of 
torture,  and  in  their  repentance  gave  themselves  to 
the  service  of  those  in  prison.  Their  brother  was  very 
urgent  for  their  restoration.  His  letter  from  Rome  to 
Lucian,  a  confessor  at  Carthage,  is  extant,  with  the 
reply  of  the  latter.  Lucian  obtained  from  a  martyr 
named  Paul  before  his  passion  a  commission  to  grant 
peace  to  any  who  asked  for  it,  and  he  distributed 
these  "  indulgences  "  with  a  vague  formula :  "  Let  such 
a  one  with  his  family  communicate".  Tertullian 
speaks  in  197  of  the  "custom"  for  those  who  were  not 
at  peace  with  the  Chiu-ch  to  beg  this  peace  from  the 
martyrs.  Much  later,  in  his  Montanist  days  (c.  220), 
he  urges  that  the  adulterers  whom  Pope  Callistus  was 
ready  to  forgive  after  due  penance  would  now  get 
restored  by  merely  imploring  the  confessors  and  those 
in  the  mines.  Correspondingly  we  find  Lucian  issu- 
ing pardons  in  the  name  of  confessors  who  were  still 
alive,  a  manifest  abuse.  The  heroic  Mappalicus  had 
only  interceded  for  his  own  sister  and  mother.  It 
seemed  now  as  if  no  penance  was  to  be  enforced  upon 
the  lapsed,  and  Cyprian  wrote  to  remonstrate. 

Meanwhile  official  news  had  arrived  fmm  Rome  of 
the  death  of  Pope  Fabian,  together  with  *n  unsigned 
and  ungrammatical  letter  to  the  clergy  of  Carthage 
from  some  of  the  Roman  clergy,  implying  blame  to 
Cyprian  for  the  desertion  of  his  flock,  and  giving  ad- 
vice as  to  the  treatment  of  the  lapsed.  Cyprian  ex- 
plained his  conduct  (Ep.  xx),  and  sent  to  Rome  copies 
of  thirteen  of  the  letters  he  had  written  from  his 
hiding-place  to  Carthage.  The  five  priests  who  op- 
posed him  were  now  admitting  at  once  to  commimion 
all  who  had  recommendations  from  the  confessors,  and 
the  confessors  themselves  issiied  a  general  indulgence, 
in  accordance  witli  which  the  bishops  were  to  restore 
to  communion  all  whom  they  had  examined.  This 
was  an  outrage  on  discipline,  yet  Cyprian  was  ready  to 
give  some  value  to  the  indulgences  thus  improperly 
granted,  but  all  must  be  done  in  submission  to  the 
bishop.     He  proposed  that  Ubellatici  should  be  re- 


stored, when  in  danger  of  death,  by  a  priest  or  even  by 
a  deacon,  but  that  the  rest  shotild  await  the  cessation 
of  persecution,  when  councils  could  be  held  at  Rome! 
and  at  Carthage,  and  a  conunon  decision  be  agreed!  j 
upon.  Some  regard  must  be  had  for  the  prerogative!  J 
of  the  confessors,  yet  the  lapsed  must  surely  not  be  a 
placed  in  a  better  position  than  those  who  had  stood  I 
fast,  and  had  been  tortured,  or  beggared,  or  exiled.  I 
The  guilty  were  ttrrifietl  by  marvels  that  occurred.  I 
A  man  was  struck  ilumi)  on  the  very  Capitol  where  he  '] 
had  denied  Christ.  Another  went  mad  in  the  public  | 
baths,  and  gnawed  the  tongue  which  had  tasted  the 
pagan  victun.  In  Cyprian's  own  presence  an  infant 
who  had  been  taken  by  its  niu-se  to  partake  at  the 
heathen  altar,  and  then  to  the  Holy  Sacrifice  offered 
by  the  bishop,  was  as  though  in  torture,  and  vomited 
the  Sacred  Species  it  had  received  in  the  holy  chalice.- 
A  lapsed  woman  of  advanced  age  had  fallen  in  a  fit, 
on  venturing  to  communicate  unworthily.  Another, 
on  opening  the  receptacle  in  which,  according  to  cus- 
tom, she  had  taken  home  the  Blessed  Sacrament  for 
private  Communion,  was  deterred  from  sacrilegiously 
touching  it  by  fire  which  came  forth.  Yet  another 
found  nought  within  her  pyx  save  cinders.  About 
September,  Cyprian  received  promise  of  support  from 
the  Roman  priests  in  t"'o  letters  wTitten  by  the  famous 
Novatian  in  the  name  of  his  colleagues.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  251  the  persecution  waned,  owing  to  the  suc- 
cessive appearance  of  two  rival  emperors.  The  con- 
fessors were  released,  and  a  council  was  convened  at 
Carthage.  By  the  perfidy  of  some  priests  Cyprian  was 
unable  to  leave  his  retreat  till  after  Easter  (23 
March).  But  he  wrote  a  letter  to  his  flock  denoun- 
cing the  most  infamous  of  the  five  priests,  Novatus,  and 
his  deacon  Felicissimus  (Ep.  xliii).  To  the  bishop's 
order  to  delay  the  reconciliation  of  the  lapsed  until 
the  council,  Felicissimus  had  replied  by  a  manifesto, 
declaring  that  none  should  communicate  with  himself 
who  accepted  the  large  alms  distributed  by  Cyprian's 
order.  The  subject  of  the  letter  is  more  fully  devel- 
oped in  the  treatise  "De  Ecclesite  Catholicae  Unitate" 
which  Cyprian  wrote  about  this  time  (Benson  -nTongly 
thought  it  was  WTitten  against  Novatian  some  weeli 
later). 

This  Celebrated  pamphlet  was  read  by  its  author  to 
the  council  which  met  in  April,  that  he  might  get  the 
support  of  the  bishops  against  the  schism  started  by 
Felicissimus  and  Novatus,  who  had  a  large  following. 
The  imity  with  which  St.  Cyprian  deals  is  not  so  much 
the  unity  of  the  whole  Church,  the  necessity  of  which 
he  rather  postulates,  as  the  unity  to  be  kept  in  each 
diocese  by  union  with  the  bishop;  the  unity  of  the 
whole  Church  is  maintained  by  the  close  union  of  the 
bishops  who  are  "glued  to  one  another",  hence  who- 
soever is  not  with  his  bishop  is  cut  off  from  the  unity 
of  the  Church  and  cannot  be  imited  to  Christ;  the  type^ 
of  the  bishop  is  St.  Peter,  the  first  bishop.  Protestant 
controversialists  have  attributed  to  St.  Cyprian  the 
absurd  argimient  that  Christ  said  to  Peter  what  He 
really  meant  for  all,  in  order  to  give  a  tyjie  or  pictiu-e: 
of  unity.  What  St.  Cyprian  really  says  is  simply  this,! 
that  Christ,  using  the  metaphor  of  an  edifice,  founds 
His  Church  on  a  single  foimdation  which  shall  mani-i 
fest  and  ensure  its  unity.  And  as  Peter  is  the  foimda-i 
tion,  binding  the  whole  Church  together,  so  in  eacll 
diocese  is  the  bishop.  With  this  one  argmnent  Cy- 
prian claims  to  cut  at  the  root  of  all  heresies  am 
schisms.  It  has  been  a  mistake  to  find  anj-  referenc( 
to  Rome  in  this  passage  (De  Fnit.,  4). 

Church  Unity. — About  the  time  of  the  opening  o 
the  council  (2.51),  two  letters  arrived  from  Rome 
One  of  these,  announcing  the  election  of  a  pope,  St 
Cornelius,  was  read  by  Cy|)rian  to  the  assembly;  thi 
other  contained  such  violent  and  improbable  accusal 
tions  against  the  new  pope  that  he  thought  it  better  t' 
pass  it  over.  But  two  liisliops,  Caldoiiius  and  For 
tunatus,  were  disi)atched  to  Rome  for  furtlier  infoij 


CYPRIAN 


585 


CYPRIAN 


mi  (ion,  and  the  whole  council  was  to  await  their  re- 
turn— such  was  the  importance  of  a  papal  election. 
Meantime  another  message  arrived  with  the  news  that 
Novatian,  the  most  eminent  among  the  Roman 
cIiTgjf,  had  been  made  pope.  Happily  two  African 
prelates,  Pompeius  and  Stephanus,  who  had  been 
present  at  the  election  of  Cornelius,  arrived  also,  and 
were  able  to  testify  that  he  had  been  validly  set  "in 
the  place  of  Peter",  when  as  yet  there  was  no  other 
claimant.  It  was  thus  possible  to  reply  to  the  re- 
crimination of  Novatian's  envoys,  and  a  short  letter 
was  sent  to  Rome,  explaining  the  discussion  which 
had  taken  place  in  the  council.  Soon  afterwards 
came  the  report  of  Caldonius  and  Fortunatus  together 
with  a  letter  from  Cornelius,  in  which  the  latter  com- 
plained somewhat  of  the  delay  in  recognizing  him. 
Cyprian  wrote  to  Cornelius  explaining  his  prudent 
conduct.  He  adtled  a  letter  to  the  confessors  who 
were  the  main  support  of  the  antipope,  leaving  it  to 
Cornelius  whether  it  should  be  delivered  or  no.  He 
sent  also  copies  of  his  two  treatises,  "  De  U  nitate  "and 
"De  Lapsis"  (this  had  been  composed  by  him  imme- 
diately after  the  other"),  and  he  wishes  the  confessors 
to  read  these  in  order  that  they  may  understand  what 
a  fearful  thing  is  schism.  It  is  in  this  copy  of  the 
"De  Unitate"  that  Cyprian  appears  most  probably 
to  have  added  in  the  margin  all  alternative  version  of 
the  fourth  chapter.  The  original  passage,  as  found 
in  most  MSS.  and  as  printed  in  Hartel's  edition,  rims 
thus: 

"  If  any  will  consider  this,  there  is  no  need  of  a  long 
treatise  and  of  argimients.  The  Lord  saith  to  Peter: 
'I  say  unto  thee  that  thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this 
rock  I  will  buikl  Mj-  Church,  and  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it ;  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  what  thou  shalt  have 
boimd  on  earth  shall  be  boimd  in  heaven,  and  what 
thou  shalt  have  loosed  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven.' 
Upon  one  He  builds  His  Church,  and  though  to  all  His 
Apostles  after  His  resurrection  He  gives  an  equal 
power  and  says:  'As  My  Father  hath  sent  Me,  even  so 
send  I  you:  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost,  who.sesoever  sins 
you  shall  have  remitted  they  shall  be  remitted  unto 
them,  and  whose.soever  sins  you  .shall  have  retained 
they  shall  be  retained',  yet  that  He  might  make  imity 
manifest,  He  disposed  the  origin  of  that  unity  begin- 
ning from  one.  The  other  Apostles  were  indeed  what 
Peter  was,  endowed  with  a  like  fellowship  both  of 
honour  and  of  power,  but  the  commencement  pro- 
ceeds from  one,  that  the  Church  may  be  shown  to  be 
one.  This  one  Ch\iroh  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  person 
of  the  Lord  designates  in  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and 
says.  One  is  My  Dove,  My  perfect  one,  one  is  she  to 
her  Mother,  one  to  her  that  bare  her.  He  that  holds 
not  this  unity  of  the  Church,  does  he  believe  that  he 
holds  the  Faith?  He  who  strives  against  and  resists 
the  Church,  is  he  confident  that  he  is  in  the  Church?" 
The  substituted  passage  is  as  follows:  "...  boimd 
in  heaven.  T'pon  one  He  builds  His  Church,  and  to 
the  same  He  says  after  His  resurrection,  'feed  My 
sheep'.  And  though  to  all  His  Apostles  He  gave  an 
equal  power  net  did  He  set  up  one  chair,  and  disposed 
the  origin  and  nuinnrr  of  unity  by  his  authority.  The 
other  Apostles  were  indeed  what  Peter  was,  but  the 
primary  is  girrii  to  Peter,  and  the  Church  and  the 
chair  is  shown  to  be  one.  And  all  are  pastors,  but 
the  flock  U  shown  to  be  one,  which  is  fed  by  all  the 
Apostles  with  one  mind  and  heart.  He  who  holds 
not  this  imity  of  the  Church,  does  he  think  that  he 
holds  the  faith?  He  who  deserts  the  chair  of  Peter, 
upon  whom  the  Church  is  founded,  is  he  confident 
that  he  is  in  the  Church?" 

These  .alt<-rnative  versions  are  given  one  after  the 
other  in  the  chief  family  of  MSS.  which  contains  them, 
while  in  simie  other  families  tlie  two  hiivv.  been  par- 
tially or  wholl}-  combined  into  one.  Tlie  combine<I 
Version  is  the  one  which  has  been  printed  in  many  edi- 


tions, and  has  played  a  large  part  in  controversy  with 
Protestants.  It  is  of  course  spm'ious  in  this  conflated 
form,  but  the  alternative  form  given  above  is  not  only 
found  in  eighth-  and  ninth-century  MSS.,  but  it  is 
quoted  by  Bede,  by  Gregory  the  Great  (in  a  letter 
written  for  his  predecessor  Pelagius  II),  and  by  St. 
Gelasius ;  indeed,  it  was  almost  certainly  known  to  St. 
Jerome  and  St.  Optatus  in  the  fourth  century.  The 
evidence  of  the  MSS.  would  indicate  an  equally  early 
date.  Every  expression  and  thought  in  the  passage 
can  be  paralleled  from  St.  Cj-prian's  habitual  language, 
and  it  seems  to  be  now  generally  admitted  that  this 
alternative  passage  is  an  alteration  made  by  the  au- 
thor himself  when  forwarding  his  work  to  the  Roman 
confessors.  The  "one  chair"  is  always  in  Cyprian 
the  episcopal  chair,  but  in  Rome  that  chair  was  the 
chair  of  Peter,  and  Cyprian  has  been  careful  to  em- 
phasize this  point,  and  to  add  a  reference  to  the  other 
great  Petrine  text,  the  Charge  in  John,  x.xi.  The  as- 
sertion of  the  equality  of  the  Apostles  as  Apostles  re- 
mains, and  the  omissions  are  only  for  the  sake  of  brev- 
ity. The  old  contention  that  it  is  a  Roman  forgery  is 
at  all  events  quite  out  of  the  question.  Another  pas- 
sage is  also  altered  in  all  the  same  MSS.  which  contain 
the  "interpolation";  it  is  a  paragraph  in  which  the 
humble  and  pious  conduct  of  the  lapsed  "on  this 
hand"  (hie)  is  contrasted  in  along  succession  of  paral- 
lels with  the  pride  and  wickedness  of  the  schismatics 
"on  that  hand"  (illie),  but  in  the  delicate  manner  of 
the  treatise  the  latter  are  only  referred  to  in  a  general 
way.  In  the  "interpolated"  MSS.  we  find  that  the 
lapsed,  whose  cause  had  now  been  settled  by  the  coun- 
cil, are  "on  that  hand"  (iltic),  whereas  the  references 
to  the  schismatics — meaning  the  Roman  confessors 
who  were  supporting  Novatian,  and  to  whom  the  book 
was  being  sent — are  made  as  pointed  as  possible, 
being  brought  into  the  foregroimd  by  the  repeated 
hie,  "on  this  hand". 

Nov.\TiANiSM. — The  saint's  remonstrance  had  its 
effect,  and  the  confessors  rallied  to  Cornelius.  But 
for  two  or  three  months  the  confusion  throughout  the 
Catholic  Church  had  been  terrible.  No  other  event 
in  these  early  times  shows  us  so  clearly  the  enormous 
importance  of  the  papacy  in  East  and  West.  St. 
Dionysius  of  .-Vlexandria  joined  his  great  influence  to 
that  of  the  Carthaginian  primate,  and  he  was  very 
soon  able  to  write  that  .\ntioch,  Ca>sarea,  and  Jerusa- 
lem, Tyre  and  Laodicea,  all  Cilicia  and  Cappadocia, 
Syria  and  Arabia,  Mesopotamia,  Pontus,  and  Bithy- 
nia,  had  returned  to  union  and  that  their  bishops  were 
all  in  concord  (Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  VII,  v).  From 
this  we  gauge  the  area  of  disturbance.  Cyprian  says 
that  Novatian  "assumed  the  primacy"  (Ep.  Ixix,  8) 
and  sent  out  his  new  apostles  to  very  many  cities;  and 
where  in  all  provinces  and  cities  there  were  long  estab- 
lished, orthodox  bishops,  tried  in  persecution,  he  dared 
to  create  new  ones  to  supplant  them,  as  though  he 
could  range  through  the  whole  world  (Ep.  Iv,  24). 
Such  was  the  power  assumed  by  a  third-century  anti- 
pope.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  in  the  first  days  of 
the  schism  no  question  of  heresy  was  raised  and  that 
Novatian  only  enunciated  his  refusal  of  forgiveness 
to  the  lapsed  after  he  had  made  himself  pope.  Cy- 
prian's reasons  for  holding  Cornelius  to  be  the  true 
bishop  are  fully  detailed  in  Ep.  Iv  to  a  bishop,  who 
had  at  first  yielded  to  Cyprian's  argtiments  and  had 
commissioned  him  to  inform  Cornelius  that  "he  now 
communicated  with  him,  that  is  with  the  Catholic 
Church",  but  had  afterwards  wavered.  It  is  evi- 
dently implied  that  if  he  did  not  communicate  with 
Cornelius  he  would  be  outside  the  Catholic  Church. 
Writing  to  the  pope,  Cyprian  apologizes  for  his  delay 
in  acknciwlcilging  him;  he  had  at  lea.st  urged  all  those 
who  sailrd  to  Rome  to  make  sure  that  they  acknowl- 
edged and  held  the  womb  and  root  of  the  Catholic 
Church  (Ep.  xlviii,  .3).  By  this  is  probably  meant 
"the  womb  and  root  which  is  the  Catholic  Church", 


CYPRIAN 


586 


CYPRIAN 


but  Harnack  and  many  Protestants,  as  well  as  many 
Catholics,  find  here  a  statement  that  the  Roman 
Church  is  the  womb  and  root.  Cyprian  continues 
that  he  had  waited  for  a  formal  report  from  the  bish- 
ops who  had  been  sent  to  Rome,  before  committing  all 
the  bishops  of  Africa,  Numidia,  and  Mauretania  to  a 
decision,  in  order  that,  when  no  doubt  could  remain, 
all  his  colleagues  "might  firmly  approve  and  hold 
your  communion,  that  is  the  imity  and  charity  of  the 
Catholic  Church".  It  is  certain  that  St.  Cyprian 
held  that  one  who  was  in  communion  with  an  anti- 
pope  held  not  the  root  of  the  Catholic  Church,  was  not 
nourished  at  her  breast,  drank  not  at  her  fountain. 

So  little  was  the  rigorism  of  Novatian  the  origin  of 
his  schism,  that  his  chief  partisan  was  no  other  than 
Novatus,  who  at  Carthage  had  been  reconciling  all 
the  lapsed  indiscriminately  without  penance.  He 
seems  to  have  arrived  at  Rome  j  ust  after  the  election 
of  Cornelius,  and  his  adhesion  to  the  party  of  rigorism 
had  the  curious  result  of  destroying  the  opposition  to 
Cyprian  at  Carthage.  It  is  true  that  Felicissimus 
fought  manfully  for  a  tune;  he  even  procured  five 
bishops,  all  excommunicated  and  deposed,  who  conse- 
crated for  the  party  a  certain  Fortunatus  in  opposi- 
tion to  St.  Cyprian,  in  order  not  to  be  outdone  by  the 
Novatian  party,  who  had  already  a  rival  bishop  at 
Carthage.  The  faction  even  appealed  to  St.  Cornelius, 
and  Cyprian  had  to  write  to  the  pope  a  long  account 
of  the  circumstances,  ridiculing  their  presumption  in 
"  sailing  to  Rome,  the  priinatial  Church  {ecclcsia  ■prin- 
cipalis), the  Chair  of  Peter,  whence  the  unity  of  the 
Episcopate  had  its  origin,  not  recollecting  that  these 
are  the  Romans  whose  faith  w.-is  praised  bySt.Paul 
(Rom.,  i,  8),  to  whom  unfaith  could  have  no  access". 
But  this  embassy  was  naturally  unsuccessful,  and  the 
party  of  Fortunatus  and  Felicissimus  seems  to  have 
melted  away. 

The  Lap.sed. — With  regard  to  the  lapsed  the  coun- 
cil had  decided  that  each  case  must  be  judged  on  its 
merits,  and  that  Uhcllfitici  should  be  restored  after 
varying,  but  lengthy,  terms  of  penance,  whereas  those 
who  had  actually  sacrificed  might  after  life-long  pen- 
ance receive  Communion  in  the  hour  of  death.  But 
any  one  who  put  off  sorrow  and  penance  until  the 
hour  of  sickness  must  be  refused  all  Communion. 
The  decision  was  a  severe  one.  A  recrudescence  of 
persecution,  annoimced,  Cyprian  tells  us,  by  numer- 
ous visions,  caused  the  assembling  of  another  council 
in  the  summer  of  252  (so  Benson  and  Nelke,  but 
Ritschl  and  Harnack  prefer  2.53),  in  which  it  was 
decided  to  restore  at  once  all  those  who  were  doing 
penance,  in  order  that  they  might  be  fortified  by  the 
Holy  Eucharist  against  trial.  In  this  persecution  of 
Callus  and  Volusianus,  the  Church  of  Rome  was  again 
tried,  but  this  time  Cyprian  was  able  to  congratulate 
the  pope  on  the  firmness  shown;  the  whole  Church  of 
Rome,  he  says,  had  confessed  unanimously,  and  once 
again  its  faith,  praised  by  the  Apostle,  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  whole  world  (Ep.  Ix).  About  June 
253,  Cornelius  was  exiled  to  Centumcellae  (Civitavec- 
chia), and  died  there,  being  counted  as  a  martyr  by 
Cyprian  and  the  rest  of  the  Church.  His  successor 
Lucius  was  at  once  sent  to  the  same  place  on  his 
election,  but  soon  was  allowed  to  return,  and  Cyprian 
wrote  to  congratulate  him.  He  died  5  March,  254, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Stephen,  12  May,  254. 

Rebaptism  of  Heretics. — TertuUian  had  charac- 
teristically argued  long  before,  that  heretics  have  not 
the  same  God,  the  same  Christ  with  Catholics,  there- 
fore their  baptism  is  null.  The  African  Church  had 
adopted  this  view  in  a  council  held  vmder  a  [)red('ces- 
sor  of  Cyprian,  Agrippinus,  at  Carthage.  In  the  East 
it  was  also  the  custom  of  Cilicia,  Cappadocia,  and 
Galatia  to  rebaptize  Montanists  who  returned  to  the 
Church.  Cyiirian's  opinion  of  baptism  by  heretics 
was  strongly  expressed:  "Non  abluuutur  illic  hom- 
ines, sed  potius  sordidantur,  nee  purgantur  delicta 


sed  immo  cumulantur.  Non  Deo  nativitas  ilia  sed  j 
diabolo  filios  generat"  ("De  Unit.",  xi).  A  cer-  j 
tain  bishop,  Magnus,  wrote  to  ask  if  the  baptism '  1 
of  the  Novatians  was  to  be  respected  (Ep.  Ixix).  i  j 
Cyprian's  answer  may  be  of  the  year  255;  he  denies  \i 
that  they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  any  other  \ 
heretics.  Later  we  find  a  letter  in  the  same  sense,  I 
probably  of  the  spring  of  255  (autumn,  according  to  1 
d'.^les),  from  a  council  under  Cyprian  of  thirty-one  j 
bishops  (Ep.  Ixx),  addressed  to  eighteen  Numidian  j 
bishops;  this  was  apparently  the  beginning  of  the 
controversy.  It  appears  that  the  bishops  of  Maure-  ! 
tania  did  not  in  this  follow  the  custom  of  Proconsular 
Africa  and  Numidia,  and  that  Pope  Stephen  sent  them 
a  letter  approving  their  adherence  to  Roman  custom. 
Cyprian,  being  consulted  by  a  Numidian  bishop, 
Quintiis,  sent  him  Ep.  Ixx,  and  replied  to  his  difficul- 
ties (Ep.  Ixxi).  The  spring  council  at  Carthage  in  the 
following  year,  256,  was  more  numerous  than  usual, 
and  sLxty-one  bishops  signed  the  conciliar  letter  to 
the  pope  explaining  their  reasons  for  rebaptizing,  and 
claiming  that  it  was  a  question  upon  which  bishops 
were  free  to  differ.  This  was  not  Stephen's  view,  and 
he  immediately  issued  a  decree,  couched  evidently  in 
very  peremptory  terms,  that  no  "innovation"  was  to 
be  made  (this  is  taken  by  some  moderns  to  mean  "  no 
new  baptism"),  but  the  Roman  tradition  of  merely 
laying  hands  on  converted  heretics  in  sign  of  absolu- 
tion must  be  everywhere  observed,  under  pain  of  ex- 
communication. The  letter  was  evidently  addressed 
to  the  African  bishops,  and  contained  some  severe 
censures  on  Cyprian  himself.  Cyprian  writes  to 
Jubaianus  that  he  is  defending  the  one  Church,  the 
Church  foimded  on  Peter — Why  then  is  he  called  a 
prevaricator  of  the  truth,  a  traitor  to  the  truth?  (Ep. 
Ixxiii,  11).  To  the  same  correspondent  he  sends  Epp. 
lx,x,  Ix.xi,  Ixxii;  he  makes  no  laws  for  others,  but 
retains  his  own  liberty.  He  sends  also  a  copy  of  his 
newly  written  treatise  "De  Bono  Patientiie".  To 
Pompeius,  who  had  asked  to  see  a  copy  of  Stephen's 
rescript,  he  writes  with  great  violence:  "As  you  read 
it,  you  will  note  his  error  more  and  more  clearly;  in 
approving  the  baptism  of  all  the  heresies,  he  has 
heaped  into  his  own  breast  the  sins  of  all  of  them ;  a 
fine  tradition  indeed !  What  blindness  of  mind,  what 
depravity!" — "ineptitude",  "hard  obstinacy", — such 
are  the  expressions  which  run  from  the  pen  of  one  who 
declared  that  opinion  on  the  subject  was  free,  and  who 
in  this  very  letter  explains  that  a  bishop  must  never  be 
quarrelsome,  but  meek  and  teachable.  In  Septem- 
ber, 256,  a  yet  larger  coimcil  assembled  at  Carthage. 
All  agreed  with  Cyprian ;  Stephen  was  not  mentioned ; 
and  some  writers  have  even  supposed  that  the  council 
met  before  Stephen's  letter  was  received  (so  Ritschl, 
Grisar,  Ernst,  Bardenhewer).  Cyprian  did  not  wish 
the  responsibility  to  be  all  his  own.  He  declared  that 
no  one  made  himself  a  bishop  of  bishops,  and  that  all 
must  give  their  true  opinion.  The  vote  of  each  was 
therefore  given  in  a  short  speech,  and  the  minutes 
have  come  down  to  us  in  the  Cyprianic  correspondence 
under  the  title  of  "SententiiE  Episcoporura ".  But 
the  messengers  sent  to  Rome  with  this  document  were 
refused  an  audience  and  even  denied  all  hospitality  by 
the  pope.  The}'  returned  incontinently  to  Carthage, 
and  Cyprian  tried  for  support  from  the  East.  He 
wrote  to  the  famous  Bishop  of  C;B.sarea  in  Cappadocia, 
Firmilian,  sending  him  the  treatise  "De  Unitate"  and 
the  correspondence  on  the  baptismal  question.  By 
the  middle  of  November  Firmilian 's  reply  had  arrived, 
and  it  has  come  down  to  us  in  a  translation  made  at 
the  time  in  Africa.  Its  tone  is,  if  possible,  more 
violent  than  that  of  Cyprian.  tSee  Fir.\ui.i.\n.)  Af- 
ter this  wo  Uni)\v  no  more  of  the  controversy. 

Stephen  ilieil  on  27  .\ugu.':t,  257,  and  Wiis  succeeded 
by  Sixtus  II.  who  certainly  communicated  with 
Cyprian,  and  is  called  by  Pontius  "a  good  and  peace- 
loving  bishop".     I'robably  when  it  was  seen  at  Rome 


CYPRIAN 


587 


CYPRIAN 


(hit  the  East  was  largely  committed  to  the  same 
\\  rung  practice,  the  question  was  tacitly  dropped.  It 
>liouM  be  remembered  that,  though  Stephen  had  de- 
ininiled  unquestioning  obedience,  he  had  apparently, 
like  I'yprian,  considered  the  matter  as  a  point  of  dis- 
I  il'linc.  St.  Cyprian  supports  his  view  by  a  wrong 
inli'ience  from  the  unity  of  the  Church,  and  no  one 
tliniight  of  the  principle  afterwards  taught  by  St. 
Aiiuustine,  that,  since  Christ  is  always  the  principal 
:iL;'-nt,  the  validity  of  the  sacrament  is  independent  of 
tlie  imworthiness  of  the  minister:  Ipse  est  qui  bap- 
tizat.  Yet  this  is  what  is  implied  in  Stephen's  insist- 
ing upon  nothing  more  than  the  correct  form,  "be- 
cause baptism  is  given  in  the  name  of  Christ",  and 
"the  effect  is  due  to  the  majesty  of  the  Name".  The 
laying  on  of  hands  enjoined  by  Stephen  is  repeatedly 
said  to  be  in  pienitentiam,  yet  Cyprian  goes  on  to 
argue  that  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost  by  the  laying  on 
of  hands  is  not  the  new  birth,  but  must  be  subsequent 
to  it  and  implies  it.  This  has  led  some  modems  into 
the  notion  that  Stephen  meant  confirmation  to  be 
given  (so  Duchesne),  or  at  least  that  he  has  been  so 
misunderstood  by  Cyprian  (d'Alcs).  But  the  passage 
(Ep.  Ixxiv,  7)  need  not  mean  this,  and  it  is  most  im- 
probable that  confirmation  was  even  thought  of  in 
this  connexion.  Cyprian  seems  to  consider  the  laying 
on  of  hands  in  penance  to  be  a  giving  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  In  the  East  the  custom  of  rebaptizing  heretics 
had  perhaps  arisen  from  the  fact  that  so  many  heretics 
disbelieved  in  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  po.ssibIy  did  not 
even  use  the  right  form  and  matter.  For  centuries 
the  practice  persisted,  at  least  in  the  case  of  some  of 
the  heresies.  But  in  the  West  to  rebaptize  was  re- 
garded as  heretical,  and  Africa  came  into  line  soon 
after  St.  Cyprian.  St.  Augustine,  St.  Jerome,  and  St. 
Vincent  of  Lerins  are  full  of  praise  for  the  firmness  of 
Stephen  as  befitting  his  place.  But  Cyprian's  un- 
fortunate letters  became  the  chief  support  of  the 
Puritanism  of  the  Donatists.  St.  Augustine  in  his 
"De  Baptismo"  goes  through  them  one  by  one.  He 
will  not  dwell  on  the  violent  words  quce  in  Stephanum 
irritnlux  effudit,  and  expresses  his  confidence  that 
Cyprian's  glorious  martyrdom  will  have  atoned  for 
his  excess. 

Appe.vls  to  Rome. — Ep.  Ixviii  was  written  to 
Stephen  before  the  breach.  Cyprian  has  heard  twice 
from  Faustinus,  Bishop  of  Lyons,  that  Marcianus, 
Bishop  of  Aries,  has  joined  the  party  of  Novatian. 
The  pope  will  certainly  have  been  already  informed 
of  this  by  Faustinus  and  by  the  other  bishops  of  the 
province.  Cyprian  urges:  "  You  ought  to  send  very 
full  letters  to  our  fellow-bishops  in  Gaul,  not  to  allow 
the  obstinate  and  proud  Marcianus  any  more  to  insult 
our  fellowship.  .  .  .  Therefore  send  letters  to  the 
province  and  to  the  people  of  Aries,  by  which,  Marci- 
anus having  been  excommunicated,  another  shall  be 
svibstituted  in  his  place  .  .  .  for  the  whole  copious  body 
of  bishops  Is  joined  together  by  the  glue  of  mutual 
concord  and  the  bond  of  unity,  in  order  that  if  any  of 
our  fellowship  should  attempt  to  make  a  heresy  and 
to  lacerate  and  devastate  the  fiock  of  Christ,  the  rest 
may  give  their  aid.  .  .  .  For  though  we  are  many 
shepherds,  yet  we  feed  one  flock."  It  seems  incon- 
testable that  Cyprian  is  here  explaining  to  the  pope 
why  he  ventures  to  interfere,  and  that  he  attributes 
to  the  po[)e  the  power  of  deposing  Marciaims  and 
ordering  a  fresh  election.  We  should  compare  his 
witness  that  Novatian  usurped  a  similar  power  as 
antipope. 

Another  letter  dates  perhaps  somewhat  later.  It 
emanates  from  a  council  of  thirty-seven  bishops,  and 
was  obviously  composed  by  Cyprian.  It  is  addres.sed 
to  the  priest  Felix  and  the  people  of  Legio  and  Astu- 
rica,  and  to  th(>  deacon  .'Julius  and  the  people  of 
Emerita,  in  Spain.  It  relates  that  the  bi.shops  Felix 
and  SabiiuLs  had  come  to  Carthage  to  complain. 
They  had  been  legitimately  ordained  by  the  bishops 


of  the  province  in  the  place  of  the  former  bishops, 
Basilides  and  Martialis,  who  had  both  accepted  libelli 
in  the  persecution.  Basilides  had  further  blasphemed 
God  in  sickness,  had  confessed  his  blasphemy,  had 
voluntarily  resigned  his  bishopric,  and  had  been 
thankful  to  be  allowed  lay  communion.  Martialis 
had  indulged  in  pagan  banquets  and  had  buried  his 
sons  in  a  pagan  cemetery.  He  had  publicly  attested 
before  tlie  procurator  ducenarius  that  he  had  denied 
Christ.  Wherefore,  says  the  letter,  such  men  are 
unfit  to  be  bishops,  the  whole  Church  and  the  late 
Pope  Cornelius  having  decided  that  such  men  may  be 
admitted  to  penance  but  never  to  ordination ;  it  does 
not  profit  them  that  they  have  deceived  Pope  Stephen, 
who  was  afar  off  and  unaware  of  the  facts,  so  that  they 
obtained  to  be  unjustly  restored  to  their  sees;  nay,  by 
this  deceit  they  have  only  increased  their  guilt.  The 
letter  is  thus  a  declaration  that  Stephen  was  wickedly 
deceived.  No  fault  is  imputed  to  him,  nor  is  there 
any  claim  to  reverse  his  decision  or  to  deny  his  right 
to  give  it ;  it  is  simply  pointed  out  that  it  was  founded 
on  false  information,  and  was  therefore  null.  But  it 
is  obvious  that  the  African  council  had  heard  only  one 
side,  whereas  Felix  and  Sabinus  must  have  pleaded 
their  cause  at  Rome  before  they  came  to  Africa.  On 
this  ground  the  Africans  seem  to  have  made  too 
hasty  a  judgment.  But  nothing  more  is  known  of 
the  matter. 

Martykdom. — The  empire  was  surrounded  by  bar- 
barian hordes  who  poured  in  on  all  sides.  The  danger 
was  the  signal  for  a  renewal  of  persecution  on  the  part 
of  the  Emperor  Valerian.  At  Alexandria  St.  Diony- 
sius  was  exiled.  On  .30  Aug.,  257,  Cyprian  was 
brought  before  the  Proconsul  Paternus  in  his  secre- 
turium.  His  interrogatory  is  extant  and  forms  the 
finst  part  of  the  "Acta  proconsularia"  of  his  martyr- 
dom. Cyprian  declares  himself  a  Christian  and  a 
bishop.  He  serves  one  God  to  Whom  he  prays  day 
and  night  for  all  men  and  for  the  safety  of  the  emper- 
ors. "Do  you  per.severe  in  this?"  asks  Paternus. 
"A  good  wUl  which  knows  C!od  cannot  be  altered." 
"Can  you,  then,  go  into  exile  at  Curubis?"  "I  go." 
He  is  asked  for  the  names  of  the  priests  also,  but  re- 
plies that  delation  is  forbidden  by  the  laws;  they  will 
be  found  easily  enough  in  their  respective  cities.  On 
September  he  went  to  Curubis,  accompanied  by  Pon- 
tius. The  town  was  lonely,  but  Pontius  tells  us  it  was 
sunny  and  pleasant,  and  that  there  were  plenty  of 
visitors,  while  the  citizens  were  full  of  kindness.  He 
relates  at  length  Cj'jirian's  dream  on  his  first  night 
there,  that  he  was  in  the  proconsul's  court  and  con- 
demned to  death,  but  was  reprieved  at  his  own  request 
until  the  morrow.  He  awoke  in  terror,  but  once 
awake  he  awaited  that  morrow  with  calmness.  It 
came  to  him  on  the  very  amiiversary  of  the  dream. 
In  Numidia  the  measures  were  more  severe.  Cyprian 
writes  to  nine  bishops  who  were  working  in  the  mines, 
with  half  their  hair  .shorn,  and  with  insufficient  food 
and  clothing.  He  was  still  rich  and  able  to  help  them. 
Their  replies  are  preserved,  and  we  have  also  the  au- 
thentic Acts  of  several  African  martyrs  who  suffered 
soon  after  Cyjirian. 

In  August,  2.5.S,  Cjiirian  learned  that  Pope  Sixtus 
had  been  put  to  deatli  in  the  catacombs  on  the  Cth  of 
that  month,  together  with  four  of  his  deacons,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  new  edict  that  bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons  should  be  at  once  i)ut  to  death;  senators, 
knights,  and  others  of  rank  ar<'  to  lose  their  goods, 
and,  if  they  still  persist,  to  die;  matrons  to  be  exiled; 
Ca'sarians  (oflicers  of  the  /i.s-cus)  to  become  slaves, 
(ialerius  Ma.xinuis,  the  succe.s.sor  of  Paternus,  sent  for 
(-'vprian  back  to  ( 'arthage,  and  in  his  own  gardens  the 
bishop  awaited  the  final  senti'iice.  Many  great  per- 
sonages urged  him  to  fiy,  l)ut  he  had  now  no  vision  to 
recommend  this  course,  and  he  desired  above  all  to 
remain  to  exhort  others.  Yet  he  hid  himself  rather 
than  obey  the  proconsul's  summons  to  Utica,  for  he 


CYPRIAN 


588 


CYPRIAN 


declared  it  was  right  for  a  bishop  to  die  in  his  own 
city.  On  the  return  of  Galerius  to  Carthage,  Cyprian 
was  brouglit  from  his  gardens  by  two  prinriprK  in  a 
chariot,  but  tlie  proconsul  was  ill,  and  Cyprian  passed 
the  night  in  the  hoase  of  the  first  priiiteps  in  tlic  com- 
pany of  his  friends.  Of  the  rest  we  have  a  vague  de- 
scription by  Pontius  and  a  detailed  report  in  the  pro- 
consular Acts.  On  the  morning  of  the  14th  a  crowd 
gathered  "  at  the  villa  of  Sextus ' ',  by  order  of  the  au- 
thorities. Cyprian  was  tried  there.  He  refused  to 
sacrifice,  and  added  that  in  such  a  matter  there  was 
no  room  for  thought  of  the  consequences  to  hunself. 
The  proconsul  read  his  condemnation  and  the  multi- 
tude cried,  "  Let  us  be  beheaded  with  him! "  He  was 
taken  into  the  grounds,  to  a  hollow  surrounded  by 
trees,  into  which  many  of  the  people  climbed.  Cy- 
prian took  off  his  cloak,  and  knelt  down  and  prayed. 
Then  he  took  off  his  dalmatic  and  gave  it  to  his  dea- 
cons, and  stood  in  his  linen  tunic  in  silence  awaiting 
the  executioner,  to  whom  he  ordered  twenty-five  gold 
pieces  to  be  given.  The  brethren  cast  cloths  and 
handkerchiefs  before  him  to  catch  his  blood.  He 
bandaged  his  own  eyes  with  the  help  of  a  priest  and  a 
deacon,  both  called  Julius.  So  he  suffered.  For  the 
rest  of  the  day  his  body  was  expo.sed  to  satisfy  the 
curiosity  of  the  pagans.  But  at  night  the  brethren 
bore  him  with  candles  and  torches,  with  prayer  and 
great  triumph,  to  the  cemetery  of  Macrobius  Candi- 
dianus  in  the  suburb  of  Mapalia.  He  was  the  first 
Bishop  of  Carthage  to  obtain  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 

Writings. — The  correspondence  of  Cj'prian  con- 
sists of  eighty-one  letters.  Sixty-two  of  them  are  his 
own,  three  more  are  in  the  name  of  councils.  From 
this  large  collection  we  get  a  vivid  picture  of  his  time. 
The  first  collection  of  his  writings  must  have  been 
made  just  before  or  just  after  his  death,  as  it  was 
known  to  Pontius.  It  consisted  of  ten  treatises  and 
seven  letters  on  martyrdom.  To  these  were  added  in 
Africa  a  set  of  letters  on  the  baptismal  question,  and 
at  Rome,  it  seems,  the  correspondence  with  Corne- 
lius, except  Ep.  xlviii.  Other  letters  were  successively 
aggregated  to  these  groups,  including  letters  to  Cy- 
j)rian  or  cormected  with  him,  his  collections  of  Testi- 
monies, and  many  spurious  works.  To  the  treatises 
already  mentioned  we  have  to  add  a  well-known  ex- 
position of  the  Lord's  Prayer;  a  work  on  the  simplicity 
of  dress  proper  to  consecrated  virgins  (these  are  both 
founded  on  Tertullian);  "On  the  Mortality",  a  beau- 
tiful pamphlet,  composed  on  the  occasion  of  the  plague 
which  reached  Carthage  in  252,  when  Cyprian,  with 
wonderful  energy,  raised  a  staff  of  workers  and  a  great 
fund  of  money  for  the  nursing  of  the  sick  and  the 
burial  of  the  dead.  Another  work,  "On  Almsgiv- 
ing", its  Christian  character,  necessity,  and  satisfac- 
tory value,  was  perhaps  written,  as  Watson  has 
pointed  out,  in  reply  to  the  calumny  that  Cyprian's 
own  laWsh  gifts  were  bribes  to  attach  men  to  his  side. 
Only  one  of  his  writings  is  couched  in  a  pungent  strain, 
the  "ad  Demetrianmn",  in  which  he  replies  m  a  spir- 
ited manner  to  the  accusation  of  a  heathen  that  Chris- 
tianity had  brought  the  plague  upon  the  world.  Two 
short  works,  "On  Patience"  and  "On  Rivalry  and 
Envy",  apparently  WTitten  during  the  baptismal  con- 
troversy, were  much  read  in  ancient  times.  St.  Cy- 
prian was  the  first  great  Latin  writer  among  the  Chris- 
tians, for  Tertullian  fell  into  heresy,  and  his  style  was 
harsh  and  unintelligible.  Until  the  daysof  Jerome 
and  Augustine,  Cyprian's  wTitings  had  no  rivals  in  the 
West.  Their  praise  is  sung  by  Prudentius,  who  joins 
with  Pacian,  Jerome,  Augustine,  and  many  others  in 
attesting  their  extraordinary  popularity. 

Doctrine. — The  little  that  can  be  extracted  from 
St.  Cyprian  on  the  Holy  Trinity  and  the  Incarnation 
is  correct,  judged  by  later  standards.  On  bapti.snial 
regeneration,  on  the  Real  Presence,  on  the  Sacrifice  of 
the  Mass,  his  faith  is  clearly  and  repeatedly  exiinssed, 
especially  in  Ep.  Ixiv  on  infant  baptism,  and  in  lOp. 


Ixiii  on  the  mixed  chalice,  written  against  the  sacri- 
legious custom  of  using  water  without  wine  for  Mass. 
On  penance  he  is  clear,  like  all  the  ancients,  that  for 
those  who  have  been  separated  from  the  Church  by 
sin  there  is  no  return  except  by  an  hiunble  confession 
{exoniologesis  apud  sacerdotes),  followed  by  remissio 
facia  per  sacerdotes.  The  ordinary  minister  of  this 
sacrament  is  the  sacerdos  par  excellence,  the  bishop; 
but  priests  can  administer  it  subject  to  him,  and  in 
case  of  necessity  the  lapsed  might  be  restored  by  a 
deacon.  He  does  not  add,  as  we  should  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  that  in  this  case  there  is  no  sacrament ;  such 
theological  distinctions  were  not  in  his  line.  There 
was  not  even  a  beginning  of  canon  law  in  the  Western 
Church  of  the  third  century.  In  Cyprian's  \-iew  each 
bishop  is  answerable  to  God  alone  for  his  action, 
though  he  ought  to  take  counsel  of  the  clergy  and  of 
the  laity  also  in  all  important  matters.  The  Bishop 
of  Carthage  had  a  great  position  as  honorary  chief  of 
all  the  bishops  in  the  provinces  of  Proconsular  Africa, 
Numidia,  and  Mauretania,  who  were  about  a  hmidred 
in  number;  but  he  had  no  actual  jurisdiction  over 
them.  They  seem  to  have  met  in  some  numbers  at 
Carthage  every  spring,  but  their  coneiliar  decisions 
had  no  real  binding  force.  If  a  bishop  should  aposta- 
tize or  become  a  heretic  or  fall  into  scandalous  sin,  he 
might  be  deposed  by  his  comprovincials  or  by  the 
pope.  Cj'jirian  probably  thought  that  questions  of 
heresy  would  always  be  too  obvious  to  need  much  dis- 
cission. It  is  certain  that  where  internal  discipline 
was  concerned  he  considered  that  Rome  should  not 
interfere,  and  that  uniformity  was  not  desirable — a 
most  unpractical  notion.  We  have  always  to  remem- 
ber that  his  experience  as  a  Cliristian  was  of  short 
duration,  that  he  became  a  bishop  soon  after  he  was 
converted,  and  that  he  had  no  Christian  writings  be- 
sides Holy  Scripture  to  study  but  those  of  Tertullian. 
He  evidently  knew  no  Greek,  and  probably  was  not 
acquainted  with  the  translation  of  Irenaeus.  Rome  is 
to  him  the  centre  of  the  Church's  unity;  it  was  inac- 
cessible to  heresy,  which  had  been  knocking  at  its 
doors  for  a  century  in  vain.  It  was  the  See  of  Peter, 
who  was  the  type  of  the  bishop,  the  first  of  the  Apos- 
tles. Difference  of  opinion  between  bishops  as  to  the 
right  occupant  of  the  Sees  of  Aries  or  Emerita  would 
not  involve  breach  of  communion,  but  rival  bishops 
at  Rome  would  divide  the  Church,  and  to  communi- 
cate with  the  wTong  one  would  be  schism.  It  is  con- 
troverted whether  chastity  was  obligatory  or  only 
strongly  m-ged  upon  priests  in  his  day.  The  conse- 
crated virgins  were  to  him  the  flower  of  his  flock,  the 
jewels  of  the  Church,  amid  the  profligacy  of  paganism. 
Spuria. — A  short  treatise,  "Quod  Idola  dii  non 
sint",  is  printed  in  all  editions  as  Cj-prian's.  It  is 
made  up  out  of  Tertullian  and  Minucius  Felix.  Its 
genuineness  is  accepted  by  Benson,  Monceaux,  and 
Bardenhewer,  as  it  was  anciently  by  Jerome  and 
Augustine.  It  has  been  attributed  by  Haussleiter  to 
Novatian,  and  is  rejected  by  Harnack,  Watson,  and 
von  Soden.  "De  Spectaculis"  and  "De  bono  pudi- 
citi8e"are,  with  some  probability,  ascribed  to  Nova- 
tian. They  are  well-written  letters  of  an  absent 
bishop  to  his  flock.  "De  Laude  mart>Tii"  is  again 
attributed  by  Harnack  to  Novatian;  but  this  is  not 
generally  accepted.  "Adversus  Juda^os"  is  perhaps 
by  a  Novatianist,  and  Harnack  ascribes  it  to  Nova- 
tian himself.  "Ad  Novatianum"  is  ascribed  by  Har- 
nack to  Pope  Sixtus  II.  Ehrhard,  Benson,  Nelke, 
and  Weynian  agree  with  him  that  it  was  written  in 
Rome.  This  is  denied  by  Jiilicher,  Bardenhewer, 
Monceaux.  Rombold  thinks  it  is  by  Cyprian.  "De 
Rebaptismate"  is  apparently  the  work  attributed  by 
Gennadius  to  a  Roman  named  TTrsinus,  c.  400.  He 
was  followed  by  some  earlier  critics,  Routh,  Oudin, 
and  lately  by  "Zahn.  But  it  was  almost  certainly 
written  during  the  baptismal  controversy  under 
Stephen.     It   comes   from   Rome    (so   Harnack   and 


CYPRUS 


589 


CYPRUS 


oiliois)  or  from  Mauretania  (so  Ernst,  Monceaux, 
'\  \lrs>,  anil  is  ilirrctrd  against  the  view  of  Cyprian. 
I  lie  little  liotuily  "!)('  Alcatoribus"  has  had  quite  a 
lihrature  i)f  its  own  within  the  last  few  years,  since  it 
\\  lis  attributed  by  Ilarnack  to  Pope  Victor,  and  there- 
fi  'IT  accounted  the  earliest  Latm  ecclesiastical  WTiting. 
rill'  controversy  has  at  least  made  it  clear  that  the 
author  was  either  very  early  or  not  orthodox.  It  has 
!h  lu  shown  to  be  improbable  that  he  was  very  early, 
a  111  I  Harnack  now  admits  that  the  work  is  by  an  anti- 
I II  i|ic.  either  Novatianist  or  Donatist.  References  to 
all  tlie  brochures  and  articles  on  the  subject  will  be 
t  iind  in  Ehrhartl,  in  Bardenliewer,  and  especially  in 
Ilarnack  (C'hronol.,  II,  370  sqq.). 

"  l)e  Montibus  Sina  et  Sion"  is  possibly  older  than 
(  \'!>rian's  time  (see  Harnack,  and  also  Turner  in 
Journal  of  Theol.  Studies,  July,  1906).  "  Ad  Vigiliura 
Episcopum  de  Judaica  incredulitate "  is  by  a  certain 
Celsus,  and  was  once  supposed  by  Harnack  and  Zahn 
to  be  addressed  to  the  well-known  Vigilius  of  Thapsus, 
but  Macholz  has  now  convinced  Harnack  that  it  dates 
from  either  the  persecution  of  Valerian  or  that  of  Max- 
entias.  The  two  "  Orationes  "  are  of  uncertain  date  and 
authorship.  The  tract  "  De  Singularitate  clericorum ' ' 
has  been  attributed  by  Dom  Morin  and  by  Harnack  to 
the  Donatist  Bishop  Macrobius  in  the  fourth  century. 
"  De  duplici  Martyrio  ad  Fortunatiun"  is  found  in  no 
MS.,  and  was  apparently  written  by  Erasmus  in  1530. 
"De  Pascha  computus"  was  written  in  the  year  pre- 
ceding Easter,  243.  All  the  above  spuria  are  printed 
in  Hartel's  edition  of  Cyprian.  The  "  Exhortatio  de 
psenitentia"  (first  printed  by  Trombelli  in  1751)  is 
placed  in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century  by  Wunderer, 
but  in  Cyprian's  time  by  Monceaux.  Four  letters  are 
also  given  by  Hartel;  the  first  is  the  original  com- 
mencement of  the  "Ad  Donatum".  The  others  are 
forgeries;  the  third,  according  to  Mercati,  is  by  a 
fourth-century  Donatist.  The  six  poems  are  by  one 
author,  of  quite  uncertain  date.  The  amusing  "  Cena 
Cypriani"  is  foimd  in  a  large  number  of  Cyprianic 
MSS.  Its  date  is  uncertain;  it  was  re-edited  by 
Blessed  Rhabanus  Maiu-us.  On  the  use  of  it  at  pag- 
eants in  the  early  Middle  Ages,  see  Mann,  "  History  of 
the  Popes",  II,  289. 

The  principal  editions  of  the  works  of  St.  Cyprian 
are:  Rome,  1471  (the  ed.  pri/iceps),  dedicated  to  Paul 
II ;  reprinted,  Venice,  1471,  and  1483;  Memmingen,  c. 
1477;  Deventer,  c.  1477;  Paris,  1500;  ed.  by  Rembolt 
(Pari.s,  1512);  by  Erasmus  (Ba.sle,  1520  and  frequently; 
the  ed.  of  1544  was  printed  at  Cologne).  A  careful 
critical  edition  was  prepared  by  Latino  Latini,  and 
published  by  Manutius  (Rome,  1563) ;  Morel  also  went 
to  the  MSS.  (Paris,  1564);  so  did  Pamele  (Antwerp, 
15G8),  but  with  less  success;  Rigault  did  somewhat 
better  (Paris,  1648,  etc.).  John  Fell,  Bishop  of  0.x- 
ford  and  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  published  a  weU- 
known  edition  from  MSS.  in  England  (Oxford,  1682). 
The  dissertations  by  Dodwell  and  the  "  Annales  Cy- 
prianici ' '  by  Pearson,  who  arranged  the  letters  in  chron- 
ological order,  make  this  edition  important,  though 
the  text  is  poor.  The  edition  prepared  by  Etieime 
Baluze  was  brought  out  after  his  death  by  Dom  Pru- 
dence Maran  (Paris,  1726),  and  has  been  several  times 
reprinted,  especially  by  Mignr  (P.  L.,  IV  and  V).  The 
best  edition  Ls  that  of  the  Vienna  Academy  (C.  S.  E. 
L.,  vol.  Ill,  in  3  parts,  Vienna,  1868-71),  edited  from 
the  MSS.  by  Hartel.  Since  then  much  work  has  been 
done  upon  the  history  of  the  text,  and  especially  on 
the  order  of  the  letters  and  treatises  as  witnessing  to 
the  genealogj'  of  the  codices. 

A  stichometriral  list,  proKahlv  made  in  354,  of  the  Books  of 
the  Bible,  and  of  many  work.><  of  .SI.  Cvprian,  ^x^s  published  in 
J886  from  a  MS.  (hen  at  Cheltenham  bv  Mommskn,  Ziir  Int. 
Slichomrlric;  Hrrmes.  XXl.  U2:  iftiVi.  (18901.  XXV,  636.  on  a 
second  MS.  at  St.  Gall.  See  Sanday  and  Tdrner  in  Sturlia 
Biblica  (Oxford,  1891).  Ill;  Tirner  in  Claiiskal  Revifw  (1892, 
etc.),  VI,  205.  On  Oxfonl  MSS.,  see  Wordsworth  in  Old  Lai. 
Bibliait  Texts  (Oxford.  1886).  11,  123;  on  Madrid  MSS,  Schulz, 
Th.  Lit.  Zeitung  (1897),  p.  179.     On  other  MSS.,  Tub.ner  in 


Journal  of  Th.  St.,  III.  282.  586.  579;    Ramsay,  ibid..  III.  585, 

IV,  86.  On  the  significan.p  of  fl,p  ,,r.lrr.  (.'ii  ipman,  ibid..  IV, 
103:  VON  SoDEN,  /','.,,  ,  :"  '■ilnjifi  (LeipziK, 
190-1).  Thereareiiiiii.il  M  i  ^ n,  Cate/ni 
miovi  su.'isidi  per  l,i  .       ■  U..me,  1899). 

On  the  life  of  St.  <'\  [IN  Ml      I  <  '     '  ypnunici.  ed. 

Fell;  Ada  S.S'.,  14  Sept.;  lii.Triii.ii.i,  Th.  Crc.  Cyprianus 
(Gottingen,  1831);  Freppel,  Saint  Cyprien  et  VEglise  d'Afrique 
(Paris,  1865.  etc.);  Peters,  Der  hi.  Cypr.  v.  Karlh.  (Ratisbon. 
1877);  Freppel  and  Peters  occasionally  exaggerate  in  the 
Catholic  interest.  Fecutrup,  Der  hi.  Cypruui  (Miinster.  1878); 
RiTsciiL,  Cyprian  v.  K.  und  die  Verja.-^.'sung  dir  Kirche  (Gottin- 
gen. 1885);  Benson,  Cyprian,  his  life,  /a.s  timv.^,  /ii.s  work  (Lon- 
don, 1897).  (This  is  the  fullest  and  best  English  life;  it  is  full 
of  enthusiasm,  but  marred  by  odium  theologicum,  and  quite 
untrustworthy  where  controversial  points  arise,  whether 
against  Nonconformists  or  against  Catholics.)  Monceaux. 
Hist.  lilt,  de  VAfrique  chrU.  (Paris,  1902),  II.  a  valuable  work. 
Of  the  accounts  in  histories,  encyclopedias,  and  patrologies,  the 
best  is  that  of  Bardenhewer.  Gesch.  der  attkirehl.  Lit.  (Frei- 
burg, 1903),  II.  Pearson's  chronological  order  of  the  letters 
is  given  in  Hartel's  edition.  Rectifications  are  proposed  by 
RlTscHL,  De  Epistulis  Cyprianicis  (Halle.  1885),  and  Cyprian 

V.  Karthago  (Gottingen,  1885);  by  Nelke.  Die  Chronologie  der 
Korresp.  Cypr.  (Thorn.  1902);  by  von  Soden.  op.  cit.;  by 
Benson  and  Monceaux.  These  views  are  discussed  by  Bard- 
enhewer. loc.  cit.,  and  Harnack.  ChronoL,  II.  Bonaccorsi. 
Le  lettere  di  S.  Cipriano  in  Riv.  storico-crilica  delle  scienze  teol. 
(Rome,  1905).  I,  377;  Stufler.  Die  Behandlung der  Gefallenen 
zur  Zeit  der  decischen  Verfolgung  in  Zeitschrift  fiir  Kathol.  Theol., 
1907.  XXXI.  577:  Dwight,  St.  Cyvrianand  thelibelli  mnrtyrum 
in  .4  mer.  Cath.  Qu.  Rev.  (1907).  XXXII.  478.  On  the  chronology 
of  the  baptismal  controversy.  d'Ales,  La  question  baplismale  au 
temps  de  Saint-Cyprien  in  Rev.  des  Questions  Hist.  (1907).  p.  353. 

On  Cyprian's  Biblical  text:  Corssen.  Zur  Orientierung  iiber 
die  bisherige  Erforsehung  des  Btbeltextes  Cyprians  in  Jahresbe- 
richt  liber  die  Forl.ichrilte  drr  klass.  Allertumswiss.  (1899); 
Sanday  in  Old  Latin  Bibl.  T,x(«  ilSS6),  II;  Turner  in  Joum. 
Theol.  .St.,  II.  600,  610;  Hkiih  Mil  i<  ii.  D,r  nil.  Text  bei  Cyprian 
(Bamberg,  1900);  MoNrj:\i  \,  ny  r,/  Corssen.  Der  cypr. 
Text  der  .Ada  Ap.  (Berlin,  l.^l'j  ;  /mc,  /  ,,r,KcAuni7cn  (Eriangen, 
1891),  IV.  79  (on  Cyprian's  te\i  ,.f  th.-  .\poc.).  A  new  edition 
(O.xford  Univ.  Pre^s)  is  expected  of  the  Teslimonia  by  Sanday 
and  Turner.  Tentative  prolegomena  to  it  bv  Turner  in 
Journal  Theological  Studies  (1905).  VI.  246.  and  (1907).  IX.  62. 
'The  work  has  been  interpolalcd;  see  R  \m.-*av.  On  early  inser- 
tions in  the  third  book  of  SI.  r  ,  ,  '  7,  '  in  .L.urnal  of  Theol. 
5(.  (1901),  II,  276.     Testiiiii  111  in     i     o.  Cyprian  in 

H.'LRy.'^CK,  Gesch.  der  altchn!/  I  I.  <;  i  '  ,  ,/,.  der  cypria- 
nischenLileraturbiszuderZ'''  ■  '' i:  ■  ''  '.  <m  Handschriflen 
(Basle,  1891). 

On  the  Latin  of  St.  Cyprian  an  excellent  essay  by  Watson, 
The  Slyle  and  Language  of  St.  Cyprian  in  Slud.  Bibl.  (Oxford. 
1896),  IV;  Bayard.  Le  Latin  de  Saint  Cyprien  (Paris.  1902). 
The  letters  of  Cornelius  are  in  Vulgar  Latin  (see  Mkrcati,  op.  <n/.), 
and  so  areEpp.  viii  (anonymous)  anri  xxi-xxiv  (Celerinus,  Luci- 
an,  Confes,sors.  Caldonius);  tliev  have  been  edited  by  Miodonski, 
Adversus  Alealores  (Erlaiit-'cr,  and  LcipziR.  I.SS9),  On  the  inter- 
polations in  Z>p  t'/M/;'.  /'.  '  .  .  !■  II  M,  H  1  ,  Prrfii  I  ;  I'll  \son, 
pp.  200-21.  S47-.'-.,-i:' ,  rn:,.  /,  ,  ,  ,  /.n  ,  ,'.,„.,  le 
Iraite  de  Saint  CuP'"  /  ii     /'  l.^nidic- 

(inc  (1902).  XIX.  L'le.,  :;:i.,  :ui.i  i'.in:i,\\.  jr,;  l|..-.,,Kin 
Theol.  Lilt.  Zeilimg  (1<H«),  no.  SI,  and  m  Chronnl..  11;  \\  AT.SON 
in  Journal  Theol.  St.  (1904).  p.  432;  Chapman,  ibid.,  p.  634,  etc. 
On  particular  points  see  Harnack  in  Texte  und  Vnlersuch., 
IV.  3.  'VIII.  2;  on  the  letters  of  the  Roman  clergy.  Harnack 
in  Theol.  Abhandl.  Carl  r.  W,  i:x„rkcr  gewidmet  (Freiburg.  1896). 

On  Cyprian's  theology-  murti  has  been  written.  Ritschl  is 
fanciful  and  unsvnipatiicfn-.  Hi:\son  untrustworthy.  GOtz. 
Das  Chri.ttenlum  Ci/iir:„ir<  iCirs.sen.  1896).  On  his  trust  in 
visions,  H\RN\rK.  Ci/pniin  '!ls  l^nthusiast  in  Zeilschr.  fiir  nil. 
TI'i'-^.s-.  (100  J  I,  111.  (7)///.  (  »Ti  the  Iiaptismal  controversy  and  Cypri- 
an's cx.nt.iiitniiiiatiiiii,  1-vr  'iiiisin  in  Zeilschr.  fur  kalh.  Theol. 
(l.Ssll.  \;  Hn],Nsnil..i.rii.i/,»/.  ii,s91).XV;  Ernst.  itiV/..  XVII. 
XVIIl.  XIX.  Poschmann,  Die  Sichlbarkeit  der  Kirche  nach 
der  Lehre  des  h.  Cypr.  (Breslau.  1907) ;  Riou.  La  genlae  de  I'uniie 
catholique  et  la  pensee  de  Cyprien  (Paris.  1907).  To  merely 
controversial  works  it  is  unnecessary  to  refer. 

The  above  is  only  a  selection  from  an  immense  literature  on 
Cyprian  and  the  pseudo-Cyprianic  writings,  for  wliich  see 
Chevalier.  Bio-Bibl.,  and  Richardson.  Bibtiographical  Synop- 
5i'^.  Good  lists  in  von  Soden.  and  in  Harnack.  ChronoL,  II; 
the  very  full  references  in  Bardenhewer  are  conveniently 
classified.  JoHN   CHAPMAN. 

Cjrprus,  an  island  in  the  Eastern  Mediterranean, 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta.  It  was 
originally  inhabited  by  Phcenicians  and  Greeks,  and 
was  famous  for  its  temples  of  Aphrodite.  Though 
long  autonomous,  in  the  sixth  century  B.  c.  do- 
minion over  it  was  disputed  by  the  Egyptians  and 
the  Persians,  the  latter  ruling  it  till  the  invasion  of 
Alexander  the  Great.  From  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt 
it  pas.sed  to  the  Romans  (59  B.  c).  Despite  Moslem 
invasions  from  the  seventh  to  the  tenth  century,  it  re- 
mained a  part  of  the  Eastern  Empire  until  the  end  of 
the  twelfth.  In  1191  it  was  coniniered  Ijy  Richard  the 
Lion-Hearted,  who  gave  it  to  Guy  de  Lusignan,  King  of 


CYPRUS 


590 


CYPRUS 


Jerusalem ;  in  1373  it  fell  to  the  Genoese,  in  1489  to 
the  Venetians.  Finally,  in  1571,  it  became  Moslem 
territory  under  Sultan  Seltm  II.  In  1878  it  was  oc- 
cupied by  England  and  is  now  administered  by  an 
EnglLsh  high  commissioner,  assisted  by  a  board  of  four 
English  members  (Statesman's  Year  Book,  London, 
1908).  The  island  is  hilly,  with  few  rivers,  and  the 
climate  is  hot.  Its  once  famous  cities  have  perished ; 
the  chief  towns  are  now  Lamaca  (the  best  port),  Ni- 
cosia, and  Limasol.  Its  area  is  153,584  square  miles. 
The  popiJation  in  1901  was  237,000  (51,000  MussiJ- 
mans,  1100  Maronites,  850  Latins,  300  Armenians,  a 
few  Protestants  and  Jews,  and  the  rest  Greeks).  It 
produces  dates,  carobs,  oranges  and  other  fruits,  oil, 
wine,  and  corn.  It  has  also  sponge  fisheries.  Gypsum 
is  mined  there  and  copper  mines  were  worked  in  an- 
cient times.  Christianity  was  successfully  preached 
in  Cyprus  by  St.  Paul,  St.  Barnabas  (a  native  of  the 
island),  and  St.  John  Mark.  At  Paphos  the  magician 
Elymas  was  blinded  and  the  Proconsul  Sergius  Paul  us 
was  converted  (Acts,  xi,  xiii,  xv).  The  Byzantine 
"Synaxaria"  mention  many  saints,  bishops,  and  mar- 
tyrs of  this  early  period,  e.g.  St.  Lazarus,  St.  Hera- 
clides,  St.  Nicanor  (one  of  the  first  seven  deacons),  and 
others.  In  the  fourth  century  we  find  two  illustrious 
names,  that  of  St.  Spiridion,  the  shepherd  Bishop  of 
Trimithus,  present  at  the  CJouncil  of  Nic»a  in  325  with 
two  other  Cypriot  bishops,  whose  relics  were  removed 
to  Corffl  in  1460,  and  that  of  St.  Epiphanius  (d.  403), 
Bishop  of  Salamis,  the  zealous  adversary  of  aU  here- 
sies and  author  of  many  valuable  theological  works. 
The  Bishop  of  Salamis  (later  Constantia)  was  then 
metropolitan  of  the  whole  island,  but  was  himself  sub- 
ject to  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch.  During  the  Arian 
quarrels  and  the  Eustathian  schism,  the  Cypriote 
Church  began  to  claim  its  independence.  Pope  Inno- 
cent I  stood  out  for  the  rights  of  the  Antiochene  patri- 
arch, Alexander  I.  However,  it  was  not  long  before 
the  Council  of  Ephesus  (43l)  in  its  seventh  session 
acknowledged  the  ecclesiastical  independence  of  C>y- 
prus:  the  cause  was  gained  by  the  metropolitan, 
Rheginus,  who  was  present  at  Ephesus  with  three  of 
his  suffragans.  In  488  Peter  the  Dyer  (Petrus  Fullo), 
the  famous  Monophysite  patriarch,  made  an  effort  to 
recover  the  ancient  Antiochene  jurisdiction  over  the 
island.  During  the  conflict,  however,  the  Cypriote 
metropolitan,  Anthimus,  claimed  to  have  learned  by  a 
revelation  that  the  site  of  the  sepulchre  of  St.  Barna- 
bas was  quite  near  his  own  city  of  Salamis ;  he  found 
there  the  body  of  the  Apostle  with  a  copy  of  St.  Mat- 
thew's Gospel,  brought  the  relics  to  Constantinople, 
and  presented  them  to  the  Emperor  Zeno.  Acacius 
of  Constantinople  decided  in  favour  of  Cyprus  against 
Antioch,  since  which  time  the  ecclesiastical  indepen- 
dence {autocephalia)  of  the  island  has  no  more  been 
called  in  question,  the  archbishop,  known  as  exarch, 
ranking  immediately  after  the  five  great  patriarchs. 

From  the  fifth  to  the  twelfth  century  the  following 
Archbishops  of  Constantia  (Salamis)  are  worthy  of 
note:  Acadius,  biographer  of  St.  Symeon  Stylites  the 
Younger,  and  an  uncompromising  opponent  of  the 
Ecthesisof  Heraclius  (q.v.);  Sergius,  who  condemned 
this  document  in  a  council  and  sent  the  pertinent  de- 
cree to  Pope  Theodore  I,  but  became  afterwards  in- 
fected with  the  very  error  he  had  formerly  condemned ; 
George,  a  defender  of  the  holy  images  (icons);  Con- 
stantinc,  who  played  a  mnsiiicuous  i)art  in  tlieir  de- 
fence at  the  Second  Nicene  Council  (787);  Nicliolas 
Muzalon,  appointed  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  in 
1147.  Another  remarkable  prelate  is  St.  Detni'tri- 
anu,s.  Bishop  of  Clhytra-a  (ninth  and  tenth  century). 
After  the  conquest  of  Cyprus  l)y  the  Arabs,  (132  fit7, 
the  Christian  population  with  its  bishoi)s  emigrated  to 
the  mainland.  Justinian  II  built  for  them,  near  the 
Hellespont,  a  city  wliieh  he  called  Nea  Justiriianop- 
olis;  tiicir  archbishop  enjoyed  there  the  rights  lu'  had 
in  Cyi)rua,  besides  exc-rcising  jurisdiction  over  the  sur- 


rounding country  (Quinisext  Council,  can.  xxxix,  C92). 
After  the  death  of  Justuiianll  the  Cypriotes  returned 
to  their  island  with  their  hierarchy.  Under  Nice- 
phorus  Phocas  (963-969)  Cyprus  was  freed  com- 
pletely from  the  Arabs,  who  had  sometimes  treated  it 
ruore  kindly  than  the  Byzantme  emperors.  Chris- 
tianity, however,  gained  by  the  restoration.  To  this 
period  belongs  the  fomidation  of  three  great  monas- 
teries. Our  Lady  of  Pity  (Eleusa)  of  Kykkos,  Mach- 
JEras,  and  the  Encleistra,  the  last  founded  in  the 
twelfth  century  by  the  recluse  Neophytiis,  author  of 
several  ascetical  works.  The  Prankish  rule,  though 
at  first  accepted  rather  willingly,  was  finally  the  source 
of  profound  disturbance.  In  1196  King  Amaury  ob- 
tained from  Celestine  III  a  Latin  hierarchy  for  his 
kingdom:  a  resident  archbishop  was  placed  at  Nico- 
sia (Leucosia),  with  three  suffragans  at  Paphos,  Li- 
masol (Temessos),  and  Famagusta  (Ammochostos, 
formerly  Arsinoe).  Knights  Templars,  Carmelites, 
Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Augustinians,  Benedic- 
tines, Cistercians,  Carthusians,  Regular  Canons,  Pre- 
monstratensian  nmis  soon  had  many  flourishing  mon- 
asteries. Splendid  chm-ches  were  built  in  the  Gothic 
or  ogival  style,  and  many  Greek  chmches  were 
changed  into  Latin  ones.  Ecclesiastical  revenues 
were  assigned  (in  part)  to  the  Latin  clergy ;  the  Greek 
clergy  and  the  faithful  were  subordinated  to  Latin 
jurisdiction.  In  the  execution  of  the  decrees  of  the 
Fourth  Lateran  Council  (1215)  Cardinal  Pelagius, 
legate  of  Innocent  III,  showed  himself  utterly  intran- 
sigent. Thirteen  refractory  Greek  monks  were  cruelly 
put  to  death.  The  Greek  archbishop,  Neophytus, 
was  deposed  and  exiled,  the  Greek  sees  reduced  to 
four,  the  bishops  ordered  to  reside  in  small  villages 
and  obey  the  Latin  archbishop  (1220-1222).  Inno- 
cent IV  and  Alexander  IV  were  more  favourable  to 
the  Greeks  (Hergenrother-Kirsch,  Kirchengesch.,  4th 
ed.,  1904,  II,  726),  and  the  Government  often  defended 
them  against  the  Latins.  The  ecclesiastical  history 
of  Cyprus  during  this  sad  period  is  one  of  conflict  be- 
tween the  two  rival  communions,  the  Greeks  being 
always  looked  on  as  more  or  less  schismatic  both  by 
the  Latins  and  by  the  Greek  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople. An  attempted  union  of  the  two  Churches  in 
1405  did  not  succeed,  nor  was  the  Union  of  Florence 
(14.39)  more  lasting.  Li  1489,  through  the  abdication 
of  Queen  Caterina  Cornaro,  the  island  became  sub- 
ject to  Venice,  whose  rule  was  even  more  intolerable 
to  the  Greeks,  so  that,  as  stated,  in  1571  they  wel- 
comed the  Turkish  conquerors  as  true  deliverers. 

Among  the  more  conspicuous  Latin  Archbishops  of 
Nicosia  may  be  mentioned  Eustorge  de  Montaigu 
(1217-1250)  who  died  at  the  siege  of  Damietta,  a 
stern  defender  of  the  rights  of  his  Church  and  a  skilful 
administrator;  he  increased  the  splendoiu-  of  the 
church  services,  established  schools,  built  the  archi- 
episcopal  palace  and  the  magnificent  cathedral  of  St. 
Sophia;  ITgo  di  F.agiano  (1251-1201),  distinguished 
for  his  zeal  and  piety,  but  a  zealous  adversary  of  the 
Greeks;  Gerard  de  Langres  (1274),  deposed  by  Boni- 
face VIII  for  siding  with  Philip  the  Fair;  Giovanni 
del  Conte  (1312),  renowned  for  hLs  charity;  Cardinal 
Elie  de  Nabinals  (1332),  a  great  reformer;  Andreas  of 
Rhodes  (1447),  present  at  the  Council  of  Florence; 
Filippo  Mocenigo  (1559),  who  assisted  at  the  closing 
sessions  of  the  ('oimcil  of  Trent,  heljied  the  Venetians 
against  the  Turks,  and,  after  the  loss  of  Cyprus,  re- 
tired to  Italy.  The  Latin  bishojis  of  Cyprus  showed 
themselves  generally  worthy  of  their  mi-ssion,  by  re- 
sisting the  encroachments  of  the  kings,  sometimes  also 
of  the  Latin  Patriarchs  of  Jeru.salem,  and  even  of  the 
pontifical  legates.  The  only  reproach  they  deserve 
is  a  want  of  tact  in  their  behaviour  towards  the 
Greeks,  and  also  that  their  clergy  at  certain  times 
were  guilty  of  moral  laxity.  Few  saints  appear  in 
Latin  Cj^irus;  we  hear  only  of  the  saintly  Franciscan, 
Ugo  di  Fagiano,  and  the  Dominican,  Pierre  de  La 


OYRENAIC 


591 


CYRENE 


Palu,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and  administrator  of  the 
See  of  Limasol.  Blessed  Pierre  Thomas,  a  Carmelite 
and  papal  legate,  who  strove  hard  to  convert  the 
Greeks,  died  at  the  siege  of  Famagusta  in  1366. 

After  frightful  massacres,  the  Turks  allowed  the 
Greeks  to  reorganize  their  Church  as  they  liked:  viz, 
with  an  archbishop  styled  "Most  Blessed  Archbishop 
of  Nea  Justiniana  [a  bhmder  for  Justinianopolis]  and 
all  Cyprus",  and  three  bishops  at  Paphos,  Citium,  and 
Karpasia.  In  the  seventeenth  century  the  last-named 
see  was  suppressed,  and  its  territory  given  to  the  arch- 
diocese ;  on  the  other  hand  the  ancient  See  of  KjTenia 
was  re-established.  Cyprus,  like  the  other  auto- 
cephalous  orthodox  Churches,  has  its  "Holy  Synod", 
which  consists  of  four  bishops  and  four  priests.  In 
the  last  three  centuries  there  are  few  events  to  men- 
tion, apart  from  simoniacal  elections  and  perpetual 
domestic  quarrels.  In  1668  Archbishop  Nicephorus 
hold  a  council  against  the  Protestants.  In  1821  the 
four  Greek  bishops,  with  many  priests,  monks,  and 
laj-men,  were  murdered  by  the  Turks.  After  1900 
strife  arose  in  the  ancient  Church  of  St.  Barnabas, 
and  it  was  found  impossible  to  name  a  successor 
to  the  archbishop  who  died  in  that  year.  The 
Turkish  conquest  caused  the  ruin  of  the  Latin 
Church:  two  bishops  were  then  killed  with  many 
priests  and  monks,  the  churches  were  profaned,  and 
the  Latin  Catholics  left  the  island.  However,  as 
early  as  1572,  Franciscans  could  again  reside  at 
Larnaca;  after  a  century  they  had  gathered  about 
2000  Catholics  of  various  rites.  Since  1848  Cyprus  has 
been  ecclesiastically  dependent  on  the  new  Latin  Patri- 
archate of  Jerusalem.  The  Franciscans  have  stations 
at  Larnaca,  Limasol,  and  Nicosia,  with  schools  and 
five  churches;  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of  the  Apparition 
conduct  schools  in  these  three  towns,  and  have  a  hos- 
pital and  an  orphanage  at  Larnaca. 

The  Maronites  were  very  numerous  during  the 
period  of  Latin  rule,  but  owing  to  persecutions  of 
Greeks  or  Turks  have  mostly  all  departed  or  aposta- 
tized. The  latter  are  called  Linobambaci;  some  of 
them  returned  to  Catholicism.  Cyprus,  with  a  part 
of  Lebanon,  still  forms  a  Maronite  diocese,  with 
30,000  faithful.  They  have  in  the  island  a  few 
churches  and  four  monasteries,  but  lack  good  schools 
(see  Maronites).  Among  the  resident  Armenians 
there  is  only  an  in.significant  number  (12)  of  Catholics; 
the  rest  obey  the  Gregorian  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem 
and  have  two  priests  and  a  monastery.  Other  Chris- 
tians of  Eastern  Rites,  who  lived  in  Cyprus  during  the 
Middle  Ages,  subject  to  their  own  bishops,  have  now 
completely  disappeared. 

CoBHAM.  .4n  Attempt  at  a  Bibliography  of  Cyprus  (4th  ed., 
Nicosia.  1900).  about  700  titles:  Idem,  A  Handbook  of  Cyprus 
(London,  1901);  Mas-Latrie,  Hisloire  de  Vile  de  Chypre  sous 
le  r'fgne  des  princes  de  la  maison  de  Lusiffnan  (Paris,  1861-65): 
Idem,  Histoire  des  archcveques  latins  de  Vile  de  Chypre  in 
Arehivex  de  VOrient  latin,  II,  207-328:  Hackett,  A  History 
of  the  Orthodox  Church  of  Cyprus  (London.  1901):  Phrankodes, 
Kun-pi?  (Athen.^i,  1890);  Fortescde,  The  Orthodox  Eastern 
Church  (London,  1907).  S.  PeTRIDKS. 

Csrrenaic   School  of  Philosophy. — ^The  Cyrenaic 

School  of  Philosophy,  so  called  from  the  city  of 
Cyrene,  in  which  it  was  fo\inded.  flourished  from 
about  400  to  about  .300  b.  c,  and  had  for  its  most 
distinctive  tenet  Hedonism,  or  the  doctrine  that 
pleasure  is  the  chief  good.  The  school  is  generally 
said  to  derive  its  doctrines  from  Socrates  on  the  one 
hand  and  from  the  sophist,  Protagoras,  on  the  other. 
From  Socrates,  by  a  perversion  of  the  doctrine  that 
happiness  is  the  chief  good,  it  derived  the  doctrine 
of  the  supremacy  of  pleasure,  while  from  Protagoras 
it  derived  its  relativist  ic  theory  of  knowledge.  Aris- 
tippus  (flourished  c.  400  b.  c.)  was  the  founder  of 
the  school,  and  counted  among  his  followers  his 
daughter  Arete  and  his  grandson  Aristippus  the 
Younger.  The  Cyrenaics  started  their  philosophical 
inquiry  by  agreeing  with  Protagoras  that  all  knowl- 


edge is  relative.  That  is  true,  they  said,  which 
seems  to  be  true;  of  things  in  themselves  we  can 
know  nothing.  From  this  they  were  led  to  main- 
tain that  we  can  know  only  our  feelings,  or  the  im- 
pression which  things  produce  upon  us.  Transfer- 
ring this  theory  of  knowledge  to  the  discussion  of 
the  problem  of  conduct,  and  assuming,  as  has  been 
said,  the  Socratic  doctrine  that  the  chief  aim  of 
conduct  is  happiness,  they  concluded  that  happiness 
is  to  be  attained  by  the  production  of  pleasurable 
feelings  and  the  avoidance  of  painful  ones.  Pleasure, 
therefore,  is  the  chief  aim  in  life.  The  good  man  is 
he  who  obtains  or  strives  to  obtain  the  maximum  of 
pleasure  and  the  minimum  of  pain.  Virtue  is  not 
good  in  itself;  it  is  good  only  as  a  means  to  obtain 
pleasure.  This  last  point  raises  the  question:  What 
did  the  Cyrenaics  really  mean  by  pleasure?  They 
were  certainly  sensists,  yet  it  is  not  entirely  certain 
that  by  pleasure  they  meant  mere  sensuous  pleasure. 
They  speak  of  a  hierarcliy  of  pleasures,  in  which  the 
pleasures  of  the  body  are  subordinated  to  virtue, 
culture,  knowledge,  artistic  enjoyment,  which  belong 
to  the  higher  nature  of  man.  Again,  some  of  the 
later  Cyrenaics  reduced  pleasure  to  a  mere  negative 
state,  painlessness;  and  others,  later  still,  substituted 
for  pleasure  "cheerfulness  and  indifference".  The 
truth  seems  to  be  that  in  this,  as  in  many  other  in- 
stances, sensism  was  satisfied  with  a  superficial  and 
loosely- jointed  system.  Tliere  was  no  consistency  in 
the  Cyrenaic  theory  of  conduct;  probably  none  was 
looked  for.  Indeed,  in  spite  of  the  example  of  the 
founders  of  the  school,  the  later  Cyrenaics  fell  far 
below  the  level  of  what  was  expected  from  philoso- 
phers, even  in  Greece,  and  their  doctrine  came  to  be 
merely  a  set  of  maxims  to  justify  the  careless  man- 
ner of  living  of  men  whose  chief  aim  in  life  was  a 
pleasant  time.  But,  taken  at  its  best,  the  Cyrenaic 
philosophy  can  hardly  justify  its  claim  to  be  con- 
sidered an  ethical  system  at  all.  For  good  and  evil 
it  substituted  the  pleasant  and  the  painful,  without 
reference,  direct  or  indirect,  to  obligation  or  duty. 
In  some  points  of  doctrine  the  school  descends  to 
the  commonplace,  as  when  it  justifies  obedience  to 
law  by  remarking  that  the  observance  of  the  law  of 
the  land  leads  to  the  avoidance  of  punishment,  and 
that  one  should  act  honestly  because  one  thereby 
increases  the  sum  of  pleasure.  The  later  Cyrenaics 
made  common  cause  with  the  Epicureans.  Indeed, 
the  difference  between  the  two  schools  was  one  of 
details,  not  of  fundamental  principles. 

Zeller.  Socrates  and  the  Socratic  Schools,  tr.  Reichel  (Lon- 
don, 1885),  338  sqq.;  Ueberweg-Heinee,  History  of  Philos- 
ophy, tr.  Morris  (New  York.  1892),  I,  95  sqq.;  Windelband. 
History  of  Philosophy,  tr.  Ti'fts  (New  Yorli,  1901),  85  8qq.; 
Turner,  History  of  Philosophy  (Boston.  1903),  89  sqq. 

William  Turner. 

Cyrene,  a  titular  see  of  Northern  Africa.  The  city 
was  founded  early  in  the  seventh  century  b.  c.  by  a 
Dorian  colony  from  Thera  and  named  after  a  spring, 
Kyre,  which  the  Greeks  consecrated  to  Apollo;  it 
stood  on  the  boundary  of  the  Green  Mountains 
(Djebel  Akhaar),  ten  miles  from  its  port,  Apollonia 
(Marsa  Sou.sa).  It  was  the  chief  town  of  the  Lydian 
region  between  Egypt  and  Cartilage  (Cyrenaica,  now 
vilayet  of  Benghazi),  kept  up  commercial  relations 
with  al!  the  Greek  cities,  and  reache<l  the  height  of 
its  prosperity  under  its  own  kings  in  the  fifth  century 
B.  c.  Soon  after  460  it  became  a  repulilic ;  after  the 
death  of  Alexander  it  passed  to  the  Ptolemies  and 
fell  into  decay.  Apion  bequeathed  it  to  the  Romans, 
but  it  kept  its  self-government.  In  74  B.  c.  Cyrene  be- 
came a  Roman  colony.  There  were  many  Jews  in  the 
region,  with  their  own  synagogue  at  Jerusalem  (Mat., 
xxvii,  32;  Acts,  ii,  10;  vi,  9,  xi,  20,  sq.),  who  rebelled, 
A.  D.  73,  against  Vespasian  and  in  11.5  against  Trajan. 

Cyrene  is  the  birthplace  of  the  philosophers  Aris- 
tippus, Callimachus,  Carneadcs,  Eratosthenes,  and 


CYRIL 


592 


CYRIL 


Synesius;  the  latter,  a  convert  to  Christianit}',  died 
Bishop  of  Ptolemais.  Lequicn  (II,  621)  mentions  six 
bishops  of  CjTene,  and  according  to  Byzantine  legend 
the  first  was  St.  Lucius  (Acts,  xiii,  1);  St.  Theodorus 
suffered  martjTdom  under  Diocletian;  about  370 
Philo  dared  to  consecrate  by  liimself  a  bishop  for 
Hydra,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  own  nephew,  Philo; 
Rufus  sided  with  Dioscorus  at  the  Robber  Synod 
(Latrocinium)  of  Ephesus  in  449;  Leontius  lived 
about  600.  Lequien  (III,  1151)  mentions  also  six 
Latin  bishops,  from  1477  to  1557.  The  Latin  titular 
see  was  suppressed  by  a  papal  decree  of  1894.  The 
old  city,  ruined  by  the  Arab  invasion  in  the  seventh 
century,  is  not  inhabited,  but  its  site  is  still  called 
Qrennah  (Cyrene).  Its  necropolis  is  one  of  the  largest 
and  best  preserved  in  the  world,  and  the  tombs,  most- 
ly rock-hewni,  are  of  Dorian  style. 

Smith  and  Porcher,  Discoveries  of  r'i,i-,  ,;,-  'TimhImh,  T^ni); 
Theige,    Res   Cyrenensium.    (Copenh.iL. -:      >  '^         !:  ;i..,. 

Quwslianes  de  rebus  Cyrenamm  prov.  !"!■       -  <       /,  y-nc 

(Leipzig,  1890);  Borsari,  Geoffra/ia.  .  ,  '  /     ,■  r     ■,- 

naica  e  Fezzan  (Turin,  1888);  Smith,  Dl,i.  vj  c,r«A-un<(  h,mian 
Geog.  (London,  1878),  I,  734-36. 

S.   PETRlDijS. 


Cyril  and  Methodius  (or  Constantine  and  Meth- 
ODIU.S),  Saints,  the  Apostles  of  the  Slavs,  were 
brothers,  born  in  Thessalonica,  in  827  and  826  re- 
spectively. Though  belonging  to  a  senatorial  family 
they  renounced  secular  honours  and  became  priests. 
They  were  living  in  a  monastery  on  the  Bosphorus, 
when  the  Ivliazars  sent  to  Constantinople  for  a  Chris- 
tian teacher.  Cyril  was  selected  and  was  accom- 
panied by  his  brother.  They  learned  the  Khazur 
language  and  converted  many  of  the  people.  Soon 
after  the  Khazar  mission  there  was  a  request  from 
the  Moravians  for  a  preacher  of  the  Gospel.  German 
missionaries  had  already  laboured  among  them,  but 
without  success.  The  Moravians  wished  a  teacher 
who  could  instruct  them  and  conduct  Divine  service 
in  the  Slavonic  tongue.  On  account  of  their  acquaint- 
ance with  the  language,  Cyril  and  Methodius  were 
chosen  for  the  work.  In  preparation  for  it  Cyril 
invented  an  alphabet  and,  with  the  help  of  Meth- 
odius, translated  the  Gospels  and  the  necessary  litur- 
gical books  into  Slavonic.  They  went  to  Moravia 
in  863,  and  laboured  for  four  and  a  half  years.  De- 
spite their  success,  they  were  regarded  by  the  Ger- 
mans with  distrust,  first  because  they  had  come  from 
Constantinople  where  schism  was  rife,  and  again 
because  they  held  the  Church  services  in  the  Slavonic 
language.  On  this  accoimt  the  brothers  were  sum- 
moned to  Rome  by  Nicholas  I,  who  died,  however, 
before  their  arrival.  His  successor,  Adrian  II,  re- 
ceived them  kindly.  Convinced  of  their  orthodoxy, 
he  commended  their  missionary  activity,  sanctioned 
the  Slavonic  Liturgy,  and  ordained  Cyril  and  Meth- 
odius bishops.  Cyril,  however,  was  not  to  return  to 
Moravia.     He  died  in  Rome,  4  Feb.,  869. 

At  the  request  of  the  Moravian  princes,  Rastislav 
and  Svatopluk,  and  the  Slav  Prince  Kocel  of  Pannonia, 
Adrian  II  formed  an  Archdiocese  of  Moravia  and 
Pannonia,  made  it  independent  of  the  German 
Church,  and  appointed  Methodius  archbishop.  In 
870  King  Louis  and  the  German  bishops  summoned 
Methodius  to  a.  synod  at  Ratisbon.  Here  he  was 
deposed  and  condemned  to  )irison.  After  three  years 
he  was  liberated  at  tlic  ciinunaiid  of  Pope  John  VIII 
and  reinstated  as  .\rchl)ishop  of  Moravia.  He  zeal- 
ously endeavoured  to  sjiread  the  Faith  among  the 
Bohemians,  and  also  among  the  Poles  in  Northern 
Moravia.  Soon,  however,  he  WiUs  summoned  to  Rome 
again  in  conseejuence  of  the  allegations  of  the  German 
priest  Wiching,  wlio  impugned  his  ortliodoxy,  and 
objected  to  the  us(!  of  .Slavonic  in  the  liturgy.  But 
John  VIII,  after  an  inquiry,  sanc'tioned  the  .Slavonic 
Liturgy,  decreeing,  liowever,  tli;it  in  the  M:iss  the 
Gospel  should  be  read  first  in  Latin  and  then  in  .Sla- 


vonic. Wiching,  in  the  meantime,  had  been  nomi- 
nated one  of  the  suffragan  bishops  of  Methodius.  He 
continued  to  oppose  his  metropolitan,  going  so  far  as 
to  produce  spurious  papal  letters.  The  pope,  how- 
ever, assured  Methodius  that  they  were  false.  Meth- 
odius went  to  Constantinople  about  this  time,  and, 
with  the  assistance  of  several  priests,  he  completed 
the  translation  of  the  Holy  .Scripture,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  Books  of  Machabees.  He  translated  also  the 
"Nomocanon",  i.  e.  the  Greek  ecclesiastico-civil  law. 
The  enemies  of  Methodius  did  not  cease  to  antagonize 
him.  His  health  was  worn  out  from  the  long  struggle, 
and  he  died  6  April,  885,  recommending  as  his  suc- 
cessor Gorazd,  a  Moravian  Slav  who  had  been  his 
disciple. 

Formerly  the  feast  of  Saints  Cyril  and  Methodius 
was  celebrated  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia  on  9  March; 
but  Pius  IX  changed  the  date  to  5  July.  Leo  XIII, 
by  his  Encyclical  ''Grande  Munus"  of  30  September, 
1880,  extended  the  feast  to  the  universal  Church.  (See 
Moravia;  Slavonic  Liturgy;  Bohemia;  Poland; 
John  VIII.) 

Acta  SS.,  March,  II,  13-20;  Ginzel,  Geschichte  der  Sloven- 
apostel  Cyrill  und  Method  und  der  stavischen  Liturgie  (Vienna, 
1861);  Leger,  Cyrillc  et  Methode,  elude  historique  sur  la  con- 
version des  Slaves  au  Christianisme  (Poitiers-Paris,  186S); 
Jagic,  Die  neuesten  Forschringen  itber  die  stavischen  Apostel 
drill  und  Methodius  in  Arcfnr  f.  ■.■Int-i^rhe  Philologie  (1879). 
IV;  Bartolini,  Memorie  sl">-n  ,.-<■>■, n.-h.  'irrheologiche  dei  Sanii 
Cirillo  e  Metodio  (Rome,  ISM  :  i  m,:  :,  '  >  ■  .^rhichte  der  Slavena- 
postel  Konstantinus  (Kyrilli,  ./  M  •li.j.iim  (Gotha,  1897); 
Pastrnek,  D^jiny  slovan^kyj^  apu..!ulu  Cyrilta  a  Methoda 
(Prague,  1902);  Bruckner.  Cyryl  i  Melody  (Cracow,  1903); 
POTKANSKI,  Konstantyn  i  Metodyusz  (Cracow,  1905);  Cheva- 
lier. Bio-Bibl.  s.  V. 

L.  Abraham. 

Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Saint,  Doctor  of  the 
Church,  has  Ids  feast  in  the  Western  Church  on  the 
28th  of  January;  in  the  Greek  Menaea  it  is  found  on  the 
9th  of  June,  and  (together  with  .St.  Athanasios)  on 
the  18th  of  January. 

He  seems  to  have  been  of  an  Alexandrian  family, 
and  was  the  son  of  the  brother  of  Theophilus,  Patri- 
arch of  Alexandria;  if  he  is  the  CyrU  addressed  by 
Isidore  of  Pelusium  in  Ep.  xx\-  of  Bk.  I,  he  was  for  a 
time  a  monk.  He  accompanied  Theophilus  to  Con- 
stantinople when  that  bishop  held  the  "  SjTiod  of  the 
Oak"  in  403  and  deposed  St.  John  Chrysostom. 
Theophilus  died  15  Oct.,  412,  and  on  the  18th  Cyril 
was  consecrated  his  uncle's  successor,  but  only  after 
a  riot  between  liis  supporters  and  those  of  his  rival, 
Tiinotheus.  Socrates  complains  bitterly  that  one  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  plunder  and  shut  the  churches  of 
the  Novatians.  He  also  drove  out  of  Alexandria  all 
the  Jews,  who  had  formed  a  flourishing  community 
there  since  Alexander  the  Great.  But  they  had 
caused  tumults  and  had  massacred  the  Christians,  to 
defend  whom  Cyril  himself  assembled  a  mob.  This 
may  have  been  the  only  possible  defence,  since  the 
Prefect  of  Egypt,  Orestes,  who  was  very  angry  at  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews,  was  also  jealous  of  the  power  of 
Cyril,  which  certainly  rivalled  his  own.  Five  hun- 
dred monks  came  down  from  Nitria  to  defend  the 
patriarch.  In  a  disturbance  which  arose,  Orestes 
was  wounded  in  the  head  by  a  stone  thrown  by  a 
monk  named  .\mmonius.  The  prefect  had  Am- 
monius  tortured  to  death,  and  the  young  and  fiery 
patriarch  honoured  his  remains  for  a  time  as  those  of 
a  martyr.  The  .VIexandrians  were  always  riotous,  as 
we  learn  from  Sdcratcs  (^'I1,  vii)  and  from  St.  Cyril 
himself  (Horn,  for  Easter,  419).  In  one  of  these  riots, 
in  422,  the  prefect  Callistus  was  killed,  :ind  in  another 
was  coiiiinittrd  the  imu'der  of  the  female  ]>hilo.sopher 
Hypatia,  :i  highly-n-spiTted  teacher  of  neo-Platonism, 
of  advanced  age  and  i  it  is  saiil)  of  many  virtues.  She 
was  a  friend  of  Onstes,  and  many  believed  that  she 
prevented  a  iveoiu'iliation  between  (irefect  and  patri- 
arch. A  niol)  led  by  a  lector,  n:imed  Peter,  dragged 
her  to  a  church  and  tore  her  ilesh  with  potsherds 


CYRIL 


593 


CYRIL 


till  she  died.  This  brought  great  disgrace,  says 
Socrates,  on  the  Church  of  Alexandria  and  on  its 
bishop;  but  a  lector  at  Alexandria  was  not  a  cleric 
(Socr.,  V,  xxii),  and  Socrates  does  not  suggest  that 
Cyril  was  himself  to  blame.  Damascius,  indeed, 
accuses  hiin,  but  he  is  a  late  authority  and  a  hater 
of  Christians. 

Theophilus,  the  persecutor  of  Chrysostom,  had  not 
the  privilege  of  communion  with  Rome  from  that 
saint's  death,  in  40(),  imtil  his  own.  For  some  years 
CjTil  also  refused  to  insert  the  name  of  St.  Chrysostom 
in  the  diptychs  of  his  Church,  in  .spite  of  the  requests 
of  Chrysostom's  sujiplanter,  Atticus.  Later  he  seems 
to  have  yielded  to  the  representations  of  his  spiritual 
father,  Isidore  of  Pelusium  (Isid.,  Ep.  I,  370).  Yet 
even  after  the  Council  of  Ephesus  that  saint  still  found 
something  to  rebuke  in  him  on  this  matter  (Ep.  I, 
310).  But  at  that  date  C^'ril  seems  to  have  been  long 
since  trusted  by  Rome. 

It  was  in  the  winter  of  427-28  that  the  Antiochene 
Nestorius  became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  His 
heretical  teaching  soon  became  known  to  Cyril. 
Against  him  Cyril  taught  the  use  of  the  term  Theotokos 
in  his  Paschal  letter  for  429  and  in  a  letter  to  the 
monks  of  Egypt.  A  correspondence  with  Nestorius 
followed,  in  a  more  moderate  tone  than  might  have 
been  expected.  Nestorius  sent  his  sermons  to  Pope 
Celestine,  but  he  received  no  reply,  for  the  latter 
wrote  to  St.  Cyril  for  further  information.  Rome  had 
taken  the  side  of  St.  John  Chrysostom  against  Theo- 
philus, but  had  neither  censured  the  orthodoxy  of  the 
latter,  nor  consented  to  the  patriarchal  powers  exer- 
cised by  the  bishops  of  Constantinople.  To  St. 
Celestine  Cyril  was  not  only  the  first  prelate  of  the 
East,  he  was  also  the  inheritor  of  the  traditions  of 
Athanasius  and  Peter.  The  pope's  confidence  was 
not  misplaced.  Cyril  had  learnt  prudence.  Peter 
had  attempted  unsuccessfully  to  appoint  a  Bishop  of 
Constantinople;  Theophilus  had  deposed  another. 
Cyril,  though  in  this  case  Alexandria  was  in  the  right, 
does  not  act  in  his  own  name,  but  denounces  Nestorius 
to  St.  Celestine,  since  ancient  custom,  he  says,  per- 
suaded him  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  pope.  He 
relates  all  that  had  occurred,  and  begs  Celestine  to 
decree  what  he  thinks  fit  (rvnuaai  ri  SIkovv — a  phrase 
which  Dr.  W.  Bright  chooses  to  weaken  into  "formu- 
late his  opinion"),  and  communicate  it  also  to  the 
bishops  of  Macedonia  and  of  the  East  (i.  e.  the  Antio- 
chene Patriarchate). 

The  pope's  reply  was  of  astonishing  severity.  He 
had  already  commissioned  Cassian  to  write  his  well- 
known  treatise  on  the  Incarnation.  He  now  sum- 
moned a  council  (such  Roman  councils  had  somewhat 
the  office  of  the  modern  Roman  Congregations),  and 
despatched  a  letter  to  Alexandria  with  enclosures  to 
Constantinople,  Philippi,  Jerusalem,  and  Antioch. 
Cyril  is  to  take  to  himself  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
See,  and  to  admonLsh  Nestorius  that  unless  he  recants 
within  ten  days  from  the  receipt  of  this  ultimatum,  he 
is  separated  from  "our  body"  (the  popes  of  the  day 
have  the  habit  of  speaking  of  other  churches  as  the 
members,  of  which  they  are  the  head;  the  body  is,  of 
course,  the  Catholic  Church).  If  Nestorius  does  not 
submit,  Cyril  is  to  "provide  for"  the  Church  of  Con- 
stantinople. Such  a  sentence  of  excommunication 
and  deposition  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  mere 
withdrawal  of  actual  communion  by  the  popes  from 
Cyril  himself  at  an  earlier  date,  from  Theophilus,  or, 
at  Antioch,  from  Flavian  or  Melctius.  It  was  the 
decree  Cyril  had  asked  for.  As  Cyril  had  twice  writ- 
ten to  Nestorius,  his  citation  in  the  name  of  the  pope 
is  to  be  counted  as  a  third  warning,  after  which  no 
grace  is  to  be  given. 

St.  Cyril  summoned  a  covmcil  of  his  suffragans,  and 

composed  a  letter  to  which  were  appended  twelve 

propositions    for    Nestorius    to    anathematize.     The 

epistle  was  not  conciliatory,  and  Nestorius  may  well 

IV.— 38 


have  been  taken  aback.  The  twelve  propositions  did 
not  emanate  from  Rome,  and  were  not  at  all  equally 
clear;  one  or  two  of  them  were  later  among  the  au- 
thorities invoked  by  the  Monophysite  heretics  in  their 
own  favour.  Cyril  was  the  head  of  the  rival  theologi- 
cal school  to  that  of  Antioch,  where  Nestorius  had 
studied,  and  was  the  hereditary  rival  of  the  Constanti- 
nopolitan  would-be  patriarch.  Cyril  wrote  also  to 
John,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  informing  him  of  the  facts, 
and  insinuating  that  if  John  should  support  his  old 
friend  Nestorius,  he  would  find  himself  isolated  over 
against  Rome,  Macedonia,  and  Egypt.  John  took  the 
hint,  and  urged  Nestorius  to  yield.  Meanwhile,  in 
Constantinople  itself  large  numbers  of  the  people  held 
aloof  from  Nestorius,  and  the  Emperor  Theodosius  II 
had  been  persuaded  to  svunmon  a  general  council  to 
meet  at  Ephesus.  The  imperial  letters  were  dis- 
patched 19  November,  whereas  the  bishops  sent  by 
Cyril  arrived  at  Constantinople^^only  on  7  December. 
Nestorius,  somewhat  naturally,  refused  to  accept  the 
message  sent  by  his  rival,  and  on  the  13th  or  14th  of 
December  preached  publicly  against  Cyril  as  a  calum- 
niator, and  as  having  used  l>ribes  (which  was  probably 
as  true  as  it  was  usual) ;  but  he  declared  himself  will- 
ing to  use  the  word  Theotokos.  These  sermons  he  sent 
to  John  of  Antioch,  who  preferred  them  to  the 
anathematizations  of  Cyril.  Nestorius,  however,  is- 
sued twelve  propositions  with  appended  anathemas. 
If  Cyril's  propositions  might  be  taken  to  deny  the  two 
natures  in  Christ,  those  of  Nestorius  hardly  veiled  his 
belief  in  two  distinct  persons.  Theodoret  urged  John 
yet  further,  and  wrote  a  treatise  against  Cyril,  to 
which  the  latter  replied  with  some  warmth.  He  also 
wrote  an  "Answer"  in  five  books  to  the  sermons  of 
Nestorius. 

As  the  fifteenth-century  idea  of  an  ceeumenical 
council  superior  to  the  poj^e  had  yet  to  be  invented, 
and  there  was  but  one  precedent  for  such  an  assembly, 
we  need  not  be  surprised  that  St.  Celestine  welcomed 
the  initiative  of  the  emperor,  and  hoped  for  peace 
through  the  assembly.  (See  Ephesu.s,  Council  of.) 
Nestorius  found  the  churches  of  Ephesus  closed  to 
him,  when  he  arrived  with  the  imperial  commissioner, 
Count  Candidian,  and  his  own  friend,  Coimt  Irenseus. 
Cyril  came  with  fifty  of  his  bishops.  Palestine,  Crete, 
Asia  Minor,  and  Greece  added  their  quotient.  But 
John  of  Antioch  and  his  suffragans  were  delayed. 
Cyril  may  have  believed,  rightly  or  wrongly,  that  John 
did  not  wish  to  be  present  at  the  trial  of  his  friend 
Nestorius,  or  that  he  wished  to  gain  time  for  him,  and 
he  opened  the  council  without  John,  on  22  Jime,  in 
spite  of  the  request  of  sixty-eight  bishops  for  a  de- 
lay. This  was  an  initial  error,  which  had  disastrous 
results. 

The  legates  from  Rome  had  not  arrived,  so  that 
Cyril  had  no  answer  to  the  letter  he  had  written  to 
Celestine  asking  "whether  the  holy  synod  should 
receive  a  man  who  condemned  what  it  preached,  or, 
because  the  tinie  of  delay  had  elapsed,  whether  the 
sentence  was  still  in  force".  Cyril  might  have  pre- 
sumed that  the  pope,  in  agreeing  to  send  legates  to 
the  council,  intended  Nestorius  to  have  a  complete 
trial,  but  it  was  more  convenient  to  assume  that  the 
Roman  ultimatum  had  not  been  suspeiulod,  and  that 
the  council  was  bound  by  it.  He  therefore  took  the 
place  of  president,  not  only  as  the  highest  in  rank,  but 
also  as  still  holding  the  place  of  Celestine,  though  he 
camiot  have  received  any  fresh  commission  from  the 
pope.  Nestorius  was  summoned,  in  order  that  he 
might  explain  his  neglect  of  Cyril's  former  monition 
in  the  name  of  the  pope.  He  refused  to  receive  the 
four  bishops  whom  the  coimcil  sent  to  him.  Conse- 
quently nothing  remained  but  formal  procedure.  For 
the  comicil  was  bound  /)//  llic  rmxtns  to  depose  Nesto- 
rius for  contumacy,  as  he  would  not  appear,  and  br/ 
the  letter  uj  Cclextine  to  condemn  him  for  heresy,  as  he 
had    not    recanted.     Tlie    correspondence    between 


CYRIL 


594 


CYRIL 


Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Constantinople  was  read,  and 
some  testimonies  were  read  from  earlier  writers  to 
show  the  errors  of  Nestorius.  The  second  letter  of 
Cyril  to  Nestorius  was  approved  by  all  the  bishops. 
The  reply  of  Nestorius  was  condemned.  No  discus- 
sion took  place.  The  letter  of  Cyril  and  the  ten 
anathematizations  raised  no  comment.  All  was  con- 
cluded at  one  sitting.  The  council  declared  that  it 
was  "of  necessity  impelled"  by  the  canons  and  by 
the  letter  of  Celestine  to  declare  Nestorius  deposed 
and  excommunicated.  The  papal  legates,  who  had 
been  detained  by  bad  weather,  arrived  on  the  10th  of 
July,  and  they  solemnly  confirmed  the  sentence  by 
the  authority  of  St.  Peter,  for  the  refusal  of  Nestorius 
to  appear  had  made  useless  the  permission  which  they 
brought  from  the  pope  to  grant  him  forgiveness  if  he 
should  repent.  But  meanwhile  John  of  Antioch  and 
his  party  had  arrived  on  the  26th  or  27th  of  June. 
They  formed  themselves  into  a  rival  council  of  forty- 
three  bishops,  and  deposed  Memnon,  Bishop  of 
Ephesus,  and  St.  Cyril,  accusing  the  latter  of  ApoUi- 
narianism  and  even  of  Eunomianism.  Both  parties 
now  appealed  to  the  emperor,  who  took  the  amazing 
decision  of  sending  a  count  to  treat  Nestorius,  Cyril, 
and  Memnon  as  being  all  three  lawfully  deposed. 
They  were  kept  in  close  custody;  but  eventually  the 
emperor  took  the  orthodox  view,  though  he  dissolved 
the  council ;  Cyril  was  allowed  to  return  to  his  diocese, 
and  Nestorius  went  into  retirement  at  Antioch.  Later 
he  was  banished  to  the  Great  Oasis  of  Egypt. 

Meanwhile  Pope  Celestine  was  dead.  His  successor, 
St.  Sixtus  III,  confirmed  the  council  and  attempted  to 
get  John  of  Antioch  to  anathematize  Nestorius.  For 
some  time  the  strongest  opponent  of  Cyril  was  Theo- 
doret,  but  eventually  he  approved  a  letter  of  Cyril  to 
Acacius  of  Berrhcea.  John  sent  Paul,  Bishop  of  Emesa, 
as  his  plenipotentiary  to  Alexandria,  and  he  patched 
up  a  reconciliation  with  Cyril.  Though  Theodoret 
still  refused  to  renounce  the  tlefence  of  Nestorius,  John 
did  so,  and  Cyril  declared  his  joy  in  a  letter  to  John. 
Isidore  of  Pelusium  was  now  afraid  that  the  impulsive 
Cyril  might  have  yielded  too  much  (Ep.  i,  334).  Tlie 
great  patriarch  composed  many  further  treatises, 
dogmatic  letters,  and  sermons.  He  died  on  the  9th 
or  the  27th  of  June,  444,  after  an  episcopate  of  nearly 
thirty- two  years. 

St.  Cyril  as  a  Theologian. — The  principal  fame 
of  St.  Cyril  rests  upon  his  defence  of  Catholic  doctrine 
against  Nestorius.  That  heretic  was  undoubtedly 
confused  and  uncertain.  He  wished,  against  Apol- 
linarius,  to  teach  that  Christ  was  perfect  man,  and  he 
took  the  denial  of  a  human  personality  in  Our  Lord 
to  imply  an  Apollinarian  incompleteness  in  His 
Human  Nature.  The  union  of  the  human  and  Divine 
natures  was  therefore  to  Nestorius  an  unspeakably 
close  junction,  but  not  a  union  in  one  hypostasis.  St. 
Cyril  taught  the  personal,  or  hijpostatic,  union  in  the 
plainest  terms;  and  when  his  writings  are  surveyed 
as  a  whole,  it  becomes  certain  that  he  always  held  the 
true  view,  that  the  one  Christ  has  two  perfect  and 
distinct  natures.  Divine  and  human.  But  he  would 
not  admit  two  0i/cr6is  in  Christ,  because  he  took  (pi<ns 
to  imply  not  merely  a  nature  but  a  subsistent  (i.  e. 
personal)  nature.  His  opponents  misrepresented  him 
as  teaching  that  the  Divine  natiue  suffered,  because 
he  rightly  taught  that  the  Divine  person  suffered,  in 
His  human  nature;  and  he  wjis  constantly  accused  of 
Apollinarianism.  On  the  other  hand,  after  his  death 
Monophysitism  was  founded  upon  a  misinterpretation 
of  his  teaching.  Especially  unfortunate  was  the 
formula  "one  nature  incarnate  of  God  the  Word" 
(fila  <t>v<n$  ToO  QeoS  A6701;  ffeffapKu/jJfri),  which  he 
took  from  a  treatise  on  the  Incarnation  which  he 
believed  to  be  by  his  great  predecessor  St.  Athanasius. 
By  this  phrase  he  intended  simply  to  emphasize 
against  Nestorius  the  unity  of  Christ's  Person;  but 
the  words  in  fact  expressed  equally  the  single  Nature 


taught  by  Eutyches  and  by  his  own  successor  Dios- 
curus.  He  brings  out  admirably  the  necessity  of  the 
full  doctrine  of  the  union  of  our  humanity  to  God,  to 
explain  the  scheme  of  the  redemption  of  man.  He 
argues  that  the  flesh  of  Christ  is  truly  the  flesh  of  God, 
in  that  it  is  life-giving  in  the  Holy  Eucharist.  In  the 
richness  and  depth  of  his  philosophical  and  devotional 
treatment  of  the  Incarnation  we  recognize  the  disciple 
of  Athanasius.  But  the  precision  of  his  language,  and 
perhaps  of  his  thought  also,  is  very  far  behind  that 
which  St.  Leo  developed  a  few  years  afterCyril's  death. 

Cyril  was  a  man  of  great  courage  and  force  of  char- 
acter. We  can  often  discern  that  his  natural  vehem- 
ence was  repressed  and  schooled,  and  he  listened  with 
humility  to  the  severe  admonitions  of  his  master  and 
adviser,  St.  Isidore.  As  a  theologian,  he  is  one  of 
the  great  writers  and  thinkers  of  early  times.  Yet 
the  troubles  which  arose  out  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus 
were  due  to  his  impulsive  action;  more  patience  and 
diplomacy  might  possibly  even  have  prevented  the 
vast  Nestorian  sect  from  arising  at  all.  In  spite  of 
his  own  linn  grasp  of  the  truth,  the  whole  of  his 
patriarchate  fell  away,  a  few  years  after  his  time,  into 
a  heresy  based  on  his  writings,  and  could  never  be 
regained  to  the  Catholic  Faith.  But  he  has  always 
been  greatly  venerated  in  the  Church.  His  letters, 
especially  the  second  letter  to  Nestorius,  were  not 
only  ajiproved  by  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  but  by 
many  subsequent  councils,  and  have  frequently  been 
appealed  to  as  tests  of  orthodoxy.  In  the  East  he 
was  always  honoured  as  one  of  the  greatest  of  the 
Doctors.  His  M;iss  and  Office  as  a  Doctor  of  the 
Church  were  approved  by  Leo  XIII  in  1883. 

His  W' RiTiNGS. — The  exegetical  works  of  St.  Cyril 
are  very  numerous  The  seventeen  books  "  On  Adora- 
tion in  Spirit  and  in  Truth  "  are  an  exposition  of  the 
typical  and  spiritual  nature  of  the  Old  Law.  The 
V\aiftvpa  or  "brilliant".  Commentaries  on  the  Penta- 
teuch are  of  the  same  nature.  Long  explanations  of 
Isaias  and  of  the  minor  Prophets  give  a  mystical  in- 
terpretation after  the  Alexandrine  manner.  Only 
fragments  are  extant  of  other  works  on  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, as  well  as  of  expositions  of  Matthew,  Luke,  and 
some  of  the  Epistles,  but  of  that  of  St.  Luke  much  is 
preserved  in  a  Syriac  version.  Of  St.  Cyril's  sermons 
and  letters  the  most  interesting  are  those  which  con- 
cern the  Nestorian  controversy.  Of  a  great  apolo- 
getic work  in  twenty  books  against  Julian  the  Apostate 
ten  books  remain.  Among  his  theological  treatises 
we  have  two  large  works  and  one  small  one  on  the 
Holy  Trinity,  and  a  number  of  treatises  and  tracts  be- 
longing to  the  Nestorian  controversy. 

The  first  collected  edition  of  St.  Cyril's  works  was 
by  J.  Aubert,  7  vols.,  Paris,  1638;  several  earlier  edi- 
tions of  some  portions  in  Latin  only  are  enumerated 
by  Fabricius.  Cardinal  Mai  atlded  more  material  in 
the  second  and  third  volumes  of  his  "  Bibliotheca  nova 
Patrum",  II-III,  1852;  this  is  incorporated,  together 
with  much  matter  from  the  Catenae  published  by 
Ghislerius  (1633),  Corderius,  Possinus,  and  Cramer 
(1838),  in  Migne's  reprint  of  Aubert's  edition  (P.  G., 
LXVIII-LXXVII,  Paris,  1864).  Better  editions  of 
single  works  include  P.  E.  Pusey,  "Cyrilli  Alex.  Epis- 
tol:E  tres  oecumeniciE,  libri  V  c.  Ncstorium,  XII  capi- 
tum  explanatio,  XII  capitum  defensio  utraque,  scholia 
de  Incarnatione  Unigeniti"  (Oxford,  1875) ;  "  De  rectd 
fide  ad  Imp.,  de  Incarnatione  Unig.  dialogus,  derectd 
fide  ad  principi.ssas,  de  recta  fide  ad  Augustas,  quod 
unus  Christus  dialogus,  apologeticus  ad  Imp."  (Ox- 
ford, 1877);  "Cyrilli  Alex.  in^XII  Prophetas"  (Ox- 
ford, 1868,  2  vols.);  "In  divi  Joannis  Evangelium" 
(Oxford,  1872,  3  vols.,  including  the  fragments  on  the 
Epistles).  "Three  Epi.stlrs,  with  revised  text  and 
English  translation"  (Oxford,  1872);  translations  in 
the  Oxford  "Library  of  the  Fathers  ";  "Commentary 
onSt.  John",  I  (1874),  II  (1885);  "  Five  tomes  against 
Nestorius"  (1881);  R.  Payne  Smith,  "S.  CyrilliAlex. 


OTRIL 


595 


Comm.  in  Lucae  evang.  qus  supersunt  Syriace  e  MSS. 
apud  Mus.  Brit."  (Oxford,  1858);  the  same  translated 
into  English  (Oxford,  1859,  2  vols.);  W.  Wright, 
"  Fragments  of  the  Homilies  of  Cyril  of  Alex,  on  St. 
Luke,  edited  from  a  Nitrian  MS."  (London,  1874);  J. 
H.  Bernard,  "  On  Some  Fragments  of  an  Uncial  MS.  of 
St.  Cyril  of  Alex.  Written  on  Papyrus"  (Trans,  of  R. 
Irish  Acad.,  XXIX,  18,  Dublin,  1892);  "Cvrilli  Alex, 
librorum  c.  Julianum  fragnienta  syriaca  ,  ed.  E. 
Nestle  etc.  in  "  Seriptorum  grseorum,  qui  Chris- 
tianam  impugnaverunt  religionera",  fasc.  Ill  (Leipzig, 
1880).  Fragments  of  the  "Liber  Thesaurorum"  in 
Pitra,  "Analecta  sacra  et  class.",  I  (Paris,  1888). 

The  best  biography  of  St.  Cyril  is,  perhaps,  still  that  by  TlL- 
LEMONT  in  Memoircs  pour  seryir,  etc..  XIV.  See  also  Kopaluk, 
CyrUliiS  von  Atexandrien  (Mainz,  1881),  an  apology  for  St. 
Cyril's  teaching  and  character.  A  moderate  view  is  taken  by 
Bright  in  Waymarks  of  Church  History  (London,  1894)  and 
The  Age  of  the  Fathers  (London,  1903),  II.  but  he  is  recognized 
as  prejudiced  wherever  the  papacy  is  in  question.  Ehrharp. 
Die  Cyrill  v.  Alex,  zugesckriebene  Schrift,  nept  t^s  toi)  K. 
ei-ai'^pajTr^creuj?,  ein  Werk  des  Thcodoret  (Tiibingen,  1888);  Loofs, 
Ncstoriana  (Halle,  1905);  Weigl,  Die  Heilslehre  des  Cyrill  v. 
Alex.  (Mainz,  1905).  Of  review  articles  may  be  mentioned: 
Largent.  Etudes  d'hist.  eccl.:  S.  Cyrille  d'Al.  et  le  cone.  d'Epht-se 
in  Rev.  des  Quest.  Hist.  (1882),  and  Idem,  Etudes  d'hist.  eccl., 
(Paris,  1892):  Schafer,  Die  Christologie  des  Cyrii  v.  Al.  in 
Theolog.  Quartalschrift  (Tubingen,  1895),  421;  Make,  Les 
ajinthcmatismes  de  S.  Cyrille  in  Rev.  d'hist.  eccl.  (Oct.,  190G) ; 
Bethune-Baker,  Neslorius  and  his  Teaching  (Cambridge, 
1908):  Mahe,  L' Eucharislie  d'  apris  S.  Cyrille  d'  Al.  in  Rev. 
d'  Hist.  Eccl.  (Oct.,  1907);  L.  J.  Sicking  defends  Cyril  in  the 
affair  of  Hypatia  in  Der  Katholik,  cxxix  (1906),  44  and  127; 
on  his  accession,  ibid..  CXXXII  (1907),  31  and  121;  Cony- 
BEARE,  The  Armenian  Version  of  Revelation  and  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria's scholia  on  the  Incarnation  edited  from  the  oldest  MSS. 
and  Englished  (London,  1907). 

John  Chapman. 

Cjrril  of  Barcelona.    See  Sieni,  Cyril. 

Cyril  o£  Constantinople,  Saint,  General  of  the 
Carmelites,  d.  about  12.35.  All  that  is  known  is  that 
he  was  prior  of  Mount  Carmel,  some  say  for  twenty- 
seven,  others,  more  correctly,  for  three  years,  and 
that  he  had  the  reputation  of  being  a  prophet.  One 
of  the  pseudo-prophecies,  given  out  towards  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  century  by  the  Franciscan  Spirituals, 
and  attributed  to  St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  became 
known  to  Guido  de  Perpignan  and  other  Carmelites  at 
Paris,  who  ascribed  it  to  their  former  general,  now 
considered  a  saint  and  a  doctor  of  the  Church,  his 
feast  being  introduced  in  1399.  In  the  Breviary  les- 
sons he  was  also  confounded  with  Cyril  of  Alexandria. 
When  the  mistake  was  discovered  (1430,  but  the  con- 
fusion was  maintained  in  the  Venice  Breviary,  1542), 
his  title  of  doctor  was  justified  by  attributing  to  him 
a  work,  of  which  no  trace  exists,  on  the  procession  of 
the  Holy  Ghost.  The  prophecy  or  angelic  oracle 
"  Divinura  oraculum  S.  Cyrillo  Carmelitee  Constanti- 
nopolitano  solemni  legatione  angeli  missum"  (ed. 
Philippus  a  SS.  Trinitate,  Lyons,  10G3),  so  called  be- 
cause it  is  supposed  to  have  been  brought  by  an  angel 
while  Cyril  was  saying  Mass,  Ls  a  lengthy  document  of 
eleven  chapters  in  incomprehensible  language,  with  a 
commentary  falsely  ascribed  to  Abbot  Joachim.  It  is 
first  mentioned  by  Arnold  of  Villanova,  e.  1295; 
Telesphoru-s  of  Cosenza  applied  it  to  the  Western 
Schism  and  treated  it  as  an  utterance  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  Another  writing  erroneously  attributed  to 
Cyril  is  "De  processu  ,sui  Ordinis",  by  a  contempo- 
rary, probably  a  French  author ;  edited  by  Daniel  a  Vir- 
gine  Maria  in  "Speculiun  Carmelitarum "  (Antwerp, 
1680),  I,  75. 

Ehrle,    Ucber    Cyrilts    Oraculum    angelicum    in     ArcJiiv    f. 
Lilcratur  u.  Kirchengesch.  d.    M.  A.   (Berlin,   1886).   II.  327; 
ZiuuEBHAN,  Monumenta  hislor.  Carmd.  (Ldrins,  1907).  I,  295. 
B.  Zimmerman. 

C3rril  of  Jerusalem,SAmT,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  and 
Doctor  of  the  Church,  !>.  about  315;  d.  probably  18 
March,  3S0.  In  the  East  his  feast  is  ob.served  on  the 
_18th  of  March,  in  the  West  on  tlie  ISth  or  20lh.  Little 
is  known  of  his  life.  We  g:ith<T  iiifiinii:ainn  concern- 
ing him  from  his  younger  contemporaries,  Epiphanius, 


Jerome,  and  Rufinus,  as  well  as  from  the  fifth-century 
historians,  Socrates,  Sozomen,  and  Theodoret.  Cyril 
himself  gives  us  the  date  of  his  "Catecheses"  as  fully 
seventy  years  after  the  Emperor  Probus,  that  is  about 
347,  if  he  is  exact.  Constans  (d.  350)  was  then  still 
alive.  Mader  thinks  Cyril  was  already  bishop,  but  it 
is  usually  held  that  he  was  at  this  date  only  a  priest. 
St.  Jerome  relates  (Chron.  ad  aiui.  3.52)  that  St.  Cyril 
had  been  ordained  priest  by  St.  Maximus,  his  prede- 
cessor, after  whose  death  the  episcopate  was  promised 
to  Cyril  by  the  metropolitan,  Acacius  of  Caesarea,  and 
the  other  Arian  bishops,  on  condition  that  he  should 
repudiate  the  ordination  he  had  received  from  Maxi- 
mus. He  consented  to  minister  as  deacon  only,  and 
was  rewarded  for  this  impiety  with  the  see.  Maximus 
had  consecrated  Heraclius  to  succeed  himself,  but  Cyril, 
by  various  frauds,  degraded  Heraclius  to  the  priest- 
hood. So  says  St.  Jerome ;  but  Socrates  relates  that 
Acacius  drove  out  St.  Maximus  and  substituted  St. 
Cyril.  A  quarrel  soon  broke  out  between  Cyril  and 
Acacius,  apparently  on  a  question  of  precedence  or 
jurisdiction.  At  Niciea  the  metropolitan  rights  of 
CtEsarea  had  been  guarded,  while  a  special  dignity  had 
been  granted  to  Jerusalem.  Yet  St.  Maximus  had 
held  a  synod  and  had  ordained  bishops.  This  may 
have  been  as  much  the  cause  of  Acacius'  ermiity  to 
him  as  his  attachment  to  the  Nicene  formula.  On  the 
other  hand,  Cyril's  correct  Christology  may  have  been 
the  real  though  veiled  ground  of  the  hostility  of 
Acacius  to  him.  At  all  events,  in  357  Acacius  caused 
Cyril  to  be  exiled  on  the  charge  of  selling  church 
furniture  during  a  famine.  Cyril  took  refuge  with 
Silvanus,  Bishop  of  Tarsus.  He  appeared  at  the 
Council  of  Seleucia  in  359,  in  which  the  Semi-Arian 
party  was  triumphant.  Acacius  was  deposed  and  St. 
Cyril  seems  to  have  returned  to  his  see.  But  the 
emperor  was  displeased  at  the  turn  of  events,  and,  in 
300,  Cyril  and  other  moderates  were  again  driven  out, 
and  only  returned  at  the  accession  of  Julian  in  361. 
In  307  a  decree  of  Valens  banished  all  the  bishops  who 
had  been  restored  by  Julian,  and  Cyril  remained  in 
exile  until  the  death  of  the  persecutor  in  378.  In  380, 
St.  Gregory  of  Nyssa  came  to  Jerusalem  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  a  council  held  at  Antioch  in  the  preced- 
ing year.  He  found  the  Faith  in  accord  with  the 
truth,  but  the  city  a  prey  to  parties  and  corrupt 
in  morals.  St.  CyrU  attended  the  great  Council  of  Con- 
stantinople in  381,  at  which  Theodosius  had  ordered 
the  Nicene  faith,  now  a  law  of  the  empire,  to  be  pro- 
mulgated. St.  Cyril  then  formally  accepted  the  homo- 
ousion;  Socrates  and  Sozomen  call  this  an  act  of 
repentance.  Socrates  gives  385  for  St.  Cyril's  death, 
but  St.  Jerome  tells  us  that  St.  Cyril  lived  eight  years 
under  Theodosius,  that  is,  from  January,  379. 

Whitings. — The  extant  works  of  St.  Cyril  of  Jeru- 
salem include  a  sermon  on  the  Pool  of  Bethesda,  a 
letter  to  the  Emperor  Constantius,  three  small  frag- 
ments, and  the  famous  "Catecheses".  The  letter 
describes  a  wonderful  cross  of  light,  extending  from 
Calvary  to  the  Momit  of  Olives,  which  appeared  in 
the  air  on  the  nones  of  May,  after  Pentecost,  towards 
the  beginning  of  the  saint's  episcopate.  The  catechet- 
ical lectures  are  among  the  most  precious  remains  of 
Christian  antiiiuity.  They  include  an  introductory 
address,  eighteen  instructions  delivered  in  Lent  to 
those  who  were  preparing  for  b:iptisTn,  and  five  "mys- 
tagogical"  instructions  given  during  Easter  week  to 
the  same  persons  after  their  l>;ii)tisni.  They  contain 
interesting  local  references  as  to  tlu;  finding  of  the 
Cross,  the  position  of  Calvary  in  relation  to  the  walls, 
to  other  holy  places,  and  to  the  great  basilica  built  by 
Constantine  in  whicli  these;  conferences  were  delivered. 
They  seem  to  have  been  spoken  extempore,  and  writ^ 
ten  down  afterwards.  The  style  is  ailmirably  clear, 
dignified,  and  logical;  the  tone  is  serious  and  full  of 
piety.  The  subject  is  thus  divided;  1.  Hortatory. 
2.  On  sin,  and  confidence  in  God's  pardon.     3.  On 


CYRILLIC 


596 


CYRILLIC 


baptism,  how  the  water  receives  the  power  of  sancti- 
fying: as  it  cleanses  the  body,  so  the  Spirit  seals  the 
soul.  4.  An  abridged  account  of  the  Faith.  5.  On 
the  nature  of  faith.  6-18.  On  the  Creed:  6.  On  the 
monarchy  of  God,  and  the  various  heresies  which  deny 
it.  7.  On  the  Father.  8.  His  omnipotence.  9.  The 
Creator.  10.  On  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  11.  His 
Eternal  Sonship.  12.  His  virgin  birth.  13.  His  Pas- 
sion. 14.  His  Resurrection  and  Ascension.  15.  His 
second  coming.  16-17.  On  the  Holy  Ghost.  18.  On 
the  resurrection  of  the  body  and  the  Catholic  Church. 
The  first  mystagogical  catechesis  explains  the  renimcia- 
tioiLS  of  Satan,  etc.  which  preceded  baptism;  the  sec- 
ond is  on  the  effects  of  baptism,  the  third  on  confirma- 
tion, the  fourth  on  Holy  Communion,  and  the  fifth  on 
holy  Mass  for  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  hearers 
are  told  to  observe  the  disci plina  arcani;  Rom .  they  must 
repeat  nothing  to  heathens  and  catechumens;  the 
book  also  has  a  note  to  the  same  effect. 

A  few  points  may  be  noted.  The  mythical  origin 
of  the  Septuagint  is  told,  and  the  story  of  tlie  phcenix, 
so  popular  from  Clement  onwards.  The  description 
of  Mass  speaks  of  the  mystical  washing  of  the  priest's 
hands,  the  kiss  of  peace,  the  "Sursvmi  Corda",  etc., 
and  the  Preface  with  its  mention  of  the  angels,  the 
Sanctus,  the  Epiclesis,  the  transmutation  of  the  ele- 
ments by  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  prayer  for  the  whole 
Church  and  for  the  spirits  of  the  departed,  followed 
by  the  Paternoster,  which  is  briefly  ex])lained.  Then 
come  the  "Sancta  Sanctis"  and  the  Communion. 
"Approaching,  do  not  come  with  thy  palms  stretched 
fiat  nor  with  fingers  separated.  But  making  thy  left 
hand  a  seat  for  thy  right,  and  hollowing  thy  palm, 
receive  the  Body  of  Christ,  responding  Amen.  And 
having  with  care  hallowed  thine  eyes  by  the  touch  of 
the  Holy  Body,  take  it,  vigilant  lest  thou  drop  any 
of  it.  For  shouldst  thou  lose  any  of  it,  it  is  as  though 
thou  wast  deprived  of  a  member  of  thy  own  body." 
"Then  after  Communion  of  the  Body  of  Christ,  ap- 
proach the  Chalice  of  His  Blood,  not  extending  thy 
hands,  but  bending  low,  and  with  adoration  and 
reverence  saying  Amen,  sanctify  thyself  by  receiving 
also  the  Blood  of  Christ.  And  while  thy  lips  are  yet 
wet,  touch  them  with  thy  hands,  and  sanctify  thy  eyes 
and  thy  forehead  and  thy  other  senses"  (Cat.  Myst., 
V,  22,  21-22).  We  are  to  make  the  sign  of  the  cross 
when  we  eat  and  drink,  sit,  go  to  bed,  get  up,  talk, 
walk,  in  short,  in  every  action  (Cat.  iv,  14).  Again: 
"  if  thou  should  be  in  foreign  cities,  do  not  simply  ask 
where  is  the  chiu-ch  (KvpiaKbv),  for  the  heresies  of  the 
impious  try  to  call  their  caves  KvptaKd,  nor  simply 
where  is  the  Church  (iKKXtia-la),  but  where  is  the 
Catholic  Church,  for  this  is  the  proper  name  of  this 
holy  Mother  of  all"  (Cat.  xviii,  26). 

Doctrine. — St.  Cyril's  doctrine  is  expressed  in  his 
creed,  which  seems  to  have  run  thus:  "I  believe  in 
one  God,  the  Father  Almighty,  Creator  of  Heaven  and 
earth  and  of  all  things  visible  and  invisible.  And  in 
one  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  only-begotten  Son  of  God, 
begotten  by  the  Father  true  God  before  all  ages,  God 
of  God,  Life  of  Life,  Light  of  Light,  by  Whom  all 
things  were  made.  Who  for  us  men  and  for  our  salva- 
tion came  down,  and  was  incarnate  hy  the  Hob/  Ghost 
and  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  was  made  man.  He  was 
crucified  .  .  .  and  buried.  He  rose  again  on  the  third 
day  according  to  the  Scriptures,  and  sat  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  Father.  And  He  cometh  in  glory  to 
judge  the  living  and  the  dead,  whose  kingdom  shall 
have  no  end.  And  in  one  Holy  Ghost,  the  Paraclete, 
Who  spake  l)y  the  prophets;  and  in  one  baptism  of 
repentance  for  the  remission  of  sins,  and  in  one  holy 
Catholic  Church,  and  in  the  resurrection  of  the  body, 
and  in  life  everlasting."  The  italicized  words  are  un- 
certain. St.  Cyril  teaches  the  Divinity  of  the  Son 
with  iicrfect  plainness,  l>ut  avoids  the  word  ''coiisub- 
Btantial",  wliicli  he  probably  (hought  lialilc  to  niisim 
derstanding.     He  never  mentions  .Arianisin,  tliough 


he  denounces  the  Arian  formula,  "There  was  a  time 
when  the  Son  was  not".  He  belonged  to  the  Semi- 
Arian,  or  Homoean  party,  and  is  content  to  declare 
that  the  Son  is  "in  all  things  like  the  Father".  He 
communicated  freely  with  bishops  such  as  Basil  of 
Aneyra  and  Eustathius  of  Sebaste.  He  not  only  does 
not  explain  that  the  Holy  Trinity  has  one  Godhead, 
but  he  does  not  even  say  the  Three  Persons  are  one 
God.  The  one  God  is  for  him  always  the  Father: 
"  There  is  one  God,  the  Father  of  Christ,  and  one  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  only-begotten  Son  of  the  only  God, 
and  one  Holy  Ghost,  Who  sanctifies  and  deifies  all 
things"  (Cat.  iv,  16).  But  he  rightly  says:  "We  do 
not  divide  the  Holy  Trinity  as  some  do,  neither  do  we 
make  a  melting  into  one  like  Sabellius"  (Cat.  xvi,  4). 
CjTil  never  actually  calls  the  Holy  Ghost  God,  but  He 
is  to  be  honoured  together  with  the  Father  and  the 
Son  (Cat.  iv,  IG).  There  is  therefore  nothing  incor- 
rect in  his  doctrine,  only  the  explicit  use  of  the  Nicene 
formula  is  wanting,  and  these,  like  St.  Meletius  and 
others  of  his  party,  he  fully  accepted  at  a  later  date. 

St.  C>Til's  teaching  about  the  Blessed  Sacrament  is 
of  the  first  importance,  for  he  was  speaking  freely, 
untrammelled  by  the  "  discipline  of  the  secret ' '.  On 
the  Real  Presence  he  is  unambiguous:  "  Since  He  Him- 
self has  declared  and  said  of  the  bread:  This  is  My 
Body,  who  shall  dare  to  doubt  any  more?  And  when 
He  asserts  and  says:  This  is  My  Blood,  who  shall  ever 
hesitate  and  say  it  is  not  His  Blood?"  Of  the  Trans- 
formation, he  argues,  if  Christ  could  change  water 
into  wine,  can  He  not  change  wine  into  His  own 
Blood?  The  bread  and  wine  are  symbols:  "In  the 
type  of  bread  is  given  thee  the  Body,  in  the  type  of 
wine  the  Blood  is  given  thee ' ' ;  but  they  do  not  remain 
in  their  original  condition,  they  have  been  changed, 
though  the  senses  cannot  tell  us  this:  "Do  not  think 
it  mere  bread  and  wine,  for  it  is  the  Body  and  Blood 
of  Christ,  according  to  the  Lord's  declaration". 
"Having  learned  this  and  being  assured  of  it,  that 
what  appears  to  be  bread  is  not  bread,  though  per- 
ceived by  the  taste,  but  the  Body  of  Christ,  and  what 
appears  to  be  wine  is  not  wine,  though  the  taste  says 
so,  but  the  Blood  of  Christ.  .  .  .  strengthen  thy  heart, 
partaking  of  it  as  spiritual  (food),  and  rejoice  the  face 
of  thy  soul".  It  is  difficult  not  to  see  the  whole  doc- 
trine of  Transubstantiation  in  these  explicit  words. 
Confirmation  is  with  blessed  chrism:  "As  the  bread 
of  the  Eucharist  after  the  invocation  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  is  not  bread,  but  the  Body  of  Christ,  so  this 
holy  myrrh  is  no  longer  simple,  as  one  might  say, 
after  the  invocation,  but  a  gift  of  Clirist  and  capable 
by  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Ghost  of  giving  His 
divinity"  (ii,  4).  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  went  to 
Rome,  the  heads  (Trpoa-riiraO  of  the  Church.  Peter 
is  6  KopixpatSraTos  Kai  irpojTOffTdTtjs  tujv  aTrocr6\wv.  The 
Faith  is  to  be  proved  out  of  Holy  Scriptiu-e.  St.  Cyril, 
as  the  Greek  Fathers  generally,  gives  the  Hebrew  canon 
of  the  Old  Testament  omitting  the  deutero-canonical 
books.  But  yet  he  often  quotes  them  as  Scriptiu-e. 
In  the  New  Testament  he  does  not  acknowledge  the 
Apocalj'pse. 

There  have  been  many  editions  of  St.  CjtU's 
works:— (Vienna,  l.WO);  G.  Morel  (Paris,  1564);  J. 
Pr(5vot  (Paris,  1608);  T.  Milles  (London,  1703);  the 
Benedictine  edition  of  Dom  Toutt^e  (Paris,  1720;  re- 
printed at  Venice,  1763);  a  new  edition  from  MSS., 
by  G.  C.  Reischl,  8vo  (Munich,  1848;  2nd  vol.  by  J. 
Rupp,  1860);  Migne  gives  the  Bencd.  ed.  in  P.  G., 
XXXIII;  Photius  Alexandrides  (2  vols.,  Jerusalem, 
1807-8);  Eng.  tr.  in  Library  of  the  Fathers  (Oxford). 

TiLLEMONT,  Mrmoircs  poiiT  scrvir,  etc.,  VIII;  Touttke  in 
his  edition,  and  Hkischl;  Acta  SS..  March,  II;  Dklacroix. 
Sainl-Cyritlc  de  Jrrusalem  (Paris.  1S65>;  Mader,  Dcr  hi.  Cyrtt- 
lus,  Biscliof  von  Mrusalem  (Einsiedehi,  1901). 

John  Chapman. 

Cyrillic  Alphabet.     See  Russian  Church.  ■ 

Cyrillic  Prophecy.   See  Cyril,  of  Constantinoplb. 


CYRRHUS 


597 


CYRUS 


Cyrrhus,  a  titular  sec  of  Syria.  The  city  of  the 
same  name  was  the  capital  of  the  extensive  district 
of  Cyrrhestica,  between  the  plain  of  Antioch  and 
Commagene.  The  origin  of  the  city  is  unknown ;  ac- 
cording to  a  false  tradition,  it  was  said  in  the  sixth 
century  to  have  been  founded  by  Cyrus,  lung  of 
Persia;  this,  however,  was  only  a  play  upon  the  name. 
It  became  at  an  early  date  a  suffragan  of  Hierapolis 
in  Provincia  Eupliratensis.  Eight  bishops  are  known 
before  536  (Lequien,  II,  929;  E.  W.  Brooks,  The  Sixth 
Book  of  the  Select  Letters  of  Severus,  II,  341).  The 
first  was  present  at  Nicaea  in  32>5.  The  most  celebrated 
is  Theodoret  (423-58),  a  prolific  WTiter,  well  known 
for  liis  role  in  the  liistory  of  Nestorianism  and  Eutych- 
ianism.  (His  works  are  in  Mignc,  P.  G.,  LXXX- 
LXXXIV.)  He  tells  us  that  his  small  diocese  (about 
forty  miles  square)  contained  800  churches,  which 
supposes  a  very  dense  [xjpulation. 

At  CjTrhus  a  magnificent  basilica  held  the  relics  of 
SS.  Cosmas  and  Damian,  who  had  suffered  martjT- 
dom  in  the  vicinity  about  283,  and  whose  bodies  had 
been  transported  to  the  city,  whence  it  was  also  called 
HagiouiX)lis.  Many  holy  personages,  moreover,  chief- 
ly hermits,  had  been  or  were  then  living  in  this  terri- 
tory, among  them  SS.  Acepsimas,  Zeumatius,  Zebinas, 
Polychronius,  Maron  (the  famous  patron  of  the  Maron- 
ite  Church),  Eusebius,  Thalassius,  Maris,  James  the 
Wonder-worker,  and  others.  Theodoret  devoted  an 
entire  work  to  the  illustration  of  their  Wrtues  and 
miracles.  The  city  was  embellished  and  fortified  by 
Justinian.  At  the  same  time  it  became  an  indepen- 
dent metrojwlis,  subject  directly  to  Antioch.  The 
patriarch.  Michael  the  SjTian,  names  thirteen  Jacobite 
bishops  of  Cyrrhus  from  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh 
century  (Revue  de  I'Orient  chretien,  1901,  p.  194). 
Only  two  Latin  titulars  are  quoted  by  Lequien  (III, 
1195).  The  site  of  the  city  is  marked  by  the  ruins 
at  Khoros.  nine  miles  northwest  of  Kills,  in  the  vil- 
ayet of  Aleppo;  these  ruins  stand  near  the  river  Afriu 
ilarsyas,  a  tributary  of  the  Orontes),  which  had  been 
banked  up  by  the  aforesaid  Theodoret. 

TiLLEKONT,  Memoires,  XV,  217-239. 

S.  V.\1LHE. 

Cyrus  and  John,  Saints,  celebrated  martyrs  of  the 
Coptic  Church,  surnamed  $av/mTovpyol  avapyvpoi  be- 
cause they  healed  the  sick  gratis  (Nilles,  Kalendarium 
utriusque  Ecclesise,  Inn.sbruck,  1896,  I,  89).  Their 
feast  day  is  celebrated  by  the  Copts  on  the  sixth  day  of 
Emsir,  corresponding  to  31  January,  the  day  also  ob- 
served by  the  Greeks ;  on  the  same  day  they  are  com- 
memorated in  the  Roman  Martyrology,  regarding 
which  see  the  observation  of  Cardinal  Baronio  (Mar- 
tyrologium  Romanum,  Venice,  1.586).  The  Greeks 
celebrate  also  the  finding  and  translation  of  the  relics 
on  28  June  (see  "  Menologium  Basil."  and  "Menaia"). 
The  principal  source  of  information  regarding  the  life, 
passion,  and  miracles  of  Sts.  John  and  Cyrus  is  the 
encomium  \sTitten  by  Sophronius,  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem (d.  6.38).  Of  the  birth,  parents,  and  first  years 
of  the  saints  we  know  nothing.  According  to  the 
Arabic  "SjTiaxarium"  (Forget,  Synax.  Alexan- 
drinum,  Beirut,  1906,  II,  2.52),  compiled  by  Michael, 
Bishop  of  .\thrib  and  Malig,  Cyrus  and  John  were 
both  Alexandrians;  this,  however,  is  contradicted  by 
other  documents  in  which  it  is  said  that  Cj'ras  was  a 
native  of  Alexandria  and  John  of  E(le.ssa.  Cyrus 
practised  the  art  of  medicine  and  had  a  work-shop 
(ergasterium)  which  was  afterwards  transformed  into 
a  temple  dedicated  to  the  three  boy-saints,  Ananias, 
Mi.sael,  and  Azarias.  He  ministered  to  the  sick  gratis 
and  at  the  same  time  laboured  with  all  the  ardour  of 
an  apostle  of  the  Faith,  and  won  many  from  pagan 
8U|)erstition.  Tliis  took  place  under  the  Emperor 
Diocletian.  Denounced  to  the  prefect  of  the  city  he 
fled  to  Arabia  of  Egypt  where  he  took  refuge  in  a 
town   near  the  sea  called   Tzoten.     There,   having 


shaved  his  head  and  assumed  the  monastic  habit,  he 
abandoned  medicine  and  began  a  life  of  asceticism. 

John  belonged  to  the  army,  ui  which  he  held  a  high 
rank;  the  "Synaxarium"  cited  above  adds  that  he 
was  one  of  the  familiars  of  the  emperor.  Hearing  of 
the  virtues  and  wonders  of  Cyrus,  he  betook  himself 
to  Jerusalem  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  and  thence  passed 
into  Egypt  where  he  became  the  companion  of  St. 
Cyrus  in  the  ascetic  life.  During  the  persecution  of 
Diocletian  three  holy  virgins,  Theoctista  (Tlieopista), 
fifteen  years  old,  Theodota  (Theodora),  thirteen  years 
old,  and  Theodossia  (Theodoxia),  eleven  years  old,  to- 
gether with  their  mother  Athanasia,  were  arrested  at 
Canopus  and  brought  to  Alexandria.  C'yrus  and  John, 
fearing  lest  these  girls,  on  account  of  their  tender  age, 
might,  in  the  midst  of  torments,  deny  the  Faith,  re- 
solved to  go  into  the  city  to  comfort  them  and  encour- 
age them  in  undergoing  iflartyrdom.  This  fact  be- 
coming known  they  also  were  arrested  and  after  dire 
torments  they  were  all  beheaded  on  the  31st  of  Janu- 
ary. The  bodies  of  the  two  martyrs  were  placed  in 
the  church  of  St.  Mark  the  Evangelist  where  they 
remained  up  to  the  time  of  St.  Cyril,  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria  (412-444).  At  Menuthis  (Mepov8r]s  or 
Mej-oOflis)  near  Canopus  there  existed  at  that  time  a 
pagan  temple  reputed  for  its  oracles  and  cures  which 
attracted  even  some  simple  Christians  of  the  vicinity. 
St.  Cyril  thought  to  extirpate  this  idolatrous  cult 
by  establishing  in  that  town  the  cultus  of  Sts. 
Cyrus  and  John.  For  this  purpose  he  transferred 
thither  their  relics  (28  June,  414)  and  placed  them  in 
the  church  built  by  his  predecessor,  Theophilus,  in 
honour  of  the  Evangelists.  Before  the  finding  and 
transfer  of  the  relics  by  St.  Cyril  it  seems  that  the 
names  of  the  two  saints  were  unknown;  certain  it  is 
that  no  written  records  of  them  existed  (Migne,  P.  G., 
LXXXVII,  3508  sq.).  In  the  fifth  century,  during 
the  pontificate  of  Innocent  I,  their  relics  were  brought 
to  Rome  by  two  monks,  Grimaldus  and  Arnulfu.s — 
this  according  to  a  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the 
deaconry  of  Santa  Maria  in  the  Via  Lata,  cited  by 
Antonio  Bosio  (Roma  Sotterranea,  Rome,  1634,  p.  123). 
Mai,  however,  for  historical  reasons,  justly  assigns  a 
later  date,  namely  634,  vmder  Pope  Honorius  and  the 
Emperor  Heraclius  (Spicilegium  Rom.,  Ill,  V).  The 
relics  were  placed  in  the  suburban  church  of  St.  Pas- 
sera  (Abbas  Cyrus)  on  the  Via  Portuense.  In  the 
time  of  Bosio  the  pictures  of  the  two  saints  were  still 
visible  in  this  church  (Bosio,  op.  cit.,  ib.)  Upon  the 
door  of  the  hypogeum,  which  still  remains,  is  the  fol- 
lowing inscription  in  marble: — 

Corpora  sancta  Cyri  renitent  hie  atque  Joannis 
Qu»  quondam  Roma;  dedit  Alexandria  magna 

(Bosio,  ib.;  Mai,  Spic.  Rom.,  loc.  cit.).  At  Rome 
three  churches  were  dedicated  to  these  martyrs. 
Abbas  Cyrus  dc  Militiis,  Abbas  Cyrus  de  Valeriis,  and 
Abbas  Cyrus  ad  Elephantum — all  of  which  were 
transformed  afterwards  by  the  vulgar  prommciation 
into  S.  Passera,  a  corruption  of  Abbas  Cy''>'s;  in  the 
Coptic  Difnar,  Apakiri,  Apakyri,  .\pakyr;  in  Arabic, 
'Abaqir,  '.\buqir  (see  Armellini,  Le  Chiese  di  Roma, 
Rome,  1891,  179  sq.,  563  sq.,  681,  945  sq.). 

.SopiinoNirs.  Laudes  in  SS.  Cyrum  et  Joannrm  in  Migne, 
P.  G.,  LXXXVII,  3379-3676  (the  other  two  lives,  3677-3696, 
are  not  of  Sophronius);  see  also  Bardenhewfr,  Patrol.  (It.  tr., 
Rome.  1903),  111,41;  Ada  SS.,  Jan..  II.  1081  sq.;  Petrus  Par- 
THF.sopEssls.SS.  Cyri  et  Joannis  pafsio  inSpicileffium  Homanum 
(Rome,  1S40),  IV.  26S-280:  Analecia  Bollandiana  (Brussels, 
1889).  VIII,  9.')-96;  Deubnkr.  De  incubalionr  capita  quattuar 
(Leipzig,  19(K));  cf.  Analecia  Bollandiuna  (1901),  XX,  31!4  .sq.; 
(1906)  X.XV,  233,  40;  Reiiue  de  VOrient  chrit.  (Paris.  1902,) 
37.'>  s<iq. 

P.  J.  Balestri. 

Cyrus  of  Alexandria,  a  Melchite  patriarch  of  that 
see  in  the  .seventh  century,  and  one  of  the  authors 
of  Monothelisin;  d.  abotit641  He  had  been  since 
620  Bishop  of  Phasis,  in  Colchis,  when  the  Emperor 


CYZICUS 


598 


CZECH 


Hist,  des  dogmes  (Paris,  1903),  II;  Turmel,  Hist,  de  la  thiol. 
positive  (Paris,  1904). 

J.    F.    SOLLIER. 

Cyzicus,  a  titular  see  of  Asia  Minor,  metropolitan 
of  tlie  ancient  ecclesiastical  province  of  Hellespontus. 


Heraclius,  in  the  course  of  his  Persian  campaign 
(62(j),  consulted  him  about  a  plan  for  bringmg  the 
Monophysites  of  Egypt  back  to  the  Church  and  to 
the  support  of  the  empire.     Tlie  plan,  suggested  by 

Sergius,  Patriarcli  of  Constantinople,  consisted  in  ^^,  ^^^  „,,,^,^„„  ^^^^,^„,„.^,.^„.  ,.„.,„^^  „.  ^^^..^„  „„v,„. 
confessing  the  faith  of  Clialcedon  on  the  two  natures  The"city"wi!i^"  probrWy "founded  by  Pefasgrahs"froni 
of  Christ,  wliile  practicaUy  nulhfymg  it  by  the  ad-  Thessaly;  later  it  received  many  colonies  from  Mile- 
mission  of  one  theandric  wiU  and  operation,  ^^^  ^^j  ^^^  importance  began  only  after  the  Peloixju- 
Iv  efK-nim  KoX  ula  ivip-yua.     Cyrus  hesitated  at  first,  .r      ,      .      o     .  .   ^ 

but  being  assured  by  Sergius  that  tliis  formula 
was  opposed  to  neither  the  Fathers  nor  Chalcedon 
and  was  destined  to  achieve  great  results,  he  became 
a  stanch  supporter  of  it,  and  was,  in  return,  raised  by 
HeracUus  to  the  then  vacant  See  of  Alexandria  (630). 
Once  a  patriarch,  he  set  himself  vigorously  to  effect 
the  desired  union.     In  a  synod  held  at  Alexandria 


nesian  war,  when  the  decay  of  Athens  and  Miletus  set 
in.  Alcibiades  defeated  the  Lacedaemonians  there 
(410  b.  c).  Alexander  captured  it  from  the  Persians  in 
334  B.C.;  and  Mitliridates  besieged  it  with  300,000 
men  in  74  B.  c,  but  it  withstood  him  stoutly,  and  the 
year  following  was  delivered  by  Lucullus.  The  Rom- 
ans favoured  it  and  recognized  its  municipal  inde- 
.  -  pendence.     Cyzicus  was  the  leading  city  of  Northern 

he  proposed  what  is  known  as  the  iv\T)po<popla,  or     j^j     -^^  ^^  j^^j.  j^g  Xroas.     Under  Tiberius  it  was  incor- 
"  Satisfactio  ",  an   agreement   m   mne   articles,   the     .-grated  with  the  empire,  but  remained  the  capital  of 


seventh  of  which  is  a  bold  assertion  of  the  Monothe- 
lite  heresy.  The  Monophysites  (Theodosians  or  Sever- 
ians)  welcomed  the  agreement  with,  however,  the 
remark  that  Chalcedon  was  coming  to  them,  not 
they  to  Chalcedon.  The  union  thus  effected  was 
adroitly  exploited,  with  a  view  to  win  over  Pope 
Honorius  to  Monothelism;  otherwise  it  proved  in- 
effective, and  soon  fell  into  discredit  under  the  name 
of     frwo-is     v5pofia((>-fis,    contemptuously     called     the 


Mysia,  afterwards  of  Hellespontus,  and  became  one  of 
the  greatest  cities  in  the  world.  The  era  of  its  Olym- 
piads was  reckoned  from  A.  D.  135  or  139.  Its  peculiar 
coin,  tlie  Cyzicenus,  was  worth  28  drachmae,  i.  e. 
nearly  five  dollars  and  a  half  in  American  money. 
Cyzicus  was  captured  by  the  Arabs  in  675,  and  ruined 
by  earthquakes  in  443  and  1043;  it  began  to  be  de- 
serted as  early  as  the  eleventh  century.  Its  site  is  to- 
day marketl  by  a  huge  heap  of  ruins  amid  the  marshes 


"washy  union".     Cyrus  persevered  none  the  less  m  ^f  g^],^.;^  gerai,  in  the  caza  of  Erdek,  vilayet  of  Brusa. 

his  adhesion  to  tlie  compromise,  and  even  accepted  -pj^g  ^^^^^^  dating  from  the  fourth  century,  are  partly 

the  Ecthesis,  a  new  imperial  formulary  of  the  same  preserved;  there  are  also  the  ruins  of  a  Roman  aque- 

error(637).     When  Omar's  general,  Amru,  tjireatened  j^p^  and  a  theatre.     The  amphitheatre,  built  in  the 

the  Prefecture  of  Egypt,  Cyrus  was  made  prefect  third  century  b.  c,  was  one  of  the  largest  in  the  world; 

and  entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  war.     Certain  jjg  diameter  was  nearly  500  feet.     Colossal  founda- 


humiliating  stipulations,  to  wliich  he  subscribed 
for  the  sake  of  peace,  angered  his  imperial  master. 
He  was  recalled  and  harslily  accused  of  connivance 
with  the  Saracens;  however,  he  was  soon  restored 
to  Ills  former  authority,  owing  to  the  impending 
siege  of  Alexandria,  but  covdd  not  avert  the  fall 
of  the  great  city  (640)  and  died  shortly  after. 

From  Cyrus  we  have  tliree  letters  to  Sergius  and 


tions  of  a  tem]ile  dedicated  to  Hadrian  are  still  visi- 
ble: tlie  columns  were  21.35  metres  high  (about  70 
feet),  wliile  the  highest  known  elsewhere,  those  at 
Baalbek  in  Syria,  are  only  19.35  metres  (about  (53 
feet).  The  monuments  of  Cyzicus  were  used  by  Jiis- 
tinian  as  a  quarry  for  the  building  of  Saint  Sophia, 
and  are  still  exploited  by  the  natives. 

As  ecclesiastical  metropolis  of  Hellespontus,  Cyzi- 


the  "Satisfactio",  all  preserved  in  the  acts  of  the  gug  jjad  a  catalogue  of  bishops  beginning  with  the 
Roman  Synod  of  the  Lateran  and  of  the  Si.xth  fl^st  century;  Lequien  (I,  747)  mentions  fifty-nine, 
fficumenical  Council  (Mansi,  X,  1004;  XI,  560,  562,  j^  more  comiilete  list  is  found  in  Nicodemos.  in  the 
964).  The  first  letter  is  an  acceptation  of  the  Greek  "Office  of  St.  Emilian"  (Constantinople,  1876), 
Ecthesis;  in  the  second  Cyrus  describes  his  perplexity  34_36,  which  has  eightv-five  names.  We  may  men- 
between  Pope  Leo  and  Sergius;  the  conversion  of  the  tjon  tlie  famous  Arian  Eunomius;  St.  Dalmatius;  St. 
Theodosians  is  narrated  in  the  tWrd.  The  seventh  Proclus  and  St.  Germanus,  who  became  Patriarclis  of 
article  of  the  "Satisfactio" — the  others  are  irrelevant  Constantinople;  and  St.  Emilian,  a  martyr  in  the 
— reads  thus:  "The  one  and  same  Christ,  the  Son,  eighth  century.  Gelasius,  an  historian  of  Arianism,- 
performs  the  works  proper  to  God  and  to  man  by  -^vijo  wrote  about  475,  was  born  at  Cyzicus.  Lequien 
one  theandric  operation  [^i?  SeavdpiKy  ivepyela]  (HI,  941)  mentions  a  Latin  bishop  in  1477.  Cyzicus 
according  to  St.  Dionysius".  Cyrus'  chief  opponents,  jg  still  a  metropolitan  title  for  the  Greeks,  the  metro- 
St.  Sophronius,  d.  in  637  (Epistola  .synodica,  Mansi,  poUtan  residing  at  Artake  (Erdek),  a  Uttle  port  on  the 
XI,  480),  and  St.  Maximus,  d.  in  662  (Epistok  ad  western  shore  of  the  peninsula.  Opposite  to  Artake 
Nicandrum;  disputatio  cum  Pyrrho,  P.  G.,  XCI,  is  another  port,  Peramos  (Perama),  where  an  Assumji- 
101,  345),  reproached  him  for  falsifying  the  then  tionist  Father  has  founded  a  Greek  parish.  At  Panor- 
much-respeeted  text  of  Dionysius  and  substituting  j^og  (Panderma),  another  more  important  port  nine 
/lu?  for  Kciipv  (new).  They  showed,  moreover,  the  miles  south-east  of  the  ruins  of  Cyzicus  (10.000  inhal> 
inanity  of  his  claim  to  the  support  of  the  Fathers,  itants),  there  is  a  Catholic  Arnic'iiian  jiarish.  At  the 
and  explained  how  the  Divine  and  human  natures  Dardanelles,  also,  there  is  a  Latin  parisli. 
of  Christ,  sometimes  styled  one,  because  they  be-  ^  Marquardt,  Cj/^icus  inu/snn  G<*icM%rlin,  is:m\  Perrot. 
long  to  the  same  person  and  work  in  perfect  harmony, 
can  no  more  ho  physically  identified  than  the  natures 
from  which  they  proceed.  Historians  are  not  agreed 
as  to  how  Cyrus  came  by  this  error.  Some  think 
that  lie  was,  from  the  outset,  a  Monophysitc  at  heart. 
Others,  with  more  reason,  hold  that  he  was  led  into 
error  by  Sergius  and  Heraclius.  CVnis  was  con- 
demned as  a  heretic  in  the  Lateran  Council  of  649 
(Denzinger,  Enchiridion,  217,  219)  and  in  080  at  the 
Third  (Ecumenical  Council  of  Constantinople  (Den- 
zinger, 238;  Mansi,  XI,  554).     (See  Monotiiki.itks.) 

Neai.e,  Hixlnni  oj  the.  Ifoh/  Eastrm  Churrh  a.i.inlon,  1S17), 
II;  Hefele,  Conrilinw.ich.  (FreiliurE.  l.><77i.  111:  I'l  ivMis. 
Doamata  Catholica  (Pari-s,  1806),  V.  i,  19;  Hr  in  .  //.  .'  -  /  ■;/  /'"• 
Later  Roman  Empire  (London.  ISSO);  M\n-..  /  '-  "/  Hie 
Popes  (London.  1902),  VoL  I,  Pt.  I,  330;   .Sum  A.M,-Ui.iiERT. 


Exploration  archiolog.  de  la  Oalatie  el  de  la  liithiinie,  69-90; 
Wiegand,  Reiscn  in  Mi/sien  in  Athen.  Mitteilitngcn  (1904); 
,Smith,  Diet,  of  Greek  aitd  Roman  Geogr.  (London,  1S7S),  I, 
7:i9-12. 

S.  Vailhk. 

Czech  Literature. — Tlie  Czecli  or  Bohemian  lan- 
guage is  spoken  by  that  branch  of  the  Indo-European 
Slavs  who  settletl  in  Moravia  and  Bohemia  about  the 
fifth  century  after  Christ.  It  is  closely  allied  to  the 
Ru.^siaii,  I'liMsh,  Bulgarian,  anil  other  Slav  languages 
having  a  common  origin.  The  evohition  of  Czech 
literature  dates  li.ack  to  803,  when  Moravia  and  Bo- 
hemia, througli  the  efforts  of  Sts.  Cyril  and  Methodius, 
tlie  apostles  of  the.se  two  countries,  were  converted 
to  Christianity  and  thus  became  participants  in  the 


CZECH 


599 


CZECH 


great  work  of  civilization.  Of  all  Slav  literature,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Bulgarian,  the  Czech  is  the  oldest 
and,  until  the  seventeenth  century,  was  also  the 
richest.     It  may  be  divided  into  four  periods. 

First  Period. — This  era  extended  from  the  Christian- 
ization  of  Bohemia  to  the  appearance  in  public  of  John 
Hus,  in  the  year  1404.  It  may  bo  called  the  childhood 
of  Czech  literature  and  is  characterize!  1  by  f ruitfulness 
in  poetry.  From  pagan  times  we  have  no  literary 
relics,  though  it  is  certain  that  the  Bohemians  used 
certain  crude  characters  or  letters  commonly  called 
the  runic.  St.  Cyril,  using  the  Greek  characters  a,s  a 
basis,  devised  a  special  Slav  alphabet  with  new  marks 
indicating  soft  sountis.  At  the  same  time  he  intro- 
duced a  Slavonic  Liturgy  and  translated  part  of  the 
Bible.  The  liturgy,  however,  was  soon  superseded  by 
the  Latin,  written  in  the  Latin  language  with  Roman 
letters.  This  was  brought  about  chiefly  by  the  Ger- 
man bishops,  who,  it  is  said,  feared  that  this  Slavonic 
Liturgy  might  finally  lead  to  schism.  The  Slavonic 
Liturgy  survived  longest  (until  1055)  in  the  Abbey 
of  Sazava.  To  re-establish  it  Emperor  Charles  I 
foimfled  an  abbey  at  Prague  commonly  called  "Na 
Slovanech",  or  at  the  present  time  Enimaus,  inducing 
Slav  Benedictine  monks  from  Croatia  to  settle  there. 
The  monks,  however,  were  scattered  during  the  Hus- 
site wars  in  1419  aufl  did  not  return.  The  older  part 
of  the  famous  "Reims  (ios|)pl",  it  is  claimed,  dates 
from  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century.  The  newer 
part  was  written  at  Emmaus  in  1895,  and  is  the  only 
relic  of  Old  Slavonic  extant.  This  Gospel  was  carried 
away  by  the  Hu.ssites,  was  taken  as  far  as  Turkey,  and 
thence  to  Reims,  where  it  was  used  by  the  French 
kings  when  pronoimcing  the  coronation  oath.  Of  the 
oldest  period,  that  is  from  the  tenth  to  the  twelfth 
century,  only  a  few  manuscripts  have  been  preserved, 
among  them  two  fragments  of  liturgical  translations 
written  in  the  (ilagolitic  or  Old  Slavonic  alphabet. 
The  most  precious  relic  of  this  period  is  the  hymn 
"Hospodine,  pomiluj  ny",  a  paraphrase  of  the  Kyrie 
Eleison,  which,  with  its  deep  choral  melody,  is  very 
impressive.  It  is  surpassed  only  by  the  beautiful 
song  in  honour  of  St.  Wenceslaus. 

A  marked  improvement  in  Czech  literature  began 
in  the  year  1250.  The  Western  lands  gave  birth  to 
new  watchwords,  new  ideas,  and  new  life.  The 
splendour  of  tournaments,  the  pomp  of  feasts,  and  the 
grandeur  of  knighthood  took  the  fancy  of  the  age, 
while  the  Crusades  widened  the  people's  knowledge 
of  other  countries  and  customs.  The  troubadours  of 
France  and  the  minnesingers  of  Germany  went  from 
castle  to  castle,  glorifying  heroic  deeds  of  knighthood. 
Tendencies  of  this  kind  found  favour  also  in  Bohemia, 
and  because  of  their  origin  in  Latin  or  Roman  lands, 
literature  of  this  period  is  commonly  called  romance. 
The  deeds  and  adventures  of  the  knights  were  ex- 
tolled in  song  and  poem  after  foreign  models ;  the  best 
of  these  was  "Alexandreis",  written  by  an  unknown 
author.  This  piece  of  literature  is  remarkable  for  its 
almost  faultless  form  and  elegant  diction.  Another 
effect  of  the  Crusades  was  the  extraordinary  re\'ival 
of  religious  faith  among  the  people,  which  gave  rise  to 
a  new  class  of  literature,  to  legends  and  to  mystery  or 
spiritual  plays.  In  prose  were  written  spiritual  ro- 
mances, legends,  and  pa.ssionals  depicting  the  pa.ssion 
of  Our  Lorfl  and  of  the  martyrs.  The  Crusades  fur- 
ther enkindled  in  the  hearts  of  many  a  desire  to  see 
anfl  know  new  lands  and  new  peoples.  This  led  to 
works  on  travel,  geography,  etc.  in  great  numbers. 
The  veneration  of  the  Blessed  Motherdevelopetl  rapidly 
and  fostered  a  deeper  respect  for  women  and  children. 
The  founding  of  the  University  of  Prague,  in  1.348, 
by  Emperor  Charles  I  was  a  mighty  factor  in  the 
improvement  of  Bohemian  literature  in  all  branches. 
The  moral  condition  of  the  Church  at  that  time  cannot 
be  called  exemplary.  There  exi.sted  certain  disorders 
which  called  forth  reformers,  who  honestly  and  sin- 


cerely worked  for  their  elimination.  Numbers  of  de- 
votional and  moral  tracts  were  written,  the  best  of 
which  were  by  Tomas  Stitn}'-,  who  fearlessly  assailed 
the  abuses  wherever  he  found  them.  Stitn5''s  literary 
activity  also  made  its  influence  felt  in  another  line. 
Up  to  this  time  the  Czech  language  had  been  regarded 
as  unfit  for  scientific  writing,  the  Latin  being  almost 
exclusively  used  here,  as  in  many  other  countries,  for 
treatises  on  theological  and  philosophical  subjects. 
Stitny,  however,  dispelled  this  illusion,  by  using  the 
Czech  language  even  in  his  scientific  writings,  and 
thus  created  a  rich  scientific  vocabulary.  The  last 
of  these  literary  reformers  was  John  Hus.  He,  how- 
ever, allowed  himself  to  be  led  astray  by  the  heresies 
of  John  ^\'yclif  and  thus  become  the  cause  of  unhappy 
dissensions  and  bloody  war  in  his  native  country. 

Srcon<l  Pcriiiil. — The  appearance  of  John  Hus  in 
1404  marks  the  second  period  of  Czech  literature. 
During  this  the  Czech  language  passed  from  its  old 
form  to  the  medieval  stage,  and  this  epoch  may  be 
called  the  golden  age  of  Bohemian  literature.  Devo- 
tional prose  was  in  preponderance.  The  literary 
merit  of  John  Hus  consists  in  his  establishing  a  dia- 
critical orthography,  making  the  written  language 
more  simple  and  stable;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  his 
activity  caused  dissensions  in  the  Church,  which 
brought  on  bloody  wars  and  the  ruin  of  literature. 
These  sad  conditions  improved  only  during  the  reign 
of  George  of  Podiebrad  ( 1458-71 ).  The  sect  known  as 
the  Bohemian  Brethren,  foinided  in  1457,  imparted  a 
new  character  to  Czech  literature  and  produced  many 
eminent  writers.  In  religious  meetings  held  in  the 
fashion  of  the  early  Christi;ins,  spiritual  reading,  medi- 
tation, and  religious  songs  fornii-d  the  greater  part  of 
the  services.  The  practice  led  to  tin'  publishing  of  a 
great  number  of  devoti(iTi;il  Minus  :itui  hymn-books, 
and  to  the  founding  of  prinl  ini;  rsl.iMishments.  Eight 
leading  members  of  the  Bnthrrn  traii.slated  from  the 
original  Hebrew  and  Greek  the  whole  of  the  Bible, 
which  is  generally  known  as  the  KriiUckd  Bible,  from 
the  town  of  Kraliee  in  which  it  was  printed.  This 
translation  is  excellent  antl  from  a  literary  standpoint 
it  must  be  called  classical.  The  greatest  writer  of  the 
Brethren  was  their  last  bishop,  Jan  Amos  Komensky 
(Johann  Amos,  called  Comenius),  a  pedagogue  of  re- 
nown, who,  in  his  masterpiece,  "The  Labyrinth  of  the 
World  and  the  Heart's  Paradise" — the  best  devo- 
tional and  philosophical  work  in  medieval  Bohemian 
literature — proves  that  all  worldly  glory,  riches,  and 
pleasures  are  vanities  and  that  true  happiness  con- 
sists only  in  the  possession  of  God  and  the  fulfilling  of 
His  Commandments. 

Another  important  factor  in  Czech  literature  was 
Humanism.  As  early  as  the  reign  of  George  of  Podie- 
brad (1458-71)  many  writers  turned  their  attention 
to  the  old  Roman  and  Greek  literatures.  They  studied 
the  classics,  copied  the  elegancies  of  form,  and  drew 
upon  the  verbal  riches,  many  even  going  so  far  as  to 
write  their  works  in  Latin.  But  two  powerful  ob- 
stacles stood  in  the  way  from  the  beginning.  An  ar- 
ticle of  Hussite  dogma  condemned  the  fostering  of 
worldly  sciences,  and  the  members  of  the  Bohemian 
Brethren  subscribed  to  this  opinion.  For  this  reason 
Humanism  was  cultivated  at  first  only  by  Catholics. 
Foremost  in  this  movement  must  be  mentioned  the 
talented  poet  Bohuslav  z  Lobkovic  and  John  Hode- 
jovsky  from  Hodejov,  who,  though  not  a  writer,  was 
a  generous  patron  of  literature.  When  Protestantism 
superseded  Hussitism,  John  Blaho.slav,  a  member  of 
the  Bohemian  Brethren,  wrote  .an  elaborate  defence 
of  Humanism,  and  three  religious  bodies  then  began 
to  emulate  one  another  in  fostering  Humanism:  the 
Catholics,  who  had  suffered  greatly  during  the 
Hussite  wars,  the  Bohemian  Brethren,  who  at  this 
time  were  at  the  zenith  of  their  literary  development, 
and  the  Protest.-mts,  who  were  growing  in  force.  New 
schools  were  founded,  of  which  those  conducted  by  the 


CZECH 


600 


CZECH 


Brethren  were  foremost.  These,  however,  wore  grad- 
ually superseded  by  the  Jesuit  schools.  Humanism 
indeed  revived  classic  models  of  poetry,  but  it  was 
destructive  of  home,  that  is  Czech,  literature,  in  that 
Humanistic  poetry  was  exclusively  Latin.  At  the 
same  time  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  through  the 
influence  of  Humanism  Bohemian  prose  vastly  im- 
proved, culminating  in  the  works  of  Daniel  Adam  of 
Veleslavin,  who  rightly  wrote:  "The  Bohemian  lan- 
guage, in  its  present  high  development,  is  elegant,  rich, 
graceful,  and  sublime,  and  perfectly  adapted  to  the 
setting  forth  of  any  topic,  whether  in  theology  or 
philosophy."  This  splenthd  development  terminated 
suddenly  in  1620,  at  the  beginning  of  the  era  of  decline. 

Third  Period. — The  Protestant  nobility,  refusing  to 
recognize  Emperor  Ferdinand  II,  chose  the  Calvinist 
Elector  Frederick  V  as  their  king  (1619).  This  rebellion 
was  overthrown  at  the  battle  of  the  White  Mountain, 
8  Nov.,  1620,  and  the  Bohemian  nation  by  the  fool- 
hardiness  and  stubbornness  of  its  nobles  was  shorn  of 
its  independence.  The  victorious  Ferdinand  began  to 
enforce  the  existing  motto  of  the  Reformation:  Cuius 
regio  illius  religio.  Some  of  the  leaders  of  rebellion 
were  executed  and  their  property  confiscated,  and 
others  were  warned  either  to  adopt  the  Catholic  relig- 
ion or  to  leave  the  land.  Many  left  Bohemia  and 
their  property  was  sold  or  given  to  German,  Spanish, 
French,  or  Italian  nobles.  After  the  battle  of  the  White 
Mountain  we  meet  but  few  writers.  Most  prominent 
amongst  the  Catholic  writers  of  this  day  was  Vilem 
Slavata  of  C'hlum,  who  wrote  a  large  history  in  refu- 
tation of  that  of  Skala  of  Zhof  which  unduly  favoured 
Protestantism.  After  the  Thirty  Years  War,  how- 
ever, all  literary  activity  ceased.  During  the  whole 
of  the  seventeenth  century  there  was  not  published  a 
single  original  work  of  merit.  In  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury works  were  written  in  I^atin  and  German.  The 
German  language  gradually  took  the  place  of  the 
Bohemian,  and  when,  in  1774,  Emperor  Joseph  II 
excluded  it  from  the  schools  and  from  all  public  offices, 
it  looked  as  if  the  Bohemian  language  was  condemned 
to  a  gradual  but  sure  death.  But  just  here  came  a 
sudden  change  for  the  better,  and  1780  marks  the  be- 
ginning of  the  modern  period  of  Bohemian  literature. 

Fourth  Period. — A  handful  of  patriotic  priests  and 
teachers  took  up  the  heroic  task  of  awakening  the  na- 
tion and  succeeded.  During  the  course  of  one  cen- 
tury Bohemian  literature  grew  to  such  proportions  in 
all  its  branches  that  to-day  it  may  well  compare  with 
the  literature  of  other  nations.  Foremost  among  the 
pioneers  of  this  era  of  resurrection  must  be  mentioned 
Jcsef  Dobrovsky,  a  Jesuit,  and  Prof.  Josef  Jungraan. 

Bohemian  Writers  in  V.^rious  Fields. — Poetry: 
—Ft.  Lad.  Celakovskv(1799-lS52);  Boleslav  Jablon- 
skv,  Catholic  priest  ("1813-1881);  Jan  KoUar  (1793- 
1852);  Vitezslav  Halek  (1835-1874);  Adolf  Heyduk 
(1835);  Svatopluk  Cech  (1846-1908);  Josef  Sladek 
(1854),  translated  nearly  all  of  the  plays  of  Shake- 
speare and  the  principal  works  of  Longfellow,  Byron, 
Bums,  Bret  Harte,  etc.  Jaroslav  Vrchlickf  (1853) 
is  the  most  prolific  Bohemian  poet.  He  wrote  sixty- 
seven  volumes  of  original  poems.  Besides  this  he 
wrote  a  number  of  dramas  and  translated  from  nearly 
all  the  languages  of  Europe.  He  translated  "Divina 
Commedia"  of  Dante,  Ariosto's  "Orlando  Furioso", 
and  a  great  part  of  Goethe,  Carducci,  Andersen,  Do 
Amicis,  Byron,  Hugo,  do  Lisle,  Camoens,  Ibsen, 
Moliere,  Hamerling,  Shelley,  etc.  Julius  Zeyer  (1841- 
1901).  Cech,  Vrchlicky,  and  Zeyer  are  the  greatest 
Bohemian  poets.  The  most  prominent  of  the  younger 
generation  are: — Otakar  Bi^ezina,  Jaroslav  Kvapil, 
Jan  Machar,  Fr.  Svoboda;  and  the  following  Catholic 
prie-sts: — Sigismmul  Bcmska,  O.S.B.;  Xaver  Dvofdk; 
Adam  Chluinccki?  and  the  Hc)h<Mnian-.\mcrican  poet, 
Jan  Vrdnck  of  Omaha,  Nebriuska. 

A'^ovel.'i  unit  Ronuinrcn: — Josef  Ehrenberger,  Cath- 
olic   priest     (1815-1882);     Prokop    Chocholousck 


(1819-1864);  Frantisek  Pravda,  Catholic  priest 
(1817-1904);  Fr.  Rubes  (1814-1852);  Karolina 
Svetld  (1830-1899) ;  Jan  Neruda  (1834-1891) ;  Bozena 
Nemcovd  (1820-1862);  Viiclav  Vlcek  (1839);  Jakub 
Arbes  (1840);  Vaclav  Benes  Tfebi'zsky,  Catholic 
priest  (1849-1884) ;  Servdc  Heller  (1845);  Ignat  Her- 
man (1854);  Alois  Jirasek  (1851);  Karel  Kloster- 
mann  (1848);  Vdclav  Kosmdk,  Catholic  priest 
(184.3-1898);  Viiclav  fieznicek,  Ph.D.  (1861);  Antal 
Stasek  (1843);  Alois  Smilovsky  (18;J7-1883).  Tfe- 
bi'zsky and  Jirasek  are  the  most  famous  novelists. 
The  most  prominent  of  the  rising  generation  are: — 
Bohumil  Brodsky,  Catholic  priest  (1862);  Jan  Hav- 
lasa  (1883);  Karel  Rais  (1859);  Matej  Simacek 
(I860);  Alois  Dostdl,  Catholic  priest  (1858). 

Z)ra7n/i.-— Vaclav  Klicpera  (1792-1859);  Josef  Tyl 
(1808-18.56);  Fr.  Jefabek  (1836-1893);  Josef  Kolar 
(1812-1896);Emanuel  Bozdech  (1841-1889)  ;Fr.  Strou- 
peznicky  (18.50-1892);  Jos.  Stolba,  LL.D.  (1846).  The 
best  dramatists  are  Bozdech  and  Stroupeznickj!-. 

Of  all  the  branches  of  scientific  Bohemian  literature 
the  theological  is  the  richest.  The  leading  writers  are : — - 

E.regesis:—FT.  Susil,  Ph.D.  (1804-1868),  trans- 
lated and  wrote  a  very  extensive  commentary  to  the 
New  Testament.  This  is  the  only  work  of  its  kind  in 
all  Slav  literature.  Innocenc  Frencl,  S.T.D.  (1818- 
1862);  Jaroslav  Sedlacek,  S.T.D. 

Pastoral  Theology: — Antonin  Skocdopole,  Ph.D. 
(1828);  Xaver  Blanda,  S.T.D.  (18.38). 

Apologetics: — Bishops  Jan  Valerian  Jirsik  (1798- 
1883),  Eduard  Brynych  (1846-1902),  and  Antonin 
Lenz,  S.T.D.  (1829-1901),  a  master  of  dogmatic  the- 
ology, apologetics,  Mariology,  sociology,  and  Catholic 
anthropology.  He  pointed  out  with  unusual  clearness 
the  errors  of  Wyclif,  Hus,  Chelcickv,  and  Comenius. 

Catholic  Phihsophi/:— Jan  Kadefabek,  S.T.D. 
(1840);  VdclavSimanko,  S.T.D.  (1844-1897);  Pavel 
Vvchodil,  O.S.B.,  Ph.D.  (1862);  Frantisek  Konecn^; 
Vaclav  Hlavaty,  S.T.D.,  and  Josef  Pospisil,  S.T.D. 

Canon  Laic;— Hement  Borovv,  S.T.D.  (1838- 
1897);  Alois  Jirdk,  S.T.D.  (1848-1906). 

Moral  Theology:— Matei  Prochdzka,  S.T.D.  (1811- 
1889);   Karel  Rehdk,  S.T.D.  (1843). 

Chri.'itian  Sociology: — Rudolf  Horskv,  S.T.D.,  and 
Rudolf  Vrba. 

Oriental  Languages:— Fr.  Ryzlink,  S.T.D. 

Biblical  Archeologi/: — Melichar  Mlcoch,  S.T.D. 
(1833),  and  Alois  Miisil,  S.T.D.,  of  wide  repute. 

Hagiography: — Frantisek  Eckert;    Hugo  Karlik. 

Church  Histon/:—Fr.  Krasl,  S.T.D.  (1844);  Fr. 
Krystufek,  S.T.D.;  Josef  Svoboda,  S.J.  (1826-1896). 
— The  leading  theological  writers  (1908)  are: — 

Jan  Sfkora,  S.T.D.;  Josef  Tumpach,  S.T.D.;  An- 
tonin Podlaha,  S.T.D. 

Law: — Albin  Braf,  LL.D.;  Antonin  Randa,  LL.D. 

Philosophi/  and  .Esthetics: — Josef  Durdik,  Ph.D.; 
Ottokar  Hostinsky,  Ph.D.;  Tomds  Masafik,  Ph.D. 

Higher  Mathematics: — Dr.  Fr.  Studnicka;  Vdclav 
bimerka;  Brothers  Emil  and  Eduard  We^T. 

Medicine:— Jan  Purkyng,  M.D.  (1784-^1869);  Boh. 
Eiselt,  M.D.;  Emerich  Maixner,  M.D.;  Josef  Tho- 
mayer,  M.D. 

Xatural  Science: — Karel  Amerling,  M.D.  (1807- 
1884);  Jan  Pres,sl,^M.D.  (1791-1849);  Jan  Ivrej6f, 
M.D.;    Vladislav    Sir,  M.D. 

Astrotwmi/: — Karel  Zenger  (1830-1908). 

Travel:— Emil  Holub,  M.D.  (1807-1884);  Stan- 
islav  Vrdz  (1S.59). 

//(■s(rtr?/:— Frantisek  Palacky  (1798-1876),  who 
wrote  a  history  of  the  Bohemian  people  in  eleven  vol- 
umes from  (lie  earliest  times  down  to  the  year  1526; 
Vdclav  Vladivoj  Tomek  (lSlS-1905);  Anton tn  Rezek 
Ph.D.  (1853). 

^  Archirotociii:—3.\n  Krazim  Vocel  (1802-1871);  Pavel 
Safarik  (1795-1S()1). 

RiEORuv,  Xatifn}}  Slorntk:  Ottuv,  A^au^nrf  Slornlk-;  •y.ic. 
SrANEK,  Struini:  dijiny  litcratury  ieski.     FbancIS  VanoUS. 


D 


D'Abbadie,  Antoine.     See  Abbadie,  Antoine  d'.     thousand  Tatholics  within  the  territory  of  the  Diocese 

of  Dacca  arc  still  subject  to  him.  In  the  interest  of 
more  effective  niissionaiy  work,  Propaganda,  18  April, 
1834,  appointed  Robert  of  St.  Ledger,  a  priest  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  C'alcutta  and  the 
territory  under  its  political  jurisdiction,  which  at  the 
time  included  the  entire  province  of  Bengal.  In  1850, 
at  the  instance  of  Archbishop  Carew,  Vicar  Apostolic 
of  Bengal,  Pius  IX  divided  the  province  into  two 
vicariates  Apostolic,  one  of  Eastern,  the  other  of 
Western  Bengal.  A  subsequent  subdivision  (1870) 
resulted  in  the  e.stablishment  of  a  third  allot- 
ment, the  Vicariate  of  Central  Bengal.  The  territory 
of  the  third  vicar  Apostolic  was  taken  in  part  from  the 
Eastern  and  in  part  from  the  Western  vicariates. 

On  the  creation  of  the  hierarchy  in  India,  Sept., 
1886,  the  Eastern  vicariate  became  the  Diocese  of 
Dacca,  the  district  of  Arakan  (Burma)  being  substi- 
tuted for  that  of  Assam,  which  in  1889  became  a  pre- 
fecture Apostolic.  With  Dacca  City  as  centre,  the 
diocese  is  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Prefecture 
Apostolic  of  Assam,  on  the  east  by  the  Vicariates  of 
Northern  and  Southern  Burma,  on  the  south  by  the 
Bay  of  Bengal,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Bay  of  Bengal 
and  the  Diocese  of  Krishnagar.  According  to  the 
latest  Government  survey  the  area  thus  enclosed 
measured  fifty-nine  thousand  square  miles,  the  popu- 
lation in  the  census  of  1902  registered  slightly  above 
seventeen  millions.  The  first  occupant  of  the  new  see 
was  Augustine  Louage,  a  priest  of  the  Congregation  of 

_^ the  Holy  Cross,  W'ho  on  his  death  in  1894  was  suc- 

pass  from  the  end  of  the  Lake  of  the  lilinoLs'[Michigani  ceeded  by  Bishop  Hurth.  Except  for  an  interim  of 
to  the  River  of  St.  Louis"  (the  Illinois).  This  canal,  twelve  years  (1876-18SS)  when  the  mis.sion  was  m 
projected  by  Dablon  23.3  years  ago,  was  the  subject  of  care  of  members  of  the  Bcnedictme  Order,  religious  of 
a  special  message  from  the  Governor  of  Illinois  to  the  the  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Cross  have  laboured  in 
State  Legislature  in  March,  1907.  After  founding  Eastern  Bengal  since  1853.  Since  1888  the  Institute 
Sault  Ste.  Marie,  Dablon  became,  in  1670,  Superior  of  the  Holy  Cross  has  had  from  Rome  exclusive  charge 
General  of  all  the  Canadian  Missions,  retaining  that     of  the  mission.  The  nine  "centres  "into  which  the  Dio- 


Dablon,  Claude,  Jesuit  mi.ssion.ary,  b.  at  Dieppe, 
France,  in  February,  1618;  d.  at  Quebec,  3  May, 
1697.  At  the  age  of  twenty-one  he  entereil  the  Sori- 
ety  of  Jesus,  and  after  his  course  of  stiulies  and  teach- 
ing in  France,  arrived  in  Canada  in  1655.  He  was  at 
once  deputed  with  Chaumonot  to  begin  a  central  mis- 
sion among  the  Iroquois  at  Onondaga.  The  diary  he 
kept  of  this  journey  and  of  his  return  to  Quebec  in  the 
year  following  gives  a  graphic  account  of  the  terrify- 
ing conditions  under  which  these  journeys  were  made. 
In  1661  he  accompanied  Druillcttes,  the  Apostle  of 
Maine,  on  an  expedition  overland  to  Hudson  Bay.  the 
purpose  of  which  was  to  establish  missions  among  the 
Indians  in  that  region  and  perchance  to  discover  an 
outlet  through  Hudson  Bay  to  the  China  Sea.  The 
expedition  was  unsuccessful  and  is  only  chronicled  as 
another  abortive  attempt  to. find  the  famous  North- 
West  Pa.ssage.  In  1()08  D.ablon  was  on  Lake  Supe- 
rior with  Ailouez  and  Mar(;[uette,  forming  with  them 
what  Bancroft  calls  the  "illustrious  triumvirate", 
and  he  was  the  first  to  inform  the  world  of  the  rich 
copper  mines  of  that  region,  so  valuable  to  the  com- 
merce of  to-day.  It  was  Dablon  who  appointed  Mar- 
quette to  undertake  the  expedition  which  resulted  in 
the  discovery  of  the  Upper  j\li.ssissippi  ;  he  also  gave 
Marquette's  letters  and  charts  to  the  world.  In  con- 
nexion with  this  discovery  he  called  attention  to  the 
feasibility  of  passing  from  Lake  Erie  to  Florida  "by 
cutting  a  canal  through  only  half  a  league  of  prairie  to 


office  until  1680.  He  was  reappointed  in  1686  and 
remained  superior  until  1693.  His  contributions  to 
the  "Relations"  possess  the  highest  value,  his  de- 
scriptions of  places  and  people  and  his  narration  of 
events  being  singularly  clear  and  comprehensive. 

Thwaites.  Jesuit  Rdatiom  (Cleveland,  1896-1801),  Inde.x 
LX.XII.  189;  SOMMERVOGEL,  Bi6(.  de  la  C.  de  J..  II,  17T3-1775; 
Ue  B.4CKEB,  I,  1504;  Campbell,  Pioneer  Priests  of  N.  Amer.. 
(New  York,  1908).  101;  .  Rochemonteix,  Les  Jesuites  et  La 
Nouvelle  France  aa  XVIP""'  siidc  (Paris,  1895-1896),  II,  III, 
pa^aim;^  Ch.vrlevoix.  ed.  Shea,  History  and  General  Descrip 


XI,   71;     Harris,   History  of  the  Karly   Missions  in    Western 
Cajw<io_  (Toronto,   1893),  XXyil;    Bancroft,  History  of  the 


V.  S.  (Boston,  1879),  II,  32,  33. 


E.  P,  Spillane. 


eese  of  Dacca  is  divided  give  opportunity  to  the  twenty 
missionaries  at  work  in  it  to  carrj'  on  an  active  prop- 
aganda in  outlying  districts.  In  each  centre  there 
is  a  school,  and  in  many  of  the  dependent  stations 
there  is  a  catechumenate  under  the  immediate  super- 
vision of  local  catechists  and  the  elders  of  the  respec- 
tive communities.  In  Dacca,  Chittagong,  and  Akyab 
the  mission  conducts  schools  in  which  students,  irre- 
spective of  religious  profession,  are  prepared  for  "  en- 
.  .,      r.  ,.T      ,.    ,      „_  ,  ,v  „.   „         ,.         •.     trance"  or  collegiate  work.     The  academy  for  girls  in 

turn  of  a™  France  (New  \ork,  18(2),  II,  III;  Shea,  History  of  -„„x.  _f  *!,„„„  nities  is  Hirpctf-H  hv  n  otoff  nf  -^^f  iiii..u 
the  Catholic  Missions  in  the  U.  S..  l5S9-lsr,l,  (New  York,  1855),  ??''"  ,"'  tnese  cities  is  airectea  Dy  a,  start  ot  .ii>  nuns, 
241;  _Do.\oHOE,  The  Iroquois  and  the  Jesuits  (Buffaio,_1895),     Daughters  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Missions  (23),  and  the 

Sisters  Catechists  (12).     The  diocesan  school  attend- 
ance for  1907  numbered  1768  pupils. 

The  Church  in  the  Diocese  of  Dacca  experiences  all 
the  obstacles  common  to  foreign  missionary  work  the 
world  over.  Dacca  City  is  three-fifths  Mohammedan, 
and  among  the  Hindus  of  Eastern  Bengal  the  tradi- 
establishcd  in  1534  the  .See  of  Goa,  conferring  upon  it  tional  caste  will  oppose,  for  .some  time  at  least,  an 
spiritualjuri.sdictionoverallthePortuguesepossessions  effective  barrier  to  the  rapid  spread  of  the  Catholic 
from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  to  China.  Early  in  the  Faith.  As  Dacca,  however,  is  the  college  town  of  India, 
sixteenth  centurj'  the  Portuguese  found  their  way  the  percentage  of  students  being  relatively  greater 
into  Eastern  Bengal,  and  the  Eurasian  and  native  here  than  in  any  other  city  of  the  empire,  Catholicism 
Christian  communities  that  grew  up  around  the  sev-  has  continually  brightening  prospects  opening  before 
eral  .settlements  were,  in  virtue  of  the  aforesaid  Con-  it,  in  and  around  the  capital  of  Bengal-Assam.  The 
stitution,  subject  to  the  ecclesiastical  authority  of  influential  .Som.aj  of  Dacca  is  one  of  the  many  present- 
Goa,  and  later  (1606)  to  the  See  of  Mylapore.  sufTra-  day  manifestations  of  the  increasingly  accurate  appre- 
gan  to  Goa.  When  the  political  power  of  Portugal  elation  of  the  part  or  function  of  reiuson  in  life.  The 
was  replaced  by  Briti.sh  rule  in  India,  the  Bishop  of  widespread  awakening  of  a  critical  rationalistic  spirit, 
Mylapore  still  retained  juri.sdiction  over  the  Church  which  has  already  questioned  the  feasibility  of  many 
HI  Bengal,  and  seven  thousand  out  of  the  twenty-two     caste  obscr\'ances,  will  eventually  work  harm  to  the 

601 


Dacca,  Diocese  of  (Dacchensis),  in  Bengal,  India. 
By  the  Constitution  "vEquam  reputamus  "  Paul  III 


DACIER 


602 


DAGON 


claims  of  Hinduism  itself.  All  this  augurs  well  for  the 
cause  of  truth. 

Tavernier,  Travels  in  Imh"  i[r,,i;-  ['.iun'TER,  Travels  in 
Hindustan  (1684);    Wilks.  .S'"        i  ;  il,e  City  of  Dacca 

(1820):    RlOKBAti,  Directory  f'u  \,  V icariate  of  West- 

em  Bengal  (1S55);  Huntki;.  -•>-;',  'n,/  .{'{■ount  of  Bengal 
(1874),  V,  VI,  IX;  Bradley  Biht.  Uunmncc  of  an  Eastern 
Capital  (1906);  numerous  references  in  Journal  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Bengal,  Calcutta  Review,  etc. 

P.  J.  Hdrth. 

Dacier,  Andre,  a  French  philologist,  b.  at  Castres, 
6  April,  1651 ;  d.  18  Sept.,  1722.  He  was  a  Huguenot 
and  studied  under  Tanneguy  Lefevre  at  Saumur. 
While  visiting  Paris  he  was  presented  to  the  Due 
de  Montausier  who  engaged  him  to  edit  Pomponius 
Festus  in  the  collection  of  Latin  authors  A  d  usum  Del- 
phini  (Paris,  IGSl;  Am.sterdam,  1(399).  In  1683  he 
married  Anne  Lefevre,  the  daughter  of  his  former  pre- 
ceptor and,  two  years  later  he  and  his  wife  abjured 
Protestantism.  At  this  time  Dacier  published  a  trans- 
lation of  the  works  of  Horace  and  a  commentary  on 
them  (Paris,  1681-89),  the  text  being  that  of  Tanne- 
guy Lefevre  published  at  Saumur  in  1671.  The  trans- 
lation is  quite  accurate  for  the  period,  but  the  commen- 
tary is  far  too  diffuse  and  is  distinctly  illustrative  of 
the  taste  for  allegory  that  persistetl  fur  into  the  seven- 
teenth century.  According  to  Dacier,  Horace  knew 
everything,  and  the  commentator  even  discovered 
that  the  poet  had  read  the  books  of  Moses  and  followed 
the  method  of  Solomon  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs  to  in- 
spire a  horror  of  adultery.  In  Dacier,  however,  are 
also  found  good  explanations  and  judicious  observa- 
tions. He  was  mainly  a  translator,  and  his  work  in 
this  line  included  "Marcus  Antoninus"  (Paris,  1690); 
Ari.stotle's  "Poetics"  (Paris,  1692);  the  "CEdipus" 
and  "Electra"  of  Sophocles  (Paris,  1692);  Plutarch's 
"Lives"  (five  lives,  Paris,  1694;  complete,  Paris, 
1721;  Am.sterdam,  172.3);  Hippocrates  (4  works, 
Paris,  1697);  Plato  (selections;  Paris,  1699);  Pytha- 
goras and  Hierocles  (Paris,  1706)  and  Epictetus  and 
Simplicius  (Paris,  1715).  He  was  appointed  keeper  of 
books  in  the  king's  study  and,  in  1695  entered  the 
Academy  of  Inscriptions  and  the  French  Academy  of 
which  he  became  the  secretary. 

Anne  D.\cier  {nee  Leficvre),  the  wife  of  Andr6  Da- 
cier, b.  at  Saumur  in  1651 ;  d.  17  April,  1720.  She  re- 
ceived the  same  instruction  as  her  brother  and  at  the 
age  of  twenty-three  published  an  edition  of  fragments 
from  the  Alexandrian  poet  Callimachus  (Paris,  1674). 
She  divideil  her  time  between  translations  (Anacreon 
and  Sappho,  1681;  several  plays  by  Plautus  and 
Aristophanes,  1683-1684;  Terence,  1688;  Plutarch's 
"Lives"  in  her  husband's  translation;  "The  Iliad", 
1699;  "The  Odyssey",  1708)  and  the  editions  of  the 
collection  Ad  usum  Delphini  (Florus,  1674;  Dictys 
and  Dares,  1684,  and  Aurelius  Victor,  1681).  She 
had  a  certain  vigour  that  her  husband  lacked;  "In 
intellectual  productions  common  to  both"  says  an 
epigram  used  by  Boileau,  ".she  is  the  father."  In 
the  notice  on  Dacier  in  the  "Siecle  de  Louis  XIV" 
Voltaire  declares:  "  Madame  Dacier  is  one  of  the  prod- 
igies of  the  century  of  Louis  XIV".  However,  .she 
was  no  bluestocking  and  refused  to  give  her  opinion  in 
scholarly  doliahw,  agreeing  with  Sophocles  that  "si- 
lence is  tlio  ornament  of  women."  She  reared  her 
three  cliildrcn  admirably. 

But  Madame  Dacier  belongs  to  the  liistory  of 
French  literatvire  and,  in  a  measure,  to  the  history  of 
ideas  because  of  her  particijiation  in  the  dispute  about 
the  ancients  and  moderns.  In  1699  Madame  Dacier 
published  a  translation  of  "The  Iliad"  with  a  preface 
which  was  ,a  reply  to  Homer's  critics.  It  was  only  in 
1713  that  Houdart  de  la  Motte,  a  wit  and  vmpoetic 
versifier,  published  a  translation  of  "The  Iliad"  in 
verse.  The  poem  was  reduced  to  twelve  cantos,  all 
its  .so-called  prolixity  was  eliminated  and  it  was  re- 
vised in  acconl.iiice  with  eigliteenth  century  taste  and 
made  "  reasonable  and  elegant ' '.     Madame  Dacier  re- 


futed this  attack  in  "  Les  causes  de  la  corruption  du 
goiit"  (Paris,  1714).  The  dogmatic  part  of  this  work 
consists  of  an  analysis  of  the  "  Dialogue  on  Orators" 
by  Tacitus  and  Madame  Dacier  addecl  clever  remarks 
on  the  infliience  of  climates.  La  Motte  replied  hu- 
mourously and  courteously  in  his  "  Reflexions  sur  la 
critique"  (Paris,  1714).  In  the  course  of  the  same 
year  F^nelon,  in  his  letter  on  the  doings  of  the  French 
Academy,  ably  and  solidly  defended  the  ancients, 
thus  rendering  their  supporters  a  signal  service.  But 
the  quarrel  was  prolonged,  and  in  1716  the  Jesuit 
Hardouin  publi-shed  an  apology  for  Homer.  It  was  a 
new  system  of  interpreting  "The  Iliad  "and  Madame 
Dacier  attacked  it  in  "Homere  defendu  centre  I'apol- 
ogie  du  P.  Hardouin  on  suite  des  causes  de  la  corrup- 
tion du  goLit  "  (Paris,  1716). 

BozE,  Histoire  de  rAco'h'mie  des  Inscriptions  (Paris,  1740), 
11,276;  NiCERON,  M..'H"'"  I"  :i  nrvir  a  I'histoire  des  hommes 
illustres.  III;  Saim  -  i-  ,  1/  ..:..(res.  III,  248;  Mme.  de 
Staal-Delaunay,     .1/  I   .MS.     1854),    XXXIV,    752; 

Sainte-Beuve,  Cn„ /-   /     .../i,  IX,  388;    Egger.  L'Hel- 

Itnisme  en  France  (Pans.  1S69I,  II,  131;  Rigault,  Histoire  de 
la  querelle  des  anciens  et  des  modemes  (Paris,  1856),  reprinted  in 
(Euvres  completes  (Paris,  1859);  Jal,  Dictionnaire  critique  de 
biographic  et  d' histoire  (Paris,  1872),  465;  AssE  in  La  Grande 
Encye.,  XIII,  742   sqq. 

Paul  Lejay, 

Dagon,  a  Philistine  deity.  It  is  commonly  ad- 
mitted that  the  name  Dagon  is  a  diminutive  form, 
hence  a  term  of  endearment,  derived  from  the  Semitic 
root  day,  and  means,  accordingly,  "little  fish".  The 
name,  therefore,  indicates  a  fish-shaped  god.  This 
the  Bible  also  suggests  when  speaking  of  the  Dagon 
worshipped  in  the  temple  of  Azotus  (I  K.,  v,  1-7):  he 
had  face  and  hands  and  a  portion  of  his  body  resem- 
bled that  of  a  fish,  in  accordance  with  the  most  prob- 
able interpretation  of  "  the  stump  of  Dagon"  (verse  5). 
From  the  received  text  of  the  Septuagint  it  would 
seem  that  he  possessed  even  feet,  although  Swete's 
edition  gives  here  a  different  reading;  at  any  rate, 
this  sentence,  in  the  Greek  translation,  shows  all  the 
appearances  of  a  gloss.  With  the  description  founti 
in  the  Bible  coincides  that  which  may  be  seen  on  the 
coins  of  various  Philistine  or  Phcenician  cities,  on 
most  of  which  Dagon  is  represented  as  a  composite 
figure,  himian  as  to  the  upper  part  of  the  body,  fish- 
like as  to  the  lower.  From  this  it  may  well  be  inferred 
that  Dagon  was  a  fish-god,  a  fact  not  in  the  least  sur- 
prising, as  he  seems  to  have  been  the  foremost  deity  of 
such  maritime  cities  as  Azotus,  Gaza  (the  early  sites  of 
which  are  supposed  to  be  buried  under  the  santl- 
mounds  that  run  along  the  sea-shore),  Ascalon,  and 
Arvad.  In  the  monuments — also  most  probably  in 
the  popular  worship — Dagon  is  sometimes  associated 
with  a  female  half-fish  deity,  Derceto  or  Atargatis, 
often  identified  with  Astarte. 

A  few  scholars,  however,  waving  aside  these  evi- 
dences, consider  Dagon  as  the  god  of  agriculture. 
This  opinion  they  rest  on  the  following  statement  of 
Philo  Byblius:  "Dagon,  that  is,  corn"  [the  Hebrew 
word  for  corn  is  dugan].  "  Dagon,  after  he  had  dis- 
covered corn  and  the  plough,  was  called  Zeus  of  the 
plough"  (ii,  Ki).  The  same  writer  tells  us  (in  Euse- 
bius,  Pnep.  Evang.,  i,  6)  that,  according  to  an  old 
Phoenician  legend,  Dagon  was  one  of  the  four  sons 
born  of  the  marriage  of  Ann,  the  lord  of  heaven,  with 
his  sister,  the  earth.  Moreover,  on  a  seal  bearing  cer- 
tain symbolic  signs,  among  which  is  an  ear  of  corn,  but 
not,  however,  the  image  of  a  fish,  may  be  read  tlie 
name  of  Baal-Dagon,  written  in  Phtrnician  characters. 
It  is  open  to  ciuestion  whether  these  arguments  out- 
weigh those  in  favour  of  the  otlier  opinion;  so  much  .m) 
that  the  etymology  adoiited  by  Pliilo  Byblius  might 
possilily  be  due  to  a  misapprehension  of  the  name.  It 
should,"  ii(>rha])s,  be  admitted  that,  along  the  Mediter- 
ranean shore,  a  twofokl  conception  and  representa- 
tion of  Dagon  wi-re  developeil  in  the  course  of  time  as  a 
result   of  the   presumed  twofold  derivation   of   the 


DAGUESSEAU 


603 


DAHOMEY 


name.  At  any  rate,  all  scholars  agree  that  the  name 
and  worship  of  Dagon  were  imported  from  Babylonia. 

The  Tell-el-Amarna  letters  (about  14S0-1450  B.  c), 
which  have  yielded  the  names  of  Yamir-Dagan  and 
Dagan-takala,  rulers  of  Ascalon,  witness  to  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  Dagon-worship  among  the  inhabitants 
of  Palestine.  We  learn  from  the  Bible  that  the  deity 
had  temples  at  Gaza  (Judges,  xvi,  21,  2.3)  and  Azotus 
(I  K.,  V,  1-7);  we  may  presume  that  shrines  existed 
likewise  in  other  Philistine  cities.  The  Dagon-wor- 
ship seems  even  to  have  extended  beyond  the  confines 
of  their  confederacy.  The  testimony  of  the  monu- 
ments is  positive  for  the  Phoenician  city  of  Arvad; 
moreover,  the  Book  of  Josue  mentions  two  towns 
called  Bethdagon,  one  in  the  territory  of  Juda  (Jos., 
XV,  41),  and  the  other  on  the  border  of  Aser  (Jos.,  xix, 
27) ;  Josephus  also  speaks  of  a  Dagon  "  beyond  Jeri- 
cho" (Antiq.  Jud.,  XIII,  viii,  1;  De  bell.  Jud.,  I,  ii, 
3):  all  these  names  are  earlier  than  the  Israelite  con- 
quest, and,  unless  we  derive  them  from  diigCm,  witness 
to  a  wide  dissemination  of  the  worship  of  Dagon 
throughout  Palestine.  This  worship  was  kept  up,  at 
lea-st  in  certain  Philistine  cities,  until  the  last  centuries 
B,  c.  Such  was  the  case  at  Azotus;  the  temple  of  Da- 
gon that  stood  there  was  burned  by  Jonathan  Macha- 
beus  (IMach.,  x,  84;  xi,  4). 

Unlike  the  Baals,  who,  among  the  Chanaanites,  were 
essentially  local  deities,  Dagon  seems  to  have  been 
considered  by  the  Philistines  as  a  national  goii  (I  Par., 
X,  10).  To  him  they  attributed  their  success  in  war; 
him  they  thanketl  by  great  sacrifices,  before  him  they 
rejoiced  over  the  capture  of  Samson  (Judges,  xvi,  23); 
into  his  temple  they  brought  the  trophies  of  their  vic- 
tories, the  Ark  (I  K.,  V,  1,  2),  the  armour,  and  the  head 
of  Saul  (I  K.,  xxxi,  9,  10;  I  Par.,  x,  10).  A  bronze 
demi-rilievoof  AssjTO-Phoenician  workmanship  would 
also  suggest  that  D;vgon  played  a  prominent  part  in 
the  doctrines  concerning  death  and  future  life.  As  to 
the  ritual  of  his  worship,  little  can  be  gathered  either 
from  the  documents  or  from  Scripture.  The  elal)orate 
arrangements  for  returning  the  Ark  (I  K.,  v,  vi)  may 
have  been  inspired  more  by  the  circimistances  than  by 
any  ceremonies  of  the  Dagon-worship.  We  only 
know  from  ancient  writers  that,  for  religious  reasons, 
most  of  the  Syrian  peoples  abstained  from  eating  fish, 
a  practice  that  one  is  naturally  inclined  to  cormect 
with  the  worship  of  a  fish-god. 

MooBE,  Judges  in  Inlrrnntiojial  Crit.  Comment.  (EdinbufKh 
and  New  York,  1895);  Smith,  Hisl.  Geog.  of  the  Holy  Land  (6th 
ei!..  London,  1899):  Sayce,  historical  Criticism,  and  the  Monu- 
mrnl.i  (London,  1894);  Seldex,  De  diis  .Syris  (London,  1667); 
Lagrange,  EtudeJi  sur  les  rrliffions  srmitiques  (Paris,  1903); 
Lajard.  Recherches  sur  le  cultc  de  Vimus  (Paris,  1837-1847); 
Babelon,  Catalogue  de.t  monnaics  de  la  Bibliothcgue  nationale; 
Les  .Ichcmrnides  (Paris,  1893).       CHARLES   L.   SOUVAY. 

Dagfuesseau  (or  d'Aguesseau),  HENRi-FRANfois, 
chancellor  of  France,  b.  at  Limoges,  27  November, 
1668;  d.  at  Paris,  .5  February,  1751.  He  belonged  to  a 
distinguished  family  which  had  produced  many  able 
magistrates,  and  was  educated  by  his  father,  who  was 
intendant  of  Languedoc  and  afterwards  a  coimcillor  of 
state.  Ha\'ing  been  appointed  advocate-general  of 
the  Parlement  of  Paris  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  Da- 
guesseau  performed  the  duties  of  his  office  in  the  most 
satisfactory  manner  for  ten  years,  his  speeches  being 
models  of  elegant  diction  and  clear  reasoning.  In 
1700  he  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  attorney-general. 
In  this  position  he  re-established  order  in  the  courts, 
reformed  the  management  of  the  hospitals,  prevented 
and  corrected  abuses.  In  1709  war,  famine,  and  pul>- 
lic  distress  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  display  all  his 
energy,  judgment  and  goodness  of  heart.  He  was  con- 
sulted on  the  most  difficult  points  of  administration 
and  drew  up  many  memorials  for  the  king.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV,  however,  he  was 
threatened  with  disgrace  for  refusing  to  register  the 
Bull  "T'nigenitus",  of  which,  as  he  was  a  strong  Gal- 
ilean, he  was  a  pronounced  opponent. 


In  1717  the  regent,  the  Due  d'0rl6ans,  appointed 
Daguesseau  chancellor,  but  before  a  year  had  elapsed, 
the  seals  were  taken  from  him  because  he  opposed  the 
projects  of  the  notorious  John  Law.  In  1720,  after 
the  failure  of  Law's  schemes,  he  was  recalled  to  his 
former  office.  He  repaired  the  mischief  done  during 
his  retirement  and  by  his  firmness  and  sagacity  pre- 
vented total  bankruptcy.  With  a  view  to  concilia- 
tion he  finally  consented  to  the  registration  of  the 
Bull  "  Unigenitus  ".  He  was  again  disgraced  in  1722, 
through  the  influence  of  Cardinal  Dubois,  and  retired 
to  his  estate  at  Fresnes,  where  he  passed  five  years. 
Here  the  Scriptures,  which  he  reail  and  compared  in 
various  languages,  and  the  juris|3rudence  of  his  own 
and  other  countries  w'ere  the  jirineipal  objects  of  his 
study;  the  rest  of  his  time  he  devoted  to  philosophy, 
literature,  and  gardening.  Daguesseau  was  recalled 
to  office  in  1727.  Chancellor  now  for  the  third  tune, 
he  revived  public  respect  for  law,  introduced  several 
important  enactments  regarding  donations,  testa- 
ments, and  succession,  and  effected  n  greater  imiform- 
ity  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  (hl(Ml^ll(lllt  the  several 
provinces.  In  1750  he  resigneil  his  iiusitmn,  the  king 
l)estowing  upon  him  a  pension  of  1U0,UU0  francs,  which 
he  enjoyed  until  his  death. 

During  his  long  career  Daguesseau  was  a  man  of 
spotless  honesty  and  absolute  devotion  to  the  public 
interest.  He  was  an  upright  magistrate,  a  fine  orator 
and  jurist,  and  a  remarkable  linguist.  He  used  his  ex- 
tensive knowledge  and  intellectual  acquirements  in 
the  cause  of  religion  and  morals.  Saint-Simon  speaks 
of  him  thus:  "  Talent,  industry,  penetration,  universal 
knowledge,  dignity,  purity,  eciuity,  piety  and  inno- 
cence of  life  are  the  foundation  of  M.  d'Aguesseau's 
character."  The  greater  part  of  Daguesseau's  writ- 
ings and  letters  were  edited  by  Pardessus,  "(Euvrcs 
completes"  (Paris,  1818-1820),  16  vols.  8vo;  other 
letters  were  edited  by  M.  Rives,  "Lcttres  in6d!tes" 
(Paris,  1823). 

BouLLEE,  liistoirc  dr  la  vie  et  des  wuvres  du  cJtancelier  d' Agues- 
seau  (Paris,  1835);  Monnier,  Lc  chancelier  d'Aguesseau,  sa 
conduite  et  scs  iddes  politiqucs  (Paris,  1S60). 

Jean  Le  Bars. 

Dahomey,VicARiATE  Apostolic  of,  in  West  Africa, 
is  territorially  identical  with  the  French  colony  of  the 
same  name.  This  colony  has  a  coastline  of  about  75 
miles  on  the  Slave  Coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Guinea,  whence 
it  stretches  northwards  to  the  French  Sudan;  it  is 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  British  territory  of  Lagos 
and  the  River  Ocpara,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Gennan 
territory  of  Togo  and  the  River  Mono.  Its  area  is  es- 
timateil  at  about  59,000  square  miles,  and  its  total 
population  in  1902  was  probably  a  little  less  than  half 
a  million.  The  chief  exports  of  the  colony  are  i)alm 
kernels  and  palm-oil.  Its  indigenous  population  is  of 
the  pure  Negro  stock,  chiefly  of  the  Fon  subdivision  of 
the  Ewe  family.  About  the  year  1728  the  territory 
now  know^l  as  Dahomey  was  subject  to  three  native 
dynasties,  one  of  which  at  that  date  conquered  the 
other  two  and  set  up  its  own  despotism  under  the 
present  territorial  designation.  This  despotism,  tem- 
pered only  by  the  fear  inspired  by  Fetishism  (q.  v.), 
of  which  Dahomey  was  said  to  be  the  last  extant 
stronghold  at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century,  ended 
with  the  capture  and  exile  of  King  Behanzim  by  a 
French  military  expedition  in  1892. 

Tlie  Faith  was  first  preached  in  Dahomey  in  the 
year  1660,  when  certain  French  residents  introduced 
Franciscan  missionaries.  Against  this  Catholic  enter- 
prise the  English  adventurers  successfully  combined 
with  native  priests  of  Feti.shism.  In  1674  Father 
CJonsalvez,  a  Dominican,  with  two  companions,  was 
poisoned;  an  Augustinian,  who  visite<l  the  coast  in 
1699,  escaped  tleath  by  flight.  No  further  attempt  to 
plant  the  Faith  in  Dahomey  is  recorded  until  1S60, 
when  Fathers  Borghero  and  Fernandez,  of  the  then 
newly  founded  Lyons  Society  of  jVfrican  Missions,  ar- 


DALALLE 


604 


DALGAIRNS 


rived.  Their  institute  has  carried  on  the  work  ever 
since.  The  French  Government,  in  1864,  obtained  in 
behalf  of  the  missionaries  a  large  territorial  concesjion 
at  Porto  Novo,  where  a  flourishing  station  was  soon 
established.  The  mission  of  Agwe,  now  one  of  the 
most  flourishing  in  the  vicariate,  began  its  existence  in 
1874. 

The  first  erection  of  a  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Daho- 
mey was  in  1860,  when  its  jurisdiction  was  defined  to 
include  all  the  country  between  the  Rivers  Niger  and 
Volta.  In  1870,  however,  the  title  of  this  vicariate 
was  changed  to  "The  Benin  Coasts";  and  in  1882  it 
was  divided,  the  region  west  of  the  River  Ocpara  being 
then  erected  into  the  Prefecture  Apostolic  of  Daho- 
mey, from  which,  again,  the  German  territory  of  Togo 
was  ecclesiastically  .separated  in  1892,  and  the  adja- 
cent British  possessions  in  1894.  By  decree  dated 
22  April,  1901,  this  Prefecture  of  Dahomey  was  erected 
into  the  present  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  that  name, 
which  is  thus  seen  to  differ  territorially  from  that 
erected  in  1860. 

The  residence  of  the  vicar  Apostolic  is  at  the  coast 
town  of  Whydah,  formerly  the  native  capital  and  a 
notorious  centre  of  Dahomeyan  Fetishism.  "Mis- 
siones  Catholics"  (1907),  the  official  triennial  hand- 
book of  the  Propaganila,  gives  the  following  statistics 
of  Dahomey:  Total  Catholic  population,  8900;  mis- 
sionary stations,  6;  churches  with  resident  pastor,  4; 
chapels,  11;  total  number  of  priests,  -32;  catechists, 
1.5;  houses  of  religious  women  (Sisters  of  the  Queen  of 
the  Apostles),  4,  with  an  aggregate  of  20  religious; 
schools  for  boys,  1.3,  with  1330  pupils;  schools  for 
girls,  4,  with  480  pupils. 

Planque  in  Piolet,  Les  Missions  calholiques  francaises  (Paris, 
1902).  V,  vi;  The  Statesman's  Year-Book.  1908  (London,  annual); 
Burton,  Mission  to  Gelele,  King  of  Dahome  (London,  1S64); 
Chandouin,  Trois  mois  de  captivite  au  Dahomey  (Paris);  Poi- 
RiER,  Campagne  da  Dahomey^  1S92-9U  (Paris,  1S95). 

E.  Macpherson. 

Dalalle,  Henry.    See  Natal. 

Dalberg,  Adolphus  von,  Prince-Abbot  of  Fulda 
and  founder  of  the  university  in  the  same  city,  b.  29 
May,  1678;  d.  3  November,  1737,  at  Ilammelburg  on 
the  river  Saale  in  Lower  Franconia.  After  holding  the 
office  of  provost  at  Zelle  in  Hanover  for  some  years  he 
was  elected  Prince-Abbot  of  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery of  Fulda  in  1724.  Though  he  was  not  a  bishop, 
Dalberg  had  qua.si-episcopal  jurisdiction  over  the  ter- 
ritory belonging  to  the  abbey  and  held  a  diocesan  synod 
in  1729.  This  privilege  of  quasi-episcopal  jurisdiction 
was  granted  to  the  abbots  of  Fulda  by  Pope  Zachary 
in  751.  Dalberg  spared  no  pains  to  improve  the  Cath- 
olic educational  facilities  of  Fulda.  Its  once  famous 
school,  which  had  suffered  severely  during  the  relig- 
ious upheaval  of  the  sLxteenth  century,  had  regained 
some  of  its  ancient  prestige  by  the  united  efforts  of  the 
Jesuits  and  Benedictines.  Dalberg  hoped  to  restore 
in  all  its  splendour  the  ancient  seat  of  learning  which 
had  made  Fulda  world-renowned  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  With  this  end  in  view  he  founded  a  university 
at  Fulda  which  came  to  be  known  after  his  own  name 
as  the  Abiia  Adolphina.  The  faculties  of  philosophy 
and  theology  he  formed  by  uniting  the  two  existing 
schools  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  Benedictines;  for  the 
new  faculties  of  jurisprudence  and  medicine  he  en- 
gaged other  professors.  Pope  Clement  XII  granted 
the  charter  of  foundation  on  1  July,  1732,  and  Em- 
peror Cliarles  VI,  the  charter  of  confirmation  on  12 
March,  17.33.  The  solemn  inauguration  of  the  uni- 
versity took  place  on  19  September,  1733.  The 
Adolphina  was,  however,  not  destined  to  be  of  long 
duration.  After  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuit  Order 
by  Pope  Clement  XIV  in  1773  the  university  came 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Benedictines,  wlio  were 
finally  obliged  to  discontinue  it  in  ISO.'J,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  .secularization  of  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery in  1802. 


RiCHTER,  Quelten  und  Abhandlungcn  zur  Geschichip  der  Abtei 
und  Diozese  Fulda  (Fulda,  1904).  I.  For  a  history  of  the  Uni- 
versity, Gegenb.\ur,  Ein  Jahrhundert  aus  der  Geschichle  der 
huheren  Gelehrten-Schulcn  Fuldas,  nSk-lSS5  (Fulda,  1885);  for 
its  early  history,  Komp,  Die  zweite  Schule  Fuldas  und  das 
pdpstliche  Seminar,  1571-1773  (Fulda.  1877).  70  sqq, 

Michael  Ott. 

D'Albornoz.     See  Gil  d'Albornoz. 

D' Alembert,  Jean  Le  Rond.  See  Encyclopedists. 

Dalgairns,  John  Dobree  (in  religion  Father 
Bernard),  b.  in  the  island  of  Guernsey,  21  Oct., 
1818;  d.  6  April,  1876,  at  St.  George's  Retreat, 
Burgess  Hill,  near  Brighton,  England.  He  matric- 
ulated at  Exeter  college,  Oxford,  1836,  and  took  a 
second  class  in  Uteris  humanioribvs,  18.39.  Already 
an  ardent  follower  of  Newman,  he  had  written  (18.38) 
to  the  Paris  "Univers"  a  letter  signed  "jcune  membre 
de  I'Universite",  on  the  Catholic  movement  then 
spreading  in  the  English  Church,  which  elicited  a  cor- 
respondence with  Father  Dominic  the  Passionist.  In 
1842  he  joined  Newman  at  Littlemore;  while  there 
he  contributed  several  articles  to  the  "British  Critic" 
and  wrote  the  Lives  of  St.  Stephen  Harding,  St.  Gil- 
bert, St.  Helier,  St.  Aelred,  and  others  for  the  series 
of  early  English  saints  then  being  edited  by  Newman. 
The  grasp  of  medieval  history  displayed  in  these 
lives,  and  their  picturesque  setting  evoked  high 
praise  even  from  such  a  strong  Protestant  as  Dean 
Milman.  Dalgairns's  life,  work,  and  studies  had 
drawn  him  ever  closer  to  the  Church,  and  in  Septem- 
ber, 184.5,  he  was  received  into  it  by  his  fonner  corre- 
spondent. Father  Dominic.  He  then  repaired  to  the 
Abbe  Jovain,  canon  of  Langres,  whose  acquaintance 
he  had  made  in  1841  when  the  abbe  was  on  a  visit  to 
Oxford;  in  December,  1846,  he  was  ordained  priest 
at  Langres.  A  worthless  French  translation  of  New- 
man's "Essay  on  Development"  was  described  by 
Dalgairns  in  the  "LTnivers",  10  Jan.,  1847,  as  "un 
amas  inintelligible  de  paroles  sans  idees,  et  dans 
lequel  en  plusieurs  endroits  le  traducteur  avait 
donn^  une  apparence  d'heresie  aux  phrases  de  I'au- 
teur",  words  strangely  prophetic  of  the  use  made  by 
certain  "Modernist"  writers  of  the  same  work. 

At  Easter,  1847,  he  joined  Newman  in  Rome  and 
entered  the  new  English  Oratorian  novitiate  at  Santa 
Croce.  As  an  Oratorian  he  was  successively  at  Marj-- 
vale,  St.  Wilfrid's,  Staffordshire,  King  William  Street, 
London  (1849),  Birmingham  (1853),  and  South  Ken- 
sington. London  (1856),  where  he  was  elected  superior 
on  Father  Faber's  death,  September,  1863.  As  a 
preacher  he  was  second  only  to  Faber  and  as  a  con- 
fessor his  knowledge  of  languages  attracted  a  large 
circle  of  penitents,  among  whom  was  Queen  Marie- 
Amelie,  wife  of  Louis  Philippe.  In  1869  he  became  a 
member  of  the  Metaphysical  Society  which  was  then 
being  formed.  With  Manning  and  A\ard.  Dalgairns 
had  to  defend  Catholicism  against  scientific  agnostics 
like  Huxley  and  Tyndall,  literary  agnostics  such  as 
Morley  and  Leslie  Stephen,  Thompson  the  Anglican 
Archbishop  of  York,  the  Unitarian  James  Martineau, 
and  others  of  everj'  shade  of  creed  or  of  no  creed. 
Speaking  of  these  debates  Thompson  says,  "he  was 
more  struck  by  the  metaphysical  ability  of  Father 
Dalgairns  and  Mr.  James  Alartineau  than  any  of  the 
other  debaters".  Hutton.  then  editor  of  "The  Spec- 
tator," .says  of  Dalgairns  and  his  coreligionists,  "  there 
was  in  their  coiuitenance  a  Ijlending  of  genuine  humil- 
ity and  genuine  thankfulnr.ss  fur  the  authority  on 
which  they  had  anchored  thcinsclve.s  and  a  sen.se  of 
the  redimdance  of  tlirir  provisions  for  the  spiritual 
life,  of  which  almost  all  the  other  members  seemed  to 
feel  they  had  but  a  bare  and  scanty  ]>asturage".  His 
knowledge  of  Christian  pliilosohpy,  aiul  his  acquaint- 
ance with  the  writings  of  German  .scientists  enabled 

him  to  meet  Huxley  sik .ssfully  on  his  own  grounds. 

But  the  attendance  at  the  meetings  of  the  Society 
broke  down  Dalgairns's  health.     He  was  struck  with 


DALILA 


605 


DALLAS 


paralysis,  and  he  died  after  a  year's  lingering  mental 
illness.  Hutton  describes  him  as  "a  man  of  singular 
sweetness  and  openness  of  character  with  something 
of  a  French  type  of  playfulness  of  expression".  His 
best  known  works  are  "The  Devotion  to  the  Sacred 
Heart  of  Je.sus"  (London,  1853);  "The  Holy  Com- 
munion" (Dublin,  1861);  "The  German  Mystics  of 
the  Fourteenth  Century"  (London,  1858). 

GiLLOW,  BiU.  Did.  Eng.  Calh..  III.  3;  The  Tablet  and  The 
Wecklv  RctiistcT  (London.  15  April,  1S76\  files;  Ward.  William. 
George  Ward  and  the  Oxford  Movement  (London,  1889);  Vie 
de  V Abbe  Jovain.  SEBASTIAN   BoWDEN. 

T)a,Ula,(Heh.  DeliMh).  Samson, sometimeafterhisex- 
ploit  at  (iaza  (Judges,  xvi,  1-3),  "  loved  a  woman,  who 
dwelt  in  the  valley  of  ,Sorec,  and  she  was  called  Dalila" 
(verse  4).  The  village  of  Sorec  was  known  to  Euse- 
bius  and  to  St.  Jerome  (Onomast.),  and  rightly  placed 
north  of  Eleutheropolis  near  Saraa,  the  home  of  Sam- 
son. It  is  now  called  Khan  Svlreq.  The  valley  of  that 
name,  mentioned  in  the  text,  was  probably  a  little  lat- 
eral valley  of  the  great  Wadi  Serar,  or  the  Wadi  Serar 
itself  (L.agrange,  "  Le  livre  des  Juges",  247).  The 
railway  from  Jaffa  to  Jerusalem  passes  through  this 
region  a  little  to  the  west  of  the  station  of  Deir  Aban. 
The  district  was  on  the  borderland  between  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  Israelites  and  those  of  their  [jrincipal  ene- 
mies and  oppressors  at  this  period,  the  Philistines.  .Sorec 
may  have  been  inhabited  by  the  latter;  and  although 
it  is  not  stated  to  which  people  Dalila  belonged,  the 
story  told  in  this  sixteenth  chapter  of  Judges  of  her 
relations  with  the  princes  of  the  Philistines,  makes  it 
very  unlikely  that  she  was  an  Israelite.  It  is  not  prob- 
able either  that  she  liecame  the  wife  of  Samson.  The 
expression  above  quoted  with  which  Scripture  intro- 
duces the  narrative  of  her  relations  with  him,  and  the 
facility  with  which  the  Philistines  were  brought  into  her 
house,  not  to  speak  of  her  readiness  to  betray  the  Israel- 
ite hero,  suggest  rather  that  she  was  a  harlot,  an  opin- 
ion that  is  now  more  common  among  commentators. 

The  Philistines,  thinking  that  the  strength  which 
had  made  .Samson  familiar  to  them  must  be  due  to 
some  magical  charm,  seek  to  find  out  what  it  is. 
Their  princes,  probably  the  five  mentioned  in 
Judges,  iii,  3,  and  elsewhere,  coming  to  Dalila,  to 
whose  house  Samson  often  resorted — if  he  did  not  live 
there — say:  "Deceive  him,  and  learn  of  him  wherein 
his  great  strength  lieth,  and  how  we  may  be  able  to 
overcome  him,  to  bind  and  afHict  him:  which  if  thou 
shalt  do,  we  will  give  thee  every  one  of  us  eleven 
hundred  pieces  of  silver  "(verse  5).  This  sum  must  have 
appeared  enormous  to  Dalila.  She  undertakes  to  dis- 
cover the  secret  of  Samson'sstrength  and  the  means  to 
overcome  it.  Four  different  times  she  asks  him  to  tell 
her  his  .secret,  having  each  time  a  number  of  Philistines 
on  hand  to  seize  him  if  .she  can  cajole  him  into  betray- 
ing it.  Samson  at  first  indulges  his  hmnour  in  an- 
swers which  allow  him  to  laugh  at  her  attempts  to  bind 
him;  but  finally  her  importunity  prevails, and  he  tells 
her  of  his  consecration  as  a  Nazarite  and  of  the  neces- 
sity of  keeping  his  long  hair,  the  mark  of  that  conse- 
cration. Dalila  then  causes  this  hair  to  be  cut  off 
while  Samson  sleeps,  and  hands  him  over  to  his  ene- 
mies who  bring  him  a  prisoner  to  Gaza. 

Lagrange,  Le  livre  des  Juges  (Paris.  1903);  VoN  HuMMEL- 
AUER,  Comm.  in  libros  Judicum  et  Ruth  (Pari.s.  1888);  Palis, 
Daiaa'm\'iQ.,  Diel.de  la  Bible.  \V.  S.   Reilly. 

Dallas,  Diocese  op  (Dallascen.iis).  created  1890, 
comprises  108  counties  in  the  northern  and  north- 
western portion  of  the  State  of  Texas,  U.  S.  A.,  and 
■  El  Paso  County  in  the  western  section,  an  area  of  1 IS,- 
000  .square  miles.  The  city  of  Dallas  has  a  population 
of  95,000  and  stands  in  the  centre  of  a  circle  witliin 
whose  radius  of  fifty  miles  is  included  nearly  one-half 
of  the  population  of  Texas.  It  was  settled  chiefly  by 
people  from  Kentucky,  Illinois,  Indiana,  witli  a 
sprinkling  of  foreigners  and  a  considerable  number  of 
negroes.     It  is  an  important  distributing  centre,  rich 


in  mineral  resources  .and  products  of  the  soil  (chiefly 
cotton).  As  late  as  1868  there  w.is  only  one  Catholic 
family  resident  there  whose  members,  with  several 
scattering  settlers,  were  attended  as  a  mission  station 
from  St.  Paid's,  PoUin  County,  by  Father  Joseph  Mar- 
tinere,  later  a  domestic  prelate  and  vicar-general  of  the 
diocese.  His  visits  often  necessitated  journeys  over 
hundreds  of  miles  through  swamp  and  forest.  In 
1892  the  Catholic  population  of  the  diocese  had  grown 
to  15,000  with  30  priests  ministering  to  them. 

The  first  bishop,  Thomas  Francis  Brennan,  was 
born  October,  1853,  in  the  County  Tipperary,  Ireland, 
and  ordained  priest  at  Brixen  in  the  Tyrol,  4  July, 
1880.  He  was  consecrated  at  Erie,  Pennsylvania, 
5  April,  1891.  Two  years  later  (1  February,  1893)  he 
was  transferred  to  the  titular  See  of  Utilla  and  made 
coadjutor  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  John's,  Newfoundland. 
He  was  removed  December,  1904.  and  called  to  Rome, 


Dallas,  Texas 


where  he  resides  (1908),  having  been  transferred,  7  Oc- 
tober, 1905,  to  the  titular  See  of  Caesarea  in  Mauretania. 

As  his  successor  the  Rev.  Edward  Joseph  Dunne, 
rector  of  the  church  of  All  Saints,  Chicago,  w.as 
chosen.  He  was  born  in  the  County  Tipperary, 
Ireland,  23  April,  1848,  emigrated  to  the  United 
States  with  his  parents  when  a  child,  and  was 
ordained  priest  29  June,  1871,  in  Baltimore.  His 
consecration  took  place  in  Chicago,  30  November, 
1893.  He  foresaw  from  the  first  the  religious  possi- 
bilities assured  by  the  location  and  resources  of  Dallas, 
also  by  the  enterprise  of  the  people  and  by  the  climate. 
To  his  energy,  administrative  abilities,  and  zeal  is  ow- 
ing the  new  cathedral,  admittedly  the  finest  in  the 
South-Western  States.  The  Vincentian  College,  .St. 
Paul's  Sanitariimi,  the  Ursuline  Acailemy,  novitiate 
and  provincial  house  (1907),  the  cathedral  parochial 
school,  St.  Patrick's  church,  the  indu.strial  school  for 
coloured  children  are  other  monuments  of  religion 
erected  within  a  short  space  of  time.  Fort  Worth, 
Sherman,  El  Paso,  Denison,  Munster,  Weatherford, 
Marshall,  and  sevcr.al  other  cities  have  substantial 
and  even  beautiful  churches  and  religious  institutions, 
educational  and  charitable. 

Religious  communities  represented  in  the  diocese 
are:  Men. — Benedictine  F.athers,  five  charges;  Jes- 
uits, six;  Oblatcs:  an<l  Vincentians.  Women. — School 
Sisters  of  \otre  Dame;  .Sisters  of  Charity  (Emmits- 
burg);  Sisters  of  Charity  of  the  Incarnate  Word;  Sis- 
ters of  the  Holy  Cross ;  Sisters  of  Loretto ;  .Sisters  of 
St.  Mary;  .Sisters  of  Divine  Providence;  White  Bene- 
dictine Sisters  of  the  Congregation  of  Mt.  Olive;  Sisters 
of  St.  Rose  of  Lima;  Ursuline  Nuns;  .Sisters  of  Mercy. 

Statistics  of  the  diocese  (1908)  give  83  priests  (.50 
diocesan  and  33  regulars);  52  churches  with  resident 
pastors,  51  with  missions,  75  .stations,  12  chapels; 
12  academies  for  girls,  24  jjarochial  schools  with  3180 


DALLEY 


606 


DALMATIA 


pupils,  14  ecclesiastical  students,  1  industrial  school 
(50  pupils) ;  1  orphan  asylum  (83  inmates) ;  6  hospi- 
tals;  total  Catholic  population  (estimated)  60,000. 

Catholic  Direclory  (1908);  Reuss,  Biog.  Cyd.  of  the  Caih. 
Hierarchy  of  the  U.  S.  (Milwaukee,  1898). 

Sister  M.  Augustine  Enright. 

Dalley,  Williaji  Bede,  lawyer  and  statesman,  b. 
in  Sydney,  New  South  Wales,  1831 ;  d.  there  28  Octo- 
ber, ISSS.  He  was  educated  in  part  at  St.  Mary's 
College,  Sydney,  and  was  called  to  the  Bar  in  1856.  In 
1857  he  became  a  representative  of  Sydney  in  the  first 
parliament  elected  under  responsible  government  in 
New  South  Wales;  was  solicitor-general  (1858-9),  and 
attorney-general  (1875-7,  1883-5).  After  the  fall  of 
Khartoum  (1885)  Dalley  (then  acting-premier)  dis- 
patched a  contingent  of  nine  hundred  men  to  the  Su- 
dan to  aid  the  imperial  troops.  Dalley,  who  had 
declined  a  knighthood  and  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of 
New  South  Wales,  was  in  1887  appointed  a  member  of 
the  Privy  Council — the  first  Australian  on  whom  that 
honour  was  conferred.  He  was  regarded  as  the  fore- 
most lay  representative  and  champion  of  the  Catholic 
body,  was  noted  for  his  jiarliamentary  and  forensic 
eloquence,  and  was  endowed  with  considerable  liter- 
ary ability.  Many  of  his  newspaper  articles  and 
sketches  were  reprinted  in  1866  inBarton's  "Poets  and 
Prose  Writers  of  New  South  Wales". 

Heaton,  Australian  Dictionary  of  Dates  {Sydney,  1879); 
Mennell,  Dictionary  of  Australasian  Biography  (London, 
1892);  Parkes,  Fifty  Years  in  the  Making  of  Australian  His- 
tory (London,  1892);  Moran.  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in 
Australasia  (Sydney, s.  d.);  Carlyle  in  Diet.  Nat,  Biog.,  Suppl., 

II.  s.  V.  Henhy  W.  Cleaby.. 

Dalmaeio.    See  Scannabecchi. 

Dalmatia,  a  part  of  the  Kingdom  of  Croatia  accord- 
ing to  a  convention  entered  into  between  Croatia 
and  Hungary.  It  stretches  along  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  Adriatic  Sea  from  Croatia  on  the  north  to 
Montenegro  in  the  south  and  is  bounded  by  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina  on  the  cast.  The  Velebic  moun- 
tains separate  it  from  Croatia,  the  highest  peaks  of 
which  are  Sveto  brdo  (5774  ft.)  or  Holy  Mountain, 
the  dwelling  of  fairies  according  to  popular  legend, 
Viseruna  (5350  ft.)  and  Vaganski  vrh  (5563  ft.). 
The  eastern  frontier  lines  are  formed  by  the  Dinaric 
Alps,  rimning  parallel  to  the  sea,  highest  elevation 
being  5940  ft.  The  highest  peak  in  Dalmatia  is 
Mount  Orjen  (6225  ft.).  The  coast  is  steep  and  rocky 
and  lined  by  many  islands:  Pago,  Rab,  and  Krk  on  the 
northern  Croatian  coast;  the  first  rises  to  a  height  of 
885  ft.,  the  last  to  1338  ft.  Islands  of  lesser  import- 
ance are  Cres,  Losinj,  Osor,  Uljan.  On  the  south  lies 
Brae  with  the  mountain  of  St.  Vid  (2574  ft.),  Hvar 
with  St.  Nicholas  (2078  ft.),  and  Korcula  (1879  ft.); 
lastly  Lastovo,  Mljet,  and  Vis.  The  principal  natural 
harbours  are:  Zadar,  Trogir,  Sibenik,  Gruz,  Peljesac, 
Kotor,  Hvar,  Vis,  and  Mljet.  Dalmatia  is  poor  in 
water,  though  the  rainfalls  make  temporary  lakes. 
The  only  rivers  of  importance  are:  Krka  (Titius)  and 
Cetina  (Tilurus)  flowing  from  the  Dinara  moim tains; 
the  former  has  interesting  falls  and  wild  scenery. 
Neretva  (Naro)  belongs  chiefly  to  Herzegovina.  The 
climate  is  warm  and  healthy.  The  temperature 
varies  between  57°  F.  at  Zadar,  62°  at  Hvar,  and  63° 
at  Dubrovnik.  The  prevailing  wind  is  the  sirocco  or 
south-east,  but  the  terrible  Boora  or  north-east,  may 
blow  at  any  season  of  the  year.  The  land  is  fit  chiefly 
for  pasture.  Barley,  wheat,  maize,  oats,  rye,  millet, 
beeroot,  hemp,  and  potatoes  are  rai.sed  in  small  quan- 
tities. Asses  and  mules  are  used  as  beasts  of  burden. 
Mines  of  coal,  asphalt,  lignite,  salt  are  under  develop- 
ment. Among  the  industries  are  the  distillation  of 
liquors,  the  manufacture  of  oil.  tile-burning,  the  rais- 
ing of  timber,  wine-growing,  and  shii>-buil(ling.  Otiier 
products  of  the  country  are  cheese,  honey,  .silk,  and 
sardines.  Railroads  are  nearly  tmknown  in  Dalmatia, 
although  there  is  urgent  need  of  them.  Commerce  is 
further  hampered  by  a  bureaucratic  administration. 


Coast  navigation  is  gradually  taking  on  greater  pro- 
portions and  extending  through  the  Adriatic  and 
Mediterranean  Seas.  The  capital  of  Dalmatia  is  Za- 
dar, where  the  Diet  meets  when  convoked  by  the 
king.  It  is  composed  of  forty-three  members,  and  is 
represented  in  Vienna  by  eleven  delegates  elected  by 
direct  vote.  The  archbishop  is  a  member  of  the  Diet. 
The  head  of  the  Royal  Dalmatian  Government  is  a 
governor  appointed  by  the  king.  Dalmatia  is  the 
most  neglected  country  under  Austrian  rule.  The 
population  consists  of  Croats,  who  are  in  the  majority, 
Serbs,  Italians,  and  Albanians  (about  10  per  cent). 
Croatian  is  now  the  official  language. 

Religion  and  Schools. — The  general  educational  in- 
stitutions are  public  schools  (with  5  classes),  while  in 
every  village  or  hamlet  there  is  an  elementary  school. 
There  are  also  middle  schools  or  gymnasia  (with  8 
classes),  colleges  and  private  institutions,  a  central 
seminary  for  priests  at  Zadar,  and  a  petit  scminaire  at 
Dubrovnik.  There  are  also  a  naval  and  an  agricul- 
tural school.  The  majority  of  the  inhabitants  are 
Catholics.  There  are  also  Orthodox  Greeks  and  a  few 
Jews.  There  are  many  magnificent  churches  and  ec- 
clesiastical buildings  which  date  back  many  centuries 
to  the  flourishing  times  of  the  Church.  The  archaeo- 
logical museums  at  Bihac  and  Ivnin  contain  much 
historical  material  illustrating  early  Christianity  and 
the  period  of  the  oldest  Croatian  rulers.  There  is  a 
literary  society,  "Matica  Dalmatinska",  which  pub- 
lishes valuable  books  every  year.  The  "Matica 
Hrvatska'',  at  Zagreb,  and  the  St.  Jerome  Society  do 
the  same  for  popular  books.  The  Catholic  press  is 
represented  by  weeklies  and  periodicals  such  as  "  Aca- 
demia  Paleoslovenica ",  at  Krk  (Veglia).  Through- 
out Dalmatia,  including  the  adjoining  islands,  as  well 
as  on  the  Croatian  coast,  the  Old  Croatian  language 
called  Glagolitic  is  still  in  use  at  church  services.  This 
comes  down  from  the  times  of  Sts.  Cyril  and  Methodius 
also.  The  right  to  use  the  Glagolitic  language  at  Mass 
with  the  Roman  Rite  has  prevailed  for  many  cen- 
turies in  all  the  south-western  Balkan  countries,  and 
has  been  sanctioned  by  long  practice  and  by  many 
popes.  The  religious  orders  are  well  represented  in 
Dalmatia  by  the  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Jesuits,  and 
others,  as  well  as  by  many  communities  of  religious 
women.  In  the  administration  of  church  affairs  the 
civil  authorities  accept  the  principles  of  canon  law. 
The  Concordat  was  abolished  by  the  laws  of  1874,  and 
a  civil  marriage  law  was  introduced  in  1867.  The  ir- 
removable rectors  must  contribute  to  the  expenses  of 
worship  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  law.  The 
State  administers  the  church  property  and  lays  down 
the  conditions  for  establishing  new  parishes.  The 
archbishops,  bishops,  and  canons  are  nominated  by 
the  king,  and  invested  by  the  pope.  The  ecclesiasti- 
cal province  of  Dalmatia  was  erected  by  Leo  XII  in 
1828,  by  the  Bull  "Locum  beati  Petri",  when  the  two 
Archbishoprics  of  Spljet  and  Dubrovnik  were  sup- 
pressed, and  Zadar  was  made  the  see  of  the  arch- 
bishop. The  province  comprises  five  bishoprics: 
Sibenik,  Spljet,  Hvar,  Dubrovnik,  and  Kotor.  The 
Bishopric  of  Krk  was  joined  by  Pope  Pius  VIII  to  the 
province  of  Goricza.  There  are  527,500  Catholics  in 
Dalmatia  and  80,900  Greek  schismatics  with  two 
bishoprics  at  Zadar  and  in  Kotor. 

History. — The  meaning  of  the  name  Dalmatia  or 
Delmatia,  which  is  of  Arnautic  origin,  is  "land  of 
shepherds"  (delminium — pasture  for  sheep).  The 
earliest  mention  of  the  name  occurs  at  the  time  of  the 
fall  of  the  southern  Illyric  kingdom,  167  B.  c.  The 
people  who  dwelt  near  the  rivers  Neretva  and  Krka 
formed  a  league  against  tlie  advancing  Romans. 
Their  principal  town  was  Delminium,  on  the  present 
plain  of  Sinj,  or  possibly  Duvno  in  Herzegovina,  and 
after  that  city  the  tribes  called  themselves  Delmati, 
or  Dalmati,  170  b.  c.  The  islands  were  peopled  by 
the  Greeks;  but  the  mainland  by  the  lUyrians.     The 


DALMATIA 


607 


DALMATIA 


Dalmatian  league  soon  came  into  conflict  with  the 
Romans.  In  153  b.  c.  the  Roman  Senate  sent  envoys 
to  negotiate  with  the  Dalmatians,  but  they  returned 
complaining  tliat  tliey  were  received  in  an  unfriendly 
manner,  and  that  they  would  have  been  killed  if  they 
had  not  secretly  escaped.  During  the  next  year  war 
broke  out.  Finally  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio  Nasica 
conquered  the  land  and  demolished  the  city  of 
Delminium.  The  Romans'  success  was  incomplete; 
they  must  subdue  the  neighbouring  illyrians  and 
Celts  if  they  wished  to  retain  the  whole  of  Dalmatia 
The  two  new  consuls  had  to  march  from  Gaul  to 
Illyrium  and  occupy  the  city  of  Segestica,  now  Sisak, 
thence  to  invade  Dalmatia  and  capture  the  city  of 
Salona  The  consul  Metellus  carried  out  this  plan, 
defeated  the  enemy  in  118  B.  c,  and  celebrated  a 
triumph  at  Rome,  receiving  the  title  Dalmaticus 
(117).  The  Roman  Senate  now  created  the  large  prov- 
ince of  Illyricuni,  extending  southward  to  the  River 
Drim,  northward  as  far  as  the  Julian  Alps  and  the 
Ri\-er  Sava  The  principal  strategic  point  and  fortress 
in  tliis  new  province  was  the  city  of  Salona  (Solin). 
But  the  Dalmatians  did  not  patiently  bear  the  Roman 
yoke  and  tribute  Many  uprisings  broke  out  until 
the  time  of  Octavian,  who  came  to  lUyricum  in  40 
B.  c,  and  subjugated  all  the  tribes;  he  made  the 
rivers  Drava  and  Danube  the  northern  boundaries 
of  the  Roman  possessions  and  sailed  on  them  in  his 
triremes.  Later,  when  emperor,  he  broke  the  power 
of  the  Dalmatian  and  Pannonian  tribes  who  tried 
again  to  throw  off  the  Roman  rule.  The  insurrection 
started  in  the  year  6  B.  c  and  ended  in  A.  D.  9.  The 
power  of  the  rebels  was  crushed  and  their  country 
devastated.  Since  the  Punic  wars  Rome  had  not 
been  in  as  critical  a  situation  as  during  this  insurrec- 
tion suppressed  by  Tiberius. 

From  this  date  begins  the  Romanizing  of  Illyricum. 
This  province  now  received  the  name  of  Dalmatia  and 
comprised  all  the  land  south  of  the  River  Sava,  within 
which  were  many  famous  watering  places,  such  as 
Aquae  Jasss  (the  Varaidinske  toplice  of  to-day), 
Aquae  BalLssae  (Lipik  in  Croatia),  and  much  mineral 
wealth  exploited  by  them,  as  appears  from  their  re- 
mains to-day.  The  Roman  rule  in  Dalmatia  ended 
with  the  entry  of  Christianity  and  the  invasion  of  the 
northern  natiorts.  The  Romans  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians in  Dalmatia  and  Pannonia,  but  they  fiourislied 
nevertheless.  St.  Paul  sent  his  disciple  Titus  to  Dal- 
matia, who  founded  the  first  Christian  see  in  the  city 
of  Salona  and  consecrated  it  with  his  blood  a.  d.  65. 
St.  Peter  sent  St.  Domnius.  Salona  became  the 
centre  from  which  Christianity  spread.  In  Pannonia 
St.  Andronicus  founded  the  See  of  Syrmium  (Mitro- 
vica)  and  later  those  of  SLscia  and  Mursia.  The  cruel 
persecution  under  Diocletian,  who  was  a  Dalmatian 
by  birth,  left  numerous  traces  in  Old  Dalmatia  and 
Pannonia.  St.  QuiriniLS,  Bishop  of  Siscia,  died  a 
martyr  a.  d.  303.  St.  Jerome  was  born  in  Strido,  a 
city  on  the  border  of  Pannonia  and  Dalmatia.  .(Vfter 
the  fall  of  the  Western  Empire  in  476,  peace  never 
came  to  Dalmatia.  She  successively  fell  into  the 
power  of  Odoacer,  Theodoric,  and  Justinian.  The 
Goths  were  Arians,  but  they  did  not  persecute  the 
Catholics.  Two  provincial  cnurch  councils  were  held 
at  Salona — 530  and  532.  The  Western  Empire  w:ls 
succeeded  by  the  Ostro-Goths,  after  whose  fall  in 
555  Dalmatia  came  under  Byzantine  power.  In  a.  u. 
598  the  khan  of  the  Avars  advanced  from  Syrmium 
through  Bosnia,  devastated  Dalmatia,  and  demolished 
forty  cities.  In  a.  d.  600  appeared  the  Slavs, 
who  entered  Dalmatia.  Pope  Gregory  the  Great 
wrote  to  Maxim,  Archbishop  of  Salona:  "Et  de 
Slavorum  gente,  quae  vobis  valde  imminet,  affligor 
vehementer  et  conturbor.  Affligor  in  his,  qua;  iam 
in  vobis  patior;  conturbor  quia  per  IstriiE  aditum  iam 
Italiam  intrare  cceperunt". 

In   the   seventh   century   Dalmatia   received    the 


dominant  element  of  its  present  population,  the 
Croats.  In  the  ninth  century  we  find  the  Croatian 
influence  at  its  height,  and  the  Croatian  princes 
recognized  as  Kings  of  Dalmatia.  At  the  time  of 
Thomislav  there  were  held  two  councils  at  Spljet  for 
the  whole  of  Dalmatia  and  Croatia.  The  legates  of 
the  Holy  See,  John,  Bishop  of  Ancona  and  Leo,  Bishop 
of  Praeneste,  were  present.  Pope  John  X  wrote  a 
letter  to  Thomislav,  King  of  the  Croats  and  all  the 
people  of  Dalmatia.  In  this  he  reminded  the  king  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  to  w-hom  Gregory  I  sent  not  only 
Christianity,  but  also  culture  and  education.  The 
council  met  in  925  to  decide  the  fjuestion  of  the  pri- 
macy of  the  Sees  of  Nin  and  Spljet ;  to  re-establish  rules 
of  discipline,  to  settle  administrative  questions  arising 
from  disputes  about  the  boundaries  of  dioceses,  and 
finally  to  show  the  reason  for  using  the  Old  Croatian 


Dalmatia  (XIII  Centur>0 


language  at  Mass.  On  this  occasion  BLshop  Grgur 
Ninski  energetically  defended  the  right  of  the  Croa- 
tians  to  use  that  language.  Pope  Leo  VI  decreed  by 
his  Bull  that  the  primate  of  Dalmatia  and  Croatia 
should  bo  the  Archbishop  of  Spljet.  All  the  decisions 
of  the  councils  were  sent  to  Rome  for  confirmation. 
The  See  of  Nin  was  suppressed  in  928,  when  the  S(«  of 
Spljet  renounced  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople  and  submitted  to  the  Holy  See.  At 
the  next  council,  held  1059-60  at  Spljet,  permission 
was  given  to  use  the  Greek  and  Latin  langu:iges  at 
Mass.  The  use  of  the  old  Croatian  language  was 
f)ften  forbidden,  but  never  abolished.  During  the 
following  centuries  the  history  of  Dalmatia  is  closely 
connected  with  that  of  Croatia.  In  the  course  of 
time,  however,  Venice  extended  her  authority  over 
Dalmatia.  Venice  never  gained  the  affection  of  the 
Dalmatian  people.  By  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio 
in  1797  she  lost  Dalmatia,  which  came  under  Austrian 
rule,  under  which  it  has  continued  to  the  present  time 
with  the  exception  of  Napoleonic  times  (1805-1814). 
The  feeling  towanls  Austria  was  not  friendly,  as  the 
outbreak  in  1869  shows.  This  was  put  down  by  force 
of  arms  in  February  of  the  next  year.  Influential 
patriots,  the  members  of  the  home  Diet,  and  the  dele- 


DALMATIC 


608 


DALMATIC 


gates  in  the  Reichstag  at  Vienna  are  working  to  carry 
out  the  ijrovisions  of  the  fiinJamental  law  requiring 
the  union  of  Dalmatia  with  the  mother-country, 
Croatia,  which  the  king  promised  in  a  solemn  oath  at 
his  coronation. 

The  literature  of  Dahnatia  from  its  beginnings  in 
the  eleventh  century  was  inspired  by  the  Catholic 
C'hurch  and  remained  so  until  the  rise  of  Humanism. 
Numerous  private  and  public  libraries  existed,  con- 
taining thousands  of  vohmies  (1520).  The  art  of 
printing  found  its  way  to  Dalmatia  as  early  as  the  end 
of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  first  Humanists  such 
as  Men6eti6,  Bobali,  Pucic,  Gufietife,  Maruli6  wrote  in 
Latin  and  Croatian  and  produced  many  varieties  of 
literature:  the  drama,  lyrics,  epics,  bucolics,  come- 
dies, religious,  and  gipsy  poetry.  Dalmatia  has  in 
fact  been  called  the  cradle  of  Croatian  literature. 
The  city  of  Dubrovnik  was  spoken  of  as  another 
Athens.  Architecture  flourished  greatly,  as  is  proved 
by  the  existing  monuments. 

FoHTls,  Travels  in  Dalmatia  (177S);  Paton,  Highlands  and 
Islands  of  the  Adriatic  (1849);  Louvich,  Dei  costumi  dei  Alor- 
Zafci  (1776):  Katalinich,  MemoHe  degli  awenimenti  succcssiin 
Dalmazia;  MiTis,  La  Dalmazia  ai  tempi  di  Lodovico  il  Grande; 
(Zara,  1887);  Schmidl,  Das  Konigreich  Dalmazien  (1843); 
Maschek,  Manuale  del  regno  di  Dalmazia  per  I'anno  (^1875); 
Kohl,  Reisen  in  Istrien  etc.  (1850);  Schiff,  Culturbildcr  aus 
Dalmazien  (Vienna,  1875);  DON  Fr.\ne  Bulic,  Hrvatski  spo- 
menici  (Zagreb,  1888);  Academia  Slavorum  Meridionalimn, 
Documenta  pars  S,  rescripta  et  synodalia  (Zagreb,  1877);  LjUBic, 
Listine  (Zagreb,  1879-1885);  Gelcich,  Monumenta  Ragusina 
(Zagreb,  1879-1897);  ,  Grhbeh,  Osvajanje  Zadra,  Vienac, 
Zagreb  (1882);  Klaic,  Hrvatski  knezovi  od  plemena  Subic 
(Zagreb,  1897);  Scrmin,  Hrvatski  spomenici  (Zagreb);  HoR- 
VAT,^Hrvatskapovjest  (Zagreb,  1908);  Medini,  Povjest  hrvatske 
knjizevnosti  (Zagreb,  1902);  Valla,  Povjest  novoga  vieka 
(Zagreb,  1899,  1900);    Valla,  Povjest  srednjega  vieka  (Zagreb, 

1891.  1893).  M.  D.  Krmpotic. 

Dalmatic.^ — Present  Us.\ge. — The  dalmatic  is  the 
outer  liturgical  vestment  of  the  deacon.  It  is  worn  at 
Mass  and  at  solemn  processions  and  benedictions,  ex- 
cept when  these  processions  and  benedictions  have  a 
penitential  character,  as  in  Advent,  during  the  pe- 
riod _from  Septuagesima  Sunday  to  Easter,  at  the 
blessing  of  candles  and  the  procession  on  Candlemas 
Day,  etc. ;  this  is  because  the  dalmatic  has  been  re- 
garded from  the  earliest  tiiBes  as  a  festal  garment. 
The  dalmatic  is  also  worn  by  bishops  under  the  chas- 
uble at  solemn  pontifical  Mass,  but  not  at  private 
Masses.  Priests  are  not  permitted  to  wear  the  dal- 
matic under  the  chasuble  unless  a  special  papal  privi- 
lege to  this  effect  has  been  granted,  and  then  only  on 
those  days  and  occasions  for  which  the  permission  has 
been  given.  At  Rome,  and  throughout  Italy,  the 
dalmatic  is  a  robe  with  wide  sleeves;  it  reaches  to  the 
knees,  is  closed  in  front,  and  is  open  on  the  sides  as  far 
as  the  shoulder.  Outside  of  Italy  it  is  customary  to 
slit  the  under  side  of  the  sleeves  so  that  the  dalmatic 
becomes  a  mantle  like  a  scapular  with  an  opening  for 
the  head  and  two  square  pieces  of  the  material  falling 
from  the  shoulder  over  the  upper  arm.  Tlie  distinc- 
tive ornamentation  of  the  vestment  consists  of  two 
vertical  stripes  rimning  from  the  shoulder  to  the  hem ; 
according  to  Roman  usage  these  stripes  are  narrow 
and  united  at  the  bottom  by  two  narrow  cross-stripes. 
Outside  of  Rome  the  vertical  stripes  are  quite  broad 
and  the  cross-piece  is  on  the  upper  part  of  the  gar- 
ment. There  are  no  regulations  as  to  the  material  of 
the  dalmatic ;  it  is  generally  made  of  silk  correspond- 
ing to  that  of  the  ch^.'-ulile  of  the  priest,  with  which  it 
must  agree  in  colour,  as  the  ordinances  concerning  lit- 
urgical colours  include  the  dalmatic.  As  the  dal- 
matic is  the  distinguishing  outer  vestment  of  the  dea- 
con, he  is  dothecl  with  it  at  his  ordination  by  the 
bishop,  who  at  the  same  time  says:  "May  the  Lord 
clothe  thee  with  the  garment  of  salvation  and  with  the 
vesture  of  praise,  aiul  may  he  cover  thee  with  the  dal- 
matic of  righteousness  forever". 

History. — According  to  the  "Liber  Pontificalis " 
the  dalmatic  w:is  introduced  by  Pope  Sylvester  I 


(314-35).  It  IS  certain  that  as  early  as  the  first  half  of 
the  fourth  century  its  use  was  customary  at  Rome; 
then,  as  to-day,  the  deacons  wore  it  as  an  outer  vest- 
ment, and  the  pope  put  it  on  under  the  chasuble.  In 
early  Roman  practice  bishops  other  than  the  pope  and 
deacons  other  than  Roman  were  not  permitted  to 
wear  the  vestment  without  the  express  or  tacit  permis- 
sion of  the  pope — such  permission,  for  instance,  as 
Pope  Symmachus  (498-514)  gave  to  the  deacons  of  St. 
Ca?sarius  of  Aries.  The  Bishops  of  Milan  most  proba- 
bly wore  the  dalmatic  as  early  as  the  fifth  century; 
this  is  shown  by  a  mosaic  of  Sts.  Ambrosius  and 
Maternus  in  the  chapel  of  San  Satiro  near  the  church 
of  San  Ambrogio ;  mosaics  in  the  church  of  San  Vitale 
at  Ravenna  show  that  it  was  worn  by  the  archbishops 
of  Ravenna  and  their  deacons  at  least  as  early  as  the 
sixth  century.  About  the  ninth  century  the  dalmatic 
was  adopted  almost  universally  for  bishops  and 
deacons  in  Western  Europe,  even  including  Spain 
and  Gaul,  where  instead  of  a  dalmatic  deacons  had 
worn  a  tunic  called  an  alb  (see  Alb).  About  the 
tenth  century  the  Roman  cardinal-priests  were  granted 
the  privilege  of  wearing  the  dalmatic,  at  which  time 
also  priests  outside  of  Rome,  especially  abbots, 
received  the  same  as  a  mark  of  distinction.  Thus, 
John  XIII  in  970  granted  the  Abbot  of  St.  Vin- 
centius  at  Metz  the  right  to  wear  the  dalmatic.  Ben- 
edict VII  in  975  granted  this  privilege  to  the  car- 
dinal-priests of  the  cathedral  of  Trier,  but  limited  it  to 
occasions  when  they  assisted  the  archbishop  at  a  pontif- 
ical Mass  or  celebrated  the  solemn  high  Mass  in  the 
cathedral  as  his  representatives.  According  to  Ro- 
man usage  the  dalmatic  was  only  worn  by  prelates  at 
the  pontifical  Mass,  and  never  under  the  cope  on  other 
occasions,  as  was  often  the  case  in  Germany  in  the 
later  Middle  Ages. 

The  custom  of  leaving  off  the  dalmatic  on  peniten- 
tial days  originated,  like  the  vestment  itself,  in  Rome, 
whence  it  gradually  spread  over  the  rest  of  Western 
Europe.  In  the  twelfth  century  this  usage  was  uni- 
versal. On  such  days  the  deacons  either  wore  no 
vestment  over  the  alb  or  put  on,  instead  of  the  dal- 
matic, the  so-called  planeta  plicata,  a  dark-coloured 
chasuble  folded  in  a  particular  manner.  An  excep- 
tion was  made  in  the  penitential  season  for  Maundy 
Thursday  on  which  it  had  been  the  custom  from  an- 
cient times,  principally  on  account  of  the  consecration 
of  the  holy  oils,  to  use  the  vestments  appropriate  to 
feast  days.  In  early  times  the  dalmatic  was  seldom 
used  by  deacons  at  Masses  for  the  dead,  but  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  the  Middle  Ages  it  was  universally  worn 
during  solemn  requiem  Masses.  At  an  oariy  date  it 
was  customary  at  Rome  to  confer  the  dalmatic  on  a 
deacon  at  ordination;  the  usage  is  recognized  in  the 
"  Eighth  Ortlo ' '  (eightli  century)  and  the  "  Ninth  Ordo" 
(ninth  century)  of  Mabillon.  In  the  rest  of  Western 
Europe  the  custom  took  root  very  slowly,  and  it  did 
not  become  universal  until  towards  the  end  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  first  medieval  liturgist  to  mention 
it  was  Sicard  of  Cremona  (c.  1200),  from  whose  lan- 
guage it  is  evident  that  the  ceremony  was  not  every- 
where prevalent.  A  prayer  at  the  bestowal  of  the 
dalmatic  was  not  customary  until  a  later  period. 

Sh.\pe  and  M.^teri.vl  IN"  Earlier  Ages. — The  orig- 
inal form  of  the  vestment  is  well  shown  by  the  remains 
of  the  [irc-Carlovingian  period,  especially  by  the  mo- 
saics in  San  Satiro  at  Milan  (fifth  century),  in  San  Vi- 
tale at  Ra\-eima  (sixth  century),  and  in  San  Venanzo 
antl  Sant '  Agnese  at  Rome  (seventh  century) ;  also  in 
various  frescoes,  such  as  the  picture  of  the  four  holy 
bishops  in  the  church  of  San  Callisto  at  Rome.  Ac- 
cortling  to  these  representations  it  was  a  long,  wide 
tunic  with  very  large  sleeves  and  reaoheil  to  the  feet. 
In  the  above-mentioned  pictorial  remains  tlie  width  of 
the  sleeves  equalled  the  half  or  at  least  the  third  of  the 
length  of  the  vestment.  Up  to  the  twelfth  century 
the   Italian   reiiresentations  show  no   change  in  its 


DALTON 


609 


DALTON 


■orm.  After  this,  in  the  Italian  remains,  the  vestment 
s  shorter  and  the  sleeves  narrower  although  the 
traces  of  the  change  are  at  first  only  here  and  there 
loticeable.  As  early  as  the  ninth  centiiry  the  short- 
niing  of  the  vestment  and  the  narrowing  of  the  sleeves 
lad  begun  in  Northern  countries,  but  up  to  the 
Avclfth  century  no  important  modification  had  taken 
)lace.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the  length  of  the 
lalmatic  was  still  about  51-55  inches.  In  Italy  this 
iicasurcment  w;is  maintained  during  the  fourteenth 
■entury;  in  the  sixteenth  century  the  dalmatic,  even 
n  Italy,  was  usually  only  about  47i  inches  long.  In 
he  seventeenth  centviry  its  length  everywhere  was 
)nly  a  little  more  than  43^  inches;  in  the  eighteenth 
:entury  it  was  only  39J  inches,  and  at  times  about 
i5J  inches.  The  shortening  of  the  vestment  could 
lardly  go  further;  and,  as  its  length  decreased,  the 
ileeves  became  correspondingly  narrower.  To  facili- 
;ate  the  putting  on  of  the  dalmatic  slits  were  made  in 
,he  sides  of  the  vestment  in  the  pre-Carlovingian  era, 
md  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  regularly 
ihaped  openings  were  often  substituted  for  the  slits, 
n  the  latter  part  of  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  in  the 
ifteenth  century,  the  sides  were  very  commonly 
>pen((l  as  far  as  the  sleeves,  unless  the  dalmatic  was 
vidcned  below  by  the  insertion  of  a  gore.  Now  and 
hen,  in  the  fifteenth  centurj',  the  sleeves  appear  to 
lave  been  opened  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  but 
his  custom  was  not  general  imtil  the  sixteenth  and 
;eventeenth  centuries  and  then  it  was  not  observed  in 
taly,  where,  in  accordance  with  the  Roman  usage, 
he  sleeves  were  always  closed. 

Originally  the  dalmatic  was  made  of  linen  or  wool, 
)Ut  when  silk  became  more  common  and  less  expen- 
ive,  the  dalmatic  was  also  made  of  silk.  From  about 
he  twelfth  century,  judging  from  the  inventories,  the 
vestment  seems  to  have  been  made  almost  altogether 
)f  silk,  although  up  to  modern  times  there  were  also 
laltn;itics  made  of  fine  woollen  material.  Until  after 
lie  tenth  century  the  dalmatic  was  always  white, 
■"rom  this  time  on  coloured  dalmatics  are  moreoften 
oimd,  especially  outside  of  Italy,  in  countries  where 
lid  traditions  were  not  so  firmly  rooted.  Coloured 
lalmatics  were  the  rule  when,  about  1200,  it  was  deter- 
nined  what  colours  should  be  recognized  as  liturgical 
md  in  consequence  their  use  was  definitely  regulated. 
Ls  soon  as  certain  colours  were  prescribed  for  the  chas- 
ible  it  must  have  seemed  only  proper  to  employ  the 
ame  for  the  outer  vestment  of  the  deacon.  The  orna- 
nentation  of  the  dalmatic  at  first  consisted  of  two 
larrow  stripes,  called  dain,  which  went  in  a  straight 
ine  down  the  front  and  back,  and  of  a  narrow  band  on 
he  hem  of  the  sleeves.  In  the  beginning  the  stripes 
i-ere  more  purple  than  red  in  shade.  In  the  old  repre- 
cntations  fringe  is  found  on  the  dalmatic  as  earlj' as  the 
eventh  century;  at  times  it  was  placetl  on  the  sleeves, 
it  ot  her  times  along  the  openings  on  the  sides.  About 
he  ninth  century  the  curious  custom  arose  of  setting 
ufts  of  red  fringe  on  the  clari  and  on  the  bands  of  the 
leevcs;  this  usage  was  kept  up  until  the  thirteenth 
ientury,  but  it  was  more  common  in  N'orthcrn  coun- 
ries  than  in  Italy.  In  the  later  medieval  period  there 
vas  great  diversity  in  the  ornamentation  of  the  dal- 
natic,  and  very  often  it  receiveil  no  ornamentation  at 
ill.  In  Italy  it  was  customary  to  set  a  costly,  and 
iften  rirhly  enibroideretl,  band  (nurifrisiuDi,  piirurii, 
Imhriii)  above  the  lower  hem  on  the  back  and  front  of 
he  vestment  and  also  above  the  sleeves;  at  times 
larrow  vertical  bands  were  added  to  this  adornment. 
!n  France  and  flennany  the  preference  was  to  orna- 
nent  the  two  sides  of  the  vestment  with  broad  and 
'leg:intly  embroidered  bands  which  were  united  on 
he  brea.st  and  back  by  cross-bands.  Occasionally 
he  dalmatic  was  entirely  covered  with  embroidered 
igures.  A  fine  specimen  of  such  decoration  is  pre- 
lerved  in  the  imperial  tre.'is\ir>-  at  Vienna.  This  dal- 
natic  is  completely  covered  with  a  costly  omamenta- 
IV.— 39 


tion  consisting  of  human  figures  very  artistically  exe- 
cuted in  fifteenth-century  Burgundian  embroidery 
and  was  one  of  the  rich  Mass- vestments  of  the  Order  of 
the  Golden  Fleece. 

Origin  and  Symbolism. — The  dalmatic  was  taken 
from  a  garment  of  the  same  name,  which  originated,  to 
judge  from  the  designation,  in  Dalmatia,  and  which 
came  into  common  use  at  Rome  probably  in  the 
course  of  the  second  century.  But  it  was  only  the 
garment  as  such,  and  not  the  ornamental  bands,  that 
Rome  imported,  for  the  clavi  were  an  old  Roman 
adornment  of  the  tunic.  The  secular  dalmatic  is  often 
mentioned  by  writers  and  is  frequently  seen  in  the  pic- 
torial remains  of  the  later  imperial  epoch,  e.  g.  in  the 
so-called  consular  diptychs.  It  was  part  of  the  cloth- 
ing of  the  higher  classes;  consequently  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  it  was  taken  into  ecclesiastical  use  and 
afterwards  became  a  liturgical  vestment.  The  earliest 
syml^olical  interpretations  of  the  dalmatic  occur  at  the 
beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  in  the  writings  of 
Rabanus  (Hrabanus)  Maurus  and  Amalarius  ot  Metz. 
On  account  of  the  cruciform  shape  and  the  red  orna- 
mental stripes,  Rabanus  Maurus  regarded  it  as  sym- 
bolical of  the  sufferings  of  Christ  and  said  that  the 
vestment  admonished  the  servant  of  the  altar  to  offer 
himself  as  an  acceptable  sacrifice  to  God.  Amalarius 
saw  in  the  white  colour  a  symbol  of  purity  of  soul,  and 
in  the  red  stripes  the  emblem  of  love  for  one's  neigh- 
bour. What  in  later  times  was  said  of  the  symbolism 
of  the  dalmatic  is  hardly  more  than  a  repetition  of  the 
words  of  Rabanus  and  Amalarius. 

In  the  Oriental  rites  deacons  do  not  wear  a  dal- 
matic; while  instead  of  the  chasuble  the  bishops  wear 
an  outer  vestment  called  the  sacccs,  which  is  sunilar  to 
the  dalmatic.  The  saccus  came  into  use  in  the  elev- 
enth century. 

Dalmatic  in  England. — The  English  inventories  fre- 
quently give  the  dalmatic  the  same  name  as  that  of 
the  wearer:  thus  (15.39.  Ludlow  Priory.  Salop.):  "A 
chasabull  and  ij  decons  of  whyte  nedell  work  for 
lent."  According  to  the  old  English  Consuetudinary 
of  Sarum  (Salisbury)  (ch.  xcvi)  the  acolytes,  thuri- 
fers,  etc.  of  the  great  cathedrals  and  minsters  wore 
dalmatics  in  their  ministrations.  At  York  Minster 
they  had  sets  of  four  tunicles  pro  thuribulnriis  et  chor- 
istis  (for  the  thurifers  antl  chanters)  in  each  of  the 
four  colours,  white,  red,  blue,  and  green  (York  Fabric 
Rolls,  pp.  228,  233-1).  The  dalmatic  is  still  worn  by 
the  sovereigns  of  England  at  their  coronation  as  a 
supertunic,  surcoat,  or  colodium.  (For  the  use  of  the 
dalmatic  in  England  consult  Rock,  "Ages  of  Faith".) 
Bock,  Gcschichle  drr  Ufurgischen  Oewdnder  (Bonn,  1860),  II, 
83-100;  MAnmoTT,  Vesliarium  Chrhlianum  (London.  ISliS;, 
IiitKiiliirnoii,  Iv-lx;  HoHACLT  DE  Fleury,  La  Messe  (Paris, 
isss,  ri.  1,K  illustrated),  VII,  71-109;  Dk  Linah,  Ancirns  ,;te- 
m.nl,  „..  rl..l,ii,z  in  lici'ue  de  I'arl  chniien  (1st  series.  I'liris, 
1m;i|',   .-,(-,1    77,   tiL'T-.W;     Wii.i'ekt.    Di.    r,,u;ind,m,i  ,1,  r  .r/.u 

Chnslrn    (ColuLn,.-,    l->:is  ,   jO,   .IC,    10;    K m   KiM^  ,,    ;,■.,./- 

Enri/k.,  s.  v.  A7.       -         \'i.:<  ■  .  /'      '  '     '  ■  '  "i 

Occidrnt  mul  ( h  ;■         i  i," '  m  ■    1 1-  r.  i  ,  I '  i'  i,       ■  i  ,     '.'  >  ',    I r. 

Christian  Arl  a<.  !  1  ,  K.i  ■■!.•■: ,  i  I  r,,,, :, ,.,,  I'.iii  ;  \lv.M,,iin. 
Ecclesiastical  Vcslnunls  (Loniion,  ISUti). 

Joseph  Braun. 

Dalton,  John,  Irish  author  and  translator  from 
Spanish  and  German,  b.  in  1814 ;  d.  at  Maddermarket, 
Norwich,  15  February,  1874.  He  spent  his  early  yeara 
at  Coventry,  England,  and  was  educated  at  Sedgley 
Park  School.  He  then  proceeded  to  Oscott  College, 
where  he  was  ordained  priest  in  1837.  After  serving 
some  time  on  the  mission  at  Northampton  (where  he 
established  large  schools),  he  laboured  at  Norwich  for 
three  years,  and  subsequently  built  a  handsome 
church  at  Lynn.  During  his  residence  in  Lynn  he 
published  his  best-known  book,  an  English  transla- 
tion of  "Tlie  Life  of  St.  Teresa,  written  by  herself", 
showing  a  perfect  mastery  of  the  Spanish  language. 
Father  Dalton  m.ide  an  oxh.austive  .study  of  the  life 
and  works  of  St.  Teresa,  and  caused  her  wTitings  to 


DAMAO 


610 


DAMARALAND 


become  generally  known  to  English  readers.  On  the 
erection  of  the  Diocese  of  Northampton,  in  1854,  he 
was  made  a  member  of  the  chapter,  and  lived  many 
years  at  Bishop's  House  in  that  city.  In  order  to  ac- 
quire a  first-hand  acquaintance  with  the  Spanish  lit- 
erature pertaining  to  the  life  of  the  foundress  of  the 
Discalced  Carmelites,  he  spent  nine  months  diu-ing  the 
years  1858-59  at  the  English  College,  Valladolid.  On 
his  return  to  England  he  settled  at  St.  John's,  Madder- 
market,  Norwich,  where  he  ended  his  days.  Canon 
Dalton  is  described  by  contemporary  writers  as  most 
amiable,  zealous,  and  charitable,  and  a  favourite  with 
all  creeds  and  classes.  Among  his  numerous  works 
translated  from  the  Spanish  are  the  following:  "Life 
of  St.  Teresa"  (London,  1851);  "The  Interior  Castle, 
or  the  Mansions"  (London,  1852-53);  "The  Way  of 
Perfection"  (London,  1852);  "The  Letters  of  St. 
Teresa"  (London,  1853);  "The  Book  of  the  Founda- 
tions" (London,  1853),  etc.  He  also  published  trans- 
lations from  Latin  and  German,  including  "The  Life 
of  Cardinal  Ximenes  "  from  the  German  of  Bishop  Von 
Hefeie  (London,  1860). 

GiLLOw.  BM.  Did.  Enq.  Cath.  (London,  1S87)  s.  v.;  Weekly 
Register,  28  Feb.,  1874;    Contemporary  newspapers. 

