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/ -
i.3 C /9
CIVILIZATION
OF
THE EASTERN IRANIANS
IN ANCIENT TIMES
WITH
AN INTRODUCTION ON THE AV EST A RELIGION
BY
DR. WILHELM GEIGER
A *
AUTHOR or 'a manual or THE AVBSTA LANOUAOE,* ' AOOBMADABCHA/ BTC.
i Cranftlatell from t^t dtrman
WITH A PREFACE, NOTES, A BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR, &c.,
BY
• DARAB DASTUR PESHOTAN SANJANA, B.A.,
MEMBER or THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, AND Or THE BOMBAY BRANCH Or
THB ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, SIR JAMSHBDJBB rSLLOW (a VESTA AND PAHLAVl)
AND GERMAN TBACHBR« SIR JAMSHBDJBB JIJIBHAI ZARTHOSHTl
MADRB88A, BOMBAY.
VOL. n^TBB OU> IRAMIAN POLITY ft THB AGB OF THB AVBSTA,
LONDON: HENRY FROWDE
AMEN CORNER, E,C
i886«
[i4// rights reserved. 1
Sombap:
PKINTID BT OHAILKS TAYLOB, KDUCATIOM SOCIETY'S PKESSj BTCCLLA.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
S tate and Laws.
PAOS
4 !• Constitution ••• *.. ... ... ••• ••• •.. X
§ 2. W ar and Military Con cerns 17
f 3 Legai Rights ... ... .*. ... •,, mj^, ...• 31
CHAPTER II.
Organization of Professions.
4 4* The Priesthood ... ••• ••• ... ... ... 46
§ 5. Warriors, Peasants^ Manufacturers and Slaves 64
§ 6. The Mutual Relations of the Several Orders 72
CHAPTER III.
On the Home and Age of the Avesta.
General Remarks ••• ••• ••• ... ... ... S5
§ 7. Tbe Home of the Avesta 88
f 8. The Age of the Avesta iij
APPENDIX.
I. GufiHTASP AND ZoROASTER •«. ... 167
II. IRANIAN ART ..• ... .•• ... ... ••• ..■ 228
III. The Iranian Alphabets 273
Sasanian Inscription op Naosh-i-Rustam by Dr.
E. W. West, Munich. (Reprinted from the " Indian
Antiquary") 287
Opinions ... ... •.. ••• ... ... ... 396
Translator's Notes, pp. 31, 34, 39, 40, 46, 56, 62, 65,
72, 73» 7S» io3» 125, 143, 144, 145, 147, 172, 177, 193,
194, 19s, 196. 205. 216, 217, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232,
230* 245, 248,271,272.
\0
CIVILIZATION
OF THE
EASTERN IRANIANS
IN
ANCIENT TIMES.
CHAPTER I.
State and Laws.^^
§ I. Constitution.
In all ages and countries the State has grown out of
the family.* State and family were originally identical.
An the relations, which subsist in family life between
husband and wife, parents and children, masters and
servants, have their counterparts in civil society. Here
the relations between the sovereign and his people,
between the government and its subjects, and frequently
also between freemen and slaves, are similar in kind.
The family develops itself gradually into the clan, the
clan into the tribe, the tribe into the nation. But actual
political life only begins when the nation has made a
permanent settlement in a fixed region, and territorial
associations form a new tie binding families and races to
the State.
* Chapter VII. § 44, Ostiranische Kuliur.
* ty. Arnold, ** German Antiquity, *' pp. 310 j^j^. ; Kaufman n,
Deutsche Geschkhl'e^ vol. I. p. 113.
VOL. II. B
STATE AND LAWS.
It must be understood that the development of the
nation does not proceed on the basis of races and tribes
alone, but is equally influenced by territorial division.
In proportion as the new influence gathers stability and
vital power, the family loses its political importance and
retains only that founded on private rights.
It is in this first stage of political existence that we
find the Iranians of the Avesta. They are no longer
herdsmen, or nomads, but settled agriculturists. Terri-
torial distinctions, therefore, already appear^ but not to
such an extent that the old constitution of races and
tribes is thereby disturbed and impaired.
Ig \h f Eastern Iranian State the family forms the
fu ndamental unit of the politic al organization of the
people.
The clan is m ade up^of_a number jof_Jdjidted_families,
while th e tribe is forme d of a nu mber of clans. -The tribal
system may have, lik ewise, developed itself so far in the
case of the Ira nians , that_famiHes_and_clans no longer
res tricted themselves to their natural m embers, but also
a dmitted outsid ers in to their bod y. Clans numerically weak
b anded together for the purpose of s ecuring their indepen-
den ce, while others perhaps divi ded themselves for econo-
mi cal reasons. However, the ...characteristic marks of
clanship survived.
Every individual was only a member of the State in so i
far as he or she belonged to a particular family or clan. \
Individual citizens were not p olitica l units, but the family
and the clan were; and the latter held a higher or low er
position in the St ate in proportion to their rank and influenc e.
There were no civil officers other than the elders of the clan
or tribe — a system which takes little account of personal
merit or efficiency.
In the Avesta State a certain tendency to division and
isolation cannot but be perceived, as might perhaps be
•-expected from the nature ^ftjie country. Soil suitable for
CONSTITUTION.
a gric ultural settlements is gener ally not to be fojind injargc
u nbroken expan ses, but in isolated tracts and parcels.
A community, which occupies such a spot, forms to a certain
extent a_state by its.elf^_.beiag separated f r o m o t her com*
munities by high and almost ioaccessihle-mouiitauiriran^es^
and hy-dreary deserts.
In fact, the more tenaciously the Eastern Iranian clings
to the narrow circle of his blood-relations, the less deve-
loped is his sympathy with the State and its interests.
Religion alone forms a tie sufficiently strong to bind one
community to another. It plays a far more important part
than national cohesion.
It is, indeed, characteristi c that th e Avesta language does
not even contain a word descriptive of thf^ pp npl^ as a pnlitU
calbody. Even the old Indian ytoxAjana^ in the passages
where it appears in contradistinctioir to the term'* sovereign "
or '* king," approaches this meaning far more nearly than
any word in the Avesta.
The Eastern Iranian village was an aggregation: of families.
It consisted of several farm-houses, each of which was
inhabited by a family. Possibly also the fanvilies most
closely related fornved within the village a compact group
or a special quarter,^ as is the case at the present day
amongst the Kishl&ks of the Badakhsh&nr.
* Comp. Zimroer, AiL. pp. 158-159.
• A similar circumstance is in my opinion indicated by qaetu
which occurs together with verezena (another form is veresdnd)
and airyaman in Ys. XXXIII. 3 and 4, XLIX. 7. The tradi-
tional translation of that word is the Phlv. Khvlshxh = Mod. Pers.
Khlskl^ «* relation, consanguinity." Compare also qaethvo-daika^
"marriage of relations." Verezena corresponds strikingly with
the Skr. vrjana, "village, village- community " (just as grama).
However, the identity of these two words is contested by many.
Skr. vrjana means originally " enclosure," then " hurdle, enclosed
village." This fundamental meaning cannot but be supposed to
be involved in the Ir, verezina, since . varez always means only
STATE AND LAWS.
At all events the smallest divisions of the State were
looked upon as being at once local and political. They
had, therefore, a real and tangible importance in connection
with the daily life of the people. The house or farm was
identical with the family^ the village with the clan. Accord-
ing to traditional accounts fifteen families were sufficient to
form a clan or village-community; but I suspect that this
minimum existed in theory rather than in practice.
The clans or Vis traced their descent from a common
ancestor. The clan as such was called by his name ; but in
the course of a generation the same name was also again
applied to single individuals.
** to work." I may here refer to the Mod. Pers. barzlgar,
" husbandman," and barzan, •* vicus^ urbis, mansion." Verezena
then came to denote the village as an association of colonists
that follow agriculture. The word approaches its original
signification *'work, care," in d/hro.verezene, " care (tending),
cult of the fire," (Ys. XXXVI. i) ; the same idea is indeed
expressed in ashahya-verezenet (Ys. XXXV. 8). More certainly
does the word varezdna designate the village in the passage where
it is used with the word maeihana^ ** farm-house," (Yt. X. 80 ;
Comp. also Yt. X. 1 16), just as in the phrase ashd *fradh • verezena-
(Ys. XXXIV. 1 4), which is the same as the asha -/rddh- gaethdo.
— A wider confederation, probably the union of neighbouring village-
communities into a common league, offensive and defensive,
is to be understood by airyaman. This meaning of the word is
clear when it occurs along with hakheman^ *' friendship."
The expressions gaefu, verezena and airyaman, evidently refer
to the moral relation of the individual families to each other. The
proper technical names for the constitution of the tribe are : r,
r Nmdna, ** house, family " ; 2, Vis, ** village, clan, race" ; 3,
/ ZantUi ** tribe" ; 4, Danhu or Baqyu, " country." For the two
first vide vol. I. pp. 233-234 and 237-238. Zantu is derived
from the root 2^«, •' to generate, to bring forth" ; Skr. JaniUy
*« descendant, race, tribe." The political organization is not
' altogether identical with that of the Vedic Arians. Amongst the
latter the different classifications are called Jana^ Vic^ Grama or
Vrjana, which, according to Zimmer {AiL. pp. 158 seq,)y
respectively denote " tribe (single nation), countr)- and village."
CONSTITUTION.
One of the most renowned races in the Avesta is the
Athwyanian which evidently derives its origin from the
half-legendary hero Athwya, From it the hero Thrait&na,
the conqueror of A zhi Daha ka, derives his descent.* I
would mention also the race of the Nautarids, to which Kavi
Vishtaspa belongs. His wife, Hutausa, is also included in
it, wives being admitted into the clans of their husbands.*
Finally, from the race of the Hvovids descends Jamaspa,
one of the first men who declared for the religion of
Zarathushtra. . . .
T he tribe^ called Zan t u. was evidently an almo st
a bstract concep tion. It is not mentioned ^y itf^f)f i" <^hp
Avesta^ but only as included in the syst em of the
Zoroastrian constitution.
The last one is composed of individual families. Hence we see
that the old Arian people were, indeed, likewise organized accord-
ing to consanguinity and race, primarily into the separate nations,
of Iranians and Indians, and hence was developed an extremely
legal and permanent political organization. — Danhu corresponds
literally to the Vedic dasyu, which designates the non-Arian
aborigines of the Panjab. The relation of both these terms and
their meanings is as follows : The primitive Arian word denoted,
as does also its cognate ddsa, hostile tribes. The Indian dasj'u
retained that signification, and served subsequently as a name for
the enemies of the gods or demons. But the Iranians understood
by the term Danhu^ the land rescued from enemies, or country in
general; even the Mod. Pers. dih^ which is purely topographical,
signifies a village. The Latin provincia may be conveniently
suggested for comparison. We have a striking compound word in
danhu-pdpereiana, *' battle of the (for the ?) countries," which most
vividly reminds us of the Skr. dasyu-hatya, Lassen, /, A, vol.
I. pp. 633 seq,\ Spiegel, E, A, vol. III. p. 544 ; vol. II. p. 241 ;
Zimmer, AiL, pp. 109 seq.
* "Unto her, the Anahita, offered * the offspring of the
Athwyanian race, * the offspring of the mighty race, Thrailana,"
Yt. V. 33 ; IX. 13 ; XV. 23 ; XVII. 33 ; comp. Ys. IX. 7.
* Yt. V. 98, vide vol. I. p. 176. Yt. XV. 35 :— "Unto him, the
Raman, implored Hutausa, who was rich in brothers, and of the
race of the Nautarids." uu-v^^^^^^ui
^ I
STATE AND LAWS.
We cannot, moreover, represent by the tribe in the old
Iranian State a large and independent portion of the people,
following its own course of development. The word
Zantu only denoted a certain number of families and
clans which were more closely united amongst themselves
than with others, which probably derived their descent
from the same ancestor, and which had, I believe, emigrated I
together before they settled in the country.
Local circumstances exercised far greater influence
than the more theoretical union of the tribe. At all
events, with the foundation of permanent settlements, one
race was easily divided from another, and the nation
became a confederacy of distinct races. The theory as
such was retained, but in reality the situation of the
different village-communities played a far more important
part in practical life. The closer pursuit of agriculture
in many districts, the distribution of water over the fields,
the construction of canals and trenches for irrigation, as
well as the right of pasture also necessitated an adjust-
ment of the relations between the individual communities.
Hence, instead of the ' tribe,' or, as the phrase also occurs,
of the * race and tribe,' the purely local idea of the ' settle-
ment' or of the * district* appears already in the Gathas.
By this is evidently meant the territory with all its
settlements occupied by one or more races.
*' Accordingly I ask Thee, how the bounteous one, who
desires the mastery over an estate,
Or over a district, or over a country, in order to
propagate piety.
As a man devoted to Thee, O Mazda Ahura : how
he must be and how he must act ?"
*' None of you shall listen to the words and precepts
of the vicious ;
For he will bring unto his house, and unto his village,
unto his district and unto his country, grief anddeath."
CONSTITUTION.
" (Nay), beat them down with the weapon ! " *
Finally, the country or Daqyu appears to be of geo-
graphical rather than of political significance. The term
^^ countries ^^ stands for land in general: ''Thou art the
worst and the best at the same timet O Mithra, for men !
.Thou commandest over peace and discord, O Mithra,
in the countries ! '**
The land of the Avesta people was divided into several
coGntrieSj_ fo^ whic h reasoa the Arian countries are always
spoken of in the, plural. Mention is also made of the
countries belonofinp to the non-Arians and to the Tura-
nidus* This is quite consistent, as the *' country" meant
originally the districts snatched from the enemy, and we
are free to conclude hence that the tribes of foreign race
had the same system of clanship as the Arians.
The individual village-communities, as well as the
countries themselves, seem to have been independent of
each other, and, as a rule, to have followed their own line of
policy. Occasionally, however, they also formed themselves
into a larger confederation, particularly, I believe, when
they were required to beat off some common external
enemy.'
A tribal system, similar to that which the Eastern Iranians
possessed, according to the description of the Avesta,
existed also in Western Iran- This we may infer from the
statements of Herodotus and of the old Persian cuneiform
inscriptions.
The Medes were divided into six, the Persians into ten
subdivisions or tribes. Each tribe contained in itself
* Ys. XXXI. 1 6, {nmanay shoithra^ daqyu) and i8 (nmana^ vis,
shoi/hra, daqyu). For the second passage comp. vol. I. p. 14.
• Yt. X. 29.
■ Thus we must, I believe, explain airyaman (vide supra^ p. 4,
note), and danhusasti (Ys. Lll. S and Yt. X. 87). The latter
name represents a more comprehensive union in the list* after
house, village, tribe and country.
8 STATE AND LAWS.
several clans^ each clan a number of distinct families. Such
a clan amongst the Persians was that of the Ach'amenids,
from which descended the Great Kings, who consequently
may have been originally, also, the elders of clans and
tribes.^
The finer distinction of the Avesta between a tribe and
a country, ^Zantu and a DaqyUy besides being of no practi-
cal value, appears even to have been unknown in Western
Iran. Here they understood by the '* tribe'* evidently a
comprehensive union, which, as was frequently the case
with the Germans, coincided with the country ; for the tribei
was the genealogical, the country the geographical, designa-
tion for the same division of the State.
How much the culture of a nation is influenced by the
natural features of its territory is clearly observed in the old
Iranian State as composed of races. To this potent factor
we may ascribe the preservation of the same constitution
up to the present time amongst the tribes of Iran, which
have remained untouched by civilization, in the midst of the
Afghans, Lures and Kurds.
The first of the tribes named above is the most impor-
tant for us, since it partly dwells in the territory of the
Avesta people.
Among the Afghans the family has the same political
importance that it had in ancient days.^ It forms the
basis of the entire national organization of the people;
but the State is rather more developed in its details.
* Spiegel, E, A, vol. II. pp. 237-238. Vide Herodotus, I. loi,
125. The technical terms used in the Avesta, in the Cuneiform
Inscriptions and in Herodotus, are the following : —
Avesta. « • *• - Herodotus.
Inscriptions.
I. danhu "j
2.zanlu ) ^''^'*"'' y*'^'-
3. 7>is vU'th (f)pr)Tpij,
4. nmana mantya
■ With what follows compare Spiegel, E, A, vol. I. pp. 310 seq.
CONSTITUTION.
We cannot simply distinguish, as in the case of the Avesta
people, three concentric circles which have the family
as the central point, but generally four or even five, so
that our terms — "country," "tribe," and "race" — are
no longer sufficient.
The Afghan Khail or " clan '' appears chiefly to corres-,
pond to the Vis or clan of the Avesta people. But
the Khails are no doubt proportionally more considerable.
They spread themselves as a rule over several villages,
and often comprehend a very considerable number of
families.
Several clans form again a larger group. This is
particularly the case with the Bannu Afghans, whose
extensive alliances concluded for mutual defence, are
called Gundi.^ With the latter I might compare the
Zantu or tribe of the Avesta.
The great leading tribes of the Afghans, such as the
Durani, Ghilzai, Khaiberi, Yiisufzai, may be regarded as
corresponding in some measure to the Daqyus or countries
a supposition which is warranted chiefly by the fact tha
they are really divided from each other according t<
territory.
The country of the Durani is bounded on the North
by that of the Aimak and Hezar, towards the West and
South- West it touches the desert, in the South it reaches
the district of Shorawak and- the Khoja-Amran mountains.
Northward of the DuranT dwell the Ghilzai on the Upper
Arghandab and Tarnak, and along the banks of the river
Lagar as far as the Panjir.
The Khaiberi occupy the eastern spurs of the Scfid-Koh.
The Yusufzai inhabit the plains of Peshiiwur as well as
the valleys of the rivers running from the North into the
Kabul-rud.
* Compare Gerland in Thorburn, Globus, XXXL 1877, p. 315.
VOL. 11. C
lO STATE AND LAWS.
In order briefly to describe the Afghan constitution as it
holds among the Duranis and to illustrate ancient institu-
tions by modern practice, we may mention that they are sub-
divided into two principal divisions and nine tribes. Each
tribe is composed of a number of races or clans and families.
The Popalzai form a tribe of the Duranis, the Saddozai
a clan of the Popalzai. From a family of the Saddozai was
descended the founder of the Afghan power.
The Bannu Afghans are also divided into numerous Khaih
or clans. Each clan consists of several village -communities,
each village-community again of several families.
Like the political organization of the Avesta people, their t
government is also patriarchal.
The master of the house is the head of each house or of
each individual family; the 7naster of the clan or village
superintends the clan or the village, and is perhaps selected
from amongst the patres-familias* But it is far more
probable that the headman of the leading oldest family of
the race held that dignity ipso facto.
The master of the tribe is the chief of the Zantu or
*' tribe." Lastly, ^Ai^ prince or sovereign of the country is the
head of the country. They also possibly owed their dignity
to election ; or perhaps enjoyed it in consequence of the
position in the tribe occupied by their clans and their
families.*
All authority in the Avesta State was evidently analo-
gous to the dignity and legal power possessed by the
' Their names in the Avesta dialect are : — nmanb-paiti, " master
of the house" (also nmanya); rw-/>fl/V/, " master of the village
or clan'* (also visja) ; zantu-paiti, " master of the tribe" (also
zan/uma) ; danhu-paiti^ " master of the country *' (also daqyuma).
The same chiefs are again and again mentioned ; as in Yt. X.
83-84 : " Him, Mithra, does the master of the country implore
with uplifted hands for help, him the master of the tribe, him the
master of the village, him the master of the house." Comp. Yt. X,
17, 18; Vsp. m, 2 ; Yd. VIL 41, 42 ; Ys. IX. 27, &c.
CONSTITUTION. i i
pater-familias in his household. It is a remarkable factV
that the Shirani, an Afghan tribe inhabiting the SuleimiiiJ
mountains, designate their chief, who is always the heaal
of the oldest family^\by_ tbe_title_ of A^/i^'^, *'_Httlc_gEandJ
father/'
We will not err if we assume that the greatest influence
was directly exercised by the master of the house and
the elder of the clan or village. A similar state of things
still exists amongst those tribes of modern Iran, which
have preserved their ancient constitution. Amongst them
each family, each dan and each tribe has, as in the
case of the Avesta people, its own head— a condition^
of things which savours strongly of republicanism. The
chiefs of the different tribes possess as a rule more power
and influence than the king.*
For success in his more important enterprises the \
Amir of Afghanistan depends entirely upon the greater
or less good- will of the tributary princes, who are
nominally subordinate to him. The individual tribes are
altogether independent. Even the most powerful princes
are content when the tribes only bind themselves to pay
an insignificant tribute, and to take the field on their
behalf in case of war.
The Afghans of Bannu have generally no common
Khan. Each village-population selects its own Mai iky
who collects certain taxes, out of which, however, the
public expenses are to be defrayed. The Khails^ too,
select their own Malik^ who is distinguished by his power
or noble birth. The Gundis also have their own leader,
whilst no higher central authority is known.'
* See Globus, vol. XXXI. 1877, p. 333. Cf. also Elphin-
stone, " Kabul/' vol. II. pp. 24 seq.^ on the Afghan clans and
their government.
' Spiegel, E, A, vol. II. p. 240.
' Globus, vol. XXXI. 1877, p. 317.
12 STATE AND LAWS.
The State management which obtains among the Kafirs,
appears to be the most primitive of all. Here the entire
government consists in a sort of patriarchal control
exercised by the beads of certain families. However^
the powers of such elders are very limited.^
We may safely believe that the sovereigns of ''countries"
lived in a style of extreme simplicity. The type of such
TOtiTarclial rulers Is Yifhay ^' the rich in (locksT^ We may
infer from the epithet thus applied to him, that this prince
was, like his subjects, devoted to agriculture and cattle-
breeding, and was distinguished from .them only by his
larger fields and flocks.
The country-princes principally display their activity
in war. They are also, therefore, called *'the armed
rulers." «
" The country-princes pray unto him (Mithra), when
they draw themselves up in line of battle against
the terrible armies, against those gathered thus
together for fighting in the war of the country." '
Vadhaghna and Arvasara, the opix)nents of Kavi
IlusravUf^ are styled " country-princes." The Yazatas
also receive this title of honour, **fespecially Mithra, 'Vvrbo
is even called the "provincial lord of all the countries,"
because he rules as the Sutt'-Yazata from heaven over
the entire world.^
Another appellation for the master of a country is
^' Sdstar, "the ruler/' ^ The Sastar also displays his power
in the field :
• " Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society," vol. II.
1880, p. 251.
" Thwam • Yazaonte • aurvaoTjho • ahuraoghb • danhu-palayo'^
Yt. V. 85.
• Yt. X. 8. * Vol. XIX. 6; Yt. XV. 31.
• Yt. X. 78. — Mithrem • vispatiam • daqyunam • danhu-paOxm,
Yt. X. 145. Comp. Ys. I. II.
** Sas/urc from the root sdot/h = Skr. cas, '* to command. "^
CONSTITUTION.
13
*' Mithra surveys the whole Arian-land, the most blissful,
where armed rulers command excellent troops." *
The identity of the Sastars with the country-princes is
proved by their title of all-commanding rulers of the
country.^ If such a one duly adores the Fravashis, who
manifest their aid chiefly in battle^ he will attain special
power.' They are principally the manes who protect
the ruler in every difficulty.
" When hostile antagonists pursue the all-commanding
ruler of the country; and when he (the latter)
implores the ho\A fravashis of the pious ; then they
come to his protection." *
Such is the position which the Sastar holds in the Yashts.
Here he is clearly the country-prince so far as he is the
commander-in-chief of the army.
An entirely different picture is more strikingly exhibited
in the Yasna and the Vendidad. In these books the
Sastar is considered as a wicked being, an inimical tyrant
full of death and destruction.
" Against the body of the vicious man, of the mali-
cious sastar, throw thy weapon, O golden Hauma !
to favour the threatened pious people." ^
So early as in the Gathas is this antipathy to the Sastars
observed,^ and we might almost believe that we here
* Yt.X. 13-14.
• Sasia • danheush • hamb'khshathrd.
m
■ " If {anybody) makes good offerings • unto ihQ fravashis of
the pious,* he will become an all-commanding ruler of the
country,* the most powerful prince among mankind," Yt. XIII. 18.
* Yt. XIII. 69-70. Avi'Spash/d, " threatened by an ambush" :
from avi-spas, literally " to glance at somebody."
' Ys. IX. 31. Comp. Yo • mashyo • drvao • sasia, Vd. XXI. i ;
IV. 49 ; Ys. LXV 8. — Sdstrahecha, pouru-mahrkahe, Ys. LXL 4 ;
LXVIII. 8.
• NacJha • daqyemh • yoi - sdslarv • dregvanlo, occurring in a
difficult passage, Ys. XLVI. I.
"
V4
STATE AND LAWS.
touch upon the traces of a conflict between the priesthood
and the political power. This antique ** Kulturkarnpf,**
however, must have gradually died out. In the Yashts,
composed in later times and especially for the use of the
laity, this antagonism seems to have entirely disappeared;
The title Khshathra^ ** sovereign," is also very ancient,
and is found even in the sacred Gathas, It is before the
Khshathras that Zarathushtra and his immediate adherents
and followers proclaim the new religion. Whether they
will decide in its favour is the most striking and important
question;
" Therefore I ask Thee, give me truly answer,
O Ahura :
How shall I maintain my doctrine purer,
Which is to be proclaimed before the bounteous
sovereign
As the true princedom and the right doctrine by
Thy adherent, O Mazda,
Who dwells amongst the settlers piously and good-
mindedly?"*
The Khshathras are not always inclined to embrace
the Mazda-religion. They adhere sometimes to false priests,
the Kavis and KarapanSy instead of listening to the precepts
of the Zoroastrian sages. As a punishment for their
stubbornness they are threatened with eternal damnation.^
Good and bad princes are sharply distinguished ; —
** Good princes shall rule over us, but no wicked
princes.
With deeds of good wisdom, O Armati ! "'
• Ys. XLIV. 9. C/, vol. I. p. 231. Also compare Vsp. I. 9 :
" I lay out the offering and make it known to the lord of the
country, who is devoted to Ahura'* (Ahuroi^h' daqyumahe,)
• Ys. XLVI. 1 1 ; XLIX. 1 1 : comp. vol. I. pp. 99-101.
• Ys. XLVIII. 5. The emendation of the first line : Hu-
khshaihra * ni'md- du^hkhshalhra • khshayaniu^ was first suggested
by Roth. (Cy. C. de Ilarlez, Av, tr* II. p. 147, note).
CONSTITUTION.
»5
" When will, O Mazda! the men of wisdom step
forth ?
When will they drive away the filth of intoxication ;
Of which vice the false priests are proud,
And of which the wicked rulers of countries boast ? " '
♦ Grehma appears to have been such a prince, hostile
to the Zoroastrian religion.^ On the other hand, the
princes like Vishtaspa and Jamaspa are extolled as the
first adherents of Zarathushtra.'
The country-princes were independent of each other.
But it also happened occasionally that a powerful poten-
tate acquired supremacy over several or all the Arian
countries. This is particularly mentioned of Kavi Husrava,
the Kai Khosrav of the Shahniime, who is likewise,
therefore, called in the Avesta the hero who united the
Arian countries into an empire.*
In like manner Haushyangha, Yima and Kavi Usan
address the following prayer to Ardvi-siira: "Grant, O
most blissful Anahita, that I may become the supreme
ruler over all the countries of demons and men P' ^
The dominion of village-elders and of country -princes
was not absolute.
Among the Afghans, the heads of families as well as the
Maliks of village-communities and of clans, meet together
in an assembly, which has the right to impose penalties
and to adjust differences, and which thus curbs the power
of the head Malik,
\
• Ys. XLVIII. 10. Dus\ikhshaihrd • daqyundm • strikingly re-
minds us of sasta • danheu%\it
• ' Ys. XXXII. 12.14.
» Ys. LI. 16 ; XLIX. 9 (cf, also Ys. XLVI. 14 seq. ; LIII. 2.)
• Arsha . airyanam • daqundm • khshaihrai . hahkeremo, Yt, V.
49; IX. 21 ; XV. 32.
• Yatha • bavani • upemem • khshaihrem • vispanam • daqyundm •
daevandm • mashydndmcha^ apparently meaning " the non-Arians
and the Arians," Yt. V. 22, 26, 46.
1 5 STATE AND LAWS.
//
Popular assemblies are also known amongst the Lures
and even amongst the wildest tribes of the Kurds. ^ They
are evidently very old institutions, and at the same time
an organic element in the constitution of the tribe.
Of Yima it is related in the Avesta that he convoked an
assembly of the best among men.* This assembly was
also graced by the presence of Ahura Mazda and the good
genii. Ahura Mazda announced unto Yima the impending
deluge and gave him the necessary counsel, how to escape
from that danger with his people.
Here we have clearly before us the description of an
/ old country-prince, and how he holds solemn council
/ with the nobles of his tribe regarding some important
event.
The assemblies were, it seems, opened with prayer, in
fact, with the Ahuna-varya formula,^ whereby the help
of the Divine Spirit was invoked and the pernicious
influence of evil was averted.
A man, whose word is of weight in council, is highly
estimated by the people : —
" Through the power and glory of the fravashis an
able man rises in the assembly, a counsellor of
convincing speech, who possesses the longed-for
wisdom, who will protect his countryman seeking
his help, anticipating his request ! " *
For this reason one prays also to the Fravashis : — " In
my house may there be herds of cattle and troops of men,
swift horses, strong chariots, and an able adviser/' " Able
* Spiegel, E. A.\o\. 11. p. 240. C/. also Globus, XXXI. 1877,
p. 332.
* Hahjamanem • fraharaia • yo • Yimo • khshae/o - hvcLlhwd^
Vd. II. 21. Also vyakhna is an expression used for the *• assem-
blage of the people," from root vyach.
* Yt. XL 3-4.
* Yt. XIII. 16. I believe, we should read the third verse thus :—
zyakhmd • hugushayai • ukhdho.
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS.
'7
in council" is likewise an honourable characteristic of
posterity. Mithra, the all-seeing sun-yazata^ too, enjoys
the same title, which is evidently regarded by the Iranians
generally as expressing the ideal of manly capacity.^
§ 2 • War and Military Concerns.
The peace of the Avesta nation was chiefly endangered
by the plundering inroads of the northern barbarians.*
Indeed^ no effectual military precautions could be taken
against such foes,' save to be always on the watch and to
parry attacks as skilfully as possible. However, regular
campaigns were not unknown. The Arians undertook
wars against the enemies of their tribes, partly, it appears,
for the sake of conquest, and partly by way of retaliation
for p'llaging incursions.*
Internal dissensions were also^ I believe, frequent amongst /
the Arians themselves, for social and religious differences
were common. It was, therefore, a matter of honour for^
every man to be always brave and warlike,^
In the field every head of a family was accompanied by
Vis followers^ who, I am inclined to believe, chiefly con-
sisted of grown-up sons ; however, the able-bodied servants
must also have accompanied their master in war; and,
the larger the number of his followers, the more important
naturally was his position in the camp. " Troops of
heroes " are, therefore, in addition to cattle and fields, one
of the principal objects of desire to the Iranian.
* Yt. XIII. 52 ; Ys. LXII. s J Yt. X. 65.
■ Akksh^t, •* peace " ; anakhshfi, *' discord."
' " Enemy," dushmainyu, ibtshvai, hamereiha, Yt. X. 11 ;
haretha^ Yt. X. 34 ; verethra just as Skr. rr/rtf, Ys, XLIV, 16.
♦ Yt. X. 8 ; ^. vol. I. p. 27.
• Vuidhishta^ Vahtn,
VOL. II. D
l8 STATE AND LAWS.
*' Give strength and victory, give herds that create
prosperity, give a troop of heroes, able and eloquent,
victorious and unconquered, who may overpower
the opponents, who may subdue the enemies, who
may bless the people and protect their race ! " *
The organization of the army was of course based on
no other principle than the constitution of the State during
peace. The family constituted the military as it did the
political unit. The warriors ranged themselves family by
family and clan by clan, the ties of relationship being thus
regarded as the most stable bond of union in the moment
of danger,^
Armies were modelled after the same pattern by the
Indians, with whom the expression " village-community "
meant exactly a troop of warriors.' The same was also
the case amongst the old Germans : —
" The armed nation was at the same time the army, for
army and nation were syijonymous, and only the invalids,
children, women and old men were excluded from military
service. In the most ancient times the case was similar
with every nation, and it was so much the more believed
to be indispensable by the Germans, as their tribes had to
be necessarily organized in a warlike manner when on their
migrrations. Also there were wandering armies which had
to be ready every moment for defence."
" The sub-divisions of the people into countries,
hundreds, and communities, therefore, constitute the sec-
tions of the army ; or, as we can say perhaps more
correctly, the divisions of the nation owed their origin
' Nyaj. III. lo, Cf. virydm-ish/imf vtrydm-vathivdm^ &c., Yt.
VIII. IS ; XIII. 52 ; and the compound form pasu-vtra, Ys. XLV.
9, LVIII. 6.
■ Yt. XIIL 67 may be cited as a proof (vide\o\, I. pp. 1 14- 1 15).
■ Zimmer, AiL. pp. 160-16 1. In the Avesta the army is
called «ra=Skr. vrd. The latter particularly designates a sub-
division of the vie*
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS.
«9
inversely to its military organization. Here the relation-
ship and union of races were of course taken into con-
sideration as much as possible, for, as we learn from
Tacitus, the nearest relatives among the old Germans
stood together also in battle." '
The task of leading the army devolved on the country-
prince. He had to take care that the army was properly
arrayed in ranks, since the Iranians did not fight, like
barbarians, in irregular masses, but already to a certain
extent in drilled battalions. *
The use of banners or military ensigns, too, points to a
certain tactical order in the field. It is intended, I believe,
to indicate the military skill and capacity of the inhabitants
of Bdkhdhif when that city receives in the A vesta the
epithet *' with highly-raised banners/' ' It is also said
of the Fravashis, who are active in battle, that they bear
military ensigns.
Before the battle rages the divine spirits are invoked for
assistance. ^* The country-princes pray unto Mithra,
when they go to battle."* In fact, they owe their victory to
the strength and aid of the celestial ones.
'* Therefore I ask Thee, give me truly answer, O
Ahura:
* Arnold, " German Antiquity " (3) pp. 286-287 > ^/' Kaufmann,
Deutsche Geschichte, vol. I. p. I2i. Tacitus, Germ. 7:'' Quod
praecipuum foriiiudinh incitamentum esiy non casus neque for*
tuila conglohatio turmam aui cuneum facity sed families et pro-
pinquf'iatesJ*
• C/. supra pp. 12-13; Yt. X. 14 ; Sas/aro • aurva . . . .
urao ' razayeihti {^\iv, raj\ ''to rule, to command"). The " battle"
is hamaranaQlU XIII. l\)z^S)iiX, samarana ; or peshana {danhu-
paper etdna)^^^kx, priana. The " line of battle " is areza
(Yt. X. 8 and 36, XIII. 33) or rasman (Yt. V. 68, X. 47) ; Comp.
rasmano • hamstaUi, ** the drawing up of the army in files, " Yt.
XIII. 39. ** Army" = spadha, Mod. Pers. sipah.
• Drafsha, " banner "; eredhwo-drafsha, Yd. I, 7.
* Yt. X. 8.
20 STATE AND LAWS.
Whether Thou commandest over it in holiness,
When the two armies silently dash together,
According to those doctrines^ which Thou, Mazda,
wouldst have us adhere to :
How and to which of the two Thou wilt grant the
victory ? " *
A war-song, the author of which imagines himself
to be on the eve of a bloody battle, is preserved in the
Avesta :
*' May the two exalted friends
Come to our help,
When the swords raise their din (/. e, clash) loudly,
When the horses* nostrils snort.
When the daggers gleam, and the strings
Send forth sharp arrows :
Then shall the sons of God's contemners
Be hurled headlong ! " *
The swaying of the battle from one side to the other
is compared to the conflux of mighty waters, especially to
that of the Voru-kasha. *' There quiver all the flanks,
there shakes the entire middle, when flows into it, when
streams into it the Ardvi-sura Anahita.'''
Now is the time for the Yazatas to render support and
vigorous help. It is principally the Fravashis and Mithra,
who now display their might.*
* Vs. XLIV. IS.
■ Yt. X. 113. By the ** two friends " (Av. Mithra) are implied
Ahura and Mithra, ** God's contemners " is a free rendering. The
text has gouru-zaothranO^m^ " of those who bring odious offer-
ings." The expression might be changed into gouru-zaothra, in
order to suit the metre, so that hunavo may perhaps be translated
*nhe Hunus.'*
* Yt. V. 4. The metaphor is taken from the waving of the
line of battle, karana is the flank, the wing ; maidhya^ the middle,
the centre. Cf. Yt. X. 36, XIII. 39.
* Yt. XIII. 17, 3«f 37-38, 66-67, Vide vol. I. pp. 114-115.
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS. 21
" Mithra opens the war, he joins in the combat; standing
in the fight he shatters the lines arrayed for battle.
There stagger all the flanks of the army led to the
fight ; he (Mithra) puts to flight the whole centre of
the blood-stained army of the enemy." ^
Respecting their equipment in war it may be mentioned
that offensive weapons were more in use than defensive
armour. However, the latter was not quite unknown.
The Turanian prince, Frangrasyan, wears a coat-of-mail
made of brass. The Fravashis are metaphorically con-
ceived as clad in brazen armour, apparently after the
manner of heavy-armed warriors on earth. Mithra as the
Yazata of light is clad in a gold coat-of-mail. ^
We do not err if we assume that brazen armour was
used especially by those who fought on chariots. In their
exposed position they stood more in need of protection than
other combatants. Only people of rank, who belonged
to the military nobility, fought from chariots. The rest of
the nation fought probably on foot around them. Cavalry,
too, were even known to a certain extent.'
The most valuable property of the *' chariot-warriors "
consisted naturally in their steeds, for whose strength and
vigour they prayed.* *' Famous through chariots" is a
term of praise bestowed upon the horse. ^ The princes
are called " possessors of snorting steeds and of rumbling
* Yt. X. 36 [cf X. 39). The same is said of Verthraghna, Yt.
XIV. 62^ and of Sransha, Ys. LVII. 12.
■ Ys. XI. 7 speaks of Frangrasyan as ayaghahe-pairish-
hvakhta; Yt. XIII. 45 represents the fravashis to be ayb-vereihra
(this epithet is proved to be a later addition for the sake of res-
toring the original metre) ; Yt. X. 112 says of Mithra that he was
zaranyO'V&refhman ; also vareman^ ( Yt. V. 1 30) = Skr. varman^
meaning perhaps a ** coat-of-mail." Cf,y however, vol. I, p. 239,
note I.
■ Comp. vol. I. p. 177.
* Comp. vol. I. p. 176.
* Sraoraiha^ Yt. X. 30 ; formed like sraoianu.
22 STATE AND LAWS.
chariots."* The wheel of the chariot seems to have been
regarded among the Iranians, as is known to have been the
case among the Indians, as the symbol of world-conquering
power. At least it is said of Zarathushtra that he first of
all made the wheel roll over the demons and wicked sons
of men, that his empire embraced Arians and non-Arians.*
All this indicates that the chariot-warriors were a dis-
tinct section of the army. During battle they played a
part similar to that of the Homeric heroes and the old
Persian champions in the descriptions of Firdausi. They
could rarely, however, have taken part in a general melee ;
it is more likely that before the opposing armies joined
battle, the chariot-warriors on both sides challenged one
another to single combat ; or, perhaps in the midst of the
fray, they looked for opponents of equal rank, whom they
could match in courage and military skill.
Each chariot combatant was accompanied by a charioteer.
To the latter was entrusted a task scarcely less honourable
or important than that of the former. Skilful management
of the chariot was not less essential to success than the
skill and valour of the warrior himself.
The charioteer in old Iran was for that reason not the
servant but the devoted friend and companion of the
combatant,' as was the case among the Indians of the Vedic
and the Achiiians of the Homeric periods.