\V.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Damao  (D.vmau,  Daiiaun),  Diocese  of,  suffragan 
to  Goa,  and  situated  in  Portuguese  India  and  the 
British  Government  of  Bombay,  was  erected  by  the 
Bull  "Humanae  Salutis"  of  Leo  XIII,  1  September, 

1886,  which  confirmed  the  concordat  then  entered 
into  between  the  Holy  See  and  Dom  Luis  I,  Iving  of 
Portugal.  This  concordat  effected  a  settlement  of 
the  opposmg  claims  to  jurisdiction  in  India  of  the 
Metropolitan  of  Goa,  on  the  one  part,  and  the  Sacred 
Congregation  of  Propaganda,  on  the  other  (see  P.\D- 
ROADo).  A  pontifical  decree,  dated  14  March,  1887, 
confirmed  the  nomination  by  the  King  of  Portugal  of 
Dom  Antonio  Pedro  da  Costa  to  be  first  Bishop  of 
Damao  with  the  titular  Archbishopric  of  Cranganor, 
and  that  prelate  took  possession  of  his  see  19  June, 

1887.  The  church  of  Bom  Jesus,  at  Damao,  then  be- 
came the  cathedral  of  the  new  diocese. 

The  city  of  Damao,  on  the  Arabian  Sea,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Damao  River,  about  100  miles  north  of 
Bombay,  formerly  belonged  to  the  Mohammedan 
State  cf  Guzerat.  It  first  came  to  the  notice  of  the 
Portuguese  in  1523,  when  Diogo  de  Mello,  overtaken 
by  a  storm  on  his  way  to  Ormuz,  took  refuge  in  the 
harbour.  In  1529  an  expedition  sent  by  Dora  Nuno 
da  Cunha,  the  Portuguese  viceroy,  sacked  and  burned 
the  city,  and  in  1541  da  Cunlia  himself,  on  his  way  to 
the  conquest  of  Diu,  disembarked  his  whole  army  at 
Damao  and  caused  Mass  to  be  celebrated  there  for  the 
first  time.  But  it  was  not  until  the  feast  of  the  Puri- 
fication in  the  year  1558  that  another  viceroy,  Dom 
Constantino  de  Braganza,  undertook  to  acquire  finally 
the  place  for  his  sovereign;  the  native  garrison,  al- 
though much  more  numerous  than  the  attacking  force 
of  3000,  fled  at  their  approach,  and  the  capture  was 
effected  without  bloodshed.  The  victorious  com- 
mander at  once  caused  a  mosque  to  be  prepared  for 
Christian  worship;  Father  Gonsalo  da  Silveira,  Pro- 
vincial of  the  Jesuits,  celebrated  Mass  there,  and  the 
mosque  became  the  Jesuit  church  of  Sao  Paulo. 
From  that  time  imtil  its  erection  as  a  suffragan  dio- 
cese, in  1886,  Damao  belonged  to  the  Archdiocese  of 
Goa. 

The  territory  of  the  diocese  extends  along  the 
shores  of  the  Arabian  Sea  from  the  Narbada  River,  on 
the  north,  to  Ratnagiri,  on  the  south,  and  is  bounded 
on  the  east  by  the  Western  Ghats.  There  are  71,000 
C'atholics  in  the  diocese,  51  churches,  21  affiliated 
chapels,  and  about  85  priests.  The  stipends  of  the 
clergy  are  for  the  most  part  paid  by  the  Portuguese 
Government.  The  territory  is  divided  into  districts 
as  follows:    Damao,  4  churches,  5  affiliated  chapels; 


Diu,  2  churches,  3  chapels;  Thana  (\'icariate),  25 
churches,  6  chapels;  Konkan,  2  churches,  1  chapel; 
Bassein,  12  churches,  1  chapel;  Bombay,  6  churches, 
5  chapels.  To  each  of  the  churches  of  this  diocese  a 
parisli  school  is  attached,  where  instruction  is  given  in 
C'atholic  doctrhie,  music,  English,  and  Portuguese,  as 
well  as,  in  some  instances,  Guzerati  and  Mahratti. 
Some  of  these  schools  receive  subsidies  from  both  the 
Portuguese  and  the  British-Indian  Governments. 
The  spiritual  work  of  the  tliocese  is  very  largely 
helped  by  means  of  confraternities,  of  which  there  are 
at  least  42  in  the  Vicariate  of  Thana  alone. 

Among  the  churches  in  the  city  of  Damao  the  cathe- 
dral of  Bom  Jesus  is  worthy  of  note  as  having  been 
built,  in  1559,  on  the  site  of  an  old  mosque.  At 
Damao  Pequeno  (Little  Damao)  the  church  of  Nossa 
Senhora  do  Mar,  founded  in  1701,  in  the  old  fortress,  is 
still  used  by  local  Catholics.  Another  fortress  church 
is  that  of  the  Coneeigao  at  Diu,  which  was  originally 
built  in  1610  as  part  of  the  now  extmct  convent  of  Sao 
Paulo.  The  vicariate  of  Thana  mcludes  the  island  of 
vSalsette,  of  which  Thana  it"elf  was  formerly  the  capi- 
tal. Here,  before  the  Mogul  invasion  of  1318,  a  com- 
mimity  of  Nestorians  existed.  The  conquering  Mo- 
hammedans converted  both  the  Nestorian  churches 
and  the  Hindu  temples  into  mosques  for  their  own 
worship.  It  was  also  at  Thana  that  the  Franciscan 
missionaries  Thomas  of  Tolentino  and  Giacomo  of 
Padua,  with  the  lay  brothers  Demetrius  and  Peter, 
were  martyred  early  in  the  fourteenth  century.  Fra 
Jordanus,  a  Dominican,  who  buried  the  bodies  of 
these  martyrs,  was  himself  also  martjTed  by  the  Mo- 
hammedans, l)Ut  the  Hindus  of  the  vicinity  so  highly 
venerated  his  memory  as  to  set  up  a  bronze  statue  of 
him  among  the  gods  in  one  of  their  temples;  this  tem- 
ple was  afterwards  destroyed,  and  in  the  sixteenth 
century  some  workmen  who  were  digging  on  the  spot 
found  among  the  ruins  this  pagan  tribute  to  a  Chris- 
tian martyr.  Thana  was  also  the  field  of  the  fruitful 
labours  of  Father  Gonsalo  Rodrigues,  one  of  the  com- 
panions of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  who  foimded  in  the 
neighbourhood  a  Cliristian  village.  This  village  was 
destroyed  by  the  Mahrattas,  but  the  ruins  of  its 
church,  college,  and  orphanage  are  still  distinguish- 
able. The  cliurch  of  Nossa  Senhora  do  Carmo  at 
Chaid,  in  the  Konkan  district,  dates  from  the  year 
1580.  Bassein,  first  acquired  by  Portugal  m  1534,  is 
memorable  for  the  martjTdom  of  five  religious  burned  I 
alive  in  the  orphanage  by  the  Mahommedan  invaders! 
in  1540,  as  well  as  for  the  apostolic  visits  of  St.  Francis j) 
Xavier.  Lastly,  in  the  Mazagon  suburb  of  Bombay  ie 
the  church  of  Nossa  Senhora  da  Gloria,  long  regarded 
locally  as  the  Portuguese  cathedral;  here  also  is  the 
Bombay  residence  of  the  Bishop  of  Damao,  Titulai 
Archbishop  of  Cranganor. 

De  Britto,  Esboco  Historico  de  Damao;  Correa,  Lcn 
da  India,  II;  Webn-er,  Orbis  Ttrrarum  Calh.  (Freiburg  im  ] 
1890). 

J.    GODINHO 

Damaraland,  the  middle  part  of  the  German  col- 
ony, (iennan  Sciutliwest  Africa,  between  19°  and  23' 
S.  hit.,  14°  and  -'0°  K.  long.     Moving  from  the  Atlan 
tic  coast  towards  the  interior  the  traveller  meets  fijB' 
a  sand-belt  of  forty-two  miles,  stripped  of  all  vegeta    h 
tion  and  covered  with  gigantic  sand-dunes;   then  i  r 
strip  of  desert  land  about  ninety  miles  broad,  witlli 
rugged,  bare  movmtains  and  wide,  barren  sand-plainsl 
Then  follows   Hercroland   proper,   which   rises  to 
height  of  7000  feet,  and  in  which  mountain  ranges  and 
solitary  peaks  succeed  long-drawn  valleys,  deep  rav 
ines  ani.1  high  plateaux.     Towards  the  north  and  east! 
this  mountainous  district  passes  over  into  the  undul 
lating  plain  of  the  Omaheke  and  the  Kalahari  Deserll 
which  is  crossed  by  dry  river-beds  and  is  sparsely  ir| 
habited.     In  general,  the  country  suffers  from  want  c 
rain;    it  is  arid,  and  lit  for  cattle-raising  only;   aL;r 
culture  is  hardly  possible  except  where  the  land 


DAMASCENE 


Oil 


DAMASCUS 


artificially  irrigated.  The  population  is  composed  of 
the  Hill  Damara  and  the  Herero;  besides  these  there 
are  also  some  4000  Kaffirs,  Bastards,  and  Nama,  and 
1500  Christian  Ovambo.  The  Hill  Damara,  or  Klip 
Kaffirs,  about  20.000  in  number,  were  the  original  pos- 
sessors of  the  countrj-,  but  were  robbed  of  their  pas- 
tures and  flocks  by  the  invading  Herero.  Down  to  our 
times  they  lived  among  the  Herero  as  slaves,  without 
rights  and  protection,  poor  and  despised;  at  the  up- 
rising of  the  Herero  they  naturally  sided  with  the  Ger- 
man Government  and  thereby  improved  their  lot  con- 
siderably. 

The  Herero,  or  Ovaherero,  are  a  tribe  of  the  Bantu, 
ami  immigrated,  during  the  seventeenth  and  eight- 
eenth centuries,  from  the  north-east  into  Damaraland. 
Their  bodies  are  well  built,  their  skin  is  chocolatc- 
coioured,  their  hair  wa\-y  and  jet  black.  The  cloth- 
ing of  the  men  consists  of  an  apron,  made  of  the  skin  of 
sheep  or  goats,  and  woimd  around  the  hips;  that  of 
the  women  comprises  a  leather  cap  with  a  veil,  a  long 
apron,  and  a  hide  thrown  over  the  back;  nimieroiis 
rings  of  iron  and  pearls  adorn  their  arms  and  legs,  and 
a  niunber  of  pearl  strings  encircle  their  necks.  The 
Herero  are  boastful,  vain,  avaricious,  beggarly,  given 
to  lying  and  cheating,  dishonest,  and  cruel  and  fero- 
cious in  their  hatred ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  also 
hospitable,  possess  a  high  sense  of  honour,  and  great 
love  for  their  parents.  Their  religion  consists  in  an 
ancestral  cult,  especially  of  the  deceased  chiefs  of  each 
tribe,  and  a  gruesome  belief  in  ghosts  and  specters,  to 
whom  they  frequently  offer  sacrifices.  True  they 
recognize  a  God  of  heaven  and  earth,  but  they  do  not 

rship  him;  they  think  of  him,  but  they  do  not 
tli:iiik  him.  Previous  to  the  insurrection  of  1904- 
190G,  which  almost  destroyed  them,  they  were  divided 
into  tribes;  these  were  ruled  by  chiefs,  who  were  at 
the  same  time  the  tribal  priests.  In  the  fights  with 
the  Nama,  all  the  Herero  had  acknowledged  one  com- 
mander-in-chief, Mahcrero  Kajamuaha.  After  his 
death,  in  1890,  the  German  Government  chose  his 
younger  son,  Samuel  Maherero,  as  supreme  chief,  pass- 
ing by  the  rightful  heir.  Generally  speaking,  monog- 
amy prevails  among  the  Herero,  though  the  chiefs 
and  the  wealthier  tribesmen  often  have  several  wives. 

Tlie  acquisition  of  the  present  German  Southwest 
Africa  by  Germany  was  begun  in  the  year  1883.  The 
Bremen  merchant  Liideritz  acquired  the  bay  of  Angra 
Pequcna  and  a  few  strips  of  land  from  the  native 
chiefs;  in  1SS4  this  territory  was  placed  vmder  the 
protection  of  the  German  Empire.  The  heir  to  the 
rights  of  Liideritz,  the  German  Colonial  Company  for 
Southwest  iVfrica,  obtained  more  land.  As  Maherero, 
the  supreme  chief  of  the  Herero,  had  formerly  sided 
with  the  Kiiglish  against  the  Germans,  he  was  fon-rd, 
on  2]  ()cti>biT,  ISS.'),  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  pnilcclinii 
and  amity  with  Gennany,  and  to  acknowledge  the 
German  supremacy.  As  this  treaty  was  in  many  re- 
gards obscure,  many  quarrels  arose  between  the 
Gerin.in  Government  and  the  Herero  chiefs;  small 
uprisings  were,  however,  easily  quelled.  The  love  of 
freedom,  predominant  in  the  Herero,  mmierous  injus- 
tices committed  by  the  whites,  extortions  on  the  part 
of  the  white  traders,  antl  other  causes  finally  led  to  the 
great  insurrection  of  the  Herero  in  the  beginning  of 
1904,  which  soon  spread  throughout  the  colony.  It 
took  almost  three  years  to  subdue  the  sedition  and 

treat  sacrifices  of  men  and  money  had  to  be  made, 
or  the  nation  of  the  Herero,  who  before  had  mnn- 
bered  between  SO.OOO  and  100,000,  the  revolt  re- 
sulted in  almost  ronipleto  annihilation.  The  Herero 
who  had  been  taken  prisoners  were  accommodated  in 
camps,  where  hundreds  of  them  were  carried  off  by 
viniient  diseases.  After  peace  was  made,  the  rem- 
nant was  handed  over  to  officials,  farmers,  business 
and  private  houses,  as  servants. 

Mi.ssions  in  Damaraland  were  first  begun  by  Protest- 
ants.    Since    1844   the   Rheinisch-evangelische   Mis- 


sionsgesellschaft  laboured  in  Ilereroland  without  in- 
terruption. Before  the  insurrection  it  numbered  15 
stations  with  2.3  missionaries,  46  schools  with  875  boys 
and  1182  girls,  and  counted  8300  coloured  Christians 
The  Fathers  of  the  Holy  Ghost  were  the  first  Catholic 
missionaries  who,  at  the  end  of  the  seventies,  made  the 
attempt  to  found  a  mission  among  the  Herero ;  owing 
to  the  mtolerance  of  the  Protestants,  however,  they 
were  compelled  to  abandon  the  work  in  1881  (cf. 
Katholische  Missionen,  Freiburg,  1882,  pp.  107-111). 
It  was  only  when  German  rule  had  been  definitely  es- 
tablished, that  the  Catholic  mission  was  at  liberty  to 
work  in  this  field.  On  1  August,  1892,  the  Prefecture 
Apostolic  of  Cimbebasia  Inferior  was  erected ,  and  under 
it  was  placed  the  whole  of  Damaraland  and  Ovam- 
boland;  in  1896  the  territory  was  given  in  charge  of 
the  German  Oblates  of  Mary  Immacidate.  But  by 
the  Colonial  Government  they  were  forbidden  to  work 
among  the  Ovambo,  Hereros,  and  Kaffirs,  and  even 
after  they  had  been  put  on  the  same  legal  footing  with 
the  Protestants  they  still  had  to  fight  against  odds. 
All  obstacles  were  finally  removed  in  September, 
1905.  The  Prefecture  Apostolic  in  1908  numbered  9 
stations  with  22  fathers  and  18  brothers  (all  Oblates), 
10  sisters  (Franciscan  Sisters  from  Nonnenwerth) ; 
there  are  850  white,  210  black  Catholics ;  9  churches  or 
chapels,  10  schools  with  236  pupils,  1  trade  school 
with  14  pupils,  1  high  school  for  boys,  1  academy  for 
girls,  1  orphan  asylum,  and  2  hospitals. 

SCHINZ,  Dculsch-Siidweslafrik-a  (Oldenl^irg,  1S91);  FRAN- 
COIS, .Varna  anrf  Damara  (Mas<let)Urs,  1.S9I));  Dove,  Dculsch- 
Siidweislafrika  (Gothn,  isn6;  Berlin,  1903);  ScliWABE,  Mit 
Schwert   uvi!    Fihir    •■•    I^,  ulsch-Sudiveslafrika    (Berlin,    1904); 

Paul,    Die     U        m^cren  Kolonien    (Dresden,    1905); 

Meter,  Wi:l  .V  der  Herero  (Berlin,  1905);    Irle, 

Die  Herero  H'i''  I  lii,  riiii.i;  hEVTWElti,  Elf  Jahre  Gouvemeur 
in  Deutsch-Sudu\..^i.iji  ika  ilJerlin,  1906);  Die  Katholischen  Mis- 
simen  (Freiburg,  1906-07).  XXXV,  176-183;  Jahresberichte 
Uber  die  Entwicklung  der  deutschen  Schutzgebiete  (Berlin). 

JOSPPH    LiNS. 

Damascene,  John,  Saint.  See  John  Damascene, 
Saint. 

Damascus,  in  Syria,  one  of  the  oldest  cities  in  the 
world.  According  to  Flavins  Josephus  it  was  fovmded 
by  Us,  grandson  of  Sem;  it  is  mentioned  in  the  Bible 
at  the  time  of  Abraham  (Gen.,xiv,  15;xv,  2);  also  on 
the  pylons  of  Karnak,  among  the  SyTian  cities  cap- 
tured by  the  Pharaoh  Touthmes  III. 

Kingdom  of  Damascus. — Damascus  allied  itself 
with  Soba  against  David,  was  conquered  and  ol)liged 
to  receive  a  Jewish  garrison  (II  K.,  viii.  5;  I  Paral., 
xviii,  5) ;  but  under  Solomon  it  became  the  capital  of 
an  independent  kingdom,  established  by  Razon  or 
Rasin  (III  K.,  xi,  24).  From  this  time  Dama.scus 
w.is  freipiently  at  war  with  the  kings  of  Israel,  while 
it  leaned  on  tho.se  of  Juda,  who  sought  with  its  aid  to 
weaken  their  rivals  of  Samaria.  The  most  famous  of 
these  enemies  of  Israel  was  Hazael,  who  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  Damascus  with  the  help  of  Elijah  and 
ElLsha  (III  K.,  xi.x,  17;  IV  K.,  viii,  28;  x,  32;  xiii, 
3).  His  successors  were  less  fortunate.  Jeroboam 
II,  King  of  Samaria,  captured  Damascus  (IV  K., 
xiv,  28).  When  not  engaged  in  mutual  conflict 
the  kings  of  Damascus  and  Samaria  entered  into 
alliances  with  the  neighbouring  princes  against  the 
powerful  kings  of  As.syria;  hence  Dama.scus,  usually 
at  the  head  of  the  confederation,  is  often  mentioned 
in  cuneiform  in.scriptions.  In  734  B.  c.  Dam.'uscus  and 
Samaria  nearly  ruined  Jenisalem.  But  Achaz,  King 
of  Juda,  invoked  the  help  of  the  A.s.syrian  King, 
Tiglath-Pileser  III  (TheglathphaKsar),  who  defeated 
the  allies,  cajjtured  Damascus  after  a  siege  of  two 
years,  and  put  an  end  to  the  Kingdom  of  .Syria  (IV 
K.,  xvi,  9-12).  For  the  list  of  the  kings  of  Dama.s- 
cus see  Smith,  "The  A.s.syrian  K|)onyni.  Canon"  191. 

The  Greek  City.— Thenceforth  Damascus  seems 
to  have  lost  its  autonomy.  Jeremias  (xlix,  27) 
threatens  it  with  new  chastisements,  a  proof  that  it 


DAMASCUS 


612 


DAMASCUS 


had  risen  from  its  decay;  however,  it  appears  only 
occasionally  in  the  history  of  the  Jews,  Greeks,  and 
Romans.  After  the  battle  of  Issus.(333  B.  c.)  the 
city,  which  held  the  wives  and  treasures  of  Darius, 
was  betrayed  to  Parmenion.  It  soon  became,  next 
to  Antioch,  the  most  important  city  of  Syria.  From 
112  to  85  B.  c.  it  was  the  capital  of  a  little  Graeco- 
Roman  kingdom,  but  fell  successively  into  the  power 
of  Aretas  III,  King  of  Petra,  of  Tigranes,  lung  of 
Armenia,  and  finally  of  the  Roman  general  Metellus. 
In  64  B.  c.  Pompcy  received  there  the  ambassadors 
and  gifts  of  the  neighbouring  kings;  in  the  following 
year  Syria  became  a  Roman  province.  Herod  the 
Great  built  a  theatre  and  a  gymnasium  at  Damascus, 
though  the  town  was  outside  his  dominion.  Its  popu- 
lation, though  Syrian  by  race  and  language,  was  deep- 
ly affected  by  Grceco- Roman  culture,  and  made  rapid 
progress  in  trade  and  industry;  then,  as  now,  Damas- 
cus was  the  chief  commercial  emporium  for  the  nomad 
Arabs.  In  the  time  of  St.  Paid  there  were  in  Damas- 
cus about  50,000  Jews;  most  of  the  women  in  the 
upper  classes  of  society  had  embraced  this  creed.  It 
was  on  the  road  to  and  near  the  city  that  Saul,  the 
severe  persecutor  of  the  Chiistians,  recognized  and 
worshipped  the  Jesus  whom  he  had  hated  so  much. 
Saul  was  brought  to  Damascus,  lodged  at  Juda's  in 
the  Via  Recta  (to-day  Souk  el-Taouil),  was  baptized 
by  Ananias  (who  is  thought  to  have  been  the  first 
Bishop  of  Damascus),  preached  Christ,  and  was 
obliged  to  flee  by  night  to  Arabia  (Acts,  ix,  3  sqq., 
xxii,  6  sqq.,  xxvi,  12  sqq.;  Gal.  i,  17;  II  Cor.,  xi,  32). 
The  city  then  belonged  to  Aretas,  King  of  the  Arabs. 
Under  Nero  the  heathen  slaughtered  by  treachery 
10,000  Jews  in  the  gymnasium  of  Herod.  After  the 
destruction  of  the  Nabatean  Kingdom  of  Petra  by 
Trajan,  Damascus  became  a  Roman  city.  Under 
Arcadius  the  great  temple  of  the  local  god,  Rimmon, 
was  transformed  into  the  magnificent  church  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist.  In  610  the  city  was  used  by 
Chosroes  as  his  head-quarters  during  the  long  war  he 
then  began  against  Heraclius. 

The  See  of  D.^m.vscus. — Damascus  was  then  the 
metropolis  of  Phoenicia  Secunda,  or  Libanensis,  with 
eleven  suffragan  sees;  it  was  subject  to  the  Patri- 
archate of  Antioch  and  held  the  sixth  rank  in  the 
hierarchy  (see  Vailh(5,  in  Echos  d'Orient,  X,  95,  I-IO). 
Lequien  (Oriens  christ.,  II,  833)  was  acquainted  (from 
the  first  to  the  sixteenth  century)  with  the  names  of 
only  fourteen  Greek  bishops,  among  them  St.  Peter, 
who  suffered  martyrdom  at  the  hands  of  the  Arabs  in 
the  eighth  century.  Numerous  Jacobite  bishops  are 
also  known  (Lequien,  II,  1423;  Revue  de  I'Orient 
Chretien,  VI,  194;  Brooks,  The  Sixth  Book  of  the 
Select  Letters  of  Severus,  London,  1903,  II,  20,  57). 
Among  the  many  illustrious  men  born  at  Damascus, 
we  must  mention  Nicholas,  a  Greek  writer  under 
Augustus,  Damascius,  a  heathen  philosopher  of  the 
sixth  century,  John  Moschus,  the  author  of  the  charm- 
ing "Pratum  spirituale",  St.  Sophronius,  Patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  (634-638),  St.  Andrew,  Metropolitan  of 
Crete,  orator  and  hymnographer,  finally,  the  cele- 
brated Greek  theologian,  St.  John  Damascene. 

Early  in  635  Damascus  was  captured  by  the  Arabs 
under  Khalid  and  Abou  Obeidah.  Free  public  wor- 
ship was  allowed  to  the  Christians  in  several  churches, 
also  in  the  western  aisle  of  St.  John's,  the  eastern 
aisle  being  reserved  to  the  Mussulmans.  It  was  only 
at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  that  Abd  el- 
Melek  obtained  from  the  Christians  the  use  of  tlie 
whole  building,  in  return  for  which  he  allowed  them 
four  chm-ches.  From  660  to  753,  under  the  Ommayad 
caliphs,  Damascus  was  the  capital  of  the  Arabian 
empire;  at  that  date  Abou  Abbas  removed  the  seat  of 
governmc^nt  to  Bagdad.  In  the  following  centuries, 
amid  broils  and  ri'X'olutions,  Damascus  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Toulounidcs  of  Egypt,  later  into  those  of 
the  Ikshidites  and  of  the  Futimites.     In  1075-1076 


it  was  taken  by  the  Seljuk  Turk  Aziz.  In  1126  the 
crusaders,  commanded  by  Baldwin  of  Jerusalem,  de- 
feated Prince  Toghtekin  near  and  south  of  the  city, 
but  were  obliged  to  retreat.  Nor  were  the  allied 
princes,  Conrad  III  of  Germany,  Louis  VII  of  France, 
and  Baldwin  III  of  Jerusalem,  more  successful  in  their 
siege  of  Damascus  (1148),  owing  to  the  treason  of  the 
barons  of  Syria.  Nour-ed-Din,  Sultan  of  Aleppo, 
captured  Damascus  in  1158.  In  1177  Saladin  re- 
pulsed a  new  attack  of  the  Christian  army.  Damas- 
cus then  became  the  commercial,  industrial,  and 
scientific  centre  of  Syria ;  it  had  a  school  of  medicine 
and  an  observatory  on  the  Djebel  Kasioun.  Under 
Saladin's  successors  it  had  to  sustain  several  sieges; 
in  1260  it  opened  its  gates  to  the  Mongols  of  Houla- 
gou.  It  then  fell  into  the  hands  of  Kotouz,  Prince  of 
the  Mamelukes  of  Egypt,  whose  successor,  Bibars,  re- 
built its  citadel.  In  1300  it  was  pluntlered  and  partly 
burnt  by  the  Tatars  commanded  by  Ghazzen  Khan. 
In  1399  Timur-Leng  put  to  death  almost  all  the  in- 
habitants, except  the  sword-cutlers.  These  he 
brought  to  Samarkand  and  Khorassan  where  they 
continued  to  make  the  beautiful  damascened  blades, 
the  secret  of  which  has  long  been  lost  at  Damascus. 
In  1516  Selim  I  conquered  Syria  from  the  Mamelukes; 
since  that  time  Damascus  has  belonged  to  the  Ottoman 
Empire.  Mention  should  be  made  of  the  Egj'ptian 
occupation  by  Ibrahim  Pasha  (1832-1840),  and  the 
frightful  slaughter  of  the  Christians  (July,  1860), 
which  caused  the  flight  of  many  thousands  and 
brought  about  the  occupation  of  Syria  by  a  French 
army. 

The  Turkish  City. — Damascus  (Arab.  Dimisk  es- 
Sham,  or  simply  es-Shayn),  the  eye  or  the  pearl  of  the 
East  for  the  Arabs,  is  the  chief  town  of  the  vilayet  of 
Syria  and  the  second  city  m  the  Ottoman  Empire. 
Three  railways  start  thence  to  Beirut,  Mzerib,  and 
Mecca;  there  is  also  a  tramway  to  Hama.  Trade 
flourishes  throughout  the  province.  The  city  stands 
2267  feet  above  sea  level  and  enjoys  a  very  mild 
climate,  owing  to  the  Barada,  which  runs  through  it, 
and  to  its  numerous  fountains  or  springs.  It  is  sur- 
rounded by  the  groves  and  gardens  of  the  Ghouta, 
which  stretch  about  ten  miles  south  and  east  and  in- 
clude twenty-mne  villages,  the  mhabitants  of  which 
are  devoted  to  fruit  culture  (oranges,  lemons,  etc., 
especially  plums  and  apricots).  Within  the  city  are 
the  tomijs  of  Noured-Din,  Saladin,  and  Bibars,  850 
fountains,  64  hamtmims  (baths),  25  bazaars,  a  stock 
exchange  for  the  local  trade,  a  half-ruined  citadel,  248 
mosques,  etc.  The  mosque  of  the  Ommayads  (an- 
ciently St.  John's  church)  was  burned  in  1893,  on  which 
occasion  many  manuscripts  and  works  of  art  were 
lost. 

Religious  Conditions. — Damascus  is  a  Latin 
archiepiscopal  titular  see;  three  bishops  of  the  six- 
teenth century  are  mentioned  in  the  "Revue  bene- 
dictine"  1907,  (82-85).  It  is  moreover  a  metropoli 
tan  see  for  the  Catholic  (also  for  the  non-Catholic) 
Melchite  Greeks,  and  for  the  Catholic  Syrians,  and 
finally  an  episcopal  see  for  the  Maronites.  The  popu 
lation,  including  the  rich  Europeanized  suburb  of  Es 
Salayieh,  is  about  300,000.  Of  this  nimiber  255,000  j 
are  Mussulmans,  20,000  non-Catholic  Melchite  Greeks, 
500  Protestants,  10,000  Jews,  1000  Armenian  and 
Syrian  Jacobites,  and  20,200  Catholics  (15,000  of 
whom  arc  Melchite  Greeks,  2500  Syrians,  1500  Maron 
itcs,  400  Latins,  700  Armenians,  and  100  Chaldeans) 
Since  the  sixteenth  century  the  non-Catholic  Greek 
Patriarchs  of  .Vntioch  have  lived  at  Damascus.  The 
Catholic  Greek  Patriarch  of  .Vntioch  also  resides  at 
Damascus  and  governs  his  diocese  through  a  titulai 
bishop.  The  Syrian  Catholic  patriarch  has  recent!) 
transferred  his  residence  to  Damascus.  The  Catholic 
Greek  archdiocese  has  about  15,000  faithful,  2( 
priests,  and  12  churches.  The  Catholic  SjTian  arch- 
diocese has  3000  faithful,  9  priests,   4  parishes,  ( 


DAMASUS 


613 


DAMASUS 


churches.  The  Maronite  diocese  has  23,000  faithful, 
Go  priests,  61  churches,  SO  Baladite  monks  in  5  mon- 
asteries, and  150  Alcppine  monks  in  6  monasteries. 
There  are  in  Damascus  14  churclies,  of  which  9  belong 
to  the  different  Catholic  rites.  There  are  also  14 
synagogues  and  1  Protestant  church.  The  Lazarists, 
who  replaced  the  Jesuits  at  the  time  of  their  suppres- 
sion, conduct  a  college  with  about  200  pupils.  The 
Jesuits  have  occupied  since  1872  a  house  said  to  have 
been  that  of  St.  John  Damascene.  The  Franciscans 
have  the  Latin  parish  church  and  a  school  for  boys. 
The  Sisters  of  Charity  ( 1854)  have  several  schools,  an 


to  come  to  Rome  or  its  vicinity.  The  party  of  the 
antipope  (later  at  Milan  .an  adherent  of  the  Arians  and 
to  the  end  a  contentious  pretender)  did  not  cease  to 
persecute  Damasus.  An  accusation  of  adultery  was 
laid  against  him  (378)  in  the  imperial  court,  but  he 
was  exonerated  by  Emperor  Gratian  himself  (JVIansi, 
Coll.  Cone,  III,  628)  and  soon  after  by  a  Roman  synod 
of  forty-four  bishops  (Liber  Pontificalis,  ed.  Du- 
chesne, s.  v.;  Mansi,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  419)  which  also  ex- 
communicated his  accusers. 

Damasus  defended  with  vigour  the  Catholic  Faith 
in  a  time  of  dire  and  varied  perils.     In  two  Roman 


orphanage,  a  dispensary,  etc.  The  Mariamet  native  synods  (368  and  369)  he  condemned  Apollinarianism 
sisters  conduct  another  school.  The  Catholic  Greeks  and  Macedonianism ;  he  also  sent  his  legates  to  the 
have  their  schools  for  boj-s  and  girls.     .\s  to  the  Prot-     Council  of  Constantinople  (381),  convoked  against  the 


estants,  the  Anglo- 
Syrians  possess  a  hos- 
pital and  a  school,  the 
American  mission 
and  the  Irish  mission 
each  one  school.  The 
Mussulmans  have  a 
large  municipal  hos- 
pital and  a  leper's 
hospital. 

Von  Schubert,  Reisc 
171  rfrt.s  Morgcnland  (Er- 
lannen,  1840).  Ill,  276- 
304;  Wilson.  The  Lnnth 
of  Ihc  Bible  (Edinbumli. 
1647).  II.  325-369:    - 


Fit 


Dn- 


(London,  1871); 
UoBlNSO.v.  Biblical  lie- 
searches  in  Palestine  (Lon- 
don, 1856),  III,  443-472; 
Sketzen,  Reisen  dure/t 
Syria  (Berlin,  1854),  I, 
264-2S5;  Thomson.  The 
Land  and  the  Book  (Lon- 
don. 1SS6),III.  361-117; 
LoKTET.  La  Syrie  d'aii- 
jourd'hui  in  Lc  tour  du 
monde,  XLIV,  358-384; 
Gt'EKlN.  La  Terrf-Sainlc 
(Paris,  1882).  I,  383-420; 
Sauvairp,  Description  de 
Damas  in  Journed  asia- 
tiqiie,  years    1894,    1895, 

1896;  MEISTER.MAXN, 

\oitveau  guide  de  Terre 
Sninte  (Paris.  1907),  443- 
463;  Legendre,  s.  v.  in 
Iheldela  Bible.  11.1213- 

12:^1;  CflNET,        ''<l/rir. 

I.tinn  rl  Palestine  (Paris. 
IMIM.  300-407;  Jullikn. 
Lrt  tioiivelle  mission  de  la 
c.  de  J.  en  Syrie.  (Paris, 
1899).  II,  13.5-144;  Mis- 
ttiones  catholicec  (Rome, 
1907),  780,  804,  817. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Damasus  I,  S.mnt, 
Pope,!),  about 304; d. 
1 1  December,  384. 
His    father,   Antonius, 


Pope  St.  Damasus  I 
iLuKgie  di  Uaffaelle,  Vatican.     Designed  by  Kaijliael) 


probably  a  Spaniard; 
the  name  of  his  mother,  Laurentia,  w;is  not  known 
until  quite  recently.  Damasus  seems  to  have  been 
born  at  Rome;  it  is  certain  that  he  grew  up  there  in 
the  service  of  the   church  of  the  martyr  St.  Lau-     secure   the  succession  for  Paulinus   and  to  exclude 


aforesaid  heresies.  In 
the  Roman  synod  of 
3(39  (or  370)  Auxen- 
tius,  the  ."Vrian  Bishop 
of  Milan,  was  excom- 
municated ;  he  held 
the  see,  however, 
\mtilhisdeath,in  374, 
made  way  for  St.  Am- 
brose. The  heretic 
Priscillian,  con- 
demned by  the  Coim- 
cil  of  Saragossa  (380) 
appealed  to  Damasus, 
but  in  vain.  It  was 
Damasus  who  induced 
Saint  Jerome  to  un- 
dertake his  famous 
revision  of  the  earlier 
Latin  versions  of  the 
Bible  (see  Vulgate). 
St.  Jerome  was  also 
his  confidential  secre- 
tary for  some  time 
(Ep.  cxxiii,  n.  10). 
An  important  Canon 
of  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  proclaimed 
by  him  in  the  Roman 
synod  of  374.  The 
Eastern  Church,  in 
the  person  of  St.  Basil 
of  Ccesarea,  besought 
earnestly  the  aid  and 
encouragement  of  Da- 
masus against  trium- 
phant Arianism ;  the 
pope,  however,  cher- 
ished some  degree  of 
suspicion  against  the 
great  Cappadocian 
Doctor.  In  the  matter 
of  the  M  e  1  e  t  i  a  n 
Schism  at  Antioch,  Dama.sus,  with  .■Vthanasius  and 
Peter  of  Alexandria,  sym|iatliized  with  the  party  of 
Paulinus  as  more  sincerely  representative  of  Nicene 
orthodoxy;    on  the  death  of  .Meletius  he  sought  to 


rence.  He  was  elected  pope  in  October,  366,  by  a 
large  majority,  but  a  number  of  over-zealous  adher- 
ents of  the  deceased  Liberius  rejected  him,  chose  the 
deacon  LTrsinus  (or  I'rsicinus),  had  the  latter  irregu- 
larly con.secrated,  and  re-sorted  to  much  violence  ami 
blodiLshed  in  order  to  se;it  him  in  the  Chair  of  Peter. 
Many  details  of  this  scandalous  conflict  are  related  in 
the  highly  prejudiced  "Libellus  Prccum"  (P.  L., 
XIII,  83-107),  a  petition  to  the  civil  authority  on  the 
part  of  Faustinus  and  Marcellinus,  two  anti-Damasan 
presbyters  (cf.  also  .\mmianus  Marcellinus.  Rer. 
Ge.st..  XXVII,  c.  iii).  Valentinian  recognized  Dama- 
sus and  banished  (367)  I'rsinus  to  Cologne,  whence  he 


Flavian  (Socrates,  Hist.  Eccl.,  V,  xv).  Ho  sustained 
the  appeal  of  the  Christian  senators  to  Emperor  Gra- 
ti;in  for  the  removal  of  the  altar  of  Victory  from  the 
Senate  House  (.\mbro.se,  Ep.  xvii,  n.  10),  and  lived 
to  welcome  the  f;mious  edict  of  Theodosius  I,  "De 
fi.lc  Catholica"  (27  Feb.,  .380),  which  proclaimed  as 
the  religion  of  the  Roman  State  that  doctrine  which 
St.  Peter  had  preached  to  the  Romans  and  of  which 
Damasus  was  supreme  head  (Cod.  Theod.,  XVI, 
1,  2). 

When,  in  379,  Illyricum  was  detached  from  the 
Western  Empire,  D;ima.sus  hastened  to  safeguard  the 
authority  of  the  Roman  Church  by  the  .appointment  of 


was  later  allowed  to  return  to  Milan,  but  was  forbidden     a  vicar  Apostolic  in  the  person  of  .iVscholius,  Bishop  of 


DAMASUS 


614 


DAMBERGER 


Thessalonica;  this  was  the  origin  of  the  important 
papal  vicariate  long  attached  to  that  see.  The  pri- 
macy of  the  Apostolic  See,  variously  favoured  in  the 
time  of  Damasus  by  imperial  acts  and  edicts,  was 
strenuously  maintained  by  this  pope;  among  his  not- 
able utterances  on  this  subject  is  the  assertion  (Mansi, 
Coll.  Cone,  Vm,  158)  that  the  ecclesiastical  suprem- 
acy of  the  Roman  Church  was  based,  not  on  the  de- 
crees of  councils,  but  on  the  very  words  of  Jesus  Christ 
(Matt.,  xvi,  18).  The  increased  prestige  of  the  early 
papal  decretals,  habitually  attributed  to  the  reign  of 
Siricius  (384-99),  not  improbably  belongs  to  the  reign 
of  Damasus  ("Canones  Romanorum  ad  Gallos"; 
Babut,  "La  plus  ancienne  d^cretale",  Paris,  1904). 
This  development  of  the  papal  office,  especially  in  the 
West,  brought  with  it  a  great  increase  of  external 
grandeur.  This  secular  splendour,  however,  affected 
disadvantageously  many  members  of  the  Roman 
clergj',  whose  worldly  aims  and  life,  bitterly  reproved 
by  St.  Jerome,  provoked  (29  July,  370)  an  edict  of 
Emperor  Valentinian  addressed  to  the  pope,  forbid- 
ding ecclesiastics  and  monks  (later  also  bishops  and 
nuns)  to  pursue  widows  and  orphans  in  the  hope  of 
obtaining  from  them  gifts  and  legacies.  The  pope 
caused  the  law  to  be  observed  strictly. 

Damasus  restored  his  own  church  (now  San  Lorenzo 
in  Damaso)  and  provided  for  the  proper  housing  of  the 
archives  of  the  Roman  Church  (see  V-\tic.\n  Ar- 
chives). He  built  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Sebastian  on 
the  Appian  Way  the  (yet  visible)  marble  monument 
kno-rni  as  the  "Platonia"  (Platona,  marble  pave- 
ment) in  honour  of  the  temporary  transfer  to  that 
place  (2.58)  of  the  bodies  of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  and 
decorated  it  with  an  important  historical  inscription 
(see  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma  Sotterranea). 
He  also  built  on  the  Via  Ardeatina,  between  the  ceme- 
teries of  Callistus  and  Domitilla,  a  basilicula,  or  small 
church,  the  ruins  of  which  were  discovered  in  1902  and 
1903,  and  in  which,  according  to  the  "Liber  Pontifi- 
calis",  the  pope  was  buried  with  his  mother  and  sister. 
On  this  occasion  the  discoverer,  Monsignor  Wilpert, 
found  also  the  epitaph  of  the  pope's  mother,  from 
which  it  was  learned  not  only  that  her  name  was 
Laurentia,  but  also  that  she  had  lived  the  sixty  years 
of  her  widowhood  in  the  special  service  of  God,  and 
died  in  her  eighty-ninth  year,  having  seen  the  fourth 
generation  of  her  descendants.  Damasus  built  at  the 
Vatican  a  baptistery  in  honour  of  St.  Peter  and  set  up 
therein  one  of  his  artistic  inscriptions  (Carmen  xxxvi), 
still  preserved  in  the  Vatican  crypts.  This  subterra- 
nean region  he  drained  in  order  that  the  bodies  buried 
there  {juxta  sepuk-rum  beati  Petri)  might  not  be  af- 
fected by  stagnant  or  overflowing  water.  His  ex- 
traordinary devotion  to  the  Roman  martyrs  is  now 
well  known,  owing  particularly  to  the  labours  of  Gio- 
vanni Battista  De  Rossi.  For  a  good  account  of  his 
architectural  restoration  of  the  catacombs  and  the 
unique  artistic  characters  (Damasan  Letters)  in 
which  his  friend  Furius  Dionysius  Filocalus  executed 
the  epitaphs  composed  by  Damasus,  see  Northcote  and 
Brownlow,  "Roma  Sotterranea"  (2nd  ed.,  London, 
1878-79).  The  dogmatic  content  of  the  Damasan 
epitaphs  (tituli)  is  important  (Northcote,  Epitaphs  of 
the  Catacombs,  London,  1878).  He  composed  also  a 
number  of  brief  epigrammatn  on  various  martyrs  and 
saints  and  some  hymns,  or  Carmind,  likewise  brief. 
St.  Jerome  says  (Ep.  xxii,  22)  that  Damasus  wrote  on 
virginity,  both  in  prose  and  in  verse,  but  no  such  work 
has  been  preserved.  For  the  few  letters  of  Damasus 
(some  of  them  spurious)  that  have  survived,  see  P.  L., 
XIII,  347-7(),  and  Jaff^^,  "Reg.  Rom.  Pontif."  (Leip- 
zig, 1885),  nn.  232-254. 

The  works  of  Damasus  (ed.  Merenda,  Rome,  1754)  are  in 
P.  L„  XIII.  109  aqq.  The  best  edition  of  his  rpigrammala  is 
that  of  iiiM  (l-eipziK.  189.'i);  cf.  Weym\n  in  Revue  d'  hisl.  el  </.• 
;i«.  rr/ifl  (Paris,  189.''.),  I.  58-73.  Over  100  arc  ascribed  to 
him,  more  Ihan  one-half  of  which  are  accounted  eenuinc.  Sec 
also  LtbcT  PmtificalU,  ed.  Duchesne,  I,  212,  and  preface,  ccl; 


M.\RT7cCHi,  n  papa  Damasn  (Rome.  1907);  Rade  (non- 
Catholic).  Damasus,  Bischof  von  Rom  (Freiburg,  1882);  K.\uf- 
MANN.  Manuale  di  archeologia  cristiana  (Rome,  1908);  Bab« 
denhewer,  Patroloffie  (Freiburg,  1901).  370-71. 

Thomas  J.  Shah.*.n. 

Damasus  II,  Pope  (previously  called  Poppo),  a 
native  of  Bavaria  and  the  third  German  to  be  elevated 
to  the  See  of  Peter.  On  the  death  of  Clement  II,  July, 
1047,  the  Tusculan  faction  reasserted  its  power  in 
Rome,  and,  with  the  secret  aid  of  Boniface,  Margrave 
of  Tuscany,  restored  its  wretched  creature  Benedict 
IX,  who  continued  in  his  wonted  manner  to  disgrace 
the  papacy  for  a  further  period  of  eight  months  before 
disappearing  entirely  from  history.  On  Christmas 
Daj',  1047,  an  embassy  sent  by  the  Roman  people 
brought  the  tidings  of  Clement's  death  to  Henry  III, 
at  Ptilthe  in  Saxony,  and  besought  the  emperor  as 
Patricius  of  the  Romans  to  appoint  a  worthy  successor. 
The  envoys,  according  to  their  instructions,  suggested 
as  a  suitable  candidate,  Halinard,  Archbishop  of  Lyons, 
who  had  a  perfect  command  of  the  Italian  tongue 
and  was  popular  in  Rome.  Henry,  however,  in  Janu- 
ary', 1048,  appointed  Poppo,  Bishop  of  Brixen,  in 
Tyrol,  and  at  once  directed  the  Margrave  Boniface  to 
conduct  the  pope-designate  to  Rome.  Boniface  at 
first  refused,  alleging  the  installation  of  Benedict,  but 
Henry's  decisive  threat  soon  reduced  him  to  obe- 
dience. -Aiter  Benedict's  removal,  the  Bishop  of 
Brixen  at  length  entered  the  city  and  was  enthroned 
at  the  Lateran  as  Damasus  II,  17  July,  1048.  His 
pontificate,  however,  was  of  .short  duration.  After 
the  brief  space  of  twenty-three  days,  he  died — a  vic- 
tim of  malaria — at  Palestrina,  whither  he  had  gone 
shortly  after  his  installation  to  escape  the  summer 
heat  of  Rome.  The  pope  was  buried  in  S.  Lorenzo 
fuori  le  mura. 

Liber  Pontif.,  ed  Duchesne,  II,  274;  Jaffe,  Regesta  RR.  PP., 
2d  ed.,  I,  52S  sq.;  Hofler,  Die  deutschen  Pdpste  (Regensburg, 
1S39),  I.  269  sqq.  ThOMAS   OeSTREICH. 

Bamberger,  Jcseph  Ferdinand,  church  historian, 
b.  1  March,  1795,  at  Passau,  Bavaria;  d.  1  April,  1859, 
at  Schaftlam.  After  completing  his  earlier  studies  in 
the  public  schools  of  his  native  town,  he  pursued  the 
study  of  law  at  Landshut.  then  studied  theology  at 
Salzbiu-g,  Landshut,  and  Munich,  and  was  ordained 
priest  in  1818.  While  at  the  ilunich  Lyceum  he  had 
also  devoted  himself  verj'  assiduously  to  historical 
studies.  Until  1837  he  was  particularly  active  as  a 
preacher  at  Landshut  and  at  St.  Cajetan's,  Munich. 
His  first  historical  works  appeared  at  Ratisbon  in 
1831,  three  closely  related  narratives:  "  Furstentafel 
der  Staatengeschichte  " ;  "  Fiirstenbuch  zur  FUrsten- 
tafel  der  europaischen  Staatengeschichte  " ;  "  Sechzig 
genealogische,  chronologische  und  statistische  Tabel- 
len  zur  Furstentafel  und  Fiirstenbuch". 

In  1837  he  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus,  completed 
his  novitiate  at  Brieg,  canton  of  Valais,  Switzerland, 
where  he  spent  about  ten  years,  partly  as  a  mission- 
preacher  and  partly  as  professor  of  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory at  Lucerne.  A  collection  of  his  mission  sermons 
was  printed  (Lucerne,  1842;  2nd  ed.,  1852),  but  was 
violently  attacked  (Missionsunfug  der  Jesuiten;  Bern, 
1842).  "The  defeat  of  the  Sonderbund  (1847)  brought 
with  it  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  Switzerland 
Damberger  then  passed  several  years  at  Innsbruck 
and  Ratisbon,  and  in  1853  became  confessor  at  the 
Convent  of  Schiiftlarn  in  Bavaria,  where  he  died.  In 
these  years  he  published  his  princi]ial  work  in  fifteen 
volumes,  "Sjmciironist ischeCiescliirh te  der  Kirche  und 
der  Welt  im  Mittelalter"  (Ratisbon,  lS.">0-t).3).  The 
last  volume  was  finished  and  published  after  his  death 
by  Father  Daniel  Rattinger.  The  narrative  reaches 
the  year  1.378.  For  its  ilay  it  was  an  important  piece 
of  work,  though  lacking  a  sufficient  degree  of  the  criti- 
cal quality.  It  reveals,  nevertheless,  close  applica- 
tion and  extensive  learning. 


OAMIAN 


615 


DAN 


There  is  a  bibliographical  notice  by  Rattinger  in  the  fif- 
teenth volume  of  the  Synchron.  Geschicht^:  see  Wegle,  Dam- 
bcrgcT  in  Allgcmeine  deutsche  Biographic  (Leipzig.  1896);  SoM- 
MERVOGF.L.  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.  (2nd  ed.,  Paris  and  Brussels, 
lS9n,  II.  1786  sqq. 

J.    P.    IVIRSCH. 

Damian,  Saint.    Sec  Cosmas  and  Uamian,  Saints. 
Damian,  P.\triarch  of  Alexandria.     See  Mono- 

PHYSITKS. 

Damianistes  or  Damianissines.  See  Poor 
Clare.s. 

Damien,  Father  (Joseph  de  Veilster),  missionary 
priest,  b.  at  Trenieloo,  Belgium,  3  January,  1840;  d.  at 
Molokai,  Hawaii,  1.5  .\pril.  ISSS.  His  father,  a  small 
farmer,  sent  him  to  a  college  at  Braine-le-C'omte,  to  pre- 
pare for  a  commercial  profession ;  but  as  the  result  of  a 
mission  given  by  the  ReJemptorists  in  1858,  Joseph  de- 
cided to  become  a  religious.  He  entered  the  novitiate 
of  the  Fathers  of 
the  Sacred  Heart  of 
Jesus  and  Mary  at 
Louvain,  and  took 
in  religion  the  name 
of  Damien.  He  was 
admitted  to  the  re- 
ligious profession, 
7  Oct.,  1860.  Three 
years  later,  though 
still  in  minor  orders, 
he  was  sent  to  the 
mission  of  the  Ha- 
waiian Islands, 
where  he  arrived, 
19  March,  1864. 
Ordained  priest  at 
Honolulu  24  May, 
of  the  same  year, 
he  was  later  given 
charge  of  variovLs 
districts  on  the 
upland  of  Hawaii, 
and,  animated  with 
a  burning  zeal,  his 
rol)Ust  constitution 
allowed  him  to  give 
full  play  to  the  im- 
pulses of  his  heart.  He  was  not  only  the  missionary 
of  the  natives,  but  also  constructed  several  chapels 
with  his  own  hands,  both  in  Hawaii  and  in  Molokai. 

On  the  latter  island  there  had  grown  up  a  leper  set- 
tlement where  the  Gr)vernment  kept  segregated  all 
persons  afflicted  with  the  loathsome  disease.  The 
board  of  health  supplied  the  unfortunates  with  food 
and  clothing,  but  was  unal>le  in  the  beginning  to  pro- 
vide them  with  either  resident  physicians  or  nurses. 
On  10  May,  1873,  Father  Damien,  at  his  own  re- 
quest and  with  the  sanction  of  his  bishop,  arrived  at 
the  .settlement  as  its  resident  priest.  There  were  then 
600  lepers.  "  As  long  as  the  lepers  can  care  for  them- 
selves", wrote  the  superintendent  of  the  board  of 
health  to  Bishop  Maigret,  "they  are  comparatively 
comfortable;  but  as  soon  as  the  dreadful  disease  ren- 
ders them  helpless,  it  would  seem  that  even  demons 
themselves  would  pity  their  condition  and  hasten  to 
their  relief."  For  a  long  time,  however.  Father 
Damien  was  the  only  one  to  bring  them  the  succour 
they  so  greatly  needed.  He  not  only  administered 
the  con.solations  of  religion,  but  also  rendered  them 
such  little  medical  service  and  bodily  comforts  as  were 
within  his  power.  He  dressed  their  ulcers,  helped 
them  to  erect  their  cottages,  and  went  so  far  as  to  dig 
their  graves  and  make  tlieir  coffins.  After  twelve 
years  of  this  heroic  service  he  discovered  in  himself 
the  first  sj-mptoms  of  the  di.sease.  This  was  in  1885. 
He  nevertheless  contimied  his  charitable  ministra- 
tions, being  assisted  at  this  period  by  two  other  priests 


and  two  lay  brothers.  On  28  March,  1888,  Father 
I  )amien  became  helpless  and  passed  away  shortly  after, 
elusitig  his  fifteenth  year  in  the  service  of  the  lepers. 

('(-rtain  utterances  concerning  his  morality  called 
forth  Robert  Louis  Stevenson's  well-known  philippic 
against  the.  Rev.  Dr.  Hyde,  wherein  the  memory  of 
the  Apostle  of  the  Lepers  is  brilliantly  vindicated.  In 
addition  a  correspondence  in  the  "  Pacific  Commercial 
Advertiser",  20  June,  1905,  completely  removes  from 
the  character  of  Father  Damien  every  vestige  of  sus- 
picion, proving  beyond  a  doubt  that  Dr.  Hyde's  in- 
sinuations rested  merely  on  misunderstandings. 

Tauvel.  Father  Damien  (London,  1904);  Cliffohd,  Father 
Damien  (London,  1890);  Stoddard.  Father  Damien,  The 
Martyr  of  Molokai  (San  Francisco,  1901>;  Hatne  in  "The 
Hawaiian"  (Honolulu,  Dec-Jan.,  1895-96);  Facifw  Commer- 
cial Advertiser  (Honolulu,  20  June.  1905). 

Libert  H.  Boevnaems. 

Damietta  (Or.  Tamiathis,  Arab.  DoumM),  an 
Egyptian  titular  see  for  the  Latins  and  the  Catholic 
Meichite  ( !reeks,  in  August amnica  Prima.  Damietta, 
first  mentioned  by  Stephanus  Byzantius,  was  situated 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Phatnitic  branch  of  the  Nile,  on 
the  right  bank;  its  prosperity  seems  to  have  coincided 
with  the  decline  of  its  religious  metropolis  Pelusium. 
Only  four  bishops  are  known,  from  431  to  879.  Under 
Caliph  Omar  the  Arabs  took  it  by  treachery  and  suc- 
cessfully defended  it  against  the  Greeks  who  tried  to 
recover  it,  particularly  in  739,  821,  921  and  968.  The 
.\rabs  also  repulsed  several  attacks  of  Amaiu-y  I,  King 
of  Jerusalem.  It  w-as  finally  captured  by  Jean  de 
Brieime,  1219,  after  a  siege  of  15  months;  of  its  70,000 
inhabitants  only  3000  survived.  St.  Francis  of  Assisi 
visited  the  camp  of  the  crusaders  and  went  thence  to 
that  of  Sultan  Malek  Kemel  to  preach  the  Christian 
Faith.  In  1221  the  Franks  were  defeated  and  obliged 
to  abandon  the  town.  In  June,  1249,  it  was  again  cap- 
tured by  St.  Louis,  who  transformed  into  a  church  the 
magnificent  mosque  El-Fatah  and  established  there 
a  Latin  bishop,  Gilles;  but  having  been  taken  prisoner 
with  his  anny,  April,  1250,  he  was  obliged  to  surrender 
Damietta  as  ransom.  In  1251  the  Sultan,  hearing 
that  the  pious  king  was  preparing  a  new  crusade, 
ordered  the  town  and  its  citadel  to  be  destroyed,  ex- 
cept the  mosque  El-Fatah.  Later  on  fishermen  built 
their  shelters  among  the  ruins;  in  this  way  the  mod- 
ern town  has  gradually  arisen.  The  site  of  ancient 
Damietta  is  erroneously  placed  by  some  historians 
at  Esbeh  el-Bordj,  six  miles  from  the  modern  town. 
Damietta  is  no  longer  at  the  mouth  of  the  Nile,  but 
ten  miles  from  the  sea;  it  has  about  53,000  inhab- 
itants, of  whom  75  are  Catholic  Meichite  fireeks,  60 
Latins,  and  250  non-Catholic  Christians,  the  rest  Mus- 
sulmans. Franciscans  have  resided  there  since  the 
time  of  St.  Francis,  and  Franciscan  nuns  conduct  a 
.school  for  girls.  Wealthy  inhabitants  of  Cairo  are 
wont  to  retire  to  Damietta  during  the  heated  season. 
The  harbour  is  of  little  importance.  Damietta  is  also, 
probably  since  the  fifth  century,  a  see  for  the  Mono- 
physite  Copts;  moreover,  one  of  the  non-Catholic 
Greek  metropolitans  subject  to  the  Patriarch  of  Alex- 
andria bears  the  title  of  Pelusium  and  Damietta.  In 
the  neighbouring  Mansourah,  famous  for  the  victory 
of  St.  Louis,  there  are  about  1000  Catholics  and  sev- 
eral institutions. 

Lzavir-N,  Orinix  Christianris,  U,  riS9:  IH.  1147;  Vanbleb, 
Histoire  de  Viglise  d'Alexandrie  (Paris,  1677).  26  sq.;  Golubo- 
\TCH,  Serie  cronologica  dei  auperiori  di  Terra  Santa  (Jerusalem, 
1898).  244  sq.:  Jci.uEN,  L'Eayptc  (Lille.  1891).  161-182; 
Missiones  CatholictB  (Rome,  1907),  351. 

S.  Vailhe. 

Dandleb.  p.  Sept.  A(ii').—  (1)  The  fifth  son  of  Jacob, 
being  the  elder  of  the  two  sons  born  to  him  by  Bsila, 
the  handmaid  of  Rachel,  and  the  eponymous  ancestor 
of  the  tribe  bearing  the  same;  name.  Etymologically, 
the  word  is  referred  to  the  Hebrew  root  ]'T  sig- 
nifying "to  rule"  or  "judge",  and  in  the  passage, 


DAN ABA 


616 


DAN ABA 


Gen.,  xlix,  17,  it  is  interpreted  "judge",  but  in  Gen. 
XXX,  6,  tlie  explanation  of  the  name  rests  rather  on  the 
passive  sense  of  the  word — the  child  Dan  being  repre- 
sented as  the  result  of  God's  judgment  in  favour  of 
Rachel.  In  accordance  with  the  meaning  expressed 
in  the  latter  passage,  Josephus  (Antiq.,  I,  xix,  7)  gives 
as  the  equivalent  of  the  name  Dan  the  Greek  Sci/cpiTos. 
A  cognate  feminine  form  of  the  same  word,  likewise 
in  the  passive  sense,  is  recognized  in  Dina  (nj''T), 
name  of  the  daughter  of  Jacob  by  Lia,  doubtless 
with  reference  to  the  judgment  or  vindication  she  re- 
ceived at  the  hands  of  her  two  brothers  Simeon  and 
Levi  (Gen.,  xxxiv).  Apart  from  the  account  con- 
nected with  his  birth  in  Gen.,  xxx,  the  Bible  gives 
very  little  information  concerning  Dan  the  son  of 
Jacob.  In  Gen.,  xxxv,  25,  his  name  is  mentioned 
together  with  those  of  the  other  sons  of  Israel,  and  in 
Gen.,  xlvi,  which  contains  a  genealogical  list  of  their 
immediate  descendants,  we  read  (23),  "The  sons  of 
Dan :  Husim ' '.  This  last,  being  a  Hebrew  plural  form, 
refers  most  likely  not  to  an  individual,  but  to  a  clan  or 
tribe.  In  Numbers,  xxvi,  42,  we  find  "  Suham  "  in- 
stead of  "Husim".  In  Jacob's  blessing  (Gen.,  xlix), 
as  well  as  in  Deut.,  xxxiii,  22,  and  various  other  pas- 
sages, the  name  Dan  refers  not  to  the  son  of  the  ijatri- 
arch,  but  to  the  tribe  of  which  he  was  the  acknowl- 
edged father. 

(2)  One  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  According 
to  the  census  related  in  the  first  chapter  of  Numbers 
(a  section  ascribed  to  the  priestly  writer),  there  were 
reckoned  among  the  "sons  of  Dan"  in  the  second  year 
after  the  Exodus,  62,700  men  "able  to  go  forth  to 
war",  being  the  largest  number  given  to  any  of  the 
tribes  except  that  of  Juda.  Confining  ourselves  to 
the  Biblical  data,  and  prescinding  from  all  criticism 
of  sources,  it  would  appear  from  these  figures  that  the 
tribe  must  have  suffered  a  considerable  diminution 
ere  its  establishment  in  Canaan,  where,  from  various 
indications,  it  appears  as  one  of  the  smallest  of  the 
twelve.  The  territory  occupied  by  the  tribe  lay  to 
the  south-west  of  Ephraim;  it  was  bounded  on  the 
south  by  Juda  and  on  the  west  by  the  Shephela. 
Whether  the  Danites  occupied  also  the  latter  or  were 
confined  to  the  mountainous  inland  district  is  uncer- 
tain. A  passage  of  the  Canticle  of  Debbora  (Judges, 
V,  17)  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  territory  ex- 
tended down  to  the  sea,  and  moreover,  among  the 
towns  enumerated  in  Josue,  xix,  40-48  (P.)  mention 
is  made  of  Acron  and  Joppe.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it 
was  doubtless  because  of  their  narrow  territorial  lim- 
its that  later  the  Danites  undertook  an  expedition 
northward  and  created  a  new  settlement  at  Lais.  For, 
notwithstanding  the  narrative  contained  in  Josue,  xix, 
40-48,  indicating  with  detail  the  district  and  the  cities 
allotted  to  Dan  in  the  distribution  after  the  conquest, 
we  find  later  in  the  Book  of  Judges  (xviii,  1)  that  "  the 
tribe  of  Dan  sought  them  an  inheritance  to  dwell  in: 
for  unto  that  day  they  had  not  received  their  lot 
among  the  other  tribes".  This  was  perhaps  another 
way  of  conveying  the  idea  already  set  forth  in  the  first 
chapter,  viz.  that  "the  Amorrhite  straitened  the  chil- 
dren of  Dan  in  the  mountain,  and  gave  them  not  place 
to  go  down  to  the  plain".  Being  thus  cramped  and 
restricted  in  their  territory,  they  resolved  to  seek  a 
home  elsewhere.  The  interesting  story  of  this  expe- 
dition is  told,  with  many  traits  characteristic  of  that 
period  of  Hebrew  civilization,  in  the  eighteenth  chap- 
ter of  Judges.  Having  previously  sent  spies  to  re- 
connoitre tlie  ground,  the  Danites  sent  a  detachment 
of  six  hlindic'il  men  wlui  plunderi'd  and  burnt  tlii'  city 
of  Lais,  and  l)utclu-i-cd  its  inhabitants,  after  which 
they  "  rebuilt  tlu-  city  and  dwelt  therein".  At  least  a 
remnant  of  the  triV)e  must  have  remained  in  the  south, 
as  is  evidenced  in  the  story  of  Samson,  who  was  a 
Danite.  Several  references  to  the  activities  of  the 
tribe  of  Dan  in  the  early  period  of  the  monarchy  are 
found   in   the   Books   of   Chronicles.     Thus,    28,000 


armed  men  of  the  tribe  are  represented  as  taking  part 
in  the  election  of  David  in  Hebron  (I  Par.,  xii, 
.35),  and  among  the  skilled  artists  sent  by  Hiram  of 
Tyre  to  Solomon  was  the  metal-worker  Hiram,  whose 
mother  was  of  the  tribe  of  Dan  (II  Par.,  ii,  13  sq.). 

(3)  A  city  of  Palestine,  originally  Lais,  or  Lesem, 
and  called  Dan  after  it  had  been  destroyed  and  rebuilt 
by  the  six  hundred  emissaries  from  the  tribe  of  that 
name  (Judges,  xviii).  Its  location  marked  the  north- 
ern boundary  of  Palestine  as  did  Bersabee  the  south- 
ern extremity,  whence  the  popular  expression  "from 
Dan  to  Bersabee"  used  to  designate  the  entire  extent 
of  the  country.  Although  nothing  now  remains  of 
the  city  of  Dan,  its  situation  on  the  confines  of  Neph- 
thali  has  been  pretty  accurately  determined  by  means 
of  various  Scriptural  and  other  ancient  indications. 
That  Lais  was  a  Sidonian  settlement  at  a  distance 
from  the  parent  city  is  clear  from  Judges,  xviii,  7,  28, 
and  the  great  fertility  of  the  spot  is  affirmed  in  the 
same  chapter  (9,  12).  Josephus,  who  calls  the  town 
Adm,  and  elsewhere  Aamv,  places  it  "  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Mt.  Libanus,  near  the  fountains  of  the  Lesser 
Jordan,  in  the  great  plain  of  Sidon,  a  day's  journey 
from  the  city"  (Antiq.,  V,  iii,  1).  According  to  Euse- 
bius  and  St.  Jerome,  the  ^^llage  of  Dan  was  situated 
within  four  miles  of  Paneas  (Banias,  or  Caesarea- 
Philippi),  on  the  road  to  Tyre,  at  the  rise  of  the  Jor- 
dan. Its  proximity  to  Paneas  has  led  to  a  confusion 
of  the  two  towns  in  certain  ancient  works,  as,  for  in- 
stance, in  the  Babylonian  Talmud;  and  a  few  modern 
scholars,  among  whom  is  G.  A.  Smith,  still  identify 
Dan  with  Banias,  but  the  generally  received  opinion 
places  it  at  Tell  el-Qadi,  and  this  identification  has  in 
its  favour,  among  other  reasons,  the  practical  identity 
of  the  name,  as  "Tell  el-Qadi"  signifies  the  "hill  of  the 
Judge".  This  quadrangular  mound  is  situated  about 
a  mile  and  a  half  south-west  of  Mt.  Hermon,  and  to  the 
west  of  Banias.  The  site  and  surroundings  are  re- 
markalily  picturesque,  and  close  to  the  mound  on  the 
west  is  a  spring  from  which  clear,  cold  water  flows  in 
abundance,  forming  a  nahr,  or  torrent,  which  the 
Arabs  call  A'o/h-  Ledildn — probably  a  corruption  of 
ed-Ddn.  This  torrent  is  the  main  source  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  it  is  doubtless  the  "Lesser  Jordan"  men- 
tioned by  Josephus. 

Dan  is  mentioned  in  the  fourteenth  chapter  of 
Genesis  in  connexion  with  the  expedition  of  Abraham 
against  Chodorlahomor,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  the  place 
there  referred  to  is  the  same  as  the  ancient  Lais. 
Though  the  identification  is  affirmed  by  both  Eusebius 
and  Jerome,  many  modern  scholars  place  the  Dan  of 
Genesis,  xiv,  in  the  vicinity  of  Galaad,  and  identify  it 
with  Dan-Yaan  mentioned  in  II  Kings,  xxiv,  6.  The 
conquest  of  Lais  by  the  Danites,  referred  to  above 
under  (2),  is  related  in  Judges,  xviii.  The  portion  of 
the  tribe  which  took  up  its  abode  there  was  addicted 
to  certain  forms  of  idolatry  from  the  beginning  (cf. 
Judges,  xviii,  30,  31),  and  it  was  in  this  frontier  town 
that  Jeroboam  set  up  one  of  the  golden  calves  which 
were  intended  to  draw  the  Israelites  of  the  Northern 
Kingdom  away  from  the  Sanctuary  in  Jerusalem  (III 
Kings,  xii,  29,  .30;  IV  Kings,  x,  29). 

For  (1)  ViGounoux,  for  (2)  ami  (3)  Lf.gf.ndhe.  both  in  Did. 
dt'  III  Bible,  s.  v.;  also  for  (1)  and  (2)  Peake,  tor  (3)  Mackie,  both 
in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  the  Bible^  s.  v. 

James  F.  Driscoll. 

Danaba,  a  titular  see  of  Phoenicia  Secunda.  Dan- 
aba  is  mentioned  liy  Ptolemy  (V,  xv,  24)  as  a  town  in 
the  territory  of  Palm\Ta.  "According  to  Peutinger's 
table  (wluMv  it  is  callc'd  Danova)  it  wasaRoman  mili- 
tary station  between  Damascus  and  Palmyra,  twenty 
miles  from  Ne/.ala.  Danaba  figun's  in  an  Anti- 
ochene  "Notitia  episcopatuum"  of  the  sixth  century 
as  a  sulTragan  of  Damascus,  and  remained  so  till  per- 
h.aps  the  tenth  century.  (See  Vailhe  in  "  Echos  d'Ori- 
ent",  X,  90  sqq.  and  139  sqq.)  Only  two  bishops  are 
known:  Theodore,  who  attended  the  Council  of  Chalce- 


DANCE 


617 


DANCE 


don  in  451,  and  subscribed  the  letter  of  the  bishops  of  The  invitation  is  not  regarded  with  favour  and  vari- 
the  province  to  Emperor  Leo  I  in  458,  and  Eulogius,  ous  reasons  are  given  for  declining  it,  but  these  are 
presentat  the  Second  Council  of  Constantinople  in  553  found  insufficient  and  finally  death  leads  away  his 
(Lequien,  Or.  Christ.,  Ill,  847).  To-day  Danaba  is  victim.  A  second  messenger  then  seizes  the  hand  of  a 
probably  represented  by  Hafer,  a  village  five  miles  new  victim,  a  prince  or  a  cardinal,  who  is  followed  by 
south-east  of  Sadad,  in  the  vilayet  of  Damascus,  others  representing  the  various  classes  of  society,  the 
About  300  Jacobite  Syrians  live  there,  most  of  whom  usual  number  being  twenty-four.  The  play  was  fol- 
have  recently  been 
converted  to  Cath- 
olicism (Jullien, 
Sinai  et  Syrie, 
Lille,  1893,  199). 
S.  Petrides. 


Dance  of 
Death  (Fn-nch, 
Dance  Manilirc, 
Gcrm.Todtcntiinz). 
— The  "Dance  of 
Death"  Wiis  origi- 
nally a  species  of 
spectacular  play 
akintothcEngli.sh 
moralities.  It  ha.s 
been  traced  hack 
to  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth 
century.  The 
epidemics  so  fre- 
quent and  so  de- 
structive   at    the 


Death  and  th 


Death  and  the  Married  Couple 


lowed  by  a  second 
sermon  reinforc- 
ing the  lesson  of 
tli(>  representa- 
tion. 

The  o  1  d  e  st 
traces  of  these 
plays  are  found  in 
(icrmany,  but  we 
have  the  Spanish 
text  fur  ;i  similar 
dramatic  perform- 
ance dating  back 
to  the  year  KiGO, 
"  La  Danza  Gen- 
ital de  la  Muerte". 
We  read  of  similar 
'Iramatic  repre- 
sentations else- 
wlicre:  in  Bruges 
Ixfim'DukePhiHp 
the  Good  of  Bur- 
gundy in  1449;  in 
1453  at  Besangon, 


time,  such  as  the  Black  Death,  brought  before  pop-  and  in  France  in  the  Cimetiere  des  Innocents  near 

ular  imagination  the  subject  of  death  and  its  imi-  Paris  in   1424.     That  similar  spectacles  were  known 

vcrsal  sway.     The  dramatic  movement  then  develop-  in  England  we  infer  from  John  Lydgate's  "  Dance  of 

ing  led  to  its  treatment  in  the  dramatic  form.     In  Death"   written   in   the   first   half   of   the   fifteenth 

these   plays   Death  appeared  not  as  the  destroyer,  century.     In    Italy   besides    the    traditional   dance 

but  as  the  messenger  of  God  summoning  men  to  the  of  death  we  find  spectacular  representations  of  death 

world  beyond  the  grave,  a  conception  familiar  both  as  the  all-conqueror  in   the  so-called  "Trionfo  del- 

to  Holy  Writ  and  to  the  ancient  poets.  The  danc-  la  Morte".     The  earliest  traces  of  this   conception 

ing  movement  of  the  characters  was  a  somewhat  la-  may  be  found  in  Dante  and  Petrarch.     In  Florence 

ter   development,     _______________^__^^^     (1559)    the    "tri- 

imph   of   death'' 


as  at  first  Death 
and  his  victims 
moved  at  a  slow 
and  dignifieil  gait. 
But  Death,  acting 
the  part  of  a  mes- 
senger, naturally 
took  the  attitude 
and  movement  of 
the  traditional 
messengers  of  the 
day,  namely  the 
fiddlers  and  other 
musicians,  and  the 
dance  of  death 
wa.s  the  result. 

The  purpose  of 
these  plays  was  to 
teach  the  truth 
that  all  men  must 
die  and  should 
therefore  prepare 
themselves  to  ap- 
pear before  their 
Judge.    The  scene 


Death  and  the  Knight  Death  and  the  Plouguma.n 

Dance  of  Death — Hans  Holbein 
(From  the  woodcut  series,  the  Dance  of  Death) 


fiirmed  a  part  of 
tlie  carnival  cele- 
bration. We  may 
describe  it  as  fol- 
■;:  .\f  ter  dark  a 
li  tige  wagon , 
draped  in  black 
and  white  and 
drawn  by  oxen, 
drove  through  tht- 
streets  of  the  city. 
At  the  end  of  the 
•sliaft  was  seen  the 
,\iigel  of  Death 
blowing  the 
trumpet.  On  the 
top  of  the  wagon 
stood  a  great  figure 
of  Death  carrj'ing 
a  scythe  and  sur- 
rotinded  bycoffins. 
Around  the  wag- 
ons were  covered 
graves  which 
opened  whenever  the  procession  halted.     Men  dressed 


of  the  play  was  usually  the  cemetery  or  churchyard 

though  soinetimes  it  may  have  been  the  church  itself,     in  black  garments  on  which    were    painted    skulls 

The  spectacle  was  opened  by  a  sermon  on  the  cer-     and  bones  came  forth  and,  seated  on  the  edge  of 


tainty  of  death  delivered  by  a  monk.  At  the  close  of 
the  sermon  there  came  forth  from  the  charnel-house, 
usually  found  in  the  churchyard,  a  series  of  figures 
decked  out  in  the  traditional  mask  of  death,  a  clo.se- 
fitting,  yellowish  linen  suit  painted  .so  as  to  resemble  a 
skeleton.  One  of  them  addresses  the  intentled  victim, 
who  is  invited  to  accompany  him  beyond  the  grave. 
The  first  victim  was  usually  the  pope  or  the  emperor. 


the  graves,  sang  dirges  on  the  shortness  of  human 
life.  Before  and  behind  the  wagon  ai)peared  men 
in  black  and  white  bearing  torches  and  death  nia.sks, 
followed  by  banners  displaying  skulls  ,ind  bones  and 
skeletons  riding  on  scrawny  nags,  ^\■hile  they  marched 
the  entire  company  sang  the  Miserere  with  trem- 
bling voices. 
Specimens  of  the  dramatic  dance  of  death  have  been 


DANCING 


618 


DANCING 


preserved  in  the  Altsfeld  Passion  Plays,  in  the  French 
moraUty  entitled  "Charity",  and  in  the  Ncumarkt 
Passion  Play  which  opens  with  the  triumph  of  Death. 
As  the  painter's  art  developed,  the  dance  of  death  was 
in  a  way  made  permanent  by  being  painted  on  the  en- 
closing walls  of  cemeteries,  on  charnel-houses,  in  mor- 
tuary chapels,  and  even  in  churches.  These  repre- 
sentations are  found  in  most  of  the  countries  of  Eu- 
rope. One  of  the  most  famous  is  the  "Triumph  of 
Death"  in  the  cemetery  of  Pisa,  painted  between  1450 
and  1500.  One  of  the  oldest  j^ictures  of  the  dance  of 
death  proper  is  that  in  the  Cimetiere  des  Innocents  at 
Paris  (1425).  Baumker,  in  Herder's  "  Krchenlexi- 
kon ' ',  enumerates  seven  French  dances  of  death  dating 
back  to  the  fifteenth  century,  three  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  three  of  the  seventeenth  centun,',  seven  of 
uncertain  date,  five  in  England,  and  four  in  Italy. 
Within  the  limits  of  the  old  German  Empire  there  still 
exist  some  thirty  painted  dances  of  death  scattered 
throughout  Germany,  Austria,  and  Switzerland.  In 
many  representations  underneath  the  several  couples 
are  found  a  rhymed  dialogue  between  Death  and  his 
victims,  being  the  invitation  of  the  former  and  the 
reply  of  his  victim. 

Ch.vrles  G.  Herberm-ojn. 

With  the  development  of  his  art  the  dance  of  death 
naturally  became  a  popular  theme  for  the  engraver. 
Many  such  prints  were  produced  liy  various  German 
artists,  but  the  most  famous  version  is  that  of  the 
younger  Holbein,  issued  in  153S  by  the  brothers 
Trechsel  at  Lyons.  It  appears  to  be  clear  from  the 
researches  of  Wornum  and  Woltmann,  of  Paul  Mantz, 
of  W.  J.  Linton,  the  Rev.  G.  Da\-ies,  C.  Dodgson,  and 
others,  that  the  drawings  were  undoubtedly  the  work 
of  Hans  Holbein  the  younger,  who  was  resident  in 
Basle  up  to  the  autumn  of  1520,  before  which  time  the 
drawings  must  have  been  produced.  They  are  dis- 
tinctly in  his  manner  and  of  extraordinarily  high 
merit.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Holbein  ever  cut  a 
wood  block  himself,  and  when  these  were  issued  it 
was  expressly  stated  that  the  artist  or  engraver,  who 
is  now  generally  accepted  as  Hans  Liitszelberger,  one  of 
the  greatest  of  German  engravers,  was  dead.  But 
little  is  known  of  his  career.  lie  was  certainly  dead 
before  1526.  The  designs  appear  to  have  been  cut  on 
the  wood  eleven  j'ears  before  the  book  was  published, 
and  their  issue  was  probably  held  back  by  reason  of 
the  unsettled  state  of  religious  opinion  in  Basle.  The 
series  comprises  forty-two  engravings,  the  subjects 
expressed  with  masterly  dramatic  power,  marvellous 
clearness,  and  marked  reticence  of  line.  Technically 
they  are  as  perfect  as  woodcuts  can  be.  There  are 
five  sets  of  proof  impressions  in  existence,  and  the  Ht- 
tle  book  passed  through  nine  editions  at  Lyons  and 
was  printed  also  in  Venice,  Augsburg,  and  Basle. 
There  have  been  many  reissues  and  reproductions  of 
it,  and  a  facsimile  of  the  first  edition  was  published  in 
Munich  in  18S4. 

Besides  the  "  Dance  of  Death"  Holbein  designed  a 
series  of  initials  consisting  of  an  alphabet  in  which  it 
is  the  motij.  Of  Holbein's  larger  "Dance  of  Death  " 
more  than  one  himdred  editions  have  appeared.  Since 
Holbein  this  sul)ject  has  been  treated  again  and  again, 
especially  by  (iprman  engravers.  The  most  noted  of 
recent  dances  of  death  is  that  by  Alfred  Rethel,  1S48, 
in  which  Death  is  represented  as  the  hero  of  the  Red 
Republic.  Both  the  conception  and  the  execution  of 
Rethel's  engravings  are  highly  artistic  and  impressive. 

BXl-MKKR  in  KiTclirnhi.,  f".  w'Tndtinlan:;  Khaus,  Gi'sch. 
dcr  dirisllichen  Kuiust  (Freihiire  iiii  Hi.,  Isut>-||T).  11. 

GKOKCUi   ClI.^.ULKS   WILLIA.MSON. 

Dancing.— The  origin  of  dancing  is  to  be  sought  in 
tlu'  natural  tenilency  to  employ  gesture  cither  to  sup- 
plement or  to  replace  spei'i-h.  Strong  emotions,  in 
particular,  key  up  tlic  organs  to  a  pitch  of  exaltation 
which  spontaneously  manifests  itself  through  more  or 


less  rhythmical  movements  that  constitute  what  may 
be  considered  as  elementary  and  natural  dances.  But 
in  the  same  manner  as  speech  soon  developed  into 
poetry  and  song,  so  also  did  these  bodily  movements 
gradually  develop  into  the  art  of  dancing.  Both 
spontaneous  and  artistic  dancing  may  be  described  as 
"an  expression  of  the  feelings  by  movements  of  the 
body  more  or  less  controlled  bj'  a  sense  of  rhythm" 
(J.  Millar),  and  are  to  some  degree  practised  by  all 
peoples.  The  Hebrews  were  no  exception;  their  lan- 
guage contains  no  less  than  eight  verbs  to  express  the 
idea  of  dancing.  However,  many  of  the  allusions 
found  in  the  Bible  point  to  mere  spontaneous  expres- 
sions of  merriment  by  leaping,  circling,  or  otherwise. 
Of  this  description  were  very  likely  the  dances  of  Marj' 
and  the  women  of  Israel  after  the  crossing  of  the  Red 
Sea  (Exod.,  xv,  20),  of  the  people  aroimd  the  golden 
calf  (Exod.,  xxii,  19),  of  Jephte's  daughter  coming  to 
meet  her  father  after  the  latter's  victory  (Judges,  xi, 
34),  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  on  the  way  of  the 
array  commanded  by  Holophemes  (Judith,  iii,  10),  even 
of  David  before  the  Ark  (II  K.,  vi,  5,  22).  From  these 
various  places  it  might  be  inferred  that  dancing  was  a 
manifestation  of  joy  ordinarily  exhibited  by  women, 
and  we  know  how  David,  in  the  occurrence  above  re- 
ferred to,  excited  Michol's  wonder.  In  later  times 
dancing  was  positively  looked  upon  as  imbecoming 
men;  such  also  was  the  opinion  in  Rome,  where  the 
saying  ran  that  a  man,  to  indulge  in  dancing,  must  be 
either  intoxicated  or  mad. 

Dancing  as  an  art  was  made  subservient  to  various 
purposes.  Its  use  as  an  aid  to  heighten  the  splendour 
of  religious  celebrations  should  be  first  considered. 
Religious  dances  consisted  mostly  of  slow  and  stately 
processions  through  the  streets  of  the  city  or  around 
the  altar.  LTsually  they  were  performed  by  colleges 
of  priests;  but  occasionally  citizens  of  both  sexes  and 
all  ranks,  without  any  disparagement  to  the  gravity  of 
their  characters  or  dignity  of  position,  took  a  part  in 
these  exhibitions  (Liv.,  I,  xx;  Quintil.,  I,  ii,  18;  Mac- 
rob.,  Sat.  ii,  10).  All  religious  dances,  however,  were 
not  performed  with  the  gravity  above  referred  to.  In 
Rome,  the  sah'i,  carrjing  the  sacred  shields  through 
the  streets,  leapt  and  jumped  clumsily  "like  stamping 
fullers"  (Senec.  Ep.  xv).  The  Bible  describes  likewise 
the  priests  of  Baal  limping  (so  Heb. ;  D. V. :  "  leaping  ") 
around  the  altar  (III  K.,  xrviii,  26).  Throughout  the 
East  sacred  dances  were  a  prominent  feature  in  relig- 
ious worship.  In  Egj-pt  even  colleges  of  female  sing- 
ers and  dancers  were  annexed  to  certain  shrines. 
That  dancing  was  also  an  accompaniment  of  the 
Jahweh  worship  is  probable  from  Judges,  xxi,  21,  for 
early  times,  and  clearly  evidenced  by  Pss.  cxlix,  3,  and 
cl,  4,  for  the  epoch  following  the  captivity.  The  texts 
seem  further  to  indicate  that,  in  the  second  Temple, 
persons  engaged  in  dancing  and  singing  in  God's  hon- 
our formed  choirs  similar  to  those  of  the  pagan  rites 
(Cic,  Phil.,  V,  6;  Virg.,  ^n.,  VIII,  718;  Hor.,  Od., 
I,  i,  31). 

War  dances,  so  common  among  many  peoples,  and 
which  were  frequently  introduced  to  enhance  the 
pageants  of  public  festivities  among  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  have  left  no  trace  among  the  Hebrews  and 
their  neighbours,  although  they  are  not  imknown  to 
modern  inhabitants  of  Palestine  and  Arabia.  M 
raetic  dances  were  as  little  known  in  the  East  as  those 
of  a  militarj'  character.  They  consisted  of  expressive 
movements  of  the  features,  body,  arms,  and  hands, 
executed  to  a  musical  accompaniment  and  meant 
vividly  to  represent  historical  or  fabulous  events  and 
the  actions  and  pa.ssions  of  well-known  characters. 
How  much  such  performances  were  relished  by  the 
Romans,  we  learn  from  many  pa.ssages  of  Latin 
writers, such, e.g., as Maerob., Sat. ii,  7;Suet.,"Calig.", 
57,  "Nero",  54,  "Tit.",  7;  Ovid,  "Ars  Am.",  I,  595, 
etc.  Still  more  was  scenic  dancing  in  favour  in  Rome 
and  Greece.     It  consisted  of  harmonious  movements 


DAN0OLO 


OIU 


DANDOLO 


liincipally  of  the  arms,  body,  and  feet,  intended  to 
^liiiw  forth  all  the  flexibility,  agility,  and  grace  of  the 
Ininian  body.  Such  exliibitions  were  usually  given 
fnr  the  pleasure  of  the  guests,  at  great  banquets,  and 
|iirfonned  by  professional  dancers  hired  for  the  occa- 
^mii.     Female  dancers — there  were  also  male  dancers 

were  preferred.  They  were  generally  persons  of 
rniisiderable  beauty  and  indifferent  morals,  and  their 
performances  were  calculated  to  set  forth,  even  at  the 
rust  of  modesty  for  which  they  cared  little,  all  the 
rharms  and  attractiveness  of  their  graceful  figures. 
riii.s  class  of  persons,  common  m  ancient  Greece  and 
Italy,  were  not  altogether  unknown  in  Palestine,  at 
least  in  later  times,  if  we  believe  the  ir.dication  of 
ImcIus.,  ix,  4.  The  author  of  Eccles.,  impersonating 
Solomon,  relates  he  had  procured  for  his  own  enjoy- 
ment "singing  men  and  singing  women"  (ii,  8),  that 
i-Un  say,  very  likely,  dancers,  for  singing  and  dancing 
^\  ere  scarcely  distinct.  At  any  rate,  the  performance 
of  llerodias'  daughter,  recorded  in  Matt.,  xiv,  6,  and 
the  pletisure  it  afforded  to  Herod  and  his  guests,  show 
liDw  Greek  and  Roman  corruption  had,  about  the 
time  of  Christ,  made  headway  among  the  higher 
ehisses  of  Palestine. 

Although  perhaps  less  common,  and  certainly  less 
I  liliurate  than  with  us,  social  dancing  appears  never- 
t  Ill-less  to  have  been  a  pleasurable  diversion  in  ancient 
times,  at  lea-st  among  the  Jews.  For,  understood  in 
the  light  of  Judges,  xxi,  21,  such  statements  as  those  of 
Is.,  xvi,  10,  and  Jer.,  xxv,  .30,  indicate  that  the  vintage 
season  was  one  of  public  merriment  exhibited  in 
dances.  Dancing  was  likewise  indulged  in,  even  by 
most  grave  persons  (Bab.  Talm.,  Ketuboth,  16b),  at 
weddings  and  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Men  and 
women  danced  apart,  as  is  still  the  custom  in  the  East. 
Social  dancing  has  undergone  consitlerable  develop- 
ment in  the  last  few  centuries,  both  as  to  prevalence 
and  elaborateness.  The  introduction  into  modern 
fashion  of  the  so-called  round  dances  has  quickened 
the  interest  of  the  old  question  anent  the  morality  of 
dancing.  As  an  exercise  of  physical  culture,  aside 
from  the  generally  unhealthful  conditions  of  dancing- 
halls,  dancing  may  have  advantages;  we  should  not 
wonder,  therefore,  that  from  this  viewpoint  Plato 
recommended  it.  From  the  moral  standpoint,  relig- 
ious and  military  dancing  has  never  met  with  any 
criticism.  Mimetic  shows,  on  the  contrary,  mostly 
representing  love-stories  and  mythological  subjects, 
were  at  times  so  offensive  to  modesty  that  even  the 
pagan  emperors  deemed  it  their  tluty  to  banish  them 
repeatedly  from  Italy.  In  no  wise  better,  as  has  been 
shown  above,  were  scenic  dances;  and  male  and  female 
dancers  were  in  Rome  considered,  as  are  nowadays  in 
Egypt,  India,  and  Japan,  the  almehs,  the  bayaderes, 
and  the  geishas,  as  a  lower  and  degraded  class.  Ac- 
cording to  Roman  law,  such  persons  were  infantes. 
Against  their  performances  the  Fathers  of  the  Church 
raised  a  strong  voice.  The  Decretals  went  farther, 
forbidding  clerics  to  attend  any  mimic  or  histrionic 
exhibitions  and  enacting  that  any  cleric  taking  active 
part  in  them  should  forfeit  all  his  privileges,  and  (hat 
all  persons  engaged  in  professional  dancing,  mimic  or 
histrionic  performances,  should  incur  irregularity  and 
be  thereby  forever  debarred  from  the  clerical  state  and 
rendered  incapable  of  receiving  orders.  As  to  social 
dancing,  now  so  much  in  vogue,  whilst  in  itself  it  is  an 
indifferent  act,  morali.sts  are  inclined  to  place  it  tmder 
the  ban,  on  account  of  the  various  dangers  iussociated 
with  it.  Undoubtedly  old  national  dances  in  which 
the  performers  stand  apart,  hardly,  if  at  all,  holding 
the  partner's  hand,  fall  tmder  ethical  censtire  scarcely 
more  than  any  other  kind  of  social  intercourse.  But, 
aside  from  the  concomitants — place,  late  hours,  dca>l- 
leie,  escorting,  etc. — common  to  all  such  entertain- 
ments, round  dances,  although  they  may  possibly  be 
carried  on  with  dccoriun  and  modesty,  are  regarded 
by  moralists  as  fraught,  by  their  very  nature,  with 


the  greatest  danger  to  morals.  To  them  perhaps,  but 
unquestionably  still  more  obviously  to  masked  balls, 
si  nil  1 1. 1  lie  ipiilied  the  warning  of  the  Second  Council  of 
H.ili  iniiire  ;ie:im.st  "those  fashionable  dances,  which, 
as  :it  |ire-eiii  carried  on,  are  revolting  to  every  feeling 
of  delicacy  and  propriety".  Needless  to  add  that 
decency  as  well  as  the  oft-repeated  decrees  of  particu- 
lar and  general  councils  forbid  clerics  to  appear,  in  any 
cajie  itv  \\ii;iiever,  on  public  dancing  floors. 

l;  '  .:,r,slic  .\aliomil  Danccx  (London.  1S53);  Tris- 

TK  1  \-  .  !<ims:    Rich,  Dicliaitart/  of  Orrfk  and  Roman 

.1h/:.j.  'm  l,..ihlon.  1884),  s.  v.  Kallali.i.  pfr.;  D.^henberg 
.\Ni>  Saci.io,  Diclionnaire  dcs  anlnj'ur.s  (/)'v//f/,  ,s>  et  ronuiines 
(Paris);  Maspero,  Histoire  anctrnrf  r/.  i„u,,l,:i  de  VOrient 
(Paris.  1895),  I,  126;  II,  220;  Dai.xhn,  J ; , I < i ■  i inischer  Diwan 
(Leipzig,  1901);  Ferraris,  Biblintluoi  caiummi  (Rome,  1886), 
s.  V.  ChorecB,  Clericus^  Irregularitas;  Acta  el  Decrcta  Cone.  Balti- 
mor.  II,  Pastoral  Letter;   Deer.  n.  472. 

Charles  L.  Souvay. 

Dandolo,  Enrico,  Doge  of  Venice  from  1192  to 
1205 ;  d.,  aged  about  a  hundred  years,  in  1205.  He  be- 
longed to  one  of  the  electoral  families  who  claimed 
descent  from  the  twelve  tribunes  by  whom  the  first 
doge  had  been  elected  in  697.  In  the  course  of  the 
twelfth  century  one  of  his  relations  was  Patriarch  of 
Grado  for  fifty  years  (Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.,  XIV, 
71).  Of  his  life,  we  only  know  the  role  he  played  in 
history,  but  he  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  uncom- 
mon physical  and  mental  strength.  At  the  age  of 
almost  a  hundred  he  took  the  cross,  and  led  the  expe- 
dition against  Constantinople;  a  fearless  knight  and 
the  first  to  scale  the  walls  of  a  city,  he  was  also  a  dis- 
tinguished diplomat,  and  his  influence  seems  to  have 
been  predominant  in  the  Fourth  Crusade.  He  is  first 
mentioned  as  taking  part  in  the  war  between  Venice 
and  the  Emperor  Manuel  Comnenus  in  1171.  The 
Venetians,  decimated  by  the  plague,  were  at  Chios, 
and  Dandolo  was  sent  to  Constantinople  to  make  a 
treaty  of  peace.  According  to  a  tradition  quoted  by 
the  "Clironicle  of  Novgorod",  the  emperor  burnt  out 
his  eyes.  Andrea  Dandolo  (1307-1.354),  a  descendant 
of  the  same  family,  makes  the  statement  that  he  was 
partly  ili  |.ri\ed  of  his  sight  in  the  service  of  his  coun- 
try |in.  -ilnie  patriic  constanter  resistens,  visa  ali- 
qiKililei  ul,i,  iieliratusest,  "Chronic",  ed.  Muratori,xii, 
29b).  It  would  seem  that  in  spite  of  all  the  torture 
he  underwent  Dandolo  was  not  completely  deprived 
of  sight  (see  Luchaire  in  "Jovu'nal  des  Savants", 
1907,  p.  110).  In  1172  he  went  on  a  mission  to  Wil- 
liam II  of  Sicily,  then  once  more  to  Constantinople. 
In  1178  Dandolo  was  one  of  the  forty  electors  com- 
missioned, for  the  first  time,  to  elect  the  doge.  He 
himself  was  elected  doge  in  his  tiu-n  (1  June,  1192). 
In  spite  of  his  advanced  age  he  displayed  great  activ- 
ity, put  an  end  to  the  commercial  quarrels  with 
Verona,  declared  war  against  the  inhabitants  of  Zara 
for  uniting  their  city  to  Hungary,  and  against  the 
Pisans,  who  had  attempted  to  establish  themselves  in 
Istria.  In  1198  he  concluded  a  treaty  of  alliance 
with  the  Emperor  Alexis  III  of  Constantinople,  but  as 
early  as  1201  Venice  had  disagreements  with  Alexis, 
who  broke  all  his  promises  and  granted  numerous 
privileges  to  the  Genoese  and  the  Pisans. 

At  this  time  (March,  1201)  the  leaders  of  the 
Fourth  Crusade  came  to  negotiate  with  Venice  for  the 
transport  of  the  troops  to  the  Orient;  Dandolo  him- 
self took  the  cross  as  well  as  several  other  Venetian 
nobles.  In  consequence  of  circumstances  not  yet 
clearly  explained,  the  crusade,  originally  directed 
against  Egy^Jt,  was  turned  first  against  Zara  and 
then  against  Constantinople.  Streit  (Venedig  und  die 
Wendung  des  vierten  Kreuzzuges,  1877)  attributes  to 
Enrico  Dandolo  the  principal  role  in  the  intrigues 
which  preceded  these  events.  Riant  (Revue  des  ques- 
tions historiqiies.  XXIIl,  109)  has  pointed  out  very 
truly  that  the  initiative  of  the  doge  was  strictly  lim- 
ited by  the  Constitution  of  Venice.  If  Dandolo  di- 
rected the  negotiations  he  did  it  in  agreement  with  the 


DANIEL 


620 


DANIEL 


councils  of  Venice.  With  this  reservation  it  may  be 
admitted  that  Dandolo  took  the  leading  part  in  the 
negotiations  which  ended  in  the  capture  of  Constan- 
tinople. In  fact  it  was  to  the  interest  of  Venice  to 
re-establish  order  and  security  in  the  Byzantine  Em- 
pire. Dandolo  proposed  the  expedition  against  Zara 
(October,  1212)  to  the  crusaders,  as  a  way  to  pay  off 
their  debt  to  Venice.  In  the  council  of  war  held  after 
the  capture  of  Zara,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Robert  de  Clare,  Dandolo  was  the  first  to  suggest  that 
the  preliminary  occupation  of  Greece  would  greatly 
facilitate  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land.  Thereafter, 
during  the  entire  e.xpedition,  his  influence  over  the 
leaders  of  the  Crasade  grew  from  day  to  day.  Ho 
presided  at  the  council  of  war  held  at  the  Abbey  of 
San  Stefano,  23  June,  120.3,  and  gave  the  wisest  ad- 
vice to  the  barons.  In  spite  of  his  age  he  took  an 
active  part  in  the  operations  of  the  siege  of  Constan- 
tinople. While  the  barons  attacked  the  walls  in  the 
Blachern»  quarter,  Dandolo  directed  the  assault  of 
the  Venetians  against  the  sea  walls  and  hoisted  the 
gonfalon  of  St.  Mark  on  his  galley.  The  city  cap- 
tured, he  wished  to  force  Alexis  IV  to  keep  the  prom- 
ises made  to  the  crusaders.  Upon  his  refusal,  Dan- 
dolo boldly  defied  him  and  advised  the  barons  to 
undertake  a  second  siege  of  tlie  city.  In  the  council 
of  war,  1  March,  1204,  Dandolo  signed  with  them  the 
treaty  partitioning  the  empire  between  Venice  and 
the  crusaders. 

After  the  capture  of  the  city  he  had  Boniface  of 
Montferrat  driven  out  of  the  empire;  the  barons 
offered  him  the  imperial  crown,  but  he  loyally  refused 
it,  so  as  not  to  violate  the  Constitution  of  Venice.  The 
new  emperor  Baldwin  gave  him  the  title  of  "  Despot ' ', 
and  he  settled  in  Constantinople.  In  1205  he  took 
part  in  the  disastrous  expedition  against  the  Bul- 
garians; he  died  shortly  afterwards  and  was  buried  in 
St.  Sophia.  Dandolo  by  his  skill  and  energy  estab- 
lished the  political  and  commercial  power  of  Venice  in 
the  Orient. 

For  bibliography  see  Crusades. 

Louis  Brehier. 

Daniel,  the  hero  and  traditional  author  of  the  book 
which  bears  his  name.  This  name  (Heb.pN'JT  or  PXJT; 
Sept.  Aavtr/X),  which  is  also  that  of  two  other  persons 
in  the  Old  Te-stament  [cf.  I  Paral.,  iii,  1 ;  I  Esd.,  viii, 
2,  and  II  Esd.  (Nehem.),  x,  6],  means  "God  is  my 
judge  ",  and  is  thus  a  fitting  appellation  for  the  writer 
of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  wherein  God's  judgments  are 
repeatedly  pronounced  upon  the  Gentile  powers. 
Nearly  all  that  is  known  concerning  the  Prophet 
Daniel  is  derived  from  the  book  ascribed  to  him.  He 
belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Juda  (i,  (5),  and  was  of  noble, 
or  perhaps  of  royal,  descent  (i,  3;  cf.  Josephus,  An- 
tiquities of  the  Jews,  Bk.  X,  ch.  x,  §  1).  When  still  a 
youth,  probably  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  he  was 
carried  captive  to  Babylon  by  Nabuchodonosor  in  the 
fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Joakim  (005  B.  c).  There, 
with  three  other  youths  of  equal  rank  named  Ananias, 
Misael,  and  Azarias,  he  was  entrusted  to  the  care  of 
Asphenez,  the  master  of  the  king's  eunuchs,  and  was 
educated  in  the  language  and  learning  of  the  "Chal- 
deans", whereby  are  meant  the  professors  of  divina- 
tion, magic,  and  astrology  in  Babylon  (i,  3,  4).  From 
this  passage  Jewish  tradition  has  inferred  that  Daniel 
and  his  companions  were  made  eunuchs;  but  this 
does  not  necessarily  follow;  the  master  of  the  eunuchs 
simply  trained  these  Jewish  youths,  among  others, 
with  a  view  to  their  entering  the  king's  service  (i,  5). 
Daniel  now  received  the  new  name  of  Baltassar 
(Babyl.  Balatsu-u^ur,  "Bel  protect  his  life"),  and.  in 
agreement  with  Ananias,  Misael,  and  Azarias,  who 
received  similarly  the  new  names  of  Sidrach,  Misaeh, 
and  Abdenago,  respectively,  asked  .and  obtainetl  per- 
mission not  to  use  the  special  food  from  the  royal 
table  provided  for  those  under  training,  and  to  be 


limited  to  vegetable  diet.  At  the  end  of  three  years 
Daniel  and  his  three  companions  appeared  before  the 
king,  who  found  that  they  excelled  all  the  others  who 
had  been  educated  with  tliem,  and  thereupon  pro 
moted  them  to  a  place  in  his  court.  Henceforth,  when- 
ever the  prince  tested  them,  they  proved  superior  to 
"all  the  diviners,  and  wise  men,  that  were  in  all  his 
kingdom"  (i,  7-20).  Soon  afterwards — either  in  the 
second  or  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nabuehodonosor's 
reign — Daniel  gave  a  signal  proof  of  his  marvellous 
wisdom.  On  the  failure  of  all  the  other  wi.se  men,  he 
repeated  and  interpreted,  to  the  monarch's  satisfac- 
tion, the  king's  dream  of  a  colossal  statue  which  was 
made  up  of  various  materials,  and  which,  on  being 
struck  by  a  stone,  was  broken  into  pieces,  while  the 
stone  grew  into  a  mountain  and  filled  the  whole  earth. 
On  this  account,  Daniel  in  Babylon,  as  Joseph  of  old 
in  Egypt,  ro.se  into  high  favour  with  the  prince,  who 
not  only  bestowed  on  him  numerous  gifts,  but  also 
made  him  ruler  of  "the  whole  province  of  Babylon" 
and  chief  gover- 
nor of  "all  the 
wise  men".  At 
Daniel's  request, 
too,  his  three 
friends  received 
important  pro- 
mot  ions  (ii). 
The  next  oppor- 
tunity afforded 
Daniel  to  give 
proof  of  his  wis- 
dom was  an- 
other dream  of 
Nabuchodono- 
sor which,  once 
more,  he  alone 
was  able  to  inter- 
pret. The  dream 
was  of  a  mighty 
tree  concerning 
which  the  king 
heard  the  com- 
mand given  that 
it  should  be  cut 
down,  and  that 


Chapel,  Rome) 


seven  times"  should  "pass  over" 
its  stump,  which  had  been  left  standing.  This,  ex- 
plained Daniel,  portended  that  in  punishment  of 
his  pride  the  monarch  would  for  a  while  lose  his 
throne,  be  bereft  of  his  reason,  imagining  himself  an 
ox,  and  live  in  the  open  fields,  but  be  again  restored 
to  his  power,  finally  convinced  of  the  supreme  might 
and  goodness  of  the  Most  High.  With  holy  freedom, 
although  in  vain,  the  Prophet  exhorted  the  king  to 
forestall  such  punishment  by  atoning  for  his  sins  by 
deeds  of  mercy;  r^nd  Daniel's  prediction  was  fulfilled 
to  the  letter  (iv).  For  a  parallel  to  this,  see  Abyde- 
nus'  account  (second  century  b.  c.)  quoted  in  Euse- 
bius  (PriEp.  Evang.,  IX,  xli). 

Nothing  is  expressly  said  as  to  what  became  of 
Daniel  upon  the  death  of  Nabuchodonosor  (561  B.  c); 
it  is  sunply  intimated  in  Daniel,  v,  11  sqq.,  that  he 
lost  his  high  office  at  the  court  and  lived  long  in  re- 
tirement. The  incident  which  brought  him  to  jniblic 
notice  again  was  the  scene  of  revelry  in  Baltasar's 
palace,  on  the  eve  of  Cyrus's  conijuest  of  Babylon 
(538  B.  c).  While  Baltasar  (Heb.  Belsh'aQi^ar,  cor- 
responding to  the  Babyl.  Balatsu-u^iur,  "Bel  protect 
the  king")  and  his  lords  feasted,  impiously  lirinking 
their  wine  from  precious  vessels  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem,  there  appeared  the 
fingers  of  a  man  writing  on  the  wall:  "Mano,  Thecel, 
Phares".  These  mysterious  words,  which  none  of  the 
king's  wise  men  was  able  to  interpret,  were  explained 
by  l)aniel,  who  at  length  had  been  summoned,  and 
who  for  his  reward  b(>came  one  of  the  three  chief  min- 
isters in  the  kingdom.     The  proi)het,  now  at  least 


DANIEL 


621 


DANIEL 


eighty  years  of  age,  remained  in  that  exalted  position 
under  Darius  the  Mede,  a  prince  possibly  to  be  identi- 
fied with  Darius  Hystaspes  (485  B.  c).  Darius, 
moreover,  thought  of  setting  him  over  all  the  king- 
dom (vi,  4),  when  Daniel's  fellow-officers,  fearing  such 
an  elevation,  sought  to  compass  his  ruin  by  convicting 
him  of  disloyalty  to  the  Crown.  They  secured  from 
the  king  a  decree  forbidding  any  one,  under  penalty  of 
being  cast  into  the  lions'  den,  to  ask  any  petition  of 
either  god  or  man,  except  the  monarch,  for  thirty  days. 
As  they  had  anticipated,  Daniel  nevertheless  prayed, 
three  times  a  day,  at  his  open  window,  towards  Jeru- 
salem. This  they  reported  to  the  king,  and  they 
forced  him  to  apply  the  threatened  punishment  to  the 
violator  of  the  decree.  Upon  Daniel's  miraculous 
preservation  in  the  lions'  den,  Darius  published  a 
decree  that  all  in  his  realm  should  honour  and  revere 
the  God  of  Daniel,  proclaiming  that  He  is  "  the  living 
and  eternal  God".  And  so  Daniel  continued  to 
prosper  through  the  rest  of  the  reign  of  Darius,  and  in 
that  of  his  successor,  Cjtus  the  Persian  (vi). 

Such,  in  substance,  are  the  facts  which  may  be 
gathered  for  a  biography  of  the  Prophet  Daniel  from 
the  narrative  portion  of  his  book  (i-vi).  Hardly  any 
other  facts  are  contributed  to  thus  biography  from  the 
second,  and  more  distinctly  apocalyptic,  portion  of  the 
same  work  (vii-xii).  The  visions  therein  described 
represent  him  chiefly  as  a  seer  favoured  with  Divine 
communications  respect  ing  the  future  punishment  of 
the  Gentile  powers  and  the  ultimate  .setting  up  of  the 
Messianic  Kingdom.  These  mysterious  revelations 
are  referred  to  the  reigns  of  Darius,  Baltasar,  and 
Cyrus,  and  as  they  are  explained  to  him  by  the  .\ngel 
Gabriel  from  an  ever  clearer  disclosure  of  what  is  to 
happen  in  "the  time  of  the  end".  In  the  deutero- 
canonical  appendix  to  his  book  (xiii-xiv),  Daniel  re- 
appears in  the  same  general  character  as  in  the  first 
part  of  his  work  (i-vi).  Chapter  xiii  sets  him  forth  as 
an  inspired  youth  whose  superior  wisdom  puts  to 
shame  and  secures  the  punishment  of  the  false  ac- 
cusers of  the  chaste  Susanna.  The  concluding  chap- 
ter (.Kiy),  which  tells  the  history  of  the  destruction  of 
Bel  and  the  dragon,  represents  Daniel  as  a  fearless 
and  most  successful  champion  of  the  true  and  living 
God.  Outside  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  Holy  Writ  has 
but  few  references  to  the  prophet  of  that  name. 
Ezcchiel  (xiv,  14)  speaks  of  Daniel,  together  with  Noe 
and  Job,  as  a  pattern  of  righteousness  and,  in  chapter 
xxviii,  3,  as  the  representative  of  perfect  wisdom. 
The  ■KTiter  of  the  First  Book  of  the  Machabees  (ii,  GO) 
refers  to  his  deliverance  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lions, 
and  St.  Matthew  (xxiv,  15)  to  "the  abomination  of 
desolation,  which  was  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the 
prophet".  .\s  might  well  be  expected,  Jewish  tradi- 
tion had  been  busy  with  completing  the  meagre 
account  of  Daniel's  life  as  supplied  by  the  Sacred 
Scriptures.  Allusion  has  already  been  made  to  the 
tradition  of  the  Jews,  accepted  by  many  Fathers  of 
the  Church,  which  states  that  he  was  made  a  evmuch 
in  Babylon.  Other  Jewish  traditions  represent  him  as 
refusing  divine  honours  proffered  to  him  by  Nabucho- 
donosor;  they  explain  the  reason  why  he  was  not 
forced  with  his  three  friends  to  worship  that  prince's 
statue  in  the  plain  of  Dura  (Dan.,  iii),  he  had  been 
sent  away  by  the  king,  who  wanted  to  spare  Daniel's 
lif(^  for  he  knew  full  well  that  the  prophet  would  never 
agree  to  commit  such  an  act  of  idolatry;  they  give 
many  fanciful  details,  as  for  instance  concerning  what 
happened  to  Daniel  in  the  lions'  den.  Others  en- 
deavour to  account  for  what  they  assume  to  be  a  fact, 
viz.  that  Yahweh's  devout  prophet  did  not  return  to 
God's  land  and  city  after  the  decree  of  restoration 
issued  by  Cyrus;  while  others  again  affirm  that  he 
actually  went  back  to  Judea  and  died  there.  Hardly 
less  incredible  and  conflicting  legends  concerning 
Daniel's  life  and  place  of  burial  are  met  with  in  Arabic 
literature,  although  his  name  is  not  mentioned  in  the 


Koran.  During  the  Middle  Ages  there  was;  a  wide- 
spread and  persistent  tradition  that  Daniel  was  buried 
at  Susa,  the  modern  Shuster,  in  the  Persian  province  of 
Khuzistan.  In  the  account  of  his  visit  to  Susa  in 
A.  D.  1165,  Rabbi  Benjamin  of  Tudela  narrates  that 
Daniel's  tomb  was  shown  him  in  the  facade  of  one  of 
the  synagogues  of  that  city;  and  it  is  .shown  there  to 
the  present  day.  The  Roman  martyrology  assigns 
Daniel's  feast  as  a  holy  prophet  to  21  July,  and  ap- 
parently treats  Babylon  as  his  burial-place. 

ViGOUROUX,  La  Bible  et  /c-s  dec-oiivertex  modfnu\^  (Paris,  1889), 
IV,  Bk,  III;  Deane.  Daniel,  His  Life  and  Times  (London, 
1S88).  See  also  the  oommentariea  and  introductions  in  bibliog- 
raphy of  Daniel,  Book  of. 

Francis  E.  Gigot. 

Daaiel,  Anthony,  Huron  missionary,  b.  at  Dieppe, 
in  Nonnandy,  27  May,  1001,  slain  by  the  Iroquois  at 
Teanaostse,  near  Hillsdale,  Siracoe  Co.,  Ontario, 
Canada,  4  July,  1648.  After  two  years'  study  of 
philosophy  and  one  of  law,  he  entered  the  Society  of 
Jesus  in  Rome,  1  Oct.,  1621.  Sent  to  Canada  in  163.3, 
he  was  first  stationed  at  Cape  Breton,  where  his 
brother  Captain  Daniel  had  established  a  French  fort 
in  1629.  For  two  years  he  had  charge  at  Quebec  of  a 
school  for  Indian  boys,  but  with  this  exception  he  was 
connected  with  the  Mission  at  Ihonatiria,  in  the  Huron 
country,  from  July,  1634,  until  his  death  fourteen  years 
later.  In  the  summer  of  1648,  the  Iroquois  made  a 
sudtlen  attack  on  the  mission  while  most  of  the  Huron 
braves  were  absent.  Father  D.aniel  did  all  in  his 
power  to  aid  his  people.  Before  the  palisades  had 
been  scaled  he  hurried  to  the  chapel  where  the  women, 
children,  and  old  men  were  gathered,  gave  them  gen- 
eral absolution  and  baptized  the  catechumens.  Daniel 
himself  made  no  attempt  to  e.scape,  but  calmly  ad- 
vanced to  meet  the  enemy.  Seized  with  amazement 
the  savages  halted  for  a  moment,  then  recovering 
themselves  they  discharged  at  him  a  shower  of  ar- 
rows. "The  victim  to  the  heroism  of  charity",  says 
Bancroft,  "died,  the  name  of  Jesus  on  his  lips;  the 
wilderness  gave  him  a  grave;  the  Huron  nation  were 
his  mourners"  (vol.  II,  ch.  xxxii).  Here  Bancroft  is 
in  error.  The  lifeless  body  was  flung  into  the  burning 
chapel  and  both  were  consumed  together.  Daniel 
was  the  second  to  receive  the  martyr's  crown  among 
the  Jesuits  sent  to  New  France,  and  the  first  of  the 
missionaries  to  the  Hvirons.  Father  Ragueneau,  his 
superior,  speaks  of  him  in  a  letter  to  the  general  of  the 
order  .as  "a  truly  remarkable  man,  humble,  obedient, 
united  with  God,  of  never  failing  patience  and  in- 
domitable courage  in  adversity"  CThwaites,  tr.  Re- 
lations, XXXIII,  253-269). 

Parkman,  The  Jesuits  in  Xorlh  America  (Boston.  1901), 
X.\.VI;  Ban-croft,  History  of  The  United  Si,,;  >  n\<.-u  .,,.  ls,-,3), 
III,  13S,  139;    Thwaites,  ed.  The  Jesuit  Ii, !  <  '     .land, 

1901),  XXXIX,  239;  index  vol.,  s.  v.;   Tanm.  i  ,  Jesu 

usque  mili^ans  (Prague,  1675);  Charlevoix.  ,^iii  \  m  ,  Ih.^tary 
ofXew  France  (New  York.  1866).  II;  Cassam,  i'arvu.s  Ihuflres 
(Madrid,  1734),  I,  643;  Varones  Iluslres  de  la  C.  dc  J.  (2  ed. 
Bilbao.  1889),  III,  491;  Rochemonteix.  Les  Jrsuites  et  la 
Xourelle  France  au  XVIh  siecle  (Paris,  1896),  II.  74;  Drews, 
Fasti  Soc.  Jesu  (Prague,  1750),  III,  IS;  Campbell.  Pioneer 
Priests  of  North  America  (New  York,  1908),  ISO,  151;  Bressani, 
Death  of  Father  Antoine  Daniel  in  Bressani,  Breve  Relatione 
(Macerata,  1653),  III,  Chap.  iv. 

EnWARD  P.  Spillane. 

Daniel,  Book  of. — In  the  Hebrew  Bible,  and  in 
most  recent  Protestant  versions,  the  Book  of  Daniel 
is  limited  to  its  proto-canonical  portions.  In  the 
."^eptuagint,  the  Vulgate,  and  many  other  ancient  and 
modern  translations  of  Holy  Writ,  it  comprises  both 
its  proto-  and  its  deutero-canonical  parts,  which  two 
sets  of  parts  have  an  cciual  right  to  lie  considered  as 
inspired,  and  to  be  included  in  a  treatment  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel.  As  in  the  Vulgate  nearly  all  the 
deutero-canonical  portions  of  tliat  prophetical  writing 
form  a  kind  of  appendix  to  its  proto-canonical  con- 
tents in  the  Hebrew  text,  the  pre.sent  article  will  deal 
first  with  the  Book  of  Daniel  as  it  is  found  in  the 


DANIEL 


622 


DANIEL 


Hebrew  Bible,  and  next,  with  its  deutero-canonical 
portions. 

Proto-Canonicai,  Portions. — (1)  Contents. — The 
Book  of  Daniel,  as  it  now  stands  in  the  ordinary 
Hebrew  Bibles,  is  generally  divided  into  two  main 
parts.  The  first  includes  a  series  of  narratives  which 
are  told  in  the  third  person  (chaps.  i~vi),  and  the  sec- 
ond, a  series  of  visions  which  are  described  in  the  first 
person  (chaps,  vii-xii).  The  opening  chapter  of  the 
first  series  may  be  considered  as  a  preface  to  the  whole 
work.  It  introduces  to  the  reader  the  Hebrew  heroes 
of  the  book,  Daniel  and  his  three  fellow-captives, 
Ananias,  Misael,  and  Azarias,  and  records  the  manner 
in  which  these  noble  youths  obtained  a  high  rank  in 
Nabuchodonosor's  service,  although  they  had  refused 
to  be  defiled  by  eating  of  the  royal  food.  The  second 
chapter  relates  a  disquieting  dream  of  the  king  which 
Daniel  alone  was  able  accurately  to  set  forth  and  in- 
terpret. Nabuchodonosor's  dream  was  that  of  a  great 
statue  made  up  of  various  materials  and  broken  in 
pieces  by  a  small  stone  which  became  a  mountain  and 
filled  the  whole  earth.  Daniel's  interpretation  was  to 
the  effect  that  the  several  parts  of  the  statue  with  their 
various  materials  symbolized  as  many  monarchies 
with  their  respective  power,  while  the  stone  which 
destroyed  them  and  grew  into  a  great  mountain  pre- 
figured a  universal  and  everlasting  kingdom  which 
would  break  in  pieces  all  the  other  kingdoms,  and 
which,  of  course,  is  no  other  than  that  of  the  Messias. 

The  next  section  (iii,  1-30;  Vulgate,  iii,  1-23,91- 
97)  narrates  how  Daniel's  three  companions,  having 
refused  to  worship  a  colossal  statue  set  up  by  Nabu- 
chodonosor,  were  cast  into  a  highly-heated  furnace  in 
which  they  were  preserved  unharmed,  whereupon  the 
king  issued  a  decree  in  favour  of  their  God  and  pro- 
moted them  to  places  of  dignity.  The  following  section 
(iii,  31-iv;  Vulgate,  iii,  9S-iv)  contains  Nabuchodo- 
nosor's letter  to  all  peoples  and  nations,  recounting 
his  dream  of  a  mighty  tree  hewed  down  at  God's 
bidding,  and  its  interpretation  by  Daniel,  together 
with  its  fulfilment  in  the  form  of  a  seven  years'  mad- 
ness which  befell  the  king,  and  the  recovery  from 
which  was  the  occasion  of  his  thankful  letter.  The 
fifth  chapter  (Heb.  Bible,  v-vi,  1)  describes  Baltasar's 
profane  banquet,  the  mysterious  handwriting  on  the 
wall,  Daniel's  interpretation  of  that  writing,  and  the 
overthrow,  on  that  same  night,  of  Baltasar's  kingdom. 
In  the  sixth  chapter  Daniel  is  represented  as  the  ob- 
ject of  the  special  favour  of  Darius  the  Mede,  and  also 
of  the  persistent  jealousy  of  the  other  officers  of  the 
Crown,  who  finally  succeed  in  having  him  throw^l  into 
the  lions'  den,  because  of  his  faithfulness  in  praying  to 
God  three  times  a  day;  upon  Daniel's  miraculous  pres- 
ervation, Darius  decrees  that  all  in  Ids  kingdom 
should  "dread  and  fear  the  God  of  Daniel". 

The  second  main  part  of  the  book  in  the  Hebrew- 
Bible  (vii-xii)  is  taken  up  with  four  visions  which 
Daniel  describes  m  the  first  person.  The  first  of  these 
visions  (ch.  vii)  is  referred  to  the  first  year  of  Baltasar's 
reign,  and  offers  a  close  parallel  to  the  dream  set  forth 
and  explained  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  book.  The 
nightly  vision  was  of  four  several  beasts  coming  out 
of  the  sea,  and  symbolical  of  the  Gentile  powers  judged 
in  due  time  by  "the  Ancient  of  days",  and  finally  re- 
placed by  the  universal  and  everlasting  Messianic 
kingdom.  Like  the  first,  the  second  vision  (ch.  viii) 
is  ascribed  to  the  reign  of  Baltasar,  and  represents 
worldly  powers  under  the  figure  of  animals.  Daniel 
sees  a  ram  with  two  horns  (the  Medes  and  the  Per- 
sians) pushing  victoriously  towards  the  west,  north, 
and  south,  until  it  is  struck  by  a  he-goat  (the  Greeks) 
with  a  great  horn  (Alexander)  between  its  eyes.  This 
great  horn  is  soon  broken  in  its  turn,  and  gives  place 
to  four  others  (the  Greek  kingdoms  of  Egypt,  Syria, 
Macedonia,  and  Thrace),  from  one  of  which  grows  out 
a  "little  liorn",  namely  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  This 
prince  is  not,  indeed,  named  by  the  Angel  Gabriel, 


who  explains  the  vision  to  Daniel,  but  is  clearly  des- 
ignated by  the  description  of  the  doings  of  the  "  little 
horn  "  against  the  host  of  heaven  and  its  prince  (God), 
desecrating  "the  sanctuary",  interrupting  the  daily 
sacrifice  for  about  three  years  and  a  half,  and  finally 
"broken  without  hand". 

The  next  chapter  contains  the  prophecy  of  the  sev- 
enty weeks,  «hich  is  referred  to  the  first  year  of 
Darius,  the  son  of  Assuerus.  As  Daniel  was  suppli- 
cating God  for  tlie  fulfilment  of  His  promises  of  mercy 
in  Jeremias,  xxix,  10  sq.,  or  xxv,  11,  he  was  favoured 
with  the  vision  of  tlie  Angel  Gabriel.  The  heavenly 
messenger  explained  to  him  how  the  seventy  years  of 
desolation  foretold  by  Jeremias  should  be  understood. 
They  are  seventy  weeks  of  years,  falling  into  three 
periods  of  seven,  sixty-two,  and  one  weeks  of  years, 
respectively.  The  first  period,  one  of  seven  weeks, 
or  forty-nine  years,  will  extend  from  the  going  forth 
of  "the  word"  for  the  rebuilding  of  Jerusalem  to 
"an  anointed  one,  a  prince".  During  the  second,  of 
sixty-two  weeks  or  four  hundred  and  thirty-four  years, 
the  Holy  City  will  be  built,  though  "in  straitnoss  of 
times".  At  the  end  of  tliis  period  "an  anointed  one" 
will  be  cut  off,  and  the  people  of  a  prince  who  shall 
come  will  "destroy"  the  city  and  the  sanctuary;  he 
will  make  a  firm  covenant  with  many  for  one  week 
(or  seven  years),  and  during  a  half  of  this  week  he 
will  cause  sacrifice  and  oblation  to  cease  and  the  abom- 
ination of  desolation  to  be  set  up,  until  he  meets 
with  his  fate.  The  last  vision,  ascribed  to  the  third 
year  of  Cyrus,  is  recorded  in  chapters  x-xii.  Its  opening 
part  (x-xi,  1)  gives  a  description  of  the  vision  with  a 
reference  to  Media,  Persia,  and  Greece.  The  second 
part  (xi,  2-45)  announces  many  events  connected  with 
four  Persian  kings,  with  Alexander  and  his  successors, 
and  more  particularly  with  the  deeds  of  a  king  of  the 
north,  i.  e.  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  against  Egj-pt,  the 
Jews,  the  Temple,  etc.,  until  he  should  come  to  an  end. 
The  conclusion  of  the  vision  (xii)  declares  how  Michael 
(the  guardian  angel  of  Israel)  will  deliver  the  people. 
Mention  is  made  of  a  resurrection  of  the  dead ,  followed 
by  rewards  and  punishments.  For  1290  days,  or 
about  three  and  one  half  years,  the  daUy  sacrifice  will 
cease  and  the  abomination  of  desolation  will  be  set  up. 
Blessed  is  he  who  continues  steadfast  till  1335  days. 

(2)  Object  a7id  Unity. — From  these  contents  it 
readily  appears  that  the  Book  of  Daniel  has  not  for 
its  object  to  give  a  summary  historical  account  of  the 
period  of  the  Babylonian  E.xile,  or  of  the  life  of  Daniel 
himself,  since  both  its  parts  profess  to  give  only  a  few 
isolated  facts  connected  with  either  the  Exile  or  the 
Prophet's  life.  From  the  same  contents  it  can  also 
be  readily  seen  that  the  object  of  that  sacred  writing 
is  not  to  record  in  substance  prophetical  addresses 
similar  to  those  which  make  up  the  works  ascribed  to 
distinct  prophets  in  the  Old-Testament  literature.  In 
respect  to  both  matter  and  form,  the  contents  of  the 
Prophecy  of  Daniel  are  of  a  peculiar  kind  which  has 
no  exact  parallel  m  Holy  Writ,  except  in  the  Apoca- 
ly]5se  of  St.  John.  In  Daniel,  as  in  this  last  book  of 
the  Bible,  one  is  in  presence  of  contents  whose  general 
purpose  is  undoubtedly  to  comfort  God's  people  under 
the  ordeal  of  a  cruel  persecution,  chiefly  by  means  of 
symbolical  visions  bearing  on  "  the  time  of  the  end ". 
This  is  the  obvious  purpose  of  the  four  visions  re- 
corded in  the  second  part  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  (chaps, 
vii-xii),  and  also  of  Nabuchodonosor's  dream  as  given 
and  explained  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  first  part 
of  that  inspired  writing:  the  persecution  therein  in 
view  is  that  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  the  Jews 
are  to  be  comforteil  by  the  assured  prospect  both  of 
the  fate  that  awaits  their  oppressor  and  of  the  setting 
up  of  God's  universal  and  eternal  kingdom.  Nor  have 
the  narratives  in  chajiters  iii-vi  a  different  general 
purpose:  in  each  and  in  all  of  them  the  generous  and 
constant  servants  of  the  true  God — Daniel  and  his 
fellow  captives — triumph  in  the  end,  while  their  op' 


DANIEL 


623 


DANIEL 


pressors,  however  miglity  or  numerous,  are  ultimately 
punished  or  made  to  acknowledge  and  promote  the 
glorj'  of  the  (iod  of  Israel.  This  apocalyptic  object  of 
the  Book  of  Daniel  is  admitted  by  most  scholars  of  the 
present  day,  and  is  in  harmony  with  the  place  assigned 
to  that  sacred  writing  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  where  it 
appears  not  among  "the  Prophets",  or  second  great 
division  of  the  original  text,  but  among  "the  Writ- 
ings", or  third  main  division  of  that  text. 

As  apocalyptic  writings  usually  bear  the  impre.ss  of 
compilation,  one  might  not  imnaturally  be  tempted 
to  regard  the  Book  of  Daniel — whose  apocalyptic 
character  has  just  been  described — as  a  compilatory 
work.  In  fact,  many  scholars  of  the  last  century — 
some  of  whom  were  C'atholic — have  set  forth  positive 
grounds  to  prove  that  the  author  of  the  book  has  ac- 
tually put  together  such  documents  as  could  make  for 
his  general  purpose.  At  the  present  day,  however, 
the  opposite  view,  which  maintains  the  literary  unity 
of  the  Prophecy  of  Daniel,  is  practically  universal.  It 
is  felt  that  the  uniform  plan  of  the  book,  the  studied 
arrangement  of  its  subject-matter,  the  strong  simi- 
larity in  language  of  its  two  main  parts,  etc.  are  ar- 
guments which  tell  verj'  powerfully  in  favour  of  the 
latter  position. 

(.3)  Authorship  and  Date  of  Composition. — Once  it 
is  admitted  that  the  Book  of  Daniel  is  the  work  of  one 
single  author,  there  naturally  arises  the  important 
question:  Is  this  .sole  writer  the  Prophet  Daniel  who 
composed  the  work  during  the  E.xile  (586-5.30  B.  c), 
or,  on  the  contrary,  some  author,  now  imknown,  who 
wrote  this  inspired  book  at  a  later  date,  which  can 
still  be  made  out?  The  traditional  view,  in  vigour 
chiefly  among  Catholics,  is  to  the  effect  that  the  whole 
work,  as  found  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  should  be  directly 
referred  to  Daniel,  whose  name  it  bears.  It  admits, 
indeed,  that  numerous  alterations  have  been  intro- 
duced into  the  primitive  text  of  the  book  in  the  course 
of  ages.  It  maintains,  ne\'ertheless,  that  both  the 
narratives  (chaps,  i-vi)  wherein  Daniel  seems  to  be 
described  by  some  one  else  as  acting  as  recorded,  and 
the  symbolic  visions  (chaps,  vii-xii)  wherein  he  de- 
scribes himself  as  favoured  with  heavenly  revelations, 
were  written,  not  simply  by  an  author  who  was  con- 
temporary with  that  prophet  and  lived  in  Babylon  in 
the  sixth  century  B.  c,  but  by  Daniel  himself.  Such 
difference  in  the  u.se  of  persons  is  regarded  as  arising 
naturally  from  the  respective  contents  of  the  two 
jjarts  of  the  book:  Daniel  employed  the  third  person 
in  recording  events,  for  the  event  is  its  own  witness; 
and  the  first  person  in  relating  prophetical  visions, 
for  such  comraimications  from  above  need  the  per- 
sonal attestation  of  those  to  whom  they  are  imparted. 
Over  against  this  time-honoured  position  which 
ascribes  to  Daniel  the  authorship  of  the  book  which 
bears  his  name,  and  admits  570-536  B.  c.  as  its  date 
of  composition,  stands  a  comparatively  recent  theorj' 
which  has  been  widely  accepted  by  contemporary 
scholars.  Chiefly  on  the  basis  of  historical  and  lin- 
guistic grovmds,  this  rival  theory  refers  the  origin  of 
the  Book  of  Daniel,  in  its  present  form,  to  a  later 
writer  and  period.  It  regards  that  apocalj-ptic  writ- 
ing as  the  work  of  an  unknown  author  who  composed 
it  during  the  period  of  the  Machabees,  and  more  pre- 
cisely in  the  time  of  Antiochus  IV,  Epiphanes  (175- 
1G4  B.  c). 

The  following  are  the  extrinsic  testimonies  which 
conservative  schohirs  usually  and  confidently  set 
forth  as  proving  that  the  Book  of  Daniel  must  be  re- 
ferred to  the  well-known  Prophet  of  that  name  and 
con.sequently  to  a  nnich  earlier  date  tlian  that  advo- 
cated by  their  opponents.  Chri.stian  tradition,  both 
in  tlie  Ea.st  and  in  the  West,  ha.s  been  practically 
luianinious  from  Christ's  time  to  the  present  day  in 
admitting  the  genuineness  of  the  Book  of  Daniel.  Its 
testimony  is  chiefly  based  on  Matthew,  xxiv,  15: 
"\Mien  therefore  you  shall  sec  the  abomination  of  des- 


olation, w-hich  was  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the  prophet, 
standing  in  the  holy  place:  he  that  readeth  let  him 
understand",  in  which  passage  Christ  treats  Daniel's 
visions  as  true  oracles,  and  expressly  names  that 
Prophet  as  their  writer.  In  so  doing,  it  is  argued, 
Christ  endorsed  and  confirmed  by  His  authority  the 
view  which  was  then  received  among  the  Jews,  and 
which  regarded  Daniel  as  the  author  of  the  book 
which  bears  his  name.  Jewish  tradition,  both  during 
and  before  Christ's  time,  bears  also  distinct  witness  to 
the  genuineness  of  the  Prophecy  of  Daniel.  In  his 
"Antiquities  of  the  Jew^s"  (Bk.  XI,  ch.  viii,  §5),  the 
learned  Jewish  priest  and  Pharisee,  Joscphus  (about 
A.  D.  40-100),  writes:  "When  the  Book  of  Daniel  was 
shown  to  Alexander  the  Great  (d.  B.  c.  323),  wherein 
Daniel  declared  that  one  of  the  Greeks  should  destroy 
the  empire  of  the  Persians,  he  supposed  that  himself 
was  the  person  intended".  Before  the  Christian  Era, 
the  First  Book  of  the  Machabees  (written  very  early  in 
the  first  centurj-  b.  c.)  shows  acciuaiiifancc  with  the 
Septuagint  version  of  the  Prophecy  of  Daniel  (cf. 
I  Mach.,  i,  54,  with  Dan.,  ix,  27;  I  Mach.,  ii,  59,  60, 
with  Dan.,  iii,  vi),  whence  it  is  inferred  (1)  that  at  that 
date  the  Book  of  Daniel  must  have  been  for  some  con- 
siderable time  rendered  into  Greek;  and  (2)  that  its 
composition  must  have  preceded  this  translation  by 
some  considerable  time  more,  so  that  its  origin  under 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  is  hardly  probable.  Again,  the 
Sibylline  Oracles  (Bk.  Ill,  verses  .388  sqq.),  supposed 
to  have  been  written  about  170  B.  c,  contain  an  allu- 
sion to  Antiochus  IV,  and  to  the  ten  horns  of  Dan., 
vii,  7,  24,  and  therefore  point  to  an  earlier  date  than 
that  which  is  proposed  by  the  advocates  of  the  recent 
theory.  More  particularly  still,  the  Septuagint  trans- 
lation of  the  Pentateuch,  made  about  285  b.  c,  ex- 
hibits in  Deut.,  x.x-xii,  8,  a  doctrine  of  guardian  angels 
which  it  has  apparently  borrowed  from  the  Book  of 
Daniel,  and  thus  tends  to  prove  the  existence  of  that 
inspired  writing  long  before  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  Finally,  according  to  Josephus  (Contra 
Apion,  VIII),  the  Old  Testament  Canon  of  the  Jews  of 
Palestine,  which  has  always  included  Daniel  among 
"the  Writings",  was  closed  by  Esdras  (middle  of  the 
fifth  century  B.  c),  that  is  to  say,  at  a  date  so  near  the 
composition  of  the  book  that  its  genuineness  could 
then  be  easily  ascertained,  and  would  naturally  be  the 
reason  for  the  insertion  of  the  work  into  the  Pales- 
tinian Canon. 

To  strengthen  the  inference  drawn  from  these  ex- 
ternal testimonies,  conservative  scholars  appeal  to  the 
following  direct  and  indirect  intrinsic  grounds. 
Throughout  the  second  part  of  his  book  Daniel  speaks 
in  the  first  person  and  thereby  gives  himself  implicitly 
as  the  writer  of  chapters  vii-.xii.  Nay  more,  in  the 
words:  "Then  he  [Daniel]  wrote  the  dream  and  told 
the  Sinn  of  the  matters",  we  have  a  statement  which 
ascribes  expressly  to  him  the  writing  of  the  first  vision 
(chap,  vii)  and,  implicitly,  that  of  the  subsequent 
visions,  which  are  indissolubly  bound  up  with  the 
opening  one.  Now,  if  the  visions  described  in  the 
second  part  of  the  book  were  recorded  by  Daniel  him- 
self, the  same  thing  must  be  admitted  in  regard  to 
narratives  which  make  up  the  first  part  of  the  l)ook 
(chaps,  i-vi),  because  of  the  acknowledged  unity  of 
the  work.  And  in  this  way  direct  intrinsic  evidence 
is  considered  as  making  for  the  Danielic  authorship. 
The  indirect  intrinsic  grovmds  point  in  the  same  direc- 
tion, inasmuch  as  they  tend  to  show  that  the  author 
of  the  Book  of  Daniel  was  (1)  a  resident  in  Babylon; 
(2)  one  who  wrote  in  the  period  to  which  the  Prophet 
Daniel  belonged;  and  (3)  one  who  is  liest  identified 
with  that  Prophet  himself.  The  first  of  tliese  posi- 
tions, it  is  said,  is  borne  out  l)y  the  close  ac(|uaintance 
which  the  author  evinces  in  the  historical  portioTi  of 
the  work  (chaps,  i-vi)  with  the  manners,  customs,  his- 
tory, religion,  etc.  of  the  Babylonians:  the  minute 
details  he  refers  to,  the  local  colouring  of  his  descrip- 


DANIEL 


624 


DANIEL 


tions,  his  exact  references  to  facts,  are  such  as  only  a 
resident  in  Babylon  could  be  fairly  supposed  to  pos- 
sess. It  is  likewise  bonie  out  by  a  comparison  of  the 
form  of  Daniel's  prophecies  in  chapters  vii-xii  with  the 
general  surroimdings  of  one  li\dng  in  Babylon  and 
with  the  Babylonian  monuments  in  particular:  the 
imagery  of  Daniel's  vision  in  the  seventh  chapter,  for 
instance,  is  nearly  the  same  as  that  foimd  on  monu- 
ments in  the  ruins  of  Ninive;  and  in  chapters  viii,  2 
(Heb.  text ),  and  x,  4,  the  river-banks  are  most  appropri- 
ately given  as  the  scenes  of  Daniel's  visions.  While 
thus  very  famiHar  with  Babylonia,  the  author  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel  betrays  no  such  special  knowledge  of 
Persia  and  Greece  as  would  be  natural  to  expect  if, 
instead  of  living  in  the  sixth  century  b.  c,  he  had  been 
a  contemporary  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

This  absence  of  distinct  knowledge  of  the  times 
subsequent  to  the  Bal)ylonian  period  has  sometimes 
been  urged  to  prove  the  second  position,  viz.  that  the 
writer  belonged  to  that  period,  and  to  no  other. 
Oftener,  however,  and  more  strongly,  the  linguistic 
features  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  have  been  brought 
forth  to  establish  that  second  position.  It  has  been 
affirmed,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  Hebrew  of  Daniel, 
with  its  nimierous  Aramaisms,  bears  a  close  affinity  to 
that  of  Ezechiel,  and  is  therefore  that  of  the  period  of 
the  E.xile;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Aramaic 
portions  of  Daniel  (ii,  4-vii)  are  in  wonderful  agree- 
ment with  those  of  Esdras,  while  they  are  distin- 
guished by  many  Hebrew  idioms  from  the  language 
of  the  earliest  Aramaic  paraphrases  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. In  particular,  the  easy  transition  from  the 
Hebrew  to  the  Aramaic  (ii,  4),  and  the  reverse  (viii, 
1  sqq.),  is  explicable,  we  are  told,  only  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  writer  and  the  readers  of  the  book  were 
equally  familiar  with  both ;  this  free  handling  of  both 
languages  suits  not  the  Machabean  age  but  that  of 
Daniel,  or  of  the  Exile,  in  which  both  tongues  were 
naturally  in  equal  use.  The  intrinsic  grounds  making 
for  the  last  position,  viz.  that  the  author  of  the  Book 
of  Daniel  is  best  identified  with  the  Prophet  of  that 
name,  may  be  summed  up  in  this  simple  statement: 
while  no  other  seer  during  the  Babylonian  Exile  has 
been,  and  indeed  can  be,  named  as  the  probable 
recorder  of  the  visions  described  in  that  inspired 
writing,  Daniel,  owing  to  his  position  at  the  court  of 
Babylon,  to  his  initiation  into  the  wisdom  of  the 
Chaldees,  and  to  the  problem  of  his  calling  as  God  had 
shown  it  to  him,  was  eminently  fitted  at  that  time  for 
writing  the  prophecies  which  had  been  imparted  to 
him  for  the  comfort  of  the  Jews  of  his  tiipe  and  of 
subsequent  ages. 

Scholars  who  have  examined  closely  and  without 
bias  the  details  of  the  foregoing  external  and  internal 
evidence  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  this  e\a- 
dence  shows  that  rationalistic  critics  are  decidedly 
wrong  in  denying  totally  the  historical  character  of 
the  Book  of  Daniel.  At  the  same  time,  many  among 
them  still  question  the  absolute  cogency  of  the  ex- 
trinsic and  intrinsic  grounds  set  forth  to  prove  the 
Danielle  authorship.  These  latter  scholars  rightly 
reject  as  untrue  the  statement  of  Josephus,  which  re- 
fers the  close  of  the  Old  Testament  Canon  to  the  time 
of  Esdras;  and  in  the  well-known  bias  of  the  same 
Jewish  historian  for  magnifying  whatever  concerns  his 
nation  they  have  a  valid  reason  for  doubting  his  as- 
sertion that  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  were  shown  to 
Alexander  the  Great  when  this  prince  passed  through 
Palestine.  The  alleged  reference  to  Daniel's  expres- 
sions in  the  Septuagint  version  of  Deuteronomy  they 
easily  explain  as  a  later  gloss,  and  the  actual  acquaint- 
ance of  the  First  Book  of  the  Machabees  with  the 
Prophecy  of  Daniel  they  not  unnaturally  regard  as 
compatible  with  the  non-Daniclic  autliorship,  and  in- 
deed with  tlie  composition  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  in  the 
time  of  Antiochus  IV.  As  regards  the  last  external 
testimony  in  favour  of  the  genuineness  of  that  sacred 


writing,  viz.  Christ's  words  concerning  Daniel  and 
his  prophecy,  these  same  scholars  think  that,  without 
going  against  the  reverence  due  to  Christ's  Person,  and 
the  credence  due  His  words,  they  have  a  right  not  to 
cofLsider  the  passage  appealed  to  in  Matt.,  xxiv,  15,  as 
absolutely  conclusive:  Jesus  does  not  say  explicitly 
that  Daniel  wrote  the  prophecies  that  bear  his  name; 
to  infer  this  from  His  words  is  to  assume  something 
which  may  well  be  questioned,  viz.  that  in  referring 
to  the  contents  of  a  book  of  Holy  Writ,  He  necessarily 
confirmed  the  traditional  ^^ew  of  His  day  concerning 
authorship;  in  point  of  fact,  many  scholars  whose 
belief  in  Christ's  truthfulness  and  Divinity  is  beyond 
question — such  Catholics,  for  instance,  as  Father 
Souciet,  S.  J.,  Bishop  Hanneberg,  Francois  Lenormant, 
and  others — have  thought  that  Christ's  reference  to 
Daniel  in  Matt.,  xxiv,  15,  does  not  bear  out  the  Danielle 
authorship  as  it  is  claimed  by  conservative  scholars 
chiefly  on  the  basis  of  His  words. 

Having  thus  shown,  to  their  own  satisfaction,  the 
inconclusive  character  of  the  external  evidence,  or 
mainstay  in  favour  of  the  traditional  view,  the  oppo- 
nents of  the  Danielle  authorship  endeavour  to  prove 
that  internal  evidence  points  decisively  to  the  late 
origin  which  they  ascribe  to  the  Book  of  Daniel. 
Briefly  stated,  the  following  are  their  principal  argu- 
ments. As  it  Is  now  found  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  the 
Book  of  Daniel  contains  historical  references  which 
tend  to  prove  that  its  author  is  not  an  eyewitness  of 
the  events  alluded  to,  as  woukl  be  the  case  if  he  were 
the  Prophet  Daniel.  Had  this  author  lived  during 
the  E.xile,  it  is  argued,  he  would  not  have  stated  that 
"in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  Joakim,  king  of  Juda, 
Nabuchodonosor,  king  of  Babylon,  came  to  Jerusalem, 
and  besieged  it"  (Dan.,  i,  1),  since  this  conflicts  with 
Jeremias,  xxxvi,  9,  29 ;  he  would  not  have  repeatedly 
used  the  word  "Chaldeans"  as  the  name  of  a  learned 
caste,  this  sense  being  foreign  to  the  AssjTO-Babylonian 
language,  and  of  an  origin  later  than  the  Exile;  he 
would  not  have  .spoken  of  Baltasar  as  "king"  (v,  1,  2, 
3,  5,  etc.,  \-iii,  1),  as  the  "son  of  Nabuchodonosor" 
(v,  2,  18,  etc.),  since  it  is  ascertained  that  Baltasar 
was  never  king,  and  that  neither  he  nor  his  father  had 
any  blood-relationship  to  Nabuchodonosor;  he  would 
have  avoided  tl>e  statement  that  "Darius  the  Mede 
succeeded  to  the  kingdom"  of  Baltasar  (v.  31),  since 
there  is  no  room  for  such  a  ruler  between  Nabonahid, 
Baltasar's  father,  and  Cyrus,  the  conqueror  of  Baby- 
lon; he  could  not  have  spoken  of  "the  Books"  (Dan., 
ix,  2 — Heb.  text),  an  expression  which  implies  that 
the  prophecies  of  Jeremias  formed  part  of  a  well- 
known  collection  of  sacred  books,  which  assuredly 
was  not  the  case  in  the  time  of  Nabuchodonosor  and 
Cyrus,  etc.  The  linguistic  features  of  the  book,  as  it 
exists  in  the  Hebrew  Bible,  point  also,  it  is  said,  to  a 
date  later  than  that  of  Daniel:  its  Hebrew  is  of  the 
distinctly  late  type  which  followed  Nehemias'  time; 
in  both  its  Hebrew  and  its  Aramaic  portions  there  are 
Persian  words,  and  at  least  three  Greek  words,  which 
of  course  should  be  referred  to  a  period  later  than  the 
Babylonian  Exile. 

Not  satisfied  ■n'ith  the  merely  negative  inference 
that  the  Book  of  Daniel  was  not  composed  during  the 
Captivity,  the  opponents  of  the  Danielle  authorship 
strive  to  reach  a  positive  conclusion  as  to  the  date  of 
its  origin.  For  this  purpose,  they  examine  the  con- 
tents of  that  inspired  writing,  and  they  think  that  by 
viewing  both  its  parts  in  the  light  of  history,  they  are 
led  to  refer  definitely  its  composition  to  the  time  of 
Antiochus  Epijihanes.  It  can  be  readily  seen,  we  are 
told,  that  the  interest  of  the  visions  which  make  up 
the  second  part  of  Daniel  culminates  in  the  relations 
subsisting  between  the  Jews  and  Antiochus.  It  is 
this  prince  who  manifestly  is  the  suliject  of  Dan., 
viii,  9-13,  23-25,  and  who  is  very  probably  "the  little 
hom"spoken  of  in  Dan.,  v\i,  8,  20.  21,  25,  while  events 
of  his  reign  are  apparently  described  in  Dan.,  ix,  25- 


DANIEL 


625 


DANIEL 


27.  and  undoubtedly  so  in  xi,  21-45;  xii,  6,  7,  10-12. 
W  liiiovpr  bears  this  in  mind,  it  is  argued,  is  led  by  the 
Miiiilngi,'  of  Scripture  to  admit  that  the  book  belongs  to 
til.'  jieriod  of  /Vntiochus.  The  rule  is  that  "even  when 
tin'  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  deliver  a  Divine 
iiHssage  for  far  distant  days,  they  have  in  view  the 
II.  eds  of  the  people  of  their  own  day.  They  rebuke 
iiii-ir  sins,  they  comfort  their  sorrows,  they  strengthen 
Ihn'r  hopes,  they  banish  their  fears.  But  of  all  this 
I  here  is  no  trace  in  Daniel,  if  the  book  wa.s  written  in 
till'  time  of  Cyrus.  Its  message  is  avowedly  for  the 
time  of  the  end,  for  the  period  of  Antiochus  and  the 
Miichabees".  And  this  inference  is  confirmed  by  the 
fiict  that  the  narratives  told  in  the  first  part.,  when 
st  iniicd  in  reference  to  the  events  of  .\ntiochus's  reign, 
:ue  found  to  impart  lessons  especially  suited  to  the 
.I.'ws  of  that  period.  The  question  of  eating  meat 
I  I>:\n.,  i.  8  sqq.)  w!is  at  that  time  a  test  of  faith  (cf. 
I  Mach.,  i,  65  sq.;  II  Mach.,  vi,  18  sqq.;  vii).  The 
1.  ssons  of  the  fiery  furnace  and  the  lions'  den 
I'.in.,  ill,  vi)  were  mo.st  appropriate  in  the  time  of 
•  I.  ilachabecs  when  the  jews  were  ordered  on  the 
|.  liii  of  death  to  worship  foreign  deities  (cf.  I  Mach., 
i  l-i-54).  The  accounts  of  the  humbling  of  Nabu- 
ch.idonosor  (Dan.,  iv)  and  the  fate  of  Balt.a.sar  (Dan., 
\  I  were  also  particularly  calculated  to  comfort  the 
.!.  \vs  so  cruelly  oppressed  by  .-Vntiochus  and  his  offi- 
r.  rs.  Such  a  view  of  the  date  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
i-  in  harmony  with  the  apocalyptic  character  of  the 
lie  work,  and  can  be  confirmed,  it  is  said,  by  certain 

's  in  the  external  history  of  the  book,  such  for  in- 

I  nee  as  it.s  place  among  "the  Writings  "in  the  Pales- 
tinian Canon,  the  absence  of  all  traces  of  Daniel's 
influence  upon  the  post-exilic  literature  before  the 
Machabean  period,  etc.  Despite  the  fact  that  some 
of  these  arguments  again.st  the  Danielle  authorship 
have  not  yet  l)een  fully  disiiroved,  Catholic  scholars 
generally  abide  by  the  traditional  view,  althougli  they 
are  not  bound  to  it  Ijy  any  decision  of  the  Church. 

(4)  Prophcni  oj  IhrSercnli/  Wcc.kf:. — Several  sections 
of  the  Book  of  Daniel  contain  Messianic  predictions 
the  general  import  of  which  has  been  sufficiently 
pointed  out  in  setting  forth  the  contents  and  object 
of  that  inspired  writing.  One  of  these  predictions, 
however,  claims  a  further  notice,  owing  to  the  special 
interest  connected  with  its  contents.  It  is  known  as 
the  prophecy  of  the  seventy  weeks,  and  is  found  in 
an  obscure  passage  (ix,  24-27),  of  which  the  following 
is  a  literal  rendering;  "24.  Seventy  weeks  (literally, 
heptads]  have  been  decreed  upon  thy  people  and  thy 
holy  city,  to  close  transgression  and  to  make  an  end 
of  sins,  and  to  expiate  iniquity,  and  to  bring  in  ever- 
lasting righteousness,  and  to  seal  vision  and  prophet, 
and  to  anoint  a  mo,st  holy  [literally:  holiness  of  holi- 
nesses].  25.  Ivnow  then  and  discern:  from  the  going 
forth  of  the  word  to  build  again  Jerusalem  until  an 
anointed  one,  a  prince,  [there  are)  seven  weeks,  and 
for  sixty-two  weeks  it  shall  be  built  again  [with]  broad 
place  and  moat,  and  tliat  in  straitness  of  times.  26. 
.\nd  after  the  si,xty-two  weeks  an  anointed  one  will 
be  cut  off  and  he  will  have  no  .  .  .  [Heb.  1^  )S1;  Sept. 
(tal  ovK  ecTToi] ;  and  the  people  of  a  prince  who  shall 
come  will  destroy  the  city  and  the  .sanctuary,  and  the 
end  thereof  [will  be)  in  a  flood,  and  until  the  end  [sh.all 
be)  war,  a  sentence  of  desolations.  27.  lie  will  make 
a  firm  covenant  with  many  for  a  week,  and  for  half  a 
week  he  shall  cause  sacrifice  and  oblation  to  cease, 
and  instead  thereof  [i:3  ^J?,  a  more  probable  reading 
than  the  present  one:  e^JS  ^y  'upon  the  wing')  the 
abomination  th.at  makes  desolate,  and  that  until  the 
consumm.ation  and  that  which  is  determined  be 
poured  upon  the  dcsolator." 

The  difficulty  of  rendering  this  pas.sage  of  the  He- 
brew text  is  only  surpa.ssed  by  that  of  intenireting  its 
contents.  Most  commentators  admit,  indeed,  that 
the  seventy  weeks  are  weeks  of  years,  which  fall  into 
three  periods  of  7,  62,  and  1,  weeks  of  years,  rcspcc- 
IV.— 4a 


tively,  but  they  are  still  at  variance  with  regard  to 
both  the  exact  starting  point  and  the  precise  terminus 
of  the  seventy  weeks.  Mo.st  of  them,  too,  regard  the 
prophecy  of  the  seventy  weeks  as  having  a  Messianic 
reference,  but  even  all  Catholic  interpreters  do  not 
agree  as  to  the  precise  nature  of  this  reference,  some 
among  them,  after  Hardouin,  S.  J.,  Calmet,  O.  S.  B., 
etc.,  seeing  in  the  contents  of  the  prophecy  a  typical  ref- 
erence to  Christ,  in  preference  to  the  literal  one  which 
has  been,  and  is  still,  more  prevalent  in  the  Church. 
Briefly  stated,  the  following  are  the  three  principal 
interpretations  which  have  been  given  by  Dan.,  ix, 
24-27.  The  first  is  the  ancient  view,  which  may  be 
called  traditional,  and  which  maintains  that  the 
prophecy  of  the  seventy  weeks  refers  directly  to  the 
appearance  of  Christ  in  the  flesh,  His  de.ath.  His  es- 
tablishment of  the  New  Covenant,  and  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans.  The  second  is  that  of 
most  recent  scholars,  chiefly  non-Catholic,  who  refer 
the  whole  passage  directly  to  the  time  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  with  (Christians  generally)  or  without 
(Rationalists  at  large)  a  typical  reference  to  Christ. 
The  third  is  that  of  some  Fathers  of  the  Church  and 
some  recent  theologians  who  understand  the  jirophecy 
in  an  eschatological  sense,  as  a  prediction  of  the  devel- 
opment of  the  Kingdom  of  Cod  from  the  end  of  the 
Exile  to  the  fulfilment  of  that  kingdom  at  Christ's 
second  Advent. 

(5)  Text  and  Principal  Ancient  Versions. — One  of 
the  chief  reasons  of  the  obscurity  which  surrounds  the 
interpretation  of  Dan.,  ix,  24-27,  is  found  in  the  im- 
perfect condition  in  which  the  original  text  of  the 
Book  of  Daniel  has  come  to  us.  Not  only  in  the 
prophecy  of  the  seventy  weeks,  but  also  throughout 
both  its  Hebrew  (Dan.,  i-ii,  4;  viii-xii)  and  its  Ara- 
maic (ii,  4-vii)  sections,  that  text  betr.ays  various 
defects  which  it  is  easier  to  notice  and  to  point  out 
than  to  correct.  Linguistics,  the  context,  and  the 
ancient  translations  of  Daniel  are  most  of  the  time 
insufficient  guides  towards  the  sure  restoration  of  the 
primitive  reading.  The  oldest  of  these  translations 
is  the  Greek  version  known  as  the  Septuagint,  whose 
text  has  come  down  to  us,  not  in  its  original  form,  but 
in  that  given  to  it  by  Origcn  (died  about  A.  d.  254)  for 
the  composition  of  his  Hexapla.  Before  this  revision 
by  Origen,  the  text  of  the  Sei)tuagint  was  regarded  as  so 
unreliable,  because  of  its  freedom  in  rendering,  and 
of  the  alterations  which  IkuI  been  introduced  into  it 
etc.,  that,  during  the  second  centurj'  of  our  era,_it 
was  discarded  by  the  Church,  which  adopted  in  its 
stead  the  Greek  version  of  Daniel  made  in  that  same 
century  by  the  Jewish  proselyte,  Theodotion.  This 
version  of  Theodotion  was  apparently  a  skilful  revi- 
sion of  the  Septuagint  by  means  of  the  original  text, 
and  is  the  one  embodied  in  the  authentic  edition  of 
the  Septuagint  published  by  Sixtus  V  in  1587.  In 
Dr.  H.  B.  Swete's  edition  of  the  Septtiagint,  Origen's 
revision  and  Theodotion's  version  are  conveniently 
printed  side  by  side  on  opposite  pages  (vol.  Ill,  pp. 
498  sqq.).  The  version  of  the  proto-canonical  por- 
tions of  the  Book  of  Daniel  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  is 
St.  Jerome's  rendering  from  practically  the  same  He- 
brew and  Aramaic  text  as  is  found  in  the  current 
Hebrew  Bibles. 

Deuteho-C.\nonical  Portions. — The  Hebrew  and 
Aramaic  sections  of  the  Book  of  Daniel,  thus  far  do.alt 
with,  are  the  only  ones  found  in  the  Helircw  Bible  and 
recognized  by  Protestants  as  sacred  and  canonical. 
But  besides  those  sections,  the  Vulgate,  the  Greek 
translations  of  Daniel  (Septuagint  and  Theodotion), 
together  with  other  ancient  and  modem  versions,  con- 
t;iin  three  important  portions,  which  are  deutero- 
canonical.  These  are:  (1)  the  Prayer  of  Azari.as  and 
the  Song  of  the  Three  Children,  usually  inserted  in  the 
third  chapter  between  the  twenty-third  and  the 
twenty-fourth  verses;  (2)  the  historj'  of  Sti.sanna, 
found  as  eh.  xiii,  at  the  end  of  the  book;  (3)  the  his- 


DANIEL 


626 


DANIEL 


tory  of  the  destructinn  of  Bel  and  the  dragon,  termi- 
nating the  book  as  ch.  xiv.  The  first  of  these  frag- 
ments (Dan.,  iii,  24-90)  consists  of  a  prayer  in  which 
Azarias,  standing  in  the  midst  of  the  furnace,  asks 
that  God  may  deliver  him  and  his  companions,  Ana- 
nias and  Misael,  and  put  their  enemies  to  shame 
(verses  24-45);  a  brief  notice  of  the  fact  that  the 
Angel  of  the  Lord  saved  the  Three  Children  from  all 
harm,  whereas  the  flame  consumed  the  Chaldeans 
above  the  furnace  (46-50):  and  a  doxology  (52-56) 
leading  on  to  the  hymn  familiarly  known  as  the  "  Bene- 
dicite"  (57-90).  The  second  fragment  (ch.  xiii)  tells 
the  history  of  Susanna.  She  was  the  faithful  wife  of 
a  wealthy  Jew  named  Joakim,  and  resident  in  Baby- 
lon. Accused  falsely  of  adultery  by  two  unworthy 
elders  whose  criminal  advances  she  had  repelled,  she 
was  sentenced  to  death  by  the  tribunal  before  which 
she  had  been  arraigned.  As  Susanna  was  led  forth 
to  execution,  Daniel,  moved  by  God,  remonstrated 
with  the  people  upon  permitting  without  sufficient 
inquiry  the  condemnation  of  a  daughter  of  Israel. 
He  examined  himself  the  two  pretended  witnesses 
separately,  and  proved  their  testimony  to  be  self- 
contradictory.  In  fulfilment  of  the  Law  of  Moses 
(Deut.,  xix,  18,  19),  the  two  eldei-s  were  put  to  death, 
"and  Daniel  became  great  in  the  sight  of  the  people 
from  that  day,  and  thenceforward."  The  last  deutero- 
canonical  part  of  Daniel  (ch.  xiv)  contains  the  narra- 
tive of  the  destruction  of  Bel  and  the  dragon.  It  re- 
counts first  the  clever  manner  in  which  Daniel  unde- 
ceived the  king,  Cyrus,  who  regarded  a  Babylonian 
idol,  called  Bel,  as  "a  living  god"  that  actually  ate 
ample  offerings,  whereas  these  were  really  consumed 
at  night  by  the  pagan  priests  and  their  families:  in 
consequence,  these  impostors  were  put  to  death,  and 
Bel  and  its  temple  destroyed.  It  records,  in  the  sec- 
ond place,  how  Daniel  caused  to  die  a  great  dragon 
that  the  Babylonians  worshipped,  and  that  the  long 
wished  him  to  adore  as  "a  living  god".  Enraged  at 
this,  the  people  forced  the  king  to  deliver  Daniel  to 
them,  and  cast  the  Prophet  into  a  lions'  den.  Daniel 
remained  there  unharmed  for  six  days,  and  fed  by  the 
prophet  Habacuc  who  was  miraculously  transported 
from  Judea  to  Babylon.  On  the  seventh  day,  the 
king  having  found  Daniel  alive  in  the  midst  of  the 
lions,  praised  aloud  the  God  of  Daniel  and  delivered 
the  Prophet's  accusers  to  the  fate  which  Daniel  had 
miraculously  escaped. 

The  Greek  is,  indeed,  the  oldest  form  under  which 
these  deutero-canonical  parts  of  the  Book  of  Daniel 
have  come  down  to  us;  but  this  is  no  decisive  proof 
that  they  were  composed  in  that  language.  In  fact, 
the  greater  probability  is  in  favour  of  a  Hebrew  origi- 
nal no  longer  extant.  It  is  plain  that  the  view  which 
regards  these  three  fragments  as  not  originally  written 
in  Greek  makes  it  easier  to  suppose  that  they  were 
from  the  beginning  integrant  parts  of  the  book.  Yet, 
it  does  not  settle  the  question  of  their  date  and  author- 
ship. It  is  readily  granted  by  conservative  scholars 
(Vigouroux,  Gilly,  etc.)  that  the  last  two  are  probably 
from  a  different  and  later  author  than  the  rest  of  the 
book;  while  it  is  maintained,  on  the  contrary,  by 
nearly  all  Catholic  writers,  that  the  Prayer  of  Azarias 
and  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children  cannot  be  dis- 
sociated from  the  preceding  and  the  following  context 
in  Dan.,  iii,  and  that  therefore  they  should  be  referred 
to  the  time  of  Daniel,  if  not  to  that  Prophet  himself. 
In  reality,  there  are  wellnigh  insuperable  difficulties  to 
such  an  early  date  for  Dan.,  iii,  24-90,  so  that  this 
fragment  also,  like  the  other  two,  should  most  likely 
be  ascribed  to  some  unknown  Jewi.sh  author  who  lived 
long  after  the  Exile.  Lastly,  although  the  deutero- 
canonical  portions  of  Daniel  seem  to  contain  anachro- 
nisms, they  should  not  be  treated — as  was  done  by 
St.  Jerome — as  mere  tallies.  More  sober  scholarship 
will  readily  admit  that  they  embody  oral  or  written 
traditions  not  altogether  devoid  of  historical  value. 


But,  whatever  may  be  thought  concerning  these  lit- 
erary or  historical'  questions,  there  cannot  be  the  least 
doubt  that  in  decreeing  the  sacred  and  canonical  char- 
acter of  these  fragments  the  Council  of  Trent  pro- 
claimed the  ancient  and  morally  unanimous  belief  of 
the  Church  of  God. 

Commentaries: — Catholic:  Rohling  (Mainz.  1876);  Tro- 
CHON  (Paris.  1882);  Fabre  d'Envied  (Paris,  1889);  Knaben- 
BAUER  (Paris,  1891).  Protestant:  Meinhold.  (NordiinKen. 
1889);  Bevan  (Cambririge,  1892);  Behr,\iann  (G6ttinEe7i. 
1894) ;  Prince  (New  York,  1899) ;  Driver  (Cambridge.  1900i ; 
Marti  (Freiburg  im  Br..  1901);  Wright  (London,  igOtl). 
Introductions  to  the  Old  Testament: — Catholic:  R.\ult  (4th  ed. 
Paris,  1882) ;  Vigouroux  (oth  ed.,  Paris.  1886) ;  Corxely 
(Paris.  1886);  Trochon-Lesetre  (Paris.  1890);  Kaulen 
(4th  ed..  Freiburg  im  Br.,  1899);  Gigot  (New  York,  1906). 
Protestant:  Keil  (tr.  Edinburgh,  1882) ;  Bleex-Wellhausen- 
(6th  ed.,  Berlin,  1893):  Driver  (9th  ed.,  New  York,  1899); 
Cornill  (tr.  New  York,  1906). 

Francis  E.  Gigot. 

Daniel,  Ch.\rles,  b.  31  Dec,  1818,  at  Beauvais, 
France;  d.  1  Jan.,  1893,  at  Paris.  He  joined  the  Soci- 
ety of  Jesus  in  1841,  was  professor  of  rhetoric  in  the 
novitiate  at  Saint  Acheul,  and  in  1857,  with  the 
assistance  of  Father  Gagarin,  founded  the  "Etudes 
de  th^ologie  et  d'  histotre",  a  magazine  that  soon 
became  a  monthly  publication.  Father  Daniel  edited 
it  with  ability  until  1870.  He  was  a  man  of  extensive 
and  accurate  learning,  of  unquestionable  taste,  and  he 
had  an  unusually  receptive  and  assimilative  mind.  He 
contributed  to  the  "Etudes"  many  articles  on  philo- 
sophical subjects:  "Optimism"  (1859),  "Positivism" 
(1860),  "Leibniz  and  Saisset"  (1861),  "The  Vatican 
Council"  (1869-1870);  "Protestantism:  the  Crisis  of 
Protestantism  in  France"  (1862),  "The  Organization 
of  Protestants  in  France"  (1863);  biographies  of 
Pere  Beauregard  (1858),  Mme.  Swetchine  (1864),  Ch. 
Lenormand  (1860),  and  P.  L^on  Ducoudray,  martjT 
of  the  Paris  Commune  f  1892). 

Other  more  important  works  are:  "Des  Etudes  clas- 
siques  dans  la  society  Chretienne"  (1853);  "Histoire 
de  la  bienheureuse  Marguerite  Marie  et  des  origines 
de  la  devotion  au  Sacr^  Coeur"  (1865),  translated  into 
Italian,  Polish,  and  Chinese;  "La  vie  du  P.  Alexis 
Clerc,  marin  et  Jesuite"  (1876,  English  tr.,  New 
York,  1880),  and  "Les  J&uites  instituteurs  de  la 
jeunesse  au  XVIP  et  au  XVIIP  siecle"  (1880).  His 
"Questions  actuelles:  religion,  philosophie,  histoire, 
art  et  litterature"  is  preceded  by  a  sketch  of  the 
author  bv  Fathers  Mercier  and  Fontaine,  S.  J. 
(Poitiers,  "1895). 

De  Scorhaili.e  in  E/urfes  (1893),  I;  Sommervogel,  BiW.  (fcto 
c.  de  J.,  IX,  supplement  and  a  notice  by  Mercier. 

J.    LlONNET. 

Daniel,  G.^briel,  historian  and  controversialist,  b. 
at  Rouen,  France,  8  Feb.,  1649;  d.  at  Paris,  23  June, 
1728.  He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Paris  in 
1667,  and  after  making  his  last  vows  at  Rennes,  1683. 
was  assigned  to  the  professed  house  of  Paris  where  his 
extraordinary  talents  resulted  in  his  being  appointed 
historiographer  of  France  by  Louis  XIV.  Of  the  pub- 
lished writings  of  Father  Daniel,  consisting  of  philo- 
sophical, theological,  and  historical  treatises,  many 
have  been  translated  into  German,  English.  Spanish, 
Italian,  and  Latin.  In  the  first  class  perhaps  the 
most  famous  was  the  oft-reprinted  "Voyage  du 
nionde  de  Descartes",  a  refutation  of  the  vortex  the- 
ory of  that  philosopher.  His  refutation  of  Pascal's 
"Provincial  Letters",  which  underwent  several  re- 
visions and  reprints,  and  his  published  correspondence 
with  Natalis  Alexander  respecting  the  Dominican  and 
Jesuit  doctrines  of  Probabilisni,  Grace,  Predestin- 
ation, etc.,  stand  out  conspicuously  among  his  the- 
ological works.  He  publi.shed  al.so  many  shorter 
works,  princip;illy  ag;iinst  the  Jansonists,  and  one 
volume  of  a  projected  course  of  theology  for  .seminaries. 

But  it  is  as  the  author  of  the  celebrated  "Ilistoire 
de  France"  that  Father  Daniel  has  achieved  his  most 


DANIEL 


627 


DANSARA 


lasting  fame.  This  work  in  seventeen  volumes  was 
the  fruit  of  his  ripest  years  and  was  the  most  complete 
and  accurate  history  of  France  that  had  t  lien  appeared 
(1713).  It  is  still  valuable,  though  oviTsliadowcd  by 
more  recent  works.  It  went  thnnieh  nuniy  r(htions, 
and  an  abridgment  of  it  in  eight  volumes  made  by 
the  author  was  tran.slated  into  Cierman,  English,  and 
Italian.  Besides  this,  a  valuable  work  from  original 
sources,  the  "Histoire  de  la  milice  frangaise",  con- 
tributed much  to  Daniel's  reputation  as  a  scholarly 
historian.  The  best  edition  of  his  great  history  is 
that  of  Paris  (1755-60),  in  seventeen  quarto  volumes. 
SoMMERVOQEL.  BM.  de  la  c.  de  J.,  II,  1795-1815;  IX,  170; 
De  Backer,  Bib!,  des  ecrivains  de  la  c.  de  J.,  I,  241-249;  VII. 
225;    HuRTER,  Xomendator,  II,  1042,  and  pa.«*sim. 

John  F.  X.  Murphy. 

Daniel,  John,  b.  1745;  d.  in  Paris,  3  October,  1823; 
son  of  Edward  Daniel  of  Durton,  Lancashire,  and  greats 
nephew  of  the  Rev.  HughTootell,  better  known  as  Dodd 
the  historian.  He  was  educated  first  at  Dame  .-Vlice's 
School,  Fernyhalgh,  and  then  at  Douai,  where  he  was 
ordained  priest  and  made  professor  of  philosophy 
(1778)  and  afterwards  of  theology.  When  the  presi- 
dent, Edward  Kitchen,  alarmed  by  the  t  rench  Revo- 
lution, resigned  his  office  in  1792,  Daniel  was  appointed 
president,  and  was  soon  after,  with  his  professors  and 
students,  taken  prisoner  and  confined  first  at  Arras  and 
then  at  Dourlens.     They  were  taken  back,  27  Nov., 

1794,  to  the  Irish  College  at  Douai  and  in  February, 

1795,  were  allowed  to  return  to  England.  It  is  usu- 
ally stated  that  Mr.  Daniel  was  then  appointed  presi- 
dent of  the  college  at  Crook  Hall  (since  removed  to 
Ushaw),  but  this  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  contem- 
porary docmnents  in  the  Westminster  diocesan 
archives ;  he  did  not  in  fact  take  up  residence  at  Crook 
Hall,  but  retired  to  Lancashire  till  1802,  when  he  went 
to  Paris  in  order  to  recover  the  property  of  Douai  Col- 
lege and  other  British  establishments.  After  1815 
compensation  amounting  to  half  a  million  pounds  was 
paid  by  the  French  Government,  but  the  Engli.sh 
Government  confiscated  this  money,  neither  returning 
it  to  France  nor  allowing  the  English  Catholics  to  re- 
ceive it.  Mr.  Daniel  was  the  last  de  jacto  president  of 
Douai,  though  the  Rev.  Francis  Tuite  was  appointed 
titular  president,  to  succeed  him  in  prosecuting  the 
claims.  Mr.  Daniel  wrote  an  " Ecclesiastical  History 
of  the  Britons  and  Saxons"  (London,  1S15,  1824). 

Narrative  of  the  Seizure  of  Douay  f  ''  I  m  (  >'^:>!tr  Magazine 
(1834),  I;    GiLLOW,  Bibl.  Diet.  En„    ■  I      ,  '...n.  1885),  II; 

Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  (London.  r~  ■  -  ■  I  \  m.rely  abbre- 
viating Gillow;  Kirk,  Bingraphie.^  "I  I  ;i '.,.:<  '.  nlitry  Cath- 
olics (London,  1908);  Macmillan's  Mnanzim.  XLI,  245;  also 
several  unpubli.shed  manuscript  sources  in  Westminster  Dio- 
cesan Archives  and  Ushaw  College  Archives. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Daniel  and  Companions,  Saint,  Friars  Minor  and 
martyrs;  dates  of  birth  unknown;  d.  10  October, 
1227.  The  martyrdom  of  St.  Berard  and  his  com- 
panions in  1219  had  inflamed  many  of  the  religious 
of  the  Order  of  Friars  Minor  with  the  desire  of 
preaching  the  Gospel  in  heathen  lands;  and  in  1227, 
the  year  following  St.  Francis's  death,  six  religious  of 
Tuscany,  Agnellus,  Samuel,  Donulus,  I_/CO,  Hugolinus, 
and  Nicholas,  petitioned  Brother  Eli.is  of  Cortona, 
then  vicar-general  of  the  order,  for  permission  to 
preach  the  Grxspel  to  the  infidels  of  Morocco.  The  six 
missionaries  went  first  to  Spain,  where  they  were  joined 
by  Daniel,  Minister  Provincial  of  Calabria,  who  be- 
came their  superior.  They  set  sail  from  Spain  and 
on  20  September  reached  the  coast  of  .\fric.i,  where 
they  remained  for  a  few  days  in  a  small  village  inhab- 
ited mostly  by  Christian  merchants  just  beyond  the; 
walls  of  the  Saracen  city  of  Ceuta.  Finally,  very  early 
on  Sunday  morning,  they  entered  the  city,  and  imme- 
diately began  to  preach  the  Gospel  and  to  denounce 
the  religion  of  Mahomet.  They  were  soon  appre- 
hended and  brought  before  the  sultan  who,  thinking 
that  they  were  mail,  ordered  them  to  be  cast  into 


prison.  Here  they  remained  until  the  following  Sun- 
day when  they  were  again  brought  before  the  sultan, 
who,  by  promises  and  threats,  endeavoured  in  vain  to 
make  them  deny  the  Christian  religion.  They  were 
all  condemned  to  death.  Each  one  approached 
Daniel,  tlie  .siipciior,  to  ask  his  blessing  and  permis- 
sion to  die  for  Clirist.  They  were  all  beheaded.  St. 
Daniel  and  his  companions  were  canonized  by  Leo  X 
in  151G.  Their  feast  is  kept  in  the  order  on  the 
thirteenth  of  October. 

W.^DDI^.•o,  Annah'H  Minorum  (Rome,  1732),  II,  25-30;  Acta 
SS.,  October,  VI,  384-392;  Passio  sanctorum  fratrum  Danielitt, 
etc.  in  Analecta  Franciscana  (Quaracchi  1897).  Ill,  613-616; 
Lko,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Francis  (Taunton,  1SS6),  III,  295-299. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Daniel  of  Winchester  (Danihel),  Bishop  of  the 
West  Saxons;  and  ruler  of  the  See  of  Winchester  from 
705  to  744 ;  died  in  745.  The  prominent  position  which 
he  held  among  the  English  clergy  of  his  time  can 
best  be  appreciated  from  the  fact  that  he  was  the  inti- 
mate friend  of  St.  Aldhelm  at  Sherborne,  of  the  Ven- 
erable Bede  at  Jarrow  and  of  St.  Boniface  in  Germany. 
Daniel  was  consecrated  to  succeed  Bishop  Hedda  of 
Wessex  whose  vast  diocese  was  then  broken  up. 
Dorsetshire,  Wiltshire,  Somerset,  and  Berkshire  be- 
came the  see  of  Sherborne  under  St.  Aldhelm,  while 
Daniel  retained  only  Hampshire,  Surrey,  and  Sussex, 
and  of  these  Sussex  soon  after  was  constituted  a  sep- 
arate diocese.  Daniel  like  Aldhelm  (q.  v.)  had  been 
educated  under  the  Irish  scholar  Maildubh  at  Malmes- 
bury  and  it  was  to  Malraesbury  that  he  retired  in  his 
old  age  when  loss  of  sight  compelled  him  to  resign  the 
bishopric.  There,  no  doubt,  he  had  also  learnt  the 
scholarship  for  which  he  was  famous  among  his  con- 
temporaries and  which  made  Bede  turn  to  him  as  the 
man  best  able  to  supply  information  regarding  the 
church  history  of  the  south  and  west  of  Britain. 
Daniel,  however,  is  best  remembered  for  his  intimate 
connexion  with  St.  Boniface.  It  was  from  Daniel 
that  the  latter  received  commendatory  letters  when 
he  started  for  Rome,  and  to  Daniel  he  continually 
turned  for  counsel  during  his  missionary  labours  in 
Germany.  Two  letters  of  the  Bishop  of  Winchester 
to  Boniface  are  preserved  (see  Haddan  and  Stubbs, 
"Councils",  III,  304  and  343)  and  give  an  admirable 
impression  of  his  piety  and  good  sense.  In  the  second 
of  these  epistles,  which  was  written  after  his  loss  of 
sight,  Daniel  takes  a  touching  farewell  of  his  corre- 
spondent: "Farewell,  farewell,  thou  hundredfold 
dearest  one."  Daniel  had  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome 
in  721  and  in  731  assisted  at  the  consecration  of  Arch- 
bishop Tatwine.  He  seems  never  to  have  been  hon- 
oured as  a  saint.  A  vision  recorded  in  "Monumenta 
Moguntina",  No.  112,  perhaps  implies  that  he  was 
considered  to  be  lacking  in  energy;  none  the  less  it 
would  follow  from  William  of  Malmesbury's  reference 
(Gest.  Pont.,  I,  357)  to  a  certain  stream  in  which 
Daniel  used  to  stand  the  whole  night  long  to  cool 
his  passions,  that  he  was  a  man  of  remarkable 
austerity. 

Sti'Bbs  in  Di'c(.  Christ.  Biog,  s.  v.;  Venables  in  Diet.  Nat. 
Bing.,  s.  v.;  Plummku  cd..  Heiu:.  Opera  //M/on'ca.  especially  Vol. 
11,307-308;    BRl.nii    I  /-.,'-,     .:i:,lii:n.i.Ch.Hist.,424,425. 

The  ma(eri.als  of  :iii      i li.    n,i;   i    I  c  drawn  mainly  from 

Bede.  William  of  MV  IM n.c  of  Worcester.     The 

correspondence  wit  1 1  l;,.iit!  .  .  I,  i  Ic.h  most  recently  edited  in 
the  first  volume  of  Kpi.'.lohr  in  llie  .Miminnenta  Germanite  His- 
iorica.     See  also  Chevalier,  Bio-bibliographie. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Daniel  the  Styhte.    See  Stylites. 

Dansara,  a  titular  see  in  Osrhoene.  Stephanus  By- 
zantius  mentions  Dansara  as  a  town  near  Edessa 
(Orfa).  Procopius  (De  xdif.,  II,  6)  says  it  was  one  of 
the  castles  around  Theodosiopolis  (Rhssina),  which 
were  fortified  by  Justinian.  Dansara,  probably  at 
the  same  time,  became  an  episcopal  see  suffragan  to 
Edessa, for  it  figures  in  the"Notitiaepiscopatuum"of 


DANTE 


628 


DANTE 


the  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  Anastasius  (Vailh6  in  Echos 
d'Orient,  X,  90  sqq.  and  139  sqq.),  and  its  bishop 
Nonnus  was  present  at  the  Fifth  CEcumenical  Council, 
held  at  Constautuiople  in  553  (Lequien,  Or.  christ., 
II,  983).  The  see  must  have  disappeared  on  accoiuit 
of  the  Arabian  invasions,  as  no  other  bishop  is  known. 
It  is  not  certain  that  it  was  still  in  existence  in  the 
tenth  century  (Vaillie  in  Echos  d'Orient,  X,  90  sqq.). 
The  site  of  the  city  has  not  been  identified.  Its  name 
i.s  often  written  Dausara;  such  forms  as  Lansara,  etc. 
are  incorrect.  The  Latin  titular  see  has  recently  been 
suppressed.  S.  Petridics. 

Dante  Aiighieri,  Italian  poet,  b.  at  Florence,  1265; 
d.  at  Ravenna,  Italy,  14  September,  1321.  His  own 
statement  in  the  "Paradise"  (xxii,  112-117)  that  he 
was  born  when  the  sun  was  in  Gemini,  fixes  his  birth- 
day between  18  May  and  17  June.  He  was  the  son 
of  Alighiero  di  Bellincione  Aiighieri,  a  notary  belong- 
ing to  an  ancient  but  decadent  Guelph  family,  by  his 
first  wife,  Bella,  who  was  possibly  a  daughter  of 
Durante  di  Scolaio  Abati,  a  Ghibelline  noble.  A  few 
months  after  the  poet's  birth,  the  victory  of  Charles 
of  Anjou  over  King  Manfred  at  Benevento  (2G  Feb., 
12G6)  ended  the  power  of  the  empire  in  Italy,  placed 
a  French  dynasty  upon  the  throne  of  Naples,  and 
secured  the  predominance  of  the  Guelphs  in  Tuscany. 
Dante  thus  grew  up  amidst  the  triumphs  of  the 
Florentine  democracy,  in  which  he  took  some  share, 
fighting  in  the  front  rank  of  the  Guelph  cavalry  at  the 
battle  of  Campaldino  (11  June,  1289),  when  the 
Tuscan  Ghibellines  were  defeated  by  the  forces  of  the 
Guelph  league,  of  which  Florence  was  the  head.  This 
victoiy  was  followed  by  a  reformation  of  the  Floren- 
tine constitution,  associated  with  the  name  of  Giano 
della  Bella,  a  great-hearted  noble  who  had  joined  the 
people.  By  the  Ordinances  of  Justice  (1293)  all 
nobles  and  magnates  were  more  strictly  excluded 
from  the  government,  and  subjected  to  severe  penal- 
ties for  offences  against  plebeians.  To  take  any  part 
in  public  life,  it  was  necessary  to  be  enrolled  in  one  or 
other  of  the  "Arts"  (the  guilds  in  whicli  the  burghers 
and  artisans  were  banded  together),  and  accordingly 
Dante  matriculated  in  the  guild  of  physicians  and 
apothecaries.  On  6  July,  1295,  he  sjioke  in  the  Gen- 
eral Council  of  the  Commune  in  favour  of  some  modi- 
fication in  the  Ordinances  of  Justice,  after  which  his 
name  is  frequently  found  recorded  as  speaking  or 
voting  in  the  various  councils  of  the  republic. 

Already  Dante  had  written  his  first  book,  the  "  Vita 
Nuova",  or  "New  Life",  an  exquisite  medley  of 
lyrical  verse  and  poetic  prose,  telling  the  story  of  liis 
love  for  Beatrice,  whom  he  had  first  seen  at  the  end 
of  his  ninth  year.  Beatrice,  who  was  probably  the 
daughter  of  Folco  Portinari,  and  wife  of  Simone  de' 
Bardi,  died  in  June,  1290,  and  the  "Vita  Nuova" 
was  completed  about  the  year  1294.  Dante's  love 
for  her  was  purely  spiritual  and  mystical,  the  amor 
amicitice  defiiied  by  St.  Thomas  Aquinas:  "That 
which  is  loved  in  love  of  friendship  is  loved  simply 
and  for  its  own  sake".  Its  resemblance  to  the  chiv- 
alrous worship  that  tlie  troubadours  offered  to  mar- 
ried women  is  merely  sujierficial.  The  book  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  Florentine  poet,  Guido  Cavalcanti,  whom 
Dante  calls  "the  first  of  my  friends",  and  ends  with 
the  promise  of  writing  concerning  Beatrice  "what  has 
never  before  been  written  of  any  woman". 

At  the  beginning  of  1300  the  papal  jubilee  was 
proclaimed  by  Boniface  VIII.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
Dante  was  among  the  pilgrims  who  flocked  to  Rome. 
Florence  was  in  a  dissistrous  condition,  the  ruling 
Guelph  party  having  s])lit  into  two  factions,  known 
as  Bianchi  and  Neri,  "Whites"  and  "Blacks",  which 
were  led  by  Vieri  de'  Cerchi  and  Corso  Donati,  re- 
Bpectively.  Roughly  speaking,  the  Bianchi  were  the 
constitutional  ijarty,  supporting  the  burgher  govern- 
ment and  the  Ordinances  of  Justice;  the  Nvri,  at  once 


more  turbulent  and  more  aristocratic,  relied  on  the 
support  of  the  populace,  and  were  strengthened  by 
the  favour  of  the  pope,  who  disliked  and  mistrusted 
the  recent  developments  of  the  democratic  pohcy  of 
the  repubhc.  The  discovery  of  a  plot  on  the  part  of 
certain  Florentines  m  the  papal  service  (18  April) 
and  a  collision  between  the  two  factions,  in  which 
blood  was  shed  (1  May),  brought  things  to  a  crisis. 
On  7  May  Dante  was  sent  on  an  unimportant  em- 
bassy to  San  Gemignano.  Shortly  after  his  return 
he  was  elected  one  of  the  six  priors  who  for  two 
months,  together  with  the  gonfaloniere,  formed  the 
Signoria,  the  chief  magLstracy  of  the  republic.  His 
term  of  office  was  from  15  June  to  15  August.  To- 
gether with  his  colleagues,  he  confirmed  the  anti- 
papal  measures  of  his  predecessors,  banished  the 
leaders  of  both  factions,  and  offered  such  opposition 
to  the  papal  legate.  Cardinal  Matteo  d'Acquasparta, 
that  the  latter  returned  to  Rome  and  laid  Florence 
under  an  interdict.  Guido  Cavalcanti  had  been 
among  the  exiled  Bianchi;  having  contracted  a  fatal 
illness  at  Sarzana,  he  was  allowed,  together  with  the 
rest  of  his  faction,  to  return  to  Florence,  where  he 
died  at  the  end  of  August.  This,  however,  was  after 
Dante's  term  of  office  had  ended.  Enraged  at  this 
partial  treatment,  Corso  Donati,  in  understanding 
with  his  adherents  in  Florence,  appealed  to  the  pope, 
who  ilecided  to  send  a  French  prince,  Charles  of 
Valois,  with  an  armed  force, as  peacemaker.  We  find 
Dante,  in  1301,  prominent  among  the  ruling  Bianchi 
in  Florence.  On  19  June,  in  the  Council  of  the  Hun- 
dred, he  returned  his  famous  answer,  Nihil  fiat,  to 
the  proposed  grant  of  soldiers  to  the  pope,  which  the 
Cardinal  of  Acquasparta  had  demanded  by  letter. 
After  28  September  he  is  lost  sight  of.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  sent  on  a  mission  to  the  pope  at  the  begin- 
ning of  October,  but  this  is  disputed.  On  1  November, 
Charles  of  Valois  entered  Florence  with  his  troops,  and 
restored  the  Neri  to  power.  Corso  Donati  and  his 
friends  returned  in  triumph,  and  were  fully  revenged 
on  their  opponents.  Dante  was  one  of  the  first 
victims.  On  a  trumped-up  charge  of  hostility  to  the 
Church  and  corrupt  practices,  he  was  sentenced  (27 
January,  1302),  together  with  four  others,  to  a  heavy 
fine  and  perpetual  exclusion  from  office.  On  10  March, 
together  witli  fifteen  others,  he  was  further  con- 
demned, as  contumacious,  to  be  burned  to  death, 
should  he  ever  come  into  the  power  of  the  Commune. 
At  the  beginning  of  April  the  whole  of  the  White 
faction  were  driven  out  of  Florence. 

A  few  years  before  his  exile  Dante  had  married 
Gemma  di  Manetto  Donati,  a  distant  kinswoman  of 
Corso,  by  whom  he  had  four  children.  He  never  saw 
his  wife  again;  but  his  sons,  Pietro  and  Jacopo,  and 
one  of  his  daughters,  Beatrice,  joined  him  in  later 
years.  At  first,  he  made  common  cause  with  his 
fellow-e.xiles  at  Siena,  Arezzo,  and  Forli,  in  attempt- 
ing to  win  his  way  back  to  Florence  with  the  aid  of 
Ghibelline  arms.  Dante's  name  occurs  in  a  document 
of  8  June,  1302,  among  the  exiled  Bianchi  who  at  San 
Godenzo  in  the  Apennines  were  forming  an  alliance 
with  the  Ubaldini  to  make  war  upon  the  Florentine 
Republic;  but,  in  a  similar  agreement  signed  at 
Bologna  on  18  June,  1303,  he  no  longer  appears 
among  them.  Between  these  two  dates  he  had  made 
his  resolution  to  form  a  party  by  himself  (Par.,  xvii, 
61-68),  and  had  sought  refuge  in  the  hospitality  of 
Bartolommeo  della  Scala,  the  lord  of  Verona,  where 
he  first  saw  Can  Grande  della  Scala,  Bartolommeo's 
younger  brotlicr,  tlien  a  boy  of  fourteen  years,  who 
became  the  licni  of  his  later  days. 

Dante  now  withdrew  from  all  active  participation 
in  politics.  In  one  of  his  odes  written  at  this  time, 
the  "Canzone  of  the  Three  Ladies"  (Canz.  xx),  he 
finds  himself  visiteil  in  his  banishment  by  Justice  and 
her  spiritual  chiklren,  outcasts  even  as  he,  and  de- 
clares that,  since  such  are  his  companions  in  inisfor- 


DANTE 


G29 


DANTE 


;\nio,  he  counts  his  exile  an  honour.     His  Hterary 
vMirk  at  this  epoch  centres  round  his  rime,  or  lyrical 

; ins,  more  particularly  round  a  series  of  fourteen 

:iii:,ini  or  odes,  amatory  in  form,  but  partly  allegori- 

il  iiid  didactic  in  mc;uiing,  a  splendid  group  of  poems 

wliirli  connect  the  "Vita  Nuova"  with  the  "Divina 

1  liiiiinedia".     Early  in  1304  he  seems  to  have  gone 

I"  Hologna.     Here  he  began,  but  left  unfinisheil,  a 

i.iiin  treatise,  "De  Vulgar!  RIor|uentia",  in  which  he 

ill  'riiiits  to  (liscover  the  ideal   Italian  language,  the 

noM.  st  form  of  the  vernacular,  and  then  to  show  how 

!i     liould  be  employed  in  the  composition  of  lyrical 

" "  1 1  y.     Even  in  its  unfinished  state,  it  is  a  most 

it'iiiiiiating  book  to  all  who  wish  to  understand  the 

iril  form  of  the  Italian  canzone.     On  10  March, 

the  Florentine  exiles  were  expelled  from  Bo- 

In   August  we  find   Dante    at    Padua,   and 

"Ml     weeks  later  in  Lunigiana,  where,  on  6  October, 

'II     H  ted  as  the  representative  of  the  Marquess  Fran- 

-I  liino    Malaspina    in    making    peace    between    his 

'      and  the   Bishop  of  Limi.     About  this  time 

OS)  he  began  the  "Convivio",  or  "Banqui't", 

I !  i:m  prose,  a  kind  of  popularization  of  Scholast  ic 

i    I  I  i^iiphy  in  the  form  of  a  commentarj-  upon  his 

liiiMii'i'M  odes  already  mentioned.     Only  four  of  the 

liM'    II  projected  treatises  were  actually  written,  an 

I  action  and  three  commentaries.     In  allegorical 

III  they  tell  us  how  Dante  became  the  lover  of 

iiphy,  that  mystical    lady   whose  soul  is  lovt' 

nni  «  ho.se  body  is  wisdom,  she  "whose  true  abode  is 

in  the  most  .secret  place  of  the  Divine  Mind". 

All  certain  traces  of  Dante  are  now  lost  for  some 
years.  He  is  said  to  have  gone  to  Paris  some  time 
between  1.307  and  1309,  but  this  is  open  to  question. 
In  November,  1308,  Henrj-  of  Luxemburg  was  eleiliil 
emperor  as  Henry  VII.  In  him  Dante  .saw  a  po.ssilile 
healer  of  the  wounds  of  Italy,  a  renovator  cif  Christen- 
dom, a  new  "Lamb  of  God"  (the  expression  is  the 
poet's)  who  would  take  away  the  sins  of  the  workl. 
This  drew  him  back  again  into  the  tempestuous  sea 
of  politics  and  the  life  of  action.  It  was  probably 
in  1309,  in  anticipation  of  the  emperor's  coming  to 
Italy,  that  Dante  wrote  his  famous  work  on  the 
monarchy,  "De  Monarchia",  in  three  books.  Fear- 
ing lest  he  "should  one  day  be  convicted  of  the 
charge  of  the  buried  talent",  and  desirous  of  "keep- 
ing vigil  for  the  good  of  the  world",  he  proceeds 
successively  to  show  that  such  a  single  supreme 
temporal  monarchy  as  the  empire  is  necessary  for 
the  well-being  of  the  world,  that  the  Roman  peo- 
l)le  acipiired  imiversal  sovereign  sway  by  Divine 
right,  and  that  the  authority  of  the  emperor  is  not 
di'pi'ndent  upon  the  pope,  but  descends  upon  him 
directly  from  the  fountain  of  universal  authority, 
which  is  God.  Man  is  ordained  for  two  ends:  bles.sed- 
nes.s  of  this  life,  whicli  consists  in  the  exercise  of  his 
natur.al  powers  and  is  figured  in  the  terrestrial  par.a- 
dise;  Ijlesscdne.ss  of  life  eternal,  which  consists  in  the 
fruition  of  the  Divine  aspect  in  the  celestial  paradise, 
to  which  man's  natural  powers  cannot  ascend  without 
the  aid  of  the  Divine  light.  To  these  two  ends  man 
must  come  by  diverse  means:  "For  to  the  first  we 
attain  by  the  teachings  of  pliilo.sophy,  following  them 
by  acting  in  accordance  with  the  moral  and  intellec- 
tual virtues.  To  the  second  by  spiritual  teachings, 
which  transcend  human  reason,  as  W(^  follow  them  by 
acting  according  to  the  theological  virtues."  But, 
although  these  ends  and  means  are  made  plain  to  us 
by  human  re:uson  and  by  revelation,  men  in  their 
cupidity  woulii  reject  them,  were  not  they  restrained 
by  bit  and  rein.  "Wherefore  man  had  need  of  a  two- 
fold directive  power  according  to  his  twofold  end, 
to  wit,  the  .Su|irenie  Pontiff,  to  lead  the  human  race 
in  accordance  with  tilings  revealed,  to  eternal  life; 
and  the  ICinperor,  to<lirect  the  human  race  to  temporal 
felicity  in  accordanci;  with  the  teachings  of  philos- 
ophy."   It    is   therefore   the  special    duty    of   the 


emperor  to  establish  freedom  and  peace  "on  this 
threshing  floor  of  mortality".  Mr.  Wicksteed  (whose 
translation  is  quoted)  aptly  notes  that  in  the  "De 
Monarchia"  "we  first  find  in  its  full  maturity  the 
general  conception  of  the  nature  of  man,  of  govern- 
ment, and  of  human  destiny,  which  was  afterwards 
transfigured,  without  being  transformed,  into  the 
framework  of  the  Sacred  Poem". 

The  emperor  arrived  in  Italy  in  September,  1310. 
Dante  had  already  aimoimceti  this  new  siuirise  for 
the  nations  in  an  enthusiastic  letter  tn  the  princes 
and  peoples  of  Italy  (Epist.  v).  He  paitl  homage  to 
Henry  in  Milan,  early  in  1311,  and  was  nuieh  gratified 
by  his  reception.  He  then  pa.ssed  into  the  Casentino, 
probably  on  some  imperial  mission.  Thence,  on  31 
March,  he  wrote  to  the  I'lorentine  Government  (Epist. 
vi),  "the  most  wicked  I'lorentines  within",  denounc- 
ing them  in  unmeasured  language  for  their  opposition 
to  the  emperor,  and,  on  l(i  .\i)ril,  to  Henry  (Epist. 
vii),  rebuking  him  for  his  delay,  in-ging  him  to  proceed 
at  once  against  the  rebellious  city,  "this  dire  plague 
whicli  is  named  Florence".      By  a  decree  of  2  Septem- 


(Church  of  rianta  Croce,  FIorenr.e) 


ber  (the  reform  of  Baldo  d'Aguglione),  Dante  is  in- 
cluded in  the  list  of  those  who  are  permanently 
excepted  from  all  amnesty  and  grace  liy  the  com- 
mune of  Florence.  In  the  spring  of  1312  he  seems 
to  have  gone  with  the  other  exiles  to  join  the  emperor 
at  Pisa,  and  it  was  there  that  Petrarch,  then  a  chiUl 
in  his  eighth  year,  saw  his  great  predecessor  for  the 
only  time.  Reverence  for  his  fatherland,  Leonardo 
Bruni  tells  us,  kept  Dante  from  accomiianying  the 
imperial  army  that  vainly  besieged  Florence  in  Sep- 
tember and  October;  nor  do  we  know  what  became 
of  him  in  the  ilisintegration  of  his  party  on  tlu?  em- 
peror's death  in  the  following  August,  1313.  A  vague 
tradition  makes  him  take  refuge  in  the  convent  of 
Santa  t'roce  di  Fonte  Avellana  near  Gubbio.  It  w.as 
possibly  from  thence  that,  after  the  death  of  Clement 
V,  in  1314,  he  wrote  his  noble  letter  to  the  Italian 
cardinals  (Epist.  viii),  crying  aloud  with  the  voice  of 
Jeremia.s,  urging  them  to  restore  the  papacy  to  Rome. 
A  little  later,  Dante  was  at  Liieca  under  the  protec- 
tion of  UguccioiK'  della  Kaggiuol.i,  a  r.hlbelliiie  soldier 
who  had  temporarily  made  himself  lord  of  tliat  city. 
Probably  in  consequence  of  his  association  with 
Uguccione  the  Florentines  renewed  the  sentence  of 
death  .against  the  poet  ((>  Nov.,  131.5),  his  two  .sons 
being  inelud<'il  in  the  ccmdemnation.  In  I31(i  .several 
decrees  of  amnesty  were  passed,  and  (although  Dante 
was  undoubtedly  excluiled  under  a  jirovision  of  2 
June)  .som(^  attenqit  w;is  made  to  get  it  extended  to 
him.  Tlu^  poet's  answer  w.as  his  famous  letter  to  an 
mmamed  Florentine  friend  (Epist.  ix),  absolutely 
refusing  to  return  to  his  country  under  shameful 
conditions.     He  now  went  again  to  Verona,  where  he 


DANTE 


630 


DANTE 


found  his  ideal  of  knightly  manhood  realized  in  Can 
Grande  della  Scala,  who  was  ruling  a  large  portion  of 
Eastern  Lombardy  as  imperial  vicar,  and  in  whom  he 
doubtless  saw  a  possible  future  deliverer  of  Italy.  It 
is  a  plausible  theory,  dating  from  the  fifteenth  century, 
that  identifies  Can  Grande  with  the  "Veltro",  or 
greyhountl,  the  hero  whose  advent  is  prophesied  at 
the  beginning  of  the  "Inferno",  who  is  to  effectuate 
the  unperial  ideals  of  the  "De  Monarchia",  and 
succeed  where  Henry  of  Luxemburg  had  failed. 

In  1317  (according  to  the  more  probable  chronol- 
ogy) Dante  settled  at  Ravenna,  at  the  invitation  of 
Guido  Novello  da  Polenta.  Here  he  completed  the 
"Divina  Commedia".  From  Ravenna  he  wrote  the 
striking  letter  to  Can  Grande  (Epist.  x),  dedicating 
the  "Paradiso"  to  him,  commenting  upon  its  first 
canto,  and  explaining  the  intention  and  allegorical 
meaning  of  the  whole  poem.  A  letter  in  verse  (1319) 
from  Giovanni  del  Virgilio,  a  lecturer  in  Latin  at  the 
University  of  Bologna,  remonstrating  with  him  for 
treating  such  lofty  themes  in  the  vernacular,  inviting 
him  to  come  and  receive  the  laurel  crown  in  that  city, 


by  his  son  Jacopo  and  forwarded  by  him  to  Can 
Grande. 

The  "Pivina  Commedia"  is  an  allegory  of  human 
life,  in  the  form  of  a  vision  of  the  world  beyond  the 
grave,  written  avowedly  with  the  object  of  converting 
a  corrupt  society  to  righteousness;  "to  remove  those 
living  in  this  lifr  from  the  state  of  misery,  and  lead 
them  to  the  state  of  felicity".  It  is  composed  of  a 
hundred  cantos,  written  in  the  measure  known  aa 
terza  rima,  with  its  normally  hendecasyllabic  lines 
and  closely  linked  rhymes,  which  Dante  so  modified 
from  the  popular  poetry  of  his  day  that  it  may  be 
regarded  as  his  own  invention.  He  is  relating,  nearly 
twenty  years  after  the  event,  a  vision  which  was 
granted  to  him  (for  his  own  salvation  when  leading 
a  sinful  life)  during  the  year  of  jubilee,  1300,  in  which 
for  seven  days  (beginning  on  the  morning  of  Good 
Friday)  he  passed  through  hell,  purgatory,  and  para- 
dise, spoke  with  the  souls  in  each  realm,  and  heard 
what  the  Providence  of  God  had  in  store  for  himself 
and  the  world.  The  framework  of  the  poem  presents 
the  dual  scheme  of  the  "De  Monarchia"  transfigured. 


(Nati. 


E  XV  Ckntuky 

E     FROM     THE 

nal  .Museum,  NaplesJ 


(Raphael,  Vatic'an) 
Dante  Aughieri 


led  Dante  to  compose  his  first  "  Eclogue",  a  delightful 
poem  in  pastoral  Latin  hexameters,  full  of  human 
kindness  and  gentle  humour.  In  it  Dante  expresses 
his  unalterable  resolution  to  receive  the  laurel  from 
Florence  alone,  and  proposes  to  win  his  correspondent 
to  an  appreciation  of  vernacular  poetry  by  the  gift  of 
ten  cantos  of  the  "Paradiso".  A  second  "Eclogue" 
was  sent  to  Giovanni  after  Dante's  death;  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  it  was  really  composed  by  the  poet. 
This  correspondence  shows  that  in  1319  the  "  Inferno" 
and  "Purgatorio"  were  already  generally  known; 
while  the  "Paradiso"  was  still  mifinished.  This  was 
now  sent  in  instalments  to  Can  Grande,  as  completed, 
between  1319  and  1321.  If  the  "Qusestio  de  Aqua  et 
Terra"  is  authentic,  Dante  was  at  Verona  on  20  Jan- 
.  uary,  1320,  where  he  delivered  a  discourse  on  the 
relative  position  of  earth  and  water  on  the  surface  of 
the  globe;  but,  although  the  authenticity  of  this 
treatise  has  recently  foimd  strenuous  defenders,  it 
must  still  be  regarded  as  doubtful.  In  July,  1321, 
Dante  went  on  an  embassy  from  Guido  da  Polenta  to 
Venice.  Two  months  later  he  died,  at  Ravenna,  on 
the  feast  of  the  Exaltation  of  the  Cross,  and  was 
buried  in  the  church  of  San  Francesco  in  that  city. 
The  whole  of  the  "Divina  Commedia"  had  been  pulj- 
ILshed,  with  the  exception  of  the  last  thirteen  cantos 
of  the  "Paradiso",  wliich  were  afterwards  discovered 


Virgil,  representing  human  philosophy  acting  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  moral  and  intellectual  virtues, 
guides  Dante  by  the  light  of  natural  reason  from  the 
dark  wood  of  alienation  from  God  (where  the  beasts 
of  lust,  pride,  and  avarice  drive  man  back  from 
ascending  the  Mountain  of  the  Lord),  through  hell 
and  purgatory  to  the  earthly  paradise,  the  state  of 
temporal  felicity,  when  spiritual  liberty  has  been 
regained  by  the  purgatorial  pains.  Beatrice,  repre- 
senting Divine  philosophy  illuminated  by  revelation, 
leads  him  thence,  up  through  the  nine  moving  heavens 
of  intellectual  preparation,  into  the  true  paradise,  the 
spaceless  and  timeless  empyrean,  in  which  the  blessed- 
ness of  eternal  life  is  found  in  the  fruition  of  the  sight 
of  God.  There  her  place  is  taken  liy  St.  Bernard,  type 
of  the  loving  contemplation  in  which  the  eternal  life 
of  the  soul  consists,  who  commends  him  to  the 
Blessed  Virgin,  at  whose  intercession  he  obtains  a 
foretaste  of  the  Beatific  Vision,  the  poem  closing  with 
all  powers  of  knowing  and  loving  fulfilled  and  con- 
sumed in  the  union  of  the  understanding  with  the 
Divine  Essence,  the  will  made  one  with  the  Divine 
Will,  "the  Love  that  moves  the  sun  and  the  other 
stars". 

The  sacred  poem,  the  last  book  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
sums  up  the  knowledge  and  intellectual  attainment 
of  the  centuries  that  |)assed  between  the  fall  of  the 


DANTE 


631 


DANTE 


Roman  Empire  and  the  beginning  of  the  Renaissance; 
it  gives  a  complete  picture  of  Catholicism  in  the  thir- 
teenth centurj-  in  Italy.  In  the  "Inferno",  Dante's 
style  is  chiefly  influenced  by  Virgil,  and,  in  a  lesser 
degree,  by  Liican.  The  heir  in  poetrj-  of  the  great 
achievement  of  Bl.  Albertus  Magnus  and  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  in  christianizing  Aristotle,  his  ethical  scheme 
and  metaphysics  are  m.ainlj'  Aristotelean,  while  his 
machinerj-  is  still  that  of  popular  medie\-al  tradition. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  he  had  direct  acquaintance 
with  any  other  account  of  a  visit  to  the  spirit  world, 
save  that  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  "  ^Eneid ' '.  But  over 
all  this  vast  field  his  dramatic  sense  played  at  will,  pic- 
turing human  nature  in  its  essentials,  laying  bare  the 
secrets  of  the  heart  with  a  hand  as  sure  as  that  of 
Shakespeare.  Himself  the  victim  of  persecution  and 
injustice,  burning  with  zeal  for  the  reformation  and 
renovation  of  the  world,  Dante's  imp.artiality  is,  in 
the  main,  sublime.  He  is  the  man  (to  adopt  his  own 
phrase)  to  whom  Truth  appeals  from  her  immutable 
throne;  as  such,  he  relentle.s.sly  condemns  the  "dear 
and  kind  paternal  image"  of  Brunetto  Latini  to  hell, 
though  from  him  he  had  learned  "how  man  makes 
himself  eternal";  while  he  places  Constantine,  to 
whose  donation  he  ascribes  the  corruption  of  the 
Church  and  the  ruin  of  the  world,  in  paradise.  The 
pity  and  terror  of  certain  episodes  in  the  "Inferno" — 
the  fruitless  magnanimity  of  Farinata  degli  I'berti. 
the  fatal  love  of  Francesca  da  Rimini,  the  fall  of  Gui(  li  ■ 
da  Montefeltro,  the  doom  of  Count  Ugolino — reach  the 
utmost  heights  of  tragedy. 

The  "Purgatorio",  perhaps  the  most  artistically 
perfect  of  the  three  canticles,  owes  less  to  the  beauty 
of  the  separate  episodes.  Dante's  conception  of 
purgatory  as  a  lofty  mountain,  rising  out  of  the  ocean 
in  the  southern  hemisphere,  and  leading  up  to  the 
Garden  of  Eden,  the  necessary  preparation  for  win- 
ning back  the  earthly  paradise,  and  with  it  all  the 
prerogatives  lost  by  man  at  the  fall  of  Adam,  secin> 
peculiar  to  him;  nor  do  we  find  elsewhere  the  purit'\ 
ing  process  carried  on  beneath  the  sun  and  stars,  witli 
the  beauty  of  transfigured  nature  only  eclipsed  by  tlie 
splendovir  of  the  angelic  custodians  of  the  seven  ter- 
races. The  meeting  with  Beatrice  on  the  banks  of 
Lethe,  with  Dante's  personal  confession  of  an  un- 
worthy past,  completes  the  story  of  the  "Vita  Nuova" 
after  the  bitter  experiences  and  disillusions  of  a  life- 
time. 

The  essence  of  Dante's  philosophy  is  that  all  virtues 
and  all  vices  proceed  from  love.  The  "  Purgatorio ' ' 
shows  how  love  is  to  be  set  in  order;  the  "Paradiso" 
shows  how  it  is  rendered  perfect  in  successive  stages 
of  illumination,  until  it  attains  to  union  with  the 
Divine  Love.  The  whole  structure  and  spiritual  ar- 
rangement of  Dante's  paradise,  in  which  groups  of 
saints  make  a  temporary  appearance  in  the  lower 
spheres  in  token  of  the  "many  mansions",  is  closely 
dependent  upon  the  teachings  of  the  Pseudo-Diony- 
sius  and  St.  Bernard  concerning  the  different  offices 
of  the  nine  orders  of  angels.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
he  knew  the  "Celestial  Hierarchj-"  of  Dionysius  at 
first  hand,  in  the  translation  of  Scotus  Erigena;  but 
St.  Bernard's  "De  Consideratione"  certainly  influ- 
enced him  profovmdiy.  Dante's  debt  to  the  Fathers 
and  Doctors  of  the  Church  has  not  yet  been  investi- 
gated with  the  fullness  of  research  that  h:us  been 
devoted  to  elucidating  his  knowledge  of  the  classical 
writers.  His  theology  is  mainly  that  of  St.  Tlionias 
Acjuinas,  though  he  occa.sionally  (.as  when  treating  of 
prmial  matter  and  of  the  nature  of  the  celestial  intelli- 
gences) departs  from  the  teaching  of  the  .\ng<'lic.al 
Doctor.  On  particular  points,  the  influence?  of  St. 
Gregory,  St.  Isidore,  St.  .•\nselni,  and  St.  Bonaventure 
may  be  traced;  that  u!  Boethius  is  marked  and  deep 
throughout.  His  mysticism  is  professedly  b.ased  upon 
St.  Augustine,  St.  Bernard,  and  Richard  of  St.  Victor, 
while  in  many  places  it  curiously  anticipates  that  of 


St.  John  of  the  Cross.  Mr.  Wiekstecd  speaks  of 
"many  instances  in  which  Dante  gives  a  spiritual 
turn  to  the  physical  speculations  of  the  Greeks". 
Even  in  the  "  Paradiso  "the  authority  of  Aristotle  is, 
next  to  that  of  the  .Scriptures,  .supreme;  and  it  is 
nntcwcirtliy  that,  when  questioned  by  St.  John  upon 
cli.iriiN .  1  iiiiti'  ap|ieals  first  of  all  to  the  Stagirite  (in 
the  ■'  .Mi't;i|iliysips")  as  showing  us  the  cause  for  loving 
Ciod  for  Himself  and  above  aU  things  (Par.,  xxvi, 
37-39).  The  harmonious  fusion  of  the  loftiest  mys- 
ticism with  direct  transcripts  from  nature  and  the 
homely  circumstance  of  daily  life,  all  handled  with 
poetic  passion  and  the  most  consummate  art,  gives 
the  "Divina  Commedi.a"  its  unique  character.  The 
closing  canto  is  the  crown  of  the  whole  work;  sense 
and  music  are  wedded  in  perfect  harmony;  the  most 
profound  mystery  of  faith  is  there  set  forth  in  supreme 
song  with  a  vivid  clearness  and  ilhnninating  precision 
that  can  never  be  surpassed. 


Dante's  vehement  denunciation  of  the  ecclesiastical 
corruption  of  his  times,  and  his  condemnation  of  most 
of  the  contemporary  popes  (including  the  canonized 
Celestine  V)  to  hell  have  led  to  some  ciuestioning  as  to 
the  poet's  attitude  towards  the  Church.  Even  in  the 
fourteenth  century  attempts  were  made  to  find  heresy 
in  the  "  Divina  Connuedia",  and  the  "  De  .Monarchia" 
w;is  burned  at  Bologna  by  order  of  a  papal  legate. 
In  more  recent  times  Dante  has  been  hailed  as  a  pre- 
cursor of  the  Reformation.  His  theological  position 
as  an  orthodox  Catholic  has  been  amply  and  repeat- 
edly vindicated,  recently  and  most  notably  by  Dr. 
Moore,  who  declares  that  "there  is  no  trace  in  his 
writings  of  doubt  or  dissatisfaction  respecting  any 
part  of  the  teaching  of  the  Church  in  matters  of  doc- 
trine authoritatively  laid  down".  A  strenuous  op- 
ponent of  the  political  aims  of  the  popes  of  his  own 
day,  the  beautiful  episodes  of  Ca.sella  and  Manfred 
in  the  "Purgatorio",  no  less  than  tlii'  closing  chapter 
of  the  "De  Monarchia"  itself,  bear  witness  to  Dante's 
reverence  for  the  spiritvuil  power  of  the  papacy,  which 
he  accepts  its  of  Divine  origin.  Not  tlie  least  striking 
testimony  to  his  orthodoxy  is  the  part  played  by  the 
Bles.sed  Virgin  in  the  sacred  poem  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end.     It  is,  as  it  were,  the  working  out  in  in- 


DANTE 


632 


DANTE 


spired  poetry  of  the  sentence  of  Richard  of  St.  Victor: 
'•  Through  Mary  not  only  is  the  light  of  grace  given  to 
man  on  earth,  but  even  the  vision  of  God  vouchsafed 
to  souls  in  Heaven." 

Our  earliest  account  of  the  life  and  works  of  Dante 
is  contained  in  a  chapter  in  the  "Croniche  Florentine" 
of  Giovanni  Villani  (d.  1348),  who  speaks  of  the  poet 
as  "our  neighbour".  There  are  six  commentaries 
extant  on  the  "Divina  Commedia",  in  whole  or  in 
part,  composed  within  ten  years  of  the  poet's  death. 
Three  of  these — by  Graziolo  de'  Bambaglioli,  then 
chancellor  of  the  commune  of  Bologna;  an  uniden- 
tified Florentine  known  as  Selmi's  Anonimo,  and  Fra 
Giiido  da  Pisa,  a  Carmelite — e.xtend  to  the  "  Inferno ' ' 
alone;  those  by  Jacopo  Alighieri,  the  poet's  second 
son,  Jacopo  della  Lana  of  Bologna,  and  the  autlior 
of  the  "  Ottimo  Commento ' '  deal  with  the  entire  poem. 
Graziolo  appears  as  the  first  defender  of  Dante's 
orthodoxy  (then  fiercely  assailed  in  Bologna);  the 
author  of  the  "Ottimo'*  (plausibly  identified  with  a 
Florentine  notary  and  poet,  Andrea  Lancia)  professes 
to  have  actually  spoken  with  Dante,  and  gives  us 
various  interesting  details  concerning  his  life.  About 
1.340  Dante's  elder  son,  Pietro  Alighieri,  set  himself 
to  elucidate  his  father's  work;  two  versions  of  his 
Latin  commentary  have  been  preserved,  the  later 
containing  additions  which  (if  really  his)  are  of  con- 
siderable importance.  Some  time  after  1348,  Gio- 
vanni Boccaccio  (q.  v.)  wrote  the  first  formal  life  of 
Dante,  the  "Trattatello  in  laude  di  Dante",  the 
authority  of  which,  once  much  derided,  has  been 
largely  rehabilitated  by  more  recent  research.  His 
commentary  on  the  "Inferno"  is  the  substance  of 
lectures  delivered  at  P'lorence  in  1373.  A  few  years 
later  came  the  commentaries  of  Benvenuto  da  Imola 
and  Francesco  Buti,  which  were  originally  delivered 
as  lectures  at  Bologna  and  Pisa  respectively.  Ben- 
venuto's  is  a  living  book,  full  of  humour  and  actuality 
as  well  as  learning.  Tlie  little  "Life"  by  Leonardo 
Bruni  (d.  1444),  the  famous  chancellor  of  the  Floren- 
tine Republic,  which  supplements  Boccaccio's  work 
with  fresh  information  and  quotes  letters  of  the  poet 
other  than  those  which  are  now  known,  and  the 
slighter  notice  by  Filippo  Villani  (c.  1404),  who  is  the 
first  commentator  who  refers  in  explicit  terms  to  the 
"Letter  to  Can  Grande",  bring  the  first  age  of  Dante 
interpretation  to  an  appropriate  close.  The  title  of 
father  of  modern  Dante  scholarship  unquestionably 
belongs  to  Karl  Witte  (1800-83),  whose  labours  set 
students  of  the  nineteenth  century  on  the  right  path 
both  in  interpretation  and  in  textual  research.  More 
recently,  mainly  through  the  influence  of  G.  A.  Scar- 
tazzini  (d.  1901),  a  wave  of  excessive  scepticism  swept 
over  the  field,  by  which  the  traditional  events  of 
Dante's  life  were  regarded  as  little  better  than  fables, 
and  the  majority  of  his  letters  and  even  some  of  his 
minor  works  were  declared  to  be  spurious.  This  has 
now  happily  abated.  The  most  pressing  needs  of 
Dante  scholarship  to-day  are  more  textual  study  of 
the  "Divina  Commedia",  a  closer  and  more  thorough 
.  acquaintance  with  every  aspect  of  the  minor  works, 
and  a  fuller  investigation  of  Dante's  position  with 
regard  to  the  great  philosophies  of  the  Middle  Ages — 
such  as  will  justify  or  restate  the  pregnant  opening  of 
the  epitaph  that  Giovanni  del  Virgilio  composed  for 
his  tomb:  "Theologus  Dantes,  nullius  dogmatis 
expers  quod  foveat  claro  philosophia  sinu"  (Dante 
the  theologian,  skilled  in  every  branch  of  knowledge 
that  philosophy  may  cherish  in  her  illustrious  bosom). 

Dante  may  be  said  to  have  made  Italian  poetry, 
and  to  have  stamped  the  mark  of  his  lofty  and  com- 
manding personality  upon  all  modern  literature.  It 
can  even  be  .clMinicd  that  his  works  liave  had  a  direct 
share  in  shajjiiig  the  aspirations  and  destinies  of  his 
native  country.  His  influence  upon  English  letters 
begins  with  tlie  poetry  of  Chaucer,  who  hails  him 
worthily  in  the  "Moiikes  Tale",  and  refers  his  readers 


to  him  as  "  the  grete  poete  of  Itaille  that  highte  Dant". 
Eclipsed  for  a  while  in  Tudor  times  by  the  greater 
popularity  of  Petrarch,  he  was  afterwards  ignored  or 
contemned  from  the  Restoration  until  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  The  first  complete  translation  of 
the  "Divina  Commedia"  into  English,  the  work  of 
an  Irishman,  Henry  Boyd,  was  published  in  1802 
(that  of  the  "Inferno"  having  been  issued  in  1785). 
Dante  came  again  into  his  heritage  among  us  with  the 
great  flood  of  noble  poetry  that  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  witnessed.  The  eloquent  tributes 
rendered  to  him  by  Shelley  (in  "  Epipsychidion ",  the 
"Triumph  of  Life",  and  "A  Defence  of  Poetry")  and 
by  Byron  (especially  in  the  "Prophecy  of  Dante"), 
as  after  them  by  Browning  and  Tennyson,  need  not  be 
repeated  here.  Through  Dante  Gabriel  Rossetti  and 
the  Pre-Raphaelites,  he  has  been  a  fruitful  influence 
in  art  no  less  than  in  letters.  In  the  interpretation 
and  criticism  of  Dante,  English-speaking  scholars  at 
present  stand  second  only  to  the  Italians. 

Never,  perhaps,  has  Dante's  fame  stood  so  high  as 
at  the  present  day — when  he  is  universally  recognized 
as  rankmg  with  Homer,  iEschylus,  Sophocles,  and 
Shakespeare,  among  the  few  supreme  poets  of  the 
world.  It  has  been  well  observed  that  his  inspiration 
resembles  that  of  the  Hebrew  prophet  more  than  that 
of  the  poet  as  ordinarily  understood.  His  influence, 
moreover,  is  by  no  means  confined  to  mere  literature. 
A  distinguished  Unitarian  divine  has  pointed  out  that 
the  modern  cult  of  Dante  is  "a  sign  of  enlarging  and 
deepening  spiritual  perception  as  well  as  literary  ap- 
preciation", and  that  it  is  one  of  the  chief  indications 
of  "the  renewed  hold  which  the  later  Middle  Ages 
have  gained  upon  modern  Europe"  (Wicksteed,  "The 
Religion  of  Time  and  of  Eternity").  The  poet's  own  L 
son,  Pietro  Alighieri,  declared  that,  if  the  Faith  were 
cxtingui.shed,  Dante  would  restore  it,  and  it  is  note- 
worthy to-day  that  many  serious  non-Catholic  stu- 
dents of  life  and  letters  owe  a  totally  different  con- 
ception of  the  Catholic  religion  to  the  study  of  the 
"Divina  Commedia".  The  power  of  the  sacred  poem 
in  popularizing  Catholic  theology  and  Catholic  philos- 
ophy, and  rendering  it  acceptable,  or  at  least  intel- 
ligible to  non-Catholics,  is  at  the  present  day  almost 
incalculable. 

The  place  of  honour  among  Dante  societies  belongs 
unquestionably  and  in  every  sense  to  the  "Societa 
Dantesca  Italiana",  an  admirably  conducted  associa- 
tion with  its  headquarters  at  Florence,  which  wel- 
comes foreign  students  among  its  members,  and  is  dis- 
tinguished for  its  high  and  liberal  scholarship.  In 
addition  to  courses  of  lectures  delivered  under  its 
auspices  in  various  Italian  cities,  it  publishes  a  quar- 
terly "BuUctiuo",  a  sur\'ey  of  contemporary  Dante 
literature,  and  has  begun  a  series  of  critical  editions 
of  the  minor  works.  Of  these  latter,  vohnnes  dealing 
with  the  "De  Vulgari  Eloquent ia"  and  the  "Vita 
Nuova",  by  Pio  Rajna  and  Michele  Barbi  respectively, 
have  already  appeared,  and  may  l>e  truly  said  to  mark 
an  epoch  in  the  critical  and  textual  study  of  Dante's 
Latin  and  Italian  writings  alike.  The  association 
known  as  the  "Dante  Alighieri",  on  the  other  hand, 
is  essentially  a  national  and  political  society,  and  is 
only  indirectly  concerned  with  the  jioet  whose  name 
it  bears.  Of  Dante  societies  other  than  Italian,  the 
"American  Dante  Society"  of  Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts, stands  first  in  importance.  The  small  but 
distinguished  "Oxford  Dante  Society"  docs  work  of 
a  high  order  of  scholarship.  The  "Dante  Society  of 
London"  is  noteworthy  for  its  large  nimiber  of  mem- 
bers, and  publishes  its  sessional  lectures  in  vohmie 
form;  but  its  aims  appear  to  be  social  rather  than 
scholarly.  A  svmimary  of  some  of  the  works  on 
Dante  will  be  found  below. 

The  biblioKranhy  of  Dante  i.s  so  vast  and  voluminous  that 
it  is  only  pcissiblo  here  to  make  a  brief  selection  of  recent  and 
general  works.     Complete  editions:    Moore,  Tulle  le  Open  di 


DANTI 


633 


DANTINE 


n.inir  (last  eil.,  Oxford.  1905);  Wicksteed.  Oelsner,  Oket, 
an  1  Howell  in  The  Temple  Classics,  Dante,  tr.  of  all  the  works, 
v.uli  lt-ili:in  tpxt^j  c.f  Divina  Commedia,  Vila  Nuova,  Canzoniere 
,.,  !;,,:<..  iiihl  inll  .iimmentaries  (London,  1899-1906).  Edi- 
th.i,~  1  I  ,'1  lommedia:  Scartazzini,  La  D.  C.  riufdiita 
U'l  '  '  .  .  ('a.  a.nd  Prohgom^ni  (4  vols.,  Leipzig,  1874- 
is'.iii.;  U  I -M.  K  i,-i.jnc  minore  (2nd  ed..  Milan,  1896);  Casini, 
/..I  U.  C.  cun  cummenlu  (5th  ed.,  Florence,  1895);  Bdtleh,  The 
//.  a.  Purgatory,  Paradise,  edited  with  translations  and  notes 
il  i.iidon,  1885);  Vernon,  Readings  on  the  Inferno,  Purga- 
i.'ii,<.  Paradise  (London,  1894);  (Lord)  Vernon  and 
I'wizzl,  Le  prime  quatlro  edizioni  della  D.  C.  letteralmente 
T^sl, impale  (London,  1858).  Crititial  editions  of  minor  works: 
\\  1 TTK,  De  Monarchiil  (Leipzig,  1874);  Rajna,  De  Vulgari 
El'"ju,ntid  (Florence,  1896);  Barbi,  Vita  Nuora  (Florence, 
1907);  Wicksteed,  Eclogues  in  Dante  and  Giovanni  del 
Virgilio  (London,  1901);  Albini,  Dantis  Bclogw  (Florence, 
1903). 

Dictionaries  and  Concordances:  Toynbee,  A  Dictionary  of 
Proper  Names  and  Notable  Matters  in  the  Works  of  Dante  (Ox- 
ford, 1898);  PoLETTO,  Dizionario  Dantesco  (Siena,  1885-87); 
Fay,  Concordance  of  the  Divina  Commedia  (Cambridge,  Massa- 
chusetts, 1888,  and  London,  1894);  Sheldon  and  White, 
Concordanza  delle  Opere  Itatianc  in  prosa  e  del  Canzoniere  di 
Dante  Alighieri  (O.xford,  1905).  Introductory:  Gardner,  A 
Dante  Primer  (London,  19()0).  General:  Benvendto  da 
Imola,  Comentum  super  Dantis  Aldigherii  Cormtdiam,  ed. 
Vernon  and  Lacaita  (Florence,  1887);  Berthier,  La  D.  C. 
con  commenti  secomio  In  Scolastica  (Freiburg,  1892);  Gardner, 
Dante's  Ten  Hemrns  (2nd  ed..  London  and  New  York,  1900); 
Hettinger.  Dante's  D.  C.  Its  Scope  and  Value,  ed.  Bowden 
(London,  1S87);  Kraus,  Dante,  sein  Leben  und  sein  Werk 
(Berlin,  1897);  Del  LnNoo,  DeW  Esilio  di  Dante  (Florence, 
1881);  Idem,  Dal  S,-colo  e  dal  Pocma  di  Dante  (Bologna,  1898); 
MooRK.  T,Tl,„il  Criticism  of  the  D.  C.  (Camhn^We.  lSS9i: 
Idem.    -',  ,:   Ihinie  (3  vols.,  Oxford,    1VM,-I;in:; . ;   ilh.i, 

L'ulu-  Dante  Alighieri'  iUOan.  l^''l   ,   - i. 

Alci'in      ,'  \)  biografia  di  Dante  (Tuiui.    1^'m,  ,     \\  i    i. 

stem.,  /'  /  -r'y  /.iiYso/ Dante  (London  and  S'-w  ^,>|L,  l^illli; 
WiTTE,  I':s.-,n!/s  iin  Dante,  tr.  and  ed.  Lawrence  and  Wick- 
steed (London,  1898),  a  selection  from  Dante-Forschungen 
(Halle  and  Hcilbronn,  1867-79);  Zingarelli,  Dante  (Milan, 
1903).  History  of  Dante's  Times:  W.  F.  Butler,  The  Lam- 
hard  Communes  (London,  1906);  Del  Lcngo,  Dino  C&mpagni 
e  la  sua  Cronica  (Florence,  1879-87);  Villari,  /  primi  due 
secoli  della  Storia  di  Firenze  (new  ed.,  Florence,  1905),  tr.  of 
earlier  edition  (London,  1901);  Wicksteed  and  8elfe,  Vil- 
lani's  Chronicle,  selections  (2nd  ed.,  London,  1906). 

Contemporary  Literature:  Rossetti,  Early  Italian  Poets  (or 
Dante  and  His  Circle)  (1861);  Gaspari,  Italian  Literature  to 
the  Death  of  Dante,  tr.  and  ed.  Oelsner  (London,  1901).  The 
translations  of  Cary  and  Lo-ngfellow  have  been  instru- 
mental in  familiarizing  English  and  American  readers  with 
the  Divina  Commedia:  the  best  recent  versions  are  those  of 
NoRTO.N  and  Haselfoot;  Carlyle's  prose-rendering  of  the 
Inferno  is  particularly  meritorious.  Among  translations  of  the 
minor  works,  other  than  those  included  in  the  above  lists. 
Cmitrch's  of  the  De  Monarchid  and  Latham's  of  the  Letters 
call  for  special  notice.  Edmund  G.   Gardner. 


Danti,  Ignazio,  mathematician  and  cosmographer, 
b.  at  Perugia,  Italy,  1537;  d.  at  Alatri,  19  Oct.,  1586. 
As  a  boy  he  learned  the  rudiment.s  of  painting  and 
architecture  from  liLs  father  and  aunt,  but  mathemat- 
ics and  science  were  his  favorite  studies.  He  received 
the  Dominican  habit  7  March,  1555,  changing  his  bap- 
tismal name  Pellegrino  to  Ignazio.  After  completing 
his  philosophy  and  theology  he  gave  some  time  to 
lireaching.  but  soon  devoted  himself  zealously  to 
m;ithematics,  astronomy,  and  geography.  About 
15(>7  he  w,as  invited  to  Florence  by  Cosmo  I,  Duke  of 
Tuscany,  who  wished  to  avail  himself  of  his  services  in 
reviving  mathematical  and  astronomical  studies  in  his 
newly  acquired  dominion.  About  the  same  time  Pope 
Sixtus  V,  who  belonged  to  the  Order  of  Preachers.  Ls 
said  to  have  commissioned  him  to  furnish  plans  for  the 
construction  of  a  Dominican  church  and  convent  at 
Hosco.  During  his  stay  in  Florence  Danti  taught 
mathematics  with  much  success  and  may  be  said  to 
have  prepared  the  way  for  Galileo  and  his  contem- 
poraries. He  resided  at  the  convent  of  Sta  Mariii 
Novella,  and  designed  the  first  gnomon  on  the 
faijade  of  its  church  in  157'2.  He  was  chosen  to  direct 
the  building  of  a  canal  which  was  to  place  Florence  in 
commimication  with  both  the  Mediterranean  and  the 
Adriatic.  Cosmo  did  not  live  to  carry  out  his  project 
and  .shortly  after  his  death  (1574)  Danti  became  jiro- 
fessor  of  mathematics  at  the  University  of  Bologna. 
While  occupying  this  chair  he  spent  .some  time  in  his 
native  city,  at  the  invitation  of  the  governor,  where 
he  prepared  maps  of  the  Perugian  republic. 


On  accoimt  of  his  mathematical  attainments  Greg- 
ory XIII  invited  him  to  Rome,  appointed  him  pon- 
tifical mathematician  and  made  him  a  member  of  the 
commission  for  the  reform  of  the  calendar.  He  also 
placed  him  in  charge  of  the  painters  whom  he  had 
summoned  to  the  Vatican  to  continue  the  work  so 
brilliantly  begun  by  Raphael  during  the  reign  of  Leo 
X  and  at  the  same  time  desired  him  to  make  a  mmiber 
of  maps  of  ancient  and  modern  Italy.  When  the 
pontiff  commissioned  the  architect  Kontana  to  repair 
the  Claudian  harbour  it  was  Danti  who  furnished  the 
necessary  plan-s.  While  at  Rome  Danti  published  a 
translation  of  a  portion  of  Euclid  with  annotations 
and  wrote  a  life  of  the  architect  Vignola,  preparing  akso 
notes  for  the  latter's  work  on  perspective.  In  recog- 
nition of  his  labours  Gregory,  in  1.583,  made  him  Bishop 
of  Alatri  in  the  Campagna.  Danti  showed  himself  a 
zealous  pastor  in  his  new  office.  He  convoked  a  dio- 
cesan synod,  corrected  many  abuses,  and  .showed 
great  solicitude  for  the  poor.  Shortly  before  his  death 
Sixtus  V  simimoned  him  to  Rome  to  ussisi  in  the  erec- 
tion of  the  grand  obelisk  in  the  piazza  I'l  iIm  \;ilic:in. 
Besides  the  works  already  mentioned.  Iimiii  was  the 
author  of  "Trattato  del'  u.so  e  della  fabbrica  dell'  a.s- 
trolabo  con  la  giunta  del  planifero  del  Raja";  "Le 
Scienze  matematiche  ridotte  in  tavole",  also  a  revised 
,1  iid  ;i nil. )tated  edition  of  "  La  Sfera  di  Messer  G.  Sacro- 
1" -cii  I  r.ulotta  da  Pier  Vincenzio  Danti". 


Toi.i,  Ehifiio  di  Ignazio  Danti  in  Onuscoli  Letterari 
ls2fn.  TIT;  Tim  M  in  Biografia  degli  Scrittori  Perugini 

sjs  1,  iiii".;  Mmichese,  Aicmarie  dei  piii  insigni  Pit- 
.  1,.  ■  •  '  ,  llomenicani  (Bologna,  1879),  II,  351, 
-.  (iiuMiii,  ls.-,2.) 

H.  M.  Brock. 


ViNCENZO  Danti,  sculptor,  brother  of  Ignazio,  b.  at 
Perugia,  1530 ;  d.  24  May,  157(i.  He  also  enjoyed  some 
reputation  as  a  goldsmith,  a  military  architect,  and  a 
poet.  The  statue  of  Pope  Julius  III  on  the  cathedral 
square  at  Perugia  is  one  of  his  early  works.  Later  he 
modelled  the  "Decapitation  of  St.  John  the  Baptist" 
over  the  south  portal  of  the  baptistery  at  Florence,  and 
finished  Andrea  Sansovino's  noble  group  of  the  "Bap- 
t  ism  of  Christ"  over  the  east  gate  of  the  same  baptistery. 
He  competed  against  Cellini  and  Gian  Bologna  for  the 
statue  of  Neptime  in  the  fountain  of  Piazza  della 
Signoria,  which  was  ultimately  given  to  an  inferior 
artist,  and  he  executed  a  marble  group  at  the  entrance 
to  the  Boboli  Gardens  in  Florence,  a  youth  raising 
and  attempting  to  carry  an  old  man  bound  hand  and 
foot.  This  is  supposed  to  be  an  allegory  of  the  victory 
of  honesty  over  deceit. 

LiiBKE,  History  of  .'Sculpture  (tr.  London.  1872);  Perkins. 
Handbook  of  Italian  Sculpture  (New  York.  1883). 

M.  L.  Handley. 

Dantine,  Maurus,  Benedictine  of  the  Congrega- 
tion of  Saint-Maur,  and  chronologist,  b.  at  Gourieux 
near  N.amur,  Belgium,  1  April,  1688:  d.  in  the  mon- 
asterj'  of  the  "  Blancs-Manteaux  ",  Paris,  3  November, 
1746.  Like  many  of  the  members  of  his  congregiition 
he  was  one  of  the  so-called  Appdnnts  who  in  1713  did 
not  accept  the  Bull  "Unigenitus",  but  appealed  to  a 
general  council.  Dantine's  chief  merit  is  the  work  he 
did  in  chronology;  he  can,  in  reality,  bo  called  one  of 
the  founders  of  this  important  liranch  of  history,  on 
account  of  the  carefully  elaborated  plan  he  drew  up 
for  the  great  |)ublication:  "  L'Art  de  vt'-rifier  les  dates 
historiques,  des  chartes,  des  chroniques  et  autres 
monuments,  depuis  la  nai.ssance  de  J.-C. ".  He  did 
most  of  the  prejiaratory  work  for  this  publication, 
coiLstructing  more  exact  chronological  tables  and  in- 
troducing a  better  method  for  calculating  historical 
dates.  On  account  of  illness,  however,  lie  was  not 
able  to  continue  his  labours  and  w.as  obliged  to  leave 
their  comjiletion  to  other  members  of  his  order,  his 
chief  successor  being  Cleiiieiicet.  Besides  this,  he  de- 
voted himself  to  thorough  linguistic  studies  and  as  a 


DANTISCUS 


634 


DARDANUS 


result  of  these  published  a  translation  with  commen- 
tary of  the  Psahus  under  the  title:  "Les  psauraes  tra- 
duits  sur  I'hubreu  avec  des  notes"  (Paris,  1739). 
This  work  attracted  so  much  attention  that  in  the 
same  year  a  second,  and  in  the  following  year  a  third, 
edition  became  necessary.  In  collaboration  with 
Dom  Carpentier  he  pieparcd  a  new  edition  of  the  great 
lexicon  originally  ijublished  in  1678  by  Du  Cange,  and 
afterwards  continued  by  the  Maurists,  its  first  Bene- 
dictine editor  being  Dom  Guesni^,  who  was  followed 
by  Nicolas  Toustain  and  Louis  Le  Pelletier.  The  edi- 
tion of  Dantine  and  Carpentier,  half  as  large  again  as 
that  of  Du  Cange,  appeared  in  six  volumes  at  Paris, 
1733-36,  under  the  title:  "Glossarium  ad  scriptores 
mediae  et  infimae  latinitatis,  editio  locupletior  opera  et 
studio  monachorum  O.  S.  B."  Dantine's  labours 
greatly  increased  the  value  of  this  admirable  work, 
which  Ls  not  only  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the 
knowledge  of  Latin,  but  is  also  a  rich  source  for  the 
study  of  law  and  morals  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

Tassin,  Hisloire  lillcraire  de  la  confjregation  de  Saint-Maur, 
II,  365  sqq.;  Lam.\,  Bihliothique  des  ccrivains  de  la  congrt'oation 
de  Saint-MauT,  481. 

Patricius  Schlager. 

Dantiscus,  John  von  Hofen.  See  Ermi.and, 
Diocese  (.if. 

Da  Ponte,  Lorenzo,  poet,  b.  at  Ceneda,  Italy, 
1749;  d.  in  New  York,  17  Aug.,  1838.  He  was  the 
son  of  a  Jew  and  was  at  first  named  Emmanuel  Cone- 
gliano.  When  he  was  fourteen  years  old  his  father  and 
the  other  members  of  the  family  embraced  Chris- 
tianity and  were  baptized,  20  Aug.,  1763,  in  the  cath- 
edral of  Ceneda.  The  bishop  of  the  see,  Lorenzo  Da 
Ponte,  seeing  the  talents  of  the  lad,  gave  him  his  own 
name  and  sent  him  to  the  local  seminary  to  be  edu- 
cated. Here  Da  Ponte  remained  for  five  years,  and 
then  went  to  teach  in  the  University  of  Treviso. 
Political  complications  sent  him  to  Vienna,  where  he 
met  Mozart  and  composed  for  him  the  librettos  of  the 
operas  "  Le  Nozze  di  Figaro",  "Don  Giovanni",  and 
"  Cosi  fan  tutte  ".  He  did  not  remain  long  in  Vienna, 
but  went  to  London,  whence,  after  a  somewhat 
chequered  career,  he  emigrated  to  New  York.  Un- 
successful commercial  ventures  and  unprofitable  ef- 
forts to  establish  opera  in  that  city  followed,  and  he 
then  settled  down  as  a  teacher  of  Italian  with  a  nomi- 
nal connexion  with  Columbia  College.  Da  Ponte  en- 
joys the  distinction  of  being  the  first  teacher  in  Amer- 
ica to  lecture  on  Dante 's  "  Divina  Commedia  ".  He  was 
buried  in  the  old  Catholic  cemetery  in  East  Eleventh 
Street,  and  as  the  grave  was  never  marked  it  cannot 
now  be  located.  His  daughter  married  Dr.  Henry 
James  Anderson,  for  many  years  professor  of  mathe- 
matics and  astronomy  in  Columbia  College,  and  a 
prominent  Catholic  philanthropist. 

Marchesan,  Delta  vita  e  delle  opere  di  Lorenzo  da  Ponte  {Tre- 
viso, 1900);  Grove,  Dictionary  of  Music  and  Musicians  (Lon- 
don, 1904),  III;  U.  .S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc.  Hist.,  Records  and  Studies 
(New  York,  Nov.,  1907),  V,  Part  I. 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Darboy,  Georges,  Archbishop  of  Paris  and  eccle- 
siastical writer,  b.  at  Fayl-Billot,  near  Langres,  1813; 
killed  by  Communists  at  Paris,  24  May,  1871.  Or- 
dained priest  in  1836,  he  served  for  a  time  as  curate 
of  Notre-Dame  at  Saint-Dizier  and  as  professor  at  the 
Grand  S^minaire  of  Langres,  then  joined  Mgr.  Affre 
at  Paris,  1845,  where  from  "pretre  auxiliaire  a  la 
maison  des  Carmes"  and  chaplain  of  the  Lycee  Henri- 
IV,  he  soon  rose  to  the  position  of  canon  of  Notre- 
Dame,  vicar-general  and  archdeacon  of  Saint- Denis, 
having  previously  been  made  prothonotary  Apostolic. 
In  1859  he  was  appointed  to  the  See  of  Nancy.  Dur- 
ing his  three  years  as  incumbent  of  that  see,  he  took 
a  special  interest  in  educational  matters,  established 
the  Ecole  Saints  Leopold,  erJarged  the  GrandS^minaire, 
and  wrote  (1862)  his  famous  letter,  "Sur  la  n6cessit6 


de  I'^tude".  Promoted  by  an  imperial  decree  of  10 
January,  1863,  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Paris,  made 
vacant  by  the  death  of  Mgr.  Morlot,  he  consecrated 
within  a  year  the  basilica  of  Notre-Dame,  then  com- 
pletely restored,  and  was  honoured  with  the  titles  of 
Grand  Almoner,  Senator,  and  Imperial  Councillor. 
Thoiiyh  larking  the  independence  of  Mgr.  AfTre,  the 
adiiiiMislrativc  skill  of  Mgr.  Sibour,  and  the  affability 
of  Cardinal  Morlot,  Darljoy  was  a  learned,  conscien- 
tious, and  respected  prelate.  With  the  help  of  such 
men  as  Buquet,  Isoard,  Langenieux,  Meignan,  and 
Foulon,  he  gave  a  new  impetus  to  the  somewhat  remiss 
administration  of  his  aged  predecessor.  The  Galli- 
canism  of  Darboy  made  him  unduly  subservient  to 
imperial  wishes  and  caused  him  to  assume  against  the 
exemptions  of  the  religious  an  attitude  which  Rome 
(1869)  compelled  him  to  abandon.  It  was  his  chief 
motive  for  siding,  during  the  Vatican  Council,  with 
the  minority  which  deemed  inopportune  the  definition 
of  papal  infallibility,  his  reasons  being  more  of  a  politi- 
cal than  of  a  theological  nature.  Darboy  was  one  of 
those  who  suggested  diplomatic  intervention  as  a 
means  of  ending  difficulties.  He  left  Rome  before  the 
final  vote  of  18  July,  1870,  and  expressed  sentiments 
which,  however,  he  generously  retracted  when,  several 
months  after  the  definition,  he  subscribed  to  it.  Dur- 
ing the  siege  of  Paris  Darboy  showed  himself  a  true 
pastor  and  won  the  admiration  of  all.  Arrested  4 
April,  1871,  by  order  of  the  Commune,  and  confined 
to  Mazas  Prison,  the  best  efforts  of  his  friends  failed 
to  save  him;  he  was  shot  at  Roquette,  24  May,  and 
died  blessing  his  executioners.  As  soon  as  order  could 
be  restored  a  national  funeral  was  celebrated  for  him 
and  the  other  victims  of  the  Commune.  The  Abb6 
Perraud  delivered  his  eulogy  at  Paris,  and  Pere  Didon 
at  Nancy.  Darboy  was  the  author  of  the  following 
works:  "(Euvres  de  saint  Denys  I'Ar^opagite,  tradui- 
tes  du  grec"  (Paris,  1845);  "  Les  femmes  de  la  Bible" 
(Paris,  1846-9);  "  Les  saintes  femmes  "  (Paris,  1850); 
"Lettres  a  Combalot"  (Paris,  1851);  "Jerusalem  et 
la  terre  sainte"  (Paris,  1852);  "L'imitation  de  J6sus- 
Christ,  traduction  nouvelle"  (Paris,  1852);  "Statis- 
tique  religieuse  du  diocese  de  Paris"  (Paris,  1856); 
"Saint  Thomas  Becket"  (Paris,  1858).  He  also  con- 
tributed to  the  "Correspondant"  (1847-1855)  and 
was  for  a  year  (1850)  director  of  the  "  Moniteur  Catho- 
lique".  His  pastoral  works  (2  vols.,  Paris,  1876) 
were  edited  by  his  biographer,  Foulon. 

Foulon,  Histoire  de  la  vie  et  des  wuvres  de  Mgr  Darboy 
(Paris,  1889);  Jerome  in  L'episcopat  francais.  ISOS-IMS 
(Paris,  1907).  390;  Pisani  tibid.,  463)  gives  an  exhaustive  bibli- 
ography; Darboy  et  le  Saint-Siege,  documents  ini'dits  in  Rev. 
d'hist.  et  de  lit.  relig.  (May-June,  1907). 

J.    F.   SOLLIER. 

Darbyists.     See  Plymouth  Brethren. 

Dardanus,  a  titular  see  in  the  province  of  Helles- 
pont, suffragan  of  Cyzicus.  Four  or  five  bishops  are 
known,  from  431  or  451  to  879  (Lequien,  Or.  Christ., 
I,  775).  Dardanus  figures  in  "Notititia;  episcopa- 
tuimi ' '  as  late  as  the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  centiu-y.  The 
town  seems  to  have  been  situated  some  seven  miles 
south-west  of  the  Dardanelles,  near  Kefez  Bournou. 
However,  the  town  called  Dardanelles  (Gr.  Darda- 
nellia;  Turk.  Kaleh-i-Sultanieh,  "imperial  fortress"; 
and  commonly  Tchanak  Kaleh,  "the  fortress  of  pot- 
tery") is  the  moilern  repre.<ientative  of  the  ancient 
Dardanus.  It  is  an  important  purt  on  the  straits  which 
unite  the  Marmora  with  the  .Mediterranean  (Straits  of 
Dardanelles,  the  ancient  Ilpllespont).  The  popula- 
tion is  about  8000  (Turks,  Greeks,  Jews,  a  few  Arme- 
nians, and  Europeans).  The  little  Catliolic  parish  is 
conducted  bj-  a  secular  priest  and  the  school  is  under 
Georgian  Sisters,  Servants  of  Maiy.  There  is  also 
an  American  Protestant  mission.  Dardanelles  is  the 
chief  town  of  a  sanjak,  which  depends  directly  on  the 
Sublime  Porte,  and  is  strongly  fortified.  Every  ship 
entering  or  cjuitting  the  straits  must  stop  at  Dardar 


DARDEL 


635 


DARNIS 


IT  Ill's  and  show  the  imperial  firman,  or  permit,  to  enter 
in-  leave.  Trade  is  rather  active.  Industry  is  repre- 
sented by  curious  earthenware.  Not  far  from  the 
;town  is  the  hill  of  Hissaalik,  the  scene  of  some  of 
Schliemann's  important  excavations.  The  entire 
region  is  covered  with  interesting  ruins. 

L'riNET,  La  Tvrquie  d'Asic  (Paris,  1S94),  III,  689  sqq. 

S.  Petridics. 

Dardel,  Jean,  Friar  Minor  of  the  French  province 
(if  the  order,  chronicler  of  .Armenia  in  the  fourteenth 
iinturj',  advLser  and  confessor  to  King  Leo  V  (or  VI) 
III  Armenia.  Nothing  is  known  regarding  him  except 
what  he  himself  tells  us  in  his  "Chronique  d'.\rm^nie", 
a  work  imknown  until  recent  times.  Dardel  was  born 
at  Kstampes,  and  became  a  Franciscan  about  the  mid- 
illi'  iif  the  fourteenth  centiu"y.  Not  earlier  than  1375 
hr  went  with  other  pilgrims  to  Jerusalem  and  Mount 
Sinai.  Arriving  at  Cairo  he  foimd  the  tmhappy  Leo, 
l:i^t  King  of  Armenia  (Cilicia),  w-ho  after  a  nine-months 
sii  L;e  in  the  fortress  of  Gaban  was  made  prisoner  by 
till  ICmir  of  Aleppo  and  brought  to  Jerusalem;  and 
1 1  "111  there  sent,  together  with  his  family,  to  Cairo 
i.luly,  137,)).  In  Cairo  Dardel  accepted  the  invitation 
I'f  the  imprisoned  monarch  to  act  as  his  adviser,  con- 
fi'^^or,  and  .secretary.  With  Dardel  was  a  companion 
■  -K  d  Brother  .\nthony  da  Monopoli.  Dardel  saw 
king  frequently  and  said  Mass  before  him,  a  privi- 
lasily  obtained  from  the  sultan.  He  remained  at 
:  i:iii  till  1379,  and,  as  he  tells  us,  wrote  some  of  the  let- 
ter-; which  the  king  sent  to  Europe  seeking  to  procure 
lii<  freedom.  Eventually  King  Leoentrusted  him  with 
'  '  niyal  seal  and  letters  of  credence,  and  sent  him  as 
issador  to  King  Peter  IV  of  Aragon,  and.  failing 
■ss  with  him,  to  all  the  other  kings  of  Christendom 
.  ■  ..litain  his  freedom.  Dardel  and  his  companion, 
Hrnther  Anthony,  set  out  from  Cairo  11  Sept., 
1  i7!t,  and  reached  Barcelona,  I  March,  1.380.  After 
triveling  over  half  of  Europe  he  barely  succeeded 
in  inducing  the  King  of  Aragon  to  send  an  embassy 
w  nil  gifts  to  the  sultan.  Under  the  leadership  of  the 
iniyrim  Gian-Alfonso  di  Loric,  with  some  support 
fi'  in  John  I,  King  of  Castile,  the  release  of  King  Leo 
\\  1^  thus  secured,  and  he  arrived  at  Venice,  12  Decem- 
ber, 1382.  He  set  out  for  France,  paid  homage  there 
to  Clement  VII  (the  antipope),  and  then  went  on  to 
Spain  where  the  King  of  Castile  received  him  royally. 
Clement  VII  appointed  Dardel  Bishop  of  Tortiboli 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Na])les,  11  April,  138-3,  as  a  reward 
for  his  labours  on  behalf  of  the  Armenian  king.  He 
has  left  us  an  important  "Chronique  d'Armdnie", 
hitherto  unknown  to  Orientalists.  It  was  discovered 
by  Canon  LHy-sse  Robert,  who  came  across  the  MS.  in 
the  Library  of  Dole  in  France,  and  it  has  recently  been 
published  by  the  Institut  des  belles  lettres  of  Franco 
in  the  second  tome  of  the  "Recueil  des  Historiens  des 
Croisades ' '. 

Original  text  in  Recueil  des  Ilistoriewi  des  Croisades;  Docu- 
ments Arm-niens  (Paris.  1906),  II,  274-1038;  Armenian  version 
by  G.  Eroeantz,  Jowhannu  Dardeli  Zhanuinakagrrtthiun 
Hnioz  (St.  Petersburg.  1891);  Robkkt.  La  Chronique  d' Armi-nic 
dr  Jean  Dardel,  cveque  de  Tortoboli  in  Archives  de  I'Oricnt  Latin 
(1884),  II.  1-15:  Teza.  Leonr  VI  e  frair  Giovanni  in  Alii  del  R. 
Instilulo  Vrnelodiscienze.  LXVI.  ser.  VIII,  vol.  IX,  pt.  II.  322- 
328;  Mater  in  Romania  (July,  1907),  4.50-455. 

OlROLAMO   GOLUBOVICH. 

Darerca,  Saint,  of  Ireland,  a  sister  of  St.  Patrick. 
Much  olxscurity  atttiches  to  hor  history,  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  disentangle  the  actual  facts  of  her  history  from 
the  network  of  legend  which  medieval  writers  inter- 
wove with  her  acts.  However,  her  fame,  apart  from 
her  relationship  to  Ireland's  natioiijil  apostle,  stands 
secure  as  not  only  a  great  saint  but  as  the  mother  of 
many  saints.  When  .'>t.  Patrick  visited  Bredaoli,  as 
we  read  in  the  "Tripartite  Life",  he  orflained  Aengiis 
mac  .Vilill,  the  local  chieftain  of  Moville,  now  a  seaside 
resort  for  the  citizens  of  Derry.  Whilst  there  he  found 
"the  three  deacons",  his  sister's  sons,  namely,  St. 


Reat,  St.  Nenn,  and  St.  Aedh,  who  are  commemorated 
respectively  on  3  March,  25  April,  and  31  August. 
St.  Darerca  was  twice  married,  her  second  husband, 
Chonas,  founded  the  church  of  Both-chonais,  now 
Binnion,  Parish  of  Clonmany,  in  the  barony  of  Inish- 
owen.  County  Donegal.  She  had  families  by  both 
husbands,  some  say  seventeen  sons,  all  of  whom, 
according  to  Colgan,  became  bishops.  From  the 
"Tripartite  Life  of  St.  Patrick"  it  is  evident  that  there 
were  four  sons  of  Darerca  by  Chonas,  namely  four 
bishops,  St.  Mel  of  Ard.agh,  St.  Rioe  of  Inisboffin,  St. 
Muinis  of  Forgney,  County  Longford,  and  St.  Maelchu. 
It  is  well  to  note  that  another  St.  Muinis,  son  of  CioUit, 
is  described  as  of  Tedel  in  Ara-cliath. 

St.  Darerca  had  two  daughters,  St.  Eiche  of  Kil- 
glass  and  St.  Lalloc  of  SenlLs.  Her  first  husband  was 
Restitutus  the  Lombard,  after  whose  death  she  mar- 
ried Chonas  the  Briton.  By  Restitutus  she  was 
mother  of  St.  Sechnall  of  Dunshaughlin;  St.  Nectan 
of  KUluiiche,  and  of  Fennor  (near  Slane);  of  St. 
Auxilius  of  Killossey  (near  Naas,  County  Kildare) ; 
of  St.  Diarmaid  of  Druim-corcortri  (near  Navan) ;  of 
Dabonna,  Mogornon,  Drioc,  Luguat,  and  Coemed 
Maccu  Baird  (the  Lombard)  of  Cloonshaneville,  near 
Frenchpark,  County  Roscommon.  Four  other  sons 
are  assigned  her  by  old  Irish  writers,  namely  St. 
Cnimmin  of  Lecua,  St.  Miduu,  St.  Carantoc,  and  St. 
Maceaith.  She  is  identical  with  Liamania,  according 
to  Colgan,  but  must  not  be  confounded  with  St. 
Monennia,  or  Darerca,  whose  feast  is  on  6  July.  St. 
Darerca  is  honoured  on  22  March,  and  is  the  patroness 
of  Valencia  Island. 

Stokes,  The  Tripartite.  Life  of  Si.  Pnlrirk  (Rolls  Series,  Lon- 
don, 1887);  Colgan,  Tria.-:  T}:numniur„n  (Ixiuvain.  1647); 
.\rchdall,  Monasticon  HiU.  rmium ,  ci.  Moran  (Dublin, 
1873-76);  Colga.n,  Acta  Siuirlu,  :,m  llih.nuiF  (Louvain.  1645); 
Martyrology  of  Donegal  (Dublin,  1,S64);  O'Hanlon,  Lives  <if 
the  Irish  Sainis  (Dublin,  1879),  III;  Healy,  Life  and  Writings 
of  St.  Patrick  (Dublin,  1905). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Dar-es-Salaam.     See  Zanzibar. 

Dareste  de  la  Chavanne,  A.vtoine-Elisabeth, 
historian  antl  professor,  b.  in  Paris,  25  October,  1820; 
d.  at  Lucenay-les-Aix,  6  August,  1882.  Having  com- 
pleted his  .studies  in  the  Ecole  Normale  and  taken  his 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Literature,  he  taught  history  at 
the  lyoeums  of  Versailles  and  Rennes  and  at  the 
College  Stanislas,  the  largest  Catholic  school  in  Paris. 
In  1847  he  was  given  a  professorship  at  the  University 
of  Grenoble,  and  two  years  after  was  appointed  to  the 
chair  of  history  at  the  University  of  Lyons.  This 
latter  position  he  retained  for  twenty  years,  being 
elected  dean  of  the  faculty  of  literature  in  1865. 
Whili-  discharging  with  the  greatest  zeal  and  ability 
the  duties  of  his  position,  he  wrote  a  number  of  works, 
several  of  which  received  an  award  from  the  French 
Academy.  Among  them  are:  "Eloge  de  Turgot" 
(Paris,  1847);  "  Histoire  de  I'administration  en 
France  depuis  Philippe-Auguste"  (Paris,  1848,  2 
vols,  in  8vo) ;  "  Histoire  des  classes  agricoles  en 
France  depuis  saint  Ivouis  jusfju'  ii  Louis  XVI" 
(Paris,  185.3);  "Histoire  de  France  depuis  ses  origines 
jusqu'  k  nos  jours  "  (Paris,  1865-1873,  8  vols. ;  2nd  ed., 
1879,  9  vols.).  All  his  WTitings  arc  clear,  accurate,  and 
complete  without  being  diffuse.  Although  somewhiit 
imbueilwitliGallieanideas,  he  invariably  does  justice  to 
the  Uoman  Church  and  the  popes.  In  1873  he  was 
appointed  rector  of  the  academy  at  Lyons,  but  was 
placed  on  the  unattached  li.st  in  1878,  because  of  his 
devotion  to  Catholic  interests,  and  the  active  part  he 
took  in  the  establishment  of  the  Catholic  University 
of  Lyons. 

Ill  IMueit,  Xalire  biographiqiie  sur  M.  Dare.ite  de  la  Chavanne 

(Lyons,  ISMi). 

Loui.s  N.  Dei.amarre 
Dark  Ages.     See  Middle  Ages. 
Damis,   a  metropolitan   titular  see  of   Libya,   in 
Egypt.     Ptolemy  (IV,  4,  2;  5;  6)  and  Ammiaii.  Mar- 


DARRAS 


636 


DATES 


cell.,  (XXII,  16,  4)  locate  it  in  Pentapolis.  It  became 
the  civil  and  later  the  religious  metropolis  of  Libya  Se- 
cunda,  or  Inferior,  i.e.  Marmarica  (Hierocles,  "Synec- 
demus",  734,  3;  Lequien,  "Oriens.  christ. ",  II,  631; 
Gelzer,  "Georgii  Cyprii  descriptio  orb  is  Romani", 
142).  Darne  is  another  form  of  the  name ;  Dardanis 
is  due  to  an  error.  Only  three,  perhaps  four,  bishops 
are  known,  from  the  fourth  or  sixth  century  to  about 
600.  The  city  is  now  known  as  Demeh  or  Demah, 
Terneh  or  Ternah,  and  is  a  little  port  at  the  end  of  a 
bay  fonned  by  the  Mediterranean,  where  the  French 
admiral  Gantheaume  landed  in  1799.  It  is  situated 
east  of  Benghasi  in  the  vilayet  of  that  name  (Tripoli- 
tana),  and  has  2000  inhabitants,  who  live  by  fishing 
and  the  coasting  trade. 

S.  Petkides. 

Darras,  JcsEPn-EpiPHANE,  church  historian,  b.  at 
Troyes,  Franco,  1825;  d.  at  Paris,  Nov.  8,  1878.  He 
completed  his  cla.ssical  training  and  his  theological 
studies  in  the  Petit  Seminaire  and  the  Grand  S^mi- 
naire  of  Troyes,  in  the  former  of  which  he  became  a 
teacher  after  his  ordination  to  the  priesthood,  but  had 
to  resign  apropos  of  a  panegyric  on  the  Bishop  of 
Troyes7  Etienne-Antoine  de  Boulogne  (1809-1825), 
disgraced  by  Napoleon  I,  for  his  firm  attitude  on  the 
occasion  of  the  assembly  of  the  French  bishops  in 
1811.  He  then  became  tutor  of  Prince  Eugene  de 
Bauffremont,  devoted  himself  to  historical  studies, 
and  after  the  education  of  his  pupil  continued  to  live 
with  the  de  Bauffremont  family.  He  was  a  zealous 
antagonist  of  Gallicanism  and  devoted  to  the  honour 
and  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See.  He  was  at  Rome 
during  the  Vatican  Council  as  secretary  to  the  meet- 
ings of  the  French  bishojis.  His  first  literary  work 
was  the  translation  of  Pallavicino's  "Storia  del  Con- 
cilio  Tridentino"  for  the  Migne  collection.  To  the 
same  period  belongs  the  "  Legende  de  Notre-Dame ' ' 
(Paris,  1848),  written  under  the  influence  of  Montal- 
embert.  The  early  theological  studies  of  Darrar  did 
not  include  a  good  foundation  in  ecclesiastical  history ; 
this  defect  he  sought  to  make  good  by  private  stvulies. 
His  "Histoire  generale  de  I'Eglise"  in  four  volumes 
appeared  at  Paris  in  1854  (14th  ed.,  1890).  It  follows 
the  reigns  of  the  popes,  but  betrays  in  the  author  a 
lack  of  methodical  training  and  critical  skill,  defects 
noticeable  also  in  his  other  works.  In  the  following 
years  Darras  published  a  "Histoire  de  St.  Denis 
I'Areopagite,  premier  dvccjue  de  Paris"  (Paris,  1863); 
a  "Histoire  de  Notre  Seigneur  Jesus-Christ"  (Paris, 
1864),  two  volumes,  and  a  "Notice  biographique  de 
Mgr.  Jager"  (Paris,  1868).  He  collaborated  with 
Collin  in  the  "Grande  Vie  des  Saints"  (Paris,  1873-75) 
twenty-five  volumes.  In  the  meantime  he  had  pre- 
pared the  material  for  his  chief  work:  "Histoire  de 
I'Eglise  depuis  la  creation",  the  first  twenty-five  vol- 
umes of  which  appeared  before  his  death  (Paris,  1875- 
77).  They  brought  the  narrative  down  to  the  twelfth 
centurj'.  'After  his  death,  J.  Bareille  continued  the 
work  to  the  pontificate  of  Clement  VII  (volumes 
XXVI-XXXII,  Paris,  1879-84).  It  was  completed 
by  J.  Fevre  to  the  pontificate  of  Leo  XIII,  inclusive 
(volumes  XXXIII-XLIV,  Paris,  1884-1907,  with  two 
volumes  of  Index).  This  work  discloses  the  defects 
mentioned  above.  For  a  sharp  criticism  of  it  by  the 
Bollandist  Charles  de  Smedt,  S.  J.,  see  the  latter's 
"Principes  de  la  critique  historique"  (Liege,  1885), 
137  sqq.,  285. 

Polybiblion  (Paris,  1879).  XXV,  SO;  Hurter,  Nomcndator, 
III,  1325,  1396;  Darras-B.ireille-Fevre,  Histoire  de  I'Eglise 
(Paris,  1S8S),  XLII,  376  sqq. 

J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

Darrell,  William,  theologian,  b.  1651,  in  Bucking- 
hamshire, England;  d.  28  Feb.,  1721,  at  St.  Omer's, 
France.  He  was  a  member  of  the  ancient  Catholic 
family  of  Darrell  of  Scotney  Castle,  Sussex,  being  the 
only  son  of  Thomas  Darrell  and  his  wife,  Thomassing 


Marcham.  He  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus  on  7  Sept., 
1671,  was  professed  25  March,  1689.  He  wrote:  "A 
Vindication  of  St.  Ignatius  from  Phanaticism  and  of 
the  Jesuits  from  the  calumnies  laid  to  their  charge  in 
a  late  book  (by  Henry  Wharton)  entitled  The  Enthu- 
siasm of  theChurch  of  Rome"  (London,  1688) ;  "Moral 
Reflections  on  the  Epistles  and  Gospels  of  every  Sun- 
day throughout  the  Year"  (London,  1711,  and  fre- 
quently reprinted);  "Tlie  Gentleman  Instructed  in 
the  conduct  of  a  virtuous  and  happy  life"  (10th  ed., 
London,  1732;  frequently  reprinted  and  translated 
into  Italian  and  Hungarian);  "Tlieses  Tlieologica; " 
(Liege,  1702);  "The  Case  Reviewed"  in  answer  to 
Leslie's  "Case  Stated"  (2nd  ed.,  London,  1717);  " \ 
Treatise  of  the  Real  Presence"  (London,  1721).  He 
translated  "  Discourses  of  Cleander  and  Eudoxus  upon 
the  Provincial  Letters  from  the  French"  (1701). 
Jones  in  his  edition  of  Peck's  "Popery  Tracts"(18.50), 
also  attributes  to  F.ather  Darrell:  "A  Letter  on  King 
James  the  Second's  most  gracious  Letter  of  Indul- 
gence" (1687);  "The  Layman's  Opinion  sent  .  .  .  tn 
a  considerable  Di\'ine  in  the  Church  of  England" 
(1687);  "A  Letter  to  a  Lady"  (1688);  "Tlie  Vanity 
of  Human  Respects"  (1688). 

Foley,  Records  Eng.  Prov.  S.  J.  {London,  1878),  III.  477. 
VII,  i,  196;  "PY^CK.Catalogueof  Popery  Tracts  (J~'i;i).ed.  iosts 
(Chetham  Society.  1859);  Gillow,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Calh. 
(London.  1886),  II;  Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  (London, 
1888),  XIV. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Darwinism.     See  Evolution. 

Dates  and  Dating. — In  classical  Latin  even  before 
the  time  of  Christ  it  was  usual  for  correspondents  to 
indicate  when  and  where  their  letters  were  written. 
This  was  commonly  done  by  such  words  as  dabam 
RonuB  ante  tliem.  quartum  Kalendas  Januarias,  i.  e.  I 
gave  or  delivered  this  at  Rome  on  December  29th. 
For  this  the  later  formula  was  dala  Ramm  (given  at 
Rome).  Hence  data,  the  first  word  of  the  formula, 
came  to  be  used  for  the  time  and  place  therein  speci- 
fied. The  principle  that  imperial  decrees  and  char- 
ters must  be  "dated"  as  a  condition  of  validity,  i.  e. 
that  they  must  bear  upon  them  the  indication  of  the 
day  and  year  when  they  were  delivered,  may  be  traced 
back  to  the  time  of  Constantine.  In  the  course  of  the 
Middle  Ages  this  principle  was  generally  admitted, 
and  we  find,  for  example,  that  at  Cologne  in  the 
twelfth  century  the  validity  of  a  certain  instrument 
was  contested  because  it  lacked  a  date.  "Those  who 
have  seen  it  say  that  the  document  which  John 
brought  does  not  bear  the  day  or  the  indiction  .  .  . 
now  the  Roman  decrees  lay  down  that  letters  which 
lack  the  day  and  the  indiction  have  no  binding  force." 
(Westdeutsche  Zeitschrift  fiir  Geschichte,  I,  377.) 
But  although  this  principle  was  recognized  in  theory 
it  was  not  always  carried  out  in  practice.  Even  down 
to  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  not  only  royal 
and  imperial  letters  but  even  charters  (Urkunden), 
properly  so  called,  were  occasionally  through  the  care- 
lessness of  officials  sent  out  without  a  date.  (Bress- 
lau,  Handbuch,  I,  891.)  In  this  matter  the  Italian 
chancery  officials  seem  to  have  been  much  more  care- 
ful than  those  of  the  rest  of  Europe.  Tlie  same  is 
true  with  regard  to  the  correctness  of  the  dates  which 
do  appear  in  official  documents,  especially  those  of  the 
early  Middle  Ages.  As  a  rule  the  charters  emanating 
from  the  cliancery  of  the  Western  Emperors  are  much 
more  liable  to  this  form  of  error  than  those  of  the  Holy 
See  (Bresslau,  ib.,  844).  But  even  the  bulls  of  such  a 
pontiff  as  Innocent  III  are  not  imfrequently  at  fault, 
and  as  Leopold  Delisle  has  shown,  an  erroneous  calcu- 
lation of  the  indiction  may  be  perpetuated  through  a 
whole  series  of  authentic  documents  (Bib.  de  I'Ecole 
des  chartes,  1858,  p.  55).  In  any  case  it  remains 
certain  and  is  admitted  by  all  serious  writers  upon 
diplomatics  that  the  mere  fact  that  an  erroneous 
date  occurs  in  a  document,  especially  when  we  are 


DATES 


637 


DATES 


dealing  with  the  earlier  Middle  Ages,  cannot  by  itself 
lie  accepted  as  a  proof,  or  even  a  presumption,  of  the 
siniriousness  of  the  document. 

The  Christian  Era. — The  point  of  main  interest  in 
this  conne.\ion  is  to  determine  the  source  and  period  of 
the  introduction  of  our  present  system  of  dating  by 
the  Christian  Era.  Although,  as  explained  in  the 
article  Chronology,  Genek.\l  (q.  v.),  the  monk 
known  as  Dionysius  Exigiuis,  when  resident  in  Rome, 
c.  527,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  initiate  the 
practice  of  calculating  years  from  the  birth  of  Christ, 
and  although  it  was  undoubtedly  he  who  identified 
the  year  uf  Christ's  birth  with  the  year  753  of  the 
foundation  of  Rome,  as  is  still  done  in  our  current 
ilironology,  nevertheless  it  was  not  until  long  after  the 
:il;c  of  Dionysius  Exiguus  that  the  system  came  into 
ciinunon  use.  For  example  no  trace  of  it  will  be 
fnuiid  in  that  great  historian  of  the  Gallic  Church,  St. 
t  Iregory  of  Tours,  the  contemporary  of  our  St.  Augus- 
i  iiie  of  England ;  and  in  the  writings  of  Pope  St.  Greg- 
ory the  Great  the  Dionysian  Era  is  not  adopted.  It 
was  the  pope's  haliit  to  date  his  letters  by  the  regnal 
years  of  the  emperor  and  letters  so  datetl  may  be  seen 
in  Bede's  "Ecclesiastical  History",  just  as  they  were 
rnpied  from  the  Roman  archives.  Apparently  it  was 
I  lie  Englishman  Bede  himself  who  was  the  first  to 
living  the  Dionysian  system  into  general  use,  for  it  was 
liirough  him  that  it  wa.s  adopted  in  literature,  having 
liccn  employed  systematically  not  only  in  his  "De 
lomporum  Ratione"  but  especially  in  his  "Ecclesi- 
astical History".  What  is  more,  we  may  notice  the 
striking  fact  that  the  regular  employment  of  the 
(  hristian  Era  in  English  charters  began  just  at  the 
period  of  Bede's  pre-eminent  influence.  It  is  only 
lr(im  about  the  year  G79  that  we  are  able  to  appeal  to 
1  jiglish  charters  of  indisputable  authenticity.  Tak- 
ing eight  such  documents,  the  eight  earliest  which  we 
can  quote  with  confidence  and  dated  respectively  679, 
(i92,  697,  732,  734,  7.36,  740,  759,  we  may  notice  says 
Professor  Earle  (Land  Charters,  Introiluc,  p.  xxxiii) 
that  "  of  this  series  the  first  five  though  all  more  or 
less  dated,  whether  by  the  month  or  the  regnal  year, 
or  by  the  Indiction,  or  by  all  these  at  once,  have  not 
the  Anno  Domini.  On  the  other  hand,  the  last  three 
agree  in  using  the  Christian  Era  and  from  this  time 
the  practice  is  continuous.  In  the  intervening  year 
which  breaks  this  series  into  two  parts  falls  the  death 
of  Bede  a.  d.  735."  Very  noteworthy  is  the  decree  of 
an  English  .synod  held  in  816,  wherein  it  is  jircscribed 
that  the  bishop  shall  put  the  acts  of  the  synod  into 
writing  and  date  them  by  the  Era  of  the  Incarnation. 
This  points  no  doubt  to  a  time  "when  eccUwiastics 
knew  the  era  well  enough  but  liad  not  yet  acquired  the 
punctual  haljit  of  using  it".  It  is  in  any  case  certain 
that  neither  in  the  papal  chancery  nor  in  that  of  the 
Western  I'jnpire  was  the  system  introduced  until  con- 
siderably later.  In  the  empire  it  only  became  general 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century,  while  although 
it  occurs  occasionally  in  papal  documents  of  the  time 
of  John  XIII  (965-972),  it  was  not  the  rule  before  the 
twelfth  century.  But  for  the  dating  of  papal  docu- 
ments and  for  the  so-called  "double  date"  see  the 
article  Bulus  and  Briefs. 

Reckoning  of  Years. — Before  the  Christian  Era 
was  generally  adopted  in  the  dating  of  documents 
various  other  systems  were  employed  at  different 
periods  and  in  different  countries.  The  best  known  of 
these  was  the  counting  by  "  indictions".  The  indic- 
tion was  a  cycle  of  fifteen  years,  the  first  of  tliese  cycles 
being  conceived  to  have  started  at  a  point  three  years 
before  the  beginning  of  the  present  Christian  Era.  It 
was  usual  to  indicate  only  the  position  of  the  year  in 
the  current  indiction,  and  no  notice  was  taken  of  the 
number  of  cycles  already  completed.  Thus,  for  ex- 
ample, indictio  quartn  meant  the  fourth  year  of 
some  particular  indiction  and  not  the  fourth  cycle  of 
fifteen  years  after  b.  c.  3;  from  which  it  follows  that 


merely  to  know  the  year  of  the  indiction  is  useless  for 
determining  the  absolute  date  of  any  document  unless 
we  know  otherwise  approximately  the  period  to  which 
the  document  belongs.  In  reckoning  the  beginning 
and  consequently  the  changing-point  of  the  indiction- 
cycles  four  different  systems  were  adopted  :  the  in- 
dirtio  Grtvcn  according  to  which  the  indiction  began  on 
September  1st;  the  indictio  Ccrsarea  (or  indiction  of 
Bede)  beginning  September  24th ;  the  indictio  Romana 
bcgiiuiing  December  25th  or  January  1st;  and  the  in- 
dictio Senensis  beginning  September  8th.  The  indic- 
tio Grcccn  was  the  oldest  of  these  and  it  remained  in 
use  in  papal  bulls  until  1087  and  in  imperial  docu- 
ments until  832.  It  was  partly  supplanted,  especially 
in  the  Carlovingian  sphere  of  influence,  by  the  indictio 
Cccsarea. 

Concurrently  with  the  year  of  the  indiction  it  was 
customary  both  in  papal  and  imperial  documents  to 
mention  the  regnal  year  of  the  pope  or  emperor.  So 
far  as  regards  the  emperors  this  was  prescribed  by 
Justinian  (Novella  xlvii).  In  the  case  of  the  popes  we 
do  not  know  any  instance  earlier  than  787.  Generally 
speaking  (though  the  rule  admitted  of  many  excep- 
tions, especially  later)  the  regnal  year  was  calculated 
from  the  day  of  coronation  or  consecration.  In  the 
oflicial  acts  of  most  of  the  countries  of  Christendom, 
and  notably  in  England,  the  regnal  year  of  the  sov- 
ereign was  always  given  and  sometimes  this  was  the 
only  indication  of  the  year.  As  a  continuous  system 
of  year  enumeration  the  oldest  era  in  practical  use 
appears  to  have  been  that  known  as  the  "Era  of  the 
Martyrs"  or  "of  Diocletian"  (anni  Diocletiani) .  Its 
starting-point  was  the  accession  of  the  Emperor  Dio- 
cletian, 29  Aug.,  284.  The  Spanish  Era  {cera  Hispan- 
icn)  was  in  familiar  use  in  Spain  from  the  fifth  cen- 
tury down  to  late  in  the  Middle  Ages.  It  adds  about 
thirty-eight  years  to  the  ordinary  numbering  of  the 
Christian  Era.  W^here  Byzantine  influences  pre- 
vailed the  years  were  generally  numbered  from  the 
l.iegiiuiiiig  of  the  world  (ah  origine  mundi).  This  era 
was  caK  ulated  from  1  September,  and  the  birth  of 
Christ,  which  is  the  point  of  departure  of  our  present 
chronology,  took  place  in  the  year  5509  of  the  Byzan- 
tine system.  Several  other  methods  of  reckoning,  of 
which  the  best  known  is  the  Era  of  the  Hcgira  followed 
in  Mahommedan  countries,  have  also  prevailed  in 
various  localities,  but  they  cannot  be  discussed  in 
<l('tail  here.  After  the  Christian  Era  had  been  uni- 
versally adopted  an  important  source  of  confusion  as 
regards  the  dating  of  documents  still  remained  in  the 
diversity  of  practice  about  the, beginning  of  the  year. 
For  the  details  of  this  the  reader  nuist  be  referred  to 
the  article  Chronology,  fiENERAL,  and  to  the  works 
mentioned  in  the  bibliography,  but  we  may  notice 
here  that  among  the  .Vnglo-S.ixons,  as  also  at  many 
different  periods  in  the  papal  cliancery,  the  new  year 
was  calculated  to  begin  on  December  25th.  On  the 
other  hand,  in  England  from  the  twelfth  century  on- 
wards, largely  imdor  Norman  influences,  the  years 
were  numbered  from  the  25th  of  March.  This  ar- 
rangement was  often  called  the  mox  Anglicnnus  or 
conijmtatio  Anglicana,  though  it  also  prevailed  in 
Florence,  Siena,  Pisa,  and  at  least  occasionally  in 
other  parts  of  the  Continent  as  well  as  in  many  papal 
documents.  In  England  it  lasted  on  down  to  the 
eighteenth  century,  though  after  Elizabethan  times 
it  became  increasingly  common  in  the  dating  of  letters 
to  indicate  the  .system  of  dating  adopted,  N.  S.  often 
standing  for  the  New  or  Continental  Style  in  which  the 
year  began  on  January  1st,  and  O.  S.  for  the  Old  Style 
in  which  tlu^  year  was  counted  from  March  25th.  Fur- 
ther N.  S.  was  still  more  frequently  used  for  dates 
which  followed  the  reformed  calendar  of  Gregory  XIII, 
as  explained  in  the  article  Chronology,  General. 

The  licchnning  oj  Days. — The  early  converts  to 
Christianity  in  the  West  not  unnaturally  retained  the 
method  of  indicating  the  days  of  the  month  which 


DAUBREE 


638 


DAULIA 


was  current  among  their  pagan  contemporaries.  Ac- 
cording to  this,  tliree  fixed  points  were  taken  in  each 
month,  the  kalends  on  the  first  day,  the  ides  on  the 
thirteenth  (or  in  some  months  on  the  fifteenth),  and 
the  nones  on  the  ninth  day  before  the  ides,  and  conse- 
quently on  the  fifth  or  seventh.  The  dates  which  fell 
between  these  fixed  points  were  designated  by  the 
number  of  days  by  which  they  fell  short  of  the  next 
fixed  point.  Thus  the  twenty-fourth  of  May  was 
called  ante  diem  noniim  kalendas  Junias  (i.  e.  the  ninth 
day  before  the  kalends  of  June).  During  the  early 
Middle  Ages  this  system  was  retained  practically  un- 
altered except  that  the  long  Roman  form  was  some- 
what contracted,  for  example  decimo  knlendas  Julii 
was  written  instead  of  the  ante  diem  decimum  kalendas 
Jidias. 

A  curious  arrangement  prevailed  at  Bologna  (it  was 
called  from  its  place  of  origin  the  consiietiulo  Bononi- 
ensis)  and  extended  over  a  large  part  of  the  north 
of  Italy.  According  to  this  the  first  half  of  the  month 
was  numbered  forwards  and  called  mensis  intrans,  but 
the  last  half  of  the  month  was  called  mensis  exiens  and 
numbered  backwards,  as  in  the  Roman  system ;  thus 
the  seventeenth  of  May  was  called  die  quinto  decimo 
exeuntis  mensis  Maii.  Our  present  system  of  num- 
bering the  days  straight  on  from  the  first  of  each 
month  began  to  appear  in  the  sixth  century  and 
gradually  became  more  prevalent  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages,  but  it  never  came  into  general  use  on 
account  of  the  custom  of  indicating  the  day  by  the 
feasts  of  the  local  calendar.  Not  only  did  the  com- 
mon festivals  serve  for  this  purpose,  but  the  Sundays 
were  also  often  used,  and  were  designated  by  the  first 
words  of  their  Introit  in  the  Mass.  For  instance  in 
Dominica  Icctare  means  on  the  Sunday  whose  Introit 
begins  with  Lmtare  in  Domino,  i.  e.  the  fourth  Sun- 
day of  Lent.  Moreover  the  vigil  of  a  feast,  or  the 
previous  day,  or  the  octave,  or  a  specified  day  within 
the  octave,  were  all  familiarly  designated  by  their  re- 
lation to  the  feast,  e.  g.  in  pervigilio  A^ativitatis  Beatce 
Maria:;  postridie  Sancti  Laurentii ;  in  octava  Sti.  Lau- 
rentii,  etc.  In  this  method  of  dating,  which  was  con- 
stantly employed  both  in  Latin  and  in  the  vernacular, 
the  use  of  the  English  word  utas  for  octave  should 
be  noticed.  This  method  of  dating  by  saints'  days, 
as  will  be  readily  imderstood,  depended  much  upon 
local  conditions  and  was  always  apt  to  become  both 
complicated  and  inexact. 

Bresslau,  Handbuch  der  Vrkundenlehre  (Leipzig,  1889);  I, 
818-874;  Giry.  Manuel  de  diplomatique  (Paris,  1894),  83-275 
and  577-588;  Grotefend,  Taschenbuch  der  Z<  thy  cl>n>iu<i.  'Znd 
ed.  (Leipzig,  1905).      This  is  a  convenient  .i!.  i  ihe 

same  writer's  larger  work,  Zeitrechming  d'  s  't<(- 

aliers  xmd  der  Neiizeit  (Leipzig,  1891-1898  ';  "•( 

c/'^iistoire,  etc.    (Leyden.  1888-1893),  3  vol?,. ihe 

introduction  to  Vol.  IL  This  is  a  work  of  most  pniiliiriniis  re- 
search containing  elaborate  tabular  statements  of  dates  and 
chronological  facts  connected  with  every  country  of  the  world. 
Oriental  and  American  as  well  as  European.  Bond,  Handti 
Book  for  Verifying  Dales  (London,  1875);  Earle.  A  Handbook 
to  the  Land  Charters  and  other  Saxonic  Documents  (Oxford,  1888), 
28-36.  The  older  manuals  of  chronology,  such  as  the  Bene- 
dictine .4r(  de  verifier  les  dates  and  Ideler's  Handbuch,  need  not 
be  more  fully  specified  here. 

Herbekt  Thurston. 

Daubree,  G.\briel-Auguste,  French  geologist,  b. 
at  Metz,  25  June,  1814 ;  d.  at  Paris,  29  May,  1896.  He 
studied  mining  engineering  at  the  Ecole  Polytech- 
nique  in  Paris  and  in  1834  entered  the  Government 
service.  After  being  sent  on  commissions  to  Eng- 
land, Sweden,  and  Norway,  he  was  attached  to  the 
department  of  the  Lower  Rhine.  He  was  a  clo.se  ob- 
server of  geological  phenomena  and  dtu-ing  this  time 
published  a  paper  on  the  ore  dopcwits  of  .Scaiidinavia 
which  attracted  the  attention  of  BiMzclius.  and  also 
is.sued  his  "Description  gfologicpK^  ct  niiii('r;dut;iqui' 
du  d^partPinent  du  Ras-Rhin".  His  aii(Kiiiilnuiit  a.s 
professor  of  geology  and  mineralogy  at  .Strasbiug  fur- 
nished him  with  a  laboratory  suitable  for  his  exijeri- 
mental  work  in  synthetic  geology,  begun  in  1849. 


His  brilliant  experimental  researches  at  Strasburg, 
and  later  at  Paris,  extended  over  a  number  of  years 
and  have  served  to  make  him  famous  in  the  annals  of 
geologj'.  They  comprised  the  artificial  production  of 
minerals,  the  geological  action  of  superheated  aqueous 
vapour,  the  effect  of  mutual  abrasion,  the  influence  of 
pressure  and  strain  in  mountain-making,  etc.  During 
the  years  1857-61  he  made  a  detailed  study  of  the  hot 
springs  of  Plombieres,  observing  at  the  same  time  the 
chemical  action  of  thermal  waters.  In  1861  he  was 
admitted  to  the  Academie  des  Sciences  and  succeeded 
Cordier  as  profe-ssor  of  geology  at  the  Museum  of 
Natural  History  in  Paris  and  ciu'ator  of  the  collec- 
tions; to  the  latter  he  made  extensive  additions,  par- 
ticularly of  meteorites.  It  may  be  mentioned  in  this 
comiexion  that  daubr^elite  (CrS),  a  grayish  granular 
mineral  found  in  meteoric  iron,  was  named  after  him. 
From  1862  he  also  lectured  on  mineralogy  at  the 
Ecole  des  Mines  of  which  he  became  director  in  1872. 
Daubree's  career  was  a  long  and  active  one.  He  was 
one  of  the  foremost  of  Catholic  geologists,  and  was 
much  esteemed  for  his  amiability  and  nobility  of 
character.  One  of  his  friends  and  admirers  was  Dom 
Pedro,  Emperor  of  Brazil.  Besides  the  works  already 
mentioned,  he  was  the  author  of:  "Observations  sui 
le  metamorphisme"  (Paris,  1858);  "  Etudes  sjTith^ 
tiques  de  geologic  exp^rimentale "  (Paris,  1879); 
"Les  eaux  souterraines "  (Paris,  1887);  "La  classifi- 
cation des  meteorites  du  Museum",  and  many  articles 
in  the  "Journal  des  savants"  and  the  "Revue  des 
deu.x  mondes". 

Lapparen't  in  Hevue  des  quest,  scicntifiques,  XL,  89;  vox 
ZiTTEL.  History  of  Geology  and  Palceontology  (London,  190U: 
Kxeller,  Das  Christenthum  u.  die  Vertreter  der  neueren  Xa- 
turwissenschaft  (Freiburg,  1904),  264. 

Henry  M.  Brock. 

Daughters  of  Calvary.  See  Calvary,  Conghe- 
G.ATioN  OF  Our  Lady  of. 

Daughters  of  Charity.    See  Charity,  Sisters  of. 

Daughters  of  the  Passion.     See  Capuchlnesses. 

Daughters    of    the    Queen    of    Heaven.      See 

Queen's  Daughter.s,  The. 

Daulia,  a  titular  see  of  Greece.  Daulis,  later  Dau- 
lia,  Dauleion,  often  Diauleia,  even  Davalia,  w'as  a 
town  of  Phocis,  on  the  Cephissus,  fifteen  Roman  miles 
north-east  of  Delphi.  It  is  mentioned  by  Hierocles 
(Synecd.,  643,  10),  and  at  the  end  of  the  seventh  cen- 
tury had  become  a  suffragan  of  Athens.  In  1393  Talan- 
tion  was  cut  off  from  Daulia  and  made  a  distinct  see: 
this  was  a  towTi  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Knemis,  the  an- 
cient name  of  which  was  Atalante.  The  bishops  of 
Daulia  long  protested  against  this  division;  at  last, 
about  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  two  sees 
were  reunited  as  "Daulia  and  Talantion";  they  re- 
mained so,  except  for  a  brief  period  about  1567.  In 
1653  the  double  see  was  made  an  archbishopric,  owing 
to  the  influence  of  a  Turkish  pasha,  but  after  two 
years  was  reduced  to  its  former  status.  Talantion 
was  then  commonly  named  in  the  first  place,  and  fi- 
nally was  the  only  name  in  use.  The  bishop  resided 
there,  as  Daulia  was  almost  in  ruins.  The  See  of 
Daulia  was  suppressed  in  1833,  when  the  Church  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Greece  was  organized  on  an  independ- 
ent basis.  We  know  about  fifteen  Greek  bishops  of 
Daulia,  the  first  of  whom,  Germanos,  died  in  919;  the 
last,  Neophytos  Metaxas,  died  as  Metropolitan  of 
Athens.  .\s' early  as  1205  Daulia  became  a  Latin  see; 
many  of  the  bishops  are  known  from  the  thirteenth  to 
t  lie  lift  cell  th  century,  among  tlicMi  one  \\  illiam,  bearer, 
ill  13S4,  of  a  letter  from  Urban  \'l  to  the  Patriarch 
Nilus,  concorning  the  reunion  of  the  Churches.  Since 
1441,  at  least,  the  see  has  been  titular. 

BousuiiKT,  i:,:nchr  de  Daulia-Talaiilion  in  Edws  d'Orien 
(1907),  X.  295-299.  ^     ^ , 

S.  Petrides. 


DAUMER 


639 


DAVENPORT 


Daumer,  Georg  Friedrich,  German  poet  and  phi- 
losopher, b.  at  Nuremberg,  5  March,  1800;  d.  at  Wurz- 
burg,  14  December,  1<875.  He  was  educated  at  the 
gymnasium  of  his  native  city,  at  tliat  time  directed  by 
the  famous  pliildsojiher  Hegel.  In  1817  he  entered 
the  University  of  Erlangen  as  a  .st\ulent  of  theologj', 
but  abandoneil  thnt  study  for  |)lulosophy.  For  a 
number  of  years  Daumer  was  jirofessor  at  the  gym- 
nasium of  Nuremljcrg;  owing  to  ill-health  he  was 
pensioned  in  1832  and  henceforth  devoted  himself 
entirely  to  literary  work.  While  at  Erlangen  he 
came  strongly  under  the  influence  of  Pietism.  Soon, 
however,  he  became  sceptical  and  exhibited  decided 
leanings  towards  pantheism.  From  an  orthodox  Prot- 
estant he  gradually  became  a  bitter  enemy  of  Christi- 
anity, which  he  attacked  in  a  number  of  writings  and 
for  which  he  strove  to  substitute  a  new  religion  "of 
love  and  peace",  formulated  in  his  work  "Religion 
(les  neuen  Weltalters"  (Hamburg,  1850).  Previous  to 
this  he  had  published  a  number  of  works,  all  of  a  dis- 
tinctly anti-theological  tendency,  of  which  the  more 
important  are:  "Philosophic,  Religion,  imd  Alter- 
tum"  (Nuremberg,  183.3):  "Ziige  zu  einer  neuen 
Philosophic  der  Religion  und  ReligioIl^^('S(•llil■lltl''' 
(Nuremberg.  183.5) ;  " Der  Feuer- imd  Mc .l  i'  h,  |](  i i-t  , l.-r 
Hebraer"  (Brunswick,  1842);  "Die  (Jcln  nniussi'  des 
christlichen  Altertums"  (Hamburg,  1847).  Shortly 
after  1850  Daumer  left  Nuremberg  and  settled  at 
Frankfort,  where  a  great  change  soon  came  over  him. 
In  1858  at  Mainz  he  publicly  embraced  the  Catholic 
Faith  anil  thenceforth  became  its  zealous  defender. 
Among  the  works  written  after  his  conversion  are: 
"Meine  Konversion"  (Mainz,  1859);  "  Aus  der  Man- 
sarde"  (1860-62);  "Das  Christentum  und  sein  Ur- 
heber"  (Mainz.  1864);  "Das  Wunder,  seine  Bedeu- 
tung,  Wahrheit  und  Notwendigkeit"  (Ratisbon, 
1874).  The  last  mentioned  work  is  directed  ex- 
pressly against  the  opinions  of  David  Strauss. 

Undoubtedly  the  best  part  of  Daumer's  work  is  his 
poetrj'.  His  "Hafis"  (Hamburg,  1846;  a  second  col- 
lection, 1852)  contains  graceful  but  very  free  imita- 
tions of  the  songs  of  the  famous  Persian  poet.  In 
fact,  these  poems  are  really  original  productions,  and 
some  of  them  have  become  widely  known  through 
the  musical  settings  of  Brahms.  This  collection,  as 
well  as  "Mahomed  und  sein  Werk"  (Hamburg,  1848), 
is  distinctly  directed  against  the  hj-pocrisy  and  as- 
ceticism which  at  that  time  Daiuner  believed  to  be 
inseparable  from  orthodox  Christianity.  Among 
other  poems  may  be  mentioned:  "Glorie  der  heiligen 
Jungfra\i  Maria"  (Nuremberg,  1841);  " Frauenbilder 
und  Huldigungen"  (Leipzig,  1853);  "Marianische 
Legenden  und  Geilichte"  (Munster,  1859)  and 
"Schtine  Seelen"  (Mainz,  1862). 

The  aiitobioKraphical  \vork.s  cited  above;  Birkexbihl. 
Geofii  l-'riiilrich  Daumer  (AschafFonburg,  190.5). 

Arthub  r.  J.  Remy. 

Dauversi^re,  Jerome  de  la.    See  Montueau 

D'Avenant,  Sir  William,  poet  and  dramatist,  b. 
Feb.,  160.5-6,  at  Oxford,  England;  d.  in  London,  7 
April,  16()8.  He  was  the  second  son  of  John  D'Aven- 
ant, a  prosperous  vintner  and  owner  of  an  inn  after- 
wards known  as  the  Crown  Tavern,  where  Shakes- 
peare frequently  .stayed.  The  story  which  would 
make  William  D'Avenant  the  natural  son  of  Shakes- 
peare seems  to  have  no  real  foundation,  though  he 
may  have  Ijeen  the  poet's  godson.  D'Avenant  was 
educated  at  the  grammar  school  of  All  Saints,  Oxford, 
and  went  for  a  short  time  to  Lincoln  College.  Then 
he  became  page  to  Frances,  Duchess  of  Richmond, 
and  was  aftenvards  taken  into  the  service  of  Fulke 
Greville,  Lord  Brooke.  In  1628  he  began  writing 
plays  and  ten  years  later  succeeded  Ben  Jonson  as 
Poet  Laureate.  He  took  up  warmly  the  side  of  the 
king  in  the  Civil  War,  and  was  knighted  by  Charles  I 
in  1643.     After  the  king's  defeat,  in  1644,  he  took 


refuge  in  France  where  he  became  a  Catholic.  He 
was  employed  by  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  in  her  cor- 
respondence with  the  king  in  England,  and  was  faith- 
ful to  the  royal  cause  to  the  end.  More  than  once  he 
was  ini|>risoncd  and  in  danger  of  losing  his  life,  but  was 
finally  i.  I,  i  ,  J  in  1651.  In  1656  he  was  instrumental 
in  II".  i\  iiii;  ilirairical  performances  in  Ijinlaiid  which 
had  ri  aM'.l  sinic  1641.  After  the  Restoration  he  was 
patronized  by  Charles  II  and  continued,  to  the  end  of 
his  life,  to  write  and  superintend  the  production  of 
plays.  His  poetical  work  consists  of  the  epic  of 
' '  Gondibert "  with  other  shorter  poems  (Chalmer,  Eng- 
lish Poets,  I,ondon,  1810,  vi),  together  with  nearly 
thirty  plays  (Edinburgh,  1872-4,  5  vols.,  edited  by 
Maidment  and  Logan).  "Gondibert  "is  an  unfinished 
poem  in  fifteen  hundred  heroic  stanzas.  Modern 
critics  find  it  dull,  but  it  has  its  place  in  English  litera- 
ture as  marking  a  stage  in  the  movement  towards  the 
so-called  classical  school  of  poetrj'  which  culminated 
in  Dryden  and  Pope.  D'Avenant 's  dramas  do  not 
rise  much  above  mediocrity,  but  they  are  considered 
"exceptionally  decorous  and  moral"  for  their  time. 

Lee  in  Diet.  Xal.  Biog..  s.  v.;  Prefator>'  Memoir  to  above 
edition  of  plays;  Downes,  Roscius  Anglieantts,  ed.  Knight 
(London,  1886);   Gillow,  BM.  Did.  of  Eng.  Calh.,  s.  v. 

K.  M.  Warren. 

Davenport,  Christopher,  also  known  as  Fran- 
cisrrs  A  Sancta  Clara  and  sometimes  by  the  alias 
of  FnANcis  ill  NT  and  Francis  Coventry,  theologian, 
b.  1598,  at  Coventry,  England;  d.  31  May,  1680.  He 
was  the  son  of  Alderman  John  Davenport  and  Eliza- 
beth Wolley,  and  from  the  grammar  school  at  Cov- 
entry went  to  Dublin  where  he  spent  fifteen  months, 
leaving  it  22  Nov.,  1611.  In  1613  he  and  his  brother 
John  proceeded  to  Merton  College,  Oxford,  entering 
as  "battelers"  and  taking  Cook's  commons;  but  the 
warden  required  them  to  enter  as  commoners  or  to 
leave  the  college;  whereon  in  1614  they  migrated  to 
Magdalen  Hall.  Here  Christopher  became  B.  A.  on 
28  May,  his  Dublin  residence  being  allowed  to  count. 
(Oxford  University  Register.)  John  subsequently 
became  a  noted  Puritan  divine  and  emigrated  to  New 
England,  where  with  a  band  of  colonists  he  founded 
the  city  of  New  Haven,  Connecticut  (16.38).  Christo- 
pher was  converted  to  Catholicism  by  a  priest  living 
near  Oxford  and  in  1615  went  to  Douay.  Attracted 
by  the  efforts  to  restore  the  English  Franciscan  Prov- 
ince, he  joined  the  Flemish  Franciscans  at  Ypres,  7 
Oct.,  1617.  When  he  was  professed  (under  the  name 
of  Franciscus  h  Sancta  Clara)  he  joined  the  English 
Recollects  at  the  newly-established  convent  of  St. 
Bonaventure  at  Douay  (18  Oct.,  1618).  He  was  sent 
to  the  University  of  Salamanca  in  Spain,  where  he 
took  his  degree  in  divinity  and  won  reputation  as  a 
theologian.  Returning  to  Douay,  he  became  first 
professor  of  theology  at  St.  Bonaventurc's  and  filled 
the  office  of  guartiian.  At  length  he  was  sent  to  Eng- 
land and  was  appointed  chaplain  to  (^uecn  Henrietta 
Maria,  in  which  capacity  he  attemlcd  the  Cdurt  and 
became  acquainted  with  King  Charles  I,  Archbishop 
Laud.  Montague,  Bisho])  of  Norwich,  and  Goodman, 
Bishop  of  Gloucester.  Inspired  with  the  idea  of  con- 
verting England  by  means  of  corporate  reunion,  he 
wrote  a  treatise  to  show  that  the  Thirty-nine  Articles 
were  susceptible  of  an  interpretation  more  in  accord- 
ance with  Catholic  teaching  than  was  usually  sup- 
posed. Tills  was  the  "  Paraphrxstica  Expositio  Artic- 
ulonnn  Confessionis  Anglicans",  published  as  an 
appendix  to  his  book,  "Deus,  Natura,  Gratia",  in 
1634.  It  offended  many  Catholics  and  was  put  on 
the  Index  in  Sp.ain,  though  a  condemnation  at  Rome 
was  averted  by  Panzani,  the  pope's  nuncio  in  London. 

On  19  June,  1637,  Davenport  was  elected  provincial 
of  the  onler,  an  oflTice  to  which  he  was  subsequently 
re-elected,  10  July,  16,50,  and  4  June,  1665.  After  the 
Restoration  he  was  appointed  {'haplain  to  Queen 
Catharine  of  Bra^anza,   and   returned   to   London, 


DAVENPORT 


640 


DAVID 


where  he  spent  most  of  his  remaining  years,  with 
occasional  visits  to  Flanders.  His  intellectual  ability 
and  attractive  manner  won  for  him  the  friendship  of 
many,  and  aided  in  reconciling  numerous  converts, 
among  whom  was  Anne,  Duchess  of  York.  He  lived 
to  celebrate  three  jubilees — of  religious  profession,  of 
the  priesthood,  and  of  the  mission.  His  works  are: 
"  Epistoliura,  continens  confutationem  duarum  prop- 
ositionum  astrologicarum "  (Douay,  1626);  "Deus, 
Natura,  Gratia",  with  the  important  appendix  de- 
scribed above  (Lyons,  1634);  "Apologia  Episco- 
porum"  (Cologne,  1640);  "The  Practice  of  the  Pres- 
ence of  God"  (Douay,  1642);  "Systema  Fidei" 
(Liege,  1648);  "De  Definibilitate  Controversioe  Im- 
maculatiE  Conceptionis  Dei  Genitricis  Opusculum" 
(Douay,  1651);  "  Paralipomena  Philosophica  de 
Mundo  Peripatetico"  (Antwerp,  16.52);  "An  Enchiri- 
dion of  Faith"  (Douay,  1655);  "Explanation  of  the 
Catholic  Belief"  (1656);  "Manuale  Missionariorum 
Regularium  pra!cipue  Anglorum  Ordinis  Sancti  Fran- 
cisci"  (Douay,  1658,  1661);  "Fragmenta:  seu  His- 
toria  Minor.  Provinc.  Angl.  Fratrum  Minorum"; 
"Tractatus  de  Schismate  prKscrtim  Anglicano"; 
"Vindication  of  Roman  Catholics"  (1659);  "Liber 
Dialogorum"  (Douay,  1661);  "Problemata  Schola.s- 
tica  et  controversialia  speculativa";  "CoroUarium 
Dialogi  de  Medio  Animarum  Statu";  "Religio  Philo- 
sophia  Peripati  discutienda"  (Douay,  1662,  1667); 
"Opera  omnia  Francisci  a  S.  Clara"  (Douay,  1665- 
1667);  "Disputatio  de  antiqua  Provinciae  Prajce- 
dentia"  (1670);  "  Supplementum  HistoriiB  Provinciae 
Anglise"  (Douay,  1671). 

Anthony  a  Wood  AthentB  Oxonienses,  ed.  Bliss  (London, 
1817).  Ill,  1221;  GiLLOw,  Bibl.  Diet.  Eng.  Calh.,  s.  v.;  Oxford 
HlsTORJCAL  Society,  Oxford  University  Register  (Oxford,  18S7), 
X,  374;  Pehry  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  (London,  1S88),  XIV; 
Foster,  Alumni  Ox  on  lenses  (Oxford,  1891).  I,  376;  Shahan, 
Christopher  Davenport  in  U.  S.  Calh.  Hist.  Magazine  (Pliiladel- 
phia,  April,  1888),  II,  153. 

Edwin  Burton. 

Davenport,  Diocese  op  (Davenportensis),  erected 
8  May,  1S81,  embraces  the  four  southern  tiers  of  coun- 
ties of  the  State  of  Iowa,  U.  S.  A.,  an  area  of  about 
22,873  square  miles.  From  the  time  of  the  Louisiana 
Purchase  down  to  1827  the  present  Diocese  of  Daven- 
port was  included  in  the  Diocese  of  New  Orleans; 
from  1827  to  1837  it  formed  part  of  the  Diocese  of  St. 
Louis;  and  from  1837  to  1881  it  belonged  to  the  Dio- 
cese of  Dubuque.  When  Bishop  Loras  arrived  in 
Dubuque  in  April,  1839,  his  diocese  contained  two 
churches,  St.  Raphael's  in  Dubuque,  built  in  1836, 
and  St.  Anthony's  in  Davenport,  built  in  1838.  In 
all  the  vast  territory  subject  to  him  there  was  but  one 
priest,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Mazzuchelli,  O.  P.,  who  had 
been  lalsouring  in  the  territory  since  1835  and  under 
whose  direction  the  two  churches  referred  to  had  been 
built.  Bishop  Loras  brought  with  him  two  priests, 
the  Rev.  Joseph  Cretin,  afterwards  first  Bishop  of  St. 
Paul,  and  the  Rev.  J.  A.  M.  Pelamourgues,  whom  the 
people  of  St.  Anthony's  parish,  Davenport,  and  indeed 
of  the  whole  Diocese  of  Davenport,  venerate  as  their 
first  resident  pastor.  Father  Pelamourgues,  the  first 
citizen  of  Davenport  in  his  day,  a  leader  in  every  good 
work,  was  pastor  of  St.  Anthony's  from  1839  to  1868. 
Of  the  generous,  zealous  laity  associated  with  him  in 
his  work  in  those  early  days,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Antoine  Le 
Claire  deserve  special  mention.  Notable  among  their 
benefactions  was  the  donation  to  the  church  of  the 
block  of  ground  in  the  heart  of  the  city  on  which  St. 
Anthony's  church  was  built. 

Growth  of  Catholiclsm. — Bishop  Loras  and  his 
succ('ssors  in  the  See  of  Dubuque  did  much  to  pro- 
mote the  immigration  to  Iowa  of  German  and  Irish 
Catholics,  with  the  result  that  Iowa  has  a  large  Cath- 
olic rural  population.  Between  the  years  1840  and 
1850  the  immber  of  resident  i)astors  in  the  present 
Diocese  of  Davenport  increased  from  one  to  five.     By 


the  year  1860  the  nimtiber  had  increased  to  thirteen, 
and  by  1870  to  twenty.  During  the  decade  following 
1870  the  tide  of  Catholic  immigration  was  heavy,  ana 
at  the  time  of  its  formation,  in  1881,  the  diocese  con- 
tained seventy  priests  and  a  Catholic  population  esti- 
mated at  45,00().  Since  its  formation  the  diocese  has 
had  a  continuous,  healthy  growth. 

Bishops. — (1)  John  McMullen,  was  born  in  Bally- 
nahinich,  Co.  Down,  Ireland,  8  January,  1832,  and 
ordained  priest  in  Rome,  20  June,  1858.  He  was  con- 
secrated, 25  July,  ISSl,  at  Chicago,  where  at  the  time 
of  his  appointment  to  Davenport,  he  was  vicar-gen- 
eral. He  entered  with  zeal  and  vigour  into  the  work 
of  organizing  the  new  diocese.  The  cause  of  Catholic 
education  was  his  especial  concern.  St.  Ambrose 
College  was  founded  by  him  in  September,  1882.  His 
health  soon  failed,  and  he  died  4  July,  1883. 

(2)  Henry  Cosqrove,  second  bishop,  was  born  at 
Williamsport,  Pennsylvania,  U.  S.  A.,  19  December, 
1834.  He  emigrated  to  Dubuque  in  1845  and  was  or- 
dained priest  7  August,  1857.  He  was  assigned  at 
once  to  St.  Marguerite's,  Davenport,  with  which 
church  he  was  ever  afterwards  connected.  When 
Bishop  McMullen  went  to  Davenport,  he  chose  St. 
Marguerite's  for  his  cathedral  church  and  made  Father 
Cosgrove  his  vicar-general.  Father  Cosgrove  was 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Davenport,  14  September, 
1884,  and  for  more  than  twenty-two  years  gave  his 
best  efforts  to  the  cau.se  of  religion  in  his  diocese. 
Under  his  guidance  many  new  churches  were  erected; 
schools  and  other  institutions  established  or  en- 
larged. Worthy  of  .special  mention  are  the  Sacred 
Heart  cathedral,  St.  Vincent's  home  for  orphans,  and 
St.  Ambrose  College. 

(3)  Two  years  before  his  death,  Bishop  Cosgrove, 
enfeebled  in  health,  was  given  a  coadjutor  in  the  per- 
son of  his  vicar-general,  the  \'ery  Rev.  James  Davis. 
Bishop  Davis  was  born  in  Ireland  in  1852,  ordained 
priest  in  1878,  was  consecrated  coadjutor  to  Bishop 
Cosgrove,  30  Nov.,  1904,  and  on  the  death  of  the  latter 
became  Bishop  of  Davenport. 

Statistics. — The  religious  communities  repre- 
sented in  the  diocese  include  the  Benedictines,  who 
have  charge  of  four  parishes,  and  the  Redemptor- 
ists  who  have  one;  the  Sisters  of  St.  Benedict, 
Sisters  of  Charity  B.  V.  M.,  Sisters  of  Charity  of  St. 
V.  de  Paul,  Hospital  Sisters  of  St.  Francis,  School 
Sisters  of  St.  Francis,  Franciscan  Sisters  of  Perpetual 
Adoration,  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Humility  of  Mary, 
Sisters  of  Mary,  School  Sisters  of  Notre  Dame,  Sisters 
of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Cross.  The 
number  of  priests  in  1908  was  138,  and  the  number 
of  Catholics  75,518.  The  diocese  then  contained  154 
churches,  105  of  which  had  resident  pastors,  43  par- 
ochial schools,  9  hospitals,  7  academies  for  young 
ladies,  1  college  for  boys,  and  1  orphan  asylum. 

Church  Directorv  (1840-1908);  Kempker,  Hislory  of  the 
Catholic  Church  in  Iowa  (1884);  DeCailly.  Li/co/  Bishop  Loras 
(New  York,  1897);  McGovehn,  Life  of  Bishop  McMullen 
(Milwaukee,  1888). 

Wm.  p.  Shannahan. 

David  (Degui,  Dewi),  Saint,  Bishop  and  Con- 
fessor, patron  of  Wales.  He  is  usually  represented 
standing  on  a  little  hill,  with  a  dove  on  his  shoulder. 
From  time  immemorial  the  Welsh  have  worn  a  leek  on 
St.  David's  day,  in  memory  of  a  battle  against  the 
Saxons,  at  which  it  is  said  they  wore  leeks  in  their 
hats,  by  St.  David's  advice,  to  distinguish  them  from 
their  enemies.  He  is  commemorated  on  1  March. 
The  earliest  mention  of  St.  David  is  found  in  a  tenth- 
century  MS.  of  the  "  .Vnnales  Cambri:e",  which  assigns 
his  death  to  a.  d.  (iOl.  Many  other  writers,  from 
Geoffrey'of  Monmo\ith  down  to  Father  Richard  Stan- 
ton, hold  that  he  died  about  544,  but  their  opinion  is 
based  solely  on  data  given  in  various  late  "lives"  of  i 
St.  David,  and  there  seems  no  good  reason  for  setting 
aside  the  definite  statement  of  the  "Annales  Cam- 


I 


DAVID 


641 


DAVID 


hi  !:i'",  which  is  now  generally  accepted.  Little  else 
til  it  can  claim  to  be  historical  is  known  about  St. 
1  'avid.     The  tradition  that  he  was  born  at  HenvjTiyw 

I  \  itus-Menevin)  in  Cardiganshire  is  not  improbable. 
Ho  was  prominent  at  the  Synod  of  Brevi  (Llandewi 
Brcfi  in  Cardiganshire),  which  has  been  identified  with 
the  important  Roman  militarj'  station,  Loventium. 
Shortly  afterwards,  in  569,  he  presided  over  another 
synod  held  at  a  place  called  Lncus  Victorise.  He  Wiis 
Bishop  (probably  not  .-Vrchbishop)  of  Menevia,  the 
Roman  port  Menapia  in  Pembrokeshire,  later  known 

!  as  St.  David's,  then  the  chief  point  of  departure  for 
I  Ireland.     St.  David  was  canonized  by  Pope  Callistus 

II  in  the  year  1120. 

I'liis  is  all  that  is  known  to  history  about  the  patron 

if  Wales.     His  legend,  however,  is  much  more  elab- 

iM  111',  and  entirely  unreliable.     The  first  biography 

t  h  it  has  come  down  to  us  was  written  near  the  end  of 

till'  eleventh  centurj",  about  500  years  after  the  saint's 

iliitli,  by  Rhygj'farch  (Ricemarchus),  a  son  of  the 

till  II  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  and  is  I'hiefly  a  tissue  of 

iiA  I'litions  intended  to  su[>|Hirt  thi'  claiin  of  the  Welsh 

r|ii>riipate  to  be  independent  nf  Caiitcrliury.    Giraldus 

< '  iiiibrensis,    William    of    Malmesburj',    Geoffrey    of 

Mminiouth,  John  de  Tinmouth,  and  John  Capgrave 

all  -iinply  copy  and  enlarge  upon  the  work  of  Rhygy- 

I  fareh,  whilst  the  anonymous  author  of  the  late  Welsh 

life  ijrinted  in  Rees,  "Cambro^Briti.-^h  Saints"  (Cott. 

MS,  Titus,  D.  XXII)  adds  nothing  of  any. value.     Ac- 

iiiig  to  these  writers  St.  Davie!  was  the  son  of  Sant 

iiidde  ab  Ceredig  ab  Cunedda,  Prince  of  Keretica 

liganshire)  and  said  by  some  to  be  King  Arthur's 

!!•  [  hew,  though  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  calls  St.  David 

l\iiiij  .\rthur's  uncle.     The  saint's  mother  was  Nonna, 

iir  Xonnita  (sometimes  called  Melaria),  a  daughter  of 

('.\  iiyr  of  Caergawch.     She  was  a  nun  who  had  been 

violated  by  Sant.     St.  Da\'id's  birth  had  been  foretold 

tliiity  years  before  by  an  angel  to  St.  Patrick.     It 

tiiiik  place  at  "Old  Menevia"  somewhere  about  A.  d. 

)-"i  I.     Prodigies  preceded  and  accompanied  the  event, 

aril  at  his  baptism  at  Porth  Clais  by  St.  Elvis  of  Muns- 

ti  r.  "whom   Divine   Providence   brought  over  from 

In  land  at  that  conjuncture",  a  blind  man  was  cured 

by  the  baptismal  water.     St.  David's  early  education 

was  received  from  St.   Illtyd  at  Caerworgom  (Lan- 

\Mt  major)  in  Glamorganshire.     Afterwards  he  spent 

t'l!  years  studying  the  Holy  Scriptures  at  Witland  in 

(  annarthenshire,  vmder    St.    Paulinus    (Pawl  Hen), 

wlmm  he  cured  of  blindness  by  the  sign  of  the  cross. 

A:  tlie  end  of  this  period  St.  Paulinus,  warned  by  an 

I,   sent  out  the  young  saint   to  evangelize  the 

sii.     St.  David  journeyed  throughout  the  West, 

ling   or   restoring   twelve   monasteries    (among 

\'     I  h  occur  the  great  names  of  Glastonbur>',  Bath, 

ami   Leominster),  and  finally  settled  in  the  Vale  of 

H     -.  where  he  and  his  monks  lived  a  life  of  extreme 

I  rity.     Here    occurred    the    temptation    of    his 

Is  by  the  obscene  antics  of  the  maid-ser\'ants  of 

vife  of  Boia,  a  local  chieftain.     Here  also  his 

n     iiks  tried  to  poison  him,  but  St.  David,  warned  by 

.■^t    Sruthyn,  who  crossed  from  Ireland  in  one  night  on 

t'  '   back  of  a  sea-monster,  blessed  the  poisoned  bread 

:  ate  it  without  harm.     From  hence,  with  St.  Teilo 

St.  Padam,  he  set  out  for  Jerusalem,  where  he 

made   bishop   by  the  patriarch.     Here  too  St. 

i  I  iirie  and  St.  Daniel  fovmd  him,  when  they  came  to 

fall  him  to  the  Synod  of  Brevi  "against  the  Pela- 

t'i  ins".     St.  David  was  with  difficulty  persuaded  to 

iiipany  them ;  on  his  way  he  raised  a  widow's  son 

".  and  at  the  synod  preached  so  loudly,  from  the 

hat  miraculotisly  ro.se  under  him,  that  all  could 

'•■•  IV  him,  and  so  eloquently  that  all  the  heretics  were 

'iiiifciimded.     St.    Dubric    resigned    the    "Archbish- 

iiirir  nf  Caerleon",  and  St.  David  was  a|)pointed  in  his 

I      One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  hold,  in  the  year 

\ft  another  .synod  called  "Victory",  against  the 

Ljians,  of  which  the  decrees  were  confirmed  by  the 

IV— 11 


pope.  With  the  permission  of  King  Arthur  he  re- 
moved his  see  from  Caerleon  to  Menevia,  whence  he 
governed  the  British  Church  for  many  years  with  great 
holiness  and  wisdom.  He  died  at  the  great  age  of  147, 
on  the  day  predicted  by  himself  a  week  earlier.  His 
body  is  said  to  have  been  translated  to  Glastonbury 
in  the  year  966. 

It  is  impossible  to  discover  in  this  story  how  much, 
if  any,  is  true.  Some  of  it  has  obviously  been  invented 
for  controversial  purposes.  The  twelve  monasteries, 
the  temptation  by  the  women,  the  attempt  on  his  life, 
all  suggest  an  imitation  of  the  life  of  St.  Benedict. 
Wilder  legends,  such  as  the  Journey  on  the  Sea- 
Monster,  are  commonplaces  of  Celtic  hagiology. 
Doubtless  Rhygyfarch  and  his  imitators  collected 
many  floating  local  traditions,  but  how  much  of 
these  had  any  historical  foimdation  and  how  much 
was  sheer  imagination  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  decide. 

AnTiales  Cambrifs,  ed.  .\B  Ithel  in  Rolls  iSpne.s  (London, 
1860),  3-6:  Ada  .S'.S.,  March.  I,  3.S-47;  Buhez  Sanlez  Notin.  ed. 
SlON.NET  (Paris,  1837);  Challon-f.r,  Britannia  Sancla  (Lon- 
don, 1745),  I,  140-45;  Hole  in  Did.  Christ.  Biog.  (London, 
1877).  I,  791-93;  Bradley  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v.:  Giraldds 
Cambrensis,  Opera,  ed.  Brewer  in  Holht  Heriea  (London, 
1863).  Ill,  375-404;  Haddan  and  St.bhs,  fn„nr,l,<  „,i,l  Er.de- 
fiia.'itical  dorumrnt.t  rrlating  to  Great  lir.!.i.ti  <ir,J  I'.im.l  i  i\ford, 
1S69>,  I,  121,  143.  148;    Lives  of  th.  <  ■  ■  '     ■  I:         '  '  .  ed. 

Rees  (Llandoverv.  Wales,  1S53).  IIIJ  :i  I'U  Is.  M.  imkm- 
bert.  Les  moines  ,r Occident  (Paris,  1  sijo  ,  111.  Is  :,.-,;  Nihe- 
LEr,  r.imhn.i  .^orni  (London,  1879),  446-479;  Rkks,  Kssau  on 
the  ir./x/,  s,i,nix  I  London,  1836).  43,  162,  191.  193;  Stanton. 
Men.,h.,vi  „f  Kuiihmd  and  Wales  (London,  1887),  92-93,  203; 
Wharton-,  .\nalia  Sacra  (London.  1691),  II.  628-53. 

Leslie  A.  St.L.  Toke. 

David,  Armand,  missionary  priest  and  zoologist,  b. 
1,S26;  d.  1900.  He  entered  the  Congregation  of  the 
Mission  in  1848,  having  already  displayed  great  fond- 
ness for  the  natural  sciences.  Ordained  in  1862,  he 
was  shortly  afterwards  sent  to  Peking,  and  began  there 
a  collection  of  material  for  a  museum  of  natural  his- 
tory, mainly  zoological,  but  in  which  botany  and  geol- 
ogy and  paheontology  were  also  well  represented. 
At  the  ret^uest  of  the  French  Government  important 
specimens  from  his  collection  were  sent  to  Paris  and 
aroused  the  greatest  interest .  The  Jardin  des  Plantes 
commissioned  him  to  undertake  scientific  journeys 
through  China  to  make  further  collections.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  many  specimens  of  hitherto  un- 
knoTNTi  animals  and  plants,  and  the  value  of  his  com- 
prehensive collections  for  the  advance  of  systematic 
zoology  and  especially  for  the  advancement  of  animal 
geography  received  universal  recognition  from  the 
scientific  world.  He  himself  summed  up  his  labours 
in  an  address  delivered  before  the  International  Scien- 
tific Congress  of  Catholics  at  Paris  in  ,\pril,  1888.  He 
had  found  in  China  altogether  200  species  of  wild  ani- 
mals, of  which  6S  were  hitherto  unknown  to  zoologists ; 
807  species  of  birds,  65  of  which  had  not  been  de- 
scribed before.  Besides,  a  large  collection  of  reptiles, 
batrachians,  and  fishes  was  made  and  handed  over  to 
specialists  for  further  study,  al.so  a  large  mnnber  of 
moths  and  insects,  many  of  them  hitherto  unknown, 
were  brought  to  the  museum  of  the  Jardin  des 
Plantes.  What  Father  David's  scientific  journeys 
meant  for  botany  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
among  the  rhododendrons  which  he  collected  no  less 
than  fifty-two  new  species  were  foimd  and  among  the 
■primula:  about  forty,  while  the  Western  Mountains 
of  China  furnished  an  even  greater  number  of  hitherto 
imknown  sj)ecies  of  gentian.  The  most  remarkable  of 
hitherto  unknown  animals  foimd  by  David  was  a  spe- 
cies of  bear  (ur.vm  mcUinoleucu/i,  the  black-white  bear) 
which  is  a.  connecting  link  between  the  cats  and 
bears.  Another  remarkable  animal  fovmd  by  him 
received  the  scientific  name  of  rlajihurus  dnridi- 
anus.  Of  this  animal  the  Chinese  say  that  it  has  the 
horns  of  the  .stag,  the  neck  of  the  camel,  the  foot  of  the 
cow,  and  the  tail  of  the  a,ss.  It  h.id  dis:ippeared  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  preser\'ed  in  the  gardens  of  the 
Emperor  of  China,  but  David  succeeded  in  securing  a 


DAVID 


642 


DAVID 


specimen  and  sent  it  to  Europe.  In  the  midst  of  his 
work  as  a  naturahst  Father  David  did  not  neglect  his 
missionary  labours,  and  was  noted  for  his  careful  devo- 
tion to  his  religious  duties  and  for  his  obedience  to 
every  detail  of  his  rules. 

Berthold,  Katholiscke  Studien,  Die  Forschungsreisen  des 
franzosischen  Missionars  und  Naturforschers  Arrruind  David 
(Wurzburg,  1878);  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes  (1861);  Annales  de 
la  Congregation  de  la  Afission  (Paris,  1901),  XLVI;  Congr^s 
Scientifique  International  des  Catholiques  (Paris,  1888). 

J.\MES  J.  Walsh. 

David,  Gheeraert  (or  Gerard)  ,  son  of  John  Da\'id, 
painter  and  illuminator,  b.  at  Oudewater,  South  Hol- 
land, c.  1450,  d.  13  August,  1523,  at  Bruges,  where  he 
had  been  admitted,  14  January,  1484,  as  master-painter 
into  the  Guild  of  St.  Luke,  of  which,  after  filling  minor 
offices,  he  was  elected  dean  in  1.501.  It  is  not  known 
where  he  learned  his  art,  probably  at  Haarlem.  On  the 
completion  of  his  apprenticeship,  he  no  doubt,  as  was 
the  custom,  travelled  to  improve  himself,  working  as 
an  assistant  under  various  masters  wherever  he  found 
emplojTnent.  He  probably  travelled  to  Italy,  as  his 
works  show  traces  of  Florentine  and  Venetian  influ- 
ence. Tlieir  landscape  backgrounds  prove  that  he 
knew  the  valley  of  the  Meuse.  On  his  way  to  Flan- 
ders he  would  not  have  failed  to  \'isit  Louvain  and 
study  the  works  of  his  fellow-countryman.  Dirk  Bouts, 
nor  to  halt  a  while  at  Ghent  to  admire  the  polyptych 
of  the  Van  Eycks.  At  Bruges  he  found  the  churches 
full  of  paintings  by  all  the  great  masters,  and  one  of 
these,  Hans  jlemhng,  still  living.  He  probably 
worked  under  him  until  he  himself  received  commis- 
sions, for  which  he  had  not  long  to  wait.  In  1496  he 
married  Cornelia  Cnoop,  daughter  of  the  dean  of 
the  guild  of  goldsmiths,  by  whom  he  had  one  daughter, 
Barbara.  Gheeraert  was  buried  in  the  church  of  Our 
Lady,  at  the  foot  of  the  tower.  He  was  not  one  of 
the  greatest  masters,  nor  did  he  strike  out  any  new 
line  like  Van  der  Goes,  but  he  gathered  up  all  the  best 
traditions  of  his  predecessors,  to  which  he  faithfully 
adhered  all  through  his  life.  His  saints  and  angels 
compared  with  those  of  Meraling  are  more  sedate. 
One  new  type  he  created,  the  charming  figure  of  the 
Child  Jesus,  which  made  a  lasting  impression  on  the 
succeeding  generation  of  painters.  His  portraits  are 
very  good,  his  brocaded  stuffs,  embroidery,  and  jew- 
ellery have  never  been  surpassed,  and  his  landscapes 
are  remarkably  fine.  His  works  show  that  he  was  a 
great  religious  painter;  he  was  also  a  pious  and  chari- 
table man.  One  of  his  finest  paintings,  the  "  Virgo  in- 
ter Virgines",  now  in  the  museum  at  Rouen,  was  pre- 
sented Ijy  him  in  1509  to  the  Carmelite  nuns  of  Sion  at 
Bruges,  to  whom  he  lent  a  large  sum  of  money  free  of 
interest.  Gheeraert  excelled  in  miniature-painting 
and  illumination,  which  arts  his  wife  also  practised 
with  success.  David's  principal  works  are  in  the 
National  Gallery,  London  (2),  National  Gallery, 
Dublin  (1),  Town  Gallery,  Bruges  (5),  Town  Gallery, 
Rouen  (1),  Museum,  Sigmaringen  (2),  Imperial  Gal- 
lery, Vienna  (1). 

Weale.  Gerard  David,  Painter  and  Illuminator  (London, 
1895);  BoDENHAusEN,  Eberhard  von,  Gerard  David  und  seine 
Schule  (Munich,  1905). 

W.  H.  James  Weale. 

David  (nn  or  n<n,  beloved),  King. — In  the  Bible 
the  name  David  is  borne  only  by  the  second  king  of 
Israel,  the  great-grandson  of  Boaz  and  Ruth  (Ruth, 
iv,  18  sqq.).  He  was  the  youngest  of  the  eight  sons 
of  Isai,  or  Jesse  (I  Kings,  xvi,  8;  cf.  I  Par.,  ii,  13),  a 
small  proprietor,  of  the  tribe  of  Juda,  dwelling  at 
Bethlehem,  where  David  was  born.  Our  knowledge 
of  David's  life  and  character  is  derived  exclusively 
from  the  pages  of  Sacred  Scripture,  viz.,  I  K.,  xvi; 
III  K.,  ii;  I  Par.,  ii,  iii,  x-xxix;  Ruth,  iv,  18-22, 
and  the  titles  of  many  Psalms.  According  to  the 
usual  chronology,  David  was  born  in  1085  and  reigned 
from  1055  to  1015  b.  c.     Recent  writers  have  been 


induced  by  the  Assyrian  inscriptions  to  date  his  reign 
from  30  to  50  years  later.  Within  the  hmits  imposed 
it  is  impossible  to  give  more  than  a  bare  outline  of  the 
events  of  his  life  and  a  brief  estimate  of  his  character 
and  his  significance  in  the  historj'  of  the  chosen  people, 
as  king,  psalmist,  prophet,  and  tj^pe  of  the  Messias. 

The  history  of  David  falls  naturally  into  three 
periods:  (1)  before  his  elevation  to  the  throne;  (2)  his 
reign,  at  Hebron  over  Juda,  and  at  Jerusalem  over  all 
Israel,  until  his  sin;  (3)  his  sin  and  last  years.  He 
first  appears  in  sacred  history  as  a  shepherd  lad, 
tending  his  father's  flocks  in  the  fields  near  Bethle- 
hem, "  ruddy  and  beautiful  to  behold  and  of  a  comely 
face".  Samuel,  the  Prophet  and  last  of  the  judges, 
had  been  sent  to  anoint  him  in  place  of  Saul,  whom 
God  had  rejected  for  disobedience.  The  relations  of 
David  do  not  seem  to  have  recognized  the  significance 
of  this  unction,  which  marked  him  as  the  successor  to 
the  throne  after  the  death  of  Saul. 

During  a  period  of  Olness,  when  the  evil  spirit 
troubled  Saul,  David  was  brought  to  court  to  soothe 
the  king  by  playing  on  the  harp.  He  earned  tlie 
gratitude  of  Saul  and  was  made  an  armour-bearer, 
but  his  stay  at  court  was  brief.  Not  long  afterwards, 
whilst  his  three  elder  brothei-s  were  in  the  field,  fight- 
ing imder  Saul  against  the  Philistines,  David  was  sent 
to  the  camp  with  some  pro\'isions  and  presents;  there 
he  heard  the  words  in  which  the  giant,  Goliath  of 
Geth,  defied  all  Israel  to  single  combat,  and  he  volun- 
teered with  God's  help  to  slay  the  Philistine.  His 
victory  over  Goliath  brought  about  the  rout  of  the 
enemy.  Saul's  questions  to  Abner  at  this  tune  seem 
to  imply  that  he  had  never  seen  Da\id  before,  though, 
as  we  have  seen,  David  had  already  been  at  court. 
Various  conjectures  have  been  made  to  explain  this 
difficulty.  As  the  passage  which  suggests  a  contra- 
diction in  the  Hebrew  text  is  omitted  by  Septuagint 
codices,  some  authors  have  accepted  the  Greek  text 
in  preference  to  the  Hebrew.  Others  suppose  that 
the  order  of  the  narratives  has  become  confused  in 
our  present  Hebrew  text.  A  simpler  and  more  likiiy 
solution  maintains  that  on  the  second  occasion  Saul 
asked  Abner  only  about  the  family  of  David  and  about 
his  earlier  life.  Previously  he  had  given  the  matter 
no  attention. 

David's  victory  over  Goliath  won  for  him  the  tender 
friendship  of  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul.  He  obtained 
a  permanent  position  at  court,  but  his  great  popularity 
and  the  imprudent  songs  of  the  women  excited  the 
jealousy  of  the  king,  who  on  two  occasions  attempted 
to  kill  him.  As  captain  of  a  thousand  men,  he  en- 
countered new  dangers  to  win  the  hand  of  Merob, 
Saul's  eldest  daughter,  but,  in  spite  of  the  king's 
promise,  she  was  given  to  Hadriel.  Michol,  Saul's 
other  daughter,  loved  David,  and,  in  the  hope  that 
the  latter  might  be  killed  by  the  Philistines,  her  father 
promised  to  give  her  in  marriage,  provided  David 
should  slay  one  hundred  Philistines.  David  succeeded 
and  married  Michol.  This  success,  however,  made 
Saul  fear  the  more  and  finally  induced  him  to  order 
that  David  should  be  killed.  Through  the  interven- 
tion of  Jonathan  he  was  spared  for  a  time,  but  Saul's 
hatred  finally  obliged  him  to  flee  from  the  court. 

First  he  went  to  Ramatha  and  thence,  with  Sam- 
uel, to  Naioth.  Saul's  further  attempts  to  murder 
him  were  frustrated  by  God's  direct  interposition. 
An  interview  with  Jonathan  convinced  him  that  rec- 
onciliation with  Saul  was  impossible,  and  for  the 
rest  of  the  reign  he  was  an  exile  and  an  outlaw.  At 
Nobe,  whither  he  proceeded,  David  and  his  com- 
panions were  harboured  by  the  priest  Achiraelech, 
who  was  afterwards  accused  of  conspiracy  and  put  to 
death  with  his  fellow-priests.  From  Nobe  David 
went  to  the  court  of  Achis,  king  of  Geth,  where  hei 
escaped  death  by  feigning  madness.  On  his  return 
he  became  the  head  of  a  band  of  about  four  hundred' 
men,  some  of  them  his  relations,  others  distressed 


DAVID 


643 


DAVID 


.1^  l.tnrs  and  malcontents,  who  gathered  at  the  cave, 
nr  -t  ronghold,  of  Odollam  (Adullam).     Not  long  after 
till  ir  number  was  reckoned  at  six  hundred.     David 
(1.  livrred  the  city  of  Ceila  from  the  Philistines,  but 
w  IS  iigain  obliged  to  flee  from  Saul.     His  next  abode 
was  the  wilderness  of  Ziph,  made  memorable  by  the 
M^u  of  Jonathan  and  by  the  treachery  of  the  Ziphites, 
will  I  sent  word  to  the  king.     David  was  saved  from 
'  I '  it  ure  by  the  recall  of  Saul  to  repel  an  attack  of  the 
r   liistines.     In  the  deserts  of  Engaddi  he  was  again 
•'     ;i'':it  danger,  but  when  Saul  was  at  his  mercy,  he 
t)usly    spared    his    life.     The    adventure    with 
il,  David's  marriage  with  Abigail,  and  a  second 
i    il  to  slay  Saul  were  followed  by  David '.s  decision 
■  'ITi.T  his  sendees  to  Achis  of  Geth  and  thus  put  an 
I  II  I  to  Saul's  persecution.     As  a  vassal  of  the  Philis- 
I  i       king,  he  was  set  over  the  city  of  Siceleg,  whence 
iide  raids  on  the  neighbouring  tribes,  wasting 
lands   and   sparing  neither  man  nor  woman. 
Tftending  that  these  expeditions  were  against  his 
"  \-i  people  of  Israel,  he  secured  the  favour  of  Achis. 
\\  lull,  however,  the  Philistines  prepared  at  Aphec  to 
\\-:i'i<-  war  against  Saul,  the  other  princes  were  un- 
willing to  trust  David,  and  he  returned  to  Siceleg. 
I'uiiiig   his   absence   it  had   been   attacked   by  the 
.Viiiileeites.     David  pursued  them,   destroyed  their 
fnrr.'s,  and  recovered  all  their  booty.     Meanwhile  the 
fii  il   Ijattle  on   Moimt   Gelboe   (Gilboa)   had  taken 
|il  I'  >'.  in  which  Saul  and  Jonathan  were  slain.     The 
tiiuihing  elegy,   preserved  for  us  in  II   Kings,  i,  is 
I)  r>  id's  outburst  of  grief  at  their  death. 

Hy  God's  command,  David,  who  was  now  thirty 
y  irs  old,  went  up  to  Hebron  to  claim  the  kingly 
p  v\iT.  "The  men  of  Juda  accepted  him  as  king,  and 
ill  was  again  anointed,  solemnly  and  publicly. 
riui.iinh  the  influence  of  Abner,  the  rest  of  Israel  re- 
iiiiiiH-.l  faithful  to  Isboseth,  the  son  of  Saul.  Abner 
iiMirki'd  the  forces  of  David,  but  was  defeated  at 
ililiaon.  Civil  war  continued  for  some  time,  but 
1  1  \  1'  I's  power  was  ever  on  the  increase.  At  Hebron 
-i\  -iins  were  born  to  him:  Amnon,  Cheleab,  Absalom, 
All  iiii.n.-i,  Saphathia,  and  Jethraam.  As  the  result  of  a 
i|i;  irrrl  witli  Isboseth,  .\bner  made  overtures  to  bring 
■ill  Israel  undrr  the  rule  of  David;  he  was,  however, 
til  irlierously  murdered  by  Joab  without  the  king's 
riwisiut.  Isbo.seth  was  murdered  by  two  Benjamites, 
||  I  D.avid  was  accepted  by  all  Israel  and  anointed 
His  reign  at  Hebron  over  Juda  alone  had 
1  .seven  years  and  a  half. 

.  his  successful  wars  David  succeeded  in  making 

I  an  independent  state  and  causing  his  own  name 

'    respected  bj'  all  the  surrounding  nations.     A 

!  lie  exploit  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  was  the 

r    ii|iiest  of  the  Jebusite  city  of  Jerusalem,  which  he 

Ml  I'll'  the  capital  of  his  kingdom,  "the  city  of  David", 

till   political  centre  of  the  nation.     He  built  a  palace, 

ti  11  L  Miorc  wives  and  concubines,  and  begat  other  sons 

an)    daugliters.     Having  cast   off   the  yoke   of  the 

1  '1 1 1 1  i - 1  iiK's,  h(!  resolved  to  make  Jerusalem  the  religious 

r   'III-  of  his  people  by  transporting  the  Ark  of  the 

'       I  ii.-int  {<|.  v.)  from  Cariathiarim.     It  was  brought 

I      li  rusalpm  and  placed  in  the  new  t«nt  constructed 

I'v  the  king.     Later  on,  when  he  proposed  to  build  a 

ii  iiipic  for  it,  he  was  told  by  the  prophet  Nathan,  that 

'  ;  I  I  1 1  ad  reserv-ed  this  task  for  his  successor.     In  re- 

I  for  his  piety,  the  promise  was  made  that  God 

i  build  him  up  a  house  and  establish  his  kingdom 

I  'letailed  account  has  been  preserved  of  the  vari- 

vars  undertaken  by  David ;  only  some  isolated 

are  given.     The  war  with  the  Ammonites  is 

led  more  fully  because,  whilst  his  army  was  in 

Id  during  this  campaign,  David  fell  into  the  sins 

1  ilterj'  and  murder,  bringing  thereby  great  cal.am- 

III  himself  and  his  people.     He  was  then  at  the 

it  of  his  power,  a  ruler  respected  by  all  the  nations 

I  t  he  Euphrates  to  the  Nile.     After  his  sin  with 


Bethsabee  and  the  indirect  assassination  of  Urias,  her 
husband,  David  made  her  his  wife.  A  year  elapsed 
before  his  repentance  for  the  sin,  but  his  contrition 
was  so  sincere  that  God  pardoned  him,  though  at  the 
same  time  announcing  the  severe  penalties  that  were 
to  follow.  The  spirit  in  which  David  accepted  these 
penalties  has  made  him  for  all  time  the  model  of  peni- 
tents. The  incest  of  Aranon  and  the  fratricide  of 
Absalom  (q.  v.)  brought  shame  and  sorrow  to  David. 
For  three  years  Absalom  remained  in  exile.  When  he 
was  recalled,  David  kept  him  in  disfavour  for  two 
years  more  and  then  restored  him  to  his  former  dig- 
nity, without  any  sign  of  repentance.  Vexed  by  his 
father's  treatment,  Absalom  devoted  himself  for  the 
next  four  years  to  seducing  the  people  and  finally  had 
himself  proclaimed  king  at  Hebron.  David  was  taken 
by  surprise  and  was  forced  to  flee  from  Jerusalem. 
The  circumstances  of  his  flight  are  narrated  in  Scrip- 
ture with  great  simplicity  and  pathos.  Absalom's 
disregard  of  the  counsel  of  Achitophel  and  his  con- 
sequent delay  in  the  pursuit  of  the  king  made  it 
possible  for  the  latter  to  gather  his  forces  and  win  a 
victory  at  Manahaim,  where  Absalom  was  killed. 
David  returned  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem.  A  further 
rebellion  under  Seba  at  the  Jordan  was  quickly  sup- 
pressed. 

At  this  point  in  the  narrative  of  II  ICings  we  read 
that  "there  was  a  famine  in  the  days  of  David  for 
three  years  successively",  in  punishment  for  Saul's 
sin  against  the  Gabaonites.  At  their  request  seven  of 
Saul's  race  were  delivered  up  to  be  crucified.  It  is 
not  possible  to  fix  the  exact  date  of  this  famine.  On 
other  occasions  Da^^d  showed  great  compassion  for 
the  descendants  of  Saul,  especially  for  Miphiboseth, 
the  son  of  his  friend  Jonathan.  After  a  brief  mention 
of  four  expeditions  against  the  Philistines,  the  sacred 
writer  records  a  sin  of  pride  on  David's  part  in  his  reso- 
lution to  take  a  census  of  the  people.  As  a  penance 
for  this  sin,  he  was  allowed  to  choose  either  a  famine, 
an  unsuccessful  war,  or  pestilence.  David  chose  the 
third  and  in  three  days  70,000  died.  When  the  angel 
was  about  to  strike  Jerusalem,  God  was  moved  to  pity 
and  stayed  the  pestilence.  David  w.as  conunanded  to 
offer  sacrifice  at  the  threshing-floor  of  Areuna,  the  site 
of  the  future  temple. 

The  last  days  of  David  were  disturbed  by  the  ambi- 
tion of  Adonias,  whose  plans  for  the  succession  were 
frustrated  by  Nathan,  the  prophet,  and  Bethsabee, 
the  mother  of  Solomon.  The  son  who  was  born  after 
David's  repentance  was  chosen  in  preference  to  his 
older  brothers.  To  make  sure  that  Solomon  would 
succeed  to  the  throne,  David  had  him  publicly 
anointed.  The  hist  recorded  words  of  the  aged  king 
are  an  exhortation  to  Solomon  to  be  faithful  to  God, 
to  reward  loyal  servants,  and  to  punish  the  wicked. 
David  died  at  the  age  of  seventy,  having  reigned  in 
Jerusalem  thirty-three  years.  He  was  buried  on 
Mount  Sion.  St.  Peter  spoke  of  his  tomb  as  still  in 
existence  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  when  th<-  Holy 
Ghost  descended  on  the  Apostles  (Acts,  ii,  29).  David 
is  honoured  by  the  Church  as  a  saint.  He  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Roman  Martyrology  on  29  December. 

The  historical  character  of  the  narratives  of  David's 
life  has  been  attacked  chiefly  by  writers  who  have  dis- 
regarded the  purpose  of  the  narrator  in  I  Par.  He 
p;i.sses  over  thase  events  that  are  not  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Ark.  In  the  Books  of  Kings  all  the 
chief  events,  good  and  bad,  are  narrated.  'The  Bible 
records  David's  sins  and  weaknesses  without  excuse 
or  palliation,  but  it  also  records  his  repentance,  his 
acts  of  virttie,  his  generosity  towards  Saul,  his  great 
faith,  and  his  piety.  Critics  who  h.ave  harshly  crit- 
icized his  character  have  not  considered  the  difficult 
circumstances  in  which  he  lived  or  the  matmers  of  his 
age.  It  is  uncritical  and  unscientific  to  exaggerate 
his  faults  or  to  imagine  that  the  whole  history  is  a 
series  of  myths.     Tlie  life  of  David  was  an  important 


DAVID 


644 


DAVID 


epoch  in  the  history  of  Israel.  He  was  the  real  found- 
er of  the  monarchy,  the  head  of  the  dynasty.  Chosen 
by  God  "as  a  man  according  to  His  own  heart", 
David  was  tried  in  the  school  of  suffering  during  the 
days  of  exiie  and  developed  into  a  military  leaiJer  of 
renown.  To  him  was  due  the  complete  organization 
of  the  army.  He  gave  Israel  a  capital,  a  court,  a 
great  centre  of  religious  worship.  The  little  band  at 
OdoUam  became  the  nucleus  of  an  efficient  force. 
When  he  became  King  of  all  Israel  there  were  339,600 
men  under  his  command.  At  the  census  1,300,000 
were  enumerated  capable  of  bearing  arms.  A  stand- 
ing army,  consisting  of  twelve  corps,  each  of  24,000 
men,  took  turns  in  serving  for  a  month  at  a  time  as  the 
garrison  of  Jerusalem.  The  administration  of  his 
palace  and  his  kingdom  demanded  a  large  retinue  of 
servants  and  officials.  Their  various  offices  are  set 
down  in  I  Par.,  xxvii.  The  king  himself  exercised  the 
office  of  judge,  though  Levites  were  later  appointed 
for  this  purpose,  as  well  as  other  minor  officials. 

When  the  Ark  had  been  brought  to  Jerusalem, 
David  imdertook  the  organization  of  religious  wor- 
ship. The  sacred  functions  were  entrusted  to  24,000 
Levites;  6000  of  these  were  scribes  and  judges,  4000 
were  porters,  and  4000  singers.  He  arranged  the 
various  parts  of  the  ritual,  allotting  to  each  section  its 
tasks.  The  priests  were  divided  into  twenty-four 
families;  the  musicians  into  twenty-four  choirs.  To 
Solomon  had  been  reserved  the  privilege  of  building 
God's  house,  but  David  made  ample  preparations  for 
the  work  by  amassing  treasures  and  materials,  as  well 
as  by  transmitting  to  his  son  a  plan  for  the  building 
and  all  its  details.  We  are  told  in  I  Par.  how  he  ex- 
horted his  son  Solomon  to  carry  out  this  great  work 
and  made  known  to  the  assembled  princes  the  e.xtent 
of  his  preparations. 

The  prominent  part  played  by  song  and  music  in 
the  worship  of  the  temple,  as  arranged  by  David,  is 
readily  explained  by  his  poetic  and  musical  abilities. 
His  skill  in  music  is  recorded  in  I  Kings,  xvi,  18  and 
Amos,  vi,  5.  Poems  of  his  composition  are  found  in 
II  Kings,  i,  iii,  xxii,  xxiii.  His  connexion  with  the 
Book  of  Psalms,  many  of  which  are  expressly  attri- 
buted to  various  incidents  of  his  career,  was  so  taken 
for  granted  in  later  days  that  many  ascribed  the  whole 
Psalter  to  him.  The  authorship  of  these  hymns  and 
the  question  how  far  they  can  be  considered  as  sup- 
plying illustrative  material  for  David's  life  will  be 
treated  in  the  article  Psalms. 

David  was  not  merely  king  and  ruler,  he  was  also  a 
prophet.  "  The  spirit  of  the  Lord  hath  spoken  by  me 
and  his  word  by  my  tongue"  (II  lungs,  xxiii,  2)  is  a 
direct  statement  of  prophetic  inspiration  in  the  poem 
there  recorded.  St.  Peter  tells  us  that  he  was  a 
prophet  (Acts,  ii,  30).  His  prophecies  are  embodied 
in  the  Psalms  he  composed  that  are  literally  Mes- 
sianic and  in  "  David  s  last  words"  (II  K.,  xxiii). 
The  literal  character  of  these  Messianic  Psalms  is  in- 
dicated in  the  New  Testament.  They  refer  to  the 
suffering,  the  persecution,  and  the  triumphant  de- 
liverance of  Christ,  or  to  the  prerogatives  conferred  on 
Him  by  the  Father.  In  addition  to  these  his  direct 
prophecies,  David  himself  has  always  been  regarded 
as  a  type  of  the  Messias.  In  this  the  Church  has  but 
followed  the  teaching  of  the  Old  Testament  Prophets. 
The  Messias  was  to  be  the  great  theocratic  king; 
David,  the  ancestor  of  the  Messias,  was  a  king  accord- 
ing to  God's  own  heart.  His  qualities  and  his  very 
name  are  attributed  to  the  Messias.  Incidents  in  the 
life  of  David  are  regarded  by  the  Fathers  as  fore- 
shadowing the  life  of  Christ;  Bethlehem  is  the  birth- 
place of  both ;  the  shepherd  life  of  David  points  out 
Chris-t,  the  Good  Shepherd;  the  five  stones  chosen  to 
slay  Goliath  are  typical  of  the  five  wounds;  the  be- 
trayal by  his  trusted  counsellor,  Achitophel,  and  the 
passage  over  the  Cedron  remind  us  of  (Jhrist's  Sacred 
Passion.     Many  of  the  Davidic  Psalms,  as  we  learn 


from  the  New  Testament,  are  clearly  typical  of  the 
future  Messias. 

VON  HuMMELAUER,  Cursus  ScripturcB  Sacrce:  In  libros  Sam- 
uelii  (Paris,  1SS6);  Id.,  In  I  Parol.  (Paris,  1905);  Hetzenauer, 
Theologia  Bihlica:  Vetus  Testamentum  (Freiburg.  1908),  179- 
214;  AlANGENOT  in  Vigouroux,  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible,  s.  v.; 
WiEsMANN  in  Lexicon  Biblicum  (Paris,  1907);  Schenz  and 
Kaulen  in  Kirchenlex.  The  subject,  with  the  bibliography,  is 
treated  in  all  the  recent  Biblical  dictionaries.  See  also  Gigot, 
Outlines  of  Jewish  History  (New  York,  1897) ;  Meignan,  David, 
Toi,  psalmiste,  propkete  (Paris,  1889);  Weiss,  David  UTid.  seine 
Zeit  (Miinster,  1880). 

John  Corbett. 

David  of  Augsburg  (de  Augusta),  medieval  Ger- 
man mystic,  b.  probably  at  Augsburg,  Bavaria,  early 
in  the  thirteenth  century;  d.  at  Augsburg,  19  Nov., 
1272.  He  entered  the  Franciscan  Order  probably  at 
Ratisbon,  where  a  monastery  of  this  order  was  in  ex- 
istence as  early  as  1226;  the  Franciscan  monastery  at 
Augsburg  was  not  erected  until  1243.  At  Ratisbon 
David  filled  the  position  of  master  of  novices  and 
wrote  for  the  spiritual  benefit  of  the  latter  his  cele- 
brated "Formula  Novitiorum".  Whether  the  distin- 
guished Franciscan  preacher  Berthold  of  Ratisijon 
(q.  V.)  was  one  of  his  pupils  is  at  least  very  doubtful. 
In  1240  Berthold  and  David  were  appomted  inspec- 
tors of  the  convent  of  Niedermilnster  at  Ratisbon. 
From  about  1250  David  accompanied  Berthold  on  his 
missionary  tours  and  most  probably  took  part  in  the 
preaching  himself ;  he  also  had  a  share  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Inquisition  against  the  Waldenses.  On 
the  day  of  David's  death  it  is  said  that  Berthold,  who 
was  preaching  in  a  distant  place,  stopped  in  the  midst 
of  his  sermon  and  quoted,  in  reference  to  his  friend 
who  had  just  passed  away,  the  following  lines  of  the 
hymn,  "Iste  Confessor": — 

Qui  pius,  prudens,  humilis,  pudicus, 

Sobriam  duxit  sine  labe  vitam 
— etc.     David  wrote  both  in  Latin  and  German.     For 
along  period  his  Latin  works  were  attributed  to  others, 
at  times  to  St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  and  St.  Bonaven- 
ture,  a  proof  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they  were 
held.     The  most  striking  case  of  this  mistaken  ascrip- 
tion is  that  of  the  "Formula  Novitiorum"  which  in 
addition  to  two  letters  of  David  form  three  books:  (1) 
"De  Compositione  hominis  exterioris"  (treats  of  the 
external  life  of  the  member  of  an  order) ;    (2)  "  De 
Reformatione  hominis  interioris";    (3)  "De  septem 
processibus  religiosorum ".     This  work,  of  which  the 
different  parts  often  appeared  separately,  is  a  rational 
and  progressive  introduction  to  monastic  and  mysti- 
cal life.     It  was  first  published  under  the  name  of  St. 
Bonaventure  (Brescia,  1485;  Venice,  1487;  Antwerp, 
1591;   Cologne,  1618);    it  appeared  also  in  the  edilio 
Vaticana  of  the  works  of  St.   Bonaventure  (Rome, 
1588-96),  and  consequently  in  all  of  the  reprints  of 
this  edition.     It  also  appeared  in  the  "Magna  Biblio- 
theca  veterum  Patrum"  (Cologne,  1618),  vol.  XIII,  in 
the  "Maxima  Bibliotheca  vet.  Patr. "  (Lyons,  1675), 
vol.  XXV,  and,  in  part,  among  the  doubtful  works  of 
St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux  in  Migne,  P.  L.,  CLXXXIII, 
col.  1189.     The  Latin  edition  published  at  Augsburg 
in  1596  was  issued  in  German  at  the  same  place  in; 
1597.     The  latest  and  by  far  the  best  edition  is  thatl 
which  appeared  at  Quaracchi  (1889),  in  the  introduc-j 
tion   to   which   the   work   is   positively   ascribed   to 
Brother  David  of  Augsburg;  a  list  of  370  manuscript; 
is  also  given.     David's  treatise  "  De  hajresi  paiiperum  ; 
de  Lugduno"  was  erroneously  issued,  in  an  ineom-i- 
plete    form,   by    Martene    and    Durand   (Thesauruf  : 
novus  anecdot.,  V,  1777  sqq.)  under  the  name  of  the 
Dominican  Yvonnet;  but  it  has  been  proved  by  Pfeif 
fer  and  Preger  to  be  one  of  David's  writings  anel  thi 
full  text  was  edited  by  Preger  for  the  first  time.     ICx 
tracts  from  David's  "  Expositio  ReguUe",  an  explaiia 
tion  of  the  monastic  rules  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  havi 
been  edited  by  E.  Lempp. 

Attention  was  first  called  to  David's  German  writ 
ings  by  Pfeiffer,  who  in  1845  published  the  follow  in; 


I 


DAVID 


645 


DAVID 


I  i^ht  treatises  and  ascribed  them  to  David:  (1)  "  Die 
-1'  hen  Vorregeln  der  Tugend";-(2)  "Der  Spiegel  der 
lugend";  (3)  "Christi  Leben  unser  Vorbild"  (to  this 
treatise  Pfeiffer  found  later  a  continuation  five  times 
larger  than  the  part  published);  (4)  "Die  \ner  Fit- 
tiche  geistlicher  Betrachtung " ;  (5)  "Von  der  An- 
schauung  Gottes";  (6)  "Von  der  Erkenntnis  der 
Wahrheit;  (7)  "Von  der  unergriindliehen  Fulle 
ftottes;  (8)  " Betrachtungen  und  Gebete".  Preger 
raised  doubts  as  to  the  correctness  of  ascribing  these 
tractates,  with  exception  of  the  first  three,  to  David, 
liut  his  attack  proved  a  failure  and  Pfeiffer's  views 
liave  been  successfully  defended  by  Hecker  and  Tel- 
linegg.  It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged  that  the 
iii;hth  contains  much  that  was  common  property  in 
till'  Middle  Ages.  David's  German  treatises  are  fine  ex- 
ninples  of  German  prose  and  assure  him  a  permanent 
I'hire  in  the  history  of  German  literature.  Like  the 
n.diance  of  a  gently  burning  flame  they  attract  the 
hi  irt  and  spirit  of  the  reader  to  the  beautiful  and  the 
1  >i\  ine.  They  turn  the  mind  from  vice  and  error  with 
;nnst  convincing  eloquence  and  kindle  in  it  the  love  of 
i'"ii.  In  these  writings,  as  in  the  treatises  for  nov- 
H  .s,  David  is  at  all  times  the  circumspect  mystic, 
:'  vi'rse  to  fantastic  ecstasy  and  exaggeration.  A  sober 
iZ'iix\  sense  pervades  his  profound  yet  animated  ex- 
positions, which  have  nothing  in  common  with  the 
\  lijaries  of  the  German  mystics  of  the  fourteenth  cen- 
t  iry.  although  David's  influence  on  the  latter  is  not  to 
1  1  denied.  His  writings  exerted  some  influence  also 
ii  the  " Schwabenspiegel "  (Swabian  Mirror),  the 
v\  U-known  compilation  of  civil  law  used  in  Southern 
t  n  rmany,  which  appeared  about  1268.  Personally 
I  i:ivid  belonged  to  the  earlier  school  of  mystics. 

i'FKiFFER,  Deutsche  MysUkcr  dcs  X IV.  Jahrhiinderts  (Leipzig, 

1  M.')-57),  1;    Ide.m  in  H.\cPT,  Zeilschrift  fur  tkutsches  Altertum 

i  ripzig,    1853),    IX,    1   sqq.;     Preger,   Gcifch.   der  deutschen 

M  iilik  im  M.  A.  (Leipzig,  1874-93).  I,  268  sqq.;    Denifle  in 

i J  i  torxfich-poUtische  Blatter,  LXXV.   679  sqq.;    Lempp  in  Zeit- 

-r  ),  -,fr  fur  Kirrhrnirxch.  (1898).  XIX,  345  sqq.;  D.\-nD  OF  .\tlGS- 

n'  i^;,  !>■   ■  yf'  -;."/;  rt  inierioris  hominis  compositione  libri  III 

t,>u:ir:i' .  ill,  Is'.i'.i  ,  Ititroduct..  4  sqq.;  Ger.  tr.  by  Thomas  ViLLA- 

'     \  \,\\''  <!:/•'  I  :■  r  :ur  Christ.  Vollkommenheit  von  D.  von  .1 .,  with 

lipiiR-iilar.v  matter;    Preger.  Drr  Trorfn?  A-    D  '■  n    \    liher 

Wnldeivirr   in    Abhandlungcn    der   k.    .\}:i-  '  Wi-^a. 

inicK.  1878),  cl.  III.  vol.  XIV.  Pt.  II,   1-  ;        ^      '       pub- 

I'i  separately;   Riedeh.  I>as  Lebrn /?rrrA   '  'nrg 

I  i.ihurg.  lUOl).  10-16;    Mich.vee. ',■-    rf     '  '     H-.s 

I  ">i  XIII.  Jahrhundert  bis  zum  .47/    ,  irg 

Mil  Br..  1897-).  II.  III.  passim;  Teli.i-  .,,. 

d.    ain  deiil.iche  Schriften  auf  ihre  Eililh  i  ;iul, 

l"ii!.  1905).  not  completed;    Heckkh.  l\,ii,s,ti,   /,,,,,„,„  .:„  D. 

■    'i  .4.  Personlichkeit  und  Schriften  (Hamburg,  19Uu). 

Michael  Bihl. 

David  of  Dinant,  a  pantheistic  philosopher  who 

liv'd  in  the  first  decades  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

\  (TV  little  is  known  about  his  life.     It  is  not  certain 

V. Iwther  he  was  born  at  Dinant  in  Belgium,  or  at 

1  iin.in  in  Brittany.     He  is  believed  to  have  lived  for 

no  time  at  the  Roman  Court  under  Innocent  III. 

was  a  magister,  or  teacher,  perhaps  at  Paris;  at 

.•  rate,  it  was  at  Paris  that  his  work,  entitled  "Qua- 

'  inuli"  (little  note-books),  was  condemned  by  a  pro- 

■>  iirial  council  in  1210,  a  condemnation  which  was 

'iifirmedin  121.5  by  a  letter  of  Cardinal  Robert  Cour- 

.11,  pajml  legate.     From  a  work  ascribed  to  Albert 

tlir   Great,    "Compilatio   de   Novo   Spiritu",  in   the 

MMiiich  Library  (MS.  lat.  .311,  fol.  92  b),  we  learn  fur- 

'    r  th.it  in  con.sequence  of  the  condemnation,  Da\ad 

i  from  France,  and  so  escajied  punishment.     A\Tien 

1  where  he  died  is  unknown;   all  we  are  warranted 

lying  is  that  he  died  after  the  year  121.5.      Besides 

"Quateniuli".  condemned  in  the  council  of  121,5, 

1  ordered  to  be  burned  "  before  Chri-stmas",  another 

.iirk  entitled  "  De  Tomis,  sen  Divisionibus"  is  men- 

Imiicd.      It  is  not  improbable,  however,  that  this  was 

iir.n'ly  another  title  for  the  "(jnatiTniili".     The  effect 

"f  tlie  order  i.ssued  by  the  council  was  to  cau.se  all  the 

writing  of  David  to  disappear.     Whatever  is  known, 

thirefore,  about   his  doctrines   is  derived  from   the 


assertions  of  his  contemporaries  and  opponents,  chiefly 
Albert  the  Great  and  St.  Thomas.  From  these  sources 
we  learn  that  David  was  a  Pantheist.  He  identified 
God  with  the  material  substrattmi  of  all  things,  ma- 
teria prima  (St.  Thomas,  Summa  Theol.,  I,  Q.  iii,  a.  8). 
He  reduced  all  reality  to  three  categories,  namely 
bodies,  minds,  and  eternal  separate  substances.  The 
indivisible  substrate  or  constituent  of  bodies  is  matter 
(yle) ;  of  minds,  or  souls,  intellect  (tjous) ;  and  of  eter- 
nal separate  substances,  God  (Dcus).  These  three, 
matter,  intellect,  and  God,  are  one  and  the  same. 
Consequently  all  things,  material,  intellectual,  and 
spiritual,  have  one  and  the  same  essence — God  (St. 
Thomas,  In  II  Sent.,  dist.  xvii,  Q.  i;  Albert  the 
Great,  Sum.  Theol.,  II,  Tract,  xii,  Q.  Ixxii,  a.  2). 

The  phraseology,  which  must  be  David's  own,  as 
well  as  the  title  above  mentioned,  "De  Tomis",  .sug- 
gests at  once  the  influence  of  John  Scotus  Eriugena,  an 
influence  which  cannot  be  denied.  Eriugena's  work 
must  have  been  widely  known  and  read  in  the  first 
decades  of  the  thirteenth  century,  ;us  is  evident  from 
many  imdeniable  facts.  Whether  David  was  influ- 
enced also  by  Amalric  of  Chartres  (see  Amalrician.s) 
is  a  matter  of  debate.  Albert,  who  was  a  conterapo- 
rarj"  of  David,  says  that  David  merely  renewed  the  her- 
esy of  Alexander,  "  who  taught  that  God  and  intellect 
and  matter  are  one  substance".  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  whom  Albert  here  means  by  Alexander,  "  a 
disciple  of  Xenophanes ' ' ;  probably  the  reference  is  to 
some  Arabian  work  that  went  under  the  name  of  a 
Greek  philosopher.  There  were  several  works  of  that 
kind  current  in  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. Some  critics,  however,  put  forward  the  sur- 
mise that  David's  immediate  source  was  Avicebron's 
"Fons  Vitce",  or  the  work  "De  LTnitate",  written  by 
Archdeacon  Gundisalvi  of  Segovia,  who  was  well 
versed  in  Arabian  philosophical  literature.  What- 
ever the  source,  the  doctrines  were,  as  all  our  authori- 
ties concur  in  describing  them,  the  expression  of  the 
most  thoroughgoing  pantheism.  This  of  itself  would 
justify  the  drastic  measures  to  which  the  Council  of 
Paris  had  recourse.  There  were,  moreover,  circum- 
stances which  rendered  summary  condemnation  neces- 
sary. On  the  one  hand  the  University  of  Paris  was 
being  made  the  scene  of  an  organized  attempt  to  foist 
the  Arabian  pantheistic  interpretation  of  Greek  philos- 
ophy on  the  schools  of  Latin  Christendom.  Texts, 
translations,  and  commentaries  were  introduced  every- 
day from  Spain,  in  which  doctrines  incompatible  with 
Christian  dogma  were  openly  taught.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  was  the  popular  movement  in  the  South 
of  France  which  found  its  principal  expression  in  the 
Albigensian  heresy,  while  in  learned  and  ascetic  com- 
munities in  the  North,  the  anti-hierarchical  mysti- 
cism of  the  Calabrian  Joachim  of  Floris  was  being 
combined  with  the  more  speculative  pantheistic 
mysticism  of  John  Scotus  Eriugena.  In  view  of  these 
conditions  the  condemnation  of  the  errors  of  David 
of  Dinant,  the  complete  extirpation  of  the  sect  of 
Amalricians  to  which  he  apparently  belonged,  and 
the  unwonted  harshness  of  St.  Thomtis's  reference  to 
him  cannot  be  judged  untimely  or  intemperate. 

St.  Thomas  and  Albert  the  Great,  loo.  cit. ;  Charlulnr. 
Univ.  Paris.,  ed.  Dexifle,  I,  70.  71;  Baroenhewer,  Die 
pseiirloari.itolrli.irJtr  Schrifl  fiber  das  reine  Gtile  (Freiburg,  1882), 
214  sqq.;  Ueberweg-Heinze.  CctcA,  der  Phil. Mtb  ed..  II,  226; 
Baumker.  .Inhrh.  f.  Phit.  u.  spek.  Theol.  (1893);  Haubeau, 
Hist,  de  la  phil.  sent.  (Paris.  1880).  II,  i.  73  sqq.;  de  WtJLr. 
Hi.tt.  de  la  phil.  medier'ale,  225  sqq.;  Turner.  Ilistor}/  of  PhiioS' 
ophy  (Boston.  1903),  307  sqq. 

William  Turner. 


David  Scotus,  a  medieval  Irish  chronicler,  date  of 
birth  imknown;  d.  ll.'?9.  Early  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury there  was  at  Wiirzburg  an  ecelesiastic  and 
teacher  known  as  David.  His  surname  Scotus  shows 
that  he  very  probably  came  from  Ireland:  perhaps 
from  Wales,  if  he  is  identical  with  the  homonymou.s 


DAVIES 


646 


DAWSON 


Bishop  of  Bangor  (see  below).  According  to  Ekke- 
hard  (Chronicon,  ed.,  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Script.,  VI, 
243),  Emperor  Henry  V  received  him,  was  charmed 
with  his  virtue  and  knowledge,  and  made  him  one  of 
the  itnperial  chaplains.  With  other  scholars  David 
accompanied  the  king  on  his  expedition  to  Italy  in 
1100,  and  was  appointed  royal  historiographer  for 
the  occasion.  His  work  in  three  books  is  now  known 
only  from  excerpts  of  it  in  later  historians,  especially 
in  Ekkehard  (op.  cit.  above)  and  William  of  Malmes- 
bury.  The  latter  (Gesta  regum  Anglorum,  in  P.  L., 
CLXXIX,  1375)  says  that  David  described  the  expe- 
dition with  partiality  for  the  king.  A  certain  David 
was  consecrated  Bishop  of  Bangor  in  Wales,  4  April, 
1120;  according  to  Malmesbury  (loc.  cit.)  he  was  none 
other  than  the  chaplain,  David  Scotus.  As  bishop  he 
took  part  in  several  English  synods,  and  probably 
died  in  1139,  since  his  successor  was  then  consecrated. 
But  it  is  not  easy  to  reconcile  with  the  foregoing,  the 
statement  of  a  later  historian  (Trithemius,  Annales 
Hirsaugienses,  I,  349),  that  David  became  a  monk 
under  St.  Macharius  in  the  monastery  of  St.  James 
in  Wiirzburg,  as  this  abbey  was  not  founded  until 
1140. 

Tout  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  s.  v. ;  F.\briciu8,  Bibliotheca  Latina 
(Florence,  1858),  1, 433:  Hurter,  Nomenclator,  (3rd  ed.  Inns- 
bruck, 1906),  XI.  63. 

J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

Davles,  William,  Venerable,  martyr,  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  of  the  priests  who  suffered  under 
Queen  Elizabeth,  b.  in  North  Wales,  probably  at  Crois 
in  Yris,  Denbighshire,  date  uncertain;  d.  at  Beau- 
maris, 27  July,  1593.  He  studied  at  Reims,  where  he 
arrived  6  April,  1582  just  in  time  to  assist  at  the  first 
Mass  of  the  venerable  martyr  Nicholas  Garlick.  He 
received  tonsure  and  minor  orders  23  Sept.,  1583,  to- 
gether with  seventy-three  other  English  students. 
Ordained  priest  in  April,  1585,  he  laboured  with  won- 
derful zeal  and  success  in  Wales  till  March,  1591-2, 
when  he  was  arrested  at  Holyhead  with  four  students 
whom  he  was  sending  via  Ireland  to  the  English  Col- 
lege at  Valladolid.  He  was  thrown  into  a  loathsome 
dungeon  in  Beaumaris  Castle  and  separated  from  his 
companions,  having  frankly  confessed  that  he  was  a 
priest.  After  a  month  his  sanctity  and  patience 
gained  him  some  relaxation  of  his  close  confinement 
and  he  was  able  to  join  the  students  for  an  hour  in  the 
day,  and  even  to  celebrate  Mass.  By  degrees  the 
jailor  became  so  indulgent  that  they  might  have  es- 
caped had  they  so  willed.  The  fame  of  the  priest's 
sanctity  and  wisdom  brought  Catholics  from  all  parts  to 
consult  him  and  Protestant  ministers  came  to  dispute 
with  him.  At  the  assizes  he  and  his  companions  were 
condemned  to  death,  on  which  the  martyr  intoned  the 
"Te  Deum",  which  the  others  took  up.  The  injustice 
of  the  sentence  was  so  apparent  that  to  still  the  peo- 
ple's murmurs  the  judge  reprieved  the  condemned  till 
the  queen's  pleasure  should  be  known.  Sent  to  Lud- 
low, to  be  examined  by  the  Council  of  the  Marches, 
Father  Davies  had  to  submit  to  fresh  assaults  by  the 
ministers.  Here  too  he  foiled  the  artifices  of  his  ene- 
mies who  took  him  to  the  church  under  pretext  of  a 
disputation,  and  then  began  the  Protestant  service. 
He  at  once  began  to  recite  the  Latin  Vespers  in  a 
louder  voice  than  the  ministers',  and  afterwards  pub- 
licly exposed  the  trick  of  which  he  had  been  a  victim. 
From  Ludlow  he  was  sent  to  Bewdley,  where  he  had  to 
share  a  foul  dungeon  with  felons,  and  from  thence  to 
other  prisons,  until  at  last  he  was  sent  back  to  Beau- 
maris, where,  to  their  mutual  consolation,  he  rejoined 
his  young  companions.  F'or  some  six  months  he  lived 
with  them  the  life  of  a  religious  community,  dividing 
the  time  between  prayer  and  study,  "with  so  much 
comfort  to  themselves  that  they  seemed  to  be  rather 
in  heaven  than  in  (jrison".  At  the  summer  assizes  it 
was  decided  that  the  priest  must  die  as  a  traitor,  though 
he  was  offered  his  life  if  he  would  go  but  once  to 


church.  In  spite  of  the  open  opposition  of  the  people, 
who  honoured  him  as  a  saint,  the  cruel  sentence  was 
carried  out  and  he  was  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered 
at  Beaumaris.  As  he  put  the  rope  round  his  neck, 
the  martyr  said:  "Thy  yoke,  O  Lord,  is  sweet  and 
Thy  burden  is  light,"  His  cassock  stained  with  his 
blood  was  bought  by  his  companions  and  preserved  as 
a  relic.  They,  though  condemned  to  imprisonment 
for  life,  managed  in  time  to  escape,  and  the  youngest 
found  his  way  at  last  to  Valladolid,  where  he  re- 
counted the  whole  story  to  Bishop  Yepes,  who  wrote  it 
in  his  "Historia  particular  de  la  Persecucion  en  In- 
glaterra".  There  is  now  a  chapel  in  Anglesey  built  as 
a  memorial  to  the  martyr. 

Challoner,  Alissianary  Priests  (London,  1741);  Gillow, 
Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Cath.,  II,  s.  v.;  Douay  Diaries  (London,  1878); 
Yepes,  Hisl.  de  la  Persecucion  en  Inglaterra;  C-\mm,  In  the 
Brave  Days  of  Old  (London,  1899). 

Bede  Cajim. 

Da'vila  Padilla  (AgustIn),  a  native  of  the  City  of 
Mexico,  li.  1562;  d.  1604.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he 
graduated  at  the  LTniversity  of  Mexico  as  master  of 
arts  and  soon  after  entered  the  Dominican  Order. 
He  held  the  chairs  of  philosophy  and  theology  at 
Puebla  and  Mexico.  He  was  successively  definitor  and 
procurator  of  the  Mexican  province  of  his  order  and 
was  sent  to  Rome  and  Madrid  as  its  representative. 
In  1601  he  was  made  Bishop  of  Santo  Domingo,  where 
he  died.  Davila  Padilla  was  not  a  prolific  writer. 
He  left,  however,  one  very  important,  though  unfor- 
tunately rare,  work,  the  "  Historia  de  la  Fundacion  y 
Discurso  de  la  Provincia  de  Santiago  de  Mexico" 
(Madrid,  1596;  Brussels,  1625).  Beristain  mentions 
a  third  edition  of  1634.  While  not  free  from  mis- 
takes, it  still  stands  as  the  foremost  chronicle  of  the 
Dominican  Order  and  its  missions  in  America  up  to 
the  end  of  the  sLxteenth  century. 

Nicolas  Antonio,  Bibliotheca  hispana  nova  (2d  ed.,  Madrid, 
1733-1738);  Leon  t  Pinelo,  Epitome  de  la  Biblioteca  oriental 
y  occidental  (2d  ed.,  Madrid,  1737);  Eguiar-a,  Biblioteca  mexi- 
cana  (Mexico,  1755);  Beristain  de  Souza.  Biblioteca  hispano- 
americana  (2d  ed.,  Mexico,  1883);  Ycazbalceta,  Bibliografia 
mexicana  (Mexico,  1886);  Diccionari.o  universal  de  Historia  y 
Geogrofia  (Mexico);  Gil  Gonzales  DA\nLA,  Teatro  eclesiastico 
de  la  primitiva  Iglesia  de  la^  Indias  occidentales  (Madrid,  1654). 

Ad.  F.  Bandelier. 

Da  Vinci,  Leonardo.     See  Vinci. 

Davis,  James.     See  Davenport. 

Davy,  Jacques.     See  Duperron,  Cardinal. 

Dawson,  .^ne.\s  McDonnell,  author,  b.  in  Scot- 
land, 30  July,  1810;  d.  in  Ottawa,  Canada,  29  Dec, 
1894.  He  studied  at  the  seminary  of  Paris  and  was 
ordained  priest  in  1835.  Until  1840  he  laboured  on 
the  mission  of  Dumfries,  Scotland,  and  subsequently 
in  Edinburgh.  Before  emigrating  to  Canada  in  1855 
he  had  charge  successively  of  the  Counties  of  Fife, 
Kinross,  and  Clackmannan,  during  all  this  time  ren- 
dering valuable  service  to  the  cause  of  the  Church. 
On  his  arrival  in  Canada  he  was  given  the  parish  of 
St.  Andrew's,  Ottawa,  and  later  became  preacher  at 
the  cathedral.  Father  Dawson  was  a  lecturer  of  re- 
pute and  a  frequent  contributor  to  the  provincial 
press.  He  is  the  author  of  "The  Temporal  Sover- 
eignty of  the  Pope"  (Ottawa  and  London,  1860),  the 
first  book  printed  and  published  in  Ottawa;  "St.  Vin- 
cent de  Paul:  .\  Biography"  (London,  1865);  "Seven 
Letters  together  with  a  Lecture  on  the  Colonies  of  Great 
Britain"  (Ottawa,  1S70);  "The  Late  Hon.  Thojnas 
D'.\rcy  McGee.  A  Funeral  Oration  "  (Ottawa,  1870) ; 
"Our  Strength  and  Their  Strength:  The  Northwest 
Territory  and  Other  Papers,  Chief!  v  Relating  to  the  Do- 
minion of  Canada"  (Ottawa,  1870)— the  first  title 
heads  a  refutation  of  Goldwin  Smith's  anti-clerical 
views;  under  the  last  comes  a  series  of  poems,  dis- 
courses, lectures,  critical  reviews;  "Pius  IX  and  his 
Tune"  (London,  1880).  He  translated  from  the 
French:  (1)  "Maltre  Pierre.     Conversations  on-Moral- 


DAX 


647 


DEACONS 


ity,  by  M.  Delcasott "  (Paris,  1836);  (2)  "The  Parish 
Priest  and  His  Parishioners,  or  Answer  to  Popular 
Prejudices  against  Religion,  by  M.  B.  D'Exauvillez" 
'Ihisgow,    1842),  reviewed  in   "The   Tablet",    Lon- 
i\iin,  12  Feb.,  1842;  (3)  Letters  of  same  author  on 
llic  Spanish  Inquisition  (London,  1848);  (4)  "Count 
I'seph   de  Maistre's  celebrated  work  on  the  Pope" 
Li)ndon,  18.50),  and  his  "Soirees  de  S.  P^tersbourg" 
I  London,   1851),  "an  excellent  and   careful  transla- 
tion.   .    .    .      Another  instance  of  enlightened   zeal 
I'mm  one  of  the  small  band  of   Scottish   Catholics" 
'The  Tablet",  London,  23  Nov.,   1850).     A  list  of 
his  [loems  and  other  works  is  given  in  the  "Proceed- 
in  y.s  and  Transactions  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada  " 
I  "^'.14,  XII,  23),  of  which  he  was  a  member. 
Morgan,    Bibliotheca   Canadensis,   or   Manual   of  Canadian 
I      rature  (Ottawa.   1S67):    J.vmes.  Bibliography  of  Canadian 
r.;  (Toronto.  1S99);   Public  Testimonial  to  the  Rev.  £.  McD. 
.in    (Ottawa,    IS90);     Tanguay,    Repertoire    General    du 
;•  Canadien  (Quebec,  1868).     In  this  Tanguav  inaccurately 
•  -  the  date  of  Father  Dawson's  birth  as  1830. 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 
Dax.     See  Aire. 

Day,  (Ieorge,  Bishop  of  Chichester;   b.  in  Shrop- 
shire, England,  c.  1501;  d.  2  .Vugust,  1556.     He  was 
graduated  at  Cambridge  in  1520-1  and  admitted  Fel- 
low of  St.  John's,  19  September,  1522.     Though  ap- 
pirintly  always  a  Catholic  in  belief.  Day  submitted 
like  too  many  others  to  the  assumption  by  Henry 
\  1 1 1  of  ecclesiastical  supremacy.     He  was  made  Mas- 
ter of  St.  John's  in  1537,  Vice-Chancellor  of  the  LTni- 
\.  rsity,  and  Provo.st  of  King's  College  (though  not  a 
f.'!li)w  of  it)  by  special  exerci.se  of  the  royal  authority, 
111   l.')38.     Corisecrateil  Uishoj)  of  Chichester  in  1543 
1  !>■  <  'ranmer,  he  firmly  ojiposed  the  spread  of  the  Ref- 
'  rniation  under  Edward  VT.     He  answered  in  a  Cath- 
olic sense  Cranmer's  written  questions  on  the  "Sacra- 
Tiunt  of  the  Altar",  defended  the  Catholic  doctrine  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  and  voted  against  the  bills  for 
( '( immimion  under  both  kintls,  and  for  the  introduc  • 
tion  of  the  new  Prayer  Book.     In  his  own  diocese  his 
•  ■    irhing  was  so  effective  that,  in  October,  15.50,  the 
icil  felt  it  necessary  to  send  "Dr.  Cox,  the  king's 
'iier,  to  appease  the  people  by  his  good  doctrine, 
.  i.i.li  are  troubled  through  the  "seditious  preaching 
oi  the  Bishop  of  Chichester  and  others",  and,  in  the 
following   December,    D;iy   was   brought   before   the 
(  I  imcil  to  answer  for  his  disregard  of  an  injunction  to 
1'  i\i'  "all  the  altars  in  every  church  taken  down,  and 
in  I  he  lieu  of  them  a  table  set  up", — him.self  preaching 
oil  t lie  occasion,  if  possible  in  his  cathedral.     After  re- 
]i.  it«i  interrogations,  his  final  answer  was  that  "he 
«  iuld  never  obey  to  do  this  thing,  thinking  it  a  less 
e-.il  to  suffer  the  liody  to  jjerish  tlian  to  corrupt  the 
s ml  with  that  thing  that  his  conscience  would  not 
I"  ir  '.     For  this  "contempt"  he  was  imprisoned  in 
thi   Fleet,  and  after  further  questionings  was  deprived 
of  his  bishopric  in  October,  1551.     From  the  Fleet  he 
■•  1-  transferred  in  June  of  1552  into  the  keeping  of 
P     lip  Goodrich  of  Ely,  then   Lord  Chancellor,   in 
-e  custody  he  remained  until  the  death  of  Edward 
Queen  Mary  restored  him  at  once  to  his  dignity, 
I'S  naming  him  her  almoner.     In  re-establishing 
I  ncient  worship  she  had,  however,  to  proceed  cau- 
-ly.     Thus  contemporary  chroniclers  record  that 
iner  conducted  Edward's  funeral  "without  any 
-  or  light",  and  "with  a  communion  in  Engli.sh'"', 
li^h  "the  Bishop  of  Chichester  preached  a  good 
lion".     Day  again  preached  at  Mary's  coronation. 
His  previous  sufferings  prove  the  .sincerity  of  his  con- 
V.  r~ion  from  the  schism,  and  his  reconciliation  to  the 
'  1    ireh  had  doubtless  already  been  privately  effected, 
formal  absolution  and  confirmation  in  his  l)isho|v 
■y  Cardirial  P<ile,  as  Papal    Legate,   is  dated    31 
:  iry,  1555.     His  death  occurred  only  a  year  and  a 
later  and  he  was  buried  in  Chichester  "cathedral 
•V  Counril   Acts.  III.  IV  (London.  I>S9I);  G»sgrKT  and 
I'tp,  Edward  Viand theCommon Prayer BookiLondon,  1890); 


Camden  Society,  Greu  Friar'a  and  Wriolhesley's  Chronidea 
(London.  1852-1877);  Stowe.  Annals  (London,  1615),  II;  Ebt- 
cotjRT,  Anglican  Ordinations  (London,  1873);  Gillow,  Bibl. 
Diet.  £ng.  Cath.,  s.  v.;  Gairdner,  Eng.  Church  in  the  Six- 
tccnlh  Century  (London,  1902). 

G.  E.  Phillips. 

Day,  Sir  John  Charles,  jurist,  b.  near  Bath,  Eng- 
land, 1826;  d.  13  June,  1908,  at  Newbury.  He  was 
educated  at  Rome  and  at  Fribourg,  finally  with  the 
Benedictines  at  Downside,  who  prepared  him  to 
graduate  with  honours  at  the  London  University  and 
attain  sul)se()uent  distinction  at  the  Bar.  He  was 
called  to  the  Middle  Temple,  1849;  took  silk,  1872; 
Bencher  of  the  Middle  Temple,  1873;  raised  to  the 
Bench  as  Judge  of  the  Queen's  Bench  Division  of 
High  Court  of  Justice  and  knightetl,  1882;  resigned, 
1901 ;  created  Privy  Councillor,  1902.  His  first  ten 
years  at  the  Bar  were  a  constant  struggle,  and  then 
his  book,  "Common  Law  Procedure  Acts",  brought 
him  fame  and  fortune.  As  a  judge  his  .severe  sen- 
tences, especially  for  crimes  of  violence,  made  him 
the  terror  of  evildoers,  among  whom  he  was  in  con- 
sequence nicknamed  "Day  of  Reckoning"  and  "Judg- 
ment Day".  He  was  also  eminent  as  an  art  connois- 
seur and  his  collection  of  pictures  by  painters  of  the 
Barbizon  School  was  one  of  the  best  in  England.  In 
1888-90  he  served  as  a  judge  on  the  famous  Parnell 
Special  Commission.  Two  of  his  sons,  Henry  and 
Arthur,  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  a  third, 
Samuel,  selected  the  law.  Judge  Day  also  eiiited 
Roscoe's  "Evidence  at  Nisi  Prius"  (1870). 

The  Tablet  (London.  20  June,  1908);  The  Catholic  Times 
(London,  19  June,  1908);  The  Catholic  Who's  Who  (London. 
1908). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 
Day  of  Judgment.     See  Judgment,  Day  of. 

Deacons. — The  name  deacon  {Smkovos)  means 
only  minister  or  servant,  and  is  employed  in  this 
sense  both  in  the  Septuagint  (though  only  in  the  Book 
of  Esther,  e.  g.  ii,  2 ;  vi,  3)  and  in  the  New  Testament 
(e.g.  Matt.,  XX,  28;  Romans  xv,  25;  Eph.,iii,  7;  etc.). 
But  in  Apostolic  times  the  w-ord  began  to  acquire  a 
more  definite  and  technical  meaning.  Writing  about 
A.  D.  63,  St.  Paul  addresses  "all  the  saints,  who  are 
at  Philippi,  with  the  bishops  and  deacons"  (Phil.,  i, 
1).  A  few  years  later  (I  Tim.,  iii,  8  .sq.)  he  impresses 
upon  Timothy  that  "deacons  must  be  chaste,  not 
double  tongued,  not  given  to  much  wine,  not  greedy 
of  filthy  lucre,  holding  the  mystery  of  the  faith  in  a 
pvire  conscience".  He  directs,  further,  that  they  must 
"first  be  proved:  and  so  let  them  minister,  having  no 
crime",  and  he  adds  that  they  should  be  "the  hus- 
bands of  one  wife:  who  rule  well  their  children,  and 
their  own  houses.  For  they  that  have  ministered  well, 
shall  purchase  to  them.selves  a  good  degree,  and  much 
confidence  in  the  faith  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus".  This 
passage  is  worthy  of  note,  not  only  because  it  describes 
the  qualities  desirable  in  candidates  for  the  iliaconate, 
but  also  because  it  suggests  that  external  administra- 
tion and  the  handling  of  money  were  likely  to  form 
part  of  their  functions. 

Origin  and  Early  History  of  the  Diaconate. — 
According  to  the  constant  tradition  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  the  narrative  of  .\cts,  vi,  1-6,  which  serves  to 
introduce  the  account  of  the  martyrdom  of  St. 
Stephen,  describes  the  first  institution  of  the  office 
of  deacon.  The  Apostles,  in  order  to  meet  the  com- 
plaints of  the  Hellenistic  Jews  that  "their  widows 
were  neglected  in  the  daily  ministrations  [SmkovIh]", 
called  together  "the  multitude  of  the  disciples  and 
said:  It  is  not  reason  that  we  should  leave  the 
word  of  Ciod  and  serve  [Smitoi'eri']  tables.  Wherefore, 
brethren,  look  ye  out  among  you  seven  men  of  good 
reputation,  full  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  wisdom,  whom 
we  may  appoint  over  this  business.  But  we  w-ill  give 
ourselves  continually  to  prayer,  and  to  the  ministry 
of  the  word  [tj  SiaKovlf  toO  \byov].     And  the  saying 


DEACONS 


648 


DEACONS 


was  liked  by  all  the  multitude.  And  they  chose 
Stephen,  a  man  full  of  faith,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost" 
(with  six  others  who  are  named).  These  they  placed 
"before  the  apostles;  and  they,  praying,  imposed 
hands  upon  them."  Now,  on  the  ground  that  the 
Seven  are  not  expressly  called  deacons  and  that  some 
of  them  [e.  g.  St.  Stephen,  and  later  Philip  (.\cts,  xxi, 
8)]  preached  and  ranked  next  to  the  Apostles,  Protes- 
tant commentators  have  constantly  raised  objections 
against  the  identification  of  this  choice  of  the  Seven 
with  the  institution  of  the  diaconate.  But  apart  from 
the  fact  that  the  tradition  among  the  Fathers  is  both 
unanimous  and  early — e.  g.,  St.  Irena?us  (Adv.  Hser., 
Ill,  xii,  10  and  IV,  xv,  1)  speaks  of  St.  Stephen  as  the 
first  deacon — the  similarity  between  the  functions  of 
the  Seven  who  "served  the  tables"  and  those  of  tlie 
early  deacons  is  most  striking.  Compare,  for  example, 
both  with  the  passage  from  the  Acts  and  with  I  Tim., 
iii,  8  sq.,  quoted  above,  the  following  sentence  from 
Hermas  (Sim.,  IX,  26);  "They  that  have  spots  are 
the  deacons  that  exercised  their  office  ill  and  plundered 
the  livelihood  of  widows  and  orphans  and  made  gains 
for  themselves  from  the  ministrations  which  they  had 
received  to  perform."  Or,  again,  St.  Ignatius  (Ep. 
ii  to  the  Trallians):  "Those  who  are  deacons  of  the 
mysteries  of  Jesus  Christ  must  please  all  men  in  all 
ways.  For  they  are  not  deacons  of  meats  and  drinks 
[only]  but  servants  of  the  church  of  God";  while  St. 
Clement  of  Rome  (about  a.  d.  95)  clearly  describes  the 
institution  of  deacons  along  with  that  of  bishops  as 
being  the  work  of  the  Apostles  themselves  (Ep.  Clem., 
xlii).  Further,  it  should  be  noted  that  ancient  tradi- 
tion limited  the  number  of  deacons  at  Rome  to  seven 
(Eusebius,  Hist.  Eccl.,  VI,  xliii),  and  that  a  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Neo-Ceesarea  (.325)  prescribed  the  same 
restriction  for  all  cities,  however  large,  appealing  di- 
rectly to  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  as  a  precedent.  We 
seem,  therefore,  thoroughly  justified  in  identifying  the 
functions  of  the  Seven  with  those  of  the  deacons  of 
whom  we  hear  so  much  in  the  Apostolic  Fathers  and 
the  early  councils.  Established  primarily  to  relieve 
the  bishops  and  presbji-ers  of  their  more  secular  and 
invidious  duties,  notably  in  distributing  the  alms  of 
the  faithful,  we  need  not  do  more  than  recall  the  large 
place  occupied  by  the  agapre,  or  love-feasts,  in  the  early 
worship  of  the  Church,  to  imderstand  how  readily  the 
duty  of  serving  at  tables  may  have  passed  into  the 
privilege  of  serving  at  the  altar.  They  became  the 
natural  intermediaries  between  the  celebrant  and  the 
people.  Inside  the  Church  they  made  public  an- 
nouncements, marshalled  the  congregation,  preserved 
order,  and  the  like.  Outside  of  it  they  were  the 
bishop's  deputies  in  secular  matters,  and  especially  in 
the  relief  of  the  poor.  Their  subordination  and  gen- 
eral duties  of  service  seem  to  have  been  indicated  by 
their  standing  during  the  public  assemblies  of  the 
Church,  while  the  Ijishops  and  priests  were  seated.  It 
should  be  noticed  that  along  with  these  functions 
probably  went  a  large  share  in  the  instruction  of  cate- 
chumens and  the  preparation  of  the  altar  services. 
Even  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (viii,  38)  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Baptism  is  administered  by  the  deacon  Philip. 
An  attempt  has  recently  been  made,  though  re- 
garded by  many  as  somewhat  fanciful,  to  trace  the 
origin  of  the  diaconate  to  the  organization  of  those 
primitive  Hellenistic  Christian  communities,  which  in 
the  earliest  age  of  the  Church  had  all  things  in  com- 
mon, being  supported  by  the  alms  of  the  faithful.  For 
these  it  is  contended  tliat  some  steward  (oeconoynus) 
must  have  been  appointed  to  administer  their 
temporal  affairs.  (See  Leder,  Die  Diakonen  der 
Bischofeund  Presbyter,  1905.)  The  full  presentment 
of  the  subject  is  somewhat  too  intricate  and  confused 
to  find  place  here.  We  may  content  ourselves  with 
noting  that  less  difficulty  attends  the  same  writer's 
theory  of  the  derivation  of  the  judicial  and  adminis- 
trative functions  of  the  archdeacon  from  the  duties 


imposed  upon  one  selected  member  of  the  diaconal 
college,  who  was  called  the  bishop's  deacon  (diaconus 
episcopi)  because  to  him  was  committed  the  temporal 
administration  of  funds  and  cliaritics  for  which  the 
bishop  was  primarily  responsible.  Tliis  led  in  time  to 
a  certain  judicial  and  legal  position  and  to  a  surveil- 
lance of  the  subordinate  clergy.  But  for  all  this  see 
Archde.\con. 

Duties  of  Deacons. — 1.  That  some,  if  not  all, 
members  of  the  diaconal  college  were  everywhere 
stewards  of  the  church  funds  and  of  the  alms  collected 
for  widows  and  orphans  is  beyond  dispute.  We  find 
St.  Cyprian  speaking  of  Nicostratus  as  having  de- 
frauded widows  and  orphans  as  well  as  robbed  the 
Church  (Cypr.,  Ep.  xlix,  ad  Cornelium).  Such  pecu- 
lation was  all  the  easier  because  the  offerings  passed 
through  their  hands,  at  any  rate  to  a  large  degree. 
Those  gifts  which  the  people  brought  and  which  were 
not  made  directly  to  the  bishop  were  presented  to  him 
through  them  (.\post.  Const.,  II,  x.xvii),  and  on  the 
other  hand  they  were  to  distribute  the  oblations 
(evKoylai)  which  remained  over  after  the  Liturgj'  had 
been  celebrated  among  the  different  orders  of  the 
clergy  according  to  certain  fixed  proportions.  It  was 
no  doubt  from  such  fimctions  as  these  that  St.  Jerome 
calls  the  deacon  mensarum  et  viduarum  minister 
(Hieron.  Ep.  ad.  Evang.).  They  sought  out  the  sick 
and  the  poor,  reporting  to  the  bishop  upon  their  needs 
and  following  his  direction  in  all  things  (Apost.  Const., 
Ill,  xix,  and  x.xxi,  xxxii).  They  were  also  to  invite 
aged  women,  and  probably  others  as  w'ell,  to  the 
agapae.  Then  with  regard  to  the  bishop  they  were 
to  relieve  him  of  his  more  laborious  and  less  import- 
ant functions,  and  in  this  way  they  came  to  exercise 
a  certain  measure  of  jurisdiction  in  the  simpler  cases 
which  were  submitted  to  his  decision.  Similarly  they 
sought  out  and  reproved  offenders  as  his  deputies.  In 
fine,  as  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  declare  (II,  xliv), 
they  were  to  be  his  "ears  and  eyes  and  mouth  and 
heart",  or,  as  it  is  laid  dowm  elsewhere,  "his  soul  and 
his  senses"  (^vxn  "o-i  a(a6ri<nt)  (Apost.,  Const.,  Ill, 
xi.x). 

2.  Again,  as  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  further  ex- 
plain in  some  detail,  the  deacons  were  the  guardians  of 
order  in  the  church.  They  saw  that  the  faithful  oc- 
cupied their  proper  places,  that  none  gossiped  or  slept. 
They  were  to  welcome  the  poor  and  aged  and  to  take 
care  that  they  were  not  at  a  disadvantage  as  regards 
their  position  in  church.  They  were  to  stand  at  the 
men's  gate  as  janitors  to  see  that  during  the  Liturgy 
none  came  in  or  went  out,  and  St.  Chrysostom  says  in 
general  terms:  "if  anyone  misbehave  let  the  deacon 
be  sununoned"  (Hom.  xxiv,  in  Act.  Apost.).  Besides 
this  they  were  largely  employed  in  the  direct  ministry 
of  the  altar,  preparing  the  sacred  vessels  and  bringing 
water  for  the  ablutions,  etc.,  though  in  later  times 
many  of  these  duties  devolved  upon  clerics  of  an  in- 
ferior grade.  Most  especially  were,  they  conspicuous 
by  their  marshalling  and  directing  the  congregation 
during  the  service.  Even  to  the  present  day,  as  will 
be  remembered,  such  announcements  as  Ite  missa  est, 
Fledamus  genua,  Procedamus  iti  pace,  are  always  made 
by  the  deacon;  though  this  fvmction  was  more  pro- 
nounced in  the  early  ages.  The  following  from  the 
newly  discovered  "  Testament  of  Our  Lord  ",  a  docu- 
ment of  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  may  be  quoted 
as  an  interesting  example  of  a  proclamation  such  as 
was  made  by  the  deacon  just  before  the  Anaphora: 
"Let  us  arise;  let  each  know  his  own  place.  Let  the 
cateclumiens  depart.  See  that  no  imclean,  no  care- 
less person  is  here.  Lift  up  the  eyes  of  your  hearts. 
Angels  look  upon  us.  See,  let  him  who  is  without 
faith  depart.  Let  no  adulterer,  no  angry  man  be  here. 
If  anyone  be  a  slave  of  sin  let  him  depart.  See.  let  us 
supplicate  as  children  of  the  light.  Let  us  supplicate 
our  Lord  and  God  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ." 

3.  The  special  duty  of  the  deacon  to  read  the  Gospel 


DEACONS 


649 


DEACONS 


spptns  to  have  been  recognized  from  an  early  period, 
liiit  it  does  not  at  first  appear  to  have  been  so  distinc- 
iivo  as  it  has  since  become  in  the  Western  Church. 
So/omen  says  of  the  church  of  Alexandria  that  the 

I  Ins  pel  might  only  be  read  by  the  archdeacon,  but  else- 
■vliere  ordinary  deacons  performed  that  office,  while 
ill  lit  her  churches  again  it  devolved  upon  the  priests. 

I I  may  be  this  relation  to  the  Gospel  which  led  to  the 
direction  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  (VIII,  iv), 
ihat  the  deacons  should  hold  the  book  of  the  Gospels 
open  over  the  head  of  a  bishop-elect  during  the  cere- 
iiiciny  of  his  consecration.  With  the  reading  of  the 
i.iispol  should  also  probably  be  connected  the  occa- 
^i^Tial,  tho\igh  rare,  appearance  of  the  deacon  in  the 
nllicc   of   preacher.     The   Second   Council   of   Vaison 

.'iJ',1)  declared  that  a  priest  might  preach  in  his  own 
|Kiiish,  but  that  when  he  was  ill  a  deacon  should  read 
,1  !i(imily  by  one  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  urging 
tliat  deacons,  being  held  worthy  to  read  the  Gospel, 
wrri'  a  fortiori  worthy  of  reading  a  work  of  human 
aiitliorship.  Actual  preaching  by  a  deacon,  however, 
d.  spite  the  precedent  of  the  deacon  Philip,  was  at  all 
liiTiods  rare,  and  the  Arian  Bi.shop  of  Antioch,  Leon- 
tius.  was  censured  for  letting  his  deacon  Aetius  preach 
I  Philostorgius.  Ill,  xvii).  On  the  other  hand,  the 
s.''-'>atest  preacher  of  th-e  East  Syrian  Church,  Ephraem 
S;  rus,  is  said  by  nearly  all  the  original  authorities  to 
li  i\c  been  only  a  deacon,  though  a  phrase  in  his  own 
iMitings  (Opp.  Syr.,  Ill,  4()7,  d)  throws  some  doubt 
upon  the  fact.  But  the  statement  attributed  to  Hi- 
larius  Diaconus,  nunc  neque  iHiironi  in  populo  pra-ili- 
niril  I  nor  do  the  deacons  now  preach  to  the  people), 
iHi.lnubtedly  represents  the  ordinary  rule  both  in  the 
fimrth  century  and  later. 

t.  With  regard  to  the  great  action  of  the  Liturgy  it 
si'iins  clear  that  the  deacon  held  at  all  times,  both  in 
l-.ast  and  West,  a  very  special  relation  to  the  sacred 
M  ssols  and  to  the  host  and  chalice  both  before  and 
a  1 1  rr  consecration.  The  Council  of  Laodicea  (can.  xxi'* 
I  >rliadc  the  inferior  orders  of  the  clergy  to  enter  the 
'I'irimicum  or  touch  the  .sacred  vessels,  and  a  canon  of 
tlip  First  Council  of  Toledo  pronounces  that  deacons 
\\\\c,  have  been  subjected  to  public  penance  must  in 
future  remain  with  the  subdeacons  and  thus  be  with- 
Miawn  from  the  handling  of  these  vessels.  On  the 
m:  h'T  hand,  though  the  subdeacon  afterwards  invaded 
n:'ir  functions,  it  was  originally  the  deacons  alone 
Alio  la)  presented  the  offerings  of  the  faithful  at  the 
al'ar  and  especially  the  bread  and  wine  for  the  sacri- 
t:  ■,  lb)  proclaimed  the  names  of  those  who  had  con- 
iiilmted  (Jerome,  Com.  in  Ezech.,  xviii),  (c)  carried 
a  A  ay  the  remnants  of  the  consecrated  elements  to  be 
n  -iTved  in  the  sacristy,  and  (d)  administered  the 
I  liaUce,  and  on  occasion  .also  the  Sacred  Host,  to  com- 
niuiiicants.  A  question  arose  whether  deacons  might 
LiM'  Communion  to  priests  but  the  practice  was  for- 
li.'Men  as  unseemly  by  the  First  Council  of  Nicsea 
(  Hf  fele-Leclercq,  I,  6i0-614).  In  these  functions, 
\i  Inch  we  may  trace  back  to  the  time  of  Justin  MartjT 
\pnl.,  I,  Ixv,  Ixvii;  cf.  TertuUian,  De  Spectac.  xxv, 
Hi  1  ("j-prian,  De  Lapsis,  xxv),  it  was  repeatedly  in- 
^i-tcil.  in  restraint  of  certain  pretentions,  that  the  dea- 
I'  ii's  office  was  entirely  suliordinate  to  that  of  the 
I '  lilirant,  whether  bishop  or  priest  (Apost.  Const., 
'  MI.  xxviii,  xlvi;  and  Ilefele-Leclercq,  I,  291  and 
.\lthough  certain  deacons  seem  locally  to  have 

rped   the   power   of   offering   the   Holy   Sacrifice 

rre),    this   abuse   was   severely   repressed   in   the 

I     iiiicil  of  .Aries  {'M\).  and  there  is  nothing  to  support 

tla'  idea  that  the  deacon  in  any  proper  sense  w:ls  licld 

•     'iinsecrate   the   chalice,  as  even  Onslow  (in  Diet. 

•i-t.  .\nt.,  I,  .5:^0)  fully  allows,  though  a  rather  rhe- 
al  phrase  of  .St.  .\inbrose  (De  Otfic.  Min  ,  I,  xli) 
suggested  the  contrarj'.  Still  the  care  of  the 
M-e   has   remained   the  deacon's  special   province 

'  ri  to  modem  times.  Even  now  in  a  high  Ma.ss  the 
i.ijfics  direct  that  when  the  chalice  is  offered,  the 


deacon  is  to  support  the  foot  of  the  chalice  or  the  arm 
of  the  priest  and  to  repeat  with  him  the  words:  Oj- 
ferimus  tibi,  Domine,  ralii  cm  xnlulnria,  etc.  As  a  care- 
ful study  of  the  first  "Onlu  HuTuanus"  shows,  the 
archdeacon  in  the  papal  .Mass  seems  in  a  sense  to  pre- 
side over  the  chalice,  and  it  is  he  and  his  fellow-deacons 
who,  after  the  people  have  Communicated  under  the 
form  of  bread,  present  to  them  the  calicem  ministeria- 
lern  with  the  Precious  Blood. 

5.  The  deacons  were  also  intimately  associated  with 
the  administration  of  the  Sacrament  of  Baptism. 
They  were  not,  indeed,  as  a  rule  allowed  themselves  to 
baptize  apart  from  grave  necessity  (Apost.  Const., 
VII,  xlvi  expressly  rejects  any  inference  that  might 
be  drawn  from  Philip's  baptism  of  the  eunuch),  but 
inquiries  about  the  candidates,  their  instruction  and 
preparation,  the  custody  of  the  chrism — which  the 
deacons  were  to  fetch  when  consecrated — and  occa- 
sionally the  actual  administration  of  the  sacrament  as 
the  bishop's  deputies,  seem  to  have  formed  part  of 
their  recognized  functions.  Thus,  Saint  Jerome  writes: 
"sine  chrismate  et  episcopi  jussione  neque  presbyteri 
neque  diaconi  jus  habeant  baptizandi"  (Without 
chrism  and  the  comm.and  of  the  bishop  neither  pres- 
byters nor  deacons  have  the  right  of  baptizing. — "  Dial, 
c.  Luciferum",  iv).  Analogous  to  this  charge  was  their 
position  in  the  penitential  system.  As  a  rule  their 
action  was  only  intermediary  and  preparative,  and  it 
is  interesting  to  note  how  prominent  is  the  part  played 
by  the  archdeacon  as  intercessor  in  the  form  for  the 
reconciliation  of  penitents  on  Maundy  Thursday  still 
printed  in  the  Roman  Pontifical.  But  certain  phrases 
in  early  documents  suggest  that  in  cases  of  necessity 
the  deacons  sometimes  absolved.  Thus,  St.  (Cyprian 
writes  (Ep.  xviii,  1)  that  if  "no  priest  can  be  found 
and  death  seems  imminent,  sufferers  can  also  make  the 
confession  of  their  sins  to  a  deacon,  that  by  laying  his 
hand  upon  them  in  penance  they  may  come  to  the 
Lord  in  peace"  (ut  manu  eis  in  pcenitentiam  imposita 
veniant  ad  dominum  cum  pace).  Whether  in  this 
and  similar  cases  there  can  have  been  question  of 
sacramental  absolution  is  much  debated,  but  certain 
Catholic  theologians  have  not  hesitated  about  return- 
ing an  affirmative  an.swer.  (See,  e.  g.,  Rauschen, 
Eucharistie  und  Buss-Sakrament,  1908,  p.  132.) 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  the  Middle  Ages  con- 
fession in  case  of  necessity  was  often  made  to  the 
deacon;  but  then  it  was  equally  made  to  a  lay- 
man, and,  in  the  impossibility  of  Holy  Viaticum, 
even  gra-ss  was  devoutly  eaten  as  a  sort  of  spiritual 
communion. 

To  sum  up,  the  various  functions  discharged  by  the 
deacons  are  thus  concisely  stated  by  St.  Isidore  of  Se- 
ville, in  the  seventh  century,  in  his  epistle  to  Leude- 
f redus :  "To  the  deacon  it  belongs  to  assist  the  priests 
and  to  .serve  \mimstriire]  in  all  that  is  done  in  the  sacra- 
ments of  Christ,  in  baptism,  to  wit,  in  the  holy  chrism, 
in  the  paten  and  chalice,  to  bring  the  oblation  to  the 
altar  and  to  arrange  them,  to  lay  the  table  of  the  Lord 
and  to  drape  it,  to  carry  the  cross,  to  declaim  [prcedi- 
care]  the  Gospel  and  Ejiistlc.  for  as  the  charge  is  given 
to  lectors  to  declaim  the  Old  Testament,  so  it  is  given 
to  deacons  to  declaim  the  New.  To  him  also  pertains 
the  office  of  prayers  [ofpn'tnn  precum]  and  the  recital 
of  the  names.  It  is  he  who  gives  warning  to  open  our 
ears  to  the  Lord,  it  is  he  who  exhorts  with  his  cry,  it  is 
he  also  who  announces  peace"  (Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXXII 
89.5).  In  the  early  period,  as  many  extant  Christian 
epitaphs  testify,  the  possession  of  a  good  voice  was  a 
i|U.ilificalion  expected  in  candidates  for  the  diaconate. 
Duliui  nirliirri)  promcbat  melhi  cunorp  was  written  of 
the  deacon  Hedeinptus  in  the  time  of  Pope  D.itnasus, 
and  the  same  epitaphs  make  it  clear  that  the  deacon 
h.ad  then  nmrh  to  clo  with  the  chanting,  not  only  of 
the  Epistle  and  Gospel,  but  also  of  the  I'salms  as  a 
solo.  Thus  of  the  archdeacon  Dcusdedit  in  the  fifth 
century  it  was  written: — 


DEACONS 


650 


DEACONS 


Hie  levitarum  primus  in  ordine  vivens 
Davidici  cantor  camiinis  iste  fuit. 
But  Pope  Gregory  the  Great  in  the  council  of  595 
abolished  the  privileges  of  the  deacons  in  regard  to  the 
chanting  of  Psalms  (Duchesne,  Christian  Worship,  vi), 
and  regular  cantors  succeeded  to  their  functions. 
However,  even  as  it  is,  some  of  the  most  beautiful 
chants  iu  the  Church's  liturgy  are  confided  to  the 
deacon,  notably  the  prmconium  paschale,  better  known 
as  the  Exsultet,  the  consecratory  prayer  by  which  the 
paschal  candle  is  blessed  on  Holy  Saturday.  This  has 
been  often  praised  as  the  most  perfect  specimen  of 
Gregorian  music,  and  it  is  sung  throughout  by  the 
deacon. 

Dress  .\nd  Number  of  Deacons. — The  early  de- 
velopments of  ecclesiastical  costume  are  very  ob- 
scure and  are  complicated  by  the  difficulty  of  identi- 
fying securely  the  objects  indicated  merely  by  a  name. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  both  in  East  and  West  a 
stole,  or  ornrium  (oipdpi.ov),  which  seems  to  have  been 
in  substance  identical  with  what  we  now  understand 
by  the  term,  has  been  from  an  early  period  the  dis- 
tinctive attire  of  the  deacon.  Both  in  East  and  West, 
also,  it  has  been  worn  by  the  deacon  over  the  left 
shoulder,  and  not  round  the  neck,  like  that  of  a  priest. 
Deacons,  according  to  the  Fourth  Council  of  Toledo 
(633),  were  to  wear  a  plain  stole  (orarium — orarium 
quia  oral,  id  est,  prcedicat)  on  the  left  shoulder,  the 
right  being  left  free  to  tj^sify  the  expedition  with 
which  they  were  to  discharge  their  sacred  functions. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  as  a  curious  survival  of  an 
ancient  tradition  that  the  deacon  during  a  Lenten 
high  Mass  in  the  Middle  Ages  took  off  his  chasuble, 
rolled  it  up,  and  placed  it  over  his  left  shoulder  to 
leave  his  right  arm  free.  At  the  present  day  he  still 
takes  off  his  chasuble  during  the  central  part  of  the 
Mass  and  replaces  it  with  a  broad  stole.  In  the  East 
the  Council  of  Laodicea,  in  the  fourth  century,  forbids 
subdeacons  to  wear  the  stole  (dpdpiov),  and  a  passage 
in  St.  John  Chrysostom  (Hom.  in  Fil.  Prod.)  refers  to 
the  light  fluttering  draperies  over  the  left  shoulder  of 
those  ministering  at  the  altar,  evidently  describing  the 
stoles  of  the  deacons.  The  deacon  still  wears  his  stole 
over  the  left  shoulder  only,  although,  except  in  the 
Ambrosian  Rite  at  Milan,  he  now  wears  it  under  his 
dalmatic.  The  dalmatic  itself,  which  is  now  regarded 
as  distinctive  of  the  deacon,  was  originally  confined  to 
the  deacons  of  Rome,  and  to  wear  such  a  vestment  out- 
side of  Rome  was  conceded  by  early  popes  as  a  special 
privilege.  Such  a  grant  was  apparently  made,  for  ex- 
ample, by  Pope  Stephen  II  (752-757)  to  Abbot  Fulrad 
of  St-Denis,  allowing  six  deacons  to  array  themselves 
in  the  stola  dalmaticw  riecoris  (sic)  when  discharging 
their  sacred  functions  (Braim.  Die  liturgische  Gewan- 
dung,  p.  251).  According  to  the  "Liber  Pontificalis ", 
Pope  St.  Sylvester  (314-335)  consiituit  ut  diaconi 
dalmaticis  in  ecclesia  iilerenlur  (ordained  that  dea- 
cons should  use  dalmatics  in  church),  but  this  state- 
ment is  quite  unreliable.  On  the  other  hand  it  is 
practically  certain  that  dalmatics  were  worn  in  Rome 
both  by  the  pope  and  by  his  deacons  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  fourth  century  (Braun,  op.  cit.,  p.  249).  As  to 
the  manner  of  wearing,  after  the  tenth  century  it  was 
only  in  Milan  and  Southern  Italy  that  deacons  carried 
the  stole  over  the  dalmatic,  but  at  an  earlier  date,  this 
had  been  common  in  many  parts  of  the  West. 

As  regards  the  number  of  rleacons,  much  variation 
existed.  In  more  considerable  cities  there  were  nor- 
mally seven,  according  to  the  type  of  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem  in  Acts,  vi,  1-6.  At  Rome  there  were 
seven  in  the  time  of  Pope  Cornelius,  and  this  remained 
the  rule  imtil  the  eleventh  century,  when  the  number 
of  deacons  was  increased  from  seven  to  fourteen. 
This  was  in  accord  with  Canon  xv  of  the  Council  of 
Neo-Caesarea  incorporated  in  the  "Corpus  Juris". 
The  "Testament  of  Our  Lord"  (I,  34)  speaks  of 
twelve  priests,  seven  deacons,  four  subdeacons,  and 


three  widows  with  precedence.  Still  this  rule  did  not 
remain  constant.  In  Alexandria,  for  example,  even 
as  early  as  the  fourth  century,  there  must  apparently 
have  been  more  than  seven  deacons,  for  we  are  told 
that  nine  took  the  part  of  Arius.  Other  regulations 
seem  to  suggest  three  as  a  common  number.  In  the 
Middle  Ages  nearly  every  local  use  had  its  own  cus- 
toms as  to  the  number  of  deacons  and  subdeacons  that 
might  assist  at  a  pontifical  Mass.  The  number  of 
seven  deacons  and  seven  subdeacons  was  not  infre- 
quent in  many  dioceses  on  days  of  great  solemnity. 
But  the  great  distinction  between  the  diaconate  in  the 
early  ages  and  that  of  the  present  day  lay  probably  in 
this,  that  in  primitive  times  the  diaconate  was  com- 
monly regarded,  possibly  on  account  of  the  knowledge 
of  music  which  it  demanded,  as  a  state  that  was  per- 
manent and  final.  A  man  remained  a  simple  deacon 
all  his  life.  Nowadays,  except  in  the  rarest  cases  (the 
cardinal-deacons  sometimes  continue  permanently  as 
mere  deacons),  the  diaconate  is  simply  a  stage  on  the 
road  to  the  priesthood. 

S.\CR.iMENT.\L  Character  of  the  Diaconate. — 
Although  certain  theologians,  such  as  Cajetan  and 
Durandus,  have  ventured  to  doubt  whether  the  Sacra- 
ment of  Order  is  received  by  deacons,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent  are  now  gen- 
erally held  to  have  decided  the  point  against  them. 
The  council  not  only  lays  down  that  order  is  truly  and 
properly  a  sacrament,  but  it  forbids  under  anathema 
(Sess.  XXIII,  can.  ii)  that  anyone  should  deny  "that 
there  are  in  the  Church  other  orders  both  greater  and 
minor  by  which  as  by  certain  steps  advance  is  made 
to  the  priesthood",  and  it  insists  that  the  ordaining 
bishop  does  not  vainly  say,  "receive  ye  the  Holy 
Ghost",  but  that  a  character  is  imprinted  by  the  rite 
of  ordination.  Now,  not  only  do  we  find  in  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  as  noticed  above,  both  prayer  and  the 
laying  on  of  hands  in  the  institution  of  the  Seven,  but 
the  same  sacramental  character  suggestive  of  the  im- 
parting of  the  Holy  Spirit  is  conspicuous  in  the  ordina- 
tion rite  as  practised  in  the  Early  Church  and  at  the 
present  day.  In  the  Apostolical  Constitutions  we 
read:  "A  deacon  thou  shalt  appoint,  O  Bishop,  laying 
thy  hands  upon  him,  with  all  the  presbytery  and  the 
deacons  standing  by  thee;  and  praying  over  him, 
thou  shalt  say :  Almighty  God  ...  let  our  sup- 
plication come  unto  Thy  ears  and  make  Thy  face  to 
shine  upon  this  Thy  servant  who  is  appointed  unto 
the  office  of  a  deacon  [eis  Siamvlav]  and  fill  him  with 
the  Spirit  and  with  power,  as  thou  didst  fill  Stephen,  the 
martyr  and  follower  of  the  sufferings  of  Thy  Christ." 

The  ritual  of  the  ordination  of  deacons  at  the  present 
day  is  as  follows:  The  bishop  first  asks  the  archdea- 
con if  those  who  are  to  be  promoted  to  the  diaconate 
are  worthy  of  the  office  and  then  he  invites  the  clergy 
and  people  to  propose  any  objection  which  they  may 
have.  After  a  short  pause  the  bishop  explains  to  the 
ordinandi  the  duties  and  the  privileges  of  a  deacon, 
they  remaining  the  while  upon  their  knees.  When  he 
has  finished  his  discourse,  they  prostrate  themselves, 
and  the  bishop  and  clergy  recite  the  litanies  of  the 
Saints,  in  the  course  of  which  the  bishop  thrice  imparts 
his  benediction.  After  certain  other  prayers  in  which 
the  bishop  continues  to  invoke  the  grace  of  God  upon 
the  candidates,  he  sings  a  short  preface  which  ex- 
presses the  joy  of  the  Church  to  see  the  nuiltiplication 
of  her  ministers.  Then  comes  the  more  essential  part 
of  the  ceremony.  The  bishop  puts  out  his  right  hand 
and  lays  it  upon  the  head  of  each  of  the  ordinandi, 
saying":  "  Receive  the  Holy  Ghost  for  strength,  and  to 
resist  the  devil  and  his  temptations,  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord".  Then  stretching  out  his  hand  over  all  the 
candidates  together,  he  says :  "  Send  down  upon  them, 
we  beseech  Thee,  O  Lord",  the  Holy  Ghost  by  which  [f 
they  may  be  strengthened  in  the  faithful  discharge  of 
the  work  of  Thy  ministry,  thro\igh  the  bestowal  of 
Thy  sevenfold  grace".     After  this  the  bishop  delivers 


DEACONESSES 


651 


DEACONESSES 


tn  the  deacons  the  insignia  of  the  order  which  they 
have  received,  to  wit,  the  stole  and  the  dahiiatic,  ac- 
companying them  with  the  formulae  which  express 
their  special  significance.  Finally  he  makes  all  the 
(■;i7ididates  touch  the  book  of  the  Gospels,  saying  to 
tlicra:  "Receive  the  power  of  reading  the  Gospel  in 
the  Church  of  God,  both  for  the  li\'ing  and  for  the  dead 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord".  Although  the  actual  form 
of  words  which  accompanies  the  laying  on  of  the 
bishop's  hands,  Accipe  Si>iritum  Sanctum  ad  robur, 
itc,  cannot  be  traced  further  back  than  the  twelfth 
c  .Titury,  the  whole  spirit  of  the  ritual  is  ancient,  and 
-nine  of  the  elements,  notably  the  conferring  of  the 
-1  lie  and  the  prayer  which  follows  the  delivery  of  the 
liook  of  the  Gospels,  are  of  much  older  date.  It  is 
noteworthy  that  in  the  "Decretum  pro  Armenis"  of 
I'opo  Eugene  IV  the  delivery  of  the  Gospels  is  spoken 
of  as  the  ''matter"  of  the  diaconate,  Diaconatus  vera 
j'cr  libri  evungeliorum  dationem  (traditur). 

In  the  Russian  Church  the  candidate,  after  having 
liien  led  three  times  around  the  altar  and  kissed  each 
(I  irner,  kneels  before  the  bishop.  The  bishop  lays  the 
riiii  of  his  omophorion  upon  his  neck  and  marks  the 
,-ii;ii  of  the  cross  three  times  upon  his  head.  Then  he 
hivs  his  hand  upon  the  candidate's  head  and  says  two 
prayers  of  some  length  which  speak  of  the  conferring 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  of  strength  bestowed  upon  the 
ministers  of  the  altar  and  recall  the  words  of  Christ 
th:it  he  "who  would  be  first  among  you  become  as  a 
servant"  (SidKoms):  then  there  are  delivered  to  the 
■  li;icon  the  insignia  of  his  office,  which,  besides  the 
stole,  include  the  liturgical  fan,  and  as  each  of  these 
i-  given  the  bi.shop  calls  aloud,  4?io5,  "worthy", 
ma  tone  increasing  in  strength  with  each  repetition 
see  Maltzew,  Die  Sacramente  der  orthodox-katholi- 
schen  Kirche,  318-333). 

In  modem  times  the  diaconate  has  been  so  entirely 
regarded  as  a  stage  of  preparation  for  the  priesthood 
th:it  interest  no  longer  attaches  to  its  precise  duties 
.iiid  privileges.  A  deacon's  functions  are  now  prac- 
tically reduced  to  the  ministration  at  high  Mass  and  to 
exposing  the  Blessed  Sacrament  at  Benediction.  But 
he  maj',  as  the  deputy  of  the  parish  priest,  distribute 
the  Communion  in  case  of  need.  Of  the  condition  of 
celibacy  see  the  article  Celib.\cy  of  the  Clergy. 

Deacons  outside  the  Catholic  Church. — It  is 
only  in  the  Church  of  England  and  in  the  Episcopal 
communions  of  Scotland  and  North  America  that  a 
deacon  receives  ordination  by  the  imposition  of  hands 
of  a  bishop.  In  consequence  of  such  ordination,  how- 
ever, he  is  considered  empowered  to  perform  any 
sacred  office  except  that  of  consecrating  the  elements 
and  pronouncing  absolution,  and  he  habitually 
preaches  and  assists  in  the  commimion-service. 
Among  the  Lutherans,  however,  in  Germany  the 
word  deacon  is  generally  applied  to  assistant,  though 
fully  ordained,  ministers  who  aid  the  minister  in 
charge  of  a  particular  cure  or  parish.  However,  it  is 
also  used  in  certain  localities  for  lay  helpers  who  take 
part  in  the  work  of  instruction,  finance,  district- 
visiting,  and  relieving  distress.  This  last  is  also  the 
use  of  the  word  which  is  common  in  many  Noncon- 
formist communions  of  England  and  America. 

Seidl  in  Kirchcrd^T.,  s.  v.  Diaccm;  Idem,  Drr  Diacimal  in 
der  kalh.  Kirche  (Ratisbon,  1884):  Onslow  in  Diet,  of  Christ. 
Aniiq.,  s.  V.  Deacon;  Zoeckleh,  Dinkonpn  nnd  Evannclislen  in 
Biblische  und  Kirchenhuilorische  Slutlien  (Munich,  1893),  II; 
Bruder,  Verfassung  der  Kirche  (Freiburg.  1904),  348  sqq.; 
Lamothe-Tenet,  Le  Diaconat  (Paris,  1900);  Leder,  Die  Dia- 
konen  der  Bischvfe  und  Presbyter  (StuttRart.  1905);  Acheus 
in  Realencyk.  f.  prot.  TheoL,  s.  v.  Diakonen:  Thomassin,  Vctus 
ei  Nova  Eixl.  Dicipl.,  Part  I,  Bk.  II;  Hefele-Leclercq,  Les 
ConcOes,  I,  610-614;  MCnz  in  Kralb  Real-Encuk..  s.  v. 
Diakon;  Gasparri,  Tractalua  Canonicus  dc  Sacra  Ordinatitme; 
Webnz,  Jua  Decrelalium,  II. 

Herbert  Thurston. 

Deaconesses. — We  carnot  be  sure  that  any  formal 
recognition  of  deaconess. s  ,ts  an  institution  of  eon.se- 
crated  women  aiding  the  clergy  is  to  be  found  in  the 


New  Testament.  There  is  indeed  the  mention  of 
Phebe  (Rom.,  xvi,  1),  who  is  called  Sidmxos,  but 
this  may  simply  mean,  as  the  Vulgate  renders  it,  that 
she  was  "in  the  ministry  [i.  e.  service]  of  the  Church", 
without  implying  any  official  status.  Again  it  is  not 
improbable  that  the  "widows"  who  are  spoken  of  at 
large  in  I  Tim.,  v,  3-10,  may  really  have  been  deacon- 
esses, but  here  again  we  have  nothing  conclusive. 
That  some  such  functionaries  were  appointed  at  an 
early  date  seems  probable  from  Pliny's  letter  to 
Trajan  concerning  the  Christians  of  Bithynia  (Ep.  x, 
97,  A.  D.  112).  There  he  speaks  of  obtaining  informa- 
tion by  torture  from  two  aiicitlw  qua:  ministra;  dice- 
bantur,  where  a  technical  iLse  of  words  seems  to  be  im- 
plied. In  any  case  there  can  be  no  question  that  be- 
fore the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  wome.i  were  per- 
mitted to  exercise  certain  definite  functions  in  the 
church  and  were  known  by  the  special  name  of  Sidrnvot 
or  StaK^yuraat. 

Hi.story  and  Consecration. — Most  Catholic  schol- 
ars incline  to  the  view  that  it  is  not  always  possible  to 
draw  a  clear  distinction  in  the  early  Church  between 
deaconesses  and  widows  (xw"')-  The  Didascalia, 
Apostolic  Constitutions,  and  kindred  documents  un- 
doubtedly recognize  them  as  separate  classes  ami  they 
prefer  the  deaconess  to  the  widow  in  the  duty  of 
assisting  the  clergy.  Indeed  the  Apostolic  Constitu- 
tions (III,  6)  enjoin  the  widows  to  be  obedient  to  the 
deaconesses.  It  is  probable  also,  as  Funk  maintains, 
that  in  the  earlier  period  it  was  only  a  widow  who 
could  become  a  deaconess,  but  undoubtedly  the  strict 
limits  of  age,  sixty  years,  which  were  at  first  pre- 
scribed for  widows,  were  relaxed,  at  least  at  certain 
periods  and  in  certain  localities,  in  the  case  of  those  ap- 
pointed to  be  deaconess ;  for  example,  the  Council  of 
Trullo  in  692  fi.xed  the  age  at  forty.  Tertullian 
speaks  with  reprobation  of  a  girl  of  twenty  in  viduatu 
ab  episcopo  collocatatn,  by  which  he  seems  to  mean  or- 
dained as  a  deaconess.  There  can  again  be  no  ques- 
tion that  the  deaconesses  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  cen- 
turies had  a  distinct  ecclesiastical  standing,  though 
there  are  traces  of  much  variety  of  custom.  Accord- 
ing to  the  newly  discovered  "  Testament  of  Our  Lord  " 
(c.  400),  widows  had  a  place  in  the  sanctuary  during 
the  celebration  of  the  liturgy,  they  stood  at  the  ana- 
phora behind  the  presbyters,  they  communicated  after 
the  deacons,  and  before  the  readers  and  subdeacons, 
and  strange  to  say  they  had  a  charge  of,  or  superin- 
tendence over,  the  deaconesses.  Further  it  is  certain 
that  a  ritual  was  in  use  for  the  ordination  of  deacon- 
esses by  the  laying  on  of  hands  which  was  closely 
modelled  on  the  ritual  for  the  ordination  of  a  deacon. 
For  example  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  say:  "Con- 
cerning a  deaconess,  I  Bartholomew  enjoin,  O 
Bishop,  thou  shalt  lay  thy  hands  upon  her  with  all  the 
Presbytery  and  the  Deacons  and  the  Deaconesses  and 
thou  shalt  say:  Eternal  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Creator  of  man  and  woman,  that 
didst  fill  with  the  Spirit  Marj'  and  Deborah,  ami  Anna 
and  Huldah,  that  didst  not  disdain  that  thine  only  be- 
gotten Son  should  be  boni  of  a  woman;  Thou  that  in 
the  tabernacle  of  witness  and  in  the  temple  didst 
appoint  women  guardians  of  thy  holy  gates :  Do  Thou 
now  look  on  this  thy  handmaid,  who  is  appointed  unto 
the  office  of  a  Deaconess  and  grant  unto  her  the  holy 
Spirit,  and  cleanse  her  from  all  pollution  of  the  flesh 
and  of  the  spirit,  that  she  may  worthily  accomplish 
the  work  committed  unto  her,  to  thy  glory  and  the 
praise  of  thy  Christ."  Comparing  this  form  with  that 
given  in  the  same  work  for  the  ordination  of  deacons 
we  may  notice  that  the  reference  to  the  outpouring  of 
Holy  Ghost  in  the  latter  case  is  much  more  strongly 
worded:  "fill  him  with  the  .spirit  and  with  power  as 
thou  didst  fill  Stephen  the  martyr  and  follower  of  the 
sufferings  of  thy  Christ".  Moreover,  in  the  case  of 
the  deacon,  prayer  is  ma<le  that  he  "may  be  counted 
worthy  of  a  higher  standing",  a  clause  which  not  im- 


DEACONESSES 


652 


DEACONESSES 


probably  has  reference  to  the  possibihty  of  advance  to 
a  higher  ecclesiastical  dignity  as  priest  or  bishop,  no 
such  praise  being  used  in  the  case  of  the  deaconess. 

The  subject  of  the  precise  status  of  deaconesses  is 
confessedly  obscure  and  confused,  but  two  or  three 
points  at  any  rate  seem  worth  insisting  on.  In  the 
first  place  there  were  no  doubt  influences  at  work  at 
one  time  or  other  which  tended  to  exaggerate  the 
position  of  these  women-helpers.  This  tendency  has 
found  expression  in  certain  documents  which  have 
come  down  to  us  and  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  gauge 
the  value.  Still  there  is  no  more  reason  to  attach 
importance  to  these  pretensions  than  there  is  to  re- 
gard seriously  the  spasmodic  attempts  of  certain  dea- 
cons (q.  V.)  to  exceed  their  powers  and  to  claim,  for 
example,  authority  to  consecrate.  Both  in  the  one 
and  the  other  case  the  voice  of  the  Church  made  itself 
heard  in  conciliar  decrees  and  the  abuse  in  the  end 
was  repressed  without  difficulty.  Such  restrictive 
measures  seem  to  be  found  in  the  rather  obscure  11th 
canon  of  Laodicea,  and  in  the  more  explicit  19th  canon 
of  the  Council  of  Niciea,  which  last  distinctly  lays 
down  that  deaconesses  are  to  be  accounted  as  lay  per- 
sons and  that  they  receive  no  ordination  properly  so 
called  (Hefele-Leclercq,  Conciles,  I,  618).  In  the 
West  there  seems  always  to  have  been  considerable 
reluctance  to  accept  the  deaconesses,  at  any  rate  under 
that  name,  as  a  recognized  institution  of  the  Church. 
The  Council  of  Nismes  in  394  reproved  in  general  the 
a.ssumption  of  the  levitical  ministry  by  women,  and 
other  decrees,  notably  that  of  Orange  in  441  (can.  26), 
forbid  the  ordaining  of  deaconesses  altogether.  It 
follows  from  what  has  been  said  that  the  Church  as  a 
whole  repudiated  the  idea  that  women  could  in  any 
proper  sense  be  recipients  of  the  Sacrament  of  Order. 
None  the  less  in  the  East,  and  among  the  Syrians  and 
Nestorians  much  more  than  among  the  Greeks 
(Hefele-Leclercq,  Conciles,  II,  448),  the  ecclesiastical 
status  of  deaconesses  was  greatly  exaggerated. 

Another  source  of  confusion  has  also  been  introduced 
by  those  who  have  interpreted  the  word  diaconissce,  on 
the  analogy  of  presbyterce  and  presbytides,  episcopce  and 
episcopissw,  as  the  wives  of  deacons  who,  living  apart 
from  their  husbands,  acquired  ipso  facto  an  ecclesias- 
tical character.  No  doubt  such  matrons  who  generous- 
ly accepted  this  separation  from  their  husbands  were 
treated  with  special  distinction  and  were  supported  by 
the  Church,  but  if  they  became  deaconesses,  as  in 
some  cases  they  did,  they  had,  like  other  women^  to 
fulfil  certain  conditions  and  to  receive  a  special  con- 
secration. With  regard  to  the  duration  of  the  order 
of  deaconesses  we  note  that  when  adult  baptism  be- 
came uncommon,  this  institution,  which  seems  pri- 
marily to  have  been  devised  for  the  needs  of  women 
catechumens,  gradually  waned  and  in  the  end  died  out 
altogether.  In  the  time  of  Justinian  (d.  565)  the  dea- 
conesses still  held  a  position  of  importance.  At  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  in  Constantinople  the  staff  con- 
sisted of  sixty  priests,  one  hundred  deacons,  forty 
deaconesses  and  ninety  subdeacons;  but  Balsamon, 
Patriarch  of  Antioch  about  1070  A.  D.,  states  that 
deaconesses  in  any  proper  sense  had  ceased  to  exist  in 
the  Church  though  the  title  was  borne  by  certain  nuns 
(Robinson,  Ministry  of  Deaconesses,  p.  93),  while 
Matthew  Blastares  declared  of  the  tenth  century  that 
the  civil  legislation  concerning  deaconesses,  which 
ranked  them  rather  among  the  clergy  than  the  laity, 
had  then  been  abandoned  or  forgotten  (Migne,  P.  G., 
CXIX,  1272).  In  the  West  in  spite  of  the  hostile 
decrees  of  several  councils  of  Gaul  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries,  we  still  find  mention  of  deaconesses  con- 
siderably after  that  date,  though  it  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  the  title  was  more  than  an  honorific  name 
attributed  to  consecr.'itcd  virgins  and  widows.  Thus 
we  read  in  Fortunatus  that  St.  Radegund  was  "or- 
dained deaconess"  liy  St.  Mcdard  (about  A.  D.  540 — 
Migne,  P.  L.,  LXXXVIII,  502).     So  also  the  ninth 


Ordo  Romanus  mentions,  as  forming  part  of  the  papal 
procession,  the  "feminse  diaconissae  et  presbyterissse 
quse  eodem  die  benedicantur",  and  diaconissa:  are 
mentioned  in  the  procession  of  Leo  III  in  the  ninth 
century  (Duchesne,  Lib.  Pont.,  II,  6).  Further,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Leof  ric  missal  in  the  eleventh  century  still 
retained  a  prayer  ad  diaconissam  jaciendam,  which  ap- 
pears in  the  form  Exaudi  Domine,  common  to  both 
deacons  and  deaconesses.  The  only  surviving  relic  of 
the  ordination  of  deaconesses  in  the  West  seems  to  be 
the  delivery  by  the  bishop  of  a  stole  and  maniple  to 
Carthusian  nuns  in  the  ceremony  of  their  profession. 

Functions  of  Deaconesses. — There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  in  their  first  institution  the  deaconesses 
were  intended  to  discharge  those  same  charitable 
offices,  connected  mainly  with  the  temporal  well-being 
of  their  poorer  fellow-Christians,  which  were  per- 
formed for  the  men  by  the  deacons.  But  in  one  par- 
ticular, viz.  the  instruction  and  baptism  of  catechu- 
mens, their  duties  involved  service  of  a  more  spiritual 
kind.  The  universal  prevalence  of  baptism  by  im- 
mersion and  the  anointing  of  the  whole  body  which 
preceded  it,  rendered  it  a  matter  of  propriety  that  in 
this  ceremony  the  functions  of  the  deacons  should  be 
discharged  by  women.  The  Didascalia  Apostolorum 
(III,  12;  see  Funk,  Didascalia,  etc.,  i,  208)  explicitly 
direct  that  the  deaconesses  are  to  perform  this  func- 
tion. It  is  probable  that  this  was  the  starting-point 
for  the  intervention  of  women  in  many  other  ritual 
observances  even  in  the  sanctuary.  The  Apostolic 
Constitutions  expressly  attribute  to  them  the  duty  of 
guarding  the  doors  and  maintaining  order  amongst 
those  of  their  own  sex  in  the  church,  and  they  also 
(II,  c.  26)  assign  to  them  the  office  of  acting  as  inter- 
mediaries between  the  clergy  and  the  women  of  the 
congregation;  but  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  laid  down 
(Const.  Apo.st.,  VIII,  27)  that  "the  deaconess  gives  no 
blessing,  she  fulfils  no  function  of  priest  or  deacon", 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  extravagances  per- 
mitted m  some  places,  especially  in  the  churches  of 
Syria  and  Asia,  were  in  contravention  of  the  canons 
generally  accepted.  We  hear  of  them  presiding  over 
assemblies  of  women,  reading  the  epistle  and  Gospel, 
distributing  the  Blessed  Eucharist  to  nuns,  lighting 
the  candles,  burning  incense  in  the  thuribles,  adorning 
the  sanctuary,  and  anointing  the  sick  (see  Hefele- 
Leclercq,  II,  448).  All  these  things  must  be  regarded 
as  abuses  which  ecclesiastical  legislation  was  not  long 
in  repressing. 

Deaconesses  in  Protestant  Communions. — 
Outside  the  Catholic  Church  the  name  of  deaconesses 
has  been  adopted  for  a  modern  revival  which  has  had 
great  vogue  in  Germany  and  to  some  extent  in  the 
United  States.  It  was  begun  in  1833  by  the  Lutheran 
Pastor  Fliedner  at  Kaiserswerth  near  Diisseldorf. 
His  first  inspiration  is  said  to  have  been  derived  from 
the  Quakeress  Elizabeth  Fry,  and  through  the  cele- 
brated Miss  Florence  Nightingale,  who  organized  a 
staff  of  nurses  in  the  Crimean  war  and  who  had  pre- 
viously been  trained  at  Kaiserswerth,  the  revival  at  a 
later  date  attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention  in  Eng- 
land. The  main  work  of  deaconesses  is  the  tending  of 
the  sick  and  poor,  instruction  and  district  visiting,  but 
with  more  subordination  to  parish  needs  than  is  usu- 
ally compatible  with  the  life  of  an  Anglican  sisterhood. 
In  the  United  States  more  particularly,  community 
life  is  usually  not  insisted  upon,  but  a  good  deal  of 
attention  is  given  to  training  and  intellectual  develop- 
ment. Both  in  the  Anglican  Church,  and  in  the  Prot- 
estant Episcopal  Church  and  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  of  America,  deaconesses  are  "admitted"  in 
solemn  form  by  the  bishop  with  benediction  and  the 
laying-on  of  hands.  In  Germany  the  movement  has 
taken  such  hold  that  the  Kaiserswerth  organization 
alone  claims  to  number  over  16,000  sisters,  but  it  is 
curious  that  relatively  to  the  population  the  institu- 
tion is  most  popular  in  Catholic  districts,  where  prob- 


DEAD 


G.W 


DEAD 


ably  the  familiar  spectacle  of  Catholic  nuns  lias  .leous- 
tomed  the  people  to  the  idea  of  a  conimiinity  life  for 
women. 

Permaneder  and  Hundhauskn  in  Kirchcjitrx.,  Ill,  lfi75- 
1692:  Kraus,  R.  Eiicyc  d.  Christ.  Allcrlhum..  s.  v.  Diakonis- 
sen,  I,  358-361:  and  Vidim,  II,  947-951:  Hefele-Leclerc. 
Candles  (Paris,  1907),  I,  615  sq.,  and  especially  II,  447-452, 
where  the  subject  is  treated  very  fully,  but  not  without  inac- 
curacies; Onslow  in  Did.  Christ.  Aniiq.,  s.  v.  Deaconess; 
WoBnswoHTH.  The  Mini-ilry  of  Grace  (London,  1901),  264-282; 
Robinson,  The  Ministn/  of  Dracomss,:-:  (London.  1898); 
ScHAFER,  Die  Weib.  Diakonie  (Hamburg.  1.SS7-1S94):  Zschar- 
NACK,  Dien-tl  der  Fratt  in  d.  erst.  Christ.  Jahrh.  (Gottingen, 
1902);  GoLTZ,  Dienst  der  Fran  in  d.  Christ.  Kirche  (Leipzig, 
1905);  AcHEUsin  R.  E.  f.  Prot.  Theol..  IV,  616-620;  Reville.Lc 
Role  des  Veuves  etc.  Bibliotheque  dcs  Hautcs  Etudes  et  Sciences 
Religieuses.  V,  231-251;  Church  Quarlcrhj  Review  (1899). 

Herbert  Thurston. 
Dead,  Baptlsm  for  the.     See  B.\ptism. 

Dead,  Prayers  for  the. — This  subject  will  be 
treated  under  the  following  three  heads:  I.  General 
Statement  and  Proof  of  Catholic  Doctrine ;  II.  Ques- 
tions of  Detail;  III.  Practice  in  the  British  and  Irish 
Churches. 

I.  General  St.\tement  and  Proof. — Catholic 
teaching  regarding  prayers  for  the  dead  is  bound  up 
insiparably  with  the  doctrine  of  purgatory  (q.  v.)  and 
thi'  more  general  doctrine  of  the  communion  of  saints 
iq-  v.),  which  is  an  article  of  the  Apostles'  Creed.  The 
lirlinition  of  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV),  "that 
iMii^atorj'  exists,  and  that  the  souls  detained  therein 
aiv  helped  by  the  suffrages  of  the  faithful,  but  espec- 
iilly  by  the  acceptable  sacrifice  of  the  altar",  is  merely 
a  I'Ntatement  in  brief  of  the  traditional  teaching 
\vliirli  hiiil  already  been  embodied  in  more  than  one 
MUiliiiritative  fiirnmla — as  in  the  creed  prescribed  for 
r(iii\erted  Waklen.ses  by  Innocent  III  in  1210  (Den- 
/iiiiier,  Enchiridion,  n.  373)  and  more  fully  in  the 
I  I'  ifi'ssion  of  faith  accepted  for  the  Greeks  by  Michael 
I'ala-ologus  at  the  Second  fficumenieal  Council  of 
Lm.iis  in  1274  (ibid.,  n.  387).  The  words  of  this 
pi'ife.ssion  are  reproduced  in  the  decree  of  union  sub- 
-'  rilii'd  by  the  Greeks  and  Latins  at  the  Council  of 
I  Inrcnce  in  1439:  "[We  define]  likewise,  that  if  the 
t  rii!y  penitent  die  in  the  love  of  God,  before  they  have 
iiimIi-  satisfaction  by  worthy  fruits  of  penance  for 
ilieir  sins  of  commission  and  omission,  their  souls  are 
purified  by  purgatorial  pains  after  death;  and  that 
f  "  relief  from  those  pains  they  are  benefited  by  the 
r  iges  of  the  faithful  in  this  life,  that  is,  by  Masses, 
•rs  and  almsgiving,  and  by  the  other  offices  of 
,  ;,•  usually  performed  by  the  faithful  for  one  another 
ai'ording  to  the  practice  [institula]  of  the  Church" 
1 1  lid.,  n.  588).  Hence,  under  "suffrages"  for  the 
(i-  I.I,  which  are  defined  to  be  legitimate  and  effica- 
-.  are  included  not  only  formal  supplications,  but 
i-  kind  of  pious  work  that  may  be  offered  for  the 
.  1  .iitual  benefit  of  others,  and  it  is  in  this  comprehen- 
sive sense  that  we  speak  of  prayers  in  the  present  arti- 
cle. As  is  clear  from  this  general  statement,  the  ( 'hurcli 
does  not  recognize  the  limitation  upon  which  even 
modem  Protestants  often  insist,  that  prayers  for  the 
dead,  while  legitimate  and  commendable  as  a  private 
practice,  are  to  be  excluded  from  her  public  offices. 
The  most  efficacious  of  all  prayers,  in  Catholic  teach- 
ing, is  the  essentially  public  office,  the  Sacrifice  of  the 
Mass. 

Coming  to  the  proof  of  this  doctrine,  we  find,  in  the 
first  place,  that  it  is  an  integral  part  of  the  great  gen- 
eral truth  which  we  name  the  communion  of  saints. 
Tliis  truth  is  the  counterpart  in  the  supernatural  order 
of  the  natural  law  of  human  solidarity.  Men  are  not 
isolated  units  in  the  life  of  grace,  any  more  than  in 
domestic  and  civil  life.  As  children  in  Christ's  King- 
dom they  are  as  one  family  under  the  loving  I'ather- 
hood  of  God;  as  members  of  Christ's  my.stic;d  body 
they  are  incorporated  not  only  with  Him,  their  com- 
mon Head,  but  with  one  another,  and  this  not  merely 
by  visible  social  bonds  and  external  co-operation,  but 


by  the  invisible  bonds  of  mutual  love  and  sympathy, 
and  by  effective  co-operation  in  the  inner  life  of  grace. 
Each  is  in  some  degree  the  beneficiary  of  the  spiritual 
activities  of  the  others,  of  their  prayers  and  good 
works,  their  merits  and  satisfactions;  nor  is  this  de- 
gree to  be  wholly  measured  by  those  indirect  ways  in 
which  the  law  of  solidarity  works  out  in  other  cases, 
nor  by  the  conscious  and  explicit  altruistic  intentions  of 
individual  agents.  It  is  wider  than  this,  and  extends 
to  the  bounds  of  the  mysterious.  Now,  as  between 
the  living,  no  Christian  can  deny  the  reality  of  this 
far-reaching  spiritual  communion;  and  since  death, 
for  those  who  die  in  faith  and  grace,  does  not  sever 
the  bonds  of  this  communion,  why  should  it  interrupt 
its  efficacy  in  the  case  of  the  dead,  and  shut  them 
out  from  benefits  of  which  they  are  capable  and  may 
be  in  need?  Of  very  few  can  it  be  hoped  that  they 
have  attained  perfect  holiness  at  death;  and  none  but 
the  perfectly  holy  are  admitted  to  the  vision  of  God. 
Of  few,  on  the  other  hand,  will  they  at  least  who  love 
them  admit  the  despairing  thought  that  they  are  be- 
yond the  pale  of  grace  and  mercy,  and  condemned  to 
eternal  separation  from  God  and  from  all  w'ho  hope  to 
be  with  God.  On  this  ground  alone  it  has  been  truly 
said  that  purgatory  is  a  postulate  of  the  Christian 
reason;  and,  granting  the  existence  of  the  purgatorial 
state,  it  is  equally  a  postulate  of  the  Christian  reason 
that  the  souls  in  purgatory  should  continue  to  share 
in  the  communion  of  saints,  or,  in  other  words,  be 
helped  by  the  prayers  of  their  brethren  on  earth  and  in 
heaven.  Christ  is  King  in  purgatory  as  well  as  in 
heaven  and  on  earth,  and  He  cannot  be  deaf  to  our 
prayers  for  our  loved  ones  in  that  part  of  His  Kingdom, 
whom  He  also  loves  while  He  chastises  them.  For 
our  own  consolation  as  well  as  for  theirs  we  ivant  to 
believe  in  this  living  intercourse  of  charity  with  our 
dead.  We  would  believe  it  without  explicit  warrant 
of  Revelation,  on  the  strength  of  what  is  otherwise  re- 
vealed and  in  obedience  to  the  promptings  of  reason 
and  natural  affection.  Indeed,  it  is  largely  for  this 
re;ison  that  Protestants  in  growing  numbers  are  giving 
up  to-day  the  joy-killing  doctrine  of  the  Reformers, 
and  reviving  Catholic  teaching  and  practice.  As  we 
shall  presently  see,  there  is  no  clear  and  explicit  war- 
rant for  prayers  for  the  dead  in  the  Scriptures  recog- 
nized by  Protestants  as  canonical,  while  they  do  not 
admit  the  Divine  authority  of  extra-Scriptural  tradi- 
tion.    Catholics  are  in  a  better  position. 

Arguments  from  Scripture. — Omitting  some  pas- 
sages in  the  Old  Testament  which  are  sometimes  in- 
voked, but  which  are  too  vague  and  uncertain  in  their 
reference  to  be  urged  in  proof  (v.  g.  Tobias,  iv,  18; 
Ecclus.,  vii,  37;  etc.),  it  is  enough  to  notice  here  the 
classical  passage  in  II  Machabees,  xii,  40-46.  When 
Judas  and  his  men  came  to  take  away  for  burial  the 
bodies  of  their  brethren  who  had  fallen  in  the  battle 
against  Gorgias,  "they  found  imder  the  coats  of  the 
slain  some  of  the  donaries  of  the  idols  of  Jainnia, 
which  the  law  forbiddeth  to  the  Jews:  so  that  all 
plainly  saw-,  that  for  this  cause  they  were  slain.  Then 
they  all  bles.sed  the  just  judgment  of  the  Lord,  who 
had  discovered  the  things  that  were  hidden.  And 
so  betaking  themselves  to  prayers,  they  besought 
him,  that  the  sin  which  had  been  committed  might 
be  forgotten  .  .  .  And  making  a  gathering,  he 
[Judas]  sent  twelve  [al.  two]  thousand  drachms  of 
silver  to  Jerusalem  for  sacrifice  to  be  offered  for  the 
.sins  of  the  dead,  thinking  well  and  religiously  concern- 
ing the  resurrection  (for  if  he  had  not  hoped"  that  they 
that  were  slain  should  rise  again,  it  would  have  seemed 
superfiuous  and  vain  to  pniy  for  the  dead),  and  be- 
cause he  considered  that  they  who  had  fallen  asleep 
in  godliness,  had  great  grace  laid  up  for  them.  It  is 
therefore  a  holy  and  w'holcsome  thought  to  pr.ay  for 
the  dead,  that  they  may  be  loosed  from  sins."  For 
Catholics  who  accept  this  book  as  canonical,  this  pas- 
sage leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.     The  inspired  au- 


DEAD 


654 


DEAD 


thor  expressly  approves  Judas's  action  in  this  particu- 
lar case,  and  recommends  in  general  terms  the  practice 
of  prayers  for  the  dead.  There  is  no  contradiction 
in  the  particular  case  between  the  conviction  that  a 
sin  had  been  committed,  calling  down  the  penalty  of 
death,  and  the  hope  that  the  sinners  had  nevertheless 
died  in  godliness — an  opportunity  for  penance  had 
intervened. 

But  even  for  those  who  deny  the  inspired  authority 
of  this  book,  unequivocal  evidence  is  here  furnished  of 
the  faith  and  practice  of  the  Jewish  Church  in  the 
second  century  b.  c. — that  is  to  say,  of  the  orthodox 
Church,  for  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees  denied  the  res- 
urrection (and,  by  implication  at  least,  the  general 
doctrine  of  immortality),  and  it  would  seem  from  the 
argument  which  the  author  introduces  in  his  narrative 
that  he  had  Sadducean  adversaries  in  mind.  The  act 
of  Judas  and  his  men  in  praying  for  their  deceased 
comrades  is  represented  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  course ; 
nor  is  there  anything  to  suggest  that  the  procuring  of 
sacrifices  for  the  dead  was  a  novel  or  exceptional  thing; 
from  which  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  the  practice — 
both  private  and  liturgical — goes  back  beyond  the  time 
of  Judas,  but  how  far  we  cannot  say.  It  is  reasonable 
also  to  assume,  in  the  absence  of  positive  proof  to  the 
contrarj',  that  this  practice  was  maintained  in  later 
times,  and  that  Christ  and  the  Apostles  were  familiar 
with  it ;  and  whatever  other  evidence  is  available  from 
Talmudic  and  other  sources  strongly  confirms  this  as- 
sumption, if  it  does  not  absolutely  prove  it  as  a  fact 
(see,  V.  g.,  Luckock,  "After  Death",  v,  pp.  50  sq.). 
This  is  worth  noting  because  it  helps  us  to  under- 
stand the  true  significance  of  Christ's  silence  on  the 
subject — if  it  be  held  on  the  incomplete  evidence  of 
the  Gospels  that  He  was  indeed  altogether  silent — 
and  justifies  us  in  regarding  the  Christian  practice  as 
an  inheritance  from  orthodox  Judaism. 

We  have  said  that  there  is  no  clear  and  explicit 
Scriptural  text  in  favour  of  prayers  for  the  dead,  ex- 
cept the  above  text  of  II  Machabees.  Yet  there  are 
one  or  two  saj-ings  of  Christ  recorded  by  the  Evangel- 
ists, which  are  most  naturally  interpreted  as  contain- 
ing an  implicit  reference  to  a  purgatorial  state  after 
death ;  and  in  St.  Paul's  Epistles  a  passage  of  similar 
import  occurs,  and  one  or  two  other  passages  that 
bear  directly  on  the  question  of  prayers  for  the  dead. 
When  Christ  promises  forgiveness  for  all  sins  that  a 
man  may  commit  except  the  sin  against  the  Holy 
Ghost,  which  "shall  not  be  forgiven  him,  neither  in 
this  world,  nor  in  the  world  to  come"  (Matt.,  xii,  31- 
32),  is  the  concluding  phrase  nothing  more  than  a 
periphrastic  equivalent  for  "never"?  Or,  if  Christ 
meant  to  emphasize  the  distinction  of  worlds,  is  "  the 
world  to  come"  to  be  understood,  not  of  the  life  after 
death,  but  of  the  Messianic  age  on  earth  as  imagined 
and  expected  by  the  Jews?  Both  interpretations 
have  been  proposed ;  but  the  second  is  far-fetched  and 
decidedly  improbable  (cf.  Mark,  iii,  29);  while  the 
first,  though  admissible,  is  less  obvious  and  less  natural 
than  that  which  allows  the  implied  question  at  least 
to  remain:  May  sins  be  forgiven  in  the  world  to  come? 
Christ's  hearers  believed  in  this  possibility,  and,  had 
He  Himself  wished  to  deny  it,  He  would  hardly  have 
used  a  form  of  expression  which  they  would  naturally 
take  to  be  a  tacit  admission  of  their  belief.  Precisely 
the  same  argument  applies  to  the  words  of  Christ  re- 
garding the  debtor  who  is  cast  into  prison,  from  which 
he  shall  not  go  out  till  he  has  paid  the  last  farthing 
(Luke,  xii,  59). 

Passing  over  the  well-known  passage,  I  Cor.,  iii,  14 
sq.,  on  which  an  argument  for  purgatory  may  be 
based,  attention  may  be  called  to  another  curious  text 
in  the  same  Epistle  (xv,  29),  where  St.  Paul  argues  thus 
in  favour  of  the  resurrection:  "Otherwise  what  shall 
they  do  that  are  baptized  for  the  dead,  if  the  dead  rise 
not  again  at  all?  Why  are  they  then  baptized  for 
them?"     Even  assuming  that  the  practice  here  re- 


ferred to  was  superstitious,  and  that  St.  Paul  merely 
uses  it  as  the  basis  of  an  argumentum  ad  hominem,  the 
passage  at  least  furnishes  historical  evidence  of  the 
prevalence  at  the  time  of  belief  in  the  efficacy  of 
works  for  the  dead ;  and  the  Apostle's  reserve  in  not 
reprobating  this  particular  practice  is  more  readily 
intelligible  if  we  suppose  him  to  have  recognized  the 
truth  of  the  principle  of  which  it  was  merely  an  abuse. 
But  it  is  probable  that  the  practice  in  question  was 
something  in  itself  legitimate,  and  to  which  the  Apostle 
gives  his  tacit  approbation.  In  his  Second  Epistle  to 
Timothy  (i,  16-18;  iv,  19)  St.  Paul  speaks  of  Onesi- 
phorus  in  a  way  that  seems  obviously  to  imply  that 
the  latter  was  already  dead:  "The  Lord  give  mercy 
to  the  house  of  Onesiphorus" — as  to  a  family  in  need 
of  consolation.  Then,  after  mention  of  loyal  services 
rendered  by  him  to  the  imprisoned  Apostle  at  Rome, 
comes  the  prayer  for  Onesiphorus  himself,  "The  Lord 
grant  unto  him  to  find  mercy  of  the  Lord  in  that  day" 
(the  day  of  judgment) ;  finally,  in  the  salutation,  "the 
household  of  Onesiphorus"  is  mentioned  once  more, 
without  mention  of  the  man  himself.  The  question 
is,  what  had  become  of  him?  Was  he  dead,  as  one 
would  naturally  infer  from  what  St.  Paul  writes?  Or 
had  he  for  any  other  cause  become  separated  perma- 
nently from  his  family,  so  that  prayer  for  them  should 
take  account  of  present  needs  while  prayers  for  him 
looked  forward  to  the  day  of  judgment?  Or  could  it 
be  that  he  was  still  at  Rome  when  the  Apostle  wrote, 
or  gone  elsewhere  for  a  prolonged  absence  from  home? 
The  first  is  by  far  the  easiest  and  most  natural  hypoth- 
esis ;  and  if  it  be  admitted,  we  have  here  an  instance 
of  prayer  by  the  Apostle  for  the  soul  of  a  deceased 
benefactor. 

Arguments  from  Tradition. — The  traditional  evi- 
dence in  favour  of  prayers  for  the  dead,  which  has 
been  preserved  (a)  in  monumental  inscriptions  (es- 
pecially those  of  the  catacombs),  (b)  in  the  ancient 
liturgies,  and  (c)  in  Christian  literature  generally,  is 
so  abundant  that  we  cannot  do  more  in  this  article 
than  touch  very  briefly  on  a  few  of  the  more  important 
testimonies. 

(a)  The  inscriptions  in  the  Roman  Catacombs  range 
in  date  from  the  first  century  (the  earliest  dated  ia 
from  A.  D.  71)  to  the  early  part  of  the  fifth;  and  though 
the  majority  are  undated,  archaeologists  have  been 
able  to  fix  approximately  the  dates  of  a  great  many  by 
comparison  with  those  that  are  dated.  The  greater 
number  of  the  several  thousand  extant  belong  to  the 
ante-Nicene  period — the  first  three  centuries  and  the 
early  part  of  the  fourth.  Christian  sepulchral  inscrip- 
tions from  other  parts  of  the  Church  are  few  in  number 
compared  with  those  in  the  catacombs,  but  the  wit- 
ness of  such  as  have  come  down  to  us  agrees  ■with  that 
of  the  catacombs.  Many  inscriptions  are  exceedingly 
brief  and  simple  (pax,  in  pace,  etc.),  and  might  be 
taken  for  statements  rather  than  prayers,  were  it  not 
that  in  other  cases  they  are  so  frequently  and  so  nat- 
urally amplified  into  prayers  (pax  tibi,  etc.).  There 
are  prayers,  called  acclamalory,  which  are  considered 
to  be  the  most  ancient,  and  in  which  there  is  the  simple 
expression  of  a  wish  for  some  benefit  to  the  deceased, 
without  any  formal  address  to  God.  The  benefits 
most  frequently  prayed  for  are:  peace,  the  good  (i.  e. 
eternal  salvation),  light,  refreshment,  life,  eternal  life, 
union  with  God,  with  Christ,  and  with  the  angels  and 
saints — e.  g.  pax  (tibi,  vobis,  spiritui  tug,  in  .eter- 

NUM,  TIBI  CUM  ANGELIS,  CUM  SANCTIS) ;  SPIRITUS  TUU8 
IN  BONO  (sit,  VnVAT,  QUIESCAT)  ;  STERNA  LUX  TIBI ;  IN 
REFRIGERIO  ESTO;  SPIRITUM  IN  REFRIGERIUM  SUSCIPUT 
DOMINUS;  DEUS  rv  TIBI  REFRIGERET;  VIVAS,  VIVA- 
TIS  (in  DEO,  IN  y^  IN  SPIRITO  S.4.NCTO,  IN  PACE,  IN 
.ffiTERNO,    INTER      ^  SANOTOS.CUMMARTTRIBUS). — FoF 

detailed  references  see  Kirsch,  "Die  Acclamationen ", 
pp.  9-29;  Cabrol  and  Leclercq,  "Monumenta  Litur- 
gica"  (Paris,  1902),  I,  pp.  ci-cvi,  cxxxix,  etc.  .  Again 
there  are  prayers  of  a  formal  character,  in  which  but- 


i 


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655 


DEAD 


\-ivors  address  their  petitions  directly  to  God  the 
I'ather,  or  to  Christ,  or  even  to  the  angels,  or  to  the 
-;,iints  and  martyrs  collectively,  or  to  some  one  of 
(ticm  in  particular.  The  benefits  prayed  for  are  those 
alrcadj'  mentioned,  with  the  addition  sometimes  of 
lilx-ration  from  sin.  Some  of  the.so  prayers  read  like 
I  \ccrpts  from  the  liturgy:  e.  g.SET  pateb  omnipotens, 

"Kn,     MISERERE      LABORUM      TANTORITM,      MISERE(re) 

wiM^  NON  Dia(na)  ferentis  (Dc  Rossi,  Inscript. 
ilirist.,  II  a,  p.  ix).  Sometimes  the  writers  of  the 
I  jiituphs  request  visitors  to  pray  for  the  deceased: 
!•  g.  QUI  LECiis,  or.v  pro  eo  (Corpus  In.script.  Lat., 
\,  n.  3312),  and  sometimes  again  tlu'  dead  themselves 
:i~k  for  prayers,  as  in  the  well-known  Greek  epitaph 
nf  .\bercius  (sec  .\BERCirs,  In.scription  of),  in  two 
Miiiilar  Roman  epitaphs  dating  from  the  middle  of  the 
<i'(iind  century  (De  Rossi,  op.  cit.,  II  a,  p.  xxx, 
l\ir,=:ch,  op.  cit.,  p.  51),  and  in  many  later  inscriptions. 
That  pious  people  often  visited  the  tombs  to  pray  for 
the  dead,  and  sometimes  even  inscribed  a  prayer  on 
liic  monument,  is  also  clear  from  a  variety  of  indica- 
t  ions  (see  examples  in  De  Rossi,  "Roma  Sotteranea", 
i  I,  p.  15).  In  a  word,  so  overwhelming  is  the  wit^ 
iM'^s  of  the  ear!}'  Christian  monuments  in  favour  of 
[  iia  yer  for  the  dead  that  no  historian  any  longer  denies 
111  It  the  practice  and  the  belief  which  the  practice 
implies  were  universal  in  the  primitive  Church. 
I  lure  was  no  break  of  continuity  in  this  respect  be- 
lA.i'n  Judaism  and  Christianity. 

i  1 1)  The  testimony  of  the  early  liturgies  is  in  har- 
innny  with  that  of  the  monuments.  Without  touch- 
iiil;  the  subject  of  the  origin,  development,  and  rela- 
tionships of  the  various  liturgies  we  po.s.se.ss,  without 
IN  in  enumerating  and  citing  tliom  singly,  it  is  enough 
111  s;iy  here  that  all  without  exception — Ncstorian  and 
Mimophysite  as  well  as  Catholic,  those  in  Syriac,  Ar- 
iiiinian,  and  Coptic  as  well  as  those  in  Greek  and 
latin — contain  the  commemoration  of  the  faithful 
ili'parted  in  the  Mass,  with  a  prayer  for  peace,  light, 
I-  fii'.shment,  and  the  like,  and  in  many  cases  expressly 
t  r  the  remi.ssion  of  sins  and  the  effacement  of  sinful 
-1  lins.  The  following,  from  the  Syriac  Liturgy  of  St. 
.limes,  may  be  quoted  as  a  typical  example:  "We 
'  liinmemorate  all  the  faithful  dead  who  have  died  in 
till' true  faith  .  .  .  We  ask,  we  entreat,  we  pray 
t  iirist  our  God,  who  took  their  souls  and  spirits  to 
Himself,  that  by  His  many  compassions  He  will  make 
•  1 1 1  worthy  of  the  pardon  of  their  faults  and  the  remis- 
I  of  their  sins"  (Syr.  Lit.  S.  Jacobi,  ed.  Hammond, 

I)  Turning  finally  to  early  literary  sources,  we  find 

I  viilence  in  the  apocrj^ihal  "Acta  Joannis",  composed 
iliiiut  A.  D.  160-170,  that  at  that  time  anniversaries  of 
till'  dead  were  commemorated  by  the  application  of 
''  •■  Holy  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  (Lipsius  and  Bonnet, 
"  \fla  Apost.  Apocr.",  I,  186).     The  same  fact  is  wit- 

-rd  bv  the  "Canons  of  Hippolytus"  (ed.  Achelis, 

106),  by  Tertullian   (De  Cor.   Mil.,   iii,   P.  L.,  II, 

and  by  many  later  writers.     Tertullian  also  testi- 

II  -  to  the  regularitv  of  the  practice  of  praving  pri- 
V  .tily  for  the  dead'fDe  Monogam.,  x,  P.  L.,'ll,  942); 
aiiij  of  the  host  of  later  authorities  that  may  be  cited, 
liilh  for  public  and  private  prayers,  we  must  be  eon- 
trnt  to  refer  to  but  a  few.  St.  Cyprian  writes  to  Cor- 
iii'lius  that  their  mutual  prayers  and  good  offices  ought 
til  lie  continued  after  either  should  be  called  away  by 
.1.  :ith  rEp.  Ivii,  P.  L..  III.  8.30  sq),  and  he  tells  us 
t'liat  before  his  time  (d.  258)  the  .\frican  bishops  had 
fiirliidden  testators  to  nominate  a  priest  as  executor 
and  guardian  in  their  wills,  and  had  decreed,  as  the 
penalty  for  \'iolating  this  law,  deprivation  after  death 
of  the  Holy  Sacrifice  and  the  other  offices  of  the 
Cliurch,  which  were  regularly  celebrated  for  the  re- 
pii^i'  of  each  of  the  faithful;  hence,  in  the  case  of  one 
>  irtor  who  had  broken  the  law.  "no  offering  might  be 
m.iile  for  his  repose,  nor  any  prayer  offered  in  the 
Church  in  his  name"  (Ep.  Ixvi,  P.  L.,  IV,  399).     Ar- 


nobius  speaks  of  the  Christian  churches  as  "con- 
venticles in  which  .  .  .  peace  and  pardon  is  asked 
for  all  men  .  .  .  for  those  still  living  and  for  those 
already  freed  from  the  bondage  of  the  bod}'"  (Adv. 
Gent.,  IV,  xxxvi,  P.  L.,  V,  1076).  In  his  funeral 
oration  for  his  brother  Satyrus  St.  Ambrose  beseeches 
God  to  accept  propitiously  his  "brotherly  service  of 
prie.stly  sacrifice"  (fraternum  munus,  sacrificium 
sacerdotis)  for  the  deceased  ("DeExci'ssu  Satvri  fr.", 
I,  SO,  P.  L.,  XVI,  1315);  and,  aiMnsMn..;'  Valen- 
tinian  and  Theodosius,  he  assures  tlnMu  of  happiness 
if  his  prayers  shall  be  of  any  avail ;  he  will  let  no  day 
or  night  go  past  without  remembering  them  in  his 
prayers  and  at  the  altar  ("De  Obitu  Valent.",  78, 
ibid.,  1381).  As  a  further  testimony  from  the  West- 
ern Church  we  may  quote  one  of  the  many  passages 
in  which  St.  Augustine  speaks  of  prayers  for  the  dead: 
"The  universal  Church  obsen'es  this  law,  handed 
down  from  the  Fathers,  that  prayers  should  be  offered 
for  those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the  Body 
and  Blood  of  Christ,  when  they  are  commemorated  in 
their  proper  place  at  the  Sacrifice"  (Serm.  clxxii,  2, 
P.  L.,  XXXVIII,  936).  As  evidence  of  the  faith  of 
the  Eastern  Church  we  may  refer  to  what  Eusebius 
tells  us,  that  at  the  tomb  of  Constantine  "a  vast 
crowd  of  people  together  with  the  priests  of  God 
offered  their  prayers  to  God  for  the  Emperor's  soul 
with  tears  and  great  lamentation"  (Vita  Const.,  IV, 
Ixxi,  P.  G.,  XX,  1226).  Aerius,  a  priest  of  Pontus, 
who  flourished  in  the  third  quarter  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, was  branded  as  a  heretic  for  denying  the  legiti- 
macy and  efficacy  of  prayers  for  the  dead.  St.  Epi- 
phaniiis,  who  records  and  refutes  his  views,  represents 
the  custom  of  praying  for  the  dead  as  a  duty  imposed 
by  tradition  (Adv.  Ha;r.,  Ill,  Ixxx,  P.  G.,  XLII, 
504  sq.),  and  St.  Chrysostom  does  not  hesitate  to 
speak  of  it  as  a  "law  laid  down  by  the  Apostles" 
(Ilom.,  iii,  in  PhiHpp.,  i,  4,  P.  G.,  LXII,  20.3). 

Objections  alleged. — No  rational  difficulty  can  be 
urged  against  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  prayers  for  the 
dead;  on  the  contrarj-,  as  we  have  seen,  the  rational 
presumption  in  its  favour  is  strong  enough  to  induce 
belief  in  it  on  the  part  of  many  whose  rule  of  faith  does 
not  allow  them  to  prove  with  entire  certainty  that  it 
is  a  doctrine  of  Divine  revelation.  Old-time  Protes- 
tant objections,  based  on  certain  texts  of  the  Old 
Testament  and  on  the  parable  of  Dives  and  Lazarus 
in  the  New,  are  admitted  by  modem  commentators 
to  be  either  irrelevant  or  devoid  of  force.  The  saying 
of  Ecclesiastes  (xi,  3)  for  instance,  "if  the  tree  fall  to 
the  south,  or  to  the  north,  in  what  place  soever  it  shall 
fall,  there  shall  it  be",  is  probably  intended  merely  to 
illustrate  the  general  theme  with  which  the  writer  is 
dealing  in  the  context,  viz.  the  inevitableness  of  nat- 
ural law  in  the  present  visible  world.  But  even  if 
it  be  understood  of  the  fate  of  the  soul  after  death,  it 
can  mean  nothing  more  than  what  Catholic  teaching 
affirms,  that  the  final  issue — salvation  or  damnation 
— is  determined  irrevocably  at  death ;  which  is  not  in- 
compatible with  a  temporary  state  of  purgatorial  puri- 
fication for  the  saved.  The  imagery  of  the  parable  of 
Lazarus  is  too  uncertain  to  be  made  the  basis  of  dog- 
matic inference,  except  as  regards  the  general  truth  of 
rewards  and  punishments  after  death  ;  but  in  any  case 
it  teaches  merely  that  one  individual  may  be  admitted 
to  happiness  immediately  after  death  while  another 
may  be  ca.st  into  hell,  without  hinting  anything  as  to 
the  proximate  fate  of  the  man  who  is  neither  a  Lazanis 
nor  a  Dives. 

II.  Questions  of  Detail. — Admitting  the  general 
teaching  that  prayers  for  the  dead  are  efficacious,  we 
are  naturally  led  on  to  inquire  more  particularly:  (1) 
What  prayers  are  efficacious?  (2)  For  whom  and  how 
far  are  they  efficacious?  (3)  How  are  we,  theoreti- 
cally, to  conceive  and  explain  their  efficacy?  (4) 
What  disciplinary  laws  has  the  Church  imposed  regard- 
ing her  public  offices  for  the  dead? — We  shall  state 


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briefly  what  is  needful  to  be  said  in  answer  to  these 
questions,  mindful  of  the  admonition  of  the  Council 
of  Trent,  to  avoid  in  this  matter  those  "more  difficult 
and  subtle  questions  that  do  not  malie  for  edification  " 
(Sess.  XXV). 

(1)  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  has  always  occupied 
the  foremost  place  among  prayers  for  the  dead,  as  will 
be  seen  from  the  testimonies  quoted  above;  but  in 
addition  to  the  Mass  and  to  private  prayers,  we  have 
mention  in  the  earliest  times  of  almsgiving,  especially 
in  connexion  with  funeral  agapw,  and  of  fasting  for 
the  dead  (Ivirsch,  Die  Lehre  von  der  Gemeinschaft 
der  Heiligen,  etc.,  p.  171 ;  Cabrol,  Dictionnaire  d'ar- 
cheologie,  I,  80S-830).  Believing  in  the  communion 
of  saints  in  which  the  departed  faithful  shared.  Chris- 
tians saw  no  reason  for  excluding  them  from  any  of 
the  offices  of  piety  which  the  living  were  in  the  habit 
of  performing  for  one  another.  The  only  development 
to  be  noted  in  this  connexion  is  the  application  of  In- 
dulgences (q.  V.)  for  the  dead.  Indulgences  for  the 
living  were  a  development  from  the  ancient  peniten- 
tial discipline,  and  were  in  use  for  a  considerable  time 
before  we  have  any  evidence  of  their  being  formally 
applied  for  the  dead.  The  earliest  instance  comes 
from  the  year  1457.  Without  entering  into  the  sub- 
ject here,  we  would  remark  that  the  application  of 
Indulgences  for  the  dead,  when  properly  understood 
and  explained,  introduces  no  new  principle,  but  is 
merely  an  extension  of  the  general  principle  under- 
lying the  ordinary  practice  of  prayers  and  good  works 
for  the  dead.  The  Church  claims  no  power  of  absolv- 
ing the  souls  in  purgatorj'  from  their  pains,  as  on  earth 
she  absolves  men  from  sins.  It  is  only  per  modum 
suffragii,  i.  e.  by  way  of  prayer,  that  Indulgences  avail 
for  the  dead,  the  Church  adding  her  official  or  corpor- 
ate intercession  to  that  of  the  person  who  performs 
and  ofTers  the  indulgenced  work,  and  beseeching  God 
to  apply,  for  the  relief  of  those  souls  whom  the  offerer 
intends,  some  portion  of  the  superabundant  satisfac- 
tions of  Christ  and  His  saints,  or,  in  view  of  those  same 
satisfactions,  to  remit  some  portion  of  their  pains,  in 
what  measure  may  seem  good  to  His  own  infinite 
mercy  and  love. 

(2)  To  those  who  die  in  wilful,  unrepented  mortal 
sin,  which  implies  a  deliberate  turning  away  from  God 
as  the  last  entl  and  ultimate  good  of  man.  Catholic 
teaching  holds  out  no  hope  of  eventual  salvation  by  a 
course  of  probation  after  death.  Eternal  exile  from 
the  face  of  God  is,  by  their  own  choice,  the  fate  of  such 
unhappy  souls,  and  prayers  are  unavailing  to  reverse 
that  awful  doom.  This  was  the  explicit  teaching  of 
Christ,  the  meek  and  merciful  Saviour,  and  the  Church 
can  but  repeat  the  Master's  teaching  (see  Hell).  But 
the  Church  does  not  presume  to  judge  individuals, 
even  those  for  whom,  on  other  grounds,  she  refuses  to 
offer  her  Sacrifice  and  her  prayers  [see  below,  (4)], 
while  it  may  happen,  on  the  contrary,  that  some  of 
those  for  whom  her  oblations  are  made  are  among  the 
number  of  the  damned.  What  of  such  prayers?  If 
they  cannot  avail  to  the  ultimate  salvation  of  the 
damned,  may  it  at  least  be  held  that  they  are  not 
entirely  unavailing  to  procure  some  alle^aation  of 
their  sufferings,  some  temporary  refrigeria.  or  moments 
of  mitigation,  as  a  few  Fathers  and  theologians  have 
suggested?  All  that  can  be  said  in  favour  of  this 
speculation  is,  that  the  Church  has  never  formally 
reprobated  it.  But  the  great  majority  of  theologians, 
following  St.  Thomas  (In  Sent.  IV.  xlv,  q.  ii,  a.  2), 
consider  it  rash  and  imfounded.  If  certain  words  in 
the  Offertory  of  the  Mass  for  the  Dead,  "Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  deliver  the  souls  of  all  the  faithful  departed 
from  the  pains  of  hell,  and  the  deep  abyss",  .seem 
originally  to  have  suggested  an  idea  of  deliverance 
from  the  hell  of  the  damned,  this  is  to  be  understood 
not  of  rescue,  hut  of  preservation  from  that  calamity. 
The  whole  requiem  Office  is  intensely  dramatic,  and 
in  this  particular  prayer  the  Church  suppliant  is  figured 


as  accompanying  the  departed  soul  into  the  presence 
of  its  Judge,  and  praying,  ere  yet  sentence  is  pro- 
nounced, for  its  deliverance  from  the  sinner's  doom. 
On  the  other  hand,  prayers  are  needless  for  the  blessed 
who  already  enjoy  the  vision  of  God  face  to  face. 
Hence  in  the  Early  Church,  as  St.  Augustine  expressly 
assures  us  (Serm.  cclxxv,  5,  P.  L.,  XXXVIII,  1295), 
and  as  is  otherwise  abundantly  clear,  prayers  were  not 
offered  for  martyrs,  but  to  them,  to  obtain  the  benefit 
of  their  intercession,  martyrdom  being  considered  an 
act  of  perfect  charity  and  winning  as  such  an  imme- 
diate entrance  into  glory.  And  the  same  is  true  of 
saints  whom  the  Church  has  canonized;  they  no 
longer  need  the  aid  of  our  prayers  on  earth.  It  is  only, 
then,  for  the  souls  in  purgatory  that  our  prayers  are 
really  beneficial.  But  we  do  not  and  cannot  know 
the  exact  degree  in  which  benefits  actually  accrue  to 
them,  collectively  or  individually.  The  distribution 
of  the  fruits  of  the  communion  of  saints  among  the 
dead,  as  among  the  living,  rests  ultimately  in  the 
hands  of  God — is  one  of  the  secrets  of  His  economy. 
We  cannot  doubt  that  it  is  His  will  that  we  should 
pray  not  only  for  the  souls  in  purgatory  collectively, 
but  individually  for  those  with  whom  we  have  been 
bound  on  earth  by  special  personal  ties.  Nor  can  we 
doubt  the  general  efficacy  of  our  rightly  disposed 
prayers  for  our  specially  chosen  ones  as  well  as  for 
those  whom  we  leave  it  to  Him  to  choose.  This  is 
sufficient  to  inspire  and  to  guide  us  in  our  offices  of 
charity  and  piety  towards  the  dead;  we  may  con- 
fidently commit  the  application  of  their  fruits  to  the 
wisdom  and  justice  of  God. 

(3)  For  a  theoretical  statement  of  the  manner  in 
which  prayers  for  the  dead  are  efficacious  we  must 
refer  to  the  articles  Merit  and  S.\ti.sfaction,  in  which 
the  distinction  between  these  terms  and  their  techni- 
cal meanings  will  be  explained.  Since  merit,  in  the 
strict  sense,  and  satisfaction,  as  inseparable  from 
merit,  are  confined  to  this  life,  it  cannot  be  said  in  the 
strict  sense  that  the  souls  in  purgatory  merit  or  satisfy 
by  their  own  personal  acts.  But  the  purifying  and 
expiatory  value  of  their  discipline  of  suffering,  techni- 
cally called  satispassio,  is  often  spoken  of  in  a  loose 
sense  as  satisfaction.  Speaking  of  satisfaction  in  the 
rigorous  sense,  the  living  can  offer  to  God,  and  by 
impetration  move  Him  graciously  to  accept,  the  satis- 
factory value  of  their  own  good  works  on  behalf  of  the 
souls  in  purgatory,  or  in  view  of  it  to  remit  some  part 
of  their  discipline;  in  this  sense  we  may  be  said  to 
satisfy  for  the  dead.  But  in  order  that  the  personal 
works  of  the  living  may  have  any  satisfactory  value, 
the  agents  must  be  in  the  state  of  grace.  The  prayers 
of  the  just  are  on  this  account  more  efficacious  in  as- 
sisting the  dead  than  the  prayers  of  those  in  sin, 
though  it  does  not  follow  that  the  general  irapetratory 
efficacy  of  prayer  is  altogether  destroyed  by  sin.  God 
may  hear  the  prayers  of  a  sinner  for  others  as  well  as 
for  the  supplicant  himself.  The  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass, 
however,  retains  its  essential  efficacy  in  spite  of  the 
sinfulness  of  the  minister;  and  the  same  is  true,  in 
lesser  degree,  of  the  other  prayers  and  offices  offered 
by  the  Church's  ministers  in  her  name. 

(4)  There  is  no  restriction  by  Divine  or  ecclesias- 
tical law  as  to  those  of  the  dead  for  whom  private 
prayers  may  be  offered — except  that  they  may  not  be 
offered  formally  either  for  the  blessed  in  heaven  or  for 
the  damned.  Not  only  for  the  faithful  who  have 
died  in  external  communion  with  the  Church,  but  for 
deceased  non-Catholics,  even  the  unbaptized,  who 
may  have  died  in  the  state  of  grace,  one  is  free  to 
offer  his  personal  prayers  and  good  works;  nor  does 
the  Church's  prohibition  of  her  public  offices  for  those 
who  have  died  nut  of  external  comnnmion  with  her 
affect  the  strictly  personal  element  in  her  minister's 
acts.  For  all  such  she  prohibits  the  public  offering  of 
the  Sacrifice  of  the  Mass  (and  of  other  liturgical 
offices) ;  but  theologians  commonly  teach  that  a  priest 


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657 


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is  not  forbidden  to  offer  the  Mass  in  private  for  the 
repose  of  tlie  soul  of  any  one  who,  judging  by  probable 
evitience,  may  be  presumed  to  have  died  in  faith  and 
urace,  provided,  at  least,  he  does  not  say  the  special 
requiem  Mass  with  the  special  prayer  in  which  the 
deceased  is  named,  since  this  would  give  the  offering 
a  public  and  official  character.  This  prohibition  does 
not  extend  to  catechumens  who  have  died  without 
being  able  to  receive  baptism  (see,  v.  g.,  Lehmkuhl, 
"Tlieol.  Moralis",  II,  n.  175  sq.).  For  other  cases  in 
which  the  Church  refuses  her  public  offices  for  the 
dead,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  article  Burial, 
Christian.  (See  also  Mass;  Indulgence;  Pur- 
gatory.) 

III.  Practice  in  the  British  and  Irish  Churches. 
— The  belief  of  our  forefathers  in  the  efficacy  of  prayers 
for  the  dead  is  most  strikingly  shown  by  the  liturgy 
and  ritual,  in  particular  by  the  collects  at  Mass  and 
by  the  burial  service.  See,  for  instance,  the  prayers 
in  the  Bobbio  Missal,  the  Durham  Ritual,  Leofric's 
,M  issal,  the  Salisbury  Rite,  the  Stowe  Missal,  etc.  But 
ii  should  also  be  noted  that  this  belief  was  clearly 
fonnulated,  and  that  it  was  expressed  by  the  people 
at  large  in  numerous  practices  and  customs.  Thus, 
Venerable  Bede  declares  that  "some  who  for  their 
iTHxl  works  have  been  preordained  to  the  lot  of  the 
'  ioct,  but  who,  because  of  some  bad  deeds  stained  with 
\\  liich  they  went  forth  out  of  the  body,  are  after  death 
■;rized  upon  by  the  flames  of  the  purgatorial  fire,  to  be 
•■^I'vcrely  chastised,  and  either  are  being  cleansed  until 
tlie  day  of  judgment  from  the  filth  of  their  vices  by 
this  long  trial,  or,  being  set  free  from  punishment  by 
tlm  prayers,  the  alms-deeds,  the  fasts,  the  tears  of 
faithful  friends,  they  enter,  undoubtedly  before  that 
tune,  into  the  rest  of  the  blessed"  (Homily  xlix,  ed. 
.Mart^ne,  Thes.  Anecd.,  p.  326). 

The  Council  of  Calcuth  (816)  ordained  that  at  a 
bishop's  death  the  bell  of  every  parish  church  should 
call  the  people  together  to  sing  thirty  Psalms  for  the 
<m\\  of  the  departed  (Wilkins,  Concilia,  1, 171).  In  the 
Missal  of  Leofric  (d.  1072)  are  found  special  prayers 
\  aiying  according  to  the  condition  and  sex  of  the  de- 
parted. Archbishop  Theodore  (d.  690),  in  the  peni- 
t'litial  ascribed  to  him,  and  St.  Dunstan  (d.  988),  in 
Ins  "Concordia",  explain  at  length  the  eommemora- 
iicm  of  the  departed  on  the  third,  seventh,  and  thir- 
tieth day  after  death.  The  month's  mind  {numeth's 
nninde)  in  that  age  signified  constant  prayer  for  the 
dead  person  during  the  whole  month  following  his 
decease.  In  every  church  was  kept  a  "Book  of  Life", 
IT  register  of  those  to  be  prayed  for,  and  it  was  read 
at  the  Offertory  of  the  Mass.  "  This  catalogue  was  also 
known  as  the  "  bead-roll "  and  the  prayers  as  "bidding 
the  beads".  The  "death-bill"  was  a  list  of  the  dead 
uliich  was  sent  around  at  stated  times  from  one 
monastery  to  another  as  a  reminder  of  the  agreement 
t ' '  pray  for  the  departed  fellow-members.  These  rolls 
«  ere  sometimes  richly  illustrated,  and  in  pa.ssing  from 
one  religious  house  to  another  they  were  filled  in  with 
\  irses  in  honour  of  the  deceased.  The  laity  also  were 
united  in  the  fellow.ship  of  prayer  for  the  dead  through 
t  he  guilds,  which  were  organized  in  every  parish.  These 
-sociations  enjoined  upon  their  members  various  du- 
^  in  behalf  of  the  departed,  such  as  taking  part  in 
■  burial  services,  offering  the  Mass-penny,  and  giving 
-Istance  to  the  alms-folks,  who  were  summoned  at 
1'  ast  twice  a  day  to  bid  their  beads  at  church  for  the 
<!•  parted  fellows  of  the  guild.  Among  other  good 
wDrks  for  the  dead  may  be  mentioned:  the  "soul- 
sliot",  a  donation  of  money  to  the  church  at  which 
the  funeral  service  took  place,  the  "doles",  i.  e.  alms 
distributed  to  the  poor,  the  sick,  and  the  aged  for  the 
lieiiefit  of  a  friend's  soul;  the  founding  of  chantries 
.  I .  V.)  for  the  support  of  one  or  more  priests  who  were 
I"  offer  Ma.ss  daily  for  the  founder's  .soul;  and  the 
"  certain",  a  smaller  endowment  which  secured  for  the 
donor's  special  benefit  the  recitation  of  the  prayers 
IV.-42 


usually  said  by  the  priest  for  all  the  faithful  departed. 
The  universities  were  often  the  recipients  of  benefac- 
tions, e.  g.  to  their  libraries,  the  terms  of  which  in- 
cluded prayers  for  the  donor's  soul ;  and  these  obliga- 
tions are  set  down  in  the  university  statutes.  These 
various  forms  of  charity  were  practised  not  only  by 
the  common  jjeople  but  also,  and  on  a  very  generous 
scale,  by  the  nobility  and  royalty.  Besides  the  be- 
quests they  made,  they  often  provided  in  their  will 
for  granting  freedom  to  a  certain  number  of  bondmen, 
and  left  lands  to  the  Church  on  condition  that  the 
anniversary  of  their  death  should  be  kept  by  fasting, 
prayer,  and  the  celebration  of  Masses.  For  a  more 
complete  accoimt  see  Lingard,  "History  and  Antiq- 
uities of  the  .\nglo-Saxon  Church",  ch.  ix;  and 
Rock,  "The  Church  of  Our  Fathers"  (London,  1852), 
II,  III. 

Strange  as  it  must  seem  to  any  one  acquainted  with 
the  history  of  Ireland,  various  attempts  have  been 
made  to  prove  that  in  the  early  Irish  Church  the  prac- 
tice of  praying  for  the  dead  was  unknown.  Notable 
among  these  is  LTssher's  "Discourse  of  the  Religion 
ancientlv  professed  by  the  Irish  and  British"  (1631; 
Vol.  IV'of  "Complete  Works",  Dublin,  1864).  Cf. 
Killen,  "The  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ireland"  (Lon- 
don, 1875),  I;  and  Cathcart,  "The  Ancient  British 
and  Irish  Churches  "(London,  1894).  The  weakness 
of  Ussher's  argument  has  been  shown  by  several 
Catholic  writers,  e.  g.  Lanigan,  "Ecclesiastical  His- 
tory of  Ireland"  (Dublin,  1829),  II,  330  sq.,  and 
Brennan,  "Ecclesiastical  History  of  Ireland"  (Dublin, 
1864),  appendix.  More  careful  study  has  convinced 
competent  non-Catholic  writers  also  that  "to  pray  for 
the  dead  was  a  recognized  custom  in  the  ancient 
Celtic  as  in  every  other  portion  of  the  primitive 
Church"  (Warren,  The  Liturgy  and  Ritual  of  the 
Celtic  Church,  Oxford,  1881).  This  statement  is 
borne  out  by  various  documents.  The  Synod  of  St. 
Patrick  ("Synodus  alia  S.  Patricii"in  Wilkins,  "Con- 
cilia") declares,  ch.  vii:  "Hear  the  Apostle  saying: 
'there  is  a  .sin  unto  death;  I  do  not  say  that  for  it 
any  one  do  pray'.  And  the  Lord:  'Do  not  give  the 
holy  to  dogs'.  For  he  who  did  not  deserve  to  receive 
the  Sacrifice  during  his  life,  how  can  it  help  him  after 
his  death?"  The  reference  to  the  custom  of  offering 
Mass  for  the  departed  is  nhvious;  the  synod  discrimi- 
nates between  tliose  wlio  had  observed,  and  those  who 
had  neglected,  the  laws  of  the  Church  concerning  the 
reception  of  the  Eucharist. 

Still  more  explicit  is  the  declaration  found  in  the 
ancient  collection  of  canons  known  as  the  "  Hibemen- 
sis"  (seventh  or  eighth  century):  "Now  the  Church 
offers  to  the  Lord  in  many  ways;  firstly,  for  herself, 
secondly  for  the  Commemoration  of  Jesus  Christ  who 
says,  'Do  this  for  a  comtnemoration  of  me',  and 
thirdly,  for  the  souls  of  the  departed"  (Bk.  II,  eh.  ix; 
Wa.sser.schleben,  "Die  irische  Kanonensammlung", 
2nd  ed.,  Leipzig,  1885).  In  the  fifteenth  book  of  the 
"Hibernensis",  entitled  "On  Care  for  the  Dead", 
there  is  a  first  chapter  "On  the  four  ways  in  which  the 
living  assist  the  dead".  Quoting  from  Origen,  it  is 
said  that  "  the  souls  of  the  departed  are  released  in  four 
ways:  by  the  oblations  of  priests  or  bishops  to  God, 
by  the  prayers  of  Saints,  by  the  alms  of  Christians,  by 
the  fiisting  of  friends".  There  follow  eight  chapters 
entitled:  (2)  On  those  for  whom  we  should  offer;  (3) 
On  sacrificing  for  the  dead;  (4)  On  prayer  for  the 
dead ;  (5)  On  fasting  for  the  dead ;  (6)  On  almsgiving 
for  the  dead;  (7)  On  the  value  of  a  redeemed  soul; 
(8)  On  not  seeking  remi.ssion  after  death  when  it  has 
not  been  sought  for  in  life;  (9)  On  the  care  of  those 
who  have  been  snatched  away  by  sudden  death 
(Wasserschleben,  op.  cit.).  Each  of  these  chapters 
cites  passages  from  the  Fathers — Augustine,  Gregory, 
Jerome — thus  .showing  that  the  Irish  maintained  the 
belief  and  practice  of  the  Early  Church.  That  prayers 
were  to  be  offered  Qiil.V  for  those  who  died  in  the  Faith 


DEAD 


658 


DEAD 


is  evident  from  certain  prescriptions  in  St.  Cummian's 
Penitential  according  to  which  a  bishop  or  abbot  was 
not  to  be  obeyed  if  he  commanded  a  monk  to  sing 
Mass  for  deceased  heretics ;  likewise,  if  it  befell  a  priest 
singing  Mass  that  another,  in  reciting  the  names  of  the 
dead,  included  heretics  with  the  Catholic  departed, 
the  priest,  on  becoming  aware  of  this  was  to  perform  a 
week's  penance.  In  the  Leabhar  Breac,  various  prac- 
tices in  behalf  of  the  faithful  departed  are  commended. 
"There  is  nothing  which  one  does  on  behalf  of  the  soul 
of  him  who  has  died  that  doth  not  help  it,  both  prayer 
on  knees,  and  abstinence  and  singing  requiems  and 
frequent  blessings.  Sons  are  bound  to  do  penance  for 
their  deceased  parents."  (Whitley  Stokes,  Introd.  to 
"Vita  Tripartita").  It  is  not,  then,  surprising  that 
the  Irish  Culdees  of  the  eighth  century  had  as  part  of 
their  duty  to  offer  "intercessions,  in  the  shape  of 
litanies,  on  behalf  of  the  living  and  the  dead"  (Rule 
of  the  Culdees,  ed.  Reeves,  Dubhn,  1864,  p.  242).  The 
old  Irish  civil  law  (Senchus  Mor,  A.  D.  438-441)  pro- 
vided that  the  Church  should  offer  requiem  for  all 
tenants  of  ecclesiastical  lands.  But  no  such  enact- 
ments were  needed  to  stir  up  individual  piety. 

Devotion  to  the  souls  departed  is  a  characteristic 
that  one  meets  continually  in  the  lives  of  the  Irish 
saints.  In  the  life  of  St.  Ita,  written  about  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century,  it  is  related  that  the  soul  of 
her  uncle  was  released  from  purgatory  through  her 
earnest  prayers  and  the  charity  which,  at  her  instance, 
his  eight  sons  bestowed  (Colgan,  Acta  SS.  Hibemise, 
pp.  69-70).  St.  Pulcherius  (Mochoemog),  in  the  sev- 
enth century,  prayed  for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  Ro- 
nan,  a  chieftain  of  Ele,  and  recommended  the  faithful 
to  do  likewise.  In  the  life  of  St.  Brendan,  quoted, 
singularly  enough,  by  Ussher,  we  read,  "that  the 
prayer  of  the  living  doth  profit  much  the  dead".  In 
the  "Acta  S.  Brendani",  edited  by  Cardinal  Moran, 
the  following  prayer  is  given  (p.  39) :  "  Vouchsafe  to 
the  souls  of  my  father  and  mother,  my  brothers,  sis- 
ters, and  relations,  and  of  my  friends,  enemies  and 
benefactors,  living  and  dead,  remission  of  all  their 
sins,  and  particularly  those  persons  for  whom  I  have 
undertaken  to  pray." 

At  the  death  of  St.  Columbanus  (615),  his  disciple, 
St.  Gall,  said:  "After  this  night's  watch,  I  understood 
by  a  vision  that  my  master  and  father,  Columbanus, 
to-day  departed  out  of  the  miseries  of  this  life  into  the 
joys  of  paradise.  For  his  repose,  therefore,  the  sacri- 
fice of  salvation  ought  to  be  offered";  and  "at  a 
signal  from  the  bell  [the  brethren]  entered  the  oratory, 
prostrated  themselves  in  prayer  and  began  to  say 
masses  and  to  offer  earnest  petitions  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  blessed  Columbanus"  (Walafrid  Strabo, 
Vita  B  Galli,  I,  Cap.  xxvi).  Cathcart  (op.  cit.,  332) 
cites  only  the  words  narrating  the  vision,  and  says: 
"they  show  conclusively  that  heaven  was  the  imme- 
diate home  after  death  of  all  the  early  Christians  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland."  But  the  truth  is  that 
praying  for  the  dead  was  a  traditional  part  of  the  relig- 
ious life.  Thus,  when  St.  Gall  himself  died,  a  bishop 
who  was  his  intimate  friend  offered  the  Holy  Sacrifice 
for  him — "pro  carissimo  salutares  hostias  immolavit 
amico"  (ibid.,  ch.  xxx).  The  same  is  recorded  of  St. 
Columba  when  he  learned  of  the  death  of  Columbanus 
of  Leinster  (Adamnan,  Vita  S.  Col.,  Ill,  12).  These 
facts  are  the  more  significant  because  they  show  that 
prayers  were  offered  even  for  those  who  had  been 
models  of  holy  living.  Other  evidences  are  furnished 
in  donations  to  monasteries,  ancient  inscriptions  on 
gravestones,  and  the  requests  for  prayers  with  which 
the  writers  of  manuscripts  closed  their  volumes. 
These  and  the  like  pious  practices  were  after  all  but 
other  means  of  expressing  what  the  faithful  heard 
day  by  day  at  the  memento  for  the  dead  in  the  Mass, 
when  prayer  was  offered  for  those  "who  have  gone 
before  us  with  the  sign  of  faith  and  rest  in  the  sleep 
of  peace"  (Stowe  Missal).     (See  Salmon,  "The  An- 


cient Irish  Church",  Dublin,  1897;  Bellesheun, 
"Gesch.  d.  katholischen  Kirche  in  Irland",  Mainz, 
1890,  I,  and  bibhography  there  given.) 

In  addition  to  works  mentioned  in  the  text  see,  among  theo- 
logians: Bellarmine,  De  Purgatorio,  Bk.  II;  Perrone,  Pt(e- 
leclionf^  Theol.,  De  Deo  CreatoTe,  n.  683  sq.;  Ju.ngmann,  De 
Nov'ssimis,  n.  104  sq^,  Chr.  Pesch.  Prtelecliones  Dogmat., 
IX,  n.  607  sq.;  also  Bernard  and  BouR,  Communion  des 
Sainis  in  Diet,  de  theologie  caih. ;  Gibbons,  The  Faith  of  Out 
Fathers  (Baltimore,  1871),  xvi.  To  the  historical  authori- 
ties mentioned  shotlld  be  added  .\tzberger,  Geschichte  der 
ehristlichen  Eschatologie  innerhalh  der  vomienmschen  Zeit  (Frei- 
burg im  Br.,  1896).  Cf.  also  Oxenham,  Catholic  Eschatology 
(2nd  ed.,  London,  1878),  ii;  and  among  .\ngUcans,  LrcKOCK, 
After  Death  (new  ed.,  London,  1898),  Part  I;  and  Plumpthe. 
The  Spirits  in  Prison  and  other  Studies  on  the  Life  after  Death 
(popular  ed.,  London,  1905),  ix. 

P.  J.  Toner. 

Dead,  Resitrrection  of  the.  See  Resurrec- 
tion. 

Dead,  Service  for  the.     See  Burial;  Requiem. 

Dead  Sea,  the  name  given  to  the  lake  that  lies  on 
the  south-eastern  border  of  Palestine.  The  Old  Testa- 
ment makes  frequent  reference  to  it  under  a  variety  of 
titles;  once  only,  however,  by  its  present  one.  The 
Vulgate's  rendering  of  Josue  (iii,  16)  reads,  mare 
soliiudinis  {quod  nunc  vacatur  Mortuum)  translated 
in  the  D.  V.  "the  sea  of  the  wilderness  (which  now 
is  called  the  Dead  Sea)".  In  the  Hebrew  Bible  the 
verse  reads  DTOrTD'  n3"lj?n  D'l  and  in  the  Septua- 
gint  TT)!/  0a\aauav  'Apa/Sd,  BiXaaaav  d\6s,  which  the 
A.  V.  gives  thus:  "towards  the  sea  of  the  plain,  even 
the  salt  sea";  and  the  R.  V.,  "the  sea  of  the  Arabah, 
even  the  salt  sea".  In  Joel  (ii,  20)  the  prophet 
speaks  of  "the  east  sea";  and  the  apocryphal  Fourth 
Book  of  Esdras  (v,  7)  speaks  of  the  mare  Sodomiti- 
cum. — the  Sodomitish  ,Sea.  Joseph  us,  Pliny,  and  other 
profane  writers,  among  other  names,  called  it  the 
Lake  of  Asphalt;  'Acn^aXTiTis  Xlfivrj  and  Locus  Asphal- 
tites.  The  present-day  inhabitants  of  its  vicinity  call 
it  Bahr  Lut — the  Sea  of  Lot. 

ITie  Dead  Sea  is  the  final  link  of  the  chain  of  rivers 
and  lakes  that  lies  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan.  Tak- 
ing its  rise  on  the  southern  slopes  of  Mt.  Hermon,  the 
Jordan  in  its  southern  course  first  spreads  out  into 
Lake  Merom,  emerging  from  which  it  flows  into  the 
Lake  of  Tiberias,  whence  it  descends  into  the  Dead 
Sea.  To  convey  a  proper  idea  of  the  size  and  shape  of 
the  Dead  Sea  travellers  often  compare  it  to  the  Lake 
of  Geneva.  The  resemblance  between  the  two  is 
striking  in  almost  every  particular.  The  great  lake  of 
the  Holy  Land  is  forty-seven  miles  long  and  about  ten 
miles  across  at  its  T^idest  part.  Its  area  is  approxi- 
mately 360  square  miles.  The  surface  of  the  water  is 
1292  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Mediterranean,  which 
is  only  a  few  miles  to  the  west.  This  extraordinary 
feature  alone  singles  out  the  Dead  Sea  from  all  other 
bodies  of  water.  A  low-ljHng  peninsula  about  ten 
miles  wide,  called  el-Lisan,  "the  tongue",  which  runs 
out  from  the  south-eastern  shore  to  within  three  miles 
of  the  opposite  shore,  divides  the  sea  into  two  unequal 
parts.  The  northern  and  larger  part  is  very  deep, 
reaching  at  one  point  a  depth  of  1310  feet.  The 
southern  bay  is,  on  the  contrarj',  very  shallow,  aver- 
aging hardly  a  depth  of  thirteen  feet.  In  two  places 
it  is  possible  to  cross  from  the  peninsula  to  the  oppo- 
site shore  by  means  of  two  fords  which  are  known 
to  the  Arabs. 

The  water  in  the  Dead  Sea  is  salt.  Every  day  the 
Jordan  and  other  affluents  pour  into  it  over  six  and 
one  half  million  tons  of  fresh  water.  There  is,  how- 
ever, no  outlet  to  the  ocean,  and  the  sole  agent  where- 
by this  increase  is  disposed  of  is  evaporation.  The 
power  of  the  sun's  rays  in  this  great  pit  is,  however,  so 
intense  that  save  for  a  small  fluctuation  between  the 
wet  and  dry  seasons,  the  level  of  the  sea  does  not 
change,  despite  the  great  volume  that  is  added  to  it. 
In  the  water  that  remains  after  evaporation  solid  mat- 
ters make  up  26  per  cent  of  the  whole;  7  per  (jent  be- 


DEAF 


659 


DEAN 


ing  chloride  of  sodium  (common  salt),  the  rest  being 
chiefly  chlorides  of  magnesium,  calcium,  and  deriva- 
tives of  broniium.  The  chloride  of  magnesium  gives 
the  water  a  verj-  loathsome  taste;  the  chloride  of  cal- 
cium an  oily  appearance.  The  specific  gravity  of  the 
water  is  1.166.  The  presence  of  so  much  salt  explains 
well  the  weird  name  of  the  sea,  since  save  for  a  few 
microbes,  no  organic  life  can  exist  in  it.  Even  fish 
from  the  ocean  perish  when  put  into  it.  The  human 
body  will  not  sink  below  the  surface.  Bathing,  how- 
ever, in  the  Dead  Sea  can  hardly  be  styled  a  pleasure, 
as  the  water  is  verj'  irritating  to  the  skin  and  eyes. 
There  is,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  no  foundation  for  the 
statement  sometimes  made,  that  birds  cannot  fly 
across  the  water,  as  occasionally  sea-birds  can  be  seen 
resting  on  its  surface.  From  time  to  time  large  quan- 
tities of  bitumen  rise  to  the  surface  from  the  bottom. 
Bitimien  is  also  found  along  the  shores  and  is  referred 
to  in  Genesis  (xiv,  10)  where  it  speaks  of  the  puteos 
multos  biiuminis — "many  pits  of  slime".  This  fea- 
ture caused  the  ancients  to  speak  of  the  sea  as  the 
"Lake  of  Asphalt". 

The  Dead  Sea  is  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament 
mostly  as  a  boundary.  Its  formation  comes  into  dis- 
cussion in  the  Book  of  Genesis  (xiv,  .3)  where,  speak- 
ing of  the  kings  against  whom  Chodorlahomor  fought, 
the  text  says:  "All  these  came  together  into  the 
woodland  vale,  which  is  now  the  salt  sea".  Accord- 
ing to  the  geologists  who  have  explored  the  region,  the 
formation  of  this  depression  of  the  earth's  surface 
does  not  date  from  any  historical  period,  but  from  the 
later  tertiary  or  early  quaternary  period.  Their  the- 
ory is  that  at  some  remote  time  the  western  part  of 
this  region,  owing  to  some  profound  disturbance  of  the 
strata,  sank  far  below  the  eastern  part,  thus  causing 
the  great  dissimilarity  of  the  strata  of  the  two  sides  of 
the  sea.  Besides  this,  the  beds  of  gypsum,  marl,  flint, 
and  alluvium  found  at  different  heights  all  along  the 
Jordan  valley  indicate  at  that  one  t  ime  the  entire  valley, 
from  the  Lake  of  Tiberias  to  the  Dead  Sea,  was  a  lake. 
Just  what  were  the  conditions  at  the  time  of  the  de- 
struction of  Sodom  and  Gomorrha  is  only  a  matter  of 
conjecture.  But  the  words  of  the  text,  taken  as  they 
stand,  prove  that  in  the  great  catastrophe  there  was  an 
inundation  from  the  sea.  The  mooted  question  as  to 
the  sites  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrha  does  not  properly 
enter  into  this  article. 

It  is  a  very  strange  sight  that  this  region  presents  to 
the  eye,  especially  when  seen  from  some  height.  On 
the  eastern  and  western  sides  great  mountains  rise  up 
in  some  places  sheer  from  the  water.  To  the  north, 
the  silvery  Une  of  the  Jordan  can  be  traced  as  far  as 
the  eye  can  reach.  To  the  south,  the  hills  of  solid  salt, 
called  Jebel  Usdum — Mt.  Sodom — and,  on  a  clear  day, 
mountains  close  to  the  Red  Sea  may  be  seen.  Now 
all  is  deserted  and  dead.  No  vegetation  or  sign  of 
human  occupation  greets  the  traveller.  In  other  days 
the  scene  was  different.  Vessels  plied  the  surface  of 
the  sea  and  many  people  lived  near  its  shores.  The 
prophecies  of  Esechiel  (xlvii)  and  of  Zacharies  (xiv, 
8)  give  one  subject  of  thought  on  the  scene  here 
when  the  hfe-giving  streams  pouring  forth  from  the 
Temple  will  have  transformed  it  anew. 

Smith,  Hist.  Geog.  of  the  Holy  Land  (London,  1S95);  Bull, 
Memoir  on  the  Physical  Geology  and  Geography  of  Arabia  Petrtea, 
Palenline,  etc.  (London.  1886,  Mount  Seir.  1889);  Lynch,  Nar- 
Ttttive  of  the  U.  S.  Expedition  to  .  .  .  the  Dead  Sea  (Washington, 
1849) ;  Official  Report  of  the  U.  S.  Expedition,  etc.  (Washington, 

BDE  LcTNES.  Voyage  d'  Exploration  A  la  Mer  Morte 
;  Lartet.  Geologic,  in  Vol.  Ill  of  the  collection  of  Due  de 
_  s;  DE  Saclct.  i'oyage  aulour  de  la  Mer  Morte  (1853); 
Tristram,  The  Land  of  Israel  (London.  1882);  ViooRonx, 
Manuel  Biblique  (Paris.  1901).  I.  678;  Lea  Livres  Saints  et  la 
erilique  ratiortaliste,  5th  ed.,  IV,  311;  Gadtier  in  Ency.  Bib- 
lictt,  I,  col.  10i2. 

Joseph  V.  Molloy. 

Deaf,  Education  of  the.  See  Education  of 
THE  Deaf. 

Deambulatory.     See  Ambulatory. 


Dean  (Gk.  5^/co,  ten ;  Lat.  decanus),  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal administrative  officials  of  a  diocese.  The  term 
was  first  used  to  denote  a  military  officer  having  au- 
thority over  ten  soldiers ;  in  the  fourth  century  it  came 
to  be  used  as  a  title  for  certain  minor  officials  in  the 
imperial  household.  A  completely  civil  aspect  was 
given  to  the  office  in  Anglo-Saxon  times  in  England, 
the  dean  having  jurisdiction  within  his  district  or 
tithing  for  trials  of  first  instance. 

In  the  monastic  life  we  find  the  term  used  by  St. 
Benedict  (Rule,  c.  xxi)  to  denote  a  monk  who  was 
placed  over  ten  other  monks,  his  duty  being  to  see  that 
their  work  was  properly  done  and  that  they  observed 
the  rules  of  the  liouse  in  which  they  were  living.  The 
custom  which  the  monks  thus  introduced  soon  found 
its  counterpart  in  diocesan  pastoral  work.  The  early 
Christian  communities  were  always  desirous  of  uniting 
themselves  to  the  urban  bishop,  but  for  people  who 
lived  far  away  from  the  city  communication  with  the 
bishop  was  not  always  easy;  hence  they  were  provided 
for  by  the  appointment  of  a  priest  or  deacon  whose 
position  was  sometimes  permanent,  sometimes  tem- 
porary. These  ecclesiastics  were  merely  assistants  to 
the  bishop  and  in  the  early  fourth  centurj'  became 
known  as  chorepiscopi.  Special  decrees  were  made 
concerning  them  at  the  Councils  of  Ancyra  (.314)  and 
Antioch  (341).  The  chorepiscopi,  though  frequently 
having  the  charge  of  several  parishes,  were  neverthe- 
less always  subject  to  the  bishop  of  the  city  from 
whom  they  received  their  jurisdiction.  They  could 
only  confer  minor  orders.  Most  of  them  were  simple 
priests,  but  they  had  extensive  faculties.  (See  Gill- 
mann,  "Die  Chorbischofe  im  Orient",  Munich,  1903.) 
For  the  East  the  office  of  chorepiscopus  was  abolished 
at  the  Council  of  Laodicea  (between  343  and  381)  be- 
cause episcopal  rights  had  been  usurped  by  many  who 
held  the  office;  in  their  place  (can.  Ivii)  were  substi- 
tuted circuitores,  visiiatores.  But  it  was  only  in  and 
after  the  eighth  century  that  it  finally  disappeared  in 
the  East,  though  yet  customary  among  the  Jacobites. 
In  the  West,  dm-ing  and  after  the  tenth  century,  there 
appeared  another  representative  officer,  the  arch- 
deacon, who  took  the  chief  burden  in  administering 
the  temporal  affairs  of  the  diocese  and  enjoyed,  after 
the  bishop,  the  greatest  consideration.  He  was  pres- 
ent at  councils  as  the  representative  of  the  bishop,  and 
on  the  death  of  the  bishop  he  became  the  administra- 
tor of  the  diocese,  to  which  he  usually  succeeded. 

The  immediate  administrative  necessities  of  the 
numerous  rural  parishes  were  provided  for  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  several  archpriests,  who  represented 
either  the  bishop  or  the  archdeacon,  and  were  origi- 
nally the  priests  having  charge  of  baptismal  churches. 
In  the  West,  after  the  restoration  of  the  vita  canonica 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighth  century,  their  number 
and  influence  grew.  They  were  charged  with  the  su- 
pervision of  ecclesiastical  life  and  conduct,  with  the 
execution  of  episcopal  commands,  and  were  wont  to 
convoke  more  or  less  frequently  the  clergy  of  their 
district  (capitula  ruralia,  concilia,  calenda:).  They 
made  a  yearly  report  to  the  bishop.  It  is  to  these 
ancient  offices  that  the  modern  dean  has  succeeded 
(see  Sagmijller,  Entwickelung  des  Archipresbyterats, 
1898).  There  are  at  present  two  classes  of  deans: 
deans  of  chapters  (cathedral  or  collegiate)  and 
deans  of  parochial  districts.  The  latter  act  as  repre- 
sentatives of  the  bishop  in  certain  matters,  as  heads 
of  aggregations  of  parishes,  either  urban  or  rural. 
The  dean  is  also  known  by  the  name  of  vicar  forane 
{ncarius  foraneus) . 

Rural  Deans. — In  the  Catholic  Church  it  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  dean  has  only  delegated  jurisdiction, 
restricted  to  a  particular  area  and  to  certain  matters 
specified  by  the  bishop.  His  powers  are  generally 
determined  by  the  diocesan  statutes,  by  custom,  or  by 
special  mandate  of  the  bishop.  In  countries  where 
canon  law  is  in  full  force,  deans  have  power  to  dis- 


DEAN 


660 


DEATH 


pense  and  absolve  in  certain  cases.  They  can  also  in- 
stitute an  inquiry  or  informative  process  to  be  after- 
wards transmitted  to  the  bishop.  Furthermore,  they 
are  to  see  that  the  churches  in  their  district  are  well- 
ordered  both  in  spiritual  and  in  temporal  affairs,  and 
they  can  grant  leave  of  absence  to  priests  for  short 
periods.  They  also  have  charge  of  the  solemn  instal- 
lation of  parish  priests,  care  for  them  in  grave  illness, 
and  provide  for  their  decent  burial.  They  possess 
also,  in  some  places,  certain  honorarj'  rights,  e.  g.  pre- 
cedence, and  occasionally  some  distinction  in  dress. 
In  countries  where  canon  law  is  not  in  full  vigour  the 
powers  and  rights  of  rural  deans  vary  greatly ;  in  fact, 
each  diocese  may  be  said  to  have  its  own  peculiar  cus- 
toms and  regulations.  In  some  English  dioceses  the 
deans  merely  preside  at  the  monthly  conference;  in 
others  the  bishop  gives  them  faculties  to  dispense  in 
certain  cases,  and  they  have  care  of  the  temporalities 
of  the  churches  in  their  districts  when  there  is  a  change 
of  rector.  In  Ireland  the  deans  can  grant  certain  dis- 
pensations, and  absolve  from  reserved  sins ;  they  also 
have  to  guard  against  the  growth  of  abuses  among 
the  clergy.  They  transmit  to  the  clergj'  the  orders  of 
the  bishop  and  render  to  him  an  annual  account  as  to 
the  state  of  the  parishes  in  their  care.  Quite  similar 
are  the  provisions  of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of 
Baltimore  (cap.  iv,  nos.  27-30)  for  the  office  of  dean  in 
the  United  States. 

Deans  of  Chapters. — Tlie  first  dignitary  of  a  chapter 
is  variously  styled.  Sometimes  he  is  called  archdea- 
con, or  archpriest ;  in  other  places  he  is  called  the  pro- 
vost or  dean.  The  office  is  in  the  appointment  of  the 
pope.  The  dean  takes  precedence  of  all  the  other 
members  of  the  chapter  in  choir  and  processions  and 
other  similar  functions,  and  also  during  the  capitular 
deliberations.  His  rights  or  prerogatives  are  to  cele- 
brate Mass  when  the  bishop  is  prevented  from  so 
doing.  He  also  administers  the  last  sacraments  to  the 
ordinary  and  celebrates  the  funeral  Mass.  During 
Divine  Office  he  gives  the  signal  to  commence  etc., 
and  he  also  corrects  mistakes  and  remedies  abuses  at 
variance  with  the  diocesan  decrees  and  local  approved 
custom.  He  is  bound  to  be  present  in  choir  and  to 
give  a  good  example  to  the  chapter,  both  in  his  be- 
haviour and  in  the  manner  in  which  he  recites  or  sings 
the  various  portions  of  the  Divine  liturgy. 

In  modem  Catholic  universities  the  dean  is  an  officer 
chosen  by  the  professors  of  his  faculty  to  represent 
them  as  a  body,  to  preside  over  their  meetings,  and 
to  supervise  the  regularity  of  the  ordinary  academic 
exercises.  His  authority  is  based  partly  on  the  papal 
documents  of  foundation,  partly  on  the  enactments  of 
the  university  authorities,  and  partly  on  custom. 

The  following  are  the  decanal  offices  now  existing  in 
the  Church  of  England ;  honorary  deans,  e.  g.  the  dean 
of  the  Chapels  Royal;  dean  of  peculiars,  i.  e.  having 
jurisdiction  but  no  cure  of  souls;  provincial  dean,  an 
office  always  held  by  the  (Protestant)  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don; deans  of  chapters,  who  rule  over  the  canons  of 
cathedral  or  collegiate  churches,  and  are  bound  to  be 
in  residence  for  eight  months  in  the  year;  rural  deans 
who  act  as  deputies  for  the  bishop  or  archdeacon.  In 
the  English  universities  (Cambridge,  Oxford),  the  dean 
has  the  care  of  the  discipline  of  the  college  and  the  ar- 
ranging of  the  chapel  services. 

(See  also  Akchdeacon;  Archpriest;  Deacon; 
Vicar-Gener.^l.  For  the  office  of  Dean  of  the  Sacred 
College,  see  Cardinal.) 

Bahgiluat,  Prwlect.  Jut.  eccl.  (24th  ed..  Paris,  1907); 
Deshates,  Memento  Juris  eccl.  (Paris,  1897);  Thomassin, 
Vetua  ac  nova  ecc.  discipL.  Ill,  lib.  II;  Benedict  XIV,  De 
syriodo  diacesand,  III,  3;  Bouis,  De  capitulis  (Paris,  1862); 
Wernz,  Jus  decrelalium,  II,  1013  sqq.;  von  Scherer,  Hand- 
buch  d.  KirchenrechU  (Graz,  1886),  I,  618-22;  Rev.  cath.  de 
Louvain,  18(53,  III;  Phillimore,  Ea:l.  Laws  of  the  Church  of 
England  (London,  1873).  See  the  Ada  el  Decreta  of  the  Synods 
of  Westminster.  Maynooth  (1900),  the  Third  Plenary  Council 
of  Baltimore  (18841.  and  the  important  .\ets  of  the  Roman 
Council  of  1725;  Canon  Law,  Rural  Deans  in  Am.  Eccl.  Rev. 
(Philadelphia,  1890).  90-97.  David   DunfORD. 


Dean,  Rural.     See  Dean. 

Dean,  William,  Venerable,  b.  in  Yorkshire,  Eng- 
land, date  uncertain,  martyred  28  .\ugust,  1588.  He 
studied  at  Reims  andwas  ordained  priest  atSoissons,  21 
December,  1581,  together  with  the  martyrs  George 
Haydock  and  Robert  Nutter.  Their  ordination  coin- 
cided with  the  time  that  the  news  of  Campion's  martyr- 
dom reached  the  college.  Dean  said  his  first  Mass  9  Jan- 
uary and  left  for  England  25  January,  1581.  He  is 
called  by  Champney  "a  man  distinguished  by  the  sound- 
ness of  his  morals  and  learning".  He  was  banished 
W'ith  a  number  of  other  prie.sts  in  1585,  put  ashore  on  the 
coast  of  Normandy,  and  threatened  with  death  if  he 
dared  to  go  back  to  England.  Nevertheless  he  quickly 
returned  to  his  labours  there  and  w-as  again  arrested, 
tried,  and  condemned  for  his  priesthood,  22  August, 
1 588.  The  failure  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  in  spite  of  the 
loyalty  manifested  by  English  Catholics  at  that  crisis, 
brought  about  a  fierce  persecution  and  some  twenty- 
seven  martyrs  suffered  that  year.  Six  new  gibbets  were 
erected  in  London,  it  is  said  at  Leicester's  instigation, 
and  Dean,  who  had  been  condemned  with  five  other 
priests  and  four  laymen,  was  the  first  to  suffer  on  the  gal- 
lows erected  at  Mile  End.  With  him  suffered  a  layman, 
the  Venerable  Henry  Webley,  for  relieving  and  assist- 
ing him.  At  the  martyrdom  Dean  tried  to  speak  to 
the  people,  "  but  his  mouth  was  stopped  by  some  that 
were  in  the  cart,  in  such  a  violent  manner  that  they 
were  like  to  have  prevented  the  hangman  of  his 
wages".  Seven  martyrs  suffered  on  the  same  day. 
Leicester  died  on  5  September,  within  a  week  of  their 
execution. 

Challoxer.  Missionary  Priests  (1741),  I,  209;  Stow.  An- 
nates (1615),  749;  Douay  Diaries:  MoRRis,  Troubles  of  Our 
Catholic  Forefathers,  II,  72,  156,  157. 

Bede  Camm. 
Deanery.     See  Dean. 

Dease,  Thomas,  b.  in  Ireland,  1568;  d.  at  Galway, 
1651.  He  sprang  from  an  ancient  Irish  family  atone 
time  possessing  considerable  landed  property  in  Cavan 
and  Westmeath.  In  youth  he  acquired  some  profi- 
ciency in  the  Irish  language,  in  which  language  he 
wrote  some  poems.  Having  determined  to  become  a 
priest,  he  proceeded  to  Paris,  where  after  ordination 
he  spent  the  first  years  of  his  priesthood.  During  this 
time  he  became  rector  of  the  Irish  Seminary,  the  pre- 
cursor of  the  present  Irish  College.  In  1622  he  was 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Meath,  returning  to  Ireland  the 
same  year.  In  spite  of  persecution  and  penal  laws  he 
continued  loyal  to  England  and  preached  loyalty  to 
his  flock.  He  regarded  with  disfavour  the  Confedera- 
tion of  Kilkenny,  and  resisted  all  the  arguments  and 
entreaties  of  the  primate  to  join  it.  This  conduct 
l^rought  him  toleration,  if  not  favour,  from  the  Gov- 
ernment, though  it  made  him  unpopular  with  his 
Catholic  fellow-countrymen.  And  it  specially  an- 
noyed the  nuncio,  Rinuccini,  who  charged  him  with 
having  sown  the  seeds  of  enmity  between  the-  Con- 
federate generals  Preston  and  O'Neill.  The  news  of 
Dease's  death  was  therefore  received,  in  1648,  by  the 
nuncio  with  little  regret.  But  the  news  turned  out 
false,  and  the  nuncio  writing  to  Rome  reported  that 
the  bishop  still  lived  "to  try  the  patience  of  the 
good". 

Brady,  Episcopal  Succession  (Rome,  1S76);  Meehan.  Irish 
Hierarchy  in  the  Seventeenth  Century  (DubHn,  1872);  Gilbert. 
History  of  Irish  Affairs  (Dublin,  1880);  Boyle,  The  Irish  Col- 
lege in  Paris  (Dublin,  1901);  Hdtton,  The  Embassy  to  Ireland 
(Dublin.  1873). 

E.  A.  D 'Alton. 

Death,  Prepar.^tion  for. — Spiritual  writers  are 
as  one  in  declaring  that  ordinarily  the  only  adequate 
preparation  for  death  is  a  righteous  life.  It  is  a  com- 
monplace with  them  that  the  tendency  to  think  of  this 
preparation  as  a  set  exercise  without  much,  if  any, 
reference  to  one's  previous  career  represents  a  miser- 
able error.     There  is  no  way,  of  course,  to  conibat  the 


i 


DEATH 


661 


DEATH 


M^- 


jlnv. 


obviousness  of  this  position.  Nevertheless,  in  what 
follows  here  we  are  contemplating  that  array  of  ac- 
tions, mental  and  moral  attitudes,  ministrations,  etc. 
which  are  commonly  rated  as  the  pro.\imate  making 
ready  for  the  coming  of  the  supreme  moment.  No 
matter  how  carcfullj'  conformed  to  the  law  of  God  and 
the  precepts  of  the  Church  one's  life  may  have  been, 
no  Christian  will  want  to  enter  eternity  without  some 
immediate  forearming  against  the  terrors  of  that  last 
passage.  We  shall  deal  first  with  the  case  of  those 
to  whom  the  dread  summons  comes  after  an  illness 
which  has  not  bereft  them  of  consciousness.  The 
Roman  Ritual  is  explicit  in  its  injunction  to  the  pastor 
to  hasten  to  the  bedside  of  the  sick  person  at  the  first 
intimation  that  one  of  his  flock  is  ill.  This  he  is  to  do 
without  even  waiting  for  an  invitation:  "Cum  pri- 
nunn  noverit  querapiam  e.K  fidelibus  curce  sua?  com- 
missis  cegrotare,  non  exspectabit  ut  ad  cum  vocetur, 
sed  ultro  ad  eum  accedat"  (I,  cap.  iv).  Indeed,  it  is 
impossible  to  unduly  accentuate  the  importance  of 
this  timely  coming  of  the  priest  to  offer  opportune 
spiritual  succours  to  the  one  who  is  ill.  Practically, 
in  the  actual  conditions  of  modern  life,  it  must  often 
happen  that  the  priest  can  only  know  of  this  need  for 
his  services  through  information  furnished  by  the  rela- 
tives or  friends  of  the  sick  person.  They,  therefore, 
have  a  very  definite  obligation  in  this  matter.  Too 
often  there  is  a  mistaken  interpretation  of  the  claims 
of  affection  or,  even  worse,  a  weakly  surrender  to  a 
lamentable  human  respect,  and  so  the  minister  of 
God  is  sent  for,  if  at  all,  only  when  the  patient  is  un- 
conscious, and  death  is  imminent.  For  the  Catholic 
Christian,  getting  ready  for  death  is  not  simply  the 
being  submitted  passively  to  the  administration  of 
certain  religious  rites.  It  is,  as  far  as  may  be,  the 
conscious,  deliberate  employment  of  prayer;  the  form- 
ing or  deepening  of  a  special  temper  of  soul  and  ac- 
ceptance of  such  sacramental  help  as  will  fit  the 
human  spirit  to  appear  with  some  confidence  before 
its  Judge.  Hence  the  failure  to  call  the  clergyman  in 
time  may,  far  from  being  an  exhibition  of  tenderness 
or  consideration,  be  the  most  irreparable  of  cruelties. 
To  be  sure  it  is  not  always  necessary  that  the  patient 
should  be  told  that  his  case  is  past  remedy;  even  when 
the  approach  of  death  is  fairly  discernible,  and  even 
when  such  distressing  infonnation  must  for  any  reason 
be  conveyed,  there  is  room  for  the  exercise  of  a  great 
deal  of  prudence  and  tact.  It  may  be  that  the  sick 
person  will  have  important  affairs  to  set  in  order,  and 
that  a  hint  of  the  probability  of  a  fatal  issue  of  his 
illness  will  be  the  only  adecjuate  stimulus  to  quicken 
him  into  a  discharge  of  his  obligations.  In  such 
instances  it  may  be  not  only  a  kindness  but  a  duty 
to  impart  such  knowledge  straightforwardly,  but 
gently.  It  is  plain  that  a  special  measure  of  delicacy 
IS  necessary  when  this  oflice  falls  to  the  attending 
priest  to  perform.  Beyond  question  it  is  of  para- 
mount importance  that  all  such  matters  as  the  dis- 
position of  temporalities,  payment  of  debts,  satisfac- 
tion of  burdens  of  restitution,  etc.  should  have  been 
settled  so  as  to  leave  an  undivided  attention  for  the 
momentous  considerations  which  are  to  engage  the 
mind  of  the  one  who  is  presently  to  pass  through  the 
portals  of  death  into  eternity. 

So  far  as  priestly  assistance  goes  the  first  step  in  the 
process  of  preparation  for  death  is  the  receiving  of  the 
patient's  confession  and  the  conferring  of  sacramental 
absolution.  Indeed,  inasmuch  as  it  offers  the  ordinary 
means  of  reconciliation  with  God,  it  is  the  most  indis- 
Jiensable  factor  in  helping  the  soul  to  qualify  for  its 
departure  from  the  body.  The  Roman  Ritual  (I,  cap. 
iv,  8)  indicates  that  the  priest  is  to  draw  upon  all  the 
resources  of  his  prudence  and  charity  in  order  to  ob- 
tain a  confession  from  the  sick  person,  even  though 
the  danger  apprehended  be  as  yet  remote.  The  con- 
fession need  not  necessarily  be  of  the  sort  that  is 
described  as  general,  unless,  of  course,  the  reasons 


exist  that  would  make  it  obligatory  at  any  other  time 
of  life  as  well.  It  will  often  be  useful  where,  with  due 
regard  to  the  remaining  strength  of  the  stricken  peni- 
tent, it  is  possible  to  make,  at  least  in  some  sense,  this 
general  avowal  of  the  sins  of  one's  life.  Whether  there 
be  question  of  a  general  confession  or  merely  the  ordi- 
nary one,  the  clergyman  has  often  to  remember  that 
in  this  trying  juncture  the  Divine  precept  exacting 
entirety  in  the  recital  of  offenses  admits  of  more  than 
usually  benignant  interpretation.  Where  the  person 
is  incapable  of  sustained  mental  effort  without  serious 
prejudice  to  his  failing  powers,  the  priest  need  give 
himself  no  scruple  about  being  satisfied  with  incom- 
plete, or  less  specific,  forms  of  accusation.  The  law 
of  integrity  is  not  to  be  rigorously  urged  under  such 
circumstances.  Even  when  nothing  but  the  most 
general  acknowledgment  of  one's  sinful  condition  can 
be  obtained,  it  is  incontrovertible  that  in  the  premises 
this  is  a  valid  substitute  for  a  more  detailed  confes- 
sion. After  the  confession  comes  the  reception  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist  as  viaticum  (per  modum  viatici). 
"Sacred  writers",  according  to  the  Catechism  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  "called  it  'the  Viaticum',  as  well 
because  it  is  the  spiritual  bread  by  which  we  are  sup- 
ported in  our  mortal  pilgrimage,  as  also  because  it 
prepares  for  us  a  passage  to  eternal  glory  and  happi- 
ness." The  concordant  teaching  of  theologians,  as 
well  as  the  inference  from  the  uniform  discipline  of  the 
Church,  is  that  there  is  a  Divine  precept  binding  one 
to  receive  the  Holy  Eucharist  when  in  danger  of  death. 
At  this  time  the  communicant  is  exempted  from  the 
traditional  natural  fast.  The  Council  of  Constance 
witnesses  to  the  custom  of  the  Church  in  this  matter, 
and  the  Roman  Ritual  (I,  cap.  iv,  4)  says:  "potest 
quidem  Viaticum  brevi  morituris  dari  non  jejunis". 
This  privilege  may  be  enjoyed  repeatedly  by  the  dying 
person  during  the  illness.  Strictly  speaking,  it  is  not 
extended  to  persons  whose  danger  of  death  comes 
from  a  cause  other  than  sickness,  such  ;is  soldiers 
about  to  engage  in  battle  or  criminals  about  to  be 
executed.  Still,  even  they,  as  appears  from  a  declara- 
tion of  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Propaganda,  21 
July,  1841,  may  receive  the  Viaticum  even  though 
they  are  not  fasting,  if  they  find  any  considerable 
difficulty  in  observing  the  law.  So  far  as  is  possible, 
nothing  should  be  omitted  which  can  help  to  confer 
upon  the  administration  of  the  Viaticum  becoming 
solemnity.  This  is  all  the  more  desirable  in  that 
sometimes  the  demeanor  of  those  who  are  present  on 
such  occasions,  and  even  of  the  sick  person,  is  not 
such  as  to  betray  any  very  alert  sense  of  the  Presence 
that  has  come  to  hallow  this  last  stage  of  life's  journey. 
It  is  needless  to  add  that  whatever  the  enlightened 
zeal  of  the  priest  or  the  careful  piety  of  the  bystanders 
can  suggest  ought  to  be  done  to  awaken  in  the  com- 
municant a  special  degree  of  fervour,  a  more  than 
ordinarily  penetrating  faith  and  ardent  love  on  the 
occasion  of  what  may  be  his  final  eating  of  the  Bread 
of  Life. 

There  follows  the  Sacrament  of  Extreme  Unction, 
or  anointing,  as  it  is  popularly  designated.  Here  the 
clergyman  may  find  himself  confronted  with  prej- 
udices which  in  spite  of  reiterated  explanations  seem 
to  have  an  extraordinary  vitality.  His  announce- 
ment that  he  purposes  to  anoint  the  sick  person  is 
often  accepted  by  the  patient  and  his  friends  as  the 
reading  of  the  death-warrant.  It  is  necessary  to  point 
out  that  the  Sacrament  of  Extreme  Unction  gives 
health  not  only  to  the  soul,  but  also  sometimes  to  the 
body.  The  basis  for  the  teaching  is  of  course  to  be 
found  in  the  well-known  utterance  of  St.  James  (v,  14, 
1.5):  "Is  any  man  sick  among  you?  Let  him  bring 
in  the  priests  of  the  church,  and  let  them  pray  over 
him,  anointing  him  with  oil  in  the  name  of  the  Lord. 
And  the  prayer  of  faith  shall  save  the  sick  man ;  and 
the  Lord  .shall  raise  him  up;  and  if  he  be  in  sins,  they 
shall  be  forgiven  him."     Anciently  it  was  the  custom 


DEATH 


662 


DEATH 


to  confer  this  sacrament  before  the  Viaticum;  the 
maintenance  of  the  existing  usage  has  been  prescribed 
by  the  Roman  Ritual  (V,  cap.  i,  2).  Although  the 
existence  of  a  precept  to  receive  this  sacrament  cannot 
be  established,  still  the  failure  to  avail  oneself  of  its 
efficacy  out  of  sheer  sloth  would  be  a  venial  sin.  It 
cannot  be  administered  more  than  once  during  the 
same  illness,  unless,  after  some  notable  betterment 
which  has  either  certainly  or  probably  taken  place,  a 
new  danger  should  supervene.  In  chronic  diseases, 
therefore,  such  as  tuberculosis,  it  will  often  happen 
that  the  sacrament  may  and  ought  to  be  repeated  be- 
cause of  the  recurrence  of  what  is,  morally  speaking, 
a  new  danger.  According  to  the  discipline  in  vogue 
in  the  Latin  Church,  the  unctions  essential  to  the 
validity  of  the  sacrament  are  those  of  the  organs  of 
the  five  senses — the  eyes,  ears,  nostrils,  mouth,  and 
hands.  There  is  a  diversity  in  the  custom  as  to  the 
unctions  to  be  added  to  those  already  enumerated; 
in  the  United  States,  besides  the  parts  mentioned, 
only  the  feet  are  anointed.  The  sick-room  ought  to 
be  made  ready  for  the  visit  of  the  priest  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  giving  the  last  sacrament ;  it  can  at  least  be 
cleaned  and  aired.  On  a  table  covered  with  a  white 
cloth  there  ought  to  be  a  lighted  blessed  candle,  a 
crucifix,  a  glass  of  water,  a  spoon,  a  vessel  containing 
holy  water,  and  a  towel.  According  to  the  rubric  of 
the  Roman  Ritual  the  priest  is  to  remind  those  who 
are  present  to  pray  for  the  sick  person  during  the 
anointing,  and  it  suggests  that  the  Seven  Penitential 
Psalms  with  the  litanies  might  be  employed  for  this 
purpose.  Extreme  unction,  like  other  sacraments, 
produces  sanctifying  grace  in  the  soul.  It  has,  how- 
ever, certain  results  proper  to  itself.  Of  these  the 
principal  one  seems  to  be  the  getting  rid  of  that  spir- 
itual torpor  and  weakness  which  are  the  baneful  output 
of  actual  sin,  and  which  would  be  such  a  serious  handi- 
cap in  this  supreme  moment.  From  the  viewpoint 
of  the  Christian,  the  struggle  to  be  maintained  with 
the  de\Tl  is  now  more  formidable  than  ever,  and  a 
special  eiidowment  of  heaven-sent  strength  is  neces- 
sary for  the  soul's  final  victory.  The  anointing  is 
ordinarily  succeeded  by  the  conferring  of  the  Apos- 
tolic benediction,  or  "last  blessing",  as  it  is  com- 
monly called.  To  this  blessing  a  plenary  indulgence 
is  attached,  to  be  gained,  however,  only  at  the  hour 
of  death,  i.  e.  it  is  given  nunc  pro  tunc.  It  is  con- 
ferred in  \'irtue  of  a  special  faculty  granted  to  the 
bishops  and  by  them  delegated  quite  generally  to 
their  priests.  The  conditions  requisite  for  gaining  it, 
are  the  invocation  of  the  Holy  Name  of  Jesus  at  least 
mentally,  acts  of  resignation  by  which  the  dying  per- 
son professes  his  willingness  to  accept  all  his  sufferings 
in  reparation  for  his  sins  and  submits  himself  entirely 
to  the  will  of  God. 

The  cardinal  disposition  of  soul  at  the  approach  of 
death  are:  a  frequent  eliciting  of  the  acts  of  faith, 
hope,  love,  and  contrition;  a  striving  towards  a  more 
and  more  perfect  conformity  with  the  will  of  God; 
and  the  constant  maintaining  of  a  penitential  spirit. 
The  words  of  St.  Augustine  are  in  point:  "However 
innocent  your  life  may  have  been,  no  Christian  ought 
to  venture  to  die  in  any  other  state  than  that  of  the 
penitent."  As  the  hour  of  the  agony  approaches,  the 
clergyman,  according  to  the  Roman  Ritual,  is  to  be 
called  to  pronounce  the  pathetically  beautiful  "Re- 
commendation of  a  departing  soul".  Where  the 
presence  of  the  priest  cannot  for  any  reason  be  had, 
these  prayers  ought  not  to  be  omitted ;  they  are  now- 
adays easily  obtainable  in  the  vernacular  and  ought 
to  be  recited  by  those  who  watch  beside  the  death- 
bed. The  dying  person  should  be  invited  to  join  in 
these  petitions,  without,  however,  harassing  or  fati- 
giiing  him.  As  the  person  is  about  to  expire,  the 
Ritual  directs  those  who  are  by  to  pray  more  earnestly 
than  ever;  the  Holy  Name  of  Jesus  is  to  be  invoked, 
and  such  ejaculations  as  the  following  whispered  in  his 


ear:  "Into  thy  hands.  Lord,  I  commend  my  spirit"; 
"O  Lord,  Jesus  Christ,  receive  my  spirit";  "Holy 
Mary,  pray  for  me";  "Mary  Mother  of  grace.  Mother 
of  mercy,  do  thou  protect  me  from  the  enemy  and 
receive  me  at  the  hour  of  my  death". 

When  death  is  apprehended  as  imminent  after  a 
sudden  seizure  even  in  the  act  of  sin,  an  accident, 
attempted  suicide,  and  the  like,  and  the  person  is 
meanwhile  deprived  of  consciousness,  the  method  of 
proceeding  is  as  follows:  Conditional  absolution  is 
imparted.  Viaticum  of  course  is  omitted,  as  it  is  like- 
wise when  the  person,  though  in  possession  of  his 
senses,  is  subject  to  an  almost  unintermittent  vomit- 
ing. Extreme  unction  and  the  last  blessing  are  given 
as  usual.  In  such  an  extremity,  when  the  person  is 
unable  to  make  a  confession,  extreme  unction  may 
prove  to  be  the  most  effective  and  necessary  means  of 
salvation. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  recent  investigations 
have  made  it  plain  that  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  de- 
termine even  within  a  considerable  margin  the  precise 
moment  of  death.  Father  Ferreres,  S.  J.,  in  his  work, 
gathers  as  the  conclusion  of  his  researches  that  the 
only  absolutely  certain  sign  of  death  is  decomposition. 
The  practical  value  of  this  statement  is  that  absolu- 
tion and  extreme  unction  may  be  given  conditionally 
for  some  time  after  the  person  would  have  hitherto 
been  reputed  to  be  dead.  In  what  has  been  said,  it 
is  taken  for  granted  that  the  person  to  be  gotten  ready 
for  death  is  baptized.  If  this  is  not  so,  or  if  there  be 
a  doubt  about  it,  either  as  to  fact  or  validity,  then  of 
course  baptism  must  first  be  administered,  either  ab- 
solutely or  conditionally,  as  the  case  warrants,  after 
some  instruction  on  the  principal  truths  of  religion. 
Baptism  may  be  conferred  conditionally  on  those  who 
are  unconscious  in  as  far  as  they  can  be  presumed  to 
have  the  desire  of  receiving  it.  It  is  perhaps  worth 
while  to  add  here  that,  when  there  is  question  of  the 
dying,  it  is  the  mind  of  the  Church  that  her  minister 
should  avail  himself  of  any  sort  of  probability,  no 
matter  how  slight,  in  order  to  be  able  to  give  absolu- 
tion, at  least  conditionally.  He  then  applies  with 
great  amplitude  the  principle,  Saa-amenta  propter 
Iwmines.  Practically,  therefore,  the  only  case  in 
which  the  priest  in  these  circumstances  may  not  ab- 
solve is  when  the  person  refuses  the  sacraments,  or  is 
manifestly  discerned  to  have  a  perverse  disposition  of 
soul. 

Lingard,  in  his  "Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Church",  gives  a  description  of  the  discipline  in  force 
among  the  .Anglo-Saxons  of  the  medieval  period  with 
regard  to  the  preparation  of  the  dying  for  the  end. 
He  says:  "At  the  first  appearance  of  danger,  recourse 
was  had  to  the  ministry  of  the  parish  priest  or  of  some 
distinguished  clergyman  in  the  neighbourhood.    He 
was  bound  to  obey  the  summons  and  no  plea  but  that 
of  inability  could  justify  his  negligence.     Attended 
by  his  inferior  clergj%  arrayed  in  the  habits  of  their 
respective  orders,  he  repaired  to  the  chamber  of  the 
sick  man,  offered  him  the  sacred  rites  of  religion  and 
exhorted  him  to  prepare  his  soul  to  appear  before  the 
tribunal  of  his  Creator.     The  first  duty  which  he  was 
bound  to  require  from  his  dying  disciple  was  the  ar- 
rangement of  his  temporal  concerns.     Till  provision 
had  been  made  for  the  payment  of  his  debts  and  the 
indemnification  of  those  whom  he  had  injured,  it  was 
in  vain  to  solicit  the  succours  of  religion;  but  as  soon 
as  these  obligations  had  been  fulfilled  the  priest  was  , 
ordered  to  receive  his  confession,  to  teach  him  to  f 
form  sentiments  of  compunction  and  resignation,  to  ' 
exact  from  him  a  declaration  that  he  died  in  peace  ii 
with  all  mankind,  and  to  pronounce  over  him  the  t 
prayer  of  reconciliation.     Thus  prepared  he  might  ( 
with  confidence  demand  the  Sacrament  of  Extreme 
Unction.     With  consecrated  oil  the  principal  parts  of 
the  body  were  successively  anointed  in  the  form  of  a 
cross;    each  unction  was  accompanied  with  an  ap- 


DEBBORA 


663 


DEBT 


propriate  prayer  and  the  promise  of  St.  James  was 
renewed,  'that  the  prayer  of  faith  should  save  the  sick 
man  and  if  he  be  in  sins  they  should  be  forgiven'.  The 
administration  of  the  Eucharist  concluded  these  relig- 
ious rites  at  the  termination  of  which  the  friends  of 
I  he  sick  man  ranged  themselves  around  his  bed,  re- 
ceived tlie  presents  which  he  distributed  among  them 
as  memi)rials  of  his  affection,  and  gave  him  the  kiss 
nf  peace  and  b.idi'  him  a  last  and  melancholy  farewell." 
I>r.  LinganI  mentions  a  curious  attitude  with  regard 
In  I'xtiemr  unction  ;is  prevalent  among  the  illiterate 
Aimlo-Saxons  of  this  time.  He  says,  "It  [extreme 
iinitionj  appears  to  have  been  sometimes  received 
willi  reluctance  by  the  illiterate  from  an  idea  that  it 
\\  IS  a  kind  of  ortlination  which  induced  the  obligation 
c't  eontinency  and  abstinence  from  flesh  on  those  who 
afterwards  recovered.  The  clergy  were  ordered  to 
pi(\ich  against  the  erroneous  notion."  (See  Vi.\Ti- 
(  im;   Extre.me  Unction.) 

*  J'Kane,  Notes  on  the  Rubrics  of  the  Roman  Ritual  (New  York, 
:ss3);  MoRiARTY,  .4fiocu/iww  (Dublin,  1884);  ¥ KSi^rt.,  Spirilual 
<  inferences  (Baltimore,  1864);  Catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
r  r  by  Donovan  (New  York,  1905);  Noldin,  Summa  Theologice 
M>>ralis  (Innsbruck,  1904);  O'Malley  and  Walsh,  Essays  in 
rrloral  Medicine  (New  York,  1907);  Stang,  Pastoral  Theology 
\'Au\  ed..  New  York,  1903);  Lehmkuhl.  Theologia  Moralis 
(1  reibure  im  Br.,  1887);  /ft/uafe  7?o?nnnum  (Ratisbon,  1888); 
-l  LiNGARD,  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.  (Baltimore, 
ISol);    Ferreres,  Death,  Real  and.  Apparent  (St.  Louis,  1906). 

Joseph  F.  Del.\ny. 

Debbora,  |irophetess  and  judge;  she  was  the  wife 
of  Lapidoth  aiifl  was  endowed  by  God  with  prophetic 
gifts  which  secured  for  her  the  veneration  of  the  di- 
vided Israelitic  tribes  and  gave  her  great  authority 
over  them.  Her  wisdom  was  first  displayed  in  set- 
tling litigious  matters  submitted  to  her:  "She  sat 
under  a  palm-tree,  which  was  called  by  her  name,  be- 
tween Rama  ami  Bethel,  in  Moimt  Ephraim,  and  the 
children  of  Israel  came  up  to  her  for  all  judgment" 
(Judges,  iv,  5).  Debbora  was  thus  a  judge  in  the  ordi- 
nary sense  of  the  word.  In  the  case  of  the  other  per- 
sons whose  history  is  recorded  in  the  book  of  Judges, 
the  title  seems  to  be  given  them  as  "deliverers  aiul 
leaders"  of  the  chosen  people,  no  mention  being  made 
of  ordinary  judicial  functions;  but  it  was  rather  the 
confidence  inspired  by  Debbora  in  the  discharge  of  such 
functions  which  enabled  her  to  bring  about  the  deliv- 
erance of  the  nation,  which  was  then  suffering  under 
the  oppression  of  the  Chanaanites. 

The  main  army  of  the  enemy  was  rendered  partic- 
ularly formidable  by  the  fact  that  it  po.ssessed  nine 
hundred  iron  chariots.  It  was  commanded  by  Sisara, 
whose  headquarters  were  at  Haro-seth,  probably  iden- 
tical with  the  actual  el  Haritiyeh,  between  Haifa  and 
Nazareth,  on  the  banks  of  the  Nahr  Mucpiatt'a 
(Cison)  in  the  plain  of  Esdraelon.  Occupying  this 
position  in  the  centre  of  the  country,  the  Chanaanites 
could  harass  the  tribes  to  the  north  and  south,  and 
render  it  very  difficult  for  them  to  unite  in  a  common 
effort.  For  "twenty  years"  the  enemy  had  "griev- 
ously oppressed"  the  children  of  Israel,  when  Deb- 
bora declared  it  was  God's  will  that  His  people  should 
be  freed.  This  will  of  God  she  first  made  known  to 
Barac,  who  dwelt  in  Cedes  of  Nephthali,  to-day 
Qedeis,  one  of  the  principal  ruins  of  Northern  Galilee. 
She  charged  him  to  gather  and  lead  to  Thabor,  a 
mountain  to  the  east  of  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  an 
army  of  ten  thousand  men,  promising  him  that  (iod 
would  deliver  into  his  hand  Si.sara  and  the  Chanaanite 
army.  Banac  undertook  to  carry  o\it  those  instruc- 
tions only  on  the  condition  that  the  prophetess  herself 
should  accompany  him.  She  agreed  to  do  so,  fore- 
telling, however,  that  the  glory  of  ridding  the  land  of 
Sisara  would  belong  to  a  woman.  This  prophecy  re- 
fers not  to  Debbora  herself,  but  to  Jahel  whose  story 
is  told  in  the  last  part  of  the  fourth  chapter.  Deb- 
bora, however,  did  certainly  share  in  the  glory  of 
Barac.     The  call  to  battle  was  not  merely  issued  to 


the  northern  tribes  of  Nephthali  and  Zabulon;  the 
"Canticle  of  Debbora",  given  in  chapter  fifth,  praises 
the  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Benjamin,  in  the  midst  of 
which  the  prophetess  had  lived,  as  well  as  the  tribes  of 
West  Manasses  and  Issachar,  for  furnishing  their  con- 
tingents, while  it  reproves  Kuben,  Gad,  and  Aser  for 
their  refusal  to  take  part  in  the  contest.  Juda  and 
Simeon  were  apparently  not  called  upon. 

In  the  battle  of  Thabor,  which  marked  an  era  in  the 
history  of  Israel,  Debbora  had  an  important  part. 
She  indicated  the  time  to  attack  tlu>  etiemy,  and  en- 
couraged Barac  to  go  ilown  IniliHy  from  tlu'  mountain 
to  light  in  the  plain  not  uithslandiiii;  the  aii\aiitages 
which  the  chariot  troops  gave  the  Clianaanites  on  level 
grovmd.  God  jiLstified  this  assurance  which  He  had 
inspired  by  the  projjhetess.  A  violent  rain  storm 
swelled  the  torrent  of  Cison  and  rendered  the  ground 
unfit  for  the  movements  of  the  dreaded  chariots.  A 
panic  seized  upon  Sisara 's  army,  and  its  rout  was  com- 
plete. The  general  himself  died  at  the  hands  of  Jahel. 
The  "Canticle  of  Debbora"  is  in  the  sacred  text  at- 
tributed to  Barac  and  Debbora.  This  very  early 
poem  is  one  of  the  most  precious  documents  for  the 
history  of  the  period  of  the  Judges.  The  faith  in  the 
God  of  Sinai  of  the  still  loosely  connected  tribes  fintls 
vivid  expression  in  the  song.  It  strikingly  describes 
the  distress  of  the  land  "  imtil  Debbora  arose,  a  mother 
arose  in  Israel",  and  the  heroic  fight  for  freedom 
to  which  she  aroused  her  countrymen.  After  the 
deliverance  "the  land  rested  for  forty  years".  We 
are  not  told  what  part  was  taken  by  Debbora  in  the 
affairs  of  her  country  during  this  period  of  peace; 
but  it  is  likely  that  her  influence  was  increased  by  the 
glorious  event  to  which  her  name  ever  remained 
attached. 

Lagrange,  Z/chVe  rfc.*j/»ffr.s  (Paris.  1903):  de  Hummelauer, 
C omm^nlarius  in  libros  Judicum  ct  Ruth  (Paris,  1888);  Palis  in 
ViG.  Diet,  de  la  Bible, a.  v.;  von  Orelli  in  Realcncyk.  ftir  prot, 
Theol.,  s.  V. 

W.  S.  Reilly. 
De  BoUandt.    See  Bollandists. 

Debt  (ilcbitum),  that  which  is  owed  or  due  to  an- 
other; in  general,  anything  which  one  person  is  under 
an  obligation  to  pay  or  render  to  another.  In  a  wide 
sense  of  the  word  this  obligation  may  arise  from  a 
variety  of  sources.  Thus  we  say  that  one  who  has 
received  a  favour  from  another  lies  under  a  debt  of 
gratitude  to  make  him  some  return  for  it.  The  super- 
fluous wealth  of  the  rich  is  due  to  the  poor;  it  is  a  debt 
to  the  payment  of  which,  according  to  the  expression 
of  many  Fathers  and  theologians,  the  poor  have  a 
right,  not  of  justice  but  of  charity.  We  here  take  the 
word  in  the  ordinary  and  strict  sense,  according  to 
which  it  signifies  something  which  is  due  to  another  in 
justice.  We  treat  the  matter,  too,  from  the  etliical 
rather  than  from  the  legal  point  of  view,  and  so  we  con- 
sider debts  of  honour  as  t  rue  debts  though  they  cannot 
be  enforced  in  the  civil  court. 

A  debt  arises  not  merely  from  a  contract  of  borrow- 
ing; something  may  be  due  to  another  in  justice  for 
many  different  reasons,  but  all  these  may  be  reduced 
to  two.  When  one  has  wilfully  cau.sed  tmjust  dam- 
age to  another,  he  is  bound  to  make  good  the  loss 
which  he  has  inflicted,  and  when  he  finds  himself  in 
possession  of  what  belongs  to  another,  he  must  restore 
the  property  to  its  owner.  Justice  requires  this,  that 
each  one  should  have  his  own,  and  one  who  has  suf- 
fered loss  unjustly  at  the  hanils  of  another  has  not  his 
own,  as  long  as  the  loss  is  not  made  good,  any  more 
than  one  whose  property  is  unjustly  detained  by  an- 
other. A  state  of  indebtedness,  then,  of  one  to  an- 
other arises  from  either  of  these  two  roots,  as  theo- 
logians call  them.  A  debt  must  be  paid  to  the  owner 
of  the  property  or  to  one  who  has  tho  right  to  receive 
payment  for  him.  .Sometimes,  however,  the  true 
owner  is  unknown,  and  then  payment  must  be  made 
to  the  poor  or  to  charitable  purposes.     At  any  rate, 


DECALOGUE 


664 


DECAPOLIS 


one  who  is  the  unjust  cause  of  wrong  to  another  can- 
not be  allowed  to  become  a  gainer  by  injustice,  and 
inasmuch  as  society  is  injured  by  injustice,  if  repara- 
tion cannot  be  made  to  the  individual  who  has  been 
wronged,  it  must  be  made  to  society,  and  this  cannot 
be  done  better  than  by  paying  the  debt  to  charitable 
purposes  or  to  the  poor.  In  general,  debts  must  be 
paid  as  they  become  due,  or  at  the  time  and  in  the  man- 
ner agreed  upon.  If  the  debtor  is  unable  to  meet  his 
obligations  at  the  proper  time  he  will  be  made  a  bank- 
rupt, his  property  will  vest  in  the  official  receiver  or 
trustee,  and  will  be  distributed  among  the  creditors  in 
proportion  to  their  claims.  Certain  debts,  however, 
have  priority  over  others  by  law.  In  England  the 
order  among  these  is  as  follows:  rates  and  taxes;  the 
wages  or  salary  of  any  clerk  or  servant  not  exceeding 
fifty  pounds  in  respect  of  services  rendered  during  four 
months  prior  to  the  receiving  order;  wages  of  any 
labourer  or  workman  not  exceeding  twenty-five 
pounds  for  services,  whether  time-  or  piece-work,  ren- 
dered during  two  months  prior  to  the  date  of  the  re- 
ceiving order.  If  the  assets  are  sufficient  for  the  pur- 
pose these  debts  must  be  paid  in  full  before  all  others, 
otherwise  they  will  abate  equally  among  themselves. 
In  the  United  States  the  National  Bankruptcy  Act  of 
1898,  as  amended  in  1903,  gives  priority  to  certain  debts 
in  the  following  order:  all  taxes  legally  due  and  owing 
by  the  bankrupt  to  the  United  States,  State,  County, 
District,  or  Municipality;  costs  of  preserving  the  es- 
tate subsequent  to  filing  the  petition;  the  filing  fees; 
the  costs  of  administration;  wages  due  to  workmen, 
clerks,  or  servants  which  have  been  earned  within 
three  months  before  the  date  of  the  commencement  of 
proceedings,  not  exceeding  three  hundred  dollars  to 
each  claimant ;  and  finally  debts  owing  to  any  person 
who  by  the  laws  of  the  States  or  of  the  United  States 
is  entitled  to  priority.  Similarly,  the  debts  of  a  per- 
son lately  deceased  must  be  paid  by  the  executor  or 
administrator  in  the  order  prescribed  by  law.  Ac- 
cording to  English  law  funeral  expenses  and  the  ex- 
penses of  probate  or  taking  out  administration  come 
first.  Then  the  debts  of  the  deceased  in  the  following 
order:  Crown  debts;  debts  having  priority  by  statute ; 
debts  of  record;  debts  by  specialty  and  simple  con- 
tract. Similarly  also  in  the  United  States,  after  costs 
of  administration  and  funeral  expenses  the  debts  due 
to  the  general  government  come  next.  Then  follow 
other  debts  similar  to  those  mentioned  above  as  hav- 
ing priority  in  English  law,  but  the  order  is  not  identi- 
cal in  all  the  States. 

In  certain  circumstances  the  obligation  of  paying  a 
debt  ceases.  This  will  be  the  case  when  a  creditor 
freely  condones  the  debt,  as  of  course  he  may  do  if  he 
chooses.  Moreover,  physical  or  moral  impossibility 
excuses  the  debtor  from  paying  the  debt  as  long  as  the 
impossibility  lasts.  If  a  man  has  no  money  and  no 
means  of  getting  any,  he  is  excused  on  the  ground  of 
impossibility  from  paying  his  debts.  Even  if  he 
could  not  pay  without  reducing  himself  and  his  family 
to  beggary,  it  will  be  held  morally  impossible  for  him, 
as  long  as  those  conditions  last,  to  satisfy  his  obliga- 
tions. Even  justice  must  take  account  of  other  vir- 
tues and  obligations.  (How  far  a  discharge  in  bank- 
ruptcy excuses  from  payment  of  debts  in  full  out 
of  subsequently  acquired  property  is  laid  down  in 
the  article  Bankruptcy.)  The  popes  have  some- 
times for  just  cause  used  their  authority  as  the 
supreme  heads  of  Christian  society  to  grant  partial 
remissions  or  compositions  for  debts  due  to  unknown 
creditors.  One  of  the  clauses  of  the  Bulla  Cruciato' 
granted  to  the  Spanish  dominions  confers  such  a  privi- 
lege on  the  recipient  on  certain  conditions.  When  a 
debt  is  barred  by  lapse  of  time,  the  civil  authority  re- 
fuses its  help  to  enable  the  creditor  to  recover  what  is 
due  to  him,  but  the  debtor  is  not  freed  in  conscience; 
he  is  still  under  a  moral  obligation  to  pay  his  debt. 
Finally,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  by  ecclesiastical 


law  those  who  have  incurred  heavy  debts  which  they 
are  unable  to  pay  are  prohibited  from  entering  a  relig- 
ious order,  at  least  if  they  have  been  reduced  to  that 
state  through  grave  fault  of  their  own. 

Ballerini,  Opus  Morale  (Prato.  1S921,  III;  Lehmkuhl, 
Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg,  1S9S),  I;  Slater,  A  Manual  of 
Moral  Theology  (New  York,  1908),  I. 

T.  Slater. 

Decalog-ue  (Greek  S^Ka,  ten,  and  X6-yos,  word),  the 
term  employed  to  designate  the  collection  of  precepts 
written  on  two  tables  of  stone  and  given  by  God  to 
Moses  on  Mount  Sinai.  The  injunctions  and  prohi- 
bitions of  which  it  is  composed  are  set  forth  in  Exodus 
(x.x,  1-17)  and  in  Deuteronomy  (v,  (5-21).  The  dif- 
ferences discernible  in  the  style  of  enumerating  them 
in  Exodus  as  contrasted  with  Deuteronomy  are  not 
essential  and  pertain  rather  to  the  reasons  alleged 
for  the  precepts  in  either  instance  than  to  the  pre- 
cepts themselves.  The  division  and  ordering  of  the 
commandments  in  use  in  the  Catholic  Church  is  that 
adopted  by  St.  Augustine  (Qusestiones  in  Exodum,  q. 
71).  That  which  is  commonly  in  vogue  amongst 
Protestants  seems  to  have  Origen  for  its  sponsor.  He 
regarded  Exodus,  xx,  3-6,  as  containing  two  distinct 
commandments  and  in  this  hypothesis  in  order  to 
keep  the  number  ten,  verse  xvii  would  have  but  one. 
The  practice  now  universally  adhered  to  among  Catho- 
lics is  just  the  reverse.     See  Comm.^ndments  of  God. 