* Fraoihai'Qspa and qanai-chakhra^ Yt. V. 130.
* Chakhrem - urvaesqya/a, Yt. XIII. 89. The phrase at once
reminds us of Skr. chakraiii • varlay (Grassmann, Wtb, sub voce)
and chakravarlin, ** one who causes his chariot-wheels to roll
freely over all countries; the Ruler of the Universe" {B, R.
sub voce). However, vr/ and urvis cannot possibly be identified
in sound.
' Yt. V. 131: " I pray to thee for the two-armed ones, O
Anahita, for one two-legged and for one four-legged : for the two-
legged, who might swiftly approach the chariot and be forward
in assailing it in battle ; but for the four-legged who might
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS.
23
According to the Rig-veda, the princess Mudgalani
drives in battle the team of her husband Mudgala.* In
the Iliad, Stenelos, son of Capaneus, is the charioteer of
Diomedes. iEneas himself holds the reins for Pandaros, as
the latter strives to wound the raging Diomedes. On a
single chariot stand the two sons of Priam, the bastard An-
tiphus and the legitimate son Isus, the former as charioteer,
the latter as combatant. Similarly, the two sons of Anti-
machus, Pisander and Hippolochus. Cebriones, a natural
son of Priam, is Hector's charioteer. As Hector alights from
his chariot in order to storm the wall, Cebriones, too, places
himself in the ranks of the combatants. Nor is the chariot
entrusted to an inferior. Patroclus is called the charioteer
of Achilles, and Coranos, the friend and charioteer of
Meriones/"^
The Vendidad describes in one passage the equip-
ment of the chariot-warrior. In this list there are
also enumerated the several kinds of defensive armour,
the coat-of-mail, gorget, beaver, helmet, belt, and
cuisses.'
The coat-of-mail protects the breast from cuts and
thrusts. We cannot be positive as to the pattern. It
crush both the wings of the enemy's army, that fight in the broad
front, in his flight to the left and to the right, to the right and to
the left." It is plainly the wish of a chariot-warrior for a swift
charioteer, and for a strong team of horses. We do not avail
ourselves of the double meaning of the expression Ava • aurvaii/a,
Aurvat evidently means just the same as Vedic Arvat, the lancer
as well as the horse.
* Rv. 10. 102, 2« Comp. also Zimmer, AiL. p. 269.
" Iliad, Bk. III. 11. 367, 403 seq. ; Bk. V. 11. 107 seq,, 11. 239
seq., 11. 217 seq. ; Bk. XL 11. 10 1 seq.j 11. 122 seq.^ 11. 521 seq, ; Bk.
XVI. 11. 726 seq. ) Bk. XII. 11. 91-92 ; Bk. XVII. 11. 426, 616 seq.
* Zradha^ kuiri, pai/i-dana, saravara (from sara^ " head," and
vara frorart. var^ ** to protect"), kamara (= Mod. Pers. kamar),
rana-pana (literally ** the thigh-protecting "). See Vd. XIV. 9,
24 STATE AND LAWS.
may have consisted either of metallic scales or rings of
brass.*
Respecting the helmet y we do not know whether it was
made of leather or of metal. At all events metal ones were
not unknown. Helmets of brass were worn by the Fravashis
as well as by Vayu, the wind-yazata^ and by Mithra. It
is allegorically said that Vayu wore a golden, Mithra a
silver, helmet.*
The gorget probably connected the cuirass with the
helmet. The beaver covered, as a sort of visor, the lower
part of the face; the cuisses the thigh. The ^^/^ served,
I believe, as among the Achaians, not merely to support
the sword but also at the same time to protect the body.
Regarding the use of the shield we learn very little from
the Avesta. Apparently it was only seldom used. At all
events the yazata Ashi and the Fravashis are represented
as shield-bearers. '
We have abundant allusions to offensive weapons.
The most ancient was the club.^ Every knotted piece
of wood could serve as such. Plates or knobs of metal
were used to increase its tremendous weight. Clubs are
the special weapon of the good spirits, who are armed for
fighting in the manner known to the earliest antiquity.
"When the evil-minded malefactor hastens hither
with speedy steps, then Mithra, the lord over
* This is confirmed by the Mod. Pers. word zirah, which
especially denotes a coat-of-mail, as well as by the derivation of
zradha from rt. zrad = Skr. hrad^ " to clatter." In Sanskrit
hradin means •* the warrior," also " the thunderbolt of Indra,"
hrada, '* the noise or clanging."
* Ayd'khaodha,YLXlll. 4$; Zaranyo-khaodha, Yt XV. 57;
comp. vol. I. p. 213.
» Spdra-ddsh/a, Yt. XIII. 35; XIX. S4 (Mod. Vers, sipar,
'* scutum'*).
* The club already occurs in the Gathas as vadare (Skr.
vadhat\ Ys. XXXII, 10. Also the weapon with which Hauma
dashes down the evil-doer is called vadhare (Ys. IX, 30 seq,).
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS.
25
wide fields, yokes his bright chariot ; and Srausha
and Ashi, the bold^ and Naryosangha, the mira-.
culously powerful, swing vigorously their danger-
ous clubs." ^
Clubs were used both for throwing and for striking.
The missile club was particularly the weapon of Srausha.^
It was fastened to the girdle,' as was also the custom of
the most ancient warriors of the North.*
The missile clubs were often angular, and therefore
proved very effective. They were also mounted with
studs and tipped with brass. Perhaps they were cast in
solid metal. At least so it is said of the club of Miihra,
which,of course with the usual exaggeration as to numbers,
is described by the A vesta in the following manner :
*^ He holds fast with the hand his club, the hundred*
knobbed, the hundred-edged, the down-crashing
one, annihilating men, which is cast in light-^
coloured brass, strong, gold-coloured (brass) ;
the most powerful of all weapons, the most
victorious of all weapons." ^
The club especially employed for striking was also shod
with brass.^ It is referred to as the weapon of Mithra,
* Yt. X. $2. Here the club is denoted by vudha^ akin to
VAdhare, from rt. vadh^ ** to strike, to kill.''
■ Kfl«rtf=Skr. vajrat is decribed in Yt. X. 96 and 132 as a
zaena^ '* a missile " (from rt. 3/=r Skr. hi) comp. hefi\ " a javelin."
Even by Ma^na in Yt, X. 141 is to be understood the club.
The word, which usually denotes the handling of the vagra, is
ni'Vtj, "to swing down, to dash down." C/. the e^iihei hum'vik/i/a.
* Hence Vd. XVIII. 30 speaks of the laying down of the vazra,
npa-yu/f " to unfasten."
* Weinhold, Ai/nordisches Lehen, p. 202. According to Arnold,
('• German Antiquity," p. 274), clubs for smiting and for throwing
were also used by the ancient Germans.
* Yt. X, 96 and 132.
* Gadha, Yt, X. loi ; used with the epithet ayaghaena, Yt. X.
131. The verb used with it is m'-Jafh " to dash down."
VOL. II, E
26 STATE AND LAWS.
who crushes with it his enemy, man and horse at once.
Similarly, Kersaspa, a hero of Iranian antiquity, is styled
the club-bearer.'
The Chakusha^ must have been a weapon of a similar
kind to the club. It is described as made of copper and
double-pointed. Consequently, it was a pole-axe of metal,
either end of which could be equally used. It is said of the
Fravashis that they cause the Chakusha to reach the
object at which it is thrown.
One of the most primitive weapons was the sling.
Hence we find it in use amongst the most diverse, if
not amongst all, nations inhabiting the globe.^ If handled
with dexterity, it is in no way to be despised. In old Iran,
its form must have been almost the same as among other
nations.
The usual number of sling-stones,* which the Iranians
were accustomed to carry with them, was thirty. While
the force of an arrow depended upon the elasticity of the
bow-string, strength of arm was essential to the effective
use of the sling.^
Like the sling the iowvfais used for fighting at a distance,
but was probably regarded as superior in effect to the
former.*^
* Gadhavara, Ys. IX. lo; Yt. XIII. 6i. Gadha (masc.) means
** robber, murderer," then, apparently, ** club-bearer."
* Chakusha {haosafnaeni-bita^gha^ Yt. X. 1 30 , iaegha, " point" ;
ddray " corner, edge") or chakush, Aku and chaku are similar
weapons.
' Tylor, Anfdnge der CuUur, I. pp. 66, 74.
* Asna OTMrsh/va ^fradakhshanya {ixom/radakhshana^ " sling"),
Yt. X. 39.
* Hence fradakhshana • snavare-lazura • ma\. • thn's&s -/radakh-
shanydish, **2i sling, that has the arm for the string, with 30
sling- stones," Vd. XIV. 9 (c/. Vd. XVII. 9-1O). Asatto • aremo-
shu/a, "sling-stones thrown by means of the arm,*' Yt. XIII. 72.
* Thanvan, /hanvare, •' bow," certainly,=Skr, </Aa»z^a« ; ^j and
sndvare, ** string."
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS.
27
It was formed of a curved piece of elastic wood, tKe two
ends of which were fastened by means of a string made of
the sinews of cattle.' When the bow was not used, the
string was loosened in order not to deprive the wood of
its flexibility. The tightening of the bow-string before the
commencement of a battle is compared to the harnessing
of the horse to the chariot.*
The Fravashis are armed with bows and kill the demons
with their missiles. This weapon bears in the Avesta the
expressive name of " battle-victor/' which proves that it
was in high favour with the Iranians.'
As regards the arrow,^ the different parts of it are to be
distinguished. The shaft consisted, I believe, of a reed or
a thin twig. The lower end at which the arrow rested on
the string was called the *' foot/' and was generally made
of horn.^ The arrow-head was made of brass, and was
similarly called the " mouth," since it drank the enemy's
blood.® Below the point were fixed barbs of brass
*' sprouts," which were intended to render more difficult the
extraction of the arrow from the wound. ^
The shaft was adorned with feathers, which likewise
• Hence gavasnahe • snavya * jyay Yt. X. 128.
• Thanjy "to harness" (in the epithets thakhia and hva-
thakhia) is said of the bow just as it is usually of the horse elsewhere.
• Yt. XIII. 45.^ r^2a3>4/ from 5r<r0j," fight," andyV, "toconquer."
• *' Arrow t'* t9hu{:=,S\iT,ishu\a8ti(ivomxooia(jh, *• to throw,"
from which is derived aghu, Yt. XIII. 46), iighri ("the point*';
cf. Skr. tigma, Old Iranian stij\ ** point of a weapon, '* Yt. X. 71),
mana, Ys. LVII. 28.
• Srvi'S/qyandm (Yt. X. 1 29) is an epithet applied to ishundm.
Srvi comes from sru, **horn," and staya I derive from j/a, "to
stand," thus " possessing a horny foot."
• Ayo-aghra, '* with brazen point," Vd. XIV. 9. Comp. ydsya
dyo mukham, "the mouth of which is brass," Rig-veda, 7, 75,
15. Zaranyo-sa/ra, "with brazen mouth" (Yu X. 129), poetically
said of the arrow of Mithra.
' Ayaghaena • spar eg ha^ Yt. X. 1 29.
28 STATE AND LAWS.
increased the velocity of the arrow. The same practice is found
among the old Indians* who preferred the feathers of vultures
and falcons for the purpose of ornamenting the arrow.®
The number of arrows which they were wont to carry
with them was the same as the number of sling-stones^ and
they were placed in a quiver.^
Erkhsha is regarded in the A vesta as one of the most
powerful archers. According to tradition, be is said to have
shot with his arrow from the Khshautha mountain to the
Qanvat mountain.*
Mithra is likewise armed with a bow, since he sends
forth rays or darts of the sun.
The arrow is the symbol of swiftness. Hence it is said
of the horses which drew the chariot of Srausha, that they
were swifter than the rain-clouds, swifter than a well-
darted arrow.*
In the Vedic antiquity the bow is esteemed as the noblest
of weapons. " It helps towards dominion and glory, and
remains even in the hand of the dead until the last moment
before burial."^
" The bow allows us to conquer cattle.
With it we stand victorious in hot battles ;
The bow creates discomfort to the enemy,
With it we conquer all the lands! ^' ^
With the Avesta people it is rather the spear which plays
so important a part. In ihe enumeration of weapons it is
named first, then follows the sword, then the club, and then
only the bow with quiver and arrows ; lastly, the sling and
the sling-stones.^
* Zimmer, AiL, p. 300.
' Hence the epithets kahrkasb-parena and erezi/yo-parena. Cf.
Osiiranische Kultur^ pp. 163-164.
* Vd. XIV. 9, zaeni or akana may mean a " quiver."
* Yt. VIII. 6 and 37. Comp. vol. I. p. 2.
* Ys. LVII. 28, ^. vol. I. p. 176. • Zimmer, -4 rZ. p. 298.
' Rig-veda, 6, 75, 2. • Vd. XIV. 9.
jvniu. ^a^^^^V. JUttS^-SBPiHW^lMBSPVHSMBH^
WAR AND MILITARY CONCERNS. 29
The weapons effective in close combat likewise precede
those suitable for distant fighting. With the old Indians
the case was the reverse. The reason of this probably lies
in the fact that the old Iranian warriors particularly prac-
tised close fighting in their more uneven territory. The
Vedic Arians on the plains of the Panjab must, on the
contrary, have exercised themselves principally in wielding
the bow.
The spear-head appears to have been edged. Conse-
quently, the spear* receives the epithets " well-sharpened, "
'* pointed," *' sharp as an axe.'^^ Its length also is referred
to as worthy of note, " With a long and pointed spear*'
is an epithet applied to Mithra as the bold champion in
all battles ; it is likewise used of warriors generally.^
The spear was thrown. Whether the lance for thrusting
was also known cannot be determined, I believe the
charioteers first shot from a distance with their arrows,
then they hurled their javelins, and lastly, when it came to
close fighting, they, like the Homeric heroes, drew their
swords.
•
** Away flies the spear, which an opponent of Mithra
hurls, on account of the many vicious sayings
which a Mithra-deceiver utters.*
" The pointed spears of the Mithra-deceivers, the well-
sharpened, long-shafted ones, which fly from the
arras, (and) do not hit the mark, when, irritated
* The spear is called arsh/i = Skr. rshU\ Often arsh/i is
specially used for the shaft, wherefore the spear itself may be
called daregha^arshfz. Also dru in darshi-dru and khrvi-dru —
*• with frightful and bloody spear " — is a designation of the spear,
just as dauru ( = Skr. ddru, ** wood ") and sura ( = Skr, quia.)
* Hukhshnuia, iighra, Yt. X. 39 ; baroiihrb-laezha^ Yt. X.
130 {haroithra from rt. bar =Mod. Pers, buridan^ ** to cut.")
» Yt. X. 102 ; XVll. 12.
* Yt. X. ao.
30
STATE AND LAWS.
and embittered and raging, approaches Mithra^ the
lord over wide fields."*
The sword of the old Iranian seems to have been a short
weapon of handsome form like a cutlass. This we may
infer from the same word being also a designation of the
surgical knife of the physician.^ It was made of brass and
was double-edged,' fastened to the girdle and borne either
naked or in a scabbard. It was drawn when one had to
fight at close quarters.*
The hilt of the sword was ornamented with golden
aglets ; its blade was engraved, as it seems, with marks
and figures. Such a richly-decorated sword is worn by
Verthraghna, tho yasata presiding over victory.*
Lastly, I further mention the dagger. Riders made use
of it to goad on their steeds; nevertheless it is also found
employed in fighting.^
Yima carries a gold-adorned dagger as a token of his
sovereign power ; ^ likewise, Mithra bears this weapon ; ®
and, lastly, the heroes with rattling chariots and snorting
steeds are^also styled "daggers-swinging.'' ®
• Yt. X. 39. Comp. Yt. X. 139, wherein it is said that the spears
of Mithra, obeying the heavenly will, fly towards the head of the
demons.
• Kareta, "sword, knife"; comp. Skr. krti^ Rv. I. 168. 3,
a weapon of the Marut.
• Ayaghaenat Vd. IV. 50 (in Ys. XXXII. 7 ayagh is used just
as the German '' Siahr for the "murderous weapon");
uvayo-ddrat Yt. X. 131.
• Hufrayukhia^ "well-girded," Yt. X. 40; hufraghar^ia,
'* well-drawn," Yt. XIII. 72. Comp. Skr. prasrj.
» Yt. XIV. 27.
• Yt. X. 113.
' A^tram • zaranyo-paesim, Vd. II. 7.
• A%\draghadK Yt. X. II2.
• Yt* V. 13O; XVII. 7: khshvaewayaXra'ScJra.
LEGAL RIGHTS.
31
§ 3. Legal Rights.
In treating of the legal usages of the Avesta people
we meet with considerable difficulty. The sources which
are at our disposal are all derived from the priesthood.
All legal ideas and the institutions which they record
represent essentially the views of the sacerdotal class.*
The earliest mode of vindicating one's right was
certainly self-redress or revenge.^ This right of retalia-
tion was first restrained by the tribunal of the commonalty,
which was formed, we may be sure, amongst the old
* [Comp. Prof. M.Dunckcr, Geschichte dts Alter ihums\ Abbott s
ed. vol. V. p. 201 : '* The rules concerning purity and purifica-
tion, the expiations and penances necessary to avert the evil,
which we possess in the Vendidad of the Avesta, are only the
remnant of a far more comprehensive law. From the list of books
and chapters traditional among the Parsees, we can see that it
was intended to include not only all the invocations and prayers
which the worship required, the rules of sacrifice and the entire
ritual, together with the calendar of the ecclesiastical year, but
also of the arrangement of the process of law, the civil and
criminal code, and, moreover, rules for agriculture and medicine.
If to this we add the statements and quotations of the Greeks,
we may assume that the scriptures of Eastern Iran, comprised the
whole knowledge of the (ancient) priesthood. In the Avesta the
Athravas had sketched the ideal picture of the correct conduct
pleasing to Ahura Mazda in every department of life. How far
the princes of Bactria and the viceroys of Cyaxares and the
Achaemenids, or even these princes themselves, and the judges,
wished or allowed themselves to be bound in their decisions by
these regulations of the priests, may be left out of the question.
The priests here, like the Brahmans in India, could only influence
the action of the State and those charged with it, so far as the
reverence for the principles of religion and the force of their own
authority extended." TV. «.]
■ Kaena = Mod. Pers. kin and kinah.
32
STATE AND LAWS.
Iranians in no less natural a way than amongst the other'
Indo-Germanic peoples. Most probably it was composed
of the fully-authorized members of a village-community,
in which the oldest member presided. The latter was the
actual judge who pronounced the decision.^
This tribunal had principally to decide upon the quarrels
inevitable in civil life and which concerned the meum et
tuunit disputes respecting boundaries, injuries to reputa-
tion and the like. Hence we may conclude that they can
play no considerable part in the Vendidad.
If the Vendidad were a civil code, these very trials
must occupy a large space. But in my opinion it is not
so. For here we only meet with those causes wherein
the priesthood reserved jurisdiction to themselves or
added an ecclesiastical punishment to that of the secular
judge. In such petty causes as those first referred to,
the priests evidently renounced their right of jurisdiction,
which would otherwise have imposed upon them a great
burden without materially adding to their authority and
influence.
Self-redress was, no doubt, mostly resorted to in cases
of bodily hurt or murder. Blood demanded blood in return.
If a free man had been slain by another, it was considered
a right — nay, in the oldest times, a duty — to slay the
murderer and so to expiate the crime.
» Vichira (Ys. XXIX. 4, and Ys. XLVI. S) seems to be a
name for the judge. The latter passage, which is very difficult to
explain, apparently alludes to such a tribunal of the commonalty.
Terms referring to right and law are not at all wanting, and
they even directly prove the existence of a well-organized
system. ** Right," I believe, is designated by ika^sha or data*
IJrvakhshaya'm Ys. IX. lo is distinctly called a ** judge " (Jkaeshb •
daio-razo). Evidently he was greatly renowned for his decisions.
We may easily conceive that *' right " was regarded as a
creation and gift of Ahura and Zarathushtra (Vsp. II. 11 ; Ys.
XVI. 2, etc.)
LEGAL RIGHTS.
33
I believe that the custom of blood-feuds existed amongst
the Eastern Iranians. Yet we must suppose that the
Zoroastrian religion sought to restrain it, although it may
never have succeeded in completely abolishing this system
of revenge. Doubtless it continued to exist in full force
against the non-Zoroastrians.
The incessant wars waged by the Iranians against the
Turanians originated, according to the legend, in fulfilling
this duty of revenging bloodshed. Sydvarshan^ the son^
of Kavi Usan, was slain by the Turanians. His grand-
son^ Kavi Husrava, takes the field against Frangrasyan to'
revenge the outrage.
The origin of this legend can undoubtedly be traced to the
Avesta. Here the genius Hauma, who aids the good
cause, addresses to Druvaspa the following prayer: —
*' Grant me that I may fetter the pernicious Turanian
Frangasyan^ and that I may bring him bound
and in fetters to Kavi Husrava; that Kavi
Husrava may kill him behind the Lake Chaichasta,
the deep, broad-waving, (Kavi Husrava) the son
of the daughter of Syavarshan, of the cruelly slain
man and of the Naruid 4ghrairatha,^^ '
Another instance of revenge for bloodshed is mentioned
in the Avesta in the family of Kersaspa. The brother of
this hero has fallen by the hand of Hitaspa and is to be
revenged. Therefore Kersaspa prays : —
" Grant me, O Vayu, that I may revenge the blood of
my brother Urvakhshaya ; that I may kill Hitaspa
and drag him behind my chariot."*
The first check upon the right of retaliation is effected
by enabling the murderer to secure immunity by means
of an adequate compensation in money. This peaceable
compensation can be much more easily effected in cases of
* Yt. IX. i8 ; XVII. 37. Cf, Yt. IX. 22 ; XVII. 42.
• Yt. XV. 28.
VOL. II. F
34 STATE AND LAWS.
mere bodily injury than in those of actual murder. Such
a compensation in money is called weregild.^ At first,
I believe, the injured person was free to accept the weregild
or to demand blood for blood.
Wherever the State begins to cultivate the administration
of justice and endeavours to restrain the freedom of self-
redress, it will start with the institution of a weregild.
Under certain circumstances the injured person is compelled
to accept this money ; under others he must abide by the
verdict of the common-council ; or, again, under others he
is left to his choice.
So it was with the Avesta people. The weregild was well
known to them. The Vendidad inculcates to the followers
of Zoroastrianism not to refuse the weregild if offered in
expiation of some deed of bloodshed.
Amongst the Avesta nation the regular weregild was
paid chiefly in cattle and other kinds of moveable pro-
perty. In most serious cases even women and maidens
were offered, who were, I believe, married to the new
possessors.
It is characteristic that the Vendidad mentions a
"spiritual" mode of compensation, which probably consisted
in some ecclesiastical atonement.*
* [In old English law weregild was the price or compensation
paid by the murderer to the king for a man killed, partly to the lord
of the vassal, and partly to the next-of-kin. Vide Webster, 7>. «.]
• The passage of the Vendidad (IV. 44) referring to the were-
gild comes immediately after the passage treating of bodily hurt.
It runs thus: "If people come, fellow-believers, relatives, or
friends, to expiate (sha^to-chinagho, cf. vol. I. p. 221, note 2) by
money, or with (giving in marriage') a woman {nairi-chinagho), or
in the spiritual way (khratu-chinagho) — if they will expiate by
money they shall bring up the money ; if by a woman, they shall
give in marriage a young maiden (to the person offended) ; if in
the spiritual way, they shall recite the Holy Word, *' Etymologically
chinagh is of course connected with chiiha^ '^ expiation, punish-
ment. "
LEGAL RIGHTS. 35
With the Afghans blood-feuds and the weregild continue
to the present day.
Families and houses are constantly engaged in quarrels
and feuds. Family dissensions, provoked by deeds of
bloodshed, fill up the whole life of an Afghan with hatred,
enmity, and assassination. Legally this old custom of
revenge for bloodshed is indeed prohibited ; but secretly
and under the cover of dissimulation hatred continually
smoulders^ to blaze forth on the first opportunity. The
number of persons killed on both the sides is exactly
known. Every one knows how many of the opposite
party still must die to fill up the measure of vengeance.
Until this is done, there is no rest or quiet.
Thus it happens that the blood-feud often continues
through several generations, exacts numerous victims, and
ruins the happiness and peace of all families.
. •
We have now to treat of those features of the Law,
which are enumerated in the Vendidad as subject to the
competence of the priesthood. Transgressions against
the ritual and ceremonial are the most frequent. Here
it is likewise the special right and duty of the clergy to
inflict punishment and to maintain their authority.
Punishments are prescribed for the non-exposure of dead
bodies or for burying them. It is also regarded as a
punishable act to throw a carcass on the ground ; likewise
to leave a corpse on the dakhma insecurely fastened, so
that wild beasts carry away pieces of it. It is also
punishable if one spreads new clothes over a dead body,
or cultivates a piece of ground before it has been purified
in the manner prescribed in the Avesta.
To these must be added transgressions against morality,
particularly sexual intercourse with menstruating women,
which are punished on the same principle. In short,
Vvherever the Vendidad lays down a ritual precept, it also
f
^6 STATE AND LAWS.
at the same time adds the punishment which shall be
inflicted upon the guilty in case of transgression.*
It is strange, and can only be explained from the
peculiar views of the Zoroastrians, that also the ill-feeding
and maltreatment of dogs were prosecuted as criminal.*
But we must not here forget that the dog was reputed a
sacred animal, and was esteemed in the same way as man.
Furthermore, it is characteristic, as regards the legal
obligations of the Mazdayasna, that all compacts ought to
be scrupulously maintained,' and their violation strictly
punished. Even towards unbelievers the Mazdayasna
was obliged to respect every agreement.*
There were different kinds of agreement, varying
according to the manner in which they were concluded,
and according to the value of the object given in pledge.
'* The first {kind of) agreement is that made by the
given word ; the second is made by a pledge with
the hand {t,e,, by a hand-stroke) ; the third has
the value of a head of small cattle (i.e., a head of
small cattle was given as security) ; the fourth
has the value of a head of large cattle; the fifth has
the value of a man ; the sixth has the value of
a piece of ground." *
* Vd. V. 14; III. 36 j(f^. ; VI. 4 se^.; V. 43; VIII. 26 seg. ;
XVIII. 67 etc. The stereotyped expression is^yezi noit , . . ka hi
astichitha '* if (it is) not (done), what is the punishment for it?"
■ Vd. XIII. 12 seq,^ 20 seq, ; XV. 50-51. Cf. vol. I. p. 195.
■ Mithra^ " contract, agreement " ; urvaiii^ " mutual promise."
SeevoX. I. p. 164, The relation between employer and workman
is considered to be a contract, Vd, HI. 35 {ZddmG. vol. XXXIV.
p. 42s).
* In Yt. X. 2, it is -expressly stated : ** The compact is binding
on both (/. e, the opposite parties), on the pious as well as on the
wicked ones."
* Vd. IV, 2. Here danhu of course does not denote " country **
in its political sense but simply *• land, landed property, real
estate." It is impossible that pasu, staora, etc., can in this
LEGAL RIGHTS.
37
Evidently any agreement whatever could be ranged under
one of these six categories, according as it was to be made
more or less binding. The mere word, or the giving of the
hand, was sufficient to give legal value to an agreement.
But to gain greater security, a pledge of more or less
value was often demanded; or it was even freely offered to
enhance one's obligation.
When the agreement was not kept, the pledge was
forfeited. This might include, as we have seen, even
persons. Probably the person himself who made the
bargain, or one of his near relations, stood bail or surety.
If the engagement was not fulfilled the surety lost his
liberty, and his life and property were forfeited to the
passage signify the object of the contract. In this case the two
first kinds would not agree with the following, since with these
no object is generally named. That this view of mine is correct,
is proved by what follows in the text which evidently contains
a more detailed description of the different kinds of contract :
•' The given word confirms the first kind of contract ; something
that has the value of a handstroke {or the offering of the hand as
pledge of a solemn promise) effects the second kind, j>., some-
thing that has the value of a handstroke must be offered as
a pledge of the agreement. Something that has the value of a
sheep makes the third kind of contract, 2>., something that has the
value of a sheep must be offered as a pledge in making the
agreement. Something that has the price of an ox or cow effects
the fourth kind, r^., something of the value of a head of cattle
must be offered as a pledge of the agreement. Something that has
the value of a man concludes the fifth kind of contract, />.,
something must be offered that has the worth of a man. Some-
thing that is worth a field confirms the sixth kind of contract, ?>.,
something of the price of a field must be offered (as a pledge) in
concluding the agreement." Fra-marez (Vd. IV. 3-4) must be the
expression denoting the making of a contract. This is proved by
the compound zasio marsh/a, ** confirmed by the handstroke." It
is surprising that of the second kind it is not simply said as of the
first zas/d • bi/im • mithrem • kerenaoiti; but that here a pledge is
mentioned.
^8 STAT^ At^D LAWS.
opposite party. If I am not mistaken; in case of a broken
agreement^ the relations of a debtor in general might be
called to account, so that they were obliged to answer for
the payment of the amount of compensation.^
Finally, I mention cases of bodily injury which, as the
Vendidad says, were punished according to the complete
or at least partial competence of the priesthood.
Even a simple attack upon a person was regarded as
culpable ; every repetition of the offence considerably
enhanced the guilt. Corporal injuries were punished
according to the consequences caused to the injured
person.
The Vendidad, therefore, distinguishes the following
transgressions :— •
If a man streches out the hand to give a blow to
another it is an Agerpta, an ''attack." If one lays hands
on another it is an Avaurishia^ a " surprise."
By these two transgressions the Vendidad seems to
understand such as were committed without any evil preme-
ditation, perhaps provoked by anger and passion. For it
says further on : '' If a man attacks any person with
a malicious intention it is an Ardush. By the fifth of the
ardush'Sins the body is forfeited." ^
I do not think any peculiar kind of wounding is signified
by Ardush, Bodily hurt is even spoken of more widely
and under the threat of greater punishments. Firstly, the
Vendidad speaks of the wound which bleeds but a little ;
secondly, the wound from which the blood flows ; then
' This, at least, seems to be the meaning of the passage Vd, IV.
S-io, although I do not fully understand the connection of this
passage with the following.
■ Vd. IV. 7. Agerpta is derived from a and garew ; avaoirt^Yifa
perhaps from ava and urvis ( cf. Sk. vracchy " to hew, to split ") ;
arfdush certainly comes from the root ared = Skr. r</., *' to torment,
to hurt, to violate."
LEGAL RIGHTS.
39
the stroke by which a bone is broken ; finally, any injury
which causes insensibility.*
Let us now examine the kinds of punishment prescribed
by the Vendidad for these different crimes. They prove
clearly that the Vendidad is, indeed, only a legal code
instituted by the priesthood and entirely independent of
secular judgments and tribunals.
Capital punishment is not unheard of. Yet it is charac-
teristic enough that the Vendidad does not assign it to
murder or manslaughter. It is instead awarded to any
one who exercises priestly functions without being com-
petent and without having the necessary knowledge^
But, finally, the form of punishment by far most common/
in the Vendidad is that by mean's of updzana^ which word is
regularly translated by *' stripe or stroke," more correctly
by '* bringing in or delivery." ^
• I have often put to myself the question whether by
updzanas are to be understood stripes that are inflicted on
the culprit.
* Vikhrumentem • qarem^ tachat-vohunim • qarem, astb-bidhem •
qartniy fraza-haodhaghem • snaihem. Vd. IV. 30, 34, 37, 40. The
last expression is translated by Dr. Justi : ** depriving of one's
life." This seems to be incorrect. Baodhagh must be translated
" sensibility, consciousness." If murder were meant, it is certain
that a far more severe punishment must have been fixed, parti-
cularly in relation to the trespasses immediately preceding,
• Vd. IX. 47, 49. Also Vd. IV. 50, alludes to capital punish-
ment, specially to decapitation by the sword. The words are:
Ayaghaendi^* kare/dish • azdebish • pai/i • ava-kerethyd\.. The
intrinsic connection of the passage is quite obscure.
*• Updzana is derived from upa and az = Sanskrit upa-aj^ " to
drive by." Tradition has erroneously conceived the meaning of
this word, for it traces it to Phlv. zanishn^ " stroke." [C/. Spiegel,
£. A, vol. III. p. 696. " Eine der gewohnlichsten Bussen scheint
des Todten einer Anzahl schadlicher Thiere gewesen zu sein,
d.arauf scheinen sich die Zutreibungen (nach der Uebersetzung
Schlage) zu heziehen, von welchen im Vendidad so oft die Rede
ist." TV. «.]
40
STATE AND LAWS.
I am now of opinion that this is impossible; nay, that
this supposition contradicts common sense.
The very instrument that must serve for giving strokes,
the goad that was used to drive horses, is not quite adapted
for this purpose. The whip that is mentioned afterwards
would be more appropriate.*
Still more striking are the numbers given in the
Vendidad. Two hundred strokes with the goad and two
hundred stripes with the whip are indeed very common.
They are inflicted for bringing fire into an impure dwelling.
Whoever cultivates a piece of ground polluted by anything
dead before a year has passed, shall also be liable to the
same penalty ; nay, even a woman shall be similarly
punished who drinks water immediately after her delivery.*
Whoever flings a bone into a field, must receive twice six
hundred stripes.
This is simple brutality to which no man on the whole
earth, not even the most abject and ignorant, would submit.'
I doubt also very much if any man could have physical
strength to bear twelve hundred strokes of goad and whip ;
and certainly neither extraneous nor native testimony
exhibits the Iranian priests as barbarians and tyrants. Yet
they would have been so, if they had employed this cruel
form of bodily chastisement.
* Aspahe^as^itrajsraosho-charana. M. Darmesteter (Vend. Intro-
duction, V. § 19), indeed, conjectures that both the Avesta words
designate the same instrument ; but this opinion is contradicted
by the words of the text, which always run thus : —
Uphzana • upazdii • aspahe • a%\itrqya, * sraosko-charanaya,
■ Vd. V. 44 ; VI. 5 ; VII. 72.
* [In the absence of any indigenous definition of the word,
indeed, it is impossible at the present stage of Iranian research
to give a positive description of the kind of instrument called the
upazana^ or to found any opinion as regards the legal usages of
the Avesta people on the mere ground of individual hypothesis.
TV. «.]
LEGAL RIGHT. 4 1
I also believe that a hierarchy that used such means
would soon have been overthrown. A single execution of
this kind, or two, would have sufficed to incite the whole
people to discontent and revolt.
The upasana even amount to two thousand. This
number of stripes is to be inflicted on any one who inters
dead dogs or men in the earth and does hot disinter
them within a year,* a transgression which is undoubtedly
regarded from a Zoroastrian stand-point as a very heavy
crime. The same punishment is prescribed for spreading
a new garment over a dead body, as well as for sprinkling
water over the corpse of a man or dog*^
This would be so irrational, so ridiculous, a mode of
punishment, that even opponents of the Zoroastrian system
must allow that there cannot be any question here of
actual blows. But if we are forced to make this conces-
sion, is it not much more reasonable to say that upazana
must not be translated by ** stroke or stripe"?
So it will be advisable to adopt the original opinion of
Dr. Spiegel concerning the upazana. According to his
idea the point in question is not respecting the strokes
or stripes inflicted on the culprit, but on the empire of
the evil spirits as it were for the sake of compensation.
The question is regarding the destruction of certain
obnoxious and impure animals and the delivery of the
animals killed to the priest. This conception is best
expressed by the term ''delivery."
Herodotus relates that the Magi destroy ants, serpents,
and other creeping and flying animals. The same is
said by Agathias of the Persians generally ; and he also
remarks that they bring the animals when killed to their
priests.'
* Vd. III. 37. ZddmG. vol. XXXIV. (1880), p. 426, note.
* Vd. VIII. 25 ; VI. 25.
* Herodotus, I. 1 40 ; Agathias, II. 24. (y. Spiegel, Commn.
Vol. I. pp. 109 seq,
VOL. II. G
A2 STATE AND LAWS.
The *' goad '* is evidently a pointed instrument with
which serpents, toads and similar vermin w^ere destroyed.
The whip, as Dr. Spiegel supposes, was perhaps a kind of
fly-flap. The two instruments, as the Vendidad seems to
indicate, were really made use of for killing similar
animals.^
I repeat here that the Vendidad is by no means a civil
code. It contains only the discipline practised by the
priesthood. Hence it is self-evident why direct trans-
gressions against religious precepts are punished most
severely. If the expiation consisted only in the delivery
of khrafstras slain, it might also amount to large sums of
money. And it may be assumed that people must, at
an early period, have relieved themselves from their
obligations by the payment of money instead of the
prescribed penalty. The scourge could never have been
used to such an extent without provoking opposition.
Trespasses against public order and security were tried
before the secular tribunal. Respecting such cases, too,
does the Vendidad prescribe atonements in some places.
These were evidently additional to the punishments
decreed by the secular judge, and the priesthood thereby
made the people understand that they also partook in
the vindication of the law.
But this circumstance will explain, why comparatively
milder punishments are laid down in the Vendidad for
those very transgressions. Twice five upazana are
set down for an agerpta^ twice ten for an avaur/shfa,
and twice fifteen for an ardush. Furthermore, muti-
lations of the body are punished with twice thirty, fifty,
seventy, ninety upazana. On the contrary, for a conta-
mination, which is merely accidental and by no
means culpable, no less than twice four hundred upazana
^ Khrafslraghnem • sraosho-charanaya, Vd. XIV. 8 ; as\iir&m •
mairiviy Vd. XVIII. 4.
LKGAL RIGHT.
43
are prescribed.* This, I think, shows evidently that the
updzana do not in general bear properly the character
of a punishment. They are rather a kind of expiation,
whereby every triumph gained by the empire of evil shall
be compensated by an equivalent invasion and defeat of
the same.
The breaking of an engagement is, according to the
Avesta, a crime against Mithra, /.^., against God and
religion. Here, therefore, we meet again with very
high numbers of updzana. They begin from twice three
hundred updzana^ and rise to twice a thousand. The
former are prescribed for breaking one's word, the latter
for breaking a contract of the sixth and highest kind.
It is to be observed that, from breaking a givgn word to
breaking a pledge given by the hand, the expiation
abruptly rises from twice three hundred to twice six
hundred updzana. After this it rises for each distinct
kind of breach of contract by one hundred updzana
only.
Sometimes it may have happened that the perpetrator
of some crime could not be fouad out with certainty. To
clear up doubts the ordeal was resorted to. People
believed that God himself would decide in a supernatural
way, and would bring to light guilt and innocence.
The ordeal was an institution common to all Indo-
Germanic peoples.
The Indians principally made use of the ordeal by fire,
which consisted in taking an oath while holding in the hand
some burning object, probably a red-hot hatchet. Besides
^ Thus Vd. VIII. 104, Here the question refers to a man who
has come in contact with a corpse in the desert. The precept
is that he must go immediately to the nearest village or hamlet,
in order to be purified. If on his way he passes by water or
plants, these are sullied by him. This sin must be expiated by an
adequate and rather considerable number of updzana.
44
STATE AND LAWS.
this, a series of other ordeals was known, in which those by
water and poison were considered the most formidable.^
Among the ancient Germans, too, some causes were
occasionally decided by means of ordeals. It was quite
in keeping with their warlike spirit that a duel between
the two contending parties, or trial by combat, was preferred
as an ordeal.^
Firdusi doubtless supposes the ordeal to have been
customary with the Persian people from time immemorial.
I only mention the account of SiySvush, who cleared himself
from the ignominious calumnies of Sud5be by the ordeal by
fire.
He rode on horseback between two huge burning piles
of wood and issued from the flames safe and sound amidst
the loud acclamations of the people. His innocence was
thus thought to have been proved.'
The Vendidad alludes to an ordeal performed with
boiling water.* Yet the context is altogether obscure.
Whoever appealed to such an ordeal in a frivolous
manner, was, it seems, punished with twice seven hundred
updzana.^
We must doubtless conclude from the Gathas, that in
doubtful cases the will and judgment of the Deity was
understood from the flames of the (sacred) fire : —
^* The sentence which Thou, O Spirit, gavest through
Fire in a holy manner to the two litigant parties.