ViGOUROUX,  Manuel  bibliqite  (Paris,  1901);  Gigot,  S-pec. 
Introduct.  to  the  Old  Testament  (New  York,  1901). 

Joseph  F.  Delany. 
Decanus  Lovaniensis.     See  Tapper,  Ruard. 

Decapolis  (from  CJr.  A^Ka,  ten,  and  :r6XiS,  city),  the 
name  given  in  the  Bible  and  by  ancient  writers  to  a 
region  in  Palestine  lying  to  the  east  and  south  of  the 
Sea  of  Galilee.  It  took  its  name  from  the  confedera- 
tion of  the  ten  cities  that  dominated  its  extent.  The 
Decapolis  is  referred  to  in  the  New  Testament  three 
times;  Matt.,  iv,  25;  Mark,  v,  20;  vii,  31.  Josephus, 
Ptolemy,  Strabo,  Pliny,  and  other  ancient  geographers 
and  historians  make  frequent  reference  to  it. 

At  the  disruption  of  the  army  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  after  his  burial  at  Sidon,  great  numbers  of  his 
veterans,  their  occupation  gone,  settled  down  to  a  life 
of  peace.  The  coast  towns  being  already  peopled, 
many  of  the  Greeks  sought  homes  farther  inland. 
There  they  either  laid  out  new  cities  or  rebuilt  and 
transformed  older  ones.  In  218  b.  c,  according  to 
Polybius,  several  of  these  towns  were  looked  upon  as 
strong  fortresses.  As  long  as  the  Seleucidse  ruled  in 
the  North  and  the  Ptolemies  in  the  South,  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Greeks  remained  paramount  in  Sj^ria;  but 
when,  with  the  rise  of  the  Romans,  the  power  of  the 
descendants  of  Alexander's  soldiers  weakened,  the 
Greek  cities  were  in  sore  straits.  Especially  peril- 
ous was  the  plight  of  these  towns  in  Palestine  after  the 
successful  rise  of  the  Machabees.  In  the  years  64-63 
B.  c,  however,  Pompey  overran  Syria  and  made  it  a 
Roman  province.  The  Grecian  cities,  being  regarded 
as  bulwarks  of  Roman  rule  against  any  native  upris- 
ings, were  granted  many  favours.  They  enjoyed  the 
right  of  coinage,  preserved  their  municipal  freedom, 
and  were  allowed  a  certain  sway  over  the  near-by 
coimtry. 

It  was  after  Pompey's  conquest  that  the  league  of 
the  Decapolis  w;is  formed.  There  is  no  record  of  the 
year,  and  although  most  likely  it  was  soon  after  the 
coming  of  Pompey,  yet  it  may  not  have  been  until 
Herod's  time.  The  earliest  list  of  the  ten  cities  of 
the  Decapolis  is  Pliny's,  which  mentions  Scythopolis, 
Pella,  Hippo,  Dion,  Gerasa,  Philadelphia,  Kaphana, 
Canatha,  and  Damascus.  Later,  Ptolemy  enumerates 
eighteen  cities,  thus  showing  that  the  term  Decapolis 
was  applied  to  a  region.  The  importance  of  this 
league  was  greatly  strengthened  by  the  ailvantajgeous 
positions   of  the  principal   towns.     Scythopolis,  the 


DE  CAUMONT 


665 


DECHAMPS 


capital  of  the  Decapolis,  lay  at  the  head  of  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon,  to  the  west  of  the  Jordan,  guarding  the 
natural  portal  from  the  sea  to  the  great  interior  jilat- 
eau  of  Basan  and  Clalaad.  The  other  eitie.s  were  situ- 
ated to  the  east  of  the  Jordan  on  the  great  routes  along 
which  passed  the  eommerce  of  the  whole  countrj'. 
To-day  the  cities  of  the  Decapolis,  with  the  exception 
of  Damascus,  are  deserted  and  in  ruins.  Yet  even  in 
their  ruined  state  they  offer  a  striking  contrast  to  the 
near-by  cities  of  the  Semites.  Their  temples,  theatres 
and  forums  built  on  a  lavish  scale,  give  even  to  this 
day  clear  indication  of  the  genius  of  the  people  who 
built  them. 

.\mong  the  cities  of  the  Decapolis  of  special  interest 
are:  Damascus,  so  often  referred  to  in  the  Old  and 
New  Testament ;  Gadara,  on  the  Sea  of  Galilee,  whose 
inhabitants  were  the  Gerasens  of  the  Evangelists — - 
the  raSopjji'iii'  of  one  reading  of  Matt.,  viii,  28 — whose 
swine  were  driven  by  the  devil  into  the  sea ;  and  Pella, 
the  city  in  the  valley  of  the  Jordan  to  which  the  Chris- 
tians withdrew  at  the  first  siege  of  Jerusalem. 

Smith  in  Encuc.  Bibtica  (.\ew  York,  1S99),  1.  and  Historical 
Geography  of  Holy  Land  (1896),  c.  28;  Conder,  Handbook  to  the 
Biblf:  JosEPHUs,  Autobiography t  65,  74;  Idem,  History  of  the 
Jiwish  War,  ix,  7. 

Joseph  V.  Mollot. 
De  Caumont,  Armand  Nompar.     See  La  Force. 
Deceit.     See  Fraud. 

Dechamps,  Adolphe,  Belgian  statesman  and  pub- 
licist, brother  of  Cardinal  Dechamps,  b.  at  Melle  near 
Ghent,  17  June,  1807,  d.  at  Manage,  19  July,  1875. 
He  entered  public  life  about  1830  and  soon  became 
popular  through  his  brilliant  contributions  to  several 
Catholic  newspapers.  Having  foimded  with  his  friend 
de  Decker  "La  Revue  de  Bruxelles",  he  advocated  in 
that  paper  a  system  of  parliamentarj'  government 
which  was  termed  "government  of  the  centres".  The 
ministries  were  to  be  composed  of  Catholics  and  Lib- 
erals and  to  be  supported  by  the  moderate  elements  of 
the  two  parties.  The  scheme  was  not  without  merit 
under  the  circimistances,  and  it  worked  sucessfully  for 
some  years,  but  no  great  political  shrewdness  was 
needed  to  foresee  that,  unless  the  Catholics  were  will- 
ing to  surrender  their  principles,  they  must  sooner  or 
later  part  company  with  the  Liberals.  In  18-34  De- 
champs was  elected  to  the  Chamber  of  Representa- 
tives, where  his  talent  as  an  orator  and  his  practical 
sagacity  soon  secured  him  a  prominent  position.  In 
1836  he  participated  ver>'  actively  in  the  discussion  of 
the  bill  on  the  organization  of  the  communes,  and  in 
1839  he  opposed  the  treaty  with  Holland.  The  great 
Powers  had  imposed  that  treaty  on  Belgium  and  Hol- 
land in  1834,  but  the  latter  had  delayed  accepting  it 
in  the  hope  that  .she  miglit  eventually  obtain  better 
conditions.  Dechamps,  with  many  otliers,  held  that 
by  this  delay  Holland  had  forfeited  her  right  to  the 
advantages  granted  her  by  the  Powers  and  they  urged 
the  Government  to  appeal  to  arms  rather  than  to  sur- 
render any  jiart  of  Belgian  territory.  This  warlike 
policy,  however,  would  have  been  unwise  in  view  of 
the  opposition  of  the  Powers,  and  peace  was  finally 
signed  with  Holland. 

The  most  remarkable  event  of  Dechamps's  political 
career  is  perhaps  the  leading  part  he  played  in  the  pa.ss- 
ing  of  the  bill  on  elementarj'  instruction.  Up  to  1842 
there  had  been  no  elementarj-  public  schools  in  Bel- 
gium, although  there  were  numerous  schools  organized 
under  the  direction  of  the  clergy.  One  of  the  pro- 
visions of  the  new  bill  enacted  that  religious  instruc- 
tion was  to  form  an  essential  part  of  public  education 
and  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  clergy.  The  bill 
was  pa.ssed  almost  unanimously  by  the  votes  of  both 
Catholics  and  Liberals.  From  184.3  to  1848  Dechamps 
was  a  member  of  several  ministries  and  showed  him- 
self a  competent  administrator,  .\fter  the  defeat  of 
his  party  in  1848  he  became  the  leader  of  the  Catholic 


minority  in  the  Chamber  of  Representatives  and  re- 
tained that  position  for  several  years.  In  1864  he 
retired  from  politics  and  engaged  in  financial  enter- 
pri.ses,  but  his  ventures  proved  imfortunate.  The  fol- 
lowing are  his  most  important  works:  "Le  second 
Empire"  (Brussels,  1859);  "Le  second  Empire  et 
l'.\ngleterre"  (Brussels,  1865);  "Jules  C&ar;  I'em- 
pire  juge  par  I'empereur"  (Brussels,  1865);  "La 
France  et  r.\llemagne"  (Brussels,  1865);  "La  Con- 
vention de  Gastein"  (Brussels,  1865);  "Les  partis  en 
Belgique  et  le  nouveau  regne"  (Brussels,  1866); 
"L'ecole  dans  ses  rapports  avec  I'Eglise,  I'Etat  et  la 
liberte"  (Brussels,  1869);  "Le  prince  de  Bismarck  et 
I'entrevue  des  trois  empereiu-s"  (Brussels,  1873). 

Hymans.  Histoire  Parlementaire  de  la  Belgique  (Brussels, 
1878-82);  Goblet  d'Alviella,  Cituiuante  ans  de  liberte.  La 
vie  politique  (Brussels,  ISSO);  Thonissen,  La  Belgixjue  sous 
Leopold  ler  (Louvain,  1861);  KtUKfls,  La  Belgique  Contempo- 
raine  (Brussels,  1884). 

Pierre  Marique. 

Dechamps,  Victor  Acgu.stin  Lsidore,  Cardinal, 
Archbishop  of  Mechlin,  and  Primate  of  Belgium;  b. 
at  Melle  near  Ghent  6  Dec,  1810;  d.  29  Sept.,  1883,  at 
Mechlin.  He  and  his  brothers  made  rapid  progress  in 
science  under  their  father's  direction.  One,  Adolphe, 
entered  on  a  political  career.  Victor  pursued  his 
ecclesiastical  studies  first  at  the  seminary  of  Toumai 
and  then  in  the  Catholic  University  begun  at  Mechlin 
and  afterwards  transferred  to  Louvain.  Ordained 
priest  20  Dec,  1834,  he  entered  the  Congregation  of  the 
Most  Holy  Redeemer  in  1835,  and  made  his  vows  13 
June,  1836.  The  next  four  years  he  spent  at  Wittera 
as  prefect  of  students  and  lector  in  dogmatic  theology. 
In  1840  he  began  his  missionary  life  and  in  1842  was 
nominated  rector  at  Liege.  He  took  an  active  part 
in  the  founding  of  the  Confraternity  of  the  Holy  Fam- 
ily, which  he  considered  his  most  salutary  work.  In 
the  historic  jubilee  of  Liege  he  had  a  large  share  both 
by  his  "  Le  plus  beau  souvenir  de  I'histoire  de  Liege", 
and  by  his  preaching  (1845-46).  He  visited  England 
and  saw  the  wonderful  effects  of  the  Tractarian  move- 
ment. In  1849  he  was  nominated  consult  or  general 
of  his  congregation,  and  took  up  his  residence  at 
Pagani  near  Naples  just  when  Pius  IX  was  in  exile 
at  Gaeta.  He  had  several  audiences  with  the  pope 
and  was  instnimental  in  arranging  the  transfer  of  the 
superior  general  from  Pagani  to  Rome.  This  was  not 
effected  till  1855,  when  Pius  IX  invited  Father  De- 
champs to  the  first  general  chapter  held  in  Rome. 
The  question  of  his  appointment  to  the  See  of  Li^e 
was  considered  in  1852,  but  the  pope,  touched  by  his 
personal  appeal,  did  not  insist.  In  IStio  Dechamps 
became  Bishop  of  Namur,  whence  he  was  transferretl 
in  1875  to  the  Archdiocese  of  Mechlin  and  made 
primate.  At  all  times  devoted  to  the  Church  and  the 
pope,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  formation  of  the 
pontifical  zouaves,  and  persuaded  General  Lamori- 
cierc  to  offer  his  .services  to  Pius  IX.  But  his  promi- 
nence in  the  history  of  his  country  .and  of  the  Church 
is  due  to  his  battle  for  Catholic  schools  and  his  defence 
of  papal  infallibility  before  and  during  the  Vatican 
Council.  Manning  and  Dechamps  were  indefatigable; 
and  they  became  cardinals  in  the  same  consistory,  15 
March,  1875.  Dechamps  worked  to  the  very  end. 
He  said  Mass  on  28  Sept.,  1883,  and  died  the  day  fol- 
lowing in  the  arms  of  a  Rcdemptorist  who  happened 
to  be  present.  He  was  buried,  .as  he  had  desired,  by 
the  side  of  Venerable  Pa.s.'ierat  at  Rumilliers. 

The  complete  works  of  Dechamps,  revised  by  him- 
.self,  were  published  in  seventeen  volumes  at  Mechlin. 
In  iiresenting  fourteen  of  the  seventeen  volumes  to 
Leo  XIII  on  7  Feb.,  1879,  the  author  writes:  "There  is 
one  thing  that  consoles  me.  Holy  Father,  in  sending 
you  ray  poor  works:  they  are  all  consecratefl  to  the 
truths  of  our  holy  Faith.  .  .  .  Volume  I  is  consecrated 
to  the  truths  of  faith;  II  to  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ; 
V  to  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary;    III  and  IV  to  the 


DECIUS 


666 


DECKER 


Church  and  St.  Peter;  VI  to  the  pope  and  his  infalli- 
bility; VII,  VIII,  and  IX  to  the  refutation  of  modern 
errors;  X,  XI,  XII,  XIII,  and  XIV  to  my  preaching 
as  bishop  and  to  acts  by  which  I  governed  my  dio- 
cese." Of  the  remaining  volumes,  XV,  "Melanges", 
deals  with  many  important  questions ;  XVI  and  XVII 
contain  letters  on  questions  in  philosophy,  theology, 
and  other  subjects.  Cardinal  Dechamps's  brother, 
Adolphe,  was  made  Prime  Minister  of  Belgium,  4  April, 
184.3.  He  was  also  minister  of  public  works,  and 
minister  of  foreign  affairs  from  30  July,  1845,  to  12 
June,  1847. 

S.vlNTKAlN,  Vie  du  Cardinal  Dechamps,  C.  SS.  R.  Archevique 
de  Malines  et  Primal  de  Beigique  (Tournai,  1884);  Lejeune, 
UArchiconfrerie  de  la  Sainte  Famitle,  son  kistoire  et  ses  fruits 
(Bruges,  1894);  Bibliographie  catholique,  XVII,  110;  XX,  282; 
XXVI,  131;  XXVII,  272;  Van  Weddinqe.n,  Revue  generate 
(1881),  XXXIV.  793. 

J.  Magnier. 

Decius  (Caid.s  Messitjs  Quintus  Trajanus  De- 
cius),  Roman  Emperor  249-251.  He  was  born, 
date  uncertain,  near  Sirmium  in  Pannonia  of  a  Roman 
or  a  Romanized  family.  Practically  nothing  is  known 
about  his  career,  but 
the  greater  part  of  his 
life  seems  to  have  been 
passed  in  the  army. 
He  was  the  first  of  the 
great  soldier-emperors 
from  the  Danubian 
provinces  under  whom 
the  senatorial  regime 
eniled  and  the  govern- 
ment liecame  an  ab- 
solute monarchy.  No 
sooner  was  his  position 
as  emperor  made  cer- 
tain by  the  defeat  of 
Philip  at  Verona,  than 
Decius  commenced  to 
put  into  effect  exten- 
sive plans  for  the  re- 
organization of  the 
empire.  Problems  of 
administration,  inter- 
nal as  well  as  external, 
at  once  claimed  his  at- 
tention. To  the  latter 
he  principally  devoted 
his  own  energies  and 
consequently  the  greater  part  of  his  reign  was 
spent  at  the  head  of  the  legions  attempting  to  repel 
the  Gothic  invaders  from  the  Balkan  lands.  After 
several  campaigns  during  which  he  gave  no  evi- 
dence of  military  genius  he  met  with  a  signal  defeat 
in  the  marshes  of  the  Dobrudscha  in  which  he  lost  his 
life.  This  overthrow,  attributed  by  some  writers  to 
the  treachery  of  some  of  the  Roman  generals,  was  so 
complete  that  the  emperor's  body  was  never  recov- 
ered. In  the  administration  of  the  internal  affairs  of 
the  empire,  Decius  showed  himself  to  be  an  unstates- 
manlike  theorist.  He  conceived  the  unpractical  pol- 
icy of  reforming  the  morals  of  his  time  by  a  forcible 
restoration  of  the  old  religion.  He  revived  the  obso- 
lete office  of  censor  as  a  sop  to  the  senatorial  party, 
pennitted  them  to  name  its  first  incumbent,  whom  he 
invested  with  the  most  autocratic  powers  in  matters 
of  civil  .service  and  over  the  private  lives  of  the  citi- 
zens. Oblivious  of  the  changes  wrought  by  time  and 
the  march  of  ideas,  he  pinned  his  faith  to  the  almost 
abandoned  paganism  of  old  Rome  as  the  solution  of 
the  problems  of  his  time.  Such  sweeping  reforms 
necessarily  brought  into  prominence  the  growing 
power  of  the  Christian  Church,  and  made  it  clear  that 
any  attempt  to  realize  or  enforce  the  absolutism  of 
earlier  Roman  politics  must  necessarily  be  futile  as 
long  as  any  considerable  body  of  citizens  professing 


Emperor  De 
(Capit.oline  Museum,  Rome) 


the  Christian  creed  was  allowed  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion.  Belief  in  the  freedom  of  conscience 
and  the  higher  estimate  of  religion  found  among  the 
Christians  could  find  no  part  in  such  schemes  as  those 
of  Decius  and  would  necessarily  prove  an  insuperable 
obstacle  to  the  complete  realization  of  his  plans. 
Various  reasons  have  been  assigned  for  the  emperor's 
hatred  of  Christianity,  some  seeing  in  it  an  evidence 
of  innate  cruelty,  others  a  desire  to  be  avenged  on 
the  friends  of  his  predecessor;  but  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  main  motives  for  his  hostility  were 
political,  conceived  not  in  the  form  of  fanaticism  but 
in  purposes  of  political  expediency.  The  scope  of  the 
anti-Christian  legislation  of  Decius  was  broader  than 
that  of  his  predecessors  and  much  more  far-reaching 
in  its  effects.  The  text  of  his  edicts  has  not  survived 
but  their  general  tenor  can  be  judged  from  the  manner 
in  which  they  were  executed.  The  object  of  the  em- 
peror was  not  the  extermination  of  the  Christians,  but 
the  complete  extinction  of  Christianity  itself.  Bi-shops 
and  priests  were  unconditionally  punished  with  death. 
To  all  others  was  given  an  opportunity  to  recant  and, 
to  ensure  the  abandonment  of  Christianity,  all  were 
compelled  to  submit  to  some  test  of  their  loyalty  to 
Paganism,  such  as  the  offering  of  sacrifice,  the  pouring 
of  libations,  or  the  burning  of  incense  to  the  idols. 
The  unexpectedness  of  the  attack,  coupled  with  the 
fact  that  an  appalling  amount  of  la.xity  and  corruption 
had  manifested  themselves  during  the  long  peace 
which  the  Church  had  just  enjoyed,  produced  the  most 
deplorable  effect  in  the  Christian  fold.  Multitudes 
presented  themselves  to  the  magistrates  to  express 
their  compliance  with  the  imperial  edict  and  to  these 
apostates  tickets  were  issued  attesting  the  fact  that 
they  had  offered  sacrifice  (sacrificali)  or  burned  in- 
cense (thurificati),  while  others,  without  actually  per- 
forming these  rites,  availed  themselves  of  the  venality 
of  the  magistrates  to  purchase  certificates  attesting 
their  renunciation  (libcllatici).  These  defections, 
though  numerous,  were  more  than  counterbalanced 
by  the  multitudes  who  suffered  death,  exile,  confisca- 
tion, or  torture  in  all  parts  of  the  empire.  The  Decian 
persecution  was  the  severest  trial  to  which  the  Church 
up  to  that  time  had  been  subjected  and  the  loss  suf- 
fered by  the  Church  in  consequence  of  apostasy  was 
almost  as  damaging  as  the  losses  by  martyrdom.  The 
problem  of  deciding  on  what  conditions  the  lapsi 
should  be  admitted  to  the  church  and  what  weight 
was  to  be  attached  to  the  pardon  of  confessors,  pro- 
duced the  bitterest  dissensions  and  led  directly  to  two 
dangerous  schisms. 

Duchesne,  Histoire  ancienne  de  Viglise  (Paris,  1906),  I, 
367-368;  Allard,  Histoire  des  persecutions  pntdanf  la  premise 
moitie  du  III'  siecle  (Paris,  1885-90;  2nd  ed.  1S92);  Gregg, 
The  Decian  Persecution  (Edinburgh,  1897). 

P.  J.  Healy. 

Decker,  Hans,  a  German  sculptor  of  the  middle  of 
the  fifteenth  centurj'.  Very  little  is  recorded  concern- 
ing Decker,  but  that  his  home  was  in  Nuremberg.  His 
name  is  mentionetl  in  a  register  for  the  year  1449,  and 
certain  early  productions  in  the  years  1432  and  1437 
are  attributed  to  him.  Though  his  carving  in  stone 
is  rather  rough,  he  stands  alone  among  his  contem- 
poraries for  his  energy  and  realism.  The  few  works 
known  to  us  appear  to  inaugurate  a  new  style.  His 
principal  sculptures  are  the  colossal  statue  of  St. 
Christopher  with  the  Child  Christ  on  his  shoulder,  at 
the  south-west  portal  of  the  church  of  St.  Sebaki,  a 
memorial  of  the  Schlusselfeld  family,  and  the  great 
"Entombment",  dated  1446,  mthe  chapel  of  St.  Wolf- 
gang, in  the  church  of  St.  Egidius.  The  group  is  com- 
posed of  eight  figures  of  heroic  proportions  powerfully 
disposed.  In  the  body  of  Christ  the  handling  is  hard, 
but  there  is  a  distinct  attempt  at  correct  anatomy. 
The  head  is  noble  and  manly;  Man,^  is  full  of  grief; 
John  raises  his  Master's  arm  to  kiss  it.  The  draper- 
ies are  simple  and  finely  arranged.     This  work  is  not 


DECORATIONS 


667 


DECORATIONS 


nnly  a  masterpiece  in  itself,  but  is  so  full  of  the  new 
n;ituralistic  tendency,  that  it  may  be  said  to  open  the 
second  epoch  of  sculpture  in  Nuremberg. 

LiBKE,  Hisloni  of  .Vw/p(i(rc  (London,  1872);  Bode,  GcscA. 
/.  r  .fcufarAm  Ptaxtik  (Berlin,  18S7);  Nagler,  KilnsllcT-Lexicon 
I  Munich,  1836);  Mvller.  KumUcr-Lexicon  (Stuttgart,  1857); 
Drulsche  Bwgraphie  (Leipzig,  1877). 

M.  L.  Handley. 

Decorations,  Papal.  See  Decorations,  Pontif- 
ical. 

Decorations,   Pontifical,  the  titles  of  nobility, 

iinlcrs  of  Christian  knighthood  and   other  marks  of 

Ihmour  and  distinction  which  the  papal  court  confers 

11]  ion  men  of  unblemished  character  who  have  in  any 

way  promoted  the  interests  of  society,  the  Church, 

and  the  Holy  See.     The  titles  range  all  the  way  from 

prince  to  baron  inclusive,  and  are  bestowed  by  the 

pope  as  temporal  sovereign.     The  title  ordinarily  con- 

j  ferred  is  that  of  count  prefixed  to  the  family  name, 

i  which  title  is  either  merely  personal  or  transferable  by 

I  right  of  primogeniture  in  the    male   line.     Bishops 

I  a.ssistant  at  the  throne  are  de  jure  Roman  counts. 

!  There  is  another  title  which  is  usually  called  Count 

Palatine,  but  the  true  designation  is  Count  of  the 

S:i(  red  Palace  of  Lateran,  which  is  attached  to  many 

I  ilicos    in    the    papal   court.     The   papal    orders   of 

knighthood,  ranking  according  to  their  importance 

.ind  dignity,  are:   (1)  Supreme  Order  of  Christ;  (2) 

Onicr   of   Pius  IX;     (3)   Order  of  St.   Gregory  the 

(iriat;   (4")  Order  of  St.  Sylvester;   (5)  Order  of  the 

Golden  Militia,    also    called    of    the    Golden    Spur; 

H'l  Order  of  The  Holy  Sepulchre  (semi-official  note 

of  tlie  Cardinal  Chancellor  of  Equestrian  Orders,  "Os- 

S( Tvatore  Romano",  12  Feb.,  1905). 

Pius  X  decreed  that  the  Orders  of  Christ  and  the 
Golden  Militia  should  have  only  one,  the  other  four 
on  Irrs,  three  grades  or  cla.sses  ("Multum  ad  excitan- 
dos'';  7  Feb.,  1905);  that  occasionally,  but  very  rarely, 
in  matters  of  special  importance  and  by  special  papal 
|iirniission,  a  commander  eminently  distinguished 
init;ht  be  allowed  to  wear  the  badge  (smaller  size  than 
that  of  the  first  class)  on  the  left  breast.  According 
to  critical  historians,  these  orders  do  not  antedate  the 
i  iiisades.  After  the  Crusades,  the  kings  of  Europe 
founded  .and  placed  under  the  protection  of  the 
lilcssed  Virgin  Mary,  or  the  Saints,  orders  of  chivalry. 
<  >f  these,  some  were  intended  to  protect  their  king- 
(1  mis  from  the  incursions  of  the  infidel,  and  were  in 
I  ality  religious  military  orders;  others  were  designed 
,11  desirable  and  honourable  recompense  for  eminent 
>'  r\  ices  to  king  and  covmtry.  The  lavish  and  indLs- 
criniinate  creation  of  knights  of  the  latter  orders  led 
m  course  of  time  to  a  loss  of  prestige  and  desire  on  the 
part  of  men  of  eminent  merits  to  be  knighted.  The 
I  Ionian  pontiffs,  in  their  dual  capacity  of  spiritual  and 
ti  niporal  rulers,  either  founded  or  approved,  or  re- 
motielled  and  restored  to  their  pristine  glory,  the  six 
papal  orders  afore-mentioned. 

Supreme  Order  of  Christ. — The  Supreme  Order  of 
Christ  is  of  Portuguese  origin  (see  Christ,  Order  of 
THE  Knights  of).  The  papal  and  Portuguese  order 
are  one  and  the  same,  for  a  two-fold  reason ;  the  pope 
is  the  he.ad  of  everj'  religious  order  and  can  admit  to 
solemn  profession  in  any  order  without  the  pennission 
of  its  superior  general,  and,  further,  in  the  Bull  of  ap- 
provals he  reserved  to  himself  and  his  successors  the 
right  to  create  knights  of  the  order,  a  right  which  was 
exercised  by  the  popes  and  recognized  by  the  kings  of 
Portugal.  Tlie  decoration  is  a  long  red  cross,  bor- 
dered with  a  narrow  gold  band,  whose  extremities  are 
of  a  trapezoidal  form,  surmounted  by  a  royal  crown, 
which,  in  turn,  is  surmounted  by  a  military  trophy 
attached  to  the  ribbon.  Upon  the  centre  of  the  long 
red  cross  is  superimposed  a  small,  simple,  white  en- 
amelled Latin  cro.ss.  The  white  upon  the  red  .symbol- 
izes the  triumph  of  the  Immaculate  Jjamb  of  God,  by 
His  blood,  over  the  world  of  sin.     Until  within  a  few 


years  ago,  this  decoration  was  worn  suspended  by  a 
red  ribbon  which  encircled  the  wearer's  neck.  Pope 
Pius  X,  in  memory  of  the  ancient  collar  composed  of 
alternate  swords  and  tiaras  which  the  knights  of  old 
wore,  decreed  that  the  decoration  should  henceforth 
be  worn  suspended  from  a  collar  composed  of  shields 
bearing  alternately  the  cross  of  the  order  and  the 
papal  emblems  connected  with  golden  knots.  The 
"plaque",  or  badge,  worn  on  the  breast,  is  a  silver 
eight^rayed  star  ornamented  with  jewels,  bearing  on 
its  centre  the  cross  of  the  order,  which  is  encircled  by 
a  crown  of  gold  oak  leaves  wound  with  a  green  fillet. 
The  uniform  is  of  a  bright  scarlet  with  facings  of  white 
cloth  and  rich  gold  embroideries  on  the  collar,  breast 
and  cuffs  (Moroni,  Diz.,  XVIII,  216).  Knee  breeches 
of  white  smooth  silk  with  gold  side  stripes,  shoes  of 
white  silk  with  gold  buckles,  hat  with  white  plumes 
and  ornamented  with  a  knot  of  twisted  gold  cord 
terminating  in  tassels  of  gold,  and  a  sword  with  a  gold 
ornamented  mother-of-pearl  hilt  and  pendant  tassels 
of  twisted  gold  cord  complete  this  official  costume 
(Pius  X,  .3  May,  1905).  The  official  dress  of  a  pro- 
fessed knight  of  this  order  when  it  was  a  religious 
military  body  was  white. 

Order  of  Pius  IX.— This  had  for  its  founder  (17 
June,  1S47)  the  pope  whose  name  it  bears.  Its  object 
is  to  fittingly  reward  noble  and  conspicuous  deeds 
which  merit  well  of  Church  and  society,  and  to  stim- 
ulate others  to  follow  the  illustrious  example  set  them. 
At  first  it  comprised  only  two  classes,  knights  of  the 
first  cla.ss,  who,  upon  receiving  the  decoration,  were 
made  nobles  with  hereditary  succession,  and  knights 
of  the  second  class,  whose  title  of  nobility  was  per- 
sonal. Shortly  after  (17  June,  1849,  "Cum  homi- 
num  mentes")  the  order  was  divided  into  four  clas.ses, 
viz.:  (1)  Knights  of  the  Great  Ribbon;  (2)  Command- 
ers with  the  Badge;  (3)  Commanders,  and  (4) 
Knights.  Knights  of  the  Great  Ribbon  wear  a  wide 
ribbon  extending  from  the  left  shoulder  saltier-wise  to 
the  right  side  where  from  a  rosette  attached  to  the 
ribbon  the  star  of  the  order  is  suspended.  They  also 
wear  on  the  breast  the  large  badge  set  with  dia- 
monds. Commanders  wear  the  decoration  at  the  neck. 
Commanders  with  the  Badge,  besides  the  star  at  the 
neck,  wear  a  badge  of  smaller  design  than  the  large 
plaque  on  the  breast,  and  simple  knights  wear  the 
star  on  the  left  breast.  The  decoration  is  an  eight- 
pointed  blue  enamelled  star.  The  spaces  between  the 
rays  are  filled  in  with  undulating  golden  flames.  On 
the  centre  is  a  white  enamelled  medallion  on  which 
is  engraved  the  words  pius  ix  and  around  it,  in  a 
golden  circle,  are  stamped  in  characters  of  blue,  the 
motto,  viUTHTi  ET  MERiTo.  The  reverse  is  identical 
with  the  obverse  side  except  that  the  inscription 
anno  1847  is  used  instead  of  pius  ix.  There  are  two 
forms  of  badges.  One  is  a  large  silver  medal  similar 
to  the  star,  and  the  other  is  of  the  same  design  but 
larger  and  adorned  with  brilliant  gems.  The  ribbon 
of  the  decoration  is  dark  blue  silk  bordered  with  red. 
The  official  costume  (rarely  worn)  is  a  dark  blue  even- 
ing dress  coat  closed  in  front  by  one  row  of  gold  but- 
tons. The  collar  and  cuffs  and  breast  of  the  coat  are 
covered  with  golden  embroideries  more  or  less  elab- 
orate, according  to  the  grade  or  class  of  the  wearer. 
Golden  epaulettes,  white  trousers  with  gold  side 
stripes,  a  bicornered  hat  with  white  plumes,  complete 
the  official  dress.  This  order  may  be  conferred  also 
upon  non-Catholics. 

Order  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great. — Gregory  XVI 
founded  this  order  to  reward  the  civil  and  military 
virtues  of  subjects  of  the  Papal  States  by  brief  "  Quod 
Summis",  1  Sept.,  1831,  and  placed  it  under  the  pa- 
tronage of  the  great  pope  whose  name  it  bears.  It 
has  two  divisions,  civil  .and  military,  and  each  division 
is  divided  into  four  classes,  viz.:  (l)  Grand  Cross 
Knights  of  the  First  ("lass;  (2)  Cirand  Cross  Knights 
of  the  Second  Class;  (3)  Commanders,  and  (4)  simple 


DECORATIONS 


668 


DECORATIONS 


Knights.  The  decoration  is  a  bifurcated  or  eight- 
pointed  red  enamelled  gold  cross,  in  the  centre  of 
which  is  a  blue  medallion  on  which  is  impressed  in 
gold  the  image  of  St.  Gregory,  and  at  the  side  of  his 
head  near  the  right  ear  is  a  dove;  in  a  circle  around  the 
image  appears  in  golden  letters  "  S.  Gregorius  Magnus  ". 
On  the  reverse  side  is  the  device,  "Pro  Deo  et  Prin- 
cipe", and  in  the  centre  around  it,  gregorius  xvi. 
p.  M.  ANNO.  1.  The  badge  is  the  cross  of  the  order 
surrounded  with  silver  rays.  The  ribbon  of  the  order 
is  red  with  orange  borders.  The  cross  worn  by  a 
knight  of  the  military  division  is  surmounted  by  a 
military  trophy;  the  cross  of  a  knight  of  the  civil 
division  is  surmounted  by  a  crown  of  gold  oak  leaves. 
The  costume  of  ceremony  is  a  dress  coat  of  dark  green 
open  in  front,  and  covered  on  breast  and  back  with 
embroideries  in  the  form  of  oak  leaves.  WTiite 
trousers  with  silver  side  stripes,  a  bicornered  orna- 
mented hat,  and  the  usual  knightly  sword,  complete 
the  costume,  which  is  rarely  worn. 

Order  oj  St.  Sylvester,  before  the  Regulations  of  Pius 
X. — This  was  the  Order  of  the  Golden  Militia  under  a 
new  name.  Prior  to  the  year  1841  it  was  known  as 
the  Militia  of  the  Golden  Spur  or  Golden  Militia,  and 
though  it  is  not  historically  established  who  among 
the  many  supposed  founders  is  the  true  one,  yet  it 
undoubtedly  is  the  oldest  and,  at  one  time,  was  one  of 
the  most  prized  of  the  papal  orders.  Faculties 
grant<?d  to  the  Sforza  family  (Paul  III  "  Hinc  est  quod 
nos",  14  Apr.,  1539),  to  the  College  of  Abbreviators 
(Leo  X  Const.  14  "Summi")  and  to  bishops  assistant 
at  the  throne  (Julius  III,  6  Apr.,  1557)  to  create 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Militia  resulted  in  lavish  be- 
stowal and  diminished  prestige  of  the  decoration. 
Pope  Gregory  XVI  (''Quod  hominum  mentes",  31 
Oct.,  1841),  retaining  the  ancient  name,  placed  the 
order  under  the  patronage  of  St.  Sylvester  (one  of 
its  alleged  founders),  withdrew  all  faculties  to  whom 
and  by  whomsoever  given,  and  forbade  the  use  of  the 
title  or  the  decoration  to  all  knights  created  by  other 
than  by  papal  Brief.  The  better  to  restore  it  to  its 
ancient  glory  and  splendour,  he  limited  the  number  of 
commanders  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  and  knights  to 
three  hundred  (for  Papal  States  only),  and  appointed 
the  Cardinal  of  Apostolic  Briefs  as  Chancellor  of  the 
Order,  with  the  duty  of  preserving  the  name,  grade, 
nimiber  and  date  of  admission  of  each  knight.  He 
divided  it  into  two  classes,  commanders  and  knights. 
The  former  wore  the  large  sized  decoration  suspended 
at  the  neck,  the  latter  the  small  sized  one  on  the  left 
side  of  the  breast.  The  decoration,  according  to  the 
Gregorian  Brief,  was  an  eight-pointed  gold  cross  with 
an  image  of  St.  Sylvester  wearing  the  tiara  on  its 
white  enamelled  centre,  and  around  this  centre  a  blue 
enamelled  circle  bearing  in  letters  of  gold  the  inscrip- 
tion SANC.  SYLVESTER  P.  M.  On  the  reverse  side,  in 
golden  characters,  was  stamped  mdoccxli  gregorius 
XVI  RHSTITUIT.  A  goldcii  spur  hung  suspended  from 
the  sides  of  the  bifurcated  foot  of  the  cross  of  the 
order  to  mark  the  unity  of  the  Sylvestrine  order  with 
that  of  the  Golden  Militia.  The  ribbon  of  the  decora- 
tion was  of  silk  composed  of  five  strands,  three  of 
which  were  red,  and  two  black.  Commanders  wore 
the  decoration  at  the  neck,  the  knights  on  the  breast. 
The  ribbon  of  the  former  was  larger  than  that  of  the 
latter,  the  cross  of  the  former  was  also  more  elegant 
than  that  of  the  latter.  The  official  costume  was  a 
red  evening  dress  coat  with  two  rows  of  gold  buttons 
with  green  collar  and  facing.  The  gold  embroideries 
of  the  coat  were  of  a  more  ornate  design  for  command- 
ers than  for  knights.  White  trousers,  with  gold  side 
bands,  hat  with  white  plumes  and  a  sword  with  a  silver 
hilt  and  also  gilt  spurs,  completed  this  rarely  used 
costume.  Knights  of  both  classes  wore  around  the 
neck  a  gold  chain  from  which  was  svispended  a  tiny 
golden  spur  commemorative  of  the  ancient  order  of  that 
denomination.    Pius  X  (Motu  Proprio,  "Multum  ad 


excitandos",  7  Feb.,  1905)  divided  the  Sylvestrine  into 
two  orders  of  knighthood,  one  retaining  the  name  of  St. 
Sylvester  and  the  other  taking  the  ancient  name  of  the 
order,  i.  e.  Order  of  the  Golden  Militia,  or  Golden  Spur. 

Order  of  St.  Sylvester,  since  the  Regulations  of  Pius 
X. — The  order  now  has  three  classes  of  knights:  (1) 
Knights  Grand  Cross,  (2)  Commanders,  and  (3)  Knights. 
The  present  decoration  is  a  gold  cross  of  white  enam- 
elled surface,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  impressed  the 
image  of  St.  Sylvester  P.  M.,  surrounded  by  a  blue 
enamelled  circle  bearing  the  inscription  in  letters  of 
gold  SANC.  SYLVESTER  P.  M.  On  the  opposite  side, 
in  the  centre,  are  the  pontifical  emblems  with  the  date 
of  the  Gregorian  restoration,  mdcccxxxxi,  and  that 
of  the  Pius  X  renovation,  mdccccv,  impressed  in 
characters  of  gold  upon  a  blue  circle.  The  badge  is 
the  cross  of  the  order  attached  to  a  silver  star.  The 
new  costume  consists  of  a  black  (formerly  red)  coat 
with  one  row  (formerly  two)  of  gilt  buttons,  and 
cuffs  and  collar  of  black  velvet  embroidered  in  gold; 
black  trousers,  with  gold  stripes,  a  bicornered  hat  of 
rough  silk  adorned  with  papal-colovired  cockade,  and 
finally  a  sword  with  a  hilt  of  mother-of-pearl  orna- 
mented with  gold  and  worn  suspended  from  a  gilt  belt. 
The  ribbon  of  the  decoration  is  black  silk  bordered 
with  red.  Simple  knights  wear  the  cross  on  the  left 
breast  of  the  tunic.  Commanders  wear  a  larger  cross 
suspended  by  the  ribbon  of  the  order  encircling  the 
neck,  and  the  Knights  of  the  Grand  Cross  wear  a  cross 
of  largest  form  pendant  from  the  right  shoulder  and 
the  badge  on  the  left  side  of  the  breast.  The  hat  of 
the  commander  is  adorned  with  a  black,  that  of  the 
grand  cross  knight  with  a  white,  plume. 

The  Order  of  the  Golden  Militia,  or  the  Golden  Spur. — 
Pius  X,  in  commemoration  of  the  high  prestige  to 
which  this  order  had  attained  long  years  before  it  was 
absorbed  into  the  Gregorian  Order  of  St.  Sylvester, 
and  as  a  souvenir  of  the  golden  jubilee  of  the  dogmatic 
definition  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  B.  V. 
M.,  gave  back  to  it  the  separate  existence,  name  and 
grade  of  ancient  days,  and  rendered  it  still  more  illus- 
trious by  placing  it  under  the  patronage  of  the  Imma- 
culate Conception.  To  this  order  are  to  be  admitted 
only  those  who  have  distinguished  themselves  in  an 
eminent  degree,  and  either  by  feat  of  arms,  or  by  their 
writings,  or  by  any  other  conspicuous  work,  have 
spread  the  Catholic  Faith,  and  by  their  bravery  have 
safeguarded,  or  by  their  learning  made  illustrious,  the 
Church  of  God.  To  insure  its  continued  high  grade 
of  excellence  and  desirability,  its  founder  limited  it  to 
one  class  and  one  hundred  knights  for  the  entire  world 
("Multum  ad  excitandos",  7  Feb.,  1905).  It  can  be 
conferred  on  those  already  knighted  in  the  highest 
orders,  even  that  of  Christ,  as  well  as  on  those  who 
have  never  received  any  order  of  knighthood.  The 
honour  is  bestowed  by  a  "Motu  Proprio"  (Pope's 
own  motion)  and  as  such  is  expedited  through  the 
secretariat  of  State,  and  free  from  all  chancery  fees. 
The  decoration  is  an  eight-pointed  or  bifurcated  yel- 
low enamelled  gold  cross,  with  a  gold  trophy  on  top 
and  pendent  from  the  inner  sides  of  its  bifurcated  foot 
a  gold  spur.  On  a  small  white  medal  in  the  centre  of 
the  cross  the  word  iiari.4.  surrounded  by  a  golden 
circle,  and  on  the  reverse  side  in  the  centre  is  stamped 
the  year  mdccccv  and  in  the  surrounding  circle  the 
inscription  pius  x  restituit.  The  badge  is  the 
cross  upon  the  rays  of  a  silver  star.  The  ribbon  used 
for  both  decoration  and  badge  is  red  bordered  with 
white.  The  knights  of  to-day  do  not  wear  the  ancient 
collar.  The  cross  is  worn  suspended  by  the  ribbon  of 
the  order  which  encircles  the  neck.  The  badge  is  at- 
tached by  the  ribbon  to  the  left  breast  of  the  tunic. 
The  present  official  dress  consists  of  a  red  tunic  v/ith 
two  rows  of  gilt  buttons,  the  collar  and  cuffs  of  which 
are  black  velvet  embroidered  with  threads  of  gold,  long, 
black  cloth  trousers  with  gold  side  stripes;  epaulettes 
ornamented  with  gold  fringes  and  surmounted  on  top 


PONTIFICAL  DECORATIONS 

1.  SlrPREME  ORDER  OK  CHRIST 

2.  ORDER  OF  ST.  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  (CIVIL  DIVISIO.N) 

3.  ORDER  OF  THE  HOI,Y  SEPULCHRE 


4.  ORDER  OF  I'lUS  IX 

5.  ORDER  OF  ST.  SYLVESTER 

6.  PRO  ECCLESIA  ET  PONTIFICE 


i 


DECORATIONS 


669 


DECORATIONS 


\Mth  emblems  of  the  order,  gold  spurs,  oblong  two- 
) naked  hat  fringed  with  gold  and  adorned  with  a 
f^nld  knob  displaying  papal  colours,  a  sword  whose 
liilt  is  a  gilt  cross  and  scabbard  black,  and  finally  a 
uilt  sword  belt  with  red  fringe.  All  former  conces- 
sions of  noble  titles,  even  that  of  count  palatine  to 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Spur,  were  revoked  by  Pope 
I'ius  X,  who  desired  to  have  the  personal  merit  and 
worth  of  the  knights  their  sole  and  only  title  to 
hiinour  and  respect  among  men. 

Order  of  The  Hob/ Sepulchre. — St.  James,  first  Bishop 
t  if  Jerusalem,  the  Empress  St.  Helena,  Charlemagne, 
I  iiidfrey  of  Bouillon  and  Baldwin  I,  are  among  the  re- 
lated founders  of  this  order.  According  to  the  opinion 
nf  critical  historians,  the  order  is  a  branch  of  the 
Knights  of  S.  John  of  Jerusalem  which  was  approved 
1 1 13)  by  Pope  Pascal  II.  Whoever  may  have  been 
Its  real  founder,  it  is  certain  that  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
turj-  there  was  another  order  following  the  Rule  of 
St.  Basil  that  proceeded  on  a  line  of  action  parallel 
with  that  of  Knights  of  Jerusalem.  Upon  the  fall  of 
llii-  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  the  Knights  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre  were  driven  out  of  Palestine,  and 
some  of  them  settled  at  Perugia.  Gradually  the 
order  lost  its  prestige,  and  was  by  Pope  Innocent  VIII 
( 1  189)  imited  to  the  Knights  Hospitallers.  Pope 
.Mi'xander  VI  (1496)  restored  (H^lyot  says,  insti- 
t  utrti)  this  order  that  by  offering  a  most  desirable  and 
li'iiiourable  distinction  as  a  reward  for  the  great  la- 
I'oiir,  fatigue  and  expense  of  a  journey  to  the  Holy 

I  ind,  he  might  incite  wealthy  and  noble  Europeans 

I I  ■  \isit  and  aid  the  holy  places.  He  reserved  to  him- 
-i  If  and  his  successors  the  title  and  office  of  supreme 
I  '-ad;  but  empowered  the  Franciscan  Custodian  of 
Mount  Sion,  the  Commissary  Apostolic  of  the  Holy 
Land — as  long,  and  no  longer  than,  the  Jerusalem 
latin  Patriarchate  remained  vacant — to  confer  in  the 

I  iiiio  of  the  pope  the  Knighthood  of  the  Holy  Sep- 
i:l(  hre  upon  worthy  persons.     Popes  Alexander  VII 

liiiio)  and  Benedict  XIII  (1727)  confinned  the  privi- 
\<i:i\     Benedict   XIV   ("In   Supremo  Militantis   Ec- 

■  -i:e",  17  Jan.,  1746)  remodelled  the  rules  of  the  order, 
d  the  forms  by  which  the  Franciscan  Custodian 
"ild  he  guided  in  bestowing  the  decoration,  renewed 
;  -  ncient  privileges  (similar  in  part,  to  those  granted 
lo  the  Golden  Militia),  and  granted  to  the  Knights  the 
I'lL'lit  to  use  the  title  of  Count  of  the  Sacred  Palace  of 
1, at.  ran.  Pius  IX,  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Latin 
t  'iisalem  Patriarchate  (1847),  withdrew  the  Alexan- 
drine faculty,  and  gave  it  to  the  new  patriarch  and 

II  >  successors.  Tlic  patriarchs  alone  can  in  future 
in  ate  Ivnights  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  this  they 
'lo  not  of  their  own  right,  but  in  the  name  and  by 
virtue  of  the  pope's  authority.  It  was  required  that 
a  knight  should,  except  in  an  exceptional  case,  give 
an  alms  of  100  sequins  in  gold  (equal  to  S200)  towards 
the  Holy  Places.  This  money  was  by  decree  (S.  C.  P. 
F..  1847)  ordered  to  be  turned  over  to  the  patriarch 
for  the  needs  of  the  Holy  Land.  Pope  Pius  IX  ("  Cum 
multa",  Jan.  24,  1868)  remodelled  and  approved  the 
ancient  statutes,  and  divided  the  order  into  three 
(practically  four)  classes:  (1)  Grand  Cross  Knights, 
(2)  Commanders,  and  (.i)  Knights. 

Conmianders  of  conspicuous  ability  and  eminent 
virtue  were,  in  rare  cases,  and  by  special  papal  faculty, 
pennitted  to  wear  the  badge  on  the  breast,  and  so 
constituted  a  grade  between  the  grand  cross  knight 
and  the  commander.  Pius  X  ("Quam  multa  te 
Ordinemque",  3  May,  1907)  fixed  the  number  of 
grades  at  three,  granted  the  priv-ilege  of  affixing  ;i 
military  trophy  to  the  cross,  approved  the  creation  of 
patriarchal  representatives  in  other  lands,  iis  the  good 
of  the  order  may  demand,  prescribed  the  imiform  for 
them,  reserved  to  himself  and  .successors  the  title  of 
grand  master,  and  appointed  the  Latin  Patriarch  of 
Jerusalem  his  lieutenant  and  administrator  in  the  be- 
stowing of  this  papal  decoration.     He  also  arranged 


that  in  the  event  of  the  death  of  the  patriarch  and 
the  vacancy  of  the  see,  the  powers  of  the  patriarch 
as  papal  lieutenant  and  administrator  of  the  Order 
of  Holy  Sepulchre  should  by  law  devolve  upon  the 
cardinal  secretary  of  state.  The  decoration  is  a  large 
red  enamelled  gold  cross,  with  a  narrow  border  of  gold, 
and  surmounted  by  a  royal  crown.  Prior  to  the  last 
century  the  cross  was  simply  gold  without  the  red 
enamel.  The  form  of  the  cross  is  what  is  called  "  poten- 
tiate", that  is,  crutched  or  gibbet-shaped.  The  four 
extremities  are  shaped  as  the  large  cross  and  four  small 
red  enamelled  crosses  of  simple  form  are  attached.  The 
ribbon  is  of  black  watered  silk.  A  mulberry  trophy 
connects  the  cross  with  the  ribbon.  The  plaque  or 
badge  is  an  eight-pointed  or  rayed  silver  star,  on 
whose  centre  is  the  red  cross  encircled  by  the  two 
green  enamelled  branches,  one  oak  and  the  other 
laurel.  The  collar,  worn  only  on  solemn  occasions, 
is  composed  of  little  Jerusalem  crosses,  and  rings  of 
burnished  gold.  Knights  of  the  first  class  wear  the 
grand  cross  suspended  from  the  wide  black  watered 
silk  ribbon  rmming  saltier-wise  from  the  right  shoul- 
der to  the  left  side,  and  the  badge  on  the  breast. 
Commanders  carry  the  cross  and  ribbon  fastened  at 
the  neck.     Knights  wear  the  badge  on  the  left  breast. 

Patriarchal  representatives,  besides  the  usual  deco- 
rations, are  permitted  to  wear  the  grand  cross  promi- 
nently placed  on  the  breast  of  the  unifonn,  but  on  the 
right  side  of  the  breast  of  the  civil  dress.  The  cos- 
tume is  a  white  evening  dress  coat  with  collar,  cuffs 
and  breast  facings  of  black  velvet  with  gold  embroid- 
eries, epaulet  of  twisted  gold  cord,  white  trousers 
with  gold  side  stripes,  a  sword  and  plumed  hat.  Pius 
X  added  to  the  costume  a  large  white  woolen  mantle 
with  a  red  Jerusalem  cross  on  the  left  breast.  The 
knights  rarely  don  this  official  robe;  they  content 
themselves  with  wearing  the  decorations  on  the  civil 
dress.  This  decoration  may  be  conferred  upon  ladies 
who  are  then  styled  Dames  or  Matrons  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre.  The  dames  wear  the  insignia  of  their 
grade,  no  matter  what  grade  it  may  be,  always  on  the 
left  side  of  the  breast  (Leo  XIII,  3  Aug.,  1888). 

In  addition  to  these  principal,  there  are  other  minor 
papal  distinctions,  of  which  some  are  temporary  and 
others  permanent.  Permanent  minor  decorations  are 
the  medals:  (1)  The  Pro  Eccle.sia  et  Pontifice,  (2) 
Benemerenti,  (3)  The  Holy  Land.  The  medal  Pro 
Ecclesia  et  Pontifice  was  instituted  by  Pope  Leo  XIII 
(17  July,  1888,  "Quod  Singulari")  in  memory  of  his 
golden  sacerdotal  jubilee,  and  bestowed  on  those 
women  and  men  who  had  merited  well  by  aiding  and 
promoting,  and  by  other  excellent  ways  and  means 
assisted  in  making  the  jubilee  and  the  Vatican  Expo- 
sition successful.  This  decoration  was  made  a  per- 
manent distinction  only  in  October,  1898  (Giobbio, 
see  below).  Its  object  is  to  reward  those  who  in  a 
general  way  deser\'e  well  of  the  pope  on  account  of 
services  done  for  the  Church  and  its  head.  The 
meflal  is  of  gold,  silver  or  bronze.  The  decoration  is 
not  subject  to  chancerj'  fees.  The  medal  is  a  cross 
made  octangular  in  form  by  fleurs-ile-lis  fixed  in  the 
angles  of  the  cross  in  a  special  manner.  The  extrem- 
ities of  the  cross  are  of  a  slightly  patonce  form. 
In  the  centre  of  the  cross  is  a  small  medal  with  an 
image  of  its  foimder,  and  encircling  the  image  are 
the  words  leg  xiii  p.  m.  anno  x  (tenth  year  of  his 
pontificate).  On  the  obverse  side  are  the  papal  em- 
blems in  the  centre,  and  in  the  circle  surrounding 
the  emblems  the  motto  pro  deo  et  pontifice  is 
stamped.  On  the  obverse  surface  of  the  branches  of 
the  cro.ss  are  comets — which  with  the  fleurs-de-lis  form 
the  coat  of  arms  of  the  Pecci  family.  On  the  reverse 
side  arc  st.amped  the  words,  phidie  (left  branch) ;  kal. 
(top  branch);  .ianuar.  (right  branch);  1888  (at  the 
foot).  The  ribbon  is  purple,  with  delicate  lines  of 
white  and  yellow  on  each  border.  The  decoration  ig 
worn  on  the  right  side  of  breast. 


DECREE 


670 


DECRETALS 


Benemerenti  Medals. — Pope  Gregory  XVI  (1832)  in- 
stituted two  medals  which  he  called  merit-medals  to 
reward  civil  and  military  daring  and  courage.  The 
military  medal  bears  on  one  side  the  image  of  the 
founder,  and  on  the  other  side  an  angel  holding  a 
scroll  with  the  word  benemerenti,  surmounted  by  the 
papal  emblems  (sometimes  this  medal  is  found  en- 
circled by  a  crown  of  laurels).  It  is  worn  on  the 
breast  suspended  by  a  white  and  yellow  ribbon.  The 
civil  merit-medal  has  engraved  on  its  face  surface  only 
the  word  benemerenti,  surrounded  by  a  crown  of 
oak  leaves.     The  ribbon  is  of  the  papal  colours. 

Medal  of  the  Holij  Land. — This  was  designed  by  Leo 
XIII  (Dec.  S.C.P.F.  2  May,  1901),  who  empowered  the 
Custodian  of  the  Holy  Land  to  bestow  it  upon  pilgrims 
who  presented  a  certificate  of  good,  moral  Christian 
life  from  their  parish  priest  and  a  genuinely  religious 
intention  in  making  the  journey  to  the  Holy  Land.  It 
serves  as  a  testimonial  and  souvenir  of  the  pilgrimage. 
The  decoration  is  a  cross  similar  to  that  of  the  Knights 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  save  that  the  four  small  crosses 
are  crutched  instead  of  being  simple  of  form.  A 
medallion  with  the  inscription  leg  xiii  cre.vvit.  anno 
M.c.M.  occupies  the  centre  of  the  large  cross.  On  each 
branch  of  the  large  cross  are  graven  figures  of  the 
.Annunciation,  Nativity,  Baptism  of  C'hrist,  and  Last 
Supper  respectively.  On  the  crutched-shaped  ex- 
tremities are  the  words,  christi  amor  crucifixi 
TRAXiT  Nos.  On  the  reverse  side  of  the  cross,  the 
figure  of  Christ  appears  in  the  centre  of  the  medallion. 
On  the  branches  are  representations  of  the  Agony  in 
the  Garden,  Flagellation,  Crowning  with  Thorns  and 
Crucifixion,  and  on  the  extremities  of  the  branches  the 

words  .SIGNUM  SACRI  ITINERIS  HIERSOLIMITANI.       It  is 

worn  on  the  left  breast  suspended  from  a  red  ribbon 
with  four  small  blue  transverse  bars  bordered  with 
white,  which  in  turn  are  edged  with  dark  yellow.  There 
are  three  classes  of  medals:  gold,  silver,  and  bronze, 
adapted  to  the  condition  of  pilgrims  and  the  services 
they  have  rendered  to  the  Holy  Land.  The  recipient 
must  pay  the  cost  of  the  medal  and  be.stow  an  alms  of 
at  least  two  dollars  towards  the  maintenance  of  the 
Holy  Places.  Each  year  the  custodian  must  inform 
the  "Propaganda  how  many  decorations  have  been  be- 
stowed and  the  amount  of  the  alms  given  (Dec.  S.  C. 
P.P.,  10  June,  1901). 

Popes  Pius  VII  and  Pius  IX  conferred  special  dec- 
orations which  were  temporary  and  not  permanent. 
The  former  bestowed  a  medal  for  military  bravery, 
and  another  for  zeal  and  courage  in  stamping  out  the 
brigandage,  which  had  taken  such  hold  in  the  Papal 
States  during  the  seven  years  of  the  French  occupa- 
tion. The  latter  conferred  the  Mentana  and  Castel- 
fidardo  medals  upon  the  papal  and  French  soldiers 
who  came  to  his  help  at  those  places. 

Pontifical  decorations  are  bestowed  either  by  motu 
propria,  and  then  forwarded  by  the  secretary  of  state, 
or  upon  petition,  when  they  are  expedited  through  the 
chancery.  The  most  certain  and  expeditious  mode  of 
procuring  the  coveted  decoration  is  by  a  petition 
from  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  of  the  person  to  be  hon- 
oured. The  petition  must  state  the  name,  age,  coun- 
trj',  in  short,  a  brief  history  of  the  life  of  the  applicant, 
bringing  out  in  relief  the  eminent  labours  or  work  in 
science,  literature,  arts,  controvei'sial  or  other  religious 
writings,  or  generous  and  self-sacrificing  gifts  or  en- 
dowments made  or  done  for  society,  the  Church  or  its 
head,  which  are  deemed  worthy  of  papal  recognition 
and  reward.  This  petition  must  be  endorsed  by  the 
ordinary  of  the  applicant.  The  endorsement  of 
another  than  the  diocesan  bishop  will  not  suffice.  The 
petition  is  sent  to  an  agent  at  Rome,  who  presents  it  to 
the  cardinal  chancellor  of  the  orders,  who  not  only 
registers  the  petition  and  the  endorsement  of  it  by  the 
bishop,  but  also  seeks  information  from  other  sources 
as  to  the  character  of  the  party  and  his  eminent  good 
works. 


Moroni,  Diz.,  XI.  6  sqq.;  XVIII,  210  sqq. ;  XLIX,  81  sqg.j 
LXIV,  91  sqq.;  LXVIII,  238  sqq.  Giobbio.  Lezioni  di  diplo- 
Ttiazia  ecclesiastica  (Rome,  1S99J,  Part  I,  lib.  I,  cap.  x,  art.  iv, 
.514  sqq.;  Andbe-W.\gner,  Diet,  de  Droit  Canoniqiie.  Ill,  83, 
501;  IV,  361;  Battandier,  .4(171.  Pant.  Calh.,  1901,  483  sqq.; 
1902,  468  sqq.;  1908,  646  sq.  For  list  of  knigiits  of  all  the  de«- 
orations  see  Ann.  for  1905.  1907,  and  190S;  Pti  IX  P.  M.  Acta, 
Part  I.  43  sq.,  195  sq. ;  IV.  391  sq. ;  Bern.isconi,  Acta  Gregorii 
papm  XVI,  I,  48;  III.  179  sq. ;  Analecta  Ecclesiastica  (Rome, 
1905),  99  sq.;  1907.  189;  Leoms  XIII.  Pont.  Max.  Ada  (Rome), 
VIII,  259,  282;  XXI.  74.  P.  M.  J.  RoCK. 

Decree  (Lat.  decretiim,  from  decerno,  I  judge),  in  a 
general  sense,  an  order  or  law  made  by  a  superior  au- 
thority for  the  direction  of  others.  In  ecclesiastical 
use  it  has  various  meanings.  Any  papal  Bull,  Brief,  or 
Motu  Proprio  is  a  decree  inasmuch  as  these  docu- 
ments are  legislative  acts  of  the  Holy  Father.  In  this 
sense  the  term  is  quite  ancient.  Pope  Siricius  speaks 
(Ep.  i,  ad  Himer.,  c.  ii)  of  the  decreta  generalia  of 
Pope  Liberius.  The  Roman  Congregations  are  em- 
powered to  issue  decrees  in  matters  which  come  under 
their  particular  jurisdiction.  Each  ecclesiastical 
province,  and  also  each  diocese  may  issue  decrees  in 
their  periodical  synods  within  their  sphere  of  author- 
ity. The  word  is  also  used  to  denote  certain  specified 
collections  of  church  law,  e.  g.  The  Decree  of  Gratian 
(Deeretum  Gratiani).  In  respect  of  the  general  legis- 
lative acts  of  the  pope  there  is  never  doubt  as  to  the 
universal  extent  of  the  obligation;  the  same  may  be 
said  of  the  decrees  of  a  General  Council,  e.  g.  those  of 
the  Vatican  Council.  The  Council  of  Trent  was  the 
first  to  apply  the  term  indiscriminately  to  rulings  con- 
cerning faith  and  discipline  (decreta  de  fide,  de  reforma- 
tione).  The  decrees  of  the  Roman  Congregations 
(q.  V.)  are  certainly  binding  in  each  case  submitted  for 
judgment.  But  there  are  varying  opinions  as  to 
whether  such  judgment  is  to  be  taken  as  a  rule  or  gen- 
eral law  applying  to  all  similar  cases.  The  common 
opinion  is  that  when  the  decisions  are  enlargements  of 
the  law  {declaratio  e:ctensiva  legis)  the  decisions  do  not 
bind  except  in  the  particular  case  for  which  the  decree 
is  made.  If,  however,  the  decision  is  not  an  enlarge- 
ment, but  merely  an  explanation  of  the  law  {declaratio 
comprehensiva  Icgis),  such  decree  binds  in  similar 
cases.  The  decrees  of  a  national  council  may  not  be 
promulgated  until  they  have  received  the  approval  of 
the  pope.  The  decrees  of  a  provincial  synod  have  no 
force  until  they  have  been  approved  by  Rome.  This 
approval  is  twofold:  ordmary  {in  fomifi.  communi), 
and  specific  (in  jormd  specified).  The  former  means 
that  there  is  nothing  which  needs  correction  in  the  de- 
crees of  the  synod,  and  they  thereby  have  force  in  the 
province.  This  is  the  approval  generally  given  to 
such  decrees.  If  approval  is  given  in  jormd  specified 
the  decrees  have  the  same  force  as  if  they  emanated 
from  the  Apostolic  See,  though  they  are  binding  only 
in  the  province  for  which  they  are  made.  The  decrees 
of  a  diocesan  bishop  deal  with  the  administration  and 
good  order  of  his  diocese.  If  they  are  made  during  a 
synod,  they  are  diocesan  laws,  are  usually  known  as 
"diocesan  statutes",  or  "synodal  statutes",  and  bind 
until  revoked  by  the  bishop  or  his  successor.  If  the 
decrees  are  extra-synodal,  they  have  force  only  during 
the  lifetime  of  the  bishop  or  until  he  revokes  them 
himself.  For  the  so-called  "  Decretmn  Gelasianum" 
see  Gelasius  I.  For  the  use  of  judici:U  decreta  in 
canonical  procedm-e  see  Permaneder  in  Ktrchenlexi- 
kon.  III,  1442-44.  (See  Constitutions,  Ecclesi- 
a.stical;  Rescripts.) 

T.\UNTON,  Tlic  Law  of  the  Ctiurch  (London.  1906);  Smith, 
Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1886);  Benedict 
XIV,  De  Synodo  dicscesand;  Bouix,  De  Principiis  Juris  Canon' 
id;  Ferr-^ris,  Theoria  et  praxis  regiminis  diaecesani. 

David  Dunford. 

Decrees,  Ecclesiastical.  See  Constitutions, 
Ecclesiastical. 

Decretals,  Papal. — I.  Definition  and  Eaklt 
History. — (1)  In  the  wide  sense  of  the  term  decre- 
talis  (i.  e.  epistola  decrctalis)  signifies  a  pontifical  letter 


DECRETALS 


671 


DECRETALS 


containing  a  decretum,  or  pontifical  decision.  (2)  In  a 
narrower  sense  it  denotes  a  decision  on  a  matter  of  dis- 
ciiiline.  (3)  In  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  it 
means  a  rescript  (rescriptum),  i.  e.  an  answer  of  the 
pojie  when  he  has  been  appealed  to  or  his  advice  has 
lii'cn  sought  on  a  matter  of  discipline.  Papal  decre- 
(ils,  therefore,  are  not  necessarily  general  laws  of  the 

I  lunch.  But  frequently  the  pope  ordered  the  recipi- 
,'nt  of  his  letter  to  communicate  tlie  papal  answer  to 
thr  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  the  district  to  which  he 
l"lnnged;  and  it  was  their  duty  then  to  act  in  con- 
fnrniity  with  that  decree  when  analogous  ca.ses  arose. 

I I  is  generally  stated  that  the  most  ancient  decretal  is 
the  letter  of  Pope  Saint  Siricius  (384-398)  to  Hime- 
nus,  Bishop  of  Tarragona  in  Spain,  dating  from  385; 
liiit  it  would  seem  that  the  document  of  the  fourth 
niitury  known  as  "Canones  Romanorum  ad  Gallos 
cpiscopos"  is  nothing  else  than  an  epistola  decretalis  of 
Ills  predecessor.  Pope  Damasus  (366-384), addressed  to 
the  bishops  of  Gaul  (Babut,  La  plus  ancienne  d^cr^tale, 
I'liris,  1904).  The  decretals  ought  to  be  carefully  dis- 
tinguished from  the  canons  of  the  councils;  from  the 
•  inxtolcedogmatkac.  i.  e.  the  pontifical  documents  touch- 
ing on  Catholic  doctrine;  from  the  constitutioiies,  or 
piiiitifical  documents  given  ?)iotu  proprw,  that  is,  docu- 
n  riits  issvied  by  the  pope  without  his  being  asked  to 

i.  I  so  or  consulted  upon  a  subject.  (4)  Finally,  under 
I  li.-  name  decretals  are  known- certain  collections,  con- 
tiiTung  especially,  but  not  exclusively,  pontifical  de- 
c  ivtals.  These  are  the  canonical  collections  of  a  later 
(lite  than  the  "Decretum"  of  Gratian  (about  1150). 
I'he  commentators  on  these  collections  are  n.amed  de- 
(Titalists,  in  contradistinction  to  the  decretists,  or 
thiise  who  commented  upon  the  "Decretum"  of  Gra- 
tiin.  Eventually  some  of  these  collections  received 
nllicial  recognition;  they  form  what  is  now  known  as 
the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici".  An  account  will  be 
niven  here  of  the  collections  of  decretals,  but  par- 
ticularly of  those  of  Gregory  IX. 

II.  The  "Quinque  Compilationes  Antiqu.e  De- 
cketalium". — The  "Decretimi"  of  Gratian  was  con- 
sidered in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  as  a  corpus 
juris  canonici,  i.  e.  a  code  of  the  ecclesiastical  laws  then 
in  force.     As  such,  however,  it  wa.s  incomplete;  more- 
over, many  new  laws  were  made  by  succeeding  popes; 
u  hence  the  necessity  of  new  collections  (see  Corpus 
.1 1  fus  Canonici).     Five  of  these  collections  exhibited 
'h.iitifical  legislation  from  the  "Decretum"  of  Gra- 
tian to  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  IX  (1150-1227). 
riiese  are  known  as  the  "Quinciue  compilationes  an- 
t"iUiE".     On  account  of  their  importance  they  were 
made  the  text  of  canonical  instruction  at  the  Univer- 
-ity  of  Bologna,  and,  like  the  "Decretum"  of  Gratian, 
were  glossed,  i.  e.  notes  bearing  on  the  explanation 
:ind  interpretation  of  the  text  were  added  to  the  manu- 
scripts.    The  first  collection,  the  "Breviarium  extra- 
\ :  1  gantium  ",  or  summary  of  the  decretals  not  contained 
111  the  "Decretum"  of  Gratian  {vagantes  extra  Decre- 
'iiin),  wius  the  work  of  Bernard  of  Pavia  (q.  v.)  and 
.'  IS  compiled  1187-1191.     It  contains  papal  decretals 
ti.   the  pontificate   of  Clement    III  inclusive  (1187- 
i  r.tl).     The  compilation  known  a.s  the  third  (Compi- 
1  itio  tertia),  written  however  prior  to  the  second  col- 
I'  ition  (Compilatio  secunda),  contains  the  documents 
if  tlie  first  twelve  years  of  the  pontificate  of  Innocent 
III   SJanuary,  1198 — 7  January,  1210)which  are  of  a 
Inter  date  than  those  of  the  second  compilation,  the 
litter  containing  especially  the  decretals  of  Clement 
III  and  Celestine  III  (1191-1198).     The  "Compilatio 
'tia"  Is  the  oldest  official  collection  of  the  legislation 
ttie  Roman  Church;  for  it  was  compo.sed  by  Cardi- 
I  Petrus  Collivacinus  of  Benevento  by  order  of  Inno- 
iit  III  (1198-1216),  by  whom  it  was  approved  in  the 
.11  "Devotioni  vestrtp"  of  28  December,  1210. 
I  he  second  compilation,  also  called   "Decretales 
imdise"  or  "Decretales  intermediie",  was  the  work  of 
I  [)rivate  individual,  the  Englishman  John  of  Wales 


(de  Walesio,  Walensis,  or  Galensis).  About  1216  an 
unknown  writer  formed  the  "Compilatio  quarta",  the 
fourth  collection,  containing  the  decretals  of  the  pon- 
tificate of  Innocent  III  which  are  of  a  later  date  than 
7  January,  1210,  and  the  canons  of  the  Fourth  Lateran 
Coimcil  held  in  1215.  Finally,  the  fifth  compilation 
is,  like  the  third,  an  official  code,  compiled  by  order  of 
Honorius  III  (1216-1227)  and  approved  by  this  pope 
in  the  Bull  "Novae  causarum"  (1226  or  1227).  It 
must  also  be  noted  that  several  of  these  collections 
contain  decretals  anterior  to  the  time  of  Gratian,  but 
not  inserted  by  him  in  the  "Decretum".  Bernard  of 
Pavia  divided  his  collection  into  five  books  arranged 
in  titles  and  chapters.  The  first  book  treats  of  per- 
sons possessing  jurisdiction  (judex),  the  second  of  the 
civil  legal  processes  (jtidiciwn) ,  the  third  of  clerics  and 
regulars  (ckrus),  the  fourth  of  marriage  (connubium), 
the  fifth  of  delinquencies  and  of  criminal  procedure 
(crimen).  In  the  four  other  collections  the  same  logi- 
cal division  of  the  subject-matter  was  adopted.  (For 
the  text  see  Friedberg,  Quinque  compilationes  an- 
tiqua>,  Leipzig,  1882.) 

III.  The  Decretals  of  Gregory  IX.— Gregory 
IX,  in  1230,  ordered  his  chaplain  and  confessor,  St. 
RajTuond  of  Peiiaforte  (Pennafort),  a  Dominican,  to 
form  a  new  canonical  collection  destined  to  replace  all 
former  collections.  It  has  been  said  that  the  pope  by 
this  measure  wished  especially  to  emphasize  his  power 
over  the  Universal  Church.  The  papacy  had,  indeed, 
arrived  at  the  zenith  of  its  power.  Moreover,  a  pope 
less  favourably  circumstanced  would,  perhaps,  not 
have  thought  of  so  important  a  measure.  Neverthe- 
less, the  utility  of  a  new  collection  was  so  evident  that 
it  is  needless  to  seek  other  motives  than  those  which 
the  pope  himself  gives  in  the  Bull  "Rex  pacificus"  of 
5  September,  1234,  viz.,  the  inconvenience  of  recurring 
to  several  collections  containing  decisions  most  diverse 
and  sometimes  contradictory,  e.thibiting  in  some 
cases  gaps  and  in  others  tedious  length ;  moreover,  on 
several  matters  the  legislation  was  uncertain. 

St.  Raymond  executed  the  work  in  about  four 
years,  and  followed  in  it  the  method  of  the  aforesaid 
"Quinque  compilationes  antiqua;".  He  borrowed 
from  them  the  order  of  the  subject-matter,  the  division 
into  five  books,  of  the  books  into  titles,  and  of  the 
titles  into  chapters.  Of  the  1971  chapters  which  the 
Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  contain,  1771  are  taken  from 
the  "Quinque  compilationes  antique",  191  are  due  to 
Gregory  IX  himself,  7  are  taken  from  decretals  of  In- 
nocent III  not  inserted  in  the  former  collections,  and  2 
are  of  unknown  origin.  They  are  arranged,  iis  a  gen- 
eral rule,  according  to  the  order  of  the  ancient  collec- 
tions, i.  e.  each  title  opens  with  the  chapters  of  the 
first  collection,  followed  by  those  of  the  second,  and  so 
on  in  regular  order;  then  come  those  of  Innocent  III, 
and  finally  those  of  Gregory  IX.  Almost  all  the  ru- 
brics, or  headings  of  the  titles,  have  also  been  bor- 
rowed from  these  collections,  but  several  have  been 
modified  as  regards  detail.  This  method  considerably 
lightened  St.  Raymond's  task.  However,  he  did  more 
than  simply  compile  the  documents  of  former  collec- 
tions. He  left  out  383  <iecisions,  modified  several 
otliers,  omitted  parts  when  he  considered  it  i)rudent  to 
do  so,  filled  up  the  gaps,  and,  to  render  his  collection 
complete  and  concordant,  cleared  uj)  doubtful  points 
of  the  ancient  ecclesiastical  law  by  adding  some  new 
decretals.  He  indicated  by  the  words  el  infra  lliejja.s- 
sages  excised  by  him  in  the  former  collections.  Tliey 
are  called  partes  decisa:  The  new  compilation  bore  no 
special  title,  but  was  called  "Decretales  Gregorii  IX" 
or  .sometimes  "Compilatio  sexta",  i.  e.  the  sixth  collec- 
tion with  reference  to  the  "Qtnnque  compilationes  an- 
tiqua;".  It  was  also  called  "CoUectio  seu  liber  ex- 
tra", i.  e.  the  collection  of  the  laws  not  contained 
(vagantes  extra)  in  the  "Decretum"  of  Gratian. 
Hence  the  custom  of  denoting  this  collection  by  the 
letter  X  (i.  e.  extra). 


DECRE7ALS 


672 


DECRETALS 


Quotations  from  this  collection  are  made  by  indi- 
cating the  number  of  the  chapter,  the  name  the  work 
goes  by  (X),  the  number  of  the  book,  and  that  of  the 
title.  Usually  the  heading  of  the  title  and  sometimes 
the  first  words  of  the  chapter  are  quoted;  for  instance, 
"c.  3,  X,  III,  23",  or  "c.  Odoardus,  X,  De  solutioni- 
bus,  III,  23",  refers  to  the  third  chapter,  commencing 
with  the  word  Odoardus,  in  the  Decretals  of  Gregory 
IX,  book  III,  title  23,  which  is  entitled  "  De  solutioni- 
bus".  If  the  number  of  the  chapter  or  of  the  title  is 
not  indicated  it  will  easily  be  learned  on  consulting 
the  alphabetical  indexes  of  the  rubrics  and  of  the 
introductory  words  of  the  chapters,  which  are  to  be 
found  in  all  editions  of  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici". 
Gregory  IX  sent  this  new  collection  to  the  Universities 
of  Bologna  and  Paris,  and,  as  already  stated,  declared, 
by  the  Bull  "Rex  pacificus"  of  5  September,  1234, 
that  this  compilation  was  the  ofRcial  code  of  the  canon 
law.  All  its  decisions  have  the  force  of  law,  whether 
they  be  authentic  or  not,  whatever  the  j  uridical  value 
of  the  texts  considered  in  themselves,  and  whatsoever 
the  original  text.  It  is  a  unique  (unica)  collection; 
all  its  decisions  were  simultaneously  promulgated,  and 
are  equally  obligatory,  even  if  they  appear  to  contain, 
or  if  in  fact  they  do  contain,  antinomies,  i.  e.  contra- 
dictions. In  this  peculiar  case  it  is  not  possible  to 
overcome  the  difficulty  by  recourse  to  the  principle 
that  a  law  of  later  date  abrogates  that  of  an  earlier 
period.  Finally,  it  is  an  exclusive  collection,  that  is 
to  say,  it  abrogates  all  the  collections,  even  the  official 
ones,  of  a  later  date  than  the  "  Decretum  "  of  Gratian. 
Some  authors  (Schulte,  Laurin)  maintain  that  Greg- 
ory IX  abrogated  even  those  laws  prior  to  Gratian 's 
time  which  the  latter  had  not  included  in  his  "  Decre- 
tum", but  this  opinion  Ls  contested  by  several  others 
(von  Scherer,  Schneider,  Wernz,  etc.).  The  contro- 
versy is  no  longer  of  practical  interest. 

The  Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  differ  widely  from  our 
modern  codes.  Instead  of  containing  in  one  concise 
statement  a  legislative  decision,  they  generally  con- 
tain, in  the  beginning,  an  account  of  a  controversy, 
the  allegations  of  the  parties  in  dispute,  and  a  demand 
for  the  solution  of  the  question.  This  is  the  species 
jacti  or  the  pars  historica  and  has  no  juridical  value 
whatever.  The  enacting  part  of  the  chapter  (pars 
dispositiva)  alone  has  the  force  of  law.  It  is  this  part 
which  contains  the  solution  of  the  case  or  the  state- 
ment of  the  rule  of  conduct.  The  rubrics  of  the  titles 
have  the  force  of  law  when  their  sense  is  complete,  as 
for  instance,  Ne  sede  vacante  aliquid  innoveiur  (Let 
there  be  no  innovation  while  the  see  is  vacant).  This 
is  because  the  headings  form  an  integral  part  of  the 
official  code  of  the  laws.  However,  they  ought  always 
to  be  interpreted  according  to  the  decisions  contained 
in  the  chapters.  The  historical  indications  concern- 
ing each  chapter  are  often  far  from  being  exact,  even 
since  they  were  corrected  in  the  Roman  edition  of 
1582.  It  may  be  regretted  that  St.  Rajmiond  did  not 
have  recourse  to  the  original  documents  themselves, 
of  which  a  large  number  must  have  been  at  his  dis- 
posal. The  summaries  (summaria)  which  precede  the 
chapters  are  the  work  of  the  canonists  and  may  assist 
in  the  elucidation  of  the  text.  The  partes  decisa^  are 
sometimes  of  like  use,  but  never  when  these  parts  were 
designedly  omitted  from  a  desire  to  extinguish  their 
legal  force  or  because  they  contain  decisions  irrecon- 
cilable with  the  actual  text  of  the  law. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  former  canonical  collections, 
the  Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  were  soon  glossed.  It 
was  customary  to  add  to  the  manuscript  copies  tex- 
tual explanations  written  between  the  lines  (glossa 
interlinearis)  and  on  the  margin  of  the  page  {glossa 
marginalis).  Explanations  of  the  subject-matter 
were  also  added.  The  most  ancient  glossarist  of  the 
Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  is  Vincent  of  Spain;  then 
follow  Godefridus  de  Trano  (d.  1245),  Bonaguida 
Aretinus  (thirteenth  century),  and  Bernard  of  Botonu 


or  Parmensis  (d.  1263),  the  author  of  the  "Glossa 
ordinaria",  i.  e.  of  that  gloss  to  which  authoritative 
credence  was  generally  given.  At  a  later  date  some 
extracts  were  added  to  the  "Glossa  ordinaria"  from 
the  "  Novella  sive  commentarius  in  decretales  epistolas 
Gregorii  IX"  by  Giovanni  d'Andrea  (Johannes 
Andrea;).  After  the  invention  of  printing,  the  Decre- 
tals of  Gregory  IX  were  first  published  at  Strasburg 
from  the  press  of  Heinrich  Eggesteyn.  Among  the 
numerous  editions  which  followed  s]5ecial  mention 
must  be  made  of  that  published  in  1582,  in  cedibus 
populi  romani,  by  order  of  Gregory  XIII.  The  text 
of  this  edition,  revised  by  the  Correctores  Romani,  a 
pontifical  commission  established  for  the  revision  of 
the  text  of  the  "Corpus  Juris",  has  the  force  of  law, 
even  when  it  differs  from  that  of  St.  Raymond.  It  is 
forbidden  to  introduce  any  change  into  that  text 
(Brief  "Cum  pro  munere",  1  July,  1580).  Among 
the  other  editions,  mention  may  be  made  of  that  by 
Le  Conte  (.Antwerp,  1570),  of  prior  date  to  the  Roman 
edition  and  containing  the  partes  decisa;  that  of  the 
brothers  Pithou  (Paris,  1687) ;  that  of  Bohmer  (Halle, 
1747),  which  did  not  reproduce  the  text  of  the  Roman 
edition  and  was  in  its  textual  criticism  more  audacious 
than  happy;  the  edition  of  Richter  (Leipzig,  1839); 
and  that  of  Friedberg  (Leipzig,  1879-1881).  All  these 
authors  added  critical  notes  and  the  partes  decisce. 

To  indicate  the  principal  commentators  on  the 
Decretals  would  necessitate  the  writing  of  a  history 
of  canon  law  in  the  Middle  Ages.  Mere  mention  will 
be  made  of  Innocent  IV  (d.  1254),  Enrico  de  Segusio 
or  Hostiensis  (d.  1271),  the  "Abbas  antiquus"  (thir- 
teenth century),  Johannes  Andreee,  already  men- 
tioned, Baldus  de  Ubaldis  (d.  1400),  Petrus  de  Aneha- 
rano  (d.  1416),  Franciscus  de  Zabarellis  (d.  1417), 
Dominicus  a  Sancto  Geminiano  (fifteenth  century), 
Joannes  de  Imola  (d.  1436),  Nicolo  Tudesco,  also 
called  the  "Abbas  Siculus",  or  "Modernus",  or 
"  Panormitanus"  (d.  1453).  Among  the  modern  com- 
mentators, Manuel  Gonzalez  Tellez  and  Fagnanus 
may  be  consulted  advantageously  for  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  text  of  the  Decretals.  The  Decretals 
of  Gregory  IX  still  form  the  basis  of  canon  law  so  far 
as  it  has  not  been  modified  by  subsequent  collections 
and  by  the  general  laws  of  the  Church  (see  Corpus 
Juris  Canonici). 

IV.  Later  Collections  of  Decretals. — The 
decretals  of  the  successors  of  Gregory  IX  were  also 
arranged  in  collections,  of  which  several  were  official, 
notably  those  of  Innocent  IV,  Gregory  X,  and  Nich- 
olas III,  who  ordered  their  decretals  to  be  inserted 
among  those  of  Gregory  IX.  In  addition  to  these, 
several  unofficial  collections  were  drawn  up.  The 
inconveniences  which  Gregory  IX  had  wished  to 
remedy  presented  themselves  again.  For  this  reason 
Boniface  VIII  made  a  new  collection  of  decretals 
which  he  promulgated  by  the  Bull  "  SacrosanctiE  "  of 
3  March,  1298.  This  is  the  "Sextus  Liber  Decre- 
talium " ;  it  has  a  value  similar  to  that  of  the  Decre- 
tals of  Gregory  IX.  Boniface  VIII  abrogated  all  the 
decretals  of  the  popes  subsequent  to  the  appearance 
of  the  Decretals  of  Gregory  IX  which  were  not  in- 
cluded or  maintained  in  force  by  the  new  collection; 
but  as  this  collection  is  of  later  date  than  that  of 
Gregory  I X,  it  modifies  those  decisions  of  the  latter  col- 
lection which  are  irreconcilable  with  its  own.  Clement 
V,  also,  undertook  to  make  an  official  collection,  but 
death  prevented  him  from  perfecting  this  work.  His 
collection  was  published  by  John  XXlI  on  25  October, 
1317,  under  the  title  of  "  Liber  Septimus  Decretalium", 
but  it  is  better  known  under  the  name  of  "Constitu- 
tiones  dementis  V"  or  " Clementinie ".  This  is  the 
last  official  collection  of  decretals.  The  two  following 
collections,  the  last  in  the  "Corpus  Juris  Canonici", 
are  the  work  of  private  individuals.  Tliey  are  called 
"  Extra vagantes  ,  because  they  are  not  included  in 
the  official  collections.     The  first  contains   twenty 


DECRETUM 


673 


DEDICATION 


C,  >ii,stitutions  of  John  XXII,  and  is  named  "  Extrava- 
•;antes  Joannis  XXII";  the  second  is  called  "  Ex- 
t ra\agantes  communes"  and  contains  the  decretals  of 
ililTerent  popes  commonly  met  with  in  the  manuscripts 
ami  editions.  They  were  brought  to  their  present 
tMrm  by  Jean  Chap^uis  in  1500  and  1503.  (See 
CoHPns  Juris  C^vnonici;  Extr.\vag antes;  Decre- 

lAI.S.) 

i.  \rRIN.  Introducho  in  corpus  juris  ,■  m     <  1  r.  itnirK,  18891; 

S(  HNK-iDER.   Dif   Lehre  von  den  Kir,i,  ;    (2nd  ed., 

K'l'i^lwn.  1892);  ScHtiLTE.  Gcsc/iiVif.  '.      ','_  .!  ■hr  Litera- 

:!''s  kanonischcn  Rechls   (Stuttgart,    Is.:,    I.^MJ;;   Taunton, 

/  iiw  of  the  Church  (London.  1900  ;  the  manuals  of  canon 

"f    VON    SCHERER,    WeRNZ,    SaGUC-LLER,    SmITH. 

A.  Van  Hove. 
Decretum  Gelasianum.    See  Gelasius. 

Decretum    Gratiani.      See  Corpus   Juris  Can- 

iiM.'i;  Decrktal,*.  Papal. 

Decretum  of  Gratian.     See  Corpus  Juris  Oan- 
■  iMt  i;  Dechb:tals,  Papal. 

Dedication,  a  terra  which,  though  sometimes  used 
i>t'  persons  who  are  consecrated  to  God's  service,  is 
iiioic  properly  applied  to  the  "setting  aside"  of  places 
for  a  special  and  sacred  purpose  (cf.  Hastings,  Diet,  of 
tli^'  Bible).     The  Christian,  indeed,  believes  that  God 
i-  I  verywhere  and  that  the  Divine  Immensity  fills  all 
s)  Mc;  but  this  faith  does  not  exclude  the  idea  of  re- 
M  rving  a  special  spot  in  which  the  creature  may  hold 
communion  w'ith  his  Creator  and  worship  Him.    That 
tlio  setting  aside  of  this  hallowed  place  was  ever  done 
with  a  certain  show  and  ceremony  is  evident  from  the 
(■\aniples  of  Jacob  (Gen.,  xxviii,  18),  of  Moses  (Lev., 
viii,  10),  and  above  all,  of  Solomon  (III  Kings,  viii). 
I  his  precedent  of  the  Old  Law  was  too  obvious  to  be 
1 1\  crlooked  in  the  New,  and  we  may  be  sure  that  the 
iiioilcrn  custom  was  consecrated  by  Apostolic  usage. 
I  n  a  fragment  of  a  martyrology  ascribed  to  St.  Jerome 
I     I)'.\ch^ry,  Spicilegium  IV)   this  passage  occurs: 
I:  ■ma;  dedicatio  primae  Ecclesiae  a  beato  Petro  con- 
-1:  iitae  et  consecratee ".     It  is  not  strange,  however, 
ill  il  owing  to  the  persecutions  of  the  first  three  cen- 
I  ;  1 1 1  s,  references  to  the  dedication  of  churches  are  ex- 
ii'  ini'ly  rare.     The  first  authentic  accounts  of  this 
kind  are  furnished  by  Eusebius  (Hist.  EccL,  X,  iii,  iv; 
Dc  Vita  Const.,  IV,  xliii,  in  P.  G.,  XX),  and  Sozomen 
I  Hist.  Eccl.,  II,  xxvi  in  P.  G.,  XLVII)  in  regard  to  the 
r  ithcdral  of  Tyre  (.314)  and  Constantine's  church  at 
.!>  iisalem.     The  well-known  historical  document  en- 
titled "Peregrinatio  Silvia;"  (Etheria)  has  a  full  de- 
>.  I  iptioiiof  the  celebration  of  the  dedicatory  festival  of 
tlh-  cluircli  of  Jerusalem  as  it  was  witnessed  by  our  pil- 
^1  iM-tuithoress    in    the   fourth    century    (cf.    Cabrol, 
I     de  la  priere   antique,   p.   .311).     Here  it  will 
I  I'  to  emph;isize,  in  connexion  with  the  dedication 
lurches,  (1)  the  ritual  employed,  (2)  the  minister, 
:    ii.M-e.ssity  and  effects,  and  (4)  festival  and  its  days. 
1.  In  tlu;  beginning  the  dedication  ceremony  was 
v  1  y  simple.     A  letter  of  Pope  Vigilius  to  the  BLshop  of 
I'lai-ara  (.5.38)  states:  "Consecrationem  cujuslibet  ec- 
cl. .-ite,  in  qua  non  ponuntur   sanctuaria    (reliquia;) 
r.  li  liritatem    tantum   sciraus   esse   missarum"    (We 
.\   that  the  consecration  of  any  church  in  which 
as  (relics)  are  not  placed  consists  merely  in  the 
'  ration  of  Masses).     That  the  primitive  ceremonial 
sted  mainly  in  the  celebration   of   M;lss,  where 
were  no  relics,  is  also  shown  from  the  old  "Ordines 
iini"  (rf.  Mabillon,  "Museum  Italicum",  II,  in  P. 
I      LXXVIII,  8.57).     Where  relics  were  used  the  cere- 
Ill  ■ny  of  traiLslating  and  depositing  them  under  the 
a!-  ir  formed  a  notable  feature  of  the  dedication  rite 
'Ordo  of  St.  Amand"  in   Duchesne,  "Christian 
dip",  Ix)ndon,  190.3,  Appendix;  "Ordo  of  Ver- 
'  in  Bianchini,  ed.,  "Lib.  Pont.",  III).   The  first 
r  1 1 1  [  ilete  formulary  is  found  in  the  Gelasian  Sacramento 
aryinP.  L..   LXXIV),  which  embodies  the  Roman 
liturgical  usages  of  the  seventh  century.     Here  the 
IV — 43 


rite  consists  of  prayers,  sprinklings  with  holy  water, 
and  blessings.  So  quickly,  however,  was  this  ritual 
elaborated  that  in  the  ninth  century  it  attained  the 
completeness  which  it  enjoys  at  the  present  time  (cf. 
the  eighth-century  "Liber  Sacramentorum"  in  P.  L., 
LXXVlII;  "Ordiies  Romani",  ed.  Martene,  "De  Ant. 
Eccl.  Rit.",  Ill;  Daniel,  "Cod.  Lit.",  I).  The  modern 
dedicatory  ceremonial  assumes  two  forms  according  as 
a  church  is  simply  blessed  or  solemnly  consecrated. 
In  the  former  case  the  function  consists  of  prayers, 
sprinklings  of  holy  water,  and  Mass  (cf.  Roman  Ritual; 
Schulte,  "Benedicenda",  p.  155,  etc.).  The  solemn 
rite  of  consecration  is  described  in  the  article  Conse- 

CR.\TION. 

2.  The  solemn  ceremony  of  dedication,  or  consecra- 
tion is  found  in  the  Roman  Pontifical  and  is  performed 
de  jure  by  a  bishop  (see  Consecration).  The  simpler 
rite,  which  is  given  in  the  Roman  Ritual,  is  generally 
reserved  to  bishops,  but  may  be  also  undertaken  by  a 
priest  with  episcopal  delegation. 

3.  All  churches,  public  oratories  and  semi-public,  if 
destined  for  Divine  worship  in  perpetuum,  must  be  at 
least  blessed  before  the  Sacred  jlysteries  can  be  regu- 
larly celebrated  in  them  (Cong,  of  Rites,  Sept.,  1871). 
Purely  private  or  domestic  oratories  may  not  bo  thus 
dedicated,  but  simply  blessed  with  the  Benedidio  loci 
(cf.  Roman  Ritual  or  Missal)  on  each  occasion  Mass  is 
said  in  them.  As  a  rule  the  principal  churches  in  every 
district  should  be  consecrated  in  the  solemn  manner, 
but  as  certain  conditions  are  required  for  licit  conse- 
cration that  are  not  always  feasible  (cf.  Irish  Ecclesi- 
astical Record,  April,  1908,  p.  430)  the  onlinary  simple 
dedication  rite  is  regarded  as  practictdly  tidequate. 
Both  forms  render  the  place  sacred,  timl  eoiitrilmt-e,  as 
sacramentals,  to  the  sanctification  of  the  faithful,  but 
they  differ  in  this  that  while  a  church  that  is  conse- 
crated must,  if  polluted,  be  reconciled  by  a  bishop,  a 
church  that  is  simply  blessed  may  be  reconciled  in 
similar  circumstances  by  a  priest  (cf.  Roman  Ritual). 

4.  Another  difference  in  the  effects  of  the  two  forms 
of  dedication  is  that  a  consecrated  church  is  entitled 
to  celebrate  each  year  the  anniversary  feast  of  its  con- 
secration, which  is  to  be  held  as  a  double  of  the  first 
cla.ss  with  an  octave,  by  all  the  priests  attached  to  the 
church.  A  church  that  is  only  blessed  has  no  right  to 
this  anniversary  feast  unless  per  accidenx,  thtit  is,  when 
it  is  included  in  the  special  indult  granted  for  the  simul- 
taneous celebration  of  the  anniversaries  of  all  the 
churches  in  a  district  or  diocese.  In  this  case  the 
Office  and  Mass  must  be  celebrated  in  every  church, 
within  the  limits  of  the  indult  independently  of  their 
consecration  (Cong,  of  Rites,  n.  38G3).  Though  any 
day  may  be  selected  for  the  dedication  of  a  church,  yet 
the  Roman  Pontifical  suggests  those  "Sundays  and 
solemn  festive  days"  which  admit  the  dedicatory 
Office  and  Mass,  as  well  tus  the  anniversary  celebration. 

In  addition  to  the  autli-aiin  ■  ii'  !  liip  foUowing  may  be 
usefully  consulted;  Cata  i  v  ,  m  !,iriiim  in  Pontificale 
RoTnanum  (Paris.  1850);    i  '  '<^ mlheca,  s.  v.  Ecclesia 

(Paris.  1865);  De  Herdt.  /- ,  .  /  •  ,  w,f,:s  (Louvain.  1905); 
Bernard,  he  Pontifical  (Pari«,  lOOJi,  II;  Many.  De  Locis 
.Sacn^  (Paris.  1904);  Schulte.  BcTi^rftcrmia,-  (!"oTt.sccran(/a  (New 
York,  1906),  very  full  on  ceremonial. 

Patrick  Morrisroe. 

Dedication,  Feast  of  the  (Scriptural),  also  called 
the  Feast  of  the  Machabees  and  Feast  of  Lights  (Jo- 
sephus  and  T.almudic  writings),  mentioned  in  the  Old 
Testament  (I  Mach.,  iv,  56),  and  in  the  New  (John,  x, 
22).  It  was  instituted  by  Judas  Machabeus  (64  b.  c.)  ti 
be  celebrated  yearly  on  the  25th  day  of  the  month 
Kislew  and  during  its  octave,  in  commemoration  of 
the  purification  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  which  had 
been  polluted  by  Antiochus  Epiphancs  on  that  day 
three  years  previously  (I  Mach.,  iv,  41-64;  II  Mach., 
vi,  2).  Ll^nlike  the  great  Hebrew  annual  feasts,  it 
could  be  celebrated  not  only  in  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem, but  also  in  the  synagogues  of  all  [)laces.  It  w;is 
observed  with  manifestations  of  joy  such  as  accom- 


DEDUCTION 


674 


DEER 


panied  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  during  the  celebra- 
tion of  which  the  dedication  of  the  first  temple  haii 
taken  place.  During  the  celebration  of  the  feast 
mourning  and  fasting  were  not  allowed  to  begin.  The 
Jews  assembled  in  the  temple  and  synagogues  bearing 
branches  of  trees  and  palms  and  singing  psalms;  the 
Hallel  (Pss.  cxiii-cxviii)  being  sung  every  day.  The 
joyful  character  of  the  feast  was  also  manifested  by 
illuminations,  which  may  have  been  suggested  by  the 
"lighting  of  the  lamps  of  the  candlestick"  when  the 
temple  service  was  first  restored  (I  Mach.,  iv,  50-51), 
or,  according  to  very  early  Midrashim,  by  the  miracu- 
lous burning  throughout  the  first  celebration  of  the 
feast  of  a  vial  of  oil  found  in  the  temple.  Since  the 
first  century  a  general  illumination  of  Hebrew  houses 
has  been  customary,  every  house  having  at  least  one 
light,  and  some,  according  to  the  school  of  the  rabbis, 
liaving  one  light  for  each  person  in  the  house  on  the 
first  night  and  twice  the  number  on  each  succeeding 
night ;  others  again,  having  eight  lights  the  first  night 
and  a  lesser  number  each  night  thereafter.  Modern 
Hebrews  keep  the  feast  on  12  Dec,  with  strictness,  but 
do  not  forbid  servile  work.  At  the  daily  morning 
prayer  a  different  portion  of  Numbers  vii  is  read  in 
the  Synagogue. 

LiGHTFOOT,  HoT(F  HebraictF  (Oxford.  1859),  s.  v.;  The  Jewish 
Encydo-pedia,  s.  v.  Hanukkah,  the  Hebrew  name  of  the  feast; 
ScHuRER,  A  Hint,  of  the  Jewish  People,  etc.,  2nd  ed.  of  Eng.  tr., 
I,  217,  for  complete  bibliography. 

Arthur  L.  McMahon. 

Deduction  (Lat.  de  ducere,  to  lead,  draw  out,  de- 
rive from;  especially,  the  function  of  deriving  truth 
from  truth).  I.  As  an  argument  or  reasoning  process: 
that  kind  of  mediate  inference  by  which  from  truths 
already  known  we  advance  to  a  knowledge  of  other 
truths  necessarily  implied  in  the  former;  the  mental 
product  or  result  of  that  process.  II.  As  a  method: 
the  deductive  method,  by  which  we  increa.se  our 
knowledge  through  a  series  of  such  inferences. 

I.  The  typical  expression  of  deductive  inference  is 
the  syllogism.  The  essential  feature  of  deduction  is 
the  necessary  character  of  the  connexion  between  the 
antecedent  or  premises  and  the  consequent  or  conclu- 
sion. Granted  the  truth  of  the  antecedent  judg- 
ments, the  consequent  must  follow;  and  the  firmness 
of  our  assent  to  the  latter  is  conditioned  by  that  of 
our  assent  to  the  former.  The  antecedent  contains 
the  ground  or  reason  which  is  the  motive  of  our  assent 
to  the  consequent;  the  latter,  therefore,  cannot  have 
greater  firmness  or  certainty  than  the  former.  This 
relation  of  necessary  sequence  constitutes  the  formal 
aspect  of  deduction.  It  can  be  realized  most  clearly 
when  the  argument  is  expressed  symbolically,  either 
in  the  hypothetical  form  "If  anything  (S)  is  M  it  is  P; 
but  this  S  is  M;  therefore  this  S  is  P",  or  in  the  cate- 
gorial  form,  "Whatever  (S)  is  M  is  P;  but  this  S  is  M; 
therefore  this  S  is  P".  The  material  aspect  of  the  de- 
ductive argument  is  the  truth  or  falsity  of  the  judg- 
ments which  constitute  it.  If  these  be  certain  and 
evident  the  deduction  is  called  demonstration,  the 
Aristotelian  iirdSei^is.  Since  the  conclusion  is  neces- 
sarily implied  in  the  premises,  these  must  contain 
some  abstract,  general  principle,  of  which  the  con- 
clusion is  a  special  application;  otherwise  the  con- 
clusion could  not  be  necessarily  derived  from  them; 
and  all  mediate  inferences  must  be  deductive,  at 
least  in  this  sense,  that  they  involve  the  recognition  of 
some  universal  truth  and  do  not  proceed  directly  from 
particular  to  particular  without  the  intervention  of 
the  universal. 

II.  When,  starting  from  general  principles,  we  ad- 
vance by  a  series  of  deductive  steps  to  the  discovery 
and  proof  of  new  truths,  we  employ  the  deductive  or 
synthetic  method.  But  how  do  we  become  certain  of 
those  principles  which  form  our  starting-points?  (1) 
We  may  accept  them  on  authority — as,  for  example. 
Christians  accept  the  deposit  of  Christian  revelation 


on  Divine  authority — and  proceed  to  draw  out  their 
implications  by  the  deductive  reasoning  which  has 
shaped  and  moulded  the  science  of  theology.  Or  (2) 
we  may  apprehend  them  by  intellectual  intuition  as 
self-evident,  abstract  truths  concerning  the  nature  of 
thought,  of  being,  of  matter,  of  quantity,  number, 
etc.,  and  thence  proceed  to  build  up  the  deductive 
sciences  of  logic,  metaphysics,  mathematics,  etc. 
Down  through  the  Middle  Ages  enlightened  thought 
was  fixed  almost  exclusively  on  those  two  groups  of 
data,  both  sacred  and  profane;  and  that  accounts  for 
the  fulne.ss  of  the  scholastic  development  of  deduction. 
But  (3)  besides  being  and  quantity,  the  universe  pre- 
sents change,  evolution,  regular  recurrences  or  repeti- 
tion of  particular  facts,  from  the  careful  observation 
and  analysis  of  which  we  may  ascend  to  the  discovery 
of  a  third  great  class  of  general  truths  or  laws.  This 
ascent  from  the  particular  to  the  general  is  called  in- 
duction, or  the  inductive  or  analytic  method.  Com- 
paratively little  attention  was  paid  to  this  method 
during  the  Middle  Ages.  Apparatus  for  the  accurate 
observation  and  exact  measurement  of  natural  phe- 
nomena was  needed  to  give  the  first  real  impetus  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  physical,  natural,  or  inductive 
sciences.  In  these  departments  of  research  the  mind 
approaches  reality  from  the  side  of  the  concrete  and 
particular  and  ascends  to  the  abstract  and  general, 
while  in  deduction  it  descends  from  the  general  to  the 
particular.  But  although  the  mind  moves  in  oppo- 
site directions  in  both  methods,  nevertheless  the 
reasoning  or  inference  proper,  employed  in  induction, 
is  in  no  sense  different  from  deductive  reasoning,  for 
it  too  implies  and  is  based  on  abstract,  necessary 
truths. 

Mercier,  Logique  (Louvain,  1905);    De  Wulf,  SchoIa.-^lici.sm 
Old  and  New  (Dublin,  London,  New  York,  19071. 

P.  Coffey. 

Deer,  Abbey  of,  a  once  famous  Scotch  monastery. 
According  to  the  Celtic  legend  St.  Columcille,  his  dis- 
ciple Drostan,  and  others,  went  from  Hy  (lona)  into 
Buchan  and  established  an  important  missionary 
centre  at  Deer  on  the  banks  of  the  Ugie  on  lands  given 
him  by  the  mormaer  or  chief  of  the  district  whose  son 
he  had  by  his  prayers  freed  of  a  dangerous  illness. 
This  happened  probably  in  the  last  quarter  of  the 
sixth  century.  Columcille  soon  after  continued  his 
missionary  journeys  and  left  Drostan  as  abbot  at 
Deer.  Drostan  died  here  about  606.  The  legend  re- 
ceives confirmation  from  the  fact  that  the  parish  of  ■ 
Aberdour  venerated  St.  Drostan  as  patron.  In  later 
years  the  Normans  had  little  sympathy  with  the 
Celtic  institutions,  so  we  find  the  Earl  of  Buchan  in 
1219  founding  the  Cistercian  abbey  of  New  Deer  about 
two  miles  westward  of  Columcille's  foundation,  grant- 
ing to  the  new  abbey  a  portion  of  the  lands  of  Old 
Deer,  the  rest  going  to  the  maintenance  of  a  parochial 
church.  In  1551  the  son  of  the  Earl  Marischal  suc- 
ceeded his  uncle  Robert  Keith  as  titular  Abbot  of  Deer 
holding  the  abbey  lands  in  commendnm.  The  flour- 
ishing monastery  soon  fell  a  prey  to  the  Scottish  Re- 
formers. Among  its  treasures  is  the  venerable  docu- 
ment known  as  the  "Book  of  Deer".  This  is  one  of 
the  oldest  monuments  of  Scottish  literature,  and  was 
ably  edited  in  1S69  for  the  Spalding  Club  by  its  secre- 
tary, Dr.  John  Stuart.  It  had  become  known  to 
scholars  in  1858  when  it  was  found  in  the  University 
of  Cambridge.  It  was  then  also  discovered  that  the 
university  had  come  into  its  possession  in  1715  among 
the  books  of  Dr.  John  Moore,  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
which  had  been  purchased  by  George  I  and  presented 
by  him  to  the  university;  how  Bishop  Moore  had  ob- 
tained it  is  not  known.  The  manuscript  is  a  small, 
nearly  square  octavo  numbering  eighty-six  folios  of 
parchment,  written  on  both  sides  of  the  leaf  in  a  dark 
brown  ink,  in  a  hand  wonderfully  clear  and  legible, 
The  pages  had  been  ruled  with  a  sharp  pointed  instru- 


DEFAMATION 


675 


DEFINITION 


inrnt  and  the  letters  had  been  placed  under  the  lines, 
not  on  them.  It  contains  the  first  six  chapters  of  the 
( iospel  of  8t.  Matthew,  a  part  of  the  fifth  chapter  of 
St.  Mark,  the  entire  Gospel  of  St.  John,  a  part  of  the 
(illiee  for  visiting  the  sick  and  the  Apostles'  Creed. 
i'lic  text  is  from  the  Latin  Vulgate  with  some  pecul- 
iarities common  to  Irish  Bible  editions,  and  is  written 
in  the  well-known  minuscule  lettering  of  the  Irish 
scribes;  the  initial  letters  were  greatly  enlarged  and 
iiiiuimented  with  patches  of  colour  in  dragonesque 
li>rins,  and  the  pages  have  ornamental  borders. 
I  hiTe  are  also  full  portraits  of  the  Evangelists.  The 
I'.niik  then  contains  entries  in  the  Gaelic  tongue,  the 
most  important  being  that  giving  an  account  of  the 

I  foundation  of  the  Abbey  of  Deer.  The  author  was 
probalily  a  member  of  that  comravmity  and  lived  per- 
iiiips  in  the  eighth  century.  He  gives  no  clue  to  his 
ilcntity,  but  signs  himself  a  poor  wretch  and  asks  for  a 
Messing.  The  last  document  in  the  Book  is  a  Latin 
'  I'lrtfr  from  the  great  and  good  King  David. 

MnsrM.iMi.iHT,  Monks  of  the  »Vp«(  (New  York.  1896),  II,  53; 
I'.  /,■,..!,  I-:,,l,.,,„slical  Record  (1892),  865;  O'Hanlon,  Lives 
,■:  ihr  Irish  s„,ni«  iMublin,  1875).  VI,  389;   Bf.llesheim,  GcscJi. 

I  it>  r  knth.  KiTche  in  Schottland  (Mainz.  1883).  I,  193  and  passim 
(tr.  HnNTER-BLATR);  Janadschek,  Orig.  Cisl.  (1877),  I,  223; 
Skene,  Celtic  Scotland^  II. 

Francis  Mershman. 

Defamation.     See  Reputation. 

Defect.     See  Irregularity. 

Defender  of  the  Faith.     See  Henry  VIII. 

Defender  of  the  Matrimonial  Tie  (Defensor  mniri- 
monii),  an  official  whose  duty  is  to  defend  the  mar- 
riage-bond in  the  procedure  prescribeil  for  the  hearing 
of  matrimonial  causes  which  involve  the  validity  or 
nullity  of  a  marriage  already  contracted.  Benedict 
XIV,  by  his  Bull  "Dei  Mi.seratione",  3  November, 
1741,  introduced  this  official  into  the  marriage  pro- 
cedure to  guard  against  abuses  occurring  from  the 
ordinary  procedure.  An  annulment  of  a  marriage 
might  result  from  the  appearance  of  only  one  of  the 
married  couple  who  desired  freedom  to  enter  upon  a 
new  marriage,  while  the  other  was  apathetic  and  con- 
niving at  the  annulment,  or  at  times  vmable  or  indis- 
posed to  incur  expense  to  uphold  the  marriage-tie,  es- 
pecially if  it  implied  an  appeal  to  a  higher  court.  Per- 
haps, too,  the  judicial  decision  might  induce  change  of 
opinion  without  sufficient  warrant.  Scandal  arose 
from  the  frequency  of  dissolution  of  marriages  with 
the  freedom  to  enter  new  contracts.  The  Bull  "  Dei 
Miseratione"  requires  that  in  each  diocese  the  ordi- 
nary shall  appoint  a  defender  of  marriage,  upright  in 
character,  and  learned  in  the  law,  an  ecclesiastic  if 
possible,  a  layman  if  necessary.  The  bishop  may  su.s- 
pend  him  or  remove  him  for  cause,  and,  if  he  is  pre- 
vented from  taking  part  in  the  procedure,  substitute 
one  with  the  requisite  qualifications.  He  must  be 
summoned  to  any  trial  in  which  there  is  question, be- 
fore a  competent  judge,  of  the  validity  or  nullity  of  a 
marriage,  and  any  proceeding  will  be  null  if  he  is  not 
duly  cited.  He  must  have  the  opportunity  to  exam- 
ine the  witnes,ses,  and,  orally  or  in  writing,  to  bring  for- 
ward whatever  arguments  may  favour  the  validity  of 
the  marriage.  He  must  be  cited  even  though  the 
[larty  interested  in  the  defence  of  the  marri.'ige  be 
present,  and  all  the  acts  of  the  court  are  always  to  be 
accessible  to  him,  and  at  any  time  he  has  a  right  to 
bring  forward  new  documents  or  witnesses  favourable 
to  the  marriage.  On  assuming  his  office  he  must  take 
an  oath  to  fulfil  its  duties  and  he  is  expected  to  renew 
the  oath  in  each  case.  If  the  judge  decides  in  favour 
of  the  marriage  the  defender  takes  no  further  action 
unless  its  iippiment  appeals  to  a  higher  court.  Here  a 
defender  undertakes  anew  the  defence  of  its  validity. 
If  the  judge  of  first  inst.ance  decides  against  the  v.ilidity 
of  the  marriage  and  no  one  else  appeals,  the  dcfenfler 
of  marriage  is  required  by  the  Bull  "Dei  Miseratione" 


in  all  cases  to  appeal  to  the  higher  court.  If  the  first 
two  courts  agree  upon  the  nullity  of  a  marriage  the 
defender  need  not  appeal,  unless  his  conscience  tells 
him  that  a  serioas  mistake  was  made.  If  he  feels  it 
his  duty  to  appeal  a  new  marriage  may  not  be  con- 
tracted till  his  plea  is  heard.  The  decision  in  matri- 
monial cases  is  never  absolutely  final ;  so  that  if  new, 
serious  reason  appears  for  the  validity  of  a  marriage, 
it  must  be  judicially  investigated. 

This  legislation  was  extended  and  enforced  in  the 
United  States  byanlnstructionof  Propaganda  in  18S3, 
published  with  the  "Acts  and  Decrees  of  the  Third 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore".  Though  the  Bull 
"  Dei  Miseratione"  does  not  require  it,  the  practice  of 
the  Roman  Congregations  extends  the  intervention  of 
the  defender  to  cases  of  true  marriages  not  consum- 
mated where  the  Holy  See  is  requested  to  grant  a  dis- 
pensation for  a  new  marriage.  The  obligation  of  the 
defender  to  appeal  from  the  decision  of  first  instance, 
adverse  to  the  validity  of  a  marriage,  has  been  modi- 
fied by  the  Holy  See  in  several  cases,  where  the  inva- 
lidity depends  upon  facts  indisputably  proven,  through 
the  Congregation  of  the  Holy  Office  (5  June,  1889) 
whose  decree  was  declared  (16  Jime,  1894)  to  extend 
to  the  whole  Church.  Where  the  decree  "Tametsi" 
of  the  Council  of  Trent  was  binding,  requiring  the 
presence  of  the  parish  priest  for  the  validity,  if  only  a 
civil  ceremony  was  u.sed,  the  bishoj)  may  tleclare  the 
marriage  null  without  the  participatioii  of  the  de- 
fender. In  view  of  the  new  matrimonial  legislation 
contained  in  the  decree  "Ne  Temere"  of  Pius  X  this 
also  holds  anywhere  if  a  marriage  is  attempted  only 
before  a  civil  authority  or  non-Catholic  minister  of 
religion.  Yet  if  an  ecclesiastical  form  had  been  used, 
and  the  nullity  from  clandestinity  was  questioned,  his 
presence  is  required;  but  if  the  impediment  of  clan- 
destinity clearly  appears  he  need  not  appeal.  This  is 
true  also  if,  through  absence  of  ecclesiastical  dispensa- 
tion, there  is  an  impediment  of  disparity  of  worship, 
or  of  consanguinity,  or  of  affinity  from  lawful  inter- 
course, or  of  spiritual  relationship,  or  of  certain  pre- 
vious legitimate  marriage  still  existing.  In  these 
cases  the  ordinary  may,  with  the  participation  of  the 
defender,  declare  the  marriage  null,  and  the  defender 
is  not  required  to  appeal.  This,  however,  was  de- 
clared by  the  Holy  Office  (^27  May,  1901)  to  be  imder- 
stood  only  of  cases  in  which  certainly  and  clearly  the 
impediment  is  proven;  otherwi.se  the  defender  must 
proceed  to  the  higher  court.  The  defender  is  ex- 
horted to  exercise  his  office  gratuitously,  but  he  may 
be  compensated  from  fees  imposed  by  the  court  or 
from  other  diocesan  resources. 

Benedict  XIV,  Bull  "Dei  Miseratione"  (3  Nov.,  1741), 
in  Bullar.  Magn.,  XVI,  48  sq.;  Collectanea  S.  Cong,  dc  Prop. 
Fide,  no.?.  1572,  1573,  1575;  Gaspakri,  De  Matrimonio  (Paris, 
1904),  ch.  viii.;  Ladrentius,  Inst.  Jur.  Keel.  (Freiburg,  190.3), 
V,  no.  159;  Smith,  Element's  of  Eccl.  Law  (New  York,  1886),  II; 
Taunton.  The  Law  of  the  Church  (London,  1906);  Bassibey, 
Le  Defe-nseur  du  lien  matr.  in  Revue  des  Sciences  EceUs.  (May- 
June,  1899);  BouDiNHON,  Le  Mariage  Religieux  (Paris,  1900). 
R.  L.  BURTSELL. 

Defensor  Ecclesiae.     See  Advocatus  Eccle.si.e. 

Definition,  Theological. — The  Vatican  Council 
(Sess.  iv,  cap.  iv)  solemnly  taught  the  doctrine  of 
papal  infallibility  in  the  following  terms:  "The  Ro- 
man Pontiff,  when  he  speaks  ex  cathedr/i.  that  is  to  .say, 
when  in  the  exercise  of  his  office  of  pastor  and  teacher 
of  all  Christians  he.  in  virtue  of  his  supreme  .\postolic 
authority,  defines  that  a  doctrine  on  faith  or  morals  is 
to  be  held  by  the  whole  Church,  by  the  assistance  of 
God  promised  to  him  in  the  person  of  Blessed  Peter, 
has  that  infallibility  with  which  it  was  the  will  of  Our 
Divine  Redeemer  that  His  Church  should  be  furnished 
in  defining  a  doctrine  on  faith  or  morals. "  From  this 
teaching  we  obtain  an  authoritative  notion  of  the 
meaning  of  definition  in  its  theological,  as  distinct 
from  its  philosophical,  or  canonical,  .sen.se.  It  is  an 
irrevocable  decision,  by  which  the  supreme  teaching 


DEFINITOR 


676 


DEFINITOR 


authority  in  the  Church  decides  a  question  appertain- 
ing to  faith  or  morals,  and  which  binds  the  whole 
Church.  From  this  explanation  it  will  be  seen  that 
four  conditions  are  required  for  a  theological  defini- 
tion. 

(1)  //  must  be  a  decision  by  the  supreme  teaching  au- 
thority in  the  Church. — There  are  two  organs  of  su- 
preme doctrinal  authority,  viz.:  the  pope,  speaking  in 
his  official  capacity  of  pastor  and  teacher  of  all  Chris- 
tians, and  the  bishops  of  the  Catholic  Church  dis- 
persed throughout  the  world  or  assembled  in  a  general 
council.  The  pope,  as  successor  of  St.  Peter,  has  de- 
finitive authority,  in  the  exercise  of  which  he  speaks 
neither  as  a  private  individual,  nor  as  a  mere  theolo- 
gian, nor  as  Bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  Rome,  nor  as 
Metropolitan  of  the  Roman  Province,  nor  as  Primate 
of  Italy,  nor  as  Patriarch  of  the  Western  Church,  nor 
as  head  of  any  Roman  Congregation,  but  as  supreme 
pastor  of  the  whole  Church.  The  bishops  of  the  Cath- 
olic Church  assembled  with  the  pope  in  a  general  coim- 
cil  have  the  same  doctrinal  authority  with  which  the 
pope  is  endowed;  and  so  have  the  bishops  dispersed 
throughout  the  Catholic  world  when,  in  conjunction 
with  the  pope,  they  teach  a  doctrine  of  faith  or  morals 
to  be  irrevocably  held  by  all  Christians.  These  two 
supreme  teaching  authorities  are  the  organs  of  active 
infallibility  from  which  alone  a  theological  definition 
can  proceed. 

(2)  The  decision  must  concern  a  doctrine  of  faith  or 
morals. — Faith  means  the  speculative  doctrines  of 
revelation;  morals,  the  practical  doctrines  of  revela- 
tion. Faith  is  what  we  have  to  believe,  morals  what 
we  have  to  do,  in  order  to  obtain  eternal  life.  Both 
faith  and  morals  are  parts  of  the  deposit  which  Christ 
left  for  the  guidance  of  His  Church ;  so  far  as  the  obli- 
gation of  assent  is  concerned,  there  is  no  difference  be- 
tween them;  the  distinction  is  made  for  the  sake  of 
convenience  rather  than  for  the  sake  of  any  substan- 
tial difference  between  them  so  far  as  they  are  the  ob- 
jects of  active  infallibility.  Doctrines  of  faith  or 
morals  which  are  formally  revealed  are  called  the  di- 
rect object  of  infallibility,  while  doctrines  which  are 
only  virtually  revealed,  or  are  only  intimately  con- 
nected with  revelation,  such  as  dogmatic  or  moral 
facts,  are  called  the  indirect  object  of  infallibility. 
The  Church  has  authority  to  issue  definitions  in  con- 
nexion with  both  the  direct  and  the  indirect  objects  of 
active  infallibility.  It  is  not,  however,  de  fide  that  the 
Church  has  infallible  authority  over  the  indirect  doc- 
trines of  faith  and  morals,  though  it  cannot  be  denied 
without  theological  censure. 

(3)  The  decision  must  bind  the  Universal  Church. — 
Decrees  which  bind  only  a  part  of  the  Church  are  not 
definitions ;  but  only  those  which  command  the  assent 
of  all  the  faithful.  It  is  not,  however,  absolutely 
necessary  that  the  decree  should  be  directly  sent  or  ad- 
dressed to  the  whole  Church ;  it  is  quite  sufficient  if  it 
is  made  clear  that  the  supreme  teaching  authority 
means  to  bind  the  Universal  Church.  Thus,  St.  Leo 
addressed  his  famous  dogmatic  definition  to  Flavian, 
yet  it  was  rightly  considered  as  binding  the  Universal 
Church;  and  Pope  Innocent  sent  his  decree  to  the 
African  Church  alone,  yet  St.  Augustine  exclaimed: 
Causa  finita  est,  utinam  aliquando  finiatur  error! 
(Serra.  ii,  de  Verb.  Ap.,  c.  vii). 

(4)  The  decision  must  be  irrevocable  or,  as  it  is  called, 
definitive. — Arguments  contained  in  conciliar  defini- 
tions are  proposed  by  the  supreme  teaching  authority 
in  the  Church,  they  concern  faith  and  morals,  and  they 
bind  the  Universal  Church;  yet  they  are  not  defini- 
tions, because  they  lack  this  fourth  condition — they 
are  not  definitively  proposed  for  the  assent  of  the 
whole  Church.  Two  things  are  implied  by  the  state- 
ment that  a  decree,  to  be  a  definition,  must  be  final  and 
irrevocable.  The  decree  must  be  the  last  word  of  su- 
preme teaching  authority ;  there  must  be  no  possibil- 
ity of  re-opening  the  question  in  a  spirit  of  doubt;  the 


decree  must  settle  the  matter  for  ever.  The  decree 
must  also,  and  in  consequence  of  its  final  nature,  bind 
the  whole  Church  to  an  irrevocable  internal  assent. 
This  assent  is  at  least  an  assent  of  ecclesiastical  faith ; 
and  in  doctrines  which  are  formally  revealed  it  is  also 
an  assent  of  Divine  faith.  When  the  definition  com- 
mands an  irrevocable  assent  of  Divine  faith  as  well  as 
of  ecclesiastical  faith,  the  defined  dogma  is  said  to  be 
de  fide  in  the  technical  sense  of  this  phrase.  It  is  well 
to  note  that  the  definitive  nature  of  a  decree  does  not 
prevent  the  defined  doctrine  from  being  examined 
anew  and  defined  again  by  the  pope  or  a  general  coun- 
cil ;  what  it  excludes  is  a  re-opening  of  the  question  in  a 
spirit  of  doubt  about  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  which 
has  been  already  definitively  settled. 

It  has  been  sometimes  said  that  it  is  impossible  to 
know  whether  or  not  a  theological  definition  has  been 
issued;  but  very  few  words  are  needed  to  show  that 
the  assertion  is  without  foundation.  At  times,  doubt 
will  remain  about  the  definitive  nature  of  a  decree,  but 
as  a  rule  no  possibility  of  doubt  is  consistent  with  the 
terminology  of  a  definitive  decree.  Thus  in  the  doc- 
trinal teaching  of  a  general  council,  anathema  attached 
to  condemned  errors  is  a  certain  sign  of  an  infallible 
definition.  Words  also  like  those  in  which  Pius  IX 
.solemnly  defined  the  doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Con- 
ception of  the  Blessed  Virgin  give  irrefutable  proof  of 
the  definitive  nature  of  the  decree:  "  By  the  authority 
of  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  of  the  Blessed  Apostles 
Peterand  Paul,  and  by  Our  own  authority,  We  declare, 
pronounce  and  define  the  doctrine  ...  to  be  revealed 
by  God  and  as  such  to  be  firmly  and  immutably  held  by 
all  the  faithful."  No  set  form  of  words  is  necessary; 
any  form  which  clearly  indicates  that  the  four  requisite 
conditions  are  present  suffices  to  show  that  the  decree 
is  a  definition  in  the  strict  sense.  It  should  be  noted 
that  not  everything  contained  in  a  definition  is  infal- 
libly defined.  Thus,  arguments  from  Scripture,  tradi- 
tion, or  theological  reason,  do  not  come  under  the  ex- 
ercise of  definitive  authority.  Incidental  statements, 
called  obiter  dicta,  are  also  examples  of  non-definitive 
utterances.  Only  the  doctrine  itself,  to  which  those 
arguments  lead  and  which  these  obiter  dicta  illustrate, 
is  to  be  considered  as  infallibly  defined.  (See  Infal- 
libility; Censures,  Theological;  Dogmatic  Facts ; 
Be.\tification  and  Canonization  ;  Faith.) 

Hunter,  Outlines  of  Dogmatic  Theology  (New  York,  1896),  I; 
WiLHELM  AND  ScANNELL,  A  Manual  of  Catholic  Theology  (New 
York,  1898),  I;  Denzinger,  Enchiridion  (Freiburg,  1899). 

J.  M.  Harty. 

Definitor  (in  Canon  Law),  an  official  in  secular 
deaneries  and  in  certain  religious  orders.  Among 
regulars,  a  definitor  is  appointed  as  a  counsellor  of  the 
provincial  or  general  superior  with  certain  determinate 
powers.  (See  Definitors  in  Religious  Orders.) 
Dioceses  are  usually  divided  into  deaneries,  and  these 
deaneries  are  again  sub-divided  into  districts  which 
are  sometimes  called  definitiones.  Over  each  district 
is  placed  an  official  styled  definitor,  who  oversees  the 
administration  of  ecclesiastical  property  and  also 
gives  aid  to  the  dean  in  the  more  important  duties  of 
his  office.  Such  definitors  are  elected  by  the  rural 
chapters  with  the  bishop's  approval,  or  in  some  cases 
are  directly  appointed  by  the  ordinary.  Anciently, 
their  principal  duty  was  to  care  for  and  divide  the 
revenues  of  a  prebend  between  the  heirs  of  the  de- 
ceased and  the  new  occupant,  and  likewise  to  deter- 
mine what  proportion  of  income  belonged  to  outgoing 
and  incoming  beneficiaries  of  a  church.  The  definitor 
acts  as  the  representative  of  the  dean  when  the  latter 
is  absent  or  incapacitated  by  illness  or  irregularity. 
It  is  his  duty  to  announce  to  the  bishop,  likewise,  the 
death  of  the  dean  and  conduct  preparations  for  the 
election  of  a  successor.  It  is  to  be  observed  that 
definitors  are  in  no  sense  necessary  officials  of  a  dio- 
cese, and  that  the  duties  here  assigned  to  them  are 


•in 


DEFINITORS 


677 


DEGRADATION 


Koriietimes  fulfilled  by  others.  In  some  decanal  or 
rural  chapters  the  title  given  to  the  definitor  is  cham- 
l«rlain  or  treasurer. 

I.AUHENTius,  Instituliancs  Jur.  Ecd.  (Freiburg,  1903).    Cor- 
r>it>  Juris  Canonici,  c.  4,  X,  I,  24  (c.  xiii,  Cone,  Ticin..  an.  850). 

William  II.  W.  F,\nning. 

Definitors  (in  Religious  Orders),  generally 
sppaking,  the  governing  council  of  an  order.  Bergier 
■  li  scribes  them  as  those  chosen  to  represent  the  order 
III  t;eneral  or  provincial  chapters,  but  this  is  not  alto- 
yrther  correct,  for  the  usage  varies  in  different 
riiers.  With  the  Dominicans  all  who  are  sent  to 
rrprp.sent  the  provinces  in  ageneral  chapter  are  defini- 
I'Ts ;  amongst  the  Cluniac  monks  there  existed  a  simi- 
I  If  regulation  (though  normally  in  the  Benedictine 
I  inlcr  definitors  have  no  place").  On  the  other  hand, 
III  the  Franciscan  Order,  definitors  are  elected  by  the 
Liriicral  and  provincial  chapters  to  assist  the  general  or 
provincial  superiors  in  the  government  of  the  order 
mill  a  similar  rule  exists  amongst  the  Carmelites  and 

I  111'  Hermits  of  St.  Augustine.  But  in  this  case  it 
^MMild  seera  that  the  definitors  form  a  sort  of  execu- 

I I  vo  committee  of  the  chapter,  since  they  are  subject  to 
I  III'  legislative  enactments  of  the  chapter.  Definitors, 
-:  rii'tly  so  called,  have  a  decisive  vote  in  congregation 
''lually  with  the  general  or  provincial  superior;  in 
ill  is  they  differ  from  mere  consultors  such  as  exist  in 
s"iiif'  orders  and  in  the  Society  of  Jesus.  Nor  may  the 
^I'lioral  or  provincial  superior  act  in  matters  of  greater 
iiiiiTnent  without  taking  the  vote  of  the  definitors.  A 
'li'fiiiitor,  however,  has  the  right  to  vote  only  when 
I'T'sent  in  congregation.  When  called  to  give  his 
iipiiiion  in  congregation  he  is  bound  in  conscience  to 
si  lak  candidly  according  to  his  own  judgment,  even  if 
Im'  knows  his  opinion  to  be  contrary  to  that  of  the 
nlluT  definitors,  and  if  he  fails  to  do  so  in  matters  of 
LiiMvity,  he  is  held  to  sin  gravely.  Yet  when  the  vote 
is  taken,  he  is  bound  to  sign  the  declaration  of  the 
iiiiijority,  though  he  has  the  right  to  insist  upon  a 
iinniirity  report.  In  some  orders,  e.  g.  the  Capuchin, 
till'  junior  definitor  gives  his  opinion  first,  that  he 

III  !v  not  be  influenced  by  the  seniors;  but  in  other 
I'l'l'TS  the  senior  speaks  first.  Again,  in  some  orders 
till-  local  superiors  are  appointed  by  the  definitors;  in 
I'lliers  they  are  elected  by  the  local  community. 
riiiis,  amongst  the  Franciscans,  the  provincial  supe- 
rior is  selected  by  the  provincial  chapter,  subject  to 
I  "iifirmation  by  the  minister  general  and  his  defini- 
tors, whereas  the  superiors  of  houses  are  appointed 

'      f-tly  by  the  provincial  definitors:  whilst  amongst 
Dominicans  all  local  superiors  are  elected  by  the 
I  communitv- 
;;iuGiER.     Diclionnaire  de   thfologie    (Toulouse.    1819),   II; 
"     rus,  Praltcliones  Juris  Rcgularis  (Toumai,  1890). 

Father  Cuthbert. 


Deformity.    See  Irregularity. 

Deger,  Ern.st,  historical  painter,  b.  in  Bockenem, 
Hanover,  1.")  April,  1809;  d.  in  Diisseldorf,  27  Jan., 
1S8.5.  Little  is  known  concerning  his  early  life.  In 
1828  he  went  to  the  Berlin  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  to 
begin  the  study  of  art  under  Professor  Wach,  and  was 
there  so  impressed  by  pictures  of  the  Diisseldorf 
School  that  lie  placed  himself  under  Schadow,  the  di- 
rector of  the  Diisseldorf  Academy.  Deger,  says  Dr. 
Banz,  "lived  in  religion,  had  a  profound  conviction  of 
thr  nobility  of  his  art,  and  painted  what  he  felt,  be- 
lieved and  hoped,"  lie  was  only  twenty-one  when 
his  "Pieta"  brought  him  fame,  and  thenceforth  he  de- 
voted himself  to  religious  painting.  In  1837  he  went 
to  Italy  with  Ittenbach  and  the  Miiller  brothers  to 
study  the  frescoes  by  the  old  masters  in  Florence  and 
Rome.  Overbeck,  leader  of  (he  German  pre-Raphael- 
ites  and  head  of  the  "Xazarene  School",  gave  advice 
and  encouragement  to  the.»e  young  zealots,  and  Deger 
especially  gained  much  from  contact  with  this  master. 
Deger  was  intrusted  with  the  most  important  frescoes 


in  the  church  of  St.  ApoUinaris  (Remagen),  and,  fully 
equipped  after  his  four  years'  study,  he  returned  from 
Rome  in  1S43  and  began  the  work.  In  eight  years  he 
finished  a  noble  seriee  of  paintings,  representing 
the  events  in  the  life  of  Christ;  these  ApoUinaris 
frescoes,  the  most  remarkable  protluctions  of  the 
"  Nazarites",  mark  the  zenith  of  the  German  school  of 
religious  painting,  called  by  Cardinal  Wiseman  "the 
restorer  of  Christian  taste  throughout  all  Europe." 

In  1851  Frederick  William  IV,  King  of  Prussia, 
commissioned  Deger  to  paint  twelve  scenes  in  the 
chapel  of  the  castle  of  Stolzenfcls  (Coblenz),  and  for 
this  Deger  chose  .subjects  illustrating  the  redemption 
of  mankind.  When  this  monumental  work  was  fin- 
ished, Deger  settled  permanently  in  Diisseldorf,  com- 
nienced  again  to  paint  in  oil,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his 
life  on  easel  pictures,  chiefly  Madonnas.  Of  these  the 
most  beautiful  are  the  idyllic  "Madonna  'mid  the 
Green"  and  the  inspiring  "Regina  Coeli".  He  fre- 
quently visited  Munich  where  he  painted  a  "Virgin 
and  Child"  and  an  "Ascension"  for  the  Maximilia- 
neuin  of  that  city.  In  18.57  and  1859  two  of  his  nota- 
ble canvases,  both  religious  subjects,  were  hung  in  the 
Paris  Salon.  Deger  was  made  professor  in  the  Munich 
Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  a  member  of  the  Berlin  Acad- 
emy of  Fine  Arts,  and,  in  1869,  professor  in  the  Diissel- 
dorf Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  His  style  was  vigorous, 
direct,  and  simple;  his  handling  careful  and  precise; 
his  drawing  and  power  of  characterization  masterful; 
and  his  colour  rich  and  harmonious.  Deger  exerted  a 
powerful  influence  in  ridding  Gennan  art  of  its  ba- 
roque element  and  in  stimulating  its  votaries  to  poetry, 
loftiness,  and  profound  conviction.  Two  of  his  nota- 
ble works  are  "Adam  and  Eve",  in  the  Raczynski 
Gallery,  Berlin,  and  the  "Virgin  and  Child",  in  St. 
Andrew's  Chapel,  Diisseldorf. 

Atkinson,  School  of  Modem.  Art  in  Germany  (London); 
Banz,  ErvM  Deger,  the  Religious  Painterin  Benziger's  Magazine 
(New  York.  Sept,,  1907);  von  Konigswinter,  Diisscldorfcr 
Kiinstlor  (Leipzig,  1854);  Wiegman,  Die  Kunslakademie  zu 
Diisseldorf  (Dusseldorf,  1856). 

Leigh  Hunt. 

Degradation  (Lat.  degradatio),  a  canonical  penalty 
by  which  an  ecclesiastic  is  entirely  and  perpetually  de- 
prived of  all  office,  benefice,  dignity,  and  power  con- 
ferred on  him  by  ordination;  and  by  a  special  cere- 
mony is  reduced  to  the  state  of  a  layman,  losing  the 
privileges  of  the  clerical  state  and  being  given  over  to 
the  secular  arm.  Degradation,  however,  cannot  de- 
prive an  ecclesiastic  of  the  character  conferred  in  or- 
dination, nor  does  it  dispense  him  from  the  law  of  celi- 
bacy and  the  recitation  of  the  Breviary.  Degradation 
is  twofold:  verbal,  i.  e.  the  mere  sentence  of  degrada- 
tion ;  and  real  or  actual,  i.  c.  the  execution  of  that  sen- 
tence. They  are  not  two  di.stinct  penalties,  but  parts 
of  the  same  cantmical  punishment.  Degradation  is  a 
perpetual  pimishment,and  the  clergyman  so  punished 
has  never  any  right  to  release  from  it.  It  differs  from 
deposition  in  so  far  as  it  dejirives,  and  always  totally, 
of  all  power  of  orders  and  juri.sdiction  and  also  of  the 
privileges  of  the  ecclesiastical  slate,  thus  in  all  things 
subjecting  the  delinquent  to  civil  authority.  While  a 
bishop,  even  before  his  con.secration,  can  inflict  deposi- 
tion or  pronounce  a  .sentence  of  verbal  degradation 
and  can  reinstate  those  so  punished,  it  is  only  a  conse- 
crated bishop  who  can  inflict  actual  degradation,  and 
only  the  Holy  See  which  can  reinstate  ecclesiastics 
.actually  degr.aded. 

Solemn  degradation  owes  its  origin  to  the  military 
practice  of  thus  expelling  soldiers  from  the  army;  the 
Clnirch  a<lopted  this  institution  in  order  to  remove 
grievously  delinquent  clerics  from  the  ecclesiastical 
order.  The  first  mention  of  clerical  degradation  is 
found  in  the  eighty-third  Novel  of  Justinian;  sub- 
,sequently  it  was  adopted  with  its  external  solemnities 
by  early  medieval  councils  as  a  repressive  measure 
against  heretics.     It  did  not  originally  differ  from  de- 


DEGREES 


678 


DEICOLUS 


position,  and  degraded  ecclesiastics  were  still  privi- 
leged and  remained  exclusively  subject  to  ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction.  The  laity,  however,  complained 
that  churchmen,  even  when  degraded,  secured  in  this 
way  impunity  for  their  crimes.  Hence  Innocent  III 
(c.  viii,  Decrim.  falsi,  X,  v,  20)  made  it  a  permanent 
rule  that  clerical  offenders,  after  degradation,  should 
be  handed  over  to  the  secular  power,  to  be  punished 
according  to  the  law  of  the  land.  Degradation  cannot 
be  inflicted  except  for  crimes  clearly  designated  in  the 
law,  or  for  any  other  enormous  crime  when  deposition 
and  excommunication  have  been  applied  in  vain,  and 
the  culprit  has  proved  incorrigible.  According  to  the 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XIII,  c.  iv,  De  ref.)  a  bishop, 
when  inflicting  degradation  on  a  priest,  must  have  with 
him  six  mitred  abbots  as  associate  judges,  and  three 
such  prelates  for  the  degradation  of  a  deacon  or  sub- 
deacon.  If  abbots  cannot  be  had,  a  like  number  of 
church  dignitaries  of  mature  age,  and  skilled  in  canon 
law,  may  take  their  place.  All  these  must  give  their 
vote,  which  is  decisive,  and  must  be  imanimous  for  the 
imposition  of  so  grave  a  penalty. 

The  ceremony  of  actual  degradation  consists  chiefly 
in  bringing  before  the  ecclesiastical  superior  the  cul- 
prit vested  in  the  robes  corresponding  to  his  order;  in 
gradually  divesting  him  of  his  sacred  vestments,  begin- 
ning with  the  last  he  received  at  his  ordination; 
finally,  in  surrendering  him  to  the  lay  judge  (who  must 
always  be  present)  with  a  plea  for  lenient  treatment 
and  avoidance  of  bloodshed.  The  words  pronounced 
by  the  ecclesiastical  superior  during  the  ceremony, 
also  other  rubrical  details,  are  laid  down  by  Boniface 
VIII  (c.  Degradatio,  ii,  de  pcenis,  in  VI)  and  by  the 
Roman  Pontifical  (pt.  Ill,  c.  vii).  Degradation  is  now 
rarely,  if  ever,  inflicted ;  dismissal,  with  perpetual  de- 
privation, takes  its  place. 

For  bibliography  see  Deposition. 

S.  Luzio. 
Degrees,  Ac.vdemic.     See  Arts;  University. 

Deharbe,  Joseph,  theologian,  catechist,  b.  at 
Strasburg,  Alsace,  11  April,  ISOO;  d.  at  Maria-Laach,  8 
November,  1871.  He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
1817  and  after  teaching  for  eleven  years  at  the  Jesuit 
College  at  Brieg,  Switzerland,  he  became  in  1840  a  mis- 
sionary and  catechist  in  Cothen.  With  Father  Roh, 
S.  J.,  he  established  at  Lucerne  in  1845  the  Academy 
of  St.  Charles  Borromeo.  When  in  1847  a  persecution 
broke  out  against  the  Jesuits  in  Switzerland,  Deharbe 
barely  escaped  with  his  life.  After  that  he  was  chiefly 
engaged  in  giving  missions  in  Germany.  As  a  cate- 
chist in  Cothen  he  felt  very  keenly  the  lack  of  a  good 
catechism  and  was  encouraged  by  his  superior,  Father 
Devis,  to  compose  a  serviceable  textbook,  but  always 
hesitated,  feeling  himself  incompetent.  His  superior, 
knowing  Deharbe's  spirit  of  obedience,  simply  com- 
manded him  to  undertake  the  task.  As  a  model  he 
took  the  Mainz  catechism  of  184.3  and  made  use  also 
of  other  good  textbooks,  notably  of  Bossuet's  cate- 
chism. He  completed  his  first  catechism,  called 
"  Katholischer  KatechLsmus  oder  Lehrbegriff ",  in 
1847.  In  1848  it  appeared  anonymouslj'  at  Ratisbon 
and  immediately  won  universal  approval.  Bishop 
Blum  of  Limburg  introduced  it  officially  into  his  dio- 
cese in  the  same  year;  the  following  year  the  Bishops 
of  Trier  and  Hildcsheim  did  likewise  for  their  sees. 
In  1850  the  Bavarian  bishops  resolved  to  introduce  a 
common  catechism  for  the  whole  kingdom,  and  ac- 
cepted Deharbe's  catechism,  which  wast  lien  introduced 
in  185.3.  Other  Cerman  dioceses  adopted  it  as  follows: 
Cologne,  18,54;  Mainz  and  I'adcrborn,  1855;  Fulda, 
1858;  Ermland,  1861;  Culm,  18G.3;  Gne.sen-Po.scn, 
1868.  At  the  same  time  it  spread  outside  of  Ger- 
many, in  Switzerland,  Austrin-IIungary,  and  the 
United  States.  It  was  translated  in  1851  into  Mag- 
yar, then  into  Bohemian,  Italian,  anil  French;  into 
8wQdish  ^nd  Marathi,  1801;  into  Polish  and  Lithu- 


anian, 1862;  into  English,  1863;  into  Slovenian,  1868; 
into  Danish,  1869;  and  later  repeatedly  into  Spanish 
and  Portuguese.  It  was  reintroduced  into  Bavaria 
in  1908;  and  it  is  still  in  use  in  most  German  dioceses, 
in  Denmark  and  Sweden,  in  Brazil,  Chile,  East  India, 
and  in  many  schools  of  the  United  States.  In  a  re- 
vised form,  Austria  adopted  it  in  1897.  Deharbe  him- 
self prepared  and  published  at  Ratisbon  four  extracts 
of  his  first  work,  entitled:  (1)  "Katholischer  Kate- 
ehismus"  (1847);  (2)  "Heiner  katholischer  Kate- 
chismus"  (1847);  (.3)  "Anfangsgriinde  der  katho- 
lischen  Lehre  filr  die  kleinen  Schiller"  (1847);  (4) 
"Kleiner  katholischer  Katechismus"  (1849-50).  Ac- 
cording to  Father  Linden,  S.  J.,  Deharbe's  catechism 
possesses  theological  correctness,  brevity  of  sentences, 
preciseness  of  expression,  clearness,  and  good  order; 
according  to  the  same  authority  its  defects  consist  in 
redundance  of  memory-matter,  abstractness  of  ex- 
pression, incomjjlete  sentences.  It  is  to  Deharbe's 
credit  that  in  his  catechism  he  preser\'ed  catechetical 
tradition,  but  abandoned  the  Canisian  division,  ar- 
ranging the  text-matter  under  chapters  on  Faith, 
Commandments,  and  Means  of  Grace.  Deharbe's 
catechisms  have  been  frequently  edited  and  revised. 
His  other  worlvs,  all  pubhshed  at  Ratisbon,  are:  "Die 
vollkommene  Liebe  Gottes  "  ( 1 855) ;  "  Erklarung  des 
katholischen  Katechismus ' '  (4  vols. ,  1857-64,  fifth  ed., 
1880 — );  "  Kiirzeres  Handbuch  zum  Religionsunter- 
richte"  (1865-68,  sixth  ed..  Linden  ed.,  1898). 

Spirago-Messmer,  Method  of  christian  Doctrine  (Cincinnati, 
1901):  Linden,  Der  mittlere  Deharbesche  Katechismus  (Ratis- 
bon, 1900);  Thalhofer,  Entwickiuno  des  katholischen  Kate- 
chismus in  Deulschland  (Freiburg.  1S991;  Rolfus  and  Pfis- 
TER,  Realencukloptidie  des  Er^iehi/no'!  und  I'nterrichtswesens 
(Mainz.  1874),  passim;  Krieg,  Knlirh.lik  (Freiburg,  1907); 
Hf.rder.  Konversationslexikon,  s.  v.;  Baier,  Methodik  (Wiirz- 
burg,  1897). 

Francis  L.  Kerze. 
De  Hondt.     See  Peter  Canisius,  Blessed. 

Deicolus  (Dichuil),  Saint,  elder  brother  of  St.  Gall, 
b.  in  Leinster,  Ireland,  c.  5.30;  d.  at  Lure,  France,  18 
January,  625.  Having  studied  at  Bangor  he  was  se- 
lected as  one  of  the  twelve  disciples  to  accompany  St. 
Columbanus  in  his  missionary  enterprise.  After  a 
short  stay  in  England  he  journeyed  to  Gaul,  in  576, 
and  laboured  with  St.  Columbanus  in  Austrasia  and 
Burgundy.  At  Luxeuil  he  was  imwearied  in  his  min- 
istrations, and  yet  was  always  serene  and  even  joyous. 
When  St.  Columbanus  was  expelled  by  Thierry,  in 
610,  St.  Deicolus,  then  eighty  years  of  age,  deter- 
mined to  follow  his  master,  but  was  forced,  after  a 
short  time,  to  give  up  the  journey,  and  settled  in  a 
deserted  place  called  Lutre,  or  Lure  (French  Jura),  in 
the  Diocese  of  Besancon,  to  which  he  had  been  directed 
by  a  fwineherd.  Till  his  death,  he  was  thenceforth 
the  apostle  of  this  district,  where  he  was  given  a  little 
church  and  a  tract  of  land  by  BertheUle,  widow  of 
Weifar,  the  lord  of  Lure.  Soon  a  noble  abbey  was 
erected  for  his  many  disciples,  and  the  Rule  of  St. 
Columbanus  was  adopted.  Numerous  miracles  are 
recorded  of  St.  Deicolus,  including  the  suspension  of 
his  cloak  on  a  sunbeam  and  viie  taming  of  wild  beasts. 
Clothaire  II,  King  of  Burgundy,  recognized  the  vir- 
tues of  the  saint  and  considerably  enriched  the  Abbey 
of  Lure,  also  granting  St.  Deicolus  the  manor,  woods, 
fisheries,  etc.  of  the  town  which  had  grown  around 
the  monastery.  Feeling  his  end  approaching,  St. 
Deicolus  gave  over  the  govenunent  of  his  abbey  to 
Columbanus,  one  of  his  young  monks,  and  spent  his 
remaining  daysinprayerandmcditation.  Hisfeast  is 
celebrated  on  18  January.  So  ri'vcred  was  his  memory 
that  his  name  (Dichuil),  uniler  the  .slightly  disguised 
form  of  Deel  and  Deela,  is  still  borne  by  most  of  the 
children  of  the  Lure  district.  His  Acts  were  writ 
ten  by  a  monk  of  his  own  monastery  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury. 

CoLGAN,  Acta  Sanctorum  Jlibcmiw  (Louvain,  1645);  Mabi^ 
ivON,  Annat.  Benedict;  O'Hanlon,  Lives  of  the  Irish  Saints,  I 


DEIFERUS 


679 


DEISM 


O'Lavertt,  Down  and  Connor  (Dublin,  1880),  II;  Storks, 
Early  ChrUtian  Art  in  Ireland  (London,  1887). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 
Deiferus.     Sco  Dikr. 

Dei  gratia;  Dei  et  ApostoUcee  Sedis  gratia  (By 

the  grace  of  (ioil;  liy  the  grace  of  God  and  llie  Apos- 
tolic See),  forraula?  added  to  the  titles  of  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries.  The  first  (.V.  Dei  gratid  Episcopus  .V.) 
ha-s  been  used  in  that  form  or  in  certain  equivalents 
since  the  fifth  century.  Among  the  signatures  of  the 
Councils  of  Ephesus  (431)  and  Chalcedon  (451)  we 
find  names  to  which  are  added :  Dei  grati/i,  per  gratiam 
Dei,  Dei  mi^ralinne  Episcopus  A'.  (Mansi,  Sacr. 
Cone. Coll.,  IV,  1213;  VII,  1.37,  1.39,  429  sqq.).  Though 
afterwards  eini)luyed  occasionally,  it  did  not  become 
prevalent  until  the  eleventh  century.  The  second 
form  (.V.  Dei  et  Apostoliea"  Sedis  gralid  Episcopus  X.) 
is  current  since  the  ele\'enth  century-;  but  came 
into  general  use  by  archbishops  and  bishops  only 
since  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  The  first 
formula  expresses  the  Divine  origin  of  the  episcopal 
office;  the  second  exhibits  the  union  of  the  bishops 
and  their  submissioi\  to  the  See  of  Rome.  Temporal 
rulers  since  King  Pepin  the  Short,  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, also  made  use  of  the  first  formula ;  from  the  fif- 
teenth it  was  employed  to  signify  complete  and  inde- 
pendent sovereignty,  in  contradistinction  to  the  sov- 
ereignty conferred  by  the  choice  of  the  people.  For 
this  reason  the  bishops  in  some  parts  of  Southern  Ger- 
many (Baden,  Bavaria,  \\'urtemberg)  are  not  al- 
lowed to  u.se  it,  but  must  say  instead:  Dei  Misera- 
tione  el  Apostolicw  Sedis  gratid. 

BiNTERiM  in  Katholik  (1823).  VII,  129  sqq.;  Idem,  Denk- 
wiirdigknten  (Mainz,  1838),  t;  Thomassin,  Discipline  dc 
I't'lllise  (Bar-le-Duc,  1864),  I;  Permaneder  in  Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 
D*n    gratid;    Hefele    in    Kirchenlex.,    s.  v.    Aposlolicce  Sedis 

FrANCI.S   J.    SCHAEFER. 

Deism  (Lat.  Deus,  God),  the  term  used  to  denote 
certain  doctrines  apparent  in  a  tendency  of  thought 
and  criticism  that  manifested  itself  principally  in  Eng- 
land towards  the  latter  end  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
The  doctrines  and  tendency  of  deism  were,  however, 
by  no  means  entirely  confined  to  England,  nor  to  the 
seventy  years  or  so  dvu-ing  which  most  of  the  deistical 
productions  were  given  to  the  world;  for  a  similar 
spirit  of  criticism  aimed  at  the  nature  and  content  of 
traditional  religious  belief.s,  and  the  substitution  for 
them  of  a  rationalistic  naturalism  has  frefpiently  ap- 
peared in  the  coiu-se  of  religious  thought.  Thus  there 
nave  been  French  and  German  deists  as  well  as  Eng- 
lish; while  Pagan,  Jewish,  or  Mohammedan  deists 
might  be  found  as  well  as  Christian.  Because  of  the 
individualistic  standpoint  of  independent  criticism 
which  they  adopt,  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impos.sil)le,  to 
class  together  the  representative  writers  who  contril> 
uted  to  the  literature  of  English  deism  as  forming 
any  one  definite  school,  or  to  group  together  the  posi- 
tive teachings  contained  in  their  writings  as  any  one 
.systematic  expression  of  a  concordant  philosophy. 
The  deists  were  what  nowadays  would  be  called 
frecthinkirs,  a  name,  indeed,  by  which  they  were  not 
infn-quently  known;  and  they  can  only  be  cla.ssed  to- 
gctlier  wholly  in  the  main  attitud(;  that  they  adopted, 
viz.  in  agreeing  to  cast  off  the  trammels  of  authorita- 
ti\e  religious  teaching  in  favour  of  a  free  and  purely 
rationalistic  .speculation.  Many  of  them  were  frankly 
materialistic  in  their  doctrines;  while  the  French 
thinkers  who  subsequently  built  >ipon  the  foundations 
laid  by  the  English  delists  were  almost  exclusively  .so. 
Others  rested  content  with  a  criticism  of  ecclesiastical 
authority  in  teaching  the  inspiration  of  the  Sacred 
Scriptures,  or  the  fact  of  an  external  revelation  of  su- 
pernatural truth  given  by  God  to  man.  In  this  last 
point,  while  there  is  a  considerable  divergence  of 
method  and  procedure  obser\'able  in  the  writings  of 


the  various  deists,  all,  at  least  to  a  very  large  extent, 
seem  to  concur.  Deism,  in  its  every  manifestation, 
was  opposed  to  the  ciurent  and  traditional  teaching  of 
revealed  religion. 

In  England  the  deistical  movement  seems  to  be  an 
almost  necessary  outcome  of  the  political  and  religious 
conditions  of  the  time  and  country.  The  Renaissance 
had  fairly  swept  away  the  later  scholasticism  and  with 
it,  very  largely,  the  constructive  philosophy  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  The  Protestant  Reformation,  in  its 
open  revolt  against  the  authority  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  had  inaugurated  a  slow  revolution,  in  which 
all  religious  pretensions  were  to  be  involved.  The 
Bible  as  a  substitute  for  the  living  voice  of  the  Church 
and  the  State  religion  as  a  substitute  for  Catholicism 
might  stand  for  a  time;  but  the  verj-  mentality  that 
brought  them  into  being  as  substitutes  could  not  logi- 
cally rest  content  with  them.  The  jirinciple  of  private 
judgment  in  matters  of  religion  had  not  run  its  full 
course  in  accepting  the  Bible  as  the  Word  of  God.  A 
favourable  opportunity  would  spur  it  forward  once 
more ;  and  from  such  grudging  acceptance  as  it  gave 
to  the  Scriptures  it  would  proceed  to  a  new  examina- 
tion and  a  final  rejection  of  their  claims.  The  new 
life  of  the  empirical  sciences,  the  enormous  enlarge- 
ment of  the  phj'sical  horizon  in  such  discoveries  as 
those  of  astronomy  and  geography,  the  philosophical 
doubt  and  rationalistic  method  of  Descartes,  the  ad- 
vocated empiricism  of  Bacon,  the  political  changes  of 
the  times — all  these  things  were  factors  in  the  prepara- 
tion and  arrangement  of  a  stage  upon  which  a  criti- 
cism levelled  at  revelational  religion  might  come  for- 
ward and  Jilay  it.s  part  with  some  chance  of  success. 
And  though  the  first  essays  of  deism  were  somewhat 
veiled  and  intentionally  indirect  in  their  attack  upon 
revelation,  with  the  revolution  and  the  civil  and  relig- 
ious liberty  consequent  upon  it,  with  the  spread  of 
the  critical  and  empirical  spirit  as  exemplified  in  the 
philosophy  of  Locke,  the  time  was  ripe  for  the  full  re- 
hearsal of  the  case  against  Christianity  as  expounded 
by  the  Establishment  and  the  sects.  The  wedge  of 
private  judgment  had  been  dri%'en  into  authority.  It 
had  already  split  Protestantism  into  a  great  number  of 
conflicting  sects.  It  was  now  to  attempt  the  wreck  of 
revealed  religion  in  any  sliape  or  form. 

The  deistical  tendency  passed  through  several  more 
or  less  clearly  defined  phases.  All  the  forces  possible 
were  mustered  against  its  advance.  Parliaments  took 
cognizance  of  it.  Some  of  the  productions  of  the  de- 
ists were  publicly  burnt.  The  bishops  and  clergy  of 
the  Establishment  were  strenuous  in  resisting  it.  For 
every  pamphlet  or  book  that  a  deist  wrote,  several 
"answers"  were  at  once  put  before  tlie  public  as  anti- 
dotes. Bishops  addressed  pastoral  letters  to  their 
dioceses  warning  the  faithful  of  the  danger.  AVool- 
ston's  "Moderator"  provoked  no  less  than  five  such 
pastorals  from  the  Bishop  of  Ijondon.  All  that  was 
ecclesiastically  official  and  respectable  was  ranged  in 
opposition  to  the  movement,  ami  the  deists  were  lield 
up  to  general  detestation  in  the  strimgest  terms. 
When  tile  critical  iirineiples  and  freethouglit  spirit  fil- 
tered dowii  to  the  middle  classes  and  the  masses,  when 
such  men  as  Woolston  and  I'liulib  put  pen  to  paper,  a 
perfect  storm  of  counter-criticism  arose.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  not  a  few  educated  and  cultured  men  were 
really  upon  the  .side  of  a  broad  toleration  in  matters  of 
religion.  The  "wit  and  ridicule"  by  which  the  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury  would  h.ive  all  testeil  meant,  as  Brown 
rightly  notes,  no  more  than  urbanity  and  good  nature. 
But  Shaft esburj-  himself  would  by  no  means  allow  that 
lie  was  a  deist,  except  in  the  sense  in  wliich  the  term  is 
interchangeable  with  theist ;  and  Herbert  of  Cherbury, 
by  far  the  most  cultured  representative  of  the  move- 
ment, is  noted  as  having  been  the  most  moderate  and 
the  lea.st  opposed  of  them  all  to  the  teachings  of  Chris- 
tianity. One  phase  through  which  deism  maybe  said 
to  have  pa.ssed  was  tliat  of  a  critical  examination  of 


DEISM 


680 


DEISM 


the  first  principles  of  religion.  It  asserted  its  right  to 
perfect  tolerance  on  the  part  of  all  men.  Freethought 
was  the  right  of  the  individual;  it  was,  indeed,  but 
one  step  in  advance  of  the  received  principle  of  private 
judgment.  Such  representatives  of  deism  as  Toland 
and  Collins  may  be  taken  as  typical  of  this  stage.  So 
far,  while  critical  and  insLsting  on  its  rights  to  com- 
plete toleration,  it  need  not  be,  though  as  a  matter  of 
fact  it  undoubtedly  was,  hostile  to  religion.  A  second 
phase  was  that  in  which  it  criticised  the  moral  or  ethi- 
cal part  of  religious  teaching.  The  Earl  of  Shaftes- 
bury, for  example,  has  much  to  urge  against  the  doc- 
trine of  future  rewards  and  pimishments  as  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  moral  law.  Such  an  attitude  is  obviously 
incompatible  with  the  accepted  teaching  of  the 
Churches.  Upon  this  follows  a  critical  examination 
of  the  writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  with  a 
particular  regard  to  the  verification  of  prophecy  and 
to  the  miraculous  incidents  therein  recorded.  Antony 
Collins  performed  the  first  part  of  this  task,  while 
Woolston  gave  his  attention  principally  to  the  latter, 
applying  to  Scriptiu-al  records  the  principles  put  for- 
ward by  Blount  in  his  notes  to  the  "ApoUonius  Ty- 
anceus".  Lastly,  there  was  the  stage  in  which  nat- 
ural religion  as  such  was  directly  opposed  to  revealed 
religion.  Tindal,  in  his  "Christianity  as  old  as  the 
Creation",  reduces,  or  attempts  to  reduce,  revelation 
to  reason,  making  the  Christian  statement  of  revela- 
tional  truths  either  superfluous,  in  that  it  is  contained 
in  reason  itself,  or  positively  harmful,  in  that  it  goe? 
beyond  or  contradicts  reason. 

It  is  thus  clear  that,  in  the  main,  deism  is  no  more 
than  an  application  of  critical  principles  to  religion. 
But  in  its  positive  aspect  it  is  something  more,  for  it 
offers  as  a  substitute  for  revealed  truth  that  body  of 
truths  which  can  be  built  up  by  the  tmaided  efforts  of 
natural  reason.  The  term  deism,  however,  has  come 
in  the  course  of  time  to  have  a  more  specific  meaning. 
It  is  taken  to  signify  a  peculiar  metaphysical  doctrine 
supposed  to  have  been  maintained  by  all  the  deists. 
They  are  thus  grouped  together  roughly  as  members 
of  a  quasi-philosophical  school,  the  chief  and  distin- 
guishing tenet  of  which  is  the  relationship  asserted  to 
obtain  between  the  imiverse  and  God.  God,  Ln  this 
somewhat  inferential  and  constructive  thesis,  is  held 
to  be  the  first  cause  of  the  world,  and  to  be  a  personal 
God.  So  far  the  teaching  is  that  of  the  theists,  as  con- 
trasted with  that  of  atheists  and  pantheists.  But, 
further,  deism  not  only  distinguishes  the  world  and 
God  as  effect  and  cause ;  it  emphasizes  the  transcend- 
ence of  the  Deity  at  the  sacrifice  of  His  indwelling  and 
His  providence.  He  is  apart  from  the  creation  which 
He  brought  into  being,  and  unconcerned  as  to  the  tie- 
tails  of  its  working.  Having  made  Nature,  He  allows 
it  to  run  its  own  course  without  interference  on  His 
part.  In  this  point  the  doctrine  of  deism  differs 
clearly  from  that  of  theism.  The  verbal  distinction 
between  the  two,  which  are  originally  convertible 
terms — deism,  of  Latin  origin,  being  a  translation  of 
the  Greek  theism — seems  to  have  been  introduced  into 
English  literature  by  the  deists  themselves,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  denomination  of  naturalists  by  which  they 
were  commonly  known.  As  naturalism  was  the  epi- 
thet generally  given  to  the  teaching  of  the  followers  of 
the  Spinozistic  philosophy,  as  well  as  to  the  so-called 
atheists,  deism  seemed  to  its  professors  at  once  to  fiu-- 
nish  a  disavowal  of  princijiles  and  doctrines  which 
they  repudiated,  and  to  mark  off  their  own  position 
clearly  from  that  of  the  theists.  The  word  seems, 
however,  to  have  been  first  employed  in  France  and 
Italy  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  for  it 
occurs  in  the  epistle  dedicatory  prefixed  to  the  second 
volume  of  Viret's  "Instruction  Chretienne"  (1563), 
where  the  reforming  divine  speaks  of  some  persons 
who  had  called  themselves  by  a  new  name — deists.  It 
was  principally  upon  accoimt  of  their  methods  of  in- 
vestigation and  their  criticism  of  the  traditional  Prot- 


estant religious  teaching  that  they  had  also  come  to 
to  be  called  rationalists,  opposing,  as  has  been  pointed 
out,  the  findings  of  unaided  reason  to  the  truths  held 
on  faith  as  having  come  from  God  through  external 
revelation.  Whether  it  was  by  ignoring  thLs  alto- 
gether, or  by  attempting  actively  to  refute  it  and 
pro\-e  its  wort.hlessness,  rationalism  was  the  obvious 
term  of  their  procediu-e.  And  it  was  also,  in  very 
much  the  same  mamier,  by  their  claimmg  the  freedom 
to  discuss  on  these  lines  the  doctrines  set  forth  in  the 
Bible  and  taught  by  the  Chiu-ches,  that  they  earned 
for  themselves  the  no  less  commonly  given  title  of 
freethinkers. 

There  are  notable  distinctions  and  divergences 
among  the  English  deists  as  to  the  whole  content  of 
truth  given  by  reason.  The  most  important  of  these 
dLstinctions  is  undoubtedly  that  by  which  they  are 
classed  as  "mortal"  and  "immortal"  deists;  for, 
while  many  conceded  the  philosophical  doctrine  of  a 
futvu'e  life,  the  rejection  of  futiu-e  rewards  and  punish- 
ments carried  with  it  for  some  the  denial  of  the  im- 
mortality of  the  himian  soul.  The  five  articles  laid 
down  by  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  however,  with 
their  expansion  into  si.x  (and  the  addition  of  a  seventh) 
by  Charles  Bloimt,  may  be  taken — and  especially  the 
former — as  the  formal  professions  of  deism.  They 
contain  the  following  doctrines:  (1)  that  there  exists 
one  supreme  God,  (2)  who  Ls  chiefly  to  be  worshipped; 
(3)  that  the  principal  part  of  such  worship  consists  in 
piety  and  virtue;  (4)  that  w^e  must  repent  of  our  sins 
and  that,  if  we  do  so,  God  will  pardon  us;  (5)  that 
there  are  rewards  for  good  men  and  pimishments  for 
evil  men  both  here  and  hereafter.  Blount,  while  he 
enlarged  slightly  upon  each  of  these  doctrines,  broke 
one  up  into  two  and  added  a  .seventh  in  which  he 
teaches  that  God  governs  the  world  by  His  providence. 
This  can  hardly  be  accepted  as  a  doctrine  common  to 
the  deists;  while,  as  has  been  said,  future  rewards  and 
punishments  were  not  allowed  by  them  all.  In  gen- 
eral they  rejected  the  miraculous  element  in  Scripture 
and  ecclesiastical  tradition.  They  would  not  admit 
that  there  was  any  one  "peculiar  people",  such  as  the 
Jews  or  the  Christians,  singled  out  for  the  reception  of 
a  truth-message,  or  chosen  to  be  the  recipients  of  any 
special  grace  or  supernatural  gift  of  God.  They  de- 
nied the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  and  altogether  refused 
to  admit  any  mediatorial  character  in  the  person  of 
Jesus  Clirist.  The  atonement,  the  doctrine  of  the 
"imputed  righteousness"  of  Christ — especially  popu- 
lar with  orthodoxy  at  the  time — shared  the  fate  of  all 
Christological  doctrines  at  their  hands.  And  above 
all  things  and  upon  every  occasion — but  with  at  least 
one  notable  exception — they  raised  their  voices  against 
ecclesiastical  authority.  They  never  tired  of  inveigh- 
ing against  priestcraft  in  every  shape  or  form,  and 
they  went  so  far  as  to  assert  that  revealed  religion  was  _ 
an  imposture,  an  invention  of  the  priestly  caste  to  sub-lij( 
due,  and  so  the  more  easily  govern  and  exploit,  the  ig'|k 
norant. 

As  deism  took  its  rise,  in  the  logical  sequence  o 
events,  from  the  principles  asserted  at  the  Protest 
ant  Reformation,  so  it  ran  its  short  and  \iolent  cours' 
in  a  development  of  those  principles  and  ended  in  ^Bfifg 
philosophical  scepticism.  For  a  time  it  caused  aifcj| 
e.xtraordinary  commotion  in  all  circles  of  thought  iwgjt: 
England,  provoked  a  very  large  and,  in  a  sense,  inteill, 
esting  polemical  literature,  and  penetrated  from  thM|:^ 
highest  to  the  lowest  strata  of  society.  Then  it  felj-,  ( 
flat,  whether  because  the  controversy  had  lost  th  " 
keen  interest  of  its  acuter  stage  or  because  people  i 
general  were  drifting  with  the  current  of  criticisil 
towards  the  new  views,  it  would  be  difficult  to  sa;i 
AVith  most  of  the  arguments  of  the  tleists  we  are  novj 
adays  quite  familiar,  thanks  to  the  efforts  of  model 
freethought  and  rationalism  to  keep  them  before  tli 
public.  Though  caustic,  often  clever,  and  sometiml^ 
extraordinarily  blasphemous,  we  open  the  shabby  littH^,' 


m 


'M 


DEISM 


681 


DEISM 


linoks  to  find  them  for  the  most  part  oiit^of-date,  com- 
monplace, and  dull.  And  while  several  of  the  "re- 
plies" they  evoked  may  still  be  reckoned  as  standard 
«orks  of  apologetics,  the  majority  of  them  belong,  in 
more  senses  than  one,  to  the  writings  of  a  bygone  age. 
\\  hen  Viscount  Bolingbroke's  works  were  published 
liD-ithuniously  in  1754,  and  even  when,  si.x  years  pre- 
viously, David  Hume's  "  Essay  on  the  Human  l^nder- 
siiti'ling"  was  given  to  the  public,  little  stir  was 
ciiisi'd.  Rnlingbroke's  attacks  upon  revealed  relig- 
iiiii,  aimed  fnim  the  standpoint  of  a  sensationalistic 
tliciiiy  of  knowledge,  were,  as  a  recent  writer  puts  it, 
'  insufferably  wearisome";  nor  could  all  his  cynicism 
:in(l  satire,  any  more  than  the  scepticism  of  the  Scot- 
iisli  philosopher,  renew  general  interest  in  a  contro- 
\  ersy  that  was  practically  dead.  The  dcistical  con- 
iriiversy  traceable  to  the  philosophy  of  Hobbes  and 
I  Dcke  is  pre-eminently  an  English  one,  and  it  is  to  the 
1  iiLjlish  deists  that  reference  is  usually  made  when 
I  Inre  is  question  of  deism.  But  the  same  or  a  similar 
iiioxement  took  place  in  France  also.  "In  the  eight- 
eenth centurj'",  says  Ueberweg,  "the  prevailing  char- 
ge t<r  of  French  philosophy  .  .  .  was  that  of  opposi- 
tien  to  the  received  dogmas  and  the  actual  conditions 
i:.  '  'liurch  and  State,  and  the  efforts  of  its  representa- 
tiM's  were  chiefly  directed  to  the  establishment  of  a 
new  theoretical  and  practical  philosophy  resting  on 
iiituralistic  principles"  (Gesch.  d.  Philosophic,  Ber- 
lin. 1901,  IH,  2.37).  Men  like  Voltaire,  and  even  the 
iTi.iterialistic  Encyclopsedists,  exemphfy  a  tendency  of 
pliilosophic  thought  which  has  very  much  in  common 
\\iih  what  in  England  ended  in  deism.  It  had  the 
sMuie  basis,  the  theory  of  knowledge  propounded  by 
l.nekc  and  subsequently  pushed  to  an  extreme  point 
li\-  ( 'ondillac,  and  the  general  advance  of  scientific 
tliiMight.  From  Voltaire's  criticisms  of  ecclesiastical 
eiL;;inization  and  theology,  his  unwearying  attacks 
n|ioii  Christianity,  the  Bible,  the  Church,  and  revela- 
tion, the  tendency  turned  towards  pantheism  and 
iiiilerialism.  Rousseau  would  have  a  religion  of  na- 
tiiie  substituted  for  the  traditional  forms  of  revcla- 
ti"Ti,  and  bring  it,  as  he  would  bring  philosophy  and 
]!'  ■lilics,.to  the  point  of  view  of  individualism.  Helve- 
'lus  would  have  the  moral  system  based  upon  the 
|irinciple  of  present  self-interest.  And  thus,  as  in 
llnelarul  the  logical  development  of  deism  ended  in 
lie'  scepticism  of  Hume,  so  in  France  it  came  to  rest 
111  ihe  materialism  of  La  Mettrie  and  Holbach. 

Reference  h.as  been  made  above  to  several  of  the 

iiHire   important   representatives   of   English   deism. 

I'll  or  twelve  wTiters  are  usually  enumerated  as  note- 

\viiithy  contributors  to  the  literature  and  thought  of 

the  movement,  of  whom  the  following  brief  sketches 

iii:iy    be   given. — Lord   Herbert   of   Chcrhury    (1581- 

11.  IS),  a  contemporary  of  the  philosopher  Hobbes, 

«:is  the  most  learned  of  the  deists  and  at  the  same 

1 1'lte  the  least  disposed  to  submit  Christian  revelation 

I  destructive  criticism.     He  was  the  founder  of  a 

I  iTialistic  form  of  religion — the  religion  of  nature — 

h  consisted  of  no  more  than  the  residuum  of 

til  common  to  all  forms  of  positive  religion  when 

r  distinctive  characteristics  were  left  aside.     The 

,      lession  of  faith  of  Herbert's  rationalism  is  summed 

i:|  >  in  the  five  articles  given  above.     His  principal  con- 

tiilmtions  to  deistical  literature  are  the  "Tractatus  de 

\  ■  rilatc  prout  distinguitur  a  Revelatione,  a  Verisimili, 

! '  ssibili  et  a  Falso"  (1624);  "De  Religione  Genti- 
1    Errorumque   apud  eos  Causis"   (1645,    166.3); 

'•    Religione  Laici". 

I'linrlex  Blomil  (16.54-93)  w-as  noted  as  a  critic  of 
liiitli  the  Old  and  \ew  Testaments.  His  methods  of 
■itt  ick  upon  the  Christian  position  were  characterized 
liy  an  indirectness  and  a  certain  duplicity  that  has 
e\er  since  come  to  he  in  some  degree  associated  with 
'lie  whole  deistical  movement.  The  notes  that  he  ap- 
1'  n,]pd  to  his  tran.slation  of  ApoUonius  are  calculated 
•  1  weaken  or  destroy  credence   in   the  miracles  of 


Christ,  for  some  of  which  he  actually  suggests  explana- 
tions upon  natural  grounds,  thus  arguing  against  the 
trustworthiness  of  the  New  Tcstam<'nt  In  a  similar 
manner,  by  employing  the  argmnent  of  Hobbes  against 
the  Mosaic  authorship  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  by  at- 
tacking the  miraculous  events  therein  reeonled,  he  had 
impeached  the  accuracy  and  veracity  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. He  rejects  utterly  the  doctrine  of  a  media- 
torial Christ  and  contends  that  such  a  doctrine  is  sub- 
versive of  true  religion ;  while  the  many  falsehoods  he 
perceives  in  the  traditional  and  positive  forms  of 
Christianity  he  puts  down  to  the  political  invention 
(for  purposes  of  power  and  of  easy  government)  of 
priests  and  religious  teachers.  The  seven  articles  into 
which  Blount  expanded  the  five  articles  of  Lord  Her- 
bert have  been  noticed  above.  His  notes  to  the  trans- 
lation of  Philostratus'  "Life  of  ApoUonius  Tyanxus" 
were  published  in  1680.  He  wrote  also  the  "Anima 
Mundi"  (1678-9);  "Religio  Laici",  practically  a 
translation  of  Lord  Herbert's  book  of  the  same  title 
(1683);  and  "The  Oracles  of  Reason"  (1893). 

John  Tolnnd  (1670-1722),  while  originally  a  be- 
liever in  Divine  revelation  and  not  opposed  to  the  doc- 
trines of  Christianity,  advanced  to  the  rationalistic 
position  with  strong  pantheistic  tendencies  by  taking 
away  the  supernatural  element  from  religion.  His 
principal  thesis  consisted  in  the  argmnent  that  "there 
is  nothing  in  the  Gospels  contrarj'  to  reason,  nor  above 
it;  and  that  no  Christian  doctrine  can  properly  be 
called  a  mystery."  This  statement  he  made  on  the 
assimiption  that  whatever  is  contrary  to  reason  is  un- 
true, and  whatever  is  above  reason  is  inconceivable. 
He  contended,  therefore,  that  reason  is  the  safe  and 
only  guide  to  truth,  and  that  the  Christian  religion 
lays  no  claim  to  being  mysterious.  Toland  also  raised 
questions  as  to  the  Canon  of  Scripture  and  the  origins 
of  the  Church.  He  adopted  the  view  that  in  the  Early 
Church  there  were  two  opposing  factions,  the  liberal 
and  the  Judaizing;  and  he  compared  rtnur  eighty 
spurious  writings  with  the  New  Testament  Scri|itures, 
in  order  to  cast  doubt  upon  the  authenticity  and  relia- 
biHty  of  the  canon.  His  "Amyntor"  evoked  a  reply 
from  the  celebrated  Dr.  Clarke,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  books  and  tracts  were  published  in  refuta- 
tion of  his  doctrine.  The  chief  works  for  which  he 
was  responsible  are: — "Christianity  not  Mysterious" 
(1696);  "Letters  to  Serena"  (1704);  "Pantheisti- 
con"  (1720);  "Amyntor"  (1699);  "Nazarenus" 
(1718). 

Antony  Ashley  Cooper,  third  Earl  of  Shaftesbury 
(1671-1713),  one  of  the  most  popular,  elegant,  and 
ornate  of  these  writers,  is  generally  classed  among  the 
deists  on  accoimt  of  his  "Characteristics".  He  him- 
self would  not  admit  that  he  was  such,  except  in  the 
sense  in  which  deist  is  contrasted  with  atheist;  of  him 
Bishop  Butler  said  that,  had  he  lived  in  a  later  age, 
when  Christianity  was  better  understood,  he  would 
have  been  a  good  Christian.  Thus,  in  a  preface  that 
Shaftesbury  contributed  to  a  vohnne  of  the  sermons 
of  Dr.  Whichcot  (1698),  he  "finds  fault  w-ith  those  in 
this  profane  age,  that  represent  not  only  the  institu- 
tion of  preaching,  but  even  the  (Jospel  itself,  and  our 
holy  religion,  to  be  a  fraud  ".  There  arc  also  pa.ssages 
in  "Several  Letters  Written  by  a  Noble  Lord  to  a 
Young  Man  in  the  L^niversity"  (1716)  in  which  he 
shows  a  very  real  regard  for  the  doctrines  an<l  practice 
of  the  Christian  religion.  But  the  "Characteristics  of 
Men,  Matters,  Opinions,  and  Times"  (1711-1723) 
gives  clear  evidence  of  Shaftesbury's  dcistical  tenden- 
cies. It  contains  frequent  criticisms  of  Christian  doc- 
trines, the  Scriptures,  and  revelation.  He  contends 
that  this  last  is  not  only  useless  btit  positively  mis- 
chievous, on  .account  of  its  doctrine  of  rewards  and 
punishments.  The  virtue  of  morality  he  makes  to 
consist  in  a  conformity  of  our  affections  to  ovir  nat- 
ural sense  of  the  sublime  and  beautiful,  to  our  nattiral 
estimate  of  the  worth  of  men  and  things.     The  Cos- 


DEISM 


682 


DEISM 


pel,  he  asserts  with  Blount,  was  only  the  fruit  of  a 
scheme  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  to  secure  their  own 
aggrandizement  and  enhance  their  power.  With  such 
professions  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  his  statement 
that  he  adheres  to  the  doctrines  and  mysteries  of  re- 
ligion; but  this  becomes  clear  in  the  light  of  the  fact 
that  he  shared  the  peculiar  politico-religious  view  of 
Hobbes.  Whatever  the  absolute  power  of  the  State 
sanctions  is  good;  the  opposite  is  bad.  To  oppose 
one's  private  religious  convictions  to  the  religion  sanc- 
tioned by  the  State  is  of  the  nature  of  a  revolutionary 
act.  To  accept  the  established  state  religion  is  the 
duty  of  the  citizen.  Shaftesbury's  more  important 
contributions  to  this  literature  are  the  "Characteris- 
tics" and  the  "Several  Letters",  mentioned  above. 

Antony  Collins  (1676-1729)  caused  a  considerable 
stir  by  the  pubhcation  (171.3)  of  his  "Discourse  of 
Freethinking,  occasioned  by  the  Rise  and  Growth  of  a 
Sect  call'd  Freethinkers".  He  had  previously  con- 
ducted an  argument  against  the  immateriality  and 
immortality  of  the  soul  and  against  human  liberty. 
In  this  he  had  been  answered  by  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke. 
The  "Discourse"  advocated  unprejudiced  and  unfet- 
tered enquiry,  asserted  the  right  of  human  reason  to 
examine  and  interpret  revelation,  and  attempted  to 
show  the  uncertainty  of  prophecy  and  of  the  New 
Testament  record.  In  another  work  Collins  puts 
forth  an  argument  to  prove  the  Christian  religion 
false,  though  he  does  not  expressly  draw  the  conclu- 
sion indicated.  He  asserts  that  Christianity  is  de- 
pendent upon  Judaism,  and  that  its  proof  is  the  ful- 
filment of  the  prophetic  utterances  contained  in  the 
Old  Testament.  He  then  proceeds  to  point  out  that 
all  such  prophetic  utterance  is  allegorical  in  nature  and 
cannot  be  considered  to  furnish  a  real  proof  of  the 
truth  of  its  event.  He  further  points  out  that  the 
idea  of  the  Messiah  among  the  Jews  was  of  recent 
growth  before  the  time  of  Christ,  and  that  the  He- 
brews may  have  derived  many  of  their  theological 
ideas  from  their  contact  with  other  peoples,  such  as 
the  Egyptians  and  Chaldeans.  In  particular,  when 
his  writings  on  prophecy  were  attacked,  he  did  his  ut- 
most to  discredit  the  book  of  Daniel.  The  "Dis- 
course on  the  Grounds  and  Reasons  of  the  Christian 
Religion"  (1724)  called  forth  a  great  number  of  an- 
swers, principal  among  which  were  those  of  the  Bishop 
of  Lichfield,  Dr.  Chandler  ("Defence  of  Christianity 
from  the  Prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament"),  and  Dr. 
Sherlock  ("The  Use  and  Intent  of  Prophecy").  It 
was  in  Collins'  "  Scheme  of  Literal  Prophecy  "  that  the 
antiquity  and  authority  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  were 
discussed.  The  "prophecies"  were  made  to  be  a 
record  of  past  and  contemporary  events  rather  than  a 
prevision  of  the  future.  But  the  "Scheme"  was 
weak,  and  though  it  was  answered  by  more  than  one 
critic,  it  cannot  be  said  to  have  added  much  weight  to 
the  "Discourse".  Altogether  Collins'  attacks  upon 
prophecy  were  considered  to  be  of  so  serious  a  nature 
that  they  called  forth  no  less  than  thirty-five  replies. 
Of  his  works,  the  following  may  be  noticed,  as  bearing 
especially  upon  the  subject  of  deism:  "Essay  Con- 
cerning the  LTse  of  Reason  in  Theology"  (1"07); 
"Di.sco\irse  of  Freethinking"  (1713);  "Discourse  on 
the  Grounds  and  Reasons  of  the  Christian  Religion" 
(1724) ;  "  The  Scheme  of  Literal  Prophecy  Considered" 
(1727). 

Thomas  Woolston  (1669-1733)  appeared  as  a  mod- 
erator in  the  acrimonious  controversy  that  was  being 
w-aged  between  CoIHtis  ami  his  critics  with  his  "Mod- 
erator between  an  Infidel  and  an  .-\postate".  As  Col- 
lins had  succeeded  in  allegorizing  the  prophecies  of  the 
Old  Testament  luitil  nothing  remained  of  them,  so 
Woolston  tried  to  allegorize  away  the  miracles  of 
Christ.  During  the  years  1728-9.  six  discourses  on 
the  miracles  of  Our  Lord  came  out  in  three  parts,  in 
which  Woolston  asserted,  with  an  extraordinary  vio- 
lence of  language  and  blasphemy  that  could  only  be 


attributed  to  a  madman,  that  the  miracles  of  Christ, 
when  taken  in  a  Uteral  and  historical  sense,  are  false, 
absurd,  and  fictitious.  They  must  therefore,  he  urges, 
be  received  in  a  mystical  and  allegorical  sense.  In 
particular,  he  argued  at  great  length  against  the  mira- 
cles of  resurrection  from  the  dead  wrought  by  Christ, 
and  against  the  resurrection  of  Christ  Himself.  The 
Bishop  of  London  issued  five  pastoral  letters  against 
him,  and  many  ecclesiastics  wrote  in  refutation  of  his 
work.  The  most  noteworthy  reply  to  his  doctrines 
was  "  The  Tryal  of  the  Witnesses  "  (1729)  by  Dr.  Sher- 
lock. In  1729-30,  Woolston  published  "  A  Defense  of 
his  Discourse  against  the  Bishops  of  London  and  St. 
David's",  an  extremely  weak  production. 

Matthew  Tindal  (1657-1733)  gave  to  the  contro- 
versy the  work  that  soon  became  kno'ivn  as  the  "  De- 
ists' Bible".  His  "Christianity  as  Old  as  the  Crea- 
tion" was  published  in  his  extreme  old  age  in  1730. 
As  its  sub-title  indicates,  its  aim  was  to  show  that  the 
Gospel  is  no  more  than  a  republication  of  the  Law  of 
Nature.  This  it  undertakes  to  make  plain  by  eviscer- 
ating the  Christian  religion  of  all  that  is  not  a  mere 
statement  of  natural  religion.  External  revelation  is 
declared  to  be  needless  and  useless,  indeed  impossible, 
and  both  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  to  be  full  of 
oppositioiLS  and  contradictions.  The  work  was  taken 
as  a  serious  attack  upon  the  traditional  position  of 
Christianity  in  England,  as  is  evinced  by  the  hostile 
criticism  it  at  once  provoked.  The  Bishop  of  London 
issued  a  pastoral;  Waterland,  Law,  Conybeare,  and 
others  replied  to  it,  Conybeare 's  "Defence"  creating  a 
considerable  stir  at  the  time.  More  than  any  other 
work,  "Christianity  as  Old  as  the  Creation"  was  the 
occasion  of  the  writing  of  Butler's  well  known  "  An- 
alogy". 

Thomas  Morgan  (d.  1743)  makes  professions  of 
Christianity,  the  usefulness  of  revelation,  etc.,  but 
criticizes  and  at  the  same  time  rejects  as  revelational 
the  Old  Testament  history,  both  as  to  its  personages 
and  its  narratives  of  fact.  He  advances  the  theory 
that  the  Jews  "accomodated"  the  truth,  and  even 
goes  so  far  as  to  extend  this  "accomodation"  to  the 
Apostles  and  to  Christ  as  well.  His  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  Church  is  similar  to  that  of  Toland,  in 
that  he  holds  the  two  elements,  Judaizing  and  liberal, 
to  have  resulted  in  a  fusion.  His  principal  work  is 
"The  Moral  Philosojjher,  a  Dialogue  between  Phila- 
lethes,  a  Christian  Deist,  and  Theophanes,  a  Christian 
Jew"  (1737,  1739,  1740).  This  was  answered  by  Dr. 
Chapman,  whose  reply  called  forth  a  defence  on  the 
part  of  Morgan  in  "  The  Moral  Philosopher,  or  a  farther 
Vindication  of  Moral  Truth  and  Reason". 

Thomas  Chubb  (1679-1746),  a  man  of  humble  origin 
and  of  poor  and  elementary  education,  by  trade  a 
glove-maker  and  tallow-chandler,  is  the  most  plebeian 
representative  of  deism.  In  1731  he  published  "A 
Discourse  Concerning  Reason"  in  which  he  disavows 
his  intention  of  opposing  revelation  or  serving  the 
cause  of  infidelity.  But  "The  True  Gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ",  in  which  Lechler  sees  "an  essential  moment 
in  the  historical  development  of  Deism",  announces 
Christianity  as  a  life  rather  than  as  a  collection  of  doc- 
trinal truths.  The  true  gospel  is  that  of  natural  relig- 
ion, and  :is  such  Chubb  treats  it  in  his  work.  In  his 
posthumous  works  a  sceptical  advance  is  made.  These 
were  published  in  1748,  and  after  the  "Remarks  on 
the  Scriptures"  contain  the  author's  "Farewel  to  His 
Readers".  This  "Farewel"  embraces  a  number  of 
tracts  on  various  religious  subjects.  A  marked  ten- 
dency to  scepticism  regarding  a  jiarticular  providence 
pervades  tlieni.  The  efficacy  of  prayer,  as  well  as  the 
future  .state,  is  called  in  i|uestioii.  .\rguments  are 
urged  against  prophrcy  and  miracle.  There  are  fifty 
pages  devoted  to  those  against  the  Resurrection  alone. 
Finally,  Cbrist  is  ]iresented  .as  a  mere  man,  who 
fovmded  a  religious  sect  among  the  Jews.  Chubb  pub- 
lished also  "  The  Supremacy  of  the  Father"  (1715)  and 


DEITY 


68.3 


DEITY 


'  Tracts"  (1730).  Ho  is  also  responsiblp  for  the  senti- 
incnts  of  "  The  Case  of  Deism  Fairly  Stated  ",  an  anon- 
ymous tract  which  he  revised. 

Henri/  St.  John,  Vinmiint  BoUnghroke  (1678-17.51), 
liclongs  to  the  deists  chiefly  by  reason  of  his  posthu- 
nuMis  works.  They  are  ponderously  cynical  in  style 
and  generally  dull  and  uninteresting,  containing  argu- 
ini>iits  against  the  truth  and  value  of  Scriptural  his- 
iiiry,  and  asserting  that  Christianity  is  a  system 
Inisted  upon  the  unlettered  by  the  cunning  of  the 
I  li  igy  to  further  their  own  ends. 

Pder  At\net  (l(i9.i-1769)  was  the  author,  among 
Ciller  works,  of  "Judging  for  Oun^elves,  or  Freethink- 
ing  the  great  Duty  of  Religion"  (17.'i9).  "The  Resur- 
n-ction  of  Jesus  Considered"  (1744),  " Supernaturals 
Examined"  (1747),  and  nine  numbei's  of  the  "Free 
Knqviirer"  (1761).  In  the  second  of  these  works  he 
denies  the  Resurrection  of  Christ  and  accuses  Holy 
W  rit  of  fraud  and  imposture. 

Hrnry  D(><lirell  (d.  1748),  who  wrote  "Christianity 
nut  Founded  on  Argument",  is  also  generally  reck- 
iiicd,  with  Annet,  as  among  the  representative  deists. 
Si  o  God;  Providence;  Rationalism;  Scepticis.m ; 
Theism.) 

I.KLAND,  A  View  of  the  Principal  Deistical  Writers  (London 
1  :.)4 ),  6;  Stephen.  History  of  English  Thought  in  the  Eightemth 
'■ 'i/)/ry  (London,  1876),  ^KFI  TON  Ophwmnchr';  or  Dn^m  Re 
r.uled   (London,    17491     F\ri  \r      \    (  I    11  '   f     e 

Th.jnghULondon,  1863)    Hi  1   //  It 

ui  I-^ngtand  (London,  1870      I 

.I'll  Deinmus  iStuttgart    Is  11  /  I 

'  li'-uses  qui  se  sont  ntes  (1  iii      1^  I  I  te 

\faUrialismus  (Leipzig    ISbb      !  1     ii 

16.51);    Locke,  Works  (Lon  i  k<s 

iiilon,  1738);  Berkelei     ilcipl  U  / 

i'.r    (London,    1732)       bee    also    h  \   (     h     j     ^     w 

li.rkrlnj.  348  sqq.;  Clarke   443    Bobbin 
L'7;  Skellon,  333. 


L'latui  li,  Locke 

FnANcis  Ambling. 


Deity  (Fr.  dHtf;  L.  L.  deitas;  Lat.  deus,  divus, 
he  divine  nature",  "godhead",  "god"). — The 
i^inal  meaning  of  the  word  is  shown  in  the  San- 
rit  dyau.i.  gen.  divas,  root  div,  which  root  ap- 
irs  in  an  adjective  formation  as  deva,  "bright", 
leavenly" — attributes  of  God — hence  devas,  "the 
iglit  beings",  or,  as  a  noun  substantive,  dyaus.  In 
substantive  form,  dyaus  is  either  masculine — e.  g. 
icaven",  "sky" — or  feminine,  as  Heaven  (personi- 
d).  Hence,  in  the  Avesta  dacva,  "evil  spirit"; 
th.  deva,  "a  god";  Gael,  and  Irish  dia,  "god";  O. 
lit.  tiu;  A.  S.  Tiw  (e.  g.  Tuesday,  i.  e.  Tiwesday); 
.  Zci/!  (gen.  Ai6s) ;  Lat.  Jupiter  (i.  e.  Jov-pater).  From 
'  same  root  we  have  the  Lat.  names  of  deities: 
<ina,  Janus,  Juno,  Dis,  the  genitive  Jovis  {Diovis), 
1  the  word  dies. 

Ihe  present  article  is  confined  to  the  non-Christian 
tion  of  the  Deity.  The  Christian  idea  is  set  forth 
dir  the  title  God.  The  data,  therefore,  are  drawn 
■Ml  the  new  science  of  the  history  of  religions.  They 
1 1 'race  written  records,  customs,  laws,  life,  language. 
ir  earliest  documents  of  history  show  that  religion 
I  long  existed  at  the  time  of  their  composition. 
r  a  long  time  some  deity  had  been  adored,  had  re- 
\  cd  sacrifices,  and  no  one  could  recall  the  beginning 
the.se  ancient  rites.  Many  histories  of  religion 
blished  in  recent  years  are  made  up  of  hypotheses 
re  and  simple;    often  far  removed  from  the  facts 

which  they  are  based ;  often  absolutely  arbitrary, 
scientific   spirit   demanfLs    statements   of   facts 

'ied  beyond  dispute  or  inductions  in  accord  with 
Thus  viewed,  the  history  of  religions  shows  on 

subject  of  the  Deity:  (1)  as  an  actual  fact,  the 
n  Idling  of  polytheistic  and  monothei.sticelements;  (2) 
it  the  farther  back  we  go  in  the  history  of  religious 
'light,  the  purer  becomes  the  notion,  so  that  traces 
,1  primitive  monotheism  are  forced  upon  us;  (3) 
it  the  ghost-theory,  advanced  by  Spencer  and  other 
It  ITS,  to  account  for  the  origin  of  the  Deity  is 
now,  partial,  and  unscientific. 


Religion,  in  its  most  general  sense,  is  a  universal 
phenomenon  of  mankind.  The  assertion  of  Lubbock, 
that  tribes  exist  who  have  no  notion  of  the  Deity,  is 
refuted  by  Tylor  and  Roskoff.  At  times  this  concep- 
tion appears  lofty  and  pure,  again  it  is  comparatively 
crude  and  involved  in  a  mass  of  superstitious  fancy. 
Yet,  however  imperfect  and  childish  the  expression 
may  seem,  it  represents  the  highest  idea  of  the  Deity 
which  the  mind,  for  the  time  and  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, grasped. 

I. — Religious  life  among  savage  peoples  of  to-day, 
as  among  pagan  nations  before  Cnristianity,  resem- 
bles the  entangled  confusion  of  a  forest  where  trees, 
brambles,  and  creepers,  of  all  ages  and  sizes,  are  to  be 
seen  interlacing,  supporting  and  crushing  each  other 
W'ith  their  earthy  growths,  while,  above  the  topmost 
branches,  is  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  blue  sky  of 
heaven.  The  religion  of  paganism  in  general  is  Poly- 
theism, which  has  been  accounted  for  by  theo- 
ries of  Animism,  Fetishism,  Naturism,  and  the  con- 
crete forms  of  .Anthropomorphism  and  Idolatry. 
The  advocates  of  these  various  theories  should  be 
classed  as  theorists  rather  than  historians.  Taking 
the  theory  of  evolution  as  a  common  starting-point, 
they  hold  that  man  arose  from  the  brute  and  that 
he  is  a  brute  gradually  transformed.  They  differ 
only  in  the  cause  and  nature  of  the  religious  develop- 
ment which  resulted  in  the  notion  of  the  Deity.  Here 
w'e  reject  all  presuppositions  and  deal  only  with  the 
historical  aspect  of  the  problem.  In  the  words  of 
Waitz,  the  primitive  man  of  modern  anthropology  is  "a 
pure  fiction,  however  convenient  a  fiction  he  may  be". 

Paganism  presents  not  a  doctrine,  but  a  grouping  of 
customs  and  teachings  different  and  often  opposed, 
an  incoherent  mass  of  beliefs  with  various  origins. 
Close  analysis  enables  the  student  to  separate  the 
doctrinal  streams  and  trace  them  to  their  proper 
sources.  The  luminous  truth  presented  by  this  study 
is  the  corruption  of  religious  ideas  on  the  nature  of 
the  Deity  by  the  tangled  confusion  of  human  growth. 
Sir  A.  C.  Lyall  (Asiatic  Studies,  Ser.  II,  p.  234), 
while  rejecting  the  theory  of  a  primitive  revelation, 
admits  that  "  beyond  doubt  we  find  many  beliefs  and 
traditions  running  downward,  spreading  .at  a  level 
much  below  their  source".  The  causes  which  con- 
tributed to  produce  this  tangled  profusion  in  the 
pagan  conception  of  the  Deity  are: — 

(1)  Deification  of  nature  aiul  her  powers  and  of  sen- 
sible objects.  Of  necessity  the  result  was  an  inex- 
haustible variety  of  deities.  As  time  went  on,  the 
divine  assumed  thousands  of  fanciful  and  fortuitous 
images  and  forms.  Deification  of  the  powers  of  nature 
led  first  to  the  worship  of  the  elements.  One  divinity 
of  the  heavens  stood  in  contrast  with  one  of  the  earth. 
Fire,  as  the  warming,  nourishing,  consuming,  and  des- 
troying power,  was  early  worshipped  as  a  separatedeity. 
Hence  the  Vestal  Virgins  in  Rome,  the  Vedic  Agni, 
the  Fire-worshippers  of  Mazdeism,  and  the  sacred  fire 
of  Shintoism.  So  also  moisture  or  water,  not  only  in 
general,  but  in  its  concrete  forms,  e.  g.  sea,  lake,  river, 
spring,  cloud;  and  thus  was  had  a  fourth  elemental 
deity.  In  the  East,  /\strolatrj-,  or  Sabseism,  i.  e.  the 
worship  of  the  stars  that  illumine  the  earth,  developed, 
above  all  the  worship  of  the  sun.  Where  soil  and 
vegetation  w;us  rich,  the  earth  was  regarded  as  a  nurs- 
ing mother,  and  Geolatry  in  many  forms  arose.  In 
the  ^'edic  hymns  we  can  trace  the  transition  from 
natural  phenomena  into  natural  deities — e.  g.  Agni, 
i.  e.  fire,  Varuna,  i.  e.  lieavcn,  Indra,  i.  e.  the  rain-clouds 
— but  even  then  doubts  spring  up,  and  the  poetic 
writers  ask  themselves  whether,  after  all,  there  are 
such  things  as  the  Devas.  In  Homer  and  Hesiod  the 
forces  of  nature  are  conceived  as  persons,  e.  g. 
IJranos,  i.  e.  heaven;  Nyx,  i.  e.  night;  Ilypnos,  i.  e. 
sleep;  Oneiros,  i.  e.  dream;  Oceanos,  i.  e.  ocean;  the 
answer  of  .Vchilles  to  the  river  Scamander  "in  human 
form,  confessed  before  his  eyes"  (Iliad,  XXI),  and  his 


DEITY 


684 


DEITY 


prayer  to  the  winds  Boreas  and  Zephyrus,  that  they 
kindle  the  flames  on  the  funeral  pyre  of  Patroclus 
(Iliad,  XXIII).  Observation  of  the  fact  that  in  na- 
ture two  energies — one  active  and  generative,  the 
other  passive  and  feminine — combine,  led  men  to  as- 
sociate heaven  and  earth,  sun  and  moon,  day  and 
night,  as  common  primal  and  motherly  deities  co-op- 
erating in  the  production  of  being.  Hence  the  dis- 
tinction of  male  divinities — e.  g.  heaven,  ether,  sun — 
and  of  female  divinities — e.  g.  earth,  air,  moon. 
From  this  only  a  step  to  the  deification  of  the  genera- 
tive principle  and  the  worship  of  the  phallus. 

(2)  AnthTopomorphonis. — The  powers  of  nature  were 
at  first  worshipped  without  form  or  name,  afterwards 
humanized  and  regarded  as  persons.  Thus  Gaia,  of 
ancient  Pelasgic  worship,  appears  as  Rhea  in  Cretan 
traditions,  as  the  Cybele  of  Asia  Anterior,  as  Hera  in 
Arcadia  and  Samos,  as  the  goddess  of  nature  Aphro- 
dite, as  Demeter.  In  Rome  the  Bona  Dea  of  mystic 
rite,  whose  proper  name  was  not  to  be  spoken,  was  later 
akin  to,  or  identified  with,  a  number  of  Greek  or  Italian 
deities.  De  la  Saiissaye  writes  of  ancient  Babylono- 
As.syrian  religion:  "Among  the  influential  words 
which  could  avert  or  expel  evil,  the  most  prominent 
were  the  names  of  the  great  gods;  but  these  names 
were  considered  to  be  secret,  and  therefore  people  ap- 
pealed to  the  god  himself  to  pronounce  them."  In 
Samothrace  the  Cabiri,  i.  e.  great  and  mighty  dei- 
ties, the  supreme  powers  of  nature,  were  adored  at 
first  without  specific  names.  In  old  Latium  the  pon- 
tifices  concealed  the  names  of  the  gods.  Herodotus 
says  the  Pelasgian  deities  were  nameless.  In  the  Vedie 
hymns  the  sacrificial  tree,  to  which  the  sacrifices  were 
attached,  is  thus  addressed:  "Where  thou  knowest,  O 
Tree,  the  sacred  names  of  the  gods,  to  that  place  make 
the  off'erings  go."  According  to  de  la  Saussaye  the 
deities  of  the  Rig- Veda  are  but  slightly  individualized. 
To  the  formless  gods  of  nature  succeeded  the  deities  of 
Homeric  imagination,  in  Iiuman  shape  and  with  hu- 
man feelings.  In  the  judgment  of  Herodotus  it  was 
Homer  and  Hesiod  who  settled  the  theogony  of  the 
Greeks — in  fact  laid  the  basis  of  the  later  Hellenic 
religion.  The  Greeks  lavished  the  rich  stores  of  their 
intellectual  life  upon  their  deities,  humanized  and 
severed  them  from  natural  phenomena.  Hence  the 
whole  of  nature  was  pervaded  by  a  family  of  deities 
descending  from  the  elements  as  primal  gods,  the  in- 
dividual members  of  which  family  were  of  kin  to  one 
another  and  in  mutual  relations  of  higher  and  lower, 
older  and  younger,  male  and  female,  stronger  and 
weaker;  so  that  man,  feeling  himself  surrounded  on 
all  sides  by  deities,  discovered  in  the  course  of  nature, 
and  in  her  various  phenomena,  their  actions,  histories, 
and  manifestations  of  their  will.  The  conception  of 
these  deities  was  anthropopathic,  in  their  motives  and 
passions  they  were  more  powerful  and  more  perfect 
men,  they  had  a  human  body  and  a  human  counte- 
nance, human  thoughts  and  feelings;  they  resided  in 
the  clouds  or  on  a  hirfi  mountain;  they  dwelt  in  a 
heavenly  palace.  Such  an  idea  is  incoherent  and  con- 
tradictory. In  reality  the  Deity  was  nature.  If  its 
inanimate  forms  were  personified  and  worshipped, 
why  not  animals  and  plants — e.  g.  tree-worship? 

(3)  Human  Apotheosis  is  another  cause  and  equally 
prolific  in  later  pagan  times.  Plutarch  (in  his  "  Rom- 
ulus") enters  at  length  into  the  question,  how  the 
soul,  when  separated  from  the  body,  advances  into 
the  state  of  heroism,  and  from  a  hero  develops  into  a 
demon  and  from  a  demon  becomes  a  god.  To  Cicero 
the  doctrine  of  Euhemerism  is  the  core  and  funda- 
mental principle  of  the  mysteries  (de  Nat.  Deor.,  Ill, 
xxi).  With  the  Greelcs  it  had  been  a  custom  to  hon- 
our renowned  or  well-deserving  men  as  heroes  after 
death,  e.  g.  Herakles,  Theseus;  but  to  pay  divine 
honours  to  the  living  never  entered  into  their  minds  in 
early  times.  Heroes  or  saintly  men  were  regarded 
(a)  as  sons  of  the  gods,  e.  g.  in  Hesiod;  (b)  as  incarna- 


tions of  the  great  gods.  The  growth  of  popular  Poly- 
theism in  modem  India  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
Brahmins,  by  their  doctrine  of  divine  embodiments 
(avatara),  create  holy  men  into  deities  actually  wor- 
shipped. Thus  the  older  gods  of  India,  i.  e.  nature- 
personifications,  are  in  turn  obscured  by  the  swarm  of 
earth-born  deifications.  Colebrooke  says  that  the 
worship  of  deified  heroes  is  a  later  phase  not  to  be 
found  in  the  Vedas,  though  the  heroes  themselves  not 
yet  deified  are  therein  mentioned  occasionally,  (c) 
The  hero  was  identified  with  one  of  the  great  gods. 
Thus  hero-worship  was  strange  to  the  early  Romans. 
Romulus,  according  to  Plutarch,  was  not  worshipped 
as  a  hero  properly  speaking,  but  as  a  god,  and  that  after 
he  had  been  identified  with  the  Sabine  god  Quirinus. 
(d)  Hero-worship  properly  speaking,  e.  g.  in  the 
Odyssey,  (e)  Apotheosis. — Plutarch  tells  us  that 
Lysander  (d.  394  B.  c.)  was  the  first  man  to  whom  the 
Greeks  erected  altars  and  offered  sacrifices  as  to  a  god. 
Farnell  states  that  one  of  the  most  fruitful  offshoots  of 
the  older  Hellenic  system  was  hero-worship.  And 
Pliny  writes,  "  Of  all  ways  of  paying  due  thanks  to  men 
of  great  desert,  the  most  time-honoured  is  to  enrol  them 
as  gods".  The  Jaina faith,  anofi'shoot  of  Buddhism,  is 
nothing  but  the  worship  of  deified  men.  In  Egypt  di- 
vine honours  were  paid  to  kings  even  during  their  life- 
time. Cicero  makes  a  formal  profession  of  Euhemer- 
ism. "  Knowest  that  thou  art  a  god?"  he  represents  the 
glorified  Scipio  addressing  himself  in  a  dream  (de  Rep. 
VI,  xxiv).  Men  and  women  after  death  had  been 
raised  to  be  gods ;  therefore  he  would  have  his  daugh- 
ter TuUia  exalted  to  the  same  honour,  as  having  best 
deserved  it,  and  he  would  dedicate  a  temple  to  her 
(ep.  ad  Att.,  xii).  The  Christian  apologists,  who 
stood  face  to  face  with  Heathendom,  positively 
declared  that  all  the  deities  of  Paganism  were  dei- 
fied men.  Among  the  Romans  the  worship  of  the 
geniits  was  to  men  the  deification  of  manhood,  as 
that  of  Juno  was  to  women  the  deification  of  woman- 
hood. Pliny  saw  in  this  belief  a  formal  self-deifica- 
tion, proceeding  upon  the  theory  that  the  genius,  or 
Juno,  was  nothing  else  than  the  spiritual  element  of 
man,  or  woman.  Not  only  the  individual,  but  every 
place  and,  above  all,  the  Roman  people  and  Rome 
itself  had  its  genius.  The  time-honoured  worship  of 
the  latter  was  naturally  associated  with,  and  passed 
into,  a  worship  of  the  emperor.  Thus  pre-Christian 
heathenism  culminated  in  the  worship  of  Augustus. 
In  the  Book  of  Wisdom  the  various  stages  in  the  pro- 
cess of  human  deification  are  clearly  described  (Wis- 
dom, xiv). 

(4)  St.  Augustine  (Civ.  Dei,  IV,  ii)  discusses  the 
opinion  of  Roman  writers  that  all  the  manifold  gods 
and  goddesses  of  the  Romans  were  in  the  final  analysis 
but  one  Jupiter,  for  these  deities  melt  away  into  each 
other  on  closer  inspection.  Thus  we  have  a  single 
god,  who  by  the  dissection  of  his  nature  into  various 
aspects  of  his  powers,  and  by  the  personifying  of  his 
individual  powers,  has  been  resolved  into  a  nmltipli- 
city  of  deities.  The  Romans  thus  broke  up  the  idea 
of  deity  by  hypostasizing  particular  powers,  modes  of 
operation,  physical  functions,  and  properties.  By  this 
process  not  only  events  in  nature  and  in  human  life, 
but  their  various  phases,  qualities,  and  circumstances 
were  considered  apart  as  endowed  with  proper  per- 
sonalities, and  worshipped  as  deities.  Thus  in  the  liff 
of  a  child,  Vaticanus  opens  his  mouth,  Cunina  guards 
the  cradle,  Educa  and  Potina  teach  him  to  eat  anc 
drink,  Fabulinus  to  speak,  Statalinus  helps  him  tc 
stand  up,  Adeona  and  Abeona  watch  over  his  firs' 
footsteps.  Since  every  act  required  a  god,  there  waj| 
scarcely  any  limit  to  the  inventive  work  of  the  ima 
gination.  ,\nd  St.  Augustine  tells  us  (Civ.  Dei,  IV 
viii)  that  the  Roman  farmer  was  in  the  hands  of  a  hos 
of  deities  who  assisted  him  at  each  stage  of  ploughing 
hoeing,  sowing,  and  reaping.  Under  such  condition 
we  can  understand  how  easily  the  cultured  Romai 


DEITY 


G85 


DEITY 


could  emljrace  the  pantheism  of  Stoic  philosophy, 
teacliiiig  the  one  creative  all-ruling  power  of  Nature — 
itself  a  personification — and  at  the  same  time  permit 
the  ignorant  to  personify  and  worship  as  distinct 
deities  the  various  acts  and  phases  by  which  this 
power  was  manifested. 

(5)  A  political  element  enters  into  the  multiplication 
of  deities  in  the  Pagan  world.  To  make  a  nation, 
several  tribes  must  unite.  Each  has  its  god,  and  the 
nation  is  apt  to  receive  them  all  equally  in  its  Pan- 
theon. Or  in  time  of  war  the  victorious  nation  was 
not  content  to  impose  laws  and  tribute  upon  the  con- 
quered; it  must  displace  the  conquered  deities  by  its 
own.  Again,  where  ancient  nations,  each  having  its 
own  religion  and  mythologj',  were  brought  by  com- 
merce into  close  contact,  the  deities  who  showed  a 
certain  similarity  were  identified,  and  even  their 
names  were  adopted  by  one  language  from  another. 
According  to  Max  Miiller,  Durga  and  Siva  are  not 
natural  developments,  nor  mere  corruptions  of  Vedic 
deities,  but  importations  or  adaptations  from  without. 
A  striking  illustration  is  furiiLshed  in  the  history  of 
Rome.  In  the  earlier  times  the  chief  deities  were 
general  nature-powers  or  mere  abstractions  of  the  State 
or  family.  They  had  no  real  personality.  Thus  the 
Lares  came  from  Etruria,  the  chief  of  them  being  the 
LarFamiliaris,  the  divine  head  of  the  family,  the  per- 
sonification of  the  creative  power  assuring  the  duration 
of  the  family;  Vesta,  the  fire  of  the  domestic  hearth, 
the  protectress  of  the  family,  became  identified  later 
with  the  Greek  Hestia.  Afterwards,  when  Rome 
spread  out  into  a  world-power,  it  received  into  its 
Pantheon  the  deities  of  the  nations  conquered  by  its 
armies.  Again,  the  political  element  becomes  a  more 
potent  factor  when  deities  are  created  by  human  enact- 
ment. Thus,  in  ancient  Rome  the  pontifices  had  the 
right  and  care  of  making  new  deities.  And  in  China 
to-day  the  Government  orders  posthumous  honours 
and  titles  and  deifications  of  men,  gives  titles  and  re- 
wards to  deities  for  supposed  public  service,  and  exer- 
cises a  control  over  Buddhist  incarnations.  The 
Emperor  of  China  uses  the  monopoly  of  deification  as 
a  constitutional  prerogative,  like  the  right  of  creating 
peers; 

(6)  A  final  explanation  can  be  found  in  language. 
The  words  employed  by  the  mind  to  designate  spirit- 
ual facts  are  all  drawn  from  conscious  individual  ex- 
perience. In  the  beginning  man  naturally  expressed 
the  power  and  attributes  of  the  deity  in  different 
words  drawn  from  nature  and  from  life.  According  to 
de  la  Saussaye  the  opinion  is  even  expressed  in  the 
Rig- Veda  that  the  many  names  of  the  gods  are  only 
different  ways  of  denoting  a  single  being.  Now  the 
tendency  of  language  is  to  become  crystallized. 
Words  gradually  lose  their  etymological  force,  and 
their  original  meaning  is  forgotten.  They  stand  out 
as  distinct  and  independent  facts  in  our  mental  life. 
What  was  at  first  a  sign  becomes  itself  an  object. 
Thus  in  the  Vedic  religion  the  Sun  has  many  names — 
Surya,  Savitri,  Mitra,  Pushan,  Aditya.  Each  of  these 
names  grew  by  itself  into  some  kind  of  active  person- 
ality after  its  original  meaning  had  been  forgotten. 
Originally  all  were  meant  to  express  one  and  the  same 
object  viewed  from  different  points;  e.  g.  Surya 
meant  the  Sun  as  offspring  of  the  sky;  Snvitri.  the  Sun 
as  quickener  or  enlivener;  Mitra  the  bright  Sun  of  the 
mom;  PMs/ian  the  Sun  of  the  shepherds;  Varunawaa 
the  sky  as  all-embracing;  Aditya  the  sky  as  boimdless. 
In  this  sense  the  Hindu  gods  have  no  more  right  to 
substantive  existence  than  Eos  or  Nyx;  they  are 
nomina,  not  nutnina;  i.  e.  words,  not  deities.  So  also 
in  Egypt  the  Sun  is  Ilorus  in  the  morning,  Ra  at  mid- 
day. Turn  in  the  evening,  Osiris  during  the  night.  In 
another  manner  language  may  lead  into  error,  :i.s  when 
Bancroft  remarks  that  in  many  of  the  .tVmerican  lan- 
guages the  same  word  «  used  for  storm  and  god. 
Brinton  writes,  "The  descent  is  almost  imperceptible 


which  leads  to  the  personification  of  \\'ind  as  god". 
Goldzeher  states  that  the  Baghirami  in  Central  Africa 
use  the  same  term  for  storm  and  deity.  The  .Akra 
people  on  the  Gold  Coast  of  .Africa  say,  "  Will  God 
come?"  for  "Will  it  rain?"  Here  we  have  the  same 
word  with  two  meanings.  Thus  the  Odjis,  or  Ashan- 
tis,  call  the  deity  by  the  same  word  as  the  sky,  but 
mean  a  personal  god  who  created  all  things  and  is  the 
giver  of  all  good  things. 

All  pagan  religions  have  zoomorphic,  or  partially 
zoomorphic,  idols,  deities  in  the  shape  of  lower  ani- 
mals. Especially  is  this  true  of  the  Egyptian  deities. 
But  it  is  the  sphere  of  totem-lore  or  mythology  to  ex- 
plain these  strange  metamorphoses,  which  scandalized 
philosophers,  and  which  Ovid  set  in  verse  for  the  cul- 
tured of  his  time. 

II. — The  human  race  has  at  all  times  and  in  divers 
ways  sought  to  express  the  notion  of  the  deity.  The 
history  of  religions,  however,  lays  bare  another  truth, 
viz.,  that  the  farther  back  we  go  in  the  history  of  re- 
ligioas  thought,  the  purer  becomes  the  notion  of  the 
deity.  In  the  Rig- Veda,  the  most  ancient  of  the 
Hindu  sacred  books,  traces  of  a  primitive  monotheism 
are  clearly  shown.  The  Deity  is  called  "the  only  ex- 
isting being"  who  breathed,  calmly  self-contained,  in 
the  beginning  before  there  was  sky  or  atmosphere, 
day  or  night,  light  or  darkness.  This  being  is  not  the 
barren  philosophical  entity  found  in  the  later  Upanis- 
hads,  for  he  is  called  "our  Father",  "our  Creator", 
omniscient,  who  listens  to  prayers.  Father  Calmette 
maintains  that  the  true  God  is  taught  in  the  Vedas. 
Again,  "That  which  is  and  is  one,  the  poets  call  in 
various  ways ",  and  it  is  declared  to  exist  "in  the  form 
of  the  unborn  being".  Traces  of  a  nature-religion  are 
found  in  the  Vedas.  To  a  later  date,  however,  must  be 
ascribed  the  mythology  of  the  Vedic  hjoims  in  which 
the  "  bright  ones  "  (the  heavens  and  earth,  the  sun  and 
moon,  ^vith  various  elemental  powers  of  storm  and 
wind)  are  the  only  distinctly  recognized  deities.  D'Har- 
lez,  F.  C.  Cook,  and  Phillips  hold  that  the  moral  and 
spiritual  basis  is  older.  Pictet,  A.  B.  Smith,  Baner- 
gia,  Ellingwood,  Wilson,  Muir  do  not  hesitate  to  de- 
clare that  the  loftier  conceptions  of  the  Vedas  are 
unquestionably  the  earlier,  and  that  they  show  clear 
traces  of  a  primitive  monotheism.  The  use  of  differ- 
ent divine  names  in  the  Vedas  does  not  warrant  us  in 
concluding  without  other  evidence  that  different 
deities  are  designated.  On  this  basis  we  could  con- 
clude, with  Tiele,  that  the  Jews  at  different  times 
worshipped  three  different  gods,  e.  g.  Elohim,  Yah- 
weh,  Adonai.  The  use  of  the  different  names  may  be 
due  to  personification  of  natural  forces  or  to  crj-stal- 
lization  of  language,  but  such  a  use  marks  a  later  stage 
in  religious  thought.  Why  could  not  these  names 
originally  be  employed  to  express  the  many  perfec- 
tions and  attributes  of  the  great  God?  Thus  the 
Vedic  poet  writes,  "Agni,  many  are  the  names  of 
Thee,  the  Immortal  One";  and,  "The  father  adoring 
gives  many  names  to  Thee,  O  Agni,  if  thou  shouldst 
take  pleasure  therein".  Of  the  Egyptian  deity  Ra  it  is 
WTitten,  "  His  names  are  manifold  and  unknown,  even 
the  gods  know  them  not".  Famell  states  that 
"many  deities,  some  of  whom  were  scarcely  known 
outside  a  narrow  area,  were  invoked  as  TroXviimiie,  all 
possible  titles  of  power  being  summed  up  in  one 
word".  Thus,  the  farther  back  we  go  in  the  historj' 
of  the  Indian  people,  the  purer  becomes  the  form  of 
religious  belief.  Idolatry  Ls  shown  to  be  a  degenera- 
tion. "  It  is  true",  says  Sir  A.  C.  Lyall,  "  that  in  India, 
as  elsewhere,  the  idea  of  one  Supreme  Being,  vaguely 
imagined,  stands  behind  all  the  phantasmagoria  of 
supernatural  personages".  A  luminous  proof  of  this 
inference  is  furnished  by  an  analysis  of  the  word  Jupi- 
ter. Jupiter  in  Latin  is  Zeus  pater  in  Greek  and  is 
Ih/aus  pilar  in  Sanskrit.  The  Teutonic  form  is  Tiu. 
The  meaning  is  "  Heaven-Father".  The  designation  of 
the  Deity  in  all  these  branches  of  the  Aryan  family 


DEITY 


686 


DEITY 


points  to  a  time,  5000  years  ago  or  earlier,  when  the 
Aryans,  before  their  dispersion,  before  they  spoke  San- 
skrit, Greek,  Latin,  or  German,  united  in  calling  on 
the  Deity  as  the  Heaven-Father.  In  the  Vedas  Dyaus- 
•pitar  is  foimd,  but  even  in  these  documents  Dyaus  is 
already  a  fading  star;  he  is  crowded  out  by  Indra, 
Rudra,  Agni,  and  other  purely  Indian  deities.  In  the 
Vedas  Dyaus  has  two  forms;  a  masculine  and  a  femi- 
nine. But  the  Vedic  Dyxi  or  Dyaus-pitar  is  first  of  all 
a  mascuUne,  while  in  later  Sanskrit  only  it  becomes 
exclusively  a  feminine.  Hence  it  is  not  true  to  say 
that  the  name  originally  was  a  feminine  to  designate 
heaven,  and  that  the  nation  afterwards  changed  it 
into  a  proper  name  to  express  the  Deity. 

The  Gathas,  the  most  ancient  hynins  of  the  Avesta, 
form  the  kernel  about  which  the  sacred  literature  of 
the  Iranians  clustered  in  an  aftergrowth.  They  in- 
culcate belief  in  Ahura  Mazda,  the  self-existent  omni- 
potent being.  He  is  the  all-powerful  Lord  who  made 
heaven  and  earth,  and  all  that  is  therein,  and  who 
governs  everything  with  wisdom.  Tiele  says  that  the 
sole  really  personal  being  is  Ahura,  and  that  the  two 
spirits  in  antagonism  are  below  him  (Elem.  of  the 
Science  of  Rel.,  Ser.  I,  p.  47).  The  opposition  of 
Ahriman  is  of  a  later  date.  Pfleiderer  holds  that 
originally  he  was  a  good  spirit  created  by  Ahura  (Phil, 
of  Rel.,  Ill,  p.  84).  The  Amesha-Spentos  of  the 
Gathas  have  the  nature  of  abstract  ideas  or  quali- 
ties, i.  e.  attributes  of  Ahura;  afterwards  they  formed 
a  kind  of  celestial  council.  L.  H.  Mills  (New  World, 
March,  1895)  holds  that  the  spiritual,  unique  nature  of 
Ahura  is  attested  beyond  question,  and  he  unites  with 
d'Harlez,  Darmesteter,  and  Tiele  in  teaching  that  the 
primitive  form  of  Iranian  belief  was  monotheistic. 
The  Paganism  of  Greece  and  Rome,  with  its  family  of 
deities  in  human  shapes  and  with  human  passions, 
bears  upon  its  face  evident  marks  of  degradation  and 
corruption.  Thus  a  critical  study  of  the  Aryan  be- 
liefs convinces  the  student  that  in  them  we  fuid  no  il- 
lustration of  an  evolution  from  a  primitive,  low,  to  a 
later,  and  higher,  form.  "The  religion  of  the  Indo- 
European  race",  writes  Dannesteter  (Contemp.  Rev., 
Oct.,  1879),  "while  still  united,  recognized  a  supreme 
God,  an  organizing  God,  almighty,  omniscient,  moral. 
The  conception  was  a  heritage  of  the  past." 

The  same  truth  is  evident  from  a  study  of  the  relig- 
ions of  Egypt  and  of  China.  In  the  most  ancient 
monuments  of  Egypt  the  simplest  and  most  precise 
conception  of  one  God  is  expressed;  He  is  one  and 
alone;  no  other  beings  are  with  Him;  He  is  the  only 
being  living  in  truth;  He  is  the  self-existing  one  who 
made  all  things,  and  He  alone  has  not  been  made. 
Brugsch  accepts  this  view,  but  calls  it  Pantheism. 
The  ethical  element  in  the  Deity,  however,  is  adverse 
to  this.  Renouf  finds  a  similar  Pantheism,  but  pre- 
fers the  word  HenotheLsm.  De  la  Saussaye  admits 
that  "one  can  maintain  that  Egj-ptian  Monotheism 
and  Pantheism  have  never  been  denied  by  any  serious 
enquirer,  though  the  majority  do  not  look  on  them  as 
general  and  original".  The  sublime  portions  of  the 
Egyptian  religion  are  not  the  comparatively  late  re- 
sult of  a  process  of  purification  from  earlier  and 
grosser  forms.  In  the  outlines  of  History  of  Religion 
Tiele  so  taught ;  but  m  a  later  work,  Egyptian  Religion, 
he  expresses  the  contrary  opinion.  Lieblein,  Ed. 
Meyer,  and  Renouf  admit  degeneration  in  Egyptian 
religion.  Thus  de  Roug^,  Tiele,  Pierret,  EUingwood, 
Rawlinson,  Wilkinson  hold  that  belief  in  one  Supreme 
Deity,  the  Creator  and  Lawgiver  of  men,  is  a  truth 
clearly  expressed  in  that  ancient  civilization,  and 
Polytheism  is  an  aftergrowth  and  corruption.  The 
popular  religion  of  China  rests  on  the  worship  of  nat- 
ural powers  and  of  ancestral  spirits.  Underneath, 
liow<!ver,  is  the  conviction  of  the  existence  of  a  higher 
creative  power,  which,  according  to  Edkins  (Religions 
in  China,  p.  95),  is  a  tradition  handed  down  from  the 
earliest    period    of    their    history.     D'Harlez    (New 


World,  Dec,  189.3)  and  F.  M.  James  (New  World, 
June,  1899)  teach  that  the  primitive  Chinese  wor- 
shipped Shang-Ti,  the  Supreme  Lord,  one,  invisible, 
spiritual,  the  only  true  god.  Dr.  Legge  (Religion  of 
China,  p.  18)  asserts  that  Ti  was  the  one  supreme  ob- 
ject of  homage  as  far  back  as  we  can  go,  and  unites 
with  d'Harlez,  Faber,  Happel  in  declaring  that  5000 
years  ago  the  Chinese  were  monotheists.  Lenormant 
bases  the  Babylono-Assyrian  religion  on  an  original 
monotheism.  He  claims  to  have  discovered  a  reliable 
trace  of  this  in  the  word  Ilu  {el  in  Babel)  which  is  said 
originally  to  mean  "the  only  god".  De  la  Saussay 
advances  as  an  objection  that  "  this  word  is  nothiiig 
else  than  the  name  for  the  conception  of  God,  just  like 
the  Indian  Deva  and  other  epithets  of  the  same  sort  ", 
yet  he  holds  that  "the  goddesses  of  Babylono-Assy- 
rian religion  are  really  only  one  and  the  .same  thing 
under  different  names,  and  these  again  must  be  looked 
on  partly  as  titles". 

Even  among  the  lowest  and  most  barbarous  tribes 
illustrations  of  the  same  truth  are  found.  "Nothing 
in  savage  religion",  writes  A.  Lang,  "  is  better  vouched 
for  than  the  belief  in  a  Being  whom  narrators  of  every 
sort  call  a  Creator,  who  holds  all  things  in  His  power, 
and  who  makes  for  righteousness."  The  aborigines 
of  Canada  call  Him  Andouagne,  according  to  Father 
Le  Jeime.  This  Being  is  seldom  or  never  addressed  in 
prayer.  The  fact  of  an  otiose  or  unworshipped  Su- 
preme Being  is  fatal  to  some  modem  theories  on  the 
origin  and  evolution  of  the  deity.  Tylor  adniits  that 
a  Supreme  Being  is  known  to  African  natives,  but 
ascribes  it  to  Islam,  or  to  Christian  influence.  If  this 
were  so,  we  should  expect  to  find  prayer  and  sacrifice. 
Fraser  holds  that  the  deity  was  invented  in  despair  of 
magic  as  a  power  out  of  which  something  could  be  got. 
But  how  could  the  savage  expect  anything  from  a 
deity  he  did  not  address  in  prayer?  Spencer  teaches 
that  the  deity  was  a  development  out  of  ancestral 
spirits.  But  the  Maker  of  things,  not  approached  in 
prayer  as  a  rule,  is  said  to  exist  where  ancestor 
spirits  are  not  reported  to  be  worshipped.  William 
Strachey,  wTiting  from  Virginia  in  1(511,  says  that 
Okeus  was  only  "a  magisterial  deputy  of  the  great  God 
who  governs  all  the  world  and  makes  the  sun  to  shine 
.  .  .  him  they  call  Ahone.  The  good  and  peaceable 
god  requires  no  such  duties  [as  are  paid  to  Okeus]  nor 
needs  to  be  sacrificed  to,  for  He  intendeth  all  good 
unto  them;  He  has  no  image."  Winslow  writes  from 
New  England  in  1622  that  the  god  Iviehtan  is  a  being 
of  ancient  credit  among  the  natives.  He  made  all  the 
other  gods.  Canadians,  Algonquins,  Virginians,  and 
the  natives  of  Massachusetts  had  a  Great  Spirit  before 
the  advent  of  the  Christian  missionaries. 

The  Australian  mystery- rites  reveal  a  moral  creative 
being  whose  home  is  in  or  above  the  heavens,  and  his 
name  is  Maker  (Bo /ame),  Master  (Biamban), and  Father 
(Papang).  The  Benedictine  monks  of  Australia  say 
that  the  natives  believe  in  an  omnipotent  Being,  the 
creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  whom  they  call  Motogon. 
The  Australian  will  say,  "No,  not  seen  him  [i.  e. 
Baiame],  but  I  have  felt  him".  Waitz  tells  us  that  the 
religious  ideas  of  the  African  tribes  are  so  high  that  if 
we  do  not  like  to  call  them  monotheistic,  we  may  say 
at  least  that  they  have  come  very  near  the  boundaries 
of  true  monotheism.  "However  degraded  these  peo- 
ple may  be,"  writes  Livingstone  (Missionary  Travels, 
p.  158),  "there  is  no  need  telling  them  of  the  exis- 
tence of  God  or  of  a  future  life.  These  two  truths 
are  universally  admitted  in  Africa.  If  we  speak  to 
them  of  a  dead  man,  they  reply:  He  is  gone  to 
God."  Among  savage  tribes,  where  the  supreme 
Being  is  regarded  as  too  remote  and  impassive,  he  is 
naturally  su)iplic(l  with  a  deputy.  Thus,  e.  g.,  Ahone 
has  Okeus.  Kiclitiiii  lias  llobancok,  Boyma  has  Grog- 
oragully,  Baiame  hasTunduii,  or  in  places  Daramulun, 
Nypukupon  in  West  Africa  has  Bobowissi.  Some- 
times, as  in  Australia,  these  active  deputies  are  sons  of 


DEITY 


687 


DEITY 


(Iip  supreme  Being.  In  other  cases — e.  g.  Finnish 
.\uin,  Zulu  Unkulunkulu,  and  Algonquin  Atahocan — 
this  being  is  quite  neglected  in  favour  of  spirits  who 
rrpeive  sacrifices  of  meat  and  grease.  In  north-west 
criitral  Queensland  Roth  describes  Mulkari  as  "a 
l)(nevolent  omnipresent  supernatural  being,  whose 
liome  is  in  the  skies".  In  Australia  the  supreme  Be- 
ing cannot  have  been  evolved  out  of  ghost-worship, 
for  the  natives  do  not  worship  ancestral  spirits.  Sir 
\  B.  Ellis  has  repudiated  his  theory  of  borrowing  a 
^"d  in  the  case  of  the  Tshi-speaking  races.  Waitz 
also  denies  that  the  higher  religious  beliefs  of  the 
Australians  were  borrowed  from  Christianity.  His 
position  is  sustained  by  Howitt,  Palmer,  Dawson, 
Ridley,  Ginither,  and  Greenway,  who  studied  the  na- 
tives on  the  spot.  The  esoteric  and  hidden  nature  of 
the  beliefs,  the  usual  though  not  universal  absence  of 
prayer,  show  their  indigenous  and  ancient  .source. 

In  "The  Golden  Bough"  (2d  ed.),  Fraserhas  raised 
the  question,  whether  magic  has  not  every%vhere  pre- 
ceded religion.  Yet  among  the  blacks  of  Australia,  the 
most  backward  race  known,  we  find  abundant  testi- 
mony of  a  belief  speculative,  moral,  emotional,  but 
not  practical.  These  deities  are  not  propitiated  by 
sacrifice  and  very  seldom  by  prayer,  yet  they  are 
makers,  friends,  and  judges.  In  the  conception  of  them 
the  ethical  element  predominates.  An  all-knowing  Be- 
ing obseri-es  and  rewards  the  conduct  of  men ;  He  is 
named  with  reverence  if  named  at  all ;  His  abode  is  in 
the  heavens;  He  is  Maker  and  Lord  of  all  things;  His 
lessons  soften  the  heart.  Mariner  says  concerning  the 
Tongan  deity  Ta-li-y-Tooboo:  "Of  his  origin  they 
had  no  idea,  rather  supposing  him  to  be  eternal".  In 
Guinea  the  natives  worship  "The  Ancient  One",  "The 
Ancient  One  in  Skyland",  "Our  Maker",  "Our 
Father",  "Our  Great  Father".  Wilson  writes  that 
their  belief  in  one  supreme  Being  who  made  and  upholds 
all  things  is  univereal.  In  .\merica  the  same  truth 
obtains.  To  the  Indians  God  is  "The  Great  Spirit". 
With  some  the  idea  of  the  Deity  is  very  lofty;  again  it 
is  found  in  cruder  and  lower  expression.  Darwin's 
description  of  the  Patagonians  as  having  very  low 
religious  beliefs  is  refuted  by  Giacomo  Bove.  The 
Pawnees  worship  A-ti-us  ta-kaw-a,  i.  e.  our  Father  in 
all  places,  or  Ti-ra-wa,  i.  e.  the  Spirit-Father,  with  whom 
they  expect  to  live  after  death.  The  Zunis  speak  of 
the  deity  as  Awonawilona,  i.  e.  the  All-Father.  The 
Indians  of  Missouri  worship  "Old  Man  Immortal", 
"the  Great  Spirit",  "the  Great  Mystery".  The  Tinne 
of  British  America  have  the  term  Nayeweri,  i.  e.  "  He- 
who-creates-by-thought".  The  Algonquin  speaks  of 
KUche-Manclo  who  created  the  world  "by  an  act  of 
his  will".  If  the  supreme  Being  in  barbarous  tribes  is 
regarded  as  otiose  and  inactive,  so  as  to  become  a 
mere  name  and  a  by-word,  it  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
He  has  been  thrust  into  the  background  by  the  com- 
petition either  of  ancestral  spirits — e.  g.  Unkulunkulu 
of  the  Zulus — or  of  friendly  and  helpful  spirits — as, 
e.  g.,  the  Australian  Baiame  and  Mungau-ngaur. 
Thus  in  W&st  Africa  the  natives  believe  in  Motogon, 
who  created  by  breathing;  he  is  long  since  dead  and 
they  pay  him  no  worship.  From  a  study  of  savage 
tribes  Mr.  Lang  holds  that  first  in  order  of  evolution 
came  belief  in  a  supreme  Being  by  some  way  only  to 
be  guessed  at  (to  him  St.  Paul's  explanation  is  the 
most  probable);  that  this  belief  was  subsefjuently 
obscured  and  overlaid  by  belief  in  ghosts  and  in  a  pan- 
theon of  lesser  deities;  that  in  many  c:tses  the  savage 
creative  Being  has  a  deputy,  often  a  demiurge,  who 
exercises  aiithority;  that  when  this  is  the  ca.se,  where 
ancestor-worship  is  the  working  religion,  the  deputy 
e.Tsily  comes  to  be  envis.aged  as  the  first  man.  If  to 
this  we  add  the  tradition,  universal  both  among  civ- 
ilizefl — e.  g.  Hindus,  Greeks,  Romans — and  savage 
nations,  that  formerly  heaven  was  nearer  to  man  than 
it  now  is,  that  the  Creator  Himself  gave  lessons  of 
wisdom  to  human  beings,  but  afterwards  withdrew 


from  them  to  heaven,  where  He  now  dwells,  the  line  of 
reasoning  will  be  even  more  cogent. 

Therefore  we  can  consider  as  conclusions  well  estab- 
lished: (1)  That  the  farther  back  we  go  in  the  history 
of  any  religion,  the  purer  becomes  the  conception  of 
the  deity,  hence  the  fact  of  primitive  purity;  (2)  That 
everywhere  e\'ident  traces  are  found  of  the  corruption 
of  the  primitive  belief,  hence  the  fact  of  degeneracy; 
(.3)  That  all  nations  point  in  tradition  to  the  time 
when  the  Deity  was  nearer  to  man,  hence  traces  of 
primitive  revelation.  Tylor  concedes  that  "the  de- 
generation-theory, no  doubt  in  some  instances  with 
fairness,  may  claim  these  beliefs  as  mutilated  and  per- 
verted remains  of  a  higher  religion"  (Primitive  Cul- 
ture, ed.  1871,  p.  305). 

III.  The  modern  science  of  anthropology  proposes 
an  explanation  of  its  own  for  the  origin  and  existence 
of  the  Deity.  It  is  called  the  anthropological  theory. 
Its  principal  advocates  are  Tylor  and  Spencer.  In 
purpose  they  agree,  i.  e.  to  show  that  the  Deity  has  no 
real  existence  outside  the  mind  of  men;  in  method 
only  they  differ.  With  Tylor  the  method  is  biological, 
and  we  have  Animism ;  with  Spencer  it  is  psychologi- 
cal, and  we  have  what  is  termed  the  ghost-theory. 
According  to  Spencer,  primitive  man  derived  the  con- 
ception of  spirit  from  reflections  on  phenomena  of 
sleep,  dreams,  shadow,  trance,  and  hallucination.  In 
these  experiences  the  ghosts  of  the  departed  came  to 
him,  he  grew  to  dread  them,  and  so  worshipped  them. 
From  the  departed  souls  of  his  kindred,  first  wor- 
shipped, the  idea  was  gradually  extemled;  they  then 
became  gods;  finally,  one  of  these  deities  in  imagina- 
tion became  supreme  and  was  regarded  as  the  one  only 
God. 

It  is  a  fact  that  ancestor-worship  is  found  in  various 
nations ;  in  China,  India,  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  it 
is,  or  was,  an  organized  system.  Here  it  formed  the 
basis  of  family  religion  and  of  civil  law.  The  Romans 
had  their  dii  manes,  i.  e.  divine  ancestral  spirits  ("Eos 
leto  datos  divos  habento " — Laws  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  as  cited  by  Cicero  in  "  De  Leg.",  II,  ii,  22).  As 
lar  farniliaris,  the  first  ancestor  was  considered  the 
protector  and  genius  of  the  house.  In  Greece  the  an- 
cestral spirits  of  families  became  6eol  Trarpipoi,  i.  e. 
paternal  gods.  How  the  ancestor  watches  over  the 
race  is  shown  in  the  "Antigone".  In  India  we  find  the 
pitris,  the  companions  of  the  devas,  and  later  above 
the  devas.  In  ancient  Persia  the  fravashis  helped 
Ahura  Mazda  in  all  his  works.  The  songs  of  the  Shih- 
King  describe  the  ancestral  festivals  of  China.  With 
the  Slavs  was  deeply  rooted  the  belief  in  vampires,  the 
souls  of  dead  people,  who  suck  the  blood  from  the 
living.  Among  some  savage  nations  the  malignant 
character  of  ghosts  prevails  and  gives  rise  to  magic. 
On  these  facts  Spencer  constructs  a  theory  to  ex- 
plain the  origin  and  development  of  the  deity  among 
all  nations.  The  theory  is  purely  materialistic  and 
unscientific. 

(1)  Superior  or  supreme  beings  are  found  among 
races  who  do  not  worship  ancestral  spirits.  It  is 
not  shown,  it  is  denied  by  Waitz,  it  Ls  not  even  al- 
leged by  Spencer,  that  the  Australians  steadily  propi- 
tiate or  sacrifice  at  all  to  any  ghosts  of  dead  men.  The 
Dieri  of  Central  Australia  pray  for  rain  to  the  Mura 
Mura,  a  good  spirit,  not  a  set  of  remote  ancestral 
spirits.  Thus  the  .\ustralians  and  Andaraanese  wor- 
ship a  relatively  supreme  Being  and  Maker,  and  do 
not  worship  ghosts. 

(2)  The  Zulus  are  ancestor- worshippers ;  yet  the 
recent  dead  parent,  i.  e.  the  father  of  the  family 
act\ially  worshipping,  is  far  above  all  others.  Thus 
the  supreme  ancestral-spirit  changes  with  each  genera- 
tion. If,  therefore,  ancestors  are  forgotten  in  pro- 
portion as  they  recede  from  their  living  descen<Iants, 
how  can  we  on  Spencer's  hypothesis  m.aintain  that, 
as  they  gradually  recede  into  the  p;ust,  they  develop 

iato  the  conception  of  a  supreme  Deity  and  Creator? 


DEITY 


DEITY 


And  how  can  we  explain  that  savages  can  forget  the 
very  names  of  their  great  grandfathers  and  yet  re- 
member traditional  persons  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion? The  Blacks  of  Australia  will  often,  by  peculiar 
de\aces,  avoid  mentioning  the  names  of  the  dead,  a 
practice  hostile  to  the  development  of  ancestor-wor- 
ship ;  yet  these  same  people  have  a  belief  in  a  deity 
and  in  a  future  state  of  some  kind.  The  Wathi-Wathi 
call  this  being  Tha-tlui-pali;  the  Ta-ta-thi  call  him 
Tidong. 

(3)  The  otiose,  imworshipped  supreme  Being,  often 
credited  with  the  charge  of  future  rewards  and  punish- 
ments among  ancestor-worshipping  peoples,  cannot  be 
explained  in  Spencer's  theory.  On  the  contrary,  it 
shows  the  corruption  of  Theism  by  Animism.  "  Among 
the  negroes  of  Central  Africa",  writes  de  la  Saussaye, 
"we  find  belief  in  a  Highest  God,  the  Creator  of  the 
world ;  but  of  course  this  God  is  not  worshipped,  since 
as  a  general  rule  negroes  worship  cruel  dreaded  gods 
much  more  than  friendly  gods.  Worship  of  ancestors 
is  also  general.  In  Dahomey  and  Ashantee  huge  human 
hecatombs  are  offered  to  deceased  rulers".  The  Kaf- 
firs acknowledge  a  deity,  Molunga,  but  neither  adore 
nor  pray  to  him.  Tlie  Zulu  religion,  now  almost  ex- 
clusively ancestor-worship,  seems  to  contain  a  broken 
and  almost  obliterated  element  of  belief  in  a  liigh,  un- 
worshipped  Deity  presiding  over  a  future  life.  The 
Zulu  Unkidunkulu  made  things,  as  the  Australian 
Baiame.  Unlike  them,  he  is  subject  to  the  competi- 
tion of  ancestral  ghosts,  the  more  recent  the  more  pow- 
erfvd,  in  receipt  of  pr.ayer  and  sacrifice.  Hence  he  is 
neglected,  by  many  believed  to  be  dead  or  the  mere 
shadow  of  a  children's  tale.  Or  this  being  exists  in 
repose,  remote  from  men  with  whom  he  acts  through  a 
deputy  or  deputies. 

(4)  Spencer,  to  support  his  theory,  appeals  to 
the  crude  languages  of  savages;  he  says  they  are 
unable  to  say,  "I  dreamed  that  I  saw",  instead 
of  "I  saw".  Now,  in  many  savage  speculations  are 
found  ideas  as  metaphysical  as  in  Hegel.  Again, 
the  Australian  languages  have  the  noun  skep  and 
the  verb  to  see.  They  make  an  essential  distinc- 
tion between  waking  hallucinations  and  the  hallucina- 
tions of  sleep;  anyone  can  have  the  latter,  only  a 
wizard  the  former.  Furthermore,  Spencer  contra- 
dicts himself;  he  credits  these  low  savages  with  great 
ingenuity  and  strong  powers  of  abstract  reasoning — an 
admission  fatal  to  his  premises.  Again  Spencer  holds 
that  the  idea  of  the  Deity  was  formed  after  the  analogy 
of  human  rulers.  But  whence  comes  the  great  God  in 
tribes  which  have  neither  chief  nor  king  nor  distinction 
of  rank,  e.  g.  the  Fuegians,  Bushmen,  .Australians? 
The  Deity  cannot  be  a  reflection  from  human  kings 
where  there  are  no  kings.  Furthermore,  Spencer's  as- 
sumption is  false,  viz.  that  deities  improve  morally  and 
otherwise  according  to  the  rising  grades  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  culture  and  civilization.  Usually,  the  reverse 
is  the  case.  "  In  its  highest  aspect",  writes  A.  Lang, 
"that  simplest  theology  of  Australia  is  free  from  the 
faults  of  the  popular  theology  in  Greece.  The  God 
discourages  sin.  He  does  not  set  the  e.xample  of  sin- 
ning. He  is  almost  too  sacred  to  be  named  (except  in 
mythology)  and  far  too  sacred  to  be  represented  by 
idols.  It  would  scarcely  be  a  paradox  to  say  that  the 
popular  Zeus  or  Ares  is  degenerate  from  Darumulum 
or  the  Fuegian  being  who  forbids  the  slaying  of  an 
enemy". 

(5)  The  real  difficulty  in  Spencer's  theory  is  to 
accoimt  for  the  evolution  from  ghosts  of  the  eternal 
creative  moral  Deity  found  in  the  belief  of  the  lowest 
savages.  The  Bushmen,  Fuegians,  Australians  be- 
lieve in  moral,  practically  omniscient,  deities,  makers 
of  things,  fathers  in  heaven,  friends,  guardians  of 
morality,  seeing  what  is  good  or  b.ad  in  the  hearts  of 
men.  So  widely  is  this  belief  diffused  that  it  cannot 
be  ignored.  The  only  recourse  is  to  account  for  these 
deities  as  "loan-gods".     This  explanation  is  refuted 


by  A.  Lang.  Waitz  writes,  "  Among  branches  where 
foreign  influence  is  least  to  be  suspected  we  discover 
behind  their  more  conspicuous  fetishisms  and  super- 
stitions something  which  we  cannot  strictly  call  mono- 
theism, but  which  tends  in  that  direction."  In  the 
belief  of  the  savages  morality  and  religion  are  united. 
The  savage,  who  lives  in  terror  of  the  souls  of  the  dead, 
might  worship  a  devil,  not  a  deity  who  is  moral  and 
benevolent.  The  Andamanese  have  Pulusha,  "Like- 
fire",  but  invisible,  never  born,  and  so  immortal,  who 
knows  the  thoughts  of  the  heart,  is  angered  by  wrong- 
doing, pitiful  to  the  distressed,  sometimes  deigning  to 
grant  relief,  the  judge  of  souls.  Huxley's  contention, 
in  "Science  and  Hebrew  Tradition",  that  the  Austra- 
lians had  merely  a  non-moral  belief  in  ghost-like  enti- 
ties, usually  malignant,  and  that  in  this  state  theology 
is  wholly  independent  of  ethics,  is  refuted  by  an  exact 
study  of  these  very  beliefs.  He  claims  that  the  re- 
ligion of  Israel  arose  from  ghost-worship.  But  how 
does  he  explain  the  silence  of  the  prophets  or  the 
Hebrew  apparent  indifference  to  the  departed  soul? 
Elohim  differs  from  a  ghost;  in  Hebrew  belief  He  is 
ethical,  immortal,  and  without  beginnings.  "In  all 
ancient  primitive  peoples",  writes  Wellhausen,  "re- 
ligion furnished  a  motive  for  law  and  morals ;  in  case  of 
none  did  it  become  so  with  such  purity  and  power  as 
in  that  of  the  Israelites ' '.  The  problem  which  Spencer's 
theory  cannot  solve  is,  how  the  Australians  could  bridge 
the  gulf  between  theghost  of  a  soon-forgotten  fighting 
man  and  that  conception  of  a  Father  in  Heaven,  omni- 
scient, moral,  which  under  various  names  is  found  all 
over  a  continent.  The  distmction  between  the  creative 
supreme  Deity  of  the  savage,  unpropitiated  by  sacrifice, 
and  the  waning,  easily-forgotten,  cheaply  propitiated 
ghost  of  a  tribesman  is  vital  and  essential. 

(6)  Finally,  the  two  conceptions  (i.e.  ghost  and  god) 
have  different  sources.  According  to  de  la  Saussaye, 
"The  sentiments  which  men  entertain  towards  spirits 
and  gods  are  different.  Fear  and  egoistic  calculation, 
which  prevail  in  Animism,  have  been  replaced  by 
more  exalted  sentiments  and  a  less  selfish  interest. 
ThLs  by  itself  would  speak  against  a  derivation  of  the 
whole  belief  in  go<ls  from  Animism."  Spencer  speaks 
of  medicine  men  adored  as  gods  after  death ;  but  this 
supposes  the  idea  of  the  Deity.  In  Rome,  Greece, 
and  India  ancestor-worship  supposes  the  worship  of 
the  great  gods.  The  departed,  the  fathers,  the  an- 
cestors, the  heroes  are  admitted  to  the  society  of  the 
gods;  they  are  often  called  "half-gods";  laut  the 
gods  are  always  there  before  them.  Again  the  Deity 
of  savage  faith  as  a  rule  never  died  at  all;  yet  the  very 
idea  of  ghost  implies  the  previous  death ;  a  ghost  is  a 
phantom  of  a  dead  man.  Now  anthropologists  tell 
us  that  the  idea  of  death  as  a  universal  ordinance  is 
umiatural  to  the  savage  (A.  Lang;  de  la  Saussaye). 
Diseases  and  death  once  did  not  exist  and  normally 
ought  not  to  exist,  the  savage  thinks.  The  Supreme 
Deity  of  the  savage  is  minus  death ;  he  was  active  be- 
fore death  entered  the  world,  and  was  not  affected  by 
the  entry  of  death.  The  essential  characteristic  of 
Darumulum,  of  Baiame,  of  Cogn,  of  Bunjil  is  that  they 
never  died  at  all.  They  belong  to  the  period  before 
death  entered  the  world.  Hence  between  the  high 
deities  of  savages  and  the  apotheosized  first  ancestors 
exists  a  great  gulf,  i.  e.  death. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  savage  belief  with 
the  dii  immortales  of  the  Romans,  the  8eol  adivarot.  of 
the  Greeks,  the  Amartija  of  the  Hindus,  the  deathless 
gods  of  Babylonia,  and  the  Egyptian  deities,  kings 
over  death  and  the  dead.  The  Banks  Islanders  have 
two  orders  of  intelligent  beings  different  from 
living  men:  ghosts  of  the  dead  and  beings  who  are 
not,  nor  ever  have  been,  human.  The  beings  who 
never  were  human  and  who  never  died  are  called  vui; 
the  ghosts  are  named  tamatc.  A  vui  is  not  a  spirit 
who  has  been  a  ghost .  This  is  the  usual  savage  doctrine. 
The  distinction,  therefore,  between  eternal  being  and 


DE  LA  CROIX 


689 


DELACROIX 


trliost  is  radical  and  common.  The  fault  of  some 
anthropologists  is  in  neglecting  the  distinction,  in 
rniifusing  both  under  the  name  of  spirits,  and  in  de- 
n\ mg  both  from  the  ghosts  of  the  dead.  In  Polynesia 
till'  gods  are  called  attui;  the  spirits  and  souls  of  the 
il'|i:irted  tiki.  Their  conceptions  of  the  heavenly 
liwilUngs  of  the  gods  and  the  underground  kingdom  of 
tlic  dead  (Po,  Pulotu)  are  greatly  developed  and  not 
I  h  irly  defined.  The  Fijians  have  the  term  kalou, 
\\  hirh  signifies  beings  other  than  men.  All  gods  are 
'  /  ■!/,  but  not  all  beings  that  are  kaloit  are  gods. 
I  ^i.ls  are  kalou  vu;  deified  ghosts  are  kalou  yalo ;  the 
f'  riiier  are  eternal,  the  latter  subject  to  infirmity  and 
(\iii  death.  Their  supreme  deity,  Udengei,  is  ne- 
u'lt'ted  But  so  would  Jehova  have  been  neglected, 
:iimI  Iwc'ir.p  a  mere  name,  if  not  for  the  Prophets. 
A.  I., Ill-  s,!ys,"The  Old  Testament  is  the  -story  of  the 
pri  1'uil:i'.1  effort  to  keep  Jehova  in  the  supreme  place. 
I'll  make  and  succeed  in  this  was  the  differentia  of 
It  111."  The  Zulus  believe  their  first  ancestor  Un- 
k  I'lunkulu  was  the  Creator  and  prior  to  death.  Re- 
\  illi>  does  not  understand,  in  Spencer's  system,  "why, 
in  so  many  places,  the  first  ancestor  is  the  Maker,  if 
<!•<[  the  Creator  of  the  world,  Master  of  life  and  death, 
I  jiossessor  of  divine  powers  not  held  by  any  of  his 
■udants.  This  proves  that  it  was  not  the  first 
stor  who  became  God,  in  the  belief  of  his  descend- 
:: :  t  -,  but  rather  the  Divine  Maker  and  Beginner  of  all 
hIih,  in  the  creed  of  his  adorers,  became  the  first  an- 
ci  >tiir."  Miss  Kingsley  maintains  that  a  clear  line  of 
(|i  niarcation  exists  between  ghosts  who  are  wor- 
sl lipped  and  gods;  that  the  former  never  developed 
iiiiii  the  latter;  warns  us  against  confusing  the  ofter- 
ii  4^  to  the  dead  with  sacrifices  made  to  the  gods;  she 
>  >  s  \Vest.\frica  has  never  deified  ancestors. 

I'inally,  as  de  La  Saussaye  states,  in  Greece  other 
I  i.s  are  applied  to  the  altars,  sacrifices,  and  offerings 
ii'cted  with  the  dead  than  those  used  in  the  worship 
11'  Olympian  gods.     The  altar  of  the  ancestors  is 
tia,  of  the  gods  ;3w^6s ;  the  offering  of  sacrifice  to  the 
-tors  is  ivaytfeiv  or  ivriixveiv^  to  the  gods  8iiiv\  the 
imns  to  the  ancestors  x""'.  to  the  gods  (TwovSal. 
\  _■  1  in,  the  temples  of  the  gods  in  Greece  were  so  con- 
-iiic-ted  that  the  statue  in  the  main  shrine  should 
f      ■  the  rising  sim;  the  temple  of  the  hero  opened  to 
A  est  and  looked  toward  Erebus  and  the  region  of 
n.     With  .Eschylus  the  homage  of  the  highest 
-  is  kept  apart  from  that  of  the  powers  below. 
ii'    Greeks  sacrificed  to  the    gods    by  day,  to  the 
In  '•Ill's   in   the   evening   or   by   night;    not   on   high 
alt  ir>,  but  on  a  low  sacrificial  hearth;  black-colored 
animals  of  the  male  sex  were  killed  for  them,  and 
the  heads  of  the  victims  were  not,  as  in  the  case  of 
those  intended  for  the  gods,  turned  toward  the  sky,  but 
pressed  down  to  the  ground.     M.  Miiller  tells  us  that 
in  the  Vedas  the  exclamation  used  in  sacrificing  to 
the  gods  is  sraha,  to  the  departed  srndha.     Rightly, 
therefore,  Jevons  holds  that  tlie  ghost  never  became  a 
god  and  rejects  the  theory  that  all  the  deities  of  the 
earlier  races,  without  exception,  were  the  spirits  of 
dead   men  divinized.      "If   Mr.  Spencer",  writes  M. 
Miillcr,  "can  find  a  single  scholar  to  accept  this  view 
of  the  origin  of  Zeus  in  Greek  or  Dyaus  in  Sanscrit,  I 
shall  never  write  another  word  on  mythology  or  re- 
ligion."    Thus  the  Ghost-theorj'  is  needed  only  for 
the  rise  of  ghost-propitiation  and  genuine  ancestor- 
worship.     It  reveals  something  in  man  apart  and  dis- 
tinct frotn  the  material  elements  of  the  body.     Thus 
viewed,  its  arguments  are  so  many  reasons  for  the  be- 
lief in  the  future  life  of  the  soul  after  dissolution  of  the 
body. 

Thus  the  history  of  religion  reveals  (1)  the  belief  in  a 
powerful,  moral,  eternal,  omniscient  Father  and  Judge 
of  men ;  (2)  the  belief  in  somewhat  of  man  which  ex- 
ists beyond  the  grave.  These  truths  are  found  in 
every  nation  historically  known  to  us.  The  latter 
belief,  developed  into  an  animistic  ghost-worship,  ob- 
IV.— 44 


scures,  but  docs  not  obliterate,  the  former.  "Chris- 
tianity", writes  A.  Lang,  "combined  what  was  good  in 
.\nimism,  the  care  for  the  individual  soul  as  an  im- 
mortal spirit  imder  eternal  responsibilities,  with  the 
One  Righteous  Eternal  of  prophetic  Israel." 

lio-Kon.  llfii  /,'./wi,)ji.«ws,-n  Nalurvulker  (Leipzig,  1880); 
EiiKi—  :'  I     :!  ihondon,lS93);   TiKW,  Elements  of 

tif  i^Nii);    DAILME.STETER,   Zeiul-Avesta  \n 

Mil  the  Easl   (Oxford,   18S0-83).  I,  II; 

I.i  .  i.oiiiloii.  ISNOi:    Ellin. ;woon.  Ort- 

rri'-r  \i  ,..  I  MIJ   ;     I',  h  I  \  i .  .\ ,   U<  !  unnn  oj  I'rimi' 

!i,.    r    •.  \.    I     1  ,  I        i  -I,    ,    I  II    ,  I  1,1  I  ,1,1  -,   /,     l,..mm,-s  fos- 

.viV.,     ■         '  i'lM  ,  jxsi  ;    I.I    II  iKi.i,/.,  .li-,.s(a; 

I]...    I..:    ,    ^;;  '     ,:■     .       t  ri|.       ■      IsiM    :      \1,   ,,,     >,;„„.r,/    Texts 

(Loiuion,   1S7L'-71);     Bro« -.  /  I 'n:,,,l,l  „f  the 

Aryans  of  Northern  Europe:  I  '    I:      .     i      /  ■'mnelnsions 

de  t'histoire  des  religions  (Pin        I  -''-   :     1  v     \     ''.'ir  Studies 

(1st  ser.  London,  1884;  2.1  mi  I  ,.■,,,,,  i  v.i  ;  u  i  serf. //*- 
berl  Lectures  (New  York,  1879\  Mi  i.i  i  u.  n,  ,  ,,  „„,;  (,r..ir//i  of 
IMigion  (2d  ed.  London,  1S78);  Ii.  .  t »i;/,,,,;m/, .,;,,„/  i;,!,aion 
(London.  1892);  Lang.  Afaflic  nti,l  l;,l,.it,.n  i  I  .ithIuti,  New 
York,  and  Bombay,  1901);  Id.,  Th,  M.ikin;,  .,f  h',l,,i,,„i  {Lon- 
don, New  York,  and  Bombay,  1S9'^  ;  \\  \ri/,  Autfimpologic 
(6  vols.,  Leipzie,  1860-77);  FAnM  i  r .  /r,,/ ,/,,.,!  „/  RrUgion 
(London  and  New  York,  1905);  Ki\..-,ijv.  Ir.ivis  ,n  West 
Africa  (London.  1897);  Spencer,  fruicpt,,  ,,f  Soeiologii  (New 
York,  1874);  Driscoi.u  Christian  Fhilo.'^ophy:  Gorf  (2d  ed.  New 
York.  1905). 

John  T.  Driscoll. 

De  La  Croix,  Ch.\rles,  missionary,  b.  at  Hoorbeke- 
St-Corneille,  Belgium,  28  Oct.,  1792;  d.  at  Ghent,  20 
.\ug.,  1869.  He  was  educated  at  the  seminary  in 
Ghent.  With  his  fellow-students  he  resisted  the 
bi.shop  forced  upon  the  diocese  by  Napoleon  I  and 
was  imprisoned  with  his  brother  Joseph  in  the  fortress 
of  Wesel,  where  the  latter  died.  After  the  fall  of  the 
empire,  De  La  Croi.x  resumed  his  studies,  was  ordained 
in  Ghent  by  Bishop  Dubourg  of  Louisiana  and,  with 
several  other  seminarians  and  some  Flemish  workmen, 
followed  the  bishop  to  the  United  States.  In  May, 
1818,  he  was  sent  to  Barrens,  Perry  County,  Missouri, 
where,  beside  his  missionary  duties,  he  was  to  superin- 
tend the  building  of  a  seminary  for  the  Louisiana  dio- 
cese. After  the  arrival  of  Father  Rosati,  president  of 
the  new  seminary.  Father  De  La  Croix  went  to  Floris- 
sant, also  called  St.  Ferdinand,  near  St.  Louis  (3  Dec, 
1818).  Here,  with  the  help  of  the  newly  arrived  col- 
ony of  Religious  of  the  Sacred  Heart,  he  laboured 
zealously  and  successfully,  not  only  among  the  Cath- 
olic families  of  the  district,  but  also  among  the  Osage 
Indians  of  the  Missouri  plains.  He  prepared  the  way 
for  De  Smet  and  the  other  Jesuit  missionaries,  who 
came  to  Florissant  in  1823.  When  Father  Van 
Quickenborne,  S.  J.,  arrived  with  his  eight  compan- 
ions, all  Belgians  like  himself,  De  La  Croix  had  almost 
completed  and  paid  for  tiie  brick  church,  started  a 
farm,  and  opened  a  missionary  field  for  the  work  of  the 
young  Jesuits.  Having  been  appointed  to  St.  Mi- 
chael's parish  in  Lower  Louisiana,  Father  De  La  Croix 
prepared  for  the  Religious  of  the  Sacred  Heart  the 
convent  in  which  they  opened  a  boarding-school  in 
182S.  The  following  year  he  went  to  Belgium,  broken 
in  health,  but  returned  to  his  mission  with  funds  col- 
lected in  Belgium  to  build  a  substantial  church  which 
was  completed  in  1832.  In  1833  he  went  back  to  Bel- 
gium, where  he  became  a  canon  of  the  cathedral  of 
Ghent,  a  position  which  he  held  imtil  his  death. 

I)k  Riemaecker,  Joseph  el  Charles  De  La  Croix:  notice  hiO" 
graphique  (Ghent,  1894);  Catholic  DirecJoru  (1S22.  18,33);  Ameri- 
can Catholic  Historical  Researches  (Philadelphia,  Jan.,  1907). 

P.  P.  Libert. 

Delacroix,  Feudinand-Victor- Eugene,  French 
painter,  b.  at  Charenton-St^Maurice,  near  Paris,  26 
April,  1798;  d.  13  August,  18G3.  He  was  the  son  of 
Charles  Delacroix,  minister  of  foreign  relations  under 
the  Convention  from  179.5  to  1797,  and  a  grandson,  by 
his  mother,  of  Aben,  the  famous  pupil  of  Boulle. 
From  his  earliest  childhood  his  love  for  music  was  in- 
tense and  exercised  throughout  his  life  a  decided  influ- 
ence on  his  work.  He  always  .attributed  his  success 
in  his  representation  of  the  Magdalen  (Saint-Denis  of 


DELACROIX 


690 


DELACROIX 


the  Holy  Sacrament),  fainting  from  grief  for  her  cruci- 
fied  Master,  to  an  impression  made  upon  him  by  the 
canticles  of  the  month  of  May;  while  it  was  under  the 
emotion  produced  by  the  music  of  the  Dies  Irse  that  he 
brought  forth  the  terrible  angel  of  the  fresco  of  Helio- 
donis  (Saint-Sidpice).  After  his  studies  at  the  Lycee 
Louis-le-Grand,  he  entered  the  school  of  Fine  Arts  in 
Paris  and  studied  there  under  Guerin. 

The  extreme  poverty  which  fell  to  the  lot  of  Dela- 
croix after  the  death  of  his  parents  in  1819  drove 
him  to  the  production  of  lithographs,  caricatures, 
etc.  In  the  mean  time,  how-ever  (1818),  a  distinct 
promise  of  his  future  eminence  had  been  manifested 
in  the  first  of  his  recorded  canvases,  "Roman 
Matrons  Sacrificing  Their  Jewelry  to  Their  Country". 
Against  the  advice  of  his  master,  Guerin,  he  ex- 
hibited at  the  Salon  of  1822  the  "Dante  and  Virgil", 
which  immediately  had  the  effect  of  bringing  to 
its  creator  notoriety,  if  not  fame,  for  it  aroused  a 
whirlwind  of  critical  controversy.  In  the  then  exist- 
ing state  of  French  public  opinion  in  matters  of 
art,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  Delacroi.x  should  have 
failed  to  win  the  much-coveted  Prix  de  Rome,  for 
which  he  was  a  competitor;  but  two  years  later  (1824) 
his  "Massacre  of  Scio"  renewed  the  strife  of  the 
critics  which  his  earlier  Salon  picture  had  first  kindled, 
and  brought  him  a  little  nearer  to  the  goal  of  success. 
The  conservative  classicists  condemned  his  work,  as 
they  condemned  that  of  all  the  new  romanticists,  for 
its  "contempt  of  established  traditions;  the  subse- 
quent triumph  of  romanticism  brought  with  it  in  good 
time  his  personal  triumph,  to  be  eventually  signalized 
and  confirmed  by  the  acquisition  of  the  two  bitterly 
criticized  early  canvases,  the  "  Roman  JIatrons  "  and 
the  "Massacre  of  Scio  ",  for  the  national  collection  of 
the  Louvre.  But  only  after  the  Revolution  of  1830 
did  official  recognition  and  approval  visit  him.  In 
the  year  next  following  that  event  he  travelled 
through  Spain  and  Morocco,  whence  he  brought  back 
an  inspiration  of  Southern  light,  colour,  and  vital 
force  which  was  to  make  itself  effectively  felt  in  ail 
his  later  and  more  widely  known  work.  The  new- 
government  made  him  a  chevalier  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour;  the  day  of  nineteenth-century  romanticism 
had  begun  in  France,  and  DelacroLx,  always  a  leader 
of  this  new  school,  was  fairly  arrive.  From  the  ex- 
hibition of  his  "Murder  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege"  in  the 
Salon  (1831)  his  progress  was  never  seriously  inter- 
rupted, in  spite  of  incessant  criticism,  until,  in  1857,  it 
brought  him  into  the  fold  of  the  Institute  of  France. 
It  was  during  this  quarter  of  a  century  of  his  career 
that  he  produced  those  great  compositions  ori  medie- 
val and  Arabian  themes  with  which  his  name  is  nowa- 
days most  commonly  associated. 

The  bitter  opposition  which  DelacroLx  had  all  his 
life  to  endiu-e  drew  him  into  discussions  in  which  he 
displayed  a  real  literarv  talent.  No  one  who  would 
arrive' at  a  true  idea  of  the  man  should  omit  the  peru- 
sal of  his  essays  on  art  and  his  correspondence.  The 
number  of  his  pictorial  works  is  immense,  aggregating 
about  9140  subjects,  classified  by  Ernest  Chesneau  as 
follows:  853  canvases,  1525  pastels,  water-colours,  etc., 
6629  drawings,  24  engra\'ings,  109  lithographs,  and  60 
albums.  The  following  may  be  ment  ioned  as  marking 
important  moments  in  the  development  of  his  genius: 
"The  2Sth  of  July,  1830"  (1830);  "Charge  of  Arab 
Cavalry"  (Montpellier  Museimi— 1832);  ".\lgerian 
Women"  (Louvre— 1834);  "Jewish  Wedding  in 
Morocco"  (Louvre — 1841);  "Taking  of  Constanti- 
nople by  the  Crusaders"  (Versailles  Museum— 1841); 
"Muley-abd-el-Rahman  leaving  his  palace  at  Me- 
qumez"  (Toulouse  Museum— 1845);  "The  Two  Fos- 
cari"  (Collection  of  the  Due  d'.\umale  at  Chantilly — 
1855).  To  his  early  period  belong  the  famous  litho- 
graphs of  Faust  which  brought  him  warm  praise  from 
Goethe  himself.  "Sardanapalus"  (Salon,  1828),  an- 
other early  chef-d'(eurre,  drew  from  Vitet  the  remark 


that  "  Delacroix  etait  devenu  la  pierre  de  scandale  des 
Expositions",  while  Delecluze  called  it  "une  erreur  de 
peintre".  "Richelieu  Saying  Mass",  was  ordered  by 
the  Duke  Louis  Philippe  d'Orleans,  while  "The  Death 
of  Charles  the  Bold"  was  ordered  by  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior.  "The  Murder  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege", 
the  canvas  which  actually  assured  his  contemporary 
fame,  was  probably  the  best  of  all  his  pictures.  From 
this  on,  masterpieces  follow  one  another  until  adverse 
criticism  could  no  longer  seriously  affect  his  position 
in  the  world  of  art. 

Appreciation  of  His  Work. — The  real  founder  of  the 
nineteenth-century  French  School  of  art,  Delacroix 
stands  alone  and  unsurpassed.     The  difficulties  he  had 
to  contend  with  came  from  his  forcing  upon  an  ignorant 
public  a  new  school  wholly  opposed  to  that  of  David, 
which  was  insincere  in  its  coldness  and  artificiality,  con- 
ventional,  and   absolutely  unsjinpathetic.     Though 
one  can  find  in  Delacroix  almost  all  the  best  poir.ts 
of  men  like  Rem- 
brandt,    Rubens, 
and  Correggio, 
from  the  moment 
he    shook  off  the 
influence    of    G^ 
ricault — so    man- 
ifest   in    "  Dante 
and    Virgil" — he 
threw  himself  en- 
tirely on   the    re- 
sources of  his  own 
genius.      On    the 
eve    of     finishing 
the  "Massacre  of 
Scio"  he  had  oc- 
casion   to   notice 
some     works     of 
Constable,       and 
there     discovered 
and  made  his  own 
a  principle  of  art 
which  so  many   masters  have   failed  to  appreciate, 
viz.  that  in  nature,  what  seems  to  be  of  one  colour 
is  in  reaUty  made  up   of  many  shades,  discovered 
only  by  the  eye  which  knows  how  to  see.     There- 
after colouring  had  no   secret   for  him.     Delacroix 
was  an  artist  in  a  supreme  degree.     Possessed  of  a 
deep  knowledge  of  history,  he  studied  each  group 
and  each  individual  in  series  of  sketches,  which  were 
retouched  again  and  again;  then  only  did  they  take 
place  in  the  ensemble.     With  the  instinct  of  a  poet  he 
saw  \'i\'idly  the  scene  he  was  painting.     His  artistic 
sense  kept  him  from  falling  into  the  melodramatic, 
but  he  remains  tragic,  and  it  is  for  this  tragic  note, 
which  finds  expression  in  so  many  bloody  themes,  that  I 
he  is  generally  criticized.     Delacroix  worked  with  an 
unerring  instinct  of  composition,  avoiding  the  monot- 
ony of  regular  line  by  the  varied  attitudes  of  his  fig- 
ures.    He  excelled  m  the  various  branches  of  his  art,  ! 
and  his  decorative  pictures  in  the  Gallery  of  .Apollo  at  j 
the  Louvre,  the  drawing-room  of  the  king,  the  cham- : 
hcT  of  deputies,  and  St-Sulpice  are  as  excellent  as  his 
canvases.     There  is  hardly  a  tragedy  of  the  human 
soul  which  is  not  reproduced  in  his  work.     He  is  not 
popular  because  the  multitude  wants  pleasure,  and 
Delacroix,  like  Pascal,  does  not  make  one  laugh;  hei 
terrifies.     In  the  "  Murder  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege",  be-' 
fore  admiration  comes  one  has  shivered  at  the  vividi 
portrayal  of  human  ferocity;    in  the  "Christ  in  the| 
Garden  of  Gethsemani"  there  is  no  human  sorrow 
equal  to  that.     Delacroix  is  the  highest  manifestation! 
of  French  genius  in  art;  he  not  only  honours  France, 
Init  mankiiKl,  ani.1  is  one  of  tho.se  who  Emerson  sair 
were  "representative  of  humanity". 

Goethe,  Conversfifions.  tr.  Delebot:  L^s  Beaux-.Arls  ft 
Eurov  (Paris,  1S.^)6'I:  Eufi'nw  Drlncrnix  in  Fine  .Arts  Qimrlirb 
Review,  III;    Atherton,  Some  Masters  of  Lithography  (1897), 


Eugene  Delacroix 


DELAROCHE 


091 


DELATORES 


N'.  !!•  York  Calaloanr  of  Cl.brnkrI  riiOili?igs:  L'CEuvre  CompM 
•  ll'.uQtrtf  Dilacroir.  cd.  Robert  (1SS5);  Tourneux,  Dela- 
,  ■■•:r  dcvnnt  xcs  rontrtnimrains  (Paris,  18S6);  Vac-hon,  Elmle  si;r 
li'lnrrour  (Paris.  ISS.'));  Veron,  E.  Delacroix  in  Lrs  Artistes 
eri.brcs  (Paris). 

Henky  Anher. 

Delaroche,  Hippoltte  (known  also  as  Paul), 
painter,  b.  at  Paris.  17  July,  1797;  d.  4  November, 
1856.  A  pupil  of  Watelet,  a  landscape  painter  of 
mediocre  ability,  and  afterwards  of  Gros,  a  great 
painter  but  a  very  poor  teacher  and  incapable  of  har- 
monizing his  doctrines  with  his  genius,  Delaroche  was 
consequently  badly  trained.  Without  any  deep  con- 
ception of  mankind  or  of  life,  without  style,  and  lacking 
even  a  novel  idea  along  the  lines  of  art  or  beauty, 
Delaroche  was  nevertheless  gifted  with  a  certain  com- 
monplace skill  and  aptitude  which  satisfied  the  public, 
and,  whilst  fully 
realizing  his  nar- 
row limitations,  he 
was  astute  enough 
t  o  supply  the  want 
nf  artistic  ability 
by  an  ingenious 
choice  of  subjects. 
Herein  lay  his 
genius,  if  indeed 
it  may  so  be  called. 
I  n  this  he  appealed 
to  the  taste  of  the 
l)ourgeoisie  which, 
devoid  of  artistic 
culture,  had  in  the 
role  of  Maecenas 
succeeded  the  aris- 
tocracy of  the  old 
regime  and  defin- 
itively come  into 
power  during  the 
Restoration  and 
the  July  Mon- 
archy. The  artist's  debut  in  the  sa/o«  of  1819  with 
"Xaphtali  in  the  Desert"  passed  by  unnoticed.  An- 
iilliiT  Biblical  subject  appeared  in  the  salmi  of  1822, 
and  in  1824  he  won  the  gold  medal.  Delaroche  dis- 
iM)\ereil  his  vein  and  thenceforth,  except  for  the  occa- 
sional treatment  of  some  current  event  (The  Capture  of 
the  Trocadero,  1827),  heworked  upon  that  series  of  his- 
liirical  incidents,  that  vast  repertory  of  anecdotes  gen- 
iTiilly  taken  from  the  civil  wars  of  France  and  England 
and  which,  when  multiplied  by  the  engravings  of 
(loupil,  the  publisher,  who  thereby  made  a  fortune, 
liccame  equally  valuable  to  the  author  in  Paris  and 
bdiidon.  We  must  admit  that  Delaroche  was  admir- 
alily  served  by  his  engravers,  of  whom  Ilenriqiiel  Du- 
I'Diit  was  the  best  known.  His  inartistic  painting 
trained  much  by  being  translated  into  engraving  as,  in 
this  way,  only  the  subject  had  to  be  reproduced.  It 
luiist  be  admitted  that,  in  all  these  works,  Delaroche 
>liinvs  himself  an  incomparable  scene-setter.  In  his 
ina.sterpiece,  "  The  Assassination  of  the  Duke  of 
fiiiise"  (18S.i,Conde  Museum), he  is  most  realistic  and 
furnishes,  .as  it  were,  the  retrospective  photograph  of  a 
sixteenth-century  drama.  Therein  accuracy  nf  detail, 
naturalness  of  composition,  and  the  extremely  careful 
treatment  of  the  decoration  copied  from  the  Chateau 
of  Blois  repl.aced,  if  indeed  they  do  not  equal,  tlie  im- 
pre.s.sion  made  by  real  art.  And  yet  the  unique  suc- 
cess of  this  small  picture  does  not  attend  the  larger 
ones,  which  do  not  so  fully  reflect  the  painter's  fancy. 
In  183:i  there  Wiis  question  of  entrusting  him  with 
'111'  decoration  of  the  church  of  the  Madeleine,  but  the 
iiLje  order  w.as  divided  and  the  artist  refused  to  ac- 
|il  li.ilf  of  the  task  that  was  to  have  been  his  in  its 
iiilrety.  By  way  of  compensation  he  was  commi.s- 
^loned  to  decorate  the  hemicycle  of  the  Ecole  des 
Beaux-Arts.     This  work,  completed  in  1841  and  which 


was  for  some  time  regarded  as  a  masterpiece  of  dec- 
orative painting,  is  an  itleal  assemlilage.  or  (jecumeni- 
cal  council,  of  all  the  great  artists  from  Ictinus  to  Bra- 
mante,  from  Cimabue  to  Velazquez,  and  from  Phidias 
to  Erwin  von  Steinbach,  a  composition  in  which  the 
disconnectedness  of  the  whole  rivals  the  absence  of 
character  in  each  personage  taken  individually.  Few 
great  "machines"  convey  a  more  cruel  impression  of 
the  utter  lack  of  ideas  and  the  incurable  debility  of  the 
poetic  or  plastic  conception.  This  frieze,  officially 
praised,  marked  the  decline  of  the  artist  in  the  eyes  of 
competent  judges  and  gave  unmistakable  evidence  of 
his  indigence.  Delaroche  endeavoured  to  reinstate 
himself  by  working  up  different  familiar  and  pious 
subjects.  He  also  followed  the  vogue  of  the  imperial 
cult  and  produced  several  scenes  from  the  life  of  Napo- 
leon. But  even  this  ingenious  idea  did  not  restore  the 
artist  to  his  pristine  glory.  Then,  as  a  last  resource, 
he  returned  to  his  first  subjects:  "The  Last  Prayer  of 
the  Children  of  Edward  IV  "  (1852) ;  "  The  Last  Com- 
munion of  Mary  Stuart"  (1854),  etc.  His  declining 
years  were  very  sad.  In  1835  he  married  the  only 
daughter  of  Horace  Vernet,  but  she  died  in  1848. 
At  this  time,  although  retaining  popular  favour,  he 
was  keenly  sensible  of  the  contempt  of  his  fellow  art- 
ists and  realized  not  only  that  they  would  never  regard 
him  as  one  of  their  number  l^ut  that,  despite  his  glory, 
his  fortunes,  and  his  titles,  he  must  ever  remain  in  their 
eyes  a  Philistine  painter.  He  exhil^ited  nothing  in  the 
salon  subsequently  to  1837  and  had  not  the  courage  to 
participate  in  the  great  manifestation  of  1855,  which 
was  the  dazzling  triumph  of  the  French  School.  His 
"Christian  Martyr"  (Louvre,  1855),  so  feebly  deline- 
ated and  poorly  painted,  nevertheless  exhales  exquis- 
ite sentiment  and  is,  as  it  were,  the  last  sigh  of  a  Chris- 
tian Ophelia.  But  the  shortcomings  of  the  artist 
should  not  blind  us  to  the  purity  of  his  character  and 
the  uprightness  of  his  life.  Besides,  faulty  as  his 
style  may  be,  he  nevertheless  has  the  merit  of  being  an 
inventor.  He  created  anecdotal  painting  and  the  spe- 
cial order  of  illustrations  to  which  we  owe,  among  so 
many  inferior  works,  the  most  creditable  protluctions 
of  J.  P.  Laurens.  Delaroche  had  an  "  idea",  whatever 
its  value,  and  this  fact  alone  is  unusual  enough  to  be 
taken  into  account. 

Blanc.  Hisloire  des  peintres  ,•  de  LoMi;NlE,  P.  Delaroche 
par  un  homme  de  rien  (1844");  Delaborde,  Etudes  sur  les 
Beanx-Arts,  11;  de  Lalaixg,  Les  Vernet,  GericauU  et  Delaroche: 
Gautier,  Portraits  contemporains;  (Euvre  de  P.  Delaroche  re- 
prodnit  et  photographic  par  Bingham  et  accompagn^  d'ujie 
notice  par  H .  Delaborde  et  d^un  catalogue  raisonnfi  par  J.  Godde 
(Paris,  185S);  Rosenthal,  La  Peinture  romantique  (Paris, 
1903). 

Louis  Gillet. 

Delatores  (Lat.  for  Denouncers),  a  term  used  by 
the  S>^lod  of  Ehara  (c.  .306)  to  stigmatize  those  Chris- 
tians who  appeared  as  accusers  of  their  brethren. 
This  synod  decided  (can.  Ixxiii,  Hefele,  Concilien- 
geschichte,  2d  ed.,  I,  188)  that  if  any  Christian  was 
proscribed  or  put  to  death  through  the  denunciation 
(delatio)  of  another  Christian,  such  a  tlelator  was  to  suf- 
fer [)erpetual  excommunication.  No  distinction  is 
made  between  true  and  false  accusation,  but  the  .synod 
probably  meant  only  the  accusation  of  Christianity 
before  the  heathen  judge,  or  at  most  a  false  accusa- 
tion. Any  fal.se  accusation  against  a  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon  was  visited  with  a  similar  punishment  by  the 
•same  synod  (can.  Ixxv,  op.  cit.,  189).  The  punishment 
for  false  witness  in  general  wjis  proportioned  by  (;an. 
Ixxiv  to  the  gravity  of  the  accusation.  The  Council  of 
Aries  of  314  issued  a  similar  decree  (can.  xiv,  op.  cit., 
p.  213),  when  it  decided  that  Christians  who  accused 
falsely  their  brethren  were  to  be  forever  excluded  from 
communion  with  the  faithful.  During  the  persecu- 
tions of  the  early  Christians  it  sometimes  happened 
that  apostates  denounced  their  fellow-Christians. 
The  younger  Pliny  relates  in  a  letter  to  Trajan 
(Apostolic  Fathers  ed.  Lightfoot,  2d  ed.,  I  i,  50  sqq.), 


DE   LA  VEGA 


692 


DELAWARE 


that  an  anonymous  bill  of  indictment  was  presented 
to  him  on  which  were  many  names  of  Christians;  we 
do  not  know,  however,  that  the  author  of  this  libel- 
lus  was  a  Christian.  According  to  can.  xiii  of  the 
Council  of  Aries  (op.  cit.,211  sqq.),  during  the  persecu- 
tion of  Diocletian  Christians  were  denounced  by  their 
own  brethren  to  the  heathen  judges.  If  it  appeared 
from  the  public  acts  that  an  ecclesiastic  had  done  this, 
he  was  punished  by  the  synod  with  perpetual  deposi- 
tion; however,  his  ordinations  were  considered  valid. 
In  general,  false  accusation  is  visited  with  severe  pun- 
ishments in  later  synods,  e.  g.  Second  Council  of  Aries 
(443  or  4.53,  can.  xxiv),  the  Council  of  Agde  (500,  can. 
viii)  and  others.  These  decrees  appear  in  the  later 
medieval  collections  of  canons  (q.  v.).  New  punitive 
decrees  against  calumny  were  issued  by  Gregory  IX 
in  his  Decretals  (de  calumniatoribus,  V,  3  in  Corp. 
Jur.  Can). 

Krull  in  Kraus,  Real-Encyk.  (Freiburg  im  Br.,  1882),  I,  361; 
HiNSCHius,  Kirchenrecht.  IV  (Berlin,  1888),  699.  770:  IV 
(Berlin,  1893).  20  sqq. 

J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

De  la  Vega.     See  G.^rcilaso  de  la  Vega. 

Delaware,  one  of  the  original  thirteen  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  It  lies  between  38°  28'  and 
39°  47'  of  N.  lat.  and  between  74°  56'  and  75°  46'  of 
long.  West  of  Greenwich,  and  is  bounded  on  the  N.  by 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  E.  by  the  Delaware 
River  and  Bay,  and  on  the  S.  and  W.  by  the  State  of 
Maryland.  Its  area  is  2370  square  miles,  of  which 
1965  square  miles  are  of  land  area,  and  405  square 
miles  of  water  area.  Delaware  is  an  agricultural 
state,  its  soil  is  fertile  and  a  large  portion  of  it  in  a  high 
state  of  cultivation. 

History. — In  1609  Henry  Hudson,  in  the  employ 
of  the  Dutch  East  India  Company,  on  his  third  voyage 
of  discovery,  sailed  into  Delaware  Bay.  This  was  the 
first  visit  of  a  European,  so  far  as  known,  to  the  territory 
now  called  Delaware.  The  bay  was  so  named  about 
the  year  1610  by  the  Virginians  in  honour  of  their  first 
Governor,  Thomas  West,  Lord  Delawarr.  The  Dutch, 
basing  their  claims  on  rights  acquired  by  Hudson's 
discovery,  made  the  first  attempt  at  settlement.  In 
1629,  under  the  authority  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  and  with  the  countenance  of  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  New  Netherlands,  a  tract  of  land  from 
Cape  Henlopen  to  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  River 
was  purchased  from  the  natives,  and  a  company 
formed  in  Holland  to  colonize  it.  In  the  spring  of 
1631  a  ship  carrying  emigrants  reached  the  Delaware, 
and  a  colony  was  planted  near  Cape  Henlopen,  on 
Lewes  Creek,  the  colonists  giving  the  country  the 
name  Swaanendael.  The  life  of  this  colony  was  ended 
after  a  few  months.  Trouble  with  the  Indians  arose, 
and  a  fort  which  had  been  erected  was  destroyed,  and 
all  the  colonists  murdered.  In  1638  an  expedition 
consisting  of  two  ships  carrying  some  fifty  Swedish 
emigrants,  and  commanded  by  Peter  Minuit,  the  de- 
posed Governor  of  the  New  Netherlands  colony,  com- 
missioned by  the  Swedish  Queen  Christina,  entered 
Delaware  Bay,  and  the  present  site  of  Wilmington 
was  chosen  as  the  place  for  the  first  settlement.  The 
colony  was  known  as  New  Sweden.  A  fort  called 
Christina  was  built.  After  about  two  years  of  pros- 
perity sickness  began  to  prevail,  and  the  colony  was 
on  the  eve  of  breaking  up  when  another  Dutch  expe- 
dition, though  under  the  patronage  of  the  Swedish 
Company,  appeared,  and  the  new  colonists  located 
their  settlement  several  miles  from  Fort  Christina. 
The  new  arrivals  revived  the  spirits  of  the  Swedes, 
who  decided  to  remain.  Additional  colonists  from 
Sweden  arrived  in  1640,  and  the  colony  became  well 
established  and  prosperous.  In  1655.  on  the  appear- 
ance of  a  Dutch  fleet,  all  the  forts  and  settlements 
were  surrendered,  and  such  Swedes  as  would  not  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  were  sent  to  the  home  country. 
In  1650  the  West  India  Company  sold  its  interests  on 


the  South  River  (called  South  as  distinguished  from 
the  North  River,  as  the  Hudson  was  then  called)  to 
the  City  of  Amsterdam,  and  the  colony  was  called 
"  New  Amstel "  and  the  authority  of  New  Nether- 
lands over  it  was  ended.  In  1664,  after  the  surrender 
of  New  Amsterdam  to  the  English,  the  Delaware  set- 
tlements were  also  taken.  The  name  of  New  Amstel 
was  changed  to  New  Castle,  and  the  settlements  were 
annexed  as  an  appendage  to  New  York,  then  also 
under  English  rule. 

According  to  the  charter  to  William  Penn  in  1681, 
the  territory  of  Pennsylvania  was  bounded  on 
the  south  by  a  circle  drawn  twelve  miles  distant 
from  the  town  of  New  Castle  northward  and  west- 
ward, the  territory  on  the  Delaware  as  far  down 
as  what  was  then  called  Cape  Henlopen  remaining  to 
the  Duke  of  York.  In  the  same  year  Penn's  author- 
ity, with  the  consent  of  York,  was  extended  to  include 
this  territory  also.  As  early  as  1685  a  controversy 
began  between  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore  as  to  the  as- 
certainment of  the  southern  and  western  boundaries 
of  the  country  along  the  bay  as  transferred  by  York  to 
Penn.  Numerous  agreements  were  entered  into  be- 
tween the  respective  proprietors  for  determining  the 
boundaries,  but  none  gave  promise  of  ever  being  car- 
ried out.  This  quarrel  retarded  the  settlement  of  the 
country  and  oftentimes  caused  bloodshed.  In  1750 
the  present  boundaries  between  Delaware,  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania,  as  mentioned  in  an  agreement  be- 
tween the  heirs  of  Penn  and  Baltimore  in  1732,  were 
decreed  by  the  English  Court  of  Chancery,  and  in 
1763,  Charles  Mason  and  Jeremiah  Dixon,  two  sur- 
veyors, were  engaged  and  sent  over  from  England  to 
mark  the  lines.  In  1764  the  work  was  started.  The 
present  south  and  west  lines  of  Delaware  are  the  result 
of  a  part  of  this  work.  The  east  and  west  line  (be- 
tween the  present  States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Mary- 
land), which  they  ran  and  marked,  is  the  historical 
Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  the  boundary  between  the 
former  free  and  slaves  States.  In  1691,  with  Penn's 
consent,  the  lower  counties,  now  the  State  of  Dela- 
ware, became  a  separate  Government,  only  to  be  again 
united  to  Pennsylvania  in  1693.  In  1702  Pennsyl- 
vania convened  its  legislatiu'e  apart,  and  the  two  col- 
onies were  never  again  united.  The  "  Counties  of  New 
Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex  upon  Delaware"  as  they 
were  called,  began  to  be  governed  by  a  separate  as- 
sembly, and  though  the  authority  of  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  was  still  acknowledged,  the  legislature 
and  tribunals  were  not  appreciably  affected  by  any 
external  authority.  This  was  the  form  of  govern- 
ment until  a  separate  constitution  was  adopted  in 
1776.  The  representatives  of  the  three  lower  counties 
upon  the  Delaware  were  members  of  the  Continental 
Congresses  of  1774  and  1775,  and  voted  for  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776. 
Among  the  most  noteworthy  Articles  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  1776  was  the  following:  "There  shall  be  no  es- 
tablishment of  any  one  religious  sect  in  this  State,  in 
preference  to  another,  and  no  clergyman  or  preacher 
of  the  gospel  of  any  denomination  shall  be  capable  of 
holding  a  civil  office  in  the  State,  or  of  being  a  member 
of  either  of  the  branches  of  the  legislatiu-e,  while  they 
continue  in  the  exercise  of  the  pastoral  function."  In 
1779  the  State's  delegates  were  instructed  to  ratify  the 
"Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual  Union' 
adopted  by  Congress. 

During  the  Revolutionary  War  Delaware  enlisted, 
including  Continental  soldiers  and  militia,  a  total  of 
3763  men.  On  7  Dec,  1787,  the  Delaware  legislature 
ratified  the  Federal  Constitution,  being  the  first  State 
to  give  its  approval.  The  population  of  the  State  ir 
1790  was  59,094,  of  whom  8887  were  slaves.  Consti- 
tutional conventions  were  held  in  1791  and  1831,  anc 
the  present  Constitution  was  adopted  at  aconvcntior 
in  1897.  The  common  law  procedure  is  followed  ir 
the  courts,  and  the  judges  are  appointed  for  terms  o, 


DELAWARE 


cm 


DELAWARE 


twelve  years.  In  the  war  of  1S12  Delaware  was  well 
represented  in  both  the  land  and  naval  forces,  her  best- 
known  representative  in  the  latter  Ix'ing  Commodore 
Thomas  Macdonough,  the  hero  of  Lake  C'hamplain. 
Prior  to  the  Civil  War,  Delaware  was  classed  with  the 
Southern,  or  slave-holding.  States.  In  the  election  of 
November,  1S60,  the  State's  electoral  vote  was  given 
to  John  C.  Breckinridge,  who  stood  for  the  constitu- 
tional rights  of  the  Southern  States,  while  at  the  same 
time  all  the  political  parties  within  the  State  pledged 
1  lirir  loyalty  to  tlie  Union.  In  January,  1861,  a  com- 
missioner from  Mississippi  appeared  before  the  Dela- 
ware legislature  and  invited  the  State  to  join  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  The  House  unanimously, 
and  the  Senate  by  a  majority  vote,  expressed  their 
ilisapproval  of  such  a  remedy  for  existing  difficulties. 
W  hile  there  was  considerable  respect  and  some  sym- 
pathy for  the  rights  of  the  seceding  States,  there  was  at 
ill  times  constant  adherence  to  the  National  Govern- 
imnt.  Delaware  being  a  border  State,  there  was 
^'  mie  distrust  on  the  part  of  the  Government,  particu- 
larly as  to  the  southern  portion,  and  at  times  martial 
law  prevailed.  Out  of  a  total  white  population  in  the 
State  in  1800  of  90,589,  the  aggregate  number  of 
i  roops  furnished  to  the  Union  army  during  the  war  by 
Hi'Iaware  was  l.'i,().51.  Admiral  Samuel  F.  Dupont 
was  one  of  the  ranking  officers  in  the  Union  service 
f  rcdited  to  Delaware.  On  5  Feb.,  1867,  the  State  leg- 
islature in  accordance  with  the  Governor's  recom- 
mendation rejected  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the 
Federal  Constitution.  At  the  legislative  session  of 
1869  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution 
was  also  rejected. 

PoPDL.\TioN. — The  estimated  population  of  the 
State  in  1906  was  194.479.  Wilmington,  with  an  esti- 
mated population  in  1906  of  8.5,140,  is  the  largest  city. 
In  1900,  in  a  population  of  184,735  there  were  94,158 
males  and  90,577  females.  Classified  by  race,  there 
were  15.3,977  whites,  .30,697  negroes  and  61  persons  of 
other  races;  170,925  of  the  population  v/ere  natives, 
and  13,810  were  foreign  born.  There  were  40,029 
males  of  military  age,  and  54,018  males  of  voting  age, 
of  whom  45,592  were  whites,  and  8,374  were  negroes. 
The  total  number  of  families  was  39,446  and  the  aver- 
age number  of  persons  to  a  family  was  4.7. 

Education. — The  first  school  in  the  State  was 
opened  before  1700,  under  the  direction  of  the  pastor 
of  Old  Swedes'  Church.  During  the  last  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  leading  educational  institu- 
tion in  the  State  was  the  Wilmington  Academy,  which 
was  built  in  1765.  Prior  to  the  constitution  of  1791, 
no  provision  was  had  for  free  schools  in  the  State.  In 
that  instrument  provision  was  made  "for  establishing 
schools  and  promoting  the  arts  and  sciences",  and  in 
1796  an  act  was  passed  by  the  legislature  applying  all 
the  moneys  received  from  marriage  and  tavern  li- 
censes to  a  school  fund.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  public  school  system  in  the  State.  In  1829  a 
"Free  School  Law"  was  passed,  which  divided  the 
counties  into  many  self-governing  school  districts, 
each  district  being  the  judge  of  the  tax  requisite  for  its 
own  needs.  The  present  school  law  was  passed  in 
1875,  and  provided  for  a  fixed  tax  to  be  raised  annu- 
ally in  each  district  for  the  support  of  the  schools 
therein.  Each  county  has  a  superintendent  of 
schools,  who  as  such  is  a  member  of  the  State  Board 
of  Education.  In  addition  to  the  tax  rai.sed  in  each 
school  district,  there  is  the  income  of  a  large  perma- 
nent school  fund,  and  regular  legislative  appropria- 
tions. The  Constitution  ordains  that  not  less  than 
$100,000  annually  shall  be  provided  by  the  legisla- 
ture, which,  with  the  income  of  the  permanent  school 
fund,  shall  be  used  exclusively  for  pajTiient  of  teach- 
ers' salaries,  and  for  furnishing  free  text-l)Ooks.  Sep- 
arate schools  are  provitled  for  coloured  children.  In 
1900  the  total  attendance  in  the  free  schools  of  the 
State  was  28,753,  nearly  equally  divided  as  to  sex,  of 


which  number  24,868  were  whites,  and  3883  were  ne- 
groes. The  total  amount  expended  on  the  free 
schools  of  the  State  for  the  school  year  1905-1906,  in- 
cluding amounts  derived  from  school  tax,  legislative 
appropriations,  and  income  from  school  fund,  was 
$501,745.80. 

In  1907  a  compulsory  education  law  was  passed 
providitig  for  the  continuous  attendance  for  at  least 
five  months  in  each  year,  at  either  public  or  private 
school  in  which  the  common  English  branches  are 
taught,  of  all  children  between  the  ages  of  seven  and 
fourteen  years,  unless  excused  for  certain  reasons 
specified.  Delaware  College,  the  chief  institution  of 
learning  in  the  State,  is  located  at  Newark.  Chartered 
in  1833,  it  was  opened  in  1834,  and  has  had  a  very  suc- 
cessful career.  It  is  governed  by  a  board  of  trustees, 
one-half  of  whom  are  named  by  the  State.  In  1869 
the  legislature  adopted  this  college  as  the  institution 
to  be  provided  as  an  Agricultural  College  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Congressional  Enabling  Act  of  1862. 
Technological  and  agricultural,  as  well  as  classical, 
courses  of  instruction  are  provided.  The  number  of 
professors  and  teachers  is  twenty-two,  and  the  num- 
ber of  students  in  attendance  is  158.  Women  are  ex- 
cluded from  attendance  at  the  college.  Wilmington 
Conference  Academy  (Methodist),  located  at  Dover, 
was  founded  in  1873.  St.  Mary's  College,  founded  in 
Wilmington  in  1841,  by  the  Rev.  Patrick  Reilly,  be- 
came a  well-known  institution,  and  numbered  some  of 
the  best-known  Catholics  in  the  country  among  its 
graduates.  In  1857  there  were  120  resident  students. 
It  prospered  till  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War,  and  in 
1866  closed  its  doors.  There  are  a  number  of  excel- 
lent private  schools  and  academies  scattered  through 
the  State.  A  State  College  for  coloured  students, 
founded  in  1892,  is  located  at  Dover.  Manual  and 
agricultural,  as  well  as  classical  and  technical,  instruc- 
tion is  there  furnished.  Reform  schools  for  both 
boys  and  girls  are  supported  in  part  by  the  State- 
There  is  also  a  State  Hospital  and  Insane  Asylimi. 
Delaware  having  no  institution  for  the  instruction  of 
the  deaf  and  dumb  or  the  blind,  the  State  bears  the 
expense  of  having  a  certain  number  of  them  cared 
for  and  instructed  in  proper  institutions  in  other 
States. 

Catholic  Proghes.s. — Prior  to  1772  no  definite  rec- 
ords are  obtainable  regarding  any  regularly  estab- 
lished Catholic  church  in  the  present  State  of  Dela- 
ware. The  Catholics  in  the  State  prior  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  verj"^  few  in 
number.  In  1730  Cornelius  Hallahan,  an  Irish  Cath- 
olic, settled  in  Mill  Creek  Himdred,  in  New  Castle 
County,  on  an  estate  called  by  him  Cuba  Rock,  near 
the  present  location  of  Mount  Cuba.  The  first  Cath- 
olic services  in  the  State  were  probably  held  at  his 
house.  The  Apoquiniminck  Mission,  in  the  lower  part 
of  New  Castle  County,  was  established  before  1750  by 
Jesuits  from  St.  Xavier's  Mission  in  Cecil  County, 
Maryland.  The  latter  mi.ssion,  founded  in  1706  by 
Father  Thomas  Man.sell,  S.J.,  near  the  junction  of  the 
Cireat  and  Little  Bohemia  Rivers,  is  still  in  existence, 
and  known  as  Bohemia  Manor.  In  a  report  from  the 
Episcopal  Mission  at  Dover  (Kent  Covmty)  to  the 
clergjTnen  of  the  Pennsylvania  province,  made  in  1748, 
it  is  .stated  that  the  "(Quakers  and  Roman  Catholics 
were  long  accustomed  to  burj' their  dead  at  their  own 
plantations."  Again  in  1751  a  like  report  from  the 
Dover  Mis.sion  .states:  "There  are  about  five  or  si.x 
families  of  Piipists,  who  are  attended  once  a  month 
from  Maryland  with  a  priest."  In  Januarj',  1772, 
Father  Matthew  .Sittcnsperger,  a  Jesuit  known  at  the 
Bohemian  -Mission  under  the  name  of  Manners,  pur- 
chased a  fann  in  Mill  Creek  Hundred,  which  was  known 
as  Coffee  Run,  and  here  a  log  chapel  called  St.  Mary's 
and  a  residence  were  erected.  Father  .sittensperger 
was  succeeded  by  the  Rev.  Stephen  Faure,  who,  with 
other  Frenchmen,  driven  from  St.  Domingo  by  negro 


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uprisings,  settled  at  Wilmington.  He  was  assisted  by 
tlie  Rev.  Jotin  Rosseter,  an  officer  in  Rochambeau's 
army  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  then  an  Au- 
gustinian.  In  1798  he  was  succeeded  by  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Cibot,  who  had  been  Vice-Prefect  Apostolic  in  St.  Do- 
mingo. In  ISOO  the  Rev.  Charles  Whelan  became 
pastor,  to  be  succeeded  in  1805  by  the  Rev.  Patrick 
Kenny.  From  this  church  the  Catholics  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  as  far  as  at  West  Chester,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  Wilmington,  were  attended.  Father 
Kenny  was  assisted  for  a  time  by  the  Rev.  George  A. 
Carrell,  who  afterwards  became  Bishop  of  Covington, 
Kentucky.  The  arduous  labours  and  personality  of 
Father  Kenny  have  made  him  probably  the  best^ 
known  priest  in  the  early  Catholic  history  of  the  State. 
Some  portions  of  Coffee  Rim  Church  are  still  standing. 
The  site  of  the  church  is  about  six  miles  from  Wil- 
mington on  the  Lancaster  Pike.  In  1785  Delaware 
was  one  of  the  four  States  (the  others  being  Pennsyl- 
vania, Maryland,  and  Virginia)  where  Catholics  were 
not  virtually  under  civil  disabilities. 

From  its  earliest  settlement,  at  no  time  did  religious 
intolerance  ever  appear  in  the  government  of  the 
Swedish  colony  which  grew  into  the  State  of  Dela- 
ware. In  1816  St.  Peter's,  the  second  church  in  the 
State,  was  built  by  Father  Kenny.  This  church,  often 
enlarged  and  beautified  since,  is  now  the  cathedral  of 
the  diocese.  Father  Kenny  was  first  assisted  in  18.34, 
and  later  succeeded,  by  the  Rev.  Patrick  Reilly,  who, 
as  priest  and  educator,  was  one  of  the  most  respected 
clergymen  in  the  country.  In  1830  the  first  Catholic 
Orphan  Asylimi  in  the  state  was  opened  in  Wilming- 
ton. In  1839  the  first  parochial  school  in  the  State 
was  built  adjoining  St.  Peters.  Until  1868  the  State 
formed  a  portion  of  the  Diocese  of  Philadelphia,  but 
in  that  year  the  present  Diocese  of  Wilmington  was 
created.  It  comprises  the  State  of  Delaware  and  the 
Eastern  Shore  counties  of  Maryland  and  Virginia. 
The  Right  Rev.  Thomas  A.  Becker  was  the  first  bish- 
op. Bishop  Becker,  on  being  transferred  to  Georgia 
in  1886,  was  succeeded  by  the  Right  Rev.  Alfred  A. 
Curtis,  who,  after  a  service  of  ten  years,  resigned,  and 
was  succeeded  by  the  Right  Rev.  John  J.  Monaghan, 
26  January,  1897.  The  Delaware  diocese  from  its 
creation  has  been  distinguished  by  the  excellences  in 
ability  and  temperament  of  its  bishops.  The  years 
1825  to  1860  marked  the  first  important  period  of 
Catholic  immigration,  and  the  chief  nationality  found 
among  the  Catholic  population  has  been  the  Irish. 
The  Catholic  population  of  the  diocese  (1908)  is  31,- 
000,  of  whom  500  are  negroes.  The  Catholic  popula- 
tion of  the  State  is  25,000.  There  are  46  churches  in 
the  diocese,  of  which  20  are  in  Delaware.  The  one 
Catholic  church  for  negroes  is  situated  in  WUmingt.on. 
The  number  of  priests  in  the  diocese  is  43,  and  the 
number  in  the  State  34.  Of  the  whole  number  in  the 
diocese  30  are  seculars  and  13  belong  to  various  orders. 
There  are  twelve  parochial  schools  in  the  State,  with 
an  attendance  of  3100.  Orphan  asylums  for  white 
boys  and  girls,  the  former  near  Delaware  City  and  the 
latter  at  Wilmington,  are  under  the  care,  respectively, 
of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Francis  and  the  Sisters  of  Charity. 
A  coloured  orphan  asylum  in  Wilmington  is  con- 
ducted by  the  Josephite  Fathers.  A  coloured  Indus- 
trial and  Agricultural  School  is  also  maintained  by  the 
Josephite  Fathers  at  Clayton.  A  Home  for  the  Aged, 
at  Wilmington,  is  imder  the  care  of  the  Little  .Sisters 
of  the  Poor.  All  these  institutions  are  well  housed, 
admirably  managed,  and  speak  well  for  Catholic 
benevolence  in  the  state.  A  Simimer  Home  for  the 
teaching  orders  of  the  Sisters  in  the  State  and  for  poor 
girls  has  been  opened  at  Rehobeth,  a  .seaside  town. 
Salesianum,  a  preparatory  school,  located  at  Wilming- 
ton, imder  the  care  of  the  Oblates  of  St.  Francis  de 
Sales,  ;ind  the  Ursuline  Academy,  a  boarding  and  day 
school  for  girls,  are  the  present  chief  Catholic  educa- 
tional institutions  in  the  State.    Within  the  diocese  is  a 


novitiate  of  the  order  of  Oblates  of  St.  Francis  de  Sales 
and  a  convent  of  Visitation  nuns. 

Other  Religions. — The  first  religion  in  the  State 
was  that  brought  by  the  Swedish  settlers,  namely,  the 
Lutheran.  The  first  church  erected  was  in  1638  with- 
in Fort  Christina,  and  the  second  in  1643  near  New 
Castle.  Dutch  and  Swedes  worshipped  there.  Old 
Swedes'  Church,  built  in  1698,  under  the  direction  of 
the  celebrated  Swedish  minister  Bjork,  is  still  in  use 
and  in  a  splendid  state  of  preservation.  After  the 
arrival  of  the  English,  the  Swedish  and  English 
churches  were,  for  the  greater  part  of  the  time,  at- 
tended by  the  same  minister.  About  1791  the  Swed- 
ish Lutheran  Church  merged  into  the  Protestant 
Episcopal.  The  Society  of  Friends  erected  their  first 
meeting  house  in  Delaware  about  1CS7,  and  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  State's  history,  they  were  probably 
the  most  influential  and  respected  class  in  the  State, 
particularly  in  the  northern  portion.  The  first  Pres- 
byterian church  in  the  State  is  known  to  have  been 
established  with  elders  and  trustees  as  early  as  1705, 
but  the  precise  year  of  its  institution  is  not  known. 
The  Baptist  Church  in  the  State  was  foimded  in  1703 
by  emigrants  from  South  Wales,  who  settled  upon  the 
"Welsh  Tract",  a  portion  of  the  Penn  grant  in  Pen- 
cader  Hundred,  New  Castle  County,  and  erected  a 
meeting  house.  This  was  the  third  Baptist  meeting 
house  erected  in  America.  Meetings  of  the  Methodist 
denomination  were  held  at  Wilmington  as  early  as 
1766,  and  in  1780  "Barratt's  Chapel"  in  Kent  County 
(still  in  use)  was  erected.  This  was  one  of  the  cradles 
of  the  Methodist  Church  in  America,  and  here  the  first 
General  Conference  of  American  Methodism  was  ap- 
pointed. The  active  church  membership  and  the 
Simday-school  membership  of  the  leading  Protestant 
denominations  are  (1908):  Methodist  Episcopal,  40,- 
000;  Protestant  Episcopal,  6280;  Baptist,  5000; 
Presbyterian,  12,700.  There  are  many  churches  for 
coloured  people  in  the  State,  among  which  the  Baptist 
and  Methodist,  particularly  the  latter,  predominate. 
Among  other  creeds  and  denominations  represented 
in  the  State,  are  the  Lutheran,  Unitarian,  Sweden- 
borgian,  Christian  Science,  Methodist  Protestant,  var- 
ious divisions  of  the  Baptist  Church,  Seventh  Day 
Adventist,  and  Hebrew. 

Legi.slation. — The  first  article  of  the  State  Consti- 
tution, adopted  in  1897,  states,  "No  man  shall  or 
ought  to  be  compelled  to  attend  any  religious  worship, 
to  contribute  to  the  erection  or  support  of  any  place  of 
worship,  or  to  the  maintenance  of  any  ministry, 
against  his  own  free  will  and  consent";  and  also  states 
that  "  No  religious  test  shall  be  required  as  a  qualifica- 
tion to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  this  State". 
This  same  language  is  found  in  the  Constitution 
adopted  in  1831.  Blasphemy  is  pimishable  as  a  mis- 
demeanour. By  statute  any  worldly  employment, 
labour  or  business  (works  of  necessity  or  charity  ex- 
cepted), peddling  goods,  droving,  fishing,  fowling, 
gaming,  horseracmg,  cock  fighting  or  hunting  game, 
and  playing  and  dancing,  on  the  Sabbath  day,  are  all 
prohibited  and  made  pimishable  as  misdemeanours. 
The  usual  form  of  oath  is  by  swearing  upon  the  Holy 
Evangels  of  Almighty  God.  A  person  believing  in 
any  other  than  the  Christian  religion  may  be  sworn 
according  to  tlie  peculiar  ceremonies  of  his  religion,  if 
there  be  any  such.  A  person  conscientiously  scrupu- 
lous of  taking  an  oath  may  be  permitted  to  affirm  to 
the  truth  of  the  matters  to  be  testified.  A  chaplain  is 
appointed  by  either  branch  of  the  legislature,  and  the 
daily  sessions  (by  force  of  custom  only)  are  opened 
with  prayer.  Christmas  and  Sunday  are  the  only 
religious  holidays  recognized  as  legal  holidays.  There 
is  neither  statute  nor  court  decision  in  the  State, 
regarding  the  seal  of  confession. 

Prior  to  1893  the  provisions  of  one  .statute  covered 
the  incorporation  of  congregations  or  societies  of 
whatsoever  denomination.     At  that  time,  a  statute 


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\\ns  passed  providing  exclusively  for  the  incorpora- 
fiim  of  Catholic  congregations.  It  gives  a  simple 
iiirthod  for  incorporating  a  church  congregation. 
I  luier  a  statute,  all  real  and  personal  property  belong- 
iiii;  to  any  church  or  religious  society  is  not  liable  to 
assessment  and  taxation  for  public  purposes,  unless 
the  property  is  in  the  form  of  a  school  where  the  tui- 
tion is  not  free.  The  constitution  provides:  "  No  por- 
tion of  any  fund  now  existing,  or  which  may  hereafter 
be  ajiiiropriated  or  raised  by  taxation,  for  educa- 
lional  purposes,  shall  be  appropriated  to,  or  used  for, 
or  in  aid  of  any  sectarian  church  or  denominational 
siliool,  provided,  that  all  real  or  personal  property 
\iscd  for  school  purposes  where  tuition  Is  free,  shall  be 
exempt  from  taxation  and  assessment  for  public  piir- 
jKises".  The  right  of  any  charitable  or  educational 
eiiiporation  to  take  Viy  devise  or  bequest  is  imdoubted. 
W  hile  the  language  of  the  statute  imder  which  Cath- 
olic congregations  are  formed  into  church  corpora- 
iioTis  is  not  beyond  cavil  in  this  regard,  the  assump- 
I  inn  is  that  such  a  corporation  may  take  by  devise  or 
lie(|uest,  widiDut  i|ualiiie:itic>n  or  condition.  In  this 
respeet,  tlie  rights  of  Catliolic  church  corporations  are 
clearer  and  more  lil)eral  than  those  enjoyed  by  church 
corporations  of  any  other  denomination.  Ordained 
ministers  of  the  Gospel  are  not  liable  to  serve  as  jurors. 
.Military  service  is  voluntary.  By  the  constitution, 
no  divorce  may  be  granted  except  by  the  judgment  of 
:i  court.  Annulment  of  marriage  for  certain  causes, 
existing  at  the  time  of  marriage,  is  provided  for.  For 
divorce,  the  reasons  are  adultery,  bigamy,  imprison- 
ment, cruelty,  desertion,  habitual  drunkenness,  and 
hopeless  insanity.  Hearings  and  trials  in  divorce 
matters  must  in  all  cases  lie  had  before  the  court  and 
in  public.  Marriage  within  the  degrees  of  the  estab- 
lished table  of  consanguinity,  or  between  whites  and 
blacks,  is  unlawful  and  void,  and  the  parties  thereto 
are  guilty  of  a  misdemeanour.  A  regularly  issued 
license  is  a  condition  precedent  to  marriage,  unless  the 
banns  are  i>iil>lishe(l  at  .some  place  of  stated  religious 
worship,  within  the  Hundred  of  the  woman's  residence 
on  two  Sabbaths,  and  no  objection  made  to  such  mar- 
riage. 

The  sale  of  liquor  is  licensed  by  the  State,  but  with 
many  restrictions.  The  State  is  divided  into  four 
local  option  districts,  in  two  of  which  prohibition  laws 
are  now  in  force. 

Legacies  for  religious,  charitable  and  educational 
purposes  are  not  subject  to  taxation.  The  right  to 
dispo.se  of  property  by  will  may  be  exercised  by  any 
person  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  or  upwards, 
who  is  of  .sound  mind.  Such  will  mu.st  be  in  writing, 
exce[)t  a  nuncupative  will,  by  which  an  estate  not  ex- 
ceeding .$200  may  be  disposed  of.  Cemetery  corpor- 
ations are  now  fonned  under  the  provisions  of  a 
general  incorporation  law.  No  taxes  are  paid  on 
lands  used  for  cemetery  purposes. 

The  constitution  pLaces  no  limit  to  direct  taxation, 
but  no  State  tax  on  assessed  property  is  levied. 
County  and  mimicipal  assessment  and  taxation  is  em- 
ployed. There  Ls  no  tax  on  income.  A  collateral  in- 
heritance tax  is  collected,  w'here  the  recipient  is  a 
stranger  in  blood,  and  the  estate  exceeds  $.300. 

Ferris,  UUtnry  of  the  Originnl  Srtilementa  on  the  Delaware 
(WilminEton.  1S46);  Bancroft,  Hixloru  of  the  United  Stales 
(New  York,  1SS21;  Schark,  Hislor;/  of  Delaware  (Philadelphia. 
1888>;  Conrad,  HMnr„  of  Delaware  (WilminKton,  190,8); 
Perry.  HUlorienl  Collretions  (Hartford.  1HS6):  Shka,  Cnlholic 
Church  in  Colonial  Daiia  (New  York.  1SS61;  Penn.  Ilislorieal 
Socielu  Memoirs  (Philarlelphia.  1864);  ('.  .s'.  Twelfth  Census 
(Washington,  1901);  Bulletin  71.  Estimaten  nf  Population,  ibid. 
CWashineton,  1907);  Bulletin  31,  Census  of  Manufactures,  ibid. 
(Washington,  1906);    Del.  Laws,  Revised  Code. 

Charles  F.  Curley. 

Delaware  Indians,  an  important  tribal  confed- 
eracy of  .Mgonquian  -stock  originally  holding  the  ba.sin 
of  the  Delaware  River,  in  Eastern  Pennsylvania,  U. 
S.  A.,  together  with  most  of  New  Jersey  and  Dela- 


ware. They  call  themselves  Letmpf  or  Lcni-le.nape, 
about  equivalent  to  "real  men".  The  English  knew 
them  as  Delawares,  from  the  name  of  the  river;  the 
French  called  them  Loups  (wolves),  under  which 
term  they  included  also  the  cognate  Mahican;  while 
to  most  of  their  Algonquian  neighbours  they  were 
known  as  Wnpanaki  (Easterners).  By  reason  of 
being  the  parent  body  of  a  number  of  cognate  tribes, 
and  holding  the  ancestral  territory,  they  were  ac- 
corded precedence  in  intertribal  assemblies,  under  the 
respectful  title  of  "grandfather". 

The  Lcnape  proper  consisted  of  three  tribes — Mun- 
see,  I'nami,  and  Unalaqtgo — symbolized  respectively 
under  the  totems  of  the  Wolf,  Turtle,  and  Turkey.  Of 
these  the  Munsce  held  the  Upper  Delaware  and  were 
considered  the  defenders  of  the  frontier  against  the 
incursions  of  the  hostile  Iroquois.  Their  dialect  dif- 
fered considerably  from  that  of  the  other  two.  The 
Unami  held  the  middle  course  of  the  river,  together 
with  the  hereditary  chieftaincy,  while  the  third  tribe 
occupied  the  lower  country.  Each  tribe  w;i.s  organ- 
ized into  clans  or  gcntes,  numbering  about  thirty-five 
in  all,  with  descent  in  the  female  line,  as  usual  among 
the  Eastern  Indians.  In  habit  they  were  sedentary, 
depending  chiefly  upon  agriculture  rather  than  upon 
hunting,  cultivating  largo  quantities  of  corn,  beans, 
squashes,  and  tobacco.  Their  houses,  consisting  of  a 
framework  of  poles  covered  with  bark  or  mats  woven 
of  rushes,  were  of  wagon-top  shape  and  accommo- 
dated several  families  each. 

The  most  ancient  tratlitions  of  the  Lenape  are  con- 
tained in  the  sacred  pictograph  record  known  as  the 
Walam  Olum  or  "Red  Score",  first  brought  to  notice 
by  Rafinesque  in  1836  and  published  with  translation 
and  notes  by  Brinton  in  1885.  They  made  their  first 
treaty,  with  Penn,  in  1682,  at  Shackamaxon  within 
the  present  limits  of  Philadelphia.  To  this  period  be- 
longs their  noted  chief  Tamenend,  from  whom  the 
Tammany  Society  derives  its  name.  As  the  whites 
pressed  upon  them  the  Delawares  gradually  retired 
westward,  first  to  the  Susquehanna  and  thence  to  the 
Alleghany,  until  in  1751  they  began  to  make  settle- 
ments in  t)hio,  where  the  greater  part  of  the  tribe  was 
established  at  the  outbreak  of  the  French  and  Indian 
war  in  1754.  In  common  with  all  the  other  tribes  of 
the  Ohio  region,  they  siilod  with  the  French  against 
the  English  in  this  war  and  continued  the  struggle  in- 
dependently for  some  time  after  the  French  garrisons 
h.ad  been  withdrawn.  Throughout  the  Revolution 
and  the  war  of  1812  they  were  allies  of  the  English 
against  the  Americans.  As  early  as  1746  zealous 
Moravian  missionaries  had  begun  work  in  the  tribe 
in  Eastei  i  Pennsylvania,  and  succeeded  in  winning  a 
considerable  number  to  Christianity,  despite  persecu- 
tions and  removals  forced  upon  them  by  the  whites, 
culminating  in  the  miussacre  of  an  entire  conununity 
of  Christian  Delawares  at  Gnadenhutton,  in  Ohio,  in 
1782. 

The  war  of  1812  was  followed  by  treaty  cessions 
and  other  removals,  most  of  the  Christian  Delawares 
emigrating  to  Canada,  while  the  others,  after  various 
halts  by  different  bands  in  Imliana.  Missouri,  Arkan- 
sas, and  Kans.as,  were  finally  collected  chiefly  in  the 
present  Oklahoma,  the  main  body  incorporating  with 
the  Cherokee  in  lSr)7.  They  have  grcatlv  decreased, 
but  number  (1908)  altogether  about  1900  .souls,  in- 
cluding about  870  with  the  Cherokee  and  05  more 
with  the  Wichita,  in  Oklahoma;  about  250  Miuusee  in 
WLsconsin  and  some  50  more  in  Kansas;  and  the  rest, 
under  the  names  of  Munsees  and  Moravians,  on  reser- 
vations in  Ontario,  Canada. 

Brinton.  Th.  /,  n,,,,' „„,;  f',,,'.  r  ,,,--„  J   fPlnl  ,.!.li  .),ki,  I88.'>) ; 

DtiKKy.  Aliori,n'i'  l:  '.      "     1  / .'      '  '      linlians), 

\':fumsof 
>'  ■  .  i . '  ■  I  t  -,  -.M  I',  i-.i'-ni  Tribes 
>;    ilDMl-.-ON,  .l/uranure    Mis- 

James  Mooney. 


(l.-)lhed..N<-w  ^  ,.  !-• 
Pennsulrania  (Pini.M.  i 
of  Hudson's  Rwer  lAlhai 
sions  (New  York,  1890J. 


DELCnS 


696 


DELEGATION 


Delcus,  a  titular  see  of  Thrace,  suffragan  of  Philip- 
popolis.  The  Greek  name  of  the  place  was  Delkos  or 
Delkoi,  later  Derkos  or  Derkoi ;  the  latter  forms  have 
prevailed.  The  Turkish  and  common  name  is  Der- 
kos. It  is  now  a  little  village  south-west  of  Kara 
Bournou,  a  promontory  on  the  Black  Sea,  and  on  the 
southern  bank  of  Lake  Derkos,  the  waters  of  which 
are  brought  to  Constantinople  by  an  aqueduct.  There 
are  about  300  inhabitants.  The  see,  though  some 
have  connected  its  origin  with  the  preaching  of  .St. 
Andrew,  is  not  mentioned  before  the  eighth  century; 
however  a  rather  obscure  record  of  Balsamon  (P.  G., 
CXXXVII,  548)  permits  the  supposition  that  it  was 
established  shortly  after  the  Trullan  Council  of  692. 
The  first  known  bishop  is  Gregory,  who  attended 
the  Second  CoimcO  of  Nica^a  in  787.  In  the  records 
of  the  comicils  under  Photius  are  found  the  signatures 
of  his  partisan  Ncophytus  and  of  Macarius,  the  par- 
tisan of  St.  Ignatius.  About  840  the  see  stood  twen- 
tieth among  the  autocephalous  archbishoprics.  Its 
archbishop,  John,  subscribed  a  synodal  sentence  in  997. 
Balsamon  (P.  G.,  CXXXVIII,  273)  speaks  of  another 
prelate  who  sought  permission  to  reside  in  the  larger 
and  richer  city  of  Phileas.  Another  was  reproached 
in  the  Holy  Synod  by  the  Patriarch  Michael  with  hav- 
ing ordained  a  bishop  native  of  Constantinople  and 
before  the  canonical  age  (ibid.,  213);  he  was  perhaps 
the  John  who  was  present  in  1166  at  the  council  of 
Constantinople,  known  as  "Pater  major  me  est". 
One  Gregory  subscribed  another  council  in  1193.  In 
1316  the  see  was  given  to  the  Archbishop  of  Nym- 
phajum,  who  had  been  deprived  of  his  own  (Miklosich 
and  Miiller,  "Acta  et  diplomata  graeea",  1 ,50).  Luke 
was  archbishop  in  1.329  (ibid.,  98).  In  1356  the  see 
was  per  adjunctionem  in  the  hands  of  the  Metropolitan 
of  Bizye  (ibid.,  355).  In  1365  it  had  again  an  occu- 
pant, and  its  bishop  in  1379  and  1381  was  Paul:  in 
1389  Joseph  was  bishop  (op.  cit.,  II,  6,  .39,  and  129). 
In  1466  it  was  and  probably  had  long  been  ruled  di- 
rectly by  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  [Kam- 
bouroglous.  Monuments  for  History  of  Athens  (Gr.), 
II,  354).  It  was  not  re-established  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the  titular  re- 
sided at  Therapia  on  the  Bosphorus.  Delcus  was 
made  a  metropolis  in  1655.  In  October,  1746,  it  was 
raised  to  the  eighth  rank  of  the  Greek  hierarchy  (Mansi, 
Col.  concil.,  XXXVIII,  527).  The  diocese  now  in- 
cludes 41  villages  in  the  vicinity  of  Constantinople  and 
along  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Sea  of  Mar- 
mora, among  them  San  Stefano,  Makri-Keui,  and 
Beuyuk-Der^,  with  Catholic  parishes  conducted  by 
Capuchins,  Dominicans,  and  Minor  Conventuals. 

Lequien,  Oriens  chrislianuSt  I,  1163;  Gedeon,  Engraved 
Stones  and  Bricks  (Constantinople,  1893),  169-175;  Bakalo- 
povi.oa.  Eastern  Calendar  for  1S06  (Constantinople,  1895).  103- 
34;  Idem,  Calendar  of  the  National  Philanthropic  Establishments 
for  1006  (Constantinople,  1905),  145-58. 

L.  Petit. 
Delegates,  Apcstolic.     See  Legate. 

Delegation  (Lat.  delegare),  the  commission  to  an- 
other of  jiu'isdiction,  which  is  to  be  exercised  in  the 
name  of  the  person  delegating.  Jurisdiction  is  de- 
fined as  the  power  of  anyone  who  has  public  authority 
and  pre-eminence  over  others  for  their  rule  and  gov- 
ernment. 

I.  In  ancient  Roman  law,  delegation  was  the  sub- 
stitution of  one  debtor  for  another;  the  second  debtor 
making  payment  in  the  name  of  the  first.  In  modern 
civil  law,  the  term  delegations  is  used  for  committees 
of  representatives  or  judges,  who  in  the  name  of  the 
parliament  of  the  judiciary  consider  and  determine 
the  special  matters  confided  to  them.  In  canon  law, 
delegation  is  the  spiritual  jurisdiction  or  power  which 
a  person  exercises  in  virtue  of  a  commission  from  one 
having  ordinarj-  jurisdiction  (see  Jurlsdiction),  with 
the  understanding  that  such  delegate  must  act  in  the 
name  of  the  one  delegating.     The  canons  distinguish 


between  delegation  ab  liomine,  and  delegation  a  jure. 
The  former  is  that  which  comes  from  a  person  in  the 
strict  sense  of  the  word ;  while  the  latter  may  have  its 
source  in  a  juridical  or  moral  person.  Thus,  it  is 
through  delegation  a  jure,  that  is  in  virtue  of  jurisdic- 
tion granted  by  the  Council  of  Trent,  that  bishops 
have  certain  powers  in  regard  to  exempted  regulars. 
Whenever  the  common  law  designates  a  person  as 
having  powers  which  belong  to  another  by  ordinarj* 
right,  the  one  upon  whom  they  are  conferred  is  said 
to  be  a  delegate  a  jure.  If  bishops  exercise  such  pow- 
ers "as  delegates  of  the  Apostolic  See",  an  appeal 
against  their  actions  would  have  to  be  made  to  the 
pope,  for  it  is  really  his  jurisdiction  they  are  employ- 
ing ;  while  if  the  common  law  refers  to  them  as  acting 
"also  as  delegates  of  the  Holy  See",  an  appeal  could 
be  taken  to  the  metropolitan,  as  in  such  a  case  the 
bishop  acts  in  virtue  of  both  ordinary  and  delegated 
jurisdiction.  Historically,  the  origin  of  canonical 
delegation  is  to  be  sought  most  probably  in  the  fifth 
(in  the  Latin  version,  the  seventh)  canon  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sardica  (a.  d.  347),  which  speaks  of  judges  dele- 
gated for  Roman  appeals.  From  the  fifth  century 
onwards,  instances  of  appointment  of  delegates  by  the 
popes  are  distinctly  recorded,  and  such  delegation  be- 
came more  frequent  as  time  went  on,  particularly 
since  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  I  (590-604). 

II.  Anyone  having  ordinary  jurisdiction  may  dele- 
gate another,  unless  such  power  be  expressly  withheld 
from  him.  It  is  necessary  to  mention  this  restriction, 
for  although  parish  priests  have  ordinary  jurisdiction 
for  the  tribunal  of  penance,  yet  they  cannot  strictly 
delegate  another  for  that  task,  because  the  hearing  of 
confessions  belongs  to  the  external  forum  and  all  con- 
fessions need  episcopal  approbation.  The  person 
delegated  by  the  lawful  superior  must  be  a  cleric  well 
versed  in  the  matter  for  which  he  receives  delegation, 
and  he  must  not  be  excommunicate.  While  the  age 
of  twenty  years  is  prescribed  by  law  for  the  dele- 
gate, it  is  also  provided  that  the  age  of  eighteen  will 
suffice,  if  those  concerned  are  satisfied.  Several  dele- 
gates may  be  appointed  for  the  same  matter.  In  this 
case  each  may  receive  such  a  commission  that  if  he 
undertake  the  matter  alone  the  other  delegates  may 
no  longer  interfere,  unless  the  first  be  hindered  from 
determining  it  (delegatus  in  solidum) ;  or  the  power  in 
a  cause  may  be  delegated  to  several  persons  so  that 
they  must  act  together  to  make  the  effect  of  their 
delegation  valid  {delegatus  simpliciter).  If  the  dele- 
gate be  commissioned  by  the  pope,  he  should  ordi- 
narily be  an  ecclesiastical  dignitary  or  a  cathedral 
canon,  and  the  case  should  be  heard  in  a  city  or  place 
of  some  religious  or  civic  distinction.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that  the  sovereign  pontiff  may,  if  he  choose, 
derogate  from  these  laws  in  all  their  aspects.  Gen- 
eral defects  disqualifying  a  person  to  receive  delega- 
tion are  infamy,  deafness,  insanity,  dumbness,  slavery, 
and  the  like.  It  was  statetl  that  the  person  delegated 
should  be  a  cleric;  for  neither  bishops  nor  those  in- 
ferior to  them  can  delegate  a  layman  for  spiritual 
matters  or  for  criminal  causes  of  ecclesiastics.  It  is 
disputed  whether  a  delegation  made  by  them  to  lay 
judges  to  determine  even  civil  causes  of  clerics  would 
be  valid.  The  pope,  however,  may  delegate  laymen 
for  such  cases  when  there  is  question  of  an  individual 
instance.  Reiffenstuel  says  that  to  commit  in  general 
all  causes  of  ecclesiastics  to  laymen,  would  be  to  do 
away  with  the  forensic  jirivilege  of  clerics  (pririlegium 
fori)  and  therefore  is  outside  the  sphere  of  papal  prerog- 
atives, as  the  exemption  of  clerics  is  probably  of 
Divine  right.  The  granting  of  a  delegation  may  be 
verbal,  except  in  cases  where  the  law  expressly  pre- 
scribes that  it  be  in  writing.  The  delegation  must 
also  be  the  free  act  of  the  superior,  for  delegated 
faculties  obtained  absolutely  against  the  will  of  the 
donor  woukl  be  invalid.  If,  however,  thev  be  ex- 
torted by  fear,  they  will  not  be  void,  for  then  they 


DE  LEON 


697 


DELFAU 


would  not  be  absolutely  against  the  will  of  the  su- 
perior. 

III.  Delegated  powers  are  necessary,  either  for  the 
liceity  or  validity  of  an  act  performed  by  the  delegate. 
If  there  be  question  only  of  the  liceity  of  an  act,  per- 
mission reasonably  presumed  is  sufficient.  This 
would  be  the  ease,  for  example,  in  the  administration 
of  the  sacraments,  except  penance  and  possibly  matri- 
mony. If,  however,  it  be  a  question  of  the  validity 
of  an  act,  the  delegation  must  be  express,  or  at  least 
rest  upon  a  presumption  of  outward  signs  indicating 
actual  consent.  Such,  for  example,  would  be  the 
delegation  requisite  for  valid  absolution  in  the  tribunal 
of  penance.  In  general,  a  delegate  may  not  proceed 
to  the  exercise  of  his  power  until  it  be  formally  noti- 
fied to  him,  for,  according  to  an  axiom  of  law,  juris- 
diction is  aquired  only  by  one  knowing  and  accepting. 
In  certain  cases,  this  knowledge  and  acceptance  may 
be  only  implicitly  implied,  but  it  is  then  considered 
sufficient.  The  fact  of  delegation  must  be  proved  to 
those  concerned  in  the  matter  at  stake,  either  by 
showing  them  the  written  instrument  or  exhibiting 
unexceptionable  testimony  that  the  power  has  been 
received.  The  delegate  must  also  carefully  observe 
the  form  of  procedure  specified  by  the  superior  who 
has  empowered  him  to  act.  In  case  of  grievance,  an 
appeal  may  be  made  against  the  delegate  to  the  trib- 
unal of  the  person  who  delegated  him.  This  fact 
shows  that  the  power  of  the  vicar-general  of  a  diocese 
is  not  delegated  power,  for  there  is  no  appeal  from  his 
tribunal  to  that  of  the  bishop,  because  their  tribunal 
is  declared  to  be  one  and  the  same.  The  power  of  a 
vicar-general  is  most  correctly  characterized  as  quasi- 
ordinary,  for  on  the  one  hand,  he  holds  an  office  to 
which  certain  faculties  are  annexed,  and  on  the  other, 
he  exercises  his  powers  in  the  name  of  another.  Some 
canonists,  however,  maintain  that  a  vicar-general  has 
delegated,  and  others  that  he  has  ordinary  jurisdic- 
tion. Finally,  no  inferior  ordinaries  can  delegate 
their  entire  authority  to  others  in  perpetuity  without 
the  license  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  because  such  delega- 
tion would  be  equivalent  to  abdication,  which  is  not 
permissible  without  the  consent  of  the  supreme  au- 
thority. What  has  been  said  in  this  respect  of  in- 
ferior ordinaries,  holds  good  also  for  those  delegated 
to  certain  classes  of  cases  in  general  (ad  universitatem 
causarum).  As  the  powers  delegated  by  the  Holy 
See  are  generally  for  very  important  matters,  the 
Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  XXV,  c.  10,  de  ref.)  made  an 
effort  to  provide  by  law  for  a  certain  number  of  quali- 
fied persons  whom  the  pope  could  appoint  as  his  dele- 
gates. The  council  ordered  that  several  such  ecclesi- 
astics should  be  elected  in  provincial  synods  and  that 
their  names  should  be  forwarded  to  Rome  by  the 
bishops.  The  decree,  however,  was  seldom  acted  on 
and  gradually  became  entirely  obsolete. 

IV.  Delegated  jurisdiction  can  sometimes  be  sub- 
delegated  to  others.  If  the  delegate  was  appointed 
by  the  pope,  even  for  a  particular  case,  he  has  the 
power  of  subdelegation.  The  latter  is  prohibited  only 
when  the  matter  has  been  committed  to  his  personal 
care  in  an  especial  manner,  or  when  it  is  of  unusual  im- 
portance or  of  a  merely  executive  nature.  Hence, 
when  a  confe.ssor  has  received  by  Apostolic  privilege 
the  faculty  of  absolving  all  the  faithful  from  certain 
sins  and  censures,  or  of  dispensing  in  certain  irregvilar- 
ities  and  vows,  he  can  not  subdelegate  this  ministry. 
In  like  manner,  one  who  has  been  charged  with  the 
execution  of  matrimonial  dispensations  may  not  sub- 
delegate  the  ministry  itself,  yet  he  may  employ  others 
to  assist  him  in  matters  connected  with  his  delegated 
jurisdiction,  provided  their  work  be  only  supplemen- 
tary, not  principal.  If  the  delegate  was  appointed  by 
an  ordinarj'  other  than  the  pope,  he  can  not  sul>- 
delegate,  unless  he  has  been  commissioned  ad  universi- 
tatem causarum,  or  when  the  person  delegating  hjis 
given  him  the  special  authority  to  subdelegate.     The 


subdelegate  cannot  make  a  new  delegation,  but  he 
can  call  in  the  assistance  of  others  for  the  details  of 
his  work.  When  a  delegate  has  confided  all  his  au- 
thority in  a  particular  matter  to  a  subdelegate  an 
appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  latter  does  not  lie  to 
the  delegate,  but  to  the  superior  who  had  originally 
commissioned  the  delegate. 

V.  Delegation  ceases  if  the  work  assigned  to  the 
delegate  has  been  completed ;  if  the  delegate  abdicates 
his  power  or  declares  the  rescript  of  his  appointment 
invalid ;  if  the  term  fixed  for  the  conduct  of  the  matter 
has  expired,  unless  in  a  contentious  case  both  parties 
have  agreed  to  a  prorogation;  if  the  delegation  be 
revoked;  if  the  delegate  die,  unless  he  was  one  of  a 
number  of  delegates  simpliciier  and  their  commission 
had  provided  for  its  continuance  in  such  an  emer- 
gency; if  the  person  delegating  die,  and  the  case  had 
not  yet  begun;  if  the  person  die  on  whose  account 
the  delegation  was  constituted,  unless  some  matter 
concerning  the  Church  or  a  prelacy  be  at  stake. 

Smith,  Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York.  1895); 
Laurentius,  Instilutiones  Jur.  Ecd.  (Freiburg,  1903);  Fer- 
raris, Bibliotheca  Canonica  (Rome,  1SS6),  III. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 
De  Leon,  Ponce.     See  Leon. 

Delfau,  FRANfois,  theologian,  b.  1C.37  at  Montel  in 
Auvergne,  France;  d.  1.3  Oct.,  1676,  at  Landevenec  in 
Normandy.  He  joined  the  Order  of  St.  Benedict 
when  he  was  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  made  his 
solemn  profession  at  the  Abbey  of  St.  Allire,  2  May, 
1656.  He  was  a  profound  student  of  the  Fathers  of 
the  Church  and  the  history*  of  the  councils.  Constant 
application  to  study  speedily  matured  the  powers  of 
his  exceptionally  keen  and  brilliant  mind,  and  he  soon 
came  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  foremost  authority  on  all 
questions  connected  with  patristic  theology.  When 
the  Congregation  of  St.  Maur  in  1670  determined  to 
undertake  a  critical  edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, Delfau  was  commissioned  by  his  superiors  to  pre- 
pare it.  The  task  was  a  difficult  one,  but  together 
with  six  other  members  of  the  order,  among  them  his 
intimate  friend  Dom  Robert  Gu^rard,  he  began  with 
energy  and  courage  this  great  labour  of  love,  and 
prosecuted  it  with  an  ardour  truly  Benedictine.  In 
1671  he  prepared  an  elaborate  prospectus,  setting 
forth  the  general  scope  and  character  of  the  new  edi- 
tion and  the  principles  by  which  the  editors  were  to  be 
guided.  Manuscripts  came  to  the  learned  Maurists 
from  various  countries,  and  Pope  Clement  X  even  sent 
them  priceless  codices  of  the  Vatican  Librarj'  together 
with  all  the  materials  that  had  been  gathered  there 
under  Clement  VIII  for  a  projected  edition  of  the 
Opera  Augustini.  A\'hen  the  first  two  volumes  were 
about  to  be  printed,  the  work  was  suddenly  arrested, 
18  Sept.,  1675,  by  two  kttresdr  raclicl  from  Louis  XIV, 
decreeing  the  banishment  of  both  Delfau  and  Gu(''rard 
from  Paris.  The  occasion  for  this  drastic  measure 
.seems  to  have  been  Delfau's  book  "  L'abbt-  commenda- 
taire",  published  at  Cologne,  1673,  in  which  the  young 
monk  had  severely  commented  on  the  abuses  con- 
nected with  the  system  of  commendam  as  it  was  then 
shamelessly  carried  on  in  France  to  the  great  detri- 
ment of  the  Church.  The  fearless  work  greatly 
aroused  the  king's  anger,  of  which  the  enemies  of  the 
.Maurists  did  not  fail  to  take  advant.age.  Delfau  was 
obliged  to  withdraw  to  the  monastery  of  Landevenec; 
he  lived  there  but  little  more  than  a  year  when,  at  the 
early  age  of  thirty-eight,  he  was  drowned  as  he  was 
crossing  to  the  Carmelite  convent  at  Brest,  where  he 
was  to  deliver  a  eulogy  on  the  feast-day  of  St.  Teresa. 
Delfau's  works  are:  '"Apologia  Cardinalis  Fiirsten- 
bergii";  a  m.asterly  epitaph  on  C.asimir,  King  of 
Poland,  who  died  as  Abbot  of  St.  Germain  des  Prfe; 
and  a  dissertation  on  the  authorship  of  the  "  Imitatio 
Christi",  in  his  edition  of  that  book  (Paris,  167.3). 

B.\i  MBH,  Johannes  Mabillon  (AuEsburg.  1892).  97  sq.;  Ta8- 
8IN,  Hist,  littf-rairc  de  la  Congregation  de  Saint-Maur  (Paris. 


DELFINO 


698 


DE  LISLE 


1770);    ZlEGELBAUER,  Hist. 

Ill,  395  sq. 


:  lit  O.  S.  B.  (Augsburg,  17541, 

Thomas  Oestreich. 


Delfino,  PiETRO,  theologian,  b.  at  Venice  in  1444; 
d.  16  Jan.,  152.5.  He  entereil  the  Camaldolese  Mon- 
astery of  San  Michele  at  Miirano,  and  in  1479  was 
elected  abbot  of  the  same  community.  The  following 
year  he  was  made  general  of  the  order  and  held  that 
office  until  the  year  1513  when  he  resigned  in  favour  of 
his  fellow-countryman  Blessed  Paul  Giustiniani,  whom 
he  had  invested  with  the  Camaldolese  habit  in  1510. 
Delfino  was  the  forty-sixth  general  from  St.  Romuald, 
the  founder  of  the  Camaldolese,  and  the  last  elected  for 
life,  the  office  after  him  being  held  for  three  years  only. 
In  1488  he  received  the  votes  of  his  countrymen  in 
Venice  for  the  cardinalate,  but  refused  to  accept  this 
dignity  from  Innocent  VIII.  The  letters  of  Delfino, 
which  number  more  than  four  thousand,  addressed  to 
different  religious  of  his  own  and  other  orders  and  to 
various  secular  dignitaries,  are  valuable  not  only  on 
account  of  the  trustworthiness  of  their  author,  but 
more  especially  because  of  the  accounts  they  contain 
of  contemporary  events  in  his  own  order  and  the 
Church  in  general.  A  collection  of  his  Latin  letters 
was  published  at  Venice  in  1524.  Several  others  that 
had  been  omitted  in  the  Venetian  editions  were  in- 
cluded later  in  Martene's  "Veterum  Scriptorum  am- 
plissima  coUectio".  The  "Apothegmata  Patrum" 
and  the  "  Dialogues  "  on  Savonarola  are  still  unedited. 

Martene,  Veterum  ScriptoruTn  et  monum^ntorum  ecdesiasli- 
corum  et  dogmaticorum  amplissima  collectio.  III.  915. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Delille,  Jacques,  French  abb6  and  litterateur,  b.  at 
Aigueperse,  22  June,  1738;  d.  at  Paris,  1  May,  1813. 
He  received  his  education  at  the  College  de  Lisieux  in 
Paris  and  became  an  instructor  at  the  College  de  la 
Marche  in  the  same  city.  His  translation  into  verse 
of  Virgil's  "Georgics",  which  appeared  in  1770,  had 
very  great  success  and  eventually  won  for  him  a  seat 
in  the  French  Academy.  He  was  afterwards  ap- 
pointed to  the  chair  of  poetry  in  the  College  de  France 
and  through  the  patronage  of  the  Count  d'  Artois  he 
received  as  a  benefice  the  Abbey  of  Saint^-Severin,  but 
took  only  minor  orders.  In  1781)  he  accompanied  the 
Count  de  Choiseul  to  Constantinople  and  visited 
Greece;  his  stay  in  the  East  does  not  seem,  however, 
to  have  much  influenced  his  literary  career.  The 
French  Revolution  deprived  him  of  his  position  and 
benefice,  and  in  1794  he  had  to  leave  France ;  his  exile 
was  spent  in  Switzerland,  Germany,  and  England.  He 
returned  to  France  in  1802  and  again  took  his  seat  in 
the  French  Academy.  For  some  years  Delille  was  con- 
sidered a  great  poet,  Voltaire  at  one  time  even  going  so 
far  as  to  call  him  the  French  Virgil ;  but  he  did  not  en- 
joy very  long  this  unwarranted  reputation.  All  agree 
to-day  that  he  was  a  wonderful  versifier,  having  at  his 
command  all  the  secrets  of  his  art,  but  it  is  also  recog- 
nized that  his  long  descriptive  poems  betray  a  com- 
plete lack  of  poetic  feeling  and  inspiration.  They  are 
a  striking  illustration  of  the  difference  between  versi- 
fication and  poetry.  His  best  known  works  are: 
"Traduction  des  g^orgiques  de  Virgile"  (Paris,  1770); 
"Dithyrambe  sur  I'immortalit^  de  I'^me"  (Paris, 
1793);  "L'Iraagination"  (Paris,  1806);  "  Les  Trois 
Rc'gnes  de  la  nature"  (Paris,  1806);  "La  Conversa- 
tion" (Paris,  1812). 

Kaintk-Beuve,  Portraits  Litteraires  (Paris,  1846);  Lingat, 
Etoge  de  Delille  (Paris  1814);  LiANfON,  Histoirede  la  littirature 
Jranfaise  (Paris,  1895). 

Pierre  Marique. 

De  Lisle,  Ambrose  Lisle  March  Phillipps,  b.  17 
March,  1809;  d.  5  March,  1878.  He  was  the  son  of 
Charles  March  Phillipps  of  Garendon  Park,  Leicester- 
shire, and  Harriet  Ducarel,  a  lady  of  Huguenot  de- 
scent.    He  a,ssunied  the  name  of  de  Lisle  in  1862, 


wlien  on  the  death  of  his  father  he  inherited  the  estates 
of  the  ancient  family  of  de  Lisle. 

He  spent  his  earliest  years  at  his  birthplace  and 
was  brought  up  as  a  member  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, receiving  his  first  religious  instruction  from  his 
uncle,  William  March  Phillipps,  a  high-church  clergy- 
man. In  1818  Ambrose  was  sent  to  a  private  school 
at  South  Croxton,  whence  he  w.as  removed  in  1820  to 
Maizemore  Court  School,  near  Gloucester,  kept  by  the 
Rev.  George  Hodson.  The  Bishop  of  Gloucester, 
having  married  Sophia  March  Phillipps,  was  his  uncle 
by  marriage,  and  so  the  boy  had  the  advantage  of 
spending  Sundays  and  holidays  at  the  bishop's  palace. 
At  school  he  met  for  the  first  time  a  Catholic,  the 
Abb^  Giraud,  a  French  emigre  priest,  whose  holy  life 
struck  the  boy  as  inconsistent  with  what  he  had  al- 
ways heard  of  Catholics.  On  one  of  his  journeys  to 
Gloucester  he  took  the  opportunity  of  questioning  the 
priest  as  to  the  real  belief  of  Catholics.  The  answers 
he  received  so  excited  his  interest  that  he  began  to 
read  all  the  books  on  the  subject  he  could  find  in  his 
father's  library.  A  visit  to  Paris  in  1823  gave  him  his 
first  acquaintance  with  Catholic  liturgy.  The  effect 
on  his  mind  was  shown  on  his  return  home  when  he 
persuaded  the  Anglican  rector  to  place  a  cross  on  the 
communion  table,  but  this  first  effort  to  restore  the 
cross  to  English  churches  was  promptly  suppressed  by 
the  Bishop  of  Peterborough  as  savouring  of  Popery. 
At  this  time  an  incident  occurred  which  left  an  in- 
delible impression  on  his  mind,  and  which  he  thus 
related  to  his  subsequent  biographer:  "One  day  in 
the  year  1823,  as  I  was  rambling  along  the  foot  of  the 
hills  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  school,  and  medi- 
tating, as  was  my  wont  in  those  boyish  days,  over  the 
strange  Protestant  theory  that  the  Pope  of  Rome  is 
the  Anti-Christ  of  Prophecy,  all  of  a  sudden  I  saw  a 
bright  light  in  the  heavens,  and  I  heard  a  voice  which 
said :  '  Mahomet  is  the  Anti-Christ,  for  he  denieth  the 
Father  and  the  Son.'  On  my  return  home  in  the  next 
holidays  I  looked  for  a  Koran  and  there  I  found  those 
remarkable  words,  'God  neither  begetteth  nor  is  be- 
gotten.'" 

About  this  time  Mr.  Hodson's  school  was  removed 
to  Edgbaston,  near  Birmingham,  and  here  it  was  that 
the  boy,  now  sixteen  years  old,  had  a  remarkable 
dream  "in  which  Our  Lord  seemed  to  reproach  him 
with  not  having  fully  complied  with  tlie  light  he  had 
received."  Moved  by  this,  he  wrote  to  a  Catholic 
priest,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Macdonnell,  asking  him  to 
meet  him  at  Loughborough  and  receive  him  into  the 
Catholic  Church.  Mr.  Macdonnell  met  him  and  was 
surprised  to  find  him  so  thoroughly  instructed  in 
Catholic  doctrine,  and  after  a  few  days  he  considered 
him  sufficiently  prepared  to  be  received  into  the 
Church.  Ambrose  informed  both  his  father  and  his 
schoolmaster,  with  the  result  that  he  was  immediately 
removed  from  Mr.  Hodson's  school,  at  that  gentle- 
man's desire,  and  returned  home  with  his  father,  who 
arranged  for  him  to  continue  his  preparation  for  the 
university  under  the  private  tuition  of  the  Rev.  Wil- 
liam Wilkinson.  He  was  obliged  every  Sunday  to  at- 
tend the  Protestant  church,  but  did  not  join  in  the 
service.  His  own  account  of  his  conversion  will  be 
found  in  Appendix  I,  in  the  first  chapter  of  his  biog- 
raphy below. 

Ambrose  Phillipps  went  into  residence  at  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge,  16  October,  1826.  He  found  at 
the  university  a  congenial  friend  in  Kenelm  Digby 
(q.v.),  author  of  "Mores  Catholiei "  and  "The  Broad- 
stone  of  Honour",  and,  like  himself,  a  recent  convert. 
There  was  no  Catholic  chapel  then  at  Cambridge,  and 
every  Sunday  for  two  years  these  two  young  Catho- 
lics used  to  ride  over,  fasting,  to  St.  Edmund's  College, 
Old  Hall,  a  distance  of  twenty-five  miles,  for  Mass  and 
(^ommunion.  It  was  on  one  of  these  visits  to  St.  Ed- 
mund's, in  April,  1828,  that  Phillipps  was  seized  with 
a  serious  illness,  having  broken  a  blood-vessel  on  the 


DE  LISLE 


699 


DE   LISLE 


lungs.  The  doctors  recommended  his  father  to  take 
liim  to  Italy  for  the  winter,  and  this  necessarily  cut 
-hnrt  his  Cambridge  career,  so  that  he  had  to  leave 
1  fii'  university  without  taking  hLs  degree.  On  his  re- 
iirn  to  England  in  1829,  he  became  acquainted  with 
(lie  Hon.  and  Rev.  (ieorge  Spencer,  then  an  Anglican 
clergyman,  and  his  conversation  was  largely  instru- 
mental in  leading  to  Spencer's  conversion,  as  the  lat- 
ter admits  in  his  "Account  of  my  Conversion" — "I 
piLssed  many  hours  daily  in  conversation  with  Phil- 
lipjis  and  was  satisfied  beyond  all  expectations  with 
the  answers  he  gave  me  to  the  different  questions  I 
liiiiposed  about  the  principal  tenets  and  practices  of 
Catholics."     The    following    winter    (1830-1831)    he 

lyain  spent  in  Italy,  on  which  occasion  he  met  Ros- 
niini,  who  made  a  great  imjjression  on  him. 

( )n  2.5  July,  1833,  Ambrose  Phillipps  married  Laura 
Mary,  eldest  daughter  of  the  Hon.  Thomas  Clifford, 
Mill  of  Hugh,  fourth  Lord  Clifford  of  Chudleigh.  The 
marriage  proved  a  most  happy  union,  and  on  this  oc- 
!■  i.sion  Mr.  Charles  March  Phillipps  gave  his  son  pos- 
session of  the  second  family  estate,  the  manor  of 
(Irace-Dieu  in  Leicestershire,  which  before  the  Ref- 
ormation had  been  a  priory  of  Augustinian  nuns. 
Here  Ambrose  Phillipps  built  a  new  manor-house 
(luring  the  years  1S3.3-3-JI,  and  in  the  mean  time  he 
.ind  his  wife  resided  at  Leamington,  or  at  Garendon 
Park.  Marriage  made  no  difference  to  the  ardour 
with  which  he  tlevoted  himself  to  the  interests  of  the 
(liurch  and  the  spread  of  Catholicism,  and  this  at  a 
time  when  the  great  influences  of  later  days  had  not 
made  themselves  felt.  Writing  a  few  years  before  his 
(Irath  (Letter  to  the  Rev.  W.  R.  Brownlow,  10  Dec, 
l^iill,  Life,  I,  349)  he  thus  summed  up  the  chief  aims 

'f  his  own  life:  "There  were  three  great  objects  to 
w  1 1  ich  I  felt  after  my  own  conversion  as  a  boy  of  fif- 
iii'U  specially  drawn  by  internal  feeling  for  the  whole 

I  ice  of  forty-five  years  which  have  since  elapsed. 

I  he  first  was  to  restore  to  England  the  primitive 
niniiastic  contemplative  observance,  which  God  en- 

I I  ilrd  me  to  do  in  the  foundation  of  the  Trappist  mon- 
a-iery  of  Mount  St.  Bernard.  The  second  was  the 
n -itoration  of  the  primitive  ecclesiastical  chant,  my 
I'lition  of  which  is  now  recommended  by  the  Arch- 
bisiiop  of  Westminster  for  the  use  of  churches  and 
eliapels.  The  third  was  the  restoration  of  the  .\ngli- 
e  111  Church  to  Catholic  Unity."  In  the  foundation  of 
I  lie  Cistercian  Abbey  he  received  generous  support 
iiiiiii  his  friend  John,  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  Ijut  it  was 
lie  himself  who  conceived  the  idea,  believing  it  nece-s- 

iry  that  the  ascetic  aspect  of  Catholic  life  should  be 
|iiesented  to  the  English  people.  He  gave  both  land 
mil  money,  even  crippling  his  own  resources  in  pro- 
\  "ding  the  necessary  buildings.     This  work  was  begun 

III  1835  and  completed  in  1844,  while,  during  the  same 
period,  he  founded  missions  at  Grace-Dieu  and  Whit- 
\v  lek.  His  disappointment  was  great  when  he  foimd 
ill  it  the  Trappists  were  prevented  by  their  rule  from 
iimlortaking  active  missionary  w'ork,  because  he  at- 
'  nhcd  the  greatest  importance  to  a  .supply  of  zealous 

-sionary  priests  who  would  labour  in  English  vil- 

-les.     "I  would  have  them  go  about  and  preach 

•  rywhere  on  the  foreign  plan,  in  the  fields  or  in  the 

liinh  roads  even"  (Letter  to  Lord  Shrewsbury,  1839; 

Life,  1,  105). 

Besides  the  material  assistance  thus  given  to  the 
spread  of  Catholicism,  he  devoted  himself  with  per- 
sistent energy  and  faith  to  spiritual  means  in  which 
he  believed  even  more  strongly.  In  18.38  he  joined 
lis  friend  Rev.  George  Spencer  in  e.stablishing  and 
jriipagating  the  A.s.sociation  of  Universal  Prayer  for 
tile  Conversion  of  England.  This  remarkable  cru- 
se ie,  the  results  of  which  cannot  be  estimated,  met 
V.  illi  deserved  success  due  to  the  untiring  efforts 
which  Spencer  and  Phillip|)s  put  forth.  The  .sanguine 
hopes  which  both  entertained  of  a  .speedy,  if  not  im- 
mediate, return  of  England  to  the  Catholic  Faith  lent 


force  to  the  vehemence  with  which  they  urged  their 
point,  and  accounts  for  the  co-operation  they  every- 
where met  with.  In  a  continental  tour  they  made 
together,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Phillipps  and  two  of 
her  children,  in  1844.  they  passed  through  Belgium, 
Ciermany,  and  North  Italy,  meeting  many  distin- 
guished Catholics  and  everywhere  enlisting  the  sym- 
pathy of  prelates  and  clergy  in  the  cause.  Wiseman 
was  co-operating  in  Rome,  and  soon  the  movement 
spread  widely  through  the  Catholic  world.  In  this 
work  Mr.  Phillipps  laboured  without  ceasing;  by 
interviews  and  by  letters  he  aroused  the  interest  and 
aw-akened  the  enthusiasm  of  others,  so  that  he  became 
the  lay  apostle  of  prayer  for  the  conversion  of  Eng- 
land. It  is  natural  to  see  the  first-fruits  of  this 
prayer  in  the  numerous  conversions  that  resulted 
from  the  Oxford  Movement,  and  in  that  movement 
Mr.  Phillipps  played  a  imique  part.  He  was  for  some 
time  the  only  Catholic  who  was  in  confidential  corre- 
spondence with  the  leaders  of  the  party  at  Oxford. 
His  ideal  of  the  conversion  of  England  had  always 
been  corporate  reunion;  the  reconciliation  of  the 
Anglican  Church  as  a  body,  rather  than  individual 
conversions  however  numerous;  and  in  the  Oxford 
Movement  his  sanguine  spirit  saw  the  beginning  of 
this  process.  Accordingly,  he  set  himself  to  remove 
obstacles  on  both  sides  and  to  act  as  a  mediator,  the 
more  useful  as  he  was  imofficial.  This  he  looked  upon 
as  his  vocation,  as  his  son  has  stated  (Life  and  Letters, 
I,  254,  note):  "  National  Conversion  by  means  of  Cor- 
porate Reunion  he  likened  unto  the  .\postolic  practice 
of  fishing  with  a  net  'gathering  in  multitudes  of  all 
kinds  of  fishes.'  And  this  he  considered  to  be  his 
own  special  call  from  on  High,  to  prepare  the  way  and 
hasten  the  time  when  the  Divine  Word  shotild  again 
be  spoken  to  Peter,  'Cast  your  nets  into  the  deep'." 
With  this  end  in  view  Mr.  Phillipps  did  much  to 
obviate  misunderstandings  by  promoting  at  Oxford 
fuller  knowledge  of  Catholic  life.  This  he  did  by 
personal  intercourse  and  correspondence  with  New- 
man and  others,  and  by  receiving  several  0.xford  men 
as  his  guests  at  Grace-Dieu.  His  efforts  were  re- 
warded by  the  numerous  conversions  that  took  place 
and  the  impetus  given  to  the  Catholic  cause. 

The  restoration  of  the  hierarchy  in  1850  was  an 
event  after  his  own  heart,  and  he  exerted  himself  to 
reconcile  to  it  some  of  the  Catholic  lajTnen  who 
thought  it  inexpedient.  During  the  excitement  that 
ensued  throughout  the  country  he  wrote  two  pamph- 
lets which  met  with  much  success:  "A  I^etter  to  Lord 
Shrewsbury  on  the  R^establishiTient  of  the  Hierarchy 
and  the  Present  Position  of  Catholic  Affairs",  and 
"A  few  words  on  Lord  John  Russell's  Letter  to  the 
Bishop  of  Durham".  The  progress  of  events  raised 
his  hopes  so  high  that  he  regarded  the  reconciliation 
of  the  .\nglican  Church  (o  the  Holy  Sec  as  imminent, 
and  to  hasten  its  fulfilment  entered  on  a  new  crusade 
of  prayer,  in  which  the  co-operation  of  non-Catholics 
was  desired.  "The  A.ssociation  for  promoting  the 
Unity  of  Christendom",  known  as  A.  P.  U.  (■.,  was 
founded  on  8  September,  1857,  by  fourteen  persons 
including  Father  Lockh.art,  Fr.  Collins,  O.  Ci.st.,  and 
Mr.  de  Lisle;  the  rest  were  Anglicans,  with  one  excep- 
tion, a  Russo-Greek  priest.  The  only  obligation  in- 
cumbent on  members,  who  might  be  either  Catholics, 
Anglicans,  or  (ireeks,  w;us  to  pray  to  (iod  for  the  unity 
of  the  baptized  body.  At  first  the  association  pro- 
gressed rapidly.  Mr.  de  Lisle  writing  to  Lord  John 
Manners  (Life,  I,  415)  said:  "  We  soon  counted  among 
our  ranks  many  Catholic  Bishops  and  .Xrchbishops 
and  Dignitaries  of  all  descriptions  from  Cardinals 
downwards:  the  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  and 
other  great  Eastern  prelates,  the  Primate  of  the  Ru.s- 
sian  Church.  ...  I  do  not  think  any  Anglican  Bi.shops 
joined  us,  but  a  large  numlier  of  clergy  of  the  second 
order".  He  gave  the  number  of  members  as  nine 
thousand.    The  formation  of  this  association  was, 


DELISLE 


700 


DE  L'ORME 


however,  regarded  with  distrust  by  Dr.  Manning 
(afterwards  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Westminster) 
and  other  Catholics,  who  also  took  exception  to  Mr. 
de  Lisle's  treatise  "  On  the  Future  Unity  of  Christen- 
dom". The  matter  was  referred  to  Rome  and  was 
finally  settled  by  a  papal  rescript  addressed  "Ad 
omnes  episcopos  Angliae",  dated  16  September,  1864, 
which  condemned  the  association  and  directed  the 
bishops  to  take  steps  to  prevent  Catholics  from  join- 
ing it.  This  was  a  great  blow  to  Mr.  de  Lisle,  who 
considered  that  "the  authorities  had  been  deceived 
by  a  false  relation  of  facts"  (Letter  to  Editor  of 
Union  Review,  20  Dec,  1864 ;  Life,  I,  400).  He  how- 
ever withdrew  his  name  from  the  A.  P.  U.  C.  "under 
protest,  as  an  act  of  submission  to  the  Holy  See". 
The  ground  on  which  the  association  was  condemned 
was  that  it  subverted  the  Divine  constitution  of  the 
Church,  inasmuch  as  its  aim  rested  on  the  supposition 
that  the  true  Church  consists  partly  of  the  Catholic 
Church  in  commimion  with  Rome,  "partly  also  of 
the  Photian  Schism  and  the  Anglican  heresy,  to  which 
equally  with  the  Roman  Church  belong  the  one  Lord, 
the  one  faith  and  one  baptism"  (Rescript,  in  Life,  I, 
388).  Mr.  de  Lisle's  own  pamphlet  was  not  censured, 
but  the  condemnation  of  the  A.  P.  U.  C.  was  regarded 
by  him  as  the  death-blow  of  his  hopes  for  the  reunion 
of  Christendom  during  his  own  lifetime.  But  his  own 
belief  in  it  persevered  and  influenced  his  views  in  other 
Catholic  affairs.  Thus  he  warmly  supported  the  at- 
tendance of  Catholics  at  the  English  universities,  and 
he  even  approved  of  the  abortive  project  of  a  Uniat 
English  church. 

The  rest  of  his  life  passed  without  any  very  special 
incident,  though  he  continued  ever  to  take  an  interest 
in  public  affairs  as  affecting  the  fortunes  of  the 
Church,  and  in  the  same  connexion  he  carried  on 
intimate  and  cordial  correspondence  with  men  so 
different  as  Newman,  Gladstone,  and  Montalembert. 
He  counted  among  his  friends  John,  Earl  of  Shrews- 
bury, Cardinal  Wiseman,  Pugin,  Faber,  and  many 
other  well-known  Catholics,  and  though  he  differed 
on  many  points  from  Cardinal  Manning  and  Dr.  W. 
G.  Ward  he  remained  on  friendly  terms  with  both. 
He  died  a  holy  death  at  Garendon,  leaving  his  saintly 
wife  and  eleven  of  his  si.xteen  children  surviving  him. 
Besides  the  pamphlets  mentioned  above  he  wrote  a 
remarkable  work,  "  Mahometanisra  in  its  relation  to 
Prophecy;  or  an  Inquiry  into  the  prophecies  concern- 
ing Anti-Christ,  with  some  reference  to  their  bearing 
on  the  events  of  the  present  day  "  (1855).  He  also 
translated  Father  Dominic's  "Lamentations  of  Eng- 
land" (1831);  Manzoni's  "Vindication  of  Catholic 
Morality"  (1836);  Montalembert 's  "St.  Elizabeth  of 
Hungary"  (1839);  Rio's  "La  petite  Chouannerie" 
(1842) ;  "  Maxims  and  Examples  of  the  Saints ' '  (1844) ; 
and  he  compiled :  "  Manual  of  Devotion  for  the  Con- 
fraternity of  the  Living  Rosary"  (1843);  "Catho- 
lic Christian's  Complete  Manual"  (1847);  "The 
Little  Gradual"  (1847);  "Thesaurus  animae  Chris- 
tiana;" (1847);  "Sequentis  de  Festis  per  Annum" 
(1862).  He  also  wrote  many  articles  for  the  press, 
of  which  many  were  issued  in  pamphlet  form,  but 
a  complete  bibliography  has  not  hitherto  been  com- 
piled. 

■    '  of   Ambrose   Plnllipp.' 


).I   L.tUr 


PURCF-LL,    Liji 

edited  Mill  fmi^lir,!  1a  I  i.-m 
Anon.,  Tim  S^  •  r  /■      ,  - 

March  P/nlhpr      '     '  ' 

life  (privalflv  prim,  i,  1^7-. 
Cross  (Lundnii,  IS.W),  coin 
Immlius  of  Si.  Paul  (Dublin 
Calh..  II,  38  (London,  1885); 


:Li! 


vols 


■    Lisle. 


Ilir    Droll, 
.  pr,rr,le,l  (,,/  „    ,/,..  •    ,       ■  ,, 

Asos. .L,fe..!  HI.  ■'  /'-  .-  //..- 
ining  some  letters;  /.!/.  „/  Fr. 
1866);  GlLLOW,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng. 
Cooper  in  Did.  Nal.  Biog..  XIV 
(London,  1888);  W.\rd,  Life  of  Cardinal  Wiseman.  II,  479  (Lon- 
don, 1897);  Cruikshank,  Laura  de  Lisle,  her  Life  and  Character 
(1897). 

Edwin  Burton. 

Delisle,  Guillaume,  reformer  of  cartography, 
born  28  FeViruary,  1675,  in  Paris;  died  there  25  Janti- 
ary,  1726.     His  father,  Claude  Delisle  (1644-1720), 


having  completed  his  law  studies,  settled  in  Paris  as 
private  teacher  in  geography  and  history,  and  after- 
wards filled  the  office  of  royal  censor.  He  was  also  a 
cartographer,  and  in  1696  drew  up  a  map  in  manu- 
script and  also  took  part  in  his  son's  first  works, 
"The  Map  of  the  World"  and  "The  Map  of  the 
Continents",  both  published  in  1700.  These  and  the 
terrestrial  maps  produced  subsequently,  which  sur- 
passed all  similar  publications,  established  the  son's 
fame.  In  1702  he  became  cUve,  in  1716  adjoint, 
and  in  1718  associe  of  the  Academie  des  Sciences; 
and,  as  the  young  king's  instructor  in  geography, 
received  the  title  of  First  Royal  Geographer  with  a 
fixed  salary,  an  office  which  was  then  created  for  the 
first  time. 

Guillaume  Delisle  adopted  entirely  new  principles 
in  cartography  and  set  about  making  a  thorough  re- 
form in  that  subject.  The  map-pubHshers  of  the  time 
did  not  know  how  to  utilize  the  material  supplied 
mainly  by  the  French  astronomers  of  the  latter  half  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  and  Delisle  recognized  that 
the  new  methods  of  measuring  by  scale  and  of  marking 
the  places  were  very  valuable  for  cartography;  with 
this  help  he  therefore  produced  a  new  and  perfect  pic- 
ture of  the  world.  When  his  astronomical  informa- 
tion fell  short  he  carefully  examined  and  sifted  all  the 
books  of  travel  and  all  the  maps  he  could  find,  and  the 
products  of  this  reading  were  dovetailed  neatly  into 
the  facts  which  he  had  already  at  hand.  According  to 
a  fixed  method  he  worked  up  the  several  continents 
and  countries  one  by  one.  France  in  particular.  In 
disputed  points  he  named  his  source  on  the  map  or 
wrote  additional  notes,  the  majority  of  which  were 
published  in  the  writings  of  the  Academy.  One  par- 
ticular recommendation  of  his  charts  is  that  he  em- 
ployed a  fixed  scale  of  measurement  for  regions  closely 
connected  with  one  another.  No  less  famous  than 
his  astronomical  corrections  are  the  completeness  of 
his  topography  and  the  care  displayed  in  the  orthog- 
raphy of  the  names. 

An  accurate  summary  of  his  charts  and  treatises  with  the 
highest  commendation  is  given  by  Christian  Sandler,  Die 
Reformation  der  Kartographie  um  1700  (Munich.  1905). 

Otto  Hartig. 

De  L'Orme,  Philibert,  celebrated  architect  of  the 
French  Renaissance,  b.  at  Lyons,  c.  1515  or  a  little  later; 
d.  at  Paris,  S  January,  1570.  Of  the  exact  date  of  his 
birth  there  exists  no  documentary  evidence.  He  was 
the  son  of  Jehan  de  L'Orme,  a  master  builder  of 
Lyons,  from  whom  he  received  his  training.  At  an 
age  when  he  speaks  of  himself  as  being  "of  great 
youth"  Philibert  was  at  Rome,  where  his  curiously 
careful  and  scientific  study  of  classic  antiquities  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  the  learned  Cardinal  of  Santa 
Croce,  then  a  bishop,  later  Pope  Marcellus  II,  through 
whose  influence  he  was  employed  by  Paul  III.  From 
this  service  he  was  recalled  to  Lyons  two  years  later, 
in  1536,  by  Guillaume  du  Bellay  and  his  brother, 
Cardinal  Jean  du  Bellay.  Soon  after  his  return  de 
L'Orme  was  made  military  controller,  an  office  he 
held  until  1545,  when  ho  was  named  by  the  king 
"  master  architect  and  general  conductor  of  buildings, 
works  and  fortifications. "  In  this  capacity  he 
ingeniously  averted  a  threatened  attack  of  the 
English  upon  the  dismantled  chateau  of  Brest  by 
means  of  mock  cannon  and  an  improvised  soldiery. 
At  various  subsequent  periods,  he  was  endowed  by 
royal  favour  with  the  title  of  counsellor  and  almoner 
ordinary  of  the  king,  and  was  made  Abbe  of  Geveton, 
of  Barthelemy,  of  Saint-Eloy-les-Noyon,  besides  re- 
ceiving other  such  sinecures;  he  was  also  appointed 
a  canon  of  Notre-Dame  at  Paris.  Though  it  was  the 
usage  of  the  time  for  the  king  to  bestow  upon  laymen 
the  title  and  lienefices  of  an  abb^  as  reward  or  salary, 
it  has  been  conjectured  from  the  double  title  of  king's 
almoner  and  canon  of  Notre-Dame,  that  de  L'Orme 
had  received  minor  orders.     Between  the  years  1541 


DELPHINE 


701 


DELTA 


and  1559,  during  which  he  held  the  position  of  royal 
architect  under  Francis  I  and  Henry  II,  de  L'Orme 
"altered,  enlarged,  and  restored  numerous  chateaux, 
notably  those  of  Villers-Cottercts,  Saint-Germain-en- 
Laye,  Fontainobleau,  and  Vincennes.  His  first  in- 
ili\idual  achievement  of  importance,  however,  was 
ihr  chateau  of  Saint-Maur-les- Fosses,  originally  de- 
si^ninl  for  Cardinal  du  Bellay,  Bishop  of  Paris,  but 
afiiTwards  taken  over  by  Catherine  de' Medici.  Of 
tills  notable  work  almost  nothing  remains.  In  1552 
llir  chateau  d'Anet,  regarded  as  the  best  example  of 
li''  L'Orme 's  genius,  was  begun  for  Diana  of  Poitiers, 
mistress  of  Henry  II.  Benvenuto  Cellini's  famous 
l.roiize  Diana,  now  in  the  Louvre,  was  executed  for 
tins  liuilding  and  other  eminent  artists  assisted  in  its 
li  cnration. 

I  lie  death  of  Henry  II  (1559)  marked  the  turning- 
|ii  nil  of  de  L'Orme 's  pro.sperity.  His  large  revenues, 
1^  well  as  his  rugged  independence  had  made  for  him 
n\  iiius  and  contentious  enemies,  not  the  least  formid- 
iMr  of  whom  was  the  poet  Ronsard.  During  the 
|Hi  iod  of  unpopularity  which  succeeded  he  issued,  in 
l.")!', I,  the  work  "Nouvelles  inventions  pour  bien 
l>  i-(ir  et  a  petits  fraiz"  (How  to  Build  Well  and  at 
<i  1 1 : '  1 1  Expense).     This  was  sub.sequently  a  part  of  his 

II  ;  ilile  treatise  on  architecture  which  contains  much 
iiN.ly  autobiography;  the  first,  volume  of  this  work 
ippriired  at  Paris  in  1567  under  the  title:  "Le  pre- 
1111.  r  tome  de  1 'architecture  de  Philibert  de  L'Orme". 

I II  1  .")tj4  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the  historic  chateau 
)f  ilie  Tuileries  for  Catherine  de'  Medici.  The  initial 
|i:irt  of  the  structure,  however,  suffered  a  complete 
cliinne  under  other  hands.  The  Tuileries  was  the 
1:1-^1  important  undertaking  of  the  architect,  who  was 
liuricil  with  the  honours  of  a  canon  of  Notre-Dame. 
I  111'  claim  has  been  made  by  some  biographers  thatde 

I,  •  irme  designed  for  Saint-Denis  the  Valois  Chapel, 
iiii«  destroyed;  there  is  much  doubt  as  to  his  exact 
-hue  in  various  other  works  with  which  he  is  known 
tn  have  been  associated.  The  only  great  work  of  de 
L  t  irme  now  actually  remaining  is  the  tomb  of 
!■  rincis  I  in  Saint-Denis  at  Paris. 

I  iMKE,  Reruiuisance  of  Art  in  France  (London,  1879);  Berty, 
/..  'ininds  architrcles  fraTi^ais  de  la  Renaissance  (Pari.s,  1860); 
rv--LitoN,  Philibert  de  L'Orme  in  Bibliographic  dcs  artistes 
I'/j^nn'iix  (Lyons,  1835);  Callet,  Notice  historique  sur  la  vie 
11!  h  iupie  el  les  ouvraqes  de  quelqucs  architecles  francais  du  XVI^ 
sii^,''  I  Paris,  1842);  Destaillecr.  Notice  sur  quelqucs  artistes 
/'^.w.'M.s-  (Paris.  ISfi.'lt;  Du  Cerceau,  Les  plus  excellent^  basti- 
m,  :i'  ;<  /;'»■<  I'lirls,  1870);  y  kCKOV .  Philibert  dc  L' Orme 
ir,  / .     ,y       '  '      .   (Paris,  1887):    Roussel,  Le  chAtcau  de 

It.:  I  lnf(  (Paris,  1883);    Chahvet,  PMtftcrt  rfe 

/,  ' '  '"        >'     '  Ihni^'  in  Biographies  d'architectcs. 

Charles  D.  Maginnls. 

Delphine,  Bles.sed,  of  the  Third  Order  of  St.  Fran- 

II,  li.  in  Provence,  France,  in  1284;  d.  26  November, 
1  ;".s.  Left  an  orphan  in  her' infancy,  she  was  placed 
I     ^  r  the  guardianship  of  her  uncles,  and  under  the 

lion  of  her  aunt,  the  Abbess  of  St.  Catherine  of 
'.     She  grew  up  in  the  practice  of  every  virtue, 
.  look  a  vow  of  virginity  which  she  kept  faithfully 
li  I  he  end  of  her  life.     In  her  twentieth  year  she  was 
III  11  lied  to  Elz^ar,  Count  of  Sarban,  and  the  couple, 
iiig  received  the  habit  of  the  Third  Order  of  St. 
<is,   lived  together  in  the  edifying  practice   of 
r,  penance,  and  charity  towards  the  poor  until 
hath  of  ,St.  Elz(5ar  in  1:H3.     After  the  death  of 
li'  i  husband.  Blessed  Delphine  .sold  all  her  vast  posses- 
si  uis  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  and  retired  first  to 
.\  1 1  lies  and  then  to  Cabricres.     She  finally  returned 
I  '  Apt  where  her  husband  h.ad  been  buri(^(l.     During 
tin    l.T-st  years  of  her  life  she  endured  the  greatest 
sulfcrings  without  the  slightest  complaint  or  sign  of 
1  impatience.     The  cult  that  had  long   been   paid  to 
I  Blessed  Delphine  was  confirmed  by  Pope  Urban  V, 
goilson  of  St.  Elz6ar.     Her  feast  is  kept  in  the  Fran- 
ri-r an  Order  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  November. 
\\  ADDING.  Annates  Uinorum  (Rome.  1732),  VI,  248,  256, 


337.  VIII,  147;  Leo,  Lives  of  the  Saints  and  Blessed  of  the  Three 
Orders  of  St.  Francis  (Taunton,  1887),  IV,  112.  122. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 

Delrio,  Martin  Anton,  scholar,  statesman,  Jesuit 
theologian,  b.  at  Antwerp,  17  May,  1551 ;  d.  at  Lou- 
vain,  19  October,  1608.  He  studied  at  Paris,  Douai, 
Louvain,  and  Salamanca  where  he  received  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  Law  in  1574.  Returning  to  the  Low 
Countries  with  the  reputation  of  being  "  the  miracle  of 
his  age",  a  title  given  him  by  Justus  Lipsius,  he  held 
the  offices  of  senator,  auditor  of  the  army,  vice-chan- 
cellor, and  procurator  general.  In  1580  he  entered  the 
Society  of  Jesus,  made  his  novitiate  at  'Valladolid,  and 
returned  to  Louvain  for  further  studies.  He  after- 
wards held  the  chairs  of  philosophy,  moral  theology, 
and  Scripture  at  the  Universities  of  Douai,  Liege, 
Louvain,  Graz,  and  Salamanca.  He  possessed  a 
speaking-knowledge  of  at  least  nine  languages,  wrote 
in  a  pure  though  somewhat  diffuse  style,  and  was  care- 
ful to  the  extreme  in  the  preparation  of  his  books,  as 
may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  his  second  work,  pub- 
lished at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  contains  citations 
from  nearly  eleven  hundred  authors.  His  principal 
works  comprise:  Commentaries  on  Claudius,  Ennius, 
Florus,  an(i  Seneca;  on  the  ancient  geographer  and 
historian,  C.  J.  Silvius  Polyhistor;  notes  on  the  Chris- 
tian poets,  St.  Orientius  and  St.  Aldhelm ;  an  exliaus- 
tive  treatise  on  civil  law;  a  "Historia  Belgica",  on 
the  contemporary  disorders  in  the  Low  Countries; 
some  controversial  pamphlets  written  against  Joseph 
Sealiger;  commentaries  on  Genesis,  on  the  Canticle  of 
Canticles,  and  on  the  Ijamentations  of  Jeremias;  an 
explanation  of  various  proverbial  expressions  in  the 
Old  Testament  called  "Adagialia  sacra  Veteris  Test- 
amenti";  panegyrics  and  other  works  on  the  virtues 
of  the  Blessed  'Virgin ;  and  a  treatise  on  magic,  called 
" Disquisitionum  magicarum  libri  sex".  This  last 
work,  the  one  by  which  Delrio  is  best  known,  was 
much  praised  in  its  day  and  went  through  many  edi- 
tions, but  can  no  longer  be  accepted  in  full. 

Delaulnaye  in  Biog.  univ.,  a.  v.;  HnRTER,  Nomcnclator,  I. 
191;  Diix  in  A'tVcftm/ea;.,  in,  1493;  SoMMr.Rvor.r.l,.  Bibl.  de  la 
c.  de.  J.,  s.  v.;  Sommervogel  in  Via.,  Diet,  de  la  Bible,  s.  v. 

J.  H.  Fisher. 

Delta  of  the  Nile,  Prefecture  Apostolic  of  the, 
is  situated  in  th(>  north  of  Egj'pt  and  comprises  four 
of  the  six  provinces  forming  Lower  Egypt,  namely: 
Gharbieh,  Charkieh,  Mcnufieh,  and  Kalyiubieh.  Prior 
to  the  establishment  of  the  prefecture,  the  four 
provinces  contained  1000  Catholics  belonging  to 
different  rites.  The  prefecture  was  erected  by  Propa- 
ganda, 17  March,  1887.  In  1888  the  Rev.  Augustin 
Duret  of  the  Lyons  Society  for  African  Missions  was 
appointed  first  prefect  Apostolic  and  the  prefecture 
confided  to  the  care  of  this  society.  It  had  at  first 
only  two  missionary  posts,  one  at  Tantah  and  the 
other  at  Zagazig,  but  a  new  post  was  founded  at 
Zifteh  in  18S7  and  another  at  Mahalla^el-Kebir  in 
1891.  About  this  time  the  city  of  Cairo,  which  had 
already  outgrown  its  former  limits,  developed  con- 
siderably on  the  north,  and  populous  quarters  grew  up 
within  th(;  Prefecttire  of  the  Delta.  For  the  conve- 
nience of  resident  Catholics  a  Latin  jiarish  w;is  formed 
in  the  Choiilira  (piartcr  in  1.S94  and  given  to  the 
Fathers  of  the  Society  for  African  Mi.ssions;  in  1896 
another  Latin  parish  mider  th(^  same  direction  was 
established  at  Zeitoun  for  the  outlying  districts  of 
Koubbeh,  Zeitoun,  and  Matarieh. 

St.-vtistics. — The  last  official  census  (1897)  gave  for 
the  four  provinces  of  the  Delta  a  total  population  of 
.3,282,4.57;  73,365  being  .schismatics  of  different  rites; 
.'W91  Catholics  of  various  rites;  and  241  Protestants. 
These  figiu-es  do  not  distinguisli  the  population  of  the 
quarters  or  outskirts  from  that  of  Cairo;  on  the  basis 
of  other  returns,  the  total  population  of  the  prefecture 
may  be  estimated  at  about  3.500.000;  100,000  of  this 


DELUGE 


702 


DELUGE 


number  being  schismatics  and  15,000  Catholics  of 
various  rites;  over  5000,  perhaps,  belonging  to  the 
Latin  Rite.  Clergy  and  Religious. — Priests  of  the 
African  Missions,  49:  Jesuits,  47;  Brothers  of  the 
Christian  Schools,  17;  Petits  Freres  de  Marie,  8; 
Sisters  of  Notre-Dame  des  Apotres,  92;  Sisters  of  the 
Good  Shepherd  of  Angers,  77 ;  Ladies  of  the  Sacred 
Heart,  34 ;  Religious  of  Marie  Reparatrice,  14 ;  Filies 
de  la  Charity,  14;  Filies  de  Notre-Dame  des  Douleurs, 
9;  PieusesMeres  de  laNigritie,  16.  Parishes. — There 
are  4  Latin  parishes:  at  Choubra  (Cairo  quarter), 
Zeitoun  (subiu-b  of  Cairo),  Tantah,  and  Zagazig;  2 
succursal  parishes  (mission  churches) :  at  Mahalla-el- 
Kebir,  and  Zifteh.  Edticational  Institutions. — 1 
Jesuit  college  with  450  pupils;  .3  schools  conducted 
by  the  Priests  of  the  African  Missions;  at  Tantah 
(231),  Zeitoun  (75),  and  Zifteh  (50);  2  Christian 
Brothers'  schools  at  Choubra  (250),  and  Zagazig 
(50);  the  Sisters  of  Notre-Dame  des  Apotres 
have  6  institutions:  at  Tantah  (249),  Zagazig  (150), 
Zeitoun  (110),  Zifteh  (100),  Mahalla  (80),  and 
Matarieh  (38);  1  boarding-school  conducted  by 
the  Ladies  of  the  Sacred  Heart  (60);  and  1  institution 
of  the  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd  of  Angers  (220), 
making  a  total  of  2113  pupils.  Charitable  Institu- 
tions.— 3  hospitals:  1  conducted  by  the  Filies  de  la 
Charity,  and  2  by  the  Pieuses  Meres  de  la  Nigritie 
(150  to  200  sick);  2  orphanages:  1  for  boys,  con- 
ducted by  the  Filies  de  la  Charity  (60  orphans),  and  1 
for  girls  by  the  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd  of  Angers 
(78  orphans);  5  dispensaries  in  charge  of  the  Sisters 
of  Notre-Dame  des  Apotres,  where  several  hundreds 
of  sick  daily  receive  gratuitous  treatment;  1  home  for 
the  aged  conducted  by  the  Filies  de  Notre-Dame  des 
Douleurs  where  from  50  to  60  inmates,  both  men  and 
women,  are  cared  for  gratuitously ;  1  house  of  refuge 
in  charge  of  the  Sisters  of  the  Good  Shepherd  of  An- 
gers. 

The  Prefecture  of  the  Delta  owes  its  development 
chiefly  to  the  prodigious  growth  of  the  city  of  Cairo 
which,  in  extending  its  limits,  had  to  stretch  out  upon 
prefectorial  territory.  Here,  as  in  all  cosmopolitan 
and  growing  centres,  the  missionaries  have  found  their 
chief  obstacle  in  religious  indifference. 

Gerarchia  Callolica  (Rome,  1908);  Missiones  Catholiccc 
(Rome,  1907),  352-54;  Lane,  Modem  Egi/plians  (London. 
1871);  Bael,  Cairo  of  To-day  (London,  1902);  Dicey,  The 
Egypt  of  the  Future  (London,  1906). 

AUGUSTIN    DURET. 

Deluge,  the  name  of  a  catastrophe  fully  described 
in  Gen.,  vi,  1-ix,  19,  and  referred  to  in  the  following 
passages  of  Sacred  Scripture:  Wisd.,  x,  4;  xiv,  6-7; 
Ecclus.,  xvi,  8,  xliv,  17-19;  Is.,  liv,  9;  Matt.,  xxiv, 
37-39;  Luke,  xvii,  26-27;  Hebr.,  xi,  7;  I  Peter,  iii, 
20-21 ;  II  Peter,  ii,  5.  In  the  present  article  we  shall 
consider:  I.  The  Biblical  Account;  II.  Its  Historicity; 
III.  The  Universality  of  the  Flood;  IV.  Collateral 
Questions. 

I.  Biblical  Accodnt  of  the  Deluge. — The  Book 
of  Genesis  gives  the  following  brief  account  of  the  Del- 
uge: God  sees  the  wickedness  of  men,  and  determines 
to  destroy  them  excepting  Noe  and  his  family  ( vi,  1-S). 
He  reveals  his  decree  to  Noe  and  instrvicts  him  how  he 
may  save  himself  and  the  seed  of  all  animal  life  by 
means  of  an  ark  to  be  built  according  to  certain  di- 
mensions (vi,  9-22).  Seven  days  before  the  Flood, 
God  commands  the  patriarch  to  enter  the  ark  (vii, 
1-5).  Noe  completes  his  entrance  into  the  ark  on 
the  very  day  on  which  the  Flooii  begins;  the  rain 
falls  for  forty  days  and  nights ;  all  living  things  outside 
the  ark  are  destroyed;  the  waters  prevail  upon  the 
earth  a  hundred  and  fifty  days  (vii,  6-24).  The 
waters  decrease,  the  earth  dries  up:  Noe  ascertains 
its  condition  by  means  of  a  raven  and  a  dove  sent  out 
from  the  ark  (viii,  1-14).  Noe  obeys  the  Divine  com- 
mand to  leave  the  ark,  builds  an  altar,  offers  sacrifice, 


makes  a  covenant  with  God,  and  begins  to  be  a  hus- 
bandman (ix,  1-27). 

Simple  as  this  account  seems  to  be,  the  Biblical 
critics  maintain  that  it  is  a  mosaic  made  up  of  two 
Flood  stories,  differing  in  authorship  and  in  contents. 
They  assign  one  to  the  Yahwistic  writer  usually  desig- 
nated by  the  letter  J;  the  other,  to  the  post-exilic 
priestly  writer  generally  known  as  P.  According  to 
Kautzsch,  the  sections  vi,  1-8;  vii,  1-5,  7-10,  12, 
16b-17,  22-23;  viii,  2b-3a,  6-12,  13b,  20-22;  ix, 
18-27,  belong  to  J,  while  P  claims  vi,  9-22;  vii,  6,  11, 
13-16a,  18-21;  vii,  24-viii,  2a;  viii,  3b-5,  13a,  14-19; 
ix,  1-17.  This  division  of  the  text  is  based  on  the  fol- 
lowing grounds:  (1)  J  uses  the  divine  name  Yahweh, 
P  employs  Elohim;  (2)  J  and  P  narrate  the  same 
series  of  events;  (3)  J  and  P  differ  in  language;  (4)  J 
and  P  disagree  in  their  statements. 

The  composite  character  of  the  Flood  story  does  not 
conflict  with  its  Mosaic  authorship.  The  most  con- 
servative Bible  student  will  grant  that  Moses  was  not 
an  eye-witness  of  the  Deluge.  Prescinding  from 
Divine  revelation,  he  must  have  derived  his  informa- 
tion about  the  event  either  from  tradition  or  from 
written  documents.  If  Biblical  criticism  has  suc- 
ceeded in  restoring  the  main  sources  utilized  by  Moses 
in  his  history  of  the  Flood,  it  has  rendered  a  most  sig- 
nal service  to  exegesis.  Happily  we  are  in  the  posi- 
tion to  be  able  to  control  the  value  of  the  critical 
conclusions  by  means  of  the  Babylonian  or  Akkadian 
account  of  the  Deluge.  Without  delaying  over  its  form 
as  contained  in  the  fragments  of  Berosus  which  are  of 
comparatively  recent  date,  we  find  that  the  version 
given  in  a  cuneiform  inscription  on  tablets  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum,  and  first  deciphered  by  George 
Smith  in  1872,  contains  a  combination  of  the  P  and  J 
elements  of  the  Flood  story.  This  version  is  said  by 
experts  to  date  back  at  least  to  about  3000  B.  c.  It  is 
certain,  therefore,  that  the  so-called  P  and  J  docu- 
ments reconstructed  by  the  critics  were  combined  long 
before  the  Biblical  text  was  put  in  writing.  This  fact 
is  confirmed  bj'  a  Deluge  story  contamed  in  Scheil's 
recently  discovered  fragment,  which  cannot  be  dated 
much  later  than  2140  b.  c.  Critics  can  no  longer  deny 
the  existence  of  a  Flood  tradition  similar  to  the  history 
contained  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  antedating  our 
Biblical  account.  In  order  to  uphold  their  division  of 
the  inspired  text  into  the  so-called  J  and  P  documents, 
they  maintain  that  the  Akkadian  story  was  copied 
partially  in  the  J  and  partially  in  the  P  documents, 
and  that  the  Biblical  "Redactor"  reunited  these  two 
partial  accounts  into  one.  This  series  of  assumptions, 
however,  is  at  best  an  awkward  attempt  to  explain 
away  a  fact  which  stands  in  the  way  of  tlieir  theory. 
But  we  are  prepared  to  admit  the  critical  division  of 
the  Flood  account  in  spite  of  its  disagreement  with  the 
results  of  recent  discoveries,  if  the  critical  arguments 
are  really  cogent. 

( 1)  We  are  told  the  J  uses  the  Divine  name  Yahweh, 
while  P  employs  Elohim.  But  the  following  consid- 
erations must  be  kept  in  mind:  First,  we  are  hardly 
sufficiently  sure  of  the  use  of  the  Divine  names  in  the 
primitive  inspired  text  to  build  a  solid  argument  on 
their  occurrence  in  the  present  text-form.  Secondly, 
in  the  present  te.xt-form  Elohim  occurs  twice  in  the 
Yahwistic  document,  vi,  2,  and  vii,  9.  Thirdly,  six 
passages  in  the  section  vii,  16-viii,  20,  are  assigned  to 
the  Yahwistic  writer,  though  the  name  Yahweh  does 
not  occur  once.  Fourthly,  the  variation  of  the  Divine 
names  in  the  Deluge  story  can  be  explained  satisfac- 
torily without  resorting  to  the  violent  measure  of 
dividing  up  the  text  between  two  distinct  writers. 

(2)  It  is  alleged  that  J  and  I'  report  the  same  events. 
If  we  examine  the  two  ilocmnents  as  reconstructed 
by  the  critics,  in  the  light  of  this  contention,  we  find 
that  they  arc  fragmentary  and  that  they  do  not  con- 
tain two  series  of  events.  J  passes  from  God's  deter- 
mination to  destroy  the  world  (vi,  1-8)  to  the  Divine 


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703 


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command  tliat  Noe  should  enter  the  ark  without  telling 
liini  where  to  find  or  how  to  procure  an  ark  (vii,  1-5). 
Nop  builds  an  altar  and  offens  burnt  offerings  without 
Ir  iving  the  ark  (viii,  20).  P  does  not  inform  us  of  the 
11  ,il  naturi'  of  the  corruption  of  all  flesh  (vi,  9-12);  he 
kiuiws  of  God's  order  to  .save  the  animals,  but  knows 
In  tiling  of  Ciod's  command  concerning  Noe  and  his 
tunily  (vi,  17-22;  vii,  13);  even  eleven  months  after 
the-  beginning  of  the  Flood  and  two  months  after  the 
:ipp('arancc  of  the  tops  of  the  mountains,  he  knows  of 
D.I  attempt  on  the  part  of  Noeto  ascertain  the  condi- 
tion of  the  earth  (viii,  13  sq.) :  finally,  he  gives  no  ethical 
motive  for  the  Divine  blessing  bestowed  on  Noe  (ix, 
1,  sqq.).  The  critics  are  aware  of  these  gaps  in  the 
two  documents,  and  explain  them  by  supposing  that 
the  "Redactor",  who  had  the  original  Flood  stories 
before  him,  did  not  insert  their  complete  text  into  tlie 
Biblical  account.  But  if  the  "  Redactor"  omitted  cer- 
tain parts  of  the  original  documents  in  order  to  avoid 
repetitions,  why  did  he  not  omit  the  repetitions  dis- 
covereii  by  the  critics?  Or  are  we  to  assume  that  he 
introdvicetl  certain  repetitions,  while  he  carefully 
avoided  others?  Is  it  not  more  likely  that  he  con- 
sidered the  repetitions  alleged  by  the  critics  as  mere 
rhetorical  devices,  as  recapitulary  transitions,  e.  g. 
(vi,  9-12).  or  gradations  (vii,  17-20;  vii,  21-23),  or 
amplifications  (vii,  7,  13-16a)? 

(3)  .1  and  P  are  said  to  differ  in  language;  but  the 
critical  division  being  what  it  is,  it  would  be  strange  if 
the  two  ilocuments  did  not  differ  in  language.  The 
sections  which  contain  chronological,  systematic,  and 
scientific  material  are  attributed  to  P,  the  rest  is 
left  to  J.  Is  it  surprising  that  J  does  not  describe  the 
measurements  of  the  ark,  seeing  that  the  critics  do  not 
give  him  any  ark  to  describe?  Or  is  it  remarkable 
that  P  lacks  the  poetic  style  found  in  J's  description  of 
the  raven  and  the  dove,  seeing  that  no  section  is  as- 
signed to  him,  which  would  admit  such  a  treatment? 
The  care  with  which  only  set  subjects  and  determined 
expressions  are  assigned  to  J  and  P  respecti\ely  is  well 
illustrated  by  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  their  minute  dis- 
section of  the  Flood  story,  the  critics  must  remove 
part  of  vi,  7;  -iii,  3,  7,  17,  22,  23;  ix,  18,  22,  23,  26; 
and  the  whole  of  vii,  8,  9,-  from  the  J  document,  and 
part  of  vi,  17;  vii,  6;  ix,  4,  from  the  P  document,  in 
order  not  to  allow  inconsistencies  in  their  sources. 

(4)  Finally,  J  and  P  are  said  to  disagree  with  regard 
to  the  animals  to  be  taken  into  the  ark,  as  to  the  dura- 
tion of  tlie  Flood,  and  as  to  God's  behaviour  towards 
man  after  the  Flood.  In  vi,  19,  indeed,  P  records 
God's  command,  "thou  shalt  bring  two  of  a  .sort 
into  the  ark";  but  is  it  inconsistent  with  this,  if  120 
years  later,  when  Noe  is  about  to  enter  the  ark,  J  re- 
lates the  more  accurate  Divine  specification,  "of  all 
clean  beast-s  take  seven  and  seven  .  .  .  but  of  the  beasts 
that  are  not  clean  two  and  two"  (vii,  2,  3)?  It  cannot 
be  said  that  the  fulfilment  shows  that  only  two  of 
every  kind  were  taken  into  the  ark;  both  vii,  9,  and  vii, 
1.5,  IB,  read  "two  and  two. .  .male  and  female",  .so  that 
they  express  couples  fit  for  generation  rather  than  any 
absolute  number.  The  discrepancy  as  to  chronology- 
between  J  anil  P  is  more  artificial  than  true;  there  is 
no  inconsistency  in  the  chronology  of  the  Biblical  ac- 
count of  the  Flood,  so  that  the  discrepancy  between 
the  documents,  if  there  be  one,  is  of  critical  manufac- 
ture. Besides,  a  simple  reading  of  the  J  document 
taken  separately  will  show  that  its  chronology  is  not 
satisfactory.  Finally,  if  in  ix.  1.5,  P  knows  of  a  Divine 
covenant  which  according  to  J  is  the  result  of  the  self- 
deliberation  of  Yahweh  in  con.sequence  of  the  patri- 
arch's sacrifice  (viii,  21-22),  the  two  documents  are 
rather  supplementary  than  contradictory;  .1  supplies 
the  ethical  motive  for  God's  action  as  described  by  P. 

II.  Historicity  of  the  Biblical  Dei.uoe  Ac- 
count.— It  has  been  contended  that  the  Flood  story 
of  the  Bible  and  the  Flood  legends  of  other  peoples, 
looked  at  from  a  merely  historical  point  of  view, 


stand  on  a  similar  footing,  the  Biblical  account  being 
a  mere  late  variant  of  one  of  tlicni.  .\nd  on  inquiring 
into  their  origin,  we  find  that  four  theories  have  been 
advanced:  (1)  The  Flood  story  is  a  mere  product 
of  fancy.  Tliis  theory  contradicts  the  analogy  of 
similar  legentls  among  all  peoples.  (2)  The  Deluge 
story  is  by  others  considered  as  a  nature-myth,  repre- 
senting the  phenomena  of  winter,  which  in  Babylonia 
especially  is  the  time  of  rain.  This  nature-mj-th 
again  is  by  some  writers  believed  to  have  grown  out 
of  an  archaic  ether-mj-th,  according  to  which  the  sun 
was  imagined  as  a  man  voyaging  on  a  boat  in  the 
heavenly  ocean.  The  fact  that  the  sea  was  to  be 
found  on  the  earth,  not  in  heaven,  and  the  damage 
wrought  by  the  incessant  winter-rain  and  the  inun- 
dation of  great  rivers,  transferred  the  mytli  from 
heaven  to  earth .  changing  the  ether-myth  into  a  nature- 
myth.  But  this  theory,  too,  neglects  the  numerous 
Flood  stories  existing  among  many  nations,  which  do 
not  lend  themselves  to  a  similar  explanation.  (3) 
Connected  with  the  preceding  theorj'  is  the  explana- 
tion which  makes  the  Deluge  storj'  a  cosmogonic  fable. 
It  has  been  seen  that  the  hero  rescued  in  the  sliip 
must  have  been  the  sun-goil  (cf.  the  ether-myth). 
Thus  the  Deluge  becomes  ultimately  a  variant  of  the 
Babylonian  creation-myth.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
the  mythological  text  published  by  Peiser  calls  the 
time  of  the  Deluge  "the  year  of  the  great  serpent". 
For  this  "great  serpent"  is  the  personified  ocean 
which  on  old  Babylonian  maps  encircles  Babylonia, 
just  as  leviathan  is  the  world-encircling  ocean  per- 
sonified as  a  serpent;  it  is  the  same  monster  which 
is  a  central  figure  in  the  Creation  story.  We  need  not 
add  that  this  theor}^  too,  leaves  the  great  bulk  of  the 
existing  Flood  traditions  unexplained.  (4)  It  has 
been  inferred  from  the  improbability  of  the  preceding 
theories,  that  the  Flood  story  must  be  a  poetical  or 
legendary  presentation  of  some  natural  occurrence. 
Furthermore,  it  is  maintained  that  the  immediate 
basis  of  the  legend  is  a  local  disturbance.  It  may 
have  been  a  great  inundation  caused  by  an  overflow 
of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  or  the  incursion  of  a 
tidal  wave  resulting  from  an  earthquake  south  of  the 
mouth  of  the  two  rivers.  But  however  terrible  the 
ruin  wrought  by  such  inundations  may  be,  this  theory 
does  not  account  for  the  universality  of  the  Flood 
tradition,  vmless  we  suppose  that  the  ruin  affected 
the  ancestors  of  all  human  races. 

Thus  far  we  have  considered  the  Biblical  Flood 
story  from  a  merely  historical  point  of  view.  But  the 
Bible  student  who  believes  in  the  inspiration  of  the 
Sacred  Scriptures  and  admits  the  value  of  tradition 
in  their  exegesis  can  hardly  rest  satisfied  with  the 
results  thus  far  obtained.  It  will  not  even  be  enough 
to  grant  that  the  ancient  Flood  legend  became  the 
vehicle  of  religious  and  spiritual  truth  by  means  of  a 
divinely  guided  religious  feeling  and  insight  of  the 
inspired  writer.  The  Deluge  is  referred  to  in  several 
passages  of  Scripture  as  a  historical  fact;  the 
writings  of  the  Fathers  consider  the  event  in  the 
same  light,  and  this  view  of  the  subject  is  confirmed 
by  the  numerous  variants  under  which  the  Flood 
tradition  lives  in  the  most  distant  nations  of  the  earth. 

(o)  The  following  are  some  of  the  New  Testament 
passages  which  imply  that  the  Deluge  was  a  real  his- 
torical event:  "  And  as  in  the  days  of  Noe,  so  shall  also 
the  coming  of  the  Son  of  man  be.  For  as  in  the  days 
before  the  flood,  they  were  eating  and  drinking,  mar- 
rj'ing  and  giving  in  marriage,  even  till  that  d.ay  in 
which  Noe  entered  into  the  ark,  and  they  knew  not 
till  the  flood  came,  and  took  them  all  away;  so  aLso 
shall  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  man  be"  (Matt.,  xxiv, 
37-39).  In  these  words  Christ  regards  the  Flood 
with  its  circum.stances  as  being  not  le.ss  real  than  the 
last  days  will  be  of  which  He  speaks  in  the  pa.ssage. 
The  same  view  concerning  the  Flood,  ("hrist  implies 
in  Luke,  xvii,  26-27.     In  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 


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704 


DELUGE 


(xi,  7)  the  inspired  writer  is  not  less  clear  about  the 
historicity  of  the  Flood:  "By  faith,  Noe  having  re- 
ceived an  answer  concerning  those  things  which  as 
yet  were  not  seen,  moved  with  fear,  framed  the  ark 
for  the  saving  of  his  house,  by  the  which  he  condemned 
the  world :  and  was  instituted  heir  of  the  justice  which 
is  by  faith."  St.  Peter  (I  Peter,  iii,  20)  too  refers  to 
the  ark  and  the  Flood  as  historical  facts:  "When 
they  waited  for  the  patience  of  God  in  the  days 
of  Noe,  when  the  ark  was  a  building:  wherein  a  few, 
that  is,  eight  souls,  were  saved  by  water".  He  re- 
turns to  the  same  teaching  in  II  Peter,  ii,  5.  We 
might  appeal  to  Is.,  liv,  9;  Nah.,  i,  8;  Ezech.,  xiv, 
14;  Ecclus.,  xliv,  18  sq.;  Ps.  xxviii,  10;  xxxi,  6;  but 
what  has  been  said  sufficiently  shows  that  the  Bible 
urges  the  historicity  of  the  Deluge  story. 

(6)  As  to  the  view  of  Christian  tradition,  it  suffices 
to  appeal  here  to  the  words  of  Father  Zorell  who  main- 
tains that  the  Bible  story  concerning  the  Flood  has 
never  been  explained  or  iniderstood  in  any  but  a  truly 
historical  sense  by  any  Catholic  writer  (cf.  Hagen, 
Lexicon  Biblicura).  It  would  be  useless  labour  and 
would  exceed  the  scope  of  the  present  article  to 
enumerate  the  long  list  of  Fathers  and  Scholastic 
theologians  who  have  touched  upon  the  question. 
The  few  stray  discordant  voices  belonging  to  the  last 
fifteen  or  twenty  years  are  simply  drowned  in  this 
unanimous  chorus  of  Christian  tradition. 

((•)  The  historicity  of  the  Biblical  Hood  account  is 
confinned  by  the  tradition  existing  in  all  places  and  at 
all  times  as  to  the  occurrence  of  a  similar  catastrophe. 
F".  von  Schwarz  (Sintfluth  und  Volkerwanderungen, 
pp.  8-18)  enumerates  sixty-three  such  Flood  stories 
which  are  in  his  opinion  independent  of  the  Biblical 
account.  R.  .\ndree  (Die  Flutsagen  ethnographisch 
betrachtet)  discusses  eighty-eight  different  Flood 
stories,  and  considers  sixty-two  of  them  as  indepen- 
dent of  the  Chaldee  and  Hebrew  tradition.  More- 
over, these  stories  extend  through  all  the  races  of  the 
earth  excepting  the  African;  these  are  excepted,  not 
because  it  is  certain  that  they  do  not  possess  any 
Flood  traditions,  but  becau.se  their  traditions  have 
not  as  yet  been  sufficiently  investigated.  Lenormant 
pronounces  the  Flood  story  as  the  most  universal 
tradition  in  the  history  of  primitive  man,  and  Franz 
Delitzsch  was  of  opinion  that  we  might  as  well  consider 
the  history  of  Alexander  the  Great  a  myth,  as  to  call 
the  Flood  tradition  a  fable.  It  would,  indeed,  be  a 
greater  miracle  than  that  of  the  Deluge  itself,  if  the 
various  and  different  conditions  surrounding  the 
several  nations  of  the  earth  had  produced  among 
them  a  tradition  substantially  identical.  Opposite 
causes  would  have  produced  the  same  effect. 

III.  Univer.s.\lity  of  the  Deluge. — The  Biblical 
accoimt  ascribes  some  kind  of  a  universality  to  the 
Flood.  But  it  may  have  been  geographically  univer- 
sal, or  it  may  have  been  only  anthropologically  uni- 
versal. In  other  words,  the  Flood  may  have  covered 
the  whole  earth,  or  it  may  have  destroyed  all  men, 
covering  only  a  certain  part  of  the  earth.  Till  about 
the  seventeenth  century,  it  was  generally  believed 
that  the  Deluge  had  been  geographically  universal, 
and  this  opinion  is  defended  even  in  our  days  by  some 
conservative  scholars  (cf.  Kaulen  in  Kirehenlexikon). 
But  two  hinidred  years  of  theological  and  scientific 
study  devoted  to  the  question  have  thrown  so  much 
light  on  it  that  we  may  now  defend  the  following  con- 
clusions : 

(1)  The  geographical  universality  of  the  Deluge 
may  be  safely  abandoned.  Neither  Sacred  Scripture 
nor  universal  ecclesiastical  tradition,  nor  again  scien- 
tific considerations,  render  it  advisable  to  adhere  to  the 
opinion  that  the  Flood  covered  the  whole  surface  of 
the  earth.  («)  The  words  of  the  original  text,  ren- 
dered "earth"  in  our  version,  signify  "land"  as  well 
as  "earth";  in  fact,  "land"  appears  to  have  been 
their  primary  meaning,  and  this  meaning  fits  in  admir- 


ably with  Gen.,  iv,  v,  and  Gen.,  x;  why  not  adhere  to 
this  meaning  also  in  Gen. ,  vi-ix,  or  the  Flood  story.  Why 
not  read,  the  waters  "  filled  all  on  the  face  of  the  land", 
"all  flesh  was  destroyed  that  moved  in  the  land",  "all 
things  wherein  there  is  the  breath  of  life  in  the  land 
died",  "all  the  high  mountains  under  the  whole 
heaven  (corresponding  to  the  land)  were  covered"? 
The  primary  meaning  of  the  inspired  text  urges  there- 
fore a  universality  of  the  Flood  covering  the  whole 
land  or  region  in  which  Noe  lived,  but  not  the  whole 
earth. 

(b)  As  to  the  cogency  of  the  proof  from  tradition  for 
the  geographical  universality  of  the  Flood,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  very  few  of  the  Fathers  touched 
upon  this  question  ex  projesso.  Among  those  who  do 
so  there  are  some  who  restrict  the  Deluge  to  certain 
parts  of  the  earth's  surface  without  incurring  the 
blame  of  offending  against  tradition.  The  earthly 
paradise,  e.  g.,  was  exempted  by  many,  irrespective  of 
its  location  on  the  top  of  a  high  mountain  or  else- 
where; the  same  must  be  said  of  the  place  in  which 
Mathusala  must  have  lived  during  the  Flood  according 
to  the  Septuagint  reading;  St.  Augustine  knows  of 
writers  who  exempted  the  mountain  Oljmipus  from 
the  Flood,  though  he  himself  does  not  agree  with 
them ;  Pseudo-Justin  hesitatingly  rejects  the  opinion 
of  those  who  restrict  the  Flood  to  the  parts  of  the 
earth  actually  inhabited  by  men ;  Cajetan  revived  the 
opinion  that  the  Flood  did  not  cover  Olympus  and 
other  high  mountains,  belie\'ing  that  Genesis  spoke 
only  of  the  mountains  under  the  aerial  heaven;  Tos- 
tatus  sees  a  figure  of  speech  in  the  expression  of  the 
Bible  which  implies  the  universality  of  the  Flood;  at 
any  rate,  he  exempts  the  earthly  Paradise  from  the 
Deluge,  since  Henoch  had  to  be  .saved.  If  the  Fathers 
had  considered  the  universality  of  the  Flood  as  part  of 
the  body  of  ecclesiastical  tradition,  or  of  the  deposit  of 
faith,  they  would  have  defended  it  more  vigorously. 
It  is  true  that  the  Congregation  of  the  Inde.x  con- 
demned Vossius's  treatise  "  De  Septuaginta  Interpre- 
tibus"  in  which  he  defended,  among  other  doctrines, 
the  view  that  the  Flood  covered  only  the  inhabited 
part  of  the  earth;  but  theologians  of  great  weight 
maintained  that  the  work  was  condemned  on  account 
of  its  Protestant  author,  and  not  on  account  of  its 
doctrine. 

(c)  There  are  also  certain  scientific  considerations 
which  oppose  the  view  that  the  Flood  was  geograph- 
ically universal.  Not  that  science  opposes  any  diffi- 
culty insuperable  to  the  power  of  God ;  but  it  draws 
attention  to  a  number  of  most  extraordinary,  if  not 
miraculous  phenomena  involved  in  the  admission  of  a 
geographically  universal  Deluge.  First,  no  such  geo- 
logical traces  can  be  found  as  ought  to  have  been  left 
by  a  imiversal  Deluge ;  for  the  catastrophe  connected 
with  the  beginning  of  the  ice-age,  or  the  geological 
deluge,  must  not  be  connected  with  the  Biblical.  J' 
Secondly,  the  amount  of  water  required  by  a  universal  I' 
Deluge,  as  descrilied  in  the  Bible,  cannot  be  accounted  '■ 
for  by  the  data  furnished  m  the  Biblical  account.  If  \ 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  in  round  nimibers,  amounts  t 
to  510,000,000  square  kilometres,  and  if  the  elevation 
of  the  highest  mountains  reaches  abmit  9000  meti-es, 
the  water  required  by  the  Bil'lical  Flcicid,  if  it  be  uni 
versal,  amounts  to  about  4.(>00.000,OUO  cubic  kilo- 
metres. Now,  a  forty  days'  rain,  ten  times  more 
copious  than  the  most  violent  rainfall  known  to  us, 
will  raise  the  level  of  the  sea  only  about  800  metres; 
since  the  height  to  be  attained  is  about  9000  metres, 
there  is  still  a  gap  to  be  filled  by  imknown  sourcef 
amoiniting  to  a  height  of  more  than  8000  metres,  in 
order  to  raise  the  water  to  the  level  of  the  greatest 
moimtains.  Thirdly,  if  the  Biblical  Deluge  was  geo- 
graphically universal,  the  sea  water  and  the  fresh 
water  would  mix  to  such  an  extent  that  neither  the 
marine  animals  nor  the  fresh-water  animals  could 
have  lived  ui  the  mixture  without  a  miracle.     Fourth- 


DELUGE 


705 


DELUGE 


1\-,  there  are  serious  difEeulties  connected  with  the  ani- 
liials  in  the  ark,  if  the  Flood  was  geographically  uni- 
versal; How  were  they  brought  to  Noe  from  the  re- 
niiitc  regions  of  the  earth  in  wliich  they  lived?  How 
ci'uld  eight  persons  take  care  of  such  an  array  of 
In  asts?  Where  did  they  obtain  tlie  food  necessary 
for  all  tlie  animals?  How  could  tlie  arctic  animals 
In  1'  with  those  of  the  torrid  zone  for  a  whole  year  and 
under  the  same  roof?  No  Catholic  commentator  will 
repudiate  an  explanation  merely  for  fear  of  having  to 
admit  a  miracle;  but  no  Catholic  has  a  right  to  admit 
Biblical  miracles  which  are  not  well  attested  eitlier  by 
scripture  or  tradition.  What  is  more,  there  are  traces 
•n  the  Biblical  Flood  storj'  whicli  favour  a  limited  ex- 
tent of  tlie  catastrophe:  Noe  could  liave  known  the 
geographical  universality  of  the  Deluge  only  by 
revelation;  still  the  Biblical  account  appears  to  have 
been  written  by  an  eye-witness.  If  the  Flood  had 
been  universal,  the  water  would  have  had  to  fall  from 
the  height  of  the  mountains  in  India  to  the  level  of 
those  in  Armenia  on  whicli  the  ark  rested,  i.  e.  about 
11, .500  feet,  within  the  space  of  a  few  days.  The  fact 
that  the  dove  is  said  to  have  found  "  the  waters  .  .  . 
upon  the  whole  earth",  and  that  Noe  "saw  that  the 
face  of  the  earth  was  dried",  leaves  the  impression 
that  the  in.spired  writer  uses  the  word  "earth"  in  the 
restricted  sense  of  "land".  Attention  has  been 
drawn  also  to  the  "  bough  of  an  olive  tree,  with  green 
lea\es"  carried  by  the  dove  in  her  mouth  on  her  sec- 
iiid  return  to  the  ark. 

2)  The  Deluge  must  have  been  anthropologically 
iiji\ersal,  i.  e.  it  must  have  destroyed  the  whole  hu- 
man race.  After  limiting  the  extent  of  the  Flood  to  a 
[lart  (pf  the  earth,  we  naturally  ask  whether  any  men 
ivcd  outside  the  region  covered  by  its  waters.  It  has 
irin  maintained  that  not  all  men  can  have  perished  in 
;lii'  1-  lood  for  the  following  reasons:  Tribes  which  cer- 
aiiily  sprang  from  Noe  were  preceded  in  their  earliest 
■  II 1  Icments  by  other  tribes  whose  origin  is  unknown 
>  u<:  the  Dravidic  tribes  preceded  the  Arj-ans  in  In- 
!'  :  the  proto-Medians  preceded  the  Medians;  the 
idians  preceded  the  Cushites  and  Semites  in 
Ka;  the  Chanaanites  were  preceded  in  Palestine 
ilier  races.  Besides,  tlie  oldest  Egjiitian  monu- 
;i,'  Ills  present  the  Negro  race  just  as  we  find  it  to-day, 
<i )  that  even  at  that  remote  age,  it  was  wholly  diiTerent 
hitni  the  Caucasian  race.  Again,  the  languages  of  the 
a-  r^  springing  from  Noe  are  said  to  be  in  a  state  of 
li". 'lopment  different  from  that  in  which  we  find  the 
laiiutiages  of  the  peoples  of  unknown  origin.  Finally, 
jjthe  Bii)lical  account  of  the  Flood  is  .said  to  admit  a 
restriction  of  its  anthropological  universality  as  read- 
ly  as  a  limitation  of  its  geographical  completeness; 
or  if  "land"  be  substituted  in  our  translation  for 
!arth,  the  Book  of  Genesis  speaks  only  of  the  men  in- 
.labiting  a  certain  district,  and  not  of  the  men  of  the 
whole  earth,  as  being  tlie  victims  of  the  waters.  Con- 
riderations  like  these  have  induced  .several  Catholic 
writers  to  regard  as  quite  tenable  the  opinion  that  the 
Deluge  did  not  destroy  all  men  outside  the  ark. 

But  if  the  reason  advanced  for  limiting  the  Flood  to 
I  certain  part  of  the  human  race  Ije  duly  examined, 
they  are  found  to  be  more  specious  than  true.  The 
ibove  scientific  arguments  do  not  favour  a  partial 
lestruction  of  the  human  race  aljsolutely,  but  only  in 
so  far  as  tlie  uninterrupted  existence  of  the  various 
races  in  question  gives  them  more  time  for  the  racial 
levelopment  and  the  historical  data  that  have  to  be 
larmonized  with  the  text  of  Genesis.  Those  wlio 
arge  the.se  arguments  grant,  therefore,  implicitly  that 
the  allowance  of  a  projier  length  of  time  will  explain 
the  facts  on  which  their  argiunents  are  based.  As 
there  is  nothing  in  the  teaching  of  the  Bible  preventing 
us  from  assigning  the  I"lood  to  a  much  earlier  date 
bhan  has  u.sually  been  done,  the  difficulties  urged  on 
the  part  of  science  against  the  anthropological  uni- 
rersality  of  the  Flood  may  be  easily  evaded.  Nor  can 
IV.— 45 


the  distribution  of  the  nations  as  described  in  the 
tentli  chapter  of  Genesis  be  appealed  to,  seeing  that 
this  section  does  not  enumerate  all  races  of  the  earth, 
but  confines  itself  probably  to  the  Caucasian. 

Science,  therefore,  may  demand  an  early  date  for 
the  Deluge,  but  it  does  not  necessitate  a  limitation  of 
the  Flood  to  certain  parts  of  the  human  race.  The 
question,  whether  all  men  perished  in  the  Deluge, 
must  be  decided  by  the  teaching  of  the  Bible,  and  of 
its  authoritative  interpreter.  As  to  the  teachings  of 
the  Bible,  the  passage  which  deals  ex  professo  with  the 
Flood  tGen.,  vi-ix),  if  taken  by  itself,  may  be  inter- 
preted of  a  partial  destruction  of  man;  it  insists  on 
tlie  fact  that  all  inhabitants  of  the  "land",  not  of  the 
"earth",  died  in  the  waters  of  the  Deluge,  and  it  does 
not  explicitly  tell  us  whether  all  men  lived  in  the 
"land".  It  may  also  be  granted,  that  of  the  pas- 
sages which  refer  incidentally  to  the  Flood,  Wis.,  x,  4; 
xiv,  6;  Ecclus.,  xliv,  17  sqq.,  and  Matt.,  xxiv,  37  sqq., 
may  be  explained,  more  or  less  satisfactorily,  of  a  par- 
tial destruction  of  the  human  race  by  the  inundation 
of  the  Deluge;  but  no  one  can  deny  that  the  prima 
facie  meaning  of  I  Peter,  iii,  20  sq.,  II  Peter,  ii,  4-9, 
and  II  Peter,  iii,  5  sqq.,  refers  to  the  death  of  all  men  not 
contained  in  the  ark.  The  explanations  of  these  pas- 
sages, offered  l>y  the  opponents  of  the  anthropological 
universality  of  the  Deluge,  are  hardly  sufficient  to  re- 
move all  reasonable  doubt.  We  turn,  therefore,  to 
authority  in  order  to  arrive  at  a  final  settlement  of  the 
question.  Here  we  are  confronted,  in  brief,  with  the 
following  facts:  Up  to  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  the  belief  in  the  anthropological  universality 
of  the  Deluge  was  general.  Moreover,  the  Fathers 
regarded  the  ark  and  the  Flood  as  tj-pes  of  baptism 
and  of  the  Church ;  this  view  they  entertained  not  as  a 
private  opinion,  but  as  a  development  of  the  doctrine 
contained  in  I  Peter,  iii,  20  sq.  Hence,  the  typical 
character  of  both  ark  and  Flood  belongs  to  the  "  mat- 
ters of  faith  and  morals"  in  which  the  Tridentine  and 
the  Vatican  Councils  oblige  all  Catholics  to  follow  the 
interpretation  of  the  Church. 

IV.  Collateral  Questions. — These  may  be  re- 
duced to  the  time  of  the  Deluge,  its  place,  and  its 
natural  causes. 

(1)  Time  of  the  Deluge. — Genesis  places  the  Deluge 
in  the  six-hundredth  year  of  Noe;  the  Masoretie  text 
assigns  it  to  the  year  16.56  after  the  creation,  the  Sa- 
maritan to  1307,  the  Septuagint  to  2242,  Flavius 
Jo.sephus  to  2256.  Again,  the  Masoretie  text  places 
it  in  B.  c.  2350  (Klaproth)  or  2253  (Liiken),  the  Sa- 
maritan in  2903,  the  Septuagint  in  3134.  According 
to  the  ancient  traditions  (Liiken),  tlie  A.ssyrians 
placed  the  Deluge  in  2234  B.  c.  or  2316,  the  Greeks  in 
2300,  the  Egyptians  in  2600,  the  Phoenicians  in  2700, 
the  Mexicans  in  2900,  the  Indians  in  3100,  the  Chinese 
in  2297,  while  the  Armenians  assigned  the  building  of 
the  Tower  of  Babel  to  about  2200  B.  c.  But  as  we 
have  seen,  we  must  be  prepared  to  assign  earlier  dates 
to  these  events. 

(2)  Place  nj  the  Flootl.— The  Bible  teaches  only  that 
the  ark  resto<l  on  a  mountain  in  Armenia.  Hence  the 
Flood  must  have  occurred  in  a  place  whence  the  ark 
could  be  carried  towards  this  mountain.  The  Baby- 
lonian tradition  places  the  Deluge  in  the  lower  valley 
of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates. 

(3)  Xnlural  Ciiuses  of  the  Fhod. — Scripture  .a.ssigns 
as  the  causes  of  the  Deluge  the  hea\'\*  forty  days' rains, 
the  breaking  up  of  the  fountains  of  the  great  deep, 
and  the  opening  of  the  flood-gates  of  heaven.  This 
does  not  exclude  the  opinion  that  certain  natural 
forces  were  at  play  in  tlie  catxstrophe.  It  has  been 
suggestetl  that  the  axis  of  the  earth  was  shifted  on 
account  of  the  earth's  collision  with  a  comet,  or  that 
powerful  volcanic  eruptions  raised  new  mountains  in 
the  sea,  or  that  an  earthquake  caused  a  tidal  wave  to 
overrun  certain  portions  of  the  dry  land.  Thus,  Siiss 
speaks  of  the  frequency  of  earthquakes  and  of  stomM 


DEMARCATION 


706 


DEMETRIUS 


in  the  Gulf  of  Persia;  but  this  would  enclose  the  Flood 
within  too  narrow  limits  both  of  space  and  of  time. 
Another  conjecture  has  been  proposed  by  von 
Schwartz.  He  supposes  that  an  inland  MongoHan 
sea,  in  size  about  equal  to  the  Mediterranean,  situated 
at  a  height  of  about  6000  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
ocean  and  5000  feet  above  the  surrounding  Aralo- 
Caspian  plain,  at  the  time  of  an  earthquake  broke 
through  one  of  its  walls,  and  sent  its  3,000,000  cubic 
kilometres  of  water  into  the  region  north  of  Persia, 
Armenia,  and  the  Caucasus,  covering  the  whole  plain, 
until  the  waters  were  drained  by  way  of  the  Black 
Sea  and  the  Mediterranean  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 
Here  we  have  the  breaking  of  the  bonds  of  the  great 
deep,  we  have  an  outflow  of  water  lasting  for  several 
months,  and  we  find  that  the  ark  must  have  been 
carried  westward  by  the  general  drift  of  the  waters 
till  it  rested  on  the  mountains  of  Armenia.  But  not 
to  mention  the  improbability  of  the  supposition  urged 
by  several  scientists,  we  do  not  imderstand  why  the 
tops  of  the  mountains  should  not  have  been  visible 
even  after  the  mooring  of  the  ark.  A  number  of  other 
hypotheses  have  been  proposed  in  order  to  e.xplain  by 
natural  causes  the  phenomena  implied  in  the  Biblical 
account  of  the  Deluge,  but  thus  far  they  have  not 
satisfied  the  various  details  given  in  the  Book  of 
Genesis. 

Complete  bibliographies  may  be  found  in  von  Hummelacer, 
Commentarius  inGenesim  (Paris.  1895);  MANGENOxin  VicDict. 
dela  Bible  (Paris,  1899),  II;  Cornely,  Introductio  (2nd  ed.  Paris, 
1887),  II,  Ft.  I,  161;  Hagen.  Leiicum  Biblicum  (Paris,  1907), 
II;  DE  R^GNON.  Le  deluge  biblique  et  les  races  antediluviennes; 
ScHoPFER.  Geschichte  d.  A.  T.  (3rd  ed.  Brixen,  1902);  Woods, 
Diet,  of  the  Bible  (New  York,  1900),  II;  LtiKEN,  Die  Tradi- 
tionen  des  Menschengeschlechts  (Miinster,  1869);  Andree,  Die 
Flutsagt?n  ethnographisch  betrachtet  (Brunswick,  1891);  von 
ScHWARz,  Sintjiuth  vnd  Volkerwanderungen  (Stuttgart,  1894); 
Prestwich,  On  Certain  Phenomena  Belonging  to  the  Close  of  the 
Last  Geological  Period  (New  York.  1895) ;  St'ss,  Das  Antlitz 
der  Erde  (Prague,  1883);  Miller,  Testimony  of  the  Rocks,  1858; 
Kaulen  in  Kirckenlexikon;  Reusch,  Bibel  und  Natur  (4th  ed., 
Bonn,  1876);    The  Tablet  (London,  1884),  files. 

A.  J.  Maas. 

Demarcation,  Line  of.    See  Portugal;  Sp.un. 
Demerara.     See  Guiana. 

Demers,  Modestb,  apostle  of  the  Pacific  Coast  of 
IVorth  America,  and  the  first  Catholic  missionary 
among  most  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  Oregon,  Washing- 
ton, and  British  Columbia;  b.  at  St.  Nicholas,  Quebec, 
11  Oct.,  1809;  d.  at  Victoria,  B.  C,  21  July,  1871. 
His  father,  Michel  Demers,  and  his  mother,  Rosalie 
Foucher,  were  two  worthy  representatives  of  the 
French  Canadian  farmer  class.  Endowed  with  a  deli- 
cate conscience  and  a  distinctly  religious  disposition, 
young  Demers  resolved  to  enter  the  ecclesiastical 
state,  and  studied  first  privately  and  then  at  the 
seminary  of  Quebec.  He  was  ordained  7  Feb.,  1836, 
by  Bishop  Signay,  and  after  foiu-teen  months  passed 
as  a.ssistant  priest  at  Trois-Pistoles,  he  volunteered 
for  the  far-oif  mission  of  Oregon,  where  the  white 
population,  made  up  mostly  of  French  Canadian 
employes  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  was  clam- 
ouring for  the  ministrations  of  a  priest.  Having 
crossed  the  American  continent  in  the  company  of 
the  Rev.  F.  N.  Blanchet,  hissuperior,  he  reached  Walla- 
Walla,  on  the  lower  Columbia,  18  Nov.,  1838,  and 
immediately  applied  himself  to  the  care  of  the  low- 
liest, that  is  the  Indian  tribes,  which  were  then  very 
numerous  and  not  any  too  meek.  He  studied  their 
languages  and  visited  their  homes  regularly,  preach- 
ing, catechizing  the  adults,  and  baptizing  the  children, 
especially  those  whose  habitat  lay  to  the  north  of  the 
Columbia.  His  apostolic  zeal  even  led  him  on  along 
the  coast  of  British  Columbia,  and  in  1842  he  pro- 
ceeded inland  as  far  north  as  Stuart  Lake,  evangeliz- 
ing as  he  went  all  the  interior  tribes  of  that  province. 

His  companion,  the  Rev.  F.  N.  Blanchet,  having  been 
elevated  to  the  episcopate,  Demers  had  to  s\ibmit  to 
what  he  con.sidered  a  burden  beyond  his  strength. 


He  was  consecrated  bishop  on  30  Nov.,  1847,  and  ap- 
pointed to  the  spiritual  care  of  Vancouvei  Island, 
making  the  incipient  town  of  Victoria  his  head- 
quarters. As  a  bishop  he  continued  his  favourite 
work  among  the  Indians,  though  he  soon  had  to  give 
his  best  attention  to  the  rough  and  cosmopolitan  ele- 
ment which  now  formed  his  white  flock.  For  its 
benefit  he  procitfed  in  1858  the  services  of  the  Sisters 
of  St.  Anne,  who  established  schools  at  Victoria  and 
elsewhere,  and  of  the  Oblate  Fathers,  who  took  in 
hand  the  evangelization  of  the  natives  and  also 
foimded  a  college  in  his  cathedral  city.  In  1866  he 
assisted  at  the  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore, 
and  shortly  afterwards  he  was  one  of  the  fathers  of 
the  fficumenical  Council  of  the  \'atican.  He  died 
soon  after  his  return,  beloved  alike  by  Protestants  and 
Catholics,  and  revered  for  his  gentleness  and  his  apos- 
tolic zeal  on  behalf  of  the  poor  and  lowly. 

Historical  Sketches  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Oregon  (Portland, 
1878);  Paquet,  Fragments  de  I'histoire  de  la  paroisse  de  Saint- 
Nicolas  (lAvia,  1894). 

A.  G.  Morice. 

Demetrius,  Saint,  Bishop  of  Alexandria  from  188 
to  231.  Julius  Africanus,  who  \'isited  Alexandria  in 
the  time  of  Demetrius,  places  his  accession  as  eleventh 
bishop  after  St.  Mark  in  the  tenth  year  of  Commodus 
(tenth  of  Severus,  Eus.  His.  Eccl.,  VI,  ii,  is  a  slip).  A 
legendary  history  of  him  is  given  in  the  Coptic  "  Syn- 
axaria",  in  an  Abyssinian  poem  cited  by  the  BoUand- 
ists,  and  in  the  "Chronicon  Orientale"  of  Abraham 
Ecchellensis  the  Maronite.  Three  of  their  statements, 
however,  may  have  some  truth:  one  that  he  died  at 
the  age  of  105  (born,  therefore,  in  126);  another, 
found  also  in  the  Melchite  Patriarch  Eutvchius  [Sa'id 
Ibi  Batrik,  (d.  about  940),  Migne,  P.  G",  CXI,  999], 
that  he  wrote  about  the  calculation  of  Easter  to  Victor 
of  Rome,  Ma.ximus  (i.  e.  Maximinus)  of  Antioch  and 
Oabius  or  Agapius  (?)  of  Jerusalem  (cf.  Eus.,  H.  E., 
V,  xxv).  Eutychius  relates  that  from  Mark  to  Deme- 
trius there  was  but  one  see  in  Egypt,  that  Demetrius 
was  the  first  to  establish  three  other  bishoprics,  and 
that  his  successor  Heraclas  made  twenty  more. 

At  all  events  Demetrius  is  the  first  Alexandrian 
bishop  of  whom  anything  is  known.     St.  Jerome  has 
it  that  he  sent  PantiEnus  on  a  mission  to  India,  but  it 
is  likely  that  Clement  had  succeeded  Pantsnus  as  the 
head  of  the  famous  Catechetical  School  before  the  ac- 
cession of  Demetrius.     When  Clement  retired  (c.  203 
4),  Demetrius  appointed  the  young  Origen,  who  was 
in  his  eighteenth  year,  in  Clement's  place.     Deme- 
trius encouraged  Origen  when  blamed  for  his  too  lit- 
eral execution  of  an  allegorical  counsel  of  our  Lord^ 
and  is  said  to  have  shown  him  great  favour.     He  sent 
Origen  to  the  governor  of  Arabia,  wlio  had  requested 
his  presence  in  letters  to  the  prefect  of  Egj-pt  as  wel 
as  to  the  bishop.    In  215-16  Origen  was  obliged  to  takt 
refuge  in  Ciesarea  from  the  cruelty  of  Caracalla.    Then 
he  preached  at  the  request  of  the  bishops  present 
Demetrius  wrote  to  him  complaining  that  this  waj 
unheard  of  presimiption  in  a  layman.     Alexander  o 
Jerusalem  and  Thcoctistus  of  Csesarea  wrote  to  defeiK 
the  invitation  they  had  given,  mentioning  precedents 
but   Demetrius   recalled  Origen.     In  2.30  Demetrlu  '■_ 
gave  Origen  a  recommendation  to  take  with  him  on  hi  ; 
journey  to  Athens.     But  Origen  was  ordained  pries  ,ji| 
at  Ca;sarea  without  leave,  and  Demetrius  with  a  synoi   jjji 
of  some  bishops  and  a  few  priests  condemnetl  him  t    jj 
banisliment,  then  from  another  synod  sent  a  forrat   n^ 
condenmat  ion  of  him  to  all  the  churches.     It  is  impoi    |j| 
sible  to  doubt  that  heresy,  and  not  merely  unauthoi   ^j 
ized  ordination,  must  have  been  allegeil  by  Demetrit    (jj 
for  such  a  course.     Rome  accepted  the  decision,  bi    ^ 
Palestine,  Phoenicia,  Arabia,  .A,chaia  rejected  it,  an    j. 
Origen  retired  to  Ciesarea,  whence  lie  sent  fortli  lette:    (L 
in  his  own  defence,  and  attacked  Demetrius.     Tl    (|(i 
latter  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Catechetical  Scho    ^ 
the  first  pupil  of  Origen,  Heraclas,  who  liad  long  bee 


DEMETRIUS 


707 


DEMIURGE 


his  assistant.  But  the  bishop  died  very  soon,  and 
Heraclas  succeeding  him,  Origen  returned  to  Alexan- 
dria. 

Ada  S.S.,  9  Oct.:  Westcott  in  Did.  Christ.  Biog..  a.  v.  Deme- 
trius: Harnack,  Gcsch.  der  allchr.  Lit.,  I,  330,  II,  ii  (i.  c. 
ChranoL,  II).  23;  BARnENHEWER,  Gesch.  der  altkirchl.  Lit..  II, 
158;  see  also  Origen;  on  the  Alexandrian  succession  and  the 
date  see  Hahnack,  Grseh.  der  allehrist.  Lit..  II,  i.  202-7;  Chap- 
man in  Rev.  beiird.  (Jan..  1902),  34.  On  the  Creation  of  New  Sees 
by  Heracla:  Lighteoot,  Comm.  on  Philippians  (1895),  230;  the 
essay  on  the  Christ.  Ministry  is  reprinted  in  his  Biblical  Essay.i; 
MlCHlELS,  Origine  de  Vepiscopat  (Louvain,  1901),  348;  Hah- 
NACK,  Expansion  of  Christianity.  II,  79,  90,  308  (tr.,  London 
and  New  York,  1905).  A  fragment  ascribed  to  Demetrius  by 
PiTRA  in  his  Analeda  Sacra.  II,  345,  is  probably  by  a  cer- 
tain Demetriu-s  Callatianus  mentioned  by  Strabo. 

John  Chapman. 

Demetrius,  the  name  of  two  Syrian  kings  men- 
tioned in  the  Old  Testament  and  two  other  persons  in 
the  New  Testament. 

(a)  Demetrius  Soter,  or  the  Saviour,  so  called  be- 
cause he  saved  the  Babylonians  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  satrap  Her.aclides,  reigned  from  162  to  1.50  n.  c. 
Ho  was  the  son  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  and  spent  his 
early  years  as  a  hostage  in  Rome,  petitioning  the 
Scii.ite  in  vain  for  permission  to  return  to  his  country. 
With  the  assistance,  however,  of  his  friend,  the 
historian  Polybius,  he  escaped  to  Tripolis  in  Phoe- 
nirin,  formed  a  party,  murdered  Antiochus  V,  his 
f  isin,  with  Lysias,  the  chancellor,  ascended  the 
till  lino  of  the  Seleucidse,  and  was  acknowledged 
ii\  Home.  A  Jewi.sh  party,  dissatisfied  with  Judas 
^i  iihabeus,  invited  Demetrius  to  interfere  in  their 
fi'our.  Demetrius  appointed  Alcimus  as  high- 
piii  St  and  sent  his  general  Bacchides  with  an  army 
u,  his  support.  Soon  after,  as  Alcimus'  position 
SI'  ihihI  secure,  Bacchides  left.  As  Judas, however, 
fjii  \v  stronger,  Alcimus  again  appealed  for  help.  De- 
II M  trills  sent  as  general  Nicanor,  who  first  tried  to 
r  i|  tiiro  Jiuias  by  strategy,  but  then  met  him  at  Kap- 
li  ,  I    llama  and  lost  the  battle.     Nicanor  entered  Jeru- 

I .  vented  his  wrath  on  the  priests,  and  threatened 
-troy  the  Temple.  Judas  met  Nicanor  again  at 
1  ii-Horon  and  utterly  routed  his  army.  Nicanor 
fell  in  tho  battle  (161  B.  c).  Two  months  later  Deme- 
trius, for  the  third  time,  sent  a  Syrian  army  into  Pales- 
tine under  Bacchides,  who  defeated  and  slew  Judas  in 
the  battle  of  Bcrea,  garrisoned  some  Jewish  towns,  and 
rotiirnod.  .\  Syrian  army  entered  Palestine  under  the 
same  Bacchides  for  the  fourth  time  in  158  B.  c,  but  the 
Macli:iboaii  party  had  recovered  its  strength,  and  a 
tri'.ity  ended  the  campaign.  Meanwhile  a  pretender 
h;iil  arisoti  to  the  Syrian  throne  in  the  person  of  Alex- 
ander Balas.  Both  Demetrius  and  Alexander  were 
anxious  to  gain  tho  support  of  the  Jews.  Alexander 
offered  to  Jonathan  Machabeus  the  purple  and  a  dia- 
dem, which  he  accepted  in  153  B.  c.  Demetrius  subse- 
quently offered  still  greater  privileges  to  the  Jews  and 
uieir  leader,  but  the  Jews  remained  faithful  to  Alex- 
ander. In  1.50  B.  c.  .\lexander  and  his  allies  defeated 
Demetrius,  "who  valiantly  fought  with  undaunted 
courage  in  the  thick  of  the  battle  and  w-as  .slain",  (I 
Mach.,  vii,  ix,  x;  II  Mach.,  xiv,  xv;  Justin,  XXXV,  i.) 

(b)  DEMETRIU.S  NiKATOR,  or  the  Conqueror,  .son  of 
the  above,  .succeeded  four  years  after  the  death  of  his 
father  in  gaining  the  Syrian  throne.     Jonathan  Mac- 

ii  habous,  remaining  faithful  to  .\lexander  unto  the  end, 
had  opposed  tho  succession  of  Demetrius  II.  Deme- 
Mb'  viceroy,  .Vpollonius,  who  ruled  over  Ca-lesyria, 
Id  Joppe  and  .Vshdod  for  his  king,  but  was  driven 
it  and  defeated  by  Jonathan,  who  destroyed  .\shdod 
id  brought  a  rich  booty  to  Jerusalem.  Jonathan 
led  to  throw  off  the  Syrian  yoke  altogether  and  be- 
ieeed  the  fortress  of  Jerusalem.  Dometrivis  first 
citfil  Jonathan  to  Ptnlemais  to  answer  for  his  rebel- 
lion, relying  upon  a  pro-Syrian  party  among  the  Jews; 
Vi'i'  Jnn.athan  boldly  continiied  the  siege  of  Jeni.s.alem 
then,  nothing  daunted,  faced  Demetrius  at  Ptole- 
He  demanded  an  extension  of  territory  and 


several  pri\-ileges  for  the  Jews,  and  supported  his  de- 
mand by  costly  gifts.  Demetrius  did  not  dare  to  re- 
fuse, but  agreed  to  the  addition  of  three  Samaritan 
districts,  Ephraim,  Lydda,  and  Ramathaim,  to  Judea; 
he  freed  this  extension  of  Judea  from  all  taxes  and  con- 
firmed Jonathan  in  all  his  dignities.  Demetrius  had 
thus  escaped  further  danger  from  his  Jewish  va.ssal  but 
soon  after  had  to  encounter  Trypho,  a  former  general 
of  Alexander  Balas.  This  man  proclaimed  Alexan- 
der's son  Antiochus  YI  king,  though  as  yet  only  a  boy, 
and  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  people  of  Antioch 
brought  the  throne  of  Demetrius  II  into  imminent 
danger.  In  his  distress  he  appealed  to  Jonathan,  who 
sent  3000  men  to  quell  the  insurrection  at  Antioch. 
Demetrius  promised  to  hand  over  Jerusalem  and  some 
other  fortresses  of  Judea  to  Jonathan.  Jonathan 
stamped  out  the  revolution  at  Antioch,  but  Demetrius 
did  not  fulfil  his  promise.  Shortly  after,  Trypho  and 
Antiochus  the  Pretender  captured  Antioch  and  sought 
the  assistance  of  Jonathan.  As  Demetrius  II  had 
proved  himself  faithless,  Jonathan  left  his  side  and 
went  over  to  Trypho.  In  conseciuence  Demetrius 
gathered  an  army  against  Jonathan,  to  punish  his  de- 
fection, but  never  risked  a  battle.  When  Trypho  had 
murdered  -Antiochus  VI,  Jonathan  returned  to  Deme- 
trius' allegiance.  Trypho  was  finally  defeated  by 
the  brother  of  Demetrius,  but  Demetrius  was  made 
prisoner  in  a  campaign  against  the  Parthians,  in  whose 
hands  he  remained  for  ten  years,  the  daughter  of 
whose  king  Mithridates  he  received  in  marriage  and  by 
whom,  under  Phraates,  he  was  restoretl  to  the  Syrian 
throne  after  defeating  his  brother  Antiochus  Sidetes. 
He  was  then  persuaded  to  attack  the  King  of  Egypt, 
Ptolemy  Physcon.  This  caused  the  rise  of  another 
Syrian  pretender,  Alexander  Zabinas,  who  defeated 
Demetrius  near  Damascus.  Demetrius  fled  to  Tyre, 
and  on  landing  was  there  assassinated  in  128  B.  c.  His 
wife  Cleopatra  is  said  to  have  been  privy  to  the  crime. 
(I  Mach.,  xiii,  41;  x,  67;  xiv,  3.) 

(c)  Demetrius,  the  name  of  two  persons  men- 
tioned in  the  New  Testament.  (1)  .\cts,  xix,  24, 
mentions  Demetrius,  a  silversmith  (ipyvpoK6vos), 
who  made  silver  shrines  for  Diana  at  Ephesus. 
These  shrines  (raoi/s;  in  D.  V.  "temples")  were  prob- 
ably little  silver  models  either  of  the  temple  or  of 
the  actual  shrine  {.sacellum)  in  which  the  idol  was 
placed,  and  were  used  as  amulets  or  objects  of  piety 
and  souvenirs  carried  away  by  thousands  of  pagan  pil- 
grims. Finding  his  trade  diminished  through  the 
spread  ot  Christianity  and  the  decline  of  heathen  wor- 
ship, he  antl  his  fellow-craftsmen  caused  the  uproar 
against  St.  Paul  as  narrated  in  Acts,  loc.  cit. 

(2)  St.  John  the  Apostle,  in  his  Third  Epistle  (v. 
12),  praises  Demetrius  to  whom  "testimony  is  given 
by  all,  and  by  the  truth  itself"  and  apparently  opposes 
him  to  Diotrephes,  who  did  not  receive  St.  John,  and 
cast  out  of  the  Church  those  that  did  (verses  9,  10). 
Nothing  more  is  known  of  him.  Possibly  he  was  the 
bearer  of  the  letter. 

For  Demetrius  Soter,  see  Josephcs,  Antiquities,  XII,  x; 
XIII.  ii;  Polybius.  Histories.  Ill,  v;  XXXI.  xu,  xix;  XXXII, 
iv  XXXnl,  xiv.  For  Demetrius  Nikator,  Josephcs,  .■ln/i<2- 
MidV.!,  XIII,  iv  sqq.:  Justin,  Hist.  PhU.  Lih.,XX\l\.  i;  .\p- 
PIAS.  .S';/n'«r/i.  LxWii.  Scin'RER,  Ge.'iehichte  des  jiid.  Volk.  (4th 
cd.,  Leipzig,  1901),  I,  216—48;  Milman,  History  of  the  Jews,  X, 
The  Asmoneans. 

J.  P.  Arendzen. 

Demiurge. — The  word  means  literally  a  public 
worker,  Srifuoepyis.  Sriiuovpy6^,  and  was  originally 
used  to  designate  any  craftsman  plying  his  craft  or 
tradefortheiiseof  thepublic.  Soon,  however,  t<x''(ti)J 
and  other  words  began  to  be  used  to  designate  the 
common  artisan  while  demiurge  was  set  aside  for  the 
Great  Artificer  or  Fabricator,  the  ,\rohitect  of  the  uni- 
verse. At  first  the  words  toO  K6<rijav  were  added  to 
distinguish  the  great  Workman  from  others,  but  grad- 
ually Siifuovpy6i  became  the  technical  term  for  the 


DEMOCHARES 


708 


DEM0CRAC7 


Maker  of  heaven  and  earth.  In  this  sense  it  is  used 
frequently  by  Plato  in  his  "Tima^us".  Although  often 
loosely  employed  by  the  Fathers  and  others  to  indi- 
cate the  Creator,  the  word  never  strictly  meant  "  one 
who  produces  out  of  nothing"  (for  this  the  Greeks 
used  ktiVttjs),  but  only  "one  who  fashions,  shapes, 
and  models".  A  creator  in  the  sense  of  Christian 
theology  has  no  place  in  heathen  philosophy,  which 
always  presupposes  the  existence  of  matter.  More- 
over, according  to  Greek  philosophy  the  world-maker 
is  not  necessarily  identical  with  God,  as  first  and  su- 
preme source  of  all  things ;  he  may  be  distinct  from  and 
inferior  to  the  supreme  spirit,  though  he  may  also  be  the 
practical  expression  of  the  reason  of  God,  the  Logos  as 
operative  intheharmonyof  the  universe.  Inthis  sense, 
i.  e.  that  of  a  world-maker  distinct  from  the  Supreme 
God,  Demiurge  became  a  common  term  in  Gnosticism. 
The  Gnostics,  however,  were  not  satisfied  merely  to 
emphasize  the  distinction  between  the  Supreme  God,  or 
God  the  Father,  and  the  Demiurge,  but  in  many  of  their 
systems  they  conceived  the  relation  of  the  Demiurge  to 
the  Supreme  God  as  one  of  actual  antagonism,  and  the 
Demiurge  became  the  personification  of  the  power  of 
evil,  the  Satan  of  Gnosticism,  with  whom  the  faithful 
had  to  wage  war  to  the  end  that  they  might  be  pleasing 
to  the  Good  God.  The  Gnostic  Demiurge  then  as- 
sumes a  surprising  likeness  to  Ahriman,  the  evil  coimt- 
er-creator  of  Orniuzd  in  Mazdean  philosophy.  The 
character  of  the  Gnostic  Demiurge  became  still  more 
complicated  when  in  some  systems  he  was  identified 
with  Jehovah,  the  God  of  the  Jews  or  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, and  was  brought  in  opposition  to  Christ  of  the 
New  Testament,  the  Only-Begotten  Son  of  the  Su- 
preme and  Good  God.  The  purpose  of  Christ's  com- 
ing as  Saviour  and  Redeemer  was  to  rescue  us  from 
the  power  of  the  Demiurge,  the  lord  of  the  world  of 
this  darkness,  and  bring  us  to  the  light  of  the  Good 
God,  His  Father  in  heaven.  The  last  development  in 
the  character  of  the  Demiurge  was  due  to  Jehovah  be- 
ing primarily  considered  as  he  who  gave  the  Law  on 
Sinai,  and  hence  as  the  originator  of  all  restraint  on  the 
human  will.  As  the  Demiurge  was  essentially  evil, 
all  his  work  was  such ;  in  consequence  all  law  was  in- 
trinsically evil  and  the  duty  of  the  children  of  the 
Good  God  was  to  transgress  this  law  and  to  trample 
upon  its  precepts.  This  led  to  the  wildest  orgies  of 
Antinomian  Gnosticism. 

According  to  Valentinus  the  Demiurge  was  the  off- 
spring of  a  union  of  Achamoth  (niDDnn,  v  Kiru  <xo4>la 
or  lower  wisdom)  with  matter.  And  as  Achamoth  her- 
self was  only  the  daughter  of  So01a,  the  last  of  the  thirty 
.Sons,  the  Demiurge  was  distant  by  many  emana- 
tions from  the  Propator,  or  Supreme  God.  The  Demi- 
urge in  creating  this  world  out  of  Chaos  was  uncon- 
sciously influenced  for  good  by  Jesus  Soter;  and  the 
universe,  to  the  surprise  even  of  its  Maker,  became  al- 
most perfect.  The  Demiurge  regretted  even  its  slight 
imperfection,  and  as  he  thought  himself  the  Supreme 
God,  he  attempted  to  remedy  this  by  sending  a  Mes- 
sias.  To  this  Messias,  however,  was  actually  united 
Jesus  the  Saviour,  Who  redeemed  men.  These  are 
either  iXiKof,  or  wnvimTLKol.  The  first,  or  carnal  men, 
will  return  to  the  grossness  of  matter  and  finally 
be  consumed  by  fire ;  the  second,  or  psychic  men,  to- 
gether with  the  Demiurge  as  their  master,  will  enter  a 
middle  state,  neither  heaven  (pleroma)  nor  hell  (hi/le); 
the  purely  spiritual  men  will  be  completely  freed  from 
the  influence  of  the  Demiurge  and  together  with  the 
Saviour  and  Achamoth,  his  spouse,  will  enter  the  ple- 
roma, divested  of  body  (CX?;)  and  .soul  (f  ux'))-  In  this 
most  common  form  of  Gnosticism  the  Demiurge  had 
an  inferior  though  not  intrinsically  evil  function  in  the 
universe  as  the  liead  of  the  psychic  world.  According 
to  Marcion,  the  Demiurge  was  to  be  sharply  distin- 
guished from  the  Good  God;  the  former  was  Sdcaios, 
severely  just,  the  latter  iya66t.  or  loving-kind;  the 
former  was  the  God  of  the  Jews,  the  latter  the  true  God 


of  the  Christians.  Christ,  though  in  reality  the  Son  of 
the  Good  God,  pretended  to  be  the  Messias  of  the 
Demiurge,  the  better  to  spread  the  truth  concerning 
His  heavenly  Father.  The  true  believer  in  Christ  en- 
tered into  God's  kingdom,  the  unbeliever  remained 
forever  the  slave  of  the  Demiurge.  To  this  form  of 
Gnosticism,  the  Demiurge  has  assumed  already  a  more 
evil  aspect.  According  to  the  Naassenes  the  God  of 
the  Jews  is  not  merely  JiVaios,  but  he  is  the  great  ty- 
rant Jaldabaoth,  or  Son  of  Chaos.  He  is  Demiurge  and 
maker  of  man,  but  as  a  ray  of  light  from  above  enters 
the  body  of  man  and  gives  him  a  soul ;  Jaldabaoth  is 
filled  with  envy;  he  tries  to  limit  man's  knowledge  by 
forbidding  him  the  fruit  of  knowledge  in  paradise. 
The  Demiurge,  fearing  lest  Jesus,  whom  he  had  in- 
tended as  his  Messias,  should  spread  the  knowledge  of 
the  Supreme  God,  had  him  crucified  by  the  Jews.  At 
the  consummation  of  all  things  all  light  will  return  to 
the  pleroma;  but  Jaldabaoth,  the  Demiurge,  with  the 
material  world,  will  be  cast  into  the  lower  depths. 
Some  of  the  Ophites  or  Naassenes  venerated  all  per- 
sons reprobated  in  the  Old  Testament,  such  as  Cain, 
or  the  people  of  Sodom,  as  valiant  resisters  of  the 
Demiurge.  In  these  weird  systems  the  idea  of  the 
world-maker  was  degraded  to  the  uttermost.  Amongst 
the  Gnostics,  however,  who  as  a  rule  set  some  differ- 
ence between  the  Demiurge  and  the  Supreme  God, 
there  was  one  exception;  for  according  to  the  Ebion- 
ites,  whose  opinions  have  come  down  to  us  in  the 
Pseudo-Clementine  literature,  there  is  no  difference 
between  the  Highest  God  and  the  Demiurge.  They 
are  identical,  and  the  God  WTio  made  heaven  and 
earth  is  worthy  of  the  adoration  of  men.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Ebionite  system  is  tainted  with  pantheism, 
and  its  Demiurge  is  not  a  creator  but  only  a  world- 
builder.     (See  Gnosticism ;  Valentinus;  Marcion.) 

Mead,  Fragments  of  a  Faith  Forgotten  (London.  1906);  Du- 
chesne, Histoire  ancienne  de  VEglise  (Paris,  1907).  I,  xi;  Al- 
ZOG.  Church  History,  I,  s.v.  Gnosticism.  For  pre-Christian  idea 
ot  Demiurge:  Windelb-^nd,  History  of  Ancient  Philosophy 
(London,  1900). 

J.  P.  Arendzen. 
Demochares.    See  Mouchy,  Antoine  de. 
Democracy.     See  Government,  Forms  op. 

Democracy,  Christian. — In  Christian  Democracy, 
the  name  and  the  reality  have  two  very  different  his- 
torias,  and  therefore  they  must  be  carefully  distin- 
guished. 

The  Reality. — What  Christian  democracy  is  was 
authoritatively  laid  down  by  Pope  Leo  XIII  in  his 
Encyclical  "Graves  de  communi"  wherein  it  is  de- 
clared to  be  the  same  as  "popular  Catholic  action". 
Such  a  definition  is  certainly  intensive;  so  that  not 
everything  done  by  Catholics,  among  the  people  or  for 
the  people,  can  be  technically  termed  Christian  de- 
mocracy, or  popular  Catholic  action.  Action  in  this 
definition  is  taken  to  mean  an  organized  movement 
with  a  definite  programme  to  deal  v.ith  the  pressing 
problems  that  come  before  it.  Popular  has  reference 
to  the  people,  not  in-asmuch  as  they  are  a  nation  or 
collective  whole,  but  as  the  fourth  estate:  the  pleba, 
the  tenuiores,  and  the  tenuissimi  of  classical  antiquity. 
Lastly,  Catlwlic  (and  therefore  Christian  through  and 
through)  signifies  that  this  organized  action  in  favoui 
of  the  people  {plebs)  is  the  work  of  Catholics  as  such 
Popular  Catholic  action,  therefore,  means  that  th( 
scope  mapped  out  for  the  activity  of  the  organizatior 
is  the  well-being  of  the  people;  and  that  the  move 
ment  proceeds  along  Catholic  linos,  imder  the  gui' 
dance  of  Catholic  leaders.  Having  .stated  this,  it  ii|< 
easy  to  understand  that  the  existence  of  Christiai 
deriiocracy  is  not  a  thing  of  yesterday.  In  th. 
very-  nature  of  Christianity,  in  the  .spirit  of  the  Church 
in  the  mission  of  the  clergy  (of.  Benigni,  Ston: 
sociale  della  Chiesa,  Milan,  1907.  I)  lies  the  genu  o 
popular  Catholic  action  technically  so  called;  in  othe 


DEMOCRACY 


709 


DEMOCRACY 


words,  of  Christian  democracy.  As  soon,  therefore, 
as  pohtical  and  social  circumstances  allowed  it,  the 
Ch\irch  set  her  hand  to  this  work,  and  she  has  con- 
tinued without  interruption  her  traditional  action  in 
behalf  of  the  people.  To  prove  this  there  is  no  need 
of  distorting  the  facts  of  history.  Even  if  we  exclude 
the  marvellous  economic  organization  of  the  Church 
of  the  first  three  centuries  (see  the  last  part  of  the 
"Storia"  referred  to  above),  it  is  certain  that  from  the 
time  of  Constantine  the  Church  began  the  practical 
work  of  Christian  democracy,  when  the  clergy  showed 
(heir  zeal  in  establishing  hospices  for  orphans,  for  the 
at;o(i  and  infirm,  and  for  wayfarers. 

Constantine  in  a  period  of  famine  chose  the  bishops 
rather  than  the  civil  officials  to  distribute  corn  among 
a  starving  people,  and  thus  showed  his  appreciation  of 
Christian  democracy.  Julian  the  Apostate  showed 
e\('n  a  clearer  insight  when  in  his  famous  letter  to  the 
pagan  high-priest  of  (ialatia  he  urged  him  strongly  to 
admonish  the  pagan  priesthood  that  they  must  rival 
file  Christian  clergy  in  this  field  of  popular  work.  But 
wli(>n  the  fall  of  the  Empire  of  the  West  under  the 
sliock  of  the  barbarian  invasion  brought  civilization 
tn  the  verge  of  ruin  and  shook  the  very  foundation  of 
tl'.e  people's  welfare;  when  it  became  necessary  to 
huilci  up  again  laboriously  the  neo-Roman  culture  of 
the  West  out  of  the  remnants  that  escaped  the  catas- 
trophe and  the  raw  material  of  the  scarcely  civilized 
races,  then  shone  forth  in  its  real  light  the  true  Chris- 
tian democracy  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  an  entire  system  of  laws  and  customs  in  fur- 
therance of  the  civil  and  material  well-being  of  the 
people  was  established,  or  at  least  strengthened  and 
lieveloped,  by  the  united  action  of  clergy  and  laity. 
Tlie  right  of  sanctuary,  the  art  guilds  and  trade  guilds, 
the  relentless  war  against  usury,  the  numberless  benev- 
olent institutions,  the  protection  afforded  to  labour 
in  general,  and  the  special  provision  made  for  the  un- 
emjiloyed,  all  these  form  a  golden  thread  of  Christian 
'leniocracy  that  nms  throtigli  the  whole  course  of  me- 
dieval Church  historj',  unbroken  and  untarnished 
amid  its  surroundings  of  iron  and  stone.  The  Truce 
of  God  (which  proclaimed  the  inviolability  of  the 
lands  and  dominions  of  a  lord  who  had  gone  to  the 
Crusades)  was  not  only  a  safeguard  of  that  lord's 
interests,  but  above  all  of  his  people,  who,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  their  military  chief  could  offer  but  a  sorry 
defence  against  the  frequent  inroads  of  neighbouring 
lords  or  princes.  The  monies  pietalis,  too,  were  an 
admirable  Catholic  institution  that  delivered  the  poor 
from  the  clutches  of  the  extortioner  from  whom  they 
were  obliged  to  borrow.  The  many  thousand  confra- 
ternities scattered  up  and  down  Europe  were  religious 
associations,  but  in  nearly  every  instance  they  had  a 
common  fund  for  the  benefit  and  protection  of  their 
members.  Thus,  in  the  Papal  States,  up  to  the  time 
of  the  French  Revolution,  many  guilds  (such  as  shoe- 
makers, carpenters,  etc.)  had  a  notary  public  and  a 
lawyer  who  were  bound  to  transact  for  a  few  pence 
the  legal  business  of  the  members  of  the  guild.  These 
few  examples,  chosen  from  widely  different  fields,  suf- 
fice to  show  that  an  organized  action,  really  CathoUc 
and  really  of  the  people,  is  one  of  the  time-honoured 
traditions  of  Catholicism. 

But  the  last  definitive  stage  of  Christian  democracy, 
and  one  that  has  given  the  name  a  fixed  and  technical 
meaning,  dates  from  the  time  that  elapsed  between 
the  fall  of  Napoleon  I  an<l  the  international  Revolution 
of  1848.  Among  the  many  calumnies  heaped  upon 
the  Church  during  the  French  Revolution  was  the 
charge  that  she  was  anti-democratic,  and  this  not  only 
in  a  political,  but  al.so  in  a  larger  social  sen.se;  it 
rne:int  that  the  Ch\irch  favoured  the  great  and  mighty, 
iiid  sided  with  the  monarchical  oligarchy  against  the 
j'lst  political  and  economic  <lemands  of  the  miiklle  and 
Ir.wer  cla.sses.  The  horrors  of  the  Revolution  and, 
later  on,  the  illusions  of  the  Restoration,  drove  the 


clergy  and  a  number  of  the  thinking  laity  into  the  move- 
ment of  the  Counter-Revolution,  which,  in  the  hands 
of  politicians  like  Metternich,  developed  into  a  "re- 
action", i.  e.  it  was  not  deemed  sufficient  to  struggle 
against  the  evil  of  revolution  and  uphold  the  social 
order;  it  was  thought  necessary  to  restore  the  old 
regime,  bury  everything  good  and  bad  that  savoured 
of  democracy,  and  thereby  deprive  the  people  of  a 
means  of  improving  their  politico-economic  condi- 
tions. This  reactionary  programme  looked  on  the 
social  question  as  one  to  be  solved  by  fear  of  the  Gov- 
ernment's armed  hand,  by  charitable  subsidies,  and 
by  the  creation  of  holidays.  This  programme  found 
support  in  a  saying  attributed  to  the  King  of  Naples: 
To  rule  the  mob  you  must  use  three  /'s:  jeste,  farina, 
and  forca  (festivals,  food,  and  gallows).  But  a  new 
revolution  was  in  the  air.  The  Carbonari  began  their 
work  in  1821  and  kept  on  until  it  resulted  in  the  gen- 
eral upheaval  of  1848.  The  mass  of  the  clergy  and  of 
militant  Catholics  stood  by  the  "reaction"  as  far  as 
it  was  a  counter-revolution  in  the  better  sense  of  the 
word ;  but  in  the  general  public  opinion  the  clergy  and 
the  Catholics,  partly  through  mistakes  of  their  own, 
but  chiefly  through  the  malice  of  their  enemies,  came 
to  be  looked  upon  as  reactionaries  who  favoured  the 
oppression  of  the  people. 

Then  there  began  among  Catholics  "a  reaction 
against  reaction",  and  there  arose,  especially  in 
France,  the  de  Lamennais  party  which  had  as  a 
mouthpiece  the  newspaper  known  as  "L'Avenir,"  and 
for  its  motto,  "God  and  Liberty".  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Ozanam,  with  his  conferences  of  St.  Vincent  de 
Paul,  had  the  true  practical  idea  of  charity,  at  once 
thoroughly  Christian  and  thoroughly  adapted  to  act- 
ual needs ;  he  was  not  content  with  the  passing  touch 
of  the  hand  that  gave  and  the  hand  that  received,  but 
he  sent  the  charitable  into  the  very  homes  of  the 
needy  and  brought  them  face  to  face  with  the  hard 
reality  in  order  to  give  them  a  better  understanding 
an<l  a  stronger  sense  of  brotherhood.  De  Lamennais 
had  an  insight,  confused  but  keenly  felt,  into  a  popu- 
lar Catholic  action  not  restricted  to  works  of  material 
and  immediate  beneficence,  but  extending  beyond 
these  to  an  assertion  of  justice  and  social  equity  for  the 
lower  classes.  De  Lamennais,  therefore,  was  in  real- 
ity a  pioneer  of  Christian  democracy.  Unfortunately, 
he  also  led  the  way  in  errors  that  even  to-day  we  de- 
plore. By  involving  the  ethico-juridical  and  econom- 
ical action  of  Christian  democracy  in  political  agita- 
tion, he  fell  into  a  mistake  which  was  the  more  un- 
fortunate as  the  parties  of  his  day  made  use  of  it  to 
bring  about  a  violent  political  crisis.  He  was  wrong, 
too,  in  believing  that  liberty  was  the  positive  founda- 
tion of  everj'thing;  hence  the  justice  of  the  reproach 
cast  upon  his  fonnula,  "God  and  Liberty":  either 
Liberty  was  superfluous,  since  that  is  already  implied 
in  God,  or  the  phrase  was  illogical,  since  there  can 
be  no  question  of  liberty  miless  it  harmonizes  with 
social  order.  And  so  de  Lamennais  and  his  move- 
ment ended  in  failure. 

The  revolution  of  1848  and  the  consequent  reac- 
tion of  18.50  hindered  the  Catholics  from  availing 
themselves  of  such  good  as  there  was  in  de  Lamen- 
nais' attempt.  Then  came  the  political  and  relig- 
ious struggles  which  the  Church  had  to  face  (hiring 
the  long  pontificate  of  Pius  IX  and  the  early  years 
of  Leo  XIII's  rule.  But  the  latter  pontiff  soon 
issued  his  Encyclicals  on  the  political,  ethical,  jurid- 
ical, and  economical  questions  of  the  day,  and  in 
dealing  with  the  social  question  in  its  popular  aspects 
he  published,  1.5  May,  1891,  the  immortal  "Rerum 
Novanmi"  which  has  become  the  Magna  Charta  of 
Christian  democracy.  Mexsures  were  at  once  taken 
to  .secure  popular  Catholic  action:  and  it  (piickly  ap- 
peared how  unequal  most  Catholics  were  to  the  doc- 
trinal and  practical  requirements  of  the  situation. 
Un  the  one  hand,  many  of  them,  terrified  by  the  evils 


DEMON 


710 


DEMON 


of  the  Revolution  (especially  in  Latin  countries), 
would  not  hear  of  the  burning  questions  of  the  day  or 
of  new  organizations,  but  confined  themselves  to  the 
old  traditional  methods  of  material  and  spiritual  as- 
sistance, occasionally  venturing  on  the  establishment 
of  conferences  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  and  of  working- 
men's  mutual  benefit  societies,  such  as  were  already 
widely  organized  by  the  middle-class  liberal  party. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  were  some  who  thought  that 
the  best  means  of  combating  Socialism  was  to  imitate 
it;  and  they  encouraged  ideas,  attitudes,  and  expres- 
sions of  a  socialistic  type,  which  resulted  in  a  dis- 
torted viewpoint  and  an  undisciplined  activity,  to  the 
great  injury  of  genuine  popular  Catholic  action. 

But  these  various  turnings  in  the  course  of  modern 
Christian  democracy  are  hardly  as  yet  matters  of  his- 
tory; they  are  rather  items  in  a  chronicle  that  is  still 
being  written;  and  this  is  not  the  place  to  discuss 
them.  Only  let  it  be  noted  that  Leo  XIII  over  and 
over  again,  especially  in  receiving  pilgrimages  of 
workingmen,  laid  down  clearly  the  limits  and  the  na- 
ture of  popular  Catholic  action,  and  that  Pius  X  has 
repeatedly  confirmed  and  approved  of  them.  Chris- 
tian democracy  is  the  ensemble  of  Catholic  doctrine, 
organization,  and  action  in  the  field  of  popular  social 
questions,  i.  e.  the  vast  field  occupied  by  the  proleta- 
riat, called  by  some  (inexactly,  because  the  term  is 
not  wide  enough)  the  labour  question.  Christian 
democracy  recognizes  in  principle  and  in  fact  that  the 
popular  social  question  cannot  be  limited  to  the  ques- 
tion of  justice,  nor  of  charity ;  but  that  it  ought  to  es- 
tablish a  harmony  between  the  claims  of  the  first 
and  the  pleadings  of  the  second,  avoiding  the  excesses 
of  anarchistic  individualism  as  well  as  those  of  com- 
munism, socialistic  or  otherwise.  Christian  democ- 
racy, then,  disapproves  of  the  conduct  of  those  "so- 
cialistic" Catholics  who  despise  or  minimize  the  social 
function  of  Christian  charity;  just  as  it  disapproves 
the  position  of  those  other  Catholics  who  would  ignore 
and  disregard  the  question  of  social  justice  in  such 
matters  as  minimum  salary  and  maximum  number  of 
working  hours,  obligatorj'  insurance  of  workingmen, 
and  proportionate  sharing  of  profits.  But  real  Chris- 
tian democracy  seeks  to  be,  and  is,  absolutely  neutral 
on  political  matters.  It  is  not,  and  never  can  be 
monarchical,  or  republican,  or  oligarchical,  or  parlia- 
mentarian, or  partisan  in  politics.  So  much  follows 
from  its  very  nature.  On  this  foundation  Christian 
democracy,  emerging  from  the  present  crisis,  will  de- 
velop its  vast  programme  for  the  moral  and  material 
redemption  of  the  people,  and  will  be  one  of  the 
grandest  and  most  fortunate  applications  of  the  pro- 
gramme of  Pius  X,  "to  restore  all  things  in  Christ". 

The  Na.me. — .\fter  the  appearance  of  the  Encycli- 
cal "Rerum  Novarum",  the  rapid  grottih  of  popular 
Catholic  action  called  for  a  suitable  name  to  describe 
it.  The  old  name,  indeed,  "Popular  Cathohc  Ac- 
tion", was  both  accurate  and  comprehensive;  but  a 
discussion  arose  as  to  selecting  a  nom  de  guerre,  and  the 
choice  eventually  lay  between  "Catholic  Socialism" 
and  "Christian  Democracy".  The  discussion  was 
carried  on  especially  in  Belgium,  where  popular  Cath- 
olic action  had  been  highly  developed.  Those  in  fav- 
our of  "Catholic  Socialism"  pointed  out  that  the 
name  socialism  signified  purely  social  questions,  while 
democraaj  implied  the  idea  of  government  and  there- 
fore savoured  of  politics.  Their  opponents  answered 
that  socialism  was  a  branded  word,  and  belonged  to 
the  materialistic  and  revolutionary  party  known  by 
that  name,  while  democracy  had  lost  its  political  mean- 
ing and  actually  signified  nothing  else  than  "  popular 
question"  or  merely  "popularity";  so  much  so  that  a 
king  who  loves  his  people  and  is  loved  by  them  is 
called  a  "democratic"  king.  In  the  end  the  word 
demncracy  won;  and  Leo  XIII  in  the  Encyclical 
"Graves  de  communi"  (18  January,  1901)  declared 
as  acceptable  and  accepted  the  expression  "Christian 


democracy"  as  meaning  neither  more  noi  less  than 
popular  Catholic  action  and  as  having  for  its  aim  to 
comfort,  and  uplift  the  lower  classes  (studiiun  solandw 
erigcndn:que  plebis),  excluding  expressly  every  appear- 
ance and  implication  of  political  meaning.  Thus  the 
name  was  officially  accepted  at  once  (e.  g.  by  the 
"Opera  dei  Congressi  e  Comitati Cattolici  d'ltalia")  in 
the  sense  laid  down  by  the  encyclical.  But  unfortu- 
nate complications  soon  arose  through  the  action  of  a 
few,  who  were  not  unjustly  likened  to  the  Roman  rev- 
olutionaries of  1848  who  besought  Pius  IX  to  give 
them  a  constitution,  nothing  but  a  constitution,  and, 
when  they  got  it,  wanted  to  pass  off  anj-thing  and 
everything  under  the  name  of  the  Constitution.  There 
were  formed  soon  (in  France,  Italj',  and  Belgium) 
groups  of  "Christian  Democrats"  who  made  it  their 
business  to  war  against  conservative  Catholics  and  to 
consort  with  Socialists.  On  their  leaflets  and  calendars 
the  Italian  deino-Christians  printed  the  dilemma: 
"either  Bourbonist  or  Christian-Democrats",  as 
though  to  be  a  Bourbon  in  politics  hindered  one  from 
belonging  to  the  party  of  popular  Catholic  action, 
i.  e.  to  christian  Democracy.  While  insisting  that  it 
is  still  at  the  chronicle  stage,  we  may  state  in  conclu- 
sion that  the  term  Christian  Democracy  seems  to  have 
been  seriously  compromised  by  the  action  of  those 
who  distorted  its  meaning  from  that  laid  down  in  the 
Encyclical  "Graves  de  communi";  it  therefore  in- 
clines to  lose  the  meaning  of  "popular  Catholic  ac- 
tion", and  tends  more  and  more  to  denote  a  school 
and  a  political  party.  (See  Belgiu.m;  Fr.^nce; 
Germany;  Italy;  Spain.) 

Acta  Leonis  XIII  (Rome.  1903);  Acta  Pit  X  (Rome,  1904); 
Rivi^ta  intemazionale  di  studi  sociali  (Rome,  1893). 

U.  Benigni. 

Demon  (Greek  Sal/iwD  and  SaifiSviop;  Lat.  da-mo- 
niurn). — In  Scripture  and  in  Catholic  theology  this 
word  has  come  to  mean  much  the  same  as  deinl  and 
denotes  one  of  the  evil  spirits  or  fallen  angels  (see 
Devil).  And  in  fact  in  some  places  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment where  the  Vulgate,  in  agreement  with  the 
Greek,  has  da^monium,  our  vernacular  versions  read 
deinl.  The  precise  distinction  between  the  two  terms 
in  ecclesiastical  usage  may  be  seen  in  the  phrase  used 
in  the  decree  of  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council:  "  Diab- 
olus  enim  et  alii  dremones"  (The  devil  and  the  other 
demons),  i.  e.  all  are  demons,  and  the  chief  of  the 
demons  is  called  the  devil.  This  distinction  is  ob- 
served in  the  Vulgate  New  Testament,  where  diabolus 
represents  the  Greek  Sid^oXos,  and  in  almost  every 
instance  refers  to  Satan  himself,  while  his  subordinate 
angels  are  described,  in  accordance  with  the  Greek,  as 
dcemones  or  dwmonia.  This  must  not  be  taken,  how- 
ever, to  indicate  a  difference  of  nature;  for  Satan  is 
clearly  included  among  the  dcemones  in  James,  ii,  19, 
and  in  Luke,  xi,  15,  IS.  But  though  the  word  demon 
is  now  practically  restricted  to  this  sinister  sense,  it 
was  otherwise  with  the  earlier  usage  of  the  Greek 
writers.  The  word,  which  is  apparently  derived  from 
Saliii  "to  divide"  or  "apportion",  originally  meant  a 
divine  being;  it  was  occasionally  applied  to  the  higher 
gods  and  goddesses,  but  was  more  generally  used  to 
denote  spiritual  beings  of  a  lower  order  coming  be- 
tween gods  and  men.  For  the  most  part  these  were 
beneficent  beings,  and  their  office  wxs  somewhat  anal- 
ogous to  that  of  the  angels  in  Christian  theology. 
Thus  the  adjective  (vSal^uv.  "happy",  properly 
meant  one  who  was  guided  and  guarded  by  a  good 
demon.  Some  of  these  Greek  demons,  however,  were 
evil  and  malignant.  Hence  we  have  the  counter- 
part to  cvSanovla,  "happiness",  in  KaKoSaitiovta  which 
denoted  misfortune,  or  in  its  more  original  meaning, 
being  under  the  possession  of  an  evil  demon.  In  the 
Greek  of  the  New  Testament  and  in  the  language  of 
the  early  Fathers,  the  word  was  already  restricted  to 
the  sinister  sense,  which  was  natural  enough,  now 


DEMONIACS 


711 


DEMONIACS 


that  even  tlie  liigher  gods  of  the  Greeks  had  come  to  be 
nt^arded  as  devils. 

\\  o  have  a  curious  instance  of  the  confusion  caused 
\i\  the  ambiguity  and  variations  in  the  meaning  of  the 
\\(prd,in  the  case  of  the  ccl('l)ratpd  "Da?mon"  of  8oc- 
rati\s.  This  has  been  luulerstood  in  a  bad  sense  by 
SI 'Die  Christian  writers  wlio  luive  made  it  a  matter  of 
ivproach  that  the  great  Clreek  philosopher  was  accom- 
panied and  prompted  by  a  demon.  But,  as  Cardinal 
.Manning  clearly  shows  in  his  paper  on  the  subject,  the 
« 1  )r(l  here  has  a  very  different  meaning.  He  points  to 
the  fact  that  both  Plato  and  Xenophon  use  the  form 
cai/xifiof,  which  Cicero  rightly  renders  as  divinum 
iilitpiid,  "something  divine".  And  after  a  close  ex- 
luiiination  of  the  account  of  the  matter  given  by 
Si  .irates  himself  in  the  reports  transmitted  by  his  dis- 
■  iples,  he  concludes  that  the  promptings  of  the 
"  l);emon"  were  the  dictates  of  conscience,  which  is 
the  voice  of  God. 

It  may  be  observed  that  a  similar  change  and  de- 
Icrioration  of  meaning  has  taken  place  in  the  Iranian 
languages  in  the  case  of  the  word  daevn.  Etymolog- 
irally  this  is  identical  with  the  Sanskrit  deva,  by  which 
it  is  rendered  in  Neriosengh's  version  of  the  A  vesta. 
I'.iit  whereas  the  devas  of  Indian  theology  are  good 
and  beneficent  gods,  the  daevas  of  the  A  vesta  are 
hateful  spirits  of  evil.     (See  also  Demonology.) 

M  iNNi.NC,  The  Dtemon  of  Socrates  (1872);  Alexander, 
/)'  manic  Possession  in  the  New  Testanu-nt  (1902). 

W.  H.  Kent. 

Demoniacs  (Gr.  Sai/xoi-uAs,  iaiiiovi^iixtvo^,  possessed 
I  \'  a  demon). — The  idea  of  demonic  possession  by 
which  a  man  becomes  demonized,  that  is  possessed 
1  1  routroUcd  by  a  demon,  was  present  in  many  ancient 
I  thnic  religions,  and  in  fact  it  is  found  in  one  form  or 
aiinther  wherever  there  is  a  belief  in  the  existence  of 
(l.anons,  and  that  is  practically  everywhere  (cf.  De- 
Bl  m.in;  Demonology).  Here,  however,  we  are  chiefly 
concerned  with  the  demonic  possession  in  the  New 
Testament;  for  this  is  in  many  ways  the  most  worthy 
of  special  attention,  and  serves  as  a  standard  by  which 
we  may  judge  of  cases  occurring  elsewhere.  Further 
(juestions  in  regard  to  these  other  cases  and  the  gen- 
eral practice  of  the  Church  in  dealing  with  those  who 
are  possessed  by  evil  spirits  will  be  treated  in  other 
articles  (Exorci.sm,  Obsession).  Among  the  many 
miracles  recorded  in  the  synoptic  Gospels,  special 
prominence  is  given  to  the  casting  out  of  devils  or 
demons  iSa.iij.wv,  Sai/xdviov) .  Thus,  in  St.  Mark,  the 
first  of  all  the  wonders  is  the  casting  out  of  the  devil 
from  a  demoniac,  the  man  "with  an  unclean  spirit" 
{if  irvev/iaTi  aKaddpTcf)  in  the  synagogue  at  Caphar- 
naum.  And  St.  Peter  thus  describes  the  mission  and 
the  miracles  of  Christ:  "Jesus  of  Nazareth:  how  God 
anointed  him  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  with  power, 
who  went  about  doing  good,  and  healing  all  that  were 
opjiressod  by  the  devil"  (rois  KaTaSwaa-TevoiUvovs  tnrb 
ToD  5ia^6Xou— Acts,  X,  38). 

The  reason  for  the  stress  thus  laid  on  this  casting 
out  of  the  devils  is  not  far  to  seek.  For  the  miracles  of 
Christ,  as  St.  Augustine  says,  are  both  deeds  and 
woriLs.  They  are  works  done  in  testimony  of  His 
power  and  His  Divine  mi.ssion ;  and  they  are  words,  be- 
cause they  have  a  deep  significance.  In  both  these 
aspects  the  casting  out  of  devils  seems  to  have  a 
special  pre-eminence.  Few,  if  any,  of  the  wonders  can 
be  said  to  give  such  a  striking  proof  of  a  power  above 
the  order  of  nature.  And  for  this  reason  we  find  that 
tiie  disciples  seem  to  have  been  more  impressed  by 
this  than  by  the  other  powers  given  to  them — "The 
devils  even  are  subject  to  us."  And  as,  when  He 
stilled  the  storm  at  sea,  they  cried:  "Who  is  this 
(think  you),  that  He  commandeth  both  the  winds  and 
the  sea,  and  they  obey  Him?"  (Luke,  viii,  25).  So 
those  who  saw  the  devil  cast  out  at  Caphamaum 
asked:   "  What  thing  is  this?    What  is  this  new  doc- 


trine? For  with  power  He  commandeth  even  the  un- 
clean spirits,  and  they  obey  Him"  (Mark,  i,  27).  In 
the  same  way  it  may  be  said  that  these  wonders  speak 
in  a  special  manner  and  show  forth  the  meaning  of  Ilis 
mission ;  for  He  had  come  to  break  the  power  of  Satan 
and  deliver  men  from  their  state  of  servitude.  It  is 
thus  that  Christ  Himself,  on  the  eve  of  His  Passion, 
spealis  of  the  great  victory  which  He  was  about  to 
accomplish  by  His  Cross  on  Calvary:  "Now  is  the 
judgment  of  the  world:  now  shall  the  prince  of  this 
world  be  cast  out"  (John,  xii,  31).  That  casting-out 
is  symbolized  in  the  deliverance  of  everj'  demoniac. 
They  might  also  be  in  the  slavery  of  sin  and  in  need  of 
forgiveness.  They  might  possibly  have  some  bodily 
infirmity  and  need  healing;  still,  it  was  not  for  this 
that  they  were  said  to  be  demoniacs,  but  because  an 
evil  spirit  had  literally  entered  into,  and  taken  posses- 
sion of,  them  to  control  and  direct,  or  perhaps  hinder, 
their  physical  powers,  e.  g.  to  speak  through  their 
vocal  organs,  or  to  tie  their  tongues.  And  though 
this  possession  might  be  a,ssociated  with  sin,  this  was 
not  necessarily  the  case;  for  sometimes  this  affliction 
might  befall  an  innocent  person,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
boy  who  had  been  possessed  from  his  infancy  (Mark, 
ix,  20).  So  neither  is  it  necessary  to  suppose  that 
there  was  any  bodily  infirmity  in  the  victim  distinct 
from  the  demonic  possession  itself,  even  in  the  case  of 
those  who  are  described  as  being  blind  or  dumb  as  well 
as  being  possessed  by  a  devil.  For  it  may  be — and  in 
some  places  it  may  seem  that  this  is  intimated  by  the 
text — that  the  dumbness  or  other  infirmity  is  not  due 
to  any  defect  in  the  organs,  but  to  the  fact  that  their 
normal  activity  is  hindered  by  the  possessing  devil. 
Hence,  when  once  his  influence  and  restraint  is  taken 
away,  the  infirmity  forthwith  disappears. 

It  is  in  this  way  that  these  cases  of  demonic  posses- 
sion have  been  constantly  understood  by  Catholic 
commentators;  that  is  to  say,  the  words  of  Scripture 
have  been  taken  literally,  and  understood  to  mean 
that  an  evil  spirit,  one  of  the  fallen  angels,  has  entered 
into  the  demoniac,  that  this  spirit  may  speak  through 
the  voice  of  the  demonized  person,  but  that  it  is  not 
the  man,  but  the  spirit,  who  is  speaking,  and  that  by 
the  command  of  Christ  or  that  of  one  of  His  servants 
the  evil  spirit  may  be  cast  out,  and  the  possessed  per- 
son set  free.  And  though  our  commentators  and 
theologians  have  treated  the  subject  of  obsession  with 
their  wonted  fullness  of  detail  and  critical  discrimina- 
tion, for  a  long  time  there  was  little  occasion  for  any 
determined  defence  of  this  literal  interpretation  and 
acceptance  of  the  Scriptural  tloctrine  on  this  matter. 
For  even  in  the  days  of  the  first  Reformers,  when  so 
many  traditional  doctrines  were  rudely  called  in 
question,  there  was  no  disposition  to  dispute  the  real- 
ity of  demonic  possession.  The  primitive  Protestants 
might  not  accept  the  claims  of  the  Church  to  the 
power  of  exorcizing  evil  spirits,  as  they  plainly  denied 
the  higher  sacramental  powers  of  the  Christian  priest- 
hood ;  but  they  had  no  mind  to  doubt  or  deny  the 
existence  of  evil  spirits  and  the  reality  of  Satanic  influ- 
ence and  activity.  Nor  is  this  surprising,  since  the 
beginning  of  Protestantism  was  marked  by  an  increase 
in  practices  of  superstition,  and  for  a  long  while,  both 
in  Catholic  and  in  Protestant  countries,  men  were 
prone  to  be  too  credulous  in  these  nuatters,  and  to 
exaggerate  the  extent  of  obsession,  witchcraft,  and 
intercourse  with  evil  spirits. 

Needless  to  say,  the  whole  traditional  doctrine  on 
this  matter  was  rejected  by  the  Sceptical  philosophers 
of  the  eighteenth  centurj'.  And  with  the  spn-ad  of 
new  ideas  in  the  age  of  revolution,  and  political  econ- 
omy and  practical  science,  itsecmefl,  for  a  time  at  any 
rate,  in  the  early  nineteenth  centurj^  that  the  old 
superstitious  beliefs  in  spirits  and  witchcraft  were 
dying  a  natural  death.  Most  educated  men  were  in- 
credulous of  any  diabolical  agency  in  this  world,  even 
if  they  retained  some  shadowy  belief  in  the  existence 


DKMONIACS 


712 


DEMONIACS 


of  the  evil  spirits  in  another  sphere.  But  with  a 
happy  inconsistency,  many  who  rejected  as  supersti- 
tious all  other  alleged  cases  of  obsession  still  professed 
their  belief  in  the  Gospel  narrative,  with  its  nvnnerous 
demoniacs  and  its  miraculous  exorcisms.  Of  course 
it  was  possible,  at  least  in  the  abstract,  and  without 
making  a  too  curious  examination  of  the  facts,  to  hold 
a  theory  that  possession  had  really  happened  of  old 
and  liad  since  ceased  altogether.  For  all  must  admit 
that  in  any  case  it  does  not  occur  with  the  same  fre- 
quency in  all  ages  or  in  every  land  alike.  But  it  is  one 
thing  to  dispute  the  fact  and  another  to  deny  the  pos- 
sibility of  demonic  possession  in  medieval  or  modern 
times.  It  may  be  a  great  mistake,  but  there  is  no  con- 
tradiction involved  in  saj-ing  that  obsession  did  happen 
of  old  but  does  not  happen  now;  it  is  surely  another 
matter  if  we  say  that  these  things  cannot  happen  now, 
that  they  are  intrinsically  impossible.  And  though 
they  may  not  be  fully  conscious  of  their  own  motives, 
it  is  to  be  feared  that  this  is  really  the  position 
adopted  by  those  who  reject  all  cases  of  demonic  pos- 
session except  those  that  are  recorded  in  the  New 
Testament.  It  is  true  that  some  are  provided  with  a 
theological,  or  Biblical,  reason  for  this  limitation. 
For  they  tell  us  that  possession  w;is  indeed  possible 
before  the  Death  of  Christ,  but  that  since  that  great 
victory  the  power  of  Satan  has  been  broken,  or,  in  the 
language  of  Scripture,  he  has  been  bound,  so  that  he 
can  no  longer  gain  possession  of  the  bodies  of  men. 
It  may  be  freely  allowed  that  there  is  no  contradiction 
or  inconsistency  involved  in  admitting  the  Gospel 
cases  of  obsession  and  denying  the  others,  if  this  be 
the  real  reason  for  making  the  distinction.  But  it  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  this  is  really  the  ground  on 
which  all  later  instances  are  rejected  as  unreal.  For, 
after  all,  this  doctrine  about  the  binding  of  Satan  and 
the  consequent  ceasing  of  obsession  is  at  best  a  theo- 
logical conjecture  (see  Devil)  and  a  plausible  inter- 
pretation of  a  mysterious  text,  and  as  such  it  can 
hardly  afford  a  basis  for  a  certain  conclusion.  And  it 
may  be  safely  said  that  those  who  deny  all  modern 
or  medieval  cases  of  obsession  are  generally  very  cer- 
tain of  their  conclusion.  There  is  a  further  difficulty 
in  the  fact  that  cases  of  obsession  are  recorded  in  the 
New  Testament  as  having  taken  place  after  the  death 
of  Christ. 

It  was  no  doubt  due  to  the  force  of  these  objections, 
or  to  a  desire  to  find  some  means  of  meeting  or  evad- 
ing them,  that  the  Rationalistic  school  of  German 
Biblical  criticism  set  about  the  task  of  providing  a 
new  interpretation  of  the  Gospel  cases  of  demonic 
possession.  Older  free-thinking  philosophers  and  as- 
sailants of  revealed  religion  had  bhmtly  denied  the 
fact  of  obsession,  and  asserted  that  the  demoniacs 
were  merely  madmen,  that  they  were  suffering  from 
epilepsy,  or  mania,  or  some  other  form  of  mental 
alienation,  and  that  Jewish  superstition  had  ascribed 
the  disease  to  the  presence  of  an  evil  spirit.  The 
earlier  school  of  German  Rationalist  theologians  en- 
deavoured to  modify  this  view  of  the  matter  and  so 
interpret  the  Sacred  Text  as  to  reconcile  the  natural- 
istic explanation  with  due  reverence  for  the  Gospel  and 
for  the  wisdom  of  the  Divine  Redeemer.  Thus  they 
accepted  the  ^^ew  that  the  demoniacs  were  merely 
lunatics,  and  that  it  was  only  popular  superstition 
that  imagined  that  they  were  possessed  by  devils.  So 
far  these  theologians  agreed  with  the  infidel  writers. 
But,  instead  of  making  the  confusion  between  lunacy 
and  possession  a  ground  of  attack  on  the  Gospel,  they 
went  on  to  explain  that  Clirist  indeed  knew  the  truth 
and  only  aceommodateil  Himself  to  the  ideas  of  His 
ignorant  hearers,  who  were  incapable  of  grasping  the 
true  facts,  and  that  this  was  the  wisest  way  to  lead 
them  on  to  the  truth.  One  of  these  interpreters  seeks 
to  explain  the  answers  to  the  evil  spirit  at  Caphar- 
naum  by  the  method  adopted  by  doctors  in  dealing 
with  those  who  are  suffering  under  a  delusion.     The 


best  means  of  curing  them  is  often  found  in  an  affected 
adoption  of  the  patient's  delusion,  e.  g.,  if  he  imagines 
that  he  has  to  imdergo  some  operat  ion,  the  doctor  will 
pretend  to  perform  it.  In  the  same  way  it  is  sug- 
gested that  the  superstitious  belief  in  demonic  posses- 
sion prevailed  among  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Christ 
(and  whether  true  or  false  it  certainly  did  prevail 
among  them),  and  in  these  circunxstances  a  lunatic 
might  very  well  be  under  the  delusion  that  he  was 
a  subject  of  this  imaginary  obsession;  and  thus  a 
wise  physician  might  cure  the  delusion  by  means 
of  an  affected  exorcism  of  the  non-existent  evil 
spirit. 

The  fallacy  of  this  crude  Rationalism  was  search- 
ingly  criticized  and  exposed  by  Strauss  in  his  critical 
Life  of  Chi  ist  more  than  seventy  years  ago  ( Das  Leben 
Jesu,  ix).  He  points  out  that  such  interpretations 
not  only  have  no  basis  in  the  text,  but  that  there  is 
much  there  that  plainly  contradicts  them.  The 
critic,  he  observes,  is  really  ascribing  the  ideas  of  his 
own  time  to  those  who  lived  in  the  first  century.  And 
indeed  a  closer  scrutiny  of  the  evidence  may  well  be 
enough  to  show  that  this  Rationalistic  exegesis  is  in- 
consistent in  itself  and  in  conflict  with  the  testimony 
of  the  very  documents  on  which  it  professes  to  be 
founded.  It  may  be  admitted  that  there  is  an  ele- 
ment of  truth  in  the  general  notion  that  there  may  be 
some  condescension  or  accommodation  where  an  en- 
lightened teacher  is  addressing  a  rude  and  uncultured 
audience,  and  one  who  cannot  in  some  measure  adapt 
himself  to  their  crude  conceptions  and  habits  of 
thought  and  expression  might  as  well  address  them  in 
a  foreign  tongue.  It  may  be  added  that  in  the  case  of 
a  Divine  teacher  there  must  needs  be  some  condescen- 
sion or  accommodation  to  the  lowly  ways  of  men. 
And  for  this  reason  St.  Gregory  Nazianzen  likens  the 
inspired  words  of  Holy  Scripture  to  the  simple  lan- 
guage in  which  a  mother  speaks  to  her  lisping  little 
ones.  It  need  not  surprise  us,  therefore,  did  we  find 
that  Christ  accommodated  His  words  to  the  limita- 
tions of  those  who  heard  Him.  But  this  principle  will 
not  serve  to  explain  His  manner  of  speaking  and  act- 
ing in  regard  to  this  matter  of  demonic  possession,  for 
it  simply  will  not  fit  the  facts.  It  is  not  a  question  of 
some  isolated  and  possibly  ambiguous  action  or  utter- 
ance, but  of  many  and  various  acts  and  utterances  all 
consistent  with  each  other,  and  with  the  belief  or 
knowledge  that  there  is  real  demonic  possession,  and 
utterly  incompatible  with  the  interpretation  that  has 
been  put  upon  them  by  these  critics.  It  may  be  a 
wise  course  to  humour  a  madman  who  imagines  him- 
self to  be  possessed,  by  pretending  to  accept  his  belief 
and  bidding  the  devil  depart  from  him,  and  in  the 
case  of  some  modern  missionary,  of  whom  we  knew  no 
more  than  the  fact  that  he  had  used  some  words  in  a 
case  of  supposed  possession,  there  might  be  room  to 
doubt  whether  he  himself  believed  in  the  possession,  or 
was  merely  seeking  to  pacify  a  lunatic  by  making  use 
of  his  delusion.  But  it  would  surely  be  otherwise  if 
we  found  the  same  missionary  speaking  in  this  way 
about  demons  and  demonic  possession  to  others  who 
were  not  lunatics  suffering  from  this  painful  mono- 
mania: if  we  found  him  teaching  how  evil  spirits  enter 
into  a  man,  and  how,  when  they  are  cast  out,  they 
wander  in  desolate  places.  Yet  this  is  what  we  actu- 
ally find  in  the  Gospels,  where  Christ  not  only  ad- 
dresses the  devils  and  bids  them  depart  or  be  silent, 
and  thus  treats  them  as  personalities  distinct  from  the 
man  who  is  the  subject  of  possession,  but  speaks  of 
them  in  the  same  way  to  His  disciples,  to  whom  he 
teaches  a  doctrine  about  demonic  possession.  So 
again,  it  may  sometimes  be  a  wise  course  for  a  religious 
teacher  to  deal  gently  with  the  beliefs  of  the  ignorant; 
he  may  feel  that  it  is  impossible  to  do  all  at  once,  and 
that  some  errors  can  only  be  destroyed  by  gentle 
means  and  gradual  enlightenment.  It  may  be  that 
the  best  and  most  enlightened  teacher,  who  found  him . 


DEMONOLOGY 


713 


DEMONOLOGY 


srlf  in  the  midst  of  a  simple,  credulous,  and  supersti- 
tious population,  would  shrink  from  adopting  harsh 
and  drastic  measures  to  get  rid  of  these  cherished 
superstitions  and  popular  errors.  And  though  on  this 
point  we  must  speak  with  some  reserve,  it  is  possible 
that  in  such  a  case  the  teacher,  in  endeavouring  to 
make  himself  understood  by  his  hearers,  will  use  their 
own  language  and  convey  his  own  message  of  truth 
throiigh  the  medium  of  words  and  phrases  which,  taken 
litiTally,  may  seem  to  give  some  countenance  to  these 
popular  errors.  But  whetherthisbe  permissible  or  no, 
It  may  be  safely  asserted  that  a  wise  and  good  teacher 
"  ill  not  carry  his  accommodation  to  the  point  of  con- 
lit  ming  his  hearers  in  their  delusions.  And  these 
iiitics  themselves  can  hardly  question  the  fact  that 
till'  whole  treatment  of  demonic  possession  in  the 
inis|>els  has  had  this  effect,  and  has  confirmed  and 
)"  rpetuated  the  belief  in  real  demonic  possession. 

And  at  least  in  these  latter  days  there  must  be  many 
\\\\n  would  have  abandoned  all  belief  in  the  reality  or 
p\  fn  the  bare  possiljility  of  any  such  possession,  but 
that  thry  felt  constrained  to  beheve  it  on  the  author- 
ity of  Christ  and  the  testimony  of  the  Gospels.  Cer- 
tainly, if  it  were  possible  to  accept  this  interpretation 
of  the  early  Rationalists,  and  regard  the  attitude  of 
Clirist  as  an  accommodation  to  popular  beliefs  and 
siiprrstitions,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  alleged 
criinomy  has  had  very  unfortunate  consequences. 
Liter  Rationalists,  who  see  the  difficulty,  or  rather 
til.'  impossibility,  of  reconciling  this  view  with  the 
lenience  of  the  Gospels,  have  turned  to  other  ways 
if  i^cape,  and,  like  the  other  supernatural  and  mirac- 
ulms  elements  in  the  Gospel  narrative,  the  instances 
■  il  demonic  possession  and  the  casting  out  of  devils 
111  vc  been  explained  as  parts  of  a  mythical  legend  that 
lias  grown  up  around  the  figure  of  Christ;  or  again 
till  V  have  furni.shed  grounds  for  disputing  the  fullness 
I  if  Ili.s  knowledge,  or  the  authenticity  and  veracity  of 
1  li''  narrative.  This  is  not  the  place  to  deal  with  these 
pnililems  of  apologetics;  but  it  may  be  well  to  say  a 
"iinl  on  the  true  ground  for  the  rejection  of  belief  in 
I'  al  demonic  possession.  The  tendency  has  been  to 
ill  iiv  the  possibility  of  miracles  or  demonic  possession. 
Ami  it  is  sometimes  curious  that  critics  who  are  so 
1h>M  in  setting  limits  to  the  knowledge  of  Christ  are 
I  if*  I'll  strangely  oblivious  of  their  own  natural  knowl- 
iiIl.'!-.  On  metaphysical  principles  we  can  have  no 
V  ilid  ground  for  deciding  that  such  a  thing  as  demonic 
iil'-ission  is  impossible,  and  it  is  a  more  reasonable,  as 
will  as  a  more  modest,  course  to  keep  to  means  of 
kiiDwledge  within  our  reach  and  examine  the  evidence 
aildiicible  for  the  actual  occurrence  of  obsession.  If 
any  one  has  examined  this  evidence  and  found  it  in- 
siiilicient,  his  denial  of  demonic  agency,  whether  we 
ai  11  pt  it  or  not,  is  at  any  rate  entitled  to  respect. 
Hut  few  of  those  w-ho  have  been  most  decided  in  their 
n  !•  rtion  of  obsession  or  other  preternatural  or  mirac- 
iil'  ills  manifestations  have  taken  any  pains  to  examine 
tlir  adducible  evidence.  On  the  contran,',  they  have 
generally  dismissed  it  with  contempt,  as  unworthy  of 
serious  consideration.  And  Baader  is  surely  well 
warranted  when  he  complains  of  what  he  calls  "  Ra- 
tionalistic obscurantism  and  dogmatism"  in  this 
matter  (Werke,  IV,  109).  Of  late  years  the  mag- 
netism to  which  this  acute  thinker  was  calling  the  at- 
tention of  philosophers  in  the  work  we  have  cited,  and 
more  recently  the  phenomena  of  hypnotism  and  spirit- 
ism, have  helped  to  bring  the  critics  to  a  more  rational 
attitude.  And  with  the  weakening  of  this  credulous 
prejudice  many  of  the  difficulties  raised  against  the 
demonic  possession  in  the  New  Testament  will  natur- 
ally disappear. 

The  instances  of  obsession  mentioned  in  the  New 
Testament  may  be  roughly  divided  into  two  classes. 
In  the  first  group  we  are  given  some  facts  which,  even 
apart  from  the  use  of  rienionizerl  or  some  equivalent 
tenn  might  suffice  to  show  that  it  is  a  case  of  demonic 


possession  properly  so  called.  Such  are  the  cases  of 
the  "man  with  an  unclean  spirit"  in  the  synagogue  at 
Capharnaum  (Mark,  i)  and  the  Gerasene  demoniac 
(Luke,  xi).  In  both  of  these  instances  we  have  evi- 
dence of  the  presence  of  an  evil  spirit  who  betrays 
knowledge  beyond  the  ken  of  the  demonized  person  or 
(in  the  latter  case)  manifests  his  power  elsewhere  after 
he  has  been  cast  out.  In  the  second  group  may  be 
placed  those  cases  in  which  we  are  not  given  such  dis- 
tinct and  unmistakable  signs  of  true  demonic  posses- 
sion, e.  g.  the  woman  who  had  a  spirit  of  infirmity 
(Luke,  xiii,  11).  Here,  apart  from  the  words,  spirit, 
and  whom  Satan  hath  bnumi,  there  is  apparently  noth- 
ing to  distinguish  the  case  from  an  ordinary  healing  of 
infirmity.  A  careful  consideration  of  the  medical 
aspect  of  demonic  possession  has  often  been  associated 
with  a  denial  of  the  demonic  tigency.  But  this  is  by 
no  means  necessary;  and,  rightly  understood,  the 
medical  evidence  may  even  help  to  establish  the  truth 
of  the  record.  This  has  been  done  within  the  last  few 
years  by  Dr.  Wm.  Menzies  Alexander  in  liis  "  Deraonic 
Possession  in  tlie  New  Testament:  Its  Kclaticms,  His- 
torical, Medical,  and  Theological"  (Edinburgh,  1902). 
In  his  view,  the  Gospel  records  of  the  chief  cases  of 
demonic  possession  exhibit  all  the  symptoms  of  such 
mental  diseases  as  epilepsy,  acute  mania,  and  so  on, 
with  such  accuracy  of  detail  that  the  narrative  can 
only  owe  its  origin  to  a  faithful  report  of  the  actual 
facts.  At  the  same  time  Dr.  Alexander  is  equally 
impressed  by  the  cogency  of  the  evidence  for  real 
demonic  possession  at  least  in  these  cases.  Even 
those  readers  who  are  imable  to  accept  his  conclusions 
— and  in  regard  to  later  instances  of  obsession  we  are 
unable  to  follow  him — will  find  the  book  helpful  and 
suggestive  and  it  may  be  commended  to  the  attention 
of  Catholic  theologians. 

For  authorities  see  modern  titles  cited  at  end  of  De\il. 
W.  H.  Kent. 

Demonology. — As  the  name  sufficiently  indicates, 
demonologj-  is  the  science  or  doctrine  concerning  de- 
mons. Both  in  its  form  and  in  its  meaning  it  has  an 
obvious  analogy  with  theology,  which  is  the  science  or 
doctrine  about  God.  And  with  reference  to  the  many 
false  and  dangerous  fonns  of  this  demonic  science  we 
may  fitly  adapt  the  well-known  words  of  Albertus 
Magnus  on  the  subject  of  theologj'  and  say  of  demon- 
ology, "A  daemonibus  docetur,  de  da}monibus  docet, 
et  ad  diBmones  ducit". — It  is  taught  by  the  demons, 
it  teaches  about  the  demons,  and  it  leads  to  the  de- 
mons.— P^or  very  much  of  the  literature  that  comes 
under  this  head  of  demonologj'  is  tainted  with  errors 
that  may  well  owe  their  origin  to  the  father  of  false- 
hood, and  much  of  it  again,  especially  those  portions 
which  have  a  practical  purpose  (what  may  be  called 
the  ascetical  and  mystical  demonology)  is  designed  to 
lead  men  to  give  themselves  to  the  service  of  Satan. 
There  is,  of  course,  a  true  doctrine  aliout  demons  or 
evil  spirits,  to  wit  that  portion  of  Catholic  theology 
which  treats  of  the  creation  and  fall  of  the  rebel 
angels,  and  of  the  various  ways  in  which  these  fallen 
spirits  are  permitted  to  tempt  and  afflict  the  children 
of  men.  But  for  the  most  part  these  questions  will  be 
dealt  with  elsewhere  in  this  work.  Here,  on  the  con- 
trary, our  chief  concern  is  with  the  various  ethnic, 
Jewish,  and  heretical  systems  of  demonology.  These 
systems  are  so  many  that  it  will  be  out  of  the  question 
to  deal  with  them  all  or  to  set  forth  their  doctrines 
with  completeness.  And  indeed  a  fidl  treatment  of 
these  strange  doctrines  of  demons  might  well  seem 
somewhat  out  of  place  in  these  pages.  It  will  be 
enough  to  give  some  intlieation  of  the  main  features 
of  a  few  of  the  more  important  systems  in  divers  lands 
and  in  distant  ages.  This  may  enable  the  reader  to 
appreciate  the  important  part  played  by  these  ideas 
in  the  course  of  htmian  history  and  their  influence  on 
the  religion  and  morals  and  social  life  of  the  people. 


DEMONOLOGY 


714 


DEMONOLOGY 


At  the  same  time  some  attempt  may  be  made  to  dis- 
tinguish the  scattered  elements  of  truth  which  may 
still  be  found  in  this  vast  fabric  of  falsehood — truths 
of  natural  religion,  recorded  experience  of  actual  facts, 
even  perhaps  remnants  of  revealed  teaching  that  come 
from  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Scriptures  or  from 
primitive  tradition.  This  point  has  some  importance 
at  the  present  day,  when  the  real  or  apparent  agree- 
ment between  heathen  legend  and  Christian  theology 
is  so  often  made  a  groimd  of  objection  against  the 
truth  of  revealed  religion. 

Perhaps  the  first  fact  that  strikes  one  who  ap- 
proaches the  study  of  this  subject  is  the  astonishing 
universality  and  antiquity  of  demonology,  of  some 
belief  in  the  existence  of  demons  or  evil  spirits,  and  of 
a  consequent  recourse  to  incantations  or  other  magical 
practices.  There  are  some  things  which  flourished  in 
the  past  and  have  long  since  disappeared  from  the 
face  of  the  earth ;  and  there  are  others  whose  recorded 
origin  may  be  traced  in  comparatively  modern  times, 
and  it  is  no  surprise  to  find  that  they  are  still  flourish- 
ing. There  are  beliefs  and  practices,  again,  which 
seem  to  be  confined  to  certain  lands  and  races  of  men, 
or  to  some  particular  stage  of  social  culture.  But 
there  is  something  which  belongs  at  once  to  the  old 
world  and  the  new,  and  is  found  flourishing  among  the 
most  widely  different  races,  and  seems  to  be  equally 
congenial  to  the  wild  habits  of  savages  and  the  refine- 
ments of  classical  or  modern  culture.  Its  antiquity 
may  be  seen  not  only  from  the  evidence  of  ancient 
monuments,  but  from  the  fact  that  a  yet  more  remote 
past  is  still  present  with  us  in  the  races  which  remain, 
as  one  may  say,  in  the  primitive  and  prehistoric  con- 
dition. And  even  amid  these  rude  races,  apparently 
innocent  of  all  that  savours  of  science  and  culture,  we 
may  find  a  belief  in  evil  spirits,  and  some  attempts  to 
propitiate  them  and  avert  their  wrath,  or  maybe  to 
secure  their  favour  and  assistance.  This  belief  in 
spirits,  both  good  and  evil,  is  commonly  associated 
with  one  or  other  of  two  widespread  and  primitive 
forms  of  religious  worship — and  accordingly  some 
modern  folk-lorists  and  mythologists  are  led  to  as- 
cribe its  origin  either  to  the  personification  of  the 
forces  of  nature — in  which  many  have  found  a  "key  to 
all  the  mythologies" — or  else  to  Animism,  or  a  belief 
in  the  powerful  activity  of  the  souls  of  the  dead,  who 
were  therefore  invoked  and  worshipped.  On  this  last 
theorj-  all  spirits  were  at  first  conceived  of  as  being  the 
souls  "of  dead  men.  and  from  this  aboriginal  Animism 
there  were  gradually  developed  the  various  elaborate 
systems  of  mythologj-,  demonology,  and  angelology. 
But  here  it  is  well  to  distinguish  between  the  facts 
themselves  and  the  theory  devised  for  their  interpre- 
tation. It  is  a  fact  that  these  rude  forms  of  worship 
are  found  among  primitive  peoples.  But  the  manner 
in  which  they  began  and  the  motives  of  the  first  pre- 
historic worshippers  are  and  must  remam  matters  of 
conjecture.  In  the  same  way,  with  regard  to  the  later 
phases,  it  is  a  fact  that  these  primitive  beliefs  and 
practices  have  some  features  in  common  with  later 
and  more  elaborate  ethnic  systems — e.  g.  the  Iranian 
demonology  of  the  Avesta — and  these  again  have 
many  points  which  find  some  counterpart  in  the  pages 
of  Scripture  and  Catholic  theology;  but  it  by  no  means 
follows  from  these  facts  that  these  facile  theories  are 
right  as  to  the  nature  of  the  connexion  between  these 
various  ethnic  and  Christian  systems.  And  a  further 
consideration  of  the  subject  may  serve  to  show  that  it 
may  be  explained  in  another  and  more  satisfactory 
manner. 

Assi/rian  and  Akkadian  Demonology. — Some  idea  of 
the  antiquity  of  demonology  and  magical  practices 
might  be  gathered  from  notices  in  the  Bible  or  in  classic 
literature,  to  say  nothing  of  the  argument  that  might 
be  drawn  from  the  universality  of  these  beliefs  and 

Eractices.     But  still  more  striking  evidence  has  been 
rought  to  light  by  the  decipherment  of  the  cuneiform 


hieroglyphics  which  has  opened  a  way  to  the  study  of 
the  rich  literature  of  Babylon  and  Assyria.  In  conse- 
quence of  their  bearing  on  the  problems  of  Biblical 
historj',  attention  has  been  attracted  to  the  evidence 
of  the  monuments  in  regard  to  such  matters  as  the 
cosmologj',  the  tradition  of  the  Deluge,  or  the  relations 
of  Assyria  and  Babylon  with  the  people  of  Israel. 
And  possibly  less  interest  has  been  taken  in  the  relig- 
ious beliefs  and  practices  of  the  Assyrians  them- 
selves. In  this  question  of  demonology,  however, 
some  of  the  Assyrian  monuments  may  be  said  to  have 
a  special  importance.  From  certain  cuneiform  texts 
which  are  more  especially  described  as  "religious",  it 
appears,  as  Lenormant  remarks,  that,  besides  the 
public  and  official  cult  of  the  "twelve  great  gods"  and 
their  subordinate  divinities,  the  Assyrians  had  a  more 
sacred  and  secret  religion,  a  religion  of  mystery  and 
magic  and  sorcery.  These  "religious"  texts,  more- 
over, together  ■with  a  mass  of  talismanic  inscriptions 
on  cylinders  and  amulets,  prove  the  presence  of  an 
exceedingly  rich  demonology.  Below  the  greater  and 
lesser  gods  there  was  a  vast  host  of  .spirits,  some  of 
them  good  and  beneficent  and  some  of  them  evil  and 
hurtfid.  And  these  spirits  were  described  and  classi- 
fied with  an  exactness  which  leads  Lenormant  to  liken 
the  arrangement  to  that  of  the  choirs  and  orders  of 
our  own  angelic  hierarchy.  The  antiquity  and  im- 
portance of  this  secret  religion,  with  its  magic  and  in- 
cantations of  the  good  spirits  or  evil  demons,  may  be 
gathered  from  the  fact  that  by  order  of  King  Assur- 
banipal  his  scribes  made  several  copies  of  a  great  mag- 
ical work  according  to  an  exemplar  which  had  been 
preserved  from  a  remote  antiquity  in  the  priestly 
school  of  Erech  in  Chaldea.  This  work  consisted  of 
three  books,  the  first  of  which  is  entirely  consecrated 
to  incantations,  conjurations,  and  imprecations 
against  the  evil  spirits.  These  cuneiform  books,  it 
must  be  remembered,  are  really  written  on  clay  tab- 
lets. And  each  of  the  tablets  of  these  first  books 
which  has  come  down  to  us  ends  with  the  title,  "Tab- 
let No. —  of  the  Evil  Spirits".  The  ideogram  which 
is  here  rendered  as  kullulu — "accursed"  or  "evil" — 
might  also  be  read  as  limuttu — "baneful".  Besides 
being  known  by  the  generic  name  of  udukku — "  spirit ' ' 
— a  demon  is  called  more  distinctly  ecimmu,  or  mas- 
kimmu.  One  special  class  of  these  spirits  was  the 
sedu,  or  divine  bull,  which  is  represented  in  the  well- 
known  figure  of  a  man-headed  bull  so  common  on  the 
Assyrian  monuments.  ThLs  name,  it  may  be  re- 
marked, is  probably  the  source  of  the  Hebrew  word 
for  demon.  The  Assyrian  sedu,  it  is  true,  was  more 
commonly  a  beneficent  or  tutelary  spirit.  But  this  is 
hardly  an  obstacle  to  the  derivation,  for  the  good 
spirits  of  one  nation  were  often  regarded  as  evil  by 
men  of  rival  races. 

Iranian  Demonologxj . — In  many  ways  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  demonologies  is  that  presented  in 
the  .\vesta  (q.  v.),  the  sacred  book  of  the  Mazdean 
religion  of  Zoroaster.  In  this  ancient  religion,  which, 
unlike  that  of  the  Assyrians,  still  exists  in  the  Parsee 
community,  the  war  between  light  and  darkness,  good 
and  evil  comes  into  greater  prominence.  Over  against 
the  good  God,  Ahura  Mazda,  w'ith  his  hierarchy  of 
holy  spirits,  there  is  arrayed  the  dark  kingdom  of  de- 
mons, or  dacras,  tmder  Anro  Mainyus  (Ahriman),  the 
cruel  Evil  Spirit,  the  Demon  of  Demons  {Daevanam 
Daci'a),  who  is  ever  warring  against  Ahura  Mazda  and 
his  faithful  ser%'ants  such  as  Zoroaster.  It  may  be  re- 
marked that  the  name  of  Dacva  is  an  instance  of  that 
change  from  a  good  to  a  bad  sense  which  is  seen  in 
the  case  of  the  Greek  word  Sai/iav.  For  the  original 
meaning  of  the  word  is  "shining  one",  and  it  comes 
from  a  primitive  Aryan  root  dir,  which  is  likewise  the 
source  of  the  Greek  Zei/j  and  the  Latin  deus.  But 
while  these  words,  like  the  Sanskrit  deva,  retiiin  the 
good  meaning,  dacrn  h.as  come  to  mean  "an  evil  spir- 
it".    There  is  at  least  a  coincidence,  if  no  deeper  sig- 


DEMONOLOGY 


715 


DEMONOLOGY 


liificance,  in  the  fact  that,  while  the  word  in  its  original 
sense  was  synonymous  with  lucifer,  it  has  now  come  to 
mean  much  the  same  as  devil.  There  is  also  a  curious 
roiiicidcnce  in  the  similarity  in  sound  between  daeva, 
the  modern  Persian  dei;  anil  the  word  devil.  Looking 
.it  the  likeness  both  in  sound  and  in  significance,  one 
would  be  tempted  to  say  that  they  must  have  a  com- 
mon origin,  but  for  the  fact  that  we  know  with 
lertiiinty  that  the  word  devil  comes  from  diabQlus 

"id;ioXo? — SiajiaWdv),  and  Can  have  no  connexion 
willi  tlu"  Pei'sian  or  Sanskrit  root. 

Although  there  are  marked  difTerenees  between  the 

lemons  of  the  Avesta  and  the  tlevil  in  Scripture  and 
I  hristian  theology  (for  Christian  doctrine  is  free  from 
ihi^  dualism  of  the  Mazdean  system),  the  essential 

I  ruggle  between  good  and  evil  is  still  the  same  in  both 
cases.  Arid  the  pictures  of  the  holiness  and  fidelity  of 
/.iiroaster  when  he  is  a.s.sailed  by  the  temptations  and 
l>ersecutions  of  Anro  Mainyus  and  his  demons  may 
well  recall  the  trials  of  saints  imder  the  assaults  of 
Satan  or  suggest  some  faint  analogy  with  the  great 
scene  of  the  temptation  of  Christ  in  the  wilderness. 
Fortunately  for  English  readers,  a  portion  of  the 
Vendidad  (fargard  xix),  which  contains  the  tempta- 
tion of  Zoroaster,  has  been  admirably  rendered  in  a 
doctrinal  paraphrase  in  Dr.  Casartelli's  "  Leaves  from 
my  Eastern  Garden".  The  important  part  played  by 
the  demons  in  the  Mazdean  system  may  be  seen  from 
the  title  of  the  Vendidad,  which  is  the  largest  and  most 
complete  part  of  the  Avesta,  so  much  so  that  when  the 
sacred  book  is  written  or  printed  without  the  com- 
mentaries it  is  generally  known  as  Vendidad  Sade, 
which  means  something  that  is  "given  against  the 
demons" — vidacvodMa,  i.  e.  contra  dcemones  dolus  or 
antidcemoniacua. 

Jewish  Demonology. — When  we  turn  from  the  Avesta 
to  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  Jews,  that  is  to  say  to  the 
canonical  Scripture,  we  are  struck  by  the  absence  of 
an  elaborate  demonology  such  as  that  of  the  Persians 
and  Assyrians.  There  is  much,  indeed,  about  the 
angels  of  the  Lord,  the  hosts  of  heaven,  the  seraphim 
and  cherubim,  and  other  spirits  who  stand  before  the 
throne  or  minister  to  men.  But  the  mention  of  the 
evil  spirits  is  comparatively  slight.  Not  that  their 
existence  is  ignored,  for  we  have  the  temptation  by  the 
serpent,  in  which  Jews  as  well  as  Christians  recognize 
the  work  of  the  Evil  Spirit.  In  Job,  again,  Satan  ap- 
pears as  the  tempter  and  the  accuser  of  the  just  man; 
in  Kings  it  is  he  who  incites  David  to  murder  the 
prophet ;  in  Zacharias  lie  is  seen  in  his  office  of  accuser. 
An  evil  spirit  comes  upon  the  false  prophets.  Saul  is 
afflicted,  or  apparently  possessed,  by  an  evil  spirit. 
The  activity  of  the  demon  in  magic  arts  is  indicated  in 
the  works  wrought  by  the  magicians  of  Pharaoh,  and 
in  the  Levitical  laws  against  wizards  or  witches.  The 
scapegoat  Ls  sent  into  the  wilderness  to  Azazael,  who 
is  supposed  by  some  to  be  a  demon  (see  Atonement, 
Day  of),  and  to  this  may  be  added  a  remarkable  pas- 
sage in  Lsai;is  which  seems  to  countenance  the  com- 
mon belief  that  demons  dwell  in  wa.ste  places:  "And 
demons  and  monsters  shall  meet,  and  the  hairy  ones 
shall  cry  out  one  to  another,  there  hath  the  lamia  lain 
down,  and  found  rest  for  herself"  (Isaijis,  xxxiv, 
14).  It  is  true  that  the  Hebrew  word  here  rendered 
by  "demons"  may  merely  mean  wild  animals.  But, 
on  the  other  hand,  D'l^JJL",  which  is  rendered  very 
literally  as  "hairy  ones",  Ls  translated  "demons"  by 
Targuni  and  Peshitta,  and  is  supposed  to  mean  a  goat- 
shaped  deity  analogous  to  the  (Ireek  Pan.  ,\nd 
"lamia"  represents  the  original  Lilith,  a  spirit  of  the 
night  who  in  Hebrew  legend  is  the  demon  wife  of 
Adam. 

A  further  development  of  the  demonology  of  the 
Old  Testament  is  seen  in  the  Book  of  Tobias,  which, 
though  not  included  in  the  Jewi.sh  Canon,  w:^*  written 
in  Hebrew  or  Chaldean,  and  a  version  in  the  latter 
language  has  lately  been  recovered  among  some  rab- 


binical writings.  Here  we  have  the  demon  Asmodeus, 
who  plays  the  part  assigned  to  demons  in  many  ethnic 
demonologies  and  folk-legends.  He  has  been  identi- 
fied by  some  good  authorities  with  the  Aeshmo  Daeva 
of  the  Avesta;  but  Whitehouse  doubts  this  identifica- 
tion and  prefers  the  alternative  Hebrew  etymology. 
In  any  case  Asmodeus  became  a  prominent  figure  in 
later  Hebrew  demonology,  and  some  strange  tales  told 
about  him  in  the  Talmud  are  quite  in  the  vein  of  "  The 
Araliiaii  Nights".  The  rabbinical  demonology  of  the 
Talnukl  and  .Midrashim  is  very  far  from  the  reticence 
ami  sobriety  of  the  canonical  writings  in  regard  to  this 
subject.  Some  modern  critics  ascribe  this  rich  growth 
of  demonology  among  the  Jews  to  the  effects  of  the 
Captivity,  and  regard  it  as  the  result  of  Babylonian  or 
Persian  influence.  But  though  in  its  abumlance  and 
elaboration  it  may  bear  some  formal  resemblanee  to 
these  external  systems,  there  seems  no  reason  to  re- 
gard it  as  simply  a  case  of  appropriation  from  the  doc- 
trines of  strangers.  For  when  we  come  to  compare 
them  more  closely,  we  may  well  feel  that  the  Jewish 
demonology  has  a  distinctive  character  of  its  own,  and 
should  rather  be  regarded  as  an  outgrowth  from  be- 
liefs and  ideas  which  were  present  in  the  mind  of  the 
chosen  people  before  they  came  into  contact  with  Per- 
sians and  Babylonians.  It  is  certainly  significant 
that,  instead  of  borrowing  from  the  abundant  legends 
and  doctrines  ready  to  their  hand  in  the  alien  systems, 
the  rabbinical  demonologists  sought  their  starting- 
point  in  .some  text  of  their  own  scriptures  and  drew 
forth  all  they  wanted  by  means  of  their  subtle  and  in- 
genious methods  of  exegesis.  Thus  the  aforesaid  text 
of  Isaias  furnished,  under  the  name  of  Lilith,  a  myste- 
rious female  night  spirit  who  ap[)arently  abode  in  des- 
olate places,  and  forthwith  they  made  her  the  demon 
wife  of  Adam  and  the  mother  of  demons.  But 
whence,  it  may  be  asked,  had  these  exponents  of  the 
.sacred  text  any  warrant  for  saying  that  our  first  father 
contracted  a  mixed  marriage  with  a  being  of  another 
race  and  begot  children  other  than  human?  They 
simply  took  the  t«xt  of  Genesis,  v:  "And  Adam  lived 
a  hundred  and  thirty  years,  and  begot  a  son  to  his 
own  image  and  likeness".  This  explicit  statement, 
they  said,  plainly  implies  that  previous  to  that  time  he 
had  begotten  sons  who  were  not  to  his  own  image  and 
likeness ;  for  this  he  must  needs  have  found  some  help- 
meet of  another  race  than  his  own,  to  wit  a  demon 
wife,  to  become  the  mother  of  demons.  This  notice  of 
a  union  between  mankind  and  beings  of  a  different 
order  had  long  been  a  familiar  feature  in  pagan  myth- 
ology and  demonology,  and,  as  will  presently  appear, 
some  early  Christian  commentators  discovered  some 
countenance  for  it  in  Genesis,  vi,  2,  which  tells  how  the 
sons  of  God  "took  to  themselves  wives  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  men".  One  charael eristic  of  Jewish  demon- 
ology was  the  amazing  multitude  of  the  demons. 
According  to  all  accounts  every  man  has  thousands  of 
them  at  his  side.  The  air  is  full  of  them;  and,  since 
they  were  the  causes  of  divers  disexses,  it  w:is  well 
that  men  should  keep  some  guard  on  their  mouths 
lest,  swallowing  a  demon,  they  might  be  affiictetl  with 
some  deadly  disease.  This  may  recall  the  common 
tendency  to  personify  epidemic  diseases  and  speak  of 
"the  cholera  fiend",  "the  influenza  fiend",  etc.  And 
it  may  be  remarked  that  the  old  superstition  of  the.se 
Jewish  demonologists  presents  a  curiously  close  analogy 
to  the  theory  of  modern  medical  science.  I'^or  we  are 
now  told  that  the  air  is  full  of  microbes  and  germs  of 
disease,  and  that  by  inhaling  any  of  the,s(;  living  organ- 
isms we  receive  the  disease  into  our  systc'iiis. 

Demonology  of  the  Early  Christian  Writers. — \Vliat- 
ever  may  be  said  of  this  theory  of  the  Rabbis,  that  the 
air  is  full  of  demons,  and  that  men  art?  in  danger  of 
receiving  them  into  their  systems,  it  may  certainly  be 
said  that  in  the  days  of  the  early  Christians  the  air 
was  dangerously  full  of  demonologies,  and  that  men 
were  in  peculiar  peril  of  adopting  erroneous  doctrines 


DEMONOLOGT 


716 


DEMONOLOGY 


on  this  matter.  It  must  be  remembered,  on  the  one 
hand,  that  many  of  the  Gospel  miracles,  and  particu- 
larly the  casting  out  of  devils,  must  in  any  case  have 
given  the  faithful  a  vivid  sense  of  the  existence  and 
power  of  the  evil  spirits.  At  the  same  time,  as  we 
have  seen.  Scripture  itself  did  not  furnish  any  full  and 
clear  information  in  regard  to  the  origin  and  the  na- 
ture of  these  powerful  enemies;  on  the  other  hand,  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  first  Christian  converts  and 
the  first  Christian  teachers  were  for  the  most  part 
either  Jews  or  Greeks,  and  many  of  them  were  living 
in  the  midst  of  those  who  professed  some  or  other  of 
the  old  Oriental  religions.  Thus,  while  they  naturally 
wished  to  know  something  about  these  matters,  they 
had  but  little  definite  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  on 
the  other  hand  their  ears  were  daily  filled  with  false 
and  misleading  information.  In  these  circumstances 
it  is  scarcely  surprising  to  find  that  some  of  the  earliest 
ecclesiastical  writers,  as  St.  Justin,  Origen,  and  Ter- 
tullian,  are  not  very  happy  in  their  treatment  of  this 
topic.  There  was,  moreover,  one  fruitful  source  of 
error  which  is  rather  apt  to  be  forgotten.  Now  that 
common  consent  of  Catholic  commentators  has  fur- 
nished a  better  interpretation  of  Genesis,  vi,  2,  and 
coneiliar  definitions  and  theological  arguments  have 
established  the  fact  that  the  angels  are  purely  spiritual 
beings,  it  may  seem  strange  that  some  early  Christian 
teachers  should  have  supposed  that  the  phrase,  sons 
of  God,  could  possibly  mean  the  angels  or  that  these 
pure  spirits  could  have  taken  unto  themselves  wives 
of  the  daughters  of  men.  But  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  old  commentators,  who  read  the  Sep- 
tuagint  or  some  derivative  version,  did  not  put  this 
interpretation  on  the  passage;  the  word  itself  was  in 
the  text  before  them;  that  is  to  say,  the  old  Greek 
Bibie  expressly  said  that  "the  Angels  of  God  took 
wives  of  the  daughters  of  men".  This  unfortunate 
reading  was  certainly  enough  to  give  a  wrong  direction 
to  much  of  the  demonology  of  early  Christian  writers, 
and  those  who  went  astray  in  other  matters  also  na- 
turally adopted  peculiar  ideas  on  this  subject.  In 
some  ways  one  of  the  most  remarkable  examples  of 
this  mistaken  demonology  is  that  to  be  found  in  the 
pseudo-Clementine  Homilies  (Horn.  \'iii,  ix).  The 
writer  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the  mysterious 
episode  of  Genesis,  vi,  2,  which,  in  common  with  so 
many  others,  he  takes  to  be  the  origin  of  the  demons 
who  were,  in  his  view,  the  offspring  of  the  supposed 
union  of  the  angels  of  God  and  the  daughters  of  men. 
But  on  one  point,  at  any  rate,  he  improves  the  story 
and  does  something  to  lighten  our  initial  difficulty. 
The  first  objection  to  the  legend  was,  that  the  angels, 
as  pure  spirits,  were  plainly  incapable  of  feeling  sen- 
sual passions ;  and  it  was  possibly  a  keen  sense  of  this 
difficulty  that  led  some  who  had  adopted  the  story  to 
deny  the  spirituality  of  the  angelic  nature.  But  the 
moralist  evades  it  in  a  more  ingenious  manner.  Ac- 
cording to  his  account,  the  angels  were  not  over- 
powered with  the  passion  of  sensual  love  while  they 
were  as  yet  in  their  purely  spiritual  state;  but  when 
they  looked  down  and  witnessed  the  wickedness  and 
ingratitude  of  men  whose  sins  were  defiling  the  fair 
creation  of  God,  they  asked  of  their  Creator  that  they 
might  be  endowed  with  bodies  like  unto  men,  so  that, 
coming  down  to  earth,  they  might  set  things  right  and 
lead  a  righteous  life  in  the  visible  creation.  Their 
wish  was  granted,  they  were  clothed  in  bodies  and 
came  down  to  dwell  on  earth.  But  now  they  found 
tliat  with  their  raiment  of  mortal  flesh  they  had  ac- 
quired also  the  weakness  and  passions  which  had 
wrought  such  havoc  in  men;  and  they  too,  like  the 
sons  of  men,  became  enamoured  of  the  beauty  of 
women  and,  forgetting  the  noble  purpose  of  their 
descent  to  earth,  gave  themselves  up  to  the  gratifica-  • 
tion  of  their  lust,  and  so  rushed  hpaillong  to  tlu'ir  ruin. 
The  offspring  of  tlieir  union  with  tfir  daughters  of  men 
were  tlie  giants — the  mighty  men  of  .superluunan  build 


and  superhuman  powers,  as  became  the  sons  of  incar- 
nate angels,  yet  at  the  same  time  mortal,  like  their 
mortal  mothers.  And  when  these  giants  perished  in 
the  Flood  their  disembodied  souls  wandered  through 
the  world  as  the  race  of  demons. 

Medieval  and  Modern  Demonology. — Throughout 
the  Christian  Middle  Ages  the  external  systems  of 
demonology  among  the  uncultured  races  or  in  the 
ancient  civilizations  of  the  East  continued  their  course, 
and  may  still  be  found  flourishing  in  the  home  of  their 
origin  or  in  other  lands.  Within  the  Catholic  fold 
there  was  less  scope  for  the  worse  form  of  the  old  er- 
rors. The  early  heresies  had  been  cast  out,  and  theo- 
logical speculation  had  been  directed  in  the  true  way 
by  the  decision  of  the  Fifth  CEcumenical  Council  (545), 
which  condemned  certain  Origenist  errors  on  the 
suliject  of  demons.  But  while  the  theologians  of  the 
great  scholastic  period  were  setting  forth  and  elucida- 
ting the  Catholic  doctrine  concerning  angels  and  devils, 
there  was  withal  a  darker  side  in  the  popular  super- 
stitions, and  in  the  men  who  at  all  times  continued  to 
practise  the  black  arts  of  magic,  and  witchcraft,  and 
dealing  with  the  devil.  In  the  troubled  period  of  the 
Renaissance  and  the  Reformation  there  appears  to 
have  been  a  fresh  outbreak  of  old  superstitions  and 
evil  practices,  and  for  a  time  both  Catholic  and  Protes- 
tant countries  were  disturbed  by  the  strange  beliefs 
and  the  strange  doings  of  real  or  supposed  professors 
of  the  black  arts  and  by  the  credulous  and  cruel  perse- 
cutors who  sought  to  suppress  them.  In  the  new  age 
of  the  Revolution  and  the  spread  of  practical  ideas 
and  exact  methods  of  science  it  was  at  first  thought 
by  many  that  these  medieval  superstitions  would 
speedily  pass  away.  When  men,  materialized  by  the 
growth  of  wealth  and  the  comforts  of  civilization,  and 
enlightened  by  science  and  new  philosophies,  could 
scarce  find  faith  to  believe  in  the  pure  truths  of  re- 
vealed religion,  there  could  be  little  room  for  any  be- 
lief in  the  doctrines  of  demons.  The  whole  thing  was 
now  rudely  rejected  as  a  dream  and  a  delusion. 
Learned  men  marvelled  at  the  credulity  of  their 
fathers,  with  their  faith  in  ghosts,  and  demons,  and 
black  magic,  but  felt  it  impossible  to  take  any  serious 
interest  in  the  subject  in  their  age  of  enlightenment. 
Yet  in  fact  there  was  still  stranger  delusion  in  the 
naive  faith  of  the  early  Rationalists,  who  fondly 
fancied  that  they  had  found  the  key  to  all  knowledge, 
and  that  there  were  no  things  in  heaven  or  earth  be- 
yond the  reach  of  their  science  and  philosophy.  And 
much  of  the  histoiy  of  the  last  hundred  years  forms  a 
curious  comment  on  these  proud  pretentions.  For, 
far  from  disappearing  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  much 
of  the  old  occultism  has  been  revived  with  a  new 
vigour,  and  has  taken  new  form  in  modern  Spiritism. 
At  the  same  time,  philosophers,  historians,  and  men 
of  science  have  been  led  to  make  a  serious  study  of 
the  story  of  demonology  and  occultism  in  past  ages 
or  in  other  lands,  in  order  to  understand  its  true 
significance. 

Conclusion. — With  all  their  variations  and  contra- 
dictions, the  multitudinous  systems  of  demonology  yet 
have  much  in  common.  In  some  cases  this  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  one  has  freely  borrowed 
from  another.  Tluis,  the  demonology  of  early  Chris- 
tian writers  would  naturally  owe  much  both  to  the 
systems  of  Jewish  and  Greek  demonology,  and  these  id 
their  turn  can  hardly  have  been  free  from  other  for- 
eign influences.  And  since  not  only  heretical  opin- 
ions, but  orthodox  teacliing  on  this  subject  has  at  any 
rate  some  elements  in  common  with  the  ethnic  sys- 
tems— from  the  Animism  of  the  simple  savage  to  the 
elaborate  demonology  of  the  Clialdeans  and  Iranians 
■ — the  mythologist  or  folk-lorist  bids  us  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  all  are  from  the  same  source,  and  that 
the  Biblical  and  Catholic  doctrine  on  evil  spirits  must 
be  no  more  than  a  ili'\eli>pment  from  Animism  and  a 
more  refined   form   of  ethnic   demonology.     But  it 


DEMPSTER 


717 


D^Nffs 


may  be  well  to  observe  that  at  best  this  solution  is  but 
a  plausible  hj^Jothesis  and  that  the  facts  of  the  case 
may  be  explained  just  as  well  by  another  hypothesis 
w  hieh  some  philosophic  writ^-rs  do  not  seem  to  have 
toiisiilered,  to  wit:  the  hypothesis  that  the  teaching 
of  revealed  religion  on  this  topic  is  true  after  all. 
Can  it  lu'  said  that  if  this  were  so  there  would  be  no 
trace  of  Ijelief  in  demons  among  races  outside  the 
( 'hristian  fold  or  in  religious  systems  older  than  the 
Hilile?  If,  as  our  theology  teaches,  the  fallen  angels 
r.'ally  exist  and  are  permitted  to  try  and  tempt  the 
-iiiis  of  men,  should  we  not  expect  to  find  some  belief 
ill  tlieir  existence  and  some  traces  of  their  evil  influ- 
I  lice  in  every  land  and  in  everj-  age  of  human  history? 
Sliould  we  not  expect  to  find  that  here  as  elsewhere 
till'  elements  of  truth  would  be  overlaid  with  error, 
and  that  they  should  take  different  shapes  in  each  na- 
tion and  each  sticceeding  age,  according  to  the  measure 
nf  knowledge,  and  culture,  and  new  ideas  current  in 
till'  minds  of  men?  This  hypothesis,  to  say  no  more, 
w  ill  fit  well  all  the  facts — for  instance,  the  universality 
I  if  the  belief  in  evil  spirits  and  any  evidence  adducible 
fur  actual  influence  on  men,  whether  in  the  records  of 
ili-monic  possession  and  magic  in  the  past  or  in  the 
I'll  'nomena  of  modern  Spiritism.  And  we  can 
s.  arcely  say  the  same  of  the  other  hypothesis. 

'.VniTEHODSE,  s.  vv.  Demon.  Derhl.  in  Hi'^Tiv.;^    p,V-/    nf  the 

'■;  GoRHES.  French  tr.  by  SAiNTt -1  "I.    /  '    1/     '   ,    ■    .■  nnr, 

'lte,€tdiaboliqueilS55);  Lenohm  -  i/e 

.n((188r),V;    Idem,  La  inayiV  <  /  '  I;    n.a:, 

.rian  Incantations  to  Fire  and    Wu:. .    ;u    i  ,i;,.. ..,  ,',i;/..,  .^■(;c. 

Archceot.    (1878);     Brockhaus    (ed.),     Vciidutad   Sade; 

\  UTELU.  Leaver  from  My  Eastern  Garden;  Gfrorer,  Ge~ 

'dedes  Vrchristenthums  (1838),  I:  Jewish  Demonology ;  Alex- 

.  .. H,    Demonic   Possession    in    the    New    Testament    (1902); 

'    ■mentis  Romani  quee  feruntur  Homilice,  Schwigler  (ed.). 

W.    H.    IVENT. 

Dempster,  Thomas,  savant,  professor,  and  author; 
li.,  as  he  him.self  states,  at  Cliftbog,  .Scotland,  23 
August,    1579;    d.  at  Bologna,   Italy,  6  September, 

M-'.);  son  of  Thomas,  Baron  of  Muresk,  Auchterles.s, 
ami  Killesmont,  Aberdeenshire,  and  Jane  Leslie,  sister 
to  the  Baron  of  Balquhain;   educated  at  the  schools 

■  I'  Turriff  and  Aberdeen.  His  troublous  life  began 
I  irly.  On  leaving  school,  aged  ten,  he  went  to  Cam- 
i  'liilge.  leaving  it  shortly  for  Paris.  Illness  occasioned 
his  ri-nioval  to  Louvain,  whence,  having  attracted  the 
ii'itirt'  of  a  representative  of  the  Holy  See,  he  was 
taken  to  Rome,  and  there  provided  with  a  pension  for 
liw  fducation  in  a  papal  seminary.  Through  failing 
la  alth  he  returned  northwards  to  Tournai,  but  was 
ill! mediately  transferred  to  Douai,  means  being  forth- 
1'  ailing  through  royal  bounty.  On  the  completion  of 
a  three  years'  course,  he  returned  to  Tournai  as  pro- 
1'  -^'ir  of  humanities.  Tournai,  however,  he  forsook 
I  ir  l>ari.s,  where,  after  graduating  in  canon  law,  he 
'"  lupied,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  a  professorial  chair 
in  the  College  de  Navarre.  He  could  not  remain  here 
rithcr,  and,  after  an  interval  in  Poitou,  he  became 
1'r'ifcs.sor  of  humanities  again,  this  time  at  Toulou.se. 
I'l  fore  long,  zeal  in  local  dissensions  sent  him  adrift 
iiiire  more.  Declining  a  chair  of  philosophy  at  Mont- 
1"  llicr,  he  successfully  competed  for  one  of  oratory  at 
Ximes.  From  this  he  was  suspended,  a  lawsuit  fol- 
lowing in  vindication  of  his  integrity.  The  post  of 
tutor  to  the  son  of  the  XIar6chal  He  Saint-Luc  he  lost 
through  unfriendly  relations  with  the  family  of  his 
patron.  Once  more  adrift,  he  visited  Scotland,  vainly 
begged  assistance  from  kith  and  kin,  and,  through 
Protestant  intrigue,  failed  to  recover  his  family 
estates,  which  had  been  parted  with  by  his  father. 
Seven  years  of  profes.sorship  followed  in  Paris,  at  the 
end  of  which  he  was  invited  to  reside  in  London  in 
the  capacity  of  historian  to  James  I.  He  married  in 
England,  but  only  to  bring  on  himself  domestic  mis- 
fortune. Anglican  influence  having  procured  royal 
dismissal,  he  left  for  Italy,  and  occupied  under  grand- 
ducal  auspices  the  chair  of  civil  law  in  Florence. 


Further  trouble  led  to  his  last  change.  In  disgrace 
with  the  grand  duke,  he  passed  through  Bologna,  and 
was  there  jirovided  with  a  chair  of  himianities.  Even 
here  he  had  his  troubles,  and  had  to  clear  himself  of  a 
suspicion  of  unorthodoxy  before  the  Iniiuisition.  He 
lies  buried  in  the  church  uf  St.  Dominic,  at  Bologna. 

_  Dempster's  worth  as  an  autobiographer  and  histo- 
rian is  much  discoimted  by  manifest  errors,  and  by 
immoderate  self-praise  and  zeal  for  the  exaltation  of 
his  country.  An  uru-estrained  temper  and  resentful 
disposition,  added  to  a  harsh  e.xterior,  were,  in  spite 
of  learning  and  good  qualities,  the  cause  of  his  un- 
popularity and  many  misfortimes.  The  seventeenth- 
century  Irish  ecclesiastical  historians  generally  re- 
sented Dempster's  dishonest  attempts  to  claim  for 
Scotland  many  saints  and  worthies  of  Irish  birth. 
John  Colgan,  John  Lynch,  and  Stephen  White,  all 
eminent  scholars,  entered  the  lists  against  him  (see 
W.  T.  Doherty,  Inis-Owen  and  Tirconnell,  Dublin, 
1895,  pp.  108-16). 

The  chief  of  his  many  writings  are:  "HistoriaEccle- 
siastica  Gentis  Scotorum ' ' ;  published  posthumously  at 
Bologna,  1627;  republished  by  Bannatyne  Club,  Edin- 
burgh, 1829;  "Antiquitatum  Romanarum  Corpus  Ab- 
soltitissimum"  (Paris,  161.3,  1743);  "De  Etruriii  Re- 
gali ",  brought  out  during  the  Florentine  professorship 
(latest  edition,  1723-4);  "Kepavpis  xai  'O^eXis,  in 
Glossam  libroriun  IV.  Institutionum  Justiniani"  (Bol- 
ogna, 1622),  edition  of  Claudian;  annotated  edition 
of  Benedetto  Aecolti's  "  De  Bello  a  Christianis  contra 
Barbaros  gesto"  (Florence,  1623;  Groningen,  1731); 
annotated  edition  of  Aldrovandi's  "Quadrupedum 
ornnium  bisulcorum  Historia"  (Florence,  1623,  1647). 
His  minor  works  include:  tragedies,  poems,  especially 
"Musca  Recidiva",  thrice  reprinted  during  his  life. 

Dempster,  Autobiography,  n.  1210  in  Hist.  Ecct.  Scotia 
(Edinburgh.  1829):  lR\aN<;,  Preface  to  Dempster,  Hist.  Ecd. 
Scotiw;  Chambers,  Dictionary  of  Eminent  Scotsmen  (Edinburgh, 
1S55);  Bradley,  in  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.  (London.  1888),  3.  v.; 
Bayle,  Dictionary.  Jerome  Pollard-Urquhart. 

Denaut,  Pierre,  tenth  Bishop  of  Quebec,  b.  at 
Montreal,  20  July,  1743;  d.  at  Longueuil  in  1806. 
After  studying  at  Montreal  and  Quebec,  he  was  or- 
dained priest  in  1767,  and  appointed  pastor  of  Sou- 
langes,  when  only  twenty-four  years  old.  During 
the  American  invasion  (1775)  he  maintained  his  flock 
faithful  to  their  sovereign.  Transferred  to  Lon- 
gueuil (1787),  appointed  vicar-general  (1791),  he  suc- 
ceeded Bishop  Bailly  as  coadjutor  to  Bishop  Hubert, 
and  was  consecrated  29  Jime,  1795.  He  remained  at 
Longueuil  even  after  his  appointment  to  the  See  of 
Quebec  (1797),  always  taking  a  predominant  part  in 
the  government  of  the  diocese,  w-ith  the  efficacious  co- 
operation of  Bishop  Ple.ssis,  appointed  coadjutor  in 
1801.  He  visited  his  entire  diocese,  travelling 
through  Upper  Canada  on  his  way  to  Detroit,  in  1801 
and  1802.  In  1803,  via  Burlington  and  Boston,  he 
visited  the  Maritime  Provinces,  where  the  Acadians 
and  Indians  beheld  a  bishop  for  the  first  time.  An 
enlightened  patron  of  education,  he  founded  Nicolet 
College  (1803),  and  aided  in  enlarging  Montreal  Col- 
lege in  1804.  He  resisted  the  encroachments  of  a 
British  governor  claiming  the  right  of  presentation  to 
parishes,  and  opposed  the  "Royal  Institution"  in- 
vesting Protestants  with  the  control  of  ptiblic  in- 
struction. Courteous  towards  temj)oral  authorities 
and  firm  in  the  defence  of  episcopal  rights,  he  pre- 
]iared  the  way  for  the  civil  recognition  of  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec  and  the  freedom  of  the  Church. 

T£tu,  Les  C-veques  de  Quebec  (Quebec.  1889);  Archives  of  the 
archbishop's  palace,  Quebec.  LIONEL  LiNDSAY. 

Denes  (men  or  people,  in  most  of  their  dialects), 
an  aboriginal  race  of  North  America,  also  called  Ath- 
apaskans  and  known  among  earlier  ethnologists  as 
Tinn^  or  Tinneh.  They  are  the  northernmost  of 
American  Indians,  and,  as  regards  territorial  exten- 


DENES 


718 


DENES 


sion,  may  perhaps  be  considered  as  the  most  impor- 
tant native  family  on  the  American  Continent.  They 
are  divided  into  three  groups:  the  Southern,  com- 
posed of  the  Apaches  and  the  Navahoes,  to  whom,  in 
The  Catholic  Encyclopedia,  special  articles  are  de- 
voted which  describe  their  habitat;  the  Pacific  Denes, 
composed  mainly  of  remnants  of  tribes  in  Washington, 
Oregon,  and  Northern  California;  and  the  Northern 
D6n6s,  by  far  the  most  important  division,  which 
covers  the  territory  extending  from  Churchill  River 
and  the  northern  branch  of  the  Saskatchewan  to  the 
confines  of  the  Eskimo  fishing-grounds.  In  British 
Columbia  they  range  from  51°  30'  N.  lat.,  and  are  like- 
wise to  be  found  over  the  whole  of  Alaska  with  the  ex- 
ception of  its  coasts.  The  southern  branch  of  the 
family  is  to-day  in  a  thriving  condition  and  relatively 
numerous;  but  the  uncertainty  of  life  in  the  dreary 
wastes  or  dense  forests  which  have  long  been  the 
home  of  the  Northerners  precludes  the  possibility  of  a 
population  even  distantly  commensurate  with  the 
enormous  area  claimed  by  them.  The  latest  and 
most  reliable  statistics  give  the  following  figures  for 
the  numbers  of  the  three  divisions:  Southern  D^n^s, 
27,365;  Pacific  D^n^s,  846;  Northern  D^n^s,  19,390. 
It  is  but  fair  to  add  that  whole  tribes  or  septs  were 
almost  wiped  out  of  existence  by  epidemics  and  dis- 
orders consequent  on  the  advent  of  the  whites  among 
them.  The  principal  Northern  tribes  are:  the  Lou- 
cheux,  neighbours  of  the  Eskimos  in  Alaska  and  the 
lower  Mackenzie,  contiguous  to  which  are,  from  north 
to  south:  the  Hares,  the  Dog-Ribs,  the  Slaves,  the 
Yellow-Knives,  and  the  Chippewayans.  Ignoring 
several  intermediate  or  Rocky  Mountain  tribes,  we 
find  in  Northern  British  Cohmibia  the  Nahanais,  the 
Sekanais,  the  Babines,  the  Carriers,  and  the  Chilco- 
tins.  The  Yellow-Knives  receive  their  name  from 
the  tools  of  native  copper  which  were  common  among 
them  in  prehistoric  times;  the  Babines  are  so  called 
from  their  custom  of  wearing  labrets,  wood  or  stone 
ornaments  inserted  in  the  lip,  and  the  Carriers  owe 
their  name  to  a  custom  of  the  women  of  carrying  on 
their  backs  the  charred  remains  of  their  husbands. 

Though  the  Navahoes  have  at  last  adopted  pastoral 
life,  all  the  T>6n6  tribes  were  originally  made  up  of 
hunters  and  have  remained  so  in  the  north.  Yet  in 
British  Columbia  the  abundance  of  fish,  especially  of 
salmon,  has  made  fishing  of  at  least  as  great  economic 
importance  to  the  Den^s  stationed  there  as  hunting. 
Most  of  the  hard  work  was  done  by  the  women,  who 
generally  occupied  a  very  low  place  in  the  social  scale. 
They  were  united  to  men  by  ties  which  were  never  con- 
sidered indissoluble,  and  polygamy  was  everywhere 
prevalent.  As  to  society  itself,  it  was  of  the  crudest 
description.  The  original  form  of  govenmient  among 
the  entire  stock  was  a  sort  of  anarchy  tempered  by 
patriarchal  proclivities.  The  septs  were  led  by  the 
more  influential  fathers  of  families,  whose  children 
succeeded  in  the  male  line  of  their  rank,  such  as  it 
was,  and  inherited  their  earthly  belongings.  But  con- 
tact with  aliens  made  the  Western  tribes  adopt,  in 
course  of  time,  matriarchy,  or  mother-right,  and  its 
consequent  institutions:  the  clans  with  their  petty 
chiefs,  the  totems,  and  more  or  less  elaborate  social 
observances.  These  totems,  or  emblems,  were  of  at 
least  two  kinds,  gentile  and  personal.  The  former 
represented  the  clan,  and  though  probably  evolved 
from  the  latter,  they  came  to  be  regarded  as  more 
social  than  religious  in  import.  The  nature  of  the 
personal  totems  is  better  understood  by  a  reference  to 
the  theogonistic  and  cosmogonic  notions  of  the  In- 
dians. In  common  with  most  American  aborigines 
they  believed  in  a  twofold  world:  the  one  visible  and 
purely  material  now  inhabited  by  man;  the  other  in- 
visible, though  in  some  way  coextensive  with  the  first, 
which  is  the  home  of  spirits.  ()f  these  there  are  two 
kinds,  good  and  Iiad,  all  more  or  less  imder  the  control 
of  a  Supreme  Being  whose  personality  and  attributes 


are  not  well  defined.  By  some  he  was  known  as  "he 
(or  it)  whereby  the  earth  exists",  or  simply  "the 
powerful";  others,  like  the  Hares,  designated  him  as 
"  he  that  sees  in  front  and  behind",  while  the  prehis- 
toric Carriers  knew  him  as  "that  which  is  on  high", 
apparently  confounding  him  with  the  dynamic  forces 
of  natiu'e  and  the  cause  of  rain,  snow,  wind,  and  the 
other  celestial  phenomena.  As  to  the  spirits,  the 
noxious  ones  are  constantly  lurking  among  men  and 
cause  disease  and  all  evils.  The  good  ones  are  closely 
connected  with  the  various  elements  of  the  created 
world,  and  are  ever  ready  to  adopt  and  protect  indi- 
viduals in  return  for  some  sort  of  respect  and  implied 
veneration  of  the  animal,  tree,  plant,  celestial  body, 
or  terrestrial  entity  which  is  their  normal  seat  or  repre- 
sentative. These  are  the  personal  totems  or  tutelary 
genii,  of  which  every  Den6  has  at  least  one,  com- 
munion with  which  was  supposed  to  be  established 
through  the  agency  of  dreams,  apparitions,  etc. 

It  sometimes  happened  that  the  totem  suddenly 
prostrated  the  native  while  awake  and  rendered  him 
unconscioas.  The  individual  thus  affected  was  be- 
lieved to  commune  with  some  powerful  spirit,  and  on 
being  restored  to  consciousness  by  means  of  loud 
chanting  and  the  rhythmical  beating  of  drums,  was 
considered  as  endowed  with  supernatural  powers  over 
the  evil  spirits  and  their  works.  Hence  his  services 
were  called  into  requisition  to  cast  out  the  evil  spirits 
from  those  whoTvere  afflicted  with  illness,  or  to  obtain 
some  particular  end  in  the  order  of  nature,  such  as  calm 
in  tempestuoxis  weather,  a  plentiful  Tun  of  salmon,  a 
successful  hunt,  and  the  like.  These  ideas  were  so 
firmly  rooted  among  all  the  tribes  that  they  long  re- 
mained proof  against  the  influence  of  civilization. 
The  first  encounter  of  the  D^n^s  with  this  was  in  the 
south,  as  is  shown  in  the  articles  on  the  Apaches  and 
the  Navahoes.  In  the  north,  the  fiU'  of  the  animals 
on  whose  flesh  they  mostly  subsisted  and  whose  skins 
were  utilized  as  garments  was  the  principal  cause  of 
the  intrusion  of  the  white  races  on  their  desolate  wil- 
derness. As  early  as  1670  was  established  the  cele- 
brated Hudson  Bay  Company,  whose  agents  were 
gradually  drawn  into  close  intercourse  with  the  east- 
ernmost tribes.  One  of  these  agents,  Samuel  Hearne, 
was  the  first  to  penetrate  to  any  considerable  inland 
distance.  In  the  years  1769-72  he  discovered  Lake 
Athabasca,  and  went  as  far  north  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Coppermine  with  a  horde  of  Eastern  D^n&  who 
proved  to  be  as  unruly,  brutal,  and  lustful  as  the  ex- 
plorer was  himself  timid  and  gentlemanly.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  latter  extols  the  virtue  and  meekness 
of  their  women.  Then  came  the  Northwest  Fur 
Trading  Company,  a  member  of  which,  Laurent  Le- 
roux,  was  the  first  to  visit  Great  Slave  Lake  (1784). 
This  energetic  corporation  soon  dotted  the  country 
with  trading  establishments,  whereupon  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company  began  a  keen  competition,  which  was 
the  source  of  many  disorders  among  the  natives,  in- 
toxicants being  used  by  each  party  to  win  them  over  to 
its  own  side.  Then  came  the  explorations  of  Macken- 
zie in  1789  and  1792-93;  Franklin's  in  1820-22; 
Back's  in  1833-35;  and  a  number  of  other  journeys 
in  the  course  of  which  the  D^n^s  proved  valuable,  if 
somewhat  fickle  helpers.  They  were  strictly  honest, 
anxious  to  please  the  whites  and  to  adopt  their  ways 
as  far  as  compatible  with  their  own  condition. 