The doctrine to the attentive : These announce unto
us, O Mazda, that we may know it
* Zimmer, AiL, pp. 183-184.
■ Arnold, •'German Antiquity," p. 34 1.
■ C/. Spiegel, E. A, vol. I. pp. S97-S98.
* Eam-iaptibyo • aiwyo • chhkhrare • nerebyo^ Zarathu^hlra, (Vd,
IV. 46). Cf, Vd. IV, 54 apem • saokeniavaiiim • zaranydvaifim •
vUhushavaiiim.
' Vd. IV. SS'
LEGAL RIGHT.
45
With the tongue of Thy mouth, that I may convert
thereby all living men to ( Thy) faith." *
It seems that some apostle of the Zoroastrian doctrine here
appeals to a (ire oracle in order to prove his divine mission.
How this was done, we do not know. "The bursting of
flames, the rising spark, the crackling of fuel and the shapes
taken by smoke, are but a symbolical language, at least
as easy to understand as the rustling of the oak at Dodona^
or the feeding of chickens, or the appearance of the
intestines of animals/'*
An actual ordeal by means of fire and molten metal is
meant in the following passage : —
" The sentence which Thou gavest to the two litigant
parties by Thy red fire, O Mazda,
And by molten metal, to set a mark among living
beings,
To hurt the demons, but to give help to the just
one!"'
Finally, I shall quote a strophe containing, in my opinion,
a prayer spoken before the beginning of the ordeal. The
accused person who undergoes it, apparetly invokes the
Deity to evince the truth by some token :—
" I will conceive Thee as the strong and the blissful,
Mazda,
That by Thy hand, with which thou bestowest help,
Since Thou gavest judgment on the wicked and the just
By the glow of Thy strong fire, in holiness.
May the victory of the pious mind fall to my lot/'*
* Ys. XXXI. 3: Rana is certainly not = Skr. aratii as Haug
supposes. This is etymologically impossible. That I have correctly
translated the word by •* combatant, litigant party," is probably
proved from Ys. XLIIL 4, which is quoted below.
• Roth, Yaqna, XXXI. p. 20. * Ys. LI. 9.
^ Ys. XLIII. 4. Ashi^ is here used in the same sense and
connection as khshnuiem in the two other passages; but in
dregraile - ashaunaecha it is used as ramibya in other passages.
CHAPTER II.
Organization of Professions.
§ 4. The Priestliood.
It cannot be denied that the Avesta concedes to the
priesthood a position of the highest eminence in the old
Iranian commonwealth.* Wherever the different profes-
sions are named together, the priests stand first in the
enumeration. Their calling is reputed the noblest, and
they alone formed to some extent a sort of caste distinct
from the rest of the community.
We will understand this circumstance more fully if we keep
in view the character and tendency of the Avesta. I have
no hesitation in regarding it as a work much less national
* [Comp. Max, Duncker, Geschichie dts Alter thums, (The His-
tory of Antiquity), Abbott's ed. vol. V. pp. 187-189.
" The priesthood could very well claim precedence of the
warriors; on their prayers and sayings, their knowledge of the
custom of sacrifice, depended the favour of the divinities, the power
of averting evil spirits, the removal of pollution, salvation in this
world and the next. Yet they could not obtain such a position as
the Brahmans held on the Ganges after the reform of the ancient
faith and the victory of Brahma over Indra. For in Iran there
was no order of ^udras, no vanquished remnant of an old popula-
tion, which created a sharp line of division even among the orders
of the Aryas ; and moreover the Brahmans were the first-born of
Brahma, a purer incarnation of the divine nature than any other
. . . While the priests of Iran in their lives studied especially
purity of body and mind ; and they were pre-eminently " the pure
men." Only by their means, at any rate with their assistance,
could sacrifice be offered ; from their mouths alone could the
correct invocations be uttered to the divine beings and the evil
ones be driven away. . . . The priesthood of Iran perpetuated
their knowledge and their wisdom in their families." TV. /i.]
THE PRIESTHOOD.
47
than the Rig-veda. It is rather a code of the priesthood,
written in their own interest, and especially representing
their own ideas. Thus the Avesta naturally embodies
whatever the priests claim for themselves. Similarly, the
Briihmans of the Indian commonw^ealth declare themselves,
in the post-Vedic age, the noblest caste, and the earliest
and purest emanation of the soul of the world.
Indian literature is much more copious than the IrHnian.
In the former we can trace how the caste of the Rrahmans
continued to rise above the rest of the people ; how it
gained, by degrees, the means of assuming to itself such
importance and sanctity.
In the later Avesta we observe the results of an
analogous process of development. Here also the priest-
hood can claim to be reputed and considered the first order
in the State. It is evident that it had a certain, although
only a moral, preponderance in the commonwealth, and
that it was regarded with special veneration by the people.
But the different phases and degrees of this gradual
development are yet unknown to us.
Besides, we cannot fairly attribute to the priests of the
Avesta any inordinate desire for power. They were
moderate in their claims. Nowhere did they overstep
the bounds of their natural dominion, their power over
spirits and their observance of religion and of divine
worship.
Even in the administration of justice, there were but
few departments in which their authority could clash with
that of the secular tribunal. Here also they were gene-
rally restricted to such cases in which jurisdiction wa^
their natural right. It can hardly be proved that the priest-
hood as such encroached, either directly or indirectly, upon
the government of the State, in which the princes and
commonwealth evidently enjoyed full liberty, even after
Zoroastrianism had become the acknowledged and domi-
nant religion*
48 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
The priests style themselves Aihravans or Atharvans.
This name is intimately connected with the fire-cult.*
The tending of the sacred fire, therefore, must have been,
even at an early period, one of the principal duties of the
Avesta priest.
So early as in the remotest Arian antiquity Atharvan
evidently meant a fire-priest. The word has likewise in
Indian literature the same, or at least a similar, signi-
fication.
Brihaddiva, a Vedic minstrel, calls himself an Atharvan.
The Soma priests also, whose duty it is to prepare the sacred
drink, are called Atkarvans. Finally, the fire-god Agni, too,
it seems, bears this title. He is himself the priest of men,
who bears up to heaven prayers and sacrifices in his blazing
flames.^
In several passages of the Rig-veda, too, Atharvan appears
to be a mythical being.' He is the Indian Prometheus
who brings down the fire of the gods after he has produced
it by means of friction in the heavenly regions. So we may
recognize in him the prototype of all Indian priests who
learned from him their divine ritual and calling.^
In the Gathas the word ^thravan does not occur. This is
of course strange, since the context certainly offers fre-
quent occasion for naming the Zoroastrian priesthood as
^ AthravaUy Atharvan, The fqrmer name may be connected,
I believe, with cLtarcy •*fire." The th is explained by the r follow-
ing. The latter name, on the other hand, must be explained
differently. I refer it to Skr, atharyu^ •* flaming," which is in
Rv. 7. I. I. the epithet of Agni, and also to athari^ "flame," in
atharyo nd duntam^ Rv. 4. 6. 8.
• Rv. 10. 120. 8 ; 9. II. 2 ; 8. 9. 7,
• In Rv. I. 80. 16. Atharvan is identified with the Father
Manu and with Dadhyach. In Rv. 6. 16. 4. he is called the
son of Dadhyach. In Rv. I. 83. 5. it is he who first prepared,
by offering sacrifice, the way to the gods. In Rv. 10. 87. 12.
Atharvan, like Agni, seems to be the Lord of Lightning.
• Rv. 6. 16. 13; 10. 12. s. C/> Rv. 6. 15. 17.
THE PRIESTHOOD. 49
such. Evidently, therefore, the word had, in the oldest
period, no official and solemn collective appellation.
The conditions described in the Gathas were completely
immature and undeveloped. On the contrary, the hymns
launch us into an epoch of mighty social and religious
agitation. The doctrine of Zarathushtra was evidently not
yet generally acknowledged. It was still struggling for
existence. It was just beginning to diffuse itself among
the people.
In such times it was quite impossible for the Iranian
priests to form themselves into an exclusive, compact,
organized body* Before the religion preached by priests
had completely taken root in the hearts of the people,
before peace and repose had taken the place of national
conflict, no priestly order could exist. The elevation of
the Brahmans, too, dates from a period of transition in
which the Indian people passed from an epoch of warfare
and conquest, into one of comfortable repose and
undisturbed tranquillity.
In the era represented by the Gathas, there were, it is
true, priests and preachers of the Zoroastrian belief. But
they had not yet united together into a guild, separat-
ing themselves from the rest of the people. This was
only possible at a later period, and then only must the
general appellation for the priesthood have been adopted.
It was taken from an old and venerable term, which
designated in the very earliest times the ministers of the
sacred fire.
The priests of the old natural religion, which was
opposed to Zoroastrianism, were called Kavi and Usij,^
* Kavi and usij = Skr. kavi and ucij. Tradition translates
kavi by ** blind." The word comes from ku^ " to see." Thus
it originally designated the '• seer.'* In the Old Iranian dialect this
meaning was entirely changed. Cognate with kavi is, 1 believe,
vaepayd • kevuio, Ys. LI. 1 2, signifying perhaps "an inccbtuous
((/. root vip) pseudo-priest."
VOL. II. H
50
ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS,
The two names, so detestable and abominable to the
Avesta, are found in the Rig-veda as denominations of
sacrificing priests and chanters of hymns.
But from this we are not to conclude that it was the
Zoroastrian Reform which caused the separation of the
Arians into two different tribes and the migration of those
tribes which afterwards settled in India. This event was,
in my opinion, the result rather of social embarrassments.
It is probable, nay, indeed certain, that, even after
their separation, the Iranians continued for a long time to
do homage to the old deities under their old priests. The
length of this period cannot be ascertained. At its close
we hear of the Reform, named after Zarathushtra, by
which the Arian gods of light were prescribed as demons
and their priests condemned as heterodox.
Besides the Kavis and Usij, the Karapans^ are mentioned
as hostile priests. This name, being indeed obscure, admits
of no connection with old Indian conditions.
In a highly interesting passage we find the Karapans
standing in the midst of a social revolution : —
** Why, Oh Mazda, are the devils so mighty?
And, therefore, I ask Thee, who will then fight them ?
In alliance with them the Usij and Karapans ruin
the cattle.
And by which the Kavis grew up to power.
Not with justice dost Thou cause their pastures to
thrive, fertilising them. "*
Heretheyside apparently with a less civilized, half nomadic
people, who do not take proper care of their herds and flocks.
The follower of Zarathushtra opposes them vigorously.
But fottune does not always favour him. With bitter
' Karapan, The etymology of this word is obscture. Tradition
makes it mean " deaf. " {Cf. the foregoing note).
' Ys. XLIV. 20.
■% —
THE PRIESTHOOD. 51
complaints does he address himself to his God^ Mazda,
murmuring that the latter does not withdraw His. blessing
from the unbelievers to grant it to the pious people.
Very often the false priests and heretics allied them-
selves with princes and thus, aided by temporal power^
they oppressed the new doctrine.* Not in all places was
the Zarathushtrian Reform willingly and readily accepted
by the nobles and grandees.
The passage in which the Karapans appear as the priests
of intoxicating beverage is also highly characteristic ; —
*' When will, O Mazda, the men of wisdom step forth ?
When will they drive away the filth of this intoxication,
(///. intoxicating drink)
Of which vice the Karapans are proud
And the wicked rulers of countries V *
There can be no doubt that this zealous appeal was
directed against the Soma'^\i\iy to which, in consequence of
its licentiousness, the stern minds of the reformers opposed
themselves. But here the popular belief remained victorious.
Perhaps some success was achieved in restraining the most
offensive excesses connected with i'^;«^-worship. But the
attempt to extirpate it entirely proved vain. In the later
Avesta, Hauma maintains his place among ih^ yazatas, and
the Mazdayasnian priests prepare that holy nectar just like
the Indian Brahmans.
The opposition .of the old priests was gradually broken.
The new doctrine triumphed, while the natural religion of
the Arians disappeared. Thus the names of the Kavis and
Karapans gradually lost the vivid signification, which they
bear in the Cathas. They are preserved in the later
* Ys. XLIVI. II. Cf. above pp. 14-15.
• Ys. XLVIII. 10. Cf, Haug, Gathas, vol. II. p. 241. Too
bold, indeed, is the supposition that in Ys. XXXII. 3, the word
shkvaomdm (var. shaomdm and ashyaom&m) designates Hauma
with his Indian name Soma, [SchiecAten^^lit. '* being so bad."]
52
ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
scriptures only in the customary and stereotyped enumera-
tion of evil beings. There they appear along with the
Ydtus^ the Parikas^ the Daevas and the Ashemaughas,^
But I do not believe that any clear and definite idea was
formed of them.
I shall now treat of the duties and the dignity of the
Athravans according to the statements of the later Avesta.
The principal task of the priests was to cultivate their
religion. They had regularly to perform divine service
and to fulfil certain sacrificial functions. They prepared
and consecrated the Hauma-drink and kept the sacred fire.
Lastly, they performed, according to fixed precepts, the
purificatory ritual on persons who had come in contact
with unclean things.*
Herodotus gives us a description of the sacrifices offered
by the Persians. With his narrative may be compared
what Strabo relates regarding the same subject.'
"They ascend to the highest parts of the mountains and
offer sacrifices to Zeus, by whose name they designate the
* Vide Ys. IX. 18; Yt. I. 10. II; Yt. V. 13, X. 34.
A signification similar to that of Karapan and Kavi may be
attached to the quite obscure names Kaqaredha, Kaqareidht,
Kayadha, Kayeidhi. By the way, 1 must mention that Kavi has
occasionally a very honourable meaning. For it is found in
a certain family of Eastern Iran, well-renowned in the legends, as
a title constantly added before their proper names. The Avesta
mentions, as early as in the Gathas, Kavi- Vi%hiaspa as a mighty
protector of the Mazdian faith. There are mentioned also : —
Kavi Usan or Usadhan^ who vanquished the demons and sub-
jugated their countries (Yt. V. 45-47.), Kavi Karaia, Kavi
Syavarshan^ Kavi Httsrava. InFirdusi's *• Book of Kings " they
form the dynasty of the Kayanians, who ascended the throne of
Iran after the Peshdudians.
* Compare the passage Vd. XVIII. 1-6, quoted further on.
' Her. I. 131-132; Strabo, pp. 732-733. Cf. Windischmann,
Z. Si. pp. 294 seq, Duncker, GdA, vol. IV. pp. 131-132;
Spiegel, E, A. vol. Ill, pp. S9o-59i.
THE PRIESTHOOD. 53
whole sphere of the heavens. Besides, they also offer
sacrifices to the sun, moon, fire, water, and winds. But,
when they are about to sacrifice, they do not erect altars
nor kindle any fire ; nor do they use libations, nor have
they flute-playing, sacrificial cakes, or rough-ground corn.
If anybody wishes to offer sacrifice to any one of the
deities, he leads the victim to a clean spot and invokes
the deity after having decked his tiara with myrtle twigs.
When he has cut the animal into small pieces and boiled
the flesh, he strews a bed of tender grass, specially trefoil,
and lays all the flesh on it. One of the Magi standing
by sings the theogonic hymn ; for this, they say, is the
accompanying song ; and without one of the Magi they
are not permitted to offer any sacrifice. After some time
he that has offered sacrifice carries away the flesh and
disposes of it as he thinks proper/*
This account of Herodotus evidently bears the stafnp of
an intimate knowledge of his subject. According to his
statement, burnt offerings were not customary ; the sacrifice
itself is performed by the priest, who accompanies it with
a hymn which is chanted principally to consecrate the victim
ofi^ered.
It is obvious that whatever Herodotus relates of the
Persians and the Magi, cannot be implicitly stated
regarding the Eastern Iranians. However, we can easily
make out some conformity, which is hardly casual, between
the usages of the Persians and those of the Avesta priests,
and especially in the most important points.
That the Avesta priests did not burn their victims, is
self-evident. Fire was regarded by them as sacred; it
would be sullied by any dead body.
On the other hand, animal sacrifices are frequently
mentioned in the Avesta. Haushyangha, Yima, Thraitauna,
Kersaspa, Kavi Usan, Kavi Husrava, and other legendary
kings and heroes, nay, even the enemies of the Avesta
people, Azhi Dahaka, Frangrasyan and the Hunus, bring as
54 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
offerings to Anahita, to Raman, to Vayu and to other
yazataSy a hundred stallions, a thousand head of cattle, and
ten thousand sheep. ^ The sacrifice is always accompanied
by a prayer to fulfil some special desire. The numbers are
evidently exaggerated. But they are intended merely to
depict in glowing colours the glory and abundance of the
heroic age.
Light-coloured animals were preferred for sacrifice.
They were killed quite according to the Persian custom
and their flesh boiled.* Frequently a festival repast was
prepared.' Thus the sacrifices of the Avesta people had
the character of a consecration rather than of an offering.
A still closer resemblance may be traced. The sacrifi-
cial ritual was, as Herodotus relates of the Persians,
accompanied with the recitation of the sacred texts.
The Avesta very frequently alludes to these solemn
recitations, in which Gathas or holy hymns were preferred.*
They are, therefore, joined to the Yasna, which is, on the
whole, nothing but a collection of texts to be recited in
divine worship.
Finally, it is stated by Herodotus that the Magi were
accustomed to strew the ground with tender grass when
making sacrificial offerings. This usage dates from the
earliest Arian era. The same was, at least originally.
* Yt. V. 21, 25, 29 seq.] Yt. IX. 3, 8, 13 seq^ ; Yt. XV. 7, 15,
19 seq, ; Yt. XVII. 24, 28, 37 seq,
* Pack, ** to cook, " is the term used for sacrificing an animal.
Yt. VIII. 58 ; XIV. so : *« The Arian countries shall cook unto
him (unto Tishtrya or Verthraghna) sheep, bright, fine-coloured,
or of any other colour resembling that of the Hauma plant."
' Festival and sacrificial repast is meant by tnycuda = Skr.
medhay Mod. Persian mayazd or myazd "convivium, epulae"
(Vuller's Lex, sub voce), Myazd has, of course, no connection with
mat, " wne."
* "To recite" is drenj and sravaya, particularly fra-sravaya.
C/l also Spiegel, Av. ub, vol. II. pp. Ixii. seq.
THE PRIESTHOOD. ^g
practised by the Avesta priests.^ The Indian Brahmans,
too, strewed consecrated grass near the altar while the
sacrificial fire was blazing on it. The ground thus
strewn was meant to serve as a seat to the deities, who
were invited to the sacrificial repast. The invocation
addressed to the genii to come down and sit on the
Barkis is, therefore, a stereotyped formula in the Rig-veda.
Gradually this custom became modified among the
Iranian priests^ who only held in their hands a bunch of
twigs whila offering sacrifice. We do not know when this
change took place, but it must have been at a very early
period. Even Strabo narrates that the Magi held a bunch
of fine tamarisk twigs while chanting sacrificial hymns.
Furthermore, the statement that libations were unknown
to the Persians can hardly be said to contradict the
authority of the Avesta. In offering up sacrifices, a sacred
beverage, Zauthra^ was indeed prepared and consecrated.
Besides, this consecration forms, no doubt, the central point
of the whole solemnity ; hence the ministering priest is called
ZautarJ^ But the Avesta does not relate that the beverage
was distributed and poured out or offered to the yazatas.
The sacred beverage is the Hauma or the Parahauma.
It consisted, we know, of the juice of the Hauma plant,
which was mixed with milk and often seasoned by adding
the extract of another plant called Hadhianaipata?
' Vide Yt. VIII. s8; XIV. 50. Still it is said in the Avesta:
haresma^ fra'Siarayot "to spread the grass for the purpose of
offering." {Cf, Skr. barhis derived from a cognate root). C/, also
Vsp. XI. 2, siareia^ probably meaning *' the grass spread for a
sacrificial purpose."
• Zaothra^ zaoiare = Skr. hotraf hotr^ from rt. zu, = Skr. hu.
^ Cf. O.K. A. pp. 230-231. I think that gau^, hudhao^
haurva/at and amere/ai, which are mentioned in Ys. III. i, IV.
I, &c., as sacrificial gifts, denote the three principal ingredients
of the sacred beverage, viz., milk, the water added to the beverage,
and the plant itself.
56 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
The name Hauma denoted not merely the plant and the
beverage prepared from it, but at the same time ^yazata^
The three significations are so intermingled that it is
almost impossible to distinguish them.
Several miraculous powers were ascribed to Hauma. The
beverage is health-giving ; it wards off death from man. As
it animates pious enthusiasm, it is called " source of piety." ^
The consecration of this beverage in the sacrificial
ceremony is accompanied by the recitation of a great many
hymns of praise,' all of which extol the blissful effects
of Hauma. He is invoked to give health and strength,
protection from enemies, thieves and murderers, and victory
in the chariot race. Married women beg of him to grant
an easy delivery; maidens pray for husbands. He protects
from venomous serpents and from the allurements of
courtezans. Everything good is due to his blessing :
*' I ask thee for enthusiasm,
For strength and victory,
For health and remedy,
For thrift and growth ;
I pray that I may walk
Among the people, lord of my wishes,
Conquering the enemies and vanquishing the wicked.'**
A very comprehensive prayer to Hauma runs as follows ; —
»' This first gift I require of thee,
O Hauma, who keepest away death :
* [Also Hauma seems to be the name of a renowned warrior in
the Avesta period. Ashi Yasht, 37-39 ^ " He (Hauma) begged of
her (Ashi) a boon, saying : Grant me this, O great Ashi Vaghvi !
that I may bind the Turanian murderer, Frangrasyan, that 1 may
drag him bound, that I may bring him bound, unto King Husravah
that King Husravah may kill him, behind the lake Chaechasta, to
avenge the murder of his father, Syavarshana, and of Aghraeratha."
Tr. w.]
■ Cf, the epithets haeshazya^ duraosha and ashahe • khao.
» Ys. IX. and X. ' * Ys. IX. 17.
ipaH^Hi«*piv«aBB«HwvavY«^
THE PRIESTHOOD.
57
The paradise of the pious,
The all-blissful light ;
This second blessing I entreat of thee,
Hauma, who keepest away death :
Health for this my body ;
Thatj alert, strong and contented,
1 may walk on earth,
Conquering the enemies, vanquishing the demons ;
That I may walk on earth
Victorious and gaining battles.
Conquering the enemies, vanquishing the demons;
That, first, the thief and the robber
And the wolf we may perceive;
That none of them may observe us (before we
perceive them) !*'*
In passing I may mention that the name Hauma
corresponds in the Indian language to Soma. The Rig-
veda designates by it, like the Avesta, a plant, a sacred
beverage, and a powerful deity presiding over both.
The Vedic Soma^yiovshx^ has already been fully treated
by several writers. Likewise, the relations between the
Iranian Hauma-service and the Indian Soma-worship have
already been described in detail. The investigation has
proved that this worship chiefly dates from the Arian
period and has developed its peculiar features among the
two individual peoples.^
^ Ys. IX. 19-21. Before each strophe the text regularly
repeats the two first lines a and b of this strophe, but only with a
variation in the number.
* Windischmann : Ueber den Somaculius der Arier^ '* On the
Soma-worship of the Arians " in the '* Transactions of the Royal
VOL, IK I
58 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
A further duty of the priesthood, besides the offering of
sacrifices and the consecration of the Hauma, was the
maintenance of the holy fire.
In the house of every Mazdayasna there burned a never-
ceasing fire. Its maintenance was regarded as a duty of
the pater-familias.^ It was the ' central and rallying
point of all members of that family.
So, too, a continual fire seems to have been tended on
the hearth of every chief of a community and every
country prince. It was considered the centre of that
community and of that country. It was to these political
associations, what the hearth-fire was to the family.*
But there were, no doubt, in the early age of the Avesta
different sacred fires instituted in certain places and
tended by the priests. A description of these fires is
given by Dr. Spiegel, chiefly on the authority of the
Bundehesh.'
Academy of Science, Bavaria," 1847, pp. 127 seq, ; Zimmer, AiL.
pp. 272 seq, ; Ludwig, Etnl,pp, 376 seq.; Spiegel, E. A, vol. I.
pp. 432 seq.
* Vide vol. I. pp. 74-76. Hence fire, too, bears in the Avesta
the epithet nmano-paiti. {Cf, Skr. grhapati^ viqpati^ the epithets
of Agni).
' Cf, Spiegel, E. A. vol. III. p. 575. This usage is apparently
very old. Quite analogous customs may be observed among the
Greeks and Romans. All Phratries belonging to the community
had at Athens their common hearths in the Prytaneum, the town-
hall. But there was also a x'oivr) iaria tS>v *Apxdb<ov (t\e.y a common
hearth or family-seat of the Arcadians) as well as a itrrla ttjs
Maxcdo^x^r i^ao'tXeiaff (hearth of the Macedonian kingdom). In
Italy, too, every town had its own Vesta (i<rria), for instance
Lavinium, Alba Longa {A liana Vesla), Rome. It is also known
to have been customary for colonists to take with them fire from
the central hearth of the metropolis and to kindle with it the
sacred fire in their new home.
• Spiegel, E,A. vol. II. pp. 45-47; c/.ZddmG. vol. XXXUI.
pp. 496-501, on the Fire Gushasp or Gushnasp.
THE PRIESTHOOD.
59
It is certain that the Avesta priests performed their
ceremonies before a burning fire. This fire was therefore
addressed as present in the initiatory formulas, which
invite the yazatas to the oflFerings : ''We invite theey O
Fire, thou son of Ahura Mazda !" ^
Though the Mazdayasna had no proper temples, they
had evidently consecrated fire-places,^ where the sacred
element was nourished and fostered by the priests.
The ceremonies prescribed for inferior modes of puri-
fication could be performed by laymen for themselves.
In more important cases, however, such as the '' purification
of the nine nights,'' it was obligatory to call in a priest.^
The performance of the purificatory ceremonies seems
to have been the chief source of revenue to ^^Athravans^
Any exorbitant demand was here as impossible as in the
case of medical treatment, which was, likewise, rendered
by the priests.*
The Vendidad regulates the payment very accurately.
It is greater or smaller according to rank and fortune.
Only in the case of one priest having purified another
was no payment received.
" A priest," says the Avesta, * " shall be purified for his
efficacious blessing; the chief of a country for a good male
camel ; the chief of a district for a stallion ; the chief of
a village for a bull ; the chief of a family for a calf."
If it is possible, continues the text, the payment shall
be made in cattle. Exceptionally only, some other kind
of movable property may be given, as for instance food,
clothes and trinkets.
* Ys. I. 12, iava - aihrb ' Ahurahe * Masdao ' puihra ; likewise
11. 12,111. 14, IV. 17.
• Perhaps aihra (see my Handhuch, sub voce); next, daitya*
ga/u, yd.Vllh 81 seg.
* (y. vol. I. pp. 82, 83.
♦ C/.t6td, pp. a IS, 218.
• Vd. IX. 37 seq.
6o ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
■
Laymen are enjoined to observe accurately this scale of
rates. They shall take care that the priest leaves the
house of the purified person contented and without any
resentment. If he goes away angry, the purified person
becomes impure anew and remains so for ever.
His garb itself distinguishes the priest by certain symbols
which he must always carry.
He wears a, patiddnay a mouth-band, with which he keeps
his mouth covered during offerings, lest he might sully the
sacred fire with his breath or saliva. He wears also the
khrafstraghna and the dagger^ two instruments which
serve for killing impure animals. Finally, it is customary
for the priest to hold a bunch of sacred twigs.'
But the Avesta expressly states that even these external
marks do not make the priest. Many a man feigned to be
an Sthravan by assuming these badges unlawfully, probably
with a view to profit.
Hence the warning of the Vendidad: — ** Many a man
wears the patidana or the khrafstraghna^ or holds the
bunch of sacred twigs, or has the serpent-sting (or
* I refer here for comparison to the directions prescribed to
the Brahmans in the Code of Manu : ** Fire he must always
consider as sacred. He must not blow it out with his breath nor
stamp on it. He must also not warm his feet at it, or place it in
a pan under his bed or under his feet. He must not throw anything
rotten into the fire. Offal, the remains of food, and water which
has been used for a bath or a foot-bath, must be removed far away
from the fire. Nor is the Brahman allowed to throw any refuse
into water, or pour any blood or drink into it, still less to spit into
it. He must not look at his image reflected in the water, or drink
water in the hollow of his hand. The clothes of the Brahman must
be always clean and white, and never worn by anybody else
In his ears the Brahman must wear very bright gold rings. He
must wear a wreath on his head, and carry in the one hand a staff
of bamboo, in the other kuqa-grass and the water- pitcher for his
ablutions," Duncker, GdA, vol. HI. pp. 132, 133 (E. Abbott's
edition, vol. IV. p. 173).
THE PRIESTHOOD. 6 1
instrument for killing venomous creatures)^ without being
invested according to the precepts of the religion, and
fraudulently says he is an Athravan.'*
'^ But do not call such a one an Athravan, who
spends the whole night and more time besides, without
oflFering, without saying prayers, without reciting the holy
sayings, without performing ceremonies, without teaching
or being taught in order to gain (immortal) existence at the
Chinvat-Bridge, and fraudulently says he is an Athravan.
Do not call him an Athravan. Him rather thou shalt call
an Athravan, who meditates during the whole night and
longer, who delivers one from anxiety and gives \J%im)
joy at the Chinvat-Bridge, who gives {hint) religious instruc-
tion, who makes {him) gain heaven and the piety and the
bliss of Paradise."*
Here the aim of the priesthood is evidently to make good
their separation from the inferior orders. Every illegal
encroachment upon their rights is punished with the
greatest severity. Whoever performs the purificatory rites
without a sufficient knowledge of the ritual shall, accord-
ing to the Avesta, be punished with death.*
In the period from which dates the enactment of such
regulations, the Athravans must have formed themselves
into an exclusive order, and ascribed to the priesthood
a higher dignity than to other professions. Whoever did
not belong to their guild, was not allowed to perform any
priestly functions. Whoever nevertheless ventured to
do so, had to undergo the severest punishment.
The priests do not seem to have had any fixed property
in the country. It is expressly stated that they eat
whatever food they can manage to obtain, and that they
* Vd. XVIII. 1-6 (leaving off a few words, particularly at the
beginning). " To meditate " = Khraium • pares - ashavanem^ ** to
consult the pious mind."
■ Vd. IX. 47, 49. See above, p. 39.
62 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
possess little wealth.* They lived on what they earned
by medical practice and by performing purificatory
ceremonies.*
As clearly appears, the Athravans were under a
common head, who bore the title of Zarathushtrotema^
plainly derived from the name of the founder of the Mazda-
yasnian religion. The Zarathushtrotema is mentioned
along with the lord of the village, the president of the
district, and the prince of the country. They all repre-
sent the executive political power,' which possessed the
highest spiritual and religious authority.
The attributes of the priest are chiefly of a spiritual
kind. Whilst the warriors implore the divine beings to
* Vd. XIII. 4S : paiti-qaretha • qaraiti .... kasu-draona,
' [In connection with the daily life of the Iranian priest-
hood, it would be interesting to quote the following extract from
(Dr. West) chapter XLVI. of the Dadismni'dinik : " Is it allow-
able that those of the priesthood, when there is no daily livelihood
for them from the life of the priesthood, should abandon the
priesthood, and that^ other work be done, or not ? The reply is
this, that there is no loss of reputation to priests from priestly duties,
which are themselves the acquired knowledge that is accumulated
by the priestly disposition, care for the soul, and the requisite
good works. And there is this advantage that, through acquaint-
ance with the religion of the sacred beings, and certainty as to
the reward of the spirit, they make them become more contented
in adversity, more intelligent as regards stability of character in
difficulty and restriction, and more through knowledge of the abode
of hope for those saved. So that it is not fit they should abandon
the priesthood, which is both harmless and an employment with
advantages that has required much trouble to learn
When they cannot obtain their livelihood, they are to seek it by
agriculture, sheep-rearing, penmanship, or other proper employ-
ment among priests ; and when it is not possible for them to live
even by these, they are to seek it by bearing arms, hunting, or other
proper emplo3mient in the profession of a virtuous warrior." TV. «.]
' Ys. I. 6 ; cf. znsya, zantuma and daqyuma in 3, 4, 5> ^^
Visp. I. 9, the Zaraihu^\\iroi€fna seems to be described as ahutri^ -
daqyuma.
THE PRIESTHOOD. 63
grant them swift horses, victory in battle and in the
chariot-race, the priests pray for wisdom.^
But priestly science, comprising the understanding of
the Holy Texts and of ritual observances, was imparted
by means of religious instruction. The relation between
teachers and disciples is not unfrequently referred to in
the Avesta. I myself have alluded to it above.*
According to the respective functions which the priests
discharged when offerings were made, they were divided
into several sections. The priest who presided at the
performance of the ceremony, was the Zautar. He had
to recite the liturgy. The others took part in the sacred
rites as his assistants.
In a« later age a single priest, Ratu or Raspi performed
the functions of the assisting priests. At first these
various functions were allotted to each person separately.
One priest crushed the Hauma-plant in a mortar;
another tended the fire ; a third had to bring the vessels
required in the offering; a fourth had the special duty
of fetching the water; a fifth cleansed the vessels; the
sixth and seventh had no distinctive ceremonial functions
assigned to them; apparently, it was their business to
perform the purification and to hear the confession.'
• MasHm * jaidhyaonti ' spanemcha^ Yt. V. 86.
• Cf, vol. I. p. s8.
• Hctvanan (from Havana, "mortar," from the rooti4«=Skr. su) ;
aiare-vakhsha (root vakhsh, " to grow, to wax, to increase") ;
fraharetare (root bar withyra) ; a-heretare ; asnatare (root sna, " to
wash, to bathe"); raihwishkareij) and sraosha-vareZt Vsp, III. 4 ;
Vd. V. 57, According to the former passage the Ratu alone
performs all these functions.
64 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
^ 5. Warriors and Peasants^ Manufacturers and
Slaves,
Whilst the Avesta is rich in information as to the duties
and rights of the priesthood, it tells us little concerning the
other orders, which nevertheless formed, there cannot be
the least doubt, by far the greater part of the people.
Besides the Athravans, the Zoroastrian documents
particularly mention the Rathaishtar^ the warriors, and the
Vdstrya-fskuyat, the peasantry.*
Neither the priesthood nor the profession of arms is
mentioned in the Gathas. The peasants, on the other
hand, are frequently named under their official desig-
nation, for in that early period they made up the whole
people. The priests formed as yet no separate order.
There were, I am inclined to believe, only a few individuals
who went from village to village as missionaries and
preachers to propagate the new doctrine. But as yet there
were no people who adopted the military profession without
troubling themselves about agriculture. Every peasant was
at the same time a fighting man, who was ready to defend
his property against enemies in time of danger.
The warrior class may be regarded as a kind of rural
gentry composed of the most opulent landlords, who could
entrust to their servants the management of their estates and
had, therefore, sufficient leisure to exercise themselves in
the use of arms.
There is no doubt that every one who was capable of
bearing arms, was bound to render military service. Never-
theless, not every Iranian who took the field was, therefore,
* The regular order is : athravan^ rathaeshtare^ vasirya-fshuyaU
Vd. V. 28, XIII. 44; Ys. XL 6, XIII.' 3; Vsp. Ill, 2; Yt.
XIX. 7, and often.
WARRIORS, PEASANTS, MANUFACTURERS & SLAVES. 65
ranked amongst the knights or champions. The latter
evidently fought in battle on chariots, from which the whole
order took its name.^ Consequently, when a war broke out^
it was the duty of the cavalier to provide himself with
a chariot, while in time of peace it was necessary that h^
should exercise himself in fighting from the chariot.
The body of champions was, certainly, of special import-
ance to the prince or sovereign. In them he had a number of
warriors prepared to support him. In case of war, as soon
a$ the enemy attacked the country, they were ready to
follow him into the field. They were, I believe, likewise
able to command great masses of the people, who could only
in times of extreme danger exchange the plough for the
sword and lance, while they were also useful in stimulating
the courage of the army by their own example.
So it is probable that the sovereign mostly endeavoured
to gain the knights or champions over to his party. They
formed his retinue, even his constant attendants. In the
neighbourhood of his mansion chivalrous feats and warlike
exercises were diligently practised.
Thus arose gradually a military nobility who, besides
their larger estates, acquired a privileged social position.
Several personages are called ''champions" in the Avesta.
Such a one is Tusa, the conqueror of the equestrian tribe
of the Hunus. Seated on horseback, he prays to the
Anahita for strength to his team and for victory over his
^ Ratha^Aiiare or raiha^hiao comes from the locative rathae and
root sta ; hence *' standing on the chariot." In Sanskrit it corres*
ponds to ratheshtha and ra/heshf/ia^ which, however, do not
signify any profession. [ Vid^ Professor Max Duncker's History
of Antiquity, Abbott's edition, vol. V. p. 186 : " That a warlike
nobility of a highly important and pre-eminent character, attitude,
and position, existed in Eastern Iran is the less to be doubted,
as the order of warriors in the Avesta is denoted by a nam«
(jrathaesYitar) which goes back to the chariots of war." TV. ».J
VOL. U. J
66 ORGANtZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
■ '■■'■■' „ ■.-■- . 1 1 ..I ■ I , , , , , ■ . ■■ ■ ■ I ■
enemies. With a similar prayer do the championf
generally address themselves to Mithrar'
Mithra himself is often styled a champion or chariot*
warrior. He drives his horses along the heavens and takes
part in battles* Srausba is similarly represented* Fire,
too, as being the powerful element fighting in tempests, is
called a warrior**
It is self-evident that the number of the cbanrpions was
limited. Probably there were few large estates in Eastern
Iran. The fertile soil^ broken up as it was in most
districts, did not at all allow of the formation of large estates*
On the contrary, the land was, as it were by nature, divided
into a great number of small farms*
Small farmers were certainly more miinerous, and
comprised the greatest portion of the i>eopler And it is
for this reason alone that we learn nothing particular as
regards this class as such, its political organization,, duties,
and rights, wliereas its occupation, viz.^ the breeding ol cattle
and the tilling of the soil has already been discussed* Only
occasionally does the Avesta speak of industry and labour,
as well as early rising, as characteristics of the farmer.^
We must enter mpore into detail in discussing the question
whether there existed an order of nvanufacturers, and what
their social position was in the Avesta State.
The division of the people into priests, warriors, and
farmers is frequently met with in the Avesta. This
' Yt. V, S3, X. 1 1. ; ^* vol L pp* 176, 177. Titles of honour
conferred on the ratha^^\Uao are : takhma (Yt. V. 86) and aurvcX
(Ys. IX. 22 ; Yt. V. S5). As attributes of the warrior the following
are mentioned in Vd. XIII. 45 : (i) rapib' paurvaeihyo; (2) a/^r-
ja/O' gdm * hudhaoghem ; (3) paro • pascha • nmanah*.
• Yt. X. 25, 102, 1 12 ; Yt. XL 19 ; Ys. LVII. 34 ; Nyftj. V. 6 ;
Sir. 1.9; Ys. LXII. 8.
* Vd. XIII, 46 : Zaenagha • evisio qa/na • yaiha • vastrya^
fshuySs^ paro • pascha • nmanahe > yatha • vastryO'/shuydi^^ pascha *
parb • nmanahe ' yaiha • vastryo-^shuyds*
WARRIORS, PEASANTS, MANUFACTURERS & SLAVES. 67
threefold classification is so firmly established that we cannot
possibly suppose the existence of a fourth order possessing
equal rights.
Only from a single passage of the Yasna might we be
tempted to draw another conclusion. But I believe that
this passage only apparently contradicts the other
statements of the Avesta. Along with the names of the
priests, warriors, and farmers it also mentions a fourth class,
that of the Huti, which term cannot but mean " manu-
facturer." *
Yet the passage does not contain a single syllable
concerning the political or social position of the four estates
with regard to each other. It treats merely of the nature
of different callings and occupations ; consequently, we
are not entitled to conclude that the Huti were classed
together with the other orders. The passage does not at
all touch upon this question. However^ the contrary
is proved by the continual and official threefold division
of the Avesta mentioned in other passages.
So we are only at liberty to infer from this passage of the
Yasna that manufactures were not confined to domestic
industry, but were carried on by a particular class of the
population. This hypothesis has already been stated in
another part of this work^ and it is suggested to us by
* Ys. XIX. 17. Kaish • //sh/ra/sh? Aihrava^ raihaeshihao.
va8iry0-/shuy&Sy hui/rsh, " what are the pis\i/ras ? The priest,
the warrior, the farmer, the manufacturer." We must lay some
•tress upon the word ^/'sh/ra. It cannot, I believe, mean " order '•
in its judicial or political sense, but perhaps " skilfulness, calling "
(from root pis = Skr. //c, " to make skilful "). Tradition explains
the word h^ti by hutkkk^ (cf. Mod. Pers. iakhsha\ Sanskrit
prakrtikarman. In later times this fourfold classification is
naturally employed in all passages. When manufactures began to
thrive, the order of manufacturers gained respect and dignity.
C/. Mkh* chap. XXXII. 2; LIX. i-io. Yet it is characteristic that
in the Minokhired too, '' misbeliei," dush-garoishni, is called aho^
Che special sin of ^thuHJihshd (Dr. West, Mkh. Glossary x. v.)
68 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
the variety and the comparatively high perfection of
the arts, which, according to the Avesta, existed in
ancient Iran.^
Furthermore, we may conclude that the manufacturers
were not a subdivision of the third order. Such a
supposition ought to be founded on substantial grounds.
The title given to the peasantry exclusively regards the
two functions of the farmer, viz., agriculture and cattle-
breeding. No other function is at all presupposed.
So there remains only a single possible theory, namely,
that besides the fully authorized members of the Avesta
commonwealth, divided into priests, warriors, and farmers,
there existed also an inferior section of the population,
consisting of handicraftsmen.'
It cannot be stated whether this section was servile or
semi-servile, or whether its members were personally
independent but without any political status*
It is not improbable that it was composed of the
remnants of the aboriginal population of Iran, which had
submitted to the immigrating Arians. The conquered
race remained in a kind of dependence. Yet it is certain
that the ancient hostility gradually died out, and that they
were, as early as in the Avesta epoch, thoroughly peaceful.
Perhaps the subjugated people were admitted, at least
partially, into the community of the Mazdayasna, but
without being allowed any political rights.
As was customary in those times, all the landed property
was claimed by the immigrating conquerors. However,
the less honourable occupations of handicraft were left to
the vanquished race.
But if it be true that the primitive population of Iran
belonged to the so-called Turanian race, which inhabited
* Vide vol. I. p. 212.
■ Amongst the Indians the order of Vai9yas, too, comprised
husbandmen, merchants, and artisans.
WARRIORS, PEASANTS, MANUFACTURERS & SLAVES. 69
Mesopotamia before the immigration of the Semites,
we may understand why objects made of metal are
especially described as various and ingenious by the Avesta.
In the original home of the Turanians, among the
slopes of the Altai mountains, where metals are found
rn abundance, and near the surface of the soil, that people
had acquired in the most ancient times the arts of the
miner, founder, and goldsmith, and had subsequently
spread further and further in their wanderings to- the
South-West. »
We can also imagine that the conquered aborigines
were deprived of their personal liberty. In that case th^y
formed or made up at least the main portion of the servile
population. In that period, as in ancient Rome, manufac-
tures may have been carried on by slaves.
There is hardly any doubt that in the Avesta State there
existed a servile class, since it is known that every free-
man might pawn away his freedom.*
But the principal increase in the number of slaves was,
I suppose, effected by the numerous wars waged by the
Avesta people. Captives taken in war were kept by
their conquerors as servants and slaves. As such they
formed, I believe, part of the household of the Mazdayasna,
where they seem to have been treated kindly and
humanely.
The wives and daughters of the conquered enemies
were likewise a desirable prize. As menials in the houses
of their conquerors, they very often knew how to gain the
love of their masters through their beauty and wanton
ways. They were, I believe, the Jahika^ against whom
the Avesta so emphatically warns the faithful.'
• Rawlinson, *'The Five Great Monarchies/* vol. I. pp.
98-99 ; Maspero, GdmV, p. 137.
• See above, pp. 37-38
• C/. Vd. XIII. 46, 48; Yt. XVII. 57-58.
70
ORGANrZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
Identical customs existed among the Vedic Indians. By
Ddsa, the name applied to the aboriginal population of
the Pan jab, are also meant slaves. This proves that the
two notions really coincide, and that the Dasas, falling
into the hands of the Arians, were kept and employed as
slaves.^ So, too, if the Rig-veda expressly recognizes in the
Dasa-women dangerous enemies of the Arians, this fact
must be founded, I imagine, on grounds similar to those
which called for the admonition of the Avesta against
wanton women.*
The term by which the Avesta actually designates, though
only in two passages, the servile class, is Vat'su.^
The Vaisu, as it seems, ranked in the family between
women and little children. For the purification of one of
them the fee to the priest was an animal (a beast of burden)
fit for carrying burdens. Thus slaves were evidently
regarded as members of the family and their possession
very highly valued. They might likewise be admitted into
the religious community, and were subject to the ritual
laws of the Avesta. But the Vaisu bore at the same time
an appellation, which doubtless indicates in my opinion his
menial character.^
In another passage the Vaisu is called " arousing'* or
" making music." So the servants had apparently the duty
of diverting and amusing their masters by their arts. The
very same epithets are also applied to the *' wanton women,"
• Zimmer, AiL. pp. 107 seg. See also Grassmann, W/6. s.v.
dasa, 3rd meaning.
■ Rv. 2. 20. 7 ; 3. 20. 10,
• Vaesu from vis, " to go to meet, to serve." Its connection
with Sanskrit vaicya is not certain.
• Yd. IX. 38. Pairi'Oeiaru comes from root 1' with /«/>/, " to
go about, to serve," Also Sanskrit paryetr^ ** one who has got
something in his power," may be referred to for comparison. So
we might, perhaps, translate pairi^aetaru in its passive sense,
" being in the power of, belonging to."
WARRIORS, PEASANTS, MANUFACTURERS & SLAVES. Jl
and this very fact induces me to believe that the latter
were al^o slaves in the house of the Mazdayasna.^
In order to give the reader a better notion of the social
position of the Vaisu, I may perhaps refer to that of the
pudra in the Brahmanic commonwealth. They were com-
pelled to render personal service to BrShmans, Kshatriya
and Vai^ya. So they were, like the Vaisu, a menial class.
Nevertheless they — we suppose the Vaisu also — were
allowed to work and earn their livelihood as artisans.
Here they may be compared to the Luris dwelling in
Baloochistan Proper. They are^ according to the description
of M. Bellew,' a kind of gipsies. In small parties formed of
a couple of families they are met with throughout the whole
country. They do not belong to the race of the Brahuis
or the Baloochees. They have no landed property, nor do
they cultivate the fields of others. They are partly vagrant
musicians wandering from one village to another, and
partly engaged in humble industries, such as pottery,
rope-making and mat-making.
It would be an anachronism to regard the Vaisus and
the Luris as perfectly identical. The latter, according to
an account of the Shdh-ndme, were induced by Behrimgur
or Varahran V. (Vullers, pp. 417-438) to emigrate from
India to Iran. Nor can they be called slaves, since they
personally remained totally free and independent.
* Vd. XIII. 46 : gandrakara, ** making music " or •* merry-
making " = Phlv. khunak'kar = Mod. Pers. khunya-gar.
Other common appellations of the Vaisu and Jahika are : asnae-
raesha {*' causing damage by any close contact (?) "), Main'myq/sman
and thryafsman^ the meanings of which are very obscure.
• " From the Indus to the Tigris," p. 52. Cf. Spiegel, E. A.
vol. III. p. S50 note.
^2 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS^
§ 6. The Mutual Relations of the several Orders.
Tradition traces the institution of separate orders to
Zarathushtra.^ He is not merely the founder of the Parsi
Religion; succeeding generations revere him at the same
* [Comp, Spiegel, Eranische Alter thumskunde^ vol. III. pp. 5S4
seq, — " Just as in India the Purushasdkta endeavours to explain
the descent of castes, so do we find also in Iran legendiary state-
ments concerning the origin of the diflferent orders, which they
ascribe to the most early period. According to the Book o/KingB,
Yima organized the different orders ; and this assumption is also
quite reasonable, for as Yima was, according to the Iranian
legend, the founder of the political organization, he ought naturally
to have been also the author of the social classification. On the
other hand, according to the view of the priests, Zarathushtra
was the first founder of the three estates, which were after him
continued by his sons. It is extremely difficult to reconcile these
two accounts with one another, for, according to the legend,
Zarathushtra appears only in times far distant from the age of
Yima, t.^., under Vishtaspa, and we cannot believe that the Iranian
state could have existed thousands of years without a division into
classes having taken place. The difficulty may be explained if
we may assume that Zarathushtra lived in the age of Yima, and
that with his help Yima organized the state ; and some passages
may be adduced as an indirect proof of this statement. The
Book 0/ Kings speaks not merely of the fire altar but also of the
Avesta as in existence long before Zarathushtra. It must, like-
wise, strike us when it is said in Yd. II. 143 that Urvatatnara, the
son of Zarathushtra, was King in the Vara of Yima, for it is
strange indeed that this Vara of Yima should have remained
without a chief until the time of King Vishiaspa. However, the
assumption that Zarathushtra lived in the reign of Yima is very-
inconvenient, since in that case we must not only destroy the
entire sacred chronology, but also separate Zarathushtra from
Vishtaspa, with whom he is nevertheless coupled in the Avesta.
A second and less violent expedient is to ascribe a distinct origin
to the priestly legend eliminated by us in vol. I. p. 659, so that
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS. 73
time, as the author of the most important political
institutions. The Avesta, therefore, calls him the first
Priest^ the first King, and the first Agriculturist.^
According to the Bundehesh, Zarathushtra had three
sons, who are, likewise, mentioned in the Avesta ; they are
called IsatvastrUf Hvarchithra^ Urvatatnara* The first
was the head of the priests. To him are ascribed the
foundation and organization of the priesthood. The
second was the commander-in-chief in war. The third
was the chief of the agricultural population.^
Firdusi also hands down a legend concerning the origin
of the orders, which is traced back to the days of Yima.
I do not think it necessary to endeavour to reconcile
this legend with the narrative of the Avesta and of the
Bundehesh ; ' for we have here to deal merely with a legend,
which can^ and will, at all times spread, develop, and change
with great freedom. And it is perfectly clear why a poet
like Firdusi should give the legend a character different
from what we find in the theological books, such as the
Avesta and the Bundehesh.
It is the purpose of the legend, to give to some important
institution the character of high antiquity, no matter whether
Yima on the one side, and Vishtaspa and Zarathushtra on the
other, ran parallel and were blended together, in a later period
only, in the manner now current.
The result at which we finally arrive [after minute research)
is this, that the rise of the civilization of the Iranians is related in
two different narratives; while the one traces it to Yima, accord-
ing to the other Zarathushtra is said to be its pioneer. If doubts
exist as to the author of that civilization, there is even greater
difficulty in determining the region in which, from the Iranian
point of view, it had its origin." TV. «.]
* Yt. XIII. 88-89 • paoiryai' atkaurune^ paoiryai - rathaeshthai^
Paoiryai • vastryai > fshuyante.
* Bdh. chap. XXXIIL 5 ; West, " Pahlavi Texts, " part
I. p. I42.
* Spiegel, E. A. vol. III. pp. 549*550.
VOL. 11. K
74
ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
it naines Zarathushtra or his sons^ or even the ancient
Yima as its founder.
The passage in Fird&si runs as follows :' —
'* Of all who pursued the same trade,* Jemshid convoked
an assembly, to which he devoted fifty years."
*' First the tribe' called Katuziyan (or Amoztydn).^
Know that these are devoted to the observance of public
worship.'*
" He separated them from the rest of the people and
gave them the mountains as their dwelling-place.
^* in order to live there in adoration and meditation before
1/he Bright Lord of the Universe.
*^ In the second place he set those who are named
Nlsdriyan,
'^ They are those who fight with the courage of the lion ;
who shine before the army and the co^antries.
^* Who shelter the throne of the King and maintain the
glory of virtue.
*' The third, know ye, bears the name Ndsudl. To nobody
have they to pay homage,*
''Blameless they work and sow and reap and nourish
themselves.
" They need not obey anybody, though their garments
are poor (ue.y they are meanly clad) ; and their ears are
free from the sound of calumny.
* Shah-namey ed. Vullers, vol. I. p. 24, 11. 17 seq, Cf.
Mohl, Le Livre des Rois (" The Book of Kings "), vol. I. pp. 34 seq.
* The original text has peshah^ corresponding to the Avesta
ph\itra (vide p, 62),
* Firdusi uses the word guroh " ca^erva, horde, crowd '* ; so too
further below.
* Mohrs edition has amoztydn. The word comes from ambkhlan^
•* to teach."
' Mohl: *»They pay no homage to any person." Vullers
{Lexicon, s,v, sipds) : — " quibus nemo gra/ias agt//* ** whom nobody
thanks."
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS.
75
" They are free, and the cultivation of the earth is their
charge; they know neither enemies nor lawsuits.
" For a wise and noble-m inded man says : Laeiness
makes the free man a slave.
*' The fourth order comprises those who are called the
Ahnukhushi ; ^ they are active for gain, and full of
arrogance,
'^ Their business is to manufacture ; their soul is con-
tinually full of fear."
The tradition of the Shah-name entirely agrees with the
views of the Avesta. It distinguishes four orders, just as
the passage of the Yasna often referred to above. The
independence of the farmers and the enjoyment in their
profession of rights equal to those of the priests and
warriors, are specially emphasized. However, the inferio-
rity of the fourth order no less plainly appears. There is
no doubt but handicrafts are regarded as less honourable ;
those who follow them are considered as not free and
morally inferior.
Let us now set aside the fourth order and consider the
mutual relations which subsisted between the priests,
warriors, and farmers. The first question, no doubt, is : —
Whether we have here before us castes or orders ?
Two things are characteristic of and essential to the
existence of caste.* Wherever these are wanting, we
cannot speak of castes, but only of orders*
Firstly, the caste must be hereditary, from father to son,
in strict conformity to law. The order is fixed and
determined by birth. It is possible that one may sink into a
* This name is full of interest. Evidently it is identical with
the Pahlavi ahunvdkhsh%,.,.S^\\^ Persian word ahnukhushi (ahuna-
vakhshi) is, I believe, corrupted from the Pahlavi hutokhshi (from
huy **good," and thwakhsh^ **to endeavour") industry, artizan-
ship, the profession of artizans. To my knowledge the word
ahunvakhshi rarely occurs in Pahlavi. TV. ».]
• Cf. Spiegel, E. A. vol. III. p. 551,
fjG OKGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
lower caste^ while it is impossible for him to rise to a
higher grade.
Secondly, a lawful intermarriage between members of
different castes cannot take place. Whenever such a
marriage is contracted, it is either regarded only as
concubinage, or the children are assigned to the lower
caste ; nay, perhaps, to the very lowest in the scale.
I know no passage of the Avesta or of the late traditional
writings, which bears testimony to the existence of both
these characteristics in the orders of the Avesta. However,
this silence is not in itself conclusive.
But various reasons, chiefly intrinsic ones, disprove the
existence of real castes in ancient Iran. I refer to the
words of Dr. Spiegel, who has already demonstrated this
fact in a convincing manner: '
" We regard the caste as a luxury, which can only be
allowed in opulent countries. Castes are definitely proved
to exist only in countries such as India and Egypt, where
their existence may be easily conceived.* These two
* Spiegel, E, A. vol. Ill, pp. 546 seg.
• The subject treated of here is closely connected with the
question whether the Arians of the Rig-veda had any castes
among them. Whilst Ludwig {Emleiiung^ pp. 216 seq.)^ agreeing
with Haug and Kem, affirms it, it is denied by Zimmer {AiL,
pp. i86 seq)y Aufrecht, Benfey, Muir, M. Muller, Roth, and
Weber. I am also of opinion that the existence of castes is
inconceivable in the times and circumstances of the Rig-veda*
Without any regard to other reasons I should rely principally on
an argument which, as far as I know, has not yet been advanced.
There cannot be any doubt that castes can only be found in a
complete and settled commonwealth, in which alone the necessary
control could be exercised, and suitable and effective measures
taken against any violation of the laws of caste. Even in our
days the caste-system in India gives rise to most of the lawsuits.
However, the views of the people are to a great extent humanized
by English influence. What a complicated judicial system must
have existed in the Vedic antiquity! A commonwealth so
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS. 77
countries are extremely fertile and rich in natural
productions. The farmer in particular can derive from the
cultivation of a relatively small piece of ground whatever
he requires for the maintenance of himself and his family ;
hence he can afford to distribute the surplus among those
who serve him in various ways. The above-mentioned
countries have also a very genial climate, which enables
their inhabitants' to be contented with little; for their
living and clothing cost but little in comparison with what
is necessary in less favoured climates. Wherever such
facilities for earning a livelihood exists castes^ in my
opinion, must naturally be formed.^'
But all these circumstances, which favour or facilitate
the rise and development of castes, are not at all to be met
with in Iran. Here the soil is on the whole supposed to be
extremely poor. In many parts it can be used only for
pasture; and, wherever agriculture is possible, it requires
most careful cultivation, much labour and diligence.
The climate is anything but genial. It is a continental
climate in the full sense of the word, varying between the
extremes of heat and cold. Any restriction to a particular
kind of vocation is out of the question. Otherwise, the
people would soon feel the effects of famine. In Iran
every one must work according to his strength and ability
and without any long relaxation in order to make a living.
The ithravans, perhaps, form a solitary exception. Yet,
even regarding them, it is uncertain whether they had no
organized no doubt existed in the Brahmana in the valley of the
Ganges. Yet the Arians of the Indus and of the Panjab did not
possess it, since they had no settled home, but were in course of
migration from West to East. Under such varying circumstances
there could not rise and take deep root an institution which, more
than any other, bears the stamp of stability, solidity, and ossifica-
tion, and which, no doubt, presupposes a development of centuries
before it can be regarded as permanent.
yS ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
other sources of income than the exercise of their priestly
functions.
If the orders of priests^ warriors, and farmers had been
castes, there would certainly have been invented some myth
representing this division as eternal and ordained by God.
Brahmanical legends of such a kind are not wanting. But
it is actually a priestly tradition which describes the three
orders as being of one nature and one kind. Indeed, the
Avesta derives all the three orders from Zarathushtra^
whereby they are bound together rather than sundered.
The mutual blending of the orders can even be proved,
I believe, from the Avesta itself.
It is expressly said that Hauma refuses to women who
do not render him due honour, the birth of an Athravan,
and, generally, a happy delivery.* Here we must suppose
that the son of every woman, at least in theory, could
become a priest. It was certainly the eager desire of all
women in ancient Iran to be blessed with sons who might
participate in this high honour.
The same idea is implied in a curse which is pronounced
against the despisers of Hauma. '' In such a house {where
Hauma is despised) no£thravan shall bebonij nor warrior,
nor farmer.'* *
It is thus proved that not even the £thravans formed a
caste properly so called. Yet there cannot be any doubt
that in course of time they constituted themselves a class
distinct from the other orders. It must have gradually
* Ys. X. 15 : noii • i&m • aihravo • puthrlm • naedha • dasii •
huputhrxm.
• Ys. XI. 6. The passage might also be construed as follows :
" In the house of a priest (where Hauma is despised) shall be
born no priest {i.e,, no son at all), in the house of a warrior no
warrior, in that of a farmer no farmer." Yet this translation
seems rather strained. A much stronger expression is used in the
passage addressed to every man of the tribe : ** The despiser of
Hauma shall have no free son at all."
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS.
79
become a recognized rule that only the sons of priests should
be ordained as priests. At least such had naturally a
preferential claim to this privileged rank.
We know how jealously the Athravans watched that no
one^ who was not entitled, should enter their circle and
assume their rights. So they formed at all events a well-
organized order, and admission into it was subject to certain
conditions.
Among the Modern Parsis the sacerdotal dignity is
inherited from father to son. A layman cannot acquire it.
A priest^ on the contrary, is fre^ to embrace another
calling.^ Thus usage has become established in course
of time and has acquired the force of law.
The priesthood held generally an isolated position
among the Avesta people and in the commonwealth.
I really believe that the Athravans were not properly
natives of Eastern Iran.^ They had their principal seat
in Media whence they emigrated to the East. It was by
* Dosabhoy Framji : " The Parsis," p. 227 ; (" History of
the Parsis," 2nd ed. vol. II. p. 235) : " The priest does not
acquire his position from sacerdotal fitness or superior learning.
Strictly speaking he cannot be called a spiritual guide. The son
of a priest is also a priest, unless he chooses to follow another pro-
fession, which is not prohibited to him. But a layman cannot be
a priest. They resemble the Levites"; and p. 237: "The
present ' dasturs,' or chief priests, among the Parsis in Bombay,
namely, Dastur Peshotanji, the successor of the learned and
renowned Edaldaru (Sanjana), and Dastur Jamaspji, successor of
the well-known Edaldaru Jamaspasana, are intelligent and well-
infoimed men, possessing a considerable knowledge of their
religion ; but some of the priesthood are profoundly ignorant of
its first principles. As the minds of the Parsi people have now
been awakened, and as active measures have been and are being
devised for improvement, the darkness and gloom of the past will
doubtless be succeeded by a bright dawn in the future." Cf.
Spiegel, E, A. vol. III. p. 567, note 3.
' Cf. Spiegel, E. A. vol. III. pp. 554 sfq,^ pp. 561-567.
8o ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
such emigrant priests that the doctrine of Zarathushtra was
announced to the people of Balkh^ Merv, and Herat^ of
Soghd and Khvarizm^ of Sei'stan and Kabul.
This opinion is strongly confirmed by what is stated in
the Parsi legend regarding Zoroaster. It represents the
Prophet as coming from Rai or Ragha to Balkh^ to the
court of King Vishtaspa, and preaching there the new faith.
I will not deny that this legend is extremely imperfect.
However, it is utterly impossible to believe that this
tradition should have no foundation in fact. We do not
gain anything whatever by rejecting tradition as mere
nonsense and absurdity. Such an assertion must not be
maintained without convincing reasons. It is our task to
extract the kernel of truth contained in traditions but hidden
under a mass of legend and poetry ! If we act otherwise,
we, indeed, destroy the old edifice of tradition, only to raise
in its place another which stands on no foundation whatever.
If we eliminate from the Zoroastrian legend the royal
court of Vishtaspa and the kingly palaces ; if we lay aside
the learned disputations and the intrigues of the court ;
nay more, the very name of Zarathushtra, as being
the only historical personage, I should have no objection
to offer However, this fact must, I believe,
remain — as being the nucleus and basis of the entire
legend — that the Avesta religion was introduced among
the Eastern Iranians from the West, and that it was
brought to them by the order of priests immigrating
from the West.
It even seems that only a small portion of that priesthood
had settled in Eastern Iran. The majority wandered about
homeless like the Jewish Levites and the Mohammedan
Mollahs. They taught and preached and earned their living
by occasionally performing their medical or sacerdotal
functions in cases of disease or impurity.
The ** coming of the ithravans" is celebrated in the
Avesta. They come from afar bringing piety into the
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS. 8 1
countries J Before they immigrated from their distant
home into Eastern Iran piety had not dwelt there, but
a creed different from that which is taught by the Avesta.
The people still followed the old Arian religion of nature.
The same fact is implied in the tradition which puts into
the mouth of Kersani the words: — *'No more shall an
Athravan come into my country to make proselytes I " *
Kersani is apparently a legendary prince, who counteracts
the missionary work of the Athravans. It is further on
related that Hauma vanquished him and deprived him of
his power. This evidently means that the priests succeeded
through divine aid in breaking the resistance of that prince
and in gaining over his people to their new doctrine.
That the priests in the very epoch of the Avesta were
still in an unsettled condition and wandered through the
country, may perhaps be inferred from their appellation,
'* wandering through the countries/' by which, it seems, the
Athravans are designated in the texts.'
In Ragha, that is in Media, the Athravans had their home.
Here resided the Zarathushtrotema^ and hence the priests
had evidently emigrated to the East, In Ragha they had
not only spiritual but even secular power.
This is confirmed by the Avesta, according to which
there were generally five chiefs. The first is the master
of the house, the second the headman of the village, the
third the head of the tribe, and the fourth the prince of the
country. The fifth is the Zarathustra or the Zarathush-
trdtema, the chief of the Athravans, who was, at least
according to the notions of the priests, above all secular
potentates.
* Ys. XLII. 6; athaurundm ' paiti-ajdihrem ' yazamaide ' ydi
tea (/aya) • durai • ashd-isho • daqyundm.
* Ys. IX. 24 . nott ' me - apdtm • athrava • fl/w/shZ/sh • vercdhye •
danhava • charai.
* Danhaurvaesa, Vsp. III. 3;Grih. IV. 8; Yt. XXIV. 17.
VOL. H. L
82 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
Ragha affords the only exception. Here there are but
four chiefs ; the fourth is the Zarathushtra. Thus in Media
he unites the spiritual and secular power in his own person.
He is not only the chief of the clergy, but at the same time
also a country-prince in Ragha. ^
Hence we may infer that the Sthravans came from
Media, where they had their permanent abode. Their
chief resided in the ancient metropolis of the country.
Under such circumstances it must be admitted that the
supposition that the Xthravans were identical with the
Magi, in so far as they had spread over Eastern Iran, is
very natural. It is not strange, that they received in the
new country a different title from that which they had in
their native land and in Persia. At all events, what we
know about the Magi perfectly agrees with what is related
of the Athravans. It is uncertain whether the designation
Magu (used elsewhere) occurs in the A vesta ; yet it is not
altogether improbable.^
* The passage (Ys. XIX. 18) is treated at full length by Spiegel,
E, A, vol. III. p. 563. I cannot but agree entirely with his
opinion. The original text runs ; — Kay a • ratava/* JVmdnyd, vlsya,
zan/umo, zara/hush/rd • pukhdho ; aoghdm • daqyundm • yao •
anyao • rajdii • zarath u^htroii. Chathru-ratu^ • Ragha • zarath «sh-
/rish; kaya*anhao raiavo? Nmanyascha- visyascha^zahiumascha,
zara/hush/ro • tuiryo, " Who are the chiefs ? The master of the
house, the lord of the village, the president of the tribe, the prince
of the country, the fifth is the Zarathushtra. (So it is) in the
countries outside the Zarathushtrian Empire ( .?). The Zarathush-
trian Ragha has four chiefs. Who are these chiefs ? The master
of the house, the lord of the village, the president of the tribe,
the fourth is the Zarathushtra." I observe that the tradition renders
the word zarathu^tra simply by zartushiium. The change of
the word rajoit into raghoit, is not obvious. The form of it
would be objectionable even now.
■ In Ys. LXV. 6, the term mogu-tbish. is found along with other
designations of the adversaries of the Zoroastrian religion. It is
often, and I believe not without some reason, translated ** hating
the Magi." Certainly everybody will admit that nothing is
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE SEVERAL ORDERS. 83
There is no doubt that the Magi were a Median tribe.'
Yet we know that they had spread also over Persia. Here
they formed the priesthood, which, as regards customs and
usages, greatly differed from the rest of the people.
Hence Herodotus expressly distinguishes them from the
Persians.®
We can only correctly understand the rebellion of the
pseudo-Bardija, whom Darius calls one of the Magi, if we
look upon it as a reaction of the Median tribe against the
ascendency of the Persians.'
Ammianus Marcellinus, too, speaks of Media in a manner
worthy of credence, as the native country of the Magi.
Here lay their fertile lands and fields, whence they
departed to consecrate themselves for centuries exclusively
to the worship of the divinities. It is particularly related
that they maintained the eternal fires, which were originally
kindled from a holy flame that had once fallen from
heaven.
Finally, I must refer to a passage in Yaqut alluded to by
Dr. Spiegel, according to which the last chief of the
Magi died in the fortress of Ushtunavend near Rai. His
residence was, therefore, near that primeval Ragha,
wherein also the Avesta places the seat of the chief of the
Athravans.
We can now understand the nature and origin of the
civilization of the Avesta people. It does not occur
to me to locate their scene of activity in Western Iran,
especially in Media. Some portion of the people, it is true,
dwelt, according to the Avesta, on Median soil, but the
majority, no doubt, had their home in Eastern Iran.
essentially proved or refuted by the droll remark : " the little word
maghu or tnoghu has quite innocently incurred the suspicion of
magic." {ZddmG. vol. XXXIV. p. 715, note).
^ Herod. I.ioi. " Herod. I. 104*
" Spiegel, E» A. vol II. pp. 304 seq.
84 ORGANIZATION OF PROFESSIONS.
However, Media was apparently not only the starting-
point for the propagation of a new belief, but also for the
spread of a new culture. The ithravans during their
missionary labours not only introduced their religion into
the East, but also their civilization. And thus we can
conceive why in the Avesta a social amelioration is
combined with the religious reform.
The civilization of Media may have been in many
respects superior to that of the East. There the nature
of the soil is by far more favourable to agriculture and
permanent settlements, and not such as to necessitate a
nomadic life.
We need not suppose that the Athravans were entirely
strangers to the inhabitants of Eastern Iran as regards
their- customs and language. I believe they belonged to
those Iranian tribes, which had advanced furthest to the
West; but, having been separated locally from their tribal
brethren, ^nd living under particular conditions of soil and
climate, they had developed independently.
Naturally, the ithravans first attached themselves in
Eastern Iran to that portion of the people which most
resembled them in culture and civilization. They sought
and found their first support among those tribes that had
already been accustomed, more or less, to the cultivation of
the soil as well as to settled dwellings.
Starting from this centre they endeavoured to extend
their civilizing influence also among the wild and inde-
pendent tribes. And, indeed, their doctrine, pervaded by
pious zeal, was useful also for practical purposes, so that it
was calculated more than any other religion to mitigate
the ruggedness of the country and of its people.
CHAPTER III.
On the Home and Age of the Avesta.*
General Remarks,
In writing my " Civilization of the Eastern Iranians in
Ancient Times," I did not devote a separate section to the
question respecting the home and age of the Avesta.
I believed that the list of geographical names occurring in
the Avesta would suffice to show its Eastern Iranian origin,
and that a description of the state of civilization it depicts
would be enough to prove its great antiquity.
I have since been charged by my reviewers — with the
exception of the criticism of M. Tomaschek, {Auslam/,
1883, No. 42) — ^with over-estimating the age of the Avesta,
and disregarding the important arguments in favour of its
Median origin. I am, therefore, compelled to go more fully
into the subject, in order to justify the view I have adopted.
I shall begin with the two following statements: —
(i) The country in which the civiliza-
tion of the Avesta people took
its rise, was really Eastern Iran.
(2) It is a civilization of great antiquity,
and dates back at least to a time
antecedent to the Median and
Persian kings.
I shall now make it my task separately to verify these
two statements, and meet the arguments adduced on the
opposite side.^ I shall also endeavour not to overlook any
* This treatise, entitled Vaierland und ZeitalUr des Awesid und
seiner KuUur^ was suggested to Dr. Geiger by Prof. Kuhn, and
was first published in the Sitzungsberichte der VgL Bayer,
Akademieder Wissenscha/ien^ yd May 1884.
^ I shall make use of the following abbreviations in quoting
from writers to whom I shall have to refer often : —
86 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
of those arguments, claiming at the same time similar atten-
tion to all the reasons I may bring forward on my own side,
A few preliminary remarks before I begin —
1. The expression, **Home of the Avesta, " is not quite
precise. It may be asked whether it is meant to denote
the territorial extent of Zoroastrianism and the home of
the Avesta people, or the province to which the Avesta
owes its origin. I take the expression in the former sense ;
for it is not evident whether the Avesta was originally com-
posed in Sogdiana, Merv, or Ragha.* Even if we were to
identify the home of Zarathushtra, the place where the
Avesta was written would still remain uncertain. The
question as to whether we can at all speak of an Eastern
Iranian civilization is more practical. The difficulty lies in
discovering whether the territory occupied by the Arians
of the Avesta differed from that held by the Medes and
Persians in historical times.
2. As regards the age of the Avesta, we cannot merely
speak of it as '* over-estimated. '^ (J. i. Sp. 1477). The
1 Sp. I . For Spiegel, Vtshtaqpa oder Hysiaspes und das Reich der
Bdklrtr ; Sybels Historische ZeUschrift- vol. VIII.
pp. I seq.
2 Sp. 2. For Spiegel, Ueber das Vaterland und das Zeitaller des
Awestd; Zeiischrift der deuischen morgenldndischen
Gesellscha/ty vol. XXXV. 188 1, pp. 62^seq.
3 J. I. For Justi's Review of my Osiiran. Kultur, "Civilization
of the Eastern Iranians"; Philolog. Wochenschrift^
2Sth November 1882, No. 47.
4 H. I. For C. de Harlez, Avesta traduii, 2nd ed. Paris, 188 1 ;
especially the " Introduction."
5 H. 2. For C. de Harlez, Le calendrier Persan ei le pays origu
naire du Zoroastrianisme ; Bulletin de VAth^nU
Oriental^ 188 1, pp. 79-97, IS9-183.
6 H. 3. For C. de Harlez, Review of my Osiiranische Kuliur
im Alterihume; ibid, 1883, pp. 217-225.
7 H. 4. For C. de Harlez, Origine de V Avesta et son interpret
iation] Le Mus4on, vol. I. 1882, pp. 494-So5«
* I shall speak especially of Ragha at greater length further on.
GENERAL REMARKS.
87
question is simply this : — Is the Avesta of greater antiquity
than Medo-'Persian history? Is it of more recent date, or
contemporary with it?
3. Dr. Spiegel (Sp. 2. pp. 639-640 ; cf. also Sp. i. p. 1 1 )
says: * " Now, as regards the theory of a Bactrian origin
for the Avesta, only indirect proofs can be brought in
support of it, for once only is Bactria directly mentioned
byname.'* Again, Prof. C. de Harlez, (H, i. p. xlv.) : '* On
affirme gendralement que ce {i.e. the home of the
Avesta) fut Bactriane*^ For my own part, as I have
suggested in my first remark, I do not believe that the
Bactrian country was the special home of the Avesta.
I am much more inclined to be guided by the general
contrast between Eastern and Western Iran, which appears
to me inherent in the nature of the country, and which is
so prominent a feature to this day in Persian history.
4. Finally, let me observe that, naturally, I do not
look on the Avesta as it now exists as identical with the
original Avesta. I entirely agree with Dr. Spiegel, who
says (Sp. 2. 638): — "Our Avesta is a prayer-book abridged
from the great Avesta for liturgical purposes.'' * But what
conclusion must we draw from this? Probably no more than
that the Avesta, as we have it, is incomplete, and has even
in many instances undergone much alteration; nevertheless
its substance is entirely derived from the originaL However,
it is by no means certain, (though not impossible, or
rather very probable, and in some cases evident), that in the
compilation of this '' Manual of Liturgy, " much was
inserted in the text \as mere explicative words or
commentary]. In order to distinguish the matter inserted
we must discover certain signs. Let me point out some of
^ Was nun die Entstehung des Awes/a in Bakirien hetrifft^ so
wird man da/ur zumeist nur indirekte Beweise finden musseny denn
direkt wird Baktra nur ein einziges Mai genanni,
• Unser Azvesla ist ein Gebeibuch, zu liiurgischen Zwecken aus
demgrossen Awesta ausgezogen.
88 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
■ — —^ — - ■ ■ ■» . p
them. If any phrase disturbs the metre, which would be
otherwise regular, it may be regarded as an interpolation.
Now the question also arises, whether such phrases are
composed by the compiler, or are extracts from some other
genuine texts of the Avesta. All isolated passages, and
especially such words and expressions as have no proper
connection with the context, must be carefully examined.
They should only be brought to bear generally on questions
concerning the history of civilization, where they in no way
contradict the other statements of the Avesta. Above all,
we must beware of attaching too great importance to brief
and isolated observations. On the contrary, we must be
always careful that any passage brought forward as proof can
be supported by others. As a rule, the evidence of language
is not to be relied on. We do not even know how far the
language of the original sacred books was familiar to the
compilers of the *' Liturgy.'^ That the time which elapsed
between the writing of the original Avesta and the compila-
tion of the " Liturgy, " was a period of transformation of
language, is, so far as I am aware, generally accepted. At
best, it is only when grammatical and material evidences
coincide, that we may fitly attach importance to the latter.
§ 7. The Home of the Avesta.
After what I have said in my opening statement (i) the
question may take this form : *' What were the places
inhabited by the Avesta people ? In what country did the
civilization represented in the Avesta take its rise and
develop itself?" Every one will allow that the answer
to these questions must be sought in the first place in the
Avesta itself.
Dr. Spiegel (Sp. 3, pp. 639-640) says : * " Moreover, it is
' " Wenn ferner behaupiei wird^ das Awesta ignoriere den
WesUn Irans vollsidndig, so is/ das nichi richtig ; denn das
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. 89
incorrect to assert that the Avesta makes no reference at
all to Western Iran ; for not only is Lake Urumia ( Chau
chasta) mentioned but also Babylon (Bawri). Thus it is
familiar with the land west of the borders of Iran. Among
the arguments in favour of an Eastern Iranian origin for the
Avesta, particular stress is generally laid on the evidence
of the register of lands in the first Fargard of the Vendidad,
where only names of Eastern Iranian places occur.
Without taking into consideration the fact that Ragha
and Varena cannot be regarded as Eastern Iranian
districts, and leaving out of account Airyanem valjagh^
we must nevertheless recollect that in Vendidad, I. 81, it is
expressly stated that other places and towns existed whose
names did not appear on the register. Besides this^ I
must confess that I consider the age of this first Fargard to
be greatly over-estimated. " ^
Prof. C. de Harlez agrees with the writer quoted above.
(H. 3. p. 222) :
'* Puis nous considirerions le pays de V Avesta comme
VEran septentrional et non comme oriental. Une region
qui s'itend jusqu'au Suddela Mer Caspienne^ ne peutiire
prise pour V Orient de VEran^
Awesia kennl nichi bloss den Urumiasee {Tschaiischasta) sondern
selbst Babylon {Bawn), seine Kenniniss reicht also westlich noch
ikber die Chrenzen Irons hinaus. Ein besonderes Gewicht wird
bet den Beweisen Jur den osfiranischen Ur sprung des Awesia
gewbhnlich auf das Landerverzeichniss im ersten Fargard des
Vendidad gelegt, wo angeblich nur ostirantsche Orte genanni
werden, Abgesehen davon^ dass Ragha und Varena nichi als
osHranische Landschafien gelien konnen, urn von Airyanem vaejagh
zu schweigen^ so muss man sich erinnern, dass Vd* /. 81
ausdrucklich gesagi wird, dass es noch andere Orie und Pldize
gebe. Sonsi muss ich gesiehen^ dass nach meiner Ansichi das Alter
dieses ersten Fargards sehr uberschdizi wirdJ'
* C/. similarly Sp. i. p. 11.
VOL. n. M
90
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
As regards the latter remark it must be admitted that
Ragha does not belong to Easter^i Iran ; it lies close to
the natural bridge connecting Western and Eastern Ir^n.
Now, if all the other places mentioned are in Eastern
Iran^ then surely, in spite of -Ragha being mentioned, we
are justified in speakingof an '* Eastern Iranian civilization/'
It must also at the same time be accepted as a known fact
that at this one point only it extended beyond the frontiers
of Eastern Iran. The very nature of the country sufficiently
explains this circumstance ; for, when the Iranian people had
reached the " Bridge of Khorasan," they must necessarily
have gone further westward, for deserts prevented their
expansion towards the North and South.
At all events^ it will be allowed that the name Eastern \
Iran is more appropriate than Northern Iran would be.