The  Den^s  had  already  learned  something  of  the 
Catholic  religion  through  the  French  Canadian  traders 
and  voyagers.  From  the  very  beginning  they  showed 
themselves  ready  converts,  which  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  when  we  consider  that  the  D^n6,  when  of  pure 
stock,  is  by  nature  eminently  religious.  The  first  mis- 
sionaries were  Catholic  priests.  In  1842  the  Rev.  J. 
B.  Thibault,  one  of  the  pioneers  of  the  Red  River  Set- 
tlement (now  Manitoba)  reached  the  Rocky  Moim- 
tains  in  his  apostolic  wanderings,  and  must  have  evan- 
gelized some  of  the  border  tribes.     Three  years  later 


DENIFLE 


719 


DENIFLE 


he  visited  the  Chippcwayans  of  Ile-i-la-Crosse,  which 
locality  was  soon  to  become  the  centre  of  far-reaching 
missionary  operations.  That  very  year  there  arrived 
at  St.  Boniface  the  first  two  representatives  of  the  Ob- 
late Order,  which  has  since  had  charge  of  the  evangel- 
ization of  all  Northern  D(5ne  tribes.  In  18-47  Father 
(afterwards  Arclibishop)  Tach^  visited  Lake  Atha- 
liasca,  where  he  was  kindly  received  and  accom- 
]ilishcd  mvich  good.  Year  after  year  the  sphere  of 
n  lii;i<ius  activity  was  enlarged,  new  missions  being 
f  >i:il)lished,  until  that  of  Our  Lady  of  Good  Hope  was 
I'uiideil  by  Father  GroUicr,  31  Aug.,  1859,  within  the 
A  rrt  ic  ( 'ircle.  Thence  apostolic  excursions  were  made 
into  Alaska,  first  by  Father  Petitot  in  1870,  and  then 
l.y  Bisho|i  I.  Glut  in  1872.  But  the  Western  Lou- 
(  hcux,  rendered  hostile  to  Catholicism  by  itinerant 
I'mtcstant  ministers  and  fanatical  traders,  proved 
t;<  norally  reliellious.  Serious  Protestant  missionary 
ilTorts  among  the  D6n&  date  from  1858.  The  Rev.  J. 
I  lunter  then  made  a  reconnoitring  visit  to  the  Mack- 
■n/ie,  and  as  a  result  a  mission  was  established  on  that 
stream  at  Fort  Simpson.  After  this  work  was  under- 
taken among  the  Loiicheux  of  the  Yukon  with  some 
iiuasure  of  success.  However,  in  spite  of  the  asser- 
ii'm  of  the  late  Anglican  bishop,  W.  C.  Bompas,  that 
I  lie  numbers  under  instruction  of  each  Church  may 
not  greatly  differ"  (Dioce.se,of  Mackenzie,  liOndon, 
!sxs,  p.  108)  among  the  Northern  D^nes,  taken  as  a 
whole,  the  number  of  Protestant  Denes  is  insignificant 
coinijared  with  those  who  have  embraced  the  Catholic 
r.iith.  In  British  Columbia  they  are  practically  all 
I  itholic,  and  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  there  is 
ii"t  one  Protestant  among  the  natives  who  repair  to 
Slime  fifteen  of  the  Hud.son  Bay  Company's  fur- 
tr:iditig  posts.  Even  at  Fort  Simpson,  the  head- 
luarters  of  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Mackenzie, 
'    1 !'  of  the  aboriginal  population  is  Catholic. 

I'l  TiTOT.  Monographic  des  Dcne-Dindjii  {Paris,  1876);  Idem, 
■lilions  indiennfs  du  Canada  nord-ouest  (Paris,  1883);  Idem, 
■ire  an^  sous  Ic  cerde  polaire  (Paris,  1889);  Idem,  Autour  du 
'  '/  lac  des  Esclavcs  (Paris,  1891);  Idem,  Exploration  dr  la 
'■'H  du  grand  lac  des  Ours  (Paris,  1893),  and  m.in.v  other 
1 1.3.  MoiucE,  The  Western  Denis  (Toronto,  1SS9);  Idem. 
'  ;  oil  the  Western  Dines  (Toronto.  1894);  Idem,  Au  pays  de 
;s  noir  {Paris,  1897);  Idem,  The  History  of  the  Norlhcm 
•■ior  of  British  Columbia  (Toronto,  1904);  Idem,  The  Great 
■-■<'  Race  (2  vols..  Vienna,  Austria),  and  about  a  dozen  mono- 
:  r.iplis  on  tile  D<5n<*s. 

A.  G.  MoRicE. 

Denifle,  Heinrich  Seuse  (baptized  Jcseph),  pate- 
oyraphcr  and  hi.storian,  born  at  Imst  in  the  Austrian 
Tyrol,  K;  Jan.,  1844;  d.  at  Munich,  10  June,  1905. 
His  father,  who  was  the  village  schoolmaster  and 
church  organist,  had  him  educated  in  the  episcopal 
seminary  of  Brixen.  On  his  reception,  at  Graz,  22 
Sept.,  1861,  into  the  Dominican  Order,  he  took  the 
name  of  Heinrich.  His  studies  of  Aristotle  and  St. 
Thomas  were  begun  in  Graz  and  continued  in  Rome 
and  Marseilles,  .\fter  his  return  to  Graz,  Father 
Denifle  taught  philo.sophy  and  theology  for  ten  years 
(1870-1880),  and  during  this  period  also  he  was  one  of 
the  best  preachers  in  .\iistria.  A  course  of  apologetic 
sermon.s  delivered  in  Graz  cathedral,  "Die  katholische 
Kirche  imd  das  Ziel  der  Menschheit"  was  printed  in 
1872.  Denifle,  who  had  loved  music  from  his  lioyhood 
and  composed  pieces  at  fifteen,  also  published  in  1872, 
as  his  first  literarj'  e.s,say,  an  article  on  the  (iregorian 
Chant:  "Schiinheit  imd  Wijrde  des  Chorals".  That 
even  then  his  mind  was  occupied  with  a  subject  about 
which  his  last  and  perhaps  his  greatest  work  was  des- 
tined to  be  written,  is  e\'ident  from  a  series  of  articles 
entitled  "Tetzel  und  Luther",  which  appeared  in 
187.3.  From  that  time  onward,  though  he  preached 
occasionally,  the  biography  of  Denifle  is  the  descrip- 
tion of  his  literary  achievements.  His  life  therefore 
may  be  divided  into  four  periods  characterized  respec- 
tively by  work  on  theology  and  mysticism,  medieval 
universities,  the  Hundred  Years  War  between  France 


and  England  with  its  consequences  to  the  Church,  and 
Luther  and  Lutheranism. 

A  subject  to  which  in  early  years  he  devoted  much 
of  his  attention  was  the  relation  existing  between 
scholastic  theology  and  medieval  mysticism.  It  was 
comparatively  unknown,  and  had  in  fact  been  grossly 
misrepresented  by  some  flippant  writers  according  to 
whom  the  German  mystics  were  the  precursors  of  the 
German  Reformers.  Denifle's  researches  put  the  mat- 
ter in  its  true  light.  He  discovered  in  various  libra- 
ries of  Austria,  Germany,  and  Switzerland  copious 
materials  in  fourteenth-century  manuscripts,  and  a  se- 
lection of  2500  texts  was  given  to  the  public  in  his  book 
"  Das  gelstliche  Lebcn.  Eine  Bhmienlese  aus  den 
deutschen  Mystikern  des  14.  Jahrhunderts"  (Graz, 
1873) .  Ho  also  began  a  critical  edit  ion  of  Blessed  Henry 
Suso's  works  (the  first  and  only  volume  of  Denifle's 
edition  appeared  in  1880 — another  edition  is  in  prog- 
ress 1908),  and  on  Suso  and  other  myst  ics  he  wrote  sev- 
eral articles  (fifteen  in  all  with  apjiendices)  published 
in  various  periodicals  from  1873  to  1889.  His  fame  as 
a  paliEographer,  German  philologist,  and  textual  critic 
arose  from  these  investigations  and  especially  from  his 
studies  on  Tauler,  Eclchart,  and  Blessed  Henry  Suso. 
Up  to  1875  the  most  disputed  problem  in  the  history 
of  German  mysticism  was  that  of  the  "Gottesfreund" 
and  his  marvellous  influence.  Denifle  solved  it  simply 
by  showing  that  the  "  Gottesfreund  "  was  a  myth.  This 
discovery,  which  created  quite  a  sensation,  and  several 
others  brought  him  into  controversy  with  Preger  and 
Schmidt,  who  had  till  then  been  looked  up  to  as  au- 
thorities on  the  history  of  mysticism,  and  also  into 
controversy  with  Jundt.  He  proved  and  demon- 
strated that  Catholic  mysticism  rests  on  scientific 
theology.  Denifle's  remarks  were  often  sharp,  but 
there  could  be  no  doubt  that  his  arguments  and  his 
destructive  criticism  were  tinanswerable.  Catholic 
and  non-Catholic  savants  alike,  as  Schrors,  Kirsch, 
MilUer,  Schonbach,  etc.,  have  recognized  that  he  was 
immeasurably  superior  to  his  adversaries.  This  was 
owing  to  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Fathers,  of 
theology — both  scholastic  and  mystic — of  medieval 
history,  and  lastly  of  Middle-High  German  with  its 
dialects. 

In  1880  Denifle  was  made  socius,  or  assistant,  to  the 
general  of  his  order,  and  summoned  to  Rome,  where 
a  new  field  of  inquiry  awaited  him.  Leo  XIII  had 
commanded  that  a  critical  edition  of  the  works  of  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas  should  be  begtm,  and  Denifle  was 
commissioned  to  search  for  the  best  manuscripts.  He 
visited  the  libraries  in  Italy,  Austria,  Germany,  Ba- 
varia, Holland,  England,  France,  Spain,  and  Portu- 
gal. Nothing  escaped  his  eagle  eye,  and  while  pre- 
paring for  the  new  edition,  before  his  return  to  Italy  in 
1883,  he  had  also  gathered  abundant  materials  for  his 
own  special  study.  In  the  autumn  of  1880  Leo  XIII 
had  opened  the  secret  archives  of  the  Vatican  to  schol- 
ars; he  had  in  1789  appointed  as  archivist  Cardinal 
Hergenrother.  On  the  hitter's  recommendation  the 
pope  now  (1  Dec,  1883)  made  Denifle  sub-archivist,  a 
post  which  he  held  till  his  death.  Since  the  beginning 
of  his  residence  in  Rome,  Denifle,  who  found  nothing 
there  for  his  contemplated  history  of  mysticism,  h.ad 
been  investigating  the  career  of  a  celebrated  prophet, 
i.  I',  the  Abi)ot  Joachim,  and  the  reasons  of  the  con- 
demnation of  his  "Evangelium  Sternum"  by  the 
University  of  Paris.  This  led  him  to  study  the  con- 
troversy between  the  university  and  the  mendicant 
orders.  As  he  found  dti  Boulay's  history  of  the  uni- 
versity inaccurate,  Denifle,  who  was  a  foe  to  adven- 
turous statements  and  hasty  generalizations,  resolved 
to  write  a  history  based  on  original  documents,  and  as 
an  introduction  to  it,  to  commence  with  a  volume  on 
the  origin  of  the  medieval  university  system,  for  which 
he  already  ha<l  prepared  copious  transcripts  and  notes. 
His  leading  idea  was  that  to  appreciate  the  mystics 
one  should  understand  not  only  the  theology  they  ha4 


DENIFLE 


720 


DENIFLE 


learned,  but  also  the  genius  of  the  place  where  it  was 
commonly  taught.  The  firat  and  only  volume  ap- 
peared in  1885  under  the  title  "Die  Universitaten  des 
Mittelalters  bis  1400"  (xlv-814).  The  wealth  of  eru- 
dition it  contains  is  extraordinary.  The  worlc  was 
everywhere  applauded;  it  led,  however,  to  a  some- 
what bitter  controversy.  G.  Kaufmann  attacked  it, 
but  was  worsted  by  the  erudite  and  unsparing  author. 
The  most  copious  collection  on  the  subject  to  be  found 
in  any  archives  is  that  possessed  by  the  Vatican,  and 
this  Denifle  was  the  first  to  use.  Munich,  Vienna, 
and  other  centres  supplied  the  rest.  Among  his  dis- 
coveries two  may  be  mentioned;  namely,  that  the 
universities  did  not,  as  a  rule,  owe  their  origin  to  cathe- 
dral schools,  and  that  in  the  majority  of  them  at  first 
theology  was  not  taught.  The  University  of  Paris 
formed  an  exception.  Denifle  had  planned  four  other 
volumes ;  viz  .'a  second  on  the  development  of  the  organi- 
zation of  universities,  a  third  on  the  origin  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris,  a  fourth  on  its  development  to  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  and  a  fifth  on  its  controver- 
sies with  the  mendicant  orders.  But  the  Conscil  Ge- 
neral des  Facultes  de  Paris,  which  had  in  1885  decided 
on  publishing  the  "Chartularium",  or  records  of  the 
University  of  Paris,  resolved  on  27  March,  1887,  to  en- 
trust the  work  to  Denifle,  with  Emile  Chatelain,  the 
Sorbonne  librarian,  as  collaborateur.  This  quite  suited 
Denifle,  for  he  had  resolved  not  to  write  before  he 
had  collected  all  the  relevant  documents,  so  with 
the  assistance  of  Chatelain  he  began  his  gigantic  task. 
In  less  than  ten  years  four  folio  volumes  of  the  "Char- 
tularium" appeared  as  follows:  1889,  volume  I,  A.  d. 
1200-1286  (xxxvi-714  pp.),  530  original  documents, 
with  fifty-five  from  the  preparatory  period,  1163-1200; 
1891,  volume  II,  1286-1.350  (xxiii-808  pp.),  661  docu- 
ments; 1894,  volume  III,  1350-1384  (xxxvii-777  pp.), 
520  documents;  1897,  volume  IV,  1.384-1452  (xxxvi- 
835  pp.),  988  documents,  and  two  volumes  of  the 
"  Auctarium  ".  This  moninnental  work,  the  "  Chartu- 
larium Universitatis  Parisiensis  ",  contains  invaluable 
information  regarding  its  inner  life,  organization,  fam- 
ous professors  and  students,  relations  with  popes  and 
kings,  controversies,  etc.,  during  the  period  when  this 
university  was  the  chief  centre  of  theoolgical  learning. 
"  With  its  aid",  as  Kirsch  remarks,  "  a  history  of  medi- 
eval theology  has  at  last  become  possible."  Some  idea 
of  the  labour  involved  in  its  preparation  may  be  gath- 
ered from  the  fact  that  all  the  great  libraries  and  arch- 
ives in  Europe  were  visited,  that  Denifle  travelled  from 
Paris  to  Rome  forty  times,  and  that  in  the  Vatican 
archives  alone  he  examined  200,000  letters,  of  which  he 
utilized  80,000  in  his  notes  (see  II,  p.  17),  though  of 
course  more  material  was  found  in  Paris  than  in  Rome. 
In  order  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  "Chartularium", 
any  reference  to  the  "  nations  "  was  relegated  to  the 
"Auctarium".  The  two  volumes  published  contain 
the  "Liber  Procuratorum  Nationis  Anglicana»  1333- 
1446".  Foumier,  who  rashly  criticized  Denifle  and 
Chatelain,  fared  badly  at  their  hands.  After  Denifle's 
death  the  materials  he  had  collected  for  another  vol- 
ume were  entrusted  to  Chatelain,  so  that  the  work 
might  be  continued.  Owing  to  the  vastness  and  com- 
pleteness of  his  research  and  to  his  amazing  erudition, 
what  Denifle  gave  to  the  world,  even  though  for  him  it 
was  only  a  preliminary  study,  has  sufficed  to  make  him 
the  great  authority  on  medieval  universities.  (See 
Merkle,  Dreves,  etc.,  or  Rashdall's  "Universities  of 
Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages",  Oxford,  1895.)  In  order 
to  publish  valuable  texts  which  he  had  deciphered  and 
the  results  of  his  studies  on  variou.><  subjert.s,  together 
with  Father  Ehrle,  S.  J.,  the  sub-lil>rarian  of  the  Vati- 
can, he  founded  in  1885  the  "  Archiv  fiir  Literatur  und 
Kirchengescluclitc  des  Mittelalters".  The  two  friends 
were  the  only  eontril)utors.  The  first  five  years  of 
this  serial  contain  several  articles  from  liis  pen,  on 
various  universities,  on  Abelard  and  other  scholars,  on 
religious  orders,  on  popes,  etc..  Denifle's  extensive 


acquaintance  with  manuscripts  and  his  skill  in  palaeog- 
raphy were  also  put  at  the  service  of  beginners  in  the 
art  of  deciphering  by  his  annotated  "Specimina  pa- 
Ijeographica  Regestorum  Pontificum  ab  Innocentio 
III  ad  Urbanum  V"  (Rome,  1888).  Among  its  sixty- 
four  plates,  that  representing  the  Vatican  transcript 
of  the  "Unara  Sanctam"  is  especially  valuable.  The 
work  was  the  offering  of  the  papal  archivists  to  Leo 
XIII  on  his  golden  jubilee. 

A  work  of  another  kind  suggested  itself  to  him  while 
gathering  in  the  Vatican  archives  materials  for  his 
annotations  on  the  "Chartularium".  Denifle  noticed 
in  the  three  hundred  volumes  of  "Registers  of  Peti- 
tions" addressed  to  Clement  VI  and  Urban  V,  between 
1342  and  1393,  that  many  came  from  France  during 
the  Hundred  Years  War  between  that  country  and 
England.  So  for  the  sake  of  a  change  of  occupation, 
or  "un  travail  aKcssoire"  as  he  calls  it,  Denifle  went 
again  through  these  volumes  (each  about  600  pages 
folio).  In  1897  he  published:  "La  desolation  des 
<>glises,  monasteres,  hopitaux,  en  France  vers  le 
milieu  du  XV®  siecle".  It  contains  a  harrowing 
description  of  the  state  of  France,  based  on  1003  con- 
temporary documents,  most  of  which  were  discovered 
in  the  Vatican.  Then,  in  order  to  give  in  explanation 
a  similar  account  of  the  cause  of  all  these  calamities,  he 
published  in  1889 :  "  La  guerre  de  cent  ans  et  la  d&ola- 
tion  des  ^glises,  monasteres,  et  hopitaux,  tom.  I, 
jusqu'a  la  mort  de  Charles  V"  (1.385).  Though  the 
work  was  not  continued  the  enormous  amount  of 
recondite  information  brought  together  and  illus- 
trated for  the  first  time  makes  the  volume  indispens- 
able to  historians  (see,e.  g.,  his  account  of  the  Battle 
of  Crecy  and  the  Black  Prince). 

Denifle  had  for  years  been  studying  the  history  of 
medieval  theology  and  mysticism,  as  well  as  the  lives 
of  saints  and  scholars  by  whom  in  both  depart.ments 
progress  had  been  effected ;  on  the  other  hand  his  in- 
vestigations revealed  the  decadence  of  ecclesiastical 
life  during  the  Hundred  Years  War  and  caused  him  to 
amass  documents  (about  12(K))  showing  the  many 
abuses  then  prevalent  among  the  clergy  both  secular 
and  regular.  The  contrast  was  marked.  As  was  his 
wont  he  resolved  to  solve  the  problem  that  arose,  to 
see  what  could  have  been  the  result  of  such  moral  cor- 
ruption. These  new  researches  were  not  confined  to 
France ;  they  gradually  extended  to  Germany.  Deni- 
fle found  proof  that  in  both  coimtries,  with  praise- 
worthy exceptions,  during  the  fourteenth  century 
things  went  from  bad  to  worse,  but  he  saw  that  the 
end  had  not  been  reached  yet.  He  traced  the  down- 
ward course  of  profligacy  to  the  third  decade  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  there  he  stopped  for  he  had 
foimd  the  abyss.  Crimes  which  ecclesiastics  and  re- 
ligious were  ashamed  of  in  the  preceding  era  now  be- 
came to  one  section  a  cause  of  self-glorification,  and 
were  even  regarded  as  miracles  and  signs  of  sanctity. 
.\t  the  beginning  of  this  painful  investigation  Denifle 
had  not  a  thought  about  Luther,  but  now  he  saw  that 
he  could  not  avoid  him;  to  estimate  the  new  depart- 
ure it  was  necessary  to  understand  Luther,  for  of  this 
appalling  depravity  he  was  the  personification  as  well 
as  the  preacher.  So  Denifle  devoted  many  years  to 
the  task  of  ascertaining  for  himself  how,  and  why,  and 
when  Luther  fell.  The  Vatican  archives  and  various 
libraries,  particularly  those  of  Rostock  and  Kiel,  sup- 
plied original  documents  to  which  this  independent 
study  was  confined.  As  usual  Denifle  made  a  series  of 
discoveries.  His  work,  which  is  di^^ded  into  three 
parts,  if  we  take  its  second  edition,  is  in  no  sense  a 
biography.  The  first  part  is  a  critique  of  Luther's 
treatise  on  mon.astic  vows.  It  examines  his  views  on 
the  vow  of  chastity  in  detail,  and  convicts  him  of 
ignorance,  niendaciousness,  etc.  The  second  part, 
which  is  entitled  "a  contribution  to  the  history  of  exe- 
gesis, literature  and  dogmatic  theology  in  the  Middle 
Ages",  refutes  Luther's  assertion  that  his  doctrine  of 


DENIS 


721 


DENIS 


justification  by  faith,  i.  e.  his  interpretation  of  Rom., 
i,  17,  was  the  traditional  one,  by  giving  the  relevant 
passages  from  no  fewer  than  sixty-five  commentators. 
I  If  these  works  many  exist  only  in  manuscript.  To 
iliscover  them  it  was  necessary  to  traverse  Europe; 
this  part  which  appeared  posthumously  is  a  master- 
piece of  critical  erudition.  The  third  part  shows  that 
the  year  1.515  was  the  turning  point  in  Luther's  career, 
and  that  his  own  account  of  his  early  life  is  utterly  im- 
trustworthy,  that  his  immorality  was  the  real  source 
of  his  doctrine,  etc.  No  such  analysis  of  Luther's 
thoologj'  and  exegesis  was  ever  given  to  the  learned 
nurld  for  which  it  was  written. 

For  some  time  preNdous  it  had  been  known  that 
i  iinifle  was  engaged  on  such  a  work,  but  when  in  1904 
I  Im'  first  volume  of  860  pages  of  "  Luther  imd  Luther- 
tiiin  in  der  ersten  Entwicklung  quellenmassig  darge- 
>  t  (lit "  appeared,  it  fell  like  a  bomb  into  the  mitlst  of  the 
Krformer's  admirers.  The  edition  was  exhausted  in  a 
miinth.  The  leading  Protestants  and  rationalists  in 
(Germany,  Seeberg,  Harnack,  and  seven  other  profes- 
sors, besides  a  host  of  newspaper  writers  attempted  to 
ilcfend  Luther,  but  in  vain.  Denifle's  crushing  an- 
swer to  Harnack  and  Seeberg,  "  Luther  in  rationalis- 
tischer  und  christlicher  Beleuchtung"  appeared  in 
.M:irch,  1904,  and  two  months  afterwards  he  issued  a 
revised  edition  of  the  first  part  of  the  first  volume ;  the 
si'cond  was  brought  out  in  190.5  and  the  third  in  1906 
by  \.  Weiss,  O.  P.  He  has  the  second  volume  on 
lutheranisni,  for  which  the  author  left  materials, 
It  ady  (1908)  for  the  press. 

1  )enifle  has  been  censured  by  some  and  praised  by 
ntliers  for  the  tone  of  this  work.  Perhaps  if  it  were 
li  ss  indignant  the  amazing  erudition  displayed  would 
produce  a  greater  effect.  There  was  no  need  of  hard 
words  in  a  work,  to  use  the  words  of  Cambridge  Uni- 
versity when  it  honoured  Denifle,  on  "Lutherum  ab 
codem  ad  fidem  documentorum  depictum".  Ke  has 
thrown  more  light  on  Luther's  career  and  character 
than  all  the  editors  of  Luther's  works  and  all  Luther's 
1  Monraplicrs  taken  together.  Denifie  wished  to  offend 
no  man,  but  he  certainly  resolved  on  showing  once  and 
lor  all  the  Reformer  in  his  true  colours.  He  makes 
l.uthcr  exhibit  himself.  Protestant  writers,  he  re- 
marks, betray  an  utter  lack  of  the  historical  method 
in  dealing  with  the  subject,  and  the  notions  commonly 
aecepted  are  all  founded  on  fable.  A.s  he  pointedly 
ol (serves:  "Critics,  Harnack  and  Ritschl  more  than 
I  ■!  hers,  may  say  what  they  like  about  God  Incarnate ; 
1  Mit  let  no  one  dare  to  say  a  word  of  disapproval  about 
I  iither  before  1521".  Denifle's  impeachment  is  no 
il oubt  a  terrible  one,  but  apart  from  some  trifling  in- 
I'curacies  in  immaterial  points  it  is  established  by 
. .     jircfragable  proofs. 

Denifle,  who  was  beloved  by  Leo  XIII  and  Pius  X, 
w.as  a  consultor  of  the  cardinalitial  Commi.ssinn  of 
Studies,  a  member  of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Scien- 
ces (Vienna),  and  of  tho.se  of  Paris,  Prague,  Berlin, 
Gottingen;  honorary  Doctor  of  the  Universities  of 
Miinster  and  Innsbruck;  member  of  the  Legion  of 
Honour,  of  the  Order  of  the  Iron  Crown,  etc.  He  was 
on  his  way  to  Cambridge,  where  he  and  his  friend 
Father  Ehrle  were  to  be  made  Honorary  Doctors  of 
that  university,  when  he  was  struck  down  by  the 
hand  of  death. 

Denifle's  Works  in  Ada  Cap.  Gen.  Ord.  Prwd.  1M7  (official 
obituary  notice);  Kjrsch,  Le  P.  Henri  Suso  Denifle  O.  P. 
Ireprint  Louvain,  190.5);  Ghabmann,  P.  Heinrieh  Denifle. 
O.  P..  Eine  Wiirdiguni/  seiner  Forschnngsarbeit  (Mainz,  190.">); 
Grauert.  p.  Heinrieh  Denifle,  O.  P.,  Ein  Wort  zum  Gediiehtni.'sa 
und  zum  Frieden.  Ein  Beitraa  ntieJi  zum  Luther-Streil  (Freil>urc. 
1906\  Weiss.  Lulherpsyehologie  ah  Scldfisset  zur  Lulher- 
Ifgende — Denifle's    Vnlersuehungen  Am'/i.scA  Tiachgepriifl  (Mainz, 

1906).  Reginald  Walsh. 

Denis,  S.mnt,  Bishop  of  Paris,  and  martyr.     Born 
in  Italy,  nothing  is  definitely  known  of  the  time  or 
place,  or  of  his  early  life.     His  feast  is  kept  on  9  Oct- 
ober.    He  is  usually  represented  with  his  head  in  his 
IV.— 16 


hands  because,  according  to  the  legend,  after  his  exe- 
cution the  corpse  rose  again  and  carried  the  head  for 
some  distance.  That,  however,  while  still  very  young 
he  was  distinguished  for  his  virtuous  life,  knowledge 
of  sacred  things,  and  firm  faith,  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  Pope  Fabian  (236-250)  sent  him  with  some  other 
missionary  bishops  to  Gaul  on  a  diflicult  mission. 
The  Church  of  Gaul  had  suffered  terribly  under  the 
persectition  of  the  Emperor  Dccius  and  the  new  nies- 
sensjiTs  of  l-'aith  were  to  endeavour  to  restore  it  to  its 
former  tlonrishing  condition.  Denis  with  his  insepar- 
able com]ianions,  the  priest  Rusticus  and  the  deacon 
Eleiitlierins,  arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Paris  and  settled  on  the  island  in  tiie  Seine. 
The  earliest  document  giving  an  account  of  his  labours 
aiul  of  his  martyrdom  (Passio  SS.  Dionysii,  Rustici 
et  Eleutherii),  dating  from  the  end  of  the  sixth  or  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  century  and  wrongly  at- 
tributed to  the  poet  Venantius  Fortunatus,  is  inter- 
woven with  much  legend,  from  which,  however,  the 
following  facts  can  be  gleaned. 

On  the  island  in  the  Seine  Denis  built  a  church  and 
provided  for  a  regular  solemnization  of  the  Divine 
service.  His  fearless  and  indefatigable  preaching  of 
the  Gospel  led  to  countless  conversions.  This  aroused 
the  en\'y,  anger,  and  hatred  of  the  heathen  priests. 
They  incited  the  populace  against  the  strangers  and 
importuned  the  governor  Fesccnninus  Sisinnius  to 
put  a  stop  by  force  to  the  new  teaching.  Denis  with 
his  two  companions  were  seized  and  as  they  persevered 
in  their  faith  were  beheaded  (about  275)  after  many 
tortures.  Later  accounts  give  a  detailed  description  of 
the  confessors'  sufferings.  They  were  scourged,  im- 
prisoned, racked,  thrown  to  wild  beasts,  burnt  at  the 
stake,  and  finally  beheaded.  (Jregory  of  Tours 
simply  states :  "Beatus  Dionysius  Parisiorum  episco- 
pus  diversis  pro  Christi  nomine  adfectiis  pirnis  pra;- 
sentem  vitam  gladio  imminente  finivit"  (Hist.  Franc. 
I,  .30).  The  bodies  of  the  three  holy  martyrs  received 
an  honourable  burial  through  the  efforts  of  a  pious 
matron  named  Catulla  and  a  small  shrine  was  erected 
over  their  graves.  This  wa.s  later  on  replaced  by  a 
beautiful  basilica  (egregium  templum)  which  Venan- 
tius celebrated  in  verse  (('arm.  I,  ii). 

From  the  reign  of  King  Dagobert  (622-638)  the 
church  and  the  Benedictine  monastery  attached  to 
it  were  more  and  more  beautifully  adorned;  the 
veneration  of  St.  Denis  became  by  degrees  a  national 
devotion,  rulers  and  princes  ^'J■ing  with  one  another  to 
promote  it.  This  development  is  due  in  no  small  de- 
gree to  an  error  prevailing  througlioiit  the  Middle 
Ages,  which  identified  St.  Denis  of  Paris  with  St. 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  and  with  the  Pseudo- 
Dionysius,  the  composer  of  the  Areopagitic  writings. 
The  combining  of  these  three  persons  in  one  was  doubt- 
less effected  as  early  as  the  eighth  or  perhaps  the 
seventh  century,  but  it  was  only  through  the  "  Areopa- 
gitica"  written  in  836  by  Hilduin,  Alilwit  of  Saint-Den- 
is, at  the  request  of  Louis  the  Pious,  that  this  serious 
error  took  deep  root.  The  investigations  of  Lavmoy 
first  threw  doulit  on  the  story  and  the  Bollandist 
de  Bye  entirely  rejected  it.  Hilduin  was  probably 
deceived  by  the  same  apocryphal  Latin  and  Greek 
fictions.  The  po.s.session  of  the  .Areopagitic  writings 
(since  827  in  Saint-Denis)  strengtheneil  his  conviction 
of  this  truth.  Historiographers  of  the  present  day 
do  not  dispute  the  point.  .Ml  the  attempts  of  Darras, 
Vidieii,  C.  Schneider,  and  others  to  throw  some  light 
on  the  subject  have  proved  fruitless. 

Vila  .S'.S'.  marl.  Dionysii  e(e.  in  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.:  Auct. 
.inliqu.  IV',  2;  St.  Grecory  of  Toiirs.  Hi.it.  Frnnc.  in  Mon. 
Germ.  Hist.:  Script,  rer.  Merov..  t.  I ;  Ada  SS..  Octob..  IV,  696- 
855;  P.  L.,  CVI,  13-50  (P.  G.,  IV,  589-684);  Chevalier,  Bio- 
hibl..  a.  V. 

Jos.  Stiglmayr. 

Denis,  Joh.\nn  Nepomuk  Cosmas  Michael,  bib- 
liographer and  poet,  b.  at  Scharding,  Bavaria,  27  Sep- 


DENIS 


722 


DENMARK 


tember,  1729;  d.  at  Vienna  29  Sept.,  1800.  He  re- 
ceived his  early  training  in  the  gymnasium  of  Passau, 
conducted  by  the  Jesuits,  and  became  a  member 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus  at  Vienna  in  1747.  For  some 
years  he  taught  Latin  and  rhetoric,  first  at  Graz,  then 
at  Hagcnfurt.  After  four  more  years  devoted  to  the 
study  of  tlieology  at  Graz  he  was  ordained  priest  in 
1757,  and  Ijegan  preaching  in  Pressburg.  In  1759  he 
was  made  professor  of  belles-lettres  at  the  famous 
Theresian  Academy  in  Vienna  where  he  remained 
until  1773,  when  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  suppressed. 
Denis  now  became  assistant  librarian  of  the  Garelli 
Library,  connected  with  the  Theresianum,  and  when 
the  academy  ceased  to  exist  in  1784,  he  was  appointed 
assistant  librarian  of  the  imperial  court  library  and 
in  1791  was  advanced  to  be  chief  librarian,  receiving 
at  the  same  time  the  title  of  privy  councillor.  He  is 
specially  known  as  a  poet,  as  he  was  one  of  the  chief 
members  of  the  group  of  so-called  bards  whose  aim 
was  to  revive  German  patriotism  by  treating  subjects 
connected  with  Germanic  antiquity.  Confusing  Ger- 
manic and  Celtic  materials  they  conceived  themselves 
as  bards,  in  the  belief  that  these  were  ancient  German 
poets,  and  adopted  fanciful  bardic  names.  Thus 
Denis  called  himself  "the  bard  Sined",  the  anagram 
of  his  name.  They  were  all  admirers  of  Klop- 
stock  and  of  Ossian,  whose  poems  had  only  a  few 
years  before  been  made  known  by  the  Scotchman 
Macpherson,  and  which  had  been  translated  into  Ger- 
man in  1764.  Ossian  was  really  the  inspiration  of  the 
bardic  movement.  Denis's  first  poems  appeared  in 
1760  under  the  title  "Poetische  Bilder  der  meisten 
kriegerischen  Vorgange  in  Europa  seit  dem  Jahre 
1756".  They  are  poems  celebrating  the  events  of 
the  Seven  Years  War,  and,  as  the  German  poems  of 
a  Jesuit,  created  cjuite  a  stir.  His  German  transla- 
tion of  Ossian  appeared  in  three  volumes  (1768- 
1769).  A  second  collection  of  poems,  "Die  Lieder 
Sineds  des  Barden",  followed  in  1772.  A  new  edition, 
including  his  version  of  Ossian,  was  published  at  Vi- 
enna in  five  volumes  under  the  title  "Ossian  und 
Sineds  Lieder"  (Vienna,  1784-85).  Besides  the  purely 
bardic  poems  these  collections  contain  many  poems 
composed  for  special  occasions,  for  Denis  was  held 
in  high  esteem  by  the  C'ourt..  A  number  of  religious 
poems  had  been  published  separately  as  "Geistliche 
Lieder"  in  1774.  The  quality  of  these  poetical 
efforts  is  not  high,  but  Denis  certainly  deserves 
praise  for  his  efforts  to  bring  the  literature  of  Aus- 
tria into  contact  with  that  of  northern  Germany. 
For  both  Klopstock  and  Gellert  he  felt  great  enthusi- 
asm, and  largely  helped  to  make  them  known  in 
.Vustria. 

As  a  bibliographer  he  compiled  a  number  of  im- 
portant works,  notably:  "Einleitung  in  die  Bucher- 
kunde",  part  I,  bibliography  (1777);  part  II,  "Lit- 
teraturgeschichte ",  (1778);  "Die  Merkwiirdigkeiten 
der  Garellischen  Bibliothek"  (Vienna,  1780);  and 
"Wiens  Buchdruckergeschichte  bis  MDLX"  (Vienna, 
1782-83).  His  posthumous  works  were  published  by 
his  pupil  J.  F.  de  Retzer,  "Nachlese  zu  Sineds  Lie- 
dern"  (Vioiinu,  1802). 

HoFM\-.\  Willi ^^■<i:^l'f     Dmis,    ein    Britrag    zuT 

deuUiU  hiihlc  des  XVIII.     Jahr- 

httnd'  '■'  I '  I  .  I  I  i  - '  :  M  >  \'  i,  iu  Kurschner,  Deutsche 
Nntwnnl-I    a ,,.    \  :  \  M  I,   I  i'J  .-ipl- 

Arthuh  F.  J.  Remy. 

Denis,  Joseph  (baptized  Jacques),  b.  6  November, 
1657,  at  Three  Rivers,  Canada;  d.  25  January,  1736. 
He  was  the  first  Canadian  to  join  the  Recollects  of  the 
Friars  Minor.  His  father,  Pierre  Denis  de  la  Ronde  and 
his  mother  Catherine  Leneuf  de  la  Poterie,  were  na- 
tives of  Normandy.  In  1669  he  entered  the  seminary 
at  Quebec  and  on  9  May,  1677,  joined  the  Recollects 
in  the  same  city,  taking  in  religion  the  name  of  Joseph. 
When  professed  he  went  to  France  to  study  theology. 
After  being  ordained  he  rctu.rued  to  Canada  in  1682, 


where  in  1685  he  completed  the  installation  of  the 
Recollects  at  He  Percee.  He  founded  the  house  of 
the  order  at  Plaisance  in  1689  and  that  at  Montreal  in 
1692.  After  holding  the  office  of  provincial  commis- 
sary, superior  of  the  convent  of  Quebec,  and  master 
of  novices,  he  was  named,  in  1709,  superior  of  the 
Recollects  and  parish  priest  of  Three  Rivers,  where 
he  rebuilt  in  stone  the  old  church.  In  1719  he  car- 
ried to  France,  to  be  forwarded  to  Rome,  the  Acts  of 
Brother  Didace  (Les  actes  du  tres-religieux  Frere 
Didace),  a  Canadian  Recollect  whose  confessor  he  was 
for  many  years.  He  died  shortly  after  his  return 
to  New  France. 

Odohic-M.  Jouve. 

Denman,  William,  publisher,  b.  in  Edinburgh, 
Scotland,  17  March,  1784;  d.  in  Brooklyn,  New  York, 
U.  S.  A.,  12  September,  1870.  His  father  was  a  Ger- 
man, his  mother  an  Alsatian,  and  he  claimed  to 
have  been  in  the  English  army  before  he  emigrated  to 
New  York  in  1824.  He  was  an  associate  of  William 
E.  Andrews,  the  London  publisher,  and  after  settling 
down  in  New  York,  he  began,  in  conjimction  with 
George  Pardow,  on  2  April,  1825,  the  publication 
of  "The  Truth  Teller",  the  first  Catholic  paper 
issued  there.  It  was  a  weekly,  and  for  a  time  enjoyed 
considerable  local  influence  which  gave  Denman  polit- 
ical prominence.  Tainted,  however,  with  the  prevail- 
ing error  of  trusteeism,  it  lost  the  support  of  the  local 
ecclesiastical  authorities,  rival  publications  were 
started  and  its  prestige  waned  until  he  sold  the  paper 
31  March,  1855,  to  the  proprietors  of  "  The  Irish  Amer- 
ican", who  merged  it  in  that  journal  a  short  time 
after.  Three  of  his  sons  were  in  the  United  States 
ser\'ice:  Adjutant  Frederick  J.  Denman,  of  the  Artil- 
lery, killed  by  accident  in  Texas  in  1854;  Ensign 
Joseph  A.  Denman,  of  the  Navy,  died  1862;  Colonel 
Charles  L.  Denman,  who  served  in  the  Mexican  War 
and  as  consul  in  South  America,  died  17  March,  1893. 
The  youngest  son,  William,  was  for  some  years  editor 
of  the  New  York  "Tablet". 

U.  S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc,  Hist.  Records  and  Studies  (New  York, 
Jan.,  1903),  III,  part  I. 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Denmark  (Lat.  Dania). — This  kingdom  had  for- 
merly a  much  larger  extent  than  at  present.  It  once 
included  the  southern  provinces  of  Sweden:  Skane, 
Halland,  Blekinge,  Bohuslan  (till  1658);  the  Duchies 
of  Schleswig  (Sonderjylland)  and  Holstein  (till  1864) ; 
the  Kingdom  of  Norway  (from  1537  till  1814).  The 
present  kingdom  comprises  16,000  square  miles  (be- 
tween lat.  54°  33'  and  57°  45'  N. ;  long.  8°  4'  and  15° 
10'  E.).  It  now  includes  the  northern  part  of  Jutland 
(anciently  the  Cimbric  Chersonese)  between  the 
North  Sea,  Skager  Rack,  and  Cattegat,  whose  southern 
part  borders  on  the  German  Empire ;  the  islands  which 
lie  between  the  Baltic  and  Cattegat  (partly  also  in  the 
latter) — Zealand  (Sjalland),  Falster,  Moen,  Laaland, 
Fiinen  (Fyan),  Mvo,  Samso,  Anholt,  Laeso — together 
with  a  few  smaller  isles  (Amager,  Saltholm,  Seiero, 
etc.)  and  Bornholm,  which  lies  far  towards  the  east  in 
the  Baltic.  To  this  must  be  added  the  group  of  the 
Faroe  Islands  (q.  v.),  situated  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean, 
180  miles  north-west  of  the  Shetland  Islands  and  410 
miles  west  from  Bergen,  and  finally  Iceland  (q.  v.), 
whose  northern  coast  is  washed  by  the  Arctic  Ocean, 
and  which,  though  very  extensi\-e  (40,000  square 
miles),  is  but  thinly  inhabited  (80.000  souls).  Ice- 
land is  verj^  loosely  connected  with  Denmark,  is  inde- 
pendent in  its  laws  and  government,  and  since  1874 
has  its  own  constitution.  Other  Danish  possessions 
are  Greenland  (q  v.),  which  in  size  is  almost  a  conti- 
nent, but  is  very  sparsely  settled  (only  12,000  souls), 
and  the  three  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  St.  Croix,  St. 
John,  and  St.  Thomas,  with  a  total  area  of  120  squarQ 
miles  and  a  population  of  30,000. 


DENMARK 


723 


DENMARK 


The  physical  character  of  Denmark,  which  geologi- 
cally is  a  continuation  of  the  plain  of  Central  Europe, 
shows  only  moderate  contrasts.  The  Baltic  Islands, 
surrounded  by  arms  of  the  sea  that  are  nowhere 
tleoper  than  200  feet  and  contain  little  salt,  are  partly 
monotonous  flats,  partly  rolling  grovmd.  Only  a  few 
points,  as  Gyldenloeveshcei  on  Zealand,  Aborrebjerg  on 
Moen  and  Froebjerg  on  Fiinen,  rise  to  a  height  of  400 
feet  and  more.  Similar  conditions  prevail  in  Jutland. 
The  high  plateau  that  crosses  it  in  a  northerly  direc- 
tion slopes  abruptly  down  towards  the  east.  Here  are 
elevations  of  486  to  573  feet  (Hinimelsbjerg,  Ejers 
Bavnehopj),  lines  of  low,  wooded  hills,  deep-cut  val- 
leys, fertile  fields  and  meadows,  bubbling  rivulets,  and 
beautiful  lakes.  On  the  other  hand  the  dune-bound 
west  coast  of  Jutland  from  Blaavandshuk  to  Skagen 
))resents  nothing  to  the  eye  but  heath  and  moor. 
Bornholm  resembles  in  its  structural  character  t'lc 
neighbouring  Sweden.  The  northern  and  eastern 
coasts  rise  abruptly  out  of  the  sea,  and  the  southern 
sliore  and  the  interior  are  monotonous,  although  the  hill 
of  Rytterknagten  reaches  a  height  of  543  feet.  There 
are  no  large  rivers  in  Denmark,  but  with  its  numerous 
islanils  and  peninsulas — its  coast-line  aggregating  a 
li'iigth  of  3100  miles — there  is  no  lack  of  deep  brooks, 
and  the  River  GuJenaa,  in  Jutland,  is  over  100  miles 
long.  The  lakes  are  nimierous,  but  small  and  shallow, 
only  that  known  as  the  Furusee  having  a  depth  of  300 
feet.  The  climate  is  comparatively  mild,  hardly  dif- 
f<'ring  from  that  of  South  Germany,  but  somewhat 
more  severe  in  Jutland  than  on  the  islands.  Only 
une-seventh  of  the  soil  is  woodland.  In  the  last  few 
decades,  however,  successful  measures  have  been 
taken  to  husband  the  forests.  Beech  and  birch  trees, 
ash  and  alder,  some  oaks,  linden,  and  pines  are  found. 
Three-fourths  of  the  total  area  of  the  islands  and  of 
the  east  coast  of  Jutland  is  tilled  land ;  the  cultivation 
of  grain,  potatoes,  and  beets  yields  a  large  return. 
Walnuts  and  mulberries  ripen  in  due  season,  and  in 
some  places  juicy  grapes  ripen  on  treUises.  The 
flora  of  Denmark,  mth  its  1500  species  of  wild- 
growing  plants,  is  quite  extensive  but  the  same 
cannot  be  said  of  its  fauna.  The  larger  beasts  of 
prey  are  extinct,  even  the  red  deer  and  wild  boar 
have  almost  disappeared.  Foxes,  martens,  roes, 
and  hares  are  still  numerous,  and  along  the  shores 
seals  may  be  seen.  Its  birds,  amphibia,  and  fishes 
resemble  those  of  Germany.  In  the  Little  Belt,  be- 
tween Jutland  and  Fiinen,  the  pilot  whale  {grindhva]) 
is  sometimes  found.  The  domestic  animals  are  those 
of  Central  Europe.  As  the  soil  is  for  the  most  part 
made  up  of  marl — though  there  are  also  other  strata 
on  Bornholm — the  countrj'  is  not  rich  in  minerals.  It 
yields  common  clay,  kaolin,  chalk,  and  some  lignite. 
The  absence  of  metals  and  still  more  of  good  anthra- 
cite coal  is  greatly  felt.  Luckily,  extensive  turf-bogs 
provide  the  necessary  fuel. 

Denmark  is  inhabited  by  2,000,000  people,  most  of 
them  natives.  Together  with  the  Swedes  and  Nor- 
wegians, the  Danes  belong  to  the  Germanic  stock 
(North  Germans,  Scandinavians),  and  in  body  as  well 
as  character  differ  but  little  from  the  North  Germans. 
Their  written  language  has  much  in  common  with 
Low  German.  The  language  of  the  common  people  is 
divided  into  a  number  of  strikingly  divergent  dialects. 
Nearly  all  of  the  population  (98^  per  cent)  belong 
officially  to  the  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church,  which, 
as  the  Established  Church,  enjoys  Government  support. 
In  1849  complete  freedom  of  religious  belief  was  legal- 
ly guaranteed.  Since  then  many  have  joined  the 
Baptists,  Irs-ingites,  the  Reformed  Church,  and  other 
sects.  Particularly  gratifying  is  the  modern  revival  of 
Catholicism,  which  had  disappeared  from  Denmark  for 
three  centuries  (see  below  under  Religious  History). 

With  regard  to  general  education,  Denmark  com- 
pares well  with  other  States.  Education  is  compul- 
sory.    The  primary  schools  are  kept  up  by  the  munic- 


ipalities. Latin  schools  and  modern  high  schools 
provide  the  necessary  preparation  for  the  university 
in  the  capital,  the  polytechnic  institute,  and  the  agri- 
cultural college.  Very  useful  institutions  are  the 
"people's  high  schools",  private  continuation  schools 
for  the  rural  population.  There  is  no  lack  of  libraries, 
art  collections,  and  collections  of  antiquities,  nor  of 
literary  and  artistic  societies  with  ideal  aims.  Many 
Danish  scholars  and  poets,  sculptors  and  musicians 
have  acquired  fame  that  has  spread  far  beyond  the 
narrow  limits  of  their  country.  We  need  mention 
only  the  names  of  Oersted,  Woorsaae,  Madvig,  Oehlen- 
schlager,  Thorvaldsen,  Gade.  The  relatively  small 
number  of  Danish-speaking  people  forces  many 
writers  to  compose  their  works  in  one  of  the  four  bet- 
ter-known languages,  German,  English,  French,  Span- 
ish, or  at  least  to  translate  them  into  one  of  these. 

Denmark  is  a  constitutional  monarchy  with  strong 
democratic  tendencies.  By  the  national  constitution 
of  1849,  revised  in  1866,  Landsthing  and  Folkethiny 
share  the  government  with  the  king,  who  has  a  civil 
list  of  a  little  more  than  1,000,000  kroner  ($268,000). 
The  national  colours  are  red,  white,  red;  the  flag 
shows  the  Danehrog,  i.  e.  an  upright  white  cross  on  a 
red  field.  Justice  is  administered  by  irremovable 
judges  who  are  subject  to  the  supreme  court  in  Copen- 
hagen (Hoeiesteret),  and  who  conduct  trials  orally  and 
in  public.  The  executive  power  is  vested  in  the  king 
alone.  For  the  sake  of  political  administration  the 
country  is  di\'ided  into  eighteen  districts,  presided  over 
by  district  judges.  The  larger  cities  have  self-govern- 
ment and  their  own  police.  A  general  supervision  is 
exercised  by  the  head  of  the  Copenhagen  police. 

The  established  Evangelical  Church  is  divided  into 
seven  dioceses:  Zealand,  F(inen-^r6,  Laaland-Fal- 
ster,  Aalborg,  Viborg,  Aarhus,  and  Ribe.  At  the  head 
of  each  diocese  is  a  superintendent  who  is  called 
"bishop",  a  name  that  has  been  preserved  from 
Catholic  times.  The  Bishop  of  Zealand  is  primus  inter 
pares.  The  dioceses  are  made  up  of  provostships  and 
parishes.  The  provost  exercises  his  office  under  the 
supervision  of  the  bishop. 

Since  1892  the  Catholics  of  Denmark,  who  (in- 
cluding about  7000  Polish  labourers)  number  57,000, 
are  under  a  vicar  Apostolic  (Johannes  von  Euch,  Titu- 
lar Bishop  of  Anastasiopolis).  Of  these  3000  live  in 
Copenhagen,  and  they  are  found  in  other  important 
towns.  Communities  of  good  size  are  found  in  Fred- 
ericksborg  (1500),  Aarhus,  Odense,  Horsens,  Fred- 
ericia,  Ortlrup,  Sundby  (400).  Besides  these,  mis- 
sions have  been  established  in  Aalborg,  Esbjerg, 
Glorup,  Grenaa,  Elsinore,  Kolding,  Koge,  Ledreborg, 
Najstved,  Randers,  Ringsted,  Roskilde,  Silkeborg, 
Slagelse,  Struer,  Svendborg,  Thisted,  Vejle  and  Vi- 
borg, also  in  Bornholm  and  Iceland.  These  are 
equipped  with  churches  or  chapels,  some  of  them 
handsome,  in  which  secular  or  regular  clergy  act  as 
pastors.  Among  the  cities  Copenhagen  (q.  v.)  far 
surpiisses  all  others  in  importance.  Its  population, 
including  that  of  the  suburbs,  was  in  1906  over  half  a 
million.  It  is  the  resi<l('nce  of  the  king,  the  seat  of  the 
ministries  of  public  affairs  and  of  the  state  university; 
it  is  the  centre  of  industry  and  commerce,  of  science 
and  the  arts.  I^ormerly  unprotected,  it  was  a  few 
years  ago  strongly  fortified.  Besides  Copenhagen, 
only  few  places  claim  particular  attention:  Randers 
in  Jutland,  for  its  domestic  trade;  Aarhus,  for  its 
commerce  and  cathedral;  Aalborg,  for  its  ancient 
buildings;  Horsens  for  its  manufactures;  Odense  for 
its  cathedral  and  commerce ;  Svendborg  on  Fiinen  for 
its  manufactures.  The  ancient  towns  of  Ribe,  Viborg, 
and  Roskilde  bask  in  the  glory  of  the  past;  their 
stately  churches,  built  in  the  time  of  Catholicism,  are 
yet  reminders  of  their  former  splendour. 

Bimetallism  prevails  in  Denmark.  The  standard 
coin  is  the  krone  ($0.2(58).  In  weights  and  meas- 
ures the  country  has  not  yet  adapted  itself  to  the 


DENMARK 


724 


DENMARK 


decimal  system  of  Southern  and  Central  Europe. 
The  Government  finances  are  in  a  good  condition ;  the 
national  debt  small.  The  principal  means  of  liveli- 
hood is  agriculture.  Its  products  (oats,  barley,  rye, 
wheat)  represent  a  value  of  400  million  kroner  ($107,- 
200,000).  Of  late,  a  change  is  going  on  in  favour  of 
cattle-raising  and  of  dairy  industry  (domestic  animals, 
1903:  horses  490,000;  beeves  1,900,000;  hogs  1,600,- 
000;  sheep  900,000;  goats  40,000;  chickens  12,000,- 
000).  In  1903,  300  million  pounds  of  pork  and  butter 
alone  were  exported.  Eggs  to  the  value  of  24  million 
kroner  were  shipped  to  foreign  countries.  The  fishing 
industry  is  less  prominent  than  might  be  expected: 
still,  the  total  income  from  this  branch  amounts  to  10 
million  kroner.  Manufactures  give  occupation  to 
about  one-fourth  of  the  population  and  are  rapidly 
increasing.  However,  only  the  smaller  part  of  the 
products  is  exported :  by  far  the  greater  part  is  used  to 
supply  the  home  demand.  In  some  branches  of  man- 
ufacture Denmark  excels,  and  the  royal  porcelain  fac- 
tory of  Copenhagen  rivals  successfully  those  of  the 
best  establishments  in  France  and  Germany. 

The  high  standing  of  Denmark  as  a  commercial 
country  may  be  inferred  from  the  one  fact  that  its 
yearly  business  transactions  are  almost  one-half  of 
those  of  Italy,  which  is  thirteen  times  as  large.  In 
1903  the  merchant  marine  could  boast  a  total  of  430,- 
000  tons,  and  it  increases  from  year  to  year.  To  safe- 
guard navigation,  which  is  exposed  to  many  dangers, 
especially  along  the  coasts  of  Jutland,  there  are  350 
lighthouses,  15  lightships,  and  50  life-saving  stations. 
Being  shallow,  most  of  its  harbours  admit  only  small 
vessels.  For  the  same  reason  the  canals  are  of  small 
importance,  but  2000  miles  of  railways,  telegraph  con- 
nexions, etc.  amply  supply  the  country  with  the  con- 
veniences of  modern  traffic. 

Beside  the  gigantic  armies  and  fleets  of  Germany 
and  England,  Denmark's  fighting  strength  appears 
insignificant.  Military  service  is  compulsory.  The 
period  of  service  is,  however,  considerably  shorter 
than  in  other  states.  The  peace  footing  is  800  officers 
and  9000  men;  the  war  strength  is  given  as  1500  offi- 
cers, 60,000  rank  and  file.  The  naval  strength  aggre- 
gates 50,0(K)  tons,  about  80,000  horse  power,  and  400 
gims.  Army  and  navy  combined  entail  an  outlay  of 
20  million  kroner. 

The  Royal  House  belongs  to  the  dynasty  of  Schles- 
wig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Gliieksburg  and  is,  conse- 
quently, of  German  origin.  At  present  (1908),  Freder- 
ick VIII  (born  3  June,  1843)  wears  the  crown,  having 
succeeded  his  father.  Christian  IX,  29  January,  1906. 
His  consort,  Louise,  is  a  princess  of  Sweden ;  his  son 
Charles  governs  the  Kingdom  of  Norway  under  the 
name  of  Haakon  VII.  His  brother  William  has  occu- 
pied the  throne  of  Greece  as  King  George  since  6  June, 
1863.  A  second  brother  of  the  sovereign.  Prince 
Walderaar,  is  married  to  the  Catholic  Princess  Marie  of 
Orleans  Bourbon;  their  sons  are,  according  to  the 
constitution,  brought  up  in  the  Protestant  faith,  while 
their  daughter  Margaret  follows  the  religion  of  her 
mother. 

Tr-\p,  Beskrivehe  af  Kongeriget  Danmark  (1898 — );  LoF- 
FLER,  Omrids  a!  Geographien  (Denmark,  1893-98);  Id.,  Dan- 
marks  Nalur  und  Volk  (Copenhagen.  190,5.  with  hterar.v  notes 
on  the  Faroe  Islands  and  Iceland,  111-114;. 

Reliqious  History. — The  first  attempts  to  win  the 
rough  Danish  warriors  over  to  the  mild  yoke  of  Christ 
are  said  to  have  been  made  by  the  Frisian  Bishop  Wil- 
librord,  who  died  in  739.  But  for  this  there  is  no  reli- 
able evidence.  A  missionary  journey  which  Arch- 
bishop Ebbo  of  Reims  undertook  to  Jutland,  in  823, 
e roved  a  failure.  But  when,  a  few  years  later,  the 
lanish  chief  Harold  (Klack)  went  to  Ingelheim  to  ask 
aid  from  Louis  the  Pious,  he  was  baptized  with  his 
whole  retinue,  and  on  his  return  took  the  Frankish 
monk  Ansgar  (Anschar,q.  v.)  as  missionary.  Interior 
disturbances  made  it  impossible  for  the  apostle  to  work 


successfully.  In  831  the  zealous  priest  was  nominated 
Bishop  of  Hamburg  and  thereby  recognized  as  Apos- 
tolic delegate  to  the  Scandinavian  nations.  In  849  he 
was  also  appointed  to  the  See  of  Bremen.  From  this 
place  he  laboured  untiringly  for  the  extension  of  the 
Faith  and  was  able  to  consecrate  a  church  in  Schleswig 
(Hedeby).  Owing  to  the  expulsion  of  Erik  (854), 
who  had  favoured  his  cause,  heathenism  regained  its 
ground  for  a  while,  and  many  of  the  faithful  lost  their 
lives  and  property.  Two  years  later  affairs  took  a 
turn  for  the  better.  The  church  in  Schleswig  was 
reopened,  and  a  new  one  was  built  in  Ribe.  When 
the  saintly  man  died,  in  865,  he  beheld  a  flourishing 
band  of  Christians  around  him.  So  far,  Christianity 
had  gained  no  entrance  to  the  islands,  and  when  Gorm 
the  Old,  a  fanatical  worshipper  of  Odin,  succeeded  in 
extending  his  power  over  Jutland,  he  raged  with  fire 
and  sword  against  the  Christians.  He  met  his  master 
in  Henry  I  of  Germany,  who  conquered  him,  in  934,  in 
a  bloody  battle,  and  forced  him  to  at  least  tolerate 
Christianity.  Gorm  himself  died  a  heathen.  Under 
his  son  Harold  (Bluetooth),  who  was  compelled  to 
acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  Otto  I,  it  became  pos- 
sible to  erect  the  dioceses  of  Schleswig,  Ribe,  and 
Aarhus.  During  the  reign  of  Canute  the  Great  (1014- 
35)  Christianity  gradually  spread  all  over  the  country. 
The  new  dioceses  of  Viborg  and  Borglum  were  formed 
in  Jutland,  and  to  these  were  added  Odense  in  Fiinen 
and  Roskilde  in  Zealand.  At  this  time  also  the  first 
monasteries  arose.  When,  under  Sven  Estridson,  the 
Diocese  of  Lund  was  founded,  the  whole  kingdom  had 
been  won  for  the  Faith.  Under  Canute  II  (the  Saint) 
the  bishops  became  powerful  feudal  lords,  ecclesias- 
tical dignitaries,  and  commanders  of  armies.  Ab- 
sorbed by  their  secular  occupations,  they  not  seldom 
lost  sight  of  their  spiritual  duties.  Some,  like  Bishop 
Absalon  (Axel)  of  Lund  and  Odense,  who  died  at 
Soroe,  1201,  largely  contributed  to  the  extension  and 
influence  of  the  State  by  their  shrewdness  and  energy. 
Others,  however,  became  involved  in  confficts  with  the 
king  himself,  in  which  cases  the  Roman  See  often  im- 
posed the  severest  spiritual  punishments.  At  the 
same  time  the  number  of  monasteries  increased  almost 
too  rapidly,  so  that  towards  the  end  of  the  Middle 
Ages  there  were  134  belonging  to  different  orders. 

The  external  constitution  of  the  Church  in  Denmark 
was  settled  definitely  in  1104,  when  the  country  was 
separated  from  the  metropolitan  See  of  Hamburg- 
Bremen,  and  its  seven  bishops  were  subordinated  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Lund  as  primate.  About  the  re- 
ligious life  of  the  clergy  and  laity  we  are  not  sufficiently 
informed,  much  historical  material  having  been  lost 
during  the  later  changes  in  the  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment. The  conditions  were,  however,  hardiy  satis- 
factory. The  higher  ecclesiastics,  supported  by  the 
lower  clergy  and  the  people,  led  a  sumptuous  life  and 
did  little  to  cultivate  the  minds  and  morals  of  their 
flocks.  We  must  not  forget,  however,  that,  previous 
to  the  invention  of  the  printing  press,  education,  as  we 
understand  it  at  present,  was  not  possible.  Only  thus 
can  we  explain  the  fact  that  the  earlier  zeal  of  the 
Danish  people,  proved  by  the  erection  of  many  splen- 
did churches,  rich  donations,  and  countless  founda- 
tions for  the  benefit  of  the  poor,  was  swept  away,  as  it 
were,  in  a  few  years  by  the  hurricane  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Christian  II  was  the  first  who  tried  to  over- 
throw the  power  of  the  princely  hierarchy,  and  for  this 
purpose  invited  (1520)  a  German,  Martin  Reinhard,  to 
preach  in  Copenhagen  in  the  spirit  of  Luther,  but  as 
the  people  did  not  understand  him,  he  remained  in  the 
country  only  a  short  time.  His  successor,  the  notori- 
ous Karlstadt,  met  with  the  same  fate.  After  the 
deposition  of  King  Christian,  his  uncle  Frederick  I 
ascended  the  throne.  Contrary  to  his  sworn  promise 
at  the  election,  he  at  once  allowed  the  Lutheran 
preachers  to  spread  the  new  creed.  Prominent  among 
them  was  a  disciple  of  Luther,  Hans  Tausen,  who  seems 


DENMARK 


725 


DENMARK 


to  have  found  a  worthy  and  effective  adversary  in  only 
one  man,  the  learned  Carmelite  Paulus  Elia?  (Hel- 
gesen),  the  first  historian  of  Denmark.  Soon  (1526) 
the  king  openly  professed  the  Lutheran  heresy,  and 
after  he  had  secured  its  triumph  in  the  duchies  of 
Schleswig  and  Holstein,  he  proclaimed  at  the  Diet  of 
Odense  (1527)  religious  freedom  for  Denmark  proper, 
but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  systematically  undermined 
the  C'hurcli.  Three  years  later  the  adherents  of  the 
new  doctrine  accepted  the  Confessio  Hajnica  as  their 
symbol.  It  was  Frederick's  son.  Christian  III,  who 
after  the  overthrow  of  his  political  enemies  made 
Lutheranism  the  established  religion.  On  the  same 
day  he  caused  all  bishops  to  be  imprisoned  and  to  be 
deprived  of  their  possessions;  the  monks  and  nuns 
were  permitted  to  leave  the  monasteries ;  if  they  pre- 
ferred to  remain,  they  were  forced  to  admit  Lutheran 
preachers  and  to  suffer  all  possible  persecution.  The 
church  property,  when  not  appropriated  by  the  nobil- 
ity, was  confiscated  and  added  to  the  royal  treasury. 
In  1539  John  Bugenhagen  came  to  Denmark  with  the 
avowed  purpose  of  establishing  a  new  liturgy  and  to 
consecrate  Lutheran  bishops.  A  Danish  translation 
of  the  Bible,  done  in  the  spirit  of  the  prophet  of  Wit- 


■ 

fdjHj 

i 

1  1' 

ll 

\ 

/J 

Pro-C".\thedral  of  St.  Ansgar,  Copenhagkn 
(BuUt  in  1843  under  Austrian  Government  Protection) 

tcnberg,  was  begun  and  completed  in  1550.  (For  an 
earlier  Danish  translation  see  below.)  With  the  ex- 
ception of  Bishop  Joachim  Rbilow  of  Roskilde,  all  the 
prelates  yielded  to  force ;  one  of  them  even  became  a 
Protestant.  Many  religious  fell  away  and  married, 
but  most  of  them  went  into  exile.  A  shining  example 
of  loyalty  to  their  faith  was  set  by  the  ntms  of  St. 
Bridget  at  Maribo  on  Laaland.  Also  several  priests 
and  monks,  like  Iversen,  a  canon  of  Lund,  the  Carmel- 
ite prior  Kristinsen,  the  Franciscan  Ludolf  Naaman,  of 
Flensburg,  the  parish  priest  Anders  Jepsen,  and  nu- 
merous laymen  chmg  to  the  true  Church  in  spite  of  all 
persecutions. 

The  Catholic  customs  and  usages  never  died  out 
completely.  Thus  the  Protestant  historian  Vedel 
(d.  1616)  held  him.self  bound  by  the  commandment  of 
fasting.  To  some  extent  the  rural  population  even 
yet  believe  in  the  assistance  of  the  saints ;  the  Luth- 
eran names  for  religious  persons  and  ceremonies  have 
never  been  in  common  use;  as  in  former  times,  the 
people  speak  of  bishops  and  priests,  of  saying  mass, 
etc.  The  ministers  wear  vestments  similar  to  those 
used  in  the  Catholic  Church,  and  the  altars  are  decor- 
ated with  lighted  candles.  For  a  long  time  the  eleva- 
tion of  the  Host,  auricular  confession,  and  the  ancient 
hymns  were  retained.  All  this  was  calculated  to  con- 
firm the  people  in  the  belief  that  nothing  essential  had 
been  changed  in  their  religion. 

Though,  towards  tlu;  end  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
Catholicism  may  in  general  be  con.sidered  a.s  sup- 
pressed in  the  Danish  kingdom,  it  still  counted  some 


adherents  in  the  higher  circles,  whose  sons  occasionally 
frequented  the  Jesuit  college  of  Braimsberg,  and  there 
were  strengthened  in  their  faith  or  led  back  to  it.  .\t 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  therefore, 
an  attempt  was  made  by  the  Propaganda  to  provide  in 
a  regular  way  for  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  scattered 
faithful,  and  several  mission  stations  were  established. 
We  are  not  sufficiently  informed  about  these  missions, 
but  they  .seem  to  have  been  by  no  means  insignificant. 
The  royal  rescript  of  10  June,  161.3,  which  forbade 
Catholic  priests  to  perform  any  religious  functions, 
under  penalty  of  death,  and  the  Danske  Lov  of  Chris- 
tian V  (1683),  which  threatened  converts  with  the 
confiscation  of  their  property  and  with  banishment, 
were  evidently  intended  to  prevent  conversions. 
While  the  Catholic  religion  was  thus  excluded  for  a 
time  from  Denmark  proper,  it  could  never  be  wholly 
extirpated  in  Holstein,  then  a  Danish  province,  but 
within  the  German  Empire.  As  early  as  1597  a  small 
Catholic  community  was  formed  at  Altona,  followed, 
in  1625,  by  a  second  at  Friedrichstadt.  To  these  was 
added,  in  1661,  a  church  on  Nordsrand;  in  1662  a 
chapel  at  Gliickstadt.  As  to  Denmark  proper,  French 
diplomacy  succeeded  (16.30)  in  obtaining  permission  to 
erect  at  Copenhagen  a  chapel  for  the  French  embassy ; 
Catholic  services  were  allowed  at  Fredericia  in  1682. 

After  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  (1648),  which  abol- 
ished the  jurisdiction  of  bishops  over  the  North- 
German  Protestant  territory,  an  Apostolic  vicariate 
was  erected  to  govern  these  scattered  parishes  and 
those  in  Scandinavia.  Valerius  Maccioni,  Titular 
Bishop  of  Morocco,  was  the  first  vicar;  his  successor 
was  the  famous  Danish  scholar  and  convert  Niels 
Steno.  The  duties  of  this  office  were  subsequently 
discharged  by  the  Bishop  of  Hildesheim  (1686)  and  by 
the  Bishop  of  Osnabrtick ;  in  1761  the  \ncariate  was  en- 
trusted to  Joseph  Gondola,  Bishop  of  Paderborn. 
When  Dr.  Liipke,  coailjutor  of  Osnabriick,  was  chosen 
Pro-vicar  Apostolic  of  the  North  German  missions 
(1841),  he  was  allowed  to  exercise  his  authority  only 
under  severe  restrictions.  The  number  of  Catholics 
amounted  at  that  time  to  865,  of  whom  550  lived  in 
Copenhagen  and  58  on  Fredericia;  the  rest  were  scat- 
tered in  the  cities  and  over  the  country.  So  far  con- 
ditions had  been  deplorable;  they  underwent,  how- 
ever, an  unforeseen  change  when,  by  the  new  Danish 
constitution  (Danmarks  Riges  Grundlov)  of  5  Jime, 
1849,  complete  religious  freedom  was  granted,  and 
political  and  ecclesiastical  equality  was  guaranteed  to 
all  dissenters.  Even  before  the  enactment  of  this  law 
the  Catholics  had  succeeded  in  building  at  Copenhagen 
(1843)  a  church  in  honour  of  St.  Ansgar.  New  relig- 
ious life  began  to  spring  up  under  the  pastors  Zur- 
strassen  and  Griider;  in  1853  the  latter,  for  the  first 
time  since  the  Reformation,  preached  a  Catholic  ser- 
mon in  Danish.  The  number  of  the  faithful  now  grew 
visibly.  Several  societies  and  fraternities  sprang  into 
life.  A  Catholic  paper  (now  the  "  Nordisk  tigeblad  ") 
endeavoured  to  unite  the  Catholics  more  closely 
and  at  the  same  time  to  enlighten  Protestants. 
The  beginnings  of  a  Catholic  literature  appeared 
(translations  of  the  Scriptures,  catechisms,  polem- 
ics). In  the  summer  of  1859  the  Bishop  of  Osna- 
briick (later  cardinal),  Melchers,  made  his  first  visit  as 
pro-vicar  Apostolic,  and  on  several  occasions  ofltici- 
ated  clad  in  his  episcopal  robes.  A  mission  held  by 
the  Jesuits  in  1862  bore  rich  fruit. 

Conditions  in  Schleswig-IIolstein,  where  the  Danish 
constitution  was  not  in  force,  improved  only  after  its 
annexation  by  Prussia  in  1866  (see  Ivleffner-Woker, 
"Der  Bonifatiusverein",  Paderborn,  1899).  Prog- 
ress was  rapid  in  Denmark  itself.  As  early  as  1867 
the  station  of  Odense  w.as  founded,  in  1870  Randers; 
1872  saw  Horsens  added ;  1873,  Aarhus ;  and  several 
mi.ssions  quickly  followed.  Pius  IX  raised  the  mis- 
sion (1869)  to  a  prefecture  (first  prefect,  Hermann 
Gruder,  d.  1883).     Leo  XIII  made  it  (1892)  a  vicari- 


DENMARK 


726 


DENMARK 


ate,  and  nominated  the  prefect,  Johannes  von  Euch, 
Bishop  of  Anastasiopolis  and  vicar  ApostoHc.  There- 
by were  secured  the  necessary  conditions  for  a  solid 
growth  of  the  Church.  Since  then  the  number  of 
CathoUcs  has  considerably  increased.  To-day  it  is 
estimated  at  over  8000,  to  which  niunber  we  must  add 
7000  Polish  workmen  There  are  in  Copenhagen 
three  parishes  and  four  chapels  with  connected  insti- 
tutions. In  the  Stenosgade  the  Jesuits  have  estab- 
lished a  high  school  and,  close  to  the  city,  the  fine  col- 
lege of  St.  Andrew  at  Ordrupshoi,  both  institutions 
nimierously  attended  by  pupils  of  eveiy  denomina- 
tion. For  a  complete  list  of  the  present  stations  see 
above.  Among  the  secular  clergy  there  are  several 
native  Danes  and  converts.  The  regular  clergy  are 
represented  by  foundations  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
Redemptorists,  Marists,  Lazarists,  Premonstraten- 
sians,  Camillans,  etc.  Himdreds  of  sisters  are  en- 
gaged in  teaching  and  in  nursing  the  sick  in  the  hospi- 
tals. Among  the  converts  are  promment  Count  Hol- 
stein-Ledreburg  and  family,  Count  Moltke  Hvitfeld, 
and  the  gifted  author  and  poet  John  Jorgensen. 

How  little  the  religion  of  Luther  has  penetrated  the 
hearts  of  the  Danish  people,  is  witnessed  by  the  Prot- 
estant Bishop  Pontoppidan  almost  200  years  after  the 
establishment  of  heresy.  This  bishop  expressly  ad- 
mits in  a  pastoral  (translated  into  German  by  Schon- 
feldt,  Rostock,  1756)  that  an  "almost  pagan  blind- 
ness" prevailed  throughout  the  country.  This  is 
easily  understood  when  we  bear  in  mind  that  at  the 
end  of  the  seventeenth  centurj'  the  mass  of  the  coun- 
try population  were  imable  to  read  and  write,  cate- 
chetical instruction  was  lacking,  and  the  sermons, 
mostly  of  a  polemical  nature,  were  not  understood  by 
the  people.  On  the  other  hand  this  state  of  affairs  had 
prevented  the  formation  of  sects.  For  a  time  all 
spiritual  life  appeared  to  have  died  among  the  clergy, 
completely  subject  to  the  will  of  the  royal  "Sumepis- 
kopus".  Towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
rigid  Lutheran  orthodoxy  gave  way  quite  generally  to 
a  rationalistic  tendency.  Bishop  Balle  of  Zealand 
(1783-1808)  and  his  successor  Jacob  Peter  Miinster 
tried  in  vain  to  stem  this  current.  Grundtvig 
(d.  1872)  was  the  first  who  earnestly  endeavoured  to 
restore  to  their  former  position  of  honour  the  Libri 
Symbolici,  or  ecclesiastical  creeds.  Afterwards  he 
changed  his  views  and  came  so  near  the  Catholic  doc- 
trine that  he  found  himself  forced  to  renounce  entirely 
the  Protestant  view  of  the  Bible.  His  contemporary, 
Soren  Kierkegaard  (d.  1875),  at  first  an  opponent  of 
both  Rationalism  and  the  orthodox  theology,  then  an 
enemy  of  the  State  Church  and  of  official,  or  rather  of 
all  positive,  Christianity,  did  more  than  Grundtvig  to 
shatter  to  its  very  foundations  the  Danish  Church  as 
reconstructed  by  the  kings  of  the  Reformation  period. 
As  mentioned  above,  the  legislation  of  1849  and  1852 
granted  complete  religious  liberty.  Thereby  the 
Evangelical- Lutheran  church  ceased  to  be  the  "es- 
tablished church".  Since,  however,  the  greater  part 
of  the  nation  exteriorly  still  adheres  to  it,  the  State 
guaranteed  to  it  a  subsidy  as  being  the  people's 
Church;  this  leaves  the  Church  subordinate  to  the 
civil  authority;  its  ministers  may  be  nominated  and 
deposed  by  the  Government.  It  exercises  no  influence 
over  its  own  legislation.  Its  laws  are  made  by  the 
majority  in  the  Reichstag,  which  has  already  enacted 
many  that  threaten  an  internal  dissolution.  Attend- 
ance in  the  city  churches  is  slender,  and  the  frequenta- 
tion  of  the  Lord's  Supper  is  not  large.  The  people  in- 
cline strongly  to  infidelity  and  Socialism,  or  find  a  sub- 
stitute for  religion  in  secret  societies.  Of  the  Protest- 
ant sects  the  following  may  be  mentioned:  Baptists, 
Mormons,  Methodists,  and  Irvingites.  A  few  thou- 
sand Jews  are  scattered  over  the  land. 

The  Protestant  clergy  is  divided,  generally  speak- 
ing, into  three  parties:  the  infidel-rationalistic  school, 
no  longer  very  inimerous;  the  conservative  majority, 


holding  fast  to  the  "symbolic  books",  or  creeds,  of  the 
sixteenth  century;  lastly,  the  Grundtvigites,  who 
recognize  the  necessity  of  an  ecclesiastical  tradition  in 
addition  to  the  Bible,  and  in  this  way  come  closer  to 
the  Catholic  Church.  The  revival  of  Catholicism  not 
imnaturally  called  forth  protests.  The  first  to  raise 
his  voice  was  Bishop  Martensen,  who  published  divers 
little  pamphlets  and  in  particular  a  small  work  trans- 
lated into  German  (Gutersloh,  1874).  The  feud  was 
also  taken  up  by  the  Copenhagen  preacher  Schepelern, 
more  particularly  by  Professor,  now  Bishop,  Nielsen, 
the  author  of  various  polemical  works  and  essays  (cf. 
Hermens-Kohlschmidt,  "Protest.  Taschenbuch ",  col. 
508).  In  conclusion  it  may  be  mentioned  that,  at  the 
request  of  Frederick  IV,  the  first  Protestant  mission 
was  opened  (1705)  at  Trankcbar  (East  India)  and  an- 
other followed   (1730)   ill   Civ,  i,l:iii,l. 

H.  Petersen,  Om  No7-'U'.  ,  kdse  og  Gudetro  i  Hel- 
denold  (Copenhagen,  187tj  ;  i  ■. .  Dmnordiske  Kirkes 
Grundlaeggelse  og  Forste  TJ  ',',;/  i  Miniiiagen,  1S74):  MuN- 
TER.  Kirchengeschichte  v.  Danrrmnk  und  Norwegen  (Leipzig. 
1S2.'5);  K.^RUP  (convert),  Geschichte  der  katholischen  Kirche  in 
Ddnemark,  tr.  from  the  Danish  (Munster,  1863);  Jensen, 
Schte^wig-Holsteinische  Kirchengeschichte,  ed.  by  Michel.sen 
(4  vol.s.,  Kiel,  1873-79;  index,  1881);  Witt,  Der  KalhoU:ismus 
in  Schlenoig-H olstein  seit  der  liefomuition,  in  Proceedings  of  the 
Society  for  Schleswig-Holstein  Church-History,  2d  serie.*?,  num- 
ber 5;  Helveg,  Den  danske  Kirkes  Historie  til  Rcjorniationen 
(1862-70);  Koch,  Den  danske  Kirkes  Historie,  lS01-lsr,h 
(1879-83);  Funk,  Lehrbuch  der  Kirchengeschichte  (4th  ed., 
1902);  Cornelius.  Kristna  Kyrkans  historia  (5th  ed.,  Stoclc- 
holm.  1809);  Del  nittonde  arhundradets  Kyrkohistoria  (2d  ed., 
Upsala,  1899);  Engeln  (CathoUc),  Den  Kristne  Kirkes  His- 
torie (2d  ed..  Copenhagen,  1896),  a  popular  treatise,  but  based 
on  original  sources;  Berl.\ge  in  Kirchenlex.  s.  v.  Ddnemark; 
Katholische  Missinnen  (Freiburg,  1880,  1881,  1883,  1891,  1897, 
1898,  1900-1901.  1904-1905,  1906-1907);  Nordisk  Vgeblad  for 
Katholske  Kristne — former  title,  Nordisk  Kirketidende  (pub- 
lished since  1856);   O.  Andersen,  Varden  (1903 ),  a  literary 

periodical;  Kirkehistoriske  Samlinger  vtg.  af  Selskabel  for  Dan- 
marks  Kirkenhistorie  (Copenhagen.  1849 );    D.\uga.vrd,  Om 

de  dunske  Klostre  i  Middelalderen  (Copenhagen,  1830);  Helveg, 
De  danske  Domkapitler  for  Reformationen  (Copenhagen.  1855); 
B.ixTER  in  The  Ave  Maria   (Notre  Dame,  Ind.),  LXIV,  no.  22. 

Political  History. — Many  thousands  of  years  ago 
the  northern  countries  were  covered  with  slowly  mov- 
ing masses  of  ice  and  snow,  just  as  inland  ice  occupies 
the  greater  part  of  Greenland  even  to-day.  Only  after 
these  masses  had  melted  could  the  land  be  settled. 
At  the  end  of  the  Glacial  Period,  the  Baltic  was  at 
first  one  immense  landlocked  sea,  for  South  Sweden 
was  still  joined  to  Denmark  and  Germany.  The 
ocean  later  forced  its  way  through  and  separated  the 
Danish  islands  by  the  Sound  and  the  two  Belts.  Fre- 
quent risings  and  subsidences  of  the  ground  gave  it  its 
present  appearance.  Denmark  was  settled  very 
early.  In  Maglemoor  near  MuUerup,  on  Zealand,  a 
habitation  was  discovered  which  was  built  during  the 
Stone  Age,  and  numerous  are  the  Kjiikkenmodinger 
(piles  of  refuse)  from  that  age,  which  contain  not  only 
remnants  of  meals — e.  g.  clams,  shells,  bones  of  fishes 
and  other  animals — but  also  implements  of  flint, 
kaolin,  and  horn.  The  so-called  Later  Stone  Age  must 
be  placed  between  5000  and  2000  B.  c.  That  forestry, 
fishing,  and  agriculture  were  then  flourishing,  is 
shown  by  axes,  sickles  of  flint,  nets,  and  similar  finds. 
The  attention  paid  to  the  repose  of  the  dead  and  the 
sacrifices  at  the  graves  indicate  that  a  life  after  death 
was  recognized.  At  some  period  between  2000  B.  c. 
and  500  B.  c.  stone  was  superseded  by  bronze,  which 
was  thenceforth  used  for  vessels,  tools,  weapons,  and 
ornaments.  The  dead  were  commonly  buried  in 
oaken  coffins.  Chairs,  bowls,  boxes,  and  similar  arti- 
cles were  constructed  of  wood.  The  art  of  weaving 
clothes  from  wool  and  of  making  caps  was  not  un- 
known, ;vs  excavations  at  Trindhoi  and  Borum-Eshoi, 
in  Jutland,  have  sho^\^l.  Scandinavian  bronze  ob- 
jects, the  raw  material  for  which  was  imported,  were 
always  cast.  The  Iron  Age  lasted  from  500  B.  c.  to 
about  A.  D.  1 100,  and  is  divided  into  four  periods:  the 
ante-Roman,  the  Roman,  the  time  of  the  migrations, 
the  Viking  epoch.  \i  first  the  use  of  bronze  pre- 
vailed.    In  the  course  of  time,  however,  iron  became 


DENMARK 


727 


DENMARK 


more  general.  As  early  as  in  the  fourth  century  B.  c. 
vessels  were  built  of  wood,  like  those  which  are  in  use 
nowadays. 

It  seems  that  the  Germanic  North  began  hostilities 
with  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe  at  a  compara- 
tively late  date.  A  serious  conflict  arose  for  the  first 
time  when  Charlemagne,  after  the  overthrow  of  the 
Saxons,  set  his  face  against  the  Danes  who,  as  allies  of 
the  Saxons,  had  uiflictcd  great  damage  on  him  ^see 
t'n.\HLEMAGNE).  After  their  warlike  king  Gottfried 
had  been  assassinated,  the  war  was  ended  (811).  It 
was  ilecided  that  in  future  the  Eider  River  should  be 
the  boimdary  between  the  two  kingdoms.  Quarrels 
shortly  arose  in  the  interior;  one  of  the  pretenders 
(Harold)  sought  the  protection  of  Louis  the  Pious  and 
was  baptized.  At  his  re(iuest,  Ansgar,  a  monk  of 
Corbie  (q.  v.),  preached  for  the  first  time,  though  with 
.small  success,  the  Christian  Faith  aiiumg  tlir  heathen 
nations  of  the  North.  Even  befi>n>  liis  arrival,  some 
of  them  had  begun  the  so-called  vikiiii,'  cxi editions, 
predatory  incursions  untier  their  chiefs,  which  were 
directed  as  well  against  the  Slavic  kingdoms  in  the 
East  as  against  the  German  and  Roman  peoples  in  the 
West  and  South.  The  Danish  freebooters  infested 
especially  the  coasts  of  England  and  of  France.  In 
time  they  gained  a  footing  in  both  countries  and 
founded  new  States  which  gradually  coalesced  with 
the  native,  civilized  population  into  one  powerful 
whole.  This  cut  off  the  possibility  of  predatorj'  ex- 
peditions for  their  fellow-tribesmen  who  had  re- 
mained at  home. 

Meanwhile  the  German  Empire  had  acquired  new 
strength,  and  King  Henry  I  endeavoured,  no  le.s.s  from 
conviction  than  from  political  prudence,  to  pcrMiadi' 
his  northern  neighbour  tn  embrace  the  Christian  rdii;- 
ion.  Gorm  the  Old,  under  whom  the  famous  Hana 
werk  was  built  as  a  protection  against  the  C!cniia:i  . 
was  the  last  pagan  King  of  Denmark.  Under  his  -iir 
crssors,  Christianity  became  firmly  established  and 
outwardly  well  organized  (see  above).  After  the 
treacherous  murder  of  Canute  Lavard,  son  of  King 
Erik  Ejgod  (1131),  bloody  civil  wars  broke  out,  which 
ravaged  the  country  for  more  than  twenty-eight  years 
and  greatly  weakened  its  strength.  It  was  not  until 
Waldemar  the  Great  ascended  the  throne  (1157)  that 
better  times  dawned,  especially  through  the  co-opera- 
tion of  Archbishop  Absalon  of  Lund  (q.  v.),  who  was 
equally  prominent  as  prince  of  the  Church,  statesman, 
and  warrior.  The  fleets  of  Wendish  sea-robbers  were 
destroyed,  the  Wends  themselves  were  attacked  in 
their  own  land,  and  the  island  of  Rugen  subdued.  At 
the  same  time,  the  power  of  the  ecclesiastical  digni- 
taries and  nobles  increased,  a  fact  which  on  the  one 
hand  ensured  better  order,  but  on  the  other  also  pro- 
voked the  hatred  of  the  oppressed  classes.  Walde- 
mar's  son,  Canute  VI,  added  to  his  possessions 
Pomerania  and  Mecklenburg,  and  assumed  the  title 
of  King  of  the  Slavs.  This  childless  prince  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother,  Waldemar  II  (1202), 
who  extended  his  sway  along  the  Baltic  especially 
by  means  of  a  crusade  against  Esthonia,  for 
which  feat  he  became  known  as  Sejr  (Conqueror). 
This  apparently  splendid  power  was,  however,  of 
short  duration.  One  of  the  German  vassals,  Count 
Henry  of  Schwerin,  raised  the  standard  of  revolt 
and  made  prisoner  his  Danish  lord  (1223),  where- 
upon the  subjugated  nations  cast  off  the  yoke.  Later 
on  Waldemar  sought  revenge,  but  lost  the  battle  of 
Bomhoved  in  Holstein  (1227).  Most  of  his  con- 
quests eventually  melted  away,  and  the  Eider  became 
once  more  the  southern  boundary.  This  noble  king. 
who  deserves  great  praise  for  his  improvement  of  the 
laws  of  Denmark,  died  in  1241.  His  sons  Erik.  Abel, 
and  Christopher  waged  war  with  one  another,  and  all 
died  a  violent  death.  Murder  and  arson  were  of  daily 
occurrence,  and  the  land  groaned  under  the  wicked- 
ness of  its  rulers,  who  brought  it  to  the  brink  of  ruin. 


Erik  Glipping,  Christopher's  successor,  died  at  the 
hands  of  an  assassin  (1286).  His  heir  apparent, 
Erik  Menved,  succeeded  in  restoring  order  for  a  time. 
Meanwhile  important  parts  of  the  kingdom  were 
pledged  to  German  nobles,  whose  power  was  steadily 
on  the  increase.  His  brotlier,  Christopher  II,  was  com- 
pelled to  swear  to  a  capitulation,  at  his  election,  and, 
since  he  did  not  abide  l)y  it,  w;is  expelled  hy  the  mag- 
nates under  Count  Gert  of  Holstein.  who  olitained  the 
election  of  his  sister's  son,  Duke  Waldemar,  as  the 
third  king  of  that  name.  The  legitimate  prince  in- 
deed soon  recovered  his  dominions,  but  held  only  the 
shadow  of  sovereignty.  The  real  power  lay .  in  the 
hands  of  the  nobles.  New  civil  wars  ended  with  the 
victory  of  the  Danish  element,  which  chose  again,  in 
Christopher's  youngest  son,  Waldemar  IV,  a  national 
ruler.  By  diplomacy  and  force  he  regained  the 
])ledged  distri<'ts  and  added  dotaland  to  his  kingdiim: 
thereby,  however,  he  became  involved  in  a  war  wilh 
the  Hanseatic  League,  Sweden,  and  the  Count  cif  Hol- 
stein.     Hard  conditions  were  imposed  on  him  in  the 


|Myate«i««aaBi»' 


Treaty  of  Stralsund  (1370).     Waldemar  IV  died  in 
1375." 

Meanwhile  Danish  affairs  had  undergone  a  great 
change.  King  Hakon  of  Norway  and  Sweden  had  mar- 
ried (1362)  Walderaar's  daughlcr,  Margaret,  a  child 
of  eleven,  and  thus  the  three  .Scandinavian  kingdoms 
had  become  united.  In  13,S9  this  able  woman  caused 
her  relative,  Duke  Erik  of  Pomerania.  who  was  only 
seven  years  old,  to  be  acknowledged  as  King  of  Nor- 
way. Seven  years  later  the  Swedes  and  Danes  also 
paid  him  homage.  At  Calmar  (1397)  representatives 
of  the  three  kingdoms  swore  allegiance  to  him.  But 
Margaret's  attempt  to  perpetuate  the  Union  of  Cal- 
mar proved  unsuccessful.  She  succeeded,  however, 
by  reclaiming  fiefs,  in  .strengthening  the  power  of  the 
Crown,  and  in  compelling  the  adhesion  of  both  eccle- 
siastical and  secular  magnates.  Erik's  imprudence 
thwarted  her  plans  and  sapped  the  promising  struc- 
ture. As  early  as  1410  new  conflicts  arose  with  the 
Counts  of  Holstein,  which,  after  Margaret's  death 
(1412),  led  to  a  sanguinary  war.  la.sting  twenty-five 
years;  at  its  clo.se  the  (\)unts  of  Holstein  retained 
their  Schleswig  possessions,  and  the  Hanseatic  cities 
their  ancient  privileges  While  Erik's  rule  was  thus 
unfortimate  abroad,  his  avarice  and  harshne-ss  alien- 
ated the  hearts  of  his  subjects.  The  Swedes  were  the 
first  to  fall  away;  then  an  insurrection  broke  out  in 
Norivay,  and  the  D.anes  themselves  a.ssumetl  such  a 
threatening  attitude  that  he  thought  it  be.st  to  leave 
the  kingdom.  Abjuring  their  allegiance,  the  vassals 
now  besought  his  sister's  son,  Duke  Christopher  of 
Bavaria  (of  the  house  of  Wittelsbach")  to  take  up  the 
reins  of  government.  The  .Swedish  crown  also  fell  to 
his  lot,  but  under  conditions  that  greatly  limited  his 
power.  With  the  help  of  the  nobility  he  checked  the 
uprising  in  Jutland.     It  was  Christopher,  also,  who 


DENMARK 


728 


DENMARK 


in  1443  removed  the  residence  of  the  Danish  kings 
from  Roskilde  to  Copenhagen.  Though  a  German  by 
birth,  he  tried  to  check  trie  power  of  the  Hanseatic 
League,  but  did  not  succeed.  He  met  with  an  un- 
timely end  in  1448. 

Immediately  the  weak  bond  which  had  united 
Sweden  and  Denmark  was  rent.  In  the  former  king- 
dom Charles  Knutsson  was  raised  to  the  throne;  in 
Denmark  and  in  Norway  Count  Christian  of  Olden- 
burg, the  husband  of  Christopher's  widow,  and  with 
him  the  house  of  Oldenburg,  succeeded  to  the  sover- 
eignty. A  feud  sprang  up  between  the  countries.  In 
1452  the  Swedes  ravaged  Skane;  the  following  year 
the  Danes  sought  revenge,  but  in  vain.  A  conspiracy 
among  his  nobles  drove  Knutsson  from  Sweden, 
which  was  subdued  by  Christian.  During  the  latter's 
reign  the  union  between  Holstein  and  Schleswig, 
which  was  later  to  have  such  disastrous  consequences 
for  Denmark,  became  an  acknowledged  fact.  Chris- 
tian's rule  over  Sweden  was  only  nominal.  Internal 
troubles  made  it  illusory,  and  after  the  battle  of 
Brunkeberg,  near  Stockholm,  he  was  obliged  to  evac- 
uate the  kingdom.  Even  in  his  own  State  he  was 
hated  for  his  extravagance.  He  deserves  credit,  how- 
ever, for  founding  the  University  of  Copenhagen 
(1479).  His  son  Hans  succeeded  him  in  Denmark, 
while  Frederick  remained  Duke  of  Holstein.  The 
former  was  also  acknowledged  King  of  Sweden  and 
Norway  (1483),  but  with  notable  restrictions.  Thus, 
in  Sweden,  the  regent  Sten  Sture  was  the  actual  ruler 
imtil  an  unlucky  campaign  against  the  Russians  drew 
on  him  the  contempt  of  the  people.  King  Hans 
thereupon  recovered  his  authority,  but  maintained  it 
only  for  a  short  time,  as  Bishop  Hemminggad  of  Lin- 
koping  succeeded  in  arousing  his  countrymen  against 
the  foreigner.  King  Hans  died  before  he  was  able  to 
overpower  the  rebels.  His  son  Christian  II  relied  on 
the  middle  class,  tried  to  break  the  power  of  the  no- 
bles, and  in  repeated  expeditions  against  the  Swedes, 
succeeded  in  crushing  their  resistance  (1521).  But 
his  excessive  cruelty  towards  the  Swedish  leaders 
caused  the  Swedes  to  rise  unanimously  against  him. 
Gustavus  I  (Gustavus  Vasa)  not  only  drove  the  Danes 
out  of  the  Swedish  provinces,  but  moreover  invaded 
their  country.  Christian's  efforts  in  favour  of  the 
peasantry  led  to  a  conspiracy  among  the  nobles. 
With  their  aid  his  uncle  Frederick  seized  the  reins  of 
government,  and  even  forced  his  nephew  to  flee  to  a 
foreign  countrj'  (1523).  After  the  former's  death  the 
Hanseatic  League  made  an  attempt  to  restore  Chris- 
tian to  the  throne.  He  conquered,  indeed,  the  greater 
part  of  his  countrj-,  but  the  activity  of  Gustavus  Vasa, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  combined  action  of  the  no- 
bility on  the  other,  soon  changed  the  condition  of 
affairs.  In  spite  of  this.  Christian  III,  son  of  the  de- 
ceased Frederick,  could  take  Copenhagen  only  after  a 
siege  of  twelve  months  (1536). 

Under  King  Frederick,  the  teachings  of  Luther  had 
already  struck  root  in  Denmark,  but  they  did  not  en- 
tirely prevail  either  here  or  in  Norway  until  the  reign  of 
his  son.  Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Copen- 
hagen the  bishops  were  imprisoned,  the  churches  con- 
fiscated, the  monks  and  nuns  expelled,  and  a  new  form 
of  worship  introduced  (see  above).  Instead  of  the 
relatively  mild  rule  of  the  bishops,  the  country  now 
suffered  under  the  galling  tyranny  of  the  nobles,  who 
kept  the  lion's  share  of  the  ecclesiiistical  property  and 
reduced  the  peasantry  to  helpless  helots.  Despite 
these  facts,  partial  Protestant  writers  .still  laud  Chris- 
tian III  as  the  benefactor  of  his  people,  a.s  a  noMo  and 
godly  man;  Scandinavian  historians  blame  liim  only 
for  introducing  too  many  Germans  and  for  sharing 
Schleswig-Holstein  with  his  brothers.  He  died  in 
1559.  His  successor,  Frederick  II,  was  a  very  warlike 
character.  His  four-years'  war  with  Sweden,  in  which 
the  countries  on  the  Baltic  took  part,  ended  in  the 
barren  Treaty  of  Stettin  (1570).     Christian  IV,  his 


son,  and  recognized  as  the  heir  apparent  during  the 
lifetime  of  his  father,  succeeded  him,  though  a  minor 
(1588),  but  did  not  enter  upon  the  government  till 
1596.  During  his  long  life  (he  died  in  1648)  he  left 
nothing  undone  to  perfect  the  administration  of  the 
country  and  to  increase  its  power.  He  advanced 
trade  and  industry,  founded  colonies  in  India  and  sup- 
plied them  with  missionaries.  He  established  higher 
institutions  of  learning,  and  did  everything  in  his 
power  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  peasantry. 
Hostile  complications  with  Sweden  began  anew.  They 
ended  with  the  Peace  of  Knarod,  which  proved  favour- 
able to  Denmark.  As  Duke  of  Holstein  the  king  be- 
longed to  the  Estates  of  the  lower  Saxon  circle.  These 
relations  to  North  Germany  obliged  Christian  to  take 
an  active  part  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  His  hesita- 
tion was  his  bane.  When,  in  spite  of  the  repeated 
warnings  of  Tilly,  the  general  of  the  Catholic  League, 
he  did  not  discontinue  his  military  preparations,  Tilly 
crossed  the  Weser  with  his  troops  (June,  1625).  After 
some  minor  engagements  and  long  manceuvrings,  a 
decisive  battle  was  fought  near  Lutter  (27  Aug.,  1626), 
which  ended  in  the  total  defeat  of  Christian.  Wallen- 
stein,  Tilly's  successor,  changed  the  defensive  into  an 
offensive  war.  He  fought  his  way  into  Holstein, 
stormed  Rendsburg,  Flensburg,  and  subdued  the 
whole  of  Jutland.  Nothing  remained  to  the  king  but 
to  retreat  to  the  islands,  and  he  was  forceil  to  conclude 
the  relatively  favourable  Treaty  of  Ltibeck.  The  sub- 
sequent thirteen  years  of  peace  so  restored  Denmark's 
military  strength  that  in  1643  it  could  resist  honour- 
ably, if  not  successfully,  the  unjust  attack  of  its 
Swedish  neighbour.  The  peace  of  Bromsebro  never- 
theless demanded  fresh  sacrifices  from  the  imhappy 
kingdom  (1645).  Hardly  ten  years  had  elapsed,  when 
the  Swedes  fell  again  upon  Christian's  successor, 
Frederick  III,  without  any  previous  declaration  of 
war.  King  Charles  X  (Gustavus)  marched  8,000 
picked  Swedish  troops  into  Jutland  and,  profiting  by 
an  unusually  hard  frost,  which  had  covered  the  straits 
between  the  Danish  islands  with  a  thick  crust  of  ice, 
crossed  over  to  Zealand.  He  forced  the  capital  to 
surrender  and  the  king  to  accept  the  peace  of  Ros- 
kilde (1658),  by  which  Denmark  forever  lost  the  prov- 
inces of  Sk&ne,  Halland,  Blekinge,  Bohusliin.  Not 
content  with  these  successes,  Charles  immediately  re- 
gretted his  leniency  towards  King  Frederick,  embarked 
at  Kiel,  and  landed  again  on  Zealand.  Too  weak  to 
storm  the  capital  at  once,  he  w:is  compelled  to  wait 
and  in  the  meantime  behold  his  adversary's  active 
measures  of  defence.  A  Dutch  fleet  also  approached, 
forced  its  way  through  the  Sound,  brought  troops  and 
provisions  to  the  defenders,  and  obliged  the  Swedes  to 
erect  a  fortified  camp.  Meanwhile  an  auxiliary  army, 
consisting  of  Poles,  Austrians,  and  Brandenburgers, 
drove  the  Swedish  garrisons  out  of  Jutland.  More- 
over, the  population  of  the  newly  acquired  provinces 
assumed  a  menacing  attitude;  on  Bornholm  all  the 
Swedes  were  slain  in  one  night.  Nevertheless  Cliarles 
Gustavus  did  not  give  up  the  siege  of  (Copenhagen,  and 
in  Februarj',  1659,  undertook  a  night  attack  which 
was  repelled  by  the  heroism  of  the  besieged.  Soon 
after,  the  allies  crossed  over  to  Fiinen  and  captured 
the  Swedish  garrison.  The  early  death  of  the  Swedish 
king  (13  Feb.,  1660)  preserved  Denmark  from  im- 
pending ruin;  the  guardians  of  the  Swedish  heir  ap- 
parent, then  only  five  years  of  age,  were  content  that 
the  Peace  of  Copenhagen  (1660'>  guaranteed  them  the 
possession'of  the  newly  acquired  territory  with  the  e.x- 
ception  of  Bornholm  and  a  few  Norwegian  districts. 
These  disastrous  years  had  one  good  effect  on  the 
Danish  people:  the  clergy,  middle  classes,  and  peas- 
ants upheld  their  king;  liis  crown  was  declared  heredi- 
tary, and  with  their  help  he  anniliilated  the  power  of 
the  nobility  and  secured  for  hhnself  absohite  author- 
ity. The  government  was  altered  [n  meet  the  needs 
of  the  times;  the  taj£  system  was  regulated,  and  the 


DEKMARE 


729 


DENMARK 


3;rowing  revenue  made  it  possible  to  increase  the  na- 
tion's military  strength.  At  the  same  time  the  pitiful 
condition  of  (he  jioasauts  reiiiMiiied  unchanged.  Chris- 
tian V  (I(i7()-1(i0!t)  adojitod  the  Frenrh  regime  as  far 
is  possible,  invited  Ciennaii  nobles  into  his  country, 
ind  grautetl  them  extensive  privileges.  Naturally, 
the  youthful  sovereign  attempted  to  bring  back  to 
Denmark  its  former  greatness;  in  1675  he  began  war 
ivith  Sweden.  His  fleet  destroyed  that  of  the  enemy 
iff  Oeland  (1676).  He  himself  crossed  over  to  Skane, 
ind  his  Norwegian  troops  made  an  inroad  into  West^ 
Gotland.  The  loss  of  the  battle  of  Lund  (8  Dec.,  1676) 
forced  him  to  make  peace  in  that  city.  Sweden  kept 
its  possessions,  and  Denmark  received  only  a  small 
indemnity  (1679).  King  Christian  survived  these 
svents  twenty  peaceful  years.  His  son,  Frederick  IV 
[1690-1730), "had  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  North- 
jrn  War;  but  no  great  battles  took  place,  nor  was 
Denmark  subject  to  grievous  devastation.  Eventu- 
illy  (1720)  the  Gottorp  section  of  Schleswig  was  re- 
tained by  Denmark.  Frederick  was  succeeded  by  the 
pietistic  Christian  VI,  under  whose  rule  hardly  any 
:hanges  took  place.  His  consort  induced  him,  how- 
jver,  to  erect  extravagant  structures,  which  proved 
X  heavy  burden  on  the  finances.  Under  Frederick  V 
(1746-1766)  commerce  and  industry,  sciences  and 
irts  throve,  though  the  economic  situation  was  very 
unsatisfactorj'.  His  .son.  Christian  VII,  ruined  him- 
self by  his  debaucheries.  The  infidel  German  physi- 
;ian  .Striinse,  in  whom  the  queen  reposed  her  entire 
confidence,  gained  a  great,  and  partly  baleful,  influence 
aver  the  administration.  He  fell  a  victim  to  a  con- 
spiracy, whereupon  the  queen  had  to  leave  Denmark. 
The  crown  prince,  who  had  been  actual  ruler  during 
the  lifetime  of  his  father,  reigned  fifty-five  years  as 
Frederick  VI.  In  concert  with  his  excellent  minister 
Bernstorff,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  welfare  of  his 
people,  abolished  serfdom  (1788),  and  advanced,  as 
far  as  lay  in  him,  the  happiness  of  his  subjects.  In 
1801,  however,  he  was  involved  in  a  conflict  with 
Great  Britain,  which  resented  Denmark's  resolution 
to  remain  neutral  in  the  conflict  between  Great  Britain 
and  France.  An  indecisive  naval  engagement  took 
place  before  Copenhagen.  After  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit, 
Kngland  sought  to  paralyze  Denmark,  then  under  the 
iiifliiciice  of  Russia  and  France,  and  disembarking 
.iO.ddO  men  near  Copenliagen,  forced  the  Danes  to  sur- 
render their  splendid  fleet.  The  ensuing  war  with 
Great  Britain  ruined  Denmark  financially.  More- 
over, it  was  forced  to  cede  Norway  to  Sweden  by  the 
treaty  of  Kiel  (1814).  The  modern  tendency  towards 
the  increase  of  civil  liberty  prevailed  also  in  Denmark. 
In  18.'5.5  the  monarch  granted  a  constitution  which  re- 
mained in  force  under  King  Christian  VIII  (1838^8). 
In  the  latter  reign  occurred  the  first  friction  of  the 
Danes  with  the  German  element  in  Schleswig,  where 
the  latter  constituted  a  strong  majority.  Still,  an 
open  rupture  was  avoided  during  the  king's  life.  The 
contest  began  in  earnest  when  Frederick  VII  ascended 
the  throne.  The  Germans  desired  that  the  two 
duchies  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein  should  be  made  one 
.State,  which  should  belong  to  the  German  Confedera- 
tion and  be  connected  with  Denmark  only  by  a  per- 
sonal union.  The  Government  sought  to  counteract 
this  movement  by  various  measures,  partly  of  an 
odious  character.  Repi-esentatives  of  the  German 
party  at  last  (23-24  March,  1848)  proclaimed  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  duchies  and  appointed  a  provisional 
government  whose  head  was  Prince  Frederick  of 
Sonderburg-Augustenburg.  The  garrisons  at  Kiel, 
Eckernforde,  and  (iluckstadt  went  over  to  him,  and 
the  fortress  of  Rendsburg  fell  into  his  hands  without  a 
blow.  Volunteers  from  all  sides  rallied  round  his 
standard.  As  the  King  of  Denmark  did  not  yield  to 
the  wishes  of  the  rebels,  war  began.  The  army  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  was  at  first  worsted  (at  Ban  and 
Flensburg),  but  when  Prussian  reinforcements  under 


Wrangel  arrived,  the  Danes  were  forced  to  retreat. 
The  intervention  of  King  Oscar  of  .Sweden  brought 
about  the  truce  of  Malmo,  but  its  negotiations  proved 
fruitless.  Hostilities  began  again  in  the  spring  of 
1849,  and  were  continued  with  varying  success  (defeat 
of  the  Danes  at  Eckernforde,  Diippel,  Kolding,  their 
victory  of  Fredericia).  The  diplomatic  intrigues  of 
the  Great  Powers  compelleil  Prussia  to  make  peace 
with  Denmark  (2  July,  18.50)  and  to  withdraw  her 
soldiers.  Unassisted,  the  small  army  of  the  duchies 
now  opposed  the  Danes,  but  was  completely  routetl 
in  the  battle  of  Idstedt  (29  July,  1850).  On  27  Aug- 
ust of  the  same  year  the  European  Powers  signed  a 
declaration  at  London  by  which  the  unity  of  the  Dan- 
ish monarchy  was  guaranteed.  An  Austrian  contin- 
gent occupied  Holstein,  restored  Danish  rule,  and  dis- 
solved the  army  of  the  duchies. 

During  the  truce  of  Malmo  (1848)  the  first  Danish 
Parliament  was  assembled  by  the  king.  After  long 
and  excited  debates,  a  really  liberal  constitution  was 
accepted  5  June,  1849,  according  to  which  the  ad- 
ministrative power  is  substantially  divided  between 
the  king  and  the  representatives  of  the  people  (Folke- 
thing  and  Landsthing).     All  efforts  to  regulate  the 


Ckstle  of  Rosenborg,  Copenhagek 

relations  with  the  duchies  were  fruitless.  In  the  au- 
tumn of  1863,  therefore,  the  Government  proposed  a 
bill  according  to  which  Denmark  and  Schleswig  should 
receive  a  common  constitution,  while  Holstein-Lauen- 
burg,  as  a  member  of  the  German  Confederacy,  was 
not  included.  This  so-called  "November  Law", 
which  was  to  go  into  effect  the  first  day  of  January, 
1864,  was  accepted  by  an  overwhelming  majority. 
After  the  death  of  Frederick  VII,  King  Christian  l.\, 
in  spite  of  many  warnings,  approved  of  this  new  law. 
For  this  reason  complications  arose  with  the  German 
Confederacy  and  later  with  its  principal  members, 
Prussia  and  Austria.  Saxon  and  Hanoverian  troops 
now  occupied  Holstein.  An  army  consisting  of 
Prussians  and  Austrians  crossed  the  Eider  (6  Feb., 
1864)  and,  within  three  months,  occupied  the  whole  of 
Schleswig  and  Jutland  ivs  far  as  Lymfjord.  A  con- 
ference in  Ijondon  produced  no  results,  and  the  war 
started  anew.  Duppel  soon  fell,  Alsen  was  occupied, 
and  even  the  island  of  Fiinen  was  threatened.  At 
this  jiuicture  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  was  signed,  by 
which  the  duchies  were  ceded  to  Austria  and  Prussia. 
By  it.s  victorious  war  of  1866  Prussia  became  finally 
the  .sole  possessor  of  these  Danish  territories. 

The  loss  of  Schleswig  having  made  useless  the  No- 
vember law,  the  Constitution  of  1849  was  modified  20 
July,  1866,  and  it  is  this  revised  and  more  liberal  con- 
stitution which  is  still  in  force.  Years  of  internal  dis- 
cord now  followed,  as  the  Radicals  strove  constantly 
to  diminish  the  rights  of  the  king,  and  as  he  was  com- 
pelled to  adopt  extraordinarj'  measures  owing  to  his 
non-acceptance  of  the  proposed  budget.  Not  till  the 
resignation  of  the  conservative  ministry  of  Estrup 
(1894)   was  there  a  temporary  cessation  of  strife. 


DENMARK 


730 


DENMARK 


Party  rivalries  and  the  steadily  increasing  propaganda 
of  Socialism  kept  the  country  in  a  state  of  turmoil,  and 
caused  no  little  difficulty  both  to  Christian  IX  and  to 
Frederick  VIII,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  on  the 
death  of  his  aged  father  (29  January,  1906). 

Langbbeck,  ScriptQTCs  rerum  Danicarum  tncdii  asvi  cont.  by 
SnHM  (Copenhagen,  1772-92);  8th  vol.  by  Engelstoft  and 
Werlauff  (Copenhagen,  1834);  Rordam  ed.,  Monumenta 
histOTiag  Danicoe  (Copenhagen,  1871-84);  Regesta  diplomatica 
hist.  Danic<e  (Copenhagen,  1847-85);  Bricka,  Dansk  bioaraph- 
isk  Lexicon  ((Copenhagen,  1877);  Allen,  Haandbog  i  FiiaemeS' 
landets  Histnrie,  18th  ed.  (Copenhagen,  ISSl),  German  tr.  by 
Falk  (2d  ed..  Kiel,  1846);  Whitte,  Fadrelands  Historic  (Co- 
penhagen, 1884);  Steenstrop,  Ersley,  and  others,  Dan- 
marks  Higcs  Historic  (Copenhagen,  1896);  Odhner,  Laerobok  i 
Sveriges,  Norges  och  Danmarks  Historia  (Stockholm,  1886 — a 
very  good  outline);  Dahlm.ann— Schafer,  Geschichte  Danemarks 
in  the  Geschichte  der  europ&ischen  Staaten,  of  Heeren  Uckert. 
For  Schleswig-Holstein,  the  wars  waged  on  its  account,  and  the 
relations  of  the  Hanseatic  League  to  Denmark,  see  Dahlmann- 
WAtTZ,  Quellenkunde  (7th  ed.,  Leipzig,  1906-07);  Lavisse- 
Rambaud  ed.,  Histoirc  generale  du  4*  si?clc  h  nos  jours  (12  vols., 
Paris,  1893-1901);  Nilsson,  The  Primitive  Inhabitants  of 
Scandinavia,  ed-,  wth  introduction,  by  Lubbock  (London, 
1868);   MONTFiiiw,  K 'ili^rqruchichte  Schwedens  l.l^e\pzie.  1906); 

Engelhardt.  l> '    ''"■  Early  Iron  Age  (London.  1866); 

Petersen,  It,'  !/     '.'n'e  i  Hedenold  (2d  ed.,  1854-56); 

Worsaae,  Dai.  '    ,    ,  iCopenhagen,  1843);  Id..  Dendan- 

skeKulturi  V,L,,.u-i'l<  u  ;0.i)enhagen,  1873):  If  .  Den  -hnske 
Erobringaf  England  og  Xonnfindiet  iCopenhairt  1).  is,  ;  ,  r.i  ,.;v.. 
Vikingcme  (Copenhagen,  1904);    Styffe,  Sk,n   ;  ./.r 

unionsliden  (Stockholm,  1880);   Thrige,  Dai.r.  II         ,r    i 

vort  Aarhitndrede  (2  vols.,  CJopenhagen,  Ib^'J  '..'U  ;  <i!j?.cii, 
De7iniark  and  Germany  since  1S15  (London,  1S6-);  Thors- 
ANDER,  Dansk-lyska  Kriget.  186A  (Stockholm,  1888);  Rosen- 
VINGE,  SaTnlingar  afgamle  danske  Love  (Copenhagen,  1821—46); 
Matzen,  Fordacsninger  over  d>'n  .hnt^k'^  Rf't^ht^taric  (Copen- 
hagen, 1893-97);  Vaopell,  II  '.-'  '  ///'  (/.  '"/.!  (Copen- 
hagen, 1872-76);  Garde,  /;■  ,  -  //  Hislorie, 
ISSU-ISIU  (Copenhagen,  l.s.'.j  i,i  ,  1.;  ,  ,.'  Vnn'  Old- 
kyndighed  (Copenhagen,  ISGtJ  .  //.„'.  im  ...,,.'  .Copenhagen, 
1870). 

LiTEHAET  History. — It  is  manifest  that  no  littri 
ture  proper  could  exist  in  Denmark  in  pre-Christi  m 
times.  There  exist,  however,  some  200  rune-stom 
some  of  whose  inscriptions  possess  historical  vahii 
The  exploits  of  the  vikings  were  first  recorded  b\ 
Saxon  and  some  Icelandic  chroniclers.  These  recortls 
are  not  always  original,  but  are  partly  influenced  by 
foreign  myths.  The  principal  subject  is  piratical  ex 
ploits.  With  the  adoption  of  Christianity  the  influence 
and  use  of  the  Latin  tongue  becomes  predominant.  The 
first  products  (twelfth  century)  here,  as  everywhere 
else,  were  lives  of  saints,  followed  in  Lund  and  Ros- 
kilde  by  annalistic  necrologies.  The  energetic  Arch- 
bishop Absalon  (q.  v.),  a  man  of  much  intellectual 
power,  fostered  greatly  the  growth  of  historical  litera- 
ture. To  his  initiative  we  owe  two  important  works : 
the  "Compendiosa  historia  regum  Daniae",  by  Svend 
Aageson,  and  the  voluminous  "Gesta  Danorum",  by 
Saxo  Grammaticus,  the  latter  part  of  which  chronicles 
events  of  his  own  personal  experience  or  such  as  were 
related  to  him  by  eyewitnesses,  while  its  introductory 
chapters  often  rest  on  pure  tradition.  Among  the 
poetical  creations  of  the  earliest  times  must  be  men- 
tioned the  didactic  poem  "Hexaemeron",  by  Anders 
Suneson  (b.  1165),  who  also  composed  a  poem,  now 
lost,  oh  the  seven  sacraments,  and  various  hynins. 
The  first  attempts  to  put  the  ancient  "folk-law"  into 
writing  were  made  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The 
"Jydske  Lov",  also  accepted  in  Schleswig,  was  re- 
duced to  writing  by  order  of  Waldemar  the  Victorious 
(1241).  Simultaneously  the  ancient  laws  of  Skane 
and  Zealand  were  written  down.  The  ecclesiastical 
law  also  was  soon  a  subject  for  literary  treatment. 
The  thirteenth  century,  moreover,  saw  the  appearance 
of  popular  treatises  on  herbs  and  stones,  cookery- 
books,  and  a  kind  of  encyclopedia,  the  "Lucidariiis", 
whose  pages  contain  not  only  catechetical  instruction, 
but  also  information  as  to  geography  and  nature. 
Fanciful  descriptions  of  voyages  and  translations  of 
French  romances  of  knightly  adventures  gained  a 
wide  circle  of  readers.  The  "Rhymed  Chronicle" 
(supposed  to  be  written  by  a  monk  of  Soroe)  sought  to 
kindle  in  the  hearts  of  its  readers  love  for  their  country. 


From  Peter  Laale's  "Collection  of  Proverbs"  we  ob- 
tain a  fairly  definite  picture  of  the  contemporary 
civilization  of  Denmark. 

Religious  literature  owes  much  to  the  Brigittines 
(see  Bridget  of  Sweden).  Apart  from  the  "  Revela- 
tions" of  their  foundress,  they  produced  homilies, 
prayer-books,  lives  of  the  saints,  hymns  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin ;  a  translation  of  the  Bible  was  also  undertaken 
(1480).  The  most  important  rehgious  poet  of  the 
Danish  Middle  Ages  was  Michael  Nicolai,  parish  priest 
of  St.  iVlban's  at  Otiense.  There  is  still  extant  a  large 
work  by  him  entitled  "  Rosary  of  the  Most  Bl.  Virgin  " 
(1496),  not  entirely  original,  however.  He  also  com- 
posed short  poems.  Some  of  his  writings,  printed  at 
Copenhagen  (1514),  were  incorporated  with  changes 
in  the  Lutheran  hymn-book. 

In  literature,  Denmark,  for  easily  intelligible  rea- 
sons, has  accomplished  less  than  the  great  nations  of 
Europe.  Folk-songs  of  varied  character,  however,  were 
always  abundant.  These  compositions  were  not  wTitten 
down  till  late,  and  even  now  they  are  a  rich  mine  for 
Danish  poets.  When  the  religious  upheaval  carried 
Denmark  away  from  the  Catholic  Church,  the  Scan- 
dinavians had  reached  a  comparatively  low  deree  of 


culture.  Since  1497  there  had  been  a  university  at 
Copenhagen,  but  this  was  scarcely  more  than  an  en- 
larged cathedral-school,  and  was  even  discontinued  for 
a  time  (1531).  The  Reformation  did  little  to  raise  the 
plane  of  general  culture.  After  the  property  of  the 
Church  had  been  confiscated,  literature  and  science 
were  no  longer  maintained,  and  there  arose  a  universal 
complaint  of  the  encroachment  of  barbarism.  Few 
were  willing  to  send  their  children  to  school;  still 
smaller  was  the  number  of  those  who  matriculated  at 
the  university.  More  than  half  of  the  forty  profes- 
sors whom  Christian  III  appointed  at  its  reopening 
were  Germans.  The  king  and  his  court  never  used 
the  Danish  language.  Students  of  theology '  were 
forced  to  frequent  Wittenberg  or  Rostock.  A  dena- 
tionalized civilization  and  an  exaggerated  interest  in 
theology  were  the  natural  consequences.  For  litera- 
ture it  was  a  poor  and  barren  epoch,  and  in  it,  apart 
from  Bible-translations,  church  hymns,  and  polemical 
essays,  there  appeared  only  lifeless  academic  dramas 
and  spiritless,  imperfect  poetiy. 

Towards  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  theo- 
logy lost  its  sway  over  men's  minds.  Other  fickls, 
especially  the  exact  sciences,  began  to  absorb  the  at- 
tention of  scholars.  During  this  period  Denmark 
produced  men  like  Steno  and  his  relative  Minslow 
(both  of  whom  became  Catholics),  Tj-cho  Brahe,  and 
others,  all  of  whom  may  be  regarded  as  pioneers  in 
their  respective  branches.  At  the  same  time,  a  keen 
interest  was  displayed  in  antiquarian  research,  and 
called  forth  the  first  editions  of  Icelandic  sagas.  By 
contact  with  other  countries,  secular  poetry, .  uncul- 
tivated  during   the   Reformation   period,   began  to 


DENMARK 


731 


DENMARK 


awake.  Howover,  the  poets  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury were  unable  to  rise  above  the  purely  formal  con- 
ception of  poetry;  they  slavishly  followed  German 
writers  and  were  satisfieil  with  translations  and  adap- 
tations. Even  the  hymn-writer  Ringo  w;us  not  free 
from  foreign  influence.  At  last  the  conflict  between 
English  utilitarianism  and  the  rapidly  growing  piet- 
ism under  Christian  IV  prepared  the  way  for  genuine 
national  poetry.  The  first  Danish  poet,  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word,  is  Holberg  (1684-1754).  His  come- 
dies and  epistles  faithfully  mirror  the  conceptions  of 
the  Danish  provincial  townsman.  The  sensualism  of 
Bellman  and  other  Swedish  poets  did  not  find  a  fav- 
ourable soil  in  Denmark.  Neither  did  the  French 
illuministic  literature  at  first  strike  deep  roots.  It  was 
not  till  the  end  of  the  French  Revolution  that  the  new 
tendencies  found  an  enthusiastic  champion  in  Hei- 
berg,  who  created  a  stir  as  a  satirist  and  composer  of 
political  poems.  Then,  also,  was  inaugurated  the 
necessary  reaction  against  the  undue  intellectual 
sway  of  Germany.  Though  the  dramatist  John 
Ewald  (1743-1781)  was  unable  to  throw  off  the  yoke 
of  German  influence,  he  succeeded  in  eliciting  purely 
national  strains  from  his  lyre.  The  same  is  true  of 
Hens  Baggesen  (b.  1764),  whose  tales  show  clearly  the 
influence  of  Wieland.  Married  to  a  German  lady,  and 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  prominent  German  poets  of 
his  time,  he  produced  almost  as  many  and  as  good 
lyrics  in  that  language  as  in  his  mother  tongue.  Both 
in  success  and  popularity  he  was  surpiissed  by  the 
greatest  poetical  genius  of  Denmark,  Adam  Gottlob 
Oehlenschliiger  (1779-1850),  the  son  of  a  German 
father.  Oehlenschlager  first  became  famous  as  a  lyric 
poet,  then  treated  myths  in  an  epic  form,  and  later 
cultivated  the  drama.  It  w;is  his  purpose,  no  le.ss 
than  his  merit,  to  breathe  new  life  into  the  heroic 
tales  of  olden  times.  But  even  he  did  not  use  Danish 
exclusively.  Rich  in  honour  and  glory,  he  died  in 
1850,  at  Copenhagen.  J.  G.  Ilauch  (1790-1872)  a 
writer  of  mystical  drama  succeeded  him.  Ad.  Will. 
Schack  of  Stafeld  (1764-1826),  whose  ancestors  were 
German,  won  renown  as  a  lyric  poet.  WTiile  these 
men  may  be  regarded  as  fathers  and  representatives 
of  romanticism  in  Denmark,  Nik.  Fred.  Sev.  Grundt- 
vig  (1783-1872)  was  more  "Old  Scandinavian"  than 
Oehlenschlager,  and  of  course  occasionally  blundered. 
Far  superior  to  his  dramatic  works  are  his  religious 
and  secular  songs.  (For  his  relation  to  Christianity 
and  theology,  see  above.) 

The  path  pointed  out  by  Oehlenschlager  was  pur- 
sued by  many  yoimger  writers.  Among  them  Inge- 
mann  (1789-1862),  by  his  elegant  dramas  and  popular 
historical  romances,  was  the  acknowledged  favourite 
of  large  circles,  especially  of  ladies.  Some  became 
famous  outside  of  their  country.  Bredahl  (1784- 
1860),  an  imitator  of  Shakespeare;  Blicher  (1782- 
1842);  and  the  poet  of  sensual  love,  Winther  (1796- 
1876),  whose  novels  strikingly  reproduce  the  peculiar 
charms  of  the  Danish  landscape.  A  world-wide  fame 
rewarded  the  renowned  author  of  fairy-tales,  Hans 
Christian  Andersen  (1805-1875).  In  opposition  to 
the  poetrj^  of  the  Romanticists,  Louis  Heiberg  (1791- 
1S6())  wrote  his  satires  and  theatrical  pieces.  Fred- 
erick Paludan  Miiller  (1809-1876)  showed  traces  of 
the  influence  of  Byron.  The  vigorous,  highly  original 
Soercn  Kirkegaard  (1815-05)  showed  how  poor  a  sub- 
stitute for  religion  is  festhetics.  Molbech,  Boegh, 
Runiohr,  Etlar,  fin.ally  the  Danish  Jew  Meir  Gold- 
schmidt  and  W  illiam  Bergsoe  must  be  considered  as 
the  heralds  and  pioneers  of  that  Anglo-Gallic  realism 
which  under  the  favour  of  the  Jewish  critic  George 
Brandes  (b.  1842)  found  its  way  to  the  North,  and 
has  ever  since  influenced  the  literature  of  Denmark  in 
every  direction.  Its  controlling  power  is  seen  in  the 
novels  of  the  pessimist  Jacob.sen,  whose  "Marie 
Gnibbe"  and  "Niels  Lyhne"  created  a  new  school. 
Among  other  representatives  of  this  school  of  litera- 


ture (OyennembTuds  literatiu-e)  may  be  mentioned  the 
lately  deceased  marine  painter  and  poet  Holger  Drach- 
mann,  Sophus  Schandorf,  Erik  Gram,  Hermann  Bang. 
Drachmann  (b.  1846)  was  in  his  youth  influenced  by 
Socialism,  but  later  changed  his  views  and  wrote  lyrics 
and  prose  successfully.  Great  popularity  was  attained 
by  his  patriotic  work  "Dero\Te  fra  Gransen"  and  his 
collections  of  poems  "Sange  ved  Havet",  "Ranker 
och  Roser",  "Gamle  Guder  og  nye".  Schandorf's 
power  lies  in  his  vivid  portrayal  of  peasants  and  the 
lower  middle  class.  Erik  Gram,  in  his  novel  "Ger- 
trude Colbjornsen",  follows  in  the  footsteps  of  Jacob- 
sen,  while  a  warm  patriotism  breathes  in  his  book 
"  HinsidesGrensen".  Hermann  Hang's  ^\Titings  have 
force,  but  his  style  is  at  times  obscure.  He  has  shown 
his  many-sidedness  as  a  dramatist,  journalist,  critic, 
actor,  and  lecturer. 

Among  the  many  modern  Danish  authors  may  be 
mentioned  Pontoppidan,  Topso.  Manager,  Bauditz, 
Nielsen,  and  .A.malie  Skram  (novels) ;  von  der  Recke, 
Magdalene  Thoresen  (lyrics  and  dramas),  Budde  (ju- 
venile works),  Lange  (translations).  Within  the  last 
two  decades  have  appeared  numerous  works  of  more 
or  less  value  in  different  fields.  We  mention  here 
only  two  Catholics:  John  J6rgen.sen  and  John  Fred- 
ericksen;  the  former  is  now  reckoned  among  the  most 
fertile  WTiters  of  his  nation,  while  the  delicate  "  Digte" 
(poems)  of  the  latter  are  worthy  of  wider  recognition. 

For  the  extensive  historicil  liferatvire  of  the  past  century',  as 
far  as  it  concerns  Catholics,  see  Pkrger.  in  Kirchenlex.,  Ill, 
1319  sqq.,  where  is  also  given  the  specifically  Catholic  Hterature 
which  developed  from  1849  to  18S4.  Since  then  it  has  grown 
in  a  gratifying  way.  both  in  volume  and  depth;  see  Forteq- 
XELSE,  Dansk  Kathohk  Littcratur  som  faas  ifjennem  (Copen- 
hagen,    -i;     MiKKEi.sEN.    Dnn^k    ,S;„-.„;/.„rf    (C. mciilincen. 

1S94I:     WiMMEii.    I'.    -•  ■;    ■      /,'  .  I  ■  .  ,     ■   ,.■..11. 

1S95-H1II1',   l-IIl;     \    •'    •    M  .  I      '/  "Hi; 

GRrNI.Tv^^   n.inm.i.!  I  ,|:i- 

19041.  l-\in;     I'M  I      .  /'    ■  I.<l- 

Icrnliir.n     ((  \  ii>i  i;!i     ■■  ■■       I--..    ;       I'.'i  IM,     Ln     hlhratiire 

scandninr,-   ,\- ,  \^'i\         M      ^•    .   W  .    1 1 .  v,i  rT.   Thf  Litcralure 

onrf  /i'.>mo;r-  '>  /  !.■,■ 1852);     Hansen, 

Hhislr.    Dan   '      '  //  '■   ;  .    ilifigen.    1902);      W. 

Oetercaak:'.  '/  I  "npenhagen.  1907); 

•ScHWEiTZf  i(.  '  '  I.ileralur  (Leipzig. 

1SS.5 — detail.  Ii* !:■      .vilh  characteristics 

of  the  .null.  niy*  in  Cerman  ver- 

sion, I.     '  ■;   Ih  r-r    SCHOCK, 

Sv  y  1        ! >"^  Anfdnge 

drr,.  rhr.f.  Wu- 

srnsrl,  .  i,  \         ■       !  ;         .  :  ■    ,'     ■■,^  .Ifar  sketch). 

The  Fine  Art.s. — a.  Architecture. — As  mentioned 
above,  the  first  Christian  temple  on  Danish  soil  was 
the  church  at  Hedeby  (Schleswig).  According  to 
Adam  of  Bremen  (d.  1075),  Denmark  possessed  in  his 
time  .300  churches  in  Skane,  2.50  in  Zealand,  100  on 
Fiinen;  probably  all  were  con.structed  of  wood.  Even 
the  cathedral  of  Rtiskilde  was  originally  of  this  ma- 
terial. The  same  holds  good  for  the  churches  nrf  S. 
Mariam  and  ad  S.  Alhunum  at  Odense,  in  which  Saint 
Canute  met  his  death  and  which  was  not  torn  down 
till  after  the  Reformation.  The  wooden  cathedral  of 
St.  Olaf  at  Aarhus  fell  down  in  1548.  Wooden 
churches  remained  long  in  use  in  South  Jutland 
(Schleswig).  But  in  North  Jutland  and  on  the  islands, 
as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  other 
material  was  used,  according  as  the  quarries  were 
close  at  hanti  or  easily  accessible,  e.  g.  granite,  sand- 
stone, limestone,  or  chalk-stone;  sometimes  tufa  from 
the  Rhine  was  employed.  Freipiently  only  the  ex- 
terior of  the  walls  was  constructed  of  stronger  ma- 
terial, the  intervals  were  filled  up  with  a  mixture. 
The  use  of  burned  brick  wa.s  soon  adopted  everywhere. 
Waldemar  I  (d.  1182)  sub.stituted  for  the  wooden  pali- 
sades of  the  Danawerk  (see  above)  a  wall  of  brick. 
After  him  most  of  the  new  buildings  were  exclusively 
constructed  of  this  material,  e.  g.  the  churches  at  Aar- 
hus, Randers,  Elsinore,  Roskilde,  Ringsted,  Niestved, 
Maribo,  etc.  Often  free-stone  was  used  for  the  foim- 
dations  (up  to  a  certain  height),  while  walls  and  arches 
were  built  of  brick.  In  some  places  (e.  g.  in  Kjoge) 
layers  of  different  stone  alternate.     The  variations  of 


DENONVILLE 


732 


DENONVILLE 


style  (basilica,  round  arches,  pointed  arches)  succeed 
each  other  as  in  the  rest  of  Europe,  though  they  were 
partly  influenced  by  Cistercian  and  Brigittine  forms. 
Alongside  of  churches  with  parallel  naves  are  others 
with  transepts,  and  even  round  churches.  Church 
steeples  seem  to  have  occasionally  served  as  means  of 
defence.  After  the  religious  schism,  people  confined 
themselves  in  the  main  to  preserving  the  existing 
buildings.  The  beautiful  temples  now  used  in  Protest- 
ant worship  were  all  built  in  Catholic  times.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Evangelical  kings  spent  large  amoimts 
in  erecting  and  furnishing  splendid  castles,  among 
which  we  may  mention  Ivronborg  (sixteenth)  and 
Frederiksborg  (seventeenth  century).  Only  Copen- 
hagen exhibits  important  edifices  of  modern  times, 
e.  g.  St.  Mary's  church,  the  Thorwaldsen  Museum,  the 
city  hall,  and  other  buildings.  Prominent  architects 
of  tlie  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  were  Bin- 
desboll,  who  erected  the  Thorwaldsen  museum;  Peter 
Fenger,  who  won  fame  as  a  designer  of  chiu-ches  and 
as  an  author;  Chr.  Fr.  Hansen,  builder  of  churches 
and  public  buildings;  Theophilus  Hansen,  an  eminent 
master  whose  works  embellish  Austria  and  Greece; 
Henry  Hansen,  whose  influence  on  artistic  handicrafts 
in  Demnark  can  hardly  be  over-estimated;  finally, 
Harsdorf,  Melbye,  and  Uldall;  the  last  deserves 
special  credit  as  the  historian  of  bell-casting. 

b.  Sculpture. — That  the  art  of  carving  and  chiselling 
was  practised  diligently  and  with  some  success  ever 
since  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  is  proved  by 
altars,  crucifixes,  choir  stalls,  etc.  still  found  in 
churches  or  museums.  The  names  of  the  masters  can, 
however,  rarely  be  ascertained  with  any  degree  of 
certainty.  We  know,  e.  g.,  that  a  certain  Liutger  is 
the  maker  of  a  very  fine  crucifi.x  carved  from  a  walrus- 
tooth.  This  cross  now  adorns  the  Danish  National 
Museum  and  bears  the  inscription:  "Qui  in  Christum 
crucifixum  credunt,  Liutgeri  memoriam  orando  faci- 
ant".  The  sixteenth  century  seems  to  have  been 
barren  of  skilful  sculptors.  We  only  know  that  a  cer- 
tain Berg,  a  German  born  in  Lubeck,  carved  beautiful 
ivory  ornaments  and  also  distinguished  himself  as  a 
painter.  Many  artists  from  various  countries  worked 
either  permanently  or  temporarily  in  Denmark  (Ger- 
mans— as  Rossler,  Preisler,  Reinliardt,  Schwabe; 
Englishmen — as  Stanley;  Frenchmen — as  Villars, 
Boudan,  Prieur;  Italians — as  Gianelli,  Miani,  Guioni; 
Spaniards — as  Molinedo,  de  Corte;  Dutchmen — as 
Vermehren,  van  Egen;  Jews — as  Levi,  Levisohn, 
Saly,  Salamon).  Among  the  native  sculptors,  Bissen, 
Jerichau,  Peters,  and  Wiedewelt  deserve  mention,  and 
above  all  the  famous  Thorwaldsen  (1770-1844);  the 
engravers  Clemns  and  Lund ;  the  engravers  Adzer  and 
Christiansen. 

e.  Painting. — There  was  never  a  lack  of  painters  in 
Denmark.  This  is  proved  by  the  great  number  of 
beautiful  frescoes  in  the  cathedrals  at  Aarhus,  Ribe, 
Roskilde,  Viborg,  etc.,  whitewashed  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  but  re-discovered  of  late  and  restored  at  great 
cost.  Abildgaard  (1743-1809),  himself  a  notable 
artist  (historical  painter),  must  be  considered  as  the 
father  of  the  Danish  school  of  painting  in  modern 
times,  which  has  produced  excellent  works  of  art  along 
various  lines.  Among  the  historical  painters  are  Eck- 
ersberg,  C.  C.  C.  Hansen,  Christ,  Hoyer,  Marstrand, 
Miiller,  Paulsen,  Simonsen,  and  Albert  Kuchler  (died 
a  Catholic  and  a  Franciscan  lay-brother  at  Rome 
1886).  The  pictures  of  his  youth  exhibit  a  joyous 
mood;  the  creations  of  his  later  life  show  a  deep 
earnestness.  Skilful  portrait-painters  are  Bache, 
Bendz,  Baerentzen,  Copmann,  H.  Hansen,  Juel,  Roed; 
genre  painters  are  Exner,  Hammer,  Sonne;  Ottesen 
was  distinguished  as  a  flo wer- painter ;  miniature- 
painters:  Hoyer  as  a  miniaturist.  Especial  prefer- 
ence is  given  to  landscapes,  marine  and  animal  can- 
vases. Excellent  landscape  painters  were  (or  are) 
Aegard,  Kroyer,  Lundbye,  Hens  MoUer,  Skovgaard; 


marine  painters:  Larsen,  Melbye,  Neumann;  beauti- 
ful reproductions  of  animal  life  are  to  be  credited  to 
Gebauer  and  Lundbye. 

Dehio-Bezold,  Die  kirchliche  Bauknnst  des  AbenjUnnds,  p. 
397 — its  introductory  chapters  contain  a  detailed  literature,  e.  g. 
monographs  on  Rihe  (Helms),  Roskilde  (Loffler,  Lange, 
Kernerup),  Odense  {Momme,  LaiiriUen);  Loffler,  Udsigi 
orer  Danmarks  Kirkebygninger  fra  d^n  tidligere  Middelalder 
(Copenhagen,  1883);  Dietrichsohx,  De  NoTske  Stavkirker 
(Christiania.  1892);  Wrangel.  Tegelarkitektur  i  norra  Europa 
(Anlqu.  Tidskr.  for  Sverige)\  Steffen,  Roinarmka  smakirker  % 
Oestersjoldnderna  {Bidrag  tiU  var  odlings  hdfder,  Sfnckholm, 
1901);  Weilbach,  Nyt  Dansk  Kunstnerlexikon  {Copenhagen, 
1896-97). 

P.   WiTTMAN. 


Denonville,  J.^^cqdes-Renb  de  Brisay,  Seignetir 
-\ND  Marqi-is  de,  b.  in  16.38  at  Denonville  in  the  de- 
partment of  Eure-et-Loir,  France;  d.  1710.  Nothing 
is  known  of  him  prior  to  his  arrival  in  Canada,  except 
that  he  was  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  dragoons  and  in 
1668  had  married  Catherine  Courtin,  daughter  of 
Germain  Courtin,  Seigneur  de  Tanqueux,  Beauval, 
Moncel,  etc.,  and  of  Catherine  Laffemas.  Appointed 
governor  of  New  France,  Denonville,  accompanied  by 
his  wife  and  two  young  daughters,  left  La  Rochelle 
early  in  June,  1685,  and  arrived  at  Quebec  1  August. 
His  special  mission  was  to  win  the  sympathies  of  the 
Indians,  establish  peace  with  them,  and  make  war 
upon  the  Tsonnontouans,  a  branch  of  the  Iroquois 
who  were  even  more  to  be  feared  than  the  Agniers. 
Denonville  soon  realized  that  he  did  not  have  troops 
enough  at  his  disposal,  and  asked  assistance  from 
France.  Moreover,  a  powerful  enemy  confronted  him 
in  the  person  of  Thomas  Dougan,  Governor  of  New 
York,  who  was  constantly  urging  the  Iroquois  against 
the  French.  During  the  winter  of  1686-87  prepara- 
tions were  under  way  for  a  campaign  in  the  following 
summer;  forts  were  put  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  the 
savage  allies  of  the  French,  such  as  the  Miami,  the 
Illinois,  and  the  Ottawas,  were  asked  to  send  warriors 
to  Niagara  there  to  join  the  main  body  in  the  early 
part  of  July.  In  the  spring  of  1687,  800  naval  recruits 
reached  Quebec  under  the  command  of  the  Chevalier 
de  Vaudreuil,  and  on  11  June  about  2000  men,  under 
Denonville,  repaired  to  Catarocony,  thence  to  invade 
the  country  of  the  Tsonnontouans.  Had  he  been  less 
humane  Denonville  could  have  completely  subjected 
the  Tsonnontouans,  but  he  erred  by  allowing  them 
too  much  liberty.  The  position  of  the  colony  was 
consequently  still  insecure,  and  the  other  Iroquois 
tribes,  affected  but  little  or  not  at  all  by  the  routing 
of  the  Tsonnontouans,  continued  their  attacks  and 
depredations.  Denonville  believed  that  the  Iroquois 
would  come  of  their  own  accord  and  propose  peace. 
But  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  Governor  of  New  England, 
still  less  tractable  than  Governor  Dongan,  had  agi- 
tated the  question  of  boundaries  between  the  posses- 
sions of  the  King  of  England  and  those  of  France,  the 
clima.x  to  his  claims  being  his  seizure  of  P'ort  Saint- 
Castin  (1688).  New  peace  negotiations  took  place 
between  the  French  and  the  Iroquois,  but  the  diplo- 
macy of  a  Huron  chief  Tionnontate,  called  Kortdia- 
rank,  or  the  "Rat",  upset  everything.  By  the  au- 
tumn of  1688  the  colony  was  in  a  lamentable  state, 
sickness  had  decimated  its  troops,  1400  of  the  12,000 
who  formed  the  entire  population  of  New  France  had 
fallen  victims  to  the  destructive  scourge,  and  the  forts 
were  abandoned. 

The  winter  of  1688-89  was  one  of  wild  alarms,  espe- 
cially in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  which  was  easiest 
of  access  to  the  Iroquois,  and  during  the  summer  these 
merciless  barbarians,  to  the  number  of  1400,  invaded 
the  island  of  Montreal  and  slew  the  inhabitants  of 
Lachine.  This  onslaught  caused  the  utmost  conster- 
nation among  the  colonists.  Great  joy  prevailed 
when  it  «  as  amioimced  that  the  Comte  de  Frontenac, 
who  had  alreaily  governed  the  colony  for  ten  yeare 
(1672-82),  would  replace  the  Marquis  de  Denonville 


DENS 


733 


DENVER 


When  Dcnonville  left  the  country  he  was  looked  upon 
as  lacking  in  ability  to  deal  with  the  savages,  besides 
being  too  much  inclined  to  follow  every  one's  advice; 
nevertheless,  he  was  a  fine  soldier,  a  good  Christian, 
and  a  governor  admirably  disposed  towards  the  col- 
ony, nvliich  he  was  most  eager  to  rescue  from  the 
clutches  of  the  Iroquois.  On  his  return  to  France 
the  king  gave  him  further  proof  of  his  confidence  by 
appointing  him  assistant  tutor  to  the  children  of  the 
royal  household. 

Ferland.  Couts  d'hKloire  du  Canada.  2d  ed.  (Quebec.  1882)  ; 
Parish  Archives  of  Dcnonville  (Eure-ef-Loir):  Manuscript  Docu- 
ments concerning  New  France  and  the  Correspondence  of  the 
Governors  of  New  France. 

N.  E.  DiONNE. 

Dens,  Peter,  theologian,  b.  at  Boom,  near  Ant- 
werp, Belgium,  12  September.  Iti90;  d.  at  Meclilin, 
15  February,  1775.  He  completed  his  earlier  studies 
under  the  direction  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Oratorj-  at 
Mechlin,  and  in  1711  became  a  master  of  arts  of  the 
University  of  Louvain,  where  he  afterwards  devoted 
himself  to  the  study  of  theology.  He  lectured  on  this 
subject  to  the  religious  of  the  .\fflighem  Abbey  (1717- 
172.3),  and  after  receiving  the  licentiate  in  theology 
at  the  University  of  Louvain  (5  October,  1723),  he 
was  successively  professor  of  theologj^  at  the  seminary 
of  Mechlin  (until  1729),  pastor  of  the  metropolitan 
church  there  (1729-1737),  president  of  the  seminary 
(1735-1775),  canon  and  Sclwlasticu,s  (1737),  then  pen- 
itentiary (1751),  and  finally  archpriest  of  the  chap- 
ter (1754-1775).  The  work  which  he  had  undertaken 
of  enlarging  the  seminary  compelled  him  to  relinquish 
the  chair  of  theology  which  he  had  again  occupied 
from  1741-1747.  He  was  always  distinguished  by 
his  simplicity,  solid  piety,  and  love  for  the  poor,  and 
above  all  by  his  zeal  for  the  moral  and  scientific  train- 
ing of  the  clergy.  The  organization  of  the  concur- 
sus  for  the  collation  of  the  cures  and  the  reform  of 
theological  instruction  in  the  Diocese  of  Mechlin  were 
in  great  measure  his  work.  He  is  not  the  author  of 
the  complete  course  of  theological  lectures  entitled 
"Theologia  ad  usum  seminariorum  "  which  was  pub- 
lished under  his  name  in  1777,  and  is  still  published, 
though  greatly  modified,  by  the  professors  of  the  sem- 
inary of  Mechlin  (Theologia  ad  usiun  seminarii  Mechli- 
niensis,  olim  sub  nomine  P.  Dens  edita) ;  but  he  pub- 
lished a  treatise  on  penance  and  on  the  virtue  of  relig- 
ion (Supplementum  theologia  Laur.  Neesen.  De  vir- 
tute  religionis;  Dictata  de  sacramento  Pcenitentiise. 
Mechlin,  1758),  and  several  tracts  against  the  Recollet 
John  Tomson,  in  favour  of  the  custom  existing  in 
some  parishes  of  the  Diocese  of  Mechlin,  of  asking  and 
inscribing  in  a  register  the  names  of  those  who  went  to 
confession  (Responsio  P.  Dens  ad  dissertationem  et 
apologiara  .Joannis  Tomson.  Mechlin,  1759),  and 
against  the  Avigustinian  monk  Maugis,  professor  at 
the  University  of  Louvain  (C'oUectio  scriptorum  qua; 
separatim  in  luccni  edita  svmt  circa  quaestionein  the- 
ologicam  an  sacerdos  vel  beneficiarius  recitans  horas 
canonicas  in  affectu  peccati  mortalis  satisfaciat  pnE- 
cepto  seu  obligation!  recitandi  horas  canonicas. 
Louvain,  1765). 

Biographtnal  notice  in  the  first  volume  of  the  oldest  editions 
of  the  Theologia  ad  usum  seminariorum;    Journal  historiquc  et 


lillcraire  (Litge,  1839).  VI,  24.3;  DEWvLgOE  in  Biagraphi 
tionale  (Brussels,  1876),  V,  599;  Horter.  Nomenclator  literarius, 
III.  41;  Baeten.  Naamrollen  bclrekkelijk  de  kerkelijke  geschic- 
denis  van  hct  aartsbisdom  van  Mechelen  (Mechlin,  1881),  I,  308. 

A.  Van  Hove. 

Denunciation  (Lat.  denunrinre)  is  making  known 
the  crime  of  another  to  one  who  is  his  superior.  The 
emplojTnent  of  denunciation  has  its  origin  in  the 
Scriptures.  Christ  ordains  (Matt.,  xviii,  1.5-17),  "If  thy 
brother  shall  ofTend  against  thee,  go,  and  rebuke  him 
between  thee  and  him  alone.  If  he  shall  hear  thee 
thou  shalt  gain  thy  brother.  And  if  he  will  not  hear 
thee,  take  with  thee  one  or  two  more:    that  in  the 


mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  every  word  may 
stand.  And  if  he  will  not  hear  them:  tell  the  church. 
And  if  he  will  not  hear  the  church,  let  him  be  to  thee  as 
the  heathen  and  publican".  As  the  object  of  this 
denunciation  was  the  bettering  of  one's  neighbour,  by 
admonition,  not  vindictive  punishment,  it  has  re- 
ceived the  name  of  charitable  or  evangelical  denunci- 
ation. The  term  paternal  correction  is  also  applied 
to  it. 

After  the  Church  had  obtained  an  official  status  be- 
fore the  world,  it  built  up  a  process  of  criminal  law, 
and  judicial  denunciation  took  the  place  of  evangeli- 
cal. The  difference  consists  in  this,  that  the  judicial 
declaration  is  made  not  merely  for  the  reformation, 
but  also  for  the  punishment  of  the  guilty  person.  By 
ordinary  process  of  law,  it  is  an  accuser  who  evokes 
the  dormant  power  of  the  judge.  If  the  charge  be 
false,  such  accuser  is  obliged  to  sustain  the  pimish- 
ment  that  would  have  been  inflicted  on  the  guilty 
party.  In  modern  ecclesiastical  law  proceedings, 
however,  this  law  of  reprisals  has  gone  into  desuetude, 
and  in  diocesan  courts  the  promotor  fiscalis  takes  the 
place  of  the  accuser.  The  difference  between  the  ac- 
cuser and  denouncer  is  that  the  latter  does  not  assume 
the  obligation  of  proving  the  charge  which  he  brings, 
and  so  is  not  amenable  to  the  law  of  reprisals  or 
retaliation.  To  avoid,  however,  the  multiplication 
of  unfounded  charges,  a  denouncer  whose  accusation 
can  not  be  proved,  is  ordinarily  suspended  from  his 
benefice  and  dignities  until  it  is  made  manifest  that 
his  demmciation  did  not  proceed  from  malice.  If  the 
person  denounced  be  declared  judicially  innocent  of 
the  crime  laid  to  him,  then  the  denouncer  must  make 
oath  that  he  acted  in  good  faith  in  bringing  the 
charges.  It  is  allowed  to  the  denouncer  to  appear 
also  as  a  witness  in  the  trial.  The  person  denounced 
is,  by  that  very  fact,  considered  to  have  suffered  in  his 
good  name  and  as  a  consequence  he  becomes  incapable 
for  a  year  of  recei\'ing  any  sacred  order  or  benefice, 
unless  he  be  found  innocent.  It  is  to  be  remarked 
that  denunciation  is  not  supposed  to  take  place  until 
private  admonitions  have  been  tried  fruitlessly.  De- 
nunciation in  the  .strict  sense  of  the  law  has  practically 
gone  into  desuetude,  and  its  place  is  taken  by  a  simple 
statement  to  a  superior  who  has  the  right  of  proceed- 
ing canonically  against  delinquents,  without  subject- 
ing the  informer  to  the  obligations  incumbent  on  de- 
nouncers. 

There  is  a  special  obligation  imposed  by  a  decree  of 
the  Holy  Office  to  denounce  heretics,  magicians,  those 
who  have  abused  the  Sacrament  of  Penance  (see 
Solicitation)  and  others  guilty  of  similar  crimes  to 
the  Inquisition  (see  Inquisition).  Where  Catholics, 
however,  live  in  places  where  they  are  mixed  with 
heretics,  they  are  not  bound  to  denounce  the  latter. 
The  term  denunciation  is  also  applied  to  matters  con- 
nected with  tlie  Sacrament  of  Matrimony  (see  Banns). 
Finally,  as  to  the  obligation  of  denouncing  transgres- 
sors, every  person  is  bound  to  do  so,  when  he  can 
fulfil  the  duty  without  grave  detriment  to  himself 
and  with  corresponding  utility  to  society  or  indi- 
viduals. In  certain  cases  only,  is  denunciation  strictly 
prescribed,  as  in  those  relating  to  matrimonial  im- 
pediments, to  abuse  of  the  confessional,  and  to  the 
names  of  leaders  of  secret  societies. 

Lacrentius,  Instituliones  Jur.  Can.  (Freihure.  1903);  Fer- 
raris, Bibl.  Canon.  (Rome.  1886),  III;  Reiffenstuel,  Jus 
Canonicum  (Paris,  1865),  VI. 

William  H.  W.  Fanning. 

Denver,  Diocese  of  (Denveriensis),  a  suffragan 
of  the  .\rchdiocese  of  Santa  F^,  erected  in  1887  and 
comprising  the  entire  State  of  Colorado,  an  area  of 
103, ()15  square  miles.  The  first  permanent  civilized 
settlement  witliin  its  borders  w.as  made  in  18.52,  when 
a  Spanish  colony  from  New  Mexico  settled  in  what  is 
now  the  .southern  part  of  Colorado  on  the  Conejos 
River,  where  they  built  the  first  church   in  1858. 


DENYS 


734 


DENYS 


Similar  settlements  followed  during  the  fifties,  their 
spiritual  needs  being  provided  for  by  priests  sent  by 
Bishop  Lamy  of  Santa  Fe,  whose  diocese  then  ex- 
tended as  far  north  as  the  Arkansas  River,  the  boun- 
dary of  the  Mexican  cession.     Tlie  discovery  of  gold, 


Benedictine  College,  Pueblo 

in  18.58,  near  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Denver, 
soon  brought  a  great  increase  of  population  from  the 
Eastern  States.  Mining  camps  and  towns  sprang  up 
in  great  numbers  throughout  the  whole  Pike's  Peak 
region.  This  territory  was  then  a  part  of  the  vicariate 
of  Bishop  Miege  of  Leavenworth,  and  that  prelate  vis- 
ited Denver  in  1860.  Finding  it  practically  impossi- 
ble to  attend  these  distant  missions.  Bishop  Miege 
secured  their  transfer  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop 
of  Santa  Fe.  Bishop  Lamy  sent  his  vicar-general, 
the  Very  Rev.  Joseph  P.  Slachebeuf,  and  a  young 
priest.  Rev.  John  B.  Raverdy,  to  care  for  the  mining 
regions  and  the  new  settlements.  Father  Machebeuf 
had  spent  eleven  years  in  the  missions  of  Northern 
Ohio,  and  ten  years  in  similar  work  in  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona,  and  was  thus  admirably  adapted  for  the 
work  before  him.  The  two  missionaries  arrived  at 
Denver  in  October,  1800,  and  for  over  seven  years 
they  laboured,  almost  unaided,  visiting  the  immense 
territory  confided  to  them,  building  churches  wherever 
tlic  prospects  warranted  such  an  undertaking. 

The  increase  of  population  was  so  great  during  those 
early  years,  and  the  prospects  of  permanency  became 


so  favourable  that  the  Fathers  of  the  Second  Plenary 
Council  of  Baltimore  recommended  to  the  Holy  See 
the  creation  of  the  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Colorado  and 
Utah.  Consequently  Father  Machebeuf  was  nomi- 
nated to  that  office  and  was  consecrated  titular  Bishop 
of  Epiphania  at  Cincinnati  by  Archbishop  Purcell,  16 
August,  1868.  The  new  prelate  was  born  11  August, 
1812,  at  Riom,Puy-de-D6me,  France.  He  was  ordained 
priest  21  December,  1836,  at  Clermont-Ferrand,  thesee 


of  his  native  diocese.  When  he  took  charge  as  vicar 
Apostolic  he  had  but  three  priests  within  his  jurisdic- 
tion, but  he  returned  to  the  field  of  his  work  and  re- 
doubled his  own  efforts,  visiting  every  portion  of  his 
vast  vicariate,  doing  the  work  of  priest  and  bishop  and 
endeavouring  at  tlie  same  time  to  secure  priests  for 
the  rapidly  increasing  population.  His  zeal  for  re- 
ligion was  shown  also  by  his  many  efforts  to  secure 
locations  for  future  churches,  charitable  and  educa- 
tional institutions,  several  of  which  were  built  in  his 
own  time — notably,  the  Loretto  Academy  at  Denver, 
in  1864,  and  later  St.  Joseph's  Hospital,  the  House  of 
the  Good  Shepherd,  and  the  College  of  the  Sacred 
Heart.  In  1871  his  burdens  were  scmewhat  lightened 
liy  the  transfer  of  the  Territory  of  LTtah  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco.  By 
Brief  of  16  August,  1887,  the  Vicariate  of  Colorado 
was  made  a  diocese  with  the  episcopal  see  at  Denver; 
and  the  Rev.  Nicholas  C.  Matz  appointed  coadjutor 
with  right  of  succession  (19  August,  1887).  He  was 
consecrated  titular  Bishop  of  Telmessa,  at  Denver,  by 
Archbishop  Salpointe  of  Santa  F^,  28  October,  1887. 
Bishop  Machebeuf  nevertheless  relaxed  but  little  of 
his  missionary  work  after  this,  and  retained  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  diocese  until  his  death,  on  10  July, 
1889,  leaving  ui  the  diocese  34  secular  and  30  regular 
priests,  112  churches  and  chapels,  1  college,  9  acade- 
mies, 9  hospitals,  2  asyhmis,  and  over  3000  children 
in  Catholic  schools. 

Bishop  Matz,  who  was  bom  6  April,  1850,  at 
Miinster,  Lorraine,  France,  and  ordained  priest  at 
Denver,  31  May,  1874,  continued  the  good  work  of 
his  predecessor.  The  diocese  contains  ( 1908 )  62 
secular  priests,  71  priests  of  religious  orders:  Jesuits, 
Benedictines,  Franciscans,  Dominicans,  Redemptor- 
ists,  Servites,  and  Theatines,  engaged  in  parish  and 
educational  work,  2  colleges  for  young  men  with  261 
students,  531  religious  women  of  15  different  insti- 
tutes: the  Sisters  of  Loretto,  Charity  (Mt.  St.  Joseph, 
Ohio),  Charity  (Leavenworth,  Kansas),  St.  Joseph, 
Mercy,  the  Good  Shepherd,  Tliird  Order  of  St. 
Dominic,  St.  Francis,  St.  Benedict  (Chicago,  Illinois), 
Charity  B.  V.  M.  (Dubuque,  Iowa),  St.  Francis  of  the 
Perpetual  Adoration,  Missionary  Sisters  of  the  Sacred 
Heart.,  St.  Benedict  (Erie,  Pennsylvania),  St.  Joseph 
(Wichita,  Kansas),  St.  Frantis  of  AssLsi.  There  are  4 
orphan  asylums  with  588  children;  an  industrial  and 
reform  school  with  225  inmates,  a  home,  15  hospitals 
with  11,300  patients  annually,  10  academies  with  900 
pupils  and  25  parish  schools  with  6000  children.  The 
theological  students  number  10.  There  are  60 
churches,  91  chapels,  140  stations,  and  a  Catholic 
population  of  99,485.  The  Sacred  Heart  Orphanage 
at  Pueblo,  sheltering  150  children,  owes  its  existence 
and  partial  endowment  to  the  generosity  of  Captain 
John  J.  Lambert  of  Pueblo,  an  exemplary  Catholic 
prominent  in  works  of  charity  and  zeal.  The  English 
language  is  generally  used,  but  in  many  of  the  mining 
districts  and  industrial  centres  there  is  a  necessity  for 
the  Italian  and  Slav  languages,  while  Spanish  is  usu- 
ally spoken  in  the  southern  parishes.  There  is  no  dio- 
cesan debt,  and  the  individual  chiu-ches  and  institu- 
tions are  solvent  and  prosperous. 

HowLETT.  Life  of  Bishop  Madiebriif  (Denver.  1908);  REnss. 
liiog.  Cycl.  of  the  Calh.  Hierarchy  of  the  U.  S.  (Milwaukee,  1898). 
W.   J.    HoWLETT. 

Denys  the  Carthusian  (Denys  van  Leeitwen, 
also  Leuw  or  Lieuwe),  b.  in  1402  in  that  part  of  the 
Belgian  jirovince  of  Limburg  which  was  formerly  com- 
prised in  the  county  of  Hesbaye;  d.  12  March,  1471. 
His  birthplace  was  Ryckcl,  a  small  village  a  few  miles 
from  Saiiit-Trond,  whence  ancient  writers  have  often 
surnamed  him  Ryckcl  or  a  Ryckel.  His  parents,  his- 
torians say,  were  of  noble  rank;  he  himself  says,  how- 
ever, that  when  a  chilil  he  kept  his  father's  sheep. 
His  remarkable  aptitude  for  mtellectual  pursuits  and 


DEmrs 


735 


DENYS 


his  eagerness  to  learn  induced  his  parents  to  give  him  a 
liberal  education,  and  they  sent  him  to  a  school  at 
Saint-Trond.  In  1415  he  went  to  another  school  at 
ZwoUe  (^Overijssel),  which  was  then  of  great  repute 
and  attracted  many  students  from  various  parts  of 
Gennany.  He  there  entered  upon  the  study  of  philos- 
ophy and  became  acquainted  with  the  principles  and 
practice  of  religious  life,  which  the  rector,  John  Cele,  a 
very  holy  man,  himself  taught.  Shortly  after  the 
rector's  death  (1417)  he  returned  home,  having  learnt 
all  that  the  masters  of  the  school  could  teach  him. 
His  feverish  cjuest  for  human  science  and  the  success 
his  uncommon  intellectual  powers  had  rapidly  ob- 
tained seem,  according  to  his  own  account,  to  have 
rather  dulled  his  piety.  Nevertheless  a  supernatural 
leaning  to  cloistral  life,  which  had  taken  root  in  his 
mind  from  the  early  age  of  ten  and  had  grown  stronger 
during  his  stay  at  Zwolle,  finally  triumphed  over 
worldly  ambition  and  the  instincts  of  nature,  and  at 
the  age  of  eighteen  he  determined  to  acquire  the  "sci- 
ence of  saints  "  in  St.  Bruno's  order. 

Ha\nng  applied  for  admittance  at  the  Carthusian 
monastery  at  Roermond  (Dutch  Limburg),  he  was  re- 
fused because  he  had  not  reached  the  age  (twenty  years) 
required  by  the  statutes  of  the  order;  but  the  prior 
gave  him  hopes  that  he  would  be  received  later  on,  and 
advised  him  to  continue  meanwhile  his  ecclesiastical 
studies.  So  he  went  forthwith  to  the  then  celebrated 
University  of  Cologne,  where  he  remained  three  years, 
studjang  philosophy,  theology,  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
etc.  After  taking  his  degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  he  re- 
turned to  the  monastery  at  Roennond  and  this  time 
was  admitted  (142.S).  In  his  cell  Denys  gave  himself 
up  heart  and  soul  to  the  duties  of  Carthusian  life,  per- 
forming all  with  his  characteristic  earnestness  and 
strength  of  will,  and  letting  his  zeal  carry  him  even 
far  beyond  what  the  rule  demanded.  Thus,  over  and 
above  the  time — about  eight  hours — every  Carthusian 
spends  daily  in  hearing  and  saying  Mass,  reciting  Di- 
vine Oifice,  and  in  other  devotional  exercises,  he  was 
wont  to  say  the  whole  Psalter — his  favourite  prayer 
book — or  at  least  a  great  part  of  it,  and  he  passed  long 
hours  in  meditation  and  contemplation ;  nor  did  mate- 
rial occupations  usually  hinder  him  from  praying. 
Reading  and  writing  took  up  the  rest  of  his  time.  The 
list  he  drew  up,  about  two  years  before  his  death,  of 
some  of  the  books  he  had  read  while  a  monk  bears  the 
names  of  all  the  principal  ecclesiastical  writers  down 
to  his  time.  He  had  read,  he  says,  every  summa  and 
every  chronicle,  many  commentaries  on  the  Bible,  and 
the  works  of  a  great  number  of  Greek,  and  especially 
Arab,  philosophers,  and  he  had  studied  the  whole  of 
canon  as  well  as  civil  law.  His  favourite  author  was 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite.  His  quick  intellect  seized 
the  author's  meaning  at  first  reading  and  his  wonderful 
memory  retained  without  much  effort  all  that  he  had 
once  read. 

It  seems  marvellous  that,  spending  so  much  time  in 
prayer,  he  should  have  been  able  to  peruse  so  vast  a 
number  of  books ;  but  what  passes  all  comprehension 
is  that  he  found  time  to  write,  and  to  write  so  nuich 
that  his  works  might  make  up  twenty-five  folio  vol- 
umes. No  other  pen,  whose  productions  have  come 
down  to  us,  has  been  so  prolific.  It  is  true  that  he 
took  not  more  than  three  hours'  sleep  a  night,  and  that 
he  was  known  to  spend  sometimes  whole  nights  in 
prayer  and  study.  There  is  evidence,  too,  that  his  pen 
was  a  swift  one.  Nevertheless  the  mysterj'  still  re- 
mains insolvable,  and  all  the  more  so  that,  besides  the 
occupations  already  mentioned,  he  had,  at  least  for 
some  time,  others  which  will  be  presently  noted,  and 
which  alone  would  have  been  enough  to  absorb  the  at- 
tention of  any  ordinarj'  man.  He  began  (14.34)  by 
commenting  the  Psalms  and  then  went  on  to  comment 
the  whole  of  the  Old  and  the  New  Testament.  He 
commented  also  the  works  of  Boethius,  Peter  Lom- 
bard, John  Climacus,  as  well  as  those  of,  or  attributed 


to,  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  and  translated  Cassian 
into  easier  Latin.  It  was  after  seeing  one  of  his  com- 
mentaries that  Pope  Eugene  IV  exclaimed:  "Let 
Mother  Church  rejoice  to  have  such  a  son!"  He 
wrote  theological  treatises,  such  as  his  "  Summa  Fidei 
OrthodoxEe",  "Compendium  Theologicum ",  "De  Lu- 
mine  Christians  Theoria;",  "De  Laudibus  B.  V. 
Marije",  and  "De  Prieconio  B.  V.  Maria-"  (in  both  oi 
which  treatises  he  upholds  the  doctrine  of  the  Immac- 
ulate Conception),  "De  quatuor  NovLssimis",  etc. ; 
philosophical  treatises,  such  as  his  "Compendium  phil- 
osophicum",  "De  venustate  mundi  et  pulchritudine 
Dei"  (a  most  remarkable  sesthetic  dissertation),  "De 
ente  et  essentia",  etc. ;  a  great  many  treatises  relating 
to  morals,  asceticism,  church  discipline,  liturgy,  etc.; 
sermons  and  homilies  for  all  the  Sundays  and  festivals 
of  the  year,  etc.  His  writings,  taken  as  a  whole,  show 
him  to  be  a  compiler  rather  than  an  original  thinker; 
they  contain  more  unction  and  piety  than  deep  specu- 
lation. He  was  no  innovator,  no  builder  of  systems, 
and  especially  no  quibbler.  Indeed  he  had  a  decided 
dislike  for  metaphysical  subtleties  of  no  positive  use, 
for  he  was  of  far  too  practical  a  turn  of  mind  to  waste 
time  in  idle  dialectic  niceties,  and  sought  only  to  do 
immediate  good  to  souls  and  tend  their  spiritual 
needs,  drawing  them  away  from  sin  and  guiding  and 
urging  them  on  in  the  path  to  heaven. 

As  an  expounder  of  Scripture,  he  generally  does  no 
more  than  reproduce  or  recapitulate  what  other  com- 
mentators had  said  before  him.  If  his  commentaries 
bring  no  light  to  modem  exegetics  they  are  at  least  an 
abundant  mine  of  pious  reflections.  As  a  theologian 
and  a  philosopher  he  is  a  servile  follower  of  no  one 
master  and  belongs  to  no  particular  school.  Although 
an  admirer  of  Aristotle  and  Aquinas,  he  is  neither  an 
Aristotelian  nor  a  Thomist  in  the  usual  sense  of  the 
W'Ords,  but  seems  inclined  rather  to  the  Christian  Pla- 
tonism  of  Dionj'sius  the  Areopagite,  St .  .Augustine,  and 
St.  Bonaventure.  As  a  mystical  writer  he  is  akin  to 
Hugh  and  Richard  of  St.  Victor,  St.  Bonaventure,  and 
the  writers  of  the  Wildesheim  School,  and  in  his  treat- 
ises may  be  found  summed  up  the  doctrine  of  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church,  especially  of  Dionysius  the 
Areopagite,  and  of  Eckart,  Suso,  Ruysbroeck,  and 
other  writers  of  the  German  and  Flemish  Schools.  He 
has  been  called  the  last  of  the  Schoolmen,  and  he  is  so 
in  the  sense  that  he  is  the  last  important  Scholastic 
writer,  and  that  his  works  may  be  considered  to  fonn 
a  vast  encyclopedia,  a  complete  sununary  of  the 
Scholastic  teaching  of  the  Middle  Ages;  this  is  their 
primary  characterLstic  and  their  chief  merit. 

His  renown  for  learning,  and  especially  for  saintli- 
ness,  drew  upon  him  considerable  intercourse  with  the 
outer  world.  He  w.as  consulted  as  an  oracle  by  men 
of  different  social  standing,  from  l)ishops  and  princes 
downwards;  they  flocked  to  his  cell,  and  numberless 
letters  came  to  him  from  all  parts  of  the  Netherlands 
and  Germany.  The  topic  of  such  correspondence 
was  often  the  grievous  state  of  the  Church  in  Europe, 
i.  e.  the  evils  ensuing  from  relaxed  morals  and  disci- 
pline and  from  the  invasion  of  Islam.  Deploring  those 
evils  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost,  like  all  pious 
Catholics  of  that  day,  to  counteract  them.  For  that 
purpose,  soon  after  the  fall  of  Constantinople  (1453), 
im[)re.ssed  by  revelations  God  made  to  him  concerning 
the  terrific  woes  threatening  Christendom,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  all  the  princes  of  Europe,  urging  them  to 
amend  their  lives,  to  cease  their  dissensions,  and  to 
join  in  war  against  their  common  enemy,  the  Turks. 
A  general  covmcil  being  in  his  eyes  the  only  means  of 
procuring  serious  reform,  he  exhorted  all  prelates  and 
others  to  unite  their  efforts  to  bring  it  about.  He 
wrote  also  a  series  of  treatises,  lajnng  down  rules  of 
Christian  living  for  churchmen  and  for  laymen  of 
every  rank  and  profession.  "De  doctrina  et  regulis 
vitae  Christiana;",  the  most  important  of  these  treat- 
ises, was  written  at  the  request,  and  for  the  use,  of  the 


DSMZA 


736 


DENZINGER 


famous  Franciscan  preacher  John  Brugman.  These 
and  others  which  he  wrote  of  a  similar  import,  in- 
veighing against  the  vices  and  abuses  of  the  time,  in- 
sisting on  the  need  of  a  general  reform,  and  showing 
how  it  was  to  be  effected,  give  a  curious  insight  into 
the  customs,  the  state  of  society,  and  ecclesiastical  life 
of  that  period.  To  refute  Mohammedanism  he  wrote 
two  treatises:  "Contra  perfidiam  Mahometi",  at  the 
request  of  Cardinal  Nicholas  of  Cusa.  The  latter, 
named  papal  legate  by  Nicholas  V  to  reform  the 
Church  in  Germany  and  to  preach  a  crusade  against 
the  Turks,  took  Denys  with  him  during  a  part,  if  not 
the  whole,  of  his  progress  (Jan.,  1451-March,  1452), 
and  received  from  his  tongue  and  his  pen  valuable  as- 
sistance, especially  in  the  work  of  reforming  monas- 
teries and  of  rooting  out  magical  and  superstitious 
practices.  This  mission  was  not  the  only  charge 
which  drew  Denys  from  his  much-loved  cell.  He 
was  for  some  time  (about  1459)  procurator  of  his  mon- 
astery, and  in  July,  1466,  was  appointed  to  superin- 
tend the  building  of  a  monastery  at  Bois-le-Duc.  A 
three-years'  struggle  against  the  inextricable  diffi- 
culties of  the  new  foundation  broke  down  his  health, 
already  impaired  by  a  long  life  of  ceaseless  work 
and  privations,  and  he  was  obliged  to  return  to 
Roermond  in  1469.  His  treatise  "De  Meditatione" 
bears  the  date  of  the  same  year  and  was  the  last  he 
wrote. 

The  immense  literary  activity  of  Denys  had  never 
been  detrimental  to  his  spirit  of  prayer.  On  the  con- 
trary he  always  found  in  study  a  powerful  help  to  con- 
templation; the  more  he  knew,  the  more  he  loved. 
While  still  a  novice  he  had  ecstasies  which  lasted  two 
or  three  hours,  and  later  on  they  lasted  sometimes 
seven  hours  and  more.  Indeed,  towards  the  end  of 
his  life  he  could  not  hear  the  singing  of  "  Veni  Sancte 
Spiritus"  or  some  verses  of  the  Psalms,  nor  converse 
on  certain  devotional  subjects  without  being  lifted  off 
the  ground  in  a  rapture  of  Divine  love.  Hence  pos- 
terity has  surnamed  him  "Doctor  ecstaticus".  Dur- 
ing his  ecstasies  many  things  were  revealed  to  him 
which  he  made  known  only  when  it  could  profit  others, 
and  the  same  may  be  said  of  what  he  learnt  from  the 
souls  in  purgatory,  who  appeared  to  him  very  fre- 
quently, seeking  relief  through  his  powerful  interces- 
sion. Loving  souls  as  he  did,  it  is  no  wonder  that  he 
should  have  become  odious  to  the  great  hater  of  souls. 
His  humility  responded  to  his  learning,  and  his  morti- 
fication, especially  with  regard  to  food  and  sleep,  far 
excelled  what  the  generality  of  men  can  attain  to.  It 
is  true  that  in  point  of  physical  austerities,  virtue  was 
assisted  by  a  strong  constitution,  for  he  was  a  man  of 
athletic  build  and  had,  as  he  said,  "  an  iron  head  and  a 
brazen  stomach". 

During  the  last  two  years  of  his  life  he  suffered  in- 
tensely and  with  heroic  patience  from  paralysis,  stone, 
and  other  infirmities.  He  had  been  a  monk  for  forty- 
eight  years  when  he  died  at  the  age  of  sixty-nine. 
Upon  his  remains  being  disinterred  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven  years  after,  ilay  for  day  ( 12  March,  1608), 
his  skull  emitted  a  sweet  perfiune  and  the  fingers  he  had 
most  used  in  writing,  i.  e.  the  thumb  and  forefinger  of 
the  right  hand,  were  found  in  a  perfect  state  of  pres- 
ervation. Although  the  cause  of  his  beatification  has 
never  yet  been  introduced,  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  St. 
Alphonsus  Liguori,  and  other  writers  of  note  style  him 
"Blessed";  his  life  is  in  the  "Acta  Sanctorum"  of 
the  Bollandists  (12  March),  and  his  name  is  to  be 
found  in  many  martyrologies.  An  accurate  edition  of 
all  his  works  still  extant,  which  will  comprise  forty-one 
quarto  volumes,  is  now  being  issued  by  the  Carthusian 
Press  at  Tournai,  Belgium. 

LoER,  Vila  Dionysii  Cartus.  (Tournai,  1904);  Mougel, 
Dt-nus  le  Chartrrux  (Montreuil-sur-mer.  1896);  Welters.  Denys 
Ic  Chartrrux  (Uoermond.  1882);  Albers.  Dyonysius  de  Kar- 
luizer  (Utrecht.  1897);  Krogh-Tonning,  Der  letztc  Sdiolastiker 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1904);  Keiser,  Dionys  des  KartaiixtTs  Lebcn 
und  plidaaouincke  Sdiriflm  (Freiburg  im  Br..  1904);  Sieofrieii, 


Dicmysiua  the  Carthusian  in  Am.  Ecd.  Review  (Philadelphia, 
1899).  512-27;  Stiglmayr,  Neuplatonisches  bei  Dionysius  dem 
Karthiiuscr  in  Hist.  Jahrbnch  (1899),  XX.  367-88. 

Ed.mund   Gurdon. 

Denza,  France.sco,  Italian  meteorologist  and 
astronomer,  b.  at  Naples,  7  June,  1834;  d.  at  Rome, 
14  December,  1894.  He  joined  the  Barnabites  at  the 
age  of  rixteen,  and  during  his  theological  course  at 
Rome  studied  at  the  same  time  meteorologj-  and 
astronomy  under  Father  Secchi.  From  1856  until 
1890  he  was  attached  to  the  Barnabite  college  at 
Moncalieri  where  he  became  widely  known  for  his 
work  in  meteorology,  a  science  which  he  greatly  ad- 
vanced not  merely  by  his  personal  observations  and 
studies  but  also  by  the  interest  which  he  roused  in  it 
throughout  Italy.  In  1859  Denza  founded  the  "  Bul- 
lettino  mensile  di  Meteorologia",  which  was  continued 
until  1894,  and  established  a  meteorological  observa- 
tory at  Moncalieri;  it  was  largely  through  his  influ- 
ence that  similar  observatories,  more  than  200  in 
number,  were  gradually  built  in  various  parts  of  Italy. 
The  success  which  attended  his  efforts  gave  him  a 
national  reputation,  and  in  1866  Senator  Matteucci 
and  Signor  Berti,  minister  of  public  instruction,  urged 
him  to  take  charge  of  the  department  of  meteorology 
at  Florence.  Denza  did  not  accept  the  post,  but  in 
the  following  year,  at  Berti's  invitation,  he  read  a 
paper  on  meteors  at  the  "Instituto  Superiore"  in 
Florence.  In  1872  he  began  a  series  of  researches  on 
terrestrial  magnetism  with  special  reference  to  mag- 
netic declination,  which  illness,  however,  prevented  him 
from  eompleting.  In  1881  he  founded  the  Italian 
Meteorological  Society  of  which  he  was  president  for 
many  years.  In  1883  the  Dukeof  Aosta  invited  him 
to  take  charge  of  the  scientific  education  of  his  three 
sons.  In  the  same  year  he  was  director  of  the  literary 
and  scientific  section  of  the  National  Exposition  at 
Turin  and  chairman  of  its  jury  of  awards.  He  repre- 
sented Leo  XIII  in  1884  at  the  Congress  of  Scientific 
Societies  of  France,  presiding  over  the  meteorological 
section.  He  visited  England  and  Holland  on  this 
occasion,  where  he  was  received  with  much  honour. 
He  likewise  represented  the  pope  at  the  Paris  Astro- 
nomical Congress  of  1887,  when  the  plan  was  formu- 
lated of  making  a  photographic  map  of  all  the  stars  in 
the  heavens  down  to  the  fourteenth  magnitude; 
through  his  influence  the  Vatican  observatory  was 
one  of  the  eighteen  chosen  to  carry  out  this  important 
project.  Denza  was  appointed  director  of  the  Vati- 
can Observatory  in  September,  1890,  and  thenceforth 
lived  at  the  Vatican.  Here  he  inaugurated  the  work 
of  this  observatory  in  stellar  photography.  At  the 
time  of  his  death,  which  was  due  to  apoplexy,  he  was 
President  of  the  Accademia  dei  Nuo\t  Lincei.  In 
character  Denza  was  a  man  of  simple  piety  and  humil- 
ity. 

Among  his  published  works  may  be  mentioned: 
"Meteore  cosmiche"  in  "Scienza  di  populo"  (Milan, 
1869);  "Stelle  cadente  del  periodo  di  Agosto  1868" 
(ibid.);  "  Le  am-ore  pol.  d.  1869  ed  i  fenom.  cosmiche 
che  accompagnarono "  (1869);  "  Distribuzione  di 
pioggia  in  Italia"  (1871-72);  "  Valeurs  de  I'^lectricit^ 
et  1 'ozone  i  Moncalieri  a  I'^poque  du  cholera"  in 
"Comptes  Rendus"(1868)  LXVI ;  "  Le  armonie  dei 
cieli,  Nozioni  di  astron."  (1881);  "Amplitudes  d'os- 
cillations  diurn.  magnet,  k  Moncalieri  1880-81"; 
"OsServ.  di  declin.  magnet,  ad  Aosta,  Moncalieri  e 
Firenze  in  occas.  d'eclisse  sol  26/5  1873"  in  "Proc. 
Ace.  dei  Nuov.  Lincei". 

CiMlii  catlolica,  Ser.  16  (1895),  I,  93,  94;  Kneller,  Daa 
Christenthum  u.  die  Veiireter  der  neueren  Naturwissenschaft 
(Freiburg.  1904). 

Henry  M.  Brock. 

Denzinger,  Heinrich  Joseph  Dominicus,  one  ot 
the  leading  theologians  of  the  modern  Catholic  Ger- 
man school  and  author  of  the  "Enchiridion"' uni- 
versally used,  b.  10  Oct.,  1819,  at  Li^ge;  d.  19  June, 


DEOGRATIAS 


737 


DEPOSITION 


883,  at  Wiirzburg.  In  1831  his  father,  who  was  a 
rofessor  at  the  Liege  University,  took  him  to  Wiirz- 
urg,  the  original  home  of  the  family.  Here  he  at- 
snded  the  g>^nnasium  and  studied  philosophy  at  the 
niversity,  where  he  received  the  Ph.  D.  degree.  In 
838  he  entered  the  Wiirzburg  seminary,  went  to  the 
lerman  College  at  Rome  in  1841,  was  ordained  priest 
1  1844,  and  the  following  year  took  a  degree  in  theol- 
gy.  On  his  return  home  he  was  first  curate  at  Hass- 
irt-on-thc-Main,  became  professor  extraordinary 
f  dogmatic  theology  at  Wiirzburg  in  1848,  and  ordi- 
ary  professor  in  1854.  He  continued  to  occupy  this 
osition,  in  spite  of  ill-health,  till  his  death.  Den- 
Inger  was  one  of  the  pioneers  of  positive  theology  and 
istorical  dogmatic  (Dogmengeschichte)  in  Catholic 
ermany.  In  the  generation  after  Johann  Adam 
[ohler  (d.  1838)  and  Dollinger  (1799-1890)  he  carried 
n  their  methods  and  helped  to  establish  what  is  the 
jecial  character  of  the  German  school,  exact  investi- 
ition  of  the  historical  development  of  theology, 
ither  than  philosophical  speculation  about  the  corol- 
iries  of  dogma.  Nearly  all  his  important  works  are 
1  the  nature  of  historic  theology.  The  best-known  and 
lost  useful  is  his  "  Enchiridion  Symbolorum  et  Defi- 
itionum"  (fir.st  ed.,  Wiirzburg,  18.54),  a  handbook 
intaining  a  collection  of  the  chief  decrees  and  defini- 
ons  of  councils,  list  of  condemned  propositions,  etc., 
eginning  with  the  oldest  forms  of  the  Apostles'  Creed. 
t  has  often  been  republished,  with  considerable  addi- 
ons,  of  which  the  most  important  are  part  of  the 
ull  defining  the  Immaculate  Conception  (Ineffabilis 
•eus,  1854),  the  Syllabus  of  1864,  and  the  Vatican  de- 
rees.  After  Denzinger's  death  Professor  Ignatius 
tahl  continued  the  work  of  re-editing  the  "  Enchi- 
dion"  with  additional  decrees  of  Leo  XIII.  A 
;vised  and  enlarged  edition  (10th  ed.,  Freiburg, 
i108),  prepared  by  Clemens  Bannwart,  S.  J.,  in- 
ludes  decrees  of  Pius  X.  Other  works  are  "Ritus 
'rientalium,  Coptorum,  Syrorum  et  Armenorum" 
I  vols.,  Wiirzburg,  1863-1864),  a  long  treatise 
n  Eastern  rites ;  "  Vier  Biicher  von  der  relig- 
hsen  Erkenntniss"  (2  vols.,  Wiirzburg,  1856-1857), 
Lleber  die  Aechtheit  des  bisherigen  Textes  der  Igna- 
ani.sphen  Briefe"  (Wiirzburg,  1849),  "Die  spekula- 
ve  Theologie  Giinthers"  (Wiirzburg,  1853).  He 
Iso  wrote  a  number  of  shorter  treatises,  on  Philo  Ju- 
aeus  (1840,  his  first  work),  on  the  Immaculate  Con- 
jption  (1855),  and  papal  infallibility  (1870).  At  the 
me  of  his  death  he  was  preparing  a  complete  com- 
endium  of  dogmatic  theology.  He  edited  a  nimiber 
f  medieval  theological  works:  Habert,  "Theologia 
rra!corum  Patrum  vindicata  circa  materiam  gratiie" 
1853);  De  Rubeis,  "  De  peccato  originali",  (18.57);  P. 
larani,  "  Divinitas  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi"  (1859).  He 
as  appointed  a  consultor  of  Propaganda  for  Eastern 
ites  in  1866. 

HcRTEH,  NomenclaloT  LilleT-arui.1,  III,  1178-1179;  Hettin- 
ER.  Dreifachru  I^hrami,  Geddchtnisurede  nuf  H.  J.  D.  Dcnzingrr 
Freiburg,  1883);  Der  Katholik  (Mainz),  1S.S3,  11,  428. 

Adrian  Fortescue. 

Deogratias,  S.mnt.      See  Felix   of  Cantalice, 

AINT. 

Deo  Gratias  (Thanks  be  to  God),  an  old  liturgical 
3rmula  of  the  Latin  Church  to  give  thanks  to  God  for 
races  rcc'cived.  It  is  found  in  Scripture,  I  Cor.,  xv, 
7,  and  II  Cor.,  ii,  14. 

I.  Deo  Gratias  occurs  in  the  Mass:  (a)  as  an  answer 
if  the  .server  to  the  Epistle  or  Prophecies;  in  High- 
lass  this  answer  should  not  be  sung  by  the  choir.  In 
he  Mozarabic  and  Old  Gallican  Liturgy  the  Deo 
Jratias  follows  the  title  of  the  Epistle  or  the"  Prophecy; 
it  its  end  the  Amen  is  said.  The  Greek  and  its 
laughter  churches  do  not  use  this  formula  in  con- 
lexion  with  the  Epistle.  In  the  Latin  Church  the 
3eo  Gratias  is  not  said  on  Ember  .Saturday  after  the 
ifth  lesson,  which  Ls  followed  by  the  canticle  of  the 
IV. -47 


Three  Young  Men  in  the  furnace,  in  order  not  to  inter- 
rupt the  sense;  neither  is  it  said  after  the  lessons  on 
Good  Friday  or  after  the  Prophecies  on  Holy  Satur- 
day and  the  eve  of  Pentecost;  (b)  in  answer  to  the 
Ite  Missa  est  and  the  Benedicamus  Domino,  in  thanks- 
giving for  the  graces  received  at  Ma.ss;  (c)  after  the 
last  Gospel ;  after  the  first  Gospel  the  server  answers 
Laus  tibi  Christe.  Quarti  (Ruhr.  Miss.  Rom.  Com- 
ment, illustr.,  2,  12,  ad  4)  says,  that  the  finst  Gospel 
signifies  the  preaching  of  Christ,  wherefore  we  praise 
Christ  by  saying:  Laus  tibi  Christe;  the  second 
Gospel  signifies  the  preaching  of  the  Apostles,  where- 
fore only  Deo  Gratias  is  answered,  but  such  inter- 
pretations are  artificial  and  arbitrary;  (d)  in  the 
Breviary  the  Deo  Gratias  is  used  more  frequently;  in 
Matins  (except  the  last  three  days  of  Holy  Week  and 
the  office  of  the  Dead)  after  every  lesson  answering 
to  the  invocation:  Tu  autem  Domine  miserere  nobis; 
also  after  the  capitula,  the  short  lesson  in  Prime  and 
Compline ;  and  in  answer  to  the  Benedicamus  Domino 
at  the  close  of  every  Hour.  The  Mozarabic  Breviary 
puts  the  Deo  Gratias  after  the  title  of  the  lesson,  the 
Amen  to  the  end. 

II.  The  formula  Deo  Gratias  was  used  in  extra- 
liturgical  prayers  and  customs  by  the  Christians  of 
all  ages.  The  rule  of  St.  Benedict  prescribes  that  the 
doorkeeper  shall  say  Deo  Gratias,  as  often  as  a  stranger 
knocks  at  the  door  or  a  beggar  asks  for  assistance. 
When  St.  Augustine  announced  to  the  people  the  elec- 
tion of  his  coadjutor  and  successor  Evodius,  they  called 
out  Deo  Gratias  thirty-six  times  (St.  Aug.,  Ep.  ccxiii  al. 
ex,  De  Actis  Eraclii).  In  Africa  it  was  the  salutation 
used  by  the  Catholics  to  distinguish  themselves  from 
the  Donatists  who  said:  Deo  laudes  (St.  Aug.,  In  Ps. 
cxxxii).  Therefore  in  Africa  Deo  Gratias  occurs  as  a 
Catholic  name,  e.  g.  St.  Deogratias,  Bishop  of  Car- 
thage (453-456).  The  name  of  the  deacon  for  whom 
St.  Augustine  wrote  his  treatise  "De  catechizandis 
rudibus",  was  Deogratias.  St.  Felix  of  Cantalizio 
(151.5-87)  used  this  interjection  so  often,  that  the 
people  called  him  Brother  Deogratias. 

Bern-^rd,  Cours  de  tilurffie  romaine  3.  v.  La  Mcsse,  II,  305 
sqq.;  Cabrol,  Livre  de  la  priere  antique  (Paris,  1900),  73; 
Hedser  in  Kirchenlex.,  HI,  1517  sqq. 

F.    G.    HOLWECK. 

Depositio  Martyrum.     See  Mahtyks. 

Deposition,  an  ecclesiastical  vindictive  penalty 
by  which  a  cleric  is  forever  deprived  of  his  office  or 
benefice  and  of  the  right  of  exercising  the  functions  of 
his  orders.  Of  its  own  nature  this  punishment  is  per- 
petual and  irremissible  in  the  sen.se  that  those  on 
whom  it  is  inflicted,  even  after  having  done  full  pen- 
ance, have  no  right  to  be  released  from  it ,  though  the 
superior  may,  if  he  wishes,  reinstate  them  if  truly 
amended.  Deposition  can  be  inflicted  only  on  eccle- 
siastics, .secular  or  regular;  it  may  be  either  total  or 
partial,  according  as  it  deprives  them  of  all  powers  of 
orders  and  jurisdiction  or  of  only  a  portion  of  them. 
It  differs  from  simple  privation  because  in  addit  ion  to 
the  deprivation  of  benefices  and  offices  it  disqualifies 
an  ecclesiastic  from  obtaining  them  in  fut\ire;  from 
suspension  becau.se  it  is  always  a  perpetual  vindictive 
penalty,  not  a  mere  su-spension  of  the  use  of  the  powers 
of  orders  and  jurisdiction,  but  an  entire  and  perpetual 
withdrawal  of  them;  from  actual  degradation  in  as 
much  as  it  never  deprives  of  the  privileges  of  the  ec- 
clesiastical state. 

This  ptmishment  can  be  traced  to  the  early  cen- 
turies of  the  Church  when  ecclesiastics  guilty  of  hei- 
nous crimes  were  expelled  from  their  rank  and  removed 
to  lay  communion.  Although  preserving  the  charac- 
ter of  their  orders,  they  were  then  considered,  for  all 
purposes  and  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  as  ordinary  lay- 
men, and  were  bound  to  appear  with  the  ordinary 
faithful  when  receiving  Holy  Communion.  The  word 
ileposilion,  it  is  alleged,  was  first  used  in  the  Synod  of 
Agde  (506,  can .  xxxv)  to  indicate  such  a  penalty.  Down 


DEPOSIT 


738 


DERBE 


to  the  twelfth  century  the  expressions  deposition 
and  degradation  meant  one  and  the  same  canonical 
punishment.  We  know,  for  instance,  that  Paul,  Pa- 
triarch of  Alexandria  (541),  and  Ignatius,  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople  (861),  met  with  the  same  kind  of  pun- 
ishment; yet  in  the  first  case  it  is  styled  deposition 
and  in  the  second  degradation.  Moreover,  deposition 
always  deprived  ecclesiastics  of  the  office  they  held  by 
the  ordinary  title  of  ordination,  and  it  was  nearly  al- 
ways coupled  with  the  ceremony  of  divesting  delin- 
quents of  the  garments  used  in  the  functions  of  their 
sacred  ministry.  In  process  of  time,  when,  first  by 
custom  and  subsequently  by  decree  of  Alexander  III 
(c.  At  si  clericis,  IV,  De  judiciis),  bishops  were  al- 
lowed to  dispense  from  that  penalty  in  crimes  of  lesser 
gravity  than  adultery,  the  solemn  stripping  of  the  sa- 
cred vestments  was  discontinued,  to  save  the  trouble  of 
restoruig  their  use  in  case  of  reinstatement.  The  new 
practice  created  imcertaintj'  and  variety  m  the  exe- 
cution of  deposition,  hence  Boniface  VIII  (c.  ii.  De 
poenis,  in  VI°)  at  the  request  of  the  Bishop  of  B^ziers 
decreed  that  the  formal  removal  of  vestments,  which 
now  means  and  effects  total  exclusion  from  the  eccle- 
siastical state,  was  to  take  place  only  in  cases  of  actual 
degradation. 

As  stated  above,  total  deposition  proliibits  the  ex- 
ercise of  powers  conferred  by  ordination,  and  effects  a 
complete  and  perpetual  deprivation  of  ecclesiastical 
offices,  benefices,  and  dignities.  It  also  disqualifies 
from  obtaining  them  in  future,  while  public  disgrace  or 
infamy  and  irregularity  are  inflicted  on  those  who  dis- 
regard this  punishment.  The  character  impressed  by 
ordination  being  indelible,  deposition  from  orders  can 
only  deprive  a  person  of  the  right  of  exercising  them. 
Deposition  from  office  always  effects  the  loss  of  the 
benefice  annexed  to  it,  as  benefices  are  given  on  ac- 
count of  the  spiritual  office.  On  the  other  hand,  de- 
position from  benefice  never  renders  an  ecclesiastic 
incapable  of  licitly  exercising  his  ministry;  it  is  main- 
tained ,  ho%ve  ver,  t  hat  it  deprives  htm  even  of  the  right  to 
a  share  of  the  temporal  emoluments  for  his  decent  sup- 
port. According  to  the  present  discipline  of  the 
Church  deposition  is  inflicted  only  for  enonnous 
crimes,  such  as  cause  public  scandal  and  do  great  harm 
to  religion  or  morals,  e.  g.  murder,  pulilic  concubinage, 
blasphemy,  a  sinful  and  incorrigible  tenor  of  life,  etc. 
It  Ls  largely  left,  however,  to  the  prudent  judgment  of 
the  superior  to  determine  in  each  case  the  gravity  of 
the  crime  which  deserves  this  punishment.  In  fact, 
deposition  is  now  rarely  inflicted ;  simple  dismissal,  to- 
gether with  perpetual  suspension,  usually  takes  its 
place.     (See  Lay  Communion.) 

Smith,  Elem.  of  Ecd.  Law  (New  York,  1889);  Sthemler, 
Traite  d^s  peines  ecclfsiastiques  (Paris,  1860);  Hollweck, 
Kirchl.  Strafgesetze  (Mainz,  1899);  Vox  Kober,  Deposition  und 
Degradation,  etc.  (Tubingen,  1867);  Gennari.  Privazione  del 
beneflcio  ecdesiaslico  (Rome,  1905);  all  commentators  on  the 
title  De  Panis,  X  (V,  37) ;  Hergenrother,  The  Papal  Depriv- 
ing Power  (1876) ;  Roma  Sacra  in  The  Dublin  Review  (Lon- 
don, July,  1907). 

S.  Luzio. 

Deposit  of  Faith.     See  Faith. 

Depres,  Josquin  (diminutive  of  Joseph),  latinized 
JcsQuiNUS  Pratbnsis,  b.  probably  c.  1450  at  Conde, 
Hainault,  Belgium ;  d.  there  27  August,  1521.  He  was 
the  most  gifted  and  most  learned  contrapuntist  and 
composer  before  Palest  rina  and  was  the  head  of  the 
Second  Netherland  School.  At  an  early  age  he  be- 
came choir  boy  in  the  collegiate  church  of  Saint-Quen- 
tin  in  his  native  town.  After  his  voice  changed  he 
studied  counterpoint  under  Okeghem  (1430-1494). 
In  1471  he  was  at  the  court  of  the  Sforza  in  Milan  and, 
in  14S0,  in  tlie  service  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent  in 
Florence.  From  1486  to  1494  (except  the  year  1487- 
14SS,  which  he  spent  in  Ferrara),  Josquin  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  papal  choir  imder  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  He 
then  entered  the  service  of  King  Louis  XII  of  France. 
The  opinion  that,  towards  the  end  of  his  career,  he  was 


identified  with  the  musical  personnel  of  the  court  of 
the  Emperor  Maximilian  I  lacks  confinnation.  De- 
pres dominated  the  musical  world  of  his  time,  not  only 
on  account  of  his  learning  and  skill  but  particularly 
because  of  his  originality.  His  vivid  conception  of 
the  meaning  and  dramatic  possibilities  of  the  sacred 
texts,  as  well  as  his  great  inventiveness,  enabled  Jos- 
quin to  free  himself  more  than  any  other  composer 
before  Palestrina  from  the  conventions  of  his  time.  In 
consequence,  most  of  the  works  of  Depres  show  the 
stonn  and  stress  of  a  transition  period,  in  contrast  to 
the  productions  of  his  successor,  Palestrina,  which 
breathe  serenity  and  repose.  Josquui's  fame  was 
overshadowed  by  Palestrina  and  his  school,  and  the 
subsequent  change  in  taste  caused  his  works  to  be 
neglected  and  finally  forgotten.  The  present  age, 
however,  is  doing  justice  to  those  early  masters  in 
music  who  laid  the  foundation  for  that  which  is  great- 
est in  sacred  polyphony.  Josquin  wrote  thirty-two 
masses,  seventeen  of  which  were  printed  by  Petrucci 
(1466-1539)  in  Fossombrone  and  Venice.  Others 
were  preserved  in  MS.  in  the  archives  of  the  papal 
choir  in  Rome  and  in  the  libraries  of  Munich,  Vienna, 
Basle,  Berlin,  the  Ratisbon  cathedral,  and  Cambrai. 
Motets  by  Deprfe  were  published  by  Petrucci,  Pierre 
.\ttaignant  (15.33),  Tylman  Susato  (1544),  and  by 
Le  Roy  and  Ballard  (1555).  Nmnerous  fragments  and 
shorter  works  are  reproduced  in  the  historical  works  of 
Forkel,  Burney,  Hawkins,  Busby,  and  in  Choron's  col- 
lection. 

.\mbros.  Gesch.  der  Musik  (Leipzig.  1881).  Ill;  M6nil,  Jos^ 
qitin  de  Prrs  el  son  ecole  (Paris,  1896);  Haberl,  Die  romische 
Schola  Canlorum  (Ratisbon,  1SS8). 

Joseph  Otten. 

De  Profundis  (Out  of  the  depths),  first  words  of 
Psalm  cx.xix.  The  author  of  this  Psalm  is  unknown; 
it  was  composed  probably  during  the  Babylonian  Exile, 
or  perhaps  for  the  day  of  penance  prescribed  by  Esdras 
(I  Esd.,  ix,  5-10).  The  hard  school  of  suft'ering  during 
the  Exile  had  brought  the  people  to  the  confession  of 
their  guilt  and  had  kindled  in  their  hearts  faith  and  hope 
in  the  Redeemer  and  confidence  in  the  mercy  of  God. 
The  De  profundis  is  one  of  the  fifteen  Gradual  Psalms, 
which  were  sung  by  the  Jewish  pilgrims  on  their  way 
to  Jerusalem,  and  which  are  still  contained  in  the 
Roman  breviarj".  It  is  also  one  of  the  seven  Peniten- 
tial Psalms  which,  in  the  East  and  West,  were  already 
used  as  such  by  the  early  Christians.  In  the  Divine 
Office  the  De  profundis  is  simg  every  Wednesday  at 
Vespers,  also  at  the  second  Vespers  of  Christmas,  the 
words  Apud  Dominum  misericordia  et  eopiosa  apud 
eum  redemptio,  reminding  us  of  the  mercy  of  the 
Father  W'ho  sent  His  Son  for  the  redemption  of  man- 
kind. It  is  also  used  in  the  ferial  prayers  of  Lauds 
and  in  the  Office  of  the  Dead  at  Vespers.  The  Church 
recites  this  psalm  principally  in  her  prayers  for  the 
dead;  it  is  the  psalm  of  the  holy  souls  in  purgatorj-, 
the  words  of  the  Psalmist  appljang  well  to  the  longing 
and  sighing  of  the  souls  exiled  from  heaven.  It  is 
recited  at  funerals  by  the  priest,  before  the  corpse  isi 
taken  out  of  the  house  to  the  church. 

W'OLTER.  Psallite  sapienler  (Freiburg,  1907\  1. 143;  ScHCLTE, 
Die  Psalmen  des  Bmners  (Paderbom,  1907),  390. 

F.    G.    HOLWECK. 

Derbe,  a  titular  see  of  Lyeaonia,  Asia  Minor.  This 
city  was  the  fortress  of  a  famous  leaderof  banditti,  when 
it  was  captured  by  Amjmtas,  the  last  King  of  (ial;itia 
(Strabo,  XII,  i,  4;  vi,  3;  Dio  Cas.sius,  XLIX,  xxxii) 
In  Roman  times  it  struck  its  own  coins.  It  w:i> 
successfully  evangelized  by  St.  Paul  and  St.  Barnaba.- 
(Acts,  xiv,  6,  20,  21),  and  again  visited  by  St.  I'^U'ru 
(Acts,  xvi,  1).  Derbe  became  a  suffragan  see  off" 
Iconium ;  it  is  not  mentioned  by  later  " Notitia;  Episf 
copatuum",  and  we  know  but  four  bishojjs,  from  381 
to  G72  (I^quien,  Oriens  Christ.,  I,  lOSl).  The  site  ol  m 
thecity  has  not  yet  been  surely  identified;  the  discuS' 

ks!i( 


)fls*i 


DERESER 


739 


DE  ROSSI 


sions  are  based  on  the  above-mentioned  texts  of 
Strabo  and  Dio  Cassius.  It  has  been  placed  at  Bin 
Bir  Kilisse,  at  Divld,  south  of  Ak  Gol  (the  White 
Lake),  between  Bossola  and  Zosta,  and  at  Giidelissin 
in  the  vilayet  of  Konia,  which  seems  more  probable. 

Leake,  Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Asia  Minor  (London,  1824), 
101;  Hamilton,  Researches  in  Asia  Minor  (London,  1842),  II, 
J13:  Sterret,  The  Wolfe  Expedition  in  Asia  Minor  (Boston, 
1888),  23:  Ramsay,  Hisl.  Geogr.  of  Asia  Minor  (London,  1890), 
136;  Idem,  The  Church  and  the  Roman  Empire  (London,  1894), 
54^56. 

S.  Petrides. 

Dereser,  Anton  (known  as  Thaddaeus  a  S. 
\^DAMo),  b.  at  Fahr  in  Franconia,  3  February,  1757;  d. 
it  Breslau,  15  or  16  June,  1827.  He  was  a  Discalced 
'annclite,  professed  at  Cologne  18  Oct.,  1777.  During 
lis  studies  at  Heidelberg,  where  he  graduated,  ac- 
]uireil  such  renown  that  contrary  to  the  custom  of 
he  order  he  was  allowed  to  accept  a  professorship  in 
lermoneutics  and  oriental  languages,  first  at  his  own 
lima  mater,  then  at  Bonn  (1783-1791).  In  the  last- 
lamcd  year  he  Wiis  sent  to  Strasburg  where  he  also 
illed  the  posts  of  preacher  and  of  rector  at  the  epis- 
copal seminary.  Having  refused  the  Constitutional 
lath  he  was  imprisoned  and  sentenced  to  death,  but 
he  capital  pimishment  w'as  commuted  into  one  of 
leportation.  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  this  was 
lut  into  execution;  certain  it'is  that  with  the  fall  of 
lobespierre  he  regained  his  liberty  and  returned  with 
battered  health  to  the  convent  at  Heidelberg  (1796). 
i'he  Margrave  of  Baden  withholding  his  consent  to 
)erescr's  acceptance  of  the  office  of  coadjutor  to  the 
Jishop  of  Strasburg,  he  was  transferred  with  the  whole 
iniversity  to  Freiburg  ( 1807),  but  having  given  offence 
ly  a  funeral  sermon  (1810)  had  to  leave  suddenly  for 
'onstance.  Thence  he  went  to  Lucerne  as  professor 
,nd  rector  of  the  seminary,  but  was  expelled  on  ac- 
ount  of  his  rationalistic  teaching,  and  turned,  on  in- 
■itation,  to  Breslau  as  canon  and  professor  (1815). 

Dereser's  combative  character  got  him  into  trouble 
verywhere,  and,  though  believing  himself  a  good 
'atholic,  he  was  imbued  with  a  distinctly  German- 
ationalistic,  anti-Roman  spirit,  and  with  the  shallow 
lationalism  of  his  time,  explaining  away  everything 
upernatural  in  Scripture  and  religion.  All  his  writ- 
ngs  are  thus  tainted,  though  only  one,  and  that  with- 
lut  the  name  of  the  author,  has  been  placed  on  the 
ndex,  "  Commentatio  biblica  in  .  .  .  Tu  es  Petrus" 
Bonn,  1789).  His  principal  work,  the  continuation  of 
)ominicdeBrentano's  German  Bible  (Frankfort,  1815- 
828,  16  vols.)  received  permanent  value  only  through 
he  revision  by  J.  M.  A.  Scholz  (1828-1837,  17  vols!). 
)ther  works,  chiefly  Latin,  were  on  the  "Necessity  of 
he  Knowledge  of  Oriental  Languages  for  the  Study  of 
Scripture"  (Cologne,  1783);  " Hermeneutics  of  the 
)Id  and  New  Testament"  (1784  and  1786);  Disser- 
ations  on  the  "Destruction  of  Sodom"  (1784);  on 
'St.  John  Baptist"  (1785);  on  the  "Power  and  Duties 
if  the  Pope  according  to  St.  Bernard"  (1787);  on  a 
lumber  of  books  and  portions  of  the  Old  Testament, 
nth  translations  (partly  metrical)  and  annotations; 
m  the  "Temptation  of  Chri.st"  (1789);  on  "His  Di- 
■inity  and  on  Phari.saism"  (Strasburg,  1791);  on  the 
'Foundation  of  the  University  of  Bonn"  (1786);  a 
'German  Breviary"  (Augsburg,  1793,  several  times 
rprinted)  and  a  "German  Prayer  Book"  (Rotten- 
luri;,  1S08).  He  also  edited  A.  Frenzcl's  "Treatise 
11  .\I:itrimony"  (Bre.sl.au,  1S18),  in  which  the  indis- 
olul  lility  is  denied ;  the  author  afterwards  retracted  it. 

Hknricus  a  St*.  SArnAMENTo.  Collecl.  Scriptor.  Ord.  Carmel. 
'.irolrrnl.  (Savona.  1SS4),  II.  271;  Huhteh,  A^mCTir/nfor,  III, 
03:  Herzog.  i?pa/rnc;/c/.,  IV,  ."jSl  (somewhat  too  sympathetic) ; 
IcnRoDi.-KAUi.KN  in  Kirrhrntcx,^  III,  1.526. 

15.    ZiMMEUMAN. 

Derogation  (Lat.  (lemgatio),  the  partial  rcvoca- 
ioii  of  :i  law.  as  opposed  to  abrogation  or  the  total 
bolition  of  a  law.     This  definition  of  derogation  first 


introduced  by  the  Roman  jurisconsult  Modestinus 
(XVI,  102,  De  verb,  significatione)  was  soon  adopted 
in  the  canonical  legislation.  Even  yet,  however,  der- 
ogation in  a  loose  sense  means  also  abrogation,  hence 
the  common  saying:  Lex  posterior  d^rogat  priori,  i.e. 
a  subsequent  law  imports  the  abolition  of  a  previous 
one.  Dispensation  differs  from  derogation  principally 
in  the  fact  that  the  latter  affects  the  law  itself  which 
is  thereby  partially  revoked,  while  the  former  affects 
the  persons  bound  by  the  law,  from  whose  obligation 
some  of  them  are  in  particular  cases  totally  or  par- 
tially released.  Derogation  may  be  made  either  by 
written  law  or  by  custom.  In  the  first  instance  legisla- 
tive competency  is  alone  required  for  its  validity ;  in  the 
second  case  there  are  requisite  all  conditions  needed 
for  the  introduction  of  a  custom.  Again,  derogation 
may  be  express  or  direct  if  made  by  explicit  words; 
tacit  or  indirect  if  effected  by  a  law  partially  incom- 
patible with  the  existing  one.  When  done  without 
just  motive  and  by  the  superior  himself  it  is  sim- 
ply illicit;  it  is  also  invalid  when  done  by  his  dele- 
gate. Derogation  is  often  accomplished  by  special 
clauses  inserted  in  papal  documents,  e.  g.  Non  ob- 
stantibus  etc.  (see  Rescripts).  The  absence  of  such 
derogatory  clauses  as  are  always  employed  in  papal 
rescripts  makes  them  defective  in  form.  The  follow- 
ing rules  are  helpful  for  the  interpretation  of  deroga- 
tions: (I)  Apart  from  special  cases,  derogations  are 
to  be  strictly  interpreted,  any  correction  of  the  law 
being  regularly  of  an  "odious"  nature.  (2)  A  simple 
derogation,  that  imposes  no  obligation  contrary  to 
that  of  the  existing  law,  does  not  require  a  formal 
promulgation.  (3)  No  clause  expressly  derogatory  of 
the  existing  law  is  requisite  in  making  derogations 
from  any  kind  of  general  ecclesiastical  laws;  excep- 
tion is  made  only  when  it  is  proposed  to  derogate  from 
the  rules  of  the  Apostolic  Chancerj'.  (4)  Derogations 
couched  in  general  terms  are  not  upheld ;  they  must 
be  made  in  specific  and  formal  terms.  (5)  The  rule 
of  law  that  a  special  enactment  is  derogatory  of  the 
previous  general  one  (Generi  dcroqntur  per  specicni; 
Reg.  34  in  VI)  means  that  a  particuhir  law  which  is  a 
derogation  of  a  general  one  must  always  produce  its 
derogatory  effect,  it  being  immaterial  whether  it  was 
issued  before  the  general  law  or  after  it.  In  the  latter 
case  the  special  law  is  maintained  as  it  was  inten- 
tionally made  by  the  competent  superior;  nor  in  the 
former  instance  does  it  lose  its  value,  because  the 
superior  had  no  intention  of  abolishing  it  by  a  sub- 
sequent general  law,  it  being  a  presumption  that  su- 
periors are  not  cognizant  of  particular  laws  or  customs 
(see  Custom;  Law). 

SuAREZ.  De  Legibus,  VI,  .vxvii;  Wernz,  Jus  Decret.  (Rome, 
1900).  I:  SANGuiNETn,  Jur.  Ecd.  Institution's  (Rome,  1896); 
LoMBARDi,  Jur.  Can.  Priv.  Inst.  (Rome,  1906);  Andr^- 
Wagner,  Diet,  de  droit  can.  (Paris,  1901). 

S.  Luzio. 

De  Rossi,  Giovanni  B.^ttista,  a  distinguished 
Christian  archaeologist,  best  known  for  his  work  in 
connexion  with  the  Roman  catacombs,  b.  at  Rome, 
23  February,  1S22;  d.  at  Castel  Gandolfo  on  Lake 
Albano,  20  September,  1894.  De  Rossi,  the  modern 
foimder  of  the  science  of  Christian  archaeology,  was 
well-skilled  in  secular  arclueology,  a  master  of  epi- 
graphy, an  authority  on  the  .ancient  and  medieval 
topography  of  Rome,  an  excellent  historian,  and  a 
very  productive  and  many-sidcil  author.  In  addition 
to  his  professional  ac<|uaiiit:iiie('  with  arclueology  De 
Rossi  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  law,  philology, 
and  theology.  He  w.as  the  son  of  Coiiiincndatore 
Camillo  Luigi  De  Rossi  and  Marianna  M.irchesa  Kruti, 
his  wife,  who  had  two  sons,  (Jiovanni  and  Miehelc  Sle- 
f;ino.  Two  d;iys  after  birth  Giovanni  was  baptized  in 
the  pari.sh  church  of  Santa  Miiria  .sopra  .Minrrv.i,  and, 
according  to  Roman  custom,  was  confirmed  while  still 
very  young,  by  Cardinal  Franzoni,  Prefectof  the  Prop- 
aganda,    Up  to  1838  De  Ro.ssi  attended  the  prepara- 


DE  ROSSI 


740 


DE   ROSSI 


tory  department  of  the  well-known  Jesuit  institution, 
the  Collegio  Romano,  and  through  his  entire  course 
ranked  as  its  foremost  pupil.  From  1838  to  1840  he 
studied  philosophy  there,  and  jurisprudence  (1840- 
44)  at  the  Roman  University  (Sapienza),  where  he 
was  a  disciple  of  the  celebrated  professors  Villani  and 
Capalti.  At  the  close  of  his  university  studies  he  re- 
ceived, after  a  severe  examination,  the  degree  of  doc- 
tor utriiisque  juris  ad  honorem. 

De  Rossi  showed  so  strong  an  interest  in  Christian 
antiquity  that  on  his  eleventh  birthday  his  father 
wished  to  give  lum  the  great  work  of  Antonio  Bosio, 
"La  Roma  Sotterranea:".  In  1843,  before  he  received 
the  doctor's  degree,  he  matured  a  plan  for  a  syste- 
matic and  critical  collection  of  all  Christian  inscriptions. 
In  1841,  notwithstanding  the  protests  of  his  anxious 
father,  he  ■N'isited,  for  the  first  time,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Jesuit  Father  Marchi,  one  of  the  then  much 
neglected  catacombs.  After  this  De  Rossi  and  Mar- 
chi pursued  their  archieological  studies  together,  so 
that  they  were  known  as  "the  inseparable  friends", 
though  the  difference  in  years  was  great.  As  soon  as 
he  had  fiiiished  his  studies  De  Rossi  was  appointed 
scriptor  at  the  Vatican  Library  and  bore  this  modest 
but  honourable  title,  in  which  he  took  especial  pride, 
all  his  life.  Great  credit  is  due  him  for  his  careful  cat- 
aloguing of  hundreds  of  Vatican  manuscripts.  The 
free  use  of  the  treasures  of  the  Vatican  Library  and 
archives  was  a  rich  source  of  development  for  his  in- 
tellectual powers,  especially  in  the  sense  of  breadth 
and  catholicity  of  interest.  His  official  duties  were 
not  heavy,  and  he  was  able  to  carry  on  hLs  private 
studies  without  hindrance.  In  1838,  in  company 
with  his  parents,  he  went  on  his  first  journey  and  xns- 
ited  Tuscany,  where  the  innumerable  treasures  of  art 
completely  absorbed  his  attention.  During  the  sum- 
mers of  1844-50  he  visited  the  territory  of  the  ancient 
Hernici  in  Latium  and  also  Naples;  in  this  way  the 
knowledge  he  attained  of  the  period  of  the  Roman 
Republic  was  not  purely  theoretical.  In  1853  he 
travelled  for  the  first  time  by  himself  and  went  again 
to  Tuscany,  also  to  the  Romagna,  Lombardy,  and 
Venice.  In  1856  he  visited  Liguria,  Piedmont, 
Switzerland,  France,  and  Belgium;  in  1858  he  went 
again  to  Piedmont,  visited  the  western  part  of  Switz- 
erland, and  the  district  of  the  Rhine  as  far  as  Cologne; 
from  Cologne  he  went  by  way  of  Aachen,  Trier,  and 
Frankfort  to  Bavaria  and  Austria,  and  back  to  Rome 
by  way  of  Venice  and  the  Romagiia.  On  a  second 
trip  to  France  in  1862  he  visited  the  northern  part  of 
that  country,  and  after  going  for  a  short  time  to  Lon- 
don returned  by  way  of  Paris  and  Switzerland  to 
Rome.  In  1864  he  went  to  Naples  for  a  second  time, 
and  in  1865  was  in  France  for  the  third  time,  visiting 
particularly  the  southern  French  cities.  In  1868  he 
was  again  in  France,  and  in  1869  and  1870  he  went  to 
Tuscany  and  Umbria;  in  1872-75  he  explored  the 
vicinity  of  Rome ;  in  1876  and  1879  he  investigated  the 
treasures  of  Naples  and  the  surrounding  countrj-,  and 
in  1878  he  made  a  trip  again  to  Venice  and  Lombardy. 

These  journeys  of  De  Rossi  are  of  much  importance 
for  the  proper  appreciation  of  his  scientific  labours. 
Such  long  and  fatiguing  expeditions  were  undertaken 
solely  in  order  to  inspect  museums,  libraries,  galleries, 
archives,  and  other  institutions  of  learning  and  art,  to 
form  personal  relations  with  the  scholars  of  the  coim- 
tries  visited,  and  to  increase  the  range  of  his  mental 
outlook,  always  fixed  on  a  subject  as  a  whole.  De 
Rossi's  extraordinary  knowledge  of  the  most  obscure 
monuments  of  the  civilized  countries  of  Europe,  and 
his  thorough  familiarity  with  manuscript  sources, 
made  it  possible  for  him,  as  undisputed  leader  and 
master,  to  guide  the  science  of  Christian  archseologj-, 
not  unjustly  called  his  science,  during  several  dec- 
ades, into  new  paths.  These  journeys  help  to  ex- 
plain De  Rossi's  remarkable  literary  productiveness, 
especially  when   considered  in    connexion    with   his 


minute  investigation  of  all  the  monuments,  both  on 
the  surface  and  underground,  of  the  city  of  Rome  and 
the  Roman  Campagna.  These  investigations  cov- 
ered the  ancient  pagan  life  of  Rome,  the  early  Chris- 
tian period,  also  the  Middle  Ages. 

De  Rossi's  personal  relations  with  the  leading  schol- 
ars of  Italy  and  other  countries  began  in  his  early 
youth.  When  he  was  fourteen  the  famous  Cardinal 
Mai,  Librarian  of  the  Holy  Roman  Church,  found  him 
copying  Greek  inscriptions  in  the  inscription  gallerj'  of 
the  Vatican  and  became  greatly  interested  in  the  lad; 
the  acquaintance  later  ripened  into  a  warm  friendship. 
In  1847  began  his  connexion  as  a  scholar  with  the  fa- 
mous epigraphist,  Bartolommeo  Borghesi  of  San 
Marino;  at  a  later  date  Borghesi's  works  were  issued 
at  the  expense  of  Napoleon  III  under  De  Rossi's  direc- 
tion. A  few  years  after  forming  the  acquaintance  of 
Borghesi  a  correspondence  was  begun  between  De 
Rossi  and  the  Benedictine  Dom  Pitra,  of  Solesmes, 
later  Cardinal,  and  Librarian  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Church,  which  ended  in  a  warm  friendship  with 
Pitra.  This,  however,  led  to  an  estrangement  between 
Leo  XIII  and  De  Rossi.  Father  Bruzza,  the  learned 
Bamabite,  was  also  an  intimate  friend  of  De  Rossi. 
Wilhelm  Henzen,  long  director  of  the  German  arch;e- 
ological  institute  at  Rome,  lived  in  friendship  and 
daily  comnnmication  with  De  Rossi  for  forty  years. 
When  the  Berlin  Academy  of  Sciences,  urged  by 
Theodor  Mommsen,  undertook  its  monumental  pub- 
lication, the  "Corpus  Inscriptionum  Latinarum",  it 
sent  a  flattering  letter  to  De  Rossi  to  request  his  co- 
operation. This  led  to  an  intimate  friendship  with 
Mommsen.  The  latter's  munerous  collaborators  on 
the  "Corpus",  among  them  Edwin  Bormann,  the 
noted  authority  on  epigraphy,  found  De  Rossi  ever 
ready  to  assist  and  guide  them.  Martigny,  the  editor 
of  the  French  edition  of  the  "Bullettino"  (see  below), 
as  well  as  Paul  Allard,  etUtor  of  the  French  edition 
of  "Roma  Sotterranea",  and  Desbassyns  de  Rich- 
emont,  were  all  closely  united  to  De  Rossi  by  the  inter- 
ests of  their  common  work.  To  these  must  be  added 
Louis  Duchesne,  the  brilliant  director  of  the  Ecole  de 
Rome,  andcollaboratormth  De  Rossi  on  the  recent  edi- 
tion (1894)  of  the  "  Mart jTologium  HieronjTnianum". 
Leopold  Delisle,  the  celebrated  savant,  pala?ographer, 
and  historian,  for  many  years  the  head  of  the  Biblio- 
theque  Nationale  at  Paris,  was  a  man  of  the  same 
learned  tastes  as  De  Rossi ;  their  meeting  led  to  a  very 
active  scientific  correspondence,  and  later  to  a  strong  15 
attachment,  based  on  their  scholarly  interests.  WTien, 
about  1850,  Edouard  Le  Blant  formed  the  acquaint- 
ance of  De  Rossi,  he  was  totally  ignorant  of  archaeol- 
ogy, but  an  accidental  remark  of  De  Rossi  led  him  to 
take  up  this  science;  eventually  he  became  a  distin- 
guished archaeologist  and  the  director  of  the  Ecole  de 
Rome. 

Among  German  Catholics  De  Rossi's  closest  friend- 
ship as  a  scholar  was  with  Franz  Xaver  Ivraus.  The 
cool  reception  he  had  from  Dollinger,  whom  he  once 
met  at  Mimich,  prevented  the  forming  of  any  lasting 
relations.  From  1884  Joseph  Wilpert  came  into 
closer  relations  with  De  Rossi,  who,  up  to  his  death, 
gave  this  scholar  all  possible  aid  and  showed  the 
yoimger  man  the  greatest  friendship.  The  same  may 
be  said  of  Johann  Peter  Kirsch,  archaeologist,  patrolo- 
gist,  and  historian.  De  Rossi  also  encouragetl  the 
labours  of  Anton  de  AVaal,  the  founder  and  editor  of 
the  "Rbmische  Quartalschrift",  and  was  a  helpful 
friend  to  numerous  other  German  scholars.  For 
many  years  De  Rossi's  relations  were  especially  inti- 
mate with  Giuseppe  Gatti,  his  assistant  in  various 
kinds  of  learned  work.  Gatti's  fine  scholarship  en 
abled  De  Rossi  to  carry  on  daily  confidential  discus-j 
sions  of  learned  questions  which,  after  the  death  oil 
Henzen,  had  apparently  come  to  an  end.  Gatti  con- 
tinues De  Rossi's  labours  in  the  province  of  ancient! 
inscriptions.     Henry  Stevenson,  who  died  too  soonf 


(4 


N 


DE  ROSSI 


741 


DE  ROSSI 


iariano  Armellini,  an  enthusiast  in  archieology,  Luigi  multitude  of  pious  and  painstaking  monks  had  writ- 

:agliosi,  the  numismatist,  Orazio  Marucchi,  a  popu-  ten  concerning  the  Christian  past,  and  in  addition  the 

rizer  of  Christian   archaeology,  Cosimo  Stornaiolo,  accounts  they  have  left  us  of  their  own  times.     In  this 

le  "Cirecian",  besides  many  other  Italians,  among  way  De  Rossi  was  soon  universally  acknowledged,  even 

hom  Gcnnaro  Aspreno  Giilante  of  Naples  deserves  to  in  his  lifetime,  as  the  prince  of  Christian  archieologists. 


named,  found  in  De  Rossi  a  fatherly  friend  and 
)unsellor.  Among  his  English  disciples  and  friends 
ere  especially  J.  Spencer  Northcote  and  W.  R. 
ro'milow  who  made  known  to  the  English-speaking 
orld  the  results  of  De  Rossi's  scholarly  investiga- 
ans  and  publications.  For  years  Northcote  and 
rownlow,  and  Lewis  at  Oxford,  were  in  constant  cor- 
spondence  with  De  Rossi. 

Stress  is  thus  laid  on  the  important  personal 
:quaintance  and  friendships  of  De  Rossi,  in  order  to 
aphasize  with  what  skill  he  stimulated  interest  in 
tiristian  archaeology  in 
1  directions.  Equally 
iportant,  perhaps,  were 
e  relations  established 
T  him  in  the  years  1850- 
)  during  which  he  con- 
icted  many  strangers, 
[ten  of  high  rank, 
rough  the  catacombs,  or 
ted  as  their  guide  among 
e  monumental  ruins  of 
ome.  The  friendships 
us  made  often  secured 
r  him  the  loan  of  monu- 
ents  and  documents 
hich  otliorwise  would 
;ver  have  been  sent,  even 
mporarily,  to  a  foreign 
luntrj-,  but  which  were 
■ought  to  him  at  Rome 
f  the  diplomatic  couriers 

all  countries,  not  ex- 
ipting  Russia,  thus  giv- 
g  him  opportunity  to 
camine  these  objects  at 
s  leisure.  The  imme- 
ate  superiors  of  De  Rossi 

the  Vatican  Archives 
eated  him  always  as  a 
lend  ami  an  equal,  and 
lowed  him  entire  free- 
)m  in  all  his  studies, 
ius  IX  honoured  him 
ith  a  fatherly  affection, 
riking  evidence  of  which 
as  given  on  more  than 

le  occasion.  Though  the  science  of  Christian  arch-  these  papers  appeared  asseparate  volumes  or  as  learned 
ology  was  rather  foreign  to  the  mental  temper  of  Leo  tributes  on  anniversary  occasions.  They  varj'  in  length 
III  that  pope  often  showed  that,  on  the  proper  occa-  from  one  to  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  printed  pages, 
on,  he  could  do  justice  to  De  Rossi's  great  reputation.  The  titles  of  his  larger  and  monumental  works  are 
1  Rome  De  Rossi  was  exceedingly  popular;  nearly  all  as  follows:  (1)  "Inscriptiones  christianse  Urbis  Romae 
le  educated  citizens,  as  well  as  the  foreign  residents,  septimo  saeculoantiquiores"  (vol.  I,  Rome,  1861 ;  part 
lew  and  honoured  him.     Without  some  knowledge     I  of  vol.  II,  Rome,  1888);  Giuseppe  Gatti  is  complete 


Owing  to  his  extraordinary  literary  productivity, 
which  was  the  natural  result  of  the  conditions  out- 
lined above,  a  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  his 
minor  and  his  greater  works.  The  list  of  his  minor 
writings  (monographs)  begins  in  18-49  with  the  me- 
moir: "Iscrizione  onoraria  di  Nicomaco  Flaviano", 
which  appeared  in  the  "Annali  dell' Istituto  di  corris- 
pondenza  archeologica"  (pp.  283-.363).  These  archae- 
olcgical  and  ecclesiastico-historical  papers  number 
203,  not  including  the  so-called  literarj-  letters  in 
which  De  Rossi  answered  the  questions  addressed 
him  by  various  scholars. 
Most  of  these  letters  were 
given  publicity  in  books 
or  periodicals  by  those  to 
whom  they  were  sent. 
Nor  does  tliis  total  in- 
clude an  almost  countless 
series  of  Latin  inscrip- 
tions, expressions  of  lit- 
erary homage,  congratu- 
latory epigrams,  etc. 
Most  of  the  monographs, 
often  quite  lengthy,  ap- 
peared in  "Bullcttino 
dell'  Istituto  di  corris- 
)  )Oiidenza  archeologica ' ' ; 
"  Hullr-ttino  archeologico 
X:i|.olit:ilii-i'';  "  Revue 
Mrrl„'nl,,«i.|ue";  "Bul- 
let tinodellacommissione 
archeologica  comunale  di 
Roma";  "Bibliotheque 
de  I'ecole  des  chartes"; 
"  Ephemeris  eiJigraph- 
ica";  "Studi  e  documen- 
ti  di  storia  e  diritto"; 
"  Dissertazioni  dell'  acca- 
tlemia  romana  pontificia 
di  archeologia " ;  "Me- 
langes d'archeologie  et 
d'histoire  de  I'^cole 
fran(;aise  de  Rome"; 
"  Riiraische  (Juartalsch- 
rif t ' ',  and  in  ot  her  Italian 
and  foreign  periodicals 
and  reviews.    A  few  of 


■  these  facts  De  Rossi's  learned  labours  and  extraor- 
inarj'  success  would  be  only  superficially  understood. 
By  his  peculiar  training,  therefore,  De  Rossi  was 
ell  fitted  to  understand  sympathetically  the  early 
hristian  literature,  as  well  as  the  rise  and  develop- 
lent  of  the  Roman  State  as  shown  in  the  monuments 


ing  this  work  (cf.  "Archivio  della  R.  Societi  Romana 
di  storia  patria",  1887,  696  sqq.;  also  the  s.ame  soci- 
ety's "Conferenze  pel  corso  di  metodologia  della 
storia",  part  III,  Rome,  1888).  (2)  "La  Roma  Sot- 
terranea  Cristiana"  (vol.  I  with  an  atlas  of  forty 
plates,  Home,  1864;  vol.  II  with  an  atlas  of  sixty-two 


has  left.     In  regard  to  the  Roman  State,  he  never     and  \,  B,  C,  D  plates,  Rome,  1867;  vol.  Ill  with  an 


Bid  the  somewhat  mechanical  and  no  longer  undis 
iited  fheorj-  of  Monun.sen.  lie  |)enetratcd  also  with 
larvellous  insight  the  growth  of  the  primitive  Chris- 
an  hierarchy.  .\mid  his  books  and  papers  De  Rossi 
ondered  over  the  ruins  of  the  temples  and  palaces  of 


atlas  of  fifty-two  plates,  Rome,  1877).  The  plates  for 
the  fourth  volume  were  already  (jrinted  in  jiart  when  De 
Rossi  died  (see  "BuUettino  di  archeologia  cristiana", 
1864,  I,  1864,  6.3-64;  1867,  11,  89-90;  1876,  III,  155- 
57).     (3)  "BuUettino  di  archeologia  cristiana";   the 


ntiquity;   reviewed  his  own  subterranean  explora-  first  series,  in  quarto,  appeared  in  monthly  mimbers 

ons;  followed  the  early  Christians  in  their  thoughts,  (1863-69),  with  illu.strations  in  the  text  and  coloured 

ishes,  hopes,  and  ideals:  contemplated  the  triumph  plates;    it  consisted  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six 

F  the  Church,  liberated  by  Constantine  the  Great  and  monographs  and  communications.     The  second  series, 

itering    triumphantly    the    basilicas;  and  gathered  in  octavo,  appeared  quarterly  (1870-75),  with  twelve 

omyellowed  manuscripts  the  traditions  that  a  learned  lithographic  plates  in  each  volume,  and  contained  al- 


DERR7 


742 


DERRY 


together  fifty-three  papers.  The  third  series,  also  in 
octavo,  appeared  (1876-81),  in  quarterly  numbers, 
each  volume  having  twelve  lithographic  plates;  the 
papers  numbered  altogether  fifty-one.  The  fourth 
series,  in  octavo,  appeared  in  yearly  volumes  (1882- 
89),  each  volume  having  twelve  lithographic  plates; 
the  six  volumes  contain  altogether  forty-three  papers. 
The  fifth  series,  in  octavo,  appeared  annually  (1889- 
94),  with  zincotype  plates  and  illustrations  in  the 
text;  the  last  number  was  issued  in  1894  by  Giuseppe 
Gatti.  The  final  volume  of  each  series  contained  a 
full  index  which  De  Rossi  prepared  with  the  greatest 
care.  (4)  "Musaici  delle  chiese  di  Roma  anteriori  al 
secolo  XV"  (Rome,  1872),  an  imperial  folio  consist- 
ing of  chromolithographic  plates  with  a  text  in  French 
and  Italian.  The  work  closed  with  the  twenty-fifth 
number,  issued  after  De  Rossi's  death.  (5)  "Codicum 
latinorum  bibliothecEe  Vaticanae",  vol.  X,  Pt.  I,  Nos. 
7245-8066,  Pt.  II,  Nos.  8067-8471;  vol.  XI,  Nos. 
8472-9019;  vol.  XII,  Nos.  9020-9445;  vol.  XIII, 
Nos.  9446-9849.  The  indexes  to  vols.  XI,  XII,  XIII, 
"Codicum  lat.  Vat."  are:  Pt.  I,  index  of  authors;  Pt. 
II,  index  of  places,  things,  and  persons.  These 
manuscript  indexes  are  used  as  reference  books  in  the 
Vatican  Library.  (6)  "  Inscriptiones  Urbis  Romse 
latinse.  Collegerunt  Gulielmus  Henzen  et  Johannes 
Baptista  de  Rossi.  Ediderunt  Eugenius  Bormann  et 
Gulielmus  Henzen"  (Berlin,  1876  — ).  This  consti- 
tutes the  sixth  volume  of  the  "Corpus  Inscriptionum 
Latinarum  consilio  et  auctoritate  academise  litter- 
arum  regije  BorussicEe  editura"  (Berlin).  The  in- 
vitation to  De  Rossi  to  act  as  one  of  the  leading  edi- 
tors was  given  22  January,  1854.  (7)  The  five  annual 
reports  (1854-58),  concerning  the  preparatory  work 
for  the  above-mentioned  "Corpus  Inscriptionum", 
which  appeared  in  the  monthly  bulletins  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Science  of  Berlin.  The  other  annual  re- 
ports have  not  been  published;  this  is  also  the  case 
with  De  Rossi's  synopses  of  the  epigraphical  manu- 
scripts in  the  libraries  of  Italy,  France,  Germany, 
Switzerland,  and  Austria.  The  last  named  summaries 
are  of  the  greatest  importance.  (8)  "(Euvres  com- 
pletes de  Bartolommeo  Borghesi "  (9  vols.,  Paris,  1862- 
84).  Napoleon  III  entrusted  the  task  of  collecting 
and  editing  the  works  and  letters  of  the  celebrated 
Borghesi  to  a  committee  of  French,  German,  and 
Italian  scholars,  among  whom  De  Rossi  may  be  said  to 
have  been  the  most  important  and  assiduous.  (9)  "  Mar- 
tyrologium  Hieronyinianum",  prepared  and  edited  in 
collaboration  with  Louis  Duchesne  in  vol.  I,  Novem- 
ber, of  the  Acta  SS.  (Brussels,  1894).  This  edition  is 
a  masterpiece  and  most  of  the  objections  raised  against 
it  by  German  scholars  are  of  little  importance. 

The  works  briefly  described  above  give  some  con- 
ception of  the  learned  labours  De  Rossi  carried  on  dur- 
ing his  life  They  are  proofs  of  the  genius  with  which 
he  grasped  a  subject,  of  his  extraordinary  industry,  his 
learned  mastery  of  the  most  varied  subjects,  and  the 
unwavering  determination  with  which  he  imeart.hed 
obscure  points;  they  also  show  the  triumphs  with 
which  his  toils  were  so  richly  crowned.  The  estima- 
tion in  which  his  work  was  held  is  proved  by  the  two 
international  celebrations  in  1882  and  1892  upon  his 
sixtieth  and  seventieth  birthdays. 

De  Rossi's  father  died  in  1850,  and  his  mother  in 
1861.  In  the  latter  year  he  married  Costanza, 
daughter  of  Count  Pietro  Bruno  di  San  Giorgio  Torna- 
fort  of  Piedmont,  by  whom  he  had  two  tlaughters; 
Marianna,  the  elder,  died  in  1864.  The  second,  Na- 
talia, born  in  1866,  married  the  Marchese  Filippo  Fer- 
raioli.  De  Rossi's  brother  Mifhcl<'  Sicfano  was  his 
zealous  assistant  in  the  exploratimi  of  the  catacombs; 
the  geological  questions  cotiiH'ctid  witli  tlie.se  subter- 
ranean places  of  burial  and  all  kindred  subjects  are 
treated  by  Micheh;  in  separate  papers  in  "  Roma  Sot- 
terranea".  He  also  prepared  the  very  accurate  plans 
of  the  catacombs.     De  Rossi  was  a  portly  man  of  fine 


appearance,  somewhat  over  the  middle  height.  The 
full,  well-proportioned  face  was  surrounded  by  a 
grayish  beard  which  left  the  chin  free.  The  clear,  calm 
eyes  lost  much  of  their  strength,  so  that  he  could  not 
always  supervise  properly  the  work  of  his  painters  and 
draughtsmen  in  the  catacombs.  This  explains  the 
numerous  inaccurate  illustrations  in  his  works  which 
Wilpert  has  corrected.  The  smoothly  brushed  hair 
gave  greater  prominence  to  the  high  domed  forehead. 
In  walking  De  Rossi  bent  slightly  forward,  which  man- 
nerism gave  to  his  gait  an  appearance  of  much  delib- 
erateness.  On  the  street  he  was  generally  busy  with  a 
book  or  pamphlet.  De  Ro.ssi  heard  Mass  every  day 
and  went  to  Communion  nearly  every  week.  Gener- 
ous, unobtrusive  charity  was  a  second  nature  with 
him.  Every  evening  he  gathered  all  the  members  of 
his  household  about  him  for  the  recitation  of  the  ros- 
ary. Although  he  very  often  received  tempting  offers 
to  desert  the  cause  of  the  Holy  See  and  join  the  party 
of  United  Italy,  he  rejected  all  such  proposals,  even 
when  they  came  from  the  highest  authorities.  On 
this  point  he  was  absolutely  immovable.  A  few 
months  after  the  international  celebration  of  his  sev- 
entieth birthday  in  1892,  De  Rossi  had  an  attack  of 
apoplexy  from  which  he  never  entirely  recovered. 
Unable  after  this  to  use  his  right  hand  he  continued  to 
write  with  the  left  for  the  "Bullettino"  and  in  making 
the  corrections  to  the  "Martyrologium".  But  his 
days  were  numbered.  In  the  summer  of  1894  Leo 
XIII  offered  him  the  use  of  an  apartment  in  the  papal 
palace  at  Castel  Gandolfo,  where  he  peacefully  passed 
away,  a  true  son  of  the  Church.  He  was  buried  in  the 
Agro  Verano  (general  cemetery)  at  Rome. 

Baumgarten,  Giovanni  Battista  De  Rossi,  jubilee  monograph 
(Cologne,  1892),  enlarged  Ital.  trans,  by  Bon.wenia  (Rome, 
1892) ;  Marucchi,  Giovanni  Battista  De  Rossi:  Cenni  bioprafici 
(Rome,  1903);  Konversalionslex.  (St.  Louis,  Missouri,  1903),  II, 
1163;  Kraus,  Essays  (Stuttgart,  1896),  I;  Baumgarten, 
Nekrolog.  in  Kvlnische  Volkszeitung  (No.  639,  28  Oct.,  1894); 
Capecelatho,  Necrologia  in  the  Atti  della  Pontificia  Acca- 
demia  Ronunui  di  Archeologia,  printed  in  supplement  to  No. 
273  of  the  Ossenatore  Romano  (29  Nov.,  1894);  Shahan,  John 
Bapti'jt  De  Rossi  in  Am.  Oath.  Quart.  Review  (Philadelphia, 
1S95):  cf.  Dissertazioni  della  Pont.  Accad.  Romana  di  Archeol. 
(Rome,  1895),  Ser.  II,  Vol.  VI.  Fasc.  iv,  1-25;  Grossi-Gondi 
AND  Angelini,  a  Giovanni  Battista  De  Rossi,  address  at  the 
dedication  of  the  cenotaph  in  the  parish  church  of  Castel  Gan- 
dolfo, 17  Oct.,  1897.  in  La  Settimana  Retigiosa  (Rome,  1897). 
Information  concerning  his  writings  and  the  festal  celebrations 
of  1882  and  1892  are  contained  in:    Albo  dei  sottoscrittori  per  la 


?daglia  d' 
rclazione  della  soh  n  i 
bre  ;SS2  (Rome.  1^- 
del  Comm.  G.  B.  1 1< 
net  di  SO  e  35  Aprii 
giare  il  settantes ' 


,1,1  r. 


mendatore  Gio.  Bail.  De  Rossi  e 
l>i,  ,  ntarla  in  Laterano  il  11  Decern- 
(  nttoscrittori  pel  busto  marmoreo 
!:i,'ne  dell'  inangurazione  fattane 
,"u  d  eimitero  di  Callisto  per  festeq' 
del  principe  della  sacra  archeologia 
(Rome,  1892).  The  two  last-named  publications  printed  pri- 
vately give  the  best  account  of  De  Rossi's  literary  work,  and  of 
his  important  position  in  the  international  world  of  letters. 
Cozz.A-Luzl,  La  dedica  del  busto  di  Giovanni  Battista  De  A'.i.ss? 
nella  Pont.  Accademia  Rom.  di  Archeologia  il  If^  Nov.,  J.sYC,  in 
Dissertazioni  della  Pont.  Ace.  (Rome,  1897),  Ser.  II,  Vol.  \'I. 
De  Ro.ssi's  library  came,  by  inheritance,  to  the  family  of  hi; 
brother  which  eventually  offered  it  for  .sale;  the  first  cataloKu( 
of  it  was:  Ricca  biblioteca  appartenuta  al  Comm.  G.  B.  De  Ross 
(Rome,  1899);  Bar  (a  second-hand  bookseller)  of  Frankfor 
bought  it  and  issued  a  scientitically  arranged  catalogue.  .\c 
counts  of  De  Rossi  are  to  be  found  in  all  general  encydope^lias 
the  writers  of  the  obituaries  which  appeared  after  his  deati 
were  seldom  versed  in  Christian  archa'oiogy. 

Paul  Maria  Baumgarten. 


Derry  (Deria),  Diocese  of  (DERRiENSis),includ( 
nearly  all  the  County  Derry,  part  of  Donegal,  and  a  larg 
portion  of  Tyrone,  Ireland';  it  is  a  suffragan  of  Armagl 
The  diocese  owes  its  origin  to  the  monastic  establisl 
ment  foimded  there  by  St.  Columba  between  546  an: 
562.  But  there  does  not  seem  to  have  been  a  bisho' 
resident  at  Derry  before  Gervase  O'Cervallen  (e.  1230, 
The  entry  in  the  "Annals"  by  which  O'Brolchain  ; 
represented  tis  Bishop  of  Derry  is  due  to  a  mistransb' 
tion.  lie  was  merely  the  superior  of  the  Cohunbs' 
monastic  hou.ses,  .and  w:is  accorded  the  honour  of  ' 
se;it  in  the  assembly  of  the  bi.shops.  The  prcser 
Diocese  of  Derry  was  formed  by  a  imion  of  the  o 
Sees  of  Rathlure  and  .•Vrdstraw  founded  by  St.  B'' 


DERRY 


743 


DESAINS 


gene,  at  what  time  cannot  be  accurately  determined, 
and  it  was  fully  defined  about  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth century.  The  ancient  nion;ustcry  of  Derry  was 
one  of  the  most  important  in  Ireland,  and  eventually 
the  chief  house  of  the  Coluniban  monks.  Gilla  Mac- 
Leag  (Gelasius)  who  succeeded  St.  Malachy  as  Arch- 
bishop of  Armagh  (1136)  had  been  abbot  of  the  mon- 
astery. 

After  the  formation  of  the  diocese  in  the  thirteenth 
century  the  succession  of  bishops  was  uninterrupted  till 
the  Reformation  period.  Redmond  O'Gallagher,  ap- 
pointed bishop  in  1569,  was  one  of  the  leading  ecclesi- 
astics in  the  province  of  Armagh  at  that  period.  He 
was  appointed  Administrator  of  Armagh  during  the 
absence  of  the  primate  in  1575,  and  according  to  a 
State  paper  (1592)  he  seems  to  have  been  the  most  act- 
ive upholder  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Ulster.  He  was 
killed  by  a  body  of  soldiers  in  1601.     From  1601  till 


The  Cathedral,  Derry 


168.3  the  Diocese  of  Derry  was  administered  by  \icars. 
From  the  appointment  of  Bernard  O'Cahan  in  1683, 
the  line  of  bishops  in  Derry  has  been  continued  with- 
out interruption. 

Tlie  population  of  Deny  according  to  the  census  of 
1901  was  222,505,  127,387  of  whom  were  Catholics. 
It  is  divided  into  thirty-nine  parishes,  two  of  these 
being  mensal  parishes ;  the  remainder  are  held  by  parish 
priests.  The  number  of  priests  in  the  diocese  is  about 
108.  There  is  no  chapter  ( 1908),  nor  is  there  any  house 
of  the  regular  clergj-  in  the  diocese.  The  seat  of  the 
bishop  is  in  the  city  of  Derry  where  are  also  situated 
the  new  cathedral  and  St.  Columb's  C'ollege  which 
serves  at  the  same  time  the  purpose  of  a  seminary  and 
a  general  intermediate  school,  and  is  one  of  the  most 
successful  educational  establishments  in  Ireland. 
,  There  is  also  a  flourishing  intermediate  school  at 
Omagh  conducted  by  the  Iri.sh  Christian  Brothers. 
The  .Sisters  of  Mercy  have  convents  in  Derry,  Moville, 
.  Strahane,  and  Camdonagh;  the  Loretto  Community 
have  a  house  at  Omagh,  while  the  Sisters  of  Nazareth 
conduct  a  home  for  the  aged  of  both  sexes  and  one  for 
children  in  Derrj'.  The  primary  schools  are  con- 
ducted according  to  the  rules  of  the  Board  of  Na- 
tional Education,  while  the  Model  Schools  in  Derry 


have   been   completely   boycotted   by    the   Catholic 
population. 

Gams.  Srri,  r,.^  i  l: :ii;-^l...ii.  1S73):  EuBKL.  lliernrchia 
Calholica  elv  M  "  u,  i^ms.;  Wske,  Irish  Bishops:  Abcb- 
l)ALl,.  A/oM.v^i .       /;  '„   ( liul.hn.  1786);    Adamnan,  Z-i/e 

of  Columba,  v<\.  I; i  i  m  ^  1 1  ii,i,hii,  ls,^)7). 

J.\MES  MacCaffrey. 

Derry,  School  of. — This  was  the  first  foundation 
of  St.  Columba,  the  great  Apostle  of  Scotland,  and  one 
of  the  three  patron  saints  of  Ireland.  When  a  terrible 
plague,  known  as  the  Buidhe  Connnill  or  the  Yellow 
Plague,  dispersed  the  monks  of  the  monastery  of 
Glasnevin  in  the  year  544,  Columba  instinctively 
turned  his  footsteps  towards  his  native  territory,  and, 
full  of  the  spirit  of  monasticism,  bethought  himself 
of  fovmding  his  first  monastery  there,  amongst  his 
own  kith  and  kin.  An  excellent  site  of  200  acres 
was  offered  to  him  by  his  princely  cousin,  Aedh, 
son  of  .\inmire,  and  the  necessary  permLssion  of  his 
master,  St.  Mobhi  (^larainech,  given  with  his  dying 
breath,  was  immediately  forthcoming.  And  so,  a 
few  miles  from  Aileeh,  "the  stone-hill  fortress  of  the 
Hy-Neill",  and  close  beside  a  beautiful  oak  grove 
which  gave  the  place  its  name — Doire  Colgaigh,  or  the 
oak  wood  of  Colgagh — Columba  built  his  church  and 
several  cells  for  his  first  monks  and  disciples.  This, 
according  to  the  "Annals  of  Ulster",  was  in  the  year 
545  (correctly,  546).  Students  both  clerical  and  lay 
flocked  hither  from  all  sides  attracted  by  the  imme- 
diate fame  of  the  new  school,  and  the  character  of  its 
foimder.  For  several  years  Columba  himself  guided 
its  destinies,  and  then,  in  pursuance  of  his  apostolic 
vocation,  he  left  to  establi-sh  and  govern  the  second  of 
his  great  schools  amid  the  oak  woods  of  Durrow  in 
the  King's  County.  But  whether  in  Derry  or  away 
from  it,  in  Durrow  or  Kells,  or  in  distant  lona,  the 
saint's  heart  was  ever  with  his  first  foundation,  and 
often  in  the  tenderest  poetry  he  poured  out  his  love 
for  "My  Derry,  mine  own  little  grove",  with  its 
"crowds  of  white  angels  from  one  end  to  the  other". 

For  centvn-ies  after  Columba's  death  the  School  of 
Derry  continued  to  flourish,  and  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, it  was  said  to  be  the  most  important  of  the 
Columban  foundations  in  Ireland.  To  this  period, 
the  most  glorious  of  its  history,  belong  the  names  of 
several  members  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Brolchain 
— saints,  scholars,  and  builders — as  well  as  that  of  the 
illustrious  Gelasius,  successor  of  St.  Malachy  in  the 
primacy  of  Ireland.  Like  all  similar  institutions  it 
suffered  severely  from  the  ravages  of  the  Danes.  It 
survived  these,  to  disappear  completely,  however,  in 
the  general  devastation  of  monasteries  that  took  place 
in  Ireland  in  the  sixteenth  century.  (See  Columba, 
Saint.) 

Adamnan,  Vila  Columba;  ed.  Fowler  (London,  1895); 
Whitley  Stokes,  Livrs  of  Saints  Irom  the  Book  of  Lismore,  in 
Anecdutn  Oxonien.  (Oxford.  1890).  V  ;  HE\l.y,  Ireland's  Ancumt 
Schools  and  Sdiolars  (Dublin.  1890). 

John  Hf.aly. 
Dervish.     See  Mohammedanism. 

Desains,  Paul-Quentin.  physicist,  b.  at  St- 
Quentin,  France,  12  July,  1817;  d.  at  Paris,  3  May, 
1885.  He  made  his  literarj-  studies  at  the  College  des 
Bons-Enfants  in  his  native  town  and  then  entered  the 
Lycfie  Louis-le-Grand  in  Paris.  Here  he  distin- 
gi'iished  himself,  taking  the  first  prize  in  physics.  In 
1835  he  entered  the  science  section  of  the  Ecole  Nor- 
male  where  his  brother  Edouard  had  preceded  him. 
He  made  the  acquaintance  there  of  La  Provostaye 
who  was  at  the  time  a  surveilhnt  and  who  became 
his  lifelong  friend  and  his  associate  in  his  researches. 
After  completing  his  course,  he  accepted  a  professor- 
ship in  1839  at  Caen,  and  in  1841  returned  to  Paris 
where  he  received  similar  appointments,  first  at  the 
LycC'C  St-Louis  and  later  at  the  Lyc^'C  Condorcet, 
where  he  succeeded  La  Provostaye  who  was  forced  to 
retire  on  account  of  ill-health.     His  growing  reputa- 


DESAULT 


744 


DESCARTES 


tion  won  for  him  in  1853  the  chair  of  physics  at  the 
Sorbonne  which  he  held  for  thirty-two  years.  His 
lectures  were  characterized  by  great  clearness  and  pre- 
cision and  many  of  his  experimental  illustrations  were 
devised  or  improved  by  him. 

Between  1858  and  1861  he  made  many  observations 
in  connexion  with  terrestrial  magnetism.  His  most 
important  contributions  to  physics,  however,  were  his 
researches  on  radiant  heat  made  in  conjunction  with 
La  Provostaye.  With  rare  experimental  skill  the  two 
physicists  proved  that  radiant  heat,  like  light,  is  a  dis- 
turbance set  up  in  the  ether  and  propagated  in  all  di- 
rections by  transverse  waves.  They  showed  in  a  series 
of  "M^moircs"  published  in  the  "Annales  de  Chimie 
et  de  Physique"  that  it  manifests  the  characteris- 
tic phenomena  of  reflection,  refraction,  and  polariza- 
tion, as  well  as  of  emission  and  absorption.  They  also 
made  a  study  of  the  latent  heat  of  fusion  of  ice,  and 
a  careful  investigation  of  the  range  of  applicability  of 
the  formula  of  Dulong  and  Petit  representing  the  law 
of  cooling.  Of  no  less  importance,  however,  was 
Desain's  work  in  connexion  with  the  establishment  and 
development  of  laboratory  instruction  in  physics. 
When  the  "Ecole  pratique  des  hautes  etudes"  was 
founded  in  1869  he  was  commissioned  to  organize  the 
physical  laboratory.  He  made  it  a  model  of  its  kind 
both  in  completeness  and  in  convenience  of  detail. 
During  the  siege  of  Paris  in  1870,  he  succeeded  after 
many  difficulties  in  establishing  electrical  communica- 
tion with  d'Alm^ida  who  was  outside  the  lines.  The 
exposure  he  underwent  brought  on  a  rheumatism 
which  greatly  weakened  his  constitution.  Desains 
published  a  "Traite  de  Physique"  (Paris,  1855)  and 
numerous  articles,  chiefly  with  La  Provostaye.  Among 
them  are:  "Recherches  sur  la  chaleur  latente  de 
fusion  de  la  glace"  (Ann.  de  chim.  et  de  phys.  [3], 
VIII,  5);  "Notes  et  m^moires  sur  les  lois  du  rayonne- 
ment  de  la  chaleur"  (ibid.,  XII,  129,  XVI,  337,  XXII, 
358);  "M^moire  sur  la  polarisation  de  la  chaleur" 
(ibid,  XXVII,  109,  232,  XXVIII,  252,  XXX,  159); 
"Memoire  sur  les  anneaux  colores"  (ibid.,  XXVII, 
423);  "Memoire  sur  la  reflexion  de  la  chaleur" 
(ibid.,  XXX,  276);  "Memoires  sur  la  determination 
du  pouvoir  absorbant  des  corps  pour  la  chaleur  rayon- 
nante"  (XXX,  431);  etc. 

Troost  in  Comptes-Rendus,  ix,  1259;   Mezieres,  ibid, 

H.  M.  Brock. 

Desault,  Pierre-Joseph,  surgeon  and  anatomist, 
b.  at  Magny-Vernois  a  small  town  of  Franche-Comtd, 
France,  in  1744;  d.  1  June,  1795.  His  parents  were 
poor  and  he  received  his  education  from  the  Jesuits. 
He  began  his  studies  for  the  priesthood  but  gave  this 
up  for  the  study  of  medicine.  His  means  not  per- 
mitting him  to  go  to  a  regular  school  of  medicine  he 
became  an  assistant  to  the  barber-surgeon  of  his  na- 
tive village  and  then  took  a  similar  post  at  the  mili- 
tary hospital  of  Belfort.  His  favourite  studies  were 
anatomy  and  mathematics  and  he  applied  mathe- 
matical principles  to  his  anatomical  investigations. 
Borelli  had  done  this  with  excellent  results  and  De- 
sault translated  Borelli's  "De  Motu  Animalium"  with 
notes  and  illustrations.  He  was  not  yet  twenty  when 
he  went  to  Paris  where,  in  1766,  after  two  years,  he 
opened  a  school  of  anatomy.  So  practical  and  thor- 
ough were  his  methods  of  teaching  that  he  soon  had 
three  hundred  students,  many  of  them  older  than 
himself.  In  order  to  protect  himself  from  professional 
jealousy,  as  he  had  no  degree,  he  opened  his  school 
under  the  name  of  a  man  already  privileged  to  teach 
but  whose  name  is  not  now  known.  Teaching  brought 
him  reputation  but  not  much  profit,  and  when  in  1776 
he  was  admitted  to  the  Academy  of  Surgeons,  he  was 
allowed  to  pay  his  fees  by  instalments.  In  1782  he 
became  chief  surgeon  to  the  Charity  Hospital  and  not 
long  after  surgeon  to  the  Hotel-Dieu.  He  was  now 
looked  upon  as  the  most  prominent  surgeon  in  Paris 


and  founded  a  school  of  clinical  surgery  which  at- 
tracted students  from  all  sides.  In  1793  he  was  im- 
prisoned by  the  revolutionary  authorities  but  after 
three  days  was  liberated  through  the  influence  of  his 
patients.  He  died  from  pneumonia,  the  result  of  ex- 
posure whUe  attending  the  Dauphin  in  the  Temple. 
He  wrote  a  treatise  on  surgical  operations  in  three 
volumes ;  a  treatise  on  fractures  and  luxations,  edited 
by  Xavier  Bichat,  was  published  after  his  death  and 
was  translated  into  English  in  1805  going  through 
three  American  editions.  Desaiflt's  contributions  to 
surgery  are  contained  in  the  "Journal  de  Chirurgie" 
published  by  himself  and  pupils. 

Petit.  Eloge  de  Desault   (Lyons,   1795);    Gderin,  Disamrs 
in  Bulletin  de  V Academie  de  medicine  (Paris,  1876). 

James  J.  Walsh. 

Descartes,  Rene  (Ren.\t0s  Cartesids),  philos- 
opher and  scientist,  b.  at  La  Haye,  France,  31  March, 
1596;  d.  at  Stockliolm,  Sweden,  11  Feb.,  1650.  He 
studied  at  the  Jesuit  college  of  La  Fleche,  one  of  the 
most  famous  schools  of  the  time.  In  1613  he  went  to 
Paris,  where  he  formed  a  lasting  friendship  with  Father 
Mersenne,  O.  F.  M..  and  made  the  acc|uaintance  of  the 
mathematician  Mydorge.  He  afterwards  enlisted  in 
the  armies  of  Maurice  of  Nassau,  and  of  the  Duke  of 
Bavaria.  On  10  November,  1619,  he  felt  a  strong 
impulse  to  set  aside  the  prejudices  of  his  childhood  and 
of  his  environment,  and  to  devote  his  life  to  the  res- 
toration of  human  knowledge,  which  was  then  in  a 
state  of  decadence ;  and  for  him  this  mission  took  on 
quite  a  mystical  character.  He  had  a  dream  which  he 
interpreted  as  a  revelation,  and  he  became  convinced 
that  "it  was  the  Spirit  of  Truth  that  willed  to  open 
for  him  all  the  treasures  of  knowledge".  After  much 
journeying  in  Brittany,  Poitou,  Switzerland,  and 
Italy,  he  returned  to  Paris  in  1625.  There  he  re- 
mained for  two  years  during  which  it  was  his  fortime !  • 
to  meet  Cardinal  BeruUe  who  encouraged  him  in  his 
scientific  vocation.  But  as  Paris  offered  neither  the 
peace  nor  the  independence  his  work  demanded,  he  set 
out  in  1629  for  Holland,  and  there  in  the  midst  of  a 
commercial  people  he  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  li\  ihl; 
as  quietly  as  in  a  desert.  From  this  retreat  he  ga\i'  to 
the  world  his  "Discours  de  la  methode"  (lti:;7) 
"Meditations"  (1641),  "Principes"  (1644),  and  "  I'as 
sions"(1649).  "Le  Monde"  had  been  completeii  ii; 
1633,  but  the  condemnation  of  Galileo  frightinr.: 
Descartes  who  preferred  to  avoid  all  collision  \\itl 
ecclesiastical  authoritj\  He  deferred  the  publicatior,.,^ 
of  this  clever  work  without,  however,  losmg  hope  oijij.,, 
eventually  bringing  it  out.  In  1649,  yielding  to  th<I|„ 
entreaties  of  Queen  Christina,  he  went  to  Sweden,  an(»-- 
died  at  Stockholm  of  inflammation  of  the  lungs. 

Descartes'  work  is  important  rather  because  nf  it 
quality  than  of  its  quantity.  Let  us  see  first  of  al 
wherein  his  method  is  new.  He  observed,  as  Bacoii 
had  already  done  before  him,  that  there  is  no  questioij 
on  which  men  agree.  "There  is  nothing",  he  saysj 
"so  evident  or  so  certain  that  it  may  not  be  contrC| 
verted.  Whence  then  this  widespread  and  deepi 
rooted  anarchy?  From  the  fact  that  our  inquirif 
are  haphazard  "  (Regies  pour  la  direction  de  l'e.-;]iri 
4®  Regie).  The  first  problem,  then,  is  to  discmt 
a  scientific  method.  How  is  success  in  this  ditliin 
task  to  be  assured?  To  begin  with,  we  must  cease  ( 
rely  on  authority;  and  for  two  principal  reasons.  '1 
whom  can  we  trust"  when  "there  is  hardly  a  stat 
ment  made  by  one  man,  of  which  the  opposite  is  w 
loudly  supported  by  some  other?"  And  even  "if  : 
were  agreed,  the  knowledge  of  their  teaching  wou 
not  suffice  us."  "Had  we  by  rote  all  the  argumen|| 
of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  we  should  not  be  any  the  mon 
philosophers  unless  we  were  able  to  bring  to  bear  (| 
any  given  question  a  solid  judgment  of  our  own.  Vj 
should  have  indeed  learned  history  but  not  master;^ 
a  science"  (3''  Regie).     Philosophy  presupposes  tij 


DESCARTES 


745 


DESCARTES 


understanding  of  problems — and  consequently  its 
method  cannot  be  external,  it  must  be  essentially  im- 
manent. The  true  method  is  to  seek  for  reasonable 
evidence  and  the  norm  of  such  evidence  is  to  be  found 
in  the  science  of  mathematics  (Discours  de  la 
mcthode,  2"  partie).  "It  is  not  that  arithmetic  and 
Koometry  are  the  only  sciences  to  be  learned,  but  that 
he  who  would  progress  on  the  road  to  truth  must  not 
delay  over  any  object  about  which  he  cannot  have  a 
certainty  equal  to  that  given  by  arithmetical  and 
geometrical  demonstrations"  (2"  Regie). 

Is  everything,  then,  capable  of  being  known  in  this 
way,  antl  consequently  can  human  knowledge  become 
the  complete  coimterpart  of  reality?  Descartes  says 
so  over  and  over  again;  it  is  his  controlling  idea; 
[ind  he  endeavours  to  prove  it  both  from  the  nature  of 
3ur  thought  and  from  the  universal  connexion  of 
things.  The  mind  is  equally  intelligent  however  di- 
verse the  objects  it  considers;  and  those  objects  be- 
cause of  their  perfect  enchainment  are  always  equally 
intelligible.  There  is,  therefore,  no  question  "so  far 
removed  from  us  as  to  be  beyond  our  reach  or  so 
deeply  hidden  that  we  cannot  discover  it",  provided 
3nly  that  we  persevere  and  follow  the  right  method 
(Disc,  de  la  meth.  2"  partie;  4"  Regie).  Such  is  the 
rationalism  of  Descartes,  surpassing  even  that  of 
Plato,  in  which  under  the  name  of  "the  Infinite" 
three-fourths  of  reality  remains  for  ever  imknowable. 

How  then  is  this  mathematical  evidence  to  be  ob- 
tained. Tn'o  methods,  dangerous  at  once  and  sterile, 
must  be  avoided.  We  cannot  build  on  the  experience 
af  our  senses ;  "for  they  are  often  fleceptive",  and  con- 
sequently need  a  control  which  they  have  not  in  them- 
seh-es.  Bacon  was  misled  on  this  point  (2"  Regie). 
Neither  can  we  adopt  the  syllogistic  method;  for 
this  is  not,  as  was  formerly  thought,  a  means  of  dis- 
covery. It  is  simply  a  process  in  which,  two  terms 
being  given,  we  find  by  means  of  a  third  that  the 
former  two  are  linked  together,  i.  e.  that  they  have 
some  common  characteristic.  Now  if  they  have  this 
common  characteristic  it  is  useless  to  search  for  it  with 
my  light  other  than  their  own.  Let  them  pass  under 
direct  scrutiny;  let  their  natures  be  studied,  and  in 
time  the  common  trait  will  reveal  itself.  This  is  the 
mind's  straight  road  to  discoverj',  passing  on  from  one 
idea  to  another  without  the  aid  of  a  third.  The  syllo- 
^sm  is  of  no  use  until  the  discoverj'  has  been  made ;  it 
simply  .serves  the  purpose  of  exposition  (14"  Regie). 
Tliere  are  but  two  ways  leading  to  mathematical 
pvitlcnce:  intuition  and  deduction  (3"  Regie).  Intui- 
tion "  is  the  conception  formed  by  an  attentive  mind, 
so  clear  and  distinct  that  it  admits  of  no  doubt:  or, 
what  amounts  to  the  same  thing,  it  is  the  clear  con- 
ception of  a  soimd  and  attentive  mind,  the  product  of 
unaided  reason"  (3^  Regie).  Intuition  is  not,  there- 
fore, perception  by  the  senses — it  is  an  act  of  the 
understanding  brought  to  bear  on  an  idea.  The 
senses  do  not  supply  the  object  but  merely  the  occa- 
sion. A  movement,  for  instance,  awakens  in  us  the 
idea  of  motion,  and  it  is  that  idea  we  must  regard  as 
the  object  of  intuition.  In  very  simple  matters  in- 
tuition acts  quickly;  thus  "everj'one  can  know  in- 
tuitively that  he  exists;  that  a  triangle  is  terminated 
by  three  angles,  neither  more  nor  less,  and  that  a  globe 
ha,«  liut  one  surface"  (.3"  Regie;  12"  Regie;  K6p.  aux 
deux  objections).  In  the  case  of  objects  more  or  less 
complex,  intuition  proceeds  by  way  of  analysis. 
Since  it  deals  with  ideas,  and  ideas  are  but  one  aspect 
of  thought,  everj-thing  must  be  reduced  to  clear  and 
distinct  elements,  to  ultimate  or  "indecomposable" 
parts.  The.se  ultimate  parts  must  be  inspected  one 
after  another,  until  the  object  is  exhausted.  "  by  pas.s- 
ing  from  those  that  are  easilj'  known  to  those  that  are 
less  easily  known"  I'fi"  R^gle).  In  the  long  run  every- 
thing will  be  spread  out  in  full  light. 

Dedurtion  is  the  process  in  which  by  a  continuous 
movement  of  thought  we  draw  from  a  thing  that  we 


certainly  know  the  conclusions  that  of  necessity  flow 
from  it.  This  procedure  may  be  carried  on  in  two 
ways.  "  If,  for  instance,  after  various  calculations  I 
discover  the  relation  between  the  quantities  A  and  B, 
between  B  and  C,  between  C  and  D,  and  lastly  be- 
tween D  and  E  I  do  not  yet  know  the  relation  be- 
tween A  and  E";  but  I  can  infer  it  by  retracting  the 
several  steps  of  the  series.  This  is  the  first  form  of 
detluction  (7"  Regie).  There  is  a  second  form  in 
which,  the  connecting  links  of  the  series  being  too 
numerous  to  enter  the  mental  field  of  vision  all  at  once, 
we  are  content  to  draw  conclusions  from  the  general 
impression  we  have  of  the  series  (7"  Regie).  De- 
duction is  an  intellectual  process,  but  it  differs  from 
intuition  by  bringing  in  memory  as  a  factor.  And 
this  is  noteworthy  in  view  of  the  important  role  that 
memory  plays  in  the  Cartesian  explanation  of  certi- 
tude, and  the  desperate  effort  he  makes  to  defend  this 
procedure.  From  the  conspicuous  place  that  reason 
holds  in  the  Cartesian  method,  one  might  infer  that 
there  was  no  room  for  experience.  Nothing  could  be 
less  true.  For  Descartes,  as  for  Bacon,  the  one  pur- 
pose of  science  is  utility.  He  also  expects  from  it  a 
continual  betterment  of  the  conditions  of  human  life, 
and  his  hopes  in  that  direction  go  very  far,  as,  for  in- 
stance, when  he  says  of  medicine  that  in  the  end  it 
would  procure  us  the  boon  of  immortality  (Disc, 
de  la  m(?th.  6"  partie).  And  as  he  who  wills  the  end 
wills  the  means  also,  Descartes  accepts  in  its  entirety 
the  experimental  part  of  the  Baconian  method  (let- 
ter to  Mcrsenne,  1631),  and  acts  accordingly.  He 
put  himself  in  touch  with  all  the  experimental  work  of 
his  day  (letter,  April,  1632),  urged  others  to  take  up 
research  (letter  to  Mersenne,  1632),  and  carried  on 
experiments  of  his  own  that  covered  a  wide  range  of 
subjects:  the  weight  of  air  (letter,  2  June,  1631),  the 
laws  of  sound  and  light  (letter,  1633);  the  essential 
differences  between  oils,  spirits,  eaux-de-vie,  common 
waters,  aquafortis,  and  salts.  He  dissected  the 
heads  of  various  animals  to  show  the  workings  of  mem- 
ory and  imagination  (cf.  letters  to  Mersenne,  1633; 
April,  1637;  13  November,  16.39;  4  Januarj-,  1643, 
ed.  Cousin,  Paris,  1826).  There  was  hardly  a  fact 
that  escaped  this  apologist  of  Reason  nor  anything 
into  whose  hidden  nature  he  did  not  inquire;  even  the 
"Chasse  de  Pan"  he  followed  with  his  accustomed 
ardour. 

But  if  the  mind,  moving  as  it  does  in  the  realm  of 
intelligible  objects,  have  a  power  of  intuition  sufficient 
to  master  them  all,  why  these  researches?  Are  they 
not  a  hindrance  rather  than  a  help?  Let  deduction 
but  go  on  to  the  end,  and  it  must  assuredly  attain  that 
exhaustive  knowledge  which  is  the  goal  of  investiga- 
tion, but  such  is  not  the  case.  Experiment  helps  rea- 
soning in  more  ways  than  one.  It  supplies  the  fact 
that  calls  forth  in  our  intelligence  the  idea  of  the  prob- 
lem to  be  solved.  That  idea  once  aroused,  the  intelli- 
gence takes  hold  of  it,  and  may  produce  many  others, 
according  to  the  nature  of  which  experience  and  rea- 
son play  reciprocal,  yet  different,  roles.  The  idea  of  a 
problem  may  be  so  simple  as  to  allow  a  mathematical 
deduction  of  the  properties  of  the  object  in  question, 
and  nothing  more.  In  this  case  experiment  is  called 
in  only  by  way  of  illustration,  as  happens,  for  in- 
stance, in  the  study  of  the  laws  of  motion.  (Cf. 
Principes,  2"  partie.)  But  again  the  idea  of  a  prol> 
lem  may  be  so  complex  as  to  suggest  various  hy- 
potheses, since  principles  as  a  rule  are  so  fruitful  that 
we  can  draw  from  them  more  than  we  see  in  the  world 
around  us.  We  must  then  choose  from  among  the 
hypotheses  presented  by  the  intellect  that  which  cor- 
responds most  nearly  to  the  facts:  and  experiment  is 
our  only  resource.  It  acts  as  a  sort  of  guide  to  ra- 
tional deduction.  It  sets  up,  so  to  say,  a  number  of 
sign-posts  which  point  out,  at  the  cross-roads  of  logic, 
the  right  direction  to  the  world  of  f.-icts.  Finally,  we 
may  be  confronted  with  two  or  more  hypotheBes 


DESCARTES 


746 


DESCARTES 


equally  applicable  to  the  known  facts;  observations 
must  then  be  multiplied  until  we  discover  some  pecu- 
liarity which  determines  our  choice:  and  thus  experi- 
ment becomes  a  real  means  of  verification  (Principes, 
4®  partie).  In  every  case  experiment  is,  as  it  were, 
the  matter,  while  calculation  becomes  the  form.  In 
the  physical  world  there  is  nothing  but  motion  and 
extension,  nothing  but  quantity.  Everything  can  be 
reduced  to  numerical  proportions,  and  this  reduction 
is  the  final  object  of  science.  To  understantl  means 
to  know  in  terms  of  mathematics.  When  this  final 
stage  is  reached,  intelligence  and  experience  unite 
in  closest  bonds:  the  intellect  setting  its  seal  on  ex- 
perience and  endowing  it  with  intelligibility. 

Such  is  the  method  of  Descartes.  There  remains  to 
be  seen  what  use  he  ma.kes  of  it.  Recourse  must  be 
had  to  provisional  doubt  as  the  only  means  of  distin- 
guishing the  true  from  the  false  in  the  labyrinth  of 
contradictory  opinions  which  are  lield  in  the  schools 
and  in  the  world  at  large.  AVe  must  needs  imitate 
those  builders  who,  in  order  to  erect  a  lofty  structure, 
begin  by  digging  deep,  so  that  the  foundations  may  be 
laid  on  the  rock  and  solid  ground  (Remarques  sur  les 
7^^  objections,  ed.  Charpentier,  Paris;  cf.  Disc,  de  la 
m^thode,  3"  partie).  And  this  provisional  doubt 
goes  very  deep  indeed.  We  may  reject  the  evidence 
of  the  senses  for  they  are  deceptive,  "and  it  is  but  the 
part  of  prudence  never  to  trust  absolutely  what  has 
once  deceived  us"  (V  Meditation).  We  may  even 
question  whether  there  be  "any  earth  or  sky  or 
other  extended  body  " ;  for,  supposing  that  nothing  of 
the  sort  exist,  I  can  still  have  the  impression  of  their 
existence  as  I  had  before ;  this  is  plain  from  the  phe- 
nomena of  madness  and  dreams.  What  is  more,  the 
very  simplest  and  clearest  truths  are  not  free  from 
suspicion.  "  How  do  I  know  that  God  has  not  so  ar- 
ranged it  that  I  am  deceived  each  time  I  add  two  and 
three  together,  or  number  the  sides  of  a  square,  or  form 
some  judgment  still  more  simple,  if  indeed  anj^thing 
more  simple  can  be  imagined"  (3''  Meditation). 
What  then  remains  intact?  One  thing  only,  the 
fact  of  my  thought  itself.  But  if  I  think  it  is  because 
I  exist,  for  from  the  one  to  the  other  of  these  terms 
we  pass  by  simple  inspection — Cogito,  ergo  sum: 
Behold  the  long-sought  rock  on  which  the  edifice  of 
knowledge  must  be  built  (Disc,  de  la  meth.,  4" 
partie,  2''  M^d.).  But  how  is  this  to  be  done?  how 
are  we  to  make  our  way  out  of  the  abyss  into  which 
we  have  descended?  By  analysing  the  basic  fact,  i.  e. 
the  content  of  our  thought.  I  observe  that,  since  my 
thought  gropes  amid  doubt,  I  must  be  imperfect:  and 
this  idea  calls  forth  this  other,  viz.  of  a  being  that  is 
not  imperfect,  and  therefore  is  perfect  and  infinite 
(Disc,  de  la  meth.,  4"  partie).  Let  us  consider  this 
other  idea.  It  must  necessarily  include  existence, 
otherwise  something  would  be  wanting  to  it;  it  would 
not  be  perfect  or  infinite.  Therefore,  God  exists,  and 
"I  know  no  less  clearly  and  distinctly  that  an  actual 
and  eternal  existence  belongs  to  His  nature  than  I 
know  that  whatever  I  can  demonstrate  of  any  figure 
or  number  belongs  truly  to  the  nature  of  that  figure  or 
number"  (Disc,  de  la  mdth.,  4"  partie;  5"  M&lit. ;  Rep. 
aux  premieres  obj.). 

God,  therefore,  is  known  to  us  at  the  outset,  the  mo- 
ment we  take  the  trouble  to  look  into  the  nature  of 
our  own  minds;  and  this  is  enough  to  eliminate  the 
hypothesis  of  an  evil  genius  that  would  take  pleasure 
in  deceiving  us;  it  is  enough  also  to  secure  the  validity 
of  all  our  deductions,  whatever  be  their  length,  for  "I 
recognize  that  it  is  impossible  that  He  should  ever  de- 
ceive me,  since  in  all  fraud  and  ticccit  there  is  a  certain 
imperfection"  (4®  M^d.).  Otherwise  how  would  this 
idea  of  God  be  anything  more  tliau  an  idle  f;incy?  It 
has  immensity;  it  has  infinity,  and  therefore  it  must 
of  itself  be  capable  of  existing.  Spinoza,  and  after 
him  Hegel,  will  teach  that  the  possible  infolds,  as  it 
were,  an  essential  tendency  to  existence,  and  that  this 


tendency  is  greater  in  proportion  as  the  possible  is  per- 
fect. It  is  on  this  principle  that  they  will  build  their 
vast  synthetic  systems.  Descartes  anticipates  them 
and  when  closely  pressed  he  replies  just  as  do  these 
later  philosophers.  (R^p.  aux  premieres  objections.) 
It  is  a  fact  worth  noting  with  reference  to  the  genesis 
of  modern  systems. 

The  presence  in  us  of  this  idea  of  God  must  also  be 
explained ;  and  here  we  find  a  new  ray  of  light.  The 
objective  reality  of  our  ideas  must  have  some  cause, 
and  this  is  readily  found  when  there  is  question  of 
secondary  qualities;  these  may  be  illusory  or  they 
may  result  from  the  imperfection  of  our  nature.  The 
question  also  can  be  solved  without  too  much  diffi- 
culty when  it  concerns  primary  qualities.  May  not 
these  arise  perchance  from  some  depth  of  my  own 
mental  being  that  is  beyond  the  control  of  my  will? 
But  such  explanations  are  of  no  avail  when  we  try  to 
account  for  the  idea  of  a  being  infinite  and  perfect. 
I  myself  am  limited,  finite;  and  from  the  finite,  turn 
it  about  as  we  may,  we  can  never  derive  the  infinite; 
the  lesser  never  gives  us  the  greater  (3®  Med.  cf. 
Princ,  7"  partie).  Considered  from  any  and  every 
point  of  view,  the  idea  of  God  enlightens  us  as  to  His 
existence.  Whatever  the  manner  of  our  questioning, 
it  gives  us  always  from  the  depth  of  its  fulness  the  one 
reply.  Ego  sum  qui  sum.  Since  then  the  veracity  of 
God  Himself  guarantees  our  faculties  in  their  nat- 
ural exercise,  we  may  go  forward  in  our  inquiry; 
and  the  first  question  that  meets  us  concerns  the  sub- 
ject in  which  the  process  of  thought  takes  place,  i.e. 
the  soul.  Understanding,  conceiving,  doubting,  affirm- 
ing, denying,  willing,  refusing,  imagining,  feeling, 
desiring — these  are  the  activities  of  what  I  call  my 
soul.  Now  all  these  activities  have  one  common 
quality:  they  cannot  take  place  without  thought  or 
perception,  without  consciousness  or  knowledge. 
Thought  then  is  the  essential  attribute  of  the  soul. 
The  s'oul  is  "a  thing  that  thinks"  (2^  M^d.;  Princ, 
1'^  partie),  and  it  is  nothing  else.  There  is  no  sub- 
stratum underlying  and  supporting  its  various  states; 
its  whole  being  issues  in  each  of  its  activities;  thought 
and  soul  are  equivalent  (12®  Regie). 

Is  thought,  then,  always  in  some  mode  of  activity? 
Descartes  leans  to  the  belief  that  it  is.  "I  exist",  he 
says,  "  but  for  how  long?  Just  as  long  as  I  am  think- 
ing; for  perhaps  if  I  should  wholly  cease  to  think,  I 
should  at  the  same  time  altogether  cease  to  be"  (2' 
Med.).  It  is  only  with  reluctance  and  under  the  pres- 
sure of  objections  that  he  concedes  to  the  soul  a  sim- 
ple potcntia  or  power  of  thinking  (5^^  Obj.);  and, 
as  may  be  easily  seen,  the  concession  is  quite  illogical. 
Thought,  though  in  itself  a  unitary  process,  takes  on 
different  forms ;  it  begins  with  confused  ideas  or  per- 
ceptions which  require  the  co-operation  of  the  body; 
such  are  the  feelings  of  pleasure  and  pain,  sensations, 
imagination,  and  local  memory.  Then  the  soul  has 
clear  and  distinct  ideas,  which  it  begets  and  develops 
within  itself  as  immanent  activities.  Under  this  head 
come  the  ideas  of  substance,  duration,  number,  order, 
extension,  figure,  motion,  thought,  intelligence,  and 
will  (6®  Med.;  Princ,  I). 