To the latter must, however, belong Atropatene, while
it could never have included such places as Haitumaty
Harahvatiy Pisana^ Vaikerta — pure Avesta names — which
belong to modern Afghanistan.
Northern Iran, moreover, has no existence as a geogra-.
phical division. Between the North and the South, whether!
towards the West (Media, Susiana, Persia), or towards
the East (Afghanistan, Baluchistan), there is no natural
boundary ; but the central desert of Persia divides the
plateau of Iran into Eastern and Western districts. A
line drawn from Asterabad through Tebbes to Kirman,
nearly marks the division ; but North and South of the
Persian desert the two halves meet again.
The main point of my argument is this : — ^that, in spite i
of the reference to Ragha in the Avesta, the greater
part of Media, all itropatene, Susiana, and
Persia, were outside the pale of the Avesta
people. But these were the very countries, which, in
historical times, were especially the nurseries of the
civilization of nations.
Hitherto I have confined myself entirely to meeting the
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. gi
objections of Prof. C. de Harlez to the term '* Eastern
Iranian Civilization/* on the ground that Ragha is
mentioned in the Avesta. Let U3 now consider Dr.
Spiegel's remark, against which a great deal may be
urged.
I. Besides the register of countries in the Vendidad,
I also base my theory of an Eastern Iranian origin for the
Avesta on the juxtaposition of all the names of places
occurring in it, and on the very interesting passage, Yt.
X. 13-149 where, speaking of Mithra, the yazata of the
rising sun, it says : —
** Who first, decked with gold,
Grasps the bright mountain-tops ;
Thence he looks over the whole land
Of the Arians, the glorious one where
navigable waters,
Broad with swelling waves, flow
To Ishkata and Poruia^
To MorUy Haraiva^ and Gava,
To Sughdha and to QdrisemJ^ *
Dr. Spiegel does not refer to this passage; and yet it is
of special significance, for in it the name airyo-shayana is
expressly used for the ** Land of the Arians." Of the seven
names of places it mentions, two, viz., Ijhkai^ and
Poruta^^ are unknown ; the others,, without exception, are in
* Should any one be inclined to consider the words 5 ishkatem
to qairizemcha as an interpolation, the passage would m that case
prove even more useful to my argument. The insertion would, of
course, be of later date than the original text itself, and would serve
as an additional proof that, even during a period later than that in
which the Hymn of Mithra, (Yt. X. 13-14), was composed, the
airyo-shayana was still confined to Eastern Iran,
' C. de Harlez also situates them in Eastern Iran (H. I. p. 448,
note i). Ibid, p. xxiv. and xlvi. with reference to the passage cited
above from the Mithra Yasht.
/
92
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
Eastern Iran, and four of them appear also in the list of I
countries named in the Vendidad. \
Here, then, we have a very important passage, analagous
to the register of places often quoted, which indisputably
adds to its value.
2. I do not see what arguments can be adduced todisprove
the antiquity of the first Fargard of the Vendidad. This
document need not be regarded only as an enumeration of
tribes, but as a part of the Avesta itself ; and that it is of later
date than any other part cannot be proved with certainty.
If this were so, it would be even more striking, that, with
the exception of Ragha, only names of Eastern Iranian
places occur in it. Again, we must not be misled by the
frequent use of the modern forms of these names, for this
is sufficiently explained by the various revisions of the
Avesta, during which it is easy to conceive the revisers
would have preferred to exchange obsolete names for such
as were popularly current, or which at least nearly resembled
those in common use.
I may further observe that I do not ascribe to the
transcribers of the Avesta the alteration of the names,
which was doubtless the work of the revisers, to whom
the old terms were, indeed, no longer familiar. Again, the
loose grammar of many passages in the Avesta must not
be ascribed to careless copying of the manuscript, but
rather to the ignorance of editors adapting their own
language to the text.
3. The concluding passage, "There are also other
places, &c.," proves next to nothing. The places could
equally well have been in Eastern Iran, so far as may be
inferred from the tone of the writer. At all events it would
seem very singular that a Zoroastrian of Western Iran should
look on the districts of Eastern Iran only as God-created,
thus entirely ignoring the claims of his own country.
4. Bawri cannot be mentioned by way of proof. So
far as the question relates to the home of the Avesta
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA.
93
people, we must confine ourselves to those districts only
which are included in Iran. But Bawri was the home of
the Dahaka, and therefore situated in a foreign country
according to the Avesta. The power of Babylon may
probably have been known to the old Irfinians, but this is
no reason for supposing that it was within the territory of
the Avesta people.
5. It is by no means impossible that Chaichasta is Lake
Urumia. If so^ it forms a singular exception to the numer-
ous other localities mentioned in the Avesta. Perhaps, as
in the case of Bawri, we may assume that it was situated
beyond the district inhabited by the old Iranians, lying, as
a matter of fact, at a considerable distance to the West of
their territory. Perhaps it was at some later period that the
name Chaichasta was given to Lake Urumia. But upon
this I shall dwell further on.
I must now discuss the question in detail.
As regards the geographical names occurring in the
Avesta, I must refer to the list of mountains given in Yasht,
XIX. II seq* It is to some extent of no value, since their
exact positions cannot be assigned to these mountains.
With the help of the Bundehesh some information can be
gathered concerning the following names. The Ushiddo
and the Ushidarna stand in Segestan, and therefore in East-
ern Iran, as does also Uparusaina. ^ The Antar-kangJia and
Sichindava are to be looked for in Kandiz, 1'.^., on the frontier
between Iran and China ; Syamaka and Vafraka in Kabul.
Raiva lies in Khorasan and near it stand Spentodhata
and Kadrva-aspuy which, according to the Bundehesh, are
situated near Tus (Meshed). Only the Asnavdo is situated
in £tropatene. Of the other mountains mentioned, the
Arzura, Mainakha, Vdit'gaisa,Sind Taira, are well-known,
and to these I shall revert further on. Finally, we must
* C/. West, " Pahlavi Texts," part I. pp. 36-37 note.
94
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
mention Kauinsa, which is supposed by the Vedas t(^e
situated in Iran.
To the geographical statements of the Bundehesh I
attach little importance, since it sets up a world-system of
which no trace is to be found in the Avesta. Nevertheless,
if we rely on its authority, all those mountains, the
geographical positions of which we can trace with its
help, must be in Eastern Iran, with the single exception
of the Asnavant.
The following are the other geographical names
occurring in the Avesta: — Aryana-vaija ; the rivers
Ddtya and Darja ; Sughdha and Gava ; Qdrizem ; the
rivers Rangha (with the Gaudha or Gudha) and Ardvi-
sura-Anahita; the mountains Hara-berzatt viiihihe Taira
and Hukarya ; Kangha^ Vaiska^ and Khshathro-sauka ;
the lake Voru-kasha ; Moru ; Bdkhdhi ; Nisaya; Haraiva
(Vdti-gaisa) ; Vaikerta ; Urva ; Harahvati ; Haitumat ;
Vehrkdna {Khnenta) ; Varna; Chakhra; Ragha; Pisina;
Hapta-hindavo ; the lakes Kansu^ Chaichasta^ Frazddnava,
Husrava^ Vanghazda^ and Awzhddnava; the mountains
Ushida and Ushidarna^ Arzura, Mainakha^ and Erzifya^
and also the river Vitanghvatt.
I need not here mention again Bawri and Kvirinta, since
I have already stated my opinion regarding them ; as
also Ishkata and Poruta. Of Ragha, too, I have spoken
already. Here the point in question only refers to those
parts of Eastern Iran over which the Avesta people
extended themselves. Chakhra and Varna mark the
period of transition and are to be sought for, according
to general belief, in Taberistan. If, apart from this
district, Eastern Iran was the scene of the civilization of
the Avesta, are we not then amply justified in speaking
of an Eastern Iranian civilization ?
We may still further simplify our task. We may pass
over the names Vanghazda, Awzhdanava, and Vitanghvati,
as there is no means whatever of forming an opinion as
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA.
95
to their situation. The same may also be said of the
mountains Mainakha, Erzifya, and Arzura. The Aryana-
vaija forms a group with the Datyaand Darja. Therefore,
wherever the latter were situated the Aryana-vaija must
have been near them, and its position is never distinctly
described ; but the description includes that of the Datya
and Darja. The same is the case with the Kangha,
Vaiska, Khshathro-sauka, and Hara-berzati which includes
the Taira and Hukarya. Again the Sughdha and Gava,
the Vehrkana and Khnenta form one group.
The Rangha, the Ardvi-sura, and the Voru-kasha^ are
generally considered by my critics to be mythical places,
and, as far as I know, no one has been able with any
certainty to locate them in Western Iran. Therefore, they
are also useless for purposes of evidence. ^
As regards the remaining names, nine of them belong
indisputably to localities in Eastern Iran (Sughdha, Qarizem,
Moru, Bakhdhi, Haraiva, Harahvati, Haitumat, Vehrkana,
Pisina), since they exist there to the present day. The
remaining eight, namely, Nisaya, Vati-gaisa, Vaikerta, Urva,
Hapta-hindavo, Kansu, and the mountains Ushida and
Ushidarna,* are now generally recognized, even by my
opponents, as having been situated in Eastern Iran. On
four of the names or groups of names (Aryana-vaija, Hara-
berzati, Kangha, Frazdanava), no unanimous decision has
yet been arrived at ; nevertheless most writers, at least in
the case of the two last mentioned, are inclined to locate
* In my " Civilization of the Eastern Iranians, " pp. 34 seq.
and pp. 45 ^^^j I hav^ explained the theory of the Rangha being
the Jaxartes (Syr-darya), the Ardvisura the Oxus (Amu-darya),
and the Voru-kasha Lake Aral or the Caspian Sea. Besides^ this
view is also shared by others.
■ Doubts might certainly be raised as to the district of Nisaya,
which means only ** a settlement," nevertheless we have a passage
in the Vendidad (I. 8), where its situation is described. Cf, also
M. Tomaschek, Ausland, 1883, pp. 822-823.
p6 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
them in Eastern Iran. Only two localitiesi viz., the Lakes
Chaichasta and Husrava are looked for in Western Iran,
and this without any definite reason.
He must be very hard to satisfy who is not convinced
by the arguments set forth above. In my opinion they
point so decidedly to Eastern Iran as the home of the
Avesta people that further confirmation seems hardly
necessary. Nevertheless, I hope to be able to prove that
Aryana«vai]a and Hara-berzati should be sought in the
East, or at least to show the insufficiency of the arguments
on which the theory of their situation in the West is based*
Lake Chaichasta we must deal with later on.
In the first place, as regards Frazdanava, no one has as
yet assigned it to Western Iran, but the whole testimony
of tradition agrees in locating it in the Eastern province.^
Dr. Spiegel's latest remark on the subject is indeed
somewhat diffident : — " Frazdanu or Frazdanava is, accord-
ing to the Bundehesh^ a lake in Segestan ; but M. Lagarde
has (not unreasonably) traced its name in that of the
Armenian river Hrazdan^ which is possibly correct
" ^ Every one will surely allow that the
similarity between an Armenian and an Iranian
name proves nothing at all as regards the identity of the
places named^ but rather renders such identity improbable.
The Avesta mentions a river Haravati and the Rig-veda a
* Cf. especially Bahman-yasht, ch. III. 13, West, '* Pahlavi
TextSf" part I. p. 220. Auharmazd spoke thus : " O Zaratusht
the Spitaman, when the demon with dishevelled hair, of the race
of wrath, comes into notice in the Eastern quarter, first a black
token becomes manifest, and Hushedar, son of Zaratusht, is born
near lake Frazdan." Again, Bundehesh, ch. XXII. 5 (ibid,
p. 86).
• Vide Sp. I, p. 17 / " Das Wasser Frazdanu oder Frazdanava
isi nach dent Bundehesch ein See in Segesian ; allein dasselbe
Wort hat Lagarde mii Reckt im Namen des Armenischen Flusses
Hrazdan erkannt, an den man auch denken hann . . . . "
THE HOME OF THe AVESTA. gj
Sarasvati, but no one will venture to assert that these*
rivers were, therefore, identical.
Until quite . recently, nd diffeferice of opinion existed
concerning Kangha, Valska, and Khshathro-sauka. The
Avesta places kangha evidently in Turan,* which is always
understood to be tKe country north of the Oxus. The
testimony of the Bundehesh, the Minokhired, and of the
" Book of Kings '* by Firdusi, agrees with that of the
Avesta. Kangha is always referred to as a district in the
far North-Easit. f/ere 70e surely have a firm footings
which we should not fail to make goody unless we wish to
cut away the ground fi*onl uilder our own feet. And yet
Dr. Spiegel starts a theory thai Kangha was in the West,
( Sp. I, p. 20) ; but apparently without any authority, and
in direct opposition to the evidence of tradition which he at
other times values so highly. His line of argument runs as
follows: — Kangha was the home of the HuntiSj the enemies
of Vishtnspa. The Hvyaunas and the Vardhakas appear
elsewhere in the Avesta as the foes of Vishtfispa. The
latter maybe identified with the Chionitae and Vartae, who
dwelt on the western shores of the Caspian. But this is not
possible, if Eastern and not Western Iran was the scene of
Vishtaspa's career. So Dr. Spiegel thinks fit to locate
Kangha, too, in the West and to look there also for the
Hunus, though at the same time acknowledging that ** there
is much evidence to show that it was in Eastern Iran, "
adding, however, *' but the possibility always remains,
that there were Hunus also on the western shores of the
Caspian.'*
But Dr. Spiegel, who laboured after a ''historical"
explanation of the Avesta with so much determination and
achieved his object with so much success, makes the
* Yt. V. 53-54, 57-58. Cf. O. K. A. pp. 52-54, 198-199.
Windischmann, Br&l, Justi, De Harlez^ are all agfeed in locating
Kanga in the East.
VOL. II. N
gS ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
following statement: — **The fact ought to be ad-
mitted that, as far as we can gather from
native sources, Kangha was situated in
the East/' He ought certainly not to have sacrificed
this fact for the sake of etymology. If it will not agree with
the Chionitae, well and good; we must not try to identify the
Hvyaunas with the latter, or else we must concede that
Vishtaspa's activity extended to Eastern as well as toWestern
Iran. Can we not with justice use Dr, Spiegel's own
words:— ** The possibility remains that there were Hvyaunas
(Chionitae) also on the western shores of the Caspian'' ?
Let us now consider the Chionitae and Vartae, whom
Dr. Spiegel (Sp. i, pp. i6 seq.) would identify with the
Hvyauna and the Varedhaka of the Avesta. The identity is
purely etymological and not historical. Does the identity of
peoples follow from the identity of their names? The Mardoi,
for instance, are said to have lived both in Persia and
Hyrcania, and the Daai on the eastern shores of the Caspian,
but at the same time beyond the Tanais-Jaxartes and in
Persia.* Is it not rather probable that this similarity of
names is only apparent? Even in external form the two
words Vardhaka and Vartae are not alike. Dr. Spiegel^
derives the word Hvyaona or Hyaona from the ha^na of
the A vesta and from the Middle Iranian word hayun^
Dr. Geldner,' on the contrary, is of opinion that the word
should be derived from hva-yaona^ meaning "one who
goes his way, a wanderer, a vagabond.'' According to
him it is not generally a proper, but a generic name.
• Cf. vol. 1. pp. 58^ 40-4*1 O.K. A. K>. 20J.204, 200-201.
• Dr. Spiegel's reference to the hayun rui in Firdusi, which
might be explained by the change of meaning from the Old
Iranian haena to the Middle Iranian hayuriy is very ingenious.
But the Syriac hveenai with its initial hv does not entirely stiit
this interpretation.
• Avestastudiettt p. 83,
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. gg
If this etymology be correct — ^and the passages in the
Avesta seem to support it — then the identification of the
Chionitae with the Hvyauna loses all value as historical
evidence,*
But, now what do we know of the Chionitae ? Ammianus
says of them : — ^^Datiano et Cereali consulibus cum universa
per Gallias studio cautiore disponerentur formidoque
praeteritorum barbaricos hebetaret excursus rex Persarum
in confinis adhuc gentium extimarum, iamquecum Chionitis
et Gelanis omnium acerrimis bellatoribus pignore icto
societatis rediturus ad sua, Tamsaporis scrip ta suscepit^
pacem Romanum principem nuntiantis poscere precativumJ^
(17. S. I.)
If we add to this another passage from Ammianus {i8,
6. 22),* to which Dr. Spiegel does nQt refer and wherein
Grumbates, the king of the Chionitae, is mentioned with the
king of Albania, we have the sum total of our knowledge
of the Chionitae. From the latter being named with the
Gelans, who must of course be understood to be
the inhabitants of Gilan, and with the Albanians, it is
indeed more probable that they dwelt on the western
shores of the Caspian. On such an uncertain basis, or at all
events on the mere identification of the names Hvyauna
and Chionitae, does Dr. Spiegel ground his theory that
Vishtaspa had his home in the West. Again, from the
* Spiegel's etymology of the names, Chionitae and Hvyauna,
might of itself mark them as generic terms. As such haena is
often enough employed in the Avesta, {vide vol. I. pp. 28-29;
O. K. A. pp. 191- 192.).
* [ Dr. Geiger here alters the wording of the passage (p. 329,
11. 6—18) as follows :—
" Fugen wir zu dieser Sielle eine andere (Amm, 18, 6. 21),
deren Spiegel nichi gedenkt, und in welcher der Chionitenkonig
Grumhaies nehen dem Konig der Alhaner genannt wird^ so ist das
alles, was wir von den Chioniien wissen, Durch ihre Zusammen*
ITDO ON THE HOME AND AQE OF THE AVESTA.
words, "This conquest of two nations* by Vishtaspa, in
which Shapur II. wag concerned , " we gather
that he assigns the origin of the Vishtaspa legend to the
reign of King Shapur or still later. Now what can be his
object in thus connecting it with Shapur ? By so doing he
deprives his argupcient of the last vestige of evidence. At
least he cannot venture to assert that the original Avesta
was written in the fourth century after Christ I If so, his
conclusion would amount to this; — ^'The Vishtaspa legends
of the Avesta bear a striking resemblappe to the history
of Shapur II., therefore, they are productions of that
time."^ Thus, then, they would lose all value as evidence
for determining the home of the Avesta people and the
antiquity of their civilization ; and we should have gathered
only one argument in prpof of the spuriousness [?] of a
portion of the book, especially of the passages quoted by
Dr. Spiegel from the Yashts.
Accordingly, the theatre of Vishtaspa*s wars was
in the East ; in the East we must endeavour to find
the country of Kangha; and it was in the East that he
fought with the Hvyaunas and Vardhakas, and, likewise,
siellung mit den Gelanen^ unUr denen wohl zweifellos die Bewohner
von Gilan tu versiehen sind, und mit den Albanern wird allerdings
wahrscheinlich gemacht^ doss sie im Wes/en des Kaspischen
Meeres wohnten, Auf diese unsichere Basis und auf die jeden/alls
nur hypothetische Vergleichung der Namen Hvjaufta und Chioniiat
haut Spiegel seine Anndhmey doss Vischidspa im Westen gewohnt
haber]
* " Diese Besiegung zweier Volkerdurch Vischiaspa, mitwelchen
Schapur II, zu thun hatte *' The second nation refers
doubtless to the Vertae of Ammianus, />., the Vardhaka, but as
far as I know we have no authority for supposing a conquest
of the Vertae by Shapur ; on the contrary, they appear to have
been allies of the Persians (Amm. 19. 2.3).
■ •' Die Sagen uber Vischiaspa im Awesta zeigen eine auffallende
Aehnlichkeii mit der Geschichte Schapurs IL Sie sind also ein
Machwerk aus dieser Zeit^'
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. loi
with the Huns. With regard to the l^itter I am inclined
to draw attention to a paper of M. Tomasphek's {A us/and,
1883, vol. LVI. p. 834), according to which the Finnish
accounts of the invasions of the Northern Hiiin-yo from
the Gobi date back to 1750 B. C. The mention made af
them in the Avesta strengthens rather than weakens the
claims of that book to a high antiquity.*
If, in the last few pages i have been now and then
compelled to digress into matter that pertains to the
second part of my treatise, I shall now confine myself to
purely geographical questions in discussing the Hara-
berzati.
I believe I may refer, in entering upon this subject,
principally to my *' Civilization of the Eastern Iranians,"
(pp. 42-45), in which I locate that mountain-range in the
East^ since the Avesta itself does so. When the Avesta
says of Mithra, that he rises before the sun, as well as the
moon and the stars over the Hara-berzati, it clearly proves
that, for the author of such a passage, the Hara-berzati
must have been situated in the East.^ It is, therefore,
impossible to identify that range with the Alburz mountains,
lying on the southern shores of the Caspian, in spite of
their names being identical. The Alburz lay exactly to the
West as regarded Moru and Bakhdhi, &c., and to th^
North with respect to the inhabitants of Ragha ; b u t
never with regard to any of the terri.
* As, for instance, Justi, (J. i, Sp. 1476), has done : " He
hesitates to recognize this people (the Huns) in the Hunu,
because they belong to a time more modern than the writing
of the Avesta ;" he should rather have concluded that the passage,
in which the Huns are mentioned, was of comparatively recent
insertion. In my bpinion Tomaschek has now arrived at the
right conclusion, and dispelled my doubts.
* Again, it necessarily follows hence that the important part
played by the Alburz in the world-system of the Bundehesh, is
entirely unknown to the Avesta.
I02 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
torieSj in the East or South-East, men-
tioned in the Avesta.
Facts point the other way. I believe Hara-berzati to
have been more than a local name. To such a range
of mountains as those mentioned above, it is quite suited
on account of its general meaning of ''High Mountains.''
The conjecture is also confirmed by the fact that the name
was not merely confined to the Alburz of the Caspian^ but
extended also to the Caucasus. The name Alburzond
given by the Ossetes to the Elbrus, is evidently the same
old Avesta word.
Since we have found the name Hara-berzati applied to
two quite distinct mountain-ranges, may it not possibly
have belonged likewise to a third ? In the last we must, of
course, recognize the great central highland of Asia, the
Pamir, the Thianshan, and the Alai, which must have
seemed to the Iranians of the Avesta to coincide exactly
with the eastern boundary of their world.
Finally, we come to Aryana-vaija and the rivers Datya
and Darja.
It is now, I believe, generally agpreed that Aryana-vaija
is known to the Avesta itself only as a semi-mythical land.
This I have never denied ; on the contrary, I have laid some
stress upon it,* Hence two results may be deduced: —
^ (y.my O, JiT, A, p,^o: " As to the Iranians of the Avesta,
Aryana-vaija had already, so far as they were concerned, passed
out of the domain of history into the region of legend." Cf.
also p. 32, where the reasons are given for its having been chosen
by the Avesta as the home and dwelling of Zoroaster. Like
Ahura Mazda and Yima he is called sru/d-airyeni'vae/ahh (Ys.
IX. 14) ; and the place of his birth is pointed out on the Darja,
(Vd. XIX. 4. 1 1), where the house of his father Porushaspa stood,
Zarathushtra, therefore, belonged to the East, if, as I hope to
be able to prove, Aryana-vaija must be assigned to that quarter.
We need not be hampered by the comparatively modern evidence
to the contrary. All the best Occidental testimony also goes to
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA*
103
firstly, that from the references to Aryana-vaija we must
draw no elaborate historical conclusions ; secondly^ that it
must have been a country beyond the true frontiers of the
Iranian people, known to them more by tradition^ verbal or
written, than by personal experience, bearing almost the same
relation to them as the Rasci did to the Arians of the Rig-
veda. We must satisfy ourselves, therefore, with a some*
what general indication of the situation of Aryana-vaija.
The semi-mythical character of Aryana-vaija is revealed
by the fact that in the Avesta it is reputed to be the home
of Ahura Mazda. ^ There he makes known to Anahita his
will that Zarathushtra shall remain faithful to Him, and
think, speak, and act according to His commandments*
There, too, Ahura Mazda holds his meeting with the legen-
dary king Yima ; and Zarathushtra is likewise spoken of
as the *• renowned one in the country of Aryana-vaija.'' ^
The Avesta is, and must always remain, the earlie&t
source of information, and it is a help to us in ascertaining
the position of Aryana-vaija ; and here again we have to
consider the evidence aflforded by the register of countries
prove that Eastern Iran was the home of Zoroaster. '* By faf
the majority of the old writers, moreover, describe Zoroaster as d
Bactrian If against their statements it should be remarked
that they ar6 all modern, we might respond by saying that the
accounts which call Zoroaster a Mede, are proved to be still
later and less numerous." (Sp. i, p. 3.)
* [This fact does not necessarily prove the admixture of any
liiythical element in the Avesta description of Aryana-vaija ;
it rather confirms the Zoroastrian belief that the primitive land of
the early Mazdqyasna^^s the abode of all piety and blessings, where?
man was himself a spiritual power exulting in the glorification
of the divine government, and, inspired with supernatural thought^
wasi in the moments of intense devotion, in communion with thd
Creator and the good genii. TV. «.]
• Yt. V. 17-18; cf. Yt. XV. 2; Yd. II. 21; Ys. IX. 14.
Haumai too, offers up his prayer to AnShita in Aryana-vaijai^
(Yt. V. 104).
I04 ON THE HOME AND AGE pF THE AVESTA.
in the Vendidad. If the antiquity of the register is
disputed, at any rate no one will deny that it is of earlier
date than the traditional Parsee writings, than the
Bundehesh or the Minokhired ; and at the time of its
translation it was even regarded as an integral portion of
the Parsee Scriptures and was translated, commented on,
and interpreted in the same way as every other fragment
of the great Avesta.
Again in Vd. I. 3 we find :— ^
'* As the first of the lands and as th^ best dwelling-
place, I, Ahiira Mazda, created the Aryana-
vaija (the country) sitliated On the good Datya.
Thereupon Angra Manyu, who is full of death,
counter-created the water-serpentsi and a winter
produced by the demons.*'
From this we gather two conclusions f — that Aryana-
Vaija was on the Datya, and that it suffered from very
severe winters. But more important still is the order in
t^'hich the countries are enumerated in the Vendidad and
the positions which each of them holds. Aryana-vaija
heads the list, and is followed by Sughdha, Moru,
Bakhdhi, Nisaya, Ftaraiva, indisputably following the course
from North to South. Hence it follows alttiost certainly
that Aryana-vaija was further North than Sughdha. No
objection can, therefore, be taken, if we locate it in
Upper Fergh anah^
* Even Justi is forced tb admit that Aryana-vaija is tepreserited
by the Vendidad as the country furthest to the North-East (J. i,
Sp. 1473)1 and I have as yet never come across ally attempt to
fi,ccount for the extraordinary interpretatiori of the secjuence in
the register, which would be necessary if wel were to identify
Aryana-vaija with Arran ! I might ohce more refSr to the' attempt
1 have made in niy O, K. A, pp. 3^6, 76-78, to explain this order
df names, which has met with the approval of Dr. E.- W. West,
who says : " It appears from theSe details (givett by Dr. Geiger)
which are illustrated by a carefully-drawn map of the whole
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. 105
* ■ ■ ■ I ■■^^^— ■■ ■ ,!■- ■■■ ■»iMiH^»i-« ^11 II.,.. — ■■ ^ ■! ■ - ■ ■» ■ 1 1 » ■ ^m m ■ ■■ ■ ^
But, then, is this supposition at variance with the rest of
the evidence afforded by the Avesta ? By no means. I
have collected all the passages in which Aryana-vaija is
mentioned, but in nofte (with the exception of Vd. I. 4)
is there any direct evidence as to the situation of that
country. Hence I cannot find any warrant for what
Dr. Justi says : " Other traditions of the Avesta and of
more modern works positively locate in the West the
primitive land of the Avesta people, and thus probably
also the home of Zoroaster/* ' As far as Aryana-vaija and
the Avesta are concerned, it is an assertion without any
convincing evidence.
Again, the Avesta never alludes to the geographical
situation of the Datya. We only know that on its banks
Zari-vari and Vishtaspa offered their prayers for success
in battle.^ Besides, it is only mentioned in the register
of countries side by side with Aryana-vaija.
region described, that the apparent irregularities in the arrange-
ment of the names of these lands are quite consistent with the
assumption that they are mentioned in the order in which their
inhabitants accepted the Avesta religion. And as half the names
are readily identified with the names of places mentioned by
Darius in his Cuneiform Inscriptions, or by Greek writers, and
still in use, it seems most probable that the other half arc also old
names of lands still existing on the earth's surface, and are mythic
only in so far as our present knowledge is insufficient to identify
them with absolute certainty." (^Vide the Indian Antiquary ^
Dec., 1882, pp. 349-350). It is not proper to plead simply the
geographical ignorance of the author. How is it then possible
that we can attach importance to the very regular sequence in
isolated groups ?
* '^ Sonslige Ueberlieferungenim Awesla und in jungeren Werhn
verlcgen das Urland (unHchst wohl das Vaierland des Zoroaster)
hesiimmt in den Westen''
" Yt. V. 1 12 : IX. 29 ; In the same way, the two passages in
the Avesta in which the Darja is mentioned (Vd. XIX. 4 and 1 1),
are of less value in^<letcrmininp: its distinct geographical situation.
VOL. II. O
/
Io6 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
But, now, what has led Dr, Justi* to identify Aryana-
vaija with the country of Arran on the Lower Araxes
near Atropdtene? A passage in the Bundehesh, which
says : " Airan-vej lies at the si de of Atr5patka n/' ^ He
professes to find this confirmed by another passage:
**TheDaitik river (Datya) rises in Airan-vej and flows
O^^ through Gurjistan (Georgia)," But Gurjistan is simply a
conjecture of his own, elegant though it may be. The
latest translator, Dr. West, retains the manuscript reading,
which is simply an inaccuracy in the Pazand transcription
of the word meaning generally '* mountain-land " (Kohis-
tan).' Nor should any importance be attached to the name
Arran. The ancient Airya na corresponds rather with the
Middle and Modern Iranian Bran or Irdn than with Arran*
Only compare Airyaman of the Avesta with the Pahlavi
and Modern Persian Erman.
Accordingly, I have set the scattered references of the
Bundehesh side by side with the Avesta, and I do not
think that it will be difficult to decide between the two.*
Here I may remark that the obscurity of the statements of
the Bundehesh with regard to Aryana-vaija and the country
belonging to it, may also be proved. That the Vara of
Yima was situated close to Aryana-vaija is shown by the
second chapter of the Vendidad and expressed in clear
* Beitrage zur alien Geographic PersienSy " Contributions to
the Geography of Ancient Persia," p. i8.
■ Bdh. XXIX. 12 (Justi, p. 70. 10). By-the-bye, I must
observe that it is impossible that Arran should have been regarded
as a mythical place during the last centuries before Christ, in which,
according to the view of my opponent, the Avesta must have
been composed ; since at that time it lay exactly within the pale of
Iranian history and civilization.
* West, " Pahlavi Texts,*' part I. p. 79, note i.
* Again, Duncker says (Gesch. des Alter/hums, vol. IV. p. 24,
note 4) : ** It still appears to me advisable to look for Aryana-
vaija in the country lying near the sources of the Oxus."
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA.
107
words in the sixty-second chapter (para. 15) of the
Minokhired.^ Yet the Bundehesh locates it in Pars.^
iBut our view is further confirmed by the fact that
the Minokhired,^ which is at least not less trustworthy*
than the Bundehesh, looks for Aryana-vaija in the East!
and locates it on the borders of Kandiz, which belongs toj
the "country of the East," and which Dr. Justi himself'
describes as being in the far North-East.
I. Thus we have now arrived at the conclusion that all
the geographical testimony of the Avesta points to Eastern
Iran, save that Ragha is near the western frontier, and
that there is no other place known t
the present day, which lay further than
Ragha to the West or South-West.
We must now turn to Lake Chaichasta. There is no
doubt that, according to the Bundehesh, this lake was
situated in Stropatene, and, therefore, it can only be
identified with Lake Urumia.* But it might be asked
whether we have not here again another instance of the
transfer of a name to a later period. Of course this view
can be nothing more than a conjecture ; but, nevertheless,
something may be said in its favour.
* [Vide West, "Pahlavi Texts," part IIL p. 109, " (12) The
spirit of wisdom answered (13) thus: * Kahgdez is entrusted with
the eastern quarter, near to Satavayes, (14) on the frontier of
Airan-veg6/ "] The Minokhired contains no such references to the
rule of the Arabians in Persia, as are to be found in the Bundehesh.
Thus the former seems to lay claim to a higher antiquity than the
latter.
• Bdh. XXIX. 14, (following West's Translation).
• Mkh, LXII. 13-14. Here we are only struck by the state-
ment: ** Near to Satvgs," since the Star Satavaisa is elsewhere
described as the ruler of the West.
* West (" Pahlavi Texts," part L p. 85, note 4), states
that Lake Urumia is called Khejest or Chechest by Hamdullah
Mustaufi.
I08 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
It was near Lake Chaichasta, that Frangrasyan (Afrasiab)
was defeated and taken prisoner by Husrava.' Moreover, that
the scene of the struggle between the Iranians and Tura-
nians was the North-Eastern frontier of Iran, can scarcely be
disputed. The Oxus forms the boundary between the two
kingdoms, and, according as the one or the other gained the
supremacy, so Khorasan on the rivers Kase and Shehd,
Khvarizem (Khiwa), Dighistan, Soghd on the Gulzarriun, or
Kang-bihisht became the scene of conflict. The fact, that
at this time the residence of the Iranian kings was placed
by Firdiisi in Istakhr or in some other western town, is
absolutely unimportant. This would be an anachronism.
Here the whole question is only concerning the great
opposition betwen Iran and Turan, which occupied all the
early legendary epoch, and this hostility found vent in
North-Eastern Iran.
We would, therefore, feel inclined to seek Chaichasta in
the North-East. Anyhow, we must not admit that the
history of the end of Afrasiab, related in the *' Book of
Kings/* along with the abovementioned wars, wherein the
Turanian king was driven to the North-East, appears
inconsistent. If the name Chaichasta was transferred to
Lake Urumia in the time of FirdusT, then the story of
Afrasiab's wanderings and of his discovery is easily
explained. The later localizing of this legend on
the shores of Lake Urumia, would have necessitated
its being brought into harmony, for better or for
worse, with the other narratives which place the scene of
conflict exclusively in the North-East. The conclusion
best in accord with the most ancient accounts, and certainly
the simplest and most trustworthy one, would be that
Afrasiab, after he had been driven further and further away
by Khosraw, at length fell into the hands of his enemies
liear Lake Chaichasta,
* Yt. IX. i8, 21 ; XVIL 41. Cf, Yt. V. 49-
THE HOME OF THE AVESTA. 109
Is it not possible that it may have been Lake Issyk-kul ?
This conjecture — for naturally it is nothing more — was
suggested to me by M. Tomaschek.*
2. That such a transference of names as I would
assume in the case of Lake Chaichasta, occurred in some
instances, is not to be disputed. No one will maintain
that the Rangha of the Avesta meant the Tigris, and yet
this river is meant by the Arang of the Bundehesh. Dr.
Spiegel has already directed our attention to the migration
of the names, Kur and Araxes. The transference of the
name Hara-berzati I have pointed out above. Now the
question arises whether, in these cases, a migration from
East to West or one from West to East is the more
probable. When we consider that we can prove almost to
a certainty that all the Indo-Iranian tribes lived in territories
lying to the North and South of the Hindu-kush, we may
at once admit the fact of a migration of the Iranian names
of places westward, concurrently with the extension of that
tribe in that direction, just as we may observe a south-
easterly advance of Indian names. The theory of a migration
of geographical designations from West to East would pre-
suppose a perfectly artificial conformation of the many
streams of migrating tribes opposed to one another.
3. I would now draw attention to the numerous names j
of places mentioned in the Avesta. Without exception
they all lie within the boundary indicat-
ed by the (Avesta) register of countries.
None of them, as we have observed, leads us further west- /
ward than Ragha. Can this be a mere accident ? Should we
then make an exception in the case of Chaichasta, an exception
by no means authorized by the Avesta, (which contains no
^ Ausland, 1883, p. 824. In determining the position of Lake
Chaichasta we determine also that of Lake Husrava. If the
former is the Issyk-kul, the latter is doubtless the Sson-kul. If,
on the contrary, the former is Lake Urumia, then the latter must
be Lake Van.
I lO ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
allusion to its geographical position), but only founded on
a far later application of the name ? Will not this only name
be overborne, so to speak, by the weight of the rest?
Does not the complete picture presented by all the
geographical references in the Avesta concerning the
home of the ancient Iranians, compel us to place Chaichasta
also within the limits of Iran ?
Fewer definite results are to be obtained from an
examination of the ethnographical statements of the Avesta
than by determining the geographical names. Here I may
confine myself to a brief recapitulation of what I have
already said on the subject in my '' Civilization of the
Eastern Iranians," {;vide supra vol. I. ch. I. § 4, pp. 30 seq,;
O. K, A. pp, 193 seq.)
I have already observed that the reference to the Hunus
points to Central Asia and not to Western Iran. Similarly,
I have discussed the names, Hvyauna and Vardhaka, Again,
we must look for the Tura in Central Asia, since the Oxus
is actually mentioned as the boundary between their terri-
tory and that of the Iranians. The Dahas, too, were divided
from the Iranians by the Oxus. Indeed, Herodotus
mentions a tribe of the Daai as inhabiting Persis^ as well
as theMardoiand Sajartae. Moreover, we must assign the
country of this nomadic tribe to the eastern shores of the
Caspian, that is to say, the land of the Turcomans of the
present day. Here their name is also preserved in the
Middle Iranian expression Ddhistdn.^ Little need be said
regarding the Sarima and the Sani, since neither word
seems to be a proper name, but rather a generic term.
Thus Sarima might be traced in the modern Sarma-
tia without justify mg any supposition as regards an
identity or relationship between the two tribes. I would
adhere to my explanation of Maredha = the Mardoi and
* Besides, the word Doha meaning simply " enemy " may well
have been applied to quite different races.
/ THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
II I
Driwika = the Derbikes, although Dr. Justi opposes this
view. Again, the identification of Barvara with the
appellation Barbar for the Hindu -kush tribes is not quite
improbable. However, from these names we cannot infer
anything that will help us to determine the home of the
Avesta, as they are invariably spoken of as the plague of
special districts, viz.^ Moru, Haraiva, and Bakhdhi.'
We must now turn to the question of the age of the
Avesta.
§ 8. On the Age of the Avesta.
I.
We begin with a documentum e silentio.^ The Avesta
must have been in existence in a pre-Achaemenian, most
probably in a pre-Median epoch. I. — Because the
Avesta does not speak of any of the towns
famous during the 1 atte r period, with the
exception of Ragha, the high antiquity of
which is thereby established. II. — T he Avesta does/
not mention any of the n a m es o f n at i ons
that were commonly known at a later
period. Neither does it allude to the Persians,
Parthians, nor Medes, but simply to the Arians. III. — ^T h p 1
Ave s ta c o n t a i n s no historical statement!
concerning the battles between the Medeg/
and the Babylonians, the rise of the Persians!
the prosperity and downfall of the Persian empire under
the Achaemenian dynasty, the invasion of Alexandeij
the Great, which agitated and reorganized the whole of the
Orient, the states which rose on the ruins of the empire
of Alexander, and the dominion of the Arsacidae.
Who will believe that a work so copious as the Avesta
could thus ignore all contemporary (or antecedent) events
* Vd. I. 6^ 9, 7.
112 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
and-circumstances? This would be conceivable, if it were
merely a book of laws and ritual. But the Avesta
frequently treats even of external events. It speaks of the
inroads of hostile troops. The Yashts describe the battles
waged with foreign nations. Attention is constantly
drawn to the national antagonism between Arians and non-
Arians, and likewise to the economic antagonism between
the nomads and the agriculturists. The tribal constitution
pre-eminently appears from the testimony of the Avesta,
Princes ruling over the separate districts and particularly
powerful personages unite the different Arian kingdoms under
their own sovereignty — of whom Kavi-Husrava is especially
remarkable. Is it possible that there could have been not
even a single event of sufficient importance to induce the
writers of the Avesta to make mention of kings among the
Achaemenidae or the Arsacidae, who possessed still
greater power ? *
One can search the Avesta through and through^ without
finding a single statement to which all that wc possess of
Iranian history would give a clue. What is more natural
than the assumption that it dates from a time in which
there was no other trustworthy history of Iran. As a
matter of fact y by such a supposition^ I think, much less
is imposed upon our "faith '* than by the assertion that
this utter absence of historical allusion is purely
" accidental, *^
Such an accident is quite incredible, indeed, if we
regard Western Iran as the home of the Avesta; but it is
equally inconceivable if we place it in Eastern Iran. Read,
for instance, Prof. Max Duncker's Outlines of the History of
the Kingdom of Bactria^ at the time of the Achaemenidae
* I have here only recapitulated, in order not to repeat myself,
the several points which I have already treated at length in my
Osiiranische Kultur, pp. .176-210, pp. 425 scq,; (vol. I. pp.
1 1-48 ; supra pp. I scq,)
" Gi'schichie des Alter thumSy vol. IV. pp. 15 acq.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
>^3
and of the Greco- Bactrian Princes :—" At no time was the
Eastern part of the kingdom so shut off and isolated that itj
would have remained untouched by events passing round it.*'i
Dr. Spiegel writes : — ''Following the example of Prof/
Rhode, it (z>,, the first Fargard of the Vendidad) has of ten
been compared with the list of tribes in Genesis ; and, as a
proof of its great antiquity, the fact has been adduced of
the absence in the Vendidad of the name Ekbatana, which,
therefore, was probably not built when the Fargard was
written. This is surely a proof of a peculiar nature. May
we not equally well conclude that Ekbatana had already
lost its early importance. " * The proof would be singular,
indeed, if it were confined to Ekbatana. But the question
here refers, not merely to the Median capital, but also to
all the important towns which were famous after the
Median period. Not only is Ekbatana ignored but
also S u s a, Pasargadae, Pers-epolis, Istakhr,
Hecatompylos and Seleucia. The several
Alexandrias and such towns as Markanda, Cyropolis, &c.,
are not even once mentioned. How significant, therefore,
is the fact that, of all the cities of the West, only ancient
Babylon is named in the Avesta ! The renown of that
powerful city spread even to the rugged highlands of
Eastern Iran.
* ** Nich/ sellen wird derselbe {der erste Fargard des Vendidad)
nach dem Vorgange Rhodes mit der Volkeria/el der Geuesis
verglichen und ah Beweis fur sein hohes Alter ihum der Umsiand
angefuhrU dass Ekbatana nicht genanni werde und daher nock
nicht gebaut gewesen set als j'ener Fargard geschrieben wurde,
Dieser Beweis ist seltsam, man kann ebensogut daraus schliessen^
dass Ekbatana damals seine fruhere Bedeutung schon eingebiisst
hatteT (Sp. 2, p. 640). Against Dr. Spiegers remarks on
Ekbatana, it must also be observed that this city was not only
powerful and famous in antiquity, but that its historical importance
continued unimpaired from olden times throughout the Middle Ages,
and survived more or less down to the last century of our era.
VOL. 11. P
114
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
To the second reason also, which I have adduced in
proof of the great antiquity of the Avesta — namely, the
absence of all names of nations^ such as Medes^ Persians,
Parthians, &c., — we may attach no small importance,
since they are in fact the names by which the Iranian
races were universally known in historical times. It must,
seem doubly striking to those who endeavour to identify »
the Athravans of the Avesta with the Magi of the Medes ;
for the religious and political conflict between the latter
and the other tribes belonging to the Iranian empire,
particularly the Persians, must inevitably have caused that
name to be mentioned at least once. Let us see what
evidence Herodotus furnishes and consider the passage in
which he says : " The Medes were also called Arians." .
Even this statement supports my argument. It runs as I
follows : (x^^^^^^ ^ naXai wprfs iraPTiap''Apioi. Thus in noKat they/
were called '* Arians." In the time of Herodotus, t.e,, in'
the fifth century B._C ., the name was already antiquated^
or at least its use was restricted. In the Avesta, on the
contrary, at'rya is the only recognized and universal
designation of the people.*
It must not, however, be inferred that by the name '* Arian"
the Avesta people are brought into close connection with the
Arians of the Rig-veda. In the case of the latter also, and
especially in all ancient writings, the name 2rya is an
ethnographical designation, which, in later times, when the
conquest of the habitable territory was finally accomplished,
sank to the level of a mere class-name comprising the
members of the three higher castes. In Iran, likewise, we
find the name 5rya used only in the Avesta; but in later
times, when the original nation had broken up into distinct
tribes, the name entirely disappeared, giving place to the
names of individual tribes.
C/. my Osiiranische Ktiliur, pp. 168-169; (vol. I. pp. 2-3).
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
US
In endeavouring to find positive proofs of the great age of
the Avesta, we must look chiefly to internal evidence.
Here I refer principally to the economic condi-
tions of the Avesta people, a feature of their
civilized life to which I have devoted particular attention
in my ''Civilization of the Eastern Iranians/' but which
unfortunately has not as yet been sufficiently studied.
Th e existence, at every peri ^^J nf hUtnry^ m Trnn^ and
particularl y in Eastern Iran, of nnm^Air tn'bp^^j gJHp hy f^\(^n
wit h those who pursued agriculture, an d the continuance of
this discordan t feature down to the pres en t day, are exp lained
^jLtJift pafnr^ ni ftif* rmipfry. We need not, therefore,
deduce^ t he great age of the Avesta from the tra ces of
nomadic life wejnay: fiad injt. But the fact assumes quite a
diflferenlaspefit, when the Avesta takes us back to a period,
wherein parts or _ae£tLQns. of the peopl e in general make a
first attempt to change_tjieir^anderin|^ lif e for a settled one ^
to a period in which the discordant e lement, which aft er-
wards became historical, makes its first appearance. It
makes an immense difference whether primitive eco nom ic
conditions appear onl y inci dentally or whether they occup y
the whole life and form the highest and essential interest s
of the people; whether, in short, religio us and econo mic
reforms go handTn-Tiand:
I would here ask those who seek to identify the
Athravans of the Avesta with the Magi of the Achaemenian
and pre- Achaemenian periods, whether they can discover in
those periods that warm interest on the part of the priests
in agricultural matters, that eager support and encourage-
ment of agriculture and cattle-breeding which are so
prominently displayed in the Avesta? For my part,
I cannot imagine such a thing ; for it hardly seems possible
that, at a time when political feeling and party spirit ran
so high, the Magi should have earnestly busied themselves
with the laying out of fields, the planting of trees, and the
digging of wells and canals. If we bear in mind the
Il6 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
intrigues with which they were concerned after the death
of Cambyses, we can no longer recognize in them the spirit
of a simple and homely tribe of herdsmen and peasants,
such as are the people described in the Avesta, which we
are asked to regard as the Sacred Code of these very Magi !
This matter, however, requires to be somewhat more
closely studied, in connection with the highly important
question of the age of the Gathas and the relation they
bear to the rest of the Avesta.
II.
While I hold the Gathas to be by far the oldest part
of the Avesta, I do not entirely ground my belief upon the
evidence of their language. Although it bears many marks
of great antiquity, still it is not quite free from later and
more polished forms of expression. Again, the language
of the Gathas is essentially a distinct dialect, the difference
of which from that of the rest of the Avesta may be easily
explained by its having belonged to a different country.
Nor do I lay stress upon the fact that the Gathas are
quoted in other parts of the Avesta ; for these quotations
may, as I believe, have been inserted in later revisions.
They testify more to the great reputation than to the great
age of these sacred hymns. At the same time it is not
improbable that their reputation may have been due to
their priority in point of time.
This assumption is corroborated by another fact. The
metre of the Gathas, although not so simple as that of
the later books of the Avesta, has evidently remained
comparatively undisturbed. Like the rest of the Yasna,
the Gathas have not during their revision been, so to say,
remodelled ; they were rather inserted in the Avesta as a
book complete in itself. The Vendidad was handled in the
same way, but was at first somewhat violently recast and
varied with copious insertions. Evidently, therefore, the
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
117
Gathas were considered as more sacred than the Vendidnd ;
the reason of which was probably that they were attributed to
Zarathushtra himself or his immediate disciples. There
must have been some ground for such a belief, I am not
quite ready to accept the theory entirely as it stands;
however, it has always appeared to me to bear some
marks of probability.*
We have more valuable evidence of the age of the Gathas,
in the fact that the personages who speak and act in them
appear as the contemporaries of the poet, whilst in the rest
of the Avesta they are represented as belonging to a remote
past. I do not know why this feature has been so long
ignored. This circumstance, which gives, so to speak, its
present and actual character to the Gathas, constitutes the
chief difference between them and the other parts of the
Avesta, and necessitates the theory of a great difference in
age.
For instance, Zarathushtra is addressed in person in
the passage, (Ys. XLVI. 14) : —
*' O Zarathushtra, who is thy pious friend
In thy great work ? Who is it, that wishes to an-
nounce it?
* Let me quote a remark of Dr. Jusli, (J. i, Sp. 1479) • —
",..... j^ machen hei dem Fcr/assery der dock sonsi methodisch
zu Werke geht, solche Anwandlungen von sympaihie mit der
Gaiha forschung des seL Haug einen sonderharen EindruckJ*
" This keen sympathy with the Gutha investigations of the
deceased Dr. Haug, from an author generally so methodical,
is strange enough." If this is meant as a reproach, I accept it
gladly. I must not deny that Dr. Haug is often too subjective,
but for our knowledge of the right way to comprehend the Gathas,
we are much indebted to him. I am only sorry that I did not
know it sooner I As an instance of my sympathy with Dr. Haug,
Dr. Justi should certainly not have quoted the comparison of
sYikyaoma with the Indian somay since I have utterly declined to
endorse it.
Il8 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
It IS he himself Kavi Vishtaspa, the armed-for-battle,
And whomsoever, O Ahura Mazda^ Thou choosest
from the settlers :
Them will I extol with the holy sayings of the pious
mind."
And Zarathushtra himself utters the words, (Ys. XLVI.
19):—
'' Whoever in piety shows me truly good deeds.
To me, Zarathushtra, to him shall be granted
As a reward yonder next world, of all worlds the most
worthy to be aspired to.''
In a similar manner Frasha-ushtra, (Ys. XLVI. 16) and
Jamaspa, (Ys. XLVI. 17; XLIX. 9), who belong to the race
of the Hvogvids, are personally addressed in the Gathas.
In other passages Frasha-ushtra or Vishtaspa is placed
side by side with the poet who says : '* To Vishtaspa and
to me," '* For Frasha-ushtra and also for me.'' (Ys.
XXVIII. 8 and 9; Ys. XLIX- 8 ; ^/. also, Ys. LI. 16-18).
Likewise, Poruchista, - the daughter of Zarathushtra, is
personally addressed (Ys. LI 1 1. 3).
This personal character is common to all the Gathas.
They seldom refer to Zarathushtra's work as a reformer.
The poet mostly explains his own views, himself reveals
the truth of his religion to the people and utters maxims
of worldly wisdom or biology. The teaching of Zoroaster
does not yet appear as a complete creed, but it is in
course of forming and developing. The poet also
frequently dwells upon the events — of which I shall speak
further on — passing around him, as, for instance, the
persecution of the Zoroastrian community.
It is, I believe, incorrect to suppose that in the Gathas
we have only to deal with purely imaginary personages
who utter or listen to the words of the Prophet. Why
should we make such an assumption only regarding the
Gathas and not the rest of the Avesta ? The former are
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. 119
subjective poems, the latter on the contrary is merely a
later compilation, wherein we only meet with the words
of Zarathushtra and his teaching as quoted on his
authority,
I now come to the main point.
Whoever studies the historical and economical conditions
of the old Iranian people, as they are described in the
Gathas and in the other parts of the Avesta, must
necessarily perceive that a substantial difference existed
between the two. This has been already pointed out by
me; but It is necessary that I sh^ld do sojiere ajgain, as
hitherto all the facts have not been entirely considered. ^
In the Gathas the cow is the central object of Iranian
economy. How important a part this animal plays in the
sacred hymns, every one knows who has read even a few
lines of them. This can only be satisfactorily explained by
assuming that the cow was probably esteemed and cared
for by the Iranian people in the age of the Gathas, just as
it was by the Arians of the Rig-veda, and that great and
special attention was paid to its breeding and rearing.^
The fruits of agriculture, the ploughing of the land, the
sowing of seed and the harvest are all, indeed, mentioned
in the Gathas ; nevertheless they are treated as subordinate
to the care of the cow.
We thus find the people of the Gathas in a particular
phase of civilization, which will be recognized by every one
who is familiar with the laws of the early economic develop-
ment of nations. I mean the first transition from the
life of the nomad to that of the settler, which is so closely
bound up everywhere with the breeding of cattle. A people
who have devoted themselves to cattle-breeding and have
* Cf, my Ostiranische Kuliur, pp. 1 77-179; 403-406; 465-468
i^vide vol. I. pp. 15-16 ; 228-229 ; supra pp. 49-50-
■ Cf. Ys. XXVIII. i; XXIX. i-io; XXXI. 9-11, 15^
XXXII. 12, is; XXXIII. 3, &c.
I20 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
experienced how much more difficult it is to keep herds of
large cattle than flocks of sheep and goats, become
naturally inclined to greater stability and more permanent
settlements in one place. Stronger and more lasting
dwellings are erected; fields are cultivated with greater
care and more systematically than by nomads, who support
themselves only by reckless raubbau.
That I am drawing a real, and not merely a fanciful picture
of the economic conditions of the Gatha people, may be
demonstrated by innumerable passages. It is asserted, in
express terms, that it is the cow which is the giver of
permanent homes ; which means that by cattle-breeding
lasting settlements are occasioned and developed, (Ys.
XLVIII.6). And, since continuous dwelling in one and
the same place must naturally lead to a systematic tilling
of the soil, the breeding of cattle is accompanied with the
development of agriculture. This is expressed in the Gathas
(Ys. XXXI. lo) in the following wise : — The cow decides in
favour of the active labourer ; among agriculturists alone
she finds the care and attention she requires. This explains
what Dr, Roth has already remarked : — " The two verses,
9 and lo, express the singular idea that the cow, the
creation of which was a sign of God's special favour
towards mankind, has, despising other masters, allowed
herself to be as it were the property of the peasant."'
We observe a difference in the later books of the Avesta.
Herds still play an important part; but here agriculture
and cattle-breeding are held in equal honour. Let us read
only the third Fargard of the Vendidad, which is devoted
entirely to inculcating the duty of cultivating the land, of
* ^' Die heiden^ verse 9 und lo, sprechen den eigenthumlichcn
Gedanken aus, doss die kuk, deren Schopfung eine besondere Gunsi
Go lies gegen die Menschen isly andcre H err en verschmahend sich
dtm Bauern gleicksam zum Eigenlhum gegehen halJ' (Ys. XXXI.
p. 24)
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. J2I
raising cattle and attending to all things connected therewith,
and we are at once struck by this fact, that agriculture
had at least become equal in importance to cattle-breeding.
One need only compare the list of the meritorious works
which delight the Spirit of the Earth : — L — Piety and a
law-abiding course of life. II. — The founding of a perma
nent household. Ill, — The cultivation of grain, of fodder
for cattle, and the planting of trees. IV. — The breeding of
sheep and cows (Vd. III. i-s). Agriculture has, likewise,
reached a comparatively high state of technical develop-
ment. The land is artificially irrigated and drained.
Ditches, wellsj and canals are made; in short the Old
Iranian knows how to assist sparing nature by means
of art.
Moreover, along with the economic change, a religious
revolution is plainly observed in the Gathas, and the
most noteworthy feature is that they are both intimately
connected. The new doctrine is often represented as being
oppressed and endangered. At first it is slowly gaining
ground among the Arian people. The teaching of Zarathush-
tra finds followers among the peasants, while the nomads
keep aloof from it. It recommends the keeping of herds
and extols the founding of permanent settlements^ and
Zarathushtra is described in the twenty-ninth chapter of
the Yasna, as the one chosen by the Almighty and His
Amesha-spands to protect the cow from the oppres-
sion of the wicked.' Zarathushtra then, perhaps a name
representing an entire epoch in the history of the civiliza-
* Moreover, this hymn must have been composed at the time
of some specially grievous disaster ; for the Soul of the Cow even
doubts the possibility of its protection by Zarathushtra. The other
passages, which point to the struggle for existence of the new
religion and its close connection with the economic revolution,
are Ys. XXVIII. 6; XXX. 2; XXXI. i, 11-12, 18; XXXIL
3-7, 10; XLIV. 9 ; XLV. I ; XLVI. 14, &c.
VOL. U. Q
122 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
tion of the Avesta people, appears before us as the reformer
equally of the economic and of the religious life.
We turn to the later Avesta and quite a different view
unfolds itself before us. While the Gathas exhibit an
ecclesia militans (a church militant), here, on the contrary,
we find the church firmly established* The direction of the
people is in the bands of a favoured class. The Athravans,
whose name never occurs in the Gathas/ form the first order.
The religious struggle for existence has ceased. There are,
it is true, the wicked ones, the unbelievers and the false
prophets. These are cursed, denounced, punished, but not
feared. The doctrine of Zarathushtra is finally established.
Sacrifices, ceremonies, customs, laws, and also such precepts
as relate to daily life occupy considerable space.
But, although from what was simple in the beginning a
mature system has developed, the later parts of the Avesta
still deal with the simple and homely lives of peasants and
shepherds. Here also religion is quite inseparable from
the punctual fulfilment of the professional duties of the
peasantry.^ But at the same time other passages are not
wanting, in which the meritoriousness of cattle-breeding
and agriculture is extolled, where the divine agencies are
implored to grant the possession of happy homesteads and
innumerable herds of horned cattle and horses.'
Finally, I refer in this place to Dr. Roth's excellent
paper on the '^ Calendar of the Avesta and the*
Gahanbars,''^ which, I believe, safely expounds the|
theory that the Avesta calendar was intended for a nation'
composed of agriculturists and herdsmen, whose annual
feasts coincided respectively with the incidents of a
farm life. Besides the festivals celebrated at the summer
* Comp. my Ostiran* KuUur^ p. 465 ; {supra p, 49).
• Let us read only Vd. III. 23-33.
• (y., e,g,, Ys. LX. 2-3; Ys. XI. 1-2; Yt. VIII. 19; X. 3,
II; V. 86, 98 and passim,
* ZddmG, vol. XXXIV. p. 698.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
123
and winter solstices, there were also other feasts at the
seasons of mowing, gathering the harvest, and driving
the herds into summer-quarters. Moreover, the Avesta
calendar, as I have already shown, bears the character of
an essentially lunar chronology, which could only be
conceivable in a highly primitive stage of civilization.^
Two conclusions may be deduced from the above facts : —
I. The character of the entire Avesta shows clearly that
the civilization it describes was simply a civilization of agri-
culturists and herdsmen. It cannot be supposed that under
a mighty empire, such as that foundedby the Achaemenides,
the priesthood could have maintained such close relations
with rural affairs, and that religious duty and the fulfilment
of agricultural pursuits could have had such intimate
reciprocal action, as even to be regarded as identical.
II. In the Avesta itself we find clear proofs of domestic
and social progress. The Gathas carry us back to a very
early epoch, when portions of the Avesta people made the
first attempts to introduce cattle-breeding together with
^ This seems to me to be a very important argument in favour
of the great age of the Avesta. It is impossible to conceive that
a primitive rural calendar could have found a place in the
writings of the priests at the time of the Achaemenidae or even
later, when the Iranians were in the closest communication with
the Chaldeans. As specially archaic traits of the calendar I
note the following: — I. — Time was reckoned simply from one
lunar phase to another. 2. — ^The week consisted, therefore, of
fifteen days, as we may gather clearly from the intervals between
the periods of the festivals. 3. — The variability of the synodic
month was compensated by the insertion of an additional or 15th
day in each half, which could evidently be omitted at the
beginning if required. Comp^ Osiiran. Kultur^ pp. 314 seq,
(vol. I. pp. I42 seq^. Prof. C. de Harlez is of opinion that the
calendar of the Avesta was simply an invention of the priests
(H, 2, pp. 165 seq^. This, however, is only true of the names
of the days and months. Dr. Roth has pointed out how, in the
same way, the Gahanbars are intimately connected with the life
of the citizen {ZddmG. vol. XXXIV. pp. 698 seq.).
124 ^^ "^"^ HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
the formation of permanent settlements. In the later
Avesta, agriculture and cattle-breeding go hand in hand,
and it even seems that prominence is given to the former. *
Again, in the Gathas, we see Zoroastrianism struggling for
existence, while in the rest of the Avesta it appears
victorious and firmly established. The GathSs, therefore,
were composed earlier than the other portions of the
Avesta,
III.
The primitive and antique conditions of the Avesta
people, however, are revealed by a series of particular
facts, which seem deserving of special notice.
I. — The Avesta people do not seem to
have yet known of salt and its uses.
II. — Glass was unknown.
III. — Coined money was not in circula-
tion. Payment was made in kind.
IV. — ^The working of iron was unknown.
The Avesta nation is still in the
bronze period.
If I succeed in establishing these four points, or even
one of them, it must, I believe, be admitted that we can no
longer think of assigning the composition of the Avesta to
the latest centuries before our era.
On the first point I may be brief ; for in support of our
view, we can adduce an argument, than which none can
be better, namely, the fact that salt is nowhere
mentioned in the Avesta. However striking this
must appear-*-for in the lists of eatables there would have
been many opportunities for mentioning this most important
* Also Roth {ibid, p. 714) says: '* Die Jr&nier des Awesta
sind gleichmdssig Bauern und Viehnuchier ; nur in den Leidern
nimmi die Herde die erste Stelle ein, wie im Veda,'' " The Ir&nians
of the Avesta are at the same time farmers and cattle-breeders ;
only in the hymns, as in the Veda, the preference is given to herds."
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
»25
of condiments — it cannot be supposed that this absence of
any reference to salt is to be attributed to a mere accident.
I should have left this subject almost untouched, had it notl
been worth while to give prominence to the curiousi
coincidence that in the Rig-veda, too, salt is never men/
tioned.* The question, therefore, forces itself upon us,
whether in this point, as in many others, we should not
recognize a close analogy in the conditions of the Vedic
and the Avesta Arians during the progress of their civiliza-
tion. Allowing this to be only a possibility, or, at most, a
probability, it must, at any rate, serve to strengthen other
arguments. If we can otherwise prove that the civilization
of the Avesta bears marks of great antiquity, we can no
longer look upon this absence of any name for salt as a
mere accident, but a highly characteristic mark of the
nature of that civilization.'
That glass was unknown to the Avesta people can be
proved with almost absolute certainty.
In the eighth Fargard of the Vendidad we find an
enumeration of manufactures in which fire is employed.
In my " Civilization of the Eastern Iranians," ' I have
rendered the expressions Khumbat-hacha-Zemainupachikat
and Khumbat'hachat'YdmO'pachikdt '' the burning of
tiles, " and *'the burning of pottery." Dr. Spiegel has,
• Zimmer, Aliindisches Lehen^ p. 54,
• Cy my Osiiranische Kuliur, pp. 149. 150. [It is, indeed,
very curious that salt and its use were not well known to the Avesta
people as well as to the Arians of the Rig-veda, notwithstanding
the existence of salt lakes and salt-steppes in Central Asia and
near the Indus. It seems, therefore, that the Indo-Iranian
people made little or no use of salt, but that, according to M.
Hehn (Das Saiz,p. 17), its uses became known to the European
section of the Indo-Germanic tribe after its emigration from the
fatherland. That there were salt lakes in Iran does not neces-
sarily argue in favour of Prof, de Harlez's theory that salt was
not unknown to the Avesta nation. 7r. ».]
• Vide vol. I, p, 214, note 3, Ostiranische Kultur^ p- 390.
126 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
in the first volume of his *' Commentary on the Avesta/'
(p. 264), identified y&ma with jam and translated it
*' glass." Dr. Justi also writes in his Review of my
" Civilization of the Eastern Iranians/' : — ** In page 390
our author translates ^ama by 'crockery/ to distinguish it
from 'earth' or 'clay' (Av. Zemaini) of the preceding
sentence. The Pahlavi translation does not throw any
light on the meaning, since the same words are somewhat
erroneously used in rendering both the passages. But to
the second passage there is added a gloss which we might
read dbsinkardn and translate 'plaster-worker/ (Mod.
Pers. dos 'flowers worked in plaster/) while the gloss on
the first passage is obscure. The Riwayets give for Zemaini^
the Mod. Persian word khum ('earthenware vessel, tile-
work), whilst for ;/aw^ they give tile-furnace.' Dr. Geiger
is right in his identification of this word with the Mod.
Persian y/fwf, butytf»« does not mean an earthen vessel, but
a glass-bowl, a glass. He is of opinion that glass was
unknown to the early Iranians; nevertheless glass slag must
have been familiar to the potters and bronze-workers.
Glazed tiles were made in Mesopotamia long before the
time of Zarathushtra^ and we have an Egyptian glass bottle
of the seventeenth century before Christ, showing that the
art of glass-painting and the use of the grinding-wheel
were already known. Again we have the celebrated
picture of the glass-blower on the grave of Beni-Hasan.
It is a remarkable fact that the Persian word abacaein (Mod.
Pers. dbginah) was known to the Copts, and that the
Abha'Sfonexs mentioned under Thothmes III. Although the
Avesta may be a very old record, yet it is inconceivable
that such a valuable substance as glass should have been
unknown to the people it describes." *
* Vide], I, Sp. 1477: "5. 390 will der Ver/assir jama mti
*^ ir denes Ge/ass** ubersetzeftj turn Unterschied von Erde^ Lehm
(zemaini) tm vorhergehenden Sale, Die Pehlewi-ubersetzung gibl
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
127
If we consider the question concerning the identification
of the word ydma with the Mod. Pers. jdniy the difficulty
lies probably in the meaning "goblet/* The particular
rendering ** glass-bowl " is only a secondary development.
The authority of tradition, as Dr. Justi has justly remarked,
is uncertain ; however, it is generally admitted that tradition
has never recognized either zematni or ydma as glass.
From the glass slag familiar to the potter and the bronze-
worker to the fashioning of glass vessels is a considerable
step. As regards the knowledge of glass-making among
the Egyptians and Mesopotamians, it cannot supply any
argument as to the acquaintance of the Avesta people with
that art.
It will be conceded to me that Dr. Justi's whole argument
rests on this truths that, if it were possible from the Avesta
to show that as a fact glass was unknown, the great anti-
quity of this record together with the isolation of its people
keinen Au/schlusSt da sie durch einen Irrthum heide Satze durch
dieselhen Worte wiedergibt ; dock fugt sie tm tweiien Sah eine
Glosse kinzu, welche man dosin-karan lesen und Gypshereiter {np.
dos * Gypsbluie ') ubersetzen konn/e, wahrend die Glosse des ersten
Satzes durikel ist. Die Riivayets hdben fur zemaini np. khum
{irdenes Gefdss, Ziegelhau\ fur jama aher Ziegelofen. Wenn G,
selbst das np. ^am vergleichiy so hat er rechty aber jam is/ nicht
ein gebrannies Ge/ass, sondern ein Glasbecher, ein Glas ; er glaubt^
die Alfiranier hiUien das Glas nicht gekanntj und doch mussten
die Topfer und Erzarbeiter Glasschlacken kennen lernen • glasierte
Ziegel sind Idngst vor Zarathuschtra in Mesopotamien fdbriwert
warden^ und man hit eine dgyptische Glasflasche aus dem 17.
Jahrhunderty an welcher man bereits die kunst des Ueberfangens
und die Anwendung des Schlei/rades erkennt, wie auch die
Abbildung der Glasbldser im Grab von Beni'Hasan berUhmt ist.
Es ist merkwurdigy doss das Koptxsche das persische Wort abacaein
{np. abginah) kennt und dass unter Thothmes II L der Abhastein
erwdhnt wird, Es ist undenkbar, dass eine so geschdtxte Ware
wie das Glas dem Awestavolk unbekannt geblieben ware, selbst
wenn das Awestd sehr alt ware J*
128 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
and the seclusion of their trade, would be proved beyond
question. But such a proof can be actually adduced.
Wherever the Avesta treats of the purification of
polluted vessels^ it enumerates the materials of which the
vessels used are made. They are — i, gold; 2, silver;
3, brass; 4, copper; 5, stone; 6, clay; 7, wood.* Here
glass is not named. Moreover, it is clear that,
had there been vessels of glass, they would have been subject
to cleansing and would have required cleansing just as
much as vessels of metal, stone, or earthenware.
We now come to the question respecting the use of
coined money.
Again Dr. Jusli differs from me, saying: — "Also in
consequence of over-estimating the age of several passages
in the Avesta,^ our author is led to doubt the existence
of money. Even supposing that shaeta does not mean
' money,' but only ' possessions, wealth,' yet the
expression asperena^ which means a dirhenty according to
the Pahlavi Translation and the Zend-Pahlavi Farhang,
points to the fact that in Mesopotamia a system of regular
coinage and weights was not unknown.*'
* Vd. VII. 73-75.
* Vide J, I, Sp. 1477: **Auch ein anderes Bedenken ndmlich
die Exisienz von Geld anzunehmen, ergibi sich dem Ver/asser aus
der Ueberschdizung des Alters mancher Awestastucke ; wenn auch
saeta nickl " Geldy' sondern " Besite^ Reichthum " bezeichnety so
deutet dock der Ausdruck asperena, nach der PehlewiUberseizung
und dem Zend-Pehlewi Farhang ein Dirhem, darauf hin, dass
man das in Mesopoiamien ubliche Miinz und Gewichissystem
kanntey Also in Sp. 1476, Justi speaks generally of "certain"
parts of the Avesta, the age of which must not be over-rated.
This statement is not very clear. It would have been better,
had he indicated by a few words what passages he was referring
to. According to his remarks it must be assumed that he
considers a. certain portion of the book to be of a great age,
since he never speaks of any over-estimation of the age of the
whole Avesta.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
129
According to Dr. Justi's representation, it appears that
I treat the great age of the Avesta as a kind of dogma, and
on the ground of it reject entirely the possibility of coined
money having existed in its time. In my '' Civilization of
the Eastern Iranians/'* I have pursued a diametrically
opposite course. The basis of my argument is the text
itself, and I quote three passages from the Avesta, all of
which, as far as I know, treat of the question of payments,
and which Dr. Justi never mentions. But in all these
passages cattle (asses, oxen, horses, camels, sheep)
are expressly mentioned as the medium of
payment.
These passages occur in the following connections: —
{a) Where the Avesta speaks of the payment of fees by
a patient to a doctor. Here it is noteworthy that the very
smallest fee is to be paid in kind, viz., in bread or milk,
{Vd. VII. 41-43).
[b) In treating of the atonement for a broken promise,
or of the giving of a pledge on settling an agreement (Vd.
IV. 2 seq.y
(f) Where reference is made to paying down the
appointed fees to a priest after the ceremony of purification
has been performed (Vd. IX. 37-39).
Is it at all possible for anybody to believe
seriously that the Magi of the later Achae-
menian period or even of the Seleucian or
Parthian epoch, would have consented to
receive payments in sheep, oxen, or horses?
On the authority of these three passages, we are, I believe,
justified in forming an opinion as to money transactions
among the Avesta people; and thus it only remains to
explain the terms shaeta and asperena.
M. Tomaschek is of opinion that shaeta may possibly
* Ostiranische Kuliufy pp. 396-397 (vol. I. pp. 220-221).
■ For explanation cf, ibid,, pp. 454-455 ; supra pp. 36-37.
VOL. II. R
130
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
have designated also coined money, since in the Persian
language we find the feudal term shait used for a rouble.*
This hardly seems to me to be a valid argument. The
etymology of the word shaeta or kkshaeta and its use in
different passages prove that in the Avesta language the
word signifies nothing more than "fortune, possessions."
With shaetUt {t<e,, with cows, sheep, or horses), a deed of
blood is expiated.* A warlike hero protects his khshaeta^
that is, his goods and chattels from thieves and robbers.'
Ardvi-sura grants prosperity to the shaeta. She multiplies
the possessions of her adorers.* I will return further on
to the passage in which sAaeiavat, '* the opulent man," is
contrasted with the ashaeta^ ** the pauper."
So in every case shaeta has only a general meaning;
and, if we hold firmly to the view that the word means
'* possessions," it becomes quite easy to explain how in
later times, after coined money had come into use, the
name shaeta came to be applied to it. A change of
meaning perfectly analogous is exemplified in the Latin
word pecunia^ which originally meant simply "the
possession of cattle," then came to mean "fortune"
generally, and finally, in spite of its etymological significa-
tion, strictly denoted " coined money."
With respect to the meaning of asperena I must express
myself somewhat more fully, since we here come to a point
which is of paramount importance in determining the age
of the Avesta.
As a matter of course I admit that asperena is used to
express " value," and that a very trifling one. The word
* Auslandy 1883, P- 825, (rouble = '86 shilling).
• Vd. IV. 44. Cf. my 0. K, A. p. 396, note 3, and p. 452,
n. 2 (vol. I. p. 221, note 2; supra p. 34, n. 2).
• Yt. XIII. 97. C/. hush'ham-beretem^haetem in Yt. XVIII. I.
* ShaelO'fradhana occurring side by side with the somewhat
synonymous expressions vathwo-fradhana and gaeihb-fradhana in
Yt. V. I ; XIII. 4.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
13'
occurs twice in our text. We first find, in the fourth
Fargard of the Vendidad (48), the expression asperend-
mazby "anything that has the value of an asperenUt* in a
rather obscure context, in connection with the terras
anumayd-majso, staord-mazo^ and vtrd-mazd. The second
time it occurs, in the fifth Fargard of the Vendidad (60),
in a prohibition against the throwing away of a piece
of old clothing, even if it be only of the value of an
asperena or of an avachina. Besides, I also admit that
asperena has the appearance of being a borrowed word
introduced into the Avesta language and might be traced,
according to Prof. C. de Harlez, to the Semitic root
saphar^ or, according to Prof. Hal6vy, to Anrpoy. Dr. Justi
seems to suggest the Turkish word asper*
Now what conclusion may we deduce from what has
been said above? The three passages quoted by me from
the Avesta — and they are the only ones which directly refeii
to payments — show clearly that cattle served the Avesta]
people as a standard of value and as a medium of barter.!
If then asperena really denotes a coin/ those passages
should not, on that account, be ignored in explaining the
text. They retain their value and significance, and we
must own that we are here face to face with a paradox,
which it is our task to solve. However, we would not be
warranted in basing an argument on the expression
asperena alone^ and therefore assigning a recent date to the
Avesta ; for, it would be quite surprising that this mode of
payment in kind should have been preserved as a regular
practice side by side with payment in current money. It
^ But it is also possible that the asperena were small rough
pieces of metal or some other kind of money (rings or the like),
used in barter to make up differences in value. So it is well
known that in ancient Rome, when people were still wont to make
payments in kind, small pieces of copper were for the same
purpose weighed out and circulated.
132 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA,
would, likewise, seem strange that the asperena should have
been the only coin in use, and that we should hear nothing
as to other coins, viz., Dariks and Drachms. At least there
is not sufficient ground here to speak of a system of
coinage, since such a system must necessarily comprise
various coins of different values. Even if we agree to what
Dr, Justi believes concerning the word asperena and its
meaning, yet the passage (48) in the fourth Fargard of the
Vendidad, most certainly proves that the asperena was
used only along with cattle, as a standard of value.
. The inconsistency,- therefore, does not lie in the em-
ployment of cattle as a medium of payment, but in the
mention of the asperena in the Avesta. If this word is
really as modern as it is supposed to be, may we not
assume that it was perhaps inserted in the text in a
later revision of the Avesta? The motive is easy to
understand. In making payments in cattle, the smallest
measure of value, the sheep, was after all considerably
high. People, therefore, thought it necessary to introduce
articles of smaller value, and adopted not only foreign
coins, but also their foreign names. This may probably
have happened also in old times. The word asperena^ I
believe, must therefore be traced to saphar. Thus we
have in asperena an instance of a civilized custom adopted
by the Iranians from their Semitic neighbours which was
almost similar to the old Indian mana} Although this idea,
which had of course its origin among the Semites, is men-
tioned in the Rig-veda, it has never occurred to anybody
to doubt for that very reason the antiquity of the civiliza-
tion of the Vedic Arians. Moreover, if relations may be
proved to have existed between the Babylonians and the
Vedic Indians, it is not to be wondered at if similar
relations also existed with the Iranians, who had pushed
their way into the district of Ragha.
* Comp. Zimmer, Altindisches Lehen, pp. 50-51.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. I33
' Hawever that may be, the term asperena must not at all
be allowed to interfere with the type of civilization, which
otherwise appears so conspicuously in the Avesta. , If, in
this respect, some authors have deduced conclusions of
too sweeping a kind, it only indicates how dangerous it
is to rely upon an isolated word, ignoring all undoubted
passages which afford an unquestionably authentic ex-
planation.^
We may also observe that neither of the passages, in
which the word asperena is found, occurs in a succinct
context. In both cases, the word or expression might be
struck out, without in any way affecting the sense of the
whole. The suspicion of a recent insertion is here much
more justifiable than in any of the three passages, Vend,
IV. 2 seq. \ VII. 41 seq, ; and IX. 37 seq.
I must now discuss another matter which seems to be
important. Other foreign words have been discovered in
the Avesta, some of which are supposed to be Aramaic,
and some of Greek origin. Prof. Hal^vy has been kind
enough to communicate to me his views on this point,
explaining briefly the ideas expressed in his paper read
* Dr. Justi goes too far when he says : " Man darf aher hier
ein Argument fur die Ab/assung des Vendiddd nicht im Osten
sondern im Nordwesten Trans erkennen, wo der Verkehr mil
anderen Volktrn fremde KuUurelemente einfUJirte^ die dem durch
die WUs/e geirennten Osien erst split zukamen" " But we may
here find an argument in favour of the theory that the Vendidad
was composed not in the East but in the North-West of Iran,
where the early intercourse with foreign nations would have
introduced foreign elements of civilization, but which could only
at a later period have reached the East naturally separated by the
deserts." Now, is it possible to suppose that the word asperena
is of any weight in determining the home of the Avesta I If the
word is as modern as Justi indeed assumes, it would at least
be odd to think that the elements of Semitic civilization had
pressed forward into Eastern Iran.
134 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
before the Societe de Linguistique^ wherein he refers to the
following expressions :—
I. Words of Aramaic origin: Tanura = M'l^Sfl
Naska = MHOnS
Gudha = «Tfl
Gunda = M12^il
II, Words of Greek origin : Gaesu = yoicrov
Asperena s= ^(mpop
Danare = ^»cLpw»
Khwaza = x^^^
Surprising as this list of foreign words may appear, its
significance diminishes considerably on closer scrutiny.
In the first place, the word gudha — occurring only once
in Yasht, XV. 27 — seems to be a proper name in the Avesta.
Moreover, it belongs apparently to the river district of
the Rangha, the Jaxartes. Hence it seems unwarrantable
to assert that this word owes its origin to the Semites.
Again, some of the manuscripts give the form gaodha,
instead of gudha^ which could not be derived from b^Tfl-
I am inclined to trace the etymology of the word to the
root gudhf ** to hide." * It is most probable that the name
would then designate a river which loses itself entirely in
the sand, as occurs very often in Eastern Iran.
The origin of the word naska is, likewise, not so well
ascertained as would at first sight appear. Its derivation
from the Semitic is on the authority of Dr. Spiegel or
Dr. Haug.^ M. Burnouf, on the contrary, would derive
^ The Eastern Iranian words guz and gud would then be
related to the Sanskrit guh, just as vaz and vad to vaA. That the
modem A was originally a dental, is proved by the Greek x''^* x«'^^®«
The latter can be traced to its primary form kudh, which
Fick, too, considers to be identical with guh {Wtb, vol. I.
p. 30). Moreover, it should be remembered that the word gudhra,
"hidden," is preserved in the Zend-Pahlavi Glossary (Fick,
tbidy^, 315).