These  clear  and  distinct  notions  constitute  of 
themselves  the  object  of  the  understanding,  and  one 
may  say  that  they  are  all  involvetl  in  the  idea  of  per- 
fect being.  Whether  I  understand,  or  pass  judgment, 
or  reason,  it  is  always  that  iilca  which  I  perceive;  and 
my  understanding  could  have  no  other  object,  seeing 
that  its  sphere  of  action  is  always  the  infinite,  the  eter- 
nal and  the  necessary.  To  advance  in  knowledge  is  to 
progress  in  the  knowledge  of  God  Himself.  (Rep. 
aux  2"^  obj.)  But  thought  has  another  dominant 
form,  viz.  freedom.  For  Descartes  this  fimction  of 
the  mind  is  a  fact  "of  which  reason  can  never  con- 
vince us",  but  one  which  "we  experience  in  our- 
selves", and  this  fact  is  so  evident "  that  it  may  be  con- 
sidered one  of  the  most  generally  known  ideas"  (R6p. 


Iili 


DESCARTES 


747 


DESCARTES 


111x3^'  obj.;  R^p.  aux  S^^  ojjj.;  Pnnc,  1'^  partie). 
iJot  only  is  this  freedom  a  primordial  and  undeni- 
ible  datum  of  consciousness:  it  is,  in  a  way,  infinite 
ike  God,  "'since  there  is  no  object  to  whicli  it  cannot 
urn ".  (4"  Med. ;  Princ,  V  partie.)  It  docs  not  creep 
ound  in  a  sort  of  semi-ignorance,  as  St.  Thomas 
Vquinas  holds,  but  it  grows  as  the  influencing  mo- 
ives  become  clearer;  indifference  is  but  its  lowest 
tage  (letter  to  Mersenne,  20  May,  1630).  The 
)art  it  plays  in  our  lives  is  considerable:  it  entei-s 
nto  each  of  our  judgments,  and  it  is  the  formal 
auso  of  all  our  errors.  It  makes  iiself  felt  in  every 
)art  of  our  organism,  and  through  this  it  influences 
he  external  world.  Nevertheless,  the  sum  total  of 
notion  in  the  world  is  always  roiisl:iiit;  fiu  while 
'Ur  wills  may  change  the 
lirection  of  movement 
hey  do  not  affect  its  quan- 
ity.  (Letter  to  Regius.) 
'onfronting  the  soul  is 
he  external  world :  but  the 
oul  does  not  see  it  a.s  it 
eally  is.  Heat,  odour, 
aste,  light,  sound,  resist- 
nce,  weight  are  qualities 
i'hich  we  attribute  to 
lodics  but  which  are  really 
a  ourselves,  since  we  only 
onceive  them  in  relation 
o  ourselves.  In  reality 
here  is  nothing  in  the 
)hysical  world  but  motion 
,nd  extension.  Motion 
niitates  as  far  as  possible 
he  immutability  of  God 
vho  is  its  first  cause; 
lence  its  principal  laws, 
'iz.  that  the  sum  of  mo- 
ion  in  the  world  Is  always 
oust  ant;  that  a  body  will 
ontinue  in  its  actual  state 
mless  disturbed  by  some 
ither  body  outside  itself; 
hat  "once  a  body  is  in 
notion  we  have  no  reason 
or  thinking  its  present 
'elocity  will  ever  cease 
)rovided  it  impinges  on 
loother  body  which  would 
lacken  or  destroy  its  mo- 
ion".  All  movement  is 
)rimarily  rectilinear  (on  this  point  Aristotle  was 
nistaken).  When  two  bodies  moving  in  different 
hrections  collide,  a  change  takes  place  in  their  dircc- 
ions,  but  "such  change  is  always  the  least  possible". 
Vhen  two  moving  bodies  impinge  on  each  other,  one 
annot  transmit  any  motion  to  the  other  without  los- 
ng  what  it  transmits  (Princ,  2''  partie).  Extension 
3  not  infinite  in  duration  but  it  is  infinite  in  space. 
'  It  seems  to  me  that  one  cannot  prove  or  even  con- 
eive  that  there  are  limits  to  the  matter  of  which  the 
rorld  is  composed,  for  I  find  it  is  composed  of  nothing 
)ut  extension  in  length,  breadth,  and  depth.  So  that 
fhatever  posscs.ses  these  three  dimensions  is  a  portion 
if  such  matter":  and  however  far  back  in  imagination 
re  push  the  limits  of  space  we  still  find  these  three 
liniensions;  they  are  boimded  by  no  limits  (letter  to 
!;hanut;  letter  to  Marus).  Exten.sion  is  therefore 
•ne  block,  continuous  from  end  to  end;  and  this 
)roves  at  the  same  time  that  there  is  no  such  thing  .as 
i  vacuum,  either  in  bodies  or  between  them.  More- 
)ver,  extension  is  divisible  ad  infinitum,  since  the 
iividcvi  particles,  however  smafl,  are  still  extended. 
It  is  everj'where  homogeneous,  since  it  is  made  up  of 
ipatial  dimen.sions  only,  and  the.se  of  themselves  give 
iai-  to  no  qualitative  difi'erences.  And  this  brilliant 
dea  suggested  to  Descartes  many  hypotheses  that 


were  to  prove  fruitful.  In  his  view  the  matter  of  the 
earth  and  of  the  stai-s  was  the  same;  and  spectrum 
analysis  subsequently  proved  that  he  was  correct.  He 
held  tliat  tlio  |)rlMKirili:il  .stntc  of  the  sun  and  planets 
wa.s  nebulous,  lliat  under  tlie  inllueiicc  of  a  cooling 
process  the  heavenly  botlie.s  foruKHl  their  crusts,  and 
to  changes  in  these  crusts  is  due  the  variation  in  bril- 
liance of  the  stars  and  the  emergence  of  the  conti- 
nents on  our  earth,  (t'f.  Traits  du  Monde;  Princ,  3' 
aiul  4"  p.)  It  does  not  follow  that  the  world  is  self- 
suliicient ;  but  the  finality,  of  which  so  much  is  said, 
leads  to  nothing.  God  gave  matter  a  first  impulse 
ind  the  rest  follo^^ed  in  the  course  of  natin-c's  laws. 
"E\en  if  the  chaos  of  the  poets  be  granted,  one  could 


dn  n      Ii   n   tli 


til 


to  the  laws  of  nature,  thia 
confusion  would  eventu- 
ally work  itself  out  to  our 
present  order";  the  laws 
of  nature  being  such  that 
"matter  is  constrained  to 
pass  through  all  the  forms 
of  which  it  is  capable". 

The  older  Descartes 
grew,  the  more  he  busied 
himself  with  morals,  and 
his  aim  was  to  end  up  with 
a  treatise  on  ethics.  Asa 
matter  of  fact,  we  have 
his  treatise  on  the  passions, 
and  a  few  brief  disquisi- 
tions scattered  among  his 
letters  to  Chanut  and  to 
the  Princess  Elizabeth. 
The  passions  are  percep- 
tions generated  and  nur- 
tured in  the  soul  "through 
the  medium  of  the  nerves" 
(Passions,  l^^  partie,  art. 
3-22).  Tlie  nerves  are 
bimdles  of  fine  threads: 
these  threads  contain  the 
animal  spirits  which  are 
the  subtlest  parts  of  the 
blood:  and  they  all  meet 
at  the  pineal  gland  which 
is  the  seat  of  the  soul. 
By  means  of  this  mechan- 
ism the  thinking  subject 
receives  impressions  from 
III  the    world    wit  hout,   per- 

ceives them,  and  trans- 
forms them  mto  passions  (Pass.,  l^®  p.,  art.  31).  And 
though  our  orgamsm  thus  contains  the  cause  of  our 
passions,  it  is  not  their  subject  either  entirely  or  pai^ 
tially;  on  this  pointalso  Aristotle  was  mistaken.  There 
are  "perceptions  arising  from  the  body  and  localizing 
themselves  in  one  or  other  portion  of  it — such  as  hun- 
ger, thirst,  pain — but  the  passions  are  different.  They 
originate  in  the  body,  but  belong  to  the  soul  alone ;  they 
are  purely  psychological  facts  (Pjissions,  f"  p.,  art.  25). 
There  are  as  many  passions  as  there  are  ways  in  which 
objects  capable  of  affecting  our  senses  may  be  hurtful 
or  profitable  to  us.  The  primary  passions  to  which 
all  others  may  be  reduced  are  the  six  following:  ad- 
miration or  surprise,  produced  by  an  object  as  to 
which  we  are  as  yet  ignorant  whether  it  is  useful  or 
hurtful;  love  and  hate,  caused  by  the  impression  pro- 
duced on  our  organs  of  sense  by  objects  which  are 
already  know^l  to  us  as  beneficial  or  harmful;  desire, 
whichis  but  the  love  or  the  hate  we  bear  an  object 
considered  as  future;  joy  and  sadness,  which  result 
from  the  presence  of  an  object  that  is  loved  or  hated 
(Passions,  2"  partie,  art.  52).  Perhaps  on  the  whole 
St.  Thomjis  and  Bossuet  will  be  found  to  have  sur- 
passed Descartes,  by  reducing  all  the  passions  to  love. 
In  the  Cartesian  teaching  the  pxssions  are  good  in 
themselves,  but  they  must  be  kept  in  subjection  to  the 


DESCHAMPS 


748 


DESECRATION 


law  of  moral  order.  What  this  law  is  he  does  not 
clearly  indicate ;  he  gives  only  some  scattered  precepts 
in  which  one  may  discern  a  noble  effort  to  build  up  a 
Stoieo-Christian  system  of  ethics. 

The  foregoing  account  may  perhaps  give  the  im- 
pression that  Descartes  was  a  great  savant  rather  than 
a  great  philosopher;  but  the  significance  of  his  scien- 
tific work  should  be  properly  understood.  What  re- 
mains of  value  is  not  so  much  his  theories,  but  the  im- 
petus given  by  his  genius,  his  method,  his  discoveries. 
His  quantitative  conception  of  the  world  is  being 
gradually  abandoned,  and  to-day  men's  minds  are 
turning  to  a  philosophy  of  nature  wherein  quality 
plays  a  controlling  part  (Duhem,  L'^volution  de  la 
meeanique,  Paris,  1905,  p.  197). 

The  principal  editions  of  his  collected  works  are: 
"Opera  Omnia"  (Amsterdam,  1670-1683  and  1692- 
1701);  "(Euvres  Completes"  (Paris,  1724);  Victor 
Cousin's  edition  (Paris,  1824-1826) ;  and  the  edition 
by  Adam  and  Tannery  (Paris,  1896).  Among  the 
English  translations  may  be  mentioned:  "Method" 
and  "Meditations",  by  Veitch  (London,  1850-53, 
New  York,  1899);  "Meditations",  by  Lowndes  (Lon- 
don, 1878);  "Extracts",  by  Torrey  (New  York,  1892). 

Of  the  earlier  biographies  the  most  important  is  that  by 
B.ULLET,  ha  Vie  de  M.  Descartes  (Paris,  1691);  cf.  Thouverez, 
in  Annnles  de  Phil.  Chrct.  (1S99);  briefer  slietches  with  sum- 
maries of  his  philosophy  are  given  in  Bouillier,  Histoire  de  la 
philos.jphie  carltxienne  (Paris.  1854;  3rd  ed.,  1868);  Fischer, 
Gesch.  d.  iieuern  Phil.  (4th  ed.,  Heidelberg,  1897),  I;  Fouillee, 
Descartes  (Paris,  1S93).  See  also  the  following  essays  and 
monographs:  Rhodes,  A  View  of  the  Philosophy  of  Descartes, 
in  Jour,  of  Spec.  Phil.  (1884),  XVII;  Mah.^fft.  Descartes 
(Edinburgh  and  London,  1880);  G.^ngdli,  Descartes;  an  Out- 
line of  His  Philosophy  (Bombay,  1900);  Bain,  Meaning  of 
Existence  and  Descartes^  Coffito  in  Mind  (1877);  Gibson,  The 
Reguta:  of  Descartes  (Mind,  1898);  Bowen,  Descartes  in  North 
American  Review,  LVI;  Discourse  on  Method  in  The  Dublin 
Review,  XXXVIII,  169;  The  Philosophy  of  Descartes  in  Brown- 
son's  Quarterly  Review,  XXIII,  338;  Mercier,  La  psychologic 
de  Descartes  in  Rev.  Neo-Scolastique  (1896,  '97,  '98);  Von 
Hertling,  Descartes'  Beziehung  zur  Scholastik  in  Sitzungsber. 
d.  kgl.  bayer.  Ak.  d.  W.  (Munich,  1898-99);  Ludewig,  Sub- 
stanztheorie  b.  Cart,  in  Phil.  Jahrbuch  (Fulda,  1893);  Caird, 
Essays  on  Literature  and  Philosophy  (Cllasgow,  1892);  Cun- 
ningham, The  Influence  of  Descartes  on  Metaphysical  Specula- 
tion in  England  (London,  1876);  Irons,  Descartes  and  Modem 
Theories  of  Emotion  in  Phil.  Review.,  IV,  1895.  For  the  rela- 
tionship between  Descartes  and  Newton:  Papillon,  Newtoti 
considere  comme  disciple  de  Descartes  in  Comptes-Rendus  des 
Sciences  Morales  el  Politigues,  XCIX;  Pauuan,  Traite  de  pair 
entre  Descartes  et  Newton  (Avignon,  1763);  see  also  monographs 
published  in  Revue  de  Metaph.  et  de  Morale  (1896),  in  commemo- 
ration of  Descartes'  third  centenary.  For  extended  bibliog- 
raphy, see  Ueberweg-Heinze,  Gesch  d.  Philos.  (9th  ed.,  Berhn, 
190l),  III,  and  Baldwin,  Dictionary  of  Philosophy  and  Psy- 
chology. 

Clodius  Piat. 

Deschamps,  Eustache,  also  called  Morel  on  ac- 
count of  his  dark  complexion,  b.  at  Vertus  in  Cham- 
pagne between  1338  and  1340;  d.  about  1410.  After 
having  finished  his  classical  studies  at  the  episcopal 
school  of  Reims,  under  the  poet  GuiUaume  de  Ma- 
chault,  who  was  a  canon  of  Reims,  he  studied  law 
at  the  University  of  Orleans.  He  then  travelled  for 
some  time  as  the  king's  messenger  in  various  parts  of 
Europe,  in  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Egypt;  in  the  last 
country,  it  is  said,  he  was  made  a  slave.  On  his  re- 
turn to  France  he  was  appointed  gentleman-usher  by 
Charles  V,  and  was  confirmed  in  this  position  by 
Charles  VI,  whom  he  accompanied  in  that  capacity 
on  various  campaigns  in  Flanders.  In  1381  King 
Charles  VI  made  him  governor  of  the  town  of  Fismes, 
and  in  1388  bailiff  of  Senlis;  at  a  later  date  he  lost  the 
position  of  bailiff,  together  with  his  pension  and  his 
office  at  court.  Deschamps  was  a  poet  of  no  little 
merit.  His  numerous  poems,  ballads,  rondels,  lays, 
and  virelays  are  full  of  valuable  information  concern- 
ing the  political  and  moral  history  of  his  time.  He 
was  an  honest,  religious  man,  and  although  a  courtier 
was  also  a  moralist  who  did  not  hesitate  to  condemn 
the  injustice  and  wrongs  that  he  had  seen  and  expe- 
rienced. His  style  is  somewhat  heavy,  but  it  is  vigor- 
ous and  not  lacking  in  grace. 


Sarradin,  Etude  sur  Eustache  Deschamps  (Paris,  1879); 
Petit  de  Julleville,  Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature 
frariQaises  (Paris,  1894),  II;  De  Queux  and  Raynaud,  (Euvres 
completes  d'Eustache  Deschamps  (Paris,  1878-1891). 

Louis  N.  Delamarre. 

Deschamps,  Nicolas,  polemical  writer,  bom  at 
Villefranche  (Rhone),  France,  1797;  died  at  Aix-en- 
Provence,  1872.  He  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus  in 
1826;  taught  literature  and  rhetoric  in  several  col- 
leges and  wrote  extensively.  Apart  from  a  few  didac- 
tic and  devotional  books  like  "Cours  ^leinentaire 
de  litterature"  (Avignon,  1860)  and  "Les  fleurs  de 
Marie"  (Paris,  1863),  his  works  are  largely  polemical 
and  bear  on  all  the  burning  questions  of  his  day,  the 
monopoly  of  the  University  of  France,  the  state  fac- 
ulties of  theology,  the  Organic  Articles,  the  liberty  of 
association.  Communism,  Paganism  In  education,  etc. 
The  most  important  is  undoubtedly  "Les  Society 
secretes"  published  after  the  author's  death  (Avi- 
gnon, 1874-1876),  re-edited  and  brought  up  to  date 
by  Claudio  Janet  (Paris,  ISSO  and  1881).  Deschamps 
sees  in  European  Freemasonry,  whose  origin  he  traces 
back  to  Manichieism,  a  baneful  force  working,  under 
the  cover  of  philanthropy,  not  only  against  religion 
but  also  against  the  social  order,  patriotism  and  even 
morality.  If  his  conclusions  are  severe,  they  are  not 
advanced  at  random  but  are  supported  by  numerous 
facts  and  grave  authorities. 

SoMMERVOGEL.  Sift/,  (/e /ac.  de  J.,  II.  1956;  J.anet.  introd.  to 
his  edition  of  Les  Socittes  secretes.  See  also  Polybiblion  (1874 
and  1876). 

J.    F.    SOLLIER. 

Desecration,  the  loss  of  that  peculiar  quality  of 
sacredness,  which  inheres  in  places  and  things  in  vir- 
tue of  the  constitutive  blessing  of  the  Church.  When 
material  objects  are  destined  for  purposes  of  Divine 
worship  they  are  set  aside  with  a  view  to  this  end  by 
the  solemn  form  of  consecration  or  by  the  simpler 
formula  of  a  blessing,  so  that  they  assume  a  sacred 
and  inviolable  character  which  renders  unlawful  their 
employment  for  profane  uses.  Now  when  they  lose 
this  stamp  or  character  of  sacredness  they  are  said  to 
become  desecrated.  As  a  general  principle  it  may  be 
set  down  that  places  and  things,  wliich  have  been 
either  consecrated  or  blessed,  retain  their  consecration 
and  blessing  so  long  as  they  remain,  morally  speaking, 
the  same  as  they  were  in  the  beginning,  and  conse- 
quently, so  long  as  they  continue  fit  to  serve  the  pur- 
poses for  which  they  were  originally  destined.  The 
opinion  was  formerly  held  by  some  that  sacred  uten- 
sils, such  as  chalices,  which  are  anointed  with  holy  oil 
should,  before  being  sent  to  a  mechanic  for  repairs, 
be  deprived  of  their  sacred  character  by  a  special 
ceremony  of  desecration.  ThLs  view  was  condemned 
by  the  Congregation  of  Rites  (n.  2620,  ed.  1900). 
Such  a  ceremony  is  entirely  superfluous.  For  if  a 
sacred  utensil  becomes  broken  and  unfit  for,  use  it 
thereby  loses  its  consecration ;  while  if  it  is  still  fit  for 
use  but  requires  regilding,  no  ceremony  could  dese- 
crate it.  In  this  instance  permission,  express  or  im- 
plied, should  be  obtained  from  the  ordinary  to  liand 
it  over  to  a  mechanic  for  repairs  (cf.  Gartlellini,  Com- 
mentarj'  on  Decrees  of  C.  S.  R.,  225).  Should  conse- 
crated vessels  become  altogether  imfit  for  altar  use,  i 
they  may  be  melted  down  and  devoted  to  profane 
uses.  But  vestments,  altar  cloths  and  linens  must, 
in  similar  circumstances,  be  destroyed,  because  they 
retain  the  form  under  which  they  were  originally 
blessed  (cf.  Gardellini,  loc.  cit). 

The  word  desecration  is  commonly  used  in  regard 
to  churches,  altars,  chalices,  etc.  (1)  A  church  losesj 
its  consecration  or  blessing  when  the  building  is  deJ 
stroyed  either  wholly  or  in  greater  pnrt,  or  when  an; 
addition  is  made  to  it  of  larger  extent  tlian  the  original 
edifice.  It  does  not  become  desecrated:  (a)  if  a  por- 
tion of  the  walls  and  roof  falls  in,  pro\'ided  the  main. 


DESERT 


749 


DESERT 


portion  stands,  or  (b)  if  all  the  interior  plastering  be- 
comes detached,  or  (c)  if  all  the  crosses  disappear,  or 

(d)  if  all  the  walls  are  gradually  renewed,  provided  on 
each  occasion  the  old  part  is  greater  than  the  new,  or 

(e)  if  converted  for  a  while  to  profane  uses,  provided 
it  is  not  polluted  (cf.  Many,  De  Locis  Sacris).  (2)  An 
altar  (fixed)  loses  its  consecration:  (a)  by  a  notable 
fracture  of  table  or  its  support;  as,  for  instance,  if  the 
table  were  broken  into  two  large  pieces,  or  if  an 
anointed  corner  were  broken  off,  or  if  the  support  were 
seriously  impaired,  or  if  one  of  the  columns  were  dis- 
placed; (b)  by  removal  of  the  table  from  its  support, 
so  as  to  disjoint  them;  (c)  by  displacing  the  relics,  or 
cover  of  the  sepulchre  (cf.  Schulte,  Consecranda,  p. 
222).     (3)  An  altar-stone  loses  its  consecration:  (a)  by 

/removal  of  the  relics;  (b)  by  fracture  or  removal  of 
the  cover  of  the  sepulchre;  (c)  by  a  notable  fracture 
of  the  stone;  (d)  by  breakage  of  the  anointed  comer 
of  stone.  (4)  As  to  the  chalice  and  paten,  see  Altar, 
under  subtitle  Loss  of  Consecration. 

Dccretalitim,  III,  Tit.,  xl,  xKiii;  Wernz,  Jus  Decretatium 
(Rome.  1901),  Tit.,  xrii:  M.iny,  De  Locis  Sacris  (Paris,  1904); 
Schulte,  Consecranda  (New  York,  1907). 

Patrick  Mohrisroe. 

Desert  (ix  the  bible). — The  Hebrew  words  trans- 
lated in  the  Douay  Version  of  the  Bible  by  "desert"  or 
'"wilderness",  and  usually  rendered  by  the  Vulgate 
desertum,  "solitude",  or  occusionally  cremus,  have  not 
the  same  shade  of  meaning  as  the  English  word 
desert.  The  word  wiUlcrticss,  which  is  more  frequently 
used  than  desert  of  the  region  of  the  Exodus,  more 
nearly  approaches  the  meaning  of  the  Hebrew,  though 
not  quite  expressing  it.  When  we  speak  of  the  desert 
our  thoughts  are  naturally  borne  to  such  places  as  the 
Sahara,  a  great  sandy  waste,  incapable  of  vegetation, 
impossible  as  a  dwelling-place  for  men,  and  where  no 
human  being  is  found  except  when  hurrying  through 
as  quickly  as  he  can.  No  such  ideas  are  attached  to 
the  Hebrew  words  for  desert.  Four  words  are  chiefly 
vised  in  Hebrew  to  express  the  idea:  (1)  "131D  (midbar), 
the  more  general  word.  It  is  from  the  root  13T 
[dabar,  "to  lead"  (cattle  to  pasture);  cf.  German 
Trift  from  treiben].  Hence  midbar  among  its  other 
meanings  has  that  of  tracts  of  pasturage  for  flocks. 
So  Joel,  ii,  22:  "The  beautiful  places  of  the  wilderness 
are  spnmg",  or  literally:  "The  pastures  of  the  wilder- 
ness shoot  forth".  So,  too,  the  desert  was  not  neces- 
sarily uninhabited.  Thus  (Is.,  xlii,  11)  we  read:  "Let 
the  desert  (midbar)  and  the  cities  thereof  be  ex- 
alted: Cedar  shall  dwell  in  houses",  or  rather,  "the 
villages  that  Cedar  doth  inhabit".  Not  that  there 
were  towns  in  the  desert  occupied  by  a  stable  popula- 
tion. The  inhabitant's  were  mostly  nomads.  For  the 
desert  was  not  a  place  regularly  cultivated  like  the 
fields  and  gardens  of  ordinary  civilized  districts. 
Rather,  it  was  a  region  in  which  was  to  be  found  pas- 
turage, not  rich,  but  sufficient  for  .sheep  and  goats, 
and  more  abundant  after  the  rainy  season.  The  des- 
ert, too,  was  looked  upon  as  the  abode  of  mid  beasts 
■ — lions  (Ecclus.,  xiii,  2.3),  wild  asses  (Job,  xxiv,  5), 
jackals  (Mai.,  i,  3),  etc.  It  was  not  fertilized  by 
streams  of  water,  but  springs  were  to  be  foimd  there 
(Gen.,  xvi,  7),  and  in  places  cisterns  to  collect  the 
rainfall.  Midbar  is  the  word  generally  used  in  the 
Pentateuch  for  the  desert  of  the  Exodus;  but  of  the 
regions  of  the  Exodus  various  districts  are  distinguished 
as  the  de-sert  of  Sin  (Ex.,  xvi,  1),  the  desert  of  Sinai 
(Ex.,  xix,  1),  the  desert  of  Sur  (Ex.,  xv,  22),  the 
desert  of  Sin  (zin)  (Num.,  xiii,  22),  etc.  Moreover, 
it  is  used  of  other  districts,  as  in  Western  Palestine  of 
the  wilderne-ss  of  Juda  (Judges,  i,  16),  and  again  in  the 
east  of  the  desert  of  Moab  (Deut.,  ii,  8). 

(2)  naij?  {'arahah),  derived  from  the  root  any, 
'arab,  "to  be  arid",  is  another  word  for  desert.,  which 
seems  to  express  more  than  one  of  its  natural  charac- 
teristics. The  word  means  a  steppe,  a  desert  plain; 
and  it  conveys  the  idea  of  a  stretch  of  country,  arid, 


unproductive,  and  desolate.  In  poetic  passages  it  is 
used  in  parallelism  with  the  word  midbar.  Thus  Is., 
XXXV,  1:  "The  land  that  was  desolate  [midbar]  and 
impassable  shall  be  glad,  and  the  wilderness  ['arabah] 
shall  rejoice";  cf.  also  Jer.,  xvii,  6,  etc.  Although 
the  Septuagint  frequently  renders  the  word  by  ep»)/xo9, 
it  often  uses  other  translations,  as  yrj  difCicra  and  fXos. 
The  Vulgate  employs  the  words  solitvdo,  desertum. 
Very  frequently  the  word  'arabah  has  a  mere  geo- 
graphical sense.  Thus  it  refers  to  the  strange  de- 
pression extending  from  the  base  of  Mount  Hermon, 
through  the  Jordan  Valley  and  the  Dead  Sea,  to  the 
Gulf  of  Akabah.  So,  too,  there  are  the  Arboth  Moab 
(Num.,  xxii,  1),  the  Arboth  Jericho  (Jos.,  iv,  13),  etc., 
referring  to  the  desolate  districts  connected  with  these 
places. 

(3)  nann  (horbah),  derived  from  the  root  ain, 
harab,  "to  lie  waste",  is  translated  in  the  Septuagint 
by  the  words  epTj/wt.  ^pi^fiucns,  iprifita.  In  the  Vulgate 
are  found  the  renderings  ruinm,  solitudo,  desolatio. 
A  strange  translation  occurs  in  Ps.  ci,  7.  The  word  in 
the  Greek  is  olKoiridov  and  in  the  Vulgate  domidlium; 
and  the  pa.ssage  in  which  the  word  occurs  is  rendered 
in  the  Douay  version:  "I  am  like  a  night  raven  in  the 
house".  St.  Jerome,  however,  in  his  translation  of 
the  Psalm  direct  from  the  Hebrew  employs  the  wortl 
solitudinum,  which  seems  more  correct:  "I  am  like  a 
night  raven  of  the  wastes".  The  lexicon  of  Gesenius 
gives  as  the  first  meaning  of  horbah,  "dryness";  then 
as  a  second  meaning,  "a  desolation",  "ruins".  A 
combination  of  these  sen.ses  seems  to  have  been  the 
reason  why  in  the  poetical  books  the  word  is  used  of 
the  wilderness.  The  word  conveys  the  idea  of  ruin  or 
desolation  caused  by  hostile  lands,  .as  when  God  says 
to  Jerusalem  (Ez.,  v,  14):  "I  will  m^ike  thee  desolate"; 
or  when  the  Psalmist,  referring  to  the  punishment 
inflicted  by  Jehovah,  says  (Ps.,  ix,  7):  "The  enemy 
are  consumed,  left  desolate  for  ever". 

(4)  pO'tJ"  (jeshimon),  derived  from  D\i^^,iasham,  "to 
be  desolate".  It  was  looked  upon  as  a  place  without 
water,  thus  Is.,  xliii,  19:  "Behold  I  shall  set  up 
streams  in  the  desert  [jeshmwn]".  It  was  a  waste,  a 
wilderness.  In  poetical  passages  it  is  used  as  a  paral- 
lel to  midbar,  cf.  Deut.,  xxxii,  10;  Ps.,  Ixxviii,  40 
(Heb.):  "How  often  did  ye  provoke  him  in  the  wilder- 
ness [midbar],  and  grieve  him  in  the  desert  [jeshi- 
mon]'!" Frequently  it  is  used  of  the  wilderness  of  the 
Exodus.  Besides  such  uses  of  the  word,  it  seems 
when  used  with  the  article  often  to  have  assumed  the 
force  of  a  proper  name.  In  such  cases  it  refers  at 
times  to  the  wilderness  of  the  Exodus  (cf.  Ps.,  Ixxviii, 
40;  cvi,  14 — Heb.;  etc.).  Parts  of  the  waste  region 
about  the  Dead  Sea  are  called  the  jeshimon;  and  to 
the  north-east  of  the  same  sea  there  is  a  place  called 
Beth-Jeshimoth  (cf.  Num.,  x.xxiii,  49),  where  the  Is- 
raelites are  said  to  have  encainpefl  at  the  end  of  the 
wanderings.  These  are  the  principal  words  used  for 
desert  in  the  Bible.  There  are,  however,  others  less 
frequently  used,  only  one  or  two  of  which  can  be  men- 
tioned here:  such  .is  inn  (tohn),  used  in  Gen.,  i,  2: 
"the  earth  was  void".  In  Deut.,  xxxii,  10,  it  is  used 
in  parallelism  with  midbar,  and  in  Ps.  cvii,  40  it  refers 
to  the  desert  directly.  Such  also  is  ri'V  (fii/'/Hh),  which 
means,  literally,  dryness,  but  refers  at  times  to  the 
desert:  so,  n'V  sSs  ('«ref  ^yydh),  "a  land  of  drought ", 
or  "a  desert"  (Osee,  ii,  5). 

A  word  may  be  said  here  concerning  the  chief 
deserts  referred  to  in  the  Bible.  Perhaps  the  most 
interesting  is  that  of  Exodus.  In  the  Pentateuch  this 
tract  is  treated  as  a  whole  as  "the  desert",  but,  as  a 
rule,  special  parts  of  it  are  referred  to,  as  the  desert 
of  Sin,  the  desert  of  Sinai,  the  desert  of  ('ades,  the 
desert  of  Pharan,  etc.  Books  have  been  written  to 
discuss  the  geography  of  this  region.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  it  comprises  the  groimd  over  which  the  Is- 
raelites travelled  from  their  crossing  of  the  Red  Sea  till 
their  arrival  in  the  Promised  Land.     We  do  not  enter 


DESERTION 


750 


DESHON 


into  the  question  raised  by  modern  critics  as  to 
whether  the  geography  of  tlie  Exodus  had  different 
meanings  in  different  parts  of  the  Pentateuch.  The 
desert  of  Juda,  too,  plays  an  important  part  in  the 
Bible.  It  lies  to  the  west  of  the  'iirabah,  the  Jordan, 
and  the  Dead  Sea.  To  it  belong  the  deserts  of  En- 
gaddi,  that  of  Thecua,  and  that  of  Jericho,  near  the 
city  of  the  same  name.  To  the  east  of  Palestine  are 
the  deserts  of  Arabia,  Moab,  and  the  desert  of  Idumea, 
near  the  Dead  Sea.  We  are  told  (Ex.,  iii,  1)  that 
Moses  fed  the  flocks  of  Jethro,  and  led  them  to  the 
interior  parts  of  the  desert.  This  desert  was  in  the 
land  of  Madian,  close  to  the  Red  Sea,  and  in  it  was 
Mount  Horeb,  which  St.  Jerome  says  was  the  same 
as  Sinai.  The  desert  to  which  David  fled  from  Saul 
(cf.  I  Kings,  xxiii,  14)  was  the  desert  of  Ziph,  which 
lies  south  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  Hebron.  John  the 
Baptist  lived  and  taught  in  the  desert  of  Judea,  west 
of  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea,  near  Jericho.  Finally, 
the  scene  of  Christ's  temptation  (Matt.,  iv,  1-11),  of 
which  St.  Mark  adds  (i,  1.3):  "He  was  with  wild 
beasts",  was  most  likely  in  the  'arabah  to  the  west  of 
the  Jordan.     But  this  is  only  speculation. 

Smith,  Hialorical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land  (London,  1897); 
Cheyne,  Encyclopedia  Biblica  (London,  1899);  Hastings, 
Diet,  of  the  Bible;   Vigourodx,  Diet,  de  la  Bible. 

J.    A.    HOWLETT. 

Desertion,  the  culpable  abandonment  of  a  state, 
of  a  stable  situation,  the  obligations  of  which  one  had 
freely  accepted.  In  civil  life  the  word  usually  desig- 
nates the  offence  committed  by  a  soldier  who,  by 
flight,  forsakes  his  military  obligations.  As  regards 
Christian  life,  desertion  may  have  for  its  object  any 
state,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowliest,  to  which  Chris- 
tians may  be  called.  The  first  kind  of  desertion  is  the 
abandonment  of  the  state  and  obligations  imposed  by 
baptism  and  is  known  as  apostasy  {apostasia  a  fide). 
A  second  kind  of  desertion  is  when  the  baptized  has 
been  admitted  by  ordination  to  the  ranks  of  the  clergy 
and  thereafter  abandons  his  clerical  state  and  its  obli- 
gations {apostasia  ab  online).  The  abandonment  of 
the  religious  state  is  still  another  kind  of  apostasy 
[apostasia  a  religione).  (See  Apostasy.)  But  this 
expression  is  used  only  in  connexion  with  those  orders 
which  take  solemn  vows ;  abandonment  of  the  religi- 
ous life  as  followed  in  congregations  imder  simple 
vows,  is  mere  desertion,  although  by  some  it  is  incor- 
rectly designated  as  apostasy.  This  desertion  does 
not  incur  the  excommunication  to  which  religious 
apostates  are  sentenced,  though  it  entails  suspension 
for  clerics  (Deer.  Auctis  admodum  of  the  S.  C.  of 
Bishops  and  Regulars,  4  Nov.,  1892),  and  generally 
terminates  in  dismissal  or  expulsion. 

The  term  desertion  is  also  applied  to  a  cleric's  aban- 
donment of  his  benefice,  whether  it  be  residential  or 
non-residential.  If  the  benefice  be  residential,  there 
is  occasion  to  proceed  against  the  culprit  according 
to  the  Council  of  Trent  (Sess.  VI,  c.  i;  Sess.  XXIII, 
c.  i;  Sess.  XXIV,  c.  xii).  The  first  text  applies  to 
bishops  and  pro\ddes  that,  after  six  months,  the 
absent  prelate  be  deprived  ipso  facto  of  a  quarter  of  the 
annual  revenue  of  his  benefice ;  that  if  he  remain  ab- 
sent for  six  additional  months  he  be  denied  another 
quarter's  revenue  and  finally,  that  if  he  fail  to  return 
to  his  charge  the  metropolitan  or  the  suffragan  bishops 
must  denounce  him  to  the  pope  within  three  months, 
and  his  punishment  may  even  amount  to  the  pri- 
vation of  his  benefice.  The  second  text  concerns 
parish  priests  and  other  clerics  having  the  care  of 
souls:  it  deprives  the  guilty  party  of  the  revenue  of 
his  benefice  in  proportion  to  the  length  of  absence ;  at 
the  same  time  the  bishop  can  proceed  against  the  ab- 
sentee by  ecclesiastical  censures,  and  finally  deprive 
him  of  his  benefice  if  he  does  not  return  within  six 
months  after  receiving  a  warning  or  official  summons. 
The  thinl  text  relates  to  canons  and  other  clerics  who 
possess  even  a  simple  benefice,  obliging  them  to  resi- 


dence for  the  choir-otfice,  the  celebration  of  Mass  and 
other  analogous  charges:  the  absentee  loses  ipso  facto 
the  daily  distributions  (see  Benefice)  ;  the  niunber 
of  days  of  absence  may  not  exceed  three  months  in 
any  year;  otherwise  he  forfeits  half  the  revenue  of 
his  benefice;  if  he  repeats  the  offence  a  second  year, 
he  forfeits  all  the  revenue;  and  if  his  absence  be  still 
prolonged  he  can  be  deprived  of  the  benefices  by  ca- 
nonical sentence.  For  the  very  rare  case  of  non-resi- 
dential benefice  which  the  beneficiary  has  totally 
abandoned,  canonists  consider  that  it  becomes  vacant 
after  ten  years,  according  to  the  terms  of  c.  viii,  De 
cler.  non  resid.,  Ill,  tit.  iv. 

In  judicial  matters  there  is  desertion  of  suit  or  of 
appeal  when  the  plaintiff,  after  instituting  a  proceed- 
ing or  lodging  an  appeal,  fails  to  comply  within  the 
required  time  with  the  judicial  acts  demanded  by  the 
court.  In  the  first  instance,  the  judge,  having  estab- 
lished the  neglect  of  the  plaintiff,  declares  the  suit 
abandoned.  The  judge  from  whom  appeal  is  taken 
should  appoint  a  time  for  the  appellant  to  present  his 
appeal  to  the  new  judge  (c.  xxxiii,  and  Clem.,  iv,  De 
appell.,  II,  tit.  xxviii).  The  appeal  should  be  termi- 
nated within  a  year  or  two  (e.  v,  and  Clem.,  iii,  De 
appell.).  However,  this  system  is  not  strictly  ob- 
served. 

Finally,  since  the  married  state  supposes  that  man 
and  wife  dwell  together,  desertion  is  the  unjustified 
abandonment  of  the  conjugal  domicile  by  one  or  the 
other,  especially  by  the  wife  who  is  bound  to  follow 
her  husband  to  his  new  domicile.  This  desertion, 
which  recent  civil  legislation  considers  a  legitimate 
cause  for  separation  and  even  for  divorce,  is  considered 
by  canon  law  merely  a  delict  that  gives  the  deserted 
party  the  right  to  recall  the  fugitive  through  judicial 
authority,  either  ecclesiastical  or  secular  (c.  xiii,  De 
restit.  spol.,  II,  tit.  xiii).  If  the  wife  separates  for  a 
legitimate  reason,  on  account  of  the  adultery  or 
heresy  of  her  husband,  because  of  ill-treatment  by  him 
or  in  order  to  escape  a  serious  danger  that  would  result 
from  continued  dwelling  with  him,  such  desertion  is 
not  held  to  be  malicious;  it  is,  however,  the  duty  of 
the  proper  judge  to  pass  upon  it. 

For  the  first  case  see  the  canonists,  De  dericis  non  residenli' 

bus.   III,  tit.  iv-    for  the  second,  De  appellationibus,  II,  tit. 

xxviii;   for  the  third,  Sanchez,  De  Matrimonio.  1,  ix,  disp.  iv; 

EsMEiN,  Le  mariage  en  droit  canonigue  (Paris,  1891 ).  II,  96,  308. 

A.    BOUDINHON. 

Deshon,  George,  priest  of  the  Congregation  (or 
Institute)  of  St.  Paul  the  Apostle,  b.  at  New  London, 
Conn.,  U.  S.  A.,  30  January,  1823;  d.  in  New  York,  30 
December,  1903.  He  was  a  graduate  (1843)  of  the 
United  States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  where 
he  was  a  classmate  and  roommate  of  General  U.  S. 
Grant.  His  standing  in  class  was  high  (second)  and  he 
afterwards  taught  mathematics  and  ethics  at  the  Acad- 
emy. Deshon  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain, 
but  resigned  his  commission,  was  received  into  the 
Church  in  1851,  and  soon  after  became  a  novice  in  the 
Redemptorist  Order.  He  was  ordained  priest  in  1855 
and  became  associated  with  Fathers  Hecker,  AVal- 
worth,  Hewit,  and  Baker,  all  regularly  employed  in 
missionary  work.  With  them  he  obtained  in  1858  a 
dispensation  from  his  vows  as  a  Redemptorist  and 
assisted  in  the  formation  of  the  new  Paulist  Institute, 
the  first  house  and  church  of  which  were  built  in  New 
York  in  18.'>9.  He  remained  in  this  house  during  the 
rest  of  his  life,  being  novice-master  for  several  years, 
and  afterwards  assistant  superior  and  in  charge  gen- 
erally of  the  temporal  interests  of  the  community, 
which  owed  much  to  his  business  ability.  He  also 
superintended  throughout  the  building  of  the  church 
of  St.  Paul  the  Apostle,  in  which  his  skill  and  knowl- 
edge as  an  engineer,  acquired  at  West  Point,  were  of 
great  service. 

Father  Deshon  spent  a  considerable  part  of  his  time 
on  the  missions,  in  which  he  was  specially  eminent  in 


DESIDERIUS 


751 


DESMARETS 


the  practical  instructions,  though  his  sermons  were  also 
most  effective.  A  volume  of  his  parochial  sermons 
was  issued  in  1901.  He  pubhshed  in  1860  a  book  en- 
titled "Guide  for  CathoHc  Voung  Women",  which  ac- 
[)uired  an  abiding  popularity.  Father  De.shon  was 
elected  superior  general  of  the  Paulist  Institute  in 
1897.  At  that  time  houses  had  been  founded  in  San 
Francisco,  and  at  Winchester,  Tennessee.  The  last 
important  act  of  his  life  was  the  founding  of  the 
Paulist  house  in  Chicago,  for  which  he  arranged  with 
Arrhliishop  Quigley  in  the  fall  of  1903.  Though  his 
life-work  was  so  largely  practical,  he  was  noted  for 
bis  interior  siiirituality,  his  favourite  saints  being  the 
lierniits  and  cenobites  of  the  desert,  and  his  spare 
time  was  always  devoted  to  recollection  and  spiritual 
reading,  in  which  he  had  evidently  been  occupied  on 
tlie  last  night  of  his  life,  before  retiring.  He  died 
suddenly  of  heart  failure  about  midnight,  having  been 
just  able  to  ring  for  assistance,  and  to  receive  the  last 
rites  of  the  Church. 

Sb\rle,  The  Very  Rev.  George  Deshon,  C.  S.  P.,  in  The  Caih- 
Mc  World  (1904).  LXXXVIII.  .569-73.  See  also  contemporary 
ales,  The  Catholic  News  (New  York). 

George  M.  Searle. 

Desiderius  of  Cabors,  Saint,  Bishop,  b.  at  Obrege 
(j)crhaps  Antobroges,  name  of  a  Gaulish  tribe),  on  the 
frontier  of  the  Frovincia  Narbonnensis,  of  a  noble 
Prankish  family  from  Aquitaine,  which  possessed  large 
estates  in  the  territory  of  Albi;  d.  15  Nov.,  655 — 
though  Krusch  has  called  this  date  in  question.  In 
bis  childhood  Desiderius  was  profoundly  impressed  by 
the  religious  atmosphere  of  his  home.  His  father  Sal- 
I'ius  was  a  pious  Christian,  and  his  mother  Herchene- 
Freda  shows  herself  a  woman  of  serious  religious  senti- 
ment in  three  letters  to  her  son,  mentioned  in  his 
"Vita".  With  his  two  lirothers,  Rusticus  and  Sya- 
Srius,  the  boy  Besiderius  came  to  the  court  of  the 
Prankish  king  Chlotar  II  (.584-629;  from  613  sover- 
?ign  of  the  whole  Prankish  Empire),  and  with  other 
boys  of  noble  family  received  an  excellent  education  at 
the  Merovingian  court-school,  whence  in  the  seventh 
rentury  went  forth  many  capable  and  holy  bishops. 
Husticus  became  a  priest  and  finally  Bishop  of  Cahors; 
Syanrius  became  count  of  the  territory  of  Albi  and 
prefect  of  the  city  of  Marseilles ;  Desiderius  stayed  on 
at  the  court  where  he  held  the  important  office  of  royal 
treasurer,  an  office  that  he  retained  untlcr  the  new 
king,  Dagobert  (629-6.39),  whose  confidant  he  was. 
After  the  death  of  Syagrius  (629),  he  is  said  to  have 
obtained  also  the  prefectship  of  Marseilles,  but  this  is 
not  certain. 

Faithful  to  the  admonitions  of  his  pious  mother, 
Desiderius  led  at  court  the  serious  holy  life  of  a  monk, 
and  administered  his  office  with  great  fidelity.  In  630 
his  brother  Rusticus,  the  Bishop  of  Cahors,  was  mur- 
dered, whereupon  the  clergy  and  people  of  that  city 
requested  from  the  king  Desiderius  as  his  successor. 
By  a  letter  of  8  April,  630,  Dagobert  made  known  his 
consent,  and  Desiderius  was  consecrated  BLshop  of 
Cahors.  His  close  relations  with  the  Court  he  used  in 
the  interests  of  his  Church.  With  the  most  important 
bishops  of  his  time,  many  of  them  educated  with  him 
at  the  royal  court,  he  maintained  an  active  intercourse, 
as  his  letters  prove.  He  was  a  zealous  promoter  of 
monastic  life  and  founded  a  monastery  in  the  vicinity 
of  Cahors,  the  church  of  which  was  deflicated  to  St. 
Amantius;  later  on  the  convent  w;ia  called  after  its 
founder,  St.  Gi'ry  (i.  e.  Dierius,  from  Desiderius).  He 
directed  also  a  convent  of  women,  as  we  see  from  a  let- 
ter written  by  him  to  the  Abbess  Aspasia.  Under  him 
and  with  his  support  was  likewise  founded  in  his  dio- 
cese the  monasterj'  of  St.  Peter  of  Moissac,  later  so 
celebrated.  Desiderius  was  very  zealous  for  Divine 
service  and  the  perfection  of  the  religious  life;  he 
built  three  large  basilicas  in  and  near  Cahors  (St. 
Maria,  St.  Peter,  St.  Julian)  and  an  oratory  in  honour 
of  St.  Martin.     For  the  clergy  he  was  a  severe  disci- 


plinarian, but  was  himself  foremost  with  the  example 
of  a  holy  life.  He  also  promoted  the  temporal  welfare 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Cahors,  built  an  aqueduct,  and 
erected  or  restored  the  walls  and  towers  that  pro- 
tected the  city.  Desiderius  persuaded  the  nobles  of 
his  diocese  to  endow  richly  the  churches  and  monas- 
teries. By  his  testament  (0-19-650)  he  gave  all  his 
possessions  to  the  cathedral,  the  churches,  and  the 
monasteries  of  his  episcopal  city.  While  resident  on  his 
estates  in  the  district  of  Albi  he  fell  ill  and  died  at  his 
villa  of  Wistrilingo,  which  he  had  presented  to  the 
monastery  of  St.  Amantius.  His  body  was  carried  to 
Cahors  and  interred  in  the  church  of  St.  Amantius. 
We  possess  a  "Vita"  of  Desiderius  written  shortly 
after  his  death,  a  collection  of  his  letters,  also  of  letters 
addressed  to  him,  and  an  aecoimt  of  miracles  that  took 
place  at  his  tomb.  His  feast  is  celebrated  on  the  15th 
of  November. 

Vila  Drsidrrii,  Cndurcw  urbis  episcopi.  ed.  Krusch.  in  Mon. 
Germ.  Hi.il :  Seript.  (Hanover,  1902).  IV.  .547-602;  ed.  Migne, 
P.  L..  LXXXVn.  219-2;in;  Vir,ir„t,i.  ed.  MicNE.  he.  cit.,  239- 
246;  D,;i7,  •:■/,  ,1,  ,,,,'/ <■■"•'""  '  ','  ■■■■'.  '■'!-  .4rndt  in  Mon. 
Germ.  If '  /  //"  ' '/.'  I'mfIi:;  '-'■  Ml  i'll  214;  Mabillon, 
Disserl'ih"  ,1    ,/^r,M  ./  .'  .    ,.  ,'  ■  ■  ./  /.■  obitus  Desiderii 

ej}isc.  Cn'hn'r.h  .  Ill  1'. ('..'.(  /  ,  Itl,  :.js  ><i'i.:  Vacandard, 
La  Sehola  itu  ;- ■  "  '  ./m/)  in  h'rnir  de.'i  questions  histor. 

(1S97),  LXI.  1'.'^  ;  I  '  'If.  Rapports  de  S.  Didier,  tvrque 
de  Cahors,  el  -/'    ^     /'  7'"'  d'Auxcrre,  avcc  VAlbigeois  in 

Annates  du  Mi'i,     l-';l    i;  .,  1.SU4),  407  sqq. 

J.    P.    IVIRSCH. 

Desire,  Baptlsm  of.     See  Baptism. 

Desmarets  de  Saint-Sorlin,  Jean,  a  French  dram- 
atist and  novelist,  li.  in  Paris,  1595,  d.  there,  1676. 
Early  in  life  he  hekl  various  offices  at  court,  was 
counsellor  of  the  king,  and  secretary  of  the  marine 
in  the  Levant.  He  became  a  member  of  the  salon  of 
the  Hotel  Rambouillet,  and  contributed  the  well- 
known  verses  on  the  violet  for  the  "Guirlande  de 
Julie".  Later  he  became  a  member  of  the  Fniich 
Academy  and  its  first  chancellor.  Cardiuiil  Rioheiieu, 
his  protector,  induced  him  to  write  for  tlie  theatre. 
His  first  tragedy,  "  Asp:isi<'''.  although  ;i  work  of  no 
great  merit,  had  a  brilliant  success,  163().  owing  to  the 
cardinal's  protection.  Among  the  plays  that  fol- 
lowed we  may  mention:  "  Les  Visionnaires",  "Scipion", 
"  Roxane",  "Mirame",  and  "  L'Europe".  The  plots  of 
the  last  two  had  evidently  been  inspired  by  the  cardi- 
nal; "L'Europe"  gives  a  picture  of  Richelieu's  con- 
ception of  the  political  situation  in  Europe.  Of  his 
novel,  "Ariane",  La  Fontaine  declares  that  its  plot 
is  verj-^  good;  another  novel,  "Roxane",  was  left  un- 
finished. 

In  1645  he  became  a  devout  Cliristian,  and  there- 
after he  devoted  his  literary  abilities  chiefly  to  jiious 
works.  He  wrote  a  metrical  version  of  the  Office  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  of  the  "Imitation  of  Christ", 
and  other  religious  poems,  e.  g.  "Maric-Magdcleine" 
or  "Grace  Triomphante". 

In  his  "Clovis  ou  la  France  chr(!tienne",  an  epic 
poem  in  twenty-six  cantos,  he  attempts  to  describe 
the  Divine  origin  of  the  French  monarchy.  In  this, 
his  greatest  work,  in  spite  of  its  many  faults,  his 
patriotism  and  his  love  of  old  legends,  which  pervade 
the  poem,  often  give  it  a  peculiar  charm.  Owing  to 
the  criticism  of  Boileau,  who  opposed  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  miraculous  in  literature,  the  poem  prove<l 
a  failure.  In  its  defence  Desmarets  wrote  an  essay 
comparing  French  prose  and  poetry  with  that  of  the 
Greeks  and  Latins,  and  thus  opened  the  celebrated 
controversy  between  the  ancients  and  the  moderns 
which  lasted  for  many  years.  In  this  work  he  main- 
tained that  the  French  language  is  superior  to  all 
others,  that  modern  can  surpass  ancient  literature, 
and  that  the  miraculous  intervention  of  Providence 
is  to  be  preferred  to  the  machinery  of  the  pagan  poets. 
Desmarets  w;w  a  consistent  adversary  of  the  Jansen- 
ists  of  Port-Royal. 

Pellisson.  UistoiredeVAcadhnit^irancai^e:  Baillet,  ywj7e- 
ments   des   savants    (La   Haye,   1690);    Beaucuaups,  RecheT' 


DE   SMET 


752 


DE   SMET 


ches  suT  le  thedtre  franfais;   Petit  de  Julleville,  La  Lilterature 
irantaise  (Paris,  1900);  Kebviller.  J.  Desmaretz  (Paris,  1879). 

Francis  L.  Rougier. 

De  Smet,  Pierre-Jean,  missionary  among  the 
North  American  Indians,  b.  at  Termonde  (Dender- 
monde),  Belgium,  30  Jan.,  1801;  d.  at  St.  Louis, 
Missouri,  U.  S.  A.,  23  May,  1873.  He  emigrated  to 
the  United  States  in  1821  through  a  desire  for  mission- 
ary labours,  and  entered  the  Jesuit  novitiate  at  White- 
marsh,  Maryland.  In  1823,  however,  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  United  States  Government  a  new  Jesuit 
establishment  was  determined  on  and  located  at  Flor- 
issant near  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  for  work  among  the 
Indians.  De  Smet  was  among  the  pioneers  and  thus 
became  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Missouri  Province  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus. 

His  first  missionary  tour  among  the  red  men  was  in 
1838  when  he  founded  St.  Joseph's  Mission  at  Council 
Bluffs  for  the  Pottawatomies.  At  this  time  also  he 
visited  the  Sioux  to  arrange  a  peace  between  them  and 
the  Pottawatomies,  the  first  of  his  peace  missions. 
What  may  be  called  his  life  work  did  not  begin,  how- 
ever, until  1840 
when  he  set  out 
for  the  Flathead 
countrj'  in  the  Far 
North-west.  As 
earlyas  1831, some 
Rocky  Mountain 
Indians,  influ- 
enced by  Iroquois 
descendants  of 
converts  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty 
years  before,  had 
made  a  trip  to  St. 
Louis  begging  for 
a  "black-robe". 
Their  request 
could  not  be  com- 
plied with  at  the 
time.  Curiously 
enough,  the  inci- 
dent e.xcited  Prot- 
estant missionary 
•  nterprise,  owing 
to  the  wide  dissem- 
ination of  a  mj'thi- 
cal  speech  of  one  of 
the  delegation  expressing  the  disappointment  of  the 
Indians  at  not  finding  the  Bible  in  St.  Louis.  Four  In- 
dian delegations  in  succession  were  dispatched  from 
the  Rocky  Mountains  to  St.  Louis  to  beg  for  "black- 
robes"  and  the  last  one,  in  1839,  composed  of  some 
IroquoLs  who  dwelt  among  the  Flatheads  and  Nez 
Perces,  was  successful.  Father  De  Smet  was  assigned 
to  the  task  and  found  his  life-work. 

He  set  out  for  the  Rocky  Mountain  country  in  1840 
and  his  reception  by  the  Flatheads  and  Pend  d'  Oreilles 
was  an  augury  of  the  great  power  over  the  red  men 
which  was  to  characterize  his  career.  Having  im- 
parted instruction,  surveyed  the  field,  and  promised  a 
permanent  mission  he  returned  to  St.  Louis;  he  visited 
the  Crows,  Gros  Ventres,  and  other  tribes  on  his  way 
back,  travelling  in  all  4814  miles.  In  the  following  year 
he  returned  to  the  Flatheads  with  Father  Nicholas 
Point  and  established  St.  Mary's  Mission  on  the  Bitter 
Root  river,  some  thirty  miles  north  of  Missoula,  visiting 
also  the  Coeur-d'Alenes.  Realizing  the  magnitude  of 
the  task  before  him,  De  Smet  went  to  Europe  in  1843  to 
soHcit  funds  and  w-orkers,  and  in  1844  with  new  la- 
bourers for  the  missions,  among  them  being  six  Sisters 
of  Notre-Dame  de  Namur,  he  returned,  rounding  Cape 
Horn  and  casting  anchor  in  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River  at  Astoria.  Two  days  after.  Dp  Smet  went  by 
canoe   to   Fort   Vancouver   to   confer   with   Bishop 


Blanchet,  and  on  his  return  founded  St.  Ignatius  Mis- 
sion among  the  Kalispels  of  the  Bay,  who  dwelt  on 
Clark's  Fork  of  the  Columbia  river,  forty  miles  above 
its  mouth.  Ten  years  later  the  mission  was  trans- 
ferred to  its  present  site  in  Missoula  County,  Mon- 
tana. 

As  the  Blackfeet  were  a  constant  menace  to  other 
Indians  for  whom  De  Smet  was  labouring,  he  deter- 
mined to  influence  them  personally.  This  he  accom- 
plished in  1846  in  the  Yellowstone  vallej',  where  after 
a  battle  with  the  Crows,  the  Blackfeet  respectfully 
listened  to  the  "black-robe".  He  accompanied  them 
to  Fort  Lewis  in  their  own  country  where  he  induced 
them  to  conclude  peace  with  the  other  Indians  to 
whom  they  were  hostile,  and  he  left  Father  Point  to 
found  a  mission  among  this  formidable  tribe.  His  re- 
turn to  St.  Louis  after  an  absence  of  three  years  and 
six  months  marks  the  end  of  his  residence  among  the 
Indians,  not  from  his  ow^l  choice  but  by  the  arrange- 
ment of  his  religious  superiors  who  deputed  him  to 
other  work  at  St.  Louis  University.  His  coadjutors 
in  his  mission  labours,  Fathers  Point,  Mengarini,  No- 
bili,  Ravalli,  De  Vos,  Adrian  and  Christian  Hoecken, 
Joset  and  others,  made  De  Smet's  foundations  perma- 
nent by  dwelling  among  the  converted  tribes. 

De  Smet  was  now  to  enter  upon  a  new  phase  of  his 
career.  Thus  far  his  life  might  be  called  a  private  one, 
though  crowded  with  stirring  dangers  from  man  and 
beast,  from  moimtain  and  flood,  and  marked  by  the 
successful  establishment  of  munerous  stations  over 
the  Rocky  Mountain  region.  But  his  almost  inex- 
plicable and  seemingly  instantaneous  ascendancy  over 
every  tribe  with  which  he  came  in  contact,  and  his 
writings  which  had  made  him  famous  in  both  hemi- 
spheres, caused  the  United  States  Government  to  look 
to  him  for  help  in  its  difliculties  with  the  red  men,  and 
to  invest  him  with  a  public  character.  Henceforth  he 
was  to  aid  the  Indians  by  pleading  their  cause  before 
Euiopean  nations  and  by  becoming  their  intermediary 
at  Washington.  In  1851  owing  to  the  influx  of  whites 
into  California  and  Oregon,  the  Indians  had  grown 
restless  and  hostile.  A  general  congress  of  tribes  was 
determined  on,  and  was  held  in  Horse  Creek  Valley 
near  Fort  Laramie,  and  the  Government  requested 
De  Smet's  presence  as  pacificator.  He  made  the  long 
journey  and  his  presence  soothed  the  ten  thousand 
Indians  at  the  council  and  brought  about  a  satisfac- 
tory understanding. 

In  1858  he  accompanied  General  Harney  as  a  chap- 
lain in  his  expedition  against  the  Utah  Mormons,  at 
the  close  of  which  campaign  the  Government  re- 
quested him  to  accompany  the  same  officer  to  (Oregon 
and  Washington  Territories,  where,  it  was  feared, 
an  uprising  of  the  Indians  would  soon  take  place. 
Here  again  his  presence  had  the  desired  effect,  for  the 
Indians  loved  him  and  trusted  him  implicitly.  A 
visit  to  the  Sioux  country  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
War  convinced  him  that  a  serious  situation  con- 
fronted the  Government.  The  Indians  rose  in  rebel- 
lion in  August,  1862,  and  at  the  request  of  the  govern- 
ment De  Smet  made  a  tour  of  the  North-west.  When 
he  found  that  a  punitive  expedition  had  been  deter- 
mined on,  he  refused  to  lend  to  it  the  sanction  of  his 
presence.  The  condition  of  affairs  becoming  more 
critical,  the  government  again  appealed  to  him  in  1867 
to  go  to  the  red  men,  who  were  enraged  by  w'hite  men's 
perfidy  and  cruelty,  and  "endeavour  to  bring  them 
back  to  peace  and  submission,  and  prevent  as  far  as 
possible  the  destruction  of  property  and  the  murder  of 
the  whites."  Accordingly  he  set  out  for  the  Upper 
Missouri,  inter\'iewing  thousands  of  Indians  on  his 
way,  and  receiving  delegations  from  the  most  hostile 
tribes,  but  before  the  Peace  Commission  could  deal 
with  them,  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  St.  Louis, 
where  he  was  taken  seriously  ill. 

In  1S6S.  however,  he  again  started  on  what  Chitten- 
den calls  (Life,  Letters  and  Travels  of  Pierre  Jean  De 


DE   SOTO 


753 


DE   SOTO 


Smet,  p.  92),  "the  most  important  mission  of  his 
whole  career."  He  travelled  with  the  Peace  Commis- 
sioners for  some  time,  but  later  determined  to  pene- 
trate alone  into  the  very  camp  of  the  hostile  Sioux. 
General  Stanley  says  (ibid.):  "Father  De  Smet  alone 
of  the  entire  white  race  could  penetrate  to  these  cruel 
savages  and  return  safe  and  sound."  The  missionary 
crosged  the  Bad  Lands,  and  reached  the  main  Sioux 
camp  of  some  five  thousand  warriors  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Sitting  Bull.  He  was  received  with  extraor- 
dinarj'  enthusiasm.  His  counsels  were  at  once  agreed 
to,  and  representatives  sent  to  meet  the  Peace  Com- 
mission. A  treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  2  July,  1868, 
by  all  the  chiefs.  This  result  has  been  looked  on  as  the 
most  remarkable  event  in  the  history  of  the  Indian 
wars.  Once  again,  in  1870,  he  visited  the  Indians,  to 
arrange  for  a  mission  among  the  Sioux.  In  such  a 
crowded  life  allusion  can  be  made  only  to  the  principal 
events.  His  strange  adventures  among  the  red  men 
his  conversions  and  plantings  of  missions,  his  explora- 
tions and  scientific  observations  may  be  studied  in  de- 
tail in  his  writings.  On  behalf  of  the  Indians  he 
crossed  the  ocean  nineteen  times,  visiting  popes,  kings, 
and  presidents,  and  traversing  almost  everj-  European 
land.  By  actual  calculation  he  travelled  180,000 
miles  on  his  errands  of  charity. 

His  writings  are  numerous  and  vivid  in  descriptive 
power,  rich  in  anecdote,  and  form  an  important  con- 
tribution to  our  knowledge  of  Indian  manners,  cus- 
toms, superstitions,  and  traditions.  The  general  cor- 
rectness of  their  geographical  observations  is  testified 
to  by  later  explorers,  though  scientific  researches  have 
since  modified  some  minor  details.  Almost  childlike 
in  the  cheerful  buoyancy  of  his  disposition,  he  pre- 
served this  characteristic  to  the  end,  though  honovired 
by  statesmen  and  made  Chevalier  of  the  Order  of  Leo- 
pr)lci  by  the  King  of  the  Belgians.  That  he  was  not 
wanting  in  personal  courage  is  evinced  by  many  events 
in  his  wonderful  career.  Though  he  had  frequent 
narrow  escapes  from  death  in  his  perilous  travels,  and 
often  took  his  life  in  his  hands  when  penetrating 
among  hostile  tribes,  he  never  faltered.  But  his  main 
title  to  fame  is  his  extraordinary  power  over  the  In- 
dians, a  power  no  other  man  is  said  to  have  equalled. 
To  give  a  list  of  the  Indian  tribes  with  whom  '  e  came 
in  contact,  and  over  whom  he  acquired  an  ascendancy, 
would  be  to  enumerate  almost  all  the  tribes  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  Even  Protestant  writers  declare  him  the 
sincerest  friend  the  Indians  ever  had.  The  effects  of 
his  work  for  them  were  not  permanent  to  the  extent 
which  he  had  planned,  solely  because  the  Indians  have 
been  swept  away  or  engulfed  by  the  white  settlers  of 
the  Xorth-west.  If  circumstances  had  allowed  it,  the 
reductions  of  Paraguay  would  have  found  a  coimter- 
part  in  North  America.  The  archives  of  St.  Louis 
University  contain  all  the  originals  of  De  Smet's  \vrit- 
ings  known  to  be  extant.  Among  these  is  the  "Lin- 
ton .\lbum",  containing  his  itinerarj'  from  1821  to  the 
j'ear  of  his  death,  also  specimens  of  various  Indian 
dialects.  legends,  poems,  etc.  The  principal  works  of 
Father  De  Smet  are:  "Letters  and  Sketches,  with  a 
Narrative  of  a  Year's  Residence  among  the  Indian 
Tribes  of  the  Rocky  Mountains"  (Philadelphia,  1,S4.3), 
translated  into  French,  German,  Dutch,  ami  Italian; 
"Oregon  Missions  and  Travels  over  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains in  184.5-46"  (New  York,  1847),  tran.slated  into 
French  and  Flemish;  "Voyage  au  grand  desert  en 
1851"  (Brussells,  18.>S):  "Western  Missions  and  Mi.s- 
sionaries  "  (New  York,  1863),  translated  into  French; 
"New  Indian  Sketches"  (New  York,  1865). 

Chittenden"  .\Nn  Richardson,  Lije,  Leftrrs  a::d  Travels  of 
Pierre  Jean  De  Smtl,  S.  J.  (iNew  York.  190.5).  It  contains  r  lany 
hitherto  unpublished  letters  and  a  map  of  De  Sinet'^  travels; 
Deynoodt.  p.  ./.  He  Smrt.  mvisionaire  Beige  aux  Etats-Unis 
(Brussels.  1878);  P^LL\I)INO.  iTulian  and  WhUe  in  Ihc  North- 
we.tl  (Baltimore,  1S94);  V.  S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc,  Hist.  Records 
and  Studies  (New  York.  1907),  VII. 

William  H.  W,  Fanning. 
IV— 48 


De  Soto,  Hernando,  explorer  and  conqueror,  b. 
at  Villanueva  de  la  Serena,  Badajoz,  Spain,  1496  or 
1500;  d.  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  the  latter  part 
of  June,  1542.  He  was  given  the  rank  of  captain  of 
a  troop  of  horsemen  in  1516  by  Pedrarias  Ddvila  (also 
known  as  Pedro  Arias  de  Avila),  Governor  of  Darien, 
who  admired  his  courage,  and  he  took  an  active  part 
in  the  conquest  of  portions  of  Central  America.  In 
1523  he  accompanied  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cor- 
doba who,  by  order  of  Pedrarias,  set  out  from  Panama 
with  an  expedition  which  explored  Nicaragua  and 
Honduras,  conquering  and  colonizing  the  country  as 
they  proceeded.  In  1532  he  joined  the  expedition  of 
Francisco  Pizzaro  starting  from  Panama  for  the  con- 
quest of  Peru.  Recognizing  his  importance,  Pizzaro 
made  de  Soto  second  in  command,  though  this  caused 
some  opposition  from  Pizzaro's  brothers.  In  1533  he 
was  sent  at  the  head  of  a  small  party  to  explore  the 
highlands  of  Peru,  and  he  discovered  the  great  national 
road  which  led  to  the  capital.  Soon  afterwards  he  was 
selected  by  Pizzaro  as  amb:issador  to  visit  the  Inca 
.\tahualpa,  lord  of  Peru,  and  he  w.is  the  first  Span- 
iard who  spoke  with  that  chief.  After  the  imprison- 
ment of  Atahualpa,  de  Soto  became  very  friendly 
with  him  and  visited  him  often  in  his  confinement. 
De  Soto  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  engagements 
which  completed  the  conquest  of  Peru,  including  the 
battle  which  resulted  in  the  capture  of  Cuzco,  the 
capital.  Upon  his  return  from  an  expedition,  he 
learned  that  Pizzaro  had  treacherously  ordered  Ata- 
hualpa to  be  put  to  death  in  spite  of  Atahualpa's  hav- 
ing paid  a  large  ransom.  He  was  much  displeased  at 
the  crime,  and,  becoming  disgusted  with  Pizzaro  and 
his  brothers,  he  returned  to  Spain  in  1536,  taking  back 
with  him  about  18,000  ounces  of  gold  which  repre- 
sented his  share  of  the  booty  taken  from  the  Incas. 
He  settled  in  Seville,  and  with  the  gold  he  had 
brought  home,  he  was  able  to  set  up  an  elaborate  es- 
tablishment with  ushers,  pages,  equerry,  chamberlain, 
and  other  servants  required  for  the  household  of  a 
gentlem.an.  In  1537  he  married  Ines  de  Bobadilla 
(sometimes  called  Leonor  or  Isabel),  the  daughter  of 
his  former  patron,  Pedrarias  Ddvila.  He  had  settled 
down  in  Seville  to  enjoy  life  quietly,  when  the  exag- 
gerated accounts  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca  concerning  the 
vast  region  then  called  Florida  fired  his  ambition  to 
undertake  the  conquest  of  this  land  which  he  consid- 
ered no  less  rich  than  Peru.  He  therefore  sold  all  his 
property,  and  devoted  the  proceeds  to  equipping  an 
expedition  for  this  purpose.  He  readily  obtained 
from  C'harles  V,  to  whom  he  had  lent  some  money,  the 
titles  of  .\delantado  of  Florida  and  Governor  of  Cuba, 
and  in  adtlition,  the  title  of  marquis  of  a  certain  por- 
tion of  the  territory  he  might  conquer,  said  portion  to 
be  chosen  by  himself. 

The  expedition  consisted  of  9.50  fighting  men,  eight 
secular  priests,  two  Dominicans,  a  Franciscan  and  a 
Trinitarian,  all  to  be  transported  in  ten  ships.  To 
this  armada  w-;js  added  one  of  twenty  more  ships 
which  was  on  it :  way  to  Vera  Cruz,  but  was  to  be 
under  the  orders  of  de  Soto  while  the  courses  of  the 
two  fleets  lay  along  the  same  route.  The  whole 
s<|uadron  set  sail  from  Sanlucar,  6  .\pril,  1538.  On 
Easter  Simday  morning,  fifteen  days  later,  they  ar- 
rived safely  at  Gomera,  one  of  the  Canary  Islands, 
where  they  stopped  for  one  week  and  then  continued 
their  w.ay  without  incident.  When  near  Cuba,  the 
twenty  vessels  destined  for  Mexico  separated  from  the 
others  and  proceeded  on  their  way.  The  ten  ships  of 
de  Soto  shortly  after  arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Santi- 
ago de  Cuba  where  the  members  of  the  expedition 
were  well  received  by  the  Cubans,  whose  fetes  in 
honour  of  the  new-comers  lasted  several  weeks.  The 
new^  governor  visited  the  towns  in  the  vicinity  of  San- 
tiago and  did  every  thing  in  his  power  to  better  their 
condition.  At  the  same  time,  he  gathered  as  maiiy 
horses  as  he  could,  and,  as  good  ones  were  plentiful  in 


DE   SOTO 


754 


DE   SOTO 


Cuba,  it  was  not  long  before  he  had  a  fair  number  of 
mounts  for  the  men  of  the  Florida  expedition.  Just 
about  this  time,  the  city  of  Havana  was  sacked  and 
burned  by  tlie  French,  and  de  Soto,  upon  learning  of 
it,  despatched  Captain  Aceituno  with  some  men  to 
repair  the  ruins.  .^  he  was  contemplating  an  early 
departure  for  his  conquest  of  Florida,  he  named  Gon- 
zalo  de  Guzman  as  lieutenant-governor  to  administer 
justice  in  Santiago  and  vicinity,  while  for  affairs  of 
state,  he  gave  full  powers  to  his  wife.  Meanwhile,  he 
continued  his  preparations  for  the  expedition  to  Flor- 
ida. In  the  latter  part  of  August,  15.38,  the  ships 
sailed  for  Havana,  while  de  Soto  started  by  land 
with  .350  horses  and  the  remainder  of  the  expedition. 
The  two  parties  arrived  at  Havana  within  a  few  days 
of  each  other,  and  de  Soto  immediately  made  plans 
for  the  rebuilding  of  the  city.  He  also  entrusted  to 
Captain  .\ceituno  the  building  of  a  fortress  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  harbour  and  the  city  from  any  possible 
future  attack.  At  the  same  time,  he  ordered  Juan  do 
Afiasco,  a  skilled  and  experienced  sailor,  to  set  out  in 
advance  to  explore  the  coasts  and  harbours  of  Florida 
•so  that  it  would  facilitate  matters  when  the  main  ex- 
oedition  sailed.  Aiiasco  returned  at  the  end  of  a  few 
months  and  made  a  satisfactory  report. 

The  expedition  was  finally  made  ready,  and  on  18 
May,  1539,  de  Soto  set  sail  with  a  fleet  of  nine  vessels. 
He  had  with  him  1000  men  exclusive  of  the  sailors,  all 
well  armed  and  making  up  what  was  considered  to  be 
the  best  equipped  expedition  that  had  ever  set  out  for 
conquest  in  the  New  World.  They  proceeded  with 
favourable  weather  until  25  May,  when  land  was  seen 
and  they  cast  anchor  in  a  bay  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  Espiritu  Santo  (now  Tampa  Bay).  Tlie 
army  landed  on  Friday,  30  May,  two  leagues  from  an 
Indian  village.  From  this  point  the  Spaniards  began 
their  explorations  of  the  wild  unknown  country  to  the 
north  and  west  which  lasted  for  nearly  three  years. 
They  passed  through  a  region  already  made  hostile  by 
the  violence  of  the  invader  Narvaez,  and  they  were 
constantly  deceived  by  the  Indians,  who  tried  to  get 
them  as  far  away  as  possible  by  telling  them  stories  of 
great  wealth  which  was  to  be  found  at  remote  points. 
They  wandered  from  place  to  place,  always  disap- 
pointed in  their  expectations,  but  still  lured  onward 
by  the  tales  they  heard  of  the  vast  riches  which  lay 
just  beyond.  They  treated  the  Indians  brutally 
whenever  they  met  them,  and  they  were,  as  a  result, 
constantly  at  war  with  them.  Setting  out  from  Es- 
piritu Santo,  de  Soto,  with  considerable  loss  of  men, 
went  through  the  provinces  of  .\cuera,  Ocali,  Vita- 
chuco,  and  Osachile  (all  situated  in  the  western  part  of 
the  Florida  peninsula),  with  the  purpose  of  finally 
reaching  the  territory  of  Apalache  (situated  in  the 
north-western  part  of  Florida  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico), 
as  he  considered  the  fertility  and  maritime  conditions 
of  that  country  well  suited  to  his  purposes.  He  finally 
reached  the  province,  and  after  some  fighting  with  the 
Indians,  subjugated  it.  In  October,  1539,  de  Soto 
sent  Juan  Afiasco  with  thirty  men  to  Espiritu  Santo 
Bay  where  he  had  left  his  ships  and  a  portion  of  his 
expedition,  with  orders  to  start  from  there  with  the 
ships  and  follow  the  coast  until  he  reached  the  bay  of 
Ante  (St.  Marks  on  .4palachee  Bay)  in  the  province  of 
Apalache.  Here  he  was  to  be  joined  by  Pedro  Cal- 
deron,  who  had  orders  to  proceed  by  land  with  the  re- 
mainder of  the  expedition  and  the  provisions  and 
camp  equipment  that  had  been  left  on  the  coast.  At 
the  same  time,  G6mez  Arias  was  to  sail  to  Havana  to 
acquaint  de  Soto's  wife  with  the  progress  of  the  ex- 
pedition. After  many  hardships,  ,\nasco  reached 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  whence  he  started  with  the  ships 
to  carry  out  de  Soto's  orders.  He  arriveil  at  .\ute  in 
safety,  and  was  there  joined  by  Calderon  with  the 
land  forces  according  to  arrangement.  Meanwhile, 
Gomez  Arias  had  fulfilled  his  mission  to  Havana 
and  the  triumphs  of  the  Spaniards  in  Florida  were 


fitly  celebrated  in  that  city.  De  Soto  now  ordered 
Diego  Maldonado,  a  captain  of  infantry  who  had 
served  him  well,  to  give  up  his  command,  and  take 
two  ships  with  which  he  was  to  explore  the  coast  of 
Florida  for  a  distance  of  one  hundred  leagues  to  the 
west  of  Ante,  and  map  out  its  bays  and  inlets.  Mal- 
donado did  his  work  successfully  and  upon  his  return, 
in  February,  1540,  was  sent  to  Havana,  with  orders  to 
inform  the  Governor's  wife  and  announce  to  the  Cu- 
bans as  well  all  that  they  had  seen  and  done.  De 
Soto  gave  him  further  orders  to  return  in  October  and 
meet  him  in  the  Bay  of  Achusi  which  Maldonado  had 
discovered  during  his  exploration.  He  was  to  bring 
back  with  him  as  many  ships  as  he  could  procure,  and 
also  munitions  of  war,  provisions,  and  clothing  for  the 
soldiers.  But  de  Soto  was  destined  never  to  see 
Maldonado  again,  nor  was  he  to  have  the  benefit  of  the 
suppUes  for  which  he  was  sending  him,  for  though 
Maldonado  was  able  to  carry  out  his  orders  to  the 
letter,  when  he  arrived  at  Achusi  in  the  fall  he  found 
neither  trace  nor  tidings  of  de  Soto.  He  waited  for 
some  time  and  explored  the  country  quite  a  distance, 
but  without  finding  him,  and  was  forced  to  return  to 
Havana.  He  tried  again  the  next  year,  and  again  the 
following,  but  always  with  the  same  result. 

MeanwhUe,  de  Soto  had  started  in  March,  1540, 
from  the  province  of  Apalache  with  the  intention  of 
exploring  the  coimtry  to  the  north.  He  explored  the 
pro\ances  of  Altapaha  (or  .Altamaha),  .Vchalaque,  Cofa, 
and  Cofaque,  all  situated  in  eastern  and  northern 
Georgia,  meeting  with  fair  success.  He  then  worked 
his  way  in  a  south-westerly  direction,  intending  to 
reach  the  coast  at  Achusi  where  he  hatl  agreed  to  meet 
Maldonado  with  the  supply  ships.  But  when  he 
reached  the  province  of  Tascaluza  in  southern  Ala- 
bama, where  he  had  been  told  there  were  immense 
riches,  the  Indians  in  large  niunbers  offered  a  more 
stubborn  resistance  and  gave  him  the  worst  battle  he 
had  yet  had.  The  battle  lasted  nine  hours  and  was 
finally  won  by  the  Spaniards,  though  nearly  all  the 
officers  and  men,  including  de  Soto  himself,  were 
wounded.  According  to  Garcilasso,  there  were  70 
Spaniards  and  11,000  Indians  killed  in  the  battle,  and 
in  addition  the  town  of  Mauvila  (now  Mobile)  was 
destroyed  by  a  fire  which  also  consiuned  the  provis- 
ions of  the  Spaniards.  While  in  Tascaluza,  de  Soto 
heard  of  some  Spanish  ships  which  were  on  the  coast 
at  Achusi.  These  were  the  ships  which  Maldonado 
had  brought  back  from  Havana  with  the  supplies. 
De  Soto  thought  he  would  be  able  to  reach  them  in  a 
short  time  for  he  had  been  informed  that  he  was  then 
but  thirty  leagues  from  the  coast.  But  his  troops 
were  so  exhausted  that  he  was  forced  to  rest  for  a  few 
days.  Worn  out  by  the  long  marches  and  the  hard- 
ships they  had  undergone,  and  disappointed  at  not 
finding  any  treasure,  some  of  de  Soto's  followers 
secretly  plotted  to  abandon  him,  make  their  way  to 
Achusi,  and  sail  to  Mexico  or  Peru.  Learning  of  this, 
de  Soto  changed  his  plans,  and,  instead  of  marching 
toward  the  coast  to  join  Maldonado,  he  led  his  men 
toward  the  interior  in  a  westerly  direction,  knowing 
that  they  would  not  dare  to  desert  him  with  the  ships 
so  far  away.  He  hoped  to  reach  New  Spain  (Mexico) 
by  land.  In  a  night  battle  (December,  1540),  he  lost 
forty  men  and  fifty  horses  besides  having  many 
wounded,  and  during  the  next  four  months  he  was 
attacked  almost  nightly.  In  April,  1541,  he  came 
upon  a  fort  surrounded  with  a  stockade,  and  in  storm- 
ing it  nearly  all  his  men  were  woimded  and  many 
were  killed.  It  is  said  that  over  2000  Indians  were 
killeil  in  this  battle,  but  so  many  of  the  Spaniards  were 
wounded  that  de  Soto  was  compelled  to  stop  for  a  few 
days  in  order  to  care  for  them.  Notwitli.'^tanding  his 
repeated  losses  de  Soto  continued  toward  the  interior, 
traversing  several  provinces  cimstituting  the  present 
Gulf  States,  until  he  reached  tlie  Mississippi  at  a  point 
in  the  northern  part  of  the  present  state  of  Mississippi. 


DESPAIR 


755 


DESPRETZ 


He  crossed  the  river  and  pushed  on  to  the  north- 
west until  ho  reached  the  province  of  Autiainque  in 
the  north-western  corner  of  Arkansas,  where  he  passed 
the  winter  of  1541-42  on  the  Cayas  River,  now  the 
Wasliita.  In  the  spring  of  1542,  retracing  his  steps, 
he  reached  the  Mississippi  iu  May  or  June.  Here,  on 
20  June,  1542  (according  to  some  authorities  on  21 
May),  he  was  stricken  with  a  fever,  and  prepared  for 
death.  He  made  his  will,  named  Luis  de  Moscoso  de 
Alvarado  as  his  successor  in  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion, and  took  leave  of  all.  On  the  fifth  day  de  Soto 
succumbed  without  having  reached  New  Spain  by 
land.  His  companions  buried  the  body  in  a  large 
hole  which  the  natives  had  dug  near  one  of  their  vil- 
lages to  get  materials  to  biiild  their  houses.  How- 
ever, as  de  Soto  had  given  the  Indians  to  imderstand 
that  the  Christians  were  immortal,  they  afterwards 
disinterred  the  body,  fearing  the  hostile  savages  might 
possibly  discover  it,  and,  finding  him  dead,  make  an 
attack.  They  then  hollowed  out  the  trunk  of  a  large 
tree  and,  placing  the  body  in  it,  sank  it  in  the  Missis- 
sippi which  they  called  the  Grande.  The  shattered 
remnant  of  the  expedition  under  Moscoso  then  at- 
tempted to  work  their  way  eastward,  but,  driven  back 
by  the  Indians,  they  floated  down  the  Mississippi  and, 
after  many  hardships,  finally  reached  Panuco  in 
Mexico.  This  expedition  of  de  Soto,  though  it  ended 
so  disastrously,  was  one  of  the  most  elaborate  and 
persistent  efforts  made  by  the  Spaniards  to  explore  the 
interior  of  North  America.  It  was  the  first  extensive 
exploration  of  at  least  sLx  of  the  Southern  states: 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Missis- 
sippi, and  Arkansas,  and  their  written  history  often 
begins  with  narratives  whieh  tell  the  story  of  de  Soto's 
expedition.  From  these  same  narratives  we  also  get 
our  first  description  of  the  Chcrokecs,  Seminoles, 
Creeks,  Appalachians,  Choctaws,  and  other  famous 
tribes  of  southern  Indians.  The  story  of  this  expedi- 
tion also  records  the  discoverj'  of  the  Mississippi  and 
the  first  voyage  of  Europeans  upon  it.  It  must  be 
noted  that  Alonso  de  Pineda  discovered  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi  in  1519,  and  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
crossed.it  near  its  mouth  in  1528. 

Smith  tr..  Narrative  of  the  Career  of  Hernando  de  Soto  in  the 
Discovery  of  Florida,  by  a  Kninht  of  Elvas  (New  York,  1866); 
Shipp.  History  of  Hernando  de  tioto  (Philadelphia.  1881);  B.\n- 
CROFT.  History  of  the  United  Slates  (New  York,  1883-85); 
LoWERT,  The  Spanish  Settlements  \cithin  the  Present  Limits  of 
the  United  Slates  (1901)  ;  Orah\m.  Hernando  de  Solo  (1903); 
Bourne,  Narratives  of  de  Soto  (New  York.  1904). 

Ventura  Fuentes. 

Despair  (Latin  desperare,  to  be  hopeless)  ethically 
regarded  is  the  vohmtary  and  complete  abandonment 
of  all  hope  of  saving  one's  soul  and  of  having  the 
means  required  for  that  end.  It  is  not  a  passive  state 
of  mind:  on  the  contrary  it  involves  a  positive  act  of 
the  will  by  which  a  person  deliberately  gives  over  any 
expectation  of  ever  reaching  eternal  life.  There  is 
presupposed  an  intervention  of  the  intellect  in  virtue 
of  which  one  comes  to  decide  definitely  that  salvation 
is  impossible.  This  Last  is  motived  by  the  persuasion 
either  that  the  individual's  sins  are  too  great  to  be  for- 
given or  that  it  is  too  hard  for  human  nature  to  co- 
operate with  the  grace  of  God  or  that  Almighty  God 
is  unwilling  to  aid  the  weakness  or  pardon  the  offences 
of  his  creatures,  etc.  It  is  obvious  that  a  mere  anxi- 
ety, no  matter  how  acute,  as  to  the  hereafter  is  not  to 
be  identified  with  despair.  This  excessive  fear  is  usually 
a  negative  condition  of  soul  and  adequately  discernible 
from  the  positi\-e  elements  which  clearly  mark  the 
vice  which  we  call  ilespair.  The  pusillanimous  person 
has  not  so  much  relinquished  trust  in  God  as  he  is  un- 
duly terrified  at  the  spectacle  of  his  own  shortcomings 
or  incapacity.  The  sin  of  despair  may  sometimes, 
although  not  necessarily,  contain  the  added  malice  of 
heresy  in  so  far  as  it  implies  an  a-ssent  to  a  proposition 
which  is  against  faith,  e.  g.  that  God  has  no  mind  to 
supply  us  with  what  is  needful  for  salvation.     De- 


spair as  such  and  as  distinguished  from  a  cert^-in  diffi- 
dence, sinking  of  the  heart,  or  overweening  dread  is 
always  a  mortal  sin.  The  reason  is  that  it  contra- 
venes with  a  special  directness  certain  attributes  of 
Almighty  God,  such  as  His  goodness,  mercy,  and  faith- 
keeping.  To  be  sure  it  Ls  not  the  worst  sin  conceiv- 
able: that  evil  primacy  is  held  by  the  direct  and  ex- 
plicit hatred  of  God;  neither  is  it  as  great  as  sins 
against  faith  like  formal  heresj'  or  apostasy.  Still  its 
power  for  working  harm  in  the  lunnan  soul  is  funda- 
mentally far  greater  than  other  sins  inasmuch  as  it 
cuts  off  the  way  of  escape  anil  those  who  fall  under  its 
spell  are  frequently,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  found  to  sur- 
render themselves  unreservedly  to  all  sorts  of  sinful 
indulgence. 

NoLDl.v,  Summa  Theologite  MoraJis  (Innsbruck,  1904); 
RiCK.tBy,  Aquinas  Elhicus  (London.  1896);  Genicot,  Theo- 
loffiw  Moralis  Institution's  (Louvain,  1898). 

Joseph  F.  Delant. 

Despretz,  Cesar-Mansukte,  chemist  and  physi- 
cist, b.  at  Lessines,  Belgium,  11  May,  1798;  d.  at 
Paris,  11  May,  186.3.  He  was  appointed  early  in  life 
master  of  studies  in  the  lyceum  of  Bruges,  and  later 
went  to  Paris  to  complete  his  studies.  Here  he 
attracted  the  attention  of  Gay-Lussac,  who  had  him 
appointed  tutor  of  the  chemical  course  which  the 
former  was  then  gi^^ng  at  the  Ecole  Polj-technique. 
In  1824  Despretz  was  made  adjimct  and  then  titular 
professor  of  physics  at  the  College  Henri  IV,  and  in 
18.37  received  the  chair  of  physics  at  the  Sorbonne. 
He  was  naturalized  as  a  Frenchman  in  1838,  and  in 
1841  was  elected  to  the  Academy  of  Sciences  in  the 
division  of  general  physics,  being  the  successor  of 
Savart.  The  researches  of  Despretz  did  much  to 
establish  the  foundation  of  modern  physics,  notably 
in  the  domain  of  heat.  In  1818  he  investigated  latent 
heat  and  the  elasticity  of  vapours.  In  1 82 1 ,  following 
the  same  line,  he  studied  the  heat^conductivity  of 
solids,  vapour  density,  and  the  latent  heat  of  steam 
at  different  pressures;  his  memoir  of  1822  on  the 
causes  of  animal  heat  was  crowned  by  the  Academy. 
In  1823  the  results  of  his  investigation  of  the  com- 
pressibility of  liquids  were  published,  and  in  1827  his 
researches  on  the  density  of  gases  at  different  pres- 
sures; the  latter  investigation  proved  that  Mariotte's 
law  was  not  exactly  followed  by  gases.  The  titles  of 
some  of  his  leading  memoirs  and  their  dates  of  publi- 
cation are  as  follows:  "The  Heat  of  Combustion" 
(1828);  "Investigation  of  the  Mercurial  Thennom- 
eter"  (1837);  "The  Laws  of  Conductivity  of  Heat  in 
Liquids"  (1838);  "The  Limit  of  Appreciable  Sound" 
(1845). 

After  this  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  voltaic  cell 
and  voltaic  arc.  By  uniting  the  heat  from  a  very 
large  burning  glass  with  the  heat  of  the  voltaic  arc 
and  with  the  oxy-hydrogen  flame,  he  experimented 
on  the  diffusion  and  volatilization  of  refractory  solids, 
performing  some  experiments  of  remarkable  interest 
in  those  days  when  electricity  was  not  so  highly 
developed  as  at  the  present  time.  I'nder  the  dis- 
charge of  the  Ruhmkorff  coil  he  iipproxiniated  the 
formation  of  diamonds.  Among  his  books  may  be 
cited  "  Recherches  exp^rimentales  svir  les  causes  de 
la  chaleur  animale"  (Paris,  1824);  "Traitd  ^Mmen- 
taire  de  physique"  (Paris,  1825,  and  many  later 
editions) ;  "  Elements  de  chimie  th^oriquc  et  pratique" 
(Paris,  1828-30);  in  addition  to  these  some  fifty 
memoirs  were  published  by  him  between  1817  and 
1863,  the  list  of  which  is  given  in  the  "Catalogue  of 
Scientific  Papers  of  the  Royal  Society"  (London, 
1868"!,  VII.  Despretz  was  a  true  Catholic;  he  con- 
stantly resisted  assaults  upon  the  Church  and  the 
clerical  body,  was  always  ready  to  lead  in  their  defence, 
and  died  a  devout  member  of  the  Church. 

Dictionnaire  Larousse,  s.  v. ;  Moigno  in  Lea  Mondea  (Parie, 
18(»),  I. 

T.  O'CoNOR  Sloane. 


DESSERVANTS 


756 


DETERMINISM 


Desservants,  the  name  of  a  class  of  French  parish 
priests.  Under  the  old  regime,  a  priest  who  per- 
formed the  parochial  duties  in  a  vacant  parish,  or 
where  the  parish  priest  was  under  censure  of  some 
kind  (H^ricourt,  Les  lois  eccl&iastiques  de  France, 
II,  XV,  Paris,  1771)  was  known  as  a  desservant;  he 
was  the  vicar,  or  econome-cure,  whom  the  Council  of 
Trent  (Sess.  XXIV,  c.  xviii,  De  ref.)  desired  to  be  ap- 
pointed in  each  vacant  parish.  After  the  Concordat 
of  1801,  however,  the  name  desservants  was  applied  to 
a  second  class  of  parish  priests  who  were  named  by 
the  bishop  without  the  sanction  of  the  Government, 
but  could  also  be  removed  at  any  time  by  the  bishop. 
This  institution  owed  its  origin  to  custom  rather  than 
any  law,  though  later  on  it  was  fully  legalized.  Arti- 
cle 9  of  the  new  concordat  decreed  that  "  the  bishops 
are  to  make  a  new  circumscription  of  the  parishes  in 
their  dioceses,  which  will  only  go  into  effect  after  the 
consent  of  the  Government  is  obtained".  Article  10 
adds:  "Bishops  shall  make  the  appointments  to  par- 
ishes ;  they  shall  choose  only  persons  approved  by  the 
Government."  Finally,  art.  14  provides  "a  suitable 
salary  for  bishops  and  parish  priests".  These  clauses 
applied  to  only  one  kind  of  parish  and  parish  priests ; 
but  the  Organic  Articles,  added  by  the  Government  to 
the  concordat,  established  parishes  of  a  second  order, 
succursal  parishes  (mission  churches),  whose  titulars 
were  not  canonically  parish  priests  {cures)  and  re- 
ceived no  remuneration  from  the  State.  Organic 
Articles  31,  60,  61,  63  provide  that  "there  shall  be  at 
least  one  parish  for  every  justice  of  the  peace",  that 
"the  bishop  in  conjunction  with  the  prefect  shall  regu- 
late the  number  and  extent  of  succursal  parishes"; 
that  "  the  officiating  priests  in  succursal  parishes  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  bishop";  that  they  shall  also  be 
removable  by  him ;  preference  nevertheless  should  be 
given  to  ecclesiastics  pensioned  by  the  Assemble 
Constituante  (art.  68).  By  degrees  the  succursal  par- 
ishes increased  and  equalled  in  number  the  municipali- 
ties of  France;  gradually,  also,  the  Government  al- 
lowed these  desservants  a  small  salary.  From  an 
ecclesiastical  point  of  view,  they  were  parLsh  priests 
except  for  the  removability  clause. 

This  condition  of  affairs,  which  the  concordat  had 
not  anticipated,  was  advantageous  to  the  Church,  be- 
cause it  left  the  bishops  free  to  appoint  to  most  par- 
ishes without  consulting  the  State ;  it  was  also  of  ad- 
vantage to  the  episcopal  administration,  which  would 
have  been  much  hampered  had  all  the  parish  priests 
been  irremovable.  It  was  not  formally  approved  by 
Rome,  however,  until  May,  1845,  under  Gregory  XVI 
(reply  of  the  Congregation  of  the  Council  to  the  Bishop 
of  Li^ge).  The  pope  authorized  the  continuance  of 
the  existing  situation  until  the  Holy  See  decided  other- 
wise. From  various  quarters,  however,  arose  pro- 
tests in  favour  of  canonical  irremovability  of  the  des- 
servants. In  1839  the  Allignol  brothers  published 
"  De  I'^tat  actuel  du  clerg6  de  France,  et  en  particulier 
des  cur^s  ruraux,  appeltJs  desservants"  (The  present 
condition  of  the  clergy  of  France,  particularly  of  the 
rural  parish  priests,  known  as  desservants).  It  was 
the  cause  of  several  meetings  of  the  French  bishops  at 
Rome  and  finally  of  the  aforesaid  rescript  of  Gregory 
XVI.  Later  on  (5  Oct.,  1864)  the  Congregation  of 
Bishops  and  Regulars  reproved  a  similar  work  by  the 
Abb6  Dagomer,  "  Rehabilitation  du  desservant".  Oc- 
casionally, some  of  the  desservants  refused  to  give  up 
their  places  at  the  bishop's  order,  maintaining  a  com- 
mon-law right  of  irremovability;  but  in  this  they 
were  always  unsuccessful.  In  this  respect  the  eccle- 
siastical discipline  of  France  had  become  fixed  and 
accepted ;  nor  was  it  modified  by  the  Separation  Law 
of  1905;  except  that  some  bishops  have  ceased  to  u.se 
the  terms  succursale  and  desservant,  replacing  them  by 
parish  and  parish  priest,  both,  however,  long  since  in 
ordinary  ecclesiastical  use. 

Bouix,  Dc  parocho  (Paris,  1867),  Pt.  I,  sects,  iii  and  iv; 


BouDiNHON,  InamovibUite  et  translation  des  desservants  (Paris, 
1895):   DuBALLET,  Traite  des  paroisses  et  des  cures  (Paris,  1900). 
A.    BOUWNHON. 

Desunnont,  Achille,  ascetical  writer,  b.  at  Tour- 
comg,  France,  23  Dec,  1828;  d.  23  July,  1898.  He 
attended  first  the  college  of  the  Jesuits  at  Brugelette, 
Belgium,  and  afterwards  ( 1848)  the  theological  college 
of  Cambrai.  Drawn  to  the  religious  state,  he  was  re- 
ceived into  the  Congregation  of  the  Most  Holy  Re- 
deemer in  1850,  made  his  profession  the  following  year, 
and  was  ordained  priest  24  Sept.,  1853.  His  talent 
was  at  once  recognized  and  he  was  appointed  prefect  of 
students  and  professor  of  theology,  which  offices  he 
retained  till  1865,  when  he  became  superior  of  the 
French  pro\dnce.  He  was  a  man  of  surpassing  energy 
and  an  excellent  organizer,  his  kindness  winning  him 
the  affection  and  confidence  of  his  subjects,  whom  he 
directed  with  prudence  and  fatherly  firmness.  Under 
his  care  subjects  and  foundations  multiplied;  the 
congregation  spread  into  Spain  for  a  second  time,  and 
he  made  foundations  in  Peru,  Ecuador,  Chile,  and  Co- 
lombia in  South  America.  Forced  to  transfer  his 
numerous  religious  from  France  to  Holland,  he  so 
communicated  to  others  his  ovm  spirit  of  faith  and 
confidence  that  in  all  their  troubles  not  one  of  his  sub- 
jects failed  him.  On  his  return  to  France  he  soon  or- 
ganized missions  and  retreats  as  before.  In  1887,  he 
was  given  the  important  work  of  Apostolic  visitor  to 
the  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor.  ^\s  a  preacher  few  sur- 
passed him  in  the  retreats  he  gave  to  priests  and  re- 
ligious all  over  France.  At  the  age  of  seventy  he  was 
again  nominated  provincial.  Although  in  poor  health, 
he  set  to  work  with  his  wonted  activity,  but  the  result 
was  a  complete  break-down.  He  wrote  much  and 
well.  He  was  the  founder  (1875)  of  the  ascetical  re- 
view, "La  Sainte  Famille",  and  a  constant  contribu- 
tor to  it.  His  works  are  etUted  in  three  series:  1.  Vie 
Chr^tienne. — "L'  Art  d'  assurer  son  Salut";  "Le 
Credo  et  la  Pro\'idence " ;  "Le  Monde  et  1'  Evangile"; 
"La  Vie  vraiment  chr^tienne";  "Devotions  de  I'ame 
chr^tiemie";  "Le  Ven.  Passarat  et  les  Redemptor- 
istes".  2.  Vie  Religieuse. — "Exercises  Spirituels" 
(Retraites).  —  "  Renouvellements  spirituels"  (Re- 
traites) ;  "  Conversion  quotidienne  et  retour  continuel 
a  Dieu"  (Retraites);  "LTne  Vertu  pour  ch.aque  mois 
del'ann^e";  "LaVievraimentreligieu.se";  "Manuel 
de  meditations  quotidieimes".  3.  Vie  Sacerdotale.— 
"Dieu  et  la  parole  de  Dieu";  "Discours  et  plans  de 
retraites  eccl&iastiques";  "L'esprit  Apostolique"; 
"L'art  desauver  les  ames";  "La  charity  sacerdotale" 
(Paris,  Librairie  de  la  "Sainte  Famille",  1907-8). 

La  Sainte  Famille  (1898),  450;    Archives  Congr.  SS.  R. 
J.  Magnier. 

Detenninism  is  a  name  employed  by  recent  writers, 
especially  since  J.  Stuart  Mill,  to  denote  the  philosoph- 
ical theory  which  holds,  in  opposition  to  the  doctrine 
of  free  will,  that  all  man's  volitions  are  invariably  deter- 
mined by  pre-existing  circimistances.  It  may  take 
diverse  forms,  some  cruder,  some  more  refined.  Bio- 
logical and  materialistic  Determinism  maintains  that 
each  of  our  voluntary  acts  finds  its  sufficient  and  com- 
plete cause  in  the  physiological  conditions  of  the  or- 
ganism. Psychological  Determinism  ascribes  effi- 
ciency to  the  psychical  antecedents.  In  this  view 
each  volition  or  act  of  choice  is  determined  by  the 
character  of  the  agent  plus  the  motives  acting  on  him 
at  the  time.  Advocates  of  this  theory,  since  Mill, 
usually  object  to  the  names,  Necessarianism  and 
Fatalism,  on  the  ground  that  these  words  seem  to 
imply  some  form  of  external  compulsion,  whilst  they 
aftirm  only  the  fact  of  invariable  sequence  or  uniform 
causal  connect  eilness  between  motives  and  volition. 
Opposed  to  tliis  view  i.s  the  doctrine  of  Indeterminism,  j 
or  wliat  perliaiis  may  more  accurately  be  called  Anti- 
deti'rmiiiisni.  wliich  denies  that  man  is  thus  invariably 
determined  in  all  his  acts  of  choice.     This  doctrine  has 


DETRACTION 


757 


DETRACTION 


been  stigmatized  by  some  of  its  opponents  as  the  the- 
ory of  ''causeless  volition",  or  "motiveless  choice"; 
and  the  name,  Intlefcrminism,  is  possibly  not  the  best 
selection  to  meet  the  imputation.  The  oljjection  is, 
however,  not  justified.  The  Aiiti-determinists,  while 
denying  that  the  act  of  choice  Ls  always  merely  the 
resultant  of  the  assemblage  of  motives  plajnng  on  the 
mind,  teach  positively  that  the  Ego,  or  Self,  is  the 
cause  of  our  volitions;  and  they  describe  it  as  a 
"free"  or  "self-determining"  cause.  The  presence  of 
some  reason  or  motive,  they  ordinarily  hold,  is  a  neces- 
sary condition  for  every  act  of  free  choice,  but  they  in- 
sist that  the  Ego  can  decide  between  motives.  Choice 
is  not,  they  maintain,  uniformly  determined  by  the 
pleasantest  or  the  worthiest  motive  or  collection  of 
motives.  Nor  is  it  the  inevitable  consecjuent  of  the 
strongest  motive,  except  in  that  tautological  sense  in 
which  the  word  strongest  simply  signifies  that  motive 
which  as  a  matter  of  fact  prevails.  Determinism  and 
the  denial  of  free  will  seem  to  be  a  logical  consequence 
of  all  monistic  hypotlieses.  They  are  obviously  in- 
volved in  all  materialistic  theories.  For  Materialisnx 
of  every  type  ncci'ss:irily  holds  that  every  incident  in 
the  historj'  of  the  universe  is  the  inevitable  outcome 
of  the  mechanical  and  physical  movements  and 
changes  which  have  gone  before.  But  Determinism 
seems  to  be  an  equally  necessary  consequence  of 
monistic  Idealism.  Indeed  the  main  argument 
against  all  monist  ic  and  pantheistic  systems  will  always 
be  the  fact  of  free  will.  Self-determination  implies 
separateness  of  intiividuality  and  independence  in 
each  free  agent,  and  thus  entails  a  pluralistic  concep- 
tion of  the  universe.  (See  Dualism;  Moni.sm.)  In 
spite  of  the  assertions  of  Determinists,  no  true  logical 
distinction  can  be  made  between  their  \new  and  that 
of  Fatalism.  In  both  systems  each  of  my  volitions  is 
as  inexorably  fated,  or  pre-determined,  in  the  past 
conditions  of  the  universe  as  the  movements  of  the 
planets  or  the  tides.  The  opponents  of  Determini.sm 
usually  insist  on  two  lines  of  argument,  the  one  based 
on  the  consciousness  of  freedom  in  the  act  of  deliber- 
ate choice,  the  other  on  the  incompatibility  of  Deter- 
minism with  our  fmnlamental  moral  convictions. 
The  notions  of  responsibility,  moral  obligation, 
merit,  and  the  like,  as  ordinarily  understood,  would 
be  illusorj-  if  Determinism  were  true.  The  theory  is 
in  fact  fatal  to  ethics,  as  well  as  to  the  notion  of  sin 
and  the  fimdamental  Christian  belief  that  we  can 
merit  both  reward  and  punishment.  (See  Free  Will; 
Ethics;  Fatalis.m.) 

RiCKABv,  Fne  Will  (London,  1906);  Waro,  Philoxophy  of 
Theism  (London,  1SS4):  Jamks.  Priiu-iples  of  Psiieholon  (New 
York  and  London,  1901),  II,  569-79;  Maheh,  rsychotogy  (New 
York  and  Ix)ndon,  190S),  .\dx;  Noel,  La  consciena:  du  libre 
arhitre  (Louvain,  1S99). 

Michael  Maker. 

Detraction  (from  Lat.  detrahere,  to  take  away)  is 
the  unjust  damaging  of  another's  good  name  by  the 
revelation  of  some  fault  or  crime  of  which  that  other 
Ls  n-ally  guilty  or  at  any  rate  is  s(>riously  believed  to  be 
guilty  by  the  defamer.  An  important  difference  be- 
tween detraction  and  calumny  is  at  once  apparent. 
The  calumniator  says  what  he  knows  to  be  false, 
whilst  the  detractor  narrates  what  he  at  least  honestly 
thinks  is  true.  Detraction  in  a  general  sense  is  a  mor- 
tal sin,  as  being  a  violation  of  the  \'irtue  not  only  of 
charity  but  also  of  justice.  It  is  obvious,  however, 
that  the  subject-matter  of  the  accusation  may  be  so 
incon.spicuous  or,  everything  considered,  so  little 
capable  of  doing  serious  hurt  that  the  guilt  is  not  .a.s- 
sumed  to  be  more  than  venial.  The  same  judgment 
is  to  be  given  when,  as  not  unfrequently  happens, 
there  has  been  little  or  no  advertence  to  the  harm  that 
is  being  done. 

The  determination  of  the  degree  of  sinfulness  of  de- 
traction is  in  general  to  be  gathered  from  the  consid- 
eration of  the  amount  of  harm  the  defamatory  utter- 


ance is  calculated  to  work.  In  order  to  adequately 
measure  the  seriousness  of  the  damage  wrought,  due 
regard  must  be  had  not  only  to  the  imputation  itself 
but  also  to  the  character  of  the  person  by  whom  and 
against  whom  the  charge  is  made.  That  is,  we  must 
take  into  account  not  only  the  greater  or  le.sser  crim- 
inality of  the  thing  alleged  but  also  the  more  or  less 
distinguished  reputation  of  the  detractor  for  trust- 
worthiness, as  well  as  the  more  or  less  nnt;il,lc  ilJLjiiity 
or  estimation  of  the  person  whose  good  hmhic  Iims  l.ccn 
assailed.  Thus  it  is  conceivable  that  a  rila(l\ely  smimI! 
defect  alleged  against  a  person  of  eminent  .station, 
such  as  a  bishop,  might  seriously  tarnish  his  good 
name  and  be  a  mortal  sin,  whilst  an  offence  of  consid- 
erable magnitude  attributed  to  an  individual  of  a  class 
in  which  such  things  frequently  happen  miglit  consti- 
tute only  a  venial  sin,  such  as,  for  instance,  to  say  that 
a  common  sailor  had  been  drunk.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  the  manifestation  of  even  inculpable  de- 
fects may  be  a  real  defamation,  such  as  to  charge  a 
person  with  gross  ignorance,  etc.  When  this  is  done 
in  such  circumstances  as  to  bring  upon  the  person  so 
disparaged  a  more  than  onlinary  measure  of  di.sgrace, 
or  perhaps  seriously  prejudice  him,  the  sin  may  even 
be  a  grievous  one. 

There  are  times,  nevertheless,  when  one  may  law- 
fully make  known  the  offence  of  another  even  though 
as  a  consequence  the  trust  hitherto  reposed  in  him  be 
rudely  shaken  or  shattered.  If  a  person's  misdoing  is 
public  in  the  sense  that  sentence  has  been  pas.sed  by 
the  competent  legal  tribunal  or  that  it  is  already  no- 
torious, for  instance,  in  a  city,  tlwii  in  the  first  case  it 
may  licitly  be  referred  to  in  any  place;  in  the  second, 
within  the  limits  of  the  town,  or  even  elsewhere,  unless 
in  either  instance  the  offender  in  the  lapse  of  time 
should  have  entirely  reformed  or  his  delinquency  been 
quite  forgotten.  When,  however,  knowledge  of  the 
happening  is  possessed  only  by  the  members  of  a  par- 
ticular community  or  society,  such  as  a  college  or 
monastery  and  the  like,  it  would  not  be  lawful  to  pub- 
lish the  fact  to  others  than  those  belonging  to  such  a 
body.  Finally,  even  when  the  sin  Ls  in  no  sense  pub- 
lic, it  may  still  be  divulged  without  contravening  the 
virtues  of  justice  or  charity  whenever  such  a  course  is 
for  the  common  weal  or  is  estecnuHl  to  make  for  the 
good  of  the  narrator,  of  his  list<iii'rs,  or  even  of  the 
culprit.  The  right  which  tlie  latter  has  to  an  assumed 
good  name  is  extinguished  in  the  j)resence  of  the  bene- 
fit which  may  be  conferred  in  this  way. 

The  employment  of  this  teaching,  however,  is  lim- 
ited by  a  twofold  restriction.  (1)  The  damage  which 
one  may  soberly  apprehend  as  emerging  from  the 
failure  to  reveal  another's  sin  or  vicious  propensity 
must  be  a  notable  one  as  contrasted  with  the  evil  of 
defamation.  (2)  No  more  in  the  way  of  exposure 
should  be  done  than  is  reriuired,  and  even  a  fraternal 
admonition  ought  rather  to  be  substituted  if  it  can  be 
discerned  to  ade(iuately  meet  the  needs  of  the  situ.a- 
tion.  Journalists  are  entirely  within  their  rights  in 
inveighing  against  the  official  shortromings  of  public 
men.  Likewise,  they  m.ay  lawfully  present  whatever 
information  about  the  life  or  character  of  a  candidate 
for  public  office  is  necessary  to  sliow  his  unfitness  for 
the  .station  lu'  seeks.  Hi.storians  have  a  still  greater 
latitude  in  the  performance  of  their  task.  This  is  not 
of  course  because  the  dead  have  lost  their  claim  to 
have  their  good  name  respected.  ULstory  nuist  be 
something  more  th.an  a  mere  calendar  of  dates  and  in- 
cidents; the  causes  ami  connexion  of  events  are  a 
proper  part  of  its  province.  This  consideration,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  general  utility  in  elevating  and 
strengthening  the  public  conscience,  may  justify  the 
historian  in  telling  many  things  hitherto  unknown 
which  are  to  the  disgrace  of  those  of  whom  they  are 
related. 

Those  who  abet  another's  defamation  in  a  matter  of 
moment  by  directly  or  indirectly  inciting  or  encour- 


DETRE 


758 


DETROIT 


aging  the  principal  in  the  case  are  guilty  of  grievous 
injustice.  When,  however,  one's  attitude  is  simply  a 
passive  one,  i.  e.  that  of  a  mere  listener,  prescinding 
from  any  interior  satisfaction  at  the  blackening  of  an- 
other's good  name,  ordinarily  the  sin  is  not  mortal 
unless  one  happens  to  be  a  superior.  The  reason  is 
that  private  persons  are  seldom  obliged  to  administer 
fraternal  correction  under  pain  of  mortal  sin  (see  Cor- 
rection, Fraternal).  "The  detractor  having  vio- 
lated an  unimpeachable  right  of  another  is  bound  to 
restitution.  He  must  do  his  best  to  put  back  the  one 
whom  he  has  thus  outraged  in  possession  of  the  fair 
fame  which  the  latter  hitherto  enjoyed.  He  must 
likewise  make  good  whatever  other  loss  he  in  some 
measure  foresaw  his  victim  would  sustain  as  a  result 
of  this  unfair  defamation,  such  as  damage  measur- 
able in  terms  of  money.  The  obligation  in  either  in- 
stance is  perfectly  clear.  The  method  of  discharging 
this  plain  duty  is  not  so  obvious  in  the  first  case.  In 
fact,  since  the  thing  alleged  is  assumed  to  be  true,  it 
cannot  be  formally  taken  back,  and  some  of  the  sug- 
gestions of  theologians  as  to  the  style  of  reparation  are 
more  ingenious  than  satisfactory.  Generally  the  only 
thing  that  can  be  done  is  to  bide  one's  time  until  an 
occasion  presents  itself  for  a  favourable  characteriza- 
tion of  the  person  defamed.  The  obligation  of  the 
detractor  to  make  compensation  for  pecuniary  loss 
and  the  like  is  not  only  personal  but  becomes  a  burden 
on  his  heirs  as  well. 

NoLDiN,  Summa  Theologias  Moralis  (Innsbruck,  1905) ;  Geni- 
COT,  Theologifs  Moralis  Institutiones  (Louvain,  1898);  Lehm- 
KUHL,  Theologia  Moralis  (Freiburg,  1887). 

Joseph  F.  Delant. 

Detre,  William,  missionary,  b.  in  France  in  1668, 
d.  in  South  America,  at  an  advanced  age,  date  uncer- 
tain. After  his  admission  to  the  Society  of  Jesus,  he 
was  sent  by  his  superiors  to  the  missions  of  South 
America  in  1706,  and  seven  years  later  was  appointed 
superior-general  and  visitor  of  all  the  missions  of  the 
Amazon  embracing  a  tract  of  over  3000  miles.  He  is 
credited  with  translating  the  catechism  into  eighteen 
different  languages  for  the  various  Indian  tribes  under 
his  jurisdiction.  It  was  he  who  sent  to  Europe  the 
celebrated  map  of  the  Amazon  drawn  by  Father  Sam- 
uel Fritz,  S.  J.,  and  engraved  at  Quito  in  1707.  In 
1727  he  was  appointed  rector  of  the  College  of  Cuenca, 
where  he  continued  the  zealous  exercise  of  the  func- 
tions of  the  ministry.  He  left  an  interesting  "Rela- 
tion" dated  1  June,  1731,  giving  curious  details  about 
the  uncivilized  races  of  the  Amazon.  It  is  inserted  in 
volume  XXIII  of  the  "Lettres  Edifiantes",  original 
edition. 

MicHAUD,  Biog.  Univ.  (Paris,  1814);  Sommervogel,  Bibl.  de 
la  C.  de  J.  (Brassels,  1892),  s.  v.  Samuel  Fritz,  III,  1003. 

Edward  P.  Spillane. 

Detroit,  Diocese  of  (Detroitensis),  established 
8  March,  1838,  comprises  the  counties  of  the  lower 
peninsula  of  the  State  of  Michigan,  U.  S.  A.,  south  of 
tlie  Counties  of  Ottawa,  Kent,  Montcalm,  Gratiot,  and 
Saginaw,  and  east  of  the  Counties  of  Saginaw  and  Bay ; 
an  area  of  18,558  miles.     Suffragan  of  Cincinnati. 

To  the  martyr  Father  Isaac  Jogues  and  his  fellow- 
Jesuit  Father  Charles  Raynbaut,  belongs  the  honour  of 
planting  the  Cross  in  Michigan  when,  in  1642,  they 
began  their  mission  to  the  Chippeways  of  the  Sault 
Ste.  Marie.  Father  Ren6  Menard,  also  a  Jesuit,  fol- 
lowed them  in  1660,  and  was  martyred  the  next  year 
by  a  band  of  prowling  savages.  His  death  did  not 
deter  others  of  his  brethren  in  the  Society  of  Jesus 
from  hastening  to  this  field  of  labour,  and  we  find 
I'ather  Claude  Allouez,  at  Chegoimegon,  1  October, 
1065,  preaching  to  the  Ottawas  and  Hurons,  and  with 
him  these  otlier  missionaries:  Fathers  ('laude  Dablon, 
Louis  Andr<5,  Gabriel  Druilletes,  and  the  famous 
Jacques  Marquette.  Tlie  hust,  in  1671 ,  began  at  Mich- 
ilimackinaw,  his  mission  of  St.  Ignatius,  where  the 
first  chapel  for  white  men  in  Michigan  was  estab- 


lished. France  took  formal  possession  of  the  West  in 
1671,  but  England  entering  the  field  to  dispute  for  the 
mastery,  political  intrigue  followed,  to  the  disaster  of 
the  old  missions  auKinu  tlie  Indians.  Fort  St.  Joseph, 
established  at  Detroit  m  168S,  developed  into  the  post 
established  there  in  1700  by  La  Mothe  Cadillac,  who 
brought  with  him  a  number  of  Canadian  families. 
This  mission  was  served  by  the  Recollects  and  under 
the  pastorate  of  the  Rev.  Nicholas  Benedict  Constantin 
de  I'Halle,  on  26  July,  1701,  the  church  of  St.  Anne 
was  dedicated.  This  is  the  mother-church  of  the 
Northwest,  and  the  parish  records  are  preserved  in  an 
unbroken  series  in  the  archives  of  the  St.  Anne's 
Church  of  the  present,  the  building  being  the  si.xth  of 
the  name  in  the  line  of  succession.  The  first  entry  in 
this  registry  is  that  of  the  baptism  of  a  child  of  Cadil- 
lac, the  founder  of  the  colony.  It  is  asserted  that  no 
other  parish  in  the  United  States  can  present  a  similar 
record.  This  church  was  burned  by  discontented 
Indians  in  1704,  and  again  during  an  Indian  outbreak 
in  1712.  Father  de  I'Halle  was  killed  by  the  Indians 
in  1706. 

Other  pastors  during  this  period  were  the  Recollect 
Fathers  Bonaventure,  Dominic  de  la  Marche,  Cheru- 
bin  Denieau,  Hyacinth  Pelifresne,  and  Simplicius  Bo- 
quet  (1752-82)  and  the  Sulpitian  Fathers  Calvarin, 
Mercier,  and  Thaumur  de  la  Somce.  Detroit  re- 
mained under  English  domination  until  1796,  when 
with  the  change  of  political  control  the  spiritual  juris- 
diction passed  to  Bishop  Carroll  of  Baltimore,  and  the 
Bishop  of  Quebec  recalled  his  priests  from  the  Michigan 
territory.  Among  those  ministering  at  Detroit  during 
the  English  occupation  were  Father  Thomas  Portier, 
who  died  in  1781,  and  Father  John  Francis  Hubert, 
who  was  made  Coadjutor  Bishop  of  Quebec  in  June, 
1785. 

At  the  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century  Detroit,  still 
a  military  post,  had  a  population  of  about  20(X), 
mainly  French  Catholics.  St.  Anne's  parish  then 
comprised  the  whole  of  the  present  State  of  Michigan 
and  most  of  Wisconsin.  In  1796  Bishop  Carroll  sent 
the  Sulpitian  Father  Michael  Levadoux  to  take  charge 
at  Detroit.  In  June  of  the  same  year  Fathers  Gabriel 
Richard  and  Dilhet  were  appointed  to  assist  him,  the 
latter  taking  up  his  residence  at  Raisin  River.  Father 
Levadoux  was  recalled  to  Baltimore  in  1801.  Father 
Richard  succeeded  him  and  became  not  only  pastor  of 
St.  Anne's,  but  one  of  the  leading  figures  in  the  devel- 
opment of  the  West.  This  remarkable  priest  was 
born  at  Saintes,  France,  15  October,  1767.  His 
father  was  a  government  employee,  and  his  mother 
Genevieve  Bossuet,  a  scion  of  the  same  family  as  the 
great  Bishop  of  Meaux.  He  was  ordained  as  a  Sulpi- 
tian at  Paris,  in  October,  1791.  The  Revolution  drove 
him  from  his  native  land,  and  with  Fathers  Marechal, 
Ciquard,  and  Matigonon,  he  arrived  in  Baltimore,  24 
June,  1792.  It  was  intended  that  they  should  be 
teachers  at  St.  Mary's  Seminary,  but  they  were  as- 
signed to  missionary  work  instead,  as  the  seminary 
was  not  then  ready  for  them.  Father  Richard  was 
sent  to  Prairie  du  Rocher  and  Kaskaskia,  Illinois, 
where  he  spent  six  years  of  hardship  and  privation, 
but  fruitful  in  the  results  of  his  zealous  ministrations. 
When  he  arrived  at  Detroit  in  June,  1798,  he  found 
religious  conditions  far  from  ideal,  the  town  having 
been  for  years  an  Indian  trading  centre.  He  began  at 
once  to  exert  a  salutary  influence  for  the  reformation 
of  existing  abuses  and  devoted  himself  also  to  promot- 
ing the  W'Clfare  of  the  numerous  Indian  missions  in  the 
surrounding  country.  In  the  summer  of  1801  he  had 
Bishop  Denaut  of  Quebec  visit  Detroit  on  the  invita- 
tion of  Bishop  Carroll  and  confirm  521  persons  of  iiges 
ranging  from  thirteen  to  eighty  years.  His  manu- 
script list  of  their  names  and  ages  is  still  kept  in  St.  „ 
Anne's  archives.  In  1804  he  started  a  Young  Ladies'  ' 
Academy  and  a  seminary  to  foster  vociitions  foi-the 
priesthood  for  young  men,  but  a  lire  which  destroyed 


DETROIT  COLLEGE  3.    CATHEDRAL  OF  STS.  PETER  AND  PAUL 

CHURCH  OF  OUR  LADY  OF  THE  ROSARY  4.   ST.  MARY'S  COLLEGE,  MONROE 

5.    OLD  ST.  ANNE's  CHURCH 


DETROIT 


759 


DETROIT 


the  town  11  June,  1805,  swept  these  away  as  well  as 
the  church  and  priests'  residence.  So  active  were  his 
resourceful  methods  that  within  three  years  another 
church  was  provided,  tlie  Catholic  schools  of  Detroit 
were  again  in  operation,  and  tuition  given  in  six  pri- 
mary schools  and  two  academies  for  girls.  He  was 
one  of  the  founders  of  the  l^niversity  of  Michigan, 
which  began  with  the  act  of  the  legislature  passed  26 
August,  1817,  establishing  "the  Catholepistemiad  or 
University  of  Michigan"  of  which  he  was  vice-presi- 
dent and  professor  for  six  of  the  thirteen  departments 
of  which  its  curricukmi  was  made  up.  In  1807  the 
governor  and  other  officials  remiested  him  to  lecture  to 
them  and  thus  afforded  him  the  opportunity  to  be  the 
first  priest  in  the  I'nited  States  to  deliver  a  series  of 
religious  lectures  to  non-Catholics.  He  spoke  to  them 
on  the  general  principles  of  religion  and  morality  at 
noon  every  Sunday  in  the  Council  House.  Explaining 
this  action  to  Bishop  (\irroll,  he  wrote:  "As  there 
was  no  English  minister  here  of  any  denomination,  I 
thought  it  might  be  of  some  utility  to  take  possession 
of  the  ground."  The  following  year  he  went  to  Balti- 
more and  brought  back  type  and  a  printing  press 
which  he  set  up  in  Detroit.  From  this,  on  31  August, 
1809,  he  issued  the  ''Michigan  Essay  or  Impartial 
Observer",  the  first  paper  published  in  Michigan  and 
the  first  Catholic  paper  in  the  United  States.  It  had 
several  columns  printed  in  French  and  the  rest  in 
English  and  had  only  one  advertisement — that  of  St. 
Anne's  school.  Between  1809  and  1812  he  printed  on 
this  press  seven  books  of  a  religious  and  educational 
character,  one,  "The  Epistles  and  Gospels  for  all  the 
Sundays  and  Feast-dayS  of  the  Year",  being  the  first 
publication  in  the  Northwest  of  a  part  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures. 

The  war  of  1812  with  England  demoralized  condi- 
tions in  Detroit,  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Brit- 
ish. Father  Richard  was  arrested  and  kept  a  pris- 
oner in  Canada  during  the  contest.  On  being  released 
he  returned  to  his  parish  and  was  at  once  busy  helping 
everybody  to  repair  the  ravages  of  the  war.  In  1823 
he  was  elected  a  Delegate  to  Congress  from  Michigan 
Territorj',  the  only  instance  in  which  a  priest  has  held 
a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  had  five 
opponents  at  the  polls,  but  many  non-Catholics  voted 
for  him,  which  outweighed  the  bitter  opposition  of  a 
number  of  members  of  his  parish  led  by  one  of  the 
trustees  who  had  long  been  at  enmity  with  him.  He 
gave  his  salary  for  the  improvement  of  the  church. 
Just  before  he  left  for  Washington  he  was  put  in 
prison  by  one  of  his  parishioners  who  had  obtained  a 
divorce  in  a  civil  court  and  remarried.  Father 
Richard  declared  him  excommunicated,  and  the  man 
sued  for  damages  to  his  reputation  and  business  and 
got  a  judgment  of  .SI, 11(1.  This  Father  Richard  re- 
fused to  pay,  and  he  was  imprisoned  imtil  three  of  his 
friends  gave  a  bond  for  him.  The  judgment  was 
eventually  reversed.  In  Congress  he  worked  assidu- 
ously for  the  interests  of  Michigan,  but  the  only  not- 
able speech  he  made  was  that  advocating  the  bill  for 
the  opening  of  a  post-road  from  Detroit  to  Chicago. 
He  sought  re-election  at  the  end  of  his  term,  but  was 
defeated,  mainly  through  the  exertions  of  his  trustee 
opponents,  ^^'hen  Bishop  Fenwick  was  consecrated 
first  Bi.shop  of  Cincinnati  in  1822  Michigan  passed 
from  Bardstown  to  that  jurisdiction.  Father  Richard 
prepared  for  him  a  statement  of  the  condition  of  the 
Territory,  in  which  he  t  lien  est  imated  there  were  .about 
6000  Catholics  with  five  churches  and  two  priests — 
himself  and  his  assistant.  An  epidemic  of  cholera 
broke  out  in  Detroit  in  the  summer  of  18.32,  and  the 
venerable  missionary,  while  unstintingly  devoting 
himself  to  the  help  of  the  suffering,  fell  a  victim  to  the 
disease,  of  which  he  died,  13  September,  1832.  Prep- 
arations had  been  under  way  even  then  to  raise  De- 
troit to  a  bishopric,  of  which,  had  he  lived,  he  would 
probably  have  received  the  mitre. 


Bishops. —  (1)  John  Frederic  Rkzb  (the  name  is 
also  given  as  Reese  in  the  German  ecclesiastical  rec- 
ords), who  had  been  a  zealous  missionary  throughout 
the  territory,  was  appointed  the  first  bishop  25  Febru- 
ary, 1833,  and  was  consecrated  at  Cincinnati  6  Octo- 
ber of  the  same  year.  He  was  bom  G  February,  1791, 
at  Viennenberg,  Hanover,  and  enjoys  the  distinction 
of  being  the  first  German-born  bishop  of  the  American 
hierarchy.  Drafted  into  military  service  in  his  youth, 
he  served  under  Bliicher  as  a  dragoon  at  the  battle  of 
Waterloo.  He  was  ordained  in  Rome,  in  1822,  and 
emigrated  to  the  American  missions  in  1825,  affiliating 
himself  with  Bishop  Fenwick  in  Ohio.  In  1827  he 
was  sent  to  Europe  to  secure  German  priests  and  finan- 
cial aid  for  the  stnim^lini;  missions  and  returned  in 


a  year,  after  succc- 
ertions  the  famous 
so  much  substanti; 
States  was  foundei  1 
in  Austria  in  182!  t 
When  he  took 
charge  of  the  Dm 
cese  of  Detroit 
there  were  eiglit 
churches  and  tin 
Ottawa  Indian 
mission  within  its 
limits.  Under  his 
auspices  the  Poor 
("lares  opened  i 
convent  in  Detroit 
and  a  school  at 
Green  Bay  (18.33) 
Holy  Trinity 
church  was  built 
at  Detroit,  and 
parishes  estab- 


irts.  Through  his  ex- 
Association  that  gave 
'  Church  in  the  United 


Gabriel  Richard 


iished  at  Monroe,  Grand  River,  and  Bertrand. 
A  hospital  was  opened  in  Detroit  in  1834  during 
an  outbreak  of  cholera,  where  also  St.  Philip's  Col- 
lege, an  orphan  asylum.  Trinity  Academy,  and  a 
house  of  the  Ladies  of  Providence  were  established, 
with  several  parochial  schools.  The  bishop,  however, 
was  attacked  with  softening  of  the  brain  and  expressed 
in  a  letter  to  the  Provincial  Council  of  Baltimore,  in 
1837,  a  wish  to  resign  or  transfer  the  administration  to 
a  coadjutor.  He  was  suspended  from  all  episcopal 
jurisdiction  and  went  to  Rome,  where  he  remained 
until  the  disorders  in  the  city  by  the  revolutionists  in 
1848,  and  then  retired  to  his  native  Diocese  of  Hildes- 
heim,  Germany,  where  he  dieil  at  the  mother-hou.se  of 
the  Sisters  of  Charity,  30  December,  1871,  and  was 
buried  in  the  cathedral  of  that  place. 

(2)  Peter  Paul  Lefebre,  another  active  and  suc- 
cessful missionary  of  the  Diocese  of  Cincinnati,  was 
named  as  the  coadjutor  and  administrator  of  Detroit, 
and  consecrated  titular  Bishop  of  Zella,  at  Philadel- 
phia, 21  November,  1841.  He  was  bom  30  April, 
1804,  at  Roulers,  near  Ghent,  Belgium,  and,  emigrat- 
ing to  the  United  States  in  1828,  was  ordained  priest 
at  St.  Louis,  17  July,  1831.  He  was  in  Europe  when 
he  was  appointed  bishop,  but  returned  at  once  for  his 
consecration.  He  was  a  careful  and  conservative 
prelate,  forecasting  the  future  in  his  selection  of 
church  sites,  and  devoting  himself  actively  to  the  ex- 
pansion of  the  facilities  for  the  practice  of  the  Faith  in 
his  diocese  and  the  spread  of  sountl  Catholic  educa- 
tion. The  Redemptorists  and  the  Religious  of  the 
Sacred  Heart  were  established  in  Detroit,  and  for  the 
parochial  schools  the  Christian  Brothers,  the  Sisters  of 
Notre  Dame,  the  Sisters  of  Charity,  and  the  Sisters  of 
the  Immaculate  Heart  of  Mary  were  brought  into  the 
diocese.  In  1844  the  creation  of  the  new  See  of  Mil- 
waukee relieved  the  Bishop  of  Detroit  of  the  care  of 
that  section  and  enabled  him  to  devote  more  attention 
to  his  Indian  missions,  which  were  developed  splen- 
didly.    In  1857  the  separation  of  the  Diocese  of  Sault- 


DEUSDEDIT 


760 


DEUSDEDIT 


Ste-Marie  was  made  at  Bishop  Lefebre's  suggestion. 
With  Bishop  Spalding  he  was  mainly  instrumental  in 
founding,  in  1857,  the  American  College  at  Louvain 
(q.  v.).     He  died,  4  March,  1869. 

(3)  C.\SPER  H.  BoRGESS  (q.  V.)  was  appointed  his 
successor  and  consecrated  titular  Bishop  of  Calyson 
and  coadjutor  and  administrator  of  Detroit,  24  April, 

1870.  On  the  death  of  Bishop  Reze,  30  December, 

1871,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Detroit.  He  resigned  16 
April,  1888,  and  died  3  May,  1890. 

(4)  John  Samuel  Foley  was  named  the  fourth 
bishop  and  consecrated  at  Baltimore,  4  November, 
1888.  He  was  born  in  that  city  5  November,  1833, 
and  ordained  priest  in  Rome  20  December,  1856.  His 
brother  was  Bishop  Thomas  Foley,  administrator  of 
Chicago  (1870-79).  The  early  settlers  of  Detroit  had 
been  French ;  these  were  followed,  at  different  inter- 
vals, by  Belgians,  Germans,  Poles,  Slavs,  and  Italians. 
Bishop  Foley  established  a  special  seminary  for  the 
Poles  and  secured  the  ministrations  of  religious  of  that 
nationality.  A  schism  among  them  of  several  years' 
duration,  and  of  disastrous  results,  was  healed  through 
his  forbearance.  In  1907  the  priests  and  laity  of  the 
diocese,  in  honour  of  the  golden  jubilee  of  his  priest- 
hood, presented  Bishop  Foley  with  St.  Francis's  Home 
for  Orphan  Boys,  built  at  a  cost  of  $250,000. 

The  Congregation  of  the  Sisters  Servants  of  the  Im- 
maculate Heart  of  Mary  was  founded  at  Monroe, 
Michigan,  28  Nov.,  1845,  by  the  Rev.  Louis  Gillet, 
C.  SS.  R.  Three  young  ladies,  two  from  Baltimore 
and  one  from  Detroit,  formed  the  new  community, 
whose  rule  was  taken  from  that  of  St.  Alphonsus, 
and  whose  secondary  object  was  the  education  of 
youth.  In  1859  some  of  the  sisters  weiit  to  Pennsyl- 
vania; there  are  now  three  distinct  mother-houses,  one 
in  the  Archdiocese  of  Philadelphia,  one  in  the  Diocese 
of  Scranton,  and  the  original  at  Monroe,  in  the  Diocese 
of  Detroit.  Besides  these  the  sisters  have  schools  in 
the  Dioceses  of  Harrisburg,  Altoona,  Boise,  Grand 
Rapids,  Cleveland,  Seattle,  and  Oregon. 

The  following  religious  orders  and  congregations 
have  foundations  in  the  diocese. — Communities  of 
men:  Fathers  of  St.  Basil,  Capuchins,  Fathers  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  Fathers  of  the  Precious  Blood,  Redemp- 
torists,  Jesuits,  Franciscans,  Brothers  of  the  Christian 
Schools,  Xaverian  Brothers.  Communities  of  women: 
Sisters  of  Charity  (Mt.  St.  Joseph,  Ohio),  Sisters  of 
Charity  (Emmitsburg,  Md.),  Sisters  of  Christian 
Charity,  Sisters  of  St.  Dominic  (New  York  City),  Sis- 
ters of  St.  Dominic  (Racine,  Wis.),  School  Sisters  of 
St.  Francis,  Felician  Sisters,  Sisters  of  the  Good 
Shepherd,  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Names  of  Jesus  and 
Mary,  Sisters  Servants  of  the  Immaculate  Heart  of 
Mary,  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph,  Religious  of  the  Sacred 
Heart,  Little  Sisters  of  the  Poor,  School  Sisters  of 
Notre  Dame,  Polish  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph,  Sisters  of  St. 
Dominic  of  the  Perpetual  .\doration. 

Statistics:  1  bi.shop,  237  priests  (193  secular  and 
44  regular),  146  churches  with  resident  priests,  66  mis- 
sions with  churches,  20  stations,  23  chapels,  1  theo- 
logical seminary  for  the  secular  clergy  with  320  stu- 
dents, 40  Polish  students,  1  theological  seminary  for 
religious;  3  colleges  and  academies  for  boys,  students 
600;  7  academies  for  girls,  students  870;  70  parishes 
and  missions  with  schools,  pupils  23,086;  3  orphan 
asylums,  inmates  600;  1  House  of  the  Good  Shepherd, 
inmates  in  preservation  class  125.  Total  number  of  chil- 
dren under  Catholic  care,  23,811;  4  hospitals;  1  home 
for  aged  poor,  inmates  250;  1  home  for  feeble-minded ; 
1  infant  asylum,  1  home  for  working  boys.  Estimated 
Catholic  population  256,500  (Catholic  families  50,041). 

Shea.  History  of  Cath.  ^f^ss^oTls  among  the  Indian  Tribes  of 
V.  S.  (New  York,  1S55):  Idem,  Life  and  Times  of  Most  Rev. 
John  Carroll  (New  York,  1888);  Idem.  History  of  Cath.  Ch.  in 
V.  S.  (New  York,  1904);  Campbell.  Pioneer  Priests  of  Xorth 
America  (New  York.  1908);  U.  S.  Cath.  Hist.  Soc.  Hist. 
Records  and  Studies  (New  York.  November.  1907).  V,  P(.  I; 
Reuss.  Bioff.  Cycl.  of  the  Catholic  Hierarchy  of  U.  S.  (Mil- 
waukee.   1889):     CL.4RKE,    Lives   of   Deceased   Bishops   (New 


York,  1872):  Catholic  Directory  (1908):  Cooley,  Michigan:  a 
History  of  Governments  (Boston.  1885);  McLaughun.  History 
of  Education  in  Michigan  (Washington,  1891). 

Thomas  F.  Meehan. 

Deusdedit  (Adeod.\tus  I),  Saint,  Pope,  date  of 
birth  unknown;  consecrated  pope,  19  October  (13 
November),  615;  d.  8  November  (3  December),  618; 
distinguished  for  his  charity  and  zeal.  He  encouraged 
and  supported  the  clergy,  who  were  impoverished  in 
consequence  of  the  political  troubles  of  the  time;  and 
when  his  diocese  was  VTsited  by  a  violent  earthquake 
and  the  terrible  scourge  of  leprosy  he  set  an  heroic 
example  by  his  efforts  to  relieve  the  suffering.  The 
few  decretals  ascribed  to  him  an-  unauthenticated. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  pope  to  use  leaden 
seals  (buUa;)  for  pontifical  documents.  One  dating 
from  his  reign  is  still  preserved,  the  obverse  of  whi -h 
represents  the  Good  Shepherd  in  the  midst  of  His 
sheep,  with  the  letters  A  and  O  underneath,  while  the 
reverse  bears  the  inscription:  Deusdedit  pap.e.  His 
feast  occurs  8  November.  Leo  A.  Kelly. 

Deusdedit,  S.unt,  a  native  of  Wessex,  England, 
whose  Saxon  name  was  Frithona,  and  of  whose  early 
life  nothing  is  known;  d.  14  July,  664.  He  was  the 
sixth  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (655-664),  and  was 
the  first  Anglo-Saxon  to  hold  the  primacy.  He  was 
consecrated  at  Canterbury  in  655,  by  Ithamar,  the 
first  Saxon  Bishop  of  Rochester,  in  succession  to 
Honorius,  thus  commencing  the  long  line  of  English 
archbishops,  which  was  broken  but  once,  and  that  by 
his  immediate  successor.  Theodore.  Little  is  known  of 
the  primacy  of  Deusdedit.  Most  of  the  other  bishops 
during  his  time  were  of  either  Celtic  or  French  origin. 
Of  the  seven  or  eight  consecrated  during  the  nine  years 
of  his  primacy  only  one  received  consecration  from 
him,  viz.  Damian,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  consecrated 
in  656,  and  this  is  the  sole  official  act  of  his  that  is 
known  with  absolute  certainty.  He  is  said  to  have 
hallowed  Wulfhere's  church  at  Medehampstede  (Peter- 
borough) in  Mercia,  the  charter  of  which,  dated  657, 
contains  his  signature,  but  from  the  fact  that  it  also 
contains  the  names  of  Ithamar  and  Tuda  a  difficulty 
arises.  Haddan  and  Stubbs,  who  print  the  charter 
(Councils  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland),  consider  the 
foundation  of  this  monastery  to  have  been  not  earlier 
than  664.  The  archbishop's  name  is  given  by  Simeon 
of  Durham  as  the  consecrator  of  the  seventy  nuns  of 
St.  Eormenburga's  convent  in  Thanet,  but  the  state- 
ment lacks  confirmation.  St.  Deusdedit  died  on  the 
same  day  as  Erconlicrt .  King  of  Kent,  and  was  buried 
in  St.  Peter's  porch  at  Canterbury. 

Gozelin.  Life  of  Deusdedit,  printed  in  the  Boll.^ndists  under 
15  July:  Hook.  Lives  of  the  Abps.  of  Canterbury  (London,  1860- 
75);  Hole  in  Diet.  Christ.  Biog.  (London.  18771;  Stanton. 
Menolog'/  of  England  and  Wales  (London,  1887);  Archer 
in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.  (London,  1888). 

G.  Cyprian  Alston.. 

Deusdedit,  Cardin.\l,  b.  at  Todi,  Italy;  d.  be- 
tween 1097  and  1100.  He  was  a  friend  of  St.  Gregory 
VII  and  defender  of  his  reformation  measures.  Deus- 
dedit joined  the  Benedictine  Order  and  became  a  zeal- 
ous promoter  of  ecclesiastical  reforms  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  eleventh  century.  Pope  Oregon,'  VII  raised 
him  to  the  cardinalate  with  the  title  of  S.  Pietro  in 
Vincoli.  According  to  the  superscription  of  chapter 
420  (former  reckonino;  161)  in  the  fourth  book  of  his 
"Collectio  canonum  ,  Deusdedit  had  sojourned  in 
Germany;  but  it  is  not  known,  however,  when  and 
from  w-hat  motive  he  did  so.  In  1078,  he  took  part  in 
a  Roman  sjmod.  at  which  he  represented  the  opinions 
of  Berengarius  of  Tours  (Mansi.  Cone.  Coll.,  XIX,  762). 
In  the  long  conflict  for  the  freedom  of  the  ecclesiastical 
authority  from  the  oppression  of  the  civil  power  Deus- 
dedit sided  with  Gregory  VII.  and  was  one  of  his  chief 
agents  and  defenders.  ,\t  the  suggestion  evidently 
of  this  pope,  he  undertook  the  compilation  of  a  eollec- 


DEUS 


761 


DEUTINGER 


tion  of  canons  which  lie  completed  in  10S7  and  dedi- 
cated to  Victor  III  (Collectio  canonuni,  ed.  Marti- 
nucci,  Venice,  1809;  ed.  Victor  Wolf  von  Glanfell,  Pa- 
derborn,  1905).  It  consists  of  four  books:  the  first 
book  (327  chapters)  treats  of  the  power  of  the  Roman 
Church;  the  second  (16.3  chapters)  of  the  Roman 
clergy;  the  third  (289  chapters)  of  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters; the  fourth  (437  chapters)  of  the  liberty  of  the 
Church  and  her  ministers  and  of  the  immunities  of  the 
clergy.  These  canons  were  partly  taken  from  earlier 
collections,  e.  g.  that  of  Burchard  of  Worms,  partly 
from  the  original  documents  found  in  the  archives  and 
the  library  of  the  Lateran  palace.  The  sources  of  the 
collections  are  to  be  found  in  Holy  Scripture,  the 
councils,  letters  of  popes,  writings  of  the  Fathers,  let- 
ters of  temporal  rulers,  and  civil  laws.  He  meant  by 
this  work  to  defend  therightsandliberty  of  the  Church 
and  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  in  keeping  with  the 
measures  of  Gregory  VII  and  his  adherents.  At  the 
same  time,  this  collection  reveals  Deusdedit  as  one  of 
the  most  important  of  the  pre-Gratian  canonists. 
Under  Urban  II  (1088-1099)  he  published  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  Gregorian  reforms  another  work:  "Li- 
bellus  contra  invasores  et  sjTnoniacos  et  reliquos 
schismaticos"  (ed.  Mai,  Nova  Bibliotheca  Patrum, 
VII,  III,  77-114;  ed.  Sackur,  Mon.  Germ.  Hist.,  Libelli 
de  lite,  II,  300-365).  Tliis  work  was  first  published  in 
a  short,  then  in  an  enlarged  form,  the  latter  com- 
pleted in  1099.  In  this  work,  important  for  the  his- 
tory of  the  investitures  conflict  under  Urban  II,  the 
author  points  out  that  the  temporal  power  has  no  au- 
thority in  ecclesiastical  matters  and  particularly  no 
right  to  exercise  ecclesiastical  investiture.  Sackur 
(.see  below)  has  made  it  probable  that  the  so-called 
"Dictatus  Papse"  (see  Gregory  VII)  were  composed 
by  Deusdedit.  These  are  twenty-seven  short  theses 
concerning  the  privileges  of  the  Roman  Church  and 
the  pope  [ed.  J.affe,  Bibl.  Rer.  Germ.,  (Beriin,  1864—) 
II,  174].  Until  quite  recently  Gregory  VII  himself 
was  generally  regarded  as  the  author;  Lowenfeld  (see 
below)  continued  to  maintain  the  authorship  of  Greg- 
ory, but  Sackur,  however,  has  shown  that  the  "In- 
dices capitulorum"  in  the  "Collectio  canonum"  of 
Deusdedit  are  closely  related  to  the  brief  theses  known 
as  "Dictatus  Papa;"  both  in  respect  of  sense  and  ver- 
bal text.  Most  jirobably,  therefore,  the  latter  are  taken 
from  the  collection  of  Deusdedit,  who  put  them  to- 
gether from  the  "Registrum  Epistolarum"  or  letter- 
book  of  Gregorj'.  Possibly  also  Deusdedit  was  the 
editor  of  this  famous  and  important  collection  of  Greg- 
ory's correspondence.  In  this  case,  the  cardinal  ap- 
pears in  a  new  light  as  intimate  counsellor  and  intel- 
lectual heir  of  Gregory  VII.  On  4  April,  1100,  a  cer- 
tain Albericus  appears  as  titular  priest  of  S.  Pietro  in 
Vincoli ;  therefore  Deusdedit  was  then  no  longer  alive. 
Die  Kanonessnmmlung  tlrii  Kardinalx  Dnisiifdit,  von  Gi-an- 
VELL.  ed.  (Paderbom,  1905);  Gif.sebrecht,  Die  Gcsclzgcbunff 
der  rum.  Kirche  znr  Zcil  Gregors  VII.  in  Munchen.  Hist.  Jahr- 
buch  far  ISi:6,  ISO  ?'qq.:  Stf.vf.N80N,  Osservazioni  svUa  "Col- 
lectio canonum"  di  Dr-n.sdedit  in  Archivio  delta  societi  roman^  di 
storia  palria  (lS8.5'i.  300-398;  LowF.NFELD,  Die  Canonsammlung 
de.t  Kard.  Deusdedit  und  das  Register  Gregors  VII.  in  Neues 
Archiv  (1885),  311  sqq.:  Idem,  Der  Dictatus  papte  Gregors  VII. 
und  eine  Ueberarbeitung  desselben  im  11.  Jahrh.,tbid.  (1891),  19:j 
sqq.;  Sacktr.  Der  Dictntus  papfp  und  die  Canonsammlung  des 
Dewidedil,  ibid.  (1S93),  135  sqq.;  Idem,  Zu  den  Streitschriften  dts 
Deusdedit  und  des  Ihign  I'lm  Fleliry,  ibid.  (1891),  349  sqq. ;  HlRarjl, 
Kard.  Dm.^dedils  StrUung  zur  Laieninvestitur  in  ArchivJ.  kath. 
Kirchenreeht  (19as\  34  sqq.;  MiRBT,  Die  Publixistik  im  Zcilalter 
Gregors  VII.  (Leipzig,  1894).  J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

Deus  in  Adjutorium  Meum  Intende,  with  there- 
spon.se:  "Domine  ad  adjuvanduni  me  festina",  first 
verse  of  the  sixty-ninth  Psalm.  These  words  form 
the  introductory  prayer  to  everj'  Hour  of  the  Roman, 
monastic,  and  Ambrosian  Breviaries,  except  during 
the  Last  three  davs  of  Holy  Week,  and  in  the  Office  of 
the  Dead.  While  they  are  said,  or  sung,  all  present 
sign  themselves  with  the  sign  of  the  cross.  Tradition 
says  that  St.  Benedict  introduced  this  custom  into  the 
monastic  Office  and  that  St.  Gregory  I  extended  it  to  all 


the  Roman  churches;  C;issian  (Coll.,  X,  10),  however, 
says  that  from  the  earliest  Christian  times  the  monk? 
used  this  introduction  very  often,  probably  outside 
of  the  liturgical  prayers.  In  placing  this  supplication 
at  the  beginning  of  every  Hour  the  Church  implores 
the  assistance  of  God  against  distractions  in  prayer. 

In  the  Roman  Rite  the  "Deus  in  adjutorium"  is 
preceded  in  Matins  by  the  "  Domine  labia  mea  aperies", 
whilst  in  the  monastic  Breviarj^  the  order  is  reversed. 
In  Complin  it  is  always  pr.M.iled  by  the"Convertenos 
Deus".  In  the  MnzMialuC  Liturgy  the  Hours  com- 
mence with  the  triple  Kyi  ir  i;iiison.  In  all  the  Latin 
countries  north,  east,  and  west  of  the  Alps  the  intro- 
duction to  the  solemn  Vespers  of  Easter  Sunday  w-as 
formed  by  the  nine  Kyrie  Eleison  and  Christe  Eleison 
of  the  Easter  Mass.  In  the  churches  which  observe 
the  Greek  Rite,  the  Trisagion  and  other  prayers  open 
the  Hours.  The  "Deus  in  adjutorium"  is  repeated 
three  times  during  the  conclusional  prayers  of  Prime. 
In  the  monasteries  Prime  w-as  finished  immediately 
after  the  prayer:  "Domine  Deus  omnipotens";  then 
the  monks  went  from  the  choir  to  the  chapter-room, 
where  the  Martyrology  was  read,  and  the  day's  work 
was  given  out;  before  dispersing  to  their  several  occu- 
pations they  sang  three  times  the  "Deus  in  adjutor- 
ium", to  emphasize  the  union  of  prayer  and  labour. 

WOLTEH,  Psaltite  sapicnter  (KreiburE,  1905),  II,  658;  Nord- 
amerikanisches  Pastorolblatt  (Dec.  1907);  Batiffol.  tr.  Bay- 
lay.  History  of  the  Roman  Breviary  (London,  1898);  Bernard 
Cours  de  liturgie  romame:  le  Brn'iaire  (Paris.  1887),  II.  148-50. 

Frederick  G.  Holweck. 

Deuterocanonical  Books.  See  C.\non  op  the 
Holy  Scriptures. 

Deuteronomy. — This  term  occurs  in  Deut.,  xvii, 
IS  and  Jos.,  viii,  32,  and  is  the  title  of  one  of  the  five 
books  of  the  Pentateuch.  In  both  passages  it  renders 
the  Latin  De!/(eror!o7?(!«m,  theGreekri  Sevrtpovbiuov,  the 
Hebrew  njL"D,  and  signifies  "  copy  "  or  "  duplicate  " 
rather  than  "  repetition".  The  te.xts  themselves  ap- 
pear to  demand  this  meaning;  for  Deut.,  xvii,  18 
reads:  "But  after  he  is  raised  to  the  throne  of  his 
kingdom,  he  shall  copy  out  to  himself  the  Deuteron- 
omy of  this  law  in  a  volume,  taking  the  copy  of  the 
priests  of  the  Levitical  tribe";  and  Jos.,  viii,  32  re- 
lates: "And  he  wrote  upon  stones  the  Deuteronomy 
of  the  law  of  Moses,  which  he  had  ordered  before  the 
children  of  Israel."  The  Targum  of  the  latter  pass.ige 
favoiirs  the  same  meaning.  Aa  title  of  the  fifth  book 
of  the  Pentateuch,  Deuteronotny  corresponds  to  the 
Hebrew  D'13in  npK.  Pseudo-Athanasius  maintains 
that  the  title  signifies  "the  second  law"  promulgated 
by  Moses  in  accordance  with  the  Divine  precept.  But 
it  is  more  commonly  understood  as  meaning  "ex- 
planation" of  the  law,  or  "exhortation"  inducing  to 
the  observance  of  the  law.  The  introductory  ques- 
tions conceniing  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy  are 
treated  in  the  article  Pentateuch. 

Hagen,  Lexicon  Biblicum  (Paris,  1905). 

A.  J.  Maas. 

Deutinger,  Martin,  philosopher  and  religious 
writer,  b.  in  Langenpreising,  Bavaria,  24  March,  1815; 
d.  at  Pfafers,  Switzerland,  9  Sept.,  1864.  He  was  or- 
dained priest  in  1837,  and  after  filling  several  clerical 
positions,  taught  philosophy  at  Freising  (1841),  Mu- 
nich (1840),  and  Dillingen  ("1847-52).  Like  his  pred- 
ecessors, Baader  (q.  v.)  and  Anton  Giinther,  he  en- 
deavoured to  construct  a  philosophy  that  should  medi- 
ate between  Catholicism  and  the  idealistic  philosophy 
then  prevailing  in  Oennany,  and  thus  conciliate  the 
truths  of  faith  with  what  he  considered  the  demands  of 
rea.son.  The  effort  at  conciliation,  while  no  more  suc- 
cessful than  that  of  his  predecessors,  involved  less  sac- 
rifice of  the  content  of  Faith  and  of  objective  reason. 
Deutinger's  sy.stem  is  ba.sed  on  a  scheme  of  trilogies. 
He  places  anthropology  at  the  centre.  Starting  with 
universal  methodical  doubt,  he  finds  in  that  doubt  the 


DEVAS 


762 


DEVAS 


Ego  revealed  as  an  independent  self-conscious  person. 
Further  reflection  shows  the  self  to  be  conditioned  by 
the  non-self  (nature),  while  both  self  and  naturesup- 
pose  a  supreme,  free  cause.  Hence  the  first  trilogy — 
Man,  Nature,  God.  The  evolution  of  the  Ego  is  ef- 
fected by  the  interaction  of  Nature  and  God,  and  this 
results  in  a  triple  life.  The  first  element  and  stage 
proceeds  from  nature  (the  body),  the  second  from  God 
(the  spirit),  the  third,  the  intermediating  ground,  is 
the  soul.  Hence  the  second  trilogy  constituting  man's 
nature  and  stages  of  his  development — Body,  Soul, 
Sjjirit.  The  attributes  of  the  spirit  are  being,  know- 
ing, willing.  But  the  unity  of  these  attributes  is 
merely  subjective;  personality  is  only  potentially  in 
them.  The  spirit  comes  to  actual  personality  through 
interaction  with  nature.  The  vital  process,  consisting 
in  the  interplay  of  nature  (i.  e.  the  necessitated  factor) 
with  tne  personal  (i.  e.  the  free)  element,  unfolds  in 
three  stages:  as  movement  inward  from  without 
(thought,  Denken);  as  outward  from  with'n  (power, 
Kiinnen) ;  and  as  proceeding  from  both  together  (doing, 
acting.  Tun.).  Hence  the  trilogy  of  human  faculty: 
Thought,  Power,  Action;  and  the  departments  of 
the  philosophical  system:  science  of  thought  {Denk- 
lehre),  of  art  {Kunstlehre) ,  and  of  conduct  (moral 
philosophy).  Outside  these  departments  lie  psychol- 
ogy and  the  philosophy  of  nature,  while  on  the  cir- 
cumference extend  jurisprudence  and  the  philosophy 
of  religion.  Sensation  and  imagination  are  insuffi- 
cient to  explain  the  genesis  of  thought,  the  concept. 
The  representation  wherein  the  external  and  the  in- 
ternal factors  unite  is  but  one  basis  of  conscious 
knowledge,  the  concept ;  the  other  lies  in  the  free  per- 
sonal element,  inward  intuition,  the  idea.  Idea, 
therefore,  and  representation  must  interact  in  order  to 
engender  the  concept.  Hence  cognition  is  the  prod- 
uct of  the  two  opposing  factors,  representation  and 
idea,  between  which  it  intermediates  as  concept.  But 
just  as  the  antinomy  between  the  free  personality  and 
the  necessitated  outer  nature  urges  to  conciliation  in 
action,  so  the  antinomy  between  subject  and  object 
presses  tov-'ards  unification  in  thought.  Now  all  in- 
termediated unity  comes  of  likeness,  unlikeness,  and 
the  blending  unity.  Likeness  lies  in  the  subject;  un- 
likeness in  the  object;  unity  in  the  interrelation  of 
these  two.  From  the  first  we  get  the  principle  of 
identity;  from  the  second  that  of  sequence,  or  reason; 
from  the  third  that  of  disjunction,  or  exclusion. 
Hence  the  final  trilogy  of  the  laws  of  thought. 

Each  of  the  foregoing  "  ternalities "  is  developed 
with  considerable  insight,  but  with  much  artificiality 
and  still  more  mistiness,  which  is  felt  at  once  in  the 
distinction  he  makes  between  soul  and  spirit,  and 
in  the  genesis  of  personality  by  the  play  of  the  necessi- 
tating nature-object  on  the  free  spirit.  The  similarity 
to  the  Hegelian  idealism,  if  not  the  borrowed  influence 
of  that  elusive  system,  is  at  once  apparent. 

Deutinger  possessed  a  richly-endowed  mind,  a  soar- 
ing, though  somewhat  exuberant,  imagination,  an  ar- 
lient  love  of  the  beautiful  in  nature  and  in  art,  and  a 
comprehensive,  though  not  always  sufficiently  critical, 
intelligence.  He  failed  in  his  main  purpose  not  be- 
cause he  lacked  philosophical  power  or  energy,  but 
chiefly  because  he  broke  with  philosophical  tradition 
to  go  his  own  way.  He  is  said  to  have  boasted  that 
"  he  had  builded  a  house  of  his  own  in  philosophy,  re- 
gardless of  the  form  and  material  employed  by  other 
builders".  "This  is  all  very  fine",  observes  Stockl, 
"  and  it  may  well  be  that  Deutinger  wanted  to  do  per- 
fect justice  to  the  faith  which  he  strove  to  conciliate 
with  a  modernised  philosophy.  But  just  because  he 
wrought  by  himself  independently  of  the  claims  of  the 
Christian  philosophical  tradition, "his  .system  manifests 
the  characteristic  of  all  other  modern  systems  con- 
structed in  a  like  spirit.  Subjectivism  predominates 
throughout,  and  therefore  it  enjoyed  but  an  cjjhem- 
eral  existence."     As  a  critic,  Deutinger  was  brilliant 


and  prolific.  His  style,  though  somewhat  luxuriant, 
is  marked  by  a  sparkling  wit  and  sarcasm  that  is  speci- 
ally captivating  with  the  young.  His  works  com- 
prise: "Grundliniender  positiven  Philosophic"  (Rat- 
isbon,  1843-49);  "Geschichte  der  griechischen  Philos- 
ophic" (Ratisbon,  1852-53);  "Bilder  des  Geistes  in 
Kunst  u.  Natur"  (Augsburg,  1846-49,  and  Ratis- 
bon, 1851);  "Grundriss  der  Moralphilosophie "  (Dil- 
lingen,  1847) ;  "Grundriss  derLogik"  (Dillingen,  1848); 
"Wallfahrt  nach  Oberammergau "  (Munich,  1851); 
"Geist  der  christl.  Ueberlieferung"  (Augsburg,  1850); 
"  Das  Princip  der  neueren  Philosophic  und  die  christl. 
Wissenschaft"  (Ratisbon,  1857);  "  Ueber  das  Verhalt- 
niss  der  Poesie  zur  Religion"  (Augsburg,  1861);  ''Das 
Reich  Gottes  nach  dem  Apostel  Joannes"  (Freiburg, 
1862);  "Renan  und  das  Wunder"  (Munich,  1864). 
Among  his  posthumous  works,  edited  by  his  pupil 
Lorenz  Kastner,  are :  "  Der  gegenwartige  Zustand  der 
deutschen  Philosophic";  a  third  volume  of  "Das 
Reich  Gottes"  (Ratisbon,  1867);  and  an  additional 
part  to  the  "Bilder  des  Geistes"  (Munich,  1866). 

Kastner,  Deutingers  Leben  und  Schriften  (Munich,  1875); 
Stockl,  Geschichte  dernetieren  Philosophie  (Mainz,  1883);  Neu- 
DECKER,  Das  Grundproblem  der  Erkenntnissfheorie  (Nordlingen, 
1881),  favourable  to  Deutinger;  on  the  opposite  side,  Becker. 
Die  Philosophie  Deutingers  in  ihrem  Verhdltniss  zur  Scholastik 
und  Philosophie  der  Neuzeit  in  the  Katholik  (1866)  I,  693;  II, 
156 ;  ScHMiD  in  Kirchenlexikon,  s.  v.;  Sattel,  Deutingers 
Gotleslehre  (Ratisbon,  1905). 

F.  P.  Siegfried. 

Devas,  Charles  Stanton,  political  economist,  b. 
at  Woodside,  Old  Windsor,  England,  of  Protestant 
parents,  26  August,  1848;  d.  6  November,  1906.  He 
was  educated  at  Eton  and  Balliol  College,  Oxford, 
where  he  took  a  first  class  in  the  honours  School  of 
Law  and  History.  Before  proceeding  to  the  univer- 
sity he  had  been  received  into  the  Catholic  Church  and 
his  subsequent  career  was  entirely  devoted  to  the 
service  of  religion.  By  treating  political  economy, 
both  in  books  and  lectures,  from  a  definitely  Catholic 
standpoint,  he  was  one  of  the  earliest  to  oppose  the 
current  teaching,  which  declined  to  consider  history  or 
ethics  as  relevant  to  thesubject. 

"The  GroundW'Ork  of  Economics"  (1883),  the  first 
work  published  in  his  own  name  (for  the  translation 
into  English  of  Hergenrother's  "Church  and  State" 
was  anonymous),  attracted  considerable  attention  and 
was  translated  into  German  in  1896  by  Dr.  Walter 
Kampfe.  The  "Manual  of  Political  Economy" 
(Stonyhurst  Philosophical  Series),  published  in  1892 
(third  edition,  1907),  has  achieved  a  more  permanent 
success,  and  is  now  a  recognized  textbook  in  English- 
speaking  schools  and  seminaries.  In  1886  he  pub- 
lished "Studies  in  Family  Life",  an  historical  inquiry 
into  this  branch  of  economics,  with  a  view  to  justify 
the  contention  that  Christianity  is  an  essential  factor 
in  the  problem  of  social  well-being.  This  book  was 
translated  into  German  in  1887  by  Paul  Maria  Baum- 
garten.  In  1895  he  published  anonymously  in  Lon- 
don a  poetical  version  of  the  story  of  Sintram. 

Besides  his  books  he  wrote  frequently  for  "The 
Dublin  Review",  "The  Month",  and  other  periodicals, 
both  English  and  .\merican,  and  read  papers  before 
The  British  Association,  The  Manchester  Statistical 
Society,  The  Catholic  Truth  Society,  and  other  bodies. 
A  considerable  number  of  his  later  essays  and  lectures 
dealing  with  modern  social  problems  have  been  issued 
by  Tlie  Catholic  Truth  Society  in  pamphlet  form,  and 
his  premature  death  w:vs  a  severe  lo-ss  to  English 
Catholics  in  the  confusion  of  the  controversies  raised 
by  Socialism.  His  last,  and  perhaps  his  most  impor- 
tant, book,  "The  Key  to  the  World's  Progress",  was 
published  in  1906.  This,  unlike  his  earlier  works,  is 
directly  apologetic,  being  an  elaborate  defence  of  the 
Catholic  Church  written  with  a  view  to  meeting  the 
difficulties  and  questionings  of  the  twentieth  century. 
A  popular  edition  has  been  i.ssued  since  his  death. . 

In   1874  he  married   Eliza  Mary  Katherine,  the 


DEVELOPMENT 


763 


DE  VERE 


daughter  of  Francis  Ridout  Ward.  She  died  in  1889, 
leaving  nine  children.  Devas  was  a  man  of  singular 
piety,  a  zealous  member  of  the  Society  of  St.  Vincent 
of  Paul,  and  an  active  friend  of  the  poor;  he  had  no 
other  ambition  except  to  propo.so  the  Catholic  Faith 
to  the  reasonable  acceptance  of  a  troubled  and  scepti- 
cal age.  He  took  a  leading  part  in  all  Catholic  enter- 
prises of  his  time  in  England — notably  in  that  which 
enabled  Catholics  to  frequent  the  universities — and 
though  always  unwilling  to  make  himself  personally 
prominent,  he  exercised  considerable  influence  over 
the  thought  and  conduct  of  English  Catholics.  He 
was  examiner  in  Political  Economy  at  the  Royal  Uni- 
versity of  Ireland  from  1889  to  1898. 

Fr.vncis  Charles  Devas. 

Development  of  Doctrine.    See  Revelation. 

De  Vere,  Aubrey  Thom.vs  Hunt,  poet,  critic, 
and  essayist,  b.  at  Curragh  Chase,  County  Limerick, 
Ireland,  10  Januarj',  1814;  died  there,  21  January, 
1902.  He  was  the  third  son  of  Sir  Aubrey  de  Vere 
and  Mary  Spring  Rice,  sister  of  the  first  Lord  Mont- 
eagle.  Aubrey  Vere,  second  son  of  the  sixteenth  Earl 
of  O.xford,  w.is  his  direct  ancestor.  Aubrey  de  Vere 
early  showed  his  rare  poetic  temperament.  His  young 
imagination  was  strongly  influenced  by  his  friendship 
with  the  astronomer.  Sir  William  Rowan  Hamilton, 
through  whom  he  came  to  a  knowledge  and  reverent 
admiration  for  Wordsworth  and  Coleridge.  In  1832 
he  entered  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  where  he  devoted 
himself  to  the  study  of  metaphysics,  reading  Kant 
and  Coleridge.  Later  he  visited  O.xford,  Cambridge, 
and  Rome,  and  came  under  the  potent  influence  of 
Newman.  He  also  \'isited  the  Lake  Countrj'  of  Eng- 
land, and  he  afterwards  spoke  of  the  days  under 
Wordsworth's  roof  as  the  greatest  honour  of  his  life. 
His  veneration  for  Wordsworth  was  singularly  .shown 
in  after  life,  when  he  never  omitted  a  yearly  pilgrim- 
age to  the  grave  of  that  poet  until  advanced  age  made 
the  journey  impossible. 

From  his  study  of  Coleridge,  .\ubrey  de  Vere  re- 
ceived his  first  impulse  towards  Catholicity,  which  was 
developed  by  events  following  the  conversion  of  Man- 
ning, and  he  was  received  into  the  Church,  Novem- 
ber, 1857,  in  the  archbishop's  chapel  at  Avignon. 
His  imusual  sweetness  of  character  won  for  him  many 
friends,  and  this  important  change  in  his  life  did  not 
separate  him  from  them.  Among  these  friends  Sara 
Coleridge  and  Sir  Henry  Taylor  are  pre-eminent,  and 
his  long  correspondence  with  them,  with  Miss  Fen- 
wick,  with  Gladstone,  and  many  others  of  literary 
and  political  fame,  is  of  marked  interest.  The  famine 
year  in  Ireland  was  one  of  the  most  important  in  liis 
earlier  life,  and  he  then  showed  a  practical  and  vigor- 
ous interest  in  politics.  In  1848  he  had  published  a 
book  on  English  misrule  and  Irish  misdeeds,  which 
was  criticized  as  a  work  of  great  value,  notably  by 
Mill  and  Carlyle  and  Lord  John  Manners.  His 
brother.  Sir  Stephen  de  Vere,  the  translator  of  some 
of  the  Odes  and  Epodes  of  Horace,  also  made  heroic 
efforts  at  this  time  to  better  the  condition  of  Irish 
emigrants;  and  the  intimate  friendship  between  the 
brothers  led  to  their  almost  daily  correspondence 
throughout  their  long  lives. 

It  is  as  a  poet  that  Aubrey  de  Vere  is  best  known. 
His  work  is  in  part  historical  and  in  part  literary,  his 
aim  being  to  illustrate  the  supernatural  in  the  form 
of  supernatural  truth  by  recording  the  conversion  to 
Christianity  of  Ireland  and  England.  The  quality  of 
his  verse  is  strong  and  vigorous,  musical,  and  remark- 
ably spiritual.  .\  critic  in  the  "Quarterly  Review" 
of  1.896  .says  of  his  poetry,  that  next  to  iimwuiug's 
it  shows  the  fullest  vitality,  resumes  the  largest  sphere 
of  ideas,  covers  the  broadest  intellectual  field  since 
the  poetry  of  Wordsworth.  lie  never  strove  for  or- 
0?ite  effect  in  his  poetry,  which  is  marked  by  sublitQ? 


and  seriou  ,  conviction  as  he  traces  the  progress  of 
spiritual  thought  in  the  development  of  the  nations, 
notably  Ireland,  in  "The  Legend  of  St.  Patrick"  (Lon- 
don, 1872),  and  of  Spain  in  his  eloquent  portrayal  of 
the  Cid.  "  The  Children  of  Lir"  is  one  of  the  most  ex- 
quisite lyrics  in  the  language,  and  his  classic  knowl- 
edge, his  richness  of  imagination,  his  combined  grace 
and  dignity  of  thought  are  revealed  in  his  "Search 
after  Pro.serpine "  (London,  1843).  In  his  "Alexan- 
der the  Great"  (London,  1874)  he  represents  the 
Greek  ideal  in  remarkable  purity,  and  this  historical 
play,  with  his  "Saint  Thomas  of  Canterbury"  (ibid.), 
reveals  him  as  a  dramatist  unequalled  in  his  century, 
except  by  Sir  Henry  Taylor,  Browning,  and  his  father, 
the  elder  de  Vere.  His  memorial  sonnets  are  charac- 
terized by  strong  and  deep  thought,  and  his  odes  show 
a  descriptive  power,  and  a  spontaneous  lyric  charm 
and  grace. 

In  addition  to  the  above-mentioned  works,  all  pub- 
lished in  London,  he  also  wrote :  "  Legends  and  Records 
of  the  Church  and  Empire"  (1887);  " May  Carols  and 
Legends  of  Saxon  Saints"  (1857);  "Mediajval  Records 
and  Sonnets  "( 1 898) ;  "  Legends  of  the  Saxon  Saints ' ' 
( 1 879) ;"  May  Carols "( 1 857) ;" Saint  Peter's  Chains " 
(1888);  "Essays  Literary  and  Ethical"  (1889);  "Es- 
says chiefly  on  Poetry"  (1887) ;  "  Picturesque  Sketches 
of  Greece  and  Turkey"  (1850). 

As  a  critic,  Aubrey  de  Vere  shows  discriminating 
power  in  the  two  volumes  of  "Essays"  in  which  he 
writes  of  Sir  Henry  Taylor,  Keats,  Landor,  and  others, 
and  of  the  power  and  passion  of  Wordsworth.  He 
would  have  been  satisfied  to  be  known  solely  as  the  in- 
terpreter of  Wordsworth,  w'hom  he  considered  the 
greatest  poet  after  Milton.  His  charm  of  description 
is  shown  in  two  early  volumes  of  "  Sketches  of  Greece 
and  Turkey".  In  avolumeof  "Recollections"  (Lon- 
don, 1897)  may  be  found  reminiscences  of  many  nota- 
ble people  and  events.  The  personality  of  Aubrey  de 
Vere  was  singulariy  charming.  He  was  of  tall  and 
slender  physique,  thoughtful  and  grave  in  character, 
of  exceeding  dignity  and  grace  of  manner,  and  re- 
tained his  vigorous  mental  powers  to  a  great  age. 
He  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  profoundly  in- 
tellectual poets  of  his  time.  As  he  never  married,  the 
name  of  de  Vere  at  his  death  became  extinct  for  the 
second  time,  and  has  been  assumed  by  his  nephew. 

(2)  Sir  Stephen  Edw.vrd  de  Vere,  poet  and  phil- 
anthropist, born  at  Curragh  Chiise,  12  July,  1812,  died 
at  Foynes  Island,  10  November,  1904,  second  son  of  Sir 
Aubrey  Hunt  de  Vere,  and  brother  of  the  above.  At 
the  death  of  his  eldest  brother,  Sir  Vere  de  Vere,  suc- 
ceeded as  fourth  baronet  to  the  title,  which  became  ex- 
tinct at  his  death.  From  his  early  youth  he  laboured 
for  the  amelioration  of  the  conditions,  .social  and  poli- 
tical, of  the  Irish  people.  In  1847  he  made  the  voyage 
to  Canada  in  the  steerage  of  a  ship,  sharing  the  priva- 
tions of  the  emigrants  that  an  accurate  report  of  their 
treatment  might  be  given  to  the  public  and  to  Parlia- 
ment. On  his  return  to  England  in  1848,  his  letter 
describing  the  sufferings  he  had  witnessed  was  read  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  "Passenger  Act"  was 
amended.  Sir  Stephen  de  Vere  became  a  Catholic 
from  his  observation  of  the  peasantry  whom  he  had 
taught,  fed,  and  nursed  in  his  own  hou.se.  Hehadhis 
residence  at  Foynes  Island  in  the  river  Shannon,  where 
he  made  his  remarkable  translations  from  Horace. 
He  also  built  there  a  charming  Gothic  church,  and 
died  at  the  great  age  of  ninety  years.  He  was  of 
small  and  slender  physique,  and,  like  his  brother,  was 
unmarried.  He  was  Member  of  Parliament  for  Lim- 
erick, 1854-18.59. 

Ward.  Aubrey  de  TVrc.  A  Memoir  (London,  1904);  The 
Pwlrii  uf  the  (/<■  Veres,  in  the  Quarlerlu  Review  (Ixinili.n,  April, 
1896):  (iEOHCE,  Aubrey  de  Vere  in  llic  AllatUic  Munlhlv  (Bos- 
ton, .lune.  1902):  O'Kknnedt.  Aubny  de  Vere  in  The  Ave 
Afnria  (Notre  Dame,  .hine.  1902);  Wai.teh  Geohoe  Smith, 
Aubrey  de  Vere  in  The  Me.ixenaer  (New  York,  1907);  The  Tablet 
{Iflndon,  25  January,  1902);    Odea  and  Epodes  of  Horace,  (rarw- 


DEVIL 


764 


DEVIL 


laied  by  Sir  Stephen  E.  de  Vere  (London);  Arnold,  Recol- 
lections of  Aubrey  de  Vere  (London);  Ward,  Memoir  of  Au- 
brey de  Vere  (London). 

Helen  Grace  Smith. 

Devil  (Greek  5id/3oXos;  Lat.  diabolus). — The  name 
commonly  given  to  the  fallen  angels,  who  are  also 
known  as  demons  (see  Demon ;  Demonology).  With 
the  article  (6)  it  denotes  Lucifer,  their  chief,  as  in 
Matthew,  xxv,  41,  "the  Devil  and  his  angels".  It 
may  be  said  of  this  name,  as  St.  Gregory  says  of  the 
word  angel,  "nomen  est  officii,  non  naturae" — the 
designation  of  an  office,  not  of  a  nature.  For  the 
Greek  word  (from  SiajSdXXeii',  ''to  traduce")  means  a 
slanderer,  or  accuser,  and  in  this  sense  it  is  applied  to 
him  of  whom  it  is  written  "  the  accuser  [6  KaT'^7opos] 
of  our  brethren  is  east  forth,  who  accused  them  before 
our  God  day  and  night"  (Apoc,  xii,  10).  It  thus 
answers  to  the  Hebrew  name  Satan  (]C^)  which  signi- 
fies an  adversaiy,  or  an  accuser. 

Mention  is  made  of  the  Devil  in  many  passages  of 
the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  but  there  is  no  full 
account  given  in  any  one  place,  and  the  Scripture 
teaching  on  this  topic  can  only  be  ascertained  by  com- 
bining a  number  of  scattered  notices  from  Genesis  to 
Apocalypse,  and  reading  them  in  the  light  of  patristic 
and  theological  tradition.  The  authoritative  teach- 
ing of  the  Church  on  this  topic  is  set  forth  in  the  de- 
crees of  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council  (cap.  i,  "  Firmiter 
crcdimus"),  wherein,  after  saying  that  God  in  the  be- 
ginning had  created  together  two  creatures,  the  spir- 
itual and  the  corporeal,  that  is  to  say  the  angelic  and 
the  earthly,  and  lastly  man,  who  was  made  of  both 
spirit  and  body,  the  council  continues:  "Diabolus 
enim  et  alii  dajmones  a  Deo  cjuidem  natura  creati  sunt 
boni,  sed  ipsi  per  se  facti  sunt  mali".  Here  it  is 
clearly  taught  that  the  Devil  and  the  other  demons 
are  spiritual  or  angelic  creatures  created  by  God  in  a 
state  of  innocence,  and  that  they  became  evil  by  their 
own  act.  It  is  adtled  that  man  sinned  by  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  Devil,  and  that  in  the  next  world  the  wicked 
shall  suffer  perpetual  punishment  with  the  Devil.  The 
tloctrine  which  may  thus  be  set  forth  in  a  few  words  has 
furnished  a  fruitful  theme  for  theological  speculation 
forthe  Fathers  and  Schoolmen,  as  well  as  later  theolog- 
ians, some  of  whom,  Suarez  for  example,  have  treated 
it  very  fully.  On  the  other  hand  it  has  also  been  the 
subject  of  many  heretical  or  erroneous  opinions,  some 
of  which  owe  their  origin  to  pre-Christian  systems  of 
demonolgy  (see  Demonology).  In  later  years  Ra- 
tionalist writers  have  rejected  the  doctrine  altogether, 
and  seek  to  show  that  it  has  been  borrowed  by  Juda- 
ism and  Christianity  from  external  systems  of  religion 
wherein  it  was  a  natural  development  of  primitive 
Animism  (q.  v.). 

As  may  be  gathered  from  the  language  of  the  Lat- 
eran definition,  the  Devil  and  the  other  demons  are 
but  a  part  of  the  angelic  creation,  and  their  natural 
powers  do  not  differ  from  those  of  the  angels  who  re- 
mained faithful  (see  Angel).  Like  the  other  angels, 
they  are  pure  spiritual  beings  without  any  body,  and 
in  their  original  state  they  are  endowed  with  super- 
natural grace  and  placed  in  a  condition  of  probation. 
It  was  only  by  their  fall  that  they  became  devils. 
This  was  before  the  sin  of  our  first  parents,  since  this 
sin  itself  is  ascribed  to  the  instigation  of  the  Devil: 
"By  the  envy  of  the  Devil,  death  came  into  the  world" 
(Wisdom,  ii,  24).  Yet  it  is  remarkable  that  for  an  ac- 
count of  the  fall  of  the  angels  we  must  turn  to  the  last 
Book  of  the  Bible.  For  as  such  we  may  regard  the 
vision  in  the  Apocalypse,  albeit  the  picture  of  the  past 
is  blended  with  prophecies  of  what  shall  be  in  the 
future:  "And  there  was  a  great  battle  in  heaven, 
Michael  and  his  angels  fought  with  the  dragon,  and  the 
dragon  fought  and  his  angels:  and  they  prevailed  not, 
neither  was  their  place  found  any  more  in  heaven. 
And  that  great  dragon  was  cast  out,  that  old  serpent, 
who  is  called  the  devil  and  Satan,  who  seduceth  the 


whole  world;  and  he  was  cast  unto  the  eartli,  and  his 
angels  were  thrown  down  with  him"  (Apocal3'pse,  xii, 
7-9).  To  this  may  be  added  the  words  of  St.  Jude: 
"And  the  angels  who  kept  not  their  principality,  but 
forsook  their  own  habitation,  he  hath  reserved  under 
darkness  in  everlasting  chains,  imto  the  judgment  of 
the  great  day"  (Jude,  i,  6;  ef.  II  Peter,  ii,  4).  In  the 
Old  Testament  we  have  a  brief  reference  to  the  Fall  in 
Job,  iv,  18:  "In  his  angels  he  found  wickedness". 
But  to  this  must  be  added  the  two  classic  texts  in  the 
prophets:  "How  art  thou  fallen  from  heaven,  O  Luci- 
fer, who  didst  rise  in  the  morning?  how  art  thou  fallen 
to  the  earth,  that  didst  wound  the  nations?  And 
thou  saidst  in  thy  heart:  I  will  ascend  into  heaven,  I 
will  exalt  my  throne  above  the  stars  of  God,  I  will  sit 
in  the  mountain  of  the  covenant,  in  the  sides  of  the 
north.  I  will  ascend  above  the  height  of  the  clouds,  I 
will  be  like  the  most  High.  But  yet  thou  shalt  be 
brought  down  to  hell,  into  the  depth  of  the  pit" 
(Isaias,  xiv,  12-15).  This  parable  of  the  prophet  is 
expressly  directed  against  the  King  of  Babylon,  but 
both  the  early  Fathers  and  later  Catholic  commenta- 
tors agree  in  understanding  it  as  applying  with  deeper 
significance  to  the  fall  of  the  rebel  angel.  And  the 
older  commentators  generally  consider  that  this  inter- 
pretation is  confirmed  by  the  words  of  Our  Lord  to 
His  disciples:  "  I  saw  Satan  like  lightning  falling  from 
heaven"  (Luke,  x,  18).  For  the.se  words  were  re- 
garded as  a  rebuke  to  the  disciples,  who  were  thus 
warned  of  the  danger  of  pride  by  being  remindeil  of 
the  fall  of  Lucifer.  But  modern  commentators  take 
this  text  in  a  different  sense,  and  refer  it  not  to  the 
original  fall  of  Satan,  but  his  overthrow  by  the  faitli  of 
the  disciples,  who  cast  out  devils  in  the  name  of  their 
Master.  And  this  new  interpretation,  as  Schanz  ob- 
serves, is  more  in  keeping  with  the  context. 

The  parallel  prophetic  passage  is  Ezechiel's  lamen- 
tation upon  the  king  of  Tyre:  "Thou  wast  the  seal  of 
resemblance,  full  of  wisdom,  and  perfect  in  beauty. 
Thou  wast  in  the  pleasures  of  the  paradise  of  God; 
every  precious  stone  was  thy  covering;  the  sardius, 
the  topaz,  and  the  jasper,  the  chrysolite,  and  the  onyx, 
and  the  beryl,  the  sapphire,  and  the  carbuncle,  and 
the  emerald;  gold  the  work  of  thy  beauty:  and  thy 
pipes  were  prepared  in  the  day  that  thou  wast  created. 
Thou  a  cherulj  stretched  out,  and  protecting,  and  I 
set  thee  in  the  holy  mountain  of  God,  thou  hast 
walked  in  the  midst  of  the  stones  of  fire.  Thou  wast 
perfect  in  thy  ways  from  the  day  of  creation,  until 
iniquity  was  foimd  in  thee"  (Ezechiel,  xxviii,  12-15). 
There  is  much  in  the  context  that  can  only  be  imder- 
stood  literally  of  an  earthly  king  concerning  whom  the 
words  are  professedly  spoken,  but  it  is  clear  that  in 
any  case  the  king  is  likened  to  an  angel  in  Paradise 
who  is  ruined  by  his  own  iniquity. 

Even  for  those  who  in  no  wise  doubt  or  dispute  it, 
the  doctrine  set  forth  in  these  texts  and  patristic  in- 
terpretations may  well  suggest  a  multitude  of  ques- 
tions, and  theologians  have  not  been  loth  to  ask  and 
answer  them.  And  in  the  first  place,  what  was  the 
nature  of  the  sin  of  the  rebel  angels?  In  any  case  this 
was  a  point  presenting  considerable  difficulty,  espe- 
cially for  theologians,  who  had  formed  a  high  estimate 
of  the  powers  and  possibilities  of  angelic  knowledge,  a 
subject  which  had  a  peculiar  attraction  for  many  of 
the  great  masters  of  scholastic  speculation.  For  if 
sin  be,  as  it  surely  is,  the  height  of  folly,  the  choice  of 
darkness  for  light,  of  evil  for  good,  it  would  seem  that 
it  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  some  ignorance,  or  in- 
advertence, or  weakness,  or  the  influence  of  some 
overmastering  passion.  But  most  of  these  explana- 
tions seem  to  be  precluded  by  the  powers  and  perfec- 
tions of  the  angelic  nature.  The  weakness  of  the 
flesh,  which  accoimts  for  such  a  mass  of  human  wick- 
edness, was  altogether  absent  from  the  angels.  There 
could  be  no  place  for  carnal  sin  without  the  corpus 
df.licti.    And  even  some  sins  that  are  purely  spiritual 


DEVIL 


765 


DEVIL 


or  intellectual  seem  to  present  an  almost  insuperable 
difficulty  in  the  case  of  the  angels.  This  may  cer- 
tainly be  said  of  the  sin  which  by  many  of  the  best 
authorities  is  regarded  as  being  actually  the  great 
offence  of  Lucifer,  to  wit,  the  desire  of  independence 
of  God  and  equality  with  God.  It  is  true  that  this 
seems  to  be  asserted  in  the  passage  of  Isaias  (xiv,  13). 
And  it  is  naturally  suggested  by  the  idea  of  rebellion 
against  an  earthly  sovereign,  wherein  the  chief  of  the 
rebels  very  commonly  covets  the  kingly  throne.  At 
the  same  time  the  high  rank  which  Lucifer  is  generally 
supposed  to  have  held  in  the  hierarchy  of  angels 
might  seem  to  make  this  offence  more  likely  in  his  case, 
for,  as  history  shows,  it  is  the  subject  who  stantls  near- 
est the  throne  who  is  most  open  to  temptations  of  am- 
bition. But  this  analogy  is  not  a  little  misleading. 
For  the  exaltation  of  the  subject  may  bring  his  power 
so  near  that  of  his  sovereign  that  he  may  well  be  able 
to  assert  his  independence  or  to  usurp  the  throne; 
and  even  where  this  is  not  actually  the  case  he  may  at 
any  rate  contemplate  the  possibility  of  a  successful 
rebellion.  Moreover,  the  powers  and  dignities  of  an 
earthly  prince  may  be  compatible  with  much  ignor- 
ance and  folly.  But  it  is  obviously  otherwise  in  the 
case  of  the  angels.  For,  whatever  gifts  and  powers 
may  be  conferred  on  the  highest  of  the  heavenly 
princes,  he  will  still  be  removed  by  an  infinite  distance 
from  the  plenitude  of  God's  power  and  majesty,  so 
that  a  successful  rebellion  against  that  power  or  any 
ecjuality  with  that  majesty  would  be  an  absolute  im- 
possibility. And  what  is  more,  the  highest  of  the 
angels,  by  reason  of  their  greater  intellectual  illumina- 
tion, must  have  the  clearest  knowledge  of  this  utter 
impossibility  of  attaining  to  equality  with  God.  This 
difficulty  is  clearly  [lut  by  the  Disciple  in  St.  Anselm's 
dialogue  "  De  Casu  Diaboli"  (cap.  iv);  for  the  saint 
felt  that  the  angelic  intellect,  at  any  rate,  must  see  the 
force  of  the  "ontological  argximent"  (see  Ontology). 
"If",  he  asks,  "God  cannot  be  thought  of  except  as 
sole,  and  as  of  such  an  essence  that  nothing  can  be 
thought  of  like  to  Him  [then]  how  could  the  Devil 
have  wished  for  what  could  not  be  thought  of? — He 
surely  was  not  so  dull  of  understanding  as  to  be  ignor- 
ant of  the  inconceivability  of  any  other  entity  like  to 
God"  (Si  Deus  cogitari  non  potest,  nisi  ita  solus,  ut 
nihil  illi  simile  cogitari  possit,  quomodo  diabolus 
potuit  velle  quod  non  potuit  cogitari?  Non  enim  ita 
obtusa;  mentis  erat,  ut  nihil  aliud  simile  Deo  cogitari 
posse  nesciret).  The  Devil,  that  is  to  say,  was  not  so 
obtuse  as  not  to  know  that  it  was  impossible  to  con- 
ceive of  anything  like  (i.  e.  equal)  to  God.  And  what 
he  could  not  think  he  could  not  will.  St.  Anselm's 
answer  is  that  there  need  be  no  question  of  absolute 
equality;  yet  to  will  anything  against  the  Divine  will 
is  to  seek  to  have  that  independence  which  belongs  to 
God  alone,  and  in  this  respect  to  be  equal  to  God.  In 
the  same  sense  St.  Thomas  (I,  Q.  Ixiii,  a.  3)  answers  the 
question,  whether  the  Devil  desired  to  be  "as  God". 
If  by  this  we  mean  equality  with  God,  then  the  Devil 
could  not  desire  it,  since  he  knew  this  to  be  impossible, 
and  he  was  not  blinded  by  pa.ssion  or  evil  habit  .so  as  to 
choose  that  which  is  impossible,  as  may  happen  with 
men.  And  even  if  it  were  possible  for  a  creature  to 
become  God,  an  angel  could  not  desire  this,  since,  by 
becoming  equal  with  God  he  would  cease  to  be  an 
angel,  and  no  creature  can  desire  its  own  destruction 
or  an  essential  change  in  its  being.  These  arguments 
arc  combated  by  Scotus  (In  II  lib.  Sent.,  dist.  vi, 
Q.  i.),  who  distinguishes  between  efficacious  volition 
and  the  volition  of  complaisance,  and  maintains  tha'. 
by  the  latter  act  an  angel  could  desire  that  which  is  im- 
possible. In  the  same  way  he  urges  that,  though  a 
creature  cannot  directly  will  its  own  destruction,  it 
can  do  this  conserjurnl/r,  i.  e.  it  can  will  something 
from  which  this  w-ould  follow. 

Although  St.  Thomas  regards  the  desire  of  equality 
with  God  as  something  impossible,  he  teaches  never- 


theless (loc.  cit.)  that  Satan  sinned  by  desiring  to  be  "  as 
God",  according  to  the  passage  in  the  prophet  (Isaias, 
xiv),  and  he  understands  this  to  mean  likene-ss,  not 
equality.  But  here  again  there  is  need  of  a  distinc- 
tion. For  men  and  angels  have  a  certain  likeness  to 
Ciod  in  their  natural  perfections,  which  are  but  a  re- 
flection of  his  surpassing  beauty,  and  yet  a  further 
likeness  is  given  them  by  supernatural  grace  and 
glory.  Was  it  either  of  these  likenesses  that  the  devil 
desired?  And  if  it  be  so,  how  could  it  be  a  sin?  For 
was  not  this  the  end  for  which  men  and  angels  were 
created?  Certainly,  as  St.  Thomas  teaches,  not 
every  desire  of  likeness  with  God  would  be  sinful,  since 
all  may  rightly  desire  that  manner  of  likeness  which  is 
appointed  them  by  the  will  of  their  Creator.  There  is 
sin  only  where  the  desire  is  inordinate,  as  in  seeking 
something  contrary  to  the  Divine  will,  or  in  seeking 
the  appointed  likeness  in  a  WTong  way.  The  sin  of 
Satan  in  this  matter  may  have  consisted  in  desiring  to 
attain  supernatural  beatitude  by  his  natural  powers 
or,  what  may  seem  yet  stranger,  in  seeking  his  beati- 
tude in  the  natural  perfections  and  rejecting  the 
supernatural.  In  either  case,  as  St.  Thomas  considers, 
this  first  sin  of  Satan  was  the  sin  of  pride.  Scotus, 
however  (loc.  cit.,  Q.  ii),  teaches  that  this  sin  was  not 
pride  properly  so  called,  but  should  rather  be  described 
as  a  species  of  spiritual  lust. 

Although  nothing  definite  can  be  known  as  to  the 
precise  nature  of  the  probation  of  the  angels  and  the 
manner  in  which  many  of  them  fell,  many  theologians 
have  conjectured,  with  some  show  of  probability,  that 
the  mystery  of  the  Divine  Incarnation  was  revealed  to 
them,  that  they  saw  that  a  nature  lower  than  their 
own  was  to  be  hypostatically  united  to  the  Person  of 
God  the  Son,  and  that  all  the  hierarchy  of  heaven 
must  bow  in  adoration  before  the  majesty  of  the  In- 
carnate Word;  and  this,  it  is  supposed,  was  the  occa- 
sion of  the  pride  of  Lucifer  (cf.  Suarez,  De  Angelis,  lib. 
VII,  xiii).  As  might  be  expected,  the  advocates  of 
this  view  seek  support  in  certain  passages  of  Scriptiu-e, 
notably  in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist  as  they  are  cited 
in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews:  "And  again,  when  he 
bringeth  in  the  first-begotten  into  the  world,  he  saith: 
And  let  all  the  angels  of  fiod  adore  Him"  (Heb.,  i,  6; 
Ps.  xcvi,  7).  And  if  the  twelfth  chapter  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse may  be  taken  to  refer,  at  least  in  a  secondary 
sense,  to  the  original  fall  of  the  angels,  it  may  seem 
somewhat  significant  that  it  opens  with  the  vision  of 
the  Woman  and  her  Child.  But  this  interpretation  is 
by  no  means  certain,  for  the  text  in  Hebrews,  i,  may 
be  referred  to  the  second  coming  of  Christ,  and  much 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  passage  in  the  Apocalypse. 

It  would  .seem  that  this  account  of  the  trial  of  the 
angels  is  more  in  accordance  with  what  is  known  as  the 
Seotist  doctrine  on  the  motives  of  the  Incarnation 
than  with  the  Thomist  view,  that  the  Incarnation  was 
occasioned  by  the  sin  of  our  first  parents.  For  since 
the  sin  itself  was  committed  at  the  instigation  of 
Satan,  it  presupposes  the  fall  of  the  angels.  How, 
then,  could  Satan's  probation  consist  in  the  fore- 
knowledge of  that  which  would,  ex  hypothesi,  only 
come  to  pass  in  the  event  of  his  fall  ?  In  the  same  way 
it  would  seem  that  the  aforesaid  theory  is  incompati- 
ble with  another  opinion  held  by  some  old  theologians, 
to  wit,  that  men  were  created  to  fill  up  the  gaps  in  the 
ranks  of  the  angels,  Fo"-  ;'.--v  nirain  suppo.ses  that  if 
no  anc"'"  h  -'.  smned  no  men  would  i.:"'C  bc"i  mad", 
and  in  corusequence  there  would  have  been  no  imion  of 
the  Divine  Person  with  a  nature  lower  than  the  angels. 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  attention  they  had 
bestowed  on  the  question  of  the  intellectual  powers  of 
the  angels,  the  medieval  theologians  had  much  to  say 
on  the  time  of  their  probation.  The  angelic  mind  was 
conceived  of  as  acting  instantaneously,  not,  like  the 
mind  of  man,  pa.ssing  by  discursive  reasoning  from 
premises  to  conclusions.  It  was  pure  intelligence  as 
distinguished  from  reason.     Hence  it  would  seem  that 


DEVIL 


766 


DEVIL 


there  was  no  need  of  any  extended  trial.  And  in  fact 
we  find  St.  Thomas  and  Scotus  discussing  the  question 
whether  the  whole  course  might  not  have  been  accom- 
plished in  the  first  instant  in  which  the  angels  were 
created.  The  Angelic  Doctor  argues  that  the  Fall 
could  not  have  taken  place  m  the  first  instant.  And  it 
certainly  seems  that  if  the  creature  came  into  being  m 
the  very  act  of  sinning  the  sin  itself  might  be  said  to 
come  from  the  Creator.  But  this  argimient,  to- 
gether with  many  others,  is  answered  with  his  accus- 
tomed acuteuess  by  Scotus,  who  maintains  the  ab- 
stract possibility  of  sin  in  the  first  instant.  But 
whether  possible  or  not,  it  is  agreed  that  this  is  not 
what  actually  happened.  For  the  authority  of  the 
passages  m  Isaias  and  Ezechiel,  which  were  generally 
accepted  as  referring  to  the  fall  of  Lucifer,  might  well 
suffice  to  show  that  for  at  least  one  instant  he  had 
existed  in  a  state  of  innocence  and  brightness.  To 
modern  readers  the  notion  that  the  sin  was  committed 
in  the  second  instant  of  creation  may  seem  scarcely 
less  incredible  than  the  possibility  of  a  fall  in  the  very 
first.  But  this  may  be  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  we 
are  really  thinking  of  human  modes  of  knowledge,  and 
fail  to  take  into  account  the  Scholastic  conception  of 
angelic  cognition.  For  a  being  who  was  capable  of 
seeing  many  things  at  once,  a  single  instant  might  be 
equivalent  to  the  longer  period  needed  by  slowlj^- 
moving  mortals. 

This  dispute,  as  to  the  time  taken  by  the  probation 
and  fall  of  Satan,  has  a  purely  speculative  interest. 
But  the  corresponding  question  as  to  the  rapidity  of 
the  sentence  and  punishment  is  in  some  ways  a  more 
important  matter.  There  can  indeed  be  no  doubt 
that  Satan  and  his  rebel  angels  were  very  speedily 
punished  for  their  rebellion.  This  would  seem  to  be 
sufficiently  indicated  in  some  of  the  texts  which  are 
understood  to  refer  to  the  fall  of  the  angels.  It  might 
be  inferred,  moreover,  from  the  swiftness  with  which 
punishment  followed  on  the  offence  in  the  case  of  our 
first  parents,  although  man's  mind  moves  more  slowly 
than  that  of  the  angels,  and  he  had  more  excuse  in  his 
own  weakness  and  in  the  power  of  his  tempter.  It 
was  partly  for  this  reason,  indeed,  that  man  found 
mercy,  whereas  there  was  no  redemption  for  the 
angels.  For,  as  St.  Peter  says,  "God  spared  not  the 
angels  that  sinned"  (II  Pet.,  ii,  4).  This,  it  may  be 
observed,  is  asserted  universally,  indicating  that  all 
who  fell  suffered  punishment.  For  these  and  other 
reasons  theologians  very  commonly  teach  that  the 
doom  and  punishment  followed  in  the  next  instant  after 
the  offence,  and  many  go  so  far  as  to  say  there  was  no 
possibility  of  repentance.  But  here  it  will  be  well  to 
bear  in  mind  the  distinction  drawn  between  revealed 
doctrine,  which  conies  with  authority,  and  theological 
speculation,  which  to  a  great  extent  rests  on  reasoning. 
No  one  who  is  really  familiar  with  the  medieval  mas- 
ters, with  their  wide  differences,  their  independence, 
their  bold  speculation,  is  likely  to  confuse  the  two  to- 
gether. But  in  these  days  there  is  some  danger  that 
we  may  lose  sight  of  the  distinction.  It  is  true  that, 
when  it  fulfils  certain  definite  conditions,  the  agreement 
of  theologians  may  serve  as  a  sure  testimony  to  re- 
vealed doctrine,  and  some  of  their  thoughts  and  even 
their  very  words  have  been  adopted  by  the  Church  in 
her  definitions  of  dogma.  But  at  the  same  time  these 
masters  of  theo'n"'  •  ..^ouo.-'  <^  '-ipIv  put  forward 
man  v  ...ore  or  less  plausible  opinions,  wn  .^-  * ,  . . 

with  reasoning  rather  than  authority,  and  must  neeos 
Ttand  oTfalllith  the  arguments  by  wh.ch  they  are 
supported.  In  this  way  we  may  find  that  many  o 
ttem  may  agree  in  holding  that  "-,- J^.f «  ^^° -"/,^ 
had  no  possibility  of  n.,.ent:mc,..  But  '*  >"^;  '."^e  ^^I'lt 
it  is  a  matter  of  argumrnt,  tlnU  -■-•';/;'';■'  fr'\f,"„\f. 
reason  of  his  own  and  dc-inrs  the  valuhly  ut  the  argu 
ments  adduc.l  by  others.  Some  argue  that  rom  th< 
nature  of  the  angelic  mind  and  will  there  wius  an  in- 
trinsic impossibility  of  repentance.     But  it  may  DC 


observed  that  in  any  case  the  basis  of  this  argument 
is  not  revealed  teaching,  but  philosophical  specula- 
tion. And  it  is  scarcely  surprising  to  find  that  its 
sufficiency  is  denied  by  equally  orthodox  doctors  who 
hold  that  if  the  fallen  angels  could  not  repent  this  was 
either  because  the  doom  was  instantaneous,  and  left 
no  space  for  repentance,  or  because  the  needful  grace 
was  denied  them.  Others,  again,  possibly  with  better 
reason,  are  neither  satisfied  that  sufficient  grace  and 
room  for  repentance  were  in  fact  refused,  nor  can  they 
see  any  good  ground  for  thinking  this  likely,  or  for  re- 
garding it  as  in  harmony  with  all  that  we  know  of  the 
Divine  mercy  and  goodness.  In  the  absence  of  any 
certain  decision  on  this  subject,  we  may  be  allowed  to 
hold,  with  Suarez,  that,  however  brief  it  may  have 
been,  there  was  enough  delay  to  leave  an  opportunity 
for  repentance,  and  that  the  necessary  grace  was  not 
wholly  withheld.  If  none  actually  repented,  this  may 
be  explained  in  some  measure  by  saying  that  their 
strength  of  will  and  fixity  of  purpose  made  repentance 
exceedingly  difficult,  though  not  impossible;  that  the 
time,  though  sufficient,  was  short;  and  that  grace  was 
not  given  in  such  abundance  as  to  overcome  these  dif- 
ficulties. 

The  language  of  the  prophets  (Isaias,  xiv;  Ezechiel, 
xxviii)  would  seem  to  show  that  Lucifer  held  a  very 
high  rank  in  the  heavenly  hierarchy.  And,  accord- 
ingly, we  find  many  theologians  maintaining  that  be- 
fore his  fall  he  was  the  foremost  of  all  the  angels. 
Suarez  is  disposed  to  admit  that  he  was  the  highest 
negatively,  i.  e.  that  no  one  was  higher,  though  many 
may  have  been  his  equals.  But  here  again  we  are  in 
the  region  of  pious  opinions,  for  some  diWnes  maintain 
that,  far  from  being  first  of  all,  he  did  not  belong  to 
one  of  the  highest  choirs — Seraphim,  Cherubim,  and 
Thrones — but  to  one  of  the  lower  orders  of  angels.  In 
any  case  it  appears  that  he  holds  a  certain  sovereignty 
over  those  who  followed  him  in  his  rebellion.  For  we 
read  of  "the  Devil  and  his  angels"  (Matt.,  xxv,  41), 
"the  dragon  and  his  angels  "  (.^poc,  xii,  7), "  Beelzebub, 
the  prince  of  devils" — which,  whatever  be  the  uiter- 
pretation  of  the  name,  clearly  refers  to  Satan,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  context:  "And  if  Satan  also  be  divided 
against  himself,  how  shall  his  kingdom  stand?  Be- 
cause you  say  that  through  Beelzebub  I  cast  out 
devils"  (Luke,  xi,  15,  18),  and  "the  prince  of  the 
Powers  of  this  air"  (Ephes.,  ii,  2).  At  first  sight  it 
may  seem  strange  that  there  should  be  any  order  or 
subordination  amongst  those  rebellious  spirits,  and 
that  those  who  rose  against  their  Maker  should  obey 
one  of  their  own  fellows  who  had  lefl  them  to  destruc- 
tion. And  the  analogj'  of  similar  movements  among 
men  might  suggest  that  the  rebellion  would  be  likely 
to  issue  in  anarchy  and  division.  But  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  the  fall  of  the  angels  did  not  impair 
their  natural  powers,  that  Lucifer  still  retained  the 
gifts  that  enabled  him  to  influence  his  brethren  before 
their  fall,  and  that  their  superior  intelligence  would 
show  them  that  they  could  achieve  more  success  and 
do  more  harm  to  others  by  unity  and  organization 
than  by  independence  and  division. 

Besides  exercising  this  authority  over  those  who 
were  called  "his  angels",  Satan  has  extended  his  em- 
pire over  the  minds  of  evil  men.     Thus,  in  the  passage 
just  cited  from  St.  Paul,  we  read,  "  .\nd  you,  when  you 
were  dead  in  your  offences  and  sins,  wherein  in  times 
.  past  you  walked  according  to  the  course  of  this  world, 
J  according  to  the  prince  of  the  power  of  this  air,  of  the 
'(Spirit  that  now  worketh  on  the  children  of  unbelief" 
(-jtEphes.,  ii,   1,  2).     In  the  same  way  Christ  in  the 
^.yospel  calls  him  "the  prince  of  this  world".     For 
Ijgvien  His  enemies  are  coming  to  take  Him,  lie  looks 
„^y  -oiid  the  instruments  of  evil  to  the  master  who 
jjjjjjves  them,  and  says:    "I  will  not  now  speak  many 
in  iii'S'* '"  y""'  f"""  '''<■  prince  of  this  world  cometh,  and 
is  nc^^  '^'^  liath  not  anything"  (John,  xiv,  .SO).     There 
)  need  to  discuss  the  view  of  some  theologians  who 


DEVIL'S  ADVOCATE 


70)7 


DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS 


iirmisp  that  Lucifer  was  one  of  the  angels  (vho  ruled 
ml  administered  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  that  this 
ilanet  was  ei)nnnitted  to  his  care.  For  in  any  ease 
he  so\ereii;iity  with  which  these  texl-s  are  primarily 
oncerned  is  hut  the  rude  right  of  eoiKiuest  and  tiie 
lower  of  ^■\'\\  influence.  His  sway  began  by  his  vic- 
orj'  over  our  first  parents,  who,  yielding  to  his  sug- 
;estions,  were  brought  under  his  bondage.  All  sin- 
lers  who  do  his  will  become  in  so  far  his  servants, 
''or,  a.s  St.  Gregory  says,  he  is  the  head  of  all  the 
ricked — "  Surely  the  Devil  is  the  head  of  all  the 
i'icked ;  antl  of  this  head  all  the  wicked  are  members" 
Certe  iniquorum  oninimn  caput  diabolus  est;  et 
Lujus  capitis  membra  sunt  omnes  iniqui. — Horn.  16, 
a  Evangel.).  This  headship  over  the  wicked,  as  St. 
?honia.s  is  careful  to  explain,  differs  widely  from 
Christ's  headship  over  the  Church,  inasmuch  as  Satan 
5  only  head  by  outward  government  and  not  also,  as 
"hrist  is,  by  inward,  life-giving  influence  (Summa, 
11,  Q.  viii,  a.  7).  With  the  growing  wickedness  of 
he  world  and  the  spreading  of  paganism  and  false 
eligions  and  magic  rites,  the  rule  of  Satan  was  ex- 
ended  and  strengthened  till  his  power  was  broken  by 
he  ^•ictory  of  Christ,  who  for  this  reason  said,  on  the 
ve  of  His  Passion:  "Now  is  the  judgment  of  the 
i'orld:  now  shall  the  prince  of  this  world  be  cast  out" 
John,  xii,  .'U).  By  the  victory  of  the  Cross  Christ 
lelivered  men  from  the  bondage  of  Satan  and  at  the 
ame  time  paid  the  debt  due  to  Divine  justice  by 
hedding  His  blood  in  atonement  for  our  sins.  In 
heir  endeavours  to  explain  this  great  mystery,  some 
lid  theologians,  misled  by  the  metaphor  of  a  ransom 
or  captives  made  in  war,  came  to  the  strange  con- 
lusion  that  the  price  of  Redemption  was  paid  to 
Satan.  But  this  error  was  effectively  refuted  by  St. 
Lnselm,  who  showed  that  Satan  had  no  rights  over 
lis  captives  and  that  the  great  price  wherewith  we 
Fere  bought  was  paid  to  God  alone  (cf.  .\tonement). 
What  has  been  said  so  far  may  suffice  to  show  the 
>art  played  by  the  Devil  in  human  history,  whether 
n  regard  to  the  individual  soul  or  the  whole  race  of 
i.dani.  It  is  indicated,  indeed,  in  his  name  of  Satan, 
he  adversarj',  the  opposer,  the  accu.ser,  as  well  as  by 
lis  headship  of  the  wicked  ranged  under  his  banner  in 
continual  warfare  with  the  kingdom  of  Christ.  The 
wo  cities  whose  struggle  is  described  by  St.  .\ugustine 
ire  already  indicated  in  the  words  of  the  ,\postle,  "  In 
his  the  children  of  God  are  manifest  and  the  children 
if  the  devil:  for  the  devil  sinneth  from  the  beginning, 
•'or  this  purpose  the  Son  of  God  appeared,  that  He 
night  destroy  the  works  of  the  devil"  (John,  iii,  10, 
!).  Whether  or  no  the  foreknowledge  of  the  Incarna- 
ion  was  the  occasion  of  his  own  fall,  his  subsequent 
ourse  has  certainly  .shown  him  the  relentless  enemy 
if  mankind  and  the  determined  opponent  of  the  Di- 
'ine  economy  of  redemption.  And  since  he  lured  our 
irst  parents  to  their  fall  he  has  ce.ased  not  to  tempt 
heir  children  in  order  to  involve  them  in  his  own  ruin, 
"here  is  no  reason,  indeed,  for  thinking  that  all  sins 
.nd  all  temptations  must  needs  come  ilirectly  from 
he  Devil  or  one  of  his  ministers  of  evil.  For  it  is 
ertain  that  if,  after  the  first  fall  of  Adam,  or  at  the 
inie  of  the  coming  of  Christ,  Satan  and  his  angels  had 
leen  bound  so  fast  that  they  might  tempt  no  more, 
he  world  would  still  have  been  fill('<I  with  evils.  F'or 
lien  would  have  had  enough  of  t<'mptation  in  the 
weakness  and  waywartlne.ss  of  their  hearts.  But  in 
hat  case  the  evil  would  clearly  have  been  far  less  than 
I  is  now,  for  the  acti\-ity  of  Satan  does  much  more 
han  merely  add  a  further  source  of  temptation  to  the 
weakness  of  the  world  and  the  flesh ;  it  means  a  com- 
lination  and  an  intelligent  direction  of  .all  the  clo- 
iients  of  evil.  The  whole  Church  and  each  one  of  her 
hildren  are  beset  by  dangers,  the  fire  of  persecution, 
he  enervation  of  ease,  the  dangers  of  wealth  and  of 
mverty,  heresies  and  errors  of  opposite  characters, 
ationali.sm  and  superstition,  fanaticism  and  indiffer- 


ence. It  would  be  bad  enougli  if  all  t\uvp  forces  were 
acting  apart  .and  without  any  di'linitc  purposi'.  but  the 
perils  of  the  situation  are  incalculably  iiicri'a.scd  when 
all  may  be  organized  .and  directed  by  vigilant  and 
hostile  intelligences.  It  is  this  that  makes  t he  .\postle, 
though  he  well  knew  the  perils  of  the  world  and  the 
weakness  of  tlie  flesh.  Lay  special  stress  on  the  greater 
dangers  that  come  from  the  assaults  of  those  mighty 
spirits  of  evil  in  whom  he  recognized  our  real  and  most 
formidable  foes — "Put  you  on  the  armour  of  God, 
that  you  may  be  able  to  stand  against  the  deceits  of 
the  devil.  For  our  wrestling  is  not  against  flesh  and 
blood;  but  against  principalities  and  powers,  against 
the  rulers  of  the  world  of  this  darkness,  against  the 
spirits  of  wickedness  in  the  high  places  .  .  .  Stand 
therefore,  having  your  loins  girt  about  with  truth, 
having  on  the  breastplate  of  justice,  and  your  feet 
shod  with  the  preparation  of  the  gospel  of  peace;  in 
all  things  taking  the  shield  of  faith,  wherewith  you 
may  be  able  to  extinguish  all  the  fiery  darts  of  the 
most  w-icked  one"  (Ephes.,  vi,  11,  16). 

St.  Ansf.lm,  De  Caxu  Diaboli:  Summa,  Q.  Ixiii;  ibid..  III.  0. 
viii,  a.  7;  Scorns,  In  III.  cli.st.  v.  vi;  Suarf.z,  De  Angelis,  VII; 
Whitehousk,  Demon.  Devil  and  Satan  in  Hastings.  Diet,  of  the 
Bible;  Gorhes,  Die  chHatl.  Mystik  (1830),  Fr.  tr.  La  mystique 
ruiturelte  et  diabotique  (1855). 

W.  H.  Kent. 
Devil's  Advocate.     See  Advocatus  Diaboli. 

Devil-Worshippers. — The  meaning  of  this  com- 
pound term  is  sufficiently  obvious,  for  all  must  be  fa- 
miliar with  the  significance  of  its  two  component  parts. 
But  the  thing  denoted  by  the  name  is  by  no  means  so 
easy  to  understand.  For  there  is  such  a  strange 
startling  incompatibility  between  the  notion  of  devil 
and  that  of  an  object  of  worship,  that  the  combination 
in  this  case  may  well  present  a  grave  difficulty.  And 
the  more  we  are  able  to  understand  about  the  charac- 
ter and  history  of  the  Devil  and  about  the  true  nature 
of  worship,  the  more  difficult  is  it  to  believe  that  men 
can  have  been  led,  even  in  the  utmost  extremity  of 
folly  and  wickedness,  to  worship  the  Devil.  Yet,  in- 
credible as  it  may  seem,  it  is  unfortunately  true  that 
some  worship  of  this  kind  h;is  prevailed  at  many  times 
and  among  widely  different  races  of  mankind.  The 
following  considerations  may  help  in  some  degree  to 
lighten  the  difficulty  presented  by  this  singular 
phenomenon. 

In  the  first  place  it  may  be  well  to  recall  the  analogy 
between  the  worship  given  to  a  divine  being  and  the 
tribute  paid  to  a  king.  Both  alike  are  sensible  proofs 
of  service  and  subjection.  In  the  case  of  kings,  be- 
sides the  willing  service  paid  to  a  just  and  legitimate 
sovereign,  there  may  be  tribute  paid  to  some  alien 
oppressor,  or  blackmail  grudgingly  given  to  some 
pirate  chief  or  marauder  in  order  to  deprecate  the 
evils  that  may  be  feared  at  his  hands.  And  so  in  the 
case  of  religious  worship,  wo  may  find  that  in  the  rude 
polytheism  of  barbarous  races,  where  the  gods  were 
not  only  many  in  number  but  various  in  character, 
besides  the  willing  worship  given  to  good  and  benefi- 
cent beings  in  the  service  of  love  and  gratitude,  there 
is  a  sort  of  liturgical  blackmail  offered  to  the  evil  and 
malignant  gods  or  demons  in  order  to  placate  them 
and  avert  their  anger.  In  like  manner,  when  we  pass 
from  Polytheism  to  the  philosophic  Dualism — where 
the  worlds  of  light  .and  darkness,  good  and  evil, 
.sharply  defined,  are  constantly  warring  again.st  each 
other — over  against  the  good  men,  who  offer  worship 
to  the  good  god,  ,\hura  Mazda,  there  are  the  wicked 
Daeva-worshippers  who  sacrifice  to  the  Demons  and 
to  Ahriman  their  chief,  the  principle  of  evil. 

Another  source  of  this  strange  worship  may  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  in  the  early  days  each  nation 
h.ad  its  own  natural  gods;  hence  raci.al  rivalry  and 
hatred  sometimes  led  one  nation  to  regard  the  protect- 
ing divinities  of  its  enemies  as  evil  demons.  In  this 
way  many  who  merely  worshipped  gods  whom  they 


DEVOLUTION 


768 


DEYMANN 


themselves  regarded  as  good  beings  would  be  called 
devil-worshippers  by  men  of  other  nations.  Such  may 
be  the  case  with  the  Daeva-worshippers  in  the  Avesta. 
In  the  same  way  the  Greeks  and  Romans  may  have 
worshipped  their  divinities,  fondly  believing  them  to 
be  good.  But  the  Christian  Scriptures  declare  that  all 
the  gods  of  the  Gentiles  are  demons. 

This  declaration,  it  may  be  added,  was  not  the  ut- 
terance of  a  rival  race  but  the  teaching  of  Holy  Scrip- 
ture. For  as  the  Fathers  and  theologians  explain  the 
matter,  the  fallen  angels  besides  tempting  and  assail- 
ing men  in  other  ways,  have,  by  working  on  their  fears 
or  exciting  their  cupidity,  brought  them  to  give  wor- 
ship to  themselves  under  the  guise  of  idols.  If  not  in 
all  cases,  it  would  seem  that  much  of  the  heathen 
idolatrous  worship,  especially  in  its  worst  and  most 
degraded  forms,  was  offered  to  the  de\'ils.  This  may 
explain  some  of  the  manifestations  in  the  old  pagan 
oracles.  And  something  of  the  same  kind  occurs  in 
the  demonic  manifestations  among  the  modern  demon- 
olaters  in  India  (cf.  Alexander,  Demonic  Possession  in 
the  New  Testament,  p.  237).  Nor  has  this  been  con- 
fined to  heathen  nations,  for  in  connexion  with  magi- 
cal practices  and  occultism  some  forms  of  devil- 
worship  appear  in  the  heresy  history  of  medieval 
Europe.  Gorres,  in  his  great  work  on  Christian 
Mysticism,  gives  some  curious  and  repulsive  details 
of  their  obscene  ceremonial.  Of  late  years  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  recrudescence  of  this  e-\al  super- 
stition in  certain  countries  of  Europe.  While  there  is 
some  authentic  evidence  as  to  the  existence  of  these 
evil  practices,  the  truth  is  overlaid  with  a  mass  of  leg- 
end, many  charges  of  this  kind  are  false  or  grossly 
exaggerated,  and  a  number  of  innocent  persons  have 
been  cruelly  put  to  death  on  charges  of  witchcraft 
or  devil-worship.  It  is  well  also  to  remember  St.  Au- 
gustine's words:  "Non  uno  modo  sacrificatur  tradi- 
toribus  angelis";  and  possibly  calumny  and  cruelty 
may  be  more  dangerous  forms  of  devil-worship  than 
all  the  dark  rites  of  African  Medicine  men  or  medieval 
magicians. 

Gorres,  Christl.  Mystik.  French  Tr.;  Alexander.  Demo- 
nic Possession  in  the  New  Testament  (Edinburgh,  1902). 

W.  H.  ICent. 

Devolution  (Lat.  devoluiio  from  devohcre),  the 
right  of  an  ecclesiastical  superior  to  provide  for  a  bene- 
fice, when  the  ordinary  patron  or  collator  has  failed  to 
do  so,  either  through  negligence  or  by  the  nomination 
of  an  improper  candidate.  There  is  no  permanent 
loss  of  right  in  such  a  case,  but  only  for  the  time  being 
and  for  that  particular  instance.  The  right  of  devo- 
lution passes  to  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  when  the 
chapter  or  private  individuals  who  have  the  right  of 
patronage  do  not  present  a  new  and  acceptable  bene- 
ficiary within  six  months  of  the  vacancy.  When  the 
bishop  hunself  is  negligent,  the  right  devolves  upon 
the  metropolitan.  Where,  however,  the  right  of  ap- 
pointing belongs  to  both  the  bishop  and  the  chapter, 
if  only  one  of  the  parties  has  been  found  wanting  in  the 
exercise  of  the  right,  the  law  declares  that  the  power  of 
nomination  remains  to  the  other.  When  there  is  a 
vacancy  in  an  episcopal  see,  the  metropolitan  appoints 
a  vicar  capitular  to  rule  the  vacant  diocese,  if  the 
cathedral  chapter  has  failed  to  elect  such  an  official 
within  eight  days.  In  case  of  negligence  on  the  part 
of  metropolitans  or  exempt  bishops,  the  right  devolves 
upon  the  pope  of  proWding  for  the  benefices  not  con- 
ferred within  the  legal  time  or  when  the  election  was 
uncanonical.  (Chapters  having  power  to  elect  an 
archbishop,  bishop,  or  abbot  must  do  so  within  three 
months,  or  the  appointment  devolves  upon  the  Roman 
pontiff.  The  same  holds  for  the  case  where  an  election 
was  not  celebrated  according  to  canonical  prescrip- 
tions. Custom,  however,  allows  a  second  election  by 
the  chapter  when  the  first  has  been  declared  void.  In 
countries  where  a  concordat  exists  between  the  Holy 
See  and  the  civil  government,  the  right  of  devolution 


is  often  either  to  be  held  in  abeyance  or  certain  restric- 
tions are  placed  upon  it.  In  France  no  right  of  devo- 
lution was  recognized  by  the  State.  In  some  ecclesi- 
astical provinces  of  Germany  and  of  Holland  and  Bel- 
gium, it  is  expressly  stipulated  that  in  the  event  of  an 
uncanonical  election  of  an  archbishop  or  bishop,  the 
chapters  are  to  be  allowed  to  proceed  to  another  elec- 
tion. In  case  the  right  of  presentation  to  archiepis- 
copal  and  episcopal  sees  has  been  conceded  to  the 
civil  government,  the  latter  does  not  lose  the  right  by 
the  nomination  of  an  unacceptable  candidate,  nor 
does  the  election  devolve  upon  the  pope  when  a  bish- 
opric has  not  been  filled  within  the  canonical  term  of 
three  months,  unless  such  has  been  expressly  stipu- 
lated in  the  concordat.  When  the  pope,  himself,  does 
not  exercise  the  right  of  devolution  within  the  canoni- 
cal terra  of  months,  the  power  of  conferring  the  bene- 
fice returns  to  the  ordinary  patron.  Canonists  deduce 
this  conclusion  not  from  any  explicit  law,  but  from 
the  common  regulations  governing  the  provisions  for 
filling  benefices  and  dignities.  In  practice  this  cus- 
tom is  observed  by  the  Holy  See.  Historically,  the 
law  of  devolution  does  not  seem  to  be  more  ancient 
than  the  Third  Council  of  the  Lateran  (1179)  for  bene- 
fices, and  the  Fourth  Council  of  the  Lateran  (1215)  for 
elective  prelacies.  The  object  of  the  law  is  both  to 
provide  through  higher  authority  a  remedy  for  the 
correction  of  abuses  or  negligences  on  the  part  of  in- 
feriors and  also  to  punish  them  for  the  improper  use  of 
their  powers. 

Khemski.  De  Jure  DevoluHonis  (BerUn,  1S53);  Laurentius, 
Institulioncs  Jur.  Ecd.  (Freiburg,  1903);  Wbrnz,  Jus  Decrc- 
talium  (Rome,  1899),  II. 

William  H.  W.  Panning. 

Devoti,  Giovanni,  canonist,  b.  at  Rome,  11  July, 
1744;  d.  there  IS  Sept.,  1820.  At  the  age  of  twenty 
he  occupied  a  chair  of  canon  law  at  the  Roman  Uni- 
versity (Sapienza).  After  twenty-five  years  service 
in  this  position  Pius  VI  appointed  him  Bishop  of  An- 
agni,  which  see  he  resigned  in  1804,  to  become  titular 
Archbishop  of  Carthage.  As  such  he  filled  several  im- 
portant positions  at  Rome.  He  also  accompanied  Pius 
VII  during  his  exile  in  France.  His  works  are:  "De 
notissimis  in  jure  legibus  libri  duo"  (Rome,  17G0); 
"Juris  canonici  universi  publici  et  privati  libri  quin- 
que",  an  unfinished  work  of  which  only  three  volumes 
appeared  (Rome,  lSO.3-1815;  new  edition,  Rome,  1827), 
containing  an  introduction  to  canon  law  and  a  com 
mentary  on  the  first  and  second  book  of  the  Decretals; 
"  Institutionura  canonicariun  libri  quatuor"  (Rome, 
1785;  fourth  ed.,  Rome,  1814).  This  last  work  is 
distinguished  by  its  clearness  and  conciseness,  and  by 
its  numerous  historical  notes,  attributed,  but  without 
any  reason,  to  Cardinal  Castiglione,  afterwards  Pius 
VIII.  In  1817,  the  King  of  Spain  made  obligatory  the 
study  of  the  "  Institutiones"  of  Devoti  at  the  Univer 
sity  of  Alcald;  in  1836,  the  University  of  Louvain  ac- 
cepted it  as  a  classical  manual  of  canon  law.  The 
work  is  now  more  useful  for  the  history  than  for  the 
practice  of  canon  law. 

Schulte.    Geschichte    der  Qucllen  und  Litieratur  des  c 
ischen  Rechts  (Stuttgart,  18S0).  Ill,  1.  52S;  Hdrter,  A'. 
dator  Lilcrarius    (1895),    III,  677;    WER.-JZ,    Jus   Dccrelalium 
(Rome,  1898),  I,  401. 

A.  Van  Hove 

Devotion,  Feast  of.     See  Feast. 

Dewi,  Bishop  op  Menevia.     See  David,  Saint.        |^ 

Deymann,  Clementine,  b.  at  Klein-Stavem,  Olden-^  tei 
burg,  Germany,  24  June,  1844;  d.  at  Phcenix,  Arizona, 
U.  S.  A.,  4  December,  1890.  He  came  to  America 
with  his  parents  in  1803,  studied  at  Teutopolis,  Illi- 
nois, received  the  habit  of  St.  Francis  and  the  name 
Clementine  at  the  same  place,  8  December,  1867,  fin- 
ished his  theological  studies,  and  was  ordained  priest 
at  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  19  May,  1872.  Father  Clemen- 
tine was  stationed  as  professor  at  the  college  of  Teu- 


Jai 


iefc 


DHUODA 


769 


diakovAr 


)olis  until  July,  1879,  when  he  was  transferred  to 
iet,  to  act  as  chaplain  of  the  State  prison.  At  Jol- 
hc  was  also  spiritual  director  of  the  School  Sisters 
St.  Francis.  In  August,  18S0,  he  was  appointed 
)erior  and  pa.stor  of  the  German  parish  of  Joliet,  and 
Jul)',  1882,  he  received  a  like  position  at  Chilli- 
he,  Mis.souri.  In  1885  and  in  1891  Father  Cleinen- 
s  was  elected  definitor  of  the  Franciscan  province 
;he  Sacred  Heart;  in  1886  he  was  made  superior  of 
boys'  orphanage  at  Watsonville,  California.  He 
3  appointed  22  July,  1896,  the  first  commissary  for 

■  newly  erected  Franciscan  commissariat  of  the 
;ific  Coast,  but  died  shortly  after  receiving  this 
ce  and  was  buried  at  Santa  Barbara.  Father 
mentine  was  a  very  industrious  man,  who  in  his 
re  time  translated  a  number  of  useful  works,  some 
which  have  been  published.  Among  these  are: 
he  Seraphic  Octave",  or  "Retreat"  (1883);  "Life 
3t.  Francisco  Solano";  "Life  of  Blessed  Crescentia 
ess";  "May  Devotions"  (1884).  His  original 
tings  are:  "Manual  for  the  Sisters  of  the  Third 
ler"  (1884);  "St.  Francis  Manual"  (1884).  He 
]  wrote  for  several  periodicals,  and  left  in  manu- 
ipt  translations  from  the  Spanish  of  the  lives  of 
;her  Junipero  Serra  and  Father  Antonio  Margil. 
iNGLF.HARiiT.  The  F TancUcaTis  in  California  (1897);  Ar- 
e^  of  the  Province  and  Commissariat  of  the  Sacred  Heart. 

Zephyrin  Englehardt. 

)huoda,  wife  of  Bernard,  Duke  of  Septimania. 
;  only  source  of  information  on  her  life  is  her 
iber  Manualis  "  which  was  written  for  the  education 
her  son  William.  The  name  Dhuoda  which  is  in- 
ited  in  the  ''  Manual ' '  is  latinized  by  her  as  Dodana, 
odana,  and  Dhuodana.  Dhuoda  was  a  member 
I  noble  family,  and  married,  24  June,  824,  Bernard, 
of  St.  William  of  Gellone,  godson  and  favourite  of 
ig  Louis  the  Pious,  Duke  of  Septimania,  and  also, 
ler  at  that  time  or  a  little  later.  Count  of  Barce- 
a.  Her  first  son,  William,  was  born  29  November, 
i,  and  the  second,  Bernard,  22  March,  841.  The 
anual"  was  begun  .30  November,  841,  at  Uzes 
i\v  Department  of  Card),  and  completed  2  Febru- 
',  84:5.  She  was  then  separated  from  both  her  hus- 
id  and  her  two  sons,  William  being  at  the  Court  of 
irles  the  Bald,  and  Bernard  having  been  taken 
ly  before  baptism  to  his  father  in  Aquitaine. 
)bably  Dhuoda  did  not  live  long  after  completing 
•  work,  as  she  speaks  of  herself  as  weak  and  near 
ith,  expres.ses  her  sorrow  at  the  thought  that  she 
1  not  see  William  in  his  manhood,  and  writes  herself 
I  epitaph  which  she  desires  him  to  engrave  on  her 
lib.  Thus  she  may  have  been  spared  the  .sorrow  of 
iwing  her  husband's  condemnation  for  rebellion 
4),  and  the  death  of  her  two  sons  who  were  also 
ed,  William  in  850,  and  Bernard  in  872,  after 
fully  disregarding  their  mother's  good  lessons, 
e  "Manual",  consisting  of  seventy-three  cliapters 
it  including  the  introduction,  invocation,  pro- 
ne, etc.),  is  an  important  document  for  general  his- 
y  and  especially  for  the  history  of  education.  It 
s  published  by  Bondurand  in  18S7  from  a  manu- 
ipt  of  the  seventeenth  century  in  the  Biblioth^que 
tionale,  I'aris,  and  from  fragments  of  a  manuscript  of 

■  ( 'arli>vingian  ejrach,  found  in  the  library  of  Nimes. 
fi>re  that  date,  only  a  few  passages  had  been  pub- 
«-d  by  Mabillon  and  reproduced  in  Migne's  "Pa- 
logy  .  It  is  a  treatise  on  Christian  virtues,  re- 
iling  the  author's  remarkable  qualities  of  heart  and 
nd,  her  intense  affection  for  her  sons  and  her  hus- 
nd,  notwithstanding  the  latter's  intrigues  at  the 
urt (seeMartin, Histoirede France, II, .3S(;.sqq.).  We 
d  numerous  quotations  from  Holy  Scripture,  allu- 
ns  to  Scriptural  facts,  and  some  references  to  pro- 
le  writers.  The  expression  is  in  some  instances 
3cure  and  even  incorrect  from  the  point  of  view  of 
ssical  latinity,  but  the  many  images,  comparisons, 
d  allegories,  the  use  in  some  chapters  of  verse  and 

IV — 49 


acrostics,  the  beauty  and  nobleness  of  the  thoughts, 
the  earnestness  and  love  of  the  writer  which  are  mani- 
fest throughout  the  whole  work,  always  keep  the 
reader's  interest  alive.  It  was  really  a  "honeyed 
beverage''  which  Dhuoda  had  [jrepared  for  her  son: — 
Istimi  [liboUum]  tibi  et  fratri,  ut  prosit,  quod  collegi 

festinans, 
Velut  melliflmim  potum,  favisque  permixtum, 
III  ril.iiiii  .iri-..  Ill  il. ■gustos  sem|.)i'r  adhortor. 

I'-      '  '      i;       '/ ./•/>/."."/.!  I  I'aris,  l.«S7);    Comptes- 

r.nr  !  ,  /„,,Ti,./i-.(,;    (P.Tris,   lS8.''i).  223,  236; 

Ki  /  '■'../,,.,  /".i./.iiwaiA-  (Freiburg.  1890), 

III  '■'  lull  ,',  ci:  !,..,,,!  i  he  il/anua;  with  a  short  intro- 
ilu>i,    :,  .     M    III  1  /iirum  ord.  .S.  Benfd.  (Venice. 

17;''       I       !\     I         I      !■       Ml  .NE. /».  L..  CVI.  109;    Hisloire 

tlll.,n:n    ,1    -',,    /■■...:;,,     .|',i:i^.    1  7,  IM  — ),  V,  17. 

C.    A.    DuBRAY. 

Diaconicum  (Or.  hiaKoviKhv),  in  the  Greek  Church 
the  liturgical  book  specifying  the  functions  of  the  dea- 
con; it  is  also  the  name  given  to  the  Oraliones  pro  pace 
(SmKoviKd)  to  be  said  by  him  before  the  people. 
Primarily,  however,  the  word  denoted  an  annex  to  the 
Christian  basilica,  where  necessary  supplies  for  the 
service  of  the  altar  were  kept  and  preparations  were 
made  for  the  Holy  Sacrifice.  The  diaconicum  is  dis- 
tinct from  the  prothesis,  a  small  room  where  the  offer- 
ings of  the  people  were  received.  In  large  churches 
the  iliaconicuin  majus  comprised  several  rooms:  the 
salulfitorium,  for  reception  and  audiences  of  the 
bishop;  the  tlwsaurariu/n,  where  sacred  vessels  and 
books  were  kept ;  and  the  diacon  icum  properly  so  called. 
Possibly  the  Cireek  jra(7ro06piov,  where  the  Holy 
Eucharist  was  reserved,  was  simply  the  diaconicum. 
Prothesis  and  diaconicum  are  ordinarily  on  either  side 
of  the  apse.  In  Syrian  churches,  where  they  are  regu- 
larly foimd,  they  are  built  on  a  rectangular  plan  and 
have  two  stories.  They  also  exist  in  Byzantine 
churches,  in  the  basilicas  of  Africa  and  frequently 
even  in  the  churches  of  other  regions. 

Kraus.  Geschichte  dec  christlichen  Kunst  (Freiburg  im  Br., 
1896),  I,  300;  Idem,  Real-Encyckl.  d.  chriatl.  Alterlhumer  (Frei- 
burg, 1882),  I,  358. 

R.  Maere. 
Diadochus.    See  Marcus  Di.\dochus. 

Diakovar  (Croatian,  Djakovo),  see  of  the  Bishop  of 
the  united  Dioceses  of  Bosnia  or  Diakoviir  and  Sir- 
mium  (Szerdm)  (Bosniensis  seu  Diacovensis  et  Sirmi- 
ensis),  a  municipality  of  Slavonia  (Austria-Hungary), 
in  the  county  of  Virovititz  (Hungarian  Verocze).  Dia- 
kovdr  is  al.so  the  seat  of  a  dLstrict  court;  in  1900  it 
contained  6824  inhabitants,  mostly  Catholics,  of  whom 
65  per  cent  were  Serbs  and  28  per  cent  Germans.  The 
fine  cathedral,  completed  in  1883  by  Friedrich  Schmidt 
from  the  plans  of  Karl  Riisncr,  is  a  Romanesque- 
Gothic  edifice,  256  feet  long  and  197  feet  wide;  it  has 
two  towers,  each  about  276  feet  high,  and,  in  addition, 
a  cupola  about  203  feet  high.  The  interior  is  decor- 
ated with  frescoes  by  Seitz,  father  and  son,  and  the 
organ  has  3(K)0  pipes.  Among  the  other  important 
buildings  are  the  episcopal  seminary  founded  by 
BLshop  Mandi(5  in  1807  and  altered  in  1858  by  Bishop 
Strossmayer,  the  provincial  house  of  the  Sisters  of 
Charity  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  the  episcopal  palace. 
Diakoviir  is  of  Roman  origin.  On  the  imperial  road 
from  Sissek  to  Sirmium  there  was  a  large  station 
named  Certissa,  which  disappeared  during  the  migra- 
tions of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  The  site  is  not 
again  mentioned  before  the  thirteenth  century,  when 
Coloman,  brother  of  King  Bela  IV,  gave  the  "Posses- 
sio  Diaco"  to  the  Bishop  of  Bosnia.  After  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  Diocese  of  Sirmivnn  (q.v.)  by 
Gregoi-y  IX,  20  January,  1229,  the  bi.shop  lived  at 
Bosna  Seraj  in  Bosnia,  but  in  1246  he  transferred  his 
see  to  Diakovar  after  Gregory  IX,  on  account  of  the 
troubles  with  the  Bogomili,  withdrew  the  Diocese  of 
Bosnia  from  its  subjection  to  the  Archdiocese  of  Ra- 
gusa  and  made  it  suffragan  to  the  Archdiocese  of 
Kalocsa. 


DIALECTIC 


770 


DIALECTIC 


In  1735  the  territory  of  the  Diocese  of  Bosnia  be- 
came tlie  Vicariate  Apostolic  of  Bosnia  and  Herze- 
govina (q.  v.),  while  by  a  Bull  of  Clement  XIV  of  9 
July,  177.3,  the  See  of  Sirmium  was  imited  in  perpetu- 
ity with  Diakoviir.  Since  this  date  the  Bishops  of 
Diakovilr  have  borne  the  title  "  of  Bosnia,  or  Diakovdr 
and  Sirmium".  Since  1852  the  diocese  has  been  a 
suffragan  of  Agram  (Zdgrdb),  which  was  founded  in 
that  year. 

Among  the  most  important  medieval  bishops  of 
Diakovdr  were  Blessed  Johannes  Teutonicus  (1233- 
41)  who  died  in  1253  as  fourth  Master  General  of  the 
Dominican  Order,  and  the  Franciscan  Blessed  Pere- 
grinus  (1349-50).  In  the  nineteenth  century  Bishop 
Joseph  Georg  Strossmayer  (q.  v.)  exceeded  all  his 
predecessors,  not  only  in  the  length  of  his  episcopate 
(1849-1905),  but  also  in  the  fruitful  results  of  his 
labours  for  his  diocese,  especially  a.s  a  patron  of  art 
and  learning.  After  his  death  the  see  was  administered 
by  the  vicar  capitular.  Dr.  Engelbert  Vorsak.  The 
cathedral  chapter,  established  in  1239,  disappeared 
after  the  invasion  of  the  Turks  in  1453.  It  was  re- 
stored in  1773  by  Maria  Teresa  and  it  consists  of  8 
regular  and  0  honorary  canons.  Since  1881  the  dio- 
cese is  limited  to  the  Croatian-Slavonian  counties  of 
Verovititz  (Verocze),  Szerem,  and  Pozhega,  and  in- 
cludes, according  to  the  statistics  for  1908:  4  arch- 
deaconries; 11  vice-archdeaconries;  90  parishes  with 
376  dependent  chapels  and  stations,  and  4  exposi- 
tures;  174  secular  and  regular  priests;  294,674  (Catho- 
lics and  6205  Uniat  Greeks  in  a  total  population  of 
515,897.  The  male  religious  orders  in  the  diocese  are: 
Franciscans,  6  monasteries;  Capuchins,  1  monastery 
in  Esseg  (Esz^k  or  Osjek)  with  6  religious.  The  fe- 
male communities  include  37  Sisters  of  Charity  of  St. 
Vincent  de  Paul,  and  39  Sisters  of  C'harity  of  the  Holy 
Cross.  Besides  the  seminary  for  priests  at  Diakovar, 
mentioned  above,  there  is  a  seminary  for  boys  at  Es- 
seg established  by  Bishop  Strossmayer  in  1899.  The 
most  celebrated  place  of  pilgrimage  in  the  Diocese 
of  Diakovdr  is  Mariaschnee  near  Peterwardein.  The 
patron  saint  for  Diakoviir  is  St.  Elias,  for  Szerem,  St. 
Demetrius. 

Monumenfa  spectantia  historiam  Slavorum  meridionalium,  ed. 
South-Slavic  Academy  (Agram.  1S92),  XXIII;  Tiieinf.r, 
Vetera  Monumenta  'Slavorum  meridionalium  historiam  illus- 
tranlia  (I,  Rome,  1863;  II,  Agram,  1S75);  Farlati,  lUyrieum 
sacrum  (Venice,  1769),  IV,  37-90;  Puvv.  Si„,-imrn  hierarchite 
Hungaricce  (Pressburg-Kaschau,  177ni,  II.  ;;'tii  1;>S;  Hodinka, 
Studien  zur  Geschichte  des  Bosni-<rli - 1  > i u t> n. !;-■  r  Bistums  (in 
Hungarian,  Budapest,  1S9S);  Si-hmuilixmu.^  ch  ri  diacesium 
Bosni'  <:  '  .  ,/)..-••..;-.,,'  Si:  >„nnxijs  pro  anno  1908  (Diako- 
vdr. I'"  i-  :'.  '  -n  (Ratisbon,  1873),  368-69; 
EiiBii,  '  .  .  /,,:  im'i  (Munster,  1898),  I, 
146-47:  '\1  11  iri  I'lnl',  II,  ijj;  Die  katholische  Kirche  unscrcr 
Zeil  (Munifli,  UlUOi,  II,  (i4r)-4S;  La  Calhedrale  de  DJakom,  ed. 
South-Slavic  Academy  (a  splendid  art -publication,  in  Croatian 
and  French,  Prague,  1900). 

Gregor  Reinhold. 

Dialectic  [Gr.  SioKcktik'^  (rtx"^  or  ijl46oSos),  the 
dialectic  art  or  method,  from  SiaXiyonai.,  I  converse, 
discuss,  dispute;  as  noun  also  dialectics;  as  adjective, 
dialectical]. — (1)  In  Greek  philosophy  the  word  orig- 
inally signified  "investigation  by  dialogue",  instruc- 
tion by  question  and  answer,  as  in  the  heuristic 
method  of  Socrates  and  the  dialogues  of  Plato.  The 
word  dialectics  still  retains  this  meaning  ui  the  theory 
of  education.  (2)  But  as  the  process  of  reasoning  is 
more  fundamental  than  its  oral  expression,  the  term 
dialectic  came  to  denote  primarily  the  art  of  inference 
or  argument.  In  this  sense  it  is  synonymous  with 
logic.  It  has  always,  moreover,  connoted  special 
aptitude  or  acuteness  in  reasoning,  "dialectical  skill "; 
and  it  was  because  of  this  characteristic  of  Zeno's 
polemic  against  the  reality  of  motion  or  change  that 
this  philosopher  is  said  to  liave  been  styled  by  Aris- 
totle the  master  or  founder  of  dialectic.  (3)  Further, 
the  aim  of  all  argumentation  being  presiunably  the 
acquisition  of  truth  or  knowledge  about  reality,  and 
the  process  of  cognition  being  inseparably  boimd  up 


with  its  content  or  object,  i.  e.  with  reality,  it  was 
natural  that  the  term  dialectic  should  be  again  ex- 
tended from  fimction  to  object,  from  thought  to 
thing;  and  so,  even  as  early  as  Plato,  it  had  come  to 
signify  the  whole  science  of  reality,  both  as  to  method 
and  as  to  content,  thus  nearly  approaching  what  has 
been  from  a  somewhat  later  period  universally  known 
as  metaphysics.  It  is,  however,  not  quite  sjniony- 
mous  with  the  latter  in  the  objective  sense  of  the 
science  of  real  being,  abstracting  from  the  thought 
processes  by  which  this  real  being  is  known,  but  rather 
in  the  more  subjective  sense  in  which  it  denotes  the 
study  of  being  in  connexion  with  the  mind,  the  science 
of  knowledge  in  relation  to  its  olijoct,  the  critical  in- 
vestigation of  the  origin  and  validity  of  knowledge  aa 
pursued  in  psychology  and  epistemology.  Thus 
Kant  describes  as  "transcendental  dialectic"  his 
criticism  of  the  (to  him  futile)  attempts  of  speculative 
human  reason  to  attaiti  to  a  knowledge  of  such 
ultimate  realities  as  the  soul,  the  universe,  and  the 
Deity;  while  the  monistic  system,  in  which  Hegel 
identified  thought  with  being  and  logic  with  meta- 
physics, is  commonly  known  as  the  "Hegelian 
dialectic". 

A.  The  Dialectic  Method  in  Theology.  [For 
dialectic  as  equivalent  to  logic,  see  art.  Logic,  and 
cf.  (2)  above.  It  is  in  this  sense  we  here  speak  of 
dialectic  in  theology.] — The  traditional  logic,  or  dia- 
lectic, of  Aristotle's  "Organon" — the  science  and  art 
of  (mainly  deductive)  reasoning — found  its  proper 
application  in  exploring  the  domain  of  purely  natural 
truth,  but  in  the  early  Middle  Ages  it  began  to  be  ap- 
plied by  some  Catholic  theologians  to  the  elucidation 
of  the  supernatural  truths  of  the  Christian  Revelation. 
The  perennial  problem  of  the  relation  of  reason  to 
faith,  already  ably  discussed  by  St.  Augustine  in  the 
fifth  century,  was  thus  raised  again  by  St.  Anselm  in 
the  eleventh.  During  the  intervenuig  and  earlier 
centuries,  although  the  writers  and  Fathers  of  the 
Church  had  always  recognized  the  right  and  duty  of 
natural  reason  to  establish  those  truths  preparatory 
to  faith,  the  existence  of  God  and  the  fact  of  revela- 
tion, those  prceambula  fidei  which  form  the  motives  of 
credibility  of  the  Christian  religion  and  so  make  the 
profession  of  the  Christian  Faith  a  rationabile  obse- 
quium,  a  "reasonable  service",  still  their  attitude  in- 
clined more  to  the  Crede  ut  intelligas  (Believe  that  you 
may  understand)  than  to  the  Intellige  ut  credas  (under- 
stand that  you  may  believe) ;  ami  their  theology  was 
a  positive  exegesis  of  the  contents  of  Scripture  and 
tradition.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries, 
however,  rational  speculation  was  applied  to  theology 
not  merely  for  the  purpose  of  proving  the  prceambula 
fidei,  but  also  for  the  purpose  of  analysing,  illustrating, 
and  showing  forth  the  beauty  and  the  suitability  of 
the  mysteries  of  the  Christian  Faith.  This  method  of 
applying  to  the  contents  of  Revelation  the  logical 
forms  of  rational  discussion  was  called  "  the  dialectic 
method  of  theology".  Its  introduction  was  opposed 
more  or  less  vigorously  by  such  ascetic  and  mystic 
writers  as  St.  Peter  Damian,  St.  Bernard,  and  Walter 
of  St.  \'ictor;  chiefly,  indeed,  because  of  the  excess  to 
which  it  was  carried  by  those  rationalist  and  theo- 
sophist  writers  who,  like  Peter  .\belard  and  Rajmiond 
LuUy,  would  fain  demonstrate  the  Christian  myste- 
ries, subordinating  faith  to  private  judgment.  The 
method  was  saved  from  neglect  and  excess  alike  by 
the  great  Scholastics  of  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
was  u.sed  to  advantage  in  their  tlieology.  After  five 
or  six  centiu-ies  of  fruitful  dcxclopment,  imder  the 
influence,  mainly,  of  this  deductive  dialectic,  theo- 
logy has  again  been  drawing,  for  a  century  past, 
abundant  and  powerful  aid  from  a  renewed  and  in- 
creased attention  to  the  liistorical  and  exegetical 
studies  that  characterized  the  earlier  centuries  of 
Christianity. 

B.  Di.u-ECTic  AS  Fundamental  Philosophy  os 


DIALECTIC 


771 


DIALECTIC 


Hitman  Knowledge  [cf.  (3),  above]. — (a)  The  Pla- 
tonic Dinlectjc. — From  the  beginnings  of  Greek  philos- 
ophy reflection  lias  revealed  a  twofold  element  in  the 
contents  of  the  knowing  human  mind:  an  abstract, 
permanent,  immutable  element,  usually  referred  to 
the  intellect  or  reason ;  and  a  concrete,  changeable, 
ever-shifting  ::lenient,  usually  referred  to  the  imagina- 
tion and  the  external  senses.  Now,  can  the  real 
world  possess  such  opposite  characteristics?  Or,  if 
not,  which  set  really  represents  it?  For  Heraclitus 
and  the  earlier  lonians,  stability  is  a  delusion;  all 
reality  is  change — ird^ra  peT.  For  Parmenides  and  the 
Eleatics,  change  is  delusion;  reality  is  one,  fixed,  and 
stable.  But  then,  whence  the  delusion,  if  such  there 
be,  in  either  alternative?  Why  does  our  knowledge 
speak  with  such  uncertain  voice,  or  which  alternative 
are  we  to  believe?  Both,  answers  Plato,  but  intellect 
more  than  spn.se.  What  realities,  the  latter  asks,  are 
revealed  by  those  abstract,  universal  notions  we  pos- 
sess— of  being,  number,  cause,  goodness,  etc.,  by  the 
necessary,  immutable  truths  we  apprehend  and  the 
comparison  of  those  notions?  The  dialectic  of  the 
Platonic  "Ideas"  is  anoble,  if  unsuccessful,  attempt  to 
answer  this  question.  These  notions  and  truths,  says 
Plato,  have  for  objects  ideas  which  constitute  the 
real  world,  the  tnundus  intclligibilis,  of  which  we  have 
thus  a  direct  and  immediate  mtellectual  intuition. 
These  beings,  which  are  objects  of  our  intellectual 
knowledge,  these  ideas,  really  exist  in  the  manner  in 
which  they  are  represented  by  the  intellect,  i.  e.  as 
necessary,  universal,  inunutable,  eternal,  etc.  B\it 
where  is  this  mumltis  intdligibilis.'  It  is  a  world  apart 
(xwp's),  separate  from  the  world  of  fleeting  phenom- 
ena revealed  to  the  senses.  And  is  this  latter  world, 
then,  real  or  unreal?  It  is,  says  Plato,  but  a  shadowy 
reflex  of  reality,  a  dissolving-view  of  the  ideas,  about 
which  our  conscious  sense-imprc.ssions  can  give  us 
mere  opinion  (56fa),  but  not  that  reliable,  proper 
knowledge  (^ttiitt-^M'))  which  we  have  of  the  ideas. 
This  is  imsatisfactorj'.  It  is  an  attempt  to  explaui  an 
admitted  connexion  between  the  noumenal  and  the 
phenomenal  elements  in  knowledge  by  suppressing 
the  reality  of  the  latter  altogether.  Nor  is  Plato  any 
more  succes.sfid  in  his  I'lideavour  to  show  how  the  idea, 
which  for  him  is  a  really  existing  being,  can  be  at  the 
same  time  one  and  manifold,  or,  in  other  words,  how 
it  can  be  universal,  like  the  mental  notion  that  re- 
presents it. 

(b)  Aristotelean  and  Scholastic  Dialectic. — Aristotle 
taught,  in  opposition  to  his  master  Plato,  that  these 
"ideas"  or  objects  of  our  intellectual  notions  do  not 
exist  apart  from,  but  arc  embodied  in,  the  concrete, 
individual  data  of  sense.  It  is  one  and  the  same 
reality  that  reveals  itself  under  an  abstract,  universal, 
static  aspect  to  the  intellect,  and  under  a  concrete, 
manifoW,  dynamic  aspect  to  the  senses.  The  C'hris- 
tian  philosophers  of  the  Middle  .\ges  took  up  and  de- 
veloped this  Aristotelean  conception,  making  it  one  of 
the  cardinal  doctrines  of  .Scholastic  philosophy,  the 
doctrine  of  modem  Realism.  The  object  of  the  ab- 
stract, universal  notion,  they  taught,  is  real  being;  it 
constitutes  and  is  identical  with  the  individual  data 
of  sense-knowledge ;  it  is  numerically  multiplied  and 
individualized  in  them,  while  it  is  unified  as  a  class- 
concept  or  universal  notion  (unum  commune  plurihus) 
by  the  abstractive  power  of  the  intellect  which  appre- 
hends the  element  conunon  to  the  individuals  of  a 
class  without  their  difTerentiating  characteristics. 
The  universal  notion  thus  exists  as  universal  only  in 
the  intellect,  but  it  has  a  foundation  in  the  individual 
data  of  sense,  inasmuch  as  the  content  of  the  notion 
really  exists  in  these  sense-data,  though  the  mode  of 
its  existence  there  is  other  than  the  mode  in  which 
the  notion  exists  in  the  intellect:  universale  est  jor- 
miililer  in  mente,  jumldmcntalitrr  in  re.  Nor  does  the 
intellect,  in  thus  representing  individual  phenomena 
by  universal  notions,  falsify  its  object  or  render  intel- 


lectual knowledge  unreliable;  it  represents  the  Real 
in.adequately,  no  doubt,  not  exhaustively  or  compre- 
hensively, yet  faithfully  so  far  as  it  goes;  it  does  not 
misrepresent  reality,  for  it  merely  asserts  of  the  latter 
the  content  of  its  universal  notion,  not  the  mode  (or 
universality)  of  the  latter,  as  Plato  did. 

But  if  we  get  all  our  universal  notions,  necessary 
judgments,  and  intuitions  of  immutable  truth  through 
the  ever-changing,  individual  data  of  sense,  how  are 
we  to  account  for  the  timeless,  spaceless,  changeless, 
necessary  character  of  the  relations  we  establish  be- 
tween these  objects  of  abstract,  intellectual  thought: 
relations  such  as  "Two  and  two  are  four",  "Whatever 
happens  has  a  cause",  "  Vice  is  blameworthy  "7  Not 
because  our  own  or  our  ancestors'  perceptive  faculties 
have  been  so  accustomed  to  associate  certain  elements 
of  consciousness  that  wo  are  unable  to  dissociate  them 
(as  materialist  and  evolutionist  philosophers  would 
say);  nor  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  because  in  appre- 
hending these  necessary  relations  we  have  a  direct  and 
immediate  intuition  of  the  necessary,  self-existent, 
Divine  Being  (as  the  Ontologists  have  said,  and  as 
some  interpret  Plato  to  have  meant);  but  simply  be- 
cause we  are  endowed  with  an  intellectual  faculty 
which  can  apprehend  the  data  of  sense  in  a  static  con- 
dition and  establish  relations  between  them  abstract- 
ing from  all  change. 

By  means  of  such  necessary,  self-evident  truths, 
applied  to  the  data  of  sense-knowledge,  we  can  infer 
that  our  own  minds  are  beings  of  a  higher  (spiritual) 
order  than  material  things  and  that  the  beings  of  the 
whole  visible  universe — ourselves  included — are  con- 
tingent, i.  e.  essentially  and  entirely  dependent  on  a 
necessary,  all-perfect  Being,  who  created  and  con- 
serves them  in  existence.  In  opposition  to  this  crea- 
tionist philosophy  of  Theism,  which  arrives  at  an  ulti- 
mate plurality  of  being,  may  be  set  down  all  forms  of 
Monism  or  Pantheism,  the  philosophy  which  termin- 
ates in  the  denial  of  any  real  distinction  between  mind 
and  matter,  thought  and  thing,  subject  and  object  of 
knowledge,  and  the  assertion  of  the  ultimate  unity  of 
being. 

(c)  The  Kantian  Dialectic. — W'hile  Scholastic  philos- 
ophers understand  by  reality  that  which  is  the  object 
directly  revealed  to,  and  apprehended  by,  the  knowing 
mind  through  certain  modifications  wrought  by  the 
reality  in  the  sensory  and  intellectual  faculties,  ideal- 
i.st  or  phenomenalist  philosophers  a.ssvnne  that  the 
direct  object  of  our  knowledge  is  the  mental  state  or 
modification  itself,  the  mental  appearance,  or  phenom- 
enon, as  they  call  it;  and  because  wo  cannot  clearly 
understand  how  the  knowing  mind  can  transcend  its 
own  revealed,  or  phenomenal,  self  or  states  in  the  act 
of  cognition,  so  as  to  apprehenfl  something  other  than 
the  immediate,  empirical,  subjective  content  of  that 
act,  these  philosophers  are  inclined  to  doubt  the  val- 
idity of  the  "inferential  leap"  to  reality,  and  conse- 
quently to  maintain  that  the  speculative  reason  is 
unable"  to  reach  beyond  subjective,  mental  appear- 
ances to  a  knowledge  of  things-in-themselves.  Thus, 
according  to  Ivant,  our  necessary  and  universal  judg- 
ments about  sense-data  derive  their  necessity  and 
universality  from  certain  innate,  subjective  equip- 
ments of  the  mind  called  categories,  or  forms  of 
thought,  and  are  therefore  validly  applicable  only  to 
the  phenomena  or  states  of  sense-consciousness.  We 
are,  no  doubt,  compelled  to  think  of  an  unperceived 
real  world,  underlying  the  phenomena  of  external 
sensation,  of  an  unperceived  real  ajo,  or  mind,  or  soul, 
underlying  the  conscious  flow  of  phenomena  which 
constitute  the  empirical  or  phenomenal  egn,  and  of  an 
absolute  and  ultimate  underlying,  unconditioned 
Cause  of  the  ego  and  the  world  alike;  but  these  three 
ideas  of  the  reason — the  soul,  the  world,  and  God — 
are  mere  natural,  necessary  products  of  the  mental 
process  of  thinking,  mere  regulative  principles  of 
thought,  devoid  of  all  real  content,  and  therefore  in- 


DIAMANTINA 


DIAMANTINA 


capable  of  revealing  reality  to  the  speculative  reason 
of  man.  Kant,  nevertheless,  believed  in  these  reali- 
ties, deriving  a  subjective  certitude  about  them  from 
the  exigencies  of  the  practical  reason,  where  he  con- 
sidered the  speculative  reason  to  have  failed. 

(d)  The  Hegelian  Dialectic. — Post-Kantian  philoso- 
phers disagreed  in  interpreting  Kant.  Fichte,  Schel- 
ling,  and  Hegel  developed  some  phases  of  his  teaching 
in  a  purely  monistic  sense.  If  what  Kant  called  the 
formal  element  in  knowledge — i.  e.  the  necessary,  uni- 
versal, immutable  element — comes  exclusively  from 
within  the  mind,  and  if,  moreover,  mind  can  know 
only  itself,  what  right  have  we  to  assume  that  there  is 
a  material  element  independent  of,  and  distinct  from, 
mind?  Is  not  the  content  of  knowledge,  or  in  other 
words  the  whole  sphere  of  the  knowable,  a  product  of 
the  mind  or  ego  itself?  Or  are  not  individual  human 
minds  mere  self-conscious  phases  in  the  evolution  of 
the  one  ultimate,  absolute  Being?  Here  we  have  the 
idealistic  monism  or  pantheism  of  Fichte  and  Schel- 
ling.  Hegel's  dialectic  is  characterized  especially  by 
its  thoroughgoing  identification  of  the  speculative 
thought  process  with  the  process  of  Being.  His  logic 
is  what  is  usually  known  as  metaphysics:  a  philosophy 
of  Being  as  revealed  through  abstract  thought.  His 
starting-point  is  the  concept  of  pure,  absolute,  inde- 
terminate being;  this  he  conceives  as  a  process,  as 
dynamic.  His  method  is  to  trace  the  evolution  of 
this  dynamic  principle  through  three  stages:  (1)  the 
stage  in  which  it  aflSirms,  or  posits,  itself  as  thesis;  (2) 
the  stage  of  negation,  limitation,  antithesis,  which  is  a 
necessary  corollary  of  the  previous  stage;  (.3)  the 
stage  of  synthesis,  return  to  itself,  union  of  opposites, 
which  follows  necessarily  on  (1)  and  (2).  Absolute 
being  in  the  first  stage  is  the  idea  simply  (the  subjects 
matter  of  logic) ;  in  the  second  stage  (of  otherness)  it 
becomes  nature  (philosophy  of  nature);  in  the  third 
stage  (of  return  or  synthesis)  it  is  spirit  (philosophy  of 
spirit — ethics,  politics,  art,  religion,  etc.). 

Applied  to  the  initial  idea  of  absolute  Being,  the 
process  works  out  somewhat  like  this:  All  conception 
involves  limitation,  and  limitation  is  negation;  posit- 
ing or  affirming  the  notion  of  Being  involves  its  differ- 
entiation from  non-being  and  thus  implies  the  nega- 
tion of  being.  This  negation,  however,  does  not  ter- 
minate in  mere  nothingness;  it  implies  a  relation  of 
affirmation  which  leads  by  synthesis  to  a  richer  posi- 
tive concept  than  the  original  one.  Thus:  absolutely 
indeterminate  being  is  no  less  opposed  to,  than  it  is 
identical  with,  absolutely  indeterminate  nothing:  or 
Being-Nothing  ;  but  in  the  oscillation  from  the  one 
notion  to  the  other  both  are  merged  in  the  richer 
synthetic  notion,  of  Becoming. 

This  is  merely  an  illustration  of  the  a  priori  dialectic 
process  by  which  Hegel  seeks  to  show  how  all  the  cate- 
gories of  thought  and  reality  (which  he  identifies)  are 
evolved  from  pure,  indeterminate,  absolute,  ab- 
stractly-conceived Being.  It  is  not  an  attempt  at 
making  his  system  intelligible.  To  do  so  in  a  few 
sentences  would  be  impossible,  if  only  for  the  reason, 
that  Hegel  has  read  into  ordinary  philosophical  terms 
meanings  that  are  quite  new  and  often  sufficiently 
remote  from  the  currently  accepted  ones.  To  this 
fact  especially  is  due  the  difficulty  experienced  by 
Catholics  in  deciding  with  any  degree  of  certitude 
whether,  or  how  far,  the  Hegelian  Dialectic — and  the 
same  in  its  measure  is  true  of  Kant's  critical  philoso- 
phy also — may  be  compatible  with  the  profession  of 
the  Catholic  Faith.  That  these  philosophies  have 
proved  dangerous,  and  have  troubled  the  minds  of 
many,  was  only  to  be  expected  from  the  novelty  of 
their  view-points  and  the  strangeness  of  their  methods 
of  exposition.  Whether,  in  the  minds  of  their  leading 
exponents,  they  contained  much,  or  little,  or  anything 
incompatible  with  Theism  and  Christianity,  it  would 
be  as  difficult  as  it  would  be  perhaps  idle  to  attempt 
to  decide.     Be  that  as  it  may,  the  attitude  of  the 


Catholic  Church  towards  philosophies  that  are  new 
and  strange  in  their  methods  and  terminology  must 
needs  be  an  attitude  of  alertness  and  vigilance.  Con- 
scious of  the  meaning  traditionally  attached  by  her 
children  to  the  terms  in  which  she  has  always  ex- 
pounded those  ultimate  philosophico-religious  truths 
that  lie  partly  along  and  partly  beyond  the  confines  of 
natural  human  knowledge,  and  realizing  the  danger  of 
their  being  led  astray  by  novel  systems  of  thought 
expressed  in  ambiguous  language,  she  has  ever  wisely 
warned  them  to  "  beware  lest  any  man  cheat  [them]  by 
philosophy,  and  vain  deceit"  (Coloss.,  ii,  8). 

For  the  use  of  dialectic  in  the  early  Christian  and 
medieval  schools,  see  Arts,  The  Seven  Liber.\l. 

A.  Stockl,  tr.  FiNL.\Y,  History  of  Philosophy  (Dublin, 
1907);  ToRNER,  History  of  Philosophy  (Boston,  1903);  De 
WuLF,  tr.  Coffey.  Scholasticism  Old  and  New  (Dublin,  London, 
and  New  York,  1907);  Id.,  Histoire  de  la  philosophic  medievale 
(Louvain,  1907). 

B.  ScHWEOLEB.  tr.  Sterling,  History  of  Philosophy  (Edin- 
burgh, 1871);  Sterling,  The  Secret  of  Hegel  (Edinburgh, 
1S71);  MacTaggart,  Studies  in  the  Hegelian  Dialectic  (Gam- 
bridge,  1896);  Wallace,  The  Logic  of  Hegel  and  Hegel's  Philos- 
ophy of  Mind  (Oxford,  1894);  Cairo,  Critical  Philosophy  of 
Kant  (London.  1899);  Max  Muller's  and  Mah.vfft's  transla- 
tions of  Kant's  works  (London,  1881,  1889). 

P.  Coffey. 

Diamantina,  Diocese  of  (Ad.\mantin.\),  in  the 
north  of  the  State  of  Minas  Geraes,  Brazil,  Soutii 
America,  created  under  the  Brazilian  Empire,  10 
Aug.,  1853,  and  confirmed  by  the  Holy  See,  6  June, 
1854.  This  territory  was  part  of  the  ancient  Diocese 
of  Marianna  (now  the  Archdiocese  of  Minas  Geraes), 
which  had  four  suffragans:  Marianna,  Diamantina, 
Pouso  Alegre  and  Uberaba,  in  the  centre,  north,  south 
and  far  west  of  the  State  of  Minas  Geraes.  The  present 
territory  comprises  twenty  municipalities  or  town- 
ships di\'ided  in  106  parishes  and  173  districts  (an  area 
of  33,708  square  miles  or  half  the  territory  of  the  State 
of  Minas).  According  to  the  last  official  census  (31 
Dec.,  1900)  the  population  of  the  Diocese  of  Diaman- 
tina was  829,018.  There  are  about  200  churches  in 
as  many  villages  and  towns;  and  100  priests,  belong- 
ing to  the  regular  and  parochial  clergy  of  the  diocese. 
A  seminary  and  diocesan  college  (recognized  by  a  de- 
cree of  the  Feileral  Government,  and  modeled  on  the 
National  Gymnasium  of  Rio  de  Janeiro)  are  directed 
by  the  Lazarists,  and  a  college  for  girls,  also  in  Dia- 
mantina, and  directed  by  religious,  are  the  principal 
educational  institutions  of  the  diocese.  Premon- 
stratensian  missionaries  in  Montes  Claros,  and  Fran- 
ciscans in  Theophilo  Ottoni  and  Itambacurj',  are  en- 
gaged in  Christianizing  the  Indian  tribes  of  Botocudos. 
About  7,000  have  been  converted  along  the  Mucury 
River,  and  in  the  mountains  of  Aimores  and  forests  of 
Itambacury.  In  addition  to  these  there  are  Dutch 
Redemptorists  in  Cur^-ello  and  a  few  (Spanish  and 
Italian)  priests. 

Charity  hospitals  (Diamantina,  2,  Curvelho,  1, 
Montes  C"laros,  1,  Serro,  1,  Concei9ao,  1)  are  attended 
by  the  Sisters  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul,  and  of  Our  Lady 
of  Providence.  Catholic  leagues,  charitable  societies 
and  confraternities  are  organized  in  the  parishes ;  and 
there  is  an  inst  itution  at  Serro  for  invalid  or  poor  priests. 
There  were  formerly  two  missions,  in  Poaya  (forests  of 
Urupuca  River  anil  Suassuhy-Grande')  and  in  Figueir.a 
(Dom  Manoel  Harbour),  and  Indian  oWcnmaitos  which 
prospered  under  the  apostolical  zeal  of  Italian  Fran- 
ciscan missionaries. 

Since  its  erection  the  Diocese  of  Diamantina  has  had 
three  bishops.  The  first  was  the  Right  Rev.  Marcos 
Cardoso  de  Paiva  (a  native  of  Rio  de  .laneiro).  His 
successor  was  the  Right  Rev.  Joao  .\ntonio  dos  Santos 
who  died  in  Diamantina,  17  May,  1905,  after  an  epis- 
copacy of  forty-one  years.  Born  in  the  village  of  Rio 
Preto,  1S19,  he  serveil  as  professor  of  philosophy 
in  the  seminary  of  Marianna  before  his  appointment 
as  Bishop  of  Diamantina,  2  May,  1864.  During  the 
last  years  of  his  episcopacy,  the  Holy  Sec  named 


DIAMFEH 


773 


DIARIO 


js  his  coadjutor  the  Right  Rev.  J.  Silverio  de 
3ousa  who  succeeded  him,  having  been  consecrated 
itular  Bishop  of  Bagis,  2  Feb.,  1902.  He  was  the  au- 
hor  of  "Sitios  e  Personagens ",  "O  Lar  Cathohco", 
'Novenas  do  Natal  e  da  Immaculada  Concei^ao", 
'Finezas  de  Mae  e  Pastoraes",  all  well  known  works 
Dublished  in  Brazil.  The  Catholic  press  in  the  dio- 
cese is  represented  by  two  periodicals  "Estrella 
Polar"  (official)  of  Diamantina,  and  "A  Verd.ade",  of 
VIontes-Claros.  The  latter  is  in  charge  of  the  Premon- 
jtratensian  priests. 

De  Senna,  Annuario  Estdtistico  e  Illustrado  de  Minos  Geraes 
Bello  Horizonte.  1906  and  1907),  I,  31,  36  and  460,  II,  77  and 
h;  Idem,  iVotaseC/iroTOcas  (Sab  Paulo,  1907),  84,  88;  Syrwpscs 
ios  Kecenseamentos  da  Republica  do  Brasil  (Rio  de  Janeiro, 
LS98  and  1905),  I,  47,  71,  II.  43-48;  Estrella  Polar  (Diainan- 
ina,  1905):  D.v  Veiga,  Ephemerides  Mineiras  (Ouro  Preto, 
1897),  II,  335,  III,  223. 

Nelson  de  Senna. 

Diamper,  Synod  of.  See  Thomas,  Saint,  Chris- 
riAN.s  of;  Syro-Malabar  Church. 

Diana,  Antonino,  moral  theologian,  b.  of  a  noble 
'aniily  at  Palermo,  Sicily,  in  1.586;  d.  at  Romp,  20 
luly,  l(i()3.  He  took  his  vows  as  a  regular  clerk  of  the 
riicatine  Order  in  16.30.  He  became  celebrated  a.s  a 
:asuist  while  he  was  yet  a  young  man,  and  cases  of  con- 
icicnco  were  sent  to  him  for  solution  from  all  parts. 
His  " Resohitiones  Morales"  met  with  universal  es- 
teem and  approbation.  The  brothers  Prost,  who 
wrought  out  the  eighth  edition  of  the  first  three  parts 
>f  this  work  at  Lyons,  in  1635,  sent  it  forth,  with  a 
jlaj'  on  the  author's  name,  as  the  Diana  of  him  who 
night  be  hunting  for  truth  in  the  woods  of  moral 
.hcology,  and  as  the  Diana  of  the  cross-ways  who 
ivould  show  the  right  path  to  anyone  in  doubt  or  per- 
ilexity.  Popes  Urban  VIII,  Innocent  X,  and  Alex- 
mdrr'VII,  esteemed  him  for  his  learning,  and  he  w.os 
nndc  a  consultor  of  the  Holy  Office  of  the  Kingdom  of 
5icily  and  an  examiner  of  bishops.  Diana  himself 
ilaimeil  that  as  a  rule  his  solutions  followed  the  milder 
jpinion.  On  the  frontispiece  of  the  volume  just  men- 
;ioned  round  a  figure  of  the  Cross  runs  the  legend  Non 
'crro  Kal  ligno.  According  to  St.  Alphonsus  and  the 
;ommon  opinion  of  modem  theologians,  Diana  not 
nfrequently  went  too  far  in  the  direction  of  laxity. 
Elowever,  his  works  may  still  be  consulted  with  profit. 
Besides  several  editions  of  the  unabridged  works,  epi- 
tomes and  compcndiums  of  them  began  to  appear  even 
in  the  author's  lifetime,  in  spite  of  his  vigorous  pro- 
tests tliat  liis  real  meaning  was  being  distorted  by  his 
too  ardent  admirers. 

HtiRTEH,  Nomcnclalor  lit.  (Innsbruck,  1892);  Janneu  in 
Kirchenlex.,  a.  v.;   Nauvelle  Biog.  Gen&rale  (Pari.'i,  1855). 

T.  Slater. 

Diano,  Diocese  of  (Di.^nen.sis),  a  small  city  in  the 
province  of  Salemo,  Italy,  the  ancient  Tegianuin  and 
seat  iif  the  Tcgyani,  a  tribe  of  Lucania.  Pius  IX  es- 
hiblishcd  thLs  see  29  Sept.,  1850,  at  the  instance  of 
King  Ferdinand  II  of  Naples,  and  ordered  the  Bishop 
>f  (  apaccio  to  fix  his  residence  in  the  town  of  Diano; 
lliciiccforth  the  see  was  to  be  known  as  Capaccio  and 
Diano.  But  under  the  second  bishop  Domcnico  Fan- 
fllo  (185S-S3),  Capaccio  was  again  separated  from 
Diano  and  unit(-(l  with  the  Diocese  of  Vallo,  in  which 
town  the  bisliop  now  resides.  In  1882  Diano  received 
tlie  name  of  Teggiano.  The  see  is  a  suffragan  of 
Salerno,  has  44  parishes,  about  250  secular  priests,  3 
religious  hou.ses  of  men  and  one  of  women;  the 
population  is  about  100,000. 

AnniiaHo  Ecrl.  (Rome,  1908). 

U.  Benigni. 

Diarbekir.    S<'e  .Vmida. 

Diario  Romano  (It.  for  "Roman  Daybook"),  a 
liodklct  publislicd  aimually  at  Rome,  with  pai)al  au- 
thorization, giving  the  routine  of  feasts  and  fasts  to  be 
oliservcd  in  Koine  and  the  ecclcsia-stical  functions  to 
be  performed  in  the  city. 

The  Diario  for  1908  gives  the  days  on  which  the 


Roman  Congregations — Index,  Rites,  Propaganda, 
etc. — hold  their  sessions.  A  table  is  then  given  for  the 
ringing  of  the  bell  for  evening  Angelus,  which  varies 
with  the  time  of  sunset,  and  ranges  from  5.15  p.  m.  to 
8.15  p.  m.  In  quoting  the  time  of  day  at  which  an 
exercise  is  to  take  place,  the  Diario  uses  the  regular 
style  for  the  morning  hours,  but  says,  "before"  or 
"after  the  Angelus",  for  the  afternoon.  The  Dia- 
rio notes  the  phases  of  the  moon,  the  eclipses,  the 
movable  feasts,  the  ember  days,  the  ecclesiastical 
cycles,  the  time  for  the  solemnization  of  marriage,  a 
list  of  days  on  which  certain  specially  honoured  unages 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin  are  exposed  for  veneration,  and  a 
list  of  saints  and  blessed  honoured  on  each  day  of  the 
year  and  of  the  churches  at  which  the  feast  is  cele- 
brated. In  the  body  of  the  work  the  statement  is 
frequently  made  that  images  and  relics  of  Christ 
and  of  the  saints,  ordinarily  veiled,  are  uncovered  and 
put  in  a  prominent  place.  Such  relics  are:  the  table 
on  which  Christ  instituted  the  Holy  Eucharist;  the 
manger  or  crib  in  which  Clirist  is  said  to  have  been 
placed  after  his  birth;  the  lieads  of  Sts.  Peter  and 
Paul;  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter  (Cathedra  Petri).  Next 
are  given  the  various  functions  as  follows: — 

(1)  Ordinary — (a)  Daily. — In  all  churches  where 
canons  or  religious  communities  reside  the  canonical 
Hours  of  the  Breviary  are  recited  and  conventual 
Mass  is  sung.  Mass  is  said  in  all  the  churches,  the 
earliest  at  5  o'clock,  and  the  latest  at  12,  the  latter  at 
S.  Maria  della  Pace  and  always  a  votive  Mass  in 
honour  of  the  Holy  Trinity  in  thanksgiving  for  the 
favours  conferred  by  the  Blessed  Virgin.  At  S.  Giu- 
seppe alia  Lungara  dei  Pii  Operai  a  daily  foundation 
Mass  with  sermon  and  "  Libera"  is  offered  for  the  souls 
in  purgatory.  The  Exposition  of  the  Blessed  Sacra- 
ment takes  place  daily  at  S.  Gioacchino  ai  Monti,  at 
S.  Claudio  dei  Borgognoni,  at  S.  Croce  of  the  convent 
of  S.  Maria  Riparatrice,  at  S.  Brigida,  at  the  church  of 
Corpus  Domini,  in  the  chapel  of  the  Daughters  of  the 
Sacred  Heart.  In  these  churches  and  chapels  special 
devotions  are  held  during  the  day  and  are  always  well 
attended.  The  recitation  of  the  Rosary  is  a  favourite 
practice  of  the  Romans;  it  takes  place  at  Mass  in 
twenty-one  churches  in  which  Bencfliction  is  then 
given  with  the  pyx;  in  the  afternoon  the  Rosary,  or, 
in  some  instances,  the  beads  of  the  Seven  Dolours  or 
of  the  Precious  Blood,  is  said  daily  in  thirty-seven 
churches  and  chapels,  in  some  of  which  ,a  ser- 
mon is  added.  On  feast  days  Exposition  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament  is  held  in  the  morning  in  six  churches, 
Rosary  and  Benediction  in  the  afternoon  in  eight;  in 
five  also  a  sermon  is  preached,  and  in  five  others  the 
chaplet  of  the  Sacred  Heart  is  added. — (b)  Weekly. — 
In  the  pari.sh  churches  high  Mass  and  sermon  are  held 
at  eight  or  nine  o'clock  on  Sundays,  and  in  the  after- 
noon Christian  tloetrine  is  taught.  At  ,St.  John  Lat- 
eran  there  is  a  procession  before  Ma,ss;  at  S.  Gioac- 
chino the  Blessed  Sacrament  is  exposed  at  Ma.ss  and 
prayers  of  reparation  are  said,  in  the  afternoon  Bene- 
diction is  given  after  the  Rosary  has  been  recit  cil  before 
the  Blessed  Sacrament.  In  nine  other  churches  there  is 
Exposition  in  the  monn'ng,  to  which,  at  S.  Pr.issede, 
prayers  for  a  good  death  are  added.  Beneilictioi\  is 
given  in  many  churches  at  various  times  of  the  day, 
together  with  an  explanation  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
an  instruction,  a  sermon.  Rosary,  etc.  The  Way  of 
the  Cross  is  made  in  four  churches.  Tlie  Diario  notes 
the  following  devotions  to  be  held  for  Monday:  Ex- 
position during  Mass  at  Santi  XII  Apostoli  and  Ara 
Coeli,  in  the  evening  at  four  churches,  with  special 
prayers  to  St.  Jude  Tliatldeus  at  S.  Eusebio.  Tues- 
day: Exposition  in  the  morning  for  four  churches  and 
for  the  same  number  in  the  evening,  a  devotion  to 
St.  Anne,  and  a  meditation.  Wednesday:  for  five 
churches  Exposition  in  the  forenoon;  for  four  in  the 
afternoon,  Rosary,  chaplet  of  the  Immaculate,  chaplet 
of  Sorrows  and  Joys  of  St.  Joseph,  prayers  to  the 


DIARIO 


774 


DIARIO 


Mother  of  Sorrows.  Thursday:  Exposition  during 
the  whole  day  at  S.  Gioacchino  in  Prati  with  Rosary 
and  Benediction  in  the  evening,  Exposition  in  five 
other  churches,  to  wliicli  a  discourse  is  added  at  N.  S. 
di  S.  Cuore ;  in  S.  Andrea  at  the  Quirinal  catechetical 
instruction  for  boys.  Friday:  Exposition,  chaplet  of 
the  Sacred  Heart,  Holy  Horn-  for  the  dying,  prayers  in 
honour  of  the  Passion,  Way  of  the  Cross,  Way  of  the 
Mater  Dolorosa,  chaplet  of  the  Seven  Dolours.  Sat- 
urday: Exposition,  devotion  to  tlie  Mother  of  Mercy 
against  lightning,  in  honour  of  the  Queen  of  the  Holy 
Rosary,  special  prayers  for  the  conversion  of  England, 
chaplet  of  the  Immaculate,  of  the  Seven  Doloiu-s, 
sermon,  singing  of  the  litany,  and  Benediction. — 
(c)  Monthly. — For  the  first  Sunday  is  ordered,  in  one 
church  or  another:  Exposition  in  the  form  of  the 
Forty  Hours,  procession,  prayers  for  a  good  death. 
Way  of  the  Cross,  Corona  dei  Morti,  Communion  of  the 
Pages  of  Honour  of  St.  Aloysius.  For  the  second 
Sunday:  Exposition  in  the  morning  and  in  the  even- 
ing, procession  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  at  S.  Maria 
sopra  Minerva  procession  with  the  Bambino  and  prayers 
for  blasphemers.  For  the  third  Sunday :  Exposition  in 
the  morning  or  in  the  evening,  and  procession.  For 
the  fourtli  Sunday  the  same  is  prescribed  for  several 
churches,  also  the  Way  of  the  Cross.  For  the  last 
Sunday:  Exposition  and  procession  fojr  two  churches 
in  the  morning,  for  others  in  the  evening ;  Way  of  the 
Cross  at  the  Campo  Santo.  vSimilarly,  the  Diario 
makes  ajinouncements  for  the  first  Tuesday,  the  first 
Wednesday,  etc.  Among  the  devotions  noted  for 
these  days  special  mention  may  be  made  of  prayers 
for  obstinate  sinners  said  on  the  first  Wednesday  at 
S.  Giacomo  in  Augusta,  Mass  of  reparation  for  the 
insults  offered  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  Mass  in  the 
morning  and  Benediction  in  the  evening  with  prayers 
for  the  conversion  of  Englanil,  supplications  for  the 
reunion  of  Christendom,  English  sermon  on  the  first 
Friday  at  S.  Giorgio  e  santi  Inglesi. 