* Comp. Fr. Justi, Handbuch der Zend-sprachCf sub voce.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. 135
the word from the root nas^ " to annihilate," or, better
still, from naz^ " to unite, to sew." In the latter case we
can compare it in meaning with the Sanskrit word sutra.
So we have here one hypothesis opposed to another, and
nobody will assert that the one has greater authority
than the other.* The same may be said respecting the
word guiida. Dr. Fr. MUller assigns to it the meaning
"plenty,'' and identifies it with the Armenian gound.
Prof. Hal^vy relies on Dr. Miiller's theory. But this
meaning of '* plenty" does not agree with the context.
We, therefore, adhere again, as I believe is generally
done, to the explanation given by Dr. Spiegel \Comm.
vol. I. p. 102), who compares it to the Modern Persian
words ghund and ghundah '^massa /artnarta.*' Thus
with this etymology of gunda, too, we may rest confidently
within the pale of the Iranian languages.
The identity of tanura with the Hebrew '1^30 and the ^
Arabic tannur, is beyond question. But must we, on the '
ground that this word occurs in our text, assign a later
origin to-the Avesta itself ? Certainly not, on any account.
It is as difficult to find a satisfactory derivation of the word
in Semitic as in Iranian. I, therefore, believe that it is a
word as foreign to the one as to the other stock of languages.
When we consider that before the progress of the Arian
and Semitic civilization, a so-called Turanian one had
developed in Anterior Asia, and that these Turanian tribes
possessed peculiar skill in the art of working metals, we are
justified in assuming that the expression tanur, meaning
originally a " smelting furnace," owed its origin to their
language and was inherited as a technical term, together
with the art-of-smehing itself, as well by the Iranians as by
the Semites. Even granting that tanura can only be
^ Naska occurs only once in the compound form naskb-frasagh^
but in a passage where it is essential to the metre (Ys. IX. 22).
Thus it can, no doubt, be proved from the original text of the
Avesta.
136 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
explained as a Semitic word, we have still no reason to doubt
the great antiquity of the Avesta ; for it is not impossible
that some civilized intercourse may have existed, though in
no considerable degree, in pre-Median times between
Mesopotamia and the plateau of Iran.
We must now turn to the words of Greek origin. Of the
identity beween &<nrpov and asperena I have spoken already.
The comparison between khwasha^ox rather I believe khawzha
or khavaha, and x^vf, is at least very daring. Since, as a
rule, every foreign word retains its original form, we should
rather expect khuska. Moreover, an apparent etymology
for this word is found in the Arian language, and one which,
I believe, is universally adopted by Zend scholars. In
Sanskrit khubja means '* crooked." Khavzha^ then, must
have originally meant "the crooked vessel." That this
is the correct derivation is proved by the Mod. Persian
words ku2 and kuzah^ which still mean ''crooked" and at
the same time mean "can," "jug," or ''bowl."^
The vfoxA gaesu has already been very often discussed.
Let me refer to Dr. Justi's Handbuch as well as to
M. Schrader's Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte^
pp. 327-328. The Greek term yucroi^ is itself a loan-word of
Celtic origin ; but it cannot, therefore, be shown that, as a
foreign word, it has again passed from the Greeks to the
Iranians. It is more probable — and this view is held by no
less an authority than M. von Hehn ^ — that the word^^f^«
is originally Iranian ; but at the time of the Celtic migration
to Asia Minor, it passed from the Iranians to the Celts and
may have, finally, been introduced into Greece at the time
of the expedition of Brennus. In support of the priority of
this Iranian word one might adduce the fact that M. Tomas-
chek has discovered an equivalent to gaesu in the Sirikuli
dialect, in the word gisk meaning " club," "cudgel,"
* C/. Spiegel, Commen/ar, vol. I. p. 252 ; Justi, Handbuch,
sub voce ; VuUers, Lexicon Persico-Latinum^ sub voce kuz,
• Vide Culturpflanzen und Haus Here, p. 352.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
137
and that, according to M. Bickell, that word may be akin to
the Latin veru.^ By no means^ then, does it bear the charac-
ter of a foreign word ; on the contrary, it seems to have
belonged to the old Iranian language from remote antiquity.
The assumption that the Avesta word danare isapara-
phrase of hi\vapi,Qv and denarius^ may also be questioned.
The very form of the word might rouse suspicion, when
we consider that in Modern Persian the last word appears
as dinar which, I believe, was originally dxnndr. We
would expect dxnara or daendra, rather than danare. But
the Denar is nevertheless a coin, and, as far as I can
gather from Dr. Vullers, the Mod. Persian word dinar is
also used only in this sense. As a measure of weight it
never occurs, as is the case with Dirhem. In the Avesta,
however, danare must designate a dry measure, or perhaps
also a weight; and it is only once mentioned in the
Vendidad, XVI. 7. In this passage we find the rule laid
down that a menstruating woman shall receive (daily)
dva danare tdyuininam aeva danare khshdudranam as food.
Dr. Spiegel has latterly noticed {Comm, vol, I. p. 363) the
similarity between danare Sind ^rfvdpiov, but he, at one time at
least, rejected it. He reminds us of the fact that this word is
naturally allied to ddna, " corn," *' wheat," and equivalent
to the Sanskrit dhdna, Mod. Pers. danah.
Thus we observe that in all cases, where a Greek or
Aramaic derivation is assigned to any word, the result is
hypothesis opposed to hypothesis. In some instances
weighty objections may be raised against the assumption of
such derivations. This I must here regard as the principal
question. Granted that it were possible to establish an
indubitable etymology, still it would constitute no -proof
against the great age of the Avesta as a whole. Since our
record has frequently undergone revisions, all we can do
* Tomaschek, Pamirdialekie, p. 66 ; Bickell, Kuhn's Zeiischri/i,
vol. XII. pp. 438 seq,
VOL. II. S
138 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
is to draw a special conclusion as to the age of
the isolated passages in question. I have
already suggested this occasionally in discussing the
question concerning the vrotd asperena 2iS well as under my
fourth preliminary remark ; and it is surely of peculiar
importance wTien the words concerned are 5«-a{ \€y6fjLeva^ as
is the case, e.g., with gudka, gunda, khwazha, and naska.
But, even if these words denote measure or weight, we must
not ignore the possibility of their having been intentionally
altered and adapted to the later conditions of things. I
repeat, then, that we ought to be careful not to draw elaborate
conclusions as to the history of Iranian civilization from
isolated words or passages alone ; but we should always see
that they do not disagree with other passages in the text.
Now, as regards our last point, that iron was unknown
to the early Iranians. So far as I know, none of the
scholars who doubt the antiquity of the
Avesta, have touched upon this subject.
None of them seem to have considered how close an affinity
it indicates between the civilization of the Avesta and that
of the Rig-veda, between the civilization of the Eastern
Iranians and that of the Indians of the Panjab. And yet
the importance of the subject must be evident to all.
The word employed in the Avesta for the metal most
commonly in use is ayaghy corresponding to the Old Indian
ayas, to the Latin aes, and to the Gothic aia. Dr. Zimmer
has proved in his Altindisches Leben (pp. 51 seq.)j that
the Vedic ayas denotes "brass," i>., copper-brass,
bronze; and, as I believe I have already proved/
the corresponding word in the Avesta must have
had the same meaning. This is quite apparent from
the appellations in which aydgk is used, and which
are strikingly in accord with the Homeric epithets applied
* Vide Osiiranische KuUur^ p. 148 : — " The mountain-ranges
lying in Central Asia are rich in iron mines, which, according
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
J 39
to xa^f<5^* Names of metals are constantly alluded to in the
Avesta, but among them all none, except ayagh^ could
possibly be taken to mean iron. The workingof this metal,
therefore, was unknown to the Arians of the Avesta.
But, is it possible for anybody to maintain that in the
latest centuries before Christ the Iranians
used as weapo&s^ swords, helmets, clubs,
and arrow-heads made of broaze?*
rv.
Let me now recapitulate the reasons which seem to
me to prove the great antiquity of the Avesta. It must
be conceded that these are only special arguments, based
on isolated passages. But then these are not such
passages as do not at the same time form an integral
portion of the whole text, and such as might possibly
be considered to be a gloss. The majority of my
arguments are based upon the Avesta as a whole, and I
do not think that the etymology of an isolated word can
ever afford sufficient evidence, from which to draw
conclusions as to the history of the civilization of a people.
I. The Avesta does not contain any his-
torical description whatever. |
to the testimony of the Avesta, existed, likewise, within the Hara.
From the fact that the metal called ayagh in the Avesta, was irr
use for making weapons and chattels, we are not to conclude
that here iron alone was meant; rather copper-brass or bronze,
which is an alloy of copper and zinc, is referred to. That
epithets such as 'brilliant' or 'yellow,' 'flame-coloured,' nay
even ' golden,' would ever have* been applied to iron or steel,
is, indeed, scarcely possible; on the contrary, these appellations
are quite appropriate in the case of bronze. Likewise, the
corresponding word ayas in the Rig-veda does not denote iron,
but copper-brass, which was far more in use among the Vedic
Arians. Copper was also in favour with the Achaians of the
Homeric period. Their weapons and vessels were also made of
brass which is described, just as in the Avesta, as red and glittering.*'
* Cf, suprat pp. 24 seq.
140
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
^
^
2. None of the names of tribes, other-
wise in general use, are to be
found in it.
3. It contains no allusion to any of the \
cities of Eastern or Western Iran,
celebrated in historic times pro-
perly so called, with the excep-
tion of R agha •
4. The economical conditions of the
Avesta people are those of a pas-
toral tribe and of a rural popula-
tion; and even the priests shared
in agricultural pursuits. That
such conditions were most highly
characteristic of the entire civi-
lized life of the Old Iranian, may
\ be gathered from the general
! tenor of the Avesta, especially
from that of the Gathas, and more
{ particularly from the nature of
the calendar,
5. The primitive character of the
\ Avestapeople is evidentfromtheir
ignorance of the use of {a) salt,
(d) glass, {c} coined money, and
(d) iron.
Finally, I must now notice some other arguments, from
which it might perhaps be inferred that the Avesta was
composed in a late period. Of these, the most noteworthy
have been adduced by Prof. C. de Harlez in his excellent
" Introduction" to the second edition of his translation of
the Avesta (H. i, pp. cxcii. sef, ; cf, H. 4, pp. 494-495) : '
' This book is unfortunately very little known in Germany.
In size and contents, it forms a work by itself, an encyclopaedia
of the Avesta. I only regret that I did not make use of it while
writing my Osiiranische Kultur.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
141
I. The modern forms of the names of places mentioned
in the first Fargard of the Vendidad. Here we find Bdkhdkt
for Bakhtri ; Mouru for Marghu. Prof. Harlez also
refers to Bawri for Babiru and Raji for Ragha. As
regards the last two, Bawri need not be taken into account^
for, being a name, it is quite possible that it may have
been incorrectly written. ' Rajoit occurs only in Yasna, XIX.
18. Since, without exception, we meet with the regular
form Ragha in other passages, and since even in the passage
quoted it immediately follows Rajdii, I believe I am right
in conjecturing that this form is an appellative, possibly
meaning " kingdom, dominion" ; otherwise, its spelling
should be altered.
However, an argument based on the modern character
of forms of geographical names occurring in the A vesta,
is not very cogent. In its general aspect the Avesta, as few
have it, does not seem to be the work originally written by
some of the first Zoroastrians, but a transcript bearing very
plain traces of revision. What, therefore, is more probable
than that, in such a revision, the geographical names in the
original should have been adapted to the forms of those
names then current ? ^
Even Dr. Spiegel says : '* I have often had occasion to
remark that I attach no importance to any linguistic proofs ;
for, even granting that we can prove that its language is
primeval, one might nevertheless endeavour to find an
expedient and must assume that the book was written
* Hal6vy informs me through a letter that Bawri might
correspond to the Aramaic ^'^SS- In that case this word, like
Mouru, must be regarded as an adaptation of the old to the
modem form of the name due to a later revision of the Avesta.
• Bakhdhi, at least, must be regarded as a corrupt form, since
there was no period in the history of Iranian languages, when
the r could have dropped out of the name Baktra, Even to the
present day the city is called Balkh.
142
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
after the language had ceased to be used^ since internal
evidence obliges us to ascribe to the book a comparatively
later date."* We may certainly say with equal justice : since
the internal evidence of the Avesta is in favour of its high
antiquity, while the language often exhibits some modern
forms, we must assume a revision of the Avesta after its
language had ceased to be spoken.
IL In the fourth Fargard of the Vendidad (47 seg.)
abstemiousness, homelessness, celibacy, and prohibition
against eating flesh are inveighed against. This passage
must have been directed against the gradual encroachments
of Buddhism, the representative of which is the Gautama
mentioned in Yasht, XIII. 16.
Now, let me request Zend scholars to examine the
passage which bears upon this question. Nobody will
assert that we can with certainty regard it as a polemic
against Buddhism. We could at best, and with all due
reservation^ consider this view as a mere
conjecture, on the basis of which it would
be quite dangerous to form any conclusion
as to the history of Iranian civilization.
The text runs thus : —
Adhacha • uiti* nairivait^ • zt- 1^ • ahmat pourum • fram-
raoimi . Spitama - Zaratkushtra • yatha • maghavo-fra-
vakhshdii, visdne • ahmat • yatha • evisdi, puthran^ • ahmat •
yatha • aputhrdi^shaetavatb • ahmat -yatha • ashaetai, hducha •
ayd • nard • vohu • mano - jdgereiushtaro • aghat • yd • geush •
uruthware • hdmpafrditl • yatha • hdu • yo • ndit • it ha,
* ^* Ich hahe ofter Gelegenhei'i gehaht zu bemerken, doss ich
auf den sprachlichen Beweis nichts gehe; denn geseizt auch, es
liesse sich nachweiien, doss die Sprache uralt sei, so wurde man
dock nach einem Auskun/ismiiiel suchen undeiwa annehmen mussen,
das Awes id sei nach dem A ussier hen der Sprache geschriehen^ falls
innere Grilnde uns noiigen^ das Buck einer spdteren Periode
zuzuschreiben."
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. 143
Prof. Harlez himself translates it: — *
" Je proclame pour tot qui a une epouse^ 6 saint
Zaroastre^ la priorite sur celui qui n'en use point; pour
le chef de maison, sur celui qui n* en possede point ; pour le
pere de families sur celui qui n'apas d'enfants ; pour le
possesseur de terres sur celui qui tCen a points Celui qui
nourrit et developpe {son corps) en mangeant de la viande,
obtient le bon esprit bien mieux que celui qui ne le fait pas."
First let me remark that the whole passage, and espe-
cially the connection with what follows, is obscure. Prof.
Harlez has certainly translated the concluding portion of
the passage incorrectly. According to his opinion, ^^2^sh
ought to be considered as instrumental ; however, it is not
possible. It could often be rendered '* he who fills the body
of the cattle," i>., whoever feeds them.^ This passage,
therefore, implies a meaning common in the Avesta, viz., that
cattle-breeding is a meritorious work. And such is the
clear interpretation of the passage:—'* Such aman possesses
more of the good-mind {vohwmano) than one who does
not do it ." Vohu-mano, the genius of the good-mind,
is, according to the Zoroastrian teaching, also the protector
of herds.
Again, the beginning of the passage, which contains the
antithesis, ndirivat and maghavo-fravakhshi, is not quite
* \Avesta traduity 2nd ed. p. 48 : "I proclaim for you who
have a spouse, O holy Zoroaster ! the priority over him who has
none; for the head of a household, over him who possesses
none ; for the paterfamilias^ over him who has no offspring ;
for the owner of land, over him who owns no piece of ground.
He who nourishes and develops (his body) by eating meat,
acquires the good mind, far better than he who does it not."
(Vd. IV. 47-48). Tr. «.]
• Uruthware translated " body, stomach." If, according to
Harlez, this word signifies "growth," the passage implies:
" Whoever furthers the growth of cattle." Thus the meaning is
not changed. Here Geldner agrees with me [Vide Studien
zum Avesta, p. 5).
144 ^^ '^"^ HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
clear. At all events this much seems to be manifest, that
the man, who lives in lawful marriage, should be preferred
to any one who satisfies his desires in other ways.
According to the whole tenor of the Avesta, it cannot seem
strange that a man who lives in a village community, who
brings up children^ makes for himself a household and
becomes the possessor of fields and herds, is more deserving
in the eyes of a Zoroastrian than one who fails to do so.
Let us only bear in mind how the possession of children is
always looked upon as a direct blessing of God,^ and
compare therewith what I have already said with reference
to the meritoriousness of a settled country-life according to
the testimony of the Avesta.
What conclusion, then, must we draw from Vendidad, IV.
47-48, without doing violence to its meaning? Simply
this, that the Avesta frequently alludes to the contrast
between civilized and uncivilized life, especially between
the life of settled herdsmen and peasants and that of
nomads. That this is the correct interpretation is em-
phatically shown by the use of the antonymous words
visdne and einsdt. The peasant and the herdsman live in
permanent villages (2/t^o), the nomad on the contrary
knows no settled life.
Moreover, as regards Gaotama^ who is supposed to be
the representative of Buddhism, which forced its way into
Iran, the name only occurs once in Yt. XIII. 16. Prof.
Westergaard, however, reads gaotema^ and gives also the
vsivisint gao^uma in two other MSS., but never ^^^/j/w^.*
This is important, since Prof. Harlez expressly says: —
La forme gaotama est le produit d*une transcription faite
a Vouie et non d'une derivation naturelle. Thus gaotama
might certainly be regarded as a simple misspelling of
* Cf. my O. K, A, pp. 234-236 (vol. I. pp. 53-54)'
' [*' The form Gaotama is due to a transcription based on sound
and not to any indigenous derivation," 7r.]
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. 1 45
the Indian name^ Gaotama Buddha; but Gaotema is purely
Iranian.^
To this it is to be added that the passage cited above is
obscure. Prof. C. de Harlez himself observes {Avesta
Traduttt 2nd ed. p. 481 ) : ^^ phrase entterement obscure.*'
Again, the translations of the passage do' not at all
agree. Passing over Dr. Spiegel's, I shall quote here Prof.
Geldner's version [Metrik des jiingeren Avesta^ pp. 80-81):
''Through their power and greatness a man is born
skilled in counsel, an adviser, whose words are heard with
willingness, who is looked to for instruction, who hears com-
placently the request of his weaker proteges."
But, if, in spite of the ^* phrase entiirement obscure**
we were to regard Prof. Harlez's translation : ** Uhom^
me naUt intelligentj manifestant ses pens&es^ entendant
bien ce que Von dity en qui est deposee P intelligence y qui
ichappe aux questions de tnechant Gaotama^** * as correct,
what could we reasonably gather from the passage ? This
certainly, that the Fravasis will allow one to be born, who
is to be a match for a certain Gautema in argument. Now,
if we consider that learned controversies were evidently not
unknown to the Avesta priests — for instance in the legend
of Ydsta Frydna and his dispute with Akhtya in Yt. V. 83 ; —
if we, again, consider that the name gaotema is purely
Iranian and can be clearly traced to the remotest Arian
period^ since the Rig-veda, too, speaks of a singer gotama^
the passage is divested of all possible reference to
Buddhism.
III. In Yt. XIX. 18, Ragha is called a city, in which the
Athravans were possessed of temporal power. But such
* As far as I know, it was Haug who first started the theory that
Yasht, XIII. 16 contained an allusion to Buddhism {ff, "Essays
on the Parsis," 2nd ed. by West, p. 208, note).
• [" The man is born intelligent, manifesting his thoughts, well
understanding what is said, in whom is placed the intelligence
that solves the questions put by the perverse Gaotama." TV.]
VOL. H. T
146 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
a sovereignty of the Magi existed in Iran only after the
close of the dominion of the Seleucidae. Consequently,
this passage must have been written only at that
period.
This brings us to a very important question. There is
no doubt that even Dr. Spiegel (Sp. i, pp. 9-10, Sp. 2,
pp. 629-635), has, on the authority of this passage, formed
a peculiar theory concerning the home as well as the age
of the Avesta, the only ground for which lies in the fact
that the passage has been variously interpreted so as to
lose its original meaning.
I must here consider Prof. Harlez's Introduction, which
thoroughly explains the relation of the Avesta Athravans
to the Magi known to us from history.
This learned translator of the Avesta maintains, in the
first place, that the Achaemenian kings were not familiar
with the Avesta religion. On the contrary, all that wc
know about the Magi allows us to assert that their doctrines
and their customs were perfectly identical with those which
we find recorded in the Avesta. To this must also be
added that Khosru Parviz (S31-S79 A.D.) in a proclamation
given in the Dinkard, says: — ^* que Vhhtaspafit reunir tous
les ouvrages ecrits en la langue des Mages pour acquerir
la connatssance de la lot magdiene^ ^ Since it seems hardly
possible that a country of so little importance as Bactriana
should have gfiven to the West a sacred language and
religion, Prof. C. de Harlez concludes: ^^ La solution la plus
simple et la plus naturelle serait d^ attribuer V Avesta aux
Mages et h la Medie.^ (H. i, p. xlvi.)
The assertion that Bactriana vf^s ^^ toujours soumise et
* [" That Vishtaspa caused all the works written in the language
of the Magi to be collected in order to acquire the knowledge of
the Mazdian law." TV.]
■ [" The solution would be the simplest and most natural if we
should ascribe the Avesta to the Magi and to Media." TrJ]
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
»47
pen important^^ * can hardly be correct. The large
revenue obtained from this province in the time of the
Achaemenian kings, proves at least that it was highly
prosperous.' That its population formed no inconsiderable
part, but rather the main portion, of the Iranian people, is
most clearly proved by the energetic opposition offered to
Alexander the Great precisely in the North-Eastern pro-
vinces of the Persian empire. Moreover, I must here
repeat that, in determining the home of the Avesta religion
generally, the question is not one respecting Bactria alone
but the whole of Eastern Iran.
Again, we cannot attach much value to the statement
that Khosru Parviz characterizes the Avesta language as
* " Always subject to a foreign ruler, and of little importance."
• [Duncker, Geschichie des AUerihumSy vol. IV. ch. 5, pp. 18-19.
Vide Eng. ed. bk. VII. ch. II. pp. 23-24 : " The nations and
condition of Eastern Iran can be ascertained more clearly from
the inscriptions of Darius. According to his inscription at
T^histi^p , his empire in that direction comprised the Parthia ns.
S arangians, Areians, Chorasmians, Bactrians, Sogdia ni,_Gandarii ,
S attagydae. Arachoti* and Sacae ; and to these the Idh us. i>., the
Indians on the right bank of the upper course of the Indus, are
added in the inscriptions of Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustam.
Further information is preserved by Herodotus with respect to the
tribute imposed by Darius on these nations. As these statements
are undoubtedly derived from Persian tribute-lists, they serve to throw
a side-light on the state of civilization existing in the East of Iran
at the division of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C
The Bactrians, the twelfth satrapy of the empire, paid (yearly) 360
(Babylonian) talents into the treasury of the king. These sums,
which do not include the whole of the burdens of the provinces,
but are only the land-taxes which they had to pay — in addition
tolls were levied and contributions in kind to the court of the
king and the satraps, as well as for the maintenance of the army
— show that at the time of Darius agriculture and wealth had
proceeded far beyond the earliest stages in the eastern districts
of Iran. The Babylonian silver talent amounted to more than
3,000 thalers (6,000 shillings).'' TV. nJ]
148 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
the language of the Magi. There is no doubt that under
the Sassanidae the Magi were the representatives of the
Zoroastrian priesthood ; but by this time the Avesta language
had long been dead and had been succeeded in general
use by the Middle Iranian. If, then, the Magi alone still
understood this language, if they used it in their daily
ceremonies, prayers, and recitations, and if it completely
swayed the cult upheld by the Magi, it might well be
called, for the sake of convenience, the '^language of the
Magi." Consequently, it is characterized as the language
of a single order, not as that of a nation, just as Latin in
the Middle Ages might be called the language of literati
or Modern French the language of diplomacy.
Moreover, I generally accept the view of Prof. Harlez :
The Achaemenian kings, and for the most part the Persian
nation itself, did not profess the Zoroastrian religion. It
is represented in historical times by the Median Magi,
through whose influence it strove to gain ground among
the majority of the Persians under the sovereignty
of the Achaemenidae. But hence it has been inferred only
of late, that the Magi composed the Avesta known to us,
and that Zarathushtra himself was a Magus. This is only
one of three possibilities. Besides this there are two
other credible suppositions: — {a) The Magi adopted the
doctrine of the Zoroastrian priests, thus representing a
later phase in the development of the Avesta religion.
{b) The Zoroastrian priests are the heirs of the Magi.
The last possibility we may briefly dismiss. We can
trace the history of the Magi down to the Sassanian
period. But nowhere do we find any reference to a
belief that they had delegated their peculiar office to
another religious corporation, which revered the Zoroas-
trian doctrine and perhaps only transferred the scene of
their labours to a different field.
A.S regards Prof. Harlez*s theory that the Avesta was
composed by the Magi and in Media, a very important
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
149
fact seems to contradict it. The Avesta priests are not
strictly called Maghu but Athravans* In all passages
where the priests are mentioned, they invariably bear this
name; and such passages are not few in number. Their
testimony would lead us to infer that '' Aihravan,** and in
fact this title exclusively, served as the official designation
of the priesthood. Why then should the Magi in their
own writings have given to themselves any other name
than that by which they were universally known to the
world ?
Now, in a passage in the Avesta (Ys. LXV. 6) there,
indeed, occurs the expression moghu-tbish and this must be
taken into consideration.* But what does it prove? At
the very most, only this, that, at the time when this
passage was composed, the term Maghu was not unknown
and perhaps was almost synonymous with Athravan. The
fact that Aihravan was the real title of the Avesta
priesthood, is not in the least affected by the use of the
term Maghu. Had the Magi really been the authors of the
Avesta, their own title, instead of appearing only in a
single isolated passage, and that the least important, would
have been used throughout the work.
Moreover, it seems quite possible that, in the passage
referred to, Maghu bears a purely generic meaning. If we
compare it with the Sanskrit maghavan, the word can be
translated " protector, or feudal lord, prince, nobleman.''
Moghu'tbisYi occurs especially in Ys. LXV. 6, side by side
viith hasYid'ibtsYij varesdnd-tbish, na/jyo-tbish, "the hatred
of friends, free commoners or countrymen, and of relations."
These expressions are all generic terms, and we must of
course admit that the context does not compel us to adopt
* Q^. H. 2, p. 171 ; also my 0. K. A. pp. 489-492, (vide supra
pp. 80-84). It will be observed that I have altered the views
expressed in my Ostiranische Kultury since I have there attempted
to adopt a middle course.
«y>
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
the rendering of " priest" for Maghu^ which is possible,
though not always exclusively appropriate.
But we may ask, which of the two designations Maghu
or Atharvan {Athravan) seems to be the older one ?
Atharvan admits of a direct connection with the Vedic
civilization. In the Rig-veda, too, we find the yfox^ Atharvan
used to mean '' a fire-priest," as well as the name of a
mythical character, the Prometheus of the Indians, who
brings down fire from heaven, and is thus the prototype
of all fire-priests on earth.* The title Atharvan may,
consequently, be traced to the remote Arian period ;
at the same time we can only discover Indian words,
indeed analogous to Maghu, but not quite identical
with it.
Thus all evidence goes to show that Atharvan was the
oldest and most original title of the Zoroastrian priest-
hood. Gradually, as the centre of gravity of the Iranian
nation moved from East to West, as the Indian tribe of the
Magi assumed the direction of religious matters, its name,
which had an ethnographical significance at first, became
at the same time the title of the priesthood formed by
that tribe.
The Avesta, therefore, does not recognize the term
Maghu as the title of the Zoroastrian priests ; it never
designates them by any other name than that of Athra*
vans. On this point, even at. the present day, a futile
attempt is made to urge another passage from our text
in support of the Median and Magian origin of the
^ Comp. my Ostirantsche Kultur, pp. 464-465, (xtf^ra pp. 48-49),
It cannot, however, be proved that the title A/hravan is strictly
meant by the name irvpaitoi by which, according to Strabo (p. 733,
where also the Cappadocians are specially mentioned), the Magi
are supposed to have called themselves. Nevertheless, it does
not do away with the fact that Maghu is unknown to the Avesta
as the title of its priesthood (H. 2, p. 171).
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
'5»
Avesta. This much-disputed passage (Ys. XIX. i8) runs as
follows' :—
*' Who are the chiefs ? The master of the house, the
lord of the village, the president of the tribe,
the country-prince, the fifth is the Zarathushtra.
(So it is) excepting the Zarathushtrian Ragha,
Who are (here) the chiefs? The master of the
house, the lord of the village, the president of the
tribe, the fourth is the Zarathushtra,*^
What we may safely infer from the above passage is, that,
at the time it was written, a kind of Zoroastrian
papacy existed in Iran. To the High*
priest was then assigned a rank higher
than that of the country-princes. In
Ragha he evidently possessed temporal
as well as spiritual dignity. The High-
priest of Ragha was at the same time
its pr i nee .
In the first place, however, it may be observed that the
passage contains no personal reference to Zarathushtra;
accordingly, it cannot serve as an argument in support of
the theory that the Avesta was composed by the Medes.
Apparently, Zarathushtra here is not a proper name but a
generic term ; it is the title of the head of the Zoroastrian
priesthood. In the Pahlavi translation of the Avesta we
find Zaratushttum^ '* the highest Zarathushtra."
Secondly, we must not bring the contents of the passage
in Yasna, XIX. i8, to bear on the whole period of the
civilization of the Avesta people. Moreover, there are
^ Spiegel has discussed this passage in his Eranische
Alter thumskunde^ vol. III. p. 563; also Sp. I, pp. 9- 10; Sp. 2,
pp. 630-632. But, I believe, he is wrong, when, in connection with
this passage, he quotes the epithet ihrizahtu^ which Ragha
receives in Vd. I. 16. Zantu cannot possibly mean ** order." It
means always " tribe, race," and thrhantu must imply that three
Irinian tribes had settled in the district {danhu) of Ragha.
152
ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
many other passages' besides this^ which enumerate the
different lords, but in none of them is the Zarathushtrdtema
directly metioned.* The superiority of the priesthood over
the two other orders of warriors and farmers appears so
very conspicuously throughout the Avesta, and sq much
attention is drawn to it by its author, that it is hardly
possible he could have failed to emphasize the rank of the
high-priest of Ragha beyond that of the tribal chiefs and
the country-princes.
But it is quite unwarrantable to identify the temporal
power of Zarathushtra in Ragha with the dignity of the
Grand Magus in Rai, (Sp. 2, pp. 629-630). Such a theory
fails in the most important point of our argument; the Avesta
speaks only of the £thravans and not of the Magi. It calls
the high-priest of Ragha, Zarathushtra or Zarathush"
trotema, a title which is never given to the Masmaghdns,
To this it must be added that the only authorities for the
dignity of the Grand Magus in Rai, are Alberiini and
Yaqut, and that the period in which it originated cannot,
therefore, be ascertained. In determining the age of the
Avesta, the reference to the Masmaghdn must, in any case,
prove of little value. For, if the Magi were the heirs and
successors of the Zoroastrian Xthravans, — a fact which must
at least be generally admitted as p o s s i b 1 e — the
Masmaghdn to a certain extent would be a later
development of the Zarathushtrotema whose dignity might
then be traced probably to the pre-historic epoch.
But I believe that we are not justified in laying too much
stress on the passage, Ys. XIX. 18. We must not suppose
' C/. Yt. X. 18, 83 ; Vd. X. 5 ; Vsp. III. 2, &c.
■ Gah, IV. 6-'/, Here we meet with the following expressions
in invocations and hymns of praise : — Zarathushtrotema^ zara-
thushtra, dihravan^ rathaeshiar, vastrya-fshuyds^ nmdno-paitt\
vUpaiti, zahtU'paiti\ danhu paitL From this we should gather
that Zarathushtra as well as Zarathushtrotema was a priestly
title.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. 153
that during the greatest part of the Avesta epoch there
existed any such half-spiritual, half-temporal power in
Ragha. Who knows when this isolated passage was
composed and when it was introduced into the text? Had
Ragha really played so important a part in the Zoroastrian
commonwealth, it is strange that this city is named only in
two passages in the whole Avesta, viz., (i) in the passage
cited above, and (2) in the list of countries enumerated in the
Vendidad. Haitumat is mentioned three times; Haraiva
and Moru twice ; whilst such places as Aryana-vaija^
the Hara-bersattf the Ardvi-sura^ and also the Rangha^
are frequently mentioned. Surely nobody will be inclined
to assert that in the Avesta opportunities could not have
offered themselves for mentioning Ragha and the high-
priest residing in tt.*
IV. The Avesta commends next-of-kin marriage as a
meritorious institution. But this practice, according to
Herodotus, III. 34, was only introduced by Cambyses. The
Avesta, therefore, cannot have been composed until after
Cambyses.
I believe that we should not press too far this assertion of
Herodotus, which has the air of an anecdote. It is of course
improbable that such an institution could have been intro-
duced, in an age of relatively high civilization, by the mere
edict of a single individual, and even obtain recognition as
a moral law. How could the Median Magi have reconciled
themselves to the thought of- adopting such an innovation,
in opposition to their usual practice, at the time when,
as Prof. Harlez assumes, they were opposed to the
* Other passages of the Avesta have been pointed out {cf.
0,K,A, pp. 489-490 ; vide above pp. 81-82) from which we can infer
that the Athravans " came from afar " and led a wandering life.
This may be true even of several districts, and of certain portions
of the Zoroastrian priesthood ; but it does not follow hence that the
Athravans were identical with the Magi and had emigrated from
West to East.
VOL. H. U
154 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
Persians? It is, however, far more probable that they
would have used such an innovation as a ground of opposition
to the king. The statement of Herodotus has, apparently,
no other object than to give an explanation of some kind
or other for an existing custom naturally unfamiliar to
him. It certainly has no historical value. Moreover, it
must be added that Herodotus expressly says : — OvUifiug yap
€&b€<rav irpdrcpov r^ci adcXt^c^o-i <njvoi\t€i,¥ TLipirai* At the most
we can only consider the innovation of Cambyses as
affecting the Persians, a fact which cannot in the least
influence the question whether the Median Magi had
already in olden times recognized and approved of the
marriage of relations.
I can dispose with equal ease of the next objection
set forth by Prof. Harlez.
V. The fifth Yasht could not have been written before
the introduction of the cult of the ^«fl/V/by Artaxerxes
Mnemon. The description which comprehends the outward
figure and garments of that yazata in the Yasht, seems
to be exactly that of a statue of Ana'iti.
This conclusion is evidently erroneous. Granted that
Artaxerxes II. (404-361) had actually introduced the cult of
the Anaiti, his action could have reference to Persia
alone. Again, the Median Magi, who, according to Prof.
Harlez, endeavoured during the sovereignty of the Achae-
menidae to propagate their religion over the whole of Iran,
might have worshipped their Anahita many centuries before.
But, as far as I know, it is nowhere asserted that Artaxerxes
II. first instituted this cult. Berosus alone relates that
Artaxerxes II. was the first to set up images of the Aphrodite
Anaiti in different towns, and that before this the divine
beings were never represented in Iran in any shape
whatever.^ Thus we have here only a question of the
* Clemens Alex. Admonit, Adv, Gentes, Comp. Spiegel,
Eranische Al/er/humskunde, vol. II. p. 56, note i.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA. j 55
erection of statues and especially of that of Aphrodite
Ana'iti, that is, of a female deity in whose worship the old
Iranian conceptions were blended with Semitic ideas.
Then, as regards the description of Anahita given in the
fifth Yasht (par. 126-129), ^^ *s more probable that the
later images of Anahita were adapted to such frequent
delineations, than the reverse. Every image must, however,
first exist in the mind before it can receive material
expression. Again, Prof. Harlez's theory is not justified
by the opening words yd hishtaiti *' which stands in a
certain place." This is sufficiently manifest from the
glowing character and internal evidence of the whole
description, which is an effort to describe in life-like terms
the form of that yazata,
VI. I have already spoken briefly of the linguistic
evidence adduced by Prof. Harlez in the sixth passage.
Dr. Spiegel, too, admits that we are not justified in laying
any stress upon it. We should also reject it on the ground
that the Avesta, as we have it, cannot be supposed to be
exactly in its original condition. And, in fact, this is con-
firmed not merely by the Zend Grammar in which many
forms adapted from modern dialects may be often observed,
but also by the mere form and spelling of the words.*
VII. The persecutions alluded to in the Gathas refer to
the persecutions of the Magi by king Darius.
This view is opposed by the whole tone and tenour of
the Gathas. Prof. Harlez has overlooked the fact that
the opposition here described does not merely imply the
conflict between two different religious factions or sects,
^ In this respect the circumstance that the Avesta, as it seems
to be assumed generally, was originally written in a different and
ambiguous alphabet, similar to the Pahlavi, must have had a
peculiarly injurious effect on the form of the text. We may
thus account for the vagueness in the nature and constitution of
the vowels, for the different ways of writing the guna forms, and
the interchange of long and short vowels, &c.
156 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
but at the same time that between two different epochs
of the economic history of the Avesta people. On the
dispute between Darius and the Magi hinged, however,
the question of legal power and not that of economical
grievances. Let us only read the twenty-ninth chapter
of the Yasna. In fact, I do not understand how the cow
can become the representative of the Magi and pray for
them to Ahura Mazda for their deliverance from the
oppressions of Darius. Nor can I conceive how the
appearance of Zarathushtra could be the promised help
they had in view. That would be true, however, for the
Magi of the Achaemenian period tempi passati. More-
over, all this is easily explained on the supposition that
the hymn in question relates to the herdsmen and
agriculturists of Eastern Iran, who were oppressed by the
nomads of the steppes, and was composed in the age of
Zarathushtra.* The Prophet may have been honoured as
the principal defender of the menaced peasantry or
country-people.
How can we account for the absence of all historical
references in theGathas which allude to so many incidents
of real life? Are we to suppose that the author must have
taken special care to avoid every hint which might
enlighten the reader or the hearer as to what is particularly
referred to ? The names of opponents, however, could not
* I cannot at all conceive why Zarathushtra should not be
regarded as a historical personage; historical, of course, in the
sense in which Lycurgus is historical. Much less can I believe
in a "mythological" connection with the Rig-veda, which Dr.
Spiegel believes he has established by deriving the name Spitama
from the root spit^ and by identifying it with the Vedic <pitra.
But all this proves only an etymological affinity, as well as the
use of the root (^vit by Indians and Iranians in the formation of
proper names ; but certainly nothing more. The name Spitama
can be traced historically in Iran. Let us only consider the name
Spitamenes, and we are reminded of the fact that he was an
Eastern Iranian ! Q^, Sp. i, pp. 8-9.
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
•57
have been omitted, nor the honourable mention of the
most faithful of the Magi. But the reverse is the case in
the Gathas. Here there is only a general record of the
opposition between what is good and what is evil, between
the believing and the unbelieving, so that we can obtain
no definite knowledge of the personages concerned ; or,
where the narrative treats of real life, the object of all
enmity, all care, prayers and apprehensions is nothing
else than the cow.
As the last argument in support of the modern
origin of the Avesta, Prof. Harlez alleges the words of
foreign origin, which only found their way at some later
period into the language. I have already discussed this
question above, and, with the assistance of M. Hal^vy,
more fully in fact than Prof. Harlez himself has done.
In conclusion I have to make two more observations.