(2)  Extraordinary  devotions. — Sermon  two  hours 
before  the  Angelas  on  all  feasts  of  Christ  and  of 
Our  Lady  at  S.  Alfonso  on  the  EsquUine;  at  S.  An- 
drea delle  Fratte  Way  of  the  Cross  on  all  Sundays  of 
February,  March,  November,  and  December,  and  on 
the  eight  days  of  Carnival;  at  S.  Agnese  Outside  the 
Walls  E.xposition  on  all  Sundays  and  Holy  Days  at 
two  hours  before  the  Angelus,  with  chaplet  of  the  Five 
Woimds  during  Lent;  at  S.  Andrea  at  the  Ponte  Mil- 
vio  a  Mass  is  said  on  all  Sundays  and  Holy  Days  for 
the  deceased  members,  two  hours  before  the  Angelus; 
Office  of  the  Dead,  absolution  given  in  the  adjoining 
cemetery,  then  Benediction  in  church  after  the  recita- 
tion of  a  litany.  On  Sejituagesima  Sunday  at  S. 
Filippo  on  the  Via  Giulia  Exposition  all  day,  closing 
with  litany  and  Benediction.  On  the  Saturday  be- 
fore Sexagcsima  some  churches  perform  a  pious  exer- 
cise called  Carnivale  santificato.  On  the  Friday  after 
Sexagesima  and  on  the  Fritlays  of  Lent,  in  nearly  all 
churches,  the  Way  of  the  Cross  is  made  or  the  Via 
Dolorosa.  Lenten  sermons  are  preached  on  Wednes- 
days and  Fridays.  The  Lenten  preachers  are  received 
in  audience  by  the  pope.  For  the  Apostolic  Palace  a 
special  preacher  is  appointed.  On  La^tare  Sunday  the 
Holy  Father  blesses  the  Golden  Rose,  which  he  then 
sends  to  persons  of  rank,  to  cities,  or  corporations  as  a 
token  of  gratitude;  on  this  Sunday  also  Ijegin  the 
catechetical  instructions  prescribed  by  Benedict  XIV 
as  a  pre|)aration  for  Easter.  The  Holy  A\'eok  exer- 
cises are  performed  in  all  the  jiarish  churches,  ami  atl- 
ditional  devotions  are  held  in  many,  as  the  washing  of 
the  papal  altar  at  St.  Peter's  on  Jlaundy  Thursday, 
sermons  on  the  Passion,  W.ay  of  the  Cross  or  of  the 
Desolata,  or  honouring  the  Hours  of  the  Agony.  The 
Ruthcniati  Rite  is  used  for  the  fimctions  of  Holy  ^^'eek 
at  SS.  Sergio  e  Bacco,  the  Armenian  Rite  at  S.  Nicola 
da  Tolentino  on  1  January.  At  S.  Andrea  della 
Valle  the  Veni  Creator  is  sung  after  Mass  and  the 


baptismal  vows  are  renewed;  at  S.  Maria  in  Campi- 
telli  the  faithful  consecrate  themselves  to  the  patron 
chosen  for  the  year;  at  S.  Carlo  a  Catinari  the  spiri- 
tual testament  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo  is  read  on  5 
January.  At  S.  Atanasio  water  is  blessed  in  the 
Greek  Rite  and  at  S.  Andrea  della  Valle  and  at  other 
churches  in  the  Latin  Rite.  This  water  the  pious 
faithful  take  home  to  sprinkle  the  sick,  their  houses, 
fields,  vineyards,  and  themselves.  The  6th  of  Janu- 
ary is  the  titular  feast  of  the  Propaganda;  Mass  is  cele- 
brated in  the  Oriental  Rites,  and  sermons  are  preached 
in  the  different  languages.  On  3  February  takes 
place  the  blessing  of  throats  with  a  relic  of  St.  Blaise, 
and  in  the  churches  of  the  Blessed  Virgm  the  pious 
custom  obtains,  throughout  the  year,  of  anointing  the 
throats  with  blessed  oil.  On  31  December,  in  nearly 
all  the  churches  and  oratories,  the  year  is  closed  with 
Exposition  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  and  Te  Deum. 
Formerly  greater  solemnity  was  imparted  to  some  feasts 
by  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Father,  who  would  celebrate 
the  Mass  or  Vespers,  or  would  assist  at  them  pontifi- 
cally  in  one  of  the  greater  basilicas  and  impart  tlie 
Apostolic  ble-ssing  to  the  world  from  the  outer  loggia. 
The  Diario  mentions  some  twenty  days  on  which  such 
a  cappella  papale,  as  it  was  called,  used  to  take  place 
before  1870.  For  the  year  1908  only  two  are  noted: 
for  20  July,  the  anniversary  of  the  death  of  Leo  XIII, 
and  for  9  August,  the  anniversary  of  the  coronation 
of  the  reigning  pontiff,  Pius  X. 

The  special  fe;ists  of  the  churches  are  ushered  in  by 
preparatory  triduums,  novenas,  or  devotions  of  seven 
or  of  eight  days,  on  which  pious  exercises  are  ]ier- 
formed  in  common  and  Benediction  is  given;  entire 
months  are  dedicated  to  saints  or  mysteries — as  the 
month  of  St.  Joseph,  the  month  of  Mary,  of  the  Sacred 
Heart  of  Jesus,  of  the  Precious  Blood,  of  the  Sacred 
Heart  of  Mary,  of  the  Seven  Dolours,  of  the  Rosary, 
and  of  the  Dead.  Holy  Communion  for  a  series  of 
fixed  days  of  the  week,  together  with  special  prayers,  is 
much  in  use.  We  read  in  the  Diario  of  six  Sundays  of 
St.  Aloysius,  seven  of  St.  Camillus,  nine  of  St.  Cajetan, 
ten  of  ,St.  Ignatius,  fifteen  of  the  Rosary;  nine  Mon- 
days of  the  Archangel  St.  Gabriel;  nine  Tuesdays  of 
St.  Anne,  and  thirteen  of  St.  Anthony  of  Padua; 
seven  Wednesdays  of  Our  Lady  of  Mount  Carniel; 
seven  Fridays  of  the  Seven  Dolours;  seven  of  St.  Ju- 
liana Falconieri,  nine  of  the  Sacred  lleart  of  Jesus,  ten 
of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  thirteen  of  St.  Francis  of  Paul, 
thirteen  of  St.  Onuphrius;  five  Saturdays  of  the  Name 
of  Mary,  twelve  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  fifteen 
of  the  Holy  Rosary. 

To  encourage  the  faithful  in  the  frequent  reception 
of  the  sacraments,  in  visiting  the  churches,  venerating 
the  Blessed  Sacrament  or  the  relics  of  the  saints,  and 
in  performuig  other  acts  of  devotion,  the  Cluirch  has 
opened  wide  her  treasure  and  granted  almost  innum- 
erable Indulgences.  Of  special  note  is  the  totics  quo- 
ties  Indulgence.  The  Vatican  Basilica  has  this  In- 
dulgence for  every  day  of  the  year;  the  church  of  S. 
Andrea  delle  Fratte  on  the  feast  of  St.  Francis  of  Paul 
(3  May);  the  clutfches  of  the  Trinitarians  on  Trinity 
Sunday;  SS.  C'uore  at  the  Castro  Pretorio  on  the  feast 
of  the  Sacred  Heart;  the  churches  of  the  Carmelites 
on  16  July;  in  several  churches  the  Indulgence  of 
Portiuncula  on  2  August;  the  churches  of  the  Serv- 
ites  on  the  feast  of  the  Seven  Doloui-s  in  September; 
where  the  ('onfraternity  of  the  Rosarj-  is  canonically 
established,  on  Rosary  Sunday;  in  several  churches 
on  the  feast  of  the  Holy  Redeemer;  in  the  Benedictine 
churches  on  2  November.  Only  lately  (20  February, 
1908)  the  Holy  Father  has  granted  a  Mies  quod'es  In- 
dulgence to  the  pious  practice  of  the  Scala  Santa 
(Acta  S.  Sedis,  XLI,  294).  Spiritual  retreats  are  given 
for  men  twice  a  year  at  the  Caravita,  and  once  for 
women;  for  both  sexes  at  the  Crociferi,  and  a  special 
one  preparatory  to  Easter,  for  both  sexes,  at  SS.  Vin- 
cenzo  e  Anastasio. 


DIARMAID 


775 


DIASPORA 


Diario  Romano  for  1908;  Chandlery,  Pilgrim  Walks  in 
Rome  (St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and  London,  1905);  Bellesheiu  in 
Kirchenlex.,  s.  v.;  Salvatorianer,  Die  ewige  Stadt  (Rome, 
1904):  Gsell-Fells.  Rom  und  die  Campagna  (1887);  de 
Bleser,  Rome  et  ses  monuments  (Louvain,  1866). 

Francis  Mershman. 

Diannaid,  Saint,  b.  in  Ireland,  date  unknown ;  d. 
in  851  or  8512.  He  was  made  Archbishop  of  Armagh 
in  834,  but  was  driven  from  his  see  by  thc^  usurper  For- 
lunaii  in  8.S5.  However,  he  claimed  his  rights  and 
3oll(>cted  his  ce.ss  in  Connacht,  in  830,  as  primate.  He 
lived  in  a  stonny  age,  as  the  Scandinavian  rovers 
under  Turge.sius  seized  Annagh,  in  841,  and  levelled 
the  churches.  The  "Annals  of  Ulster"  (ed.  B.  Mc- 
Carthy, Dublin,  1887,  I,  361)  describe  him  as  "the 
(vi-sest  of  the  doctors  of  Europe".  His  feast  is  cele- 
brateil  24  April. 

Saint  Diarmaid,  sumamed  the  Just,  a  famous 
frisli  confe.ssor  of  the  mid-sixth  century;  d.  542.  His 
name  i.s  associated  with  the  great  monastery  of  Inis- 
jlothran  (Iniscleraun)  on  Lough  Ree,  in  the  Diocese 
af  Anlagh,  which  he  foimded  about  the  year  530.  He 
was  of  [irincely  origin  and  a  native  of  Connacht.  Wish- 
ing to  foimd  an  oratory  far  from  the  haunts  of  men,  he 
selected  the  beautiful  but  lonely  island  associated  with 
the  inemoiy  of  Queen  Meave,  now  known  as  Quaker 
[sland.  Here  his  fame  soon  attracted  disciples,  and 
imong  them  St.  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnoise.  He  was  not 
jnly  a  good  teacher,  but  also  a  distinguished  writer 
incl  poet.  On  the  island  seven  churches  are  tradi- 
tionally said  to  have  been  erected,  and  the  traces  of 
six  are  still  in  evidence,  including  Tcdtnjml  Diarmada, 
3r  the  church  of  St.  Diarmaid,  the  saint's  own  church 
— an  oratory  eight  feet  by  seven.  His  feast  is  cele- 
brated 10  Januai-y.  After  his  death  the  monastic 
school  kept  up  its  reputation  for  fully  six  centuries, 
\\u\  i\u:  islantl  itself  was  famous  for  pilgrimages  in 
pre-Ueformati(9n  days. 

Murliirology  of  Donegal  (Dublin,  1864);  O'HanLON,  Lives  of 
'     Iriih  Saints  (Dublin,  1875),  IV.  476;    I,  152;    Stuart,  Hi 


'oru  of  Annagh,  ed.  Coleman  (Dublin,  19(X));    Acta  SS.,  April, 
[If;    CoLGAN,  Ada  SS.  Hibemice  (Louvain,  1645):    Bigger, 
cloOirann,    its    History   and   Antiquities    (Dublin,    1900); 


■Stokes  and  Straciian,  Thesaurus  Palceohibemicus  (Cambridge, 
1903). 

W.  H.  Grattan-Flood. 

Dias,  Bartolomeu,  a  famous  Portuguese  naviga- 
tor of  tlie  fifteenth  century,  discoverer  of  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope;  d.  at  sea,  29  May,  1500.  Several  Port u- 
^lese  historians  state  that  he  was  a  relative  or  descend- 
ant of  Joao  Dias  who  sailed  around  Cape  Bojador  in 
1434,  and  of  Diniz  Dias  who  is  said  to  have  discovered 
the  (':ipe  Verde  Islands.  As  early  as  1481  Bartolo- 
meu Di:is  h.ad  accompanied  Diogo  d'Azambuja  on  an 
?xpedition  to  the  Gold  Coa.st.  Dias  was  a  cavalier  of 
the  royal  court,  superintendent  of  the  royal  ware- 
liouses  and  sailing-master  of  the  man-of-war  "San 
''liristovao",  when  King  John  CJoao)  II  appointed 
liini  on  10  Oct.,  1486,astheheadof  an  expedition  which 
R'a.s  to  endeavour  to  sail  around  the  southern  end  of 
Africa.  Its  chief  purpo.se  was  to  find  the  country  of 
the  Christian  African  king  known  as  Prcster  John, 
concerning  whom  recent  reports  had  arrived  (14SG) 
(hrougli  Joao  .Vlfon.so  d'.\veiro,  and  with  whom  the 
Portuguese  wi.shed  to  enter  into  friendly  relations. 

After  ten  months  of  preparation  Dias  left  Lisbon 
the  hitter  part  of  July  or  the  beginning  of  August, 
1487,  with  two  armed  caravels  of  fifty  tons  each  and 
one  supply-.ship.  Among  his  companions  were  Pero 
d'.\l<Mn(iuer,  who  wrote  a  description  of  Vasco  da 
Gam;i's  first  voyage,  I^eitao,  Joao  Infante,  Alvaro 
M:irtins,  and  Joao  (Irego.  The  supply-ship  was  com- 
manded by  Bartoloineu's  brother,  Pero  Dias.  There 
were  also  two  negroes  and  four  negresses  on  board  who 
were  to  be  set  ,a.sliore  at  suitable  spots  to  explain  to  the 
natives  the  purpose  of  the  expedition.  Dias  sailed 
first  towards  the  mouth  of  the  Congo,  discovered  the 
year  before  by  Cao  and  Behaim,  then  following  the 


African  coast,  he  entered  Walfisch  Bay,  and  probably 
erected  the  first  of  his  stone  columns  near  the  present 
Angra  Pequeiia.  From  29°  south  Latitude  (Port  Nol- 
loth)  he  lost  sight  of  the  coast  and  was  driven  by  a 
violent  storm,  which  lasted  thirteen  il;iys,  far  beyond 
the  cape  to  the  south.  When  calm  weather  returned 
he  sailed  again  in  an  easterly  direction  and,  when  no 
land  appeared,  turned  northward,  landing  in  the 
Bahia  dos  Vaqueiros  (Mossel  Bay).  Following  the 
coast  he  reached  Algoa  Bay,  and  t^ien  the  limit  of  his 
exploration,  the  Great  Fi.sh  River,  which  lie  named 
after  the  commander  of  the  accompanying  vessel,  Rio 
Infante.  It  wa.s  only  on  his  return  viiy:ige  th.at  he 
discovered  the  Cape,  to  which,  accnnhiig  to  Harros,  he 
gave  the  name  of  Cabo  Tormentoso.  King  John,  in 
view  of  the  success  of  the  expedition,  is  said  to  have 
proposed  the  name  it  h.a.s  since  borne.  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.  In  December,  1488,  Dias  returned  to  Lisbon 
after  an  ab.sence  of  sixteen  months  and  seventeen 
days.  He  had  shown  the  way  to  Vasco  da  Gama 
whom  in  1497  he  accompanied,  but  in  a  subordinate 
position,  as  far  as  the  Cape  Verde  Islands. 

In  1500  Dias  commanded  a  .ship  in  the  expedition  of 
Cabral  (q.  v.);  his  vessel,  however,  was  one  of  those 
wrecked  not  far  from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hojie,  which  he 
had  discovered  thirteen  years  before.  An  official 
report  of  the  expedition  to  the  cape  h.as  not  yet  been 
found.  Besides  the  account  by  Barros  there  is  a  note 
written  on  the  margin  of  page  13  of  a  maiuiscript  copy 
of  Cardinal  Pierre  d'.Ailly's  "Imago  Mundi",  which  is 
of  importance,  as  this  copy  was  once  the  property  of 
Christopher  Columbus.  Ravenstein  h;us  attempted, 
and  not  unsuccessfully,  by  the  aid  of  contemporary 
charts  to  reconstruct  the  entire  voyage  with  the  dif- 
ferent stopping-points  of  the  route. 

Barros,  Decadas  da  Asia,  Dec.  I,  bk.  III.  iv;  Kavenstein, 
The  Voyages  of  Diogo  Cao  and  Barlhulumt-w  Dins  in  The  Geo- 
araphical  Journal  (London,  1900),  XVI,  6'.'.'")-6.5.5;  Behkens, 
Die  erste  Vmsegelung  des  Kaps  der  Gnten  Hoffnung,  durch  Bar' 
tholomeu  Diasm  Die  Nalur  (Halle,  1901),  L  7-9,  15-19. 

Otto  Hartig. 

Diaspora  (or  Dispersion)  was  the  name  given  to 
the  coimtries  (outside  of  Palestine)  through  which  the 
Jews  were  dispersed,  and  secondarily  to  the  Jews  liv- 
ing in  those  coimtries.  The  Greek  tenn,  Siatrwopd, 
corresponds  to  the  Hebrew  DvJ,  "exile"  (cf.  Jer., 
xxiv,  5).  It  occurs  in  the  Greek  version  of  the  Old 
Testament,  e.  g.  Deut.,  xxviii,  25;  xxx,  4,  where  the 
dispersion  of  the  Jews  among  the  nations  is  foretold  as 
the  punishment  of  their  apostasy.  In  John,  vii,  35, 
the  word  is  used  implying  disdain:  "The  Jews  there- 
fore said  among  themselves:  Whither  will  he  go,  that 
we  shall  not  find  him?  Will  he  go  unto  the  dispersed 
among  the  Gentiles?"  Two  of  the  Catholic  Epistles, 
viz.  that  of  James  and  I  Peter,  are  addressed  to  the 
neophytes  of  the  Diaspor;i.  In  Acts,  ii,  are  enumer- 
ated the  princip:d  countries  from  which  the  Jews  came 
who  heard  the  .Vpostles  pre:icli  :it  Pentecost,  everyone 
"in  his  own  tongue".  The  Dia.spora  w;is  the  result 
of  the  various  deportations  of  Jews  which  invariably 
followed  the  inva.sion  or  contpiest  of  Palestine.  The 
first  deportation  took  place  after  the  capture  of 
Samaria  by  Shalmane.ser  (Salmanasar)  and  Sargon, 
when  a  portion  of  the  Ten  Tribes  were  carried  into  the 
regions  of  the  Euphrates  and  into  Media,  721  B.  c. 
(IV  Kings,  xvii).  In  587  B.  c.  the  Kingdom  of  Juda 
was  transported  into  Mesopotamia.  When,  about 
fifty  years  later,  Cyrus  .allowed  the  Jews  to  return  to 
their  country,  only  the  poorer  and  more  fer\'ent 
availed  themselves  of  the  permission.  The  richer 
families  remained  in  Baliylonia  forming  the  beginning 
of  a  numerous  and  influential  comnnmity.  The  con- 
quests of  Alex:inder  the  Great  cau.sed  the  spreading  of 
of  Jews  throughout  Asia  and  Syria.  Seleuois  Nicator 
made  the  Jews  citizens  in  the  cities  he  built  in  hia 
dominions,  and  gave  them  equal  rights  with  tho 
Greeks    and   Macedonians.     (Josephus,   Antiquities, 


DIATESSARON 


776 


DfAZ 


XII,  iii,  1.)  Shortly  after  the  transportation  of  Juda 
into  Babylonia  a  number  of  Jews  who  had  been  left  in 
Palestine  voluntarily  emigrated  into  Egypt.  (Jar., 
xlii-xliv.)  They  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  famous 
Alexandrine  colony.  But  the  great  transportation 
into  Egypt  was  effected  by  Ptolemy  Soter.  "And 
Ptolemy  took  many  captives  both  from  the  moun- 
tainous parts  of  Judea  and  from  the  places  about  Jer- 
usalem and  Samaria  and  led  them  into  Egypt  and 
settled  them  there"  (Antiquities,  XII,  i,  1).  In  Rome 
there  was  already  a  community  of  Jews  at  the  time  of 
Caesar.  It  is  mentioned  in  a  decree  of  Caesar  cited  by 
Josephus  (Ant.,  XLV,  x,  8).  After  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  by  Titus  thousands  of  Jewish  slaves  were 
placed  upon  the  market.  They  fonned  the  nucleus  of 
settlements  in  Africa,  Italy,  Spain,  and  Gaul.  At  the 
time  of  the  Apostles  the  number  of  Jews  in  the  Dias- 
pora was  exceedingly  great.  The  Jewish  author  of 
the  Sibylline  Oracles  (2nd  century  b.  c.)  could  already 
say  of  his  countrymen :  "  Every  land  and  every  sea  is 
full  of  them"  (Or.  Sib.,  Ill,  271).  Josephus  mention- 
ing the  riches  of  the  temple  says :  "  Let  no  one  wonder 
that  there  was  so  much  wealth  in  our  temple  since  all 
the  Jews  throughout  the  habitable  earth  sent  their 
contributions"  (.\nt.,  XIV,  vii,  2).  The  Jews  of  the 
Diaspora  paid  a  temple  tax,  a  kind  of  Peter's-pence ; 
a  didrachma  being  required  from  every  male  adult. 
The  sums  transmitted  to  Jerusalem  were  at  times  so 
large  as  to  cause  an  inconvenient  drainage  of  gold, 
which  more  than  once  induced  the  Roman  govern- 
ment either  to  stop  the  transmittance  or  even  to  con- 
fiscate it. 

Though  the  Diaspora  Jews  were,  on  the  whole, 
faithful  to  their  religion,  there  was  a  noticeable 
difference  of  theological  opinion  between  the  Baby- 
lonian and  Alexandrine  Jew.  In  Mesopotamia  the 
Jews  read  and  studied  the  Bible  in  Hebrew.  This 
was  comparatively  easy  to  them  since  Chaldee,  their 
vernacular,  was  kindred  to  the  Hebrew.  The  Jews  in 
Egypt  and  throughout  Europe,  commonly  called 
Hellenistic  Jews,  soon  forgot  Hebrew.  A  Greek  ver- 
sion of  the  Bible,  the  Septuagint,  was  made  for  them. 
The  consequence  was  that  they  were  less  ardent  in  the 
punctilious  observance  of  their  Law.  Like  the  Samari- 
tans they  showed  a  schismatic  tendency  by  erecting  a 
rival  temple  to  that  in  Jerusalem.  It  was  built  by  the 
son  of  Onias  the  high-priest  in  Leontopolis  in  Lower 
Egypt  during  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  160 
B.  c,  and  was  destroyed  70  b.  c.  (Ant.,  XIII,  iii,  §§  2, 
3).  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  whereas  Hellenistic  Juda- 
ism became  the  soil  in  which  Christianity  took  root 
and  waxed  strong,  the  colony  in  Babylonia  remained  a 
stronghold  of  orthodo.x  Judaism  and  produced  its 
famous  Talmud.  The  deeply-rooted  antagonism 
between  the  Jews  and  Greeks  made  the  amalgamation 
of  the  two  races  impossible.  Though  some  of  the 
Seleucids  and  Ptolemies,  such  as  Seleucus  Nicator  and 
Antiochus  the  Great,  were  favourable  towards  the 
Jews,  there  was  constant  friction  between  the  two  ele- 
ments in  Syria  and  Egypt.  Occasional  pillage  and 
massacre  were  the  inevitable  result.  Thus  on  one  oc- 
casion the  Greeks  in  Seleucia  and  Syria  massacred 
some  50,000  Jews  (Ant.,  XVIII,  ix,  9).  On  another 
occasion  the  Jews,  getting  the  upper  hand  in  Cyprus, 
killed  the  Greek  inhabitants  of  Salamis  and  were  in 
consequence  banished  from  the  island  (Dio  Cassius, 
LXVIII,  23).  In  Alexandria  it  was  found  necessary  to 
confine  the  Jews  to  a  separate  quarter,  or  ghetto.  The 
Roman  Empire  was  on  the  whole  well-disposed 
towards  the  Jews  of  the  Diaspora.  They  had  every- 
where the  right  of  residence  and  could  not  be  expelled. 
The  two  exceptions  were  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews 
from  Rome  under  Tiberius  (Ant.,  XVIII,  iii,  5)  and 
under  Claudius  (Acts,  xviii,  2).  But  both  those  in- 
stances were  of  short  duration.  Their  cult  was  de- 
clared a  religio  licita.  All  communities  had  their 
Bynagogues,    irpocrci/xai    or    aaPt^areta,    which   served 


also  as  hbraries  and  places  of  assembly.  The  most 
famous  was  that  in  Antioch  (De  bell.  Jud.,  VII,  iii,  3). 
They  had  their  cemeteries;  in  Rome,  like  the  t'hris- 
tians,  they  buried  their  dead  in  catacombs.  They 
were  allowed  freely  to  observe  their  sabbaths,  festi- 
vals, and  dietary  laws.  They  were  exempt  from  the 
emperor-worship  and  from  military  service.  Many 
Jews  enjoyed  Roman  citizenship,  e.  g.  St.  Paul  (Acts, 
xvi,  37-39).  In  many  places  the  Jewish  community 
formed  a  recognized  organization  with  administrative, 
judicial,  and  financial  powers.  It  was  ruled  by  a 
council  called  yepovcrta,  composed  of  elders,  Trpea^urepoi, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  the  archon.  Another  token 
of  the  freedom  which  the  Jews  enjoyed  through- 
out the  empire  was  their  active  prop.agandism  (cf. 
Matt.,  xxiii,  15).  The  neophytes  w'ere  called  <po^oi- 
ixevoi  or  (Tۤbp.evoi, ,  i.  e.  God-fearing  (Acts,  xiii,  16,  26, 
43;  Antiquities,  XIV,  vii,  2).  Their  number  ap- 
pears to  have  been  very  great.  St.  Paul  met  them  in 
almost  all  the  cities  he  visited.  Josephus,  praising  the 
excellence  of  the  Law,  says:  "the  multitude  of  man- 
kind itself  has  had  a  great  inclination  to  follow  our  re- 
ligious obsei-vances.  There  is  not  a  city  of  the  Gre- 
cians or  Sabarians,  where  our  customs  and  the  pro- 
hibition as  to  our  food  are  not  observed"  etc.  (Contra 
Apion.,  II,  xl).  Many  of  the  converts  were  distin- 
guished persons,  e.  g.  Aguila,  the  chamberlain  of  the 
Queen  of  Candace  (Acts,  viii,  26  sq.);  Azizas,  King  of 
Emesa,  and  Polemo,  King  of  Cilicia  (.Vnt.,  xx,  vii) ;  the 
patrician  lady  Fulvia  (Ant.,  XVII  I.  iii,  .">). 

Jeivish  Encuc.  s,  V,  Dispersian;  S<ti  .'        '  .'■■!,fi- Jr.^  i'nli- 

schm    Volkes    (Leipzig,    1890);     Gum    ,  '       '     .'.  r   ./«/.», 

Renan,  Les  Apdtres;  Mommsen,  Th.  /',,-;,,.  ../  /;„:  lionhiu 
Empire  (tr.  London,  1886).  A  list  of  the  CDuntries  of  tlie  Dia- 
spora is  given  by  Philo,  Leg.  ad  Caium.  36. 

C.  Van  den  Biesen. 
Diatessaron.    See  Tatian. 
Diaz,  Blessed  Fr.^ncisco,  O.  P.     See  China. 

Diaz,  Pedro,  missionary,  b.  at  Lupia,  Diocese  of 
Toledo,  Spain,  in  1546;  d.  in  Mexico,  12  Jan.,  1618. 
Though  but  twenty  years  of  age  when  he  joined  the 
Society  of  Jesus  he  had  already  been  a  teacher  of  phil- 
osophy for  two  years.  In  1572  he  was  sent  by  St. 
Francis  Borgia  to  Mexico  with  the  first  band  of  Jesuits 
assigned  to  that  mission,  and  was  the  first  master 
of  novices  of  the  Province  of  Mexico.  His  distin- 
guished merits  as  a  preacher  and  a  superior  were  en- 
hanced by  a  great  reputation  for  holiness.  As  rector 
of  the  colleges  of  Ciuadalajara  ami  Mexico,  superior  of 
the  professed  house,  pro\'incial,  and  founder  of  the 
colleges  of  Oaxaca  and  Guadalajara  in  Mexico,  and  of 
Merida  in  Yucatan,  and  twice  procurator  to  Rome,  he 
occupies  a  prominent  place  in  the  early  history  of  the 
Jesuits  in  Mexico.  He  was  also  the  first  to  start  the 
mission  work  of  his  brethren  among  the  Indians  of 
New  Spain.  The  only  contribution  we  have  from  his 
pen  is  "Letteras  de  Missionibus  per  Indiam  Occiden- 
talem  a  Nostris  de  Societate  Institutis  per  annos  1590 
et  1591."  Several  biographical  encyclopedias  con- 
found hull  with  Pedro  Dias,  a  Portuguese  Jesuit  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Alegre,  Histma  de  la  c.  de  J.  en  Nucva  Esvana  (Me.vico, 
1842),  II,  112;  BANCRorr,  History  of  Mexico  (ban  Francisco, 
1883),  II.  xxxii;  Alegamba,  Bibl.  Scriptoriml  S.  J.  (.\ntwerp, 
1643),  380;  Sommervogel,  Bibl.  de  la  c.  de  J.,  Ill,  46;  Alca- 
zar, Chron.  hist,  de  la  prov.  de  Toltde,  11,  401;  BoERO,  Meno- 
logio,  1,  244-6;    De  Backer,  1,  l.'iSS. 

Edw.\rd  p.  Splllane. 

Diaz  del  Castillo,  Bernal  (corruption  of  Bernar- 
do), Spanisli  lii.storian,  one  of  the  chief  chroniclers 
of  tile  c(iii(|ucst  uf  Mexico  by  the  Spanianls,  b.  at  Me- 
dina del  Campo,  Spain,  c.  1498;  d.  after  1568.  Born 
of  poor  parents,  he  began  his  mihtan,'  career  as  a  com- 
mon soldier.  In  1514,  he  went  to  .\merica  with  Pe- 
drarixs  Davihi  who  had  shortly  before  been  .appointed 
governor  of  Darien.  Thence  he  betook  him.self  to 
Cuba  and  enlisted  in  the  expedition  to  Yucatan  under 


OIAZ 


777 


DICCONSON 


Francisco  de  C6rdoba  in  1517.  He  proceeded  to  Mex- 
ico with  Grijalva  in  1518  and  returning  to  C>iba,  set 
out  a  thin!  time  for  Mexico  under  tlie  banner  of  Ilcr- 
nando  Cortes.  He  tooli  part,  lie  tells  us,  in  1 19  battles, 
and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  the  city  of  Mexico 
in  1521.  As  a  reward  for  distinguished  services  he 
received  a  commission  as  regidor  or  governor  of  Santi- 
ago de  los  Caballeros  in  Guatemala,  where  he  made  his 
home.  In  1552,  Goraara,  secretary  and  chaplain  to 
Cortfe,  published  at  Saragossa  his  "Cronica  de  la  Con- 
quista  de  Nueva  Espaiia"  in  which  Diaz  thought  he 
gave  undue  credit  to  Cortes.  Diaz,  therefore,  in  1568, 
undertook  to  write  his  "  Verdadera  Historia  de  la  Con- 
quista  de  Nueva  Espaiia",  and  though  despairing  of 
his  abihty  to  equal  Gomara's  literary  polish,  he  deter- 
mined to  write  a  faithful  narrative  of  the  stirring 
events  in  which  he  had  taken  part,  in  order  to  correct 
the  gross  inaccuracies  of  Gomara,  who  had  never  even 
been  in  America,  and  to  vindicate  the  valour  of  him- 
self and  others  who  had  been  completely  overshad- 
owed by  the  exaggerated  reputation  of  Cort6s.  The 
work  lay  neglected  and  unpublished  until,  in  1632, 
Father  Alonso  Remon  of  the  Order  of  Our  Lady  of 
Mercy,  found  it  in  a  private  library  and  had  it  pub- 
lished at  Madrid.  The  work  is  crude  and  devoid  of 
style,  and  shows  the  ignorance  and  vanity  of  the  au- 
thor, but  it  will  always  be  read  with  interest  as  being 
the  work  of  an  eyewitness  and  participant  in  the 
events  described. 

In  1689,  Francisco  de  Fuentes,  in  his  history  of 
Guatemala,  set  forth  his  claim  to  be  a  descendant  of 
Diaz,  and  gave  certain  facts  concerning  him  and  his 
work  that  had  been  until  then  unknown.  It  would 
seem  that,  although  poor,  the  family  of  Diaz  was  noble 
and  distinguished,  for  his  father  was  regidor  of  the 
important  town  of  Medina  del  C'ampo.  Fuentes  also 
declared  that  the  work  w.as  not  published  as  written  by 
Diaz,  as  it  was  not  printed  from  the  original  manu- 
script but  from  an  unauthorized  copy  in  the  library  of 
one  Ramirez  del  Prado  which  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Father  Remon.  The  original  manuscript,  he  claims, 
was  in  his  own  possession.  "La  Biblioteca  de  .\u- 
tores  Espaiioles"  (1848-86)  of  Rivadeneira  contains 
the  entire  works  of  Diaz.  A  German  translation  by 
P.  J.  de  Rehfues-Bonn-Marcas  was  published  in  1838. 

Keatixge,  Verdadera  Historia  de  la  Cojiquista  de  Nueva 
Espaiia  (tr.  London,  1800);  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Verdadera 
Historia  de  la  Conqitista  de  Nueva  Espaiia  (Madrid,  1796); 
LocKHABT,  Memoirs  of  Bemal  Diaz  del  Castillo^  written  by  him- 


self (London,  1844). 


Ventura  Fuentes. 


Diaz  de  Soli's,  Juan,  Spanish  navigator  and  ex- 
plorer, b.  about  1470  at  Lebrija  (Seville),  or,  according 
to  some  accounts,  in  .\sturias;  d.  in  South  .\merica  in 
1516.  After  some  explorations  in  Central  America  in 
1506  and  in  Brazil  in  1508,  he  succeeded  Amerigo 
Vespucci  as  pilot-major,  upon  the  latter's  death  in 
1512.  This  title  had  been  conferred  upon  Vespucci 
by  Ferdinand  of  Spain  22  March,  1509,  and  carried 
with  it  a  high  salarj'.  Two  years  after  appointment 
to  this  office,  de  Soh's  prepared  an  expedition  to  ex- 
plore the  southern  part  of  the  new  continent.  His 
ships  sailed  from  Lepe  on  8  Oct.,  1515,  following  the 
eastern  coast  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata.  He  went  up  that  river  for  some  distance,  and, 
wishing  to  take  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 
of  the  Crown,  landed  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river, 
somewhere  near  the  junction  of  the  Uruguay  and 
Parang  Rivers,  with  two  officers  and  seven  men.  This 
region  was  inhabited  by  wild  tribes,  and  the  little 
party  had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  were  attacked 
from  ambush,  and  Diaz  de  Soh's  and  most  of  his  fol- 
lowers were  kille<l.  Wien  he  did  not  come  back,  those 
who  had  remained  behind  on  the  ships  determined  to 
return  to  Spain.  Francisco  de  Torres,  the  brother-in- 
law  of  Diaz  de  Soli's,  then  took  charge,  and  after  nam- 
ing the  river  Rio  de  Soli's,  they  set  sail,  arriving  in 


Spain,  4  Sept.,  1516.  The  news  of  the  disastrous  end- 
ing of  the  expedition  was  communicated  to  Cardinal 
Ximenes  de  Cisneros  who  was  then  regent  of  Spain. 
Varnhagen,  in  his  "History  of  Brazil",  published  in 
Portuguese  (Rio  de  Janeiro,  1854-58),  states  that 
Nuiio  Manuel  visited  the  La  Plata  before  Diaz  de 
Soil's.  Manuel  Trelles  gives  the  same  honor  to  Diego 
Garcia  in  a  pamphlet  published  in  Buenos  Aires  in 
1879. 

Frejeiro,  Jzian  Diaz  de  Sotisi  y  el  Descuhrimiento  del  Rio  de  la 
Plata  (1879-80):  Trelles,  Diego  Garcia,  Primer  Descubridor 
del  Rio  de  la  Plata  (Buenos  .\irea,  1879);  Berra,  Bosquejo  His- 
torico  de  la  Republica  Oriental  del  Uruguay  (Montevideo.  1881). 

Ventura  Fuentes. 

Dibon,  a  titular  see  in  Pala>stina  Tertia.  Dibon 
(Sept.,  Daibon,  Dcbon,  or  DehOn)  is  mentioned  in 
Num.,  xxxiii,  45,  as  a  station  of  the  Hebrews  on  their 
way  to  the  Promised  Land.  It  was  soon  after  occu- 
pied and  rebuilt  by  the  tribe  of  Gad  (Num.,  xxxii,  34). 
It  belonged  later  to  the  Rubenites  (Jos.,  xiii,  17).  At 
the  tune  of  the  Prophets  it  was  in  the  power  of  the 
Moabites.  The  ruins  of  the  town  stand  at  Diban,  one 
and  a  half  miles  west  of  'Ani'ir  (.\roer),  ten  miles 
south-east  of  M'kaour  (Machoerous),  in  the  vilayet  of 
Damascus.  The  masses  of  black  basolt  present  a 
mournful  aspect,  strangely  contrasting  with  that  of 
the  fertile  table-land  of  Jloab  and  the  vicinity  of  the 
.\rnon  (Wadi  Modjib).  There  are  an  acropolis,  cis- 
terns, sepulchral  grottoes,  and  a  few  Roman  and 
Cliristian  fragments.  It  was  here  also  that  Clermont 
Ganneau  found  the  famous  stele  of  Mesa,  King  of 
Moab,  now  at  the  Lou\Te.  Mesa  calls  himself  "the 
Dibonite".  Dibon,  as  far  as  is  known,  never  was  a 
Greek  see,  but  in  the  course  of  time  became  a  Latin 
titular  see. 

Sayce,  />'  '  r'  ■'  '  'Ji^  Ancient  AfonuTnents,  77;  Trist- 
ram. TAe  ion  ~-i\a  Palestine  Explnr.  Fund.  Quart. 
Statement  (1^"  k,  a  plan  of  the  ruins,  in  Zeilschr. 
d.  Deutschcn  I'                   '         »i  ■,  II. 

S.  Petrides. 

Dicastillo,  Juan  de,  theologian,  b.  of  Spanish  par- 
ents at  Naples,  28  December,  1584;  d.  at  Ingolstadt 
6  March,  1653.  He  entered  the  novitiate  of  the  Soci- 
ety of  Jesus  in  1600,  and  was  professor  of  theology  for 
twenty-five  years  at  Toledo,  Murcia,  and  Vienna.  In 
moral  questions,  Dicastillo  followed  the  principles  of 
the  probabilists.  His  principal  works  are:  "De  jus- 
titia  et  jure  ceterisque  virtutilius  cardinalibus  libri 
duo"  (Antwerp,  1641);  "De  Sacramentis  in  genere 
disputationes  scholasticae  et  morales"  (Antwerp, 
1646-52);  "Tractatus  duo  de  juramento,  perjurio,  et 
adjuratione,  necnon  de  censuris  et  poenis  ecclesi.a.s- 
ticis"  (Antwerp,  1662);  "Tractatus  de  incamatione" 
(.Antwerp,  1642). 

HuRTER,  Somendator;  Sommervogel,  Bibliothhque  de  la  e. 
de  J.,  Ill,  col.  49;    Langhorst  in  Kirchenlex.,  a.  v. 

Dicconson,  Edw.\rd,  titular  Bi.shop  of  Malla,  or 
Mallus,  Vicar  .\postolic  of  the  English  Northern  Dis- 
trict; b.  30  Nov.,  1670;  d.  5  May,  17.52.  He  was  the 
son  of  Hugh  Dicconson  of  Wrightington  Hall,  Lan- 
cashire. At  the  age  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  he  was 
sent  to  the  English  College  at  Douai,  where  he  com- 
pleted his  course  of  philosophy  in  1691.  He  returned 
to  Douai  about  1698,  having  resolved  to  become  a 
priest,  and  on  being  ordained  in  June,  1701,  remained 
at  the  college  many  years  as  procurator  ;ind  professor, 
and  became  vice-president  in  1713,  while  .still  continu- 
ing to  teach  theology.  At  lishaw  there  is  preserved  a 
portion  of  a  diary  kept  by  him  at  this  period,  which 
gives  a  glimpse  of  the  life  he  then  led  at  Douai,  besides 
mentioning  some  other  events  of  interest.  In  it  he 
has  recorded  a  visit  paid  by  him  to  Paris  in  June, 
1704,  when  he  and  his  brother  "at  St.  Germain  made 
the  compliments  of  the  College  to  King  and  Queen  on 
the  King's  birthday."  The  king  here  referred  to  was 
James  II's  youthful  son,  who  was  recognized  as  king, 


DICETO 


778 


DICUIL 


both  by  the  exiled  English  Catholics  and  by  Louis 
XIV  of  France,  and  to  whom  Dieconson's  oldest 
brother  William  was  tutor.  The  queen  was  of  course 
his  mother,  the  widowed  Mary  of  Modena,  whose 
kindly  interest  in  Douai  College  is  shown  by  more  than 
one  entry  in  the  diary.  He  mentions  also  a  week 
spent  by  him  in  May,  1705,  at  Cambrai,  whither  him- 
self and  the  President  of  Douai  conducted  three  of  the 
young  Howards,  then  students  at  the  college,  to  meet 
their  brother  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  The  illustrious 
Fenelon  was  then  Archbishop  of  Cambrai,  of  whose 
"  extremely  obliging  and  respectful ' '  reception  of  the 
duke  the  diary  makes  particular  mention. 

After  being  employed  for  some  time  at  Paris  in  con- 
nexion with  the  college  funds,  Dicconson  left  Douai  to 
work  upon  the  English  mission  in  1720,  and  for  some 
years  was  chaplain  to  Mr.  Giffard  of  Chillington  in 
Staffordshire,  acting  at  the  same  time  as  vicar-general 
to  Bishop  Stonor,  Vicar  Apostolic  of  the  Midland  Dis- 
trict. At  the  time  of  his  own  nomination  to  the 
Northern  Vicariate  Dicconson  had  gone  to  Rome  as 
envoy-extraordinary  of  the  secular  clergy.  He  was 
consecrated  on  19  March,  1741,  at  Ghent;  passing  from 
there  to  Douai,  he  confinned  some  of  the  students, 
besides  ordaining  others.  On  reaching  his  vicariate 
he  fixed  his  residence  at  Finch  Mill  in  Lancashire,  a 
place  belonging  to  his  family.  He  had  then  reached 
the  age  of  seventy,  and  in  1750  he  had  to  petition  for  a 
coadjutor  in  the  person  of  Dr.  Francis  Petre.  After 
an  episcopate  not  marked  by  any  great  events  he  died 
at  Finch  Mill  and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  be- 
neath the  parish  church  of  Standish.  Li  the  reports 
supplied  to  the  Holy  See  on  the  several  occasions 
when  his  name  was  brought  forward  for  a  bishopric,  he 
is  described  as  "  a  wise  man  of  singular  merit,  of  learn- 
ing, application  to  business,  and  dexterity  in  manag- 
ing affairs — though  not  very  successful  in  the  econ- 
omy of  Douai,  and  with  an  impediment  of  tongue, 
which  made  preaching  difficult."  The  fact  is  also 
noted  that  in  1714  "he  had  accepted  the  Constitution 
Unigenitus  [against  Jansenism],  and  insisted  on  its 
acceptance  by  the  students."  He  collected  a.  largo 
number  of  controversial  works  of  the  sevoiitti'iith  and 
eighteenth  centuries  (now  in  the  Library  of  TTshaw 
College),  on  the  fly-leaves  of  which  he  wrote  valuable 
biographical  and  bibliographical  comments. 

Brady,  Episcopal  Succcssian  (Rome,  1877),^  III;  Douai 
Papers  in  JJshaw  Magazine  (December,  1903);  Gillow,  Bibl. 
Diet.  Eng.  Cath.  (London,  1885),  s.  v. 

G.  E.  Phillip.s. 

Diceto,  Ralph  de,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  London,  and 
chronicler.  The  name  "Dicetum"  cannot  be  cor- 
rectly connected  with  any  place  in  England;  it  is  pos- 
sible'thercfore  tliat  Ralph  was  born  in  France.  The 
date  of  his  birth  must  be  placed  between  1120  and 
1130;  he  died  22  Nov.,  1202.  He  was  twice  a  student 
at  Paris.  His  first  preferment  was  the  archdeaconry 
of  Middlesex  to  which  he  was  nominated  in  1152.  In 
1180  he  became  dean  of  St.  Paul's.  He  was  the 
friend,  during  fifty  years,  of  the  successive  bishops  of 
London,  including  Gilbert.  Foliot,  the  leader  of  the 
royalist  party  among  the  bishops  and  the  adversary  of 
the  Archbishop.  St.  Thomas.  This  friendship  and  his 
admiration  for  Henry  II  drew  him  towards  the  royal- 
ist side  in  the  Becket  controversy,  but  not  altogether; 
he  had  something  of  the  wide,  cosmopolitan,  twelftli- 
century  outlook,  and  he  showed  his  sympathy  witli  his 
archbishop  at  the  Council  of  Northampton  in  11()4. 
He  was  an  active  dean  and  took  part  in  the  survey  of 
the  lands  belonging  to  the  chapter  which  is  known  as 
the  Domesday  of  St.  Paul's.  His  writings  include  two 
substantial  historical  works:  "  Abbrevnationes  Chroni- 
corum",  a  compilation  from  many  sources  going  back 
to  1147,  and  "Ymagines  Historiarum",  a  much  more 
important  work.  It  covers  the  years  1 149  to  1202,  and 
in  its  earlier  portion  is  based  on  the  historical  writings 
of  Robert  de  Monte  (or  "de  Torigny  ").     It  was  begim 


probably  in  the  closing  years  of  Henry  II's  reign. 
Ralph's  important  position  in  ecclesiastical  circles,  his 
friendship  with  many  prominent  men,  such  as  William 
Longchamp  and  Walter  of  Coutances,  the  help  he  re- 
ceived from  them,  the  documents  he  incorporates,  and 
his  own  moderate  temper  render  his  work  of  capital 
importance  in  spite  of  some  chronological  vagueness. 
The  best  edition  of  Ralph's  historical  works  is  that 
edited  for  the  "Rolls  Series"  by  Bishop  Stubbs  in 
1876.  The  prefaces  to  the  two  volumes  contain  an 
admirable  account  of  the  historian,  of  the  society  in 
which  he  moved,  and  of  the  writings  themselves. 

F.  F.  Ukquhart. 

Dichu,  Saint,  the  son  of  an  ITlster  chieftain,  was  the 
first  convert  of  St.  Patrick  in  Ireland.  Bom  in  the 
last  decade  of  the  fourth  century,  he  succeeded  to  the 
petty  kingdom  of  Lecale,  which  included  Saul,  in  the 
present  Covmty  Down.  On  St.  Patrick's  arrival  at 
Tubber  Slain  (the  estuary  of  the  Slaney  near  Loch 
Cuan  or  Strangford  Lough),  in  432,  Dichu,  then  a 
pagan,  strongly  opposed  his  landing,  and  even  at- 
tacked the  saint,  but  was  miraculously  touched  with 
Divine  grace  and  embraced  the  Faith  of  Christ. 
Thereupon  Dichu,  after  baptism,  presented  St. 
Patrick  with  the  Sabhall  (Saul),  for  a  church,  and  thus 
Saul  became  the  first  Irish  foundation  of  the  national 
apostle,  being  afterwards  known  as  Sabhall-Pndhraic. 
Saul  was  a  particular  favourite  with  St.  Patrick,  and 
he  frequently  sought  a  resting-place  there  during  his 
arduous  missionary  labours.  St.  Dichu,  from  the  day 
of  his  conversion,  was  a  model  of  sanctity  and,  from  a 
man  of  warlike  proclivities,  became  a  man  of  peace. 
The  details  of  his  later  career  are  obscure,  but  we 
know  that  two  of  his  sons,  who  had  been  detained  as 
hostages  by  Laoghaire,  King  of  Ireland,  were  released 
at  the  prayer  of  St.  Patrick.  His  feast  is  noted  in  the 
"Martyrology  of  Donegal"  as  "Diochu  of  Sabhall", 
under  date  of  29  April.  As  Ls  well  known,  it  was  at 
Saul  that  St.  Patrick  died,  and  this  monasteiy  became 
in  afterdays  a  famous  abbey,  under  the  rule  of  the 
Regular  Canons  of  St.  Augustine. 

CoLGAN,  Trias  Thaumaturga;  Acta  Sanctorum,  III;  Todd 
AND  Reeves,  Martyrologi/  of  Donegal  (Dublin,  1864);  O'Lav- 
ERTT,  Doum  and  Connor  (Dublin,  1878),  I;  0'Hani.on.  Lives  of 
the  Irish  Saints,  IV ;  He.vly,  Life  and  Writings  of  St.  Patrick 
(Dublin,  1905). 

W.  H.  Grattan-J'lood. 

Dicuil,  Irish  monk  and  geographer,  b.  in  the  second 
halt  of  the  eighth  centuiy;  date  of  death  unknown. 
Of  his  life  nothing  is  known  except  that  he  belonged 
probably  to  one  of  the  niunerous  Irish  monasteries  of 
the  Frankish  Kingdom,  l.iecame  acquainted,  by  per- 
sonal observation,  with  the  islands  near  England  and 
Scotland,  and  wrote  between  814  and  816  an  astronom- 
ical, and  in  825  a  geographical,  work.  The  astronom- 
ical work  is  a  sort,  of  computus  in  four  books;  in 
prose  and  verse,  preserved  only  in  a  manuscript  which 
formerly  belonged  to  the  monastery  of  Saint-Amand, 
and  is  now  at  Valenciennes.  More  famous  is  the  "  De 
mensura  Orbis  terra? ' ',  a  summary  of  geography,  giv- 
ing concise  information  about  various  lands.  This 
work  was  based  upon  a  "Mensuratio  orbis"  prepared 
by  order  of  Theodosius  II  (435),  a  manuscript  copy  of 
which  had  found  its  way  to  the  Carlovingian  cotu't. 
Godescalc  had  already  made  use  of  this  copy  (781-83) 
in  the  composition  of  his  celebrated  "Evangelis- 
tarium".  Dicuil  draws  also  upon  Pliny,  Solinus, 
Orosius,  Isidore  of  Seville,  and  other  authors,  and  adds 
the  results  of  his  own  investigations.  In  the  nine  sec- 
tions he  treats  in  turn  of  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  Egypt, 
and  Ethiopia,  (he  area  of  the  earth's  surface,  the  five 
great  rivi  is,  (■i'it:iin  islands,  the  length  and  breadth  of 
the  Tyrrlicnian  Sea,  .and  the  six  (highest)  mountains. 
Although  mainly  a  compilation,  this  work  is  not  with- 
out value.  Dicuil  is  our  only  source  for  detailed  in- 
formation of  the  surveys  carried  out  under  Theodosius 


DIDACHE 


779 


DIDACHE 


II ;  his  quotations,  generally  exact,  are  of  service  for 
the  textual  criticism  of  the  authors  mentioned;  of 
great  interest,  too,  are  the  few  reports  which  he  got 
from  the  travellers  of  his  time;  as,  for  instance,  from 
the  mcnk  Fidelis  who  (762?)  journcyetl  along  the  canal 
then  still  existing,  between  the  Nile  and  the  Red 
Sea;  and  from  clerics  who  had  lived  in  Iceland  six 
months.  The  manuscript  was  known  to  Welser, 
Isaac  Vossius,  Salmasius,  Hardouin,  and  Schopflin ;  it 
first  appeared  in  print  under  the  title:  "Dicuili  Liber 
de  mensura  orbis  terrse  ex  duobus  codd.  mss.  biblio- 
thecse  iniperialis  nunc  primura  in  lucem  editus  a  t'ar. 
Athan.  Walckeiiaer"  (Paris,  1807).  The  latest  and 
best  edition  is  that  of  G.  Parthey  (Berlin,  1S70). 

An  excellent  commentary  is  that  by  Lf.th-  ■  ■.  i  in  In-  /.'*- 
cherches  gvographiques  et  critiques  sur  te  livrr  h  tna 

ttrrw    compose  .  .  .  par    Dicuil     (Paris,     IS!  i'  .     vv  ,     i  it, 

Beitrdffe  zur  Kritik  d^r  Choroffraphie  di's  Au/!'  l\  ■  '     '-■'''. 

I;     DiiMMLER,    Die   handschrifUiche    I''  ■'■>- 

ni^chen  Dictitunge-tl  aus  der  Zeit  der  K  '  '  '.ir 

fur  alters  deulsche  Geschichtskunde  t]hr  1  -  i        l\        '-'>- 

258;  Ahcher  in  Diet.  Nal.  Biog.;  Tii\t  m  ,.',,■  ',,»;.;./,:,• 
deA  Augusitts  in  Sitzungsherichte -der  philnsnplusrh-histori^rhen 
Classe  der  K.  B.  Akademie  der  Wissensehaften,  1891  (Munich, 
1S92),  406-409. 

Otto  Hartiq. 

Didache  (Doctrine  op  the  Twelve  Apostle.s), 
a  short  treatise  which  was  ficcounted  by  some  of  the 
Fathers  as  next  to  Holy  Scripture.  It  was  rediscov- 
ered in  1883  by  Brj'ennios,  Cireek  Orthodox  metropoli- 
tan of  Nieoniedia,  in  the  codex  from  which,  in  1875,  he 
had  published  the  full  text  of  the  Epistles  of  St.  Cle- 
ment. The  title  in  the  MS.  is  AiSaxi;  Kvplov  Si&  tuiv 
BJi&eKa  aToaTb\wv  (Bvioiv,  but  before  this  it  gives  the 
heading  AiSaxr;  tCiv  SiiSexa  a,TtocTb\oiv.  The  old  Latin 
translation  of  cc.  i-v,  found  by  Dr.  J.  Schlecht  in  1900, 
has  the  longer  title,  omitting  "twelve",  and  has  a 
rubric  De  dodrinA  Apostolorum.  For  convenience  the 
contents  may  be  tlivided  into  three  parts;  the  first  is 
the  "Two  Ways",  the  Way  of  Life  and  the  Way  of 
Death ;  tht^  second  part  is  a  ritviile  dealing  with  bap- 
ti.sm,  fasting,  and  Holy  Communion;  the  third  .speaks 
of  the  ministrj'.  Doctrinal  teaching  is  presupposed, 
and  lione  is  imparted. 

The  Didache  is  mentioned  by  Eusebius  after  the 
books  of  Scripture  (H.  E.,  Ill,  xxv,  4):  "Let  there  be 
placed  among  the  spuria  the  writing  of  the  Acts  of 
Paul,  the  so-called  Shepherd  ami  the  Apocalypse  of 
Peter,  and  besides  the.se  the  Epistle  known  as  that  of 
Harnabas,  and  what  are  called  the  Teachings  of  the 
Apostles,  and  also  .  .  .  the  Apocalypse  of  John,  if 
this  be  thought  fit  ...  "  St.  Athana-sius  and  Rufi- 
nus  add  the  "Teaching"  to  the  sapiential  and  other 
deutero-canonical  books.  (Rufinus  gives  the  curious 
alternative  title  "Judicium  Petri".)  It  has  a  similar 
place  in  the  lists  of  Nieephorus,  Pseudo-Anastiusius, 
and  P.seudo-Athana.sius  (Synopsis).  The  Pseudo- 
Cyprianic  "Ad versus  Aleatores  quotes  it  by  name. 
Unacknowledged  citations  are  very  common,  if  less 
certain.  The  "Two  Ways"  appears  in  Barnaba.s,  cc. 
xviii-xx,  sometimes  word  for  word,  sometimes  added 
to,  dislocated,  or  abridged,  and  Bam.,  iv,  9  is  from 
Didache,  xvi,  2-3,  or  vice  versa.  Hermas,  Irena'iis, 
Clement  of  .\lexandria,  and  Origen  seem  to  use  the  work, 
and  so  in  the  West  do  Optatus  and  the  "Oesta  apud 
Zenophilum  ".  The  Didascalia  .Apostolorum  (q.  v.)  are 
founded  upon  the  Didache.  The  Apostolic  church 
ordinance  Ikls  used  a  part,  the  Apostolic  ("onstitu- 
tions  have  embodied  the  Didascalia.  There  are 
echoes  in  Justin,  Tatian,  Theophilus,  Cyprian,  and 
Lactantius. 

Contents. — First  Part. — Tlie  Way  of  Life  is  the 
love  of  God  and  of  our  neighbour.  The  latter  only  is 
spoken  of  at  length.  We  first  find  the  Golden  Rule  in 
the  negative  fonn  (cf.  the  "Western"  text  of  Acts, 
XV,  19  and  29).  llien  short  extracts  from  the  Sennon 
on  the  Mount,  together  with  a  curious  pas.sago  on  giv- 
ing and  receiving,  which  is  cited  with  variations  by 
Hermas  (Mand.,  ii,  4-6).     The  Latin  omits  ch.  i,  3-G 


and  ch.  ii,  1,  and  these  sections  have  no  parallel  in 
Barnabas;  they  may  therefore  be  a  later  addition,  and 
Hermas  and  the  present  text  of  the  Didache  may  have 
used  a  common  source,  or  Hernias  may  be  the  original. 
The  second  chapter  contains  the  Commandments 
against  murder,  adulferj',  theft,  coveting,  and  false 
witness — in  this  order — and  additional  recommenda- 
tions depending  on  these.  In  ch.  iii  we  are  told  how 
one  vice  leads  to  another:  anger  to  murder,  concupi- 
scence to  adultery,  and  so  forth.  This  section  shows 
some  close  likenesses  to  the  Babylonian  Talmud.  The 
whole  chapter  is  passed  over  in  Barnabas.  A  number 
of  precepts  are  added  in  ch.  iv,  which  ends:  "This  is 
the  Way  of  Life."  The  Way  of  Death  is  a  mere  list  of 
vices  to  be  avoided  (v).  Ch.  vi  exhorts  to  the  keeping 
in  the  Way  of  this  Teaching;  "  If  thou  canst  bear  the 
whole  yoke  of  the  Lord,  thou  wilt  be  perfect;  but  if 
thou  canst  not,  do  what  thou  canst.  But  as  for  food, 
bear  what  thou  caiLst ;  but  straitly  avoid  things  offered 
to  idols;  for  it  is  a  service  of  dead  gods."  Many  take 
this  to  be  a  recommendation  to  abstain  from  flesh,  as 
some  explain  Rom.,  xiv,  2.  But  the  "let  him  eat 
herbs"  of  St.  Paul  is  a  hyperbolical  expression  like 
I  Cor.,  viii,  13:  "I  will  never  eat  flesh,  lest  I  should 
scandalize  my  brother",  and  gives  no  support  to  the 
notion  of  vegetarianism  in  the  Early  Church.  The 
Diilache  is  referring  to  Jewi.sh  meats.  The  Latin  ver- 
sion sul)stitiites  for  ch.  vi  a  similar  close,  omitting  all 
reference  to  meats  and  to  idolothyta,  and  concluding 
with  per  (I.  n.  ./.  C.  .  .  .  in  scecula  socculorum,  amen. 
This  is  the  end  of  the  translation.  We  see  that  the 
translator  liveil  at  a  day  when  idolatry  had  disap- 
peared, and  when  the  remainder  of  the  Didache  was 
out  of  date.  He  had  no  such  re;uson  for  omitting  ch.  i, 
3-6,  so  that  this  was  presumably  not  in  his  copy. 

Second  Part. — This  (vii-x)  begins  with  an  instruc- 
tion on  baptism,  which  is  to  be  conferred  "in  the 
N.inie  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son  and  of  the  Holy 
Ghost"  in  living  water,  if  it  <':in  be  had — if  not,  in  cold 
or  even  hot  water.  The  liajitizcd  and,  if  po.ssible,  the 
b.aptizer,  and  other  persons  must  fast  for  one  or  two 
d.ays  previously.  If  the  water  is  insufficient  for  im- 
mersion, it  may  be  poured  thrice  on  the  head.  This  is 
said  by  Bigg  to  show  a  late-  date;  but  it  seems  a  nat- 
ural concession  for  hot  .and  dry  countries,  when  bap- 
tism was  not  as  yet  celef)rat('d  exclusively  at  Easter 
and  Pentecost  and  in  churches,  where  a  mlumbethra 
and  a  supply  of  water  would  not  be  wanting.  Fasts 
are  not  to  be  on  Monday  and  Thursday  "with  the 
hypocrites"  (i.  e.  the  Jews),  but  on  Wednesday  and 
Friday  (viii).  Nor  must  ('hri.stians  pray  with  the 
hypocrites,  but  they  shall  say  the  Our  Father  thrice  a 
day.  The  text  of  the  prayer  is  not  quite  that  of  St. 
Matthew,  and  it  is  given  with  the  doxology  "  for  Thine 
is  the  power  and  the  glory  for  ever",  whereas  all  but  a 
few  MSS.  of  St.  Matthew  have  this  interpolation  with 
"the  kingdom  and  the  power"  etc. 

Ch.  i.x  nms  thus:  "Concerning  the  Eucharist,  thus 
shall  you  give  thanks:  'We  give  Thee  thanks,  our 
Father,  for  the  holy  Vine  of  David  Thy  Child,  which 
Thou  hast  made  known  to  us  through  Jesus  Thy 
Child;  to  Thee  be  the  glory  for  ever'.  And  of  the 
broken  Bread:  'We  give  Tliee  thanks,  our  Father,  for 
the  Life  and  knowledge  wliich  Thou  hast  made  known 
to  us  through  Jesus  'I'liy  Cliilrl;  to  Thee  l)e  glory  for 
ever.  For  as  this  broken  Bn'ad  was  dispersed  over 
the  mountains,  and  being  (•ofl<rteif  liccaine  one,  so  may 
Thy  Church  be  gathered  togitlur  from  llie  ends  of  the 
earth  into  Thy  kingdom,  for  Tliine  is  the  glory  and  the 
power  through  Jes\is  Clirist  for  ever.'  And  let  none 
eat  or  drink  of  your  lOucharist  but  those  who  have  been 
baptized  in  the  Name  of  Christ;  for  of  this  the  Lord 
said:  'Give  not  the  holy  Thing  to  the  dogs'."  These 
are  clearly  prayers  after  the  Consecration  an<l  before 
Communion.  Ch.  x  gives  a  th;ink.sgiving  after  (.Com- 
munion, slightly  longer,  in  which  mention  is  made  of 
the  "spiritual  food  and  drink  and  eternal  Life  through 


DIDACHE 


780 


DIDACHB 


Thy  Child".  After  a  doxology,  as  before,  come  the 
remarkable  exclamations:  "Let  grace  come,  and  this 
world  pass  away !  Hosanna  to  the  Son  of  David !  If 
any  is  holy,  let  him  come.  If  any  be  not,  let  him  re- 
pent. Maranatha.  Amen".  We  are  not  only  re- 
minded of  the  Hosanna  and  Sancta  Sanctis  of  the  Utur- 
gies,  but  also  of  Apoc,  x.xii,  17,  20,  and  I  Cor.,  xvi,  22. 
In  these  prayers  we  find  deep  reverence,  and  the  effect 
of  the  Eucharist  for  eternal  Life,  though  there  is  no 
distinct  mention  of  the  Real  Presence.  The  words  in 
thanksgiving  for  the  chalice  are  echoed  by  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  "Quis  div.",  29:  "It  is  He  [Christ]  Who 
has  poured  out  the  Wine,  the  Blood  of  the  Vine  of 
David,  upon  our  wounded  souls";  and  by  Origen,  "In 
i  Judic",  Hom.  vi:  "Before  we  are  inebriated  with 
the  Blood  of  the  True  Vine  Which  ascends  from  the 
root  of  David."  The  mention  of  the  chalice  before 
the  bread  is  in  accordance  with  St.  Luke,  xxii,  17-19, 
in  the  "Western"  text  (which  omits  verse  20),  and  is 
apparently  from  a  Jewish  blessing  of  wine  and  bread, 
with  which  rite  the  prayers  in  ch.  ix  have  a  close 
affinity. 

The  Third  Part  speaks  first  of  teachers  or  doctors 
(diSda-KoKoi)  in  general.  These  are  to  be  received  if 
they  teach  the  above  doctrine;  and  if  they  add  the 
justice  and  knowledge  of  the  Lord  they  are  to  be  re- 
ceived as  the  Lord.  Every  Apostle  is  to  be  received  as 
the  Lord,  and  he  may  stay  one  day  or  two,  but  if  he 
stay  three,  he  is  a  false  prophet.  On  leaving  he  shall 
take  nothing  with  him  but  bread.  If  he  ask  for 
money,  he  is  a  false  prophet.  Similarly  with  the  order 
of  prophets:  to  judge  them  when  they  speak  in  the 
spirit  is  the  unpardonable  sin;  but  they  miLSt  be 
known  by  their  morals.  If  they  seek  gain,  they  are  to 
be  rejected.  All  travellers  who  come  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord  are  to  be  received,  but  only  for  two  or  three 
days;  and  they  must  exercise  their  trade,  if  they  have 
one,  or  at  least  must  not  be  idle.  Anyone  who  will 
not  work  is  a  Xpio-r^^Tropos — one  who  makes  a  gain  out 
of  the  name  of  Christ.  Teachers  and  prophets  are 
worthy  of  their  food.  Firstfruits  are  to  be  given  to 
the  prophets,  "for  they  are  your  High  Priests;  but  if 
you  have  not  a  prophet,  give  the  firstfruits  to  the 
poor".  The  breaking  of  bread  and  Thanksgiving 
[Eucharist]  is  on  Sunday,  "after  you  have  confessed 
your  transgressions,  that  your  Sacrifice  may  be  pure", 
and  those  who  are  at  discord  must  agree,  for  this  is  the 
clean  oblation  prophesied  by  Malachias,  i,  11,  14. 
"  Ordain  therefore  for  yourselves  bishops  and  deacons, 
worthy  of  the  Lord  ...  for  they  also  minister  to  you 
the  ministry  of  the  prophets  and  teachers".  Notice 
that  it  is  for  the  sacrifice  that  bishops  and  deacons  are 
to  be  ordained.  The  last  chapter  (xvi)  exhorts  to 
watching  and  tells  the  signs  of  the  end  of  the  world. 

Sources. — It  is  held  by  very  many  critics  that  the 
"Two  Ways  "  is  older  than  the  rest  of  the  Didache,  and 
is  in  origin  a  Jewish  work,  intended  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  proselj^es.  The  use  of  the  Sibylline  Oracles 
and  other  Jewish  sources  may  be  probable,  and  the 
agreement  of  ch.  ii  with  the  Talmud  may  be  certain; 
but  on  the  other  hand  Funk  has  shown  that  (apart 
from  the  admittedly  Christian  ch.  i,  3-C,  and  the  occa- 
sional citations  of  the  N.  T.)  the  O.  T.  is  often  not 
quoted  directly,  but  from  the  Gospels.  Bartlet  sug- 
gests an  oral  Jewish  catechesis  as  the  source.  But  the 
use  of  such  material  would  surprise  us  in  one  whose 
name  for  the  Jews  is  "the  hypocrites",  and  in  the 
vehemently  anti-Jewish  Barnabas  still  more.  The 
whole  base  of  this  theory  is  destroyed  by  the  fact  that 
the  rest  of  the  work,  vii-xvi,  though  wholly  Christian 
in  its  subject-matter,  has  an  equally  remarkable 
agreement  with  the  Talmud  in  cc.  ix  and  x.  Beyond 
doubt  we  must  look  upon  the  writer  as  living  at  a 
very  early  period,  when  Jewish  uifluence  was  still  im- 
portant in  the  Church.  He  warns  Christians  not  to 
fast  with  the  Jews  or  pray  with  them;  yet  the  two 
fasts  and  the  three  times  of  prayer  are  modelled  on 


Jewish  custom.  Similarly  the  prophets  stand  in  the 
place  of  the  High  Priest. 

Date. — There  are  other  signs  of  early  date:  the 
simplicity  of  the  baptismal  rite,  which  is  apparently 
neither  preceded  by  exorcisms  nor  by  formal  admis- 
sion to  the  catechumenate ;  the  simplicity  of  the  Eu- 
charist, in  comparison  with  the  elaborate  quasi- 
Eucharistic  prayer  in  Clem.,  I  Cor.,  lix-Lxi;  the  per- 
mission to  prophets  to  extemporize  their  Eucharistic 
thanksgiving;  the  immediate  expectation  of  the  sec- 
ond advent.  As  we  find  the  Christian  Sunday  already 
substituted  for  the  Jewish  Sabbath  as  the  day  of  as- 
sembly in  Acts,  XX,  7  and  I  Cor.,  x\a,  2,  and  called  the 
Lord's  day  (Apoc,  i,  10),  there  is  no  difficulty  in  sup- 
posing that  the  parallel  and  consequent  shifting  of  the 
fasts  to  Wednesday  and  Friday  may  have  taken  place 
at  an  equally  early  date,  at  least  in  some  places.  But 
the  chief  point  is  the  ministry.  It  is  twofold:  (1) 
local  and  (2)  itinerant. — (1)  The  local  ministers  are 
bishops  and  deacons,  as  in  St.  Paul  (Phil.,  i,  1)  and  St. 
Clement.  Piesbyters  are  not  mentioned,  and  the 
bishops  are  clearly  presbyter-bishops,  as  in  Acts,  x.x, 
and  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  But  when 
St.  Ignatius  wrote  in  107,  or  at  the  latest  117,  the  three 
orders  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  were  already 
considered  necessary  to  the  very  name  of  a  Church,  in 
Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Rome.  If  it  is  probable  that  in 
St.  Clement's  time  there  was  as  yet  no  "monarchi- 
cal ' '  bishop  at  Corinth,  yet  such  a  state  of  things  cannot 
have  lasted  long  in  any  important  Church.  On  this 
ground  therefore  the  Didache  must  be  set  either  in  the 
first  century  or  else  in  some  backwater  of  church  life. 
The  itinerant  ministry  is  obviously  yet  more  archaic. 
In  the  second  century  prophecy  was  a  charisma  only 
and  not  a  ministrj',  except  among  the  Montanists. — 
(2)  The  itinerant  ministers  are  not  mentioned  by  (,'le- 
ment  or  Ignatius.  The  three  orders  are  apostles, 
prophets,  and  teachers,  as  in  I  Cor.,  xii,  28  sq. :  "God 
hath  set  some  in  the  Church;  first  apostles,  secondly 
prophets,  thirdly  doctors  [teachers];  after  that  mir- 
acles, then  the  graces  of  healings,  helps,  govern- 
ments, kinds  of  tongues,  interpretations  of  speeches. 
Are  all  apostles?  Are  all  prophets?  Are  all  doe- 
tors?"  The  Didache  places  teachers  below  apos- 
tles and  prophets,  the  two  orders  which  St.  Paul 
makes  the  foundation  of  the  Church  (Eph.,  ii,  20). 
The  term  apostle  is  applied  by  St.  Paul  not  only  to  the 
Twelve,  but  also  to  himself,  to  Barnabas,  to  his  kins- 
men, Andronicus  and  Jmiias,  who  had  been  converted 
before  him,  and  to  a  class  of  preachers  of  the  first  rank. 
But  apostles  must  have  "seen  the  Lord"  and  have 
received  a  special  call.  There  is  no  instance  in  Holy 
Scripture  or  in  early  literature  of  the  existence  of  an 
order  called  apostles  later  than  the  ApostoUc  age.  We 
have  no  right  to  assume  a  second-century  order  of 
apostles,  who  had  not  seen  Christ  in  the  flesh,  for  the 
sake  of  bolstering  up  a  preconceived  :iotion  of  the  date 
of  the  Didache.  Since  in  that  work  the  visit  of  an 
apostle  or  of  a  pretended  apostle  is  contemplated  as  a 
not  improbable  event,  we  cannot  place  the  book  later 
than  about  SO.  The  limits  would  seem  to  be  from  (35  to 
80.  Harnack  gives  131-lCO,  holding  that  Barnabas 
and  the  Didache  independently  employ  a  Christianized 
form  of  the  Jewish  "Two  Ways",  while  Did.,  xvi,  is 
citing  Barnabas — a  somewhat  roundabout  hypothesis. 
He  places  Barnabas  in  131,  and  the  Didache  later  than 
this.  Those  who  date  Bamab.as  under  Vespasian 
mostly  make  the  Didache  the  borrower  in  cc.  i-v  and 
xvi.  Many,  with  Funk,  place  Baniabas  under  Nerva. 
The  commoner  view  is  that  which  puts  the  Didache 
before  100.  Bartlet  agrees  with  Ehrhard  that  80-90 
is  the  most  probable  decade.  Sabatier,  Minasi,  Jac- 
quier,  and  others  have  preferred  a  date  even  before  70. 

As  to  the  place  of  composition,  many  suggest  Egj'pt 
because  they  think  the  "Epistle  of  Barnabas"  was 
written  there.  The  corn  upon  the  moimtains  iloes  not 
suit  Egypt,  though  it  might  be  a  prayer  borrowed 


DIDACUS 


781 


DIDASCALIA 


from  Palestine.  There  are  really  no  materials  even 
for  a  conjecture  on  the  subject. 

A  I,alin  fragment  of  (he  Two  Ways  was  published  in  1723  1)V 
Pkz  in  Thesaurus  Anrcilolorum.  iy._  The  first  Greek  edition  is 
Ai£a,\r)  TMV  Sw5tKa  airoffxoAwi' ck  tou  'Ifpoao^i'txtTLKOv  Xeipoypd'ttov 
vvv  irputToi'  e«6e5oMe'tTJ  fieri  irpoAeYOM«i'wi'  Kal  ar)tLfnit(Teutv  .  .  .  '\n'o 
4nAo0e'ou  Spvfvyiov^  p.TjTpono\iTov  Ni»<o/x»)5f io5.  'E;-  KmvaTaiTivov- 
TiriAei  (1883).  The  MS.  was  reprmlu.  o,:  in  phntotvpp  m  tl,o  fino 
edition  by  Harris,  r/irreoc/iiiii;.'/ /A.  A  p.::ll.  ■..  nrirh,  ,.l,l,,i.  inl), 
facsimile  text  and  a  commentartj  t  H;iilini"re  ;i!id  l-i>ii(l.tii.  Iss7'. 
The  Latin  version  was  published  liy  .'^i  iu.ki  ii  r.  lirst  in  a  siuihns 
brochure,  then  in  a  larger  edition  witli  tlie  Greek  ami  note.s 
(Freiburg  im  Br.,  1900-1901).  Of  the  Greek  a  very  large  num- 
ber of  editions  have  appeared,  mostly  with  translations;  de 
ROME3TIN  (Oxford,  18S4);  Spence  (London,  1885);  Hitch- 
cock AND  Brown  (New  York,  1884-5);  Fitzgerald  (New 
York,  1884);  Orris  (New  York,  1884);  Schapf  (New  York, 
1884-9);  also  by  Sab.itier  (Paris,  1885);  Jacquier  (Lyons, 
1881);  MlNASi  (Rome.  1891).  It  was  included  in  Hilgenfeld, 
A^oii.  Test,  extra  canonem  receplum  (1884),  fasc.  iv,  and  in  the 
editions  of  the  Apostolic  Fathers  by  Lightfoot-Har,«er  (with 
Eng.  tr.,  1891-3-8),  Gebhardt,  Harnack  and  Zahn  (Leipzig, 
1900),  FcNK  (Tubingen,  1901),  and  Vizzini  (Rome,  1902). 
Special  notice  is  called  for  by  the  following:  Tayi-or,  The 
Teaching  of  the  Twelve  Apostles,  with  Illustrations  from  the  Tal- 
mud (Cambridge,  1908);  Idem,  An  Essay  on  the  Theology  of  the 
Didachc  (Cambridge,  1889);  Idem  in  Journal  of  Philol.,  XVIII, 
XIX,  XXI,  and  in  Journal  of  Theol.  Studies  (Oct.,  1906);  Bart- 
let  in  Hastings,  Diet,  of  Bib.  (extra  vol.,  1904);  Harnack,  Die 
Lehre  der  zwulf  Apostel  (larger  ed.,  Leipzig.  1884)  and  Die 
Apostellehre  und  die  jiidischen  zwei  Wege  (smaller  ed.,  Leipzig. 
1886  and  1896);  Idem,  Gesch.  der  altehr.  Litt.,  I,  86  and  II 
iChronol.,  I).  428;  Funk,  Doctrina  XII  Apostolorum  (Tubingen, 
1887)-  and  the  introduction  to  his  ed.  of  tne  Ap.  Fathers,  supra; 
Idem  in  Tub.  Theol.  Quartalschr..  LXVI,  LXVIII,  LXIX, 
LXXVI,  LXXIX  (1884-86-87-94-97);  much  of  the  matter  of 
these  articles  is  republished  by  Funk  in  his  Kirchengeschieht- 
liche  Abhandlungen  (Paderbom,  1899).  II.  Among  other  mat- 
ter also  Savi,  La  Dottrina  dei  XII  Ap.,  ricerche  critiche  suW 
origine  del  testo  (Rome,  1893);  and  in  Studi  e  docum.  di  storia  e 
dirilto  (1892),  XIII;  Hennecke,  Die  Grundschrift  der  Didache 
und  ihre  Recensionen  in  Zeitschr.  fur  N.-T.  Wiss.  (1901).  II; 
Kocil,  Die  Did.  bei  Cyprian,  ibid.  riOO?),  ^^II;  Chiappelli, 
Studi  di  arUica  letteratura  cri-f:r-'r  'Turin.  l-^sT':    IinEUZEin 

Rev.  d'hist.  ecd.  (Louvain,  li"!'       11       '  '■    •' i-iry  in  the 

Didache,  see  Revhlle  (Proi    ,    '  '  rni   (Paris, 

1894);    MicmELS  (Cath.).  Or;, ./,     ■       I  ■  u  .  ;iin,  1900). 

On  baptism.  Bigg  in  Jour,  of  i  h,  „l .  .s/„./i.,,  ululy,  1904),  v. 
Dr.  Bigg  (ibid.,  VI,  April,  1905)  plac&s  the  Didache  in  the  fourth 
century.  On  the  saying  (Did.,  i,  6),  "Let  thy  alms  sweat  in  thy 
hands,  till  thou  know  to  whom  to  give",  see  T\yi,oh  in  .lour,  of 
Philol,  XIX  (as  above);  Turner  in  Jour.  -'  7'  '  '•'  /;rs 
(July,  1906),  VII.  On  the  relation  of  the  Bi  / 
calia  Apostolorum  and  to  the  Ap.  Con-stituli"  k. 

Die  Ap.  Const.   (Rottenburg.  1S911  and  hi-   .  ,  ^ 

Apost:  (Paderbom,  1906).     Hoi.ziift,  Die  Al.i ,  .,■ \'/r. 

Didask.  von  der  Didache  (Munich,  ls;)S\  Thi.s  li,l  is  i.ut  an 
excerpt  from  the  enormous  literature  since  l.s,S4.  Biblio- 
graphy to  1895  in  Chevalier,  T-iim-hibhogrnpliir:  .summaries  in 
Schlecht,  loc.  cit.,  to  1900;  in  Ehhhari.,  Allchr.  Lill.,  to  1900; 
in  Bardenhewer,  Gesch.  der  altehr.  Litt.,  to  1902. 

John  Chapman. 

Didacus,  Saint,  lay  brother  of  the  Order  of  Friars 
Minor,  date  of  b.  uncertain;  d.  at  Alcald,  Spain,  12 
Nov.,  146.3.  He  wa,s  born  of  poor  parents  who  placed 
him  under  the  direction  of  a  hermit  living  in  tlie 
neighbourhood  of  San  Nicohts  del  Puerto,  his  native 
town.  Feeling  himself  called  to  the  religious  life,  he 
applied  for  admission  to  the  Franciscan  Order  at  the 
convent  of  Arizafa  and  was  received  as  a  lay  brother. 
In  1445  he  was  chosen  guardian  of  the  Franciscan 
community  on  the  Canary  Island  of  Fortaventura; 
and  though  it  was  an  exception  to  the  ordinary  rules 
for  a  lay  brother  to  be  made  superior,  his  great  zeal, 
prudence,  and  sanctity  fully  ju.stified  his  choice  by  the 
religious  of  Ca.stile.  He  remained  superior  at  Forta- 
ventura until  1449  when  he  was  recalled  to  Spain, 
whence  he  wont  to  Rome  to  be  present  at  the  canoni- 
zation of  St.  Bemardine  of  Siena  in  H.iO.  At  Rome  he 
fulfilled  the  huinl>le  office  of  infirmarian  in  the  convent 
of  Ara  Cceli;  and  his  biographers  record  the  miracu- 
lous cure  of  many  whom  he  attended,  through  his 
pious  intercession.  He  w^as  finally  recalled  to  Spain 
and  was  sent  by  his  superiors  to  Alcala  where  he  spent 
the  remaining  years  of  his  life  in  penance,  solitude,  and 
the  delights  of  contemplation.  St.  Didacus  was  can- 
onized by  Sixtus  V  in  1588.  His  feast  Ls  kept  in  the 
order  on  the  twelfth  of  November. 

WiDDlsG,  Annales  Minarum  (Rome,  1732\  XIII.  281-321; 
Leo,  Lives  of  the  Sainl.i  and  lilcssed  of  the  Three  Orders  of  St. 
Franciit  (Taunton,  1887),  IV.  53-60. 

Stephen  M.  Donovan. 


Didascalia  Apostolorum,  a  treatise  which  pre- 
tends to  have  been  written  by  the  Apostles  at  the 
time  of  tlie  Cinincil  of  .Icrusalem  (Acts,  xv),  but  is 
really  a  cinnjiosition  of  the  third  century.  It  was 
first  publislieil  in  1854,  in  Syriac.  In  1900  a  Latin 
translation,  perhaps  of  the  fourth  century,  was  dis- 
covered, more  than  half  of  which  has  perished.  The 
iiris;iii:il  uas  in  (ireek.  and  this  can  be  to  some  extent 
restorcil  by  ;i  comparison  with  the  Apostolic  Consti- 
tutions, the  first  eight  books  of  which  are  simply  a 
revised  and  enlarged  edition  of  the  Didascalia. 
The  attempt  at  restoration  made  by  Lagarde  was  a 
failure,  but  an  excellent  guide  is  now  at  hand  in  the 
new  edition  (1906)  by  Ftmk,  in  which  the  Greek  of  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions  is  printed  side  by  side  with 
the  Latin  of  the  Didascalia,  a  translation  from  the 
Syriac  supplying  the  lacuna;  of  the  old  Latin  version. 
Everything  in  the  Apostolic  Constitutions  which 
is  not  found  in  the  Didascalia  is  underlined,  so  that 
the  relations  of  the  two  documents,  and  to  a  great  ex- 
tent the  original  Greek  of  the  Didascalia,  can  be 
seen  at  a  glance. 

The  full  title  given  in  the  Syriac  is  "  Didascalia,  that 
is,  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  twelve  Apostles  and  the 
holy  disciples  of  our  Lord".  The  contents  are  the 
same  as  those  of  the  corresponding  books  of  the 
Apostolic  Constitutions.  Especially  noticeable  is 
the  treatment  which  bishops  are  ordered  to  give  to 
penitents.  Even  great  sinners,  on  repentance,  are  to 
be  received  with  kindness.  No  sins  are  excepted. 
The  canonical  penance  is  to  be  of  two  to  seven  weeks. 
This  legislation  is  obviously  subsequent  to  Novatian- 
ism ;  it  is  not  so  certainly  aimed  against  Novatianism. 
The  church  officials  are  bishops,  deacons,  priests, 
widows  (and  orphans) ;  deaconesses  are  also  added,  in 
one  place  lectors,  and  once  subdeacons.  These  last 
may  have  been  interpolated.  This  organization  is  be- 
hind that  of  Rome  under  Pope  Cornelius  in  251; 
hence  Funk  in  1891  placed  the  date  of  the  work  in 
the  first  half  of  the  third  century.  But  the  whole 
Western  system  never  spread  to  the  East,  and  the  de- 
velopment was  uneven.  Funk  therefore  withdrew 
this  opinion  in  1901,  giving  the  .second  half  of  the  cen- 
tury as  the  true  date.  The  heresies  mentioned  are 
those  of  Simon  Magus  and  Cleobius  (this  name  is  given 
also  by  Hegesippus),  with  Gnostics  and  Ebionites. 
Against  these,  Christians  must  believe  in  the  Trinity, 
the  Scriptures,  and  the  Resurrection.  The  original 
Law  of  Moses  is  to  be  observed,  but  not  the  Second 
Law,  or  Deuterosis,  which  was  given  to  the  Jews  on  ac- 
count of  the  hardness  of  their  hearts.  The  Old  Testa- 
ment is  frequently  quoted,  and  often  at  great  length. 
The  Gospel  is  cited  by  name,  usually  that  of  St.  Mat- 
thew, the  others  less  often,  and  that  of  St.  John  least 
of  all,  as  it  was  traditionally  held  to  have  been  written 
at  a  much  later  date  than  that  which  the  Didascalia 
claims  for  itself.  Acts  and  nearly  all  the  Epistles  are 
freely  employed,  including  Hebrews,  but  the  Apoca- 
lypse is  not  cited.  None  of  these  could  be  named. 
Harnack  has  gone  quite  wrong  in  arguing  that  the 
only  place  in  which  the  Fourth  ( Jospel  is  c^uoted  for- 
mally as  the  Gospel  is  an  interpolation,  with  the  in- 
ference (at  which  he  naturally  expresses  his  surprise) 
that  the  author  did  not  know  or  did  not  esteem  that 
Gospel.  (A  quotation  of  the  pericope  de  aduUerd, 
John,  viii,  is  important.)  Harnack  further  holds 
that  the  gentle  treatment  of  sinners  is  an  interpolation 
intended  against  Novatianism,  and  that  the  deacon- 
es.ses  as  well  as  the  subdeacon  are  a  later  addition. 
He  dales  the  original  form  in  the  first  half  of  the  third 
century,  and  the  additions  in  the  last  quarter  of  it; 
but  the  reasons  given  are  very  weak.  Achelis  leaves 
the  whole  of  the  century  open,  but  says  that  the  later 
the  work  is  placed  in  it,  the  better  he  feels  he  under- 
stands it. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  work  is  by  St.  Epipha- 
niiis,  who  believed  it  to  be  Apostolic.     He  found  it  in 


DIDSKOT 


782 


DIDOT 


use  among  the  Audiani,  Syrian  heretics.  The  few  ex- 
tracts he  gives  do  not  quite  tally  with  our  present 
text;  but  then  he  is  notoriously  inexact  in  his  quota- 
tions. Next  we  find  the  whole  work  incorporated 
into  the  Apostolic  Constitutions,  at  the  end  of  the 
foiu-th  century,  and  soon  afterwards  it  is  quoted  in  the 
Pseudo-Chrysostom's  "Opus  Imperfectum  in  Matt. " 
But  the  work  never  had  a  great  vogue,  and  it  was 
superseded  by  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.  The 
place  of  composition  was  Syria,  though  what  part  can- 
not be  determined.  The  author  was  apparently  a 
bishop,  and  presumably  a  Catholic.  His  book  is 
badly  put  together,  without  logic,  but  not  without 
some  good  sense.  It  never  toucfies  upon  dogma  but 
concerns  itself  entirely  with  practice.  It  has  been 
called  the  earliest  attempt  to  compile  a  Corpus  juris 
canoniei. 

A  few  specimens  of  the  text  in  German  were  published  in 
1843  by  BiCKELLin  his  Gesch.  des  Kirchenrechts;  the  whole  in 
Syriac  by  Lagaroe  (under  his  earlier  name  of  Botticher), 
Didascalia  Apostolorum  Syriace  (Leipzig.  1854).  His  at- 
tempted restoration  of  the  Greek  text  was  published  in  Bun- 
sen,  Analecta  Antcnictrna  (London,  1851'.  \Mtli  tii-^  Ulle  Did- 
ascalia purior,  for  he  gratuitously  omitfod  a  ; 1  <I'mI  as  inter- 
polated. Another  Syriac  ed.  from  other  MS-  I  i  c  o  h..on,  T/ic 
Didascalia  Aj).  in  Syriac,  U.'R.wem.TIk  /'</..  i  1 ;-  <ii  English 
(both  at  Cambridge  Univ.  Press,  1903.  a^  /  >  ■■  r,i ,  I  and 
II);  French  tr.  by  Nah,  Ancienne  lilt.'r  ,  d-xlrait 
du  Canoniste  Contemporain,  Feb.,  UHil  M  ,  immj).  The 
Latin  version,  from  a  palimpsest  at  V'pr^-!  :,  ^v  i-  pil  lulled  by 
Hauler,  Didascalia:  Apostolorum  fragtth  ni<r  \  ■  nun  n  ,,i  lulinn 
(Leipzig,  1900).  Funk's  writings  on  tli.-  >ulij.rt  mm  h,,|,^  i|,e 
monograph  Die  apostotischrn  K(m''<IUui mn:  u  (  Ki.i  ti nluim, 
1891),  La  dale  de  la  Didascalie  des  Api'ln-:  >!;,<■.  .I'Ik  i.  .,,!., 
1891,  Oct.),  reprinted  in  German  in  his  A  iv/..  i;.,.  ,7,  1/,;,.;,,,/- 
lungen  (Paderborn,  1907),  III,  13.  artifks  n,  tl,r  77.,-/  tjn.nl.,1- 
echrift  (.IS93,  and  1903-4),  and  the  great  i.liii.in  alr.arl>  in.n- 
tioned, DidascaliaetCffnstitutionesApostol<'ru!fi  'dulrl  F.X.  Fimk 
(2  vols.,  Paderborn,  1906).  Harnack's  views  are  found  in  Texle 
und  Vntersuchungen.  II,  i,  2  (1S84)  and  v  (1886),  IX,  ii,  2  (1893), 
and  in  Gesch.  der  altchr.  Lit.,  I,  515.  and  II,  2  (i.  e.  ChronoL,  11). 
488,  where  a  good  bibliography  will  be  found;  Hoi.zuey.  Die 
Abhangigkeit  der  Syr.  Didasc.  r.  .'  /'  ' '<  '  -  •'  ""',''  -  '  J/i 
Ume  Congr^s  sc.  intermit,  des  C<i' I  r-'--  1  /'  '  /. 
sian^nder  Ign.Briefeu.dieap.Do!  I  '7  l^'v. 
Z80),  and  Dionys  V.  Alex,  und  <h'  li"!'<^  7'. -'/:■-'  1/,,-./- 
schr..  1901,  515— he  attempts  to  distinguish  three  recensions, 
the  first  being  known  to  Dionysius,  but  he  has  not  convinced 
Funk  or  Harnack).  Achelis  and  Flemming,  Die  syrische  Did- 
ascalia iibersetzt  und  erklart  {Texte  und  Unters.,  XXV,  ii.  1904,  an 
important  contribution).  See  also  Bardenhewer,  Gesch.  der 
allkirchl.  Lit.,  II,  and  Ehrhard,  Altchr.  Lit.  bis  WOO,  for  further 
bibliography.  The  so-called  Arabic  Didascalia  is  merely  a  ver- 
sion of  the  Apostolic  Constitutions.  Only  fragments  of  it  have 
been  published;  they  will  be  found  in  Funk's  ed.  of  the  Apos- 
tolic Constitutions.  II  (1906),  120,  see  also  p.  xxviii,  and  his 
earlier  monograph  (1901),  207;  Riedel,  Die  Kirchenrechts 
Quellen  des  Patriarchats  Ahx.  1 1900).  A  variety  of  this  version 
was  found  lately  in  the  1  i  .i .  ,  -  r  ,  1  t  :il)rary,  by  Baumstark. 
He  describes  it  in  Ori>;.  '  111,201(1903).  On  this 
discovery  see  Funk  in  VV-  ,  i  1904),  233,  reprinted  in 
his  Kirchengesch.  Abh.  (I'.'or  \  111,  ■■    in, 

John  Chapman. 

Diderot,  Denis.     Se*  Encyclopedists. 

Didon,  Henri,  preacher,  writer,  and  educator, 
b.  17  March,  1840,  at  louvet  (Isere),  France;  d.  13 
March,  1900,  at  Toulouse.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  he 
left  the  seminary  of  Grenoble  to  enter  the  Dominican 
Order  at  Flavigny.  Four  years  later  he  went  to 
Rome  to  complete  his  studies  at  the  Minerva.  Re- 
turning to  France  a  lector  of  sacred  theology  he  taught 
Scripture  for  a  brief  time,  and  began  at  Paris  in  1868 
a  brilliant  career  as  a  preacher.  A  sincere  desire 
to  communicate  his  faith  to  others,  coupled  witli  ac- 
complished art,,  enabled  him  to  make  the  most  of  the 
qualities  of  an  orator  with  which  nature  had  endowed 
him.  He  had  a  majestic  carriage,  strong  features,  a 
massive  forehead,  black  eyes,  a  vibrating  voice  which 
he  perfectly  controlled,  and  an  eiuse  in  emph.isizing 
his  words  by  superb  gestures.  Frank,  straiglitfor- 
ward,  and  sympathetic,  he  readily  won  the  hearts  of 
his  liearers,  whom  he  dominated  by  his  presence  and 
startled  by  his  boldness.  He  was  essentially  a  man  of 
his  time,  an  advocate  of  progress;  but  withal  loyal  to 
the  Church  whose  place  in  modern  civilization  he 
strenuously  endeavoured  to  strengthen.  He  was  at 
his  best  when  preaching  on  social  subjects.     He  deliv- 


ered the  funeral  oration  of  Archbishop  Darboy,  of 
Paris,  who  had  been  shot  by  the  Communists  24  May, 
1871.  In  the  following  year  he  preached  Lenten  and 
Advent  conferences  in  the  principal  churches  of  Paris, 
many  of  which  he  published.  In  1879  he  was  bitterly 
assailed  by  the  secular  press  of  Paris  for  the  attitude 
he  took  in  a  series  of  conferences  on  the  burning  ques- 
tion of  the  indissolubility  of  marriage,  which  he  dis- 
continued at  the  request  of  the  Archbishop  of  Paris, 
but  published  in  book  form.  A  year  later  he  was  bit- 
terly attacked  by  other  critics  while  delivering  Lenten 
conferences  on  the  Church  and  modern  society,  and 
the  accusation  was  made  that  he  was  in  contradiction 
with  the  Syllabus.  Although  his  preaching  was  or- 
thodox, he  was  sent  by  the  master  general  of  his  order 
to  Corbara  in  Corsica.  There  for  seven  years  he  la- 
boured at  a  "  Life  of  Christ",  leaving  his  retreat  for  an 
extended  Visit  in  Palestine  and  again  for  a  sojourn  at 
the  Universities  of  Leipsig,  Gottingen,  and  Berlin.  In 
1887  he  returned  to  France,  where,  in  1890,  he  com- 
pleted! his  "Life  of 
Christ"  It  m(t 
with  a  rem  irk  ihlt 
sale  and  \\  is  soon 
translated  mto 
several  languigcs 
two  English  trans 
lations  were  made 
in  1891-2 

In  Janu  arj  , 
1892,Father  Dillon 
reappeared  in  the 
French  pulpit, 
when  he  preached 
at  Bordeaux  a  reli- 
gious-political ser- 
mon in  favour  of 
the  Republic.  He 
then  delivered  at 
the    Madeleine    in  Henri  Didon 

Paris    a   series    of 

Lenten  conferences  on  Jesus  Christ  (tr.  Belief  in  the 
Divinity  of  Jesus  Christ,  1894).  Thereafter  he  gave 
only  occasional  sermons  and  lectures,  his  time  and 
energies  being  devoted  to  the  education  of  youth.  At 
the  Dominican  colleges  in  and  near  Paris,  cultivating 
educational  theories  but  little  developed  elsewhere  in 
France,  he  did  away  with  compulsion  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, taught  the  students  that  discipline  is  the  way  to 
liberty,  fostered  in  them  a  spirit  of  self-reliance  to- 
gether with  a  loving  reverence  for  authority,  and 
checked  the  development  of  a  critical  spirit.  Some  of 
his  educational  theories  may  be  seen  in  his  work  "Les 
Allemands"  (tr.  The  Germans,  1884),  which  is  a  study 
of  the  German  universities  with  application  to  France; 
others  may  be  found  developed  .at  length  in  his  college 
addresses  published  in  pamphlet  form.  Tlie  deepJy 
religious  character  of  Father  Didon  is  especially  mani- 
fest in  his  "Lettres  ;"i  Mile  Th.  V.  "  (Paris,  1900),  which 
quickly  went  through  thirty  editions  and  appeared  in 
English;  in  his  "Lettres  a  un  ami"  (Paris,  1902); 
and  "Lettres  a  Mere  Samuel"  (Annee  Dominicaine, 
1907-8).  Besides  the  works  mentioned  above  many 
of  his  sermons  and  addresses  have  been  published  in 
French  and  some  have  been  done  into  English. 

De  Coulanges,  Le  Ptm  Didon.  3d  ed.  (Paris,  1901);  Rey- 
NAUn,  Le  Pire  Didon;  Sa  Vic  et  sonCEuvre  (Paris,  1904);  Bris- 
.SDN.  L'Kni'crs  de  la  gloire;  Engufte  de  doc.  infd.  stir  Didon 
(Paris.  190,));  Chapotin,  ie  Pcrc  Dtt/on,-  Rodiere,  Vn  Moiiie 
.U.«/.';n.- (Paris,  1904);  Heihrich.  Le Pire  Didon  ctVAltcmagne 
in  Le  CinTe.-^pimdant.  Cf.  Thieme,  Guide  liibliographique  de  la 
Litleralure  Franfaise  de  1800-1906  (Paris,  1907)  for  complete 
list  of  books,  brochures,  and  magazine  articles  on  Didon,  as 
well  as  for  an  incomplete  list  of  his  works. 

Arthur  L.  McMahon. 

Didot,  iKime  of  a  family  of  French  printers  and 
publishers. 

Francois  Didot,  son  of  Denis  Didot,  a  merchant. 


DIDRON 


783 


DIDYMUS 


was  b.  in  Paris,  1689,  and  d.  1757.  In  1713  he 
opened  a  bookstore  on  the  Qviai  des  Grands-Augus- 
tins,  the  sign  of  which  was  "A  la  Bible  d'or".  The 
celebrated  Abbe  de  Boriiis  served  for  a  time  there 
as  a  clerk,  after  leaving  the  seminary.  Francois 
Didot  was  a  learned  man,  and  held  by  his  colleagues  in 
so  great  esteem  that  he  was  elected  to  the  dignity  of 
syndic  of  the  Booksellers'  Corporation  in  1735.  He 
received  his  printer's  charter  from  the  king  in  1754. 
Among  the  books  he  published  should  be  mentioiied 
the  "Histoiredes  voyages"  (20  vols.,  quarto),  the  first 
seventeen  volumes  of  which  are  attributed  to  the 
Abb(5  Prevost. 

Fr.w^'oi.s-Ambroisb  Didot,  b.  1730;  d.  1804,  suc- 
ceeded his  father  Frangois,  and  w.as  appointed  printer 
to  the  clergy  in  1788.  All  the  lovers  of  fine  books 
highly  appreciate  the  editions  known  as  "D'Artois" 
(Hicueil  de  romans  frangais,  64  vols.)  and  "du  Dau- 
phin", a  collection  of  French  cla.ssics  in  .32  vols.,  ed- 
ited by  order  of  Louis  XVI.  He  also  published  a 
Bible.  He  invented  a  new  printing-press,  improved 
type-founding,  and  was  the  first  to  print  on  vellum 
paper. 

PiBniiE-FRANfoi.s  Didot,  b.  1732;  d.  1795,  brother 
of  the  preceding,  foundeil  the  paper  factory  of  Essonne 
and  made  iinproveMii-nts  in  type-foiuiding.  The 
most  important  of  !iis  pulilications  are:  "  L'Imitation 
de  Ji'sus-C'hrist"  (folio),  "Telemaque"  (quarto), 
"Tal)leau  de  L'Empiro  Ottoman"  (folio).  One  of  his 
daughters  married  Beniardin  de  Saint-Pierre. 

Henki  DiDOT,b.  1765, d.  1852,sonof  Pierre-Frangois, 
made  a  name  as  engraver,  founder,  and  (Miginc-maker. 
When  si.Kty-six  years  old,  he  engraved  the  micro- 
scopic type  vi'hich  was  used  for  the  editions  of  the 
"Maximes"  of  La  Rochefoucauld  and  Horace's 
works.  This  type  was  so  small  that,  to  cast  it,  he  had 
to  invent  a  new  mould  which  he  called  jmb/amati/pe 
(181'J),  because  it  founded  one  hundred  letters  at  a 
time.  He  engraved  the  tisxiijniit'i,  the  paper  money 
used  during  the  French  Revolution. 

Saint-Leoer  Didot,  b.  1767;  d.  1829,  second  son 
of  Pierre-Francois,  tlevoted  his  attention  to  paper- 
making  in  the  famous  factory  of  Essoime,  and,  after 
ten  years  of  patient  experiment,  invented  a  machine 
to  make  "endless"  paper. 

Edoiiard  Didot,  b.  1797;  d.  1825,  son  of  Saint- 
L<^ger,  made  a  good  translation  of  John.son's  "Lives  of 
the  Poets",  which  was  printed  by  Jules  Didot. 

Pierre  Didot,  b.  17()0;  d.  18,53,  eldest  son  of  Fran- 
cois-Ambroise,  ol)tained  a  gold  medal  at  the  exhibi- 
tion of  1798,  for  his  edition  of  Virgil.  By  order  of  the 
Cjovenanent,  his  presses  were  established  in  the 
lyouvre,  where  they  remained  during  the  Consulate. 
The  celebrated  Louvre  editions  are  Virgil,  Racine, 
Horace,  and  La  Fontaine.  The  board  of  examiners  of 
the  1806  exhil)iti()n  pronounced  the  Racine  edition 
"the  most  perfect  typographical  production  of  all 
ages".  Pierre  Didot  was  also  a  poet  and  transl.ited 
in  verse  the  fourth  book  of  Oeorgics,  the  first  books  of 
Horace's  Odes,  and  also  wrote  a  number  of  original 
poems. 

Jules  Didot,  b.  1794;  d.  1871,  son  of  Pierre,  is 
famous  for  his  invention  of  round-edged  initials,  to 
take  the  place  of  the  sharp-edged  ones.  In  1825  he 
tiKik  his  printing  plant  to  Brussels  and  founded  the 
Hoy.-d  Printing  IIou.se. 

FiRMiN  Didot,  b.  1764;  d.  18.36,  second  son  of 
Frangois-Ambroisc  was  the  inventor  of  stereotypog- 
raphy,  which  entirely  changed  the  book  trade,  and 
was  the  first  to  engrave  slips  of  so-called  "English" 
and  roimd  hand-writing.  Among  the  works  which 
i.ssued  from  his  press  were  "Ia'x  mines  de  Pomp^'i", 
"  Lc  pantheon  T'gj-ptien"  of  Ch.iinpollion-Fige.ac,  and 
"Ilistorial  du  jongleur",  printed  in  Gothic  type,  with 
taibi)ieces  and  vignettes,  like  the  eflilions  of  the  fif- 
teenth century.  In  1827,  Fimiin  Didot  gave  up  busi- 
ness to  devote  himself  to  politics  and  literature.     He 


was  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  and  wrote 
tragedies  ("La  Reinede  Portugal",  "LaMortd'Anni- 
bal")  and  essays  on  literary  topics. 

Ambroise-P'irmin  Didot,  eldest  son  of  Firmin,  b. 
1790;  d.  1876,  followed  first  a  diplomatic  career  and 
was  for  a  time  attache  of  the  French  Embassy  at 
Constantinople.  He  took  advantage  of  his  position  to 
visit  the  East  and  Greece,  being  the  first  to  discover 
the  location  of  Pergamacum.  When  Ms  father  re- 
tired in  1827,  he,  together  with  his  brother  Hyacinthe, 
took  the  maiiag<'rnent  of  the  jiublisliing  "business. 
They  published  "Bibliotheque  des  auteurs  Grecs", 
"Bibliotheque  des  auteurs  Latins",  and  "Biblio- 
theque des  auteurs  frangais",  an  immense  collection 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  volumes.  Their  greatest 
work  was  a  new  edition  of  the  "Thesaurus  Gra>CiE 
Lingua'",  of  Henry  Stephens,  edited  by  Boissonade, 
Dindorf,  and  Hase  (9  vols.,  1855-59). 

PiTON,  Famillc  Fimiin-lHdol  (Paris,  1856);  Webdf.t.  Etude 
bionraphiqiw  sur  la  famille  drs  DMot  (Paris,  1864);  BnuNET, 
Firmin  Didot  et  sa  famillc  (Paris,  1870). 

Louis  N.  Delamarre. 

Didron,  Adoi-phe-Napoli^:on,  also  called  Didron 
atnf,  arch.T2ologist,  together  with  Viollet-le-Duc  and 
Caumont,  one  of  the  principal  revivers  of  Christian 
art  in  France;  b.  13  March,  1806,  at  Hautvillers,  near 
Reims,  where  his  father  was  a  collector  of  taxes ;  d.  at 
Paris,  13  November,  1867.  After  completing  his 
early  studies  at  the  preparatory  seminaries  of  Meaux 
and  Reims,  he  went  to  Paris  in  1826,  became  there  a 
professor  of  history,  and  devoted  his  leisure  hours  to 
following  courses  of  law,  medicine,  etc.  The  reading 
of  Victor  Hugo's  "Notre  Dame  de  Paris"  gave  him  a 
taste  for  the  study  of  the  antiquities  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Having  been  admitted  to  the  circle  of  the  poet 
in  1829,  he  there  formed  the  plan  of  a  tour  in  Nor- 
mandy, a  province  noted  above  all  others  for  its  his- 
toric^al  buildings.  His  reading  of  the  legends  of  the 
saints,  his  knowledge  of  Scripture,  an<l  cert,-un  ab- 
stract notions  of  theology  directed  the  young  amateur 
to  the  study  of  iconography.  In  1835  Guizot  named 
him  secretary  to  the  committee  entrusted  with  the 
publication  of  the  unedited  documents  concerning  the 
history  of  France.  Didron  publi-shed,  entirely  un- 
aided, the  first  four  volumes  of  the  reports  of  the 
committee.  In  18.39  the  portion  concerning  the  icon- 
ography of  the  monumental  monographs  of  the  cathe- 
dral of  Chartres  w;is  reserved  for  him.  This  work  did 
not  appear  in  complete  form.  In  1838  he  opened  a 
course  of  iconography  at  the  Royal  Library.  He  pub- 
lished (under  the  title  of  "Manuel  d'Iconographie") 
a  French  version  of  the  famous  "  Painters'  Book  of 
Mount  Athos  ",  discovered  there  by  him,  and  wrote  the 
"llistoire  de  Dieu",  the  first  part  of  a  more  general 
work.  His  greatest  work  is  the  review  known  as 
"Annales  archdologiques",  in  which  are  to  be  found 
accounts  of  his  travels  and  numerous  studies  in 
iconography.  For  many  years  Didron  [luhlished  in 
the  "  Univers  "  letters  on  archa'ology.  He  also  founded 
a  library  of  areha;ological  literature,  and  finally,  in 
1849,  constructed  a  glass-manufactory,  which  pro- 
duced some  remarkable  pieces  of  work  and  continued 
to  exist  after  his  death.  He  also  produced  some  good 
examples  of  work  from  the  goldsmiths'  workshop 
which  he  had  established  in  1858,  but  which  was 
short-lived. 

His  principal  works  are:  "Bulletin  archtologique 
du  comity  des  arts  et  monuments"  (4  vols.,  Paris, 
1840-1847);  "Histoire  de  Dieu,  iconographie  des 
personnes  divines"  (Paris,  1843);  "Manuel  d'Icono- 
graphie chr^tienne,  grecque  et  latine"  (Paris,  1845); 
".'Vnnales  arch^ologiques"  (Paris,  1844-81).  See 
also  "Ann.  arch."  (1881),  XXVIII,  184. 

GoiLUBRMY,  Didron  in  Ann.  arch.  (1868),  XXV,  J77-395. 

R.  Maehe. 
Didymus.    See  Thomas,  Saint,  Apostle. 


DIDYMUS 


784 


DIDYMUS 


Didymus  the  Blind,  of  Alexandria,  b.  about  310 
or  313;  d.  about  39o  or  398,  at  the  age  of  eighty-five. 
Didymus  lost  the  use  of  his  eyes  when  four  years  old, 
yet  he  became  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  his 
period.  lie  prayed  earnestly  in  his  youth,  we  are 
told  by  Rufinus,  not  for  the  sight  of  his  bodily  eyes, 
but  for  illumination  of  the  heart.  He  admitted  to  St. 
Anthony  that  the  loss  of  his  sight  was  a  grief  to  him ; 
the  saint  replied  that  he  wondered  how  a  wise  man 
could  regret  the  loss  of  that  which  he  had  in  common 
with  ants  and  flies  and  gnats,  and  not  rather  rejoice 
that  he  possessed  a  spiritual  sight  like  that  of  the 
saints  and  Apostles.  St.  Jerome  indeed  habitually 
spoke  of  him  not  as  "the  blind"  but  as  "the  Seer". 
Didymus  studied  with  ardour,  and  his  vigils  were  long 
and  frequent,  not  for  reading  but  for  listening,  that  he 
might  gain  by  hearing  what  others  obtain  by  seeing. 
When  the  reader  fell  asleep  from  weariness,  Didymus 
did  not  repose,  but  as  it  were  chewed  the  cud  (says 
Rufinus)  of  what  he  had  heard,  until  he  seemed  to 
have  inscribed  it  on  the  pages  of  his  mind.  Thus  in  a 
short  time  he  amassed  vast  knowledge  of  grammar, 
rhetoric,  logic,  music,  arithmetic,  and  geometrj',  and  a 
perfect  familiarity  with  Holy  Scripture.  He  was 
early  placed  at  the  head  of  the  famous  catechetical 
school  of  Alexandria,  over  which  he  presided  for  about 
half  a  century.  St.  Athanasius  highly  esteemed  him. 
The  orator  Libanius  wrote  to  an  official  in  Egypt: 
"  You  cannot  surely  be  ignorant  of  Didymus,  unless 
you  are  ignorant  of  the  great  city  wherein  he  has  night 
and  day  been  pouring  out  his  learning  for  the  good  of 
others."  He  is  similarly  extolled  by  his  contempora- 
ries and  by  the  historians  of  the  following  century. 
Rufinus  was  six  years  his  pupil.  Palladius  visited 
him  four  times  in  ten  years  (probably  .388-398). 
Jerome  came  to  him  for  a  month,  in  order  to  have  his 
doubts  resolved  with  regard  to  difficult  passages  of 
Scripture.  Later  ages  have  neglected  this  remarka- 
ble man.  He  was  a  follower  of  Origen,  and  adopted 
many  of  his  errors.  Consequently,  when  St.  Jerome 
quarrelled  with  Rufinus  and  made  war  on  Origenism, 
he  ceased  to  boast  of  being  a  disciple  of  Didymus  and 
was  ashamed  of  the  praise  he  had  formerly  given  to 
the  "Seer".  When  Origen  was  condemned  by  Jus- 
tinian and  then  by  the  Fifth  General  Council,  Didy- 
mus was  not  mentioned.  But  he  was  anathematized 
together  with  Evagrius  Ponticus  in  the  edict  by  which 
the  Patriarch  Eutychius  of  Constantinople  gave  effect 
to  the  decree  of  the  council;  and  he  was  (perhaps  in 
consequence  of  this)  included  in  the  condemnation  of 
Origenists  by  the  sixth  and  seventh  councils.  But 
this  censure  is  to  be  taken  as  applying  to  his  doctrine 
and  not  to  his  person.  It  has  had  the  unfortunate 
effect  of  causing  the  loss  to  us  of  most  of  his  very 
numerous  writings,  which,  as  the  works  of  a  supposed 
heretic,  were  not  copied  in  the  Middle  Ages. 

Didymus  always  remained  a  layman.  The  idea 
that  he  was  married  rests  on  a  mistaken  identification 
of  him  with  a  Didymus  to  whom  one  of  the  letters  of 
St.  Isidore  of  Pelusium  is  addressed.  He  seems  on  the 
contrary  to  have  lived  the  life  of  an  ascetic,  although 
in  the  city  and  not  in  the  desert.  A  curious  story 
was  told  by  him  to  Palladius.  One  day,  when  dwell- 
ing on  the  thought  of  Julian  as  a  persecutor,  and  on 
this  account  having  taken  no  food,  he  fell  asleep  in  his 
chair  and  saw  white  horses  nmning  in  different  direc- 
tions, while  their  riders  cried  out:  "Tell  Didymus, 
to-day  at  the  seventh  hour  Julian  died;  arise  and  eat, 
and  inform  Athanasius,  the  bishop,  that  he  also  may 
know  it."  Didymus  noteil  the  hour  and  the  month 
and  the  week,  and  it  was  even  so. 

Doctrine. — Didymus  was  one  of  the  principal  oppo- 
nents of  Arianisra.  His  Trinitarian  and  Christolog- 
ical  doctrine  is  perfectly  orthodox;  one  may  even  say 
that  he  is  more  explicit  than  .St.  .\lhanasius  as  to  the 
Unity  in  Trinity  and  tlie  Divinity  of  tlie  Holy  Oho.st. 
He  has  combined  the  theological  vocabulary  of  St. 


Athanasius  with  that  of  the  younger  generation,  Basil 
and  Gregory  Nazianzen.  He  continually  uses  the 
formula  rpth  vToaraffui,  jxla  ovaia,  which  St.  Atha- 
nasius admitted  in  his  later  years,  and  which  has 
become  the  Catholic  watchword.  Didymus  has  been 
credited  with  the  invention  of  this  formula,  and  Lei- 
poldt  is  in  favour  of  the  attribution,  whereas  K.  Holl 
rejects  it.  Until  the  fourth  century  the  Greek-speak- 
ing Church  had  no  means  of  expressing  the  doctrine  of 
of  the  Trinity.  The  use  of  vTrdaraa-is  to  express  the 
Latin  persomi  was  in  itself  a  clumsy  device,  for  Didy- 
mus agrees  with  St.  Jerome  (who  rejected  the  ex- 
pression) that  philosophically  oii<rla  and  inrbsTixaii  are 
synonyms.  Diilymus,  however,  carefully  safeguarded 
his  doctrine  from  any  wrong  interpretation.  His 
work  on  the  Holy  Spirit  is  preser\'ed  only  in  the  Latin 
translation  made  by  St.  Jerome.  It  is  free  from  the 
reproach  of  "economy"  which  attaches  to  the  more 
famous  work  of  St.  Basil,  who  avoided  (as  he  himself 
admits)  caUing  the  Holy  Ghost  "God".  A  yet  more 
important  work  is  the  "  De  Trinitate  ",  the  three  books 
of  which  are  preser\-ed  almost  entire ;  it  was  composed 
after  379.  A  treatise  against  the  Manichreans  is  also 
nearly  complete.  Of  the  exegetical  fragments,  those 
on  the  Psalms  are  the  most  important.  A  commen- 
tary on  the  Catholic  Epistles  is  knomi  to  us  through 
the  Latin  translation  made  by  a  certain  Epiphanius 
for  Cassiodorus.  Didymus  comments  on  II  Peter, 
and  elsewhere  frequently  quotes  that  Epistle,  although 
in  one  place  he  declares  it  to  be  spurious  (Jalsata — the 
Greek  is  lost).  In  his  commentaries  Didymus  shows 
himself  to  be  much  mfluenced  by  Origen,  both  in  his 
care  for  the  text  and  the  grammar,  and  in  his  wide 
allegorizing,  but  of  Origenistic  heresies  the  traces  in 
extant  works  are  slight.  He  seems  to  have  held  the 
pre-existence  of  the  soul.  The  doctrine  of  the  "re- 
stitution of  all  things"  is  attributed  to  him  by  St. 
Jerome;  but  he  speaks  very  often  of  eternal  punish- 
ment, though  he  seems  to  teach  that  the  fallen  angels 
and  even  Satan  himself  are  saved  by  t  lirist.  He  is 
fond  of  explaining  that  God's  pimishments  are  reme- 
dial. He  deliberately  rejects  some  of  Origen's  views, 
and  in  his  Trinitarian  and  Christological  teaching  is 
wholly  uninfluenced  by  his  great  predecessor.  The 
style  of  Didymus  is  poor  and  careless.  He  is  gentle  in 
controversy.  His  earnestness  and  piety  sometimes 
supply  the  place  of  the  eloquence  and  energy  which  he 
lacks. 

Didymi  in  omnes  Epistolas  canonicas  enarratio  (Cologne, 
1531):  MiN'GARELLlus,  Veterum  testimonia  de  Didymo  Ales. 
Cwco  (Rome,  1764),  reprinted  in  Didymi  Alex,  libri  ires  de 
Trinitate.  first  edited  by  J.  A.  Ming.\relij,  brother  of  the  pre- 
ceding (Bologna,  1769);  Lucre,  Quw^tiones  et  vindicitB  Didy- 
mianw.  giving  Greek  fragments  of  the  Comm.  on  Cath.  Epp.  by 
the  side  of  the  Latin  (Gottingen,  1S29-32);  the  exegetical  frag- 
ments are  found  in  Mai.  Xova  Patrum  Bibl.,  IV;  in  the  Catena: 
of  CoRDERius  and  Cramer;  in  ^A'oLF's  Anecdota  Grwca,  IV;  in 
J.  A.  MiNGARELu's  ed.  of  De  Trinitate  (above);  in  Junius 
(Patrick  Young),  Catena  Gr.  in  Job  (London,  1637);  and  in 
the  Cateim  of  Nicephorus.  The  only  complete  collection  of 
Didymus's  works  is  that  of  Mione,  P.  G.,  XXXIX,  1863,  in 
which  the  prefatory  matter  of  the  two  Mingarellu  is  reprinted. 
There  is  a  good  life  in  Tillemont,  X.  The  best  account,  with 
full  catalogue  of  writings,  extant  and  lost,  is  by  Leipoldt, 
Didymus  der  Blinde  in  Texte  und  Vnters.,  N.  F.,  XIV,  3,  vol. 
X.XVIII.  3,  of  the  whole  series  (Leipzig,  1905).  The  materials 
for  a  judgment  on  the  theology  of  Didymus  have  been  indus- 
triously collected  in  this  study  unore  completely  than  by  Min- 
GARELLi),  but  the  decision  uf  the  writer  is  not  always  quite  to  be 
trusted.  Holl  in  Zeilsrhr.  far  Kirehgeschichte.  XXV.  3  (1904), 
has  shown  that  the  work  Contra  .\rium  et  Sabellium.  which  goes 
under  the  name  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  is  probably  by  Didy- 
mus. Funk  in  Kirchengesch.  Abhandlungen,  II.  x\-,  p.  291 
(Paderborn.  1S99).  ascribes  to  Didymus  the  fourth  and  fifth 
books  of  Basil.  .\dv.  Eunomium  (which  are  certanily  not  by 
Basil),  and  has  been  followed  by  KRiJoER,  Jl'licher,  and 
VoN  Schubert,  but  Holl  and  Leipoldt  are  not  convinced. 
Dr-aseke,  Alhanamurui  in  his  Ge.'!amm,lte  Palrist.  Vntersuchun- 
gen  (.\ltoona  and  Leipzig,  1SS9),  reprinted  from  titudicn  und 
Kritikrn.  LXII  (1889),  attributes  to  Didymus  the  former  of  the 
two  books  De  im-jimatione  d.  n.  J.  C.  contra  .iixillinarium,  the 
latter  being  possibly  by  his  scholar  .\mbrosiu.h;  against  this 
view  Stiicklen,  Athana.'iiatia  in  Texte  und  I'nters..  N.  F.,  IV,  4 
1899),  and  Leipoldt,  loc.  cit.  On  the  authenticity  of  the  Com- 
meniary  on  the  Cath.  Epp.  see  Klostermann,  Ueber  des  Didy- 
mus von  .Atejr.  in  Epp.  Canon,  enarratio  in  Texte  und  Vnters.,  N. 

v.,  XIII,  2  (1915).  John  Ch.u-man. 


DIEGO 


785 


DIEMOTH 


Diego  y  Moreno,  Francisco  Garcia,  first  bishop 
of  California,  b.  17  Sept.,  1785,  at  Lagos  in  the  state  of 
Jalisco,  Mexico;  d.  30  April,  1846,  at  Santa  Barbara. 
In  1801  he  received  the  habit  of  St.  Francis  at  the  inis- 
sionarj'  college  of  Guadalupe,  Zacatecas,  made  his 
vows  the  following  year  and  was  ordained  priest  at 
Monterey,  Nuevo  Loon,  13  Nov.,  1808.  For  the  next 
twenty  years  Father  Diego  was  mainly  occupied  in 
preaching  missions,  and  during  this  period  compiled  a 
small  work,  "Metodo  do  Misionar",  or  "Method  for 
Giving  Missions".  From  1816  to  1819  he  was  ma.ster 
of  novices,  in  1822  he  was  made  tiiscrclns.  and  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1832,  guardian  or  superior  of  the  missionary 
college  of  Guadalupe.  At  the  request  of  the  Mexican 
Government,  which  had  resolved  to  expel  all  Spanish 
friars  from  California,  the  college,  whose  memljcrs 
were  natives,  in  .\pril,  1832,  sent  eleven  Mexican 
Franciscans  to  California,  Father  Diego  going  as  com- 
missary.   They  reached  Cape  San  Lucas  in  September, 

1832,  and  Monterey,  the  head-quarters,  in  February, 

1833.  The  Guadalupan  friars  took  charge  of  the 
missions  from  San  Antonio  to  Sonoma,  and  on  6 
March,  Father  Diego  chose  Santa  Clara  for  his  field  of 
labour.  He  remained  here  until  the  end  of  183.5, 
when  he  visited  Mexico  to  induce  the  Government  to 
have  a  bishop  appointed,  in  order  to  preserve  the 
Church  in  California.  On  19  Sept.,  1836,  the  Mexican 
Government  decided  to  petition  the  pope  to  create 
California  a  diocese  and  congress  at  the  same  time  de- 
creed to  pay  the  new  bishop  an  annual  salary  of  .56,000 
until  the  diocese  should  have  a  sufficient  income.  Of 
the  three  candidates  proposed  by  the  metropolitan 
chapter  on  22  June,  1839,  the  Mexican  Government, 
6  April,  1840,  recommended  Father  Francisco  Garcia 
Diego. 

On  27  April  Pope  Gregory  XVI  withdrew  California 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Sonora,  and  at 
the  same  time  appointed  Father  Diego  first  Bishop  of 
Fpper  and  Lower  California  with  the  see  at  San 
Diego.  He  was  con.secrated  at  the  Franciscan 
church  of  Guadalupe,  Zacatecas,  on  4  October,  1840, 
and  on  11  Dec,  ISI! ,  landed  at  San  Diego.  Owing  to 
the  poverty  and  insignificance  of  the  place,  he  removed 
his  residence  to  Santa  Barbara  on  11  Jan.,  1842. 
When  he  arrived,  there  were  only  seventeen  Franciscan 
Fathers,  mostly  aged  and  infirm,  in  charge  of  the 
twenty-one  secularized  Indian  missions  and  six  Span- 
ish towns.  The  bishop  began  with  great  plans  and  a 
sincere  desire  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  Church  in 
his  territory.  The  Mexican  Government  had  encour- 
aged him  by  giving  him  a  fixed  salary,  and  entrusting 
to  him  the  management  of  the  famous  "Pious  Fund", 
but  in  February,  1842,  Presiilent  Santa  Anna  confis- 
cated the  Fimd.  The  bishop  received  no  aid  what- 
ever, so  that  he  was  obliged  to  depend  upon  the  con- 
tributions from  the  few  white  settlers  in  the  territorj', 
many  of  whom  refused  to  pay  the  tithes  which  he  had 
found  it  neccssan,'  to  impose.  Nevertheless  he  opened 
the  first  seminarj'  on  tlie  Pacific  coast  at  the  fonner 
mission  of  Santa  Inez,  about  fifteen  miles  from  the 
ocean  and  forty-five  miles  from  Santa  Barbara,  made 
one  visitation  of  all  the  churches  in  the  diocese,  and  to 
some  places  even  went  a  second  time.  Worn  out  by 
hardships  and  disheartened  at  the  deplorable  condi- 
tions which  he  could  not  remedy.  Bishop  Diego  died, 
and  was  buried  in  the  old  Mission  Santa  Barbara. 

Archives  of  the  Archbishop  (^an  FranciHCo);  Archives  of  the 
Mission  of  Santa  Barbara:  SoToMAYOR.  Historin  del  Cofegio  dc 
Guadalupe  (Zacateoaa,  1S74):  Reuss,  Biographical  Cycloptrdia 
(Milwaukee,  1S98):  Bancroft,  History  of  California  (San 
Francisco,  1886),  V;  Enoeluardt,  The  Franciscans  in  Cali- 
fornia (1897). 

Zephyhin  Engelhardt. 

Diekamp.Wii.HKi.M,  historian,  b.  at  Gcldern,  13 

May,  18.54;  d.  at  Rome.  25  Dec,  1885.      Soon  after 

his  birth  the  parents  of  Diekainp  removed  to  Miinster 

in  Westphalia,  where  he  made  his  collegiate  studies 

IV.— 50 


(1867-72).  From  1872  to  1875  he  studied  theology  at 
Wiirzburg  and  at  Miinster.  Feeling  uncertain,  how- 
ever, as  to  his  ecclesiastical  calling,  he  abandoned  his 
desire  of  entering  the  priesthood,  and  took  up  the 
study  of  philology.  In  1877  he  graduated  as  doctor 
of  j)hilosophy  with  the  dissertation:  "  Widukind,  der 
Sachsenftihrer  nach  Geschichte  imd  Sage"  (Miinster, 
1877).  Excessive  study  led  to  grave  pulmonary  dis- 
ease, in  spite  of  which  he  did  not  spare  himself.  For 
some  time  he  taught  in  the  public  schools  of  Mtuister, 
Arnsberg,  and  Aachen,  developing  in  the  meantime 
his  scientific  historical  training.  An  excellent  evi- 
dence of  this  was  his  "VitseS.  Ludgeri"  (Geschichts- 
quellen  des  Bistvmis  Miinster,  IV,  Munster,  1881).  In 
1881  the  West f ill ischer  Verein  fiir  Geschichte  und  Al- 
tertumskunde  confided  to  him  the  contiiuiation  of  the 
"  Westfiilisches  Urkundenbuch  ".  Thereupon  he  re- 
turned to  Munster  and  in  1882  he  became  Privatdo- 
zent  for  history  at  that  academy.  Previously,  how- 
ever, he  spent  a  year  at  Vienna  for  improvement  in 
diplomatics  at  the  "  Institut  fiir  oesterreichische 
Geschichtsforschung"  under  the  direction  of  Professor 
Sickcl.  At  Easter,  1883,  he  began  his  teaching  at 
Miinster,  continuing  at  the  same  time  his  historical  in- 
vestigations, specially  on  Westphalian  documents,  the 
history  of  the  papal  chancery,  and  ])ai)al  tliplomatics. 
In  1885  he  published  at  Miinster  the  first  part  of  the 
supplement  of  the  "Westfiilisches  L^rkimdenbuch ". 
In  the  autumn  of  this  year  he  went  to  Rome,  chiefly  to 
collect  in  the  Vatican  archives  the  material  for  the 
large  works  he  had  in  mind.  But  typhoid  fever  car- 
ried him  off  in  the  midst  of  his  labours.  He  was 
buried  in  the  German  Campo  Santo  near  St.  Peter's. 
Diekamp  also  published  between  1878  and  1885  sev- 
eral iitiportant  studies  in  different  reviews  concerning 
the  history  of  the  Mi^MIr  A-r.  :imi!  diplomatics  or  offi- 
cial style  of  the  nn' I  i'       ii  P  i|'  i!  ^liirllllLCntS. 

HtiLSKAMpin  LiV.i,/  'i    .  -jj  I ssO),  1-10;  Schulte 

in  Historisches  JahrbtuU  il^M.ir.  JtlO  J,,;  Dahlmann  in  Allge- 
meine  deutsche  Biographie,  Aachlrdge  bis  IHV'J  (Leipzig,  1903), 
XLVII,  679  sq. 

J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

Diemoth,  an  old  German  word  for  the  present 
"Denuith",  the  English  "humility",  was  the  name  of 
a  pious  recluse  at  the  monastery  of  Wessobrunn  in 
Upper  Bavaria,  b.  about  1060  of  a  noble  Bavarian  or 
Swabian  family;  d.  30  March,  probably  in  11,30.  At 
an  early  age  she  entered  the  Benedictine  nunnery 
which  was  connected  with  the  Benerlictine  monastery 
of  Wessobrunn.  After  a  long  period  of  severe  proba- 
tion in  the  nunnery  she  obtained  permission  to  live  the 
life  of  a  recluse  and,  following  the  custom  of  many 
recluses  of  those  times,  had  herself  enclosed  in  a  cell 
adjoining  the  church,  where  she  spent  the  remainder 
of  her  life  in  prayer  and  in  transcribing  valuable 
books.  On  account  of  her  exceptionally  beautiful 
handwriting  she  was  styled  the  beautiful  scribe.  She 
copied  about  45  volumes  the  titles  of  which  are  given 
by  Becker  in  his  Catalogi  bibliothecarum  antir/ui  (Bonn, 
1885),  155-136.  The  most  important  arc:  the  Bible, 
the  Moralia  and  other  works  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great, 
7  works  of  St.  Augustine,  4  of  ,St.  Jerome,  2  of  Origen, 
and  about  15  liturgical  works.  Diemoth  was  a  great 
friend  of  the  Blessed  Herluka  with  whom  she  ex- 
changed numerous  letters  while  the  latter  was  a  re- 
cluse at  the  neighbouring  monastery  of  Epfach.  The 
letters  were  long  preserved  at  the  monastery  of  Bem- 
ried  where  Herluka  spent  the  last  years  of  her  life,  but 
they  unhappily  fell  a  prey  to  the  ravages  of  the  Swedes 
during  the  Thirty  Yeare  War.  A  few  of  Dicmoth's 
manuscripts  are  .stUl  preser\'ed  at  the  iStaatsbibliothck 
in  Munich,  whither  they  were  transferred  after  the 
secularization  of  Wessobnmn  in  1803.  Diemoth  was 
buried  in  the  basilica  of  Our  Lady  at  Wessobrunn, 
aside  of  the  bodies  of  Abbot  Thiento  and  his  six  com- 
panions, who  suffered  martyrdom  at  the  hands  of  the 
Hungarians  in  955.     In  1709  her  remains  were  trans- 


DIEPENBEECK 


786 


DIERINGER 


ferred  to  the  Abbey  Church  of  St.  Peter.  Some  hagi- 
ologists  style  her  "Blessed,"  though  she  has  never  re- 
ceived public  veneration  and  was  never  formally  beat- 
ified. 

Hefner.  Veber  die  Nonne  Diemud  von  Wessdbrunn  itnd  ihr 
literarischrs  \Vnk>rn.  with  a  fai^simile  of  her  handwriting,  in 
Oberbivi, .  •  '  1^  I"'"  Mni,;<li  1  ^:;in,  I,  355-373;  Leutner, 
Historm     1/         '  1!  \ugsburg   and    Freiburg, 

17531.  If.'.    !,        -,  '  .</ (/le  Tl^'es<  (London  and 

St.Liiui-,  r,iii;i,  iri"i..|;    l;i:\i  -.mi  \A.i^v.a.'m  Kirchcnlex. 

Michael  Ott. 

Diepenbeeck,  Abr.^h.ui  v.\n,  an  erudite  and  ac- 
complished painter  of  the  Flemi.sh  School,  b.  at  Bois- 
le-Duc  in  the  Netherlands,  1599;  d.  at  Antwerp,  1675. 
After  having  received  a  classical  education  he  became 
one  of  Ruben's  best  pupils  and  assistants.  He 
handled  mj'thological  and  historical  subjects,  as  well 
as  portraits,  with  great  skill  and  vigour  and  was  a 
good,  sound  colourist.  He  went  to  Antwerp  about 
1629  and  made  his  first  successes  in  painting  on  glass, 
among  his  productions  being  windows  in  the  cathe- 
dral there  representing  the  "Acts  of  Mercy".  Simi- 
lar work  at  the  church  of  the  Dominicans  shows  scenes 
from  the  "Life  of  Saint  Paul".  Van  Diepenbeeck 
was  admitted  to  the  guild  of  painters  in  1638,  and  be- 
came director  of  the  academy  in  1641.  It  was  after  a 
visit  to  Italy  that  the  artist  began  to  paint  chiefly  in 
oil  and  to  illustrate.  Among  his  illustrations  are 
fifty-eight  designs  engraved  by  Cornelis  Bloemaert 
for  the  Abb<;  dc  Marolles'  "Tableaux  du  Temple  des 
Muses".  During  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  van  Diepen- 
beeck was  in  England  where,  besides  painting  por- 
traits of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  and  his  family,  the 
artist  illustrated  that  nobleman's  book  on  "Hor.se- 
manship". 

At  the  church  of  the  Carmelites  in  Antwerp  is  one 
of  the  painter's  masterworks, "  The  Virgin  in  the  Clouds 
with  Saint  Ely".  In  the  cathedral  is  his  "St.  Nor- 
bert ",  while  the  saint  appears  with  the  first  Abbot  of 
St.  Michel  in  a  chvnch  at  Dcurne.  In  the  galleries 
are:  Louvre,  "The  Flight  of  Cloelia"  and  "Portraits 
of  a  Man  and  a  Woman";  Vienna,  a  "Descent  from 
the  Cross"  and  "Allegory  of  Mortality";  Munich, 
"Abraham  and  the  Angels"  and  "  Feeding  the  Poor"; 
Dresden,  "Neptune  and  Amphitrite";  Berlin,  "The 
Marriage  of  gt.  Catherine"  and  the  "Flight  of  Cloe- 
lia"; Brussels,  "St.  Francis  Adoring  the  Holy  Sacra- 
ment"; Antwerp,  "The  Ecstasy  of  St.  Bonaventure"; 
Brunswick,  "The  Entombment"  and  "Children's 
Bacchanal";  Frankfort,  "Portraits  of  a  Young  Man 
and  a  Young  Woman";  Bordeaux,  "The  Rape  of 
Ganymede". 

Bryan,  Dictionary  of  Painters  and  Engravers  (London  and 
New  York,  1903-05);  Champlin  and  Perkins,  Cyclopedia  of 
Painters  and  Paintings  (New  York,  1SS6). 

Augustus  van  Cleef. 

Diepenbrock,  Melchior,  B.\ron  (Freiherr)  von, 
Cardinal  and  Prince-Bishop  of  Breslau,  b.  6  January, 
1798,  at  Bcicliiilt  in  Westphalia;  d.  at  the  castle  of 
Johannisberg  in  Ujjper  Silesia,  20  January,  1853.  He 
attended  the  military  academy  at  Bonn  and  took  part 
in  the  campaign  against  France  in  1815  as  an  officer 
of  the  militia.  Upon  his  return  he  was  much  at- 
tracted by  the  personality  of  Joharm  Michael  Sailer, 
a  friend  of  the  family,  at  that  time  professor  at  the 
University  of  Landshut  in  Bavaria,  and  studied  public 
finance  at  that  institution.  Wlien  Sailer  was  made 
Bishop  of  Ratisbon,  Diepenbrock  followed  him 
thither,  took  up  the  study  of  theology,  and  was 
ordained  priest  27  December,  1823.  In  1835  he  was 
made  dean  of  the  cathedral  and  vicar-general  by  the 
successor  of  Bishop  Sailer.  His  knowledge  of  modern 
languages  and  his  administrative  ability,  together 
with  his  profound  understanding  of  the  interior  life 
and  his  ascetical  character,  pavetl  the  wa.y  for  his 
elevation  to  the  episcopal  See  of  Breslau,  to  which 
he  was  elected  15  January,  1845.     Ho  at  first  declined 


the  honour,  but  finally  accepted  out  of  filial  obedience 
to  the  mandate  of  Pope  Gregory  XVI. 

From  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  was  called  to 
face  difficult  problems  and  momentous  political 
events.  Sectarian  propagandism  was  especially  ag- 
gressive in  his  diocese  and  was  furthered  by  state 
oiEcials  as  well  as  by  the  traditional  enemies  of  the 
Church.  The  famine  in  Upper  Silesia  appealed  to  his 
sympathetic  and  generous  nature.  The  Revolution  of 
1848  showed  him  one  of  the  firmest  and  most  loyal 
supporters  of  government,  law,  and  order.  The  pas- 
toral letter  which  he  issued  on  this  occasion  was,  by 
order  of  the  king,  read  in  all  the  Protestant  churches 
of  the  realm.  He  devoted  his  be.st  energies  to  the 
training  of  the  clergy,  opened  a  preparatory  seminary, 
and  improved  the  conditions  of  the  higher  seminary. 
He  was  a  watchful  guardian  of  ecclesiastical  discipline 
and,  when  necessary,  employed  severe  measures  to 
enforce  it.  He  reintroduced,  with  great  success,  re- 
treats for  the  priests  and  missions  for  the  people. 

In  1849  he  was  appointed  Apostolic  delegate  for 
the  Prussian  army  and  relieved,  to  a  great  extent,  the 
sore  needs  of  the  Catholic  soldiers.  He  was  created 
cardinal  in  the  consistory  of  20  September,  1850,  and 
received  the  purple  4  November.  This  event  gave 
occasion  to  one  of  the  most  magnificent  public 
demonstrations  ever  witnessed  in  Germany.  It  was 
soon  followed  by  another  demonstration,  equally 
striking,  but  sorrowful  in  character,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  cardinal's  death  from  a  disease  which  had  long 
afflicted  him.  His  will  bequeathed  his  estate  to  his 
diocese.  Cardinal  Diepenbrock's  episcopate  was 
fruitful  in  blessings  for  Upper  SUesia,  he  was  a  cham- 
pion of  Catholicity  for  the  whole  of  Germany  and  an 
ornament  to  the  entire  Church.  In  personal  appear- 
ance he  was  of  dignified  presence,  but  pleasant  and 
affable  to  all.  The  cardinal  was  a  noted  preacher 
and  poet,  and  his  writings  bear  evidence  to  his  talents. 
His  principal  publications  are:  "Spiritual  Bouquet, 
Gathered  in  Spanish  and  German  Gardens  of  Poesy" 
(Sulzbach,  1826);  "Life  and  Writings  of  Heinrich 
Su.so"  (Ratisbon,  1829);  "Sermons"  (Ratisbon, 
1841);  "Pastoral  Letters"  (Munster,  1853);  "Per- 
sonal Letters"  (Frankfort,  1860). 

CiioWANETZ.  Life  of  Cardinal  von  Diepenbrock  (Csnabruck, 
1853):  FoRsTER,  Life  of  Cardinal  von  Diepenbrock  (Ratisbon. 
18.59);  Cardinal  von  Dieperthrock  (Bonn,  1878);  Karker  in 
Kirchenlex.,  s.  v. 

B.  Luebber.mann. 

Dieringer,  Franz  Xaver,  Catholic  theologian,  b. 
22  August,  1811,  at  Rangeningen  (Hohenzollern- 
Hechingen);  d.  8  September,  1876,  at  Veringendorf. 
He  studied  theology  at  Tubingen,  was  ordained  at  Frei- 
burg, 19  Sept.,  1835,  and  appointed  instructor  at  the 
archiepiscopal  seminary  there.  In  the  autumn  of  1840 
he  became  professor  of  dogma  at  the  ecclesiastical  sem- 
inary of  Speier,  and  at  Easter,  1841,  was  also  made 
professor  of  philosophy  in  the  lyceum  of  the  same  city. 
In  the  spring  of  1843  he  was  appointed  professor  in 
ordinary  of  dogma  and  homiletics  at  the  University  of 
Bonn,  and  provisional  inspector  of  the  preparatory 
seminary.  When  at  his  instance  a  homiletic-catechet- 
ical  seminary  was  established  in  1844,  he  took  charge 
of  the  homiletic  section.  The  prestige  of  the  faculty 
of  Bonn  had  suffered  sadly  because  of  the  inroads  of 
Hermesianism,  and  this  learned  theologian,  who  was 
eminently  qualified  for  the  work  of  academic  teaching, 
set  about  to  restore  its  fallen  glory.  His  lirilliant  and 
zealous  activity,  especially  during  the  first  two  de- 
cades of  his  office,  placed  him  in  the  first  rank  among 
the  shining  lights  of  the  university.  Besides  perform- 
ing the  duties  of  his  professoi-ship,  he  published 
the  "Katholische  Zcitschrift  fur  Wissen.schaft  und 
Kimst,"  a  p('ri()(li<'al  devoted  to  .science  and  church 
interests,  which  he  had  foiuided  in  1844  in  opposition 
to  the  periodical  of  the  Hermesians,  and  conducted  in 
a  truly  Catholic  spirit.     From  1847  to  1849  it  appeared 


DIES 


787 


DIES 


s  the  "Katholische  Vierteljahresschrift".  Dieringer 
ook  a  prominent  part  in  the  founding  of  the  Society 
if  St.  Charles  Borromeo  in  1845,  of  which  he  was  at 
irst  secretarj'  and  then  president  from  1846-1871.  In 
853,  though  retaining  his  professorship  and  residing 
•t  Bonn,  he  was  made  canon  of  Cologne  and  ecclesias- 
ical  councillor.  In  1848  he  represented  the  district  of 
veuss  in  the  parhament  at  Frankfort. 

His  name  was  among  those  proposed  in  1856  for  the 
'acant  See  of  Paderborn  and  in  1864  for  that  of  Trier, 
)ut  it  was  removed  by  the  Prussian  Government, 
rhough  his  earlier  teaching,  especially  in  his  "  Laien- 
:atechismus ",  bail  been  in  accordance  with  the  doc- 
rine  of  papal  infallibility,  he  yielded,  at  the  time  of 
he  Vatican  Council,  to  personal  motives  anil  to  the  in- 
luence  of  his  colleagues  at  Bonn  and  joined  the  opposi- 
ion.  He  had  no  thought,  however,  of  leaving  the 
"hurch,  and,  after  negotiations  of  some  length,  he 
■icldcd  to  the  demand  of  Archbishop  Melchers  and 
nade  his  submission.  In  order  to  escape  from  the 
trained  relations  which  existed  among  the  divided 
acuity,  Dieringer  resigned  his  offices  and  dignities 
luring  the  spring  of  1871  and  took  charge  of  the  par- 
ih  of  Veringendorf  in  HohenzoUern.  In  1874  he  was 
imong  those  recommended  for  tlie  archiepiscopal  See 
if  Freiburg,  but  he  could  not  accede  to  the  deniands 
if  the  Baden  Government.  .After  1874  he  wa.s  con- 
tantly  in  failing  health. 

Dieringer's  principal  publications  are:  "System  der 
;ottlichea  Thaten  des  Christenthums,  oder,  Selbst- 
)egriindimg  des  Christenthums,  voUzogen  durch 
eine  gottlichen  Thaten"  (Mainz,  1841;  2nd  ed., 
857'),  a  work  which  clearly  shows  the  influence  of 
>tau(lenmaier,  especially  in  its  first  edition;  and  the 
'Lclirbuch  der  katholischen  Dogmatik"  (Mainz, 
S47;  5th  ed.,  1865),  a  book  of  great  merit  and  for- 
ncrly  nuich  used.  An  excellent  work  on  theology  in 
)o[nilar  form  is  his  " Laienkatechismus  iiber  Religion, 
)ITenbanmg  and  Ivirche"  (Mainz,  1865;  2nd  ed., 
1868).  Another  book  also  in  popular  style,  "Der 
leil.  Karl  Borromiius  und  die  Kirchenverbesserung 
ieiner  Zeit "  (Cologne,  1846),  appeared  as  the  first  pub- 
ication  of  the  Society  of  St.  Charles  Borromeo  and 
lad  a  wide  circulation.  Besides  these  publications 
here  remain  to  be  mentioned  the  two  liomiletic 
vorks:  "  Kanzelvortrage  an  gcbildcte  Katholiken  auf 
ille  Sonn- und  Fe.sttage  des  Kirclunjalirrs"  (Mainz, 
1844)  and  "Das  Epistelbuch  der  katholischen  Kirche, 
heologisch  erkliirt"  (Mainz,  1863);  the  polemical 
writings:  "(3fTenes  Sendschreiben  iiber  die  kirch- 
ichen  Ziistiinde  der  Gegenwart  an  Dr.  J.  B.  von 
[lirscher"  (Mainz,  1849;  against  Hirscher's  publica- 
tion under  the  same  title);  "Dogmatische  Eriirte- 
luigen  mit  einem  Gvintherianer  "  (Mainz,  1S52);  "Die 
riieologie  der  Vor-  und  Jetztzeit,  ein  Beitrag  zur 
Verstandigung"  (Bonn,  1868;  2nd  ed.,  1869;  against 
Kleutgen's  "Theologie  der  Vorzeit"),  which  appeared 
irst  in  the  "  Theologisches  Literaturblatt"  of  Bonn 
(1868);  and:  "  Kxpositio  doctrina'  Tertulliani  de  re- 
publica  et  de  olliciis  ac  iuribus  civium  christianorum " 
(University  Program;   Bonn,  1850). 

Kaule.n  in  Kirchmti'X.,  s.  v.;  Reuscii  in  Allgemcinc  dmitxche 
Biograpfiie,  a.  v.;  i^CHJLL  in  Fn-iburaer  Kathol,  Kirchmblatt 
fl8S9).  Nr.  Xi.  p.  177  sqq.;  Franz  Kaufmans,  Lmpol<l  Kaiif- 
nann  ((xiliignc.  igftJ).  l.Msqq.,  l.W-61.  170-77;  Die  Griindung 
ind  ThntiqkrU  tics  Verrirwi  vom  hcil.  Karl  lioTrom&iui,  Jubilee 
wmb,r  (ColoKiie,  1S95).  53-55.  with  portrait. 

Friedrich  Lauchert. 

Dies  Irae,  the  name  by  which  the  seciuence  in  re- 
:iuiem  Ma.sses  is  commonly  known.  Tney  are  the 
apening  words  of  the  first  verse:  Dies  irw,  dies  ilia. 
riie  rubrics  of  the  Roman  Mi.ssal  prescribe  the  recita- 
tion of  the  sequence  l)y  the  celebrant  on  the  following 
accasions:  (1)  in  the  M;iss  of  All  Souls'  Day  (In  rom- 
memoratione  Omnium  Fiilelium  Drfunitorum);  (2)  in 
Funeral  Masses  (In  die  obitus  seu  deimsilitmis  dejunrti); 
ind  (3)  whensoever  in  requiem  Masses,  only  one  ora- 


iio,  or  collect,  is  to  be  said,  namely  in  the  anniversary 
Mass,  and  when  Mass  is  solemnly  celebrated  on  the 
third,  the  seventh,  or  the  thirtieth  (month's  mind)  day 
after  death  or  burial.  Its  recitation  in  other  re(|uiem 
Ma.sses  (In  Missis  quotiiliaiii.'i  (Iclunctorum)  is  optional 
with  the  celebrant.  It  should  be  noted  here  that  the 
decree  of  the  Congregation  of  Sacred  Rites  (12  .■\ugust, 
18,54)  permitting  the  choir  to  omit  such  stanzas  as  do 
not  contain  a  prayer  is  not  included  in  the  new  edition 
of  the  "Decreta  Authentica  S.  R.  C."  (Rome,  1898- 
1900).  From  this  fact  may  be  inferred  that  the  more 
ancient  rule  is  now  in  force  and  that  the  whole  se- 
quence must  either  be  sung  by  the  choir  or  bo  "re- 
cited" in  a  high  and  clear  voice  with  organ  accompani- 
ment (cf.  American  Ecclesiiistic;il  Review,  August, 
1907,  p.  201). 

As  found  in  the  Roman  Missal,  the  Dies  Ira;  is  a 
Latin  poem  of  fifty-seven  lines  in  accentual  (non- 
quantitative),  rhymed,  trochaic  metre.  It  comprises 
nineteen  stanzas,  of  which  the  first  seventeen  follow 
the  type  of  the  first  stanza : — 

1.    Dies  ir£e,  dies  ilia, 

Solvet  steclum  in  favilla: 
Teste  David  cum  Sibylla. 

The  remaining  stanzas  discard  the  scheme  of  triple 
rhymes  in  favour  of  rhymed  couplets,  while  the  last 
two  lines  use  assonance  instead  of  rhyme  and  are, 
moreover,  catalectic: — 

18.  Lacrimosa  dies  ilia, 
Qua  resurget  ex  favilld, 
Judicandus  homo  reus. 

19.  Iluic  ergo  parce  Deus: 
Pie  Jesu  Domine, 

Dona  eis  requiem.     Amen. 

Thus  the  last  two  stanzas  are  printed  in  the  typical 
(1900)  edition  of  the  Missal,  and  in  the  Ratisbon  edi- 
tion of  the  plain-chant  setting.  The  Vatican  edition 
(1907)  of  the  plain-chant  melody,  however,  apparently 
takes  account  of  the  fact  that  the  hust  six  lines  iliil  not, 
in  all  probability,  originally  belong  to  the  sequence, 
and  divides  them  into  three  couplets. 

This  Missal  text  of  the  sefiueuce  Ls  found,  with 
slight  verbal  variations,  in  a  thirteenth-century  manu- 
script in  the  Bibliotcca  Nazionale  at  Naples  (cf.  Ila- 
berl,  Magister  Choralis,  Ratisbon,  1900,  pp.  237-23S). 
Father  Eu.sebius  Clop,  O.F.M.,  in  the  "Revue  du 
Chant  Gr^'gorien"  (November-December,  1907,  p.  49) 
argues  a  date  between  1253-1255  for  the  MS. — a 
Franciscan  Missal  whose  calendar  does  not  contain 
the  name  of  St.  Clare,  w'ho  was  canonized  in  1255,  and 
whose  name  would  have  been  inserted  if  tlie  MS.  were 
of  later  date.  The  same  writer  would  assign  (pp.  48, 
49)  a  still  earlier  date  (1250)  to  a  copy  of  the  Dies  Ine 
inserted  at  the  end  of  a  so-called  "Breviary  of  St. 
Clare"  dating  about  1228.  Into  his  arguments  it  is 
not  necessary  to  enter  here;  but  it  i.s  important  to 
notice  that  these  dates  are  nnich  anterior  to  the  dates 
of  the  MSS.  which,  tmtil  recently,  hymnologists  had 
cognizance  of  when  they  attem])teil  to  fix  the  |irobable 
authorship  of  the  sequence.  Thus  Mone  found  none 
anterior  to  the  fifteenth  centnrj-:  Chevalier  mentions 
only  a  Mag<leburg  Mi.ssal  of  14S0  and  a  MS.  Franciscan 
Missal  of  1477;  (he  first  edition  of  Julian's  "Diction- 
ary of  Hymnology"  (1892)  declared  the  "oldest  form 
known  to  the  present  time"  to  be  found  in  a  Domini- 
can Mi.ssal  "written  at  the  end  of  the  foiirteenth  cen- 
tury and  apparentlj'  for  ase  at  Pisa";  Warren,  in  his 
"  Dies  Ine"  (London,  1902,  p.  5),  knows  no  earlier  MS. 
Tlie  second  edition  of  Julian  (1907)  mentions  the 
Naples  MS.  in  its  supplement  (p.  1629),  but  not  the 
"  Breviary  of  St.  Clare".  Father  Clop  describes  also  a 
third  contemporary  MS.  (p.  49),  Italian,  like  the 
others:  "Toutes  trois  enfin  appartenant  Ogalement  i 
la  liturgie  des  Freres  Mineurs  ".     All  this  renders  very 


JDIETENBERGER 


788 


DIETENBERGER 


probable  the  conjecture  generally  entertained  by  hym- 
nologists,  that  the  Dies  Irse  was  composed  by  a  Fran- 
ciscan in  the  thirteenth  century. 

Its  authorship  has  been  most  generally  ascribed  to 
Thomas  of  Celano,  the  friend,  fellow-friar,  and  biog- 
rapher of  St.  Francis.  Reasons  for  this  particularity 
of  ascription  are  given  by  Keyser  (Beitriige  zur  Ge- 
schichte  und  Erklarung  der  alten  Ivirchenhymnen, 
Paderborn  und  Munster,  1886,  II  194-196  and  230- 
235) ;  also  by  Duffield  (Latin  Hymn  Writers  and  Their 
Hymns,  New  York,  1889,  245-247),  an  ardent  cham- 
pion of  the  ascription  to  Thomas;  also  in  "The  Dol- 
phin" (Nov.,  1904,  514-516),  which  corrects  a  funda- 
mental error  in  one  of  Duffield's  main  arguments. 
Ten  other  names  have  been  suggested  by  various 
writers  as  the  probable  author  of  the  Dies  Irae:  (1)  St. 
Gregory  the  Great  (d.  604);  (2)  St.  Bernard  of  Clair- 
vaux  (d.  1153);  (3)  St.  Bona  venture  (d.  1274);  (4) 
Cardinal  Matthew  d'Acquasparta  (d.  1.302);  (5)  Inno- 
cent III  (d.  1216);  (6)  Thurstan,  Archbishop  of  York 
(d.  1140);  (7)  Cardinal  Latino  Orsini,  or  Frangipani, 
a  Dominican  (d.  1296) ;  (8)  Humbert,  a  general  of  the 
Dominicans  (d.  1277) ;  (9)  Agostino  Biella,  an  Augus- 
tinian  (d.  1491);  (10)  Felix  Haemmerlein,  a  priest  of 
Zurich  (d.  1457).  The  ascription  to  Haemmerlein 
was  due  to  the  discovery,  after  his  death,  of  a  variant 
text  of  the  sequence  among  his  papers.  Its  eight- 
eenth and  nineteenth  stanzas  are: — 

18.  Lacrimosa  dies  ilia. 
Cum  resurget  ex  favilla 
Tanquam  ignis  ex  scintilla, 

19.  Judicandus  homo  reus: 
Huic  ergo  parce,  Deus; 
Esto  semper  adjutor  meus. 

To  these  are  added  five  stanzas  of  the  same  form. 
This  Haemmerlein  text  is  given  by  Keyser  (op.  cit., 
211),  Warren  (op.  cit.,  11),  and  by  others.  Still  an- 
other text,  known  as  the  "Mantuan  Marble"  text 
(first  printed  m  1594),  prefaces  the  Dies  Irae  with  four 
similar  stanzas,  and  replaces  stanzas  17-19  with  the 
single  stanza: — 

Ut  consors  beatitatis 

Viyam  cum  justificatis 

In  sevum  Eeternitatis. 

Daniel  gives  both  texts  in  his  "  Thesaurus  Hymnologi- 
cus"  (II,  103-105),  except  the  two  concluding  stanzas 
of  the  Haemmerlein  text.  Coles  (Dies  Irae  in  Thirteen 
Original  Versions,  New  York,  1868)  gives  (xv-xxi) 
both  texts  together  with  versified  English  translation. 
All  of  these  additional  stanzas  rather  detract  from 
the  vigorous  beauty  of  the  original  hymn,  whose  old- 
est known  form  is,  with  .slight  verbal  changes,  that 
which  is  found  in  the  Roman  Missal.  It  appears 
most  likely  that  this  text  originally  ended  with  the 
seventeenth  stanza,  the  first  four  of  the  concluding 
six  lines  having  been  found  among  a  series  of  verses  on 
the  responsory  "Libera  me,  Domine"  in  a  MS.  of  the 
end  of  the  twelfth  or  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century  (cf.  Mone,  Lateinische  Hymnen  des  Mittelalt- 
ers,  Freiburg  im  Br.,  1863,  I,  406).  It  is  quite  prob- 
able that  the  sequence  was  first  intended  for  private 
devotion  and  that  subsequently  the  six  fines  were 
added  to  it  in  order  to  adapt  it  to  liturgical  use.  The 
composer  found  his  Biblical  text  in  Soph.  (i._  15,  16): 
"  Dies  iraj  dies  ilia  .  .  .  dies  tubae  et  clangoris";  and 
it  may  be  that  he  obtained  a  suggestion  for  his  wonder- 
ful rhythm  (cf.  Trench,  Sacred  Latin  Poetry,  3rd  ed., 
London,  1874,  p.  302,  foot-note)  from  a  tenth-century 
judgment  hymn  (given  in  two  forms  by  Dreves,  An- 
alecta  Hymnica,  Leipzig,  1896,  XXIII,  pp.  53,  54) 
containing  this  rhythnuzed  text  of  Sophonias: — 

Dies  ira;,  dies  ilia. 
Dies  nebula;  et  turbinis, 
Dies  tuba;  et  clangoris, 


Dies  nebulosa  valde, 
Qiiando  tenebrarum  pondus 
Cadet  super  peccatores. 

The  sequence  has  been  translated  many  times  into 
various  tongues,  the  largest  recorded  number  (234) 
being  English  renderings.  Among  the  names  of  those 
who  have  given  complete  or  fragmentary  translations 
are  those  of  Crashaw  (1646);  IJrvden  (1696);  Scott 
(1805);  Macaulay  (1819);  Father  Caswall  (1849). 
Amongst  .\merican  translators  we  find  Dr.  Abraham 
Coles,  a  physician  of  Newark,  credited  with  eighteen 
versions;  W.  W.  Nevin,  with  nine;  and  Rev.  Dr. 
Samuel  W.  Duffield,  with  six.  Space  wiU  not  permit 
here  an  analysis  of  the  Dies  Irae  or  any  quotation  of  the 
wealth  of  eulogy  passed  upon  it  by  hymnologists  of 
every  shade  of  rehgious  conviction,  save  fragments 
from  the  appreciations  of  Daniel:  "Saeroe  poeseos 
summum  decus  et  Ecclesioe  Latinae  keimelion  est 
pretiosis.simmn  "  (It  is  the  chief  glory  of  sacred  poetry 
and  the  most  precious  treasure  of  the  Latin  Church) ;  of 
Orby  Shipley,  in  the  "Dubhn  Review"  of  Jan.,  1883, 
who,  after  enumerating  some  hymns  "  which  are  only 
not  inspired,  or  which,  more  truly,  are  in  their  degree 
inspired",  says:  "But  beyond  them  all,  and  before 
them  all,  and  above  them  all  may,  perhaps,  be  placed 
Dies  irae,  by  Thomas  of  Celano";  of  Coles:  "Among 
gems  it  is  the  diamond.  It  is  solitary  in  its  excel- 
lence"; of  Dr.  Schatf :  "  This  marvellous  hymn  is  the 
acknowledged  masterpiece  of  Latin  poetry,  and  the 
most  sublime  of  all  uninspired  hymns  " ;  of  Dr.  Neale : 
".  .  .  the  Dies  irae  in  its  unapproached  glory ". 

Julian,  Dictionary  of  Hymnology  (Revised  ed.,  London, 
1907),  295-301,  1551,  1629,  gives  very  serviceable  references, 
but  strangely  omits  W.vrren,  Dies  2rce  (London.  1902),  who  de- 
votes 170  pages  to  his  theme,  prefacing  it  with  references  under 
the  heading  of  Literature  of  the  Dies  Iras.  To  their  lists  should 
be  added:  Shipley,  Annus  Sanclus  (London,  1884);  Anon., 
The  Srmi  Great  Hymns  of  the  Media-val  Church  (New  York, 
1S6S1;  Henry  in  The  Amer.  Ecclesiastical  Review  (.4pril, 
1890),  247-261;  Idem  in  The  Dolphin  (November,  1904,  to  May. 
1905),  an  extensive  series  of  articles  (144  pages)  on  the  history, 
literary  uses,  and  translations  of  the  Dies  irEe;  Clop  in  Revue 
du  Chant  Gregorien  (Nov.-Dec,  1907),  4(>-53,  who  discusses  the 
authorship  and  the  plain-song  melody  of  the  sequence;  Johneh, 
A  New  School  of  Gregorian  Chant  (New  York,  1906),  116. 

H.  T.  Henry. 


Dietenberger,  Joh.\nn,  theologian,  b.  about  1475 
at  Fnmkl'ort-cin-the-Main;  d.  4  Sept.,  1537,  at  Mainz. 
He  was  educated  in  his  native  city,  joined  the  Domini- 
can Order,  and  soon  distinguished  himself  by  his  at- 
tainments, both  religious  and  intellectual.  On  3  June, 
1511,  he  registered  at  Cologne  as  a  theological  student; 
three  years  later,  23  September,  1514,  he  was  admitted 
to  the  licentiate,  and  the  next  year,  after  some  time 
spent  at  Heidelberg  and  Mainz,  received  the  doctor's 
degree.  Towards  the  end  of  1517  Dietenberger  was 
ajipoiiited  Rcgens  sludiorum  and  interpreter  of  St. 
Thomas  at  Trier,  where  he  opened  his  lectures  27  Jan- 
uary, 1518.  In  the  meantime  he  had  been  elected 
(1516)  prior  of  his  convent  at  Frankfort,  and  he  re- 
tained this  office  until  1526,  when  he  became  prior  at 
Coblenz.  In  1530  Dietenberger  attended  the  Diet  of 
Augsburg  and  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  committee 
of  twenty  Catholic  theologians  selected  at  the  meeting 
of  27  June  and  presided  over  by  Eck,  to  draw  up  a  ref- 
utation of  the  Protestant  Confession.  About  the 
same  time  he  received  the  appointment  of  general  in- 
quisitor for  the  Dioceses  of  Jlainz  and  Cologne.  His 
last  years,  from  1532,  were  devoted  to  teaching  theo- 
logy and  exegesis  in  the  .\cademy  of  Mainz. 

Foremost  among  Dietenberger's  works  stands  his 
catechism:  " Evangel ischer  Bericht  und  Christliche 
Unterweisimg  der  ftirnehmlichsten  Stiick  des  waren 
heyligen  Christlichen  Glaubens",  published  first  at 
Mainz  in  15.37  and  often  re-edited,  lastly  by  Moufang 
(Die  Mainzer  Katechismen).  Next  should  be  men- 
tioned liietenberger's  German  Bible:  "Biblia  beider 
Allt   und   Newen   Testamenten,  new  verdeutscht". 


DIETHER 


789 


DIETRICH 


published  at  Mainz  in  1534.  This  work,  repeatedly 
corrcrted,  especially  by  Caspar  Ulenberg  (Cologne, 
1(130)  and  the  Jesuit  theologians  of  Mainz  (1(501),  was 
(lest  incd  to  become  for  the  German  people  "  Die  Kath- 
olische  Bibcl",  a  title  bespeaking  its  excellence.  Die- 
tcnljerger  has  been  frequently  charged  with  having 
purloined  Luther's  version.  True,  he  used  freely  the 
New  Testament  of  Eraser  (15'J7),  of  whom  Luther  was 
wont  to  say  that  "he  had  ploughed  with  his  heifers"; 
he  used  likewise  other  translations  compiled  in  pre- 
Reformation  times,  and  so  did  Luther.  These  facts 
may  accoimt  for  many  similarities;  moreover,  he  was 
well  actiuainted  with  the  versions  of  Luther  and  of 
Leo  of  Jutla,  and  confessedly  profited  by  them  to  im- 
prove his  own.  Besides  these  two  important  works, 
Dietenberger  composed  fifteen  polemical  tracts,  treat- 
ing various  subjects  then  much  mooted:  Mass,  con- 
fession, vows,  faith,  etc. 

W'EDKWER,  Johannes  Dietenberger,  sein  Leben  und  Wirken 
(Freiburg im  Br..  1888);  'WEDEWEHin  Kirchentex.,  s.v.l  Panzer, 
X'crsucJi  einer  kurzen  Ge^ch.  der  riimischkathoL  deutschen  Bibet- 
iibersetzung  (Nuremberg,  1781);  Fritsche,  Deutsche  Bibeluber' 
seliungen  ia  Herzog's  Real-Encyc.  (2d  ed.),  Ill,  543. 

Charles  L.  Sodvay. 

Diether  of  Isenburg,  Archbishop  and  Elector  of 
Mainz,  b.  about  1412;  d.  7  May,  1482,  at  Aschaffen- 
burg.  He  studied  at  the  University  of  Erfurt,  of 
which  he  became  Rector  in  14.34.  At  the  age  of  six- 
teen he  was  already  canon  at  the  cathedral  of  Mainz 
and,  somewhat  later,  held  prebends  in  the  cathedrals 
of  Cologne  and  Trier.  In  1442  he  became  provost  in 
the  collegiate  churches  of  St.  Victor  and  St.  John  in 
Mainz,  and  in  1453  custos  of  the  cathedral  chapter  in 
the  same  city.  In  1456,  Diether  aspired  to  the  vacant 
See  of  Trier,  probably  attempting  to  gain  votes 
through  simony;  but  the  m.ajority  of  the  voters  de- 
cided in  favour  of  John  of  Baden.  But  after  the  death 
of  Dietrich  of  Erbach,  the  .\rchbishop  and  Elector  of 
Mainz  (d.  0  May,  1459),  Diether's  ambitious  aspira- 
tions were  realized.  Probably  through  simony  he 
was  elected  to  this  see  on  IS  June,  1459,  and  entered 
upon  his  office  without  awaiting  the  approval  either  of 
pope  or  emperor.  Pope  Pius  II  was  then  holding  a 
congress  at  Mantua  with  the  object  of  influencing  the 
princes  of  Europe  to  undertake  a  crusade  against  the 
Turks,  and  was  greatly  disappointed  at  the  small  num- 
ber of  princes  that  appeared  at  the  congress.  Upon 
hearing  that  Diether  did  not  intend  to  come  to  Man- 
tua, but  had  sent  envoys  to  obtain  the  papal  confirma- 
tion, he  sent  word  to  him  that,  if  he  desired  the  Bull  of 
confirmation  and  the  pallium,  he  would  have  to  come 
to  Mantua  in  person.  By  pleading  sickness  and  lack 
of  funds,  Diether  finally  prevailed  upon  Pius  II  to  send 
the  Bull  of  confirmation  r.nd  the  pallium,  but  only 
after  promising  under  oath  to  appear  personally  before 
the  papal  court  within  a  yi-ar  and  to  pay  the  ann.ates, 
which  amoimted  to  20, .550  RhenLsh  florins.  When 
Diether  kept  neither  of  these  promises,  the  Curia  pun- 
ished him  with  minor  excommunication.  Angered 
at  this  act,  he  convened  .'  diet  at  Nuremberg  in  Febru- 
ary, 1461,  at  wliich  he  made  a  formal  ai)pcal  to  a  fu- 
ture general  council,  despite  the  fact  that  Pius  II  in 
his  Bull"ExsecrabiIis"  (18  Jan.,  1460)  had  condemned 
such  appeals  as  heretical.  When  all  the  efforts  of  the 
pope  to  bring  about  an  amicable  settlement  were 
frustrated  by  the  rebellious  archbishop,  the  pope  ex- 
communicated and  deposed  Diether  in  a  Bull  dated 
21  August,  1461,  and  appointed  Adolf  of  Nassau  in  his 
place.  Diether  tried  to  retain  his  see  by  arras,  but 
was  compelled  to  jneld  to  the  superior  forces  of  .^dolph 
of  Nas,sau  in  October,  1463.  After  submitting  to  the 
new  archbishop  and  apologizing  to  the  papal  pleni- 
potentiary, Pietro  Ferrici,  he  was  absolved  from  the 
sentence  of  excommunication.  Upon  the  death  of 
Adolf  of  Nassau,  on  6  Sept.,  1475,  Diether  w;i.s  again 
elected  archbishop  of  Mainz  and  received  both  papal 
and  imperial  approbation.     His  past  misfortune  had 


made  him  a  better  man.  He  enforced  strict  ecclesias- 
tical discipline  among  the  clergy,  watched  carefully 
over  the  integrity  of  faith,  and  worked  strenuously 
for  the  advancement  of  commerce  and  education.  At 
(he  northern  end  of  Mainz  he  erected  the  Martinsburg 
as  an  archicpiscopal  residence,  anil  in  1477  founded 
the  University  of  Mainz,  which  continued  to  exist  until 
1798. 

Menzel,  Diether  von  Isenburg  (Erlangen,  1867):  Annalen 
des  Vereins  jiir  nassauische  Alterthumskunde  (\Vie.sbaden),  X 
and  XII;  Pastor,  Geschichte  der  Piipste  (2  ed.,  Freiburg.  1894), 
II.  122  sqq..  tr.  Antrobus  (London,  1894),  III,  164  suq.; 
GuNDLACH,  Hessm  und  die  Maimer  Stiftsfchdr,  1461-63  (Mar- 
burger  Dissertation,  1898). 

Michael  Ott. 

Dietrich  von  Nieheim  (Niem),  b.  in  the  Diocese  of 
Paderborn,  between  1338  and  1340;  d.  at  Maas- 
tricht, 22  March,  1418,  a  medieval  German  historian, 
best  known  for  his  contributions  to  the  history  of  the 
Western  Schism.  He  took  his  surname  from  the 
little  town  of  Nieheim  (in  the  Prussian  district  of 
Minden).  Nothing  is  known  about  liis  family,  and 
but  little  about  his  life  previous  to  his  entry  into  the 
service  of  the  papal  Curia.  He  spent  some  time  in 
Italy  in  the  study  of  law,  but  never  obtained  the  de- 
gree of  Doctor.  Under  Urban  V  (1362-70)  he  came  to 
Avignon,  and  obtained  in  the  papal  chancerj'  the 
office  of  notary  (notarius  s.  piihitii),  to  keep  which  he 
had  to  take  orders,  if  he  had  not  already  taken  them. 
When  Gregory  XI  returned  to  Rome  (1377)  Dietrich 
accompanied  him.  LTrban  VI  conferred  on  him  the 
lucrative  and  important  office  of  ubbrevialor  et  scriptor 
in  the  papal  chancery  (see  Abbrevi.\tors);  this  post 
he  retained  under  succeeding  popes.  Boniface  IX 
made  him  Bishop  of  Vcrden  (July,  1395),  but  he  never 
obtained  possession  of  this  Cierman  bishopric;  prob- 
ably, as  Eubel  suggests  (Hierarchi.a  catholica  medii 
a-vi,  I,  553),  because  Dietrich  did  not  expedite  with 
due  promptness  the  documents  of  his  nomination.  In 
August,  1.399,  another  Bishop  of  Verden  was  nomin- 
ated, Konrad  von  Soltau;  Dietrich  remained  as  be- 
fore a  papal  abbreviator.  In  his  writings  Dietrich  is 
silent  about  this  Verden  incident;  in  a  manuscript  of 
the  archives  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome  Dr.  Giiller  has  dis- 
covered twenty-six  letters  of  the  years  1398-99  which 
refer  to  Dietrich;  when  published  they  will  probably 
cast  more  light  on  this  period  of  his  life  (cf.  Rcimische 
Quartalschrift,  1905,  82-83).  About  Easter,  1401, 
Dietrich  was  at  Erfurt  in  Germany,  where  he  matricu- 
lated at  the  university;  in  1403  we  find  him  again 
active  at  Rome  as  abbreviator.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century  Johann  Peters  of  Dordrecht 
had  founded  at  Rome  a  hospital  for  German  pilgrims, 
known  as  Santa  Maria  dell'  Anima,  still  in  existence 
and  united  with  the  (Jennan  national  church  at  Rome 
(see  Anima,  Santa  Maria  dell').  Dietrich  was  an 
energetic  promoter  of  the  new  foundation,  to  such  an 
extent  that  after  Peters  he  deserves  to  be  considered 
its  chief  founder. 

Meanwhile  the  Western  Schism  (q.  v.),  begun  in 
1378,  was  still  dividing  the  Catholic  world.  As  a 
member  of  the  papal  Curia,  Dietrich  was  thoroughly 
informed  concerning  the  origin  and  development  of 
this  unhai)py  division,  and  was  very  active  in  an 
effort  to  clo.se  the  schism.  Dissatisfied  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  two  popes,  Gregory  XII  (1406-15)  at 
Rome,  and  Benedict  XIII  (1394-1417)  at  Avignon, 
he  adhered  to  the  Council  of  Pisa  convoked  (1409)  by 
the  cardinals.  He  took  no  part  in  the  council  itself, 
being  then  in  Germany,  but  he  worketl  for  the  party 
of  the  council,  recognized  as  legitimate  the  Pisan  pope, 
Alexander  V  (1409-10),  also  his  successor,  John 
XXIII  (1410-15),  and  entered  their  service.  During 
these  years  his  pen  was  ever  active  in  the  interest  of 
ecclesiastical  unity.  He  is  certainly  the  author  of  the 
work  known  as  "Nemus  Unionis",  in  which  he  de- 
scribes the  various  ways  (vice)  for  putting  an  end  to  the 


DIETRICH 


790 


DIETRICH 


schism,  and  gives  important  letters  and  acts  (the  work 
was  finished  25  July,  1408;  ed.  Schard,  Basle,  1566). 
He  also  wrote  "De  scismate  libri  tres",  his  most  im- 
portant work,  finished  in  May,  1410  (ed.  Erler,  Leip- 
zig, 1890),  in  which  he  delineates  the  origin  and  the 
history  of  the  schism  up  to  the  coronation  of  John 
XXIII;  the  abundance  of  its  materials  makes  this 
work  one  of  the  most  important  authorities  for  the 
last  stages  of  the  schism.  His  judgments,  however, 
concerning  persons  and  facts  must  be  taken  with 
caution,  Dietrich  being  strongly  partisan.  To  John 
XXIII  himself  he  addressed  (perhaps  in  1410)  a  letter 
about  the  proper  administration  of  his  office  ("Epis- 
tola  ad  dominum  Johannem  XXIII  transmissa  de 
bono  Romani  pontificis  regimine",  ed.  Rattinger,  in 
" Historisches  Jahrbuch",  1884,  163-78).  This  was 
preceded  by  a  letter  of  admonition  to  the  cardinals 
who  were  to  elect  John  XXIII  ("Informacio  facta 
cardinalibus  in  conclavi  ante  electionem  Papie  Jo- 
hannis  XXIII  moderni",  written  in  1410;  ed.  Erler, 
"Dietrich  von  Nieheim",  Documents,  XXX-XLI). 
Of  other  works  ascribed  to  him  mention  shall  be  made 
later. 

Towards  the  end  of  1414  was  opened  the  Council  of 
Constance,  destined,  if  not  to  remedy  all  the  evils  of 
the  time,  at  least  to  put  an  end  to  the  schLsm.  From 
March,  1415,  Dietrich  was  present  at  Constance  and 
exerted  his  best  efforts  for  the  restoration  of  ecclesias- 
tical unity.  He  was  dissatisfied  with  the  attitude  of 
John  XXIII,  and  when  the  latter  fled  from  Constance 
(20  March,  1415)  Dietrich  renounced  him.  Later,  in 
continuation  of  hLs  aforesaid  work  on  the  schism,  Diet- 
rich wrote  a  history  of  John  XXIII  to  Jime,  1416 
("Historia  de  Vita  Johannis  XXIII",  first  printed  at 
Frankfort,  1620).  This  work  is  at  the  same  time  a 
history  of  the  Council  of  Constance  to  the  middle  of 
1416;  it  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  author's 
judgment  is  seriously  affected  by  his  passionate  oppo- 
sition to  John  XXIII.  Another  violent  lampoon 
against  this  pope,  the  "Invectiva  in  diffugientem  e 
Constantiensi  concilio  Johannem  XXIII"  (ed.  von 
der  Hardt,  "Const.  Cone",  III,  XIV,  296-330)  is  at- 
tributed to  Dietrich;  it  is  not  certain,  however,  that 
he  is  the  author  of  this  fierce  pamphlet;  Finke  rejects 
quite  positively  the  authorship  of  Dietrich  (Romische 
Quartalschrift  fiir  christl.  Altertumskunde  und  fiir 
Kirchengesch.,  1887,  48  sqq.).  During  the  council 
Dietrich  kept  a  diary,  as  he  himself  mentions  in  his 
"Vita  Johannis  XXIII";  some  fragments  of  it,  ac- 
cording to  Finke,  are  still  recognizable  (op.  cit.,  1887, 
46-58). 

Any  final  judgment  on  the  attitude  and  influence  of 
Dietrich  at  Constance  must  depend  on  the  authorship 
of  three  pubUcations  often  attributed  to  him,  and 
dealing  particularly  with  the  schism  and  the  efforts  at 
reunion.  These  are:  (1)  "De  necessitate  reforma- 
tionis  Ecclesite  in  capite  et  in  mymbris";  also  entitled 
"Avisamenta  pulcherrima  de  unione  et  reformatione 
membrorum  et  capitis  fienda"  (written  1414;  ed.  von 
der  Hardt,  in  "Const.ant.  Concil.",  I,  VII,  277-.309; 
the  latter  part  of  it  ed.  by  Finke  in  "Forschungen  zur 
Geschichte  der  Konstanzer  Konzils",  Paderbom, 
1890,  267-268) ;  (2)  "  De  modis  uniendi  ac  reformandi 
ecclesiam  in  concilio  universali"  (written  1410,  ed.  von 
der  Hardt,  op.  cit.,  I,  V,  68-142);  (3)  "De  difhcultate 
reformationis  Ecclesis  in  concilio  universali"  (written 
August,  1410;  ed.  von  der  Hardt,  op.  cit.,  I,  VI,  255- 
69).  Von  der  Hardt  attributed  the  treatise  "De 
modis  uniendi"  to  Johannes  Gerson,  the  two  others  to 
Pierre  d'Ailly,  but  was  of  the  opinion  that  perhaps 
Dietrich  von  Nieheim  might  be  the  author  of  the  "De 
necessitate  reformationis".  Schwab  has  shown  (Jo- 
hannes Gerson,  Wilrzburg,  1858)  that  neither  Gerson 
nor  d'Ailly  can  be  regarcled  as  the  author  of  these 
works;  he  ascribed  "De  modis  uniendi"  to  the  Span- 
ish Benedictine  abbot  and  professor  at  Bologna, 
Andreas   of    Randuf.     The    other   two   treatises,  he 


believed,  were  composed  by  Dietrich  von  Nieheim. 
Sagmiiller  also  saw  in  the  aforesaid  Abbot  .\ndreas  the 
author  of  "De  modis  uniendi"  (Historisches  Jahrbuch, 
1893,  562-82).  Lenz,  however,  attributes  to  Die- 
trich all  three  works  (see  below),  and  his  opinion  has 
been  accepted  by  most  later  historians;  Finke,  espe- 
cially, has  confirmed  it  by  numerous  arguments.  Er- 
ler, however,  to  whom  we  owe  a  detailed  life  of  Die- 
trich (see  below),  does  not  admit  his  authorship  of  the 
works  in  question,  while  Haller  agrees  with  him  in  re- 
spect to  the  treatise  "De  modis  uniendi".  Mulder 
has  examined  (1907)  fully  (see  below)  the  attitude  of 
Dietrich  towards  the  theological  theories  prevalent  at 
the  council  and  the  contemporaiy  plans  for  extinction 
of  the  schism.  He  concludes  that  Dietrich  certainly 
wrote  the  "  De  necessitate  reformationis "  but  not  the 
other  two  treatises.  In  these  three  works  there  is 
developed  a  detailed  programme  of  ecclesiastical  re- 
form: all  three  popes  are  to  be  removed  and  the  elec- 
tion of  the  new  pope  is  to  be  committed  to  a  special 
electoral  assembly.  The  new  pope  must  execute, 
during  the  council,  the  desired  refonns  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Roman  Curia,  and  the  particular  practi- 
cal measures  are  specified.  Erler,  as  has  been  seen, 
denies  Dietrich's  authorship  of  those  treatises,  and 
therefore  sees  in  him  only  a  very  clever  papal  fimc- 
tionary,  who  had  no  higher  aims  than  the  extinction  of 
the  schism  and  a  reform  of  the  papal  chancery. 
Finke  on  the  contrary,  accepting  the  authorship  of 
Dietrich,  thinks  that  with  time  his  views  grew 
broader,  and  that,  in  spite  of  hLs  weakness  as  an  his- 
torian, his  bold  and  influential  ideas  on  ecclesiastical 
reforms  made  him  eventually  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant figures  of  the  early  fifteenth  century.  He  calls 
him  the  greatest  publicist  of  the  later  Miildle  Ages. 

After  the  council  we  find  Dietrich  at  Maastricht, 
where  he  possessed  a  canonicate;  there  he  fell  ill,  and 
on  15  March,  1418,  made  his  testament,  by  which  he 
bequeathed  his  property  on  the  German  side  of  the 
Alps  to  the  hospital  newly  built  by  him  at  Hameln, 
and  his  Italian  possessions  to  the  German  hospital  of 
Santa  Maria  dell'  Anima  at  Rome.  He  died  in  the 
same  month,  probably,  as  stated  above,  22  March. 
Besides  the  works  already  mentioned  Dietrich  com- 
posed several  others,  among  them  an  historical  work 
entitled  "Privilegia  aut  jura  imperii  circa  investituras 
episcopatuum  et  abbatiarum,"  etc.  (ed.  Schard,  Syl- 
loge  de  jurisdictione  imp  ,  Basle,  1566,  785-859), 
chiefly  an  account  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  Of 
the  "Clironicon"  composed  by  him  only  fragments 
are  extant,  discovered  and  published  by  Sauerland 
(Mitteihmgcn  lies  Instituts  fiir  cesterr.  Gesch.,  1885, 
589-614;  also  separately  at  Frankfort,  1885)  and  by 
Mulder  (.see  below).  A  chronicle  of  the  popes,  part  of 
the  Liber  Pontificalis  (Vita?  pontificum  Romanorum  a 
Nicolao  IV  usque  ad  Urbanum  V)  formerly  ascribed  to 
Dietrich,  it  is  now  known,  was  not  written  by  him. 
Probably,  also,  he  is  not  the  author  of  a  pamphlet 
against  Cardinal  Johannes  Dominici  ("Epistola  Luci- 
feri  sen  Satanic  ad  Johannem  Dominici,  ord.  Praed. 
presb.  card.  S.  Sixti",  ed.  in  "Nemus  unionis").  A 
geographical  work  entitled  "De  regionibus  orbis  et 
qualitatibus  habitantium  in  eisdem"  written  in  1407- 
1408,  is  lost.  In  1411  he  composed  a  treatise  against 
the  heresies  of  Wyclif:  "Tractatus  contra  dampnatos 
Wiclivitas  Pragce"  (ed.  Erler  in  "Zeitschrift  fur 
vaterliindische  Gesch.  und  Altertumskunde",  Mun- 
ster,  1885,  I,  178-98).  For  the  functionaries  of  the 
papal  chancery  he  compileil  the  guide  known  as 
"Liber  cancellarise  apostolicae".  He  also  compiled  a 
short  guide  to  the  regular  praxis  of  curial  administra- 
tion, "Stilus  palatii  abbreviatus"  (both  edited  by 
Erler,  "Der  I^iber  cancellariiB  apostolicse  voni  Jahre 
1380  und  der  Stilus  palatii  abbreviatus  vom  Dietrich 
von  Nieheim",  Leipzig,  1888). 

Von  dkh  Hakdt,  Mnimum  el  ircumrnicum  Conslanticnee  Con- 
cilium (6  vols.,  lleliiisUiJt,  1700);    Schwab,  Johannes  Gerson 


791 


DIOBY 


(Wuraburg,  1858);  SACERLANn,  Das  Lehen  des  Dietrich  von 
Niehrim  (Oottingen,  1875);  Idem,  Anmcrkuntjen  zu  Dietrich 
von  Nicheims  Werke  de  scismate  in  Historisdics  Jahrbuch  (1886), 
59-66;  Idem,  Der  sogcn.  liricfwechsel  dcs  Trierer  Erzbisch^fs 
Hillin  itnd  Dietrich  von  Nicheims  Chronik  in  Neues  Arc)iiv 
(18S7),  599-601;  Lenz,  Drei  Traklate  aus  dem  Schriftencyclus 
des  Constanser  Concils  (Marlnir!^.  1S761:  Krvtse.  Dietrich  von 
Nwm,  Konrad  von  Vechfii.  h  i  ,n    ',,,/,      ',  -    I  > --- 

deti   in  Forschungen    c<',  '  .XT'.      '-    *  .       '-.' 

sqq..  XXII  (1882),  24S  >.;  i  ,     II.    ,  /  ,       ,,- 

dorich  von  Nicheim  in  Di  r  /\  i-"',  m'  i  t  smi  ■,  1 .  li  J  -iji^  ;  1  i  \  n-.  i  u, 
Beitraf/c  zu  dem  Leben  und  tUn  >Scfirif/in  Dirtricfm  von  Niem  in 
Forschungen  zur  deutschenGcsch,,  XXI  (1881).  G7  sqq.;  Idem, 
Dietrich  von  Niem  in  Zeilschrift  fiir  allgemeinc  Gesch.  (1885).  401 
sqq..  516  sqq.;  Fritz,  Zur  Quellencritik  drr  .^chnften  Dietrichs 
von  Xiem  (Paderborn,  1886);  Idem,  Isl  /'.  ■'  - '.  ,  A',  dcr  Ver- 
fastter  der  drei  Constamer  Tractate  in  Zi '  I .  (}csch,t 

XLVI.  157  sqq.;    Ehi-er.  Dietrich  von  .\  •  I  ,hrn  und 

seint  Schrijten  (Leipzig.  1SS7);    Finkk,  ,  /     .  '-     /i.t  ilbcT 

das  Konstanzer  Konzil  in  Romische  0""  /    ''  christl. 

Altertiimskunde  und  fiir  Kirchengesch.  (1^-  i'  ,  i  .  Imfm.  Zu 
Dietrich  von   Niem   und   Marsilius   V"'    I  '     i    il893), 

244  sqq.;  Idem,  Forschungen  und  Quelttn  i:-,-  'j.-V^  /ts'  Kon- 
stanzer Konzih  (Paderborn.  1889),  132  sqq.;  S.^gmuller.  Der 
Verfasscr  des  Traktates  de  vwdis  unicndi  vom  Jahre  lUlO  in  His- 
torisehcs  Jahrbuch  (1893)  562  sqq.;  Idem.  Dietrich  von  Xiem 
und  der  Liber  pontificalis.  ibid.  (1894),  802  sqq.;  Idem.  Ubcr 
den  ri.  Traktat  des  Nemus  unionis.  ibid.  (1904).  531  sqq.; 
Haller.  Papsttum  und  Kirchenreform:  vier  Kapitel  zur  Gesch. 
des  ausgehcmlen  M.  A.  (Berlin.  1903),  I,  186  sqq.,  483  sqq.; 
SrHMlDLlN.  Gesch.  der  deutschen  Nationalkirche  in  Rom  S.  Maria 
deir  Anima  (Freiburg,  1906);  Mulder.  Dietrich  von  Nicheim  zijn 
oppvating  van  het  Concitie  en  zijn  Kronik  (Amsterdam.  1907); 
PoTTHAST,  Bibliotheca  historica  mcdii  <Evi  (Berlin,  1906),  II, 
1051  sqq. 

J.    P.    KiRSCH. 

Digby,  Geokge,  second  Earl  of  Bristol,  b.  at  Mad- 
rid,  Sp.iin,  where  his  father,  the  first  earl,  was  ambas- 
sador, lfil2;  d.  at  CheLsca.  England,  1677.  As  a  boy 
of  twelve  he  presented  a  petition  at  the  bar  of  the 
House  of  Commons  on  behalf  of  his  father  who  had 
been  committed  to  the  Tower  by  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham. He  was  educated  at  Magdalen  College,  Ox- 
ford, where  he  became  M.  A.,  31  Aug.,  1()36.  Shortly 
afterwards  he  entered  into  a  correspondence  with  his 
kinsman.  Sir  Kenelm  Digby,  in  which  he  attacked  the 
C:itliolic  Church.  In  the  struggle  between  king  and 
P;irliainent  he  was  at  first  on  the  side  of  the  Parlia- 
ment. He  was  elected  member  for  Dorset  in  1640  and 
was  shortly  afterwards  made  a  member  of  the  com- 
mittee which  undertook  to  impeach  St  raff  ord.  When 
the  inipeaclunent  w;is  abandoned  for  process  of  at- 
tainder, however,  he  vigorously  oppo.sed  it  and  thus 
incurre<l  unpopularity  with  his  own  party.  In  1641 
he  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Lords  as  Baron  Digby 
and  joined  the  king's  party.  His  advice  to  the  king 
upon  the  retreat  of  the  five  meml)crs  to  the  city,  that 
they  should  be  seized  by  force,  was  rejected  by 
Charles,  Init,  becoming  known,  added  greatly  to  his 
unpopularity.  Shortly  aftenvards,  being  summoned 
before  the  House  of  Lords  to  answer  for  his  conduct, 
he  fled  to  Holland  Returning  during  the  Civil  War, 
he  fought  at  Edgehill  and  Lichfield,  but  resigned  his 
command  by  reason  of  a  quarrel  with  Prince  Rupert. 
In  Sept.,  1(343,  he  was  made  secretary  of  state  and 
privy  councillor,  in  which  oflSces  he  was  not  suc- 
cessful. 

In  1645  Digby  replaced  Rupert  as  lieutenant-general 
of  the  king's  forces  north  of  the  Trent,  but  was  de- 
feated at  Carlisle  Sands  and  fled  to  the  Isle  of  Man. 
He  next  took  service  under  the  King  of  France,  and  ho 
became  a  lieutenant-general  in  the  French  army  in 
1651.  On  6  Jan.,  16.'>3,  he  succeeded  his  father  as 
Earl  of  Bristol  and  w.as  made  Knight  of  the  Garter. 
Owing  to  an  unsuccessful  intrigue  against  Mazarin  he 
was  ordered  to  leave  France,  and  he  proceeded  to  the 
Netherlands,  where  he  visited  Charles  II  then  in  e.xile. 
In  1657  he  was  reappointed  secretary  of  state  but 
again  lost  office  on  his  conversion  to  the  Catholic 
Faith.  On  the  Restoration  he  retunied  to  England, 
becoming  a  political  opponent  of  Clarendon.  This  dis- 
pleased the  king,  and  Digby  spent  two  years  in  con- 
cealment, till  clarendon's  fall.  Though  a  Catholic  he 
spoke  in  favour  of  the  Test  Act,  drawing  a  distinction 


between  a  "Catholic  of  the  Church  of  Rome"  and  a 
"Catholic  of  flie  Court  of  Rome".  He  was  High 
Steward  of  Oxford  University  1643-46  and  again 
1660-1663.  He  published  "The  Lord  George  Dig- 
bie's  Apology  for  Himself"  (1642)  and  "Elvira,  a 
Comedy"  (1667).  Many  of  his  speeches  and  letters 
were  also  published. 

Wood,  Athenai  Oxon.,  Bliss  ed.  (London,  1817),  III,  1100 
sqq.;  Clarendon,  History  of  the  Rebellion,  ed.  Macray  (Ox- 
ford, 1888);  Dodd,  CAurcftHwforj/ (Brussels.  1739).  Ill;  Wal- 
pole,  Cataloque  of  Royal  and  Noble  Authors  (London,  1806); 
Gillow,  Bibl.  Did.  Eng.  Cath.^  s.  v.;  Kussell  Barker  in 
Diet.  Nat.  Biog.,  a.  v. 

Edwin  BunxoN. 

Digby,  Kenelm  Henry,  miscellaneous  writer,  b.  in 
Ireland.  ISOO;  d.  at  Kensington,  Middlesex,  England, 
22  March,  1S80.  He  came  of  an  ancient  English  stock 
branching,  in  Elizabeth's  reign,  into  Ireland,  by  the 
marriage  of  Sir  Robert  Digby,  of  ('oleshill,  Co.  War- 
wick, with  Lettice  FitzGerald,  only  daughter  and  heir 
of  Gerald,  Lord  Oifaly,  eldest  son  of  the  eleventh  Earl 
of  Kildare.  The  eldest  son  of  this  Robert  and  Lettice 
became  the  first  Lord  Digby.  Their  second  son,  Es- 
sex Digby,  Bishop  of  Dromore,  was  father  of  Simon 
Digby,  Bishop  successively  of  Limerick  and  Elphin, 
whose  son  John  Digby,  of  Landenstown,  Co.  Kildare, 
was  father  of  William  Digby,  Dean  of  Clonfert.  Ke- 
nelm Henry  Digby  was  this  latter's  youngest  son. 
Thus  his  early  surroundings  and  associations  were 
strongly  Protestant.  His  father  died  in  1812,  when 
his  eldest  brother,  William,  was  already  Archdeacon 
of  Elphin.  Unlike  these,  who  had  graduated  in  Dub- 
lin University,  Kenelm  Henry  matriculated  at  the 
University  of  Cambridge,  entering  at  Trinity  College 
there.  His  B.  A.  degree  he  took  in  1S19,  but  he  never 
proceeded  M.  A.  Amid  the  many  venerable  and  sug- 
gestive monuments  of  Catliolic  antic|uity  which  Cam- 
bridge shows,  he  gradually  ga\e  his  mind  more  and 
more  to  those  "Ages  of  Faith"  which  he  had  been 
taught  to  despise  and  afterwards  to  the  scholastic 
system  of  theology.  The  result  of  his  deep  study  of 
these  lofty  subjects  was  his  conversion,  in  youth,  to 
the  Catliolic  Faith.  His  fir.st  book,  "The  Broadstone 
of  Honour",  he  published  .anonymou.sly  in  1822,  while 
still  nominally  a  Protestant,  and  an  enlarged  edition, 
again  anonymously,  the  year  following.  After  his 
conversion  he  rewrote  the  work,  dividing  it  into  four 
volumes,  which  appeared,  each  with  a  separate  sub- 
title, in  1826-7.  Two  other  editions  followed,  and 
lastly  an  edition  de  luxe,  in  five  volumes,  published  by 
Quaritch,  in  1876-7.  According  to  its  various  second- 
ary titles,  this  masterpiece  treats  of  "the  Origin, 
Spirit,  and  Institutions  of  Christian  (liivalry",  or 
"the  True  Sense  and  Practice  of  Chivalry".  Arch- 
deacon Hare,  in  his  "Guesses  at  Truth",  says  that  in 
this  work  the  author  "identifies  himself  as  few  have 
ever  done  with  the  good  and  great  and  heroic  and  holy 
in  former  times,  and  ever  rejoices  in  passing  out  of 
himself  into  them". 

Digby's  second  literary  performance,  entitled 
"Mores  Catholic!,  or  Ages  of  Faith",  came  out  in 
1831—10  in  eleven  volumes,  in  a  later  edition  reduced 
to  three.  In  this  work  he  collected,  mostly  from  the 
original  sources,  a  vast  mass  of  information  concern- 
ing the  religious,  social,  and  artistic  life  of  the  medi- 
eval peoples  of  Europe.  It  is,  indeed,  a  kind  of  ency- 
clopedia of  the  medieval  life,  from  the  viewpoint  of  an 
ardently  Catholic  soul.  It  has  been  well  said  that  in 
it  he  collected  like  a  truly  pious  pilgrim  the  fragrance 
of  ancient  times.  Various  other  publications,  some 
in  prose,  some  in  ver.se,  dropped  from  his  prolific  pen 
from  time  to  time  down  to  1876 ;  but  these,  in  compar- 
ison with  his  "Broadstone  of  Honour"  and  "Mores 
Catholici",  are  but  minor  performances.  Tlie  most 
important  of  them  is  a  work  entitled  "Compitum,  or 
the  Meeting  of  Ways  at  the  Catholic  Church".  The 
complete  list  of  his  published  works  may  be  seen  in 


DIGBY 


792 


DIGBY 


Gillow's  "Dictionary".  His  long,  studious,  and  re- 
tired life  closed  at  Shaftesbury  House,  Kensington,  in 
his  eighty-first  year,  after  a  very  short  illness.  His 
wife  was  Jane  Mary,  daughter  of  Thomas  Dillon,  of 
Mount  Dillon,  Co.  Dublin,  who  bore  him  a  son  and 
four  daughters. 

Cooper  in  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  s.  v.;  Gillow.  Bihl.  Did.  Eng. 
Cath.,  s.  v.;  Tablet  (London,  27  March,  18S0) ;  Weekly  Regis- 
ter (London.  27  March,  ISSO);  Times,  (London,  24 March,  1880); 
Dublin  Review  (London).  XXV,  463,  XLVIII,  526;  Athenwum 
(London,  1880),  I.  411,  440. 

C.   T.   BOOTHMAN. 

Digby,  Sir  Everard,  b.  16  May,  1578;  d.  30  Jan., 
1606.  Everard  Digby,  whose  father  bore  the  same 
Christian  name,  succeeded  in  his  fourteenth  year  to 
large  properties  in  the  Counties  of  Lincoln,  Leicester, 
and  Rutland.  Arrived  at  man's  estate,  he  was  dis- 
tinguished for  his  great  stature  and  bodily  strength,  as 
well  as  for  his  accomplished  horsemanship  and  skill  in 
field  sports  generally,  to  which  he  was  much  devoted. 
For  some  time  he  frequented  the  court  of  Queen  Eliz- 
abeth. In  1596  he  married  Mary,  only  daughter  and 
heiress  of  William  Mulsho  of  Goathurst,  Buckingham- 
shire, with  whom  he  obtained  a  large  accession  of  for- 
tune, and  by  whom  he  had  two  sons,  Kenelm,  born  in 
1603,  and  John,  in  1605.  About  1599  Digby,  who, 
although  his  parents  seem  to  have  been  Catholics,  had 
been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  made  the  acquaintance 
of  the  Jesuit  Father,  John  Gerard,  with  the  result  that 
both  he  and  his  wife  were  converted  to  the  Catholic 
Faith,  and  he  formed  with  Gerard  so  close  a  friendship 
that  they  were  accustomed  to  speak  of  each  other  as 
"  brothers  ".  In  160<3  he  was  one  of  those  who  assem- 
bled at  Belvoir  Castle  to  welcome  James  I  on  his  prog- 
ress towards  London,  and  he  was  knighted  by  the 
new  king  on  the  23rd  of  April  in  that  year. 

In  spite  of  what  might  have  appeared  so  auspicious 
a  commencement,  there  soon  followed  the  fatal  Pow- 
der Plot,  which  brought  Sir  Everard's  career  to  an 
ignommious  close  by  a  traitor's  death,  while  yet  only 
in  his  twenty-eighth  year.  It  is  for  his  share  in  this, 
almost  exclusively,  that  he  is  now  remembered.  In 
the  "Dictionary  of  National  Biography"  he  is  com- 
pendiously described  as  ''Conspirator",  and  one  of  his 
descendants  has  recently  published  his  biography  un- 
der the  title  "Life  of  a  Conspirator".  In  truth,  how- 
ever, of  all  who  had  a  share  in  the  criminal  folly  of  that 
deplorable  enterprise,  there  is  none  to  whom  the  title 
can  less  properly  be  applied,  for  he  had  no  part  either  in 
the  conception  of  the  plot,  or  in  the  preparation  for  its 
accomplishment,  and  was  not  even  aware  of  its  exist- 
ence till  the  eleventh  hour.  His  initiation  in  the 
secret  was  due  to  the  lack  of  funds.  Owing  to  the 
delay  occasioned  by  an  unexpected  prorogation  of 
Parliament,  Catesby,  the  ringleader  of  the  whole  de- 
sign, finding  his  own  treasury  exhausted,  sought  to 
enlist  as  associates  some  men  of  substance.  One  of 
these  was  Digby,  who  was  inducted  and  sworn  in 
"about  a  week  after  Michaelmas",  1605,  or  just  a 
month  before  the  fatal  5th  of  November. 

When  the  time  of  action  approached,  Digby  was  as- 
signed the  part  of  preparing  for  the  rising  which  was  to 
follow  the  explosion  in  London,  and  to  put  the  con- 
duct of  affairs  into  the  hands  of  the  conspirators  once 
the  blow  was  struck.  For  this  purpose  he  rented 
Coughton  Hall,  the  seat  of  the  Throckmortons,  near 
Alcester,  and  arranged  for  a  great  "hunting  match" 
upon  Dunsmoor  Heath,  near  Rugby,  to  which  many 
Catholic  gentlemen  were  to  be  gathered,  and  which 
was  fixed  for  the  5th  of  November  itself.  When  the 
news  of  the  catastrophe  at  Westminster  should  arrive, 
it  was  hoped  that  the  party  so  assembled,  when  they 
heard  what  had  happened,  would  form  the  nucleus  of 
a  force  by  means  of  which  the  further  designs  of  the 
conspirators  might  be  carried  out. 

When,  on  the  evening  of  the  5th,  Catesby  and  others 
arrived  with  tidings  of  the  discovery  of  their  design 


and  the  arrest  of  Faukes,  Digby  joined  them  in  their 
desperate  attempt  to  raise  a  rebellion,  and  was  captured 
with  the  survivors  of  the  party  at  Holbeche  on  the 
8th.  At  their  trial  on  the  27th  of  January,  Digby, 
who  alone  pleaded  guilty,  was  arraigned  separately 
from  the  rest,  but  received  the  same  sentence  of  death, 
with  all  the  ghastly  barbarities  usual  in  cases  of  trea- 
son. Three  days  later,  .30  January,  with  three  of  his 
accomplices,  Robert  Winter,  Grant,  and  Bates,  he 
suffered  in  St.  Paul's  churchyard,  being  the  first  to 
mount  the  scaffold,  where  he  confessed  his  guilt,  ex- 
pressed shame  for  his  infatuation,  and  solemnly  pro- 
tested that  his  friend.  Father  Gerard,  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  the  plot,  in  or  out  of  confession,  adding,  "I 
never  durst  tell  him  of  it,  for  fear  he  would  have 
drawn  me  out  of  it".  It  is  a  remarkable  circum- 
stance, lending  some  colour  to  the  belief  that  in  later 
days  the  king  did  not  believe  in  the  genuine  character 
of  the  danger  he  was  said  to  have  escaped,  that  Sir 
Everard's  son,  Kenelm,  was  knighted  by  James  in 
October,  1623,  when  he  had  not  completed  his  twenty- 
first  year.  His  description  of  the  beha^dour  of  James 
on  that  occasion  has  been  borrowed  by  Sir  Walter 
Scott  in  the  "Fortunes  of  Nigel",  for  the  knighting  of 
Richard  Moniplies.  The  younger  son,  John,  was 
knighted  by  Charles  I,  in  1635,  and  fell  in  the  CivU 
War  as  a  major-general  in  the  royal  army. 

Gardiner,  Hist,  of  England  (1883-84),  I;  Id.,  Wfiat  the  Gun- 
powder  Plot  Was;  Jardine,  Criminal  Trials,  II;  John  Gerard 
(the  elder),  ed.  Morris.  Condition  of  Catholics;  The  Life  of  a 
Conspirator,  by  one  of  his  Descendants;  John  Gerard  (the 
younger).  What  was  the  Gunpowder  Plot;  Foley,  Records  of 
the  English  Province,  S.  J.,  II;    Calendar  of  State  Papers. 

John   Gerard. 

Digby,  Sir  Kenelm,  physicist,  naval  commander, 
and  diplomatist,  b.  at  Gayhurst  (Goathurst),  Bucking- 
hamshire, England,  11  July,  1603  ;d.  in  Covent  Garden, 
Westminster,  11  June,  1665.  He  was  the  eldest  son 
of  Sir  Everard  Digby,  Kt.,  of  Drystoke,  Rutland,  by 
Marj',  daughter  and  coheir  of  William  Mulshaw(Mulsho) 
of  Gayhurst.  His  father  was  drawn  into  the  Gun- 
powder Plot  and  was  executed;  nevertheless,  after  liti- 
gation, young  Kenelm  inherited  unconfiscated  lands 
worth  $15,000  a  year.  In  1618  he  entered  Gloucester 
Hall,  now  Worcester  College,  Oxford.  Here  he  was 
under  the  care  of  Thomas  Allen,  the  mathematician 
and  occultist,  imder  whose  congenial  teaching  he  made 
wonderful  progress  in  physical  science.  Allen  event- 
ually bequeathed  to  his  brilliant  pupil  his  books  and 
MSS.,  which  Sir  Kenelm  gave  to  the  Bodleian  Libraiy. 
In  1620,  Digby  left  Oxford  without  a  degree.  By  this 
time  he  was  deeply  in  love  with  Venitia,  the  beautiful 
daughter  of  Sir  Edward  Stanley,  Kt.,  of  Tonge  Cas- 
tle, Shropshire.  His  mother  opposing  the  match, 
he  withdrew  to  the  Continent,  visiting  France  and 
Italy  and  finally  Spain.  In  ilarch,  1623,  shortly  after 
his  arrival  at  Madrid,  the  Prince  of  Wales  (.afterwards 
King  Charles  I)  reached  that  city  upon  his  well-known 
matrimonial  project,  and  Digby  became  one  of  his 
household,  accompanying  the  prince  back  to  England 
upon  that  project's  failure.  Digby  was  now  dubbed 
a  knight  by  King  James  I.  The  next  momentous 
event  in  his  career  was  his  marriage  with  Venitia, 
which  took  place  privily  in  1625.  Though  the  lady's 
ante-nuptial  reputation  was  not  spotless,  yet  their 
conjugal  life  was  happy,  and  she  bore  him  four  sons 
and  a  daughter.  In  1627  Digby  undertook  a  priva- 
teering expedition  against  the  French  ships  anchored 
in  the  Venetian  haven  of  Iskanderim  or  Alexandretta. 
Having  got  King  Charles's  leave  and  taken  out  letters 
of  marque,  he  sailed  from  Deal  with  two  well-equipped 
ships  about  Christmas,  and  after  various  adventures 
on  the  voyage,  he  reached  Iskanderun  10  June, 
1628.  On  the  morrow  he  gave  battle  to  the  French 
and  \'enetian  galleys  there  fovnid  in  the  bay,  coming 
off  victorious  and  returning  leisurely  to  England, 
where  he  landed  in  the  following  February. 


DIGEST 


793 


DIGNE 


Sib  Kenelm  Digbt — Van  Dyck 

(Windsor  Castle) 


Digby's  fame  was  now  great,  and  in  1632  there  was 
even  talk  of  his  becoming  a  secretary  of  state,  but 
misfortune  was  nigh.  On  May  Day,  1633,  his  beloved 
wife,  wliose  marriage  witli  him  had  for  some  years 
been  made  pulilic.  died  suddenly.  Various  poets,  Ben 
Jonson  and  William  Habington  among  them,  put 
forth  rapturous  poems  in  her  praise.  Digby  withdrew 
into  Gresham  (^ollege,  where  he  spent  two  years,  lead- 
ing in  strange  mourning  garb  a  life  of  study  and  seclu- 
sion. By  this  time  he  had  forsaken  the  Catholic 
Church,  to  which,  however,  he  was  reconciled  in  1636, 
apparently  in  France.  In  1639  he  was  back  in  Eng- 
land, where  the  times  were  daily  growing  worse  and 
worse.  His  intimacy  as  a  Catholic  with  the  king  and 
queen  roused  the  ire  of  the  Long  Parliament,  who 
summoned  him  to 
their  Bar  in  1641, 
and  next  year  im- 
prisoned him.  He 
was  discharged, 
however,  after  a 
while, on  condition 
of  his  immediate 
departure  for 
France.  His  prop- 
erty they  after- 
wards proceeded 
to  confiscate.  Dig- 
by  accordingly 
transferred  his 
abode  to  Paris, 
where  in  1644  he 
brought  out  his 
two  great  philo- 
sophical treatises 
of  the  "Nature  of 
Bodies"  and  the 
"Immortality  of  Reasonable  Souls".  In  1645  lie 
was  sent  by  the  English  Catholic  Committee  at  Paris 
upon  a  diplomatic  mission  to  Rome,  whither  he  went 
again  in  1647,  but  failed  to  accomplish  anything  to  the 
purpose.  After  another  journey  to  England  in  1649 
and  another  banishment,  he  got  leave  to  return  and 
came  back  in  1654.  He  now  became  intimate  with 
Cromwell,  who  employed  him  abroad  upon  various 
diplomatic  affairs.  He  returned  to  England  for  good 
at  the  Restoration  Upon  the  incorporation  of  the 
Royal  Society  in  1663,  Sir  Kenelm  was  appointed  one 
of  the  council.  He  died  of  stone  on  the  anniversary 
of  his  sea-fight  off  Iskanderun,  and  was  f^uried  beside 
his  wife  in  Christ  Church,  Newgate  Van  Dyck  painted 
several  (extant)  portraits  of  Sir  Kenelm  and  Lady 
Digbj',  and  Cornelius  Janssen  one  of  the  latter. 

Lee  in  Did.  Xal.  Biog.,  XV,  60  sqq.;  Gillow.  BM.  Did. 
En^.  Calh,  11,70  sqq.;  yioOD,  Alhencc  Uxon.,  Ill,  68H;  Journey 
of  Scanderoon  Voyage,  ed.  Camden  See.  (Westminster,  1868); 
Evelyn's  Diary,  passim. 

C.    T.    BOOTHMAN. 

Digest  of  Justinian.    See  Law. 

Digne  (Dinia),  Diocese  op  (Diniensis),  com- 
prises the  entire  department  of  the  Basses- Alpes  and 
is  suffragan  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Ai.x.  By  the 
Concordat  of  1801,  this  diocese  was  made  to  include 
the  two  departments  of  the  Hautes- and  Basses- Alpes, 
i.  e.  in  addition  to  the  former  Diocese  of  Digne,  the 
Archdiocese  of  Embrun,  the  Dioceses  of  Gap,  Sisteron, 
and  Senez,  a  verj'  considerable  part  of  the  Dioceses  of 
Glandeves  and  Riez,  and  fourteen  parishes  in  the 
Archdiocese  of  Aix  and  the  Diocese  of  Apt.  In  1822 
Gap  was  made  an  episcopal  see  and,  thus  divested  of 
the  department  of  the  Hautes- Alpes,  the  present  Dio- 
cese of  Digne  covers  the  territorj'  formerly  included 
in  the  Dioceses  of  Digne,  Senez,  Glandeves,  Riez,  and 
Sisteron. 

Former  Diocese  of  Digne. — This  diocese  was  evange- 
lized by  Sts.  Domninus  and  Vincentius  who  came 
from  Africa  in  the  second  half  of  the  fourth  centurj' 


with  St.  Marcellinus,  the  Apostle  of  Embrun.  It  is 
not  certain  that  they  were  bishops.  The  first  his- 
torically known  bishop  was  Pentadius  who  attended 
the  Council  of  .\gde  in  506.  .Vmong  the  incumbents 
of  the  See  of  Digne  may  be  mentioned;  Elzdar  de  Vil- 
leneuve  (1334-41),  author  of  a  celebrated  form  of 
oath  to  be  taken  by  Jews;  Pierre  III  de  Verceil  (1432- 
39),  who  represented  the  clergy  and  the  Count  of  Pro- 
vence at  the  Council  of  Basle;  Guillaume  V  d'Estoute- 
ville  (1439-55),  closely  connected  with  the  history  of 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction  (q.  v.)  and  later  Archbishop 
of  Rouen;  Antoine  III  H<5roiiet  (1552-68),  poet  and 
translator  of  Plato;  Forbin-Janson  (1664-68),  after- 
wards a  cardinal  and  ambas.sador  to  Poland;  MioUis 
(1805-38),  whose  kindness  was  proverbial,  and  who 
was  the  original  of  "Mgr.  Myriel"  in  Victor  Hugo's 
"Les  Mis^rables",  and  Sibour  (1839^8),  who  died 
Archbishop  of  Paris. 

Diocese  of  Senez. — Marcellus  I,  the  first  known 
Bishop  of  the  Diocese  of  Senez,  attended  the  Council 
of  Agde  in  506;  nevertheless,  Senez  nnist  have  been 
an  episcopal  city  as  early  as  439.  Jean  IV  Soanen,  the 
Oratorian,  noted  for  his  opposition  to  the  Bull  "  Uni- 
genitus",  was  Bishop  of  Senez  from  1696  until  the 
time  of  his  deposition  in  1727. 

Diocese  of  GlanrHres. — Claudius,  the  first  kno-wn 
bishop  of  the  diocese,  ascended  the  episcopal  throne 
in  54i,  but  Glandeves  was  probably  a  .see  as  early  as 
439.  Among  its  bishojjs  were  Symphorien  BuUioud 
(1508-20),  also  ambassador  from  Francis  I  to  Julius 
II  and  chaplain  to  Francis  I;  Fran(;ois  I  Faure 
(1651-53),  the  pulpit  orator,  later  Bishop  of  Amiens, 
and  de  Belloy  (1752-55),  who  died  a  centenarian  in 
1808,  as  Archbishop  of  Paris. 

Diocese  of  Sisteron. — Johannes,  the  first  known 
Bishop  of  Sisteron,  appears  early  in  the  sixth  century. 
Owing  to  the  ungracious  reception  accorded  Bishop 
Gerard  by  the  Chapter  of  Sisteron,  the  bishops  of  that 
see  remained  at  Forcalquier  from  1061  to  1169  and, 
until  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  the  church  at  Forcal- 
quier bore  the  title  of  cathedral.  Laffittau,  the  Jesuit, 
who  was  agent  of  Cardinal  Dubois,  anil  also  an  his- 
torian, occupied  the  See  of  Sisteron  from  1719  to  1764. 

Diocese  of  Riez. — According  to  an  unsupported 
tradition,  the  establishment  of  the  Church  in  this  dio- 
cese is  attributed  to  the  first  century  and  to  Euscbius 
or  Eudochius,  companion  of  St.  Lazarus.  A  certain 
St.  Prosper  of  Reggio  in  Emilia  (at  the  beginning  of 
the  fifth  century)  figures  in  the  history  of  Riez  and 
was  perhaps  its  bishop;  however,  the  first  certainly 
known  bishop  is  St.  Maximus  (433-60),  who  succeeded 
St.  Honoratus  as  Abbot  of  L/'rins  and  who,  in  439, 
held  a  council  at  Riez  with  a  view  to  improving  the 
deplorable  condition  of  the  churches  of  Southern  Gaul. 
His  successor,  St.  Faustus  (461-93),  also  Abbot  of 
L^rins,  was  noted  for  his  -OT-itings  against  Predestina- 
tionists;  it  was  to  him  that  Sidonius  Apollinaris  dedi- 
cated his  "Carmen  Eucharisticum "  in  gratitude  for 
hospitality  received  at  Riez.  Robert  Ceneau,  the 
pulpit  orator  (15.30-32),  afterwards  Bishop  of  Avran- 
ches  and  Gui  Bentivoglio  (l()22-25),  who  was  nuncio 
in  France  and  defender  of  French  interests  at  Rome 
and  who  played  an  important  role  under  I>ouis  XIII, 
are  al.so  mentioned  among  the  bishops  of  Riez. 

The  Diocese  of  Digne  numbers  the  following  saints: 
St.  ThjTsiis  of  Sisteron  and  St.  Promatius  of  Forcal- 
quier, both  perhaps  of  the  third  century;  the  abbots 
St.  Marius  and  St.  Donatus  (fifth,  sixth  centuries),  na- 
tives of  Orleans  and  fovmdeis  of  monasteries  near 
Forcalquier  and  Sisteron;  St.  Mayeul  (or  Majolus) 
(910-94),  born  at  Valensole  and  noted  as  Abbot  of 
Cluny  and  a  friend  of  Emperor  Ot  to  II ;  St.  Bevon  (tenth 
century),  born  at  Noyers,  helped  to  deliver  Provence 
from  the  Saracens;  Blessed  fi^rard,  fovmdcr  of  the 
Hospitallers  of  Jeru.salem,  who  died  in  1120,  his  relics 
being  preserved  at  Manosque;  St.  John  of  Matha 
(1160-1213),   bom  at   Faucon   and  founder  of  the 


DIGNITARY 


794 


DIJON 


Trinitarians;  Blessed  Hugh,  a  great  Franciscan 
preacher  who  was  attached  to  the  doctrines  of  Joa- 
chim of  Floris  and  died  in  1255;  his  sister  St.  Douce- 
line,  who  was  born  at  Digne,  founded  the  Beguines  of 
Hyeres  and  died  in  1274;  St.  Elzear  of  Sabran  who 
died  in  1332,  and  his  wife  St.  Delphina  of  Sabran 
(1284-1360);  and  the  Venerable  Jacques  Chastan 
(1803-38),  born  at  Marcoux  and  martyred  in  Korea. 
During  the  Middle  Ages  the  Franciscan  convent  in 
Digne  produced  Francois  de  Meyronnes,  conspicuous 
at  the  Sorlaonne  and  known  as  the  "enlightened  doc- 
tor", and  Gassendi,  the  philosopher  who,  from  1034  to 
1655,  was  provost  of  the  Church  of  Digne,  on  which 
he  wrote  a  learned  work.  The  principal  places  of 
pilgrimage  are : 
Notre-Dame  dcs 
Anges  at  Lure, 
frequented  annu- 
ally by  over  10,000 
of  the  faithful, 
a  shrine  founded 
in  the  fourth  cen- 
tury by  a  recluse 
from  Orleans ;  No- 
tre-Dame de  Ro- 
niigier  at  Manos- 
que,  dating  back 
to  the  fifth  cen- 
tury ;  Notre-Dame 
du  Roc  at  Castel- 
Uine,  established 
ill  the  eighth  cen- 
I  my;  and  Notre- 
I  i:ime  de  Beau- 
\nir  at  Moustiers 
^t  I  ■-Marie.  This 
1  ist-named  shrine 
was  visited  in  the 
time  of  Sidonius 
Apollinaris.  Two 
rocks  overhang 
the  chapel  of  Our 
Lady  and  are  held 
together  by  an 
iron  chain,  from 
which  is  sus- 
pended a  golden 
star  presented  by  a  Knight  of  Rhodes  who,  having 
been  taken  prisoner,  invoked  Our  Lady  of  Moustiers 
and  was  delivered. 

Prior  to  the  enforcement  of  the  law  of  1905  there 
were  in  the  diocese,  Benedictines,  the  Missionaries  of 
Ste-Garde,  the  Brothers  of  Christian  Schools  and 
Brothers  of  Christian  Instruction  of  St.  Gabriel. 
Local  orders  of  women  especially  worthy  of  mention 
are:  the  Congregation  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Presenta- 
tion, a  teaching  order  at  Manosque,  and  that  of  the 
Sisters  of  Christian  Doctrine  of  the  Holy  Childhood, 
whose  mother-house  is  at  Digne,  and  who  devote 
themselves  alike  to  teaching  and  hospital  work.  In 
1899  the  following  institutions  in  the  diocese  were 
under  the  care  of  religious:  12  infant  schools,  2 
orphanages  for  boys  and  girls,  13  ho.spitals  and  hos- 
pices, 1  house  of  retreat  and  4  houses  for  religious 
nurses.  In  1905  (the  last  year  of  the  Concordatory 
period)  the  Diocese  of  Digne  had  a  population  of 
115,021,  35  pa.storates,  314  succursal  parishes  (mis- 
sion churches),  and  13  curacies  subventioned  by  the 
State. 

Gallia  Christiana  (.Ifova)  (1715),  I,  388-417,  474-507,  SIS- 
SIS,  Instrumenta,  81-82,  89-92;  Nom  (1725),  III,  IlOS-14, 
1236-49,  1250-66,  Instrumenla,  1S7-W,  11,'  W,  •.■(10  ID,  ;,iiil 
233-38;  Albanes,  Gaf/ta  Christiana  (\  I,       ■!■.   7',tl 

(MontWliard,    1899);  Gassendi,    .V..'  /  .' '        'k 

(Paris,  1054),  Fr.  tr.  Gufcharu  (Ih  .i,,  1^1.;  li-.,.i,r, 
France  pontificale.  Digne  et  Ricz  (P.iris.  i-stjiti;  Citi  \  f,i.i.ii-.i< 
and  Andrieu,  Ilistoire.  religicuse  et  hugiologiquf  du  liiocvtiv  de 
Digne  (Aix,  1893);  Chevauek,  R^p.  hist.:  Topo-bibl.,  891, 
1307.  2Si>4-55.  2969.  GeorGES  GoyAU. 


Dignitary,  Eccle.siastical,  a  member  of  a  chap- 
ter, cathedral  or  collegiate,  possessed  not  only  of  a 
foremost  place,  but  also  of  a  certain  jurisdiction. 
These  dignitatcs,  as  they  are  called,  are  usually  the 
provost  and  the  dean  (see  those  articles),  sometimes 
also  the  cristas  and  the  scholasticus.  Their  nomination 
and  canonical  institution,  to  a  great  extent  reserved  to 
the  pope,  are  governed  partly  by  common  ecclesiasti- 
cal law,  partly  by  special  legislation  (e.  g.  concordats) 
and  custom.  The  dignitates  of  a  chapter  differ  from 
the  personidus,  inasmuch  as  the  latter  officers  have 
merely  a  fixed  right  of  precedence,  and  again  from  the 
officia  (e.  g.  canon  theologian,  canon  penitentiary), 
inasmuch  as  these  places  imply  only  an  administrative 
charge  or  duty  (see  Person,  Ecclesiastical;  Canon; 
Chapter). 

Wernz,  Jus  Decrelalium  II,  n.  780  sqq. ;  Lacrentius,  Inst. 

Juris  Eccl.  (Freiburg,  1903),  n.  255;  SagmCller,  KirchenreclU 

(Freiburg,    1902),   s.  v.  Dignitas;    Hiloenreiner,    in  Bucri- 

berger,  Kirchl.  Ilandtexikm  (Munich,  1907),  s.  v.  Domkapilel. 

Thomas  J.  Shah.an. 

Dijon,  Diocese  of,  comprises  the  entire  depart- 
ment of  Cote-d'Or  and  is  a  suffragan  of  Lyons.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Concordat  of  1801  it  also  included  the 
department  of  Haute-Marne,  which,  however,  it  was 
called  upon  to  relinquish  in  1821,  owing  to  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  Diocese  of  Langres. 

Between  the  years  50G  and  540  it  was  revealed  to 
St.  Gregory,  Bishop  of  Langres,  and  an  ancestor  of  St. 
Gregory  of  Tours,  that  a  tomb  which  the  piety  of  the 
peasants  led  them  to  visit  contained  the  remains  of 
St.  Benignus.  He  had  a  large  Ijasilica  erected  over 
it,  and  soon  travellers  from  Italy  brought  him  the 
acts  of  this  saint's  martyrdom.  These  acts  are  part 
of  a  collection  of  documents  according  to  which  Bur- 
gundy was  evangelized  in  the  second  century  by  St. 
Benignus,  an  Asiatic  priest  and  the  disciple  of  ,St. 
Polycarp,  assisted  by  two  ecclesiastics,  Andochius  and 
Thyrsus.  The  good  work  is  said  to  have  prospered  at 
Autun,  where  it  received  valuable  support  from  the 
youthful  Sjnnphorianus ;  at  Saulieu  where  Andochius 
and  Thyrsus  had  established  themselves;  at  Langres 
where  the  three  brothers,  Speusippus,  Eleusippus,  and 
Meleusipjnis,  were  baptized,  and  finally  at  Dijon.  In 
the  meantime  the  persecution  of  Marcus  Aiu-elius 
broke  out,  and  St.  Benignus  and  his  companions  were 
put  to  death.  The  doubts  first  raised  by  Boulliau  and 
Tillemont  in  the  seventeenth  centiu-y  concerning  the 
authenticity  of  these  acts  seem  justified  by  the  con- 
clusions of  Pere  Van  Hooff  and  Monseigneur  Du- 
chesne, according  to  which  the  Acts  of  St.  Benignus 
and  the  martyrdom  of  the  three  brothers  of  Langres, 
on  which  the  aforesaid  traditions  are  based,  are  ai)oc- 
rj-phal  and  copied  from  Cappadocian  legends.  This 
controversy,  however,  does  not  alter  the  fact  that 
before  the  fifth  century  a  saint  named  Benignus  was 
venerated  by  the  Christians  of  Dijon;  nor  does  it  dim 
the  splendour  of  the  saint's  miracles,  as  related  by 
Gregory  of  Tours  and  by  the  "Book  of  the  Miracles 
of  St.  Benignus".  During  the  last  generation  no 
question  has  given  rise  to  more  animated  polemics 
among  the  Catholic  scholars  of  France  than  the  apos- 
tolate  of  St.  Benignus. 

Under  the  Mero\'ingians  and  Carolingians  most  of 
the  bishops  of  Langres  resided  at  Dijon,  e.  g.  St. 
Urbanus  (fifth  century),  St.  Gregory,  and  St.  "Tetriciis 
(sixth  century),  who  were  buried  there.  When,  in 
1016,  Lambert,  Bishop  of  Langres,  ceded  the  seigniory 
and  county  of  Dijon  to  King  Robert,  the  Bishops  of 
Langres  made  Langres  their  jjlace  of  residence.  In 
1731,  Clement  XII  made  Dijon  a  bishopric.  The 
Abbey  of  Saint-Etienne  of  Dijon  (fifth  century)  long 
had  a  regular  chapter  that  observed  the  Rule  of  St. 
August  iiie;  it  was  given  over  to  secular  canons  by 
Paul  V  in  Kill,  and  Clement  XI  made  its  church  the 
cathedral  of  Dijon;  during  the  Revolution  if  was 
transformed  into  a  forage  storehouse.     The  abbatial 


CATHEDRAL  OK  SAINT-BENIGNE,  DIJON 


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795 


DILLINGEN 


church  of  Saint-Bdnigne  became  the  cathedral  of 
Dijon  early  in  tlic  nineteenth  century.  Cardinal 
IxTot,  later  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  was  Bishop  of 
Dijon  from  1S86  to  1890.  Pope  Pius  X's  request  in 
1904  for  the  resignation  of  Monscigneur  Le  Nordez, 
Bishop  of  Dijon  since  1899,  was  one  of  the  incidents 
which  led  to  the  rupture  of  relations  between  France 
and  the  Holy  See. 

Romanesque  architecture  was  very  popular  in  Bur- 
gimdy;  its  masterpiece  is  the  Cathedral  of  Saint- 
Bcnigne  of  Dijon,  consecrated  by  Paschal  II  in  110() 
and  completed  in  1288.  The  Gothic  style,  although 
less  used,  characterizes  the  churches  of  Notrc-Dame 
de  Dijon  (1252-1334),  Notre-Dame  dc  Semur,  and 
r.Abbaye  Saint-Seine;  it  was  also  the  stylo  of  the 
Sainte-Chapelle  of  Dijon,  which  is  no  longer  in  exist- 
ence. Under  the  dukes  of  Burgundy,  at  the  close  of 
the  fourteenth  and  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
Burgundian  art  fiourislicil  in  a  surprising  degree. 
The  Chartreuse  of  Clianipmol,  on  which  Philip  the 
Bold  had  Claus  Sluter,  the  sculptor,  at  work  from  1389 
to  1406,  and  which  was  the  acme  of  artistic  excellence, 
was  almost  totally  ilestroyed  during  the  Revolution; 
however,  two  superb  traces  of  it  may  still  lie  seen, 
namely  the  Puils  iks  prophitcs  and  the  portal  of  the 
church.  The  Beaune  hospital  (1443)  is  a  fine  speci- 
men of  the  Gothic  style,  and  thechurcliof  iSaint-Michel 
in  Dijon  (1497) hassixlecntli-  un<l  srviMiteenth-crntury 
porches  covered  with  fantastic  bas-reliefs.  The  .Ab- 
beys of  Citeaux,  Fontenay,  and  Flavigny  (where  in 
the  nineteenth  century  Pere  Lacordaire  installed  a 
Dominican  novitiate)  were  all  within  the  territory  of 
the  present  Diocese  of  Dijon.     (See  Cisterci.^ns  and 

CixEAl'X.) 

The  following  saints  are  specially  honoured:  Saint 
Sequanus  (Seine),  b.  at  Magny,  d.  580,  founder  of  the 
monastery  of  R(5omais  around  which  sprang  up  the 
little  town  of  Saint-Seine;  St.  William  (961-1031),  a 
niilive  of  Novara,  Abbot  of  Saint-Benigne  at  Dijon 
in  990,  and  reformer  of  the  Benedictine  Order  in  the 
eleventh  century;  St.  Iloljert  of  Molesme,  joint 
founder  with  Sts.  Alberic  and  Stephen  Harding  of  the 
monasterj'  of  Citeaux  in  1098;  St.  Stejihen  Harding, 
who  died  in  1134,  third  Alibot  of  Citeaux,  under 
whose  administration  the  monasteries  of  La  Fert6, 
I'ontigriy,  Clairvaux,  and  Mnrimond  were  established; 
St.  Bernard  ( 1090-1 153) ;  St.  Jane  Frances  de  Chantal 
(l.")72  1641),  b.  .at  Dijon,  who,  having  heard  St. 
Fr.ineis  de  Sales'  Lenten  discourses  at  Dijon  in  1004, 
conceived  a  holy  friend.ship  for  him;  the  Venerable 
Bc^nigiic  Joly,  canon  of  Saint-Etienne  de  Dijon  (.seven- 
teenth centurv);  and  the  Venerable  Sister  Marguerite 
of  the  Bles.se'd  Sacrament  (l(il9-48),  surnamed  the 
"little  saint  of  Beaune",  noted  for  the  ap])aritions  of 
the  Infant  Jesus  with  which  she  was  favoured,  in 
conseiiuence  of  which  the  jiious  as.sociation  known  as 
the  Family  of  the  Holy  Child  Jcs\is  was  organized  and 
later  rai.sed  by  Pius  IX  to  tlic  dignity  of  ;ui  archcon- 
fraternity.  Among  the  famous  persons  of  the  diocese 
the  Seneschal  Philippe  Pot  (1428-94)  is  remembered 
for  his  exploits  against  the  Turks  in  1452  and  his 
miraculoiis  deliverance  from  his  captors.  The  illus- 
trious Bossuet  was  a  native  of  Dijon.  Hubert  Lan- 
Ruct,  the  Protestant  publici.st  (1518-81),  was  bom  at 
Vitteaux. 

Tlie  chief  places  of  pilgrim.age  arc:  Notrc-Damc  de 
BeauiK',  at  Beaune  (ante(lating  1120);  Notre-Dame 
du  Bon-Esjioir  at,  Dijon,  dedicated  in  1334;  Notre- 
Dame  du  Chemin,  near  Serrigny  (twelfth  or  thirteenth 
century);  Notre-Dame  de  Citeaux  (end  of  the  elev- 
enth century),  visited  by  many  famous  nilers  of 
Europe  and  the  Ea.st;  Notre-Dame  d'Etang  at 
Velars  (fifteenth  century),  visited  by  St.  Jane  Frances 
de  Chantal,  .St.  Francis  de  Sales,  Louis  XIV,  and 
Bo.ssuet;  and  Notre-Dame  de  l/-c.  (tenth  or  eleventh 
century)  visited  by  St.  Benedict  Labre.  The  room 
in  which  St.  Bernard  was  boni  was  transformed  into 


a  chapel  at  Fontaine-les-Dijon  and  visited  by  Louis 
XIV,  Anne  of  Austria,  Cond^,  St.  Jane  Frances  de 
Chantal,  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  and  M.  Olier.  St. 
Regina  (Reine),  who  was  martyred  at  Alise  in  the 
third  century  and  whose  body  was  transported  to 
Flavigny  in  864,  is  honoured  by  pilgrims;  formerly 
it  was  customary  to  hold  a  theatrical  procession  in 
which  the  saint  and  her  persecutors  were  represented. 

In  1905,  prior  to  the  enforcement  of  the  law  against 
congregations,  there  were  in  the  diocese  Trappists, 
Jesuits,  Dominicans,  Sulpicians,  and  diocesan  mission- 
aries, akso  the  following  local  congregations  of  women: 
Sisters  of  the  Good  Shejiherd,  founded  at  Dijon  in 
the  seventeenth  century  by  Vcneral)le  B<''nigne  Joly ; 
Sisters  of  the  Perpetual  Adoration  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament;  Sisters  of  Providence,  whose  mother- 
house  is  at  Vitteaux,  and  who  conduct  a  great  many 
schools;  the  Ursulines,  with  mother-house  at  Dijon; 
the  Sisters  of  St.  Martha,  devoted  alike  to  hospital 
work  and  teaching  (founded  in  1628)  at  Dijon.  In 
1899  the  following  institutions  W'cre  conducted  by 
religious:  32  infant  schools;  3  orphanages,  with  agri- 
cultural training;  9  orphan,ag3s  for  girls,  5  industrial 
schools;  1  institution  for  penitent  women;  1  servants' 
guild;  18  hospit.als  or  hospices;  25  houses  for  nursing 
sisters;  3  houses  of  retreat;  and  1  insane  asylum. 
In  1905  (end  of  the  Coneordatory  period)  the  Diocese 
of  Dijon  had  a  population  of  361,626;  38  parishes 
(cures),  447  suceuisal  jiarislics  (mission  churches), 
and  13  curacies  .■>i 1 1         '     .      i  liv  the  State. 

Boii.Lur,  li,„i,.'  '^mo  (Paris.  1657);    Bon- 

GAUi),  Kluili    /<>•/.>!■'■,  la  mifswn,  Ics  actcs  et  le 

ciillr  dc  .^ain'    U-n.  -  ;     T,iiroTTT-\   On'fjines  du 

diocese  dc  L<iJ,  i  sss  ;  \  ,s  HnoFF,  Intro- 

duction to   -1  I    in.,    !^^,  ),    Nov.,    I, 

134-94;    nr.  I  1,   is-n;    SirTF.nEAU, 

I/rvrrhr   d.-    h  ■       I  -  ■   ,   ;      I  H  nmv,    I.rs 


arnvh  .      ,    I--  '  :     <;hi,:naht, 

VAI.I  \  ,     r.      1-^--,-     Kl.t;lN- 

cl.Ai  s  ,     ;       ■^  '  .^lukr  ,t  la 

srtilp!:.:    ;■■'-■„     :     .  I'an-,  r.'ni,  ,   Idem,  flijore 

(Paris.  I'JUTj;    CiitvAULU.  iitp.  Ais(..-    Y'l'/io-tiW..  892  sqq. 

Georges  Goyau. 

Dillingen,  Univeh.sity  op.  in  Swabia,  a  district  of 
Bavaria.  Its  foimder  was  Cardinal  Otto  Truchsess 
von  Waldburg,  Prince-Bishop  of  Augsburg  (1543- 
1.573).  He  first  establi.shed  it  under  the  title,  "Col- 
lege of  St.  Jerome",  and  endowed  it  with  the  revenues 
of  several  monasteries  which  had  been  suppressed  at 
the  Reformation.  His  aim  was  to  provide  for  the 
education  of  the  clergy  and  the  protection  of  the 
Catholic  Faith  in  an  in.stitution  which,  by  the  virtue 
and  diligence  of  its  students,  should  counterbalance 
the  laxity  of  morals  and  insubordination  so  prevalent 
in  other  universities  of  Southern  Gennany.  With 
this  end  in  view,  he  drew  up  special  rules  regarding  the 
practice  of  religion,  application  to  study,  and  conduct 
which  each  student  bound  himself  by  oath  to  ob.serve. 
In  1.551  Pope  Julius  III  raised  the  college  to  the  rank 
of  a  university  and  conferred  on  it  the  privileges  en- 
joyed by  other  universities.  Emperor  Charles  V  rati- 
fied these  privileges,  and  the  formal  inauguration  took 
jilace  21  Alay,  1.554.  Some  of  the  professors,  as  Peter 
Endavianus,  the  first  rector  of  Dillingen,  came  from 
Louvain;  others  from  Spain,  among  them  the  well- 
known  Peter  de  Soto,  O.  P.,  afterwards  jirofessor  at 
Oxford.  In  order  to  secure  the  existence  of  this  insti- 
tution which  had  been  founded  with  great  effort  and 
.sacrifice,  and  to  strengthen  its  intellectual  and  moral 
infhience  over  the  clergj'.  Bishop  Otto  in  1 .563  gave  the 
Jesuits,  who.se  ]>rovincial  at  that  time  w.as  Peter  Canis- 
ius,  charge  of  the  instruction  in  the  imiversity,  and 
authorized  them  to  follow  their  own  ndes  in  all  that 
pertained  to  organization  and  .administration.  As, 
however,  the  cathedral  chapter  of  Augsburg  would 
not  admit  the  legality  of  this  complete  transfer,  dis- 


DILLINGEN 


796 


DILLINGEN 


putes  often  arose  on  questions  of  right,  especially  in 
regard  to  episcopal  visitation,  the  foundation  of 
chairs  of  civil  law,  and  the  appointment  of  professors. 
Nevertheless  the  chapter  paid  regularly  the  sums 
stipulated  in  the  original  document  of  transfer,  and 
finally  accepted  the  transfer  as  arranged  June  14, 
1606,  by  Bishop  Henry  von  Ivnoringen  (1598-1646), 
who  for  that  reason  is  called  the  second  founder  of  the 
university.  From  this  date  the  chapter  guaranteed 
a  fixed  contribution  for  the  imiversity  and  corwicltis 
(hall  for  clerical  and  some  lay  students).  In  1641 
Emperor  Ferdinand  III  ratified  the  new  charter  in  a 
special  document  which  recognized  the  great  service 
rendered  by  the  scientific  work  of  the  university  and 
by  the  preparation  which  it  gave  young  men  for  their 
duties  toward  Church  and  State.  During  the  Swedish 
invasion  in  the  Thirty  Years  War  the  revenues  of  the 
university  became  less  regular,  some  of  its  professors 
were  imprisoned,  its  students  scattered,  and  the  lec- 
tures discontinued.  But  after  peace  had  been  con- 
cluded the  institution  gradually  recovered,  and  in  1688 
a  fine  building  for  university  lectures  was  erected 
under  Bishop  John  Christopher  von  Freyberg. 

The  university's  charter  guaranteed  to  all  its  mem- 
bers freedom  from  civil  and  political  obligations,  sep- 
arate jurisdictions,  and  the  right  of  precedence  on  pub- 
lic occasions.  The  exemption  from  taxes  and  imposts 
was  frequently  disputed  by  the  city  council  and  other 
officials.  The  Jesuits,  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of 
their  order,  renounced  jurisdiction  in  civil  and  penal 
matters.  This  was  exercised  by  the  gubeniator,  one 
of  the  episcopal  counsellors  well  versed  in  jurispru- 
dence, while  matters  relatmg  to  discipline  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  rector.  The  right  of  precedence  at  pro- 
cessions and  funerals  occasioned  several  bitter  feuds 
between  the  officials  of  the  episcopal  court  and  the 
faculty.  In  1610  Bishop  Henry  von  Knoringen 
granted  to  the  rector  and  the  professors  of  theology 
the  privilege  of  censorship;  in  1747  this  was  modified 
to  the  effect  that  books  printed  in  Dillingen  needed 
also  the  approbation  of  the  episcopal  censor  at  Augs- 
burg. The  courses  which,  from  the  beginning,  were 
given  at  the  university  and  which  were  taken  over  by 
the  Jesuits  were  humanities,  philosophy,  and  theo- 
logy. The  humanities  were  taught  in  the  gymnasium, 
which  was  at  that  time  a  part  of  the  university,  and 
they  served  as  a  preparation  for  the  higher  studies. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  a  faculty 
of  jurisprudence  was  added  with  one  professor  of 
canon  and  one  of  civil  law.  In  1738  church  history 
was  included  in  the  curriculum  of  theology.  A  de- 
partment of  medicine  and  surgery,  rather  loosely 
connected  with  the  university,  was  established  about 
the  same  time. 

The  statutes  concerning  degrees  were  taken  from  the 
University  of  Ingolstadt.  The  baccalaureate  in  theol- 
ogy was  conferred  for  the  first  time  in  1564.  Between 
this  date  and  1770  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts  was 
conferred  on  7704,  that  of  master  of  arts  on  5997, 
which  numbers  show  the  flourishing  condition  of  let- 
ters at  the  university.  Although  the  frequent  chang- 
ing of  professors  was  prejudicial  to  their  literary  ac- 
tivity, many  of  them  acquired  fame  in  the  fields  of 
moral  theology,  canon  law,  philosophy,  mathematics, 
and  astronomy.  Thus  Jakob  Illsung,  Georg  Stengel, 
and  Joseph  Monschein  were  distinguished  theologians; 
Christopher  Scheiner,  professor  of  mathematics,  in- 
vented the  pantograph ;  while  Paul  Laymann,  F.  X. 
Schmalzgrueber,  and  Joseph  Biner  were  famous  jur- 
ists. In  order  to  foster  a  truly  religious  spirit  among 
the  students  and  to  secure  the  faithful  performance  of 
their  duties,  a  large  and  a  small  sodality  were  organ- 
izeil  besides  one  for  the  religious.  It  was  at  Dillingen 
that  the  first  sodality  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  was  estab- 
lished in  Upper  Ccrniany;  this  sodality  carried  on  an 
active  corrcsjioiulence  with  the  original  sodality,  the 
B.  V.  Annuntiataj  in  Rome,  and  with  various  local 


organizations.  Other  associations  were  formed  for 
special  purposes,  e.  g.  for  the  veneration  of  the  Blessed 
Sacrament.  Some  of  these  sodahties  numbered  sev- 
eral hundred  resident  members.  In  the  summer  of 
1585  a  seminary  was  founded  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII 
to  provide  for  the  religious  needs  of  Upper  Germany. 
Its  students,  20-25  in  number,  were  young  men  of 
brilliant  parts,  who,  after  completing  the  course  of 
humanities  and  dialectics,  pledged  themselves  to  take 
their  degrees  at  the  university.  The  students  prom- 
ised under  oath  to  enter  the  ecclesiastical  state  and  not 
to  join  any  religious  order  without  leave  from  the  pope 
Their  expenses  were  defrayed  by  the  Holy  See.  This 
seminary  existed  up  to  the  year  1798  and  educated 
more  than  4,000  priests.  Through  the  efforts  of 
Bishop  Henry  von  Ivnoringen  and  several  members  of 
the  secular  clergy,  a  diocesan  seminary  accommoiiat- 
ing  twelve  students  was  foimded  in  1610;  its  rules 
were  identical  with  those  of  the  papal  seminary.  .\ 
third  seminary  under  the  title  of  St.  Joseph  owed  its 
origin  to  the  contributions  of  Cardinal  Otto  and  other 
benefactors.  It  received  poor  students  who  could  no 
longer  be  accommodated  in  the  convictus  itself;  they 
lived  in  special  lodgings  and  were  not  obliged  to  re- 
ceive Holy  orders.  Fmally,  another  seminary  for 
clerics  was  built  as  a  supplement  to  the  existing 
papal  seminary;  but  in  1747  it  was  transferred  to 
Pfaffenhausen  under  Bishop  Joseph.  In  1582  the  total 
number  of  students,  mcluding  those  in  the  gymnasium, 
was  600;  in  1618  it  was  306,  and  in  the  year  of  the 
suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  only  210  attended, 
of  whom  116  were  studying  theology,  25  jurisprudence, 
74  philosophy.  The  gymnasium  counted  125  stu- 
dents. The  scholars  did  not  belong  exclusively  to  the 
Diocese  of  Augsburg;  they  came  from  all  parts  of 
Germany,  and  from  Poland,  Italy,  France,  and  Switz- 
erland. 

In  1773  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  suppressed,  and 
consequently,  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  the  ac- 
tivity of  the  Jesuits  as  professors  at  the  University  of 
Dillingen  came  to  an  end.  Prince-Bishop  Clement 
Wenceslaus  ordered  that  henceforth  the  university  as 
well  as  the  convictus  should  be  directly  subject  to  the 
bishop.  For  the  new  scholastic  year  other  professors, 
some  of  whom  were  ex-Jesuits,  were  installed;  but 
theology  and  canon  law  were  taught  by  secular  priests 
exchisively.  The  former  Jesuit  college  took  the  name 
"  Academic  House  ".  At  first  the  number  of  students 
was  nearly  the  same  as  formerly,  but  the  institution 
soon  began  to  labour  under  severe  financial  difficulties 
owing  to  the  confiscation  of  lands  and  revenues  which 
had  belonged  to  the  Jesuit  college.  In  1786  a  new 
charter  approved  by  the  Holy  See  was  introduced  at 
the  university.  In  conformity  with  the  practice  in 
other  universities,  deans  with  a  yearly  tenure  of  office 
were  placed  at  the  head  of  the  different  faculties.  The 
curriculum  and  the  methods  of  teaching  were  adapted 
to  the  needs  of  the  time;  in  theology  the  difference 
between  primary  branches  (scholastic  theology  and 
philosophy)  and  secondary  branches  (canon  and  civil 
law  and  Biblical  exegesis)  was  done  away  with.  The 
lectures  in  the  three  faculties  were  given  partly  in 
Latin  as  before,  partly  in  German.  Rationalism  and 
liberalism  were  repeatedly  checked  by  episcopal  visita- 
tions and  enactments.  Among  the  best  kno^^•n  pro- 
fessors of  that  period  were  F.  M.  Sailer  in  moral  phil- 
osophy and  pastoral  theology,  Zimnier  in  dogmatic 
theology,  and  Weber  in  philosophy  and  mathematics. 
A  last  regulation  of  the  prince-bishop,  dated  1799, 
contained  rules  regarding  attendance  at  church,  dis- 
cipline, and  methods  of  teaching  and  studying.  The 
endowments  of  several  institutions  and  corporations 
were  transferred  in  17S9  to  the  "Academic  House"  in 
order  to  relieve  its  financial  difficulties,  and  its  admin- 
istration W!is  simplified  by  uniting  the  St.  Joseph's 
Seminary  and  the  convictus.  The  patronage  of  the 
city  parish  of  Dillingen  was  ceded  to  the  bishop  iu 


DILLON 


797 


DINQLEY 


favour  of  the  university  with  which  it  was  incorpo- 
rated. Nevertheless  the  expenses  of  the  institutions  so 
far  exceeded  their  revenues  that  the  existence  of  the 
university  became  very  precarious.  Hence  it  was 
several  times  proposed  to  transfer  the  university  to  a 
religioius  order,  e.  g.  the  Benedictines  or  the  newly 
organized  Societas  de  Fide  Jesu.  During  the  scholas- 
tic year  of  1798-1799,  the  number  of  students  had 
dwindled  to  109,  of  whom  51  were  theologians  distri- 
buted over  three  courses,  10  were  attending  the  lec- 
tures on  law  and  48  those  on  philosophy.  In  1802  the 
cathedral  chapter  of  Augsburg  and  the  university 
were  secularized  and  became  part  of  Bavaria,  whose 
elector,  by  rescript  of  3  Nov.,  1803,  abolished  the  Uni- 
versity of  Dillingen.  In  its  stead  a  classical  gj-mna- 
sium  and  a  lyceum  for  philosophy  and  theology  were 
founded  for  the  Swabian  District,  and  these  institu- 
tions are  still  in  existence. 

Specht.  Geschirhtr  dcr  ehemalinen  Vniversifat  DiUingen  (Frei- 
burg, 1902):  EuLENBURO,  Die  Freguenz  der  deutsckcn  Universi- 
tnten  (Leipzig.  1904). 

ICarij  Hoeber. 

Dillon,  AuTHiTR-RicH.*.RD,  a  French  prelate,  b.  at 
St-Germain-en-Laye,  near  Paris,  1721;  d.  in  London, 
1806.  The  fifth  son  of  Arthur  Dillon,  an  Irish  officer 
who,  outlawed  as  a  Jacobite,'  had  passed  to  the  service 
of  France,  he  was  ed\icated  for  the  Chiu-ch,  became 
c»r('of  Elan  near  Mdzieres;  Vicar-General  of  Pont oise, 
1747;  Bishop  of  Eweux,  1753;  Archbishop  of  Tou- 
louse, 1758;  Archbishop  of  Narbonne  and  Primate  of 
France,  1763.  Dillon  was  a  man  of  broad  sjnnpathies 
and  varied  accomplishments.  A  stanch  Catholic,  he, 
nevertheless,  publicly  applauded  the  recognition  of 
Protestant  marriages  in  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy 
of  1788,  over  which  he  presided.  His  appointment 
to  the  primatial  See  of  Narbonne  made  him  practically 
Viceroy  of  Languedoc.  He  won  there  great  popu- 
larity not  only  as  bishop  but  also  as  promoter  of  great 
public  works,  such  as  roads,  bridges,  canals,  harbours, 
etc.  When  the  French  Revolution  broke  out,  Dillon, 
rather  than  take  the  constitutional  oath,  emigrated  to 
Coblenz  with  the  French  nobility,  and  from  Coblenz 
went  to  London,  where  he  was  at  the  time  the  Con- 
cordat was  signed.  Pope  Pius  VII  having  requested 
within  ten  daj's  the  uncontlitional  resignation  of  all 
the  French  bishops,  Dillon  with  thirteen  other  prelates 
who,  like  himself,  had  sought  refuge  iu  England,  sent 
but  a  wavering  and  dilatory  answer  and  even  signed 
the  "Reclamations  canoniques  et  tres-respectueuses 
addressees  a  Notre  tres-Saint  Pcre  le  Pape"  (London, 
1803).  Such  an  attitude  was  prompted  not  by  a  spirit 
of  schism,  but  by  an  excessive  attachment  to  the  old 
regime  and  the  mistaken  Galilean  idea  that  the  pope 
could  not  take  a  step  of  that  importance  without  the 
deliberation  and  consent  of  the  French  hierarchy. 
Although  Dillon  consented  to  communicate  his  spir- 
itual jurisdiction  to  the  Concordalaire  bishop  whose 
territory  conijirised  the  suppressed  primatial  See  of 
Narbonne,  nevertheless,  by  placing  himself  resolutely 
at  the  head  of  the  Anticoncordataires,  he  not  only 
failed  in  due  obedience  to  the  Holy  See  but  also  gave 
countenance  to  that  incongruous  movement  which 
resulted  in  the  "Petite-Bglise". 

AuDlBERT,  Le  dernier  president  des  Hats  du  Lanffuedoc  (Paris, 
1868):  SiCARD,  Les  eviques  pendant  la  Revolution  (Paris,  1903): 
Mathif.c,  Le  concordat  de  ISO!  (Paris,  1903);  Dhoihon,  La 
Petite-Eglise  (Paris,  1904);  Mangenot,  Antic/mcordalaires  in 
Did.  de  thiol,  calh.;  Alger  in  Diet,  o/  Nat.  Bioo.,  a.  v. 

J.  F.  SoLLIER. 

Dimissorial  Letters  (Lat.  lillrrw  dimis.wriale.':, 
from  dimillerr),  letters  given  by  an  ecclesiastical  supe- 
rior to  his  subjects  to  have  effect  in  territory  outside 
his  jurisdiction.  The  tenii  is  sometimes  extended  so 
as  to  include  testimonial  letters,  which  certify  to  a 
priest's  freedom  from  canonical  impediments  or  to  the 
fact  that  a  candidate  for  a  religious  order  has  the 
requisite  qualities,  and  commendatory  letters,  which 


testify  that  a  travelling  ecclesiastic  is  unexceptionable 
as  to  morals  and  doctrine,  and  letters  of  excorpora- 
tion  (see  Exeat),  by  which  clerics  are  freed  from  tha 
jurisdiction  of  one  diocesan  bishop  (see  Excakdina- 
tion)  that  they  may  be  affiliated  to  another  diocese 
Properly  the  name  "  dimissorial  letters  "  refers  to  those 
given  by  a  bishop  or  regular  prelate  to  his  subjects  in 
order  that  they  may  be  ordained  by  another  l^ishop. 
The  pope  alone  may  concede  such  dimissorial  letters 
for  the  whole  world,  but  any  bishop  can  give  them 
to  those  imder  his  authority,  whether  they  be  so  by 
origin,  domicile,  or  benefice.  A  bishop,  as  well  as  car- 
dinals, can  likewise  grant  them  to  those  who  for  three 
years  have  been  actually  or  equi  valently  members  of  his 
household  {Inmiliarcs).  In  the  aljsence  of  the  bishop, 
his  vicar-general  is  empowered  to  grant  dimissorial 
letters,  but  not  while  the  bishop  is  at  home,  unless  he 
has  received  special  permission  to  do  so.  During  the 
vacancy  of  the  episcopal  see,  the  vicar  capitular  can- 
not give  these  letters,  imless  a  year  has  elapsed  since 
the  diocese  became  vacant,  except  to  one  who  is 
obliged  to  receive  orders  owing  to  his  having  acquired 
a  benefice.  After  the  lapse  of  a  year,  the  vicar  capit- 
ular, independent  of  the  chapter,  h.as  the  right  to 
grant  dimissorial  letters  for  the  reception  of  Holy 
orders.  If  the  vicar  capitular  give  the  letters  illegiti- 
mately, the  person  ordained  is  not  entitled  to  clerical 
privileges,  if  he  be  in  minor  orders;  and  if  in  major 
orders,  he  is  suspended  from  the  exercise  of  them  imtil 
the  future  bishop  free  him  from  the  penalty.  Abbots, 
even  though  exempt,  cannot  grant  dimissorial  letters 
to  seculars  who  are  subject  to  them.  When  a  bishop 
grants  letters  directed  to  other  ordinaries,  this  phrase 
does  not  include  exempt  abbots.  Regular  prelates 
can  give  letters  to  those  religious  who  liv;  under  their 
obedience,  but  such  letters  must  be  directed  to  the 
diocesan  bishop,  unless  there  be  a  special  privilege. 
In  case  of  the  absence  of  the  ordinary  bishop,  or  if  he 
does  not  desire  to  hold  ordinations,  religious  superiors 
may  send  their  subjects  to  any  other  bishop.  When 
regulars  live  in  a  monaster}'  miUiiis  diwcesis,  these  let- 
ters are  to  be  directed  to  the  neighbouring  bishop 
{r^icinior).  Religious  orilers,  which  have  received 
such  special  privilege  since  the  Council  of  Trent,  may 
send  their  subjects  for  ordination  to  any  Catholic 
bishop  whatsoever.  As  regards  the  city  of  Rome, 
those  who  dwell  in  the  city  for  four  months  cannot  be 
ordained  outside  the  city  in  virtue  of  dimissorial  let- 
ters from  their  ordinary  bishops,  but  they  must  pre- 
sent them.selves  to  the  Cardinal  Vicar  of  Rome  for 
ordination.  The  Roman  pontiff  can  ordain  anyone 
without  letters  from  his  bishop,  and  the  person  so 
ordained  caimot  later  be  promoted  to  higher  orders 
without  papal  licence.  Although  dimissorial  letters 
be  required  for  ordaining  the  subject  of  one  bishop  in 
another  diocese,  yet  it  does  seem  necessary  to  obtaiii 
them  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a  benefice  in  the 
other  diocese,  though  it  is  considered  proper  and  ex- 
pedient. 

FEnKABis.  Bibl.  Canon.  (Rome.  1889),  s.  v.  ordo;  Smith. 
Elemcnls  of  Ecclesiastical  Law  (New  York,  1895) ;  Humphrey, 
Urbs  et  Orbis  (London,  1899). 

William  H.  W.  Fanning 

Dingley,  Sir  Thomas,  Venerable,  Martyr,  prior  of 
the  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  found  guilty  of 
high  treason  28  April,  1539,  and  beheaded  on  Tower 
Hill,  9  July,  together  with  the  Blessed  Sir  Adrian 
Fortescue.  He  was  accusetl,  together  with  Robert 
Granceter,  merchant,  of  "going  to  several  foreign 
princes  and  persuading  them  to  make  war  with  the 
King".  He  had  no  trial,  and  no  proof  of  treasonable 
practices  was  ever  brought  against  him.  In  the  same 
bill  of  attainder  were  inclucled  manv  other  innocent 
victims  of  Henry's  tyranny,  including  the  Blessed 
Margaret  Pole,  Countess  of  Salisbury.  There  is  a  dis- 
crepancy among  the  chroniclers  as  to  the  date  of  the 


DINOOTH 


798 


DIOCESAN 


martyrdom.  Stow  gives  10  July,  the  Gray  Friars' 
"Chronicle"  and  Wriothesley,  9  July.  For  the  story 
of  the  suppression  of  tlie  Knights  of  St.  John  in  Eng- 
land, see  Stow,  "Chronicle",  pp.  579,  580.  The  gate- 
way tower  and  the  crj'pt  of  the  church  of  tlieir  great 
priory  at  Clerkenwell  are  still  standing. 

Bede  Camm. 

Dinooth,  Saint  (Dinothus,  DnN.\WD,  Dunod), 
founder  and  first  Abbot  of  Bangor  Iscoed  (Flintsliire); 
flourished  between  500  and  542.  He  was  originally  a 
North  British  chieftain  driven  by  reverses  of  fortune 
into  Wales.  In  conjunction  with  his  three  sons, 
Deiniol,  Cynwyl,  and  Gwarthan,  and  under  the  pa- 
tronage of  Cyngen,  Prince  of  Powj's,  he  founded  the 
monastery  of  Bangor  on  the  Dee,  which  must  not  be 
confounded  with  Bangor  in  Carnarvonshire,  founded 
by  St.  Deiniol  in  514,  and  afterwards  a  cathedral  city. 
The  community  at  Bangor  was  very  numerous,  and  the 
laus  perennis  was  established  there.  The  Triads  say 
there  were  2400  monks,  who  in  turn,  100  each  hour, 
sang  the  Divine  Service  day  and  night.  More  is 
known  of  this  famous  monastery  than  of  its  founder. 
He  is  mentioned  by  Bede  (Hist.  Ecel.,  ii.  2)  in  con- 
nexion with  the  second  conference  at  Augustine's  Oak, 
but  no  authority  is  given  for  the  statement,  and  there 
are  arguments  against  its  correctness.  The  Conference 
was  probably  held  in  602  or  603,  at  which  time  St. 
Dinooth  would  have  been  far  advanced  in  years,  and 
the  journey  from  North  Wales  to  the  Lower  Severn 
would  have  been  a  difficult  one  for  an  aged  man.  It  is 
true  that  delegates  from  Bangor  attended  the  confer- 
ence which  was  convened  by  St.  Augustine  to  raise 
the  moral  and  spiritual  condition  of  the  British  clergy, 
to  wean  them  from  their  old  method  of  computing 
Easter,  to  which  they  clung  with  great  tenacity,  and 
to  induce  them  to  co-operate  with  him  in  converting 
the  Anglo-Saxons.  The  document  purporting  to  be 
St.  Dinooth's  "Answer"  (printed  in  Ilaildan  and 
Stubbs,  Councils  of  Gt.  Britain  and  Ireland,  i,  122)  is 
the  sole  ground  for  connecting  his  name  with  this  con- 
ference; but  it  is  extremely  doubtful  whether  the 
"Answer"  has  anything  to  do  with  this  conference  at 
all.  St.  Augustine's  name  is  not  mentioned  in  it, 
neither  is  there  any  allusion  to  the  evangelization  of 
the  English.  It  contains  merely  a  firm  repudiation  of 
papal  authority  and  an  assertion  of  the  supremacy  of 
"the  Bishop  of  Caerlcon  upon  U.sk"  over  the  British 
Church.  Some  time  before  the  supposed  tlate  of  the 
document  St.  David  had  transferred  the  priinatial  See 
of  Wales  to  Menevia.  What  is  more  authentic,  how- 
ever, is  the  fact  that  in  consequence  of  the  British 
delegates'  refusal  to  agree  to  St.  Augustine's  proposals 
he  prophesied  their  destruction  by  the  English.  In 
613,  when  the  monks  of  Bangor  were  praying  for  the 
success  of  their  countrymen  in  battle  against  the  army 
of  Ethelfrid  of  Northumbria,  twelve  hundred  of  them 
were  slain,  being  mistaken  for  combatants.  The 
monastery  itself  was  probably  biu'nt  about  sixty  years 
later  (Haddan  and  Stubb.><,  i,  125),  and  extensive  ruins 
remained  for  several  centuries,  which  are  described  by 
William  of  Malmesbury,  ('amden,  and  Lelaiid. 

Rees,  Lives  of  Cambro-British  Saints  (Llandovery,  1S53): 
Hole  in  Diet,  of  Christ.  Biog.,  s.  v. 

G.  Cyprian  Alston. 

Diocaesarea  (1),  a  titular  see  in  Paliestina  Secunda. 
Diocipsarea  is  a  later  name  of  the  town  known  to  the 
Rabbis  as  Sippori,  "the  bird",  also  called  Scp|ihoris 
(Gr.  2^ff0upi5).  Though  not  mentioned  in  the  Bible, 
it  w;us  in  its  time  one  of  the  largest  towns  of  Galilee. 
Gabinius  established  there  (56  b.  c.)  one  of  the  five 
provincial  sanhedrins  (.Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.,  XIV,  v,  4). 
Herod  the  Great  easily  retook  it  from  Antigoiuis,  39 
B.  c.  (Ant.  Jud.,  XIV,  XV,  4).  In  a.  d.  3,  it  was 
captured  by  a  rebel,  Judas,  and  his  banditti,  but  was 
retaken  by  Aretas,  the  Arab  King  of  Pctra  and  ally  of 


the  Romans.  He  destroyed  it  completely,  and  sold 
the  inhabitants  as  slaves.  In  the  following  year 
Herod  Antipas,  Tetrarch  of  Galilee,  rebuilt  the  town 
and  dedicated  it  to  the  emperor  (Ant.  Jud.,  XVIII,  ii, 
1),  at  which  time  it  must  have  been  called  Diocfrsarea. 
When,  in  A.  d.  66,  the  great  Jewish  revolt  broke  out, 
the  inhabitants  would  have  no  share  in  it,  sent  away 
their  governor,  the  celebrated  historian  Flavins 
Josephus,  and  invited  Cestius  Gallus,  Prefect  of  Syria, 
to  occupy  their  town  with  his  troops.  About  ISO  the 
Great  Sanhedrin  left  the  neighbouring  village  of 
Shefr  Amar  and  resided  at  SepphorLs  till  it  was  re- 
moved to  Tiberias.  When  Count  Joseph,  a  con- 
verted Jew,  built  a  church  at  Sepphoris  (323-37)  it 
was  not  yet  an  episcopal  see  (St.  Epiph.,  Adversus 
haeres.,  in  Migne,  P.  G.,  XLI,  409).  In  353  the  Jews 
rebelled  again,  and  the  town  was  destroyed  by  Em- 
peror Galius  (Socrates,  HLst.  eccl.,  II,  xxxiii;  Sozomeii, 
Hist,  eccl.,  IV,  vii).  It  was  soon  rebuilt  (Theodoret, 
Hist,  eccl.,  IV,  xxii).  It  served  as  a  place  of  exile  for 
many  bishops  and  monks  during  the  persecution  of 
Valens.  When  Sepphoris  became  an  episcopal  see 
and  suffragan  of  Scythopolis,  is  unknown.  Only  two 
bishops  are  known,  Marcellinus  m  518  and  Cyriacus 
in  536  (Lequien,  Or.  christ..  Ill,  713).  During  the 
Crusades  Sepphoris  played  an  important  role,  though 
only  the  necropolis  was  occupied  by  a  Prankish  garri- 
son. The  springs,  at  half  an  hour's  distance  south- 
west of  the  town,  were  naturally  the  site  where  the 
Christian  armies  awaited  the  coming  of  the  Saracens 
from  beyond  the  Jordan;  thus  Iving  Guy  of  Lusignan 
encamped  there  before  the  battle  of  Hattin,  which 
caused  the  loss  of  Palestine  (July,  1187).  There  also 
in  April,  1799,  Ivleber  and  Junot  rested  their  troops 
before  the  battle  of  Mount  Thabor.  To-day  Sefou- 
rieh,  as  it  is  now  called,  is  inhabited  by  3000  fanatic 
Mu,ssuhnans;  there  are  preserved  the  ruins  of  the 
former  acropolis,  a  high  tower,  two  synagogues,  the 
beautifid  chvu'ch  of  Sts.  Joachim  and  Anna,  who, 
according  to  a  medieval  tradition,  were  born  at  Sef)- 
phoris.  This  church,  which  has  been  jiartly  demol- 
ished, has  three  naves  and  is  115  by  65  feet  m  dimen- 
sions. It  belongs  to  the  Franciscans,  who  say  Mass 
there  from  time  to  time.  (See  Guerin,  "Description 
de  la  Palestine:   Galilee",  Paris,  1880,  I,  369-79.) 

(2)  Another  Diocaesarea,  the  native  name  of  which 
was  Prakana,  site  unknown  (Ramsay,  Asia  Minor,  364 
and  454),  was  situated  in  Cilicia  and  a  suiTragan  of 
Seleucia.  Five  Greek  bishojis  are  known  from  381  to 
787  (Letiuien,  II,  1019);  for  Succensus,  about  4.33,  see 
Vailhe,  in  "Echos  d'Orient"  (IX,  221).  Three  Latin 
titular  bishops  are  known  in  the  fifteenth  century 
(Lequien,  III,  12.39;  Eubel,  II,  160). 

(3)  Finally,  in  the  fourth  century,  Nazianzus  was 
also  called  Diocaesarea  (Lequien,  I,  409). 

S.  Vailhe. 

Diocesan  Chancery,  that  branch  of  administration 
which  handles  :dl  written  documents  used  in  the  offi- 
cial government  of  a  diocese.  It  is  in  the  diocesan 
chancery  that,  under  the  direction  of  the  bishop  or  his 
representative,  all  docimients  which  concern  the  dit)- 
cese  are  drawn  up,  copieil,  forwarded,  and  a  record 
kept  of  all  official  writings  expedited  or  received.  The 
official  charged  with  the  execution  of  these  duties  is 
known  as  the  diocesan  chancellor.  In  many  dioceses 
the  chancellor  exercises  some  of  the  faculties  which  in 
other  dioceses  are  exclusively  reserved  to  the  vicar- 
general.  This  happens  more  frequently  in  smaller 
dioceses,  administered  directly  by  the  bishop  himself, 
and  in  which  the  vicar-general  (often  not  resident  in 
the  episcopal  city)  is  called  on  only  when  the  liishop  is 
absent  or  hindered.  In  such  casi\s  the  chancellor  is 
also  the  confidential  secretary  of  tlie  bishop.  .\  simi- 
lar system  obtains  even  in  many  extensive  dioceses 
which  are  adniinistered  by  the  bishop  with  the  aid  of 
one  or  more  vicars-general  and  the  diocesan  chancery. 


DIOCESAN 


799 


DIOCESAN 


Tbere  are,  however,  some  large  dioceses  in  which  all 
matters  personally  reserved  to  the  bishop  are  exe- 
cuted by  him  with  the  aid  of  a  secretary  or  chancellor, 
usually  a  priest,  while  the  greater  part  of  the  diocesan 
administration  is  handed  over  to  a  body  of  officials 
under  the  direction  of  the  bishop  or  his  vicar-general. 
For  the  correspondence,  registration,  and  care  of  the 
archives,  such  administrative  bureaux  are  provided 
with  a  secretariat  or  chancery.  The  chancery  is  a 
necessary  element  of  administration  in  every  diocese. 
Some  provision  for  its  duties  must  be  made,  even  in 
niis.sionary  dioceses,  in  Apostolic  prefectures  and 
vicariates.  Unless  the  official  correspondence  were 
properly  cared  for,  there  would  be  no  tradition  in  dio- 
cesan management,  important  documents  would  bo 
lost,  and  the  written  evidence  necessary  in  lawsuits 
and  trials  would  be  lacking.  The  famous  Apostolic 
Chancery  (Cannllnrid  ApoxMica)  developed  in  time 
from  the  chancery  of  the  primitive  Bishoj)  of  Rome. 
By  reason  of  the  latter's  primacy  in  the  ("hurch,  his 
chancery  naturally  ha<l  far  wider  relations  than  that 
of  any  other  Christian  diocese. 

It  is  somewhat  strange,  given  the  necessity  and, 
generally  speaking,  the  universality  of  diocesan  chan- 
ceries, to  find  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  common 
ecclesiastical  law  concerning  their  creation  and  equip- 
ment. The  explanation  lies'  in  the  very  nature  of  this 
law,  which  provides  only  for  what  is  general  anil  com- 
mon, and  takes  no  account  of  local  means  of  adminis- 
tration which  it  abandons  to  the  proper  authority  in 
each  diocese,  the  concrete  circmnstancos  offering 
always  great  variety  and  calling  for  all  possible  free- 
dom of  action.  Nor  has  the  Apostolic  See  ever  legis- 
lated concerning  diocesan  chanceries;  even  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  vicar-general  is  not  made  obligatory  by 
the  common  law.  Although,  as  above  described,  the 
methods  of  diocesan  administration  exhibit  no  little 
variety,  there  exists  on  the  other  hand  a  certain  uni- 
formity. Each  diocese,  after  all,  is  bound  to  observe 
the  common  law,  has  an  identical  range  of  freedom, 
and  identical  limits  to  its  authority.  Each  dioce-se, 
therefore,  ls  likely,  a  priori,  to  develop  its  administra- 
tion along  similar  lines,  but  does  so  regularly  in 
harmony  with  others,  particularly  neighbouring  dio- 
ceses. In  this  way  the  dioceses  of  a  given  country 
come  to  liave  similar  official  administration.  In  the 
course  of  the  last  century  the  diocesan  system  was 
generally  introduced  in  many  coimt  ries  whose  chm-ches 
had  hitherto  been  imder  a  more  or  less  provisional 

foveriunent  (e.  g.  United  States,  England,  Scotlaml, 
ndia).     Naturally,  the  bishops  of  these  new  dioceses 


sought  at  once  to  provide  for  an  orderly  administra- 
tion and  the  establishment  of  suitable  methods  for  the 
same.  Thus  we  see  that  the  more  recent  national  and 
provincial  synods  lay  much  stress  on  the  creation  of 
diocesan  chanceries.  The  First  Plenary  Council  of 
Baltimore  (18.52)  expressed  the  wish  that  in  every 
diocese  there  should  be  a  chancery,  to  facilitate  eccle- 
siastical administration  and  establisli  for  its  conduct  a 
more  or  less  identical  .system.  The  National  Synod  of 
Thurles  in  Ireland  (18.50)  made  provision  for  the  es- 
tablishment and  preservation  of  diocesan  archives. 
Similarly  for  lOngland  the  Provincial  SjTiod  of  West- 
min.ster  (18.52). 

In  keeping  with  these  recommendations  the  dio- 
cesan chancery  consists  of  a  certain  number  of  officials 
named  by  the  bi.shop.  In  the  United  States,  Engl.and, 
and  Australia  there  are  usually,  besides  the  vicar- 
g(Hieral,  a  diocesan  chancellor  and  a  .secretary.  In 
European  dioceses  t,he  cliancery  is  organized  variously, 
according  to  the  extent  of  the  diocese.  There  is  gen- 
erally in  each  diocese  a  chancellor  or  .secretary  with 
the  necessaiy  personnel.  In  the  dioceses  of  Germany 
much  of  the  administration  is  carried  on  by  an  official 
bureau  (Offizialat)  as  tlescribed  above,  i.  e.  the  vicari- 
ate-general,  to  which  are  adjoined  a  secretariat,  a. 
registry  office,  and  a  chancery.  In  the  Diocese  of 
Breslau  there  exists  an  instit\ition  known  as  the 
"Secret  Chancery"  (Celicinikanzlei)  which  expedites 
only  matters  decided  by  the  prince-bishop  personally 
or  with  the  advice  of  this  body.  The  prince-bishop 
presides  over  its  sessions  with  the  help  of  the  vicar- 
general.  Its  members  are  three  pri(>sts  and  one  lay 
coimsellor  to  whom  are  mldi-d  a  secretary,  a  chief  of 
the  chancei-y,  two  private  s.cntid  iis,  a  registrar,  etc. 
The  ordinary  diocesan  ailiiiiipi~tr:il  Inn  is  carried  on  by 
two  other  bureaux,  tht^  vicnriiilc-eincral  and  the  dio- 
cesan consistory,  mutually  indiixiHlcnt,  but  both  act- 
ing in  the  name  of  the  princc-liisliop.  For  the  office 
of  diocesan  chancellor  in  the  United  States,  see  "Acta 
at  Decreta"  of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Balti- 
more, in  index,  p.  30^!,  .and  of  the  Synod  of  Maynooth 
(1900),  s.  v.  "Archiva".  (See  also  Vicau-Genehal; 
Ahchives,  Ecclesia.stical.) 

LXmmeu,  Inftlitutionen  des  kaiholisckim  Kirchcnrcchts,  2d  ed. 
(Freiburg,  1S92);  Baart.  Lraal  Formulary,  3d  ed.  (New  York. 
1899);  AlEisTKH,  Das  licamlrnrcchl  dcr  Erzdiiizesc  f'reiburo 
(Stuttgart,  1904);  Mi  i,i,kii.  Die  hischujlwhcn  Diozesanbehvrden, 
iTVibestrndere  das  hvicholHche  Ordinariai  (Stuttsart,  190.5); 
KoiiRNiEB.  Ijes  ofiinaliUs  au  mot/m-'inc,  etc.  (Pari.s,  1880): 
KliKUTZWALD  in  Kirchenkx.,  s.  v.  Officialat,  IX,  781-83;  ANDRfc 
Wagner,  Diet,  de  droit  canon  (Paris,  1901),  3d  ed..  s.  v.  Official, 
OlTicialite. 

Joseph  Laurentius. 

VI 


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