It might perhaps strike the reader that I have not here
touched upon the theory which supposes the Vishtaspa of
the Avesta to be merely identical with the father of Darius
Hystaspes. I did not mention it, not because it has found
scarcely any supporters, but because of another reason
which is, indeed, a very simple one. There are not two
opinions as to the identity of the two names, Vishtaspa and
Hystaspes ; but such an identity cannot, therefore, be used
as a proof in determining the question of the age of the
Avesta, since it does not at all involve any identification
of the personages to whom the names belong. History
tells us of several Hystaspes. But that the father of
Darius must have been the very prince named in the
Avesta, who embraced the doctrine of Zarathushtra, is by
no means proved. It is merely a possibility, an hypothesis,
which requires to be independently proved. Moreover,
a proof in support of it could only be supplied by first
endeavouring to determine the date of the Avesta from
internal evidence. This theory, therefore, cannot form a
link in the chain of arguments for or against the great
158 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
^^^^ 11 —^ ■■»■ . y I^M ■■ ■- «^ -■»■ ■- ■— ■■■■■■ — ^.^M^
antiquity of the Avesta, for this reason, that it is only
an assumption. It is more likely that, according to the
result arrived at from those arguments, the question as to
the relation of Vishtaspato Hystaspes might open out a new
field for investigation. In my opinion, it is evident that
the Vishtaspa of the Avesta has nothing in common with
the father of Darius but the name, which both may have
shared with several other Iranians.
Finally, it is sometimes asserted that the Avesta can
bo of no great antiquity, because the doctrines and ideas
contained in it are too noble and elevated to have been
developed among the Avesta people, who had not passed
the primitive stage of civilization. Such general asser-
tions cannot of course be proved or contradicted. It is
more or less a question of taste. Moreover, I believe,
that such assertions would lead one to overestimate
the sublimity of the Avesta conceptions as regards the
Spirit. The aesthetic value of the Avesta is generally
supposed to be far below that of the Rig-veda, But it
must be remembered that the Vedic Arians were as
conspicuous for their poetic ideas and artistic taste, as
the Iranians were distinguished for their profound moral
virtues. This might also easily be explained from the
physical condition of the Iranian soil, which necessarily
accustomed its inhabitants to a rigid ideal of life, to hard
work and industry, which, though it probably restrained
the flight of fancy, nevertheless ennobled human nature.
Who, again, can say how far the personal influence of
the founder of the Avesta religion may have reached ? The
intellectual development of man cannot be regulated at
will. If it seems to stagnate for centuries, it often, on
the contrary, makes gigantic strides in one single genera-
tion, and that, too, owing to the personal influence of a
single individual.
The question as regards the home and age of the Avesta
is at present the standing difficulty of Iranian Philology,
THE AGE OF THE AVESTA.
159
and will, I surmise, remain so for a long time. I shall be
content with w^hat little I can contribute towards the legi-
timate solution, which must eventually discover the truth.
So long as no new and convincing reasons are adduced
on the other side, so long as the arguments I have striven
to bring together in my work remain un rebutted, I repeat,
in concluding this treatise, the convictions with which I set
out, namely, that : —
1. The home of the Avesta civilisa-
tion was really Eastern Iran, the
land of the Syr-darya westward
towards the frontiers of Media
and southward to the deserts of
G e d r OS i a .
2. The Avesta civilization dates from
a very remote antiquity. It is
fruitless to specify a particular
century. But there is no doubt
that it is older than Medo-
Persian history.
[This opinion of Dr. Geiger has been ably supported by
the accomplished Avesta scholar. Dr. Karl Geldner, in his
dissertation {vide " Encyclopaedia Britannica," 9th ed.
vol. XVIII. p. 653) on the old Iranian languages and
literature, from which I extract the following : —
Persian (Irdnian) Languages.
" The Iranian family of languages is one of the seven
great branches of the Indo-European stem, and was first
recognized as such by Sir William Jones and Friedrich
Schlegel. Whatever uncertainty still remains as to the
exact relationship between all the several branches of the
Indo-European family, it is at least certain that Indian
l6o ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
and Persian belong together more closely than the rest,
and that they continued to develop side by side for a long
period after the other branches had been already severed •
from the parent stem.*'
"Our knowledge of the Iranian languages in older
periods is too fragmentary to allow of our giving a
complete account of this family and of its special
historical development. It will be sufficient here to
distinguish the main types of the older and the more
recent periods. From antiquity we have sufficient know-
ledge of two dialects, the first belonging to Eastern Iran,
the second to Western."
I. Zendy or Old Bactrian. — "Neither of these two
titles is well chosen. The name Old Bactrian suggests
that the language was limited to the small district of
Bactria, or at least that it was spoken there ; which is, at
the most, only an hypothesis. Zend, again (originally
Azainti^)^ is not the name of a language, as Anquetil
Duperron supposed, but means "interpretation** or "ex-
planation,** and is specially applied to the medieval
Pahlavi translation of the Avesta. Our "Zend-Avesta**
does not mean the Avesta in the Zend language, but is an
incorrect transcription of the original expression '' Avistik-
va-Zand^^ i»e.y "the holy text (Avesia) together with the
translation.** But, since we still lack sure data to fix the
home of this language with any certainty, the convenient
name of Zend has become generally established in Europe,
and may be provisionally retained. But the home of the
Zend language was certainly in Eastern Iran; all attempts
to seek it farther West — e.g.^ in Media' — must be regarded
as failures.
* Cf, J. Darmesteter, Etudes IranienneSi I. p. lo, (Paris, 1883),
THE ACE OF THE AVESTA. l6l
■;* ■ ■'.
'*Zend is the language of the so-called Avesta^^ th«
holy book of the Persians, containing the oldest documents
, of the religion of Zoroaster. Besides this important monu-
ment, which is about twice as large as the Iliad and
I Odyssey put together, we only possess very scanty relics
of the Zend language in medieval glosses and scattered
quotations in Pahlavi books. These remains, however,
suffice to give a complete insight into the structure of the
language. Not only amongst Iranian languages, but amongst
all .the languages of the Indo-European group, Zend takes
one of the very highest places in importance for the compa-.
rative philologist. In age it almost rivals Sans-
krit; in primitiveness it surpasses that
language in many points; it is inferior only
in respect of its less extensive literature,
and because it has not been made the
subject of systematic grammatical treat-
m e n t. The age of Zend must be examined in connexion
with the age of the Avesta, In its present form the
Avesta is not the work of a single author or of any one
age, but embraces collections produced during a long
period. The view which became current through
Anquetil Duperron, that the Avesta is throughout the
work of Zoroaster (in Zend^ Zarathushtra), the founder
of the religion, has long been abandoned as untenable.
But the opposite view, which is now frequently accepted,
that not a single word in the book can lay claim to the
authorship of Zoroaster, also appears on closer study too
sweeping. In the Avesta two stages of the language
are plainly distinguishable, for which the supposition of
local dialectic variation is not sufficient explanation, but
' As was said above, this, and not Zend-Avesta^ is the correct
title for the original text of the Persian Bible. The origin of the
word is doubtful, and we cannot point to it before the time of the
Sassanians. Perhaps it means ''announcement,*' "revelation,"
VOL. II. V
r
1 62 ON THE HOME AND AGE OF THE AVESTA.
^
which appear rather to be an older and a younger
stage in the development of the same language. The
older is represented in but a small part of the whole
work, the so-called Gdthds or songs. These songs form
the true kernel of the book Yasna j^ they must have been
in existence long before all the other parts of the Avesta,
throughout the whole of which allusions to them occur.
These Gdthds are what they claim to be, and what they
are honoured in the whole Avesta as being — the actual
productions of the Prophet himself or of his time. They
bear in themselves irrefutable proofs of their authenticity,
bringing us face to face not with the Zoroaster of the
legends but with a real person, announcing a new
doctrine and way of salvation, no supernatural Being
assured of victory, as he is represented in later times,
but a mere man, often himself despairing of his final
success^ and struggling not with spirits and demons but
with human obstacles of every sort, in the midst of a
society of fellow-believers which was yet feeble and in
its earliest infancy. It is almost impossible that a much
later period could have produced such unpretentious and
almost depreciatory representations of the deeds and
personality of the Prophet; certainly nothing of the kind is
found out of the Gathds. If, then, the Gathas
reachbackto the time of Zoroaster, and
he himself, according to the most probable
estimate, lived as early as the 14th
century B.C, the oldest component parts
of the Avesta are hardly inferior in age
to the oldest Vedic hymns. The Gathas are
still extremely rough in style and expression; the language
* The Avesta is divided into three parts; (i) Yasna, with an
appendix, Visparad, a collection of prayers and formulas for divine
service ; (2) Vendidad, containing direction for purification and
the penal code of the ancient Persians; (3) Khordah-Avesta,
THE AGE OF THE A VESTA. 163
is richer in forms than the more recent Zend; and the
vocabulary shows important differences. The predominance
of the long vowels is a marked characteristic, the constant
appearance of a long final vowel contrasting with the
preference for a final shoot in the later speech.
Sanskrit. Gatha. Later Zend.
abhi {near) aibi atwi.
Ihd (work) tzh& tzha,
" The clearest evidence of the extreme age of the
language of the Gathas is its striking resemblance to
the oldest Sanskrit, the language of the Vedic poems.
The Gdtha language (much more than the later Zend)
and the language of the Vedas have a close resem-
blance, exceeding that of any two Romanic languages ;
they seem hardly more than two dialects of one tongue.
Whole strophes of the Gathas can be turned into good
old Sanskrit by the application of certain phonetic laws ;
for example : —
** Mat . vdo • paddtsh -yd, * frasruta • xzhaydo,
Pairijasai • Mazdd - ustdnazasto.
At • vao • asha • aredrahydchd • nemanghd.
At • vho ' vangheush • mananghb • hunaretdtd^^^
becomes in Sanskrit —
'' Mana vak padaih ya prafrutd Ihdydh
Pa rigach&i medha u tta nahastah .
At va rtena radhrasyacha namasd.
At vd vasor manasak sUnrtayd,"^
** The phonetic system of Zend consists of simple signs
which express the different shades of sound in the language
or the Small Avesta, containing the Yasht, the contents of which
are for the most part mythological, with shorter prayers for private
devotion.
* ** With verses of my making, which now are heard, and with
prayerful hands, I come before thee, Mazda, and with the sincere
humility of the upright man and with the believer's song of praise."
164 OS THE HOME AND ACE OF THE AVESTA.
with great precision. In the vowel-system a notable
feature is the presence of the short vowels e and o, which
are not found in Sanskrit and Old Persian; thus the
Sanskrit sanity Old Persian hantiy^ becomes heniz in Zend.
The use of the vowels is complicated by a tendency
to combinations of vowels and to epenthesis, i.e.,
the transposition of weak vowels into the next syllable ;
e.g., Sanskrit bharafiy Zend baraiti (he carries) ; Old
Persian margu, Zend mourva (Merv) ; Sanskrit rinaktiy
Zend irinakhti. Triphthongs are not uncommon ; e^g.,
Sanskrit aqvebkyas (dative plural of afva, a horse) is in
Zend aspaeibyo ; Sanskrit krnoti (he does), Zend kere-
naoiti. Zend has also a great tendency to insert irrational
vowels, especially near liquids ; owing to this the words
seem rather inflated ; e,g,j savya (on the left) becomes
in Zend kavaya ; bhr&jati (it glitters), Zend bar&saiti ;
fnd (yvyfj)y Zend gead. In the consonantal system we are
struck by the abundance of sibilants {s and s/r, in
three forms of modification, 2 and zA) and nasals
(five in number), and by the complete absence of /. A
characteristic phonetic change is that of rt into sA ; e.g,,
Zend asAa for Sanskrit rta, Old Persian aria (in Aratax-
erxes) ; fravasAi for Pahlavi fravaretin. New Persian
ferver (the spirits of the dead). The verb displays a
like abundance of primary forms with Sanskrit, but the
conjugation by periphrasis is only slightly developed.
The nounr has the same eight cases as in Sanskrit. In
the GdtAds there is a special ablative, limited, as in
Sanskrit, to the *'a'' stems^ whilst in later Zend the
ablative is extended to all the stems indifferently.
** We do not know in what character Zend was written
before the time of Alexander. From the Sassanian period
we find an alphabetic and very legible character in use,
and derived from Sassanian Pahlavi and closely resembling
the later Pahlavi found in books. The oldest known
»ianuscripts are of the i-4th century A.D/'}
APPENDIX.
I. GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER.
(Translated from the German of Dr. F. von Spiegel, Eranische
Alferlhumskunde, vol, I. bk. II. chap. II. pp. 668-716.)
II. IRANIAN ART.
(Ibid. vol. III. bk, VII. chap. V, pp. 797-834.)
HI. THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS.
{Ibid. vol. Ill, bk, VII, chap. II. pp, 759-771.)
APPENDIX.
I. GushtAsp and Zoroaster.
We can hardly treat of Gushtasp* and his reign, without
previously speaking of Zoroaster, not merely because the
appearance of the Prophet is the most important event of
that reign, but also because a great part of the incidents to
be presently described would be unintelligible, if the accept-
ance of the religion of Zoroaster were not considered as
a previous fact. For the first time we meet in these
obscure ages with a personality of which we can ask,
whether the historical character does not outweigh the
mythological and legendary. Zoroaster is, further, a
personage frequently named not only by Oriental, but also
by Western authors. We are, therefore, obliged not to be
contented regarding his career with the testimony derived
from those sources, which we have before designated as the
only Iranian traditions extant; but we must here add
a few supplementary remarks on the authorities for our
knowledge of the life of Zoroaster.
The name of Zoroaster was known to the Greeks
and Romans, and is often mentioned by them as that of
the founder of the Magian religion. If we approach the
matter more closely, and enquire what those Greeks
and Romans knew regarding him, we only find in each
case notices which are not at all sufficient for a
sketch of Zoroaster's life and work. Much less can we
* It is well known that this name takes the form VistA^pa in
Old-Persian and Old-Bactrian, and is identical with the Greek
form Hystaspes.
l68 APPENDIX.
expect from the classical writers a description of those
remote times wherein Zoroaster is said to have lived.
There are, on the whole, only three writers of whom we
can avail ourselves with regard to this question, namely,
Herodotus, Berosus, and Ktesias. The two first are trust-
worthy authors and justly deserve to be relied upon; but
Herodotus has not named Zoroaster at all, and Berosus, of
whose writings we have only a few ffagments, has perhaps
mentioned him by name, but this cannot be affirmed with
certainty. As regards Ktesias, his accounts are generally
considered to be unreliable. So much may here be suffi-
cient by way of preliminary remark concerning those
writers of whom we shall speak more fully later on.
Our Oriental sources are far more complete than the
Western ones, and also deserve to be described somewhat
more in detail. In the Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions the
name of Zoroaster is nowhere mentioned ; and, even if it be
probable that he was already known in the time of Darius,
such a belief will have to be proved from internal evidence.
So frequently does the Avesta mention the founder of the
Mazdayasnan religion, that it is self-evident that the
accounts given in this book respecting the Iranian founder
of religion, have for us a peculiar significance. With these
accounts are linked those notices, partly also valuable,
which are given in later Parsi writings on the life of
Zoroaster, and which must be at least partially based
on more ancient accounts. The information afforded
by Mahomedan wTiters, hitherto availed of, like Hamza
and the author of Mujmil, is indeed not very copious,
though not without some value. The same may also be
said respecting the account of Shahrastani, who has noticed
Zoroaster to some extent in his work on religious parties
and philosophical schools.
Special attention, -however, respecting this period must
be paid to the Book of Iranian Kings, viz., the Shaknameh.
It must be observed that the particular section, which
eUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. 169
describes the work of Zoroaster and a portion of the reign
of Gushtasp, does not belong to Firdusi, but to the more
ancient poet Dakiki, who had commenced to write thi^
portion of the Book of Kings, hut, owing to his violent
death, was cut short in his work, before he had yet (iuishe4
rnore than a thonsajiid couplets. Now F|rdusi states that
Dakiki appeared to him in a dream, and requested him to
embody his unfinished work in the Book of Kings, witi)
>yhich request F|rdusi con^plied. This entire portion of the
Book of Kings (which extends froAi page 1065 to 1 108 of
M. Macan's edition), cannot, therefore, be regarded as pro-
ceeding from Ffrdusi. However, as FJrdusi does not
p^press himself very enthusiasticaUy regarding Dakiki in
the concluding words to that part, it can hardly have been
his veneration for the deceased poet, whicl^ pfompted hin^
to enlarge his work. The true reasons are not, however,
difficult to penetrate. The secure position which Mahmud
of Gazni had conferred upon the poet Firdusi to enable
him to finish undisturbed his great work, proved a
source of envy to the courtiers. They attempted to raise
suspicion against the po<^t in the mind of hjs patron, and
especially maligned him by saying that )^is great enthi^-
siasm for the traditionary lore of the qation was due tp
his inclination towards the old religion of the country.
The siispicion of not being an orthodox Moslem would
have appeared |x)onstrotis in ^he eyes of so fanatical a king
as Mahmud was, and for a poet made thus suspect a
description of the life and acts of Zoroaster was an
extremely delicate task. Firdusi, by ostensibly ^king up
the work pf his predecessor, which directly treated of that
yery life of the Iranian Prophet, evaded all difficulties.
While he fully secured himself ^y that device, it cannot
be denied th^t he also did his best for us.
As is well known Dakiki was never converted to Islamism.
He belonged to the old religion of the country, and had not
the least reason to describe the life and the exploits pf hi^
yoL. II. w
170
APPENDIX.
Prophet otherwise than they were known to him. Conse-
quently, we can believe ourselves entitled to consider the
account of Zoroaster in the Book of Kings as a true
representation of the view which people had at that time
in Iran of the work of the Prophet, at all events' a truer
one than that which Fkdiisi would have been able to offer
or justified in offering. The peculiar features* of thld
description by Dakiki are the Buddhistic elcfmeiits; whicli
appear to have found a place in the Zoroastrian belief,
and then again the hostile feeling against the religiofi
of Zoroaster, which we shall treat of more fully in dujfe
course. It is as easy to explain the one as the other.
We know > that, in the period after Alexander, Buddhism
w:as powerful in Eastern Iran, 'and that it counted its
confes^i^ as far as Taberistin. It is especially certain
that many Biiddhist priests were found in Bactria.^ This
state of things, ^which b^gan pterbaps^'in the 'first centur3r
before Christ, lasted till the seventh centiirj^A. D.,wheii the
appearaiYce oflslamism alone cut short the devek)pmei^t
of Buddhism' in -Kabul and Bactria; and it is in that
period that We "'will have to place the rise of the Zara-
thushtra-legend in the form in which it is presented to us
by Dakiki. It is natural enough that the adherents ofv
the doctrine of Zoroaster did 'not regard with favour the
astonishingly rapid progress; which ' the Buddhist religion
made in Bactria and the adjoining countries; but it is
also obvious that in spite thereof they were inclined to
accept several peculiarities of< the new religion, whe^
they found it convenient to?' 'do «o. All these circum-
stances show that the Oriental legend of Zoroaster is
throughout transmitted to us in^ its Badrian- form.- >
If we now consider more closely this* remarkable cha-
racter, who was destined to play so important a part ifr
* Vide the proofs in Lassen, Ind. Alter thumskunde, II. p. 107$.
1
GUSHTASP and ZOftOASTER. iyi
• — * ■ ■ ■ - . . ■
Iranian intellectual life, ^ we shall have to say a few words
first with reference to his name. Among the ancients he
.usually appears under the name Za>p<^dpoff, and from this
'torm has originated the current form Zoroaster, which
name we have also here retained as thus generally intelli-
gible. Only Diodorus calls him by the name of ZaBpa6<rTrjs,^
probably on the authority of Ktesias. Among the later
writers we also find the name-forms zdpi;r, Zapd^s, and
Zaparos ; but M, Windischmann appears to me to have proved
that by the latter names is meant, not Zoroaster, but an
Assyrian, who is said to have been the so-called teacher of
Pythagoras, The most ancient Iranian fprn) thajt we know
of his name is pronounced Zarathu^htra, and with it
the Greek z<»p6agrTpog does not quite, harmonize. It must
be presumed that the Western . q^tion^ had a somewhat
different form of the name,,. whij;;h may perbapSi have
sounded Zaraustra, and from this we may trace its
Greek version. AIL the Oriental forms of the name go
back to the original Zarathushtra^ by which the Armenian
Zardasht may be accqunted for« In Huzvaresh the forms
are Zertusht and Zat^ukshi,; in .Modern Persian the most
usual are Zardusht SLtidZarduJUashL Otb&r less common
Variations have been collected;by M. Windischmann.'
It has been found not less difficull to arrive at the
precise meaning of the^n^e th^n it <li^s been to fix its
original form. The explanation transmitted to us by th^
ancients, which, it is presumed, proceeds from Deinon,
and according to which the word signifies the same as
»v*
. ^ For the following, compare Windischmann, Zoroas/r. S/udien,
ip« 44-
^ ' According to Lagard (^Gesamtnelie Abhandlungen^ p. 47),
it might be read Xaothraustes in Diodorus. *.
.' ' Zariushi Zaradukashij Zariuhasht^ ZarKusht, Zaratushi\
Zaradushty Zariusht^ Zardush/y Zarduhashi, Zara^lushf^ Zarah-
dush/, even ZardisA/t Zardishi, (Zor, Siudien^ p. 45^.
t^2 AIPPENDIX.
A<rrpobdTffs, which Bochart supposed to be aarpSfanyj, has
long been rejected as untenable. With regard to the
explanation of the native form Zarathushtra^ to which
all attempts at interpretation are now entirely confined,
no one has hitherto icoiiie to any conclusion^ not evert
Concerning the language according to which the name
should be explained. Mr. George Rawlinson^ however,
has very recently attempted td explaih it by means of th^
Semitic languages ; assuming Ziru Ishtar as the original
form, Ziru might be the Semitic 3^*1t, ' seed, descendant,'
Ishtar the name of the planet Venus. Of course the
explanation is nearer and more probable if one endeavours
to interpret it through the IrSnian languages, but^ even
with the aid of interpretations based on them, one cannot
lay claim to absolute certainty. The explanation of Dr.
F. Muller appears to me to be the most probable, accord-
ing to which Zarathushtra would mean " possessing
courageous camels."^ The t^icird should^ on this suppo-
* \y. Muller, Zendstudien, part I., Vienna, 1863, pp. 3-7 : —
"The name of the great prophet of the Iranians, whom
we commonly call Zoroaster, according to the Greek forni
t^poa^rprit, is pronounced ZarathusYitra in the language in which
he himself spoke. Its true etymological meaning is a matter of
conjecture only.
"The modem adherents ol the Prophet interpret the name,
according to the modem Persian form Zardusht or Zariusht^
(«£j»0j3 — oJtJjj) as meaning *a gold star'. Should this
explanation be traced to 01d-Bactrian> in which tairi corresponds
to the first part zar^ * gold,' while the name of the star Tishtar
f ji44j^CX9'^\ must stand for the second part iusht, dushU * a star,'
we must substitute ifor Zartusht^ a different form, zairitishiryay
which bears but little resemblance to the i^al !orm of the name
Zarathushtra,
'*An et3rmology based on the form Zarathushtra itself, is givert
by Bumouf, the founder of Zend studies, (Comm, sur le Faond
XII.), who analyzes the word into zarath and usYitra^ and
explains it by '/ulvos camelos hahem' Of these component parti
gushtXsp And zoftOASXEk. i^^
sition^ be altered to Zaratushira — the change of a / into th
is likewise witnessed in the Gathas in some other exaniples,
especially in such words in which u follows /. Besides,
Other names also prove that the Iranians made use of the
^ord usYitra^ "camel," in the formation of proper names
(for instance Frashaostra). As already said, even thid
interpretation is hot perfectly reliable.
As regards the age in which Zoroaster probably
flourished, we shall Hardly be able to arrive at more
Yrertainty than in the case of his name and its meaning.
the second can now be shbwn 16 hav6 the meaning ' camel ' in
the stock of the Old-fiactrian language, and can also be com-
Jpared with the second part j»o** * horse' in analogous proper
names, such as VlsYi^pa, Kere^pa^ Pourushaspay Haechataspa^,
however, as regards the first part zdrath\ HaUg justly remarks
that it cannot beat the rteaiiin^ * yellow ' (for, as is well known,
* yellow' is denoted in Old-Bactriaii by zoiriia, and in moderA
Persian by zard) ; but it must be the form of a present participle^
t(01d-Bactrian zarai = Skr. harat, jarat). Thus the meaning
suggested by Burnouf is likewise inadmissible, on account of
the objections to the first part of the compound name he suggests.
''Another meaning, which, if I mistake not, is suggested
by Roth, is that of iardthiishtra as * a goldsmith.' But a
two-fold objection, phonetic as well as practical, might be urged
against it. If we adopt this meaning, we must divide the
Vord into zara and fhus\iira\ and explaiii zara to be 'gold.'
However, this form cannot be proved to exist in Old-Bactrian^
Vhere the word for * gold' is invariably pronounced uatri = Skr.
hart. Again, the second par^ thu^ira, presupposes a violent
contraction as well as a lengthening of the sufiix, ot the word
t^^teXJ^^uT^ [ihwore^ari)\ both these forms^ morebver, hav6
nothing analogous to them in Old-Bactriail. Now, as regards thd
Jpractical objections, I believe, they are still weightier. As is weli
known the Avesta everywhere speaks only of three orders : priests
^ji>»j>l^«\ warriors (^touH)'*^'*^); ^^^ husbandmen {\**Sxfy^\\
but we do not find any mention of handicraftsmen in the oldest
fragments, still less of artists who devoted themselves to the manue-
»
1
4-^4 APPENDIX.
" I •* ' 'y
To what period Zoroaster belongs, according to the view
of Oriental authorities, . is already known from oi^
previous inquiries concerning the chronology of the
legendary history regarding him. According to these
authorities^ Zoroaster belongs to the middle portion of the
^uratioji of the world since the creation of the human raco,
or 9^000 years after the creation of the world. We also kno^
that, according to Iranian dogmatics, a thousand years
T-- ^^ — r-- — •■ r — ^t • ^ ^
facture of such an article of luxury as gold [?]. Now if we suppose
Zarathushtra to have received this iianie either on account of his
own vocation or of that of his father^ we shall have to make an
assumption which ti, ihconsistent with the sacred writings and
external evidences, and which could oi^ly > be based upon the
etymology above proposed. We must^ therefore, also reject this
etymology, which identifies Zarathushtra as a goldsmith.
** A derivation founded on the analysis of the word into zaralh
and ushtra is proposed by Haug in his Gathas, vol. II. p. 246.
llie first part admits of three significations: (i) 'growing old,*
(Skr. jarai)^ which is rejected as being evidently inappropriate ;
(2) 'heart,' (Skr. Ar</) ; (3) * praise-singing,' (Skr. garat). Th^
second part ushtra, however, is not rendered by * camel,* but
explained to be a contraction of u//ara, * excellent.' Zarathushtra^
therefore, is either * he who has an excellent heart,' or what seems
better — Uhg excellent, panegyric poet or singer,' according as we
deteroiine upon the one or the pther meaning of the word zarath.
.. .''Both these etymologies also present phonetic as well as practical
^ difficulties. If we regard the former, the identification of zarath
with zarady an^ also of the. latter with C»*eijjf^ (zeredhaem), is
striking ; for its identity with Skr. hrd i§ disputed in the passages
cited by Hang (Yasna XLIII. 1 1 ; XXXI. i ; s&s - mashyaeshu ,.
zarazddiihh. ; — y(?i • zarazddo • aghen • Mazdai)^ wherein zarat
occurs as the first part of a composite word. We might suggest
^jroj with the same, if not with greater justice (Benfey, Glossarzutk
SamavedOf p. 206). Agaiii the identity of /h with d still remain^
doubtfuli even if w^ concede! that zaraz and hrd are identical. y
•* In just; the same ^^ay it is difficult to identify ushtra with
uttara ; because, even if we allow the ehmination of a, for which|
indeed, there is no authority,-*- since this change is never witnessed
in the suffix /ara,— we should also expect the form uq/ra, just
GUSHTASI* and ZOROASTER. rjj
J^ : : • •!
• • »
cannot yet have fully elapsed since his death, for otherwise
a new prophet should have already appeared.' That we
cannot with such data undertake to describe chrono-
logically the life of Zoroaster, needs no further proof. Let
is %ee wheth<jr' the accounts of our Western writers helfi
us to any better result. - r t
*• The afee of Zoroaster has been of late tltt object of
searching inquiries.^ The oldest Western writer, wh^
■4t
^ Some Christian writers, like Abul Faraj (Histdynast. ed.
Pococke, p. 33), and Eutychius (Annal ed. Selden, p. 262), affirm
that Zoroaster lived under Smerdes and Cambyses. This opinion
seems to originate from the Mahomadans, in which case perhaps
i;ooo years might have elapsed before the appearance of Muham^
med, perhaps the prophet whom the Iranians had expected at
fhat period. • * ^ '1
• Windischmann, Z(^r. Siudien, pp. 27O, 274, 279, 28^5, 291,
302 ; Rapp, Zeitschrift der DMG, vol. XIX. p. 22. *.
as basta = bad-^- ta^ and dasia = dath + /fl. It happens, however,
^at the form %araihushira^ as against the faulty zaraihustra^ is on
the one hand attested as the correct one ; whfle, on the othei^'
ft is only the former, and not the latter, that • can be the result
of new forms with sk onL > 'u
I •* Besides these phonetic difficuhies, there is also a practical one
with reference to the name. » When Haug interprets the nam^
is ' an excellent praise-singpr,* and th^i-ewith observes that thfr
chanting of hymns in the Gathas plays an important part, and thift
Zarathushtra appears himself as a poet, he of *course speaks of the
Prophet and of the religious founder. It must then be assumed
fhat Zarathushtra was not the real name, but only a title of honour
given to the founder of the Parsi religion ; but this assumption fs
not confirmed»by the sacred writings. If the name is not a mere
title of honour but a real name which belonged to the Brof^t
from his childhood, such a supposition cannot be supported }^
any analogy ; for, if we examine the old Persian proper names
occurring in the Avesta and dseivhdfe, wfe do itet find among them
any which could have been formed in a similar way, especially
taking into consideration Zarathushtra's high spiritual excellence.
*'The interpretation of the name Zarathushtra as 'the most
excellent panegyric poet,' was later on abandoned by Haug
1 yg APPENDIX.
PV«^*^*->^^
mentions Zoroaster, is Xanthus of Sardis, who is said to
have placed Zoroaster 600 years (according to others 6^000
years) before the fall of Xerxes^ Should the first of
these statements be correct, Zoroaster must have flourished
about 1080 years before Christ. As Pliny {H. N. XXX.
himself, (Essays, ist ed. ^86^, p. 252, Note), who adopted
another instead. According to this view the name may be sup-
posed to mean *lhe most excellent director or guardian.' In
this case we have the first part zarcUh = Skr. jaraX. ' old,' whilst
the second part bejars the same meanii^ as above. Against tUsfc
explanation the same diff^ulties n^ay b|e urged as before ; i|nd we
should certainly again set ^forth the same objections, were it not
that Haug regards the name Zarathushtra as, indeed, only an
appellation, perhaps denoting ' a high-priest.' But, according to
this assumption, the proper name of the founder of the Parsi
religion would then be quite unknown, which is plainly incon-
sistent with the testimony of the sacred writings and the old^sl
tradition of the Parsis on the one hand, and th/e history of
different religions on the other. Again, thci existence of several
2arathushtras will have to be proved, a pjoint which could neither
be supported by the scriptures nor by the legends.
" My opinion is that in order to give a correct interpretadon of
^he name, we must first a.nalyze it into its elementary p;arts, and
^hen try to justify our eacplanation by proper analogies. If we
90W examine the r^mCfc which is no doubt a compound word, we
inust unquestionably divide it \r}io zarath and wsh/r^. The
latter word can in this case, as elsewhere, only denote a * cameU^
while the form zaraih, as Haug has already correctly observed^,
^annot but be a present participle.
"Thus the question is oi^y one. regarding the correct meaning.
The simplest way would be to trace %arath to the Old Indian root
Jfar * to take, to gain anything as booty,' and the word would
then mean, just as hharad-vaja ^Xi'di jqmad-agniy ' obtaining camels
91s booty' {cf, jio«-»«)c^^ 'having horses won or conquered').
5ut I prefer to take zaraih as a present participle from the root
kar = ghar^ from vhich also comes the word haras^ ' glowing
fire,' then * wrath* (haras krodhandmd). Accordingly, Zara-
ihushira must mean * possessing courageous camels,' (compare
j,^mm»^{lil * having lean horses,' j*e)««(2g»)>Ve» * havinjj shaggy
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. ly^
-
i, 2) informs us, Eudoxus and Aristotle place Zoroaster
6,000 years before the death of Plato (2. ^.,6350 B. C.)»
while HermodoruSi who was a disciple of Plato, following
Eudoxus and Aristotle, fixes upon 5,000 years before the
Trojan war {t\ e,, 6100 B. C). With the latter statement
Plutarch also agrees (the '' /sid, " ch. 48), as well
as Hermippus, according to the testimony of Pliny.
Whether Berosus has named this Zoroaster must remain
doubtful, and even if the name Zoroaster really occur*
red in his writings, he may not have meant thereby
the founder of the Iranian religion, but, as I believe, a king
of the same name. M. Windischmann has already fully
discussed^ the statement of Porphyrins, that Zoroaster was
probably the teacher of Pythagoras, and might be placed,
therefore, in the sixth century before the Christian era.
The same writer has also proved that zdPparos named by
Porphyrins cannot be our Zoroaster. Agathias tells us
that Zoroaster lived under a king Hystaspes, but it is not
clear whether the latter was the father of Darius or not.
Naturally, Agathias here means Vishtaspa or Gushtasp ;
he may even have had before him the same legend
respecting Zoroaster which we read at the present day.
Suidas even distinguishes between two different Zoroasters,
one of whom is said to have lived 500 years (5,000 years
may be read) before the Trojan war; the other is said to
^ Windischmann, ZoroasL S/udten, p. 261.
horses'). This simple explanation is also intelligibly supported
by the constant occurrence in Greek as well as in Persian, of such
names as contain j*ei«« ' horse' in the second part. That the
camel was a domestic animal like the horse» among the ancient
Persians, appears most clearly from Vend. XV. 68 seg.; it was
even regarded as a more costly animal than the horse. (Comp.
Vend. XIV. 50-53).
'* Now as regards the epithet ' courageous' applied to camels, I
refer my readers to the excellent description of them in Tarafah
Muallaqah, verses 1 1 seg,'* Tr. ».]
VOL. 11. X
lyg APPENDIX.
have been an astronomer, who lived in the age of Ninus.
On these statements of Suidas very little reliance can be
placed. One here sees clearly that he found in his sources
of information different statements respecting Zoroaster,
which he was unable to reconcile with one another, and
which he endeavoured to bring into harmony by distinguish-
ing in this manner between two persons of the same name.
How one should act on these contradictory testimonies^ it
is not difficult to indicate. Dr. Rapp^ has justly remarked
that the accounts which place the age of Zoroaster about
6^000 years back, are of little, importance, since it is
incredible that at that time chronicles could have been
available, which safely followed up the history of the past
five or six thousand years. These statements can thus
prove no more than that even at the time when they were
made, Zoroaster was not known to be a historical personage.
As regards the statements of Xanthus^ their accuracy has
been questioned, and though the reasons, which cau3ed this
doubt are not solid, ^ so much is indeed certain, that his
chronology is not reliable. As Xanthus places Zoroaster
6,000 years before the expedition of Xerxes, we need not
waste time on his statement; but more than this, even^when
he places him only 600 years before this period, it is still
more than doubtful whether his historical proofs extended
even so far back. There remains only Ktesias, according
to whose statement Zoroaster seems to fall into the same
period with Ninus. But, leaving aside the fact that the
testimony of Ktesias is generally not much to be relied
upon, we must also doubt whether he really meant the
Iranian founder of religion by the Bactrian king Zoroaster,
t)f whom he may have spoken, or only a king of that
•name. After a review of the different statements recorded
in Western writings, it will not surprise any one, if we
give it as our opinion that neither Occidental nor Oriental
* Rapp, ZddmG, vol, XIX. p. 25.
' Windischmann, Zoroast. Siudien^ pp. 268-2 75 •
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 179
testimony yields us any sure ground on which to fix the
age of Zoroaster. In this view MM. Gutschmid' and
Rapp^ have already preceded us.
Still more material than the question regarding the name
and the period of Zoroaster, is that concerning his native
country, on account of the important conclusions which can
be drawn from the answer to the latter. However, it will
scarcely be ever possible to arrive at quite a certain result
on this point. We begin our review of the several notices
which lie before us of the native land of Zoroaster, with
the Westerns and especially with Ktesias, not only because
he is one of the most ancient historians, but also because
he has a certain importance from the fact that a number
of other writers have followed him. According to the
historical account of Ktesias, which Diodorus has preserved
for us, Ninus is said to have, with 1,700,000 foot and
210,000 horse, invaded Bactria, where the king of the land,
Oxyartes, awaited him with 400,000 men. Victorious in
the beginning, the Bactrian king had in the end to give way
to superior power, and was obliged to retire to his capital,
where he was then defeated by Ninus with the assistance
of Semiramis. In the account of Diodorus there does
not at all occur, as we find, the name of Zoroaster. It is
true, the name of the Bactrian king does not everywhere
appear as Oxyartes ; several manuscripts also give instead
I^a6fynjf, other XaiJpn^ff and Za^pTTis, but in none do we meet
with ZwpowrrpTjs. Nor is it less probable that the name may
have been thus pronounced originally. We still possess
fragments of a historiographer, Kephalion,' who has
^ Beifrage Zur Geschtchie des alien OrienfSy p. 90.
• Rapp, ZddmG, vol. XIX. p. 26.
■ Kephalion in Eusebius Chron. arm /, 43 ed. Aucher : —
** Incipio scribere de qutbus et alii commemorarunt atque inprimis
Ellanicus Lesbius Ciesiasque CnidiuSy deinde Herodotus Alicar^
nassus, Primum Asiae imperaruni Assyrii, ex quibus erat Ninus
Belt (filius), cujus regni aetaie res quant plurimae celeberrimaeque
1 8o APPENDIX.
confessedly made use of Ktesias concerning the same
story, and he expressly gives the name of king Zoro-
aster, in a tradition at least, to him who is called by
Diodorus, Oxyartes. With him Eusebius^ and Theo* agree.
After them Arnobius' and finally the Berosian Sibyl,
vtrtuies gestae /uerunt. Postea his adjiciens prefer t etiam genera-
Hones Semiramidis atque (narraf) de Zoroastri Magi Bactria-
norum regis dehellatione a Semiramide; nee nan tempus Nini LIL
annos. fuisset atque de obitu ejus. Post quem quum regnasset
Semiramis, tnuro Bahylonem circumdedit ad eandem /ormam, qua d
plerisque dictum est : Ctesia nimirum et Zenone Herodotoque nee non
aliis ipsorum posteris, Deinde etiam apparatum belli Semiramidis
adversus Indos ejusdemque cladem et fugam narrate ^c.'* '* I
proceed to write of matters which others also have treated,
especially Ellanicus the Lesbian and Ctesias the Cnidian, and also
Herodotus of Halicarnassus, The Assyrians first ruled Asia.
Among them was Ninus, son of Belus, during the time of whose
reign the most numerous exploits were achieved and the
most glorious virtues displayed. Next after these he mentions
also the generations of Semiramis, and describes the rebel-
lion against Semiramis of Zoroaster, the Magus king of the
Bactrians. He says that the term of Ninus's reign was fifty-two
years and speaks of his death. Semiramis reigned after him, and
8ui;rounded Babylon with a wall exactly as described by most
authors, by Ctesias in particular, by Zeno and Herodotus and
others after them. He moreover describes the preparations of
Semiramis for the war against the Indians, her defeat and flight,
&c." This event is also recorded by Syncellus in quite a similar
manner.
* Eusebius, Chron, IV. 35 ed. Aucher : — •' Zoroastres Magus
rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur adversus quem Ninus dimicavit"
^ Zoroaster the Magus, king of the Bactrians, against whom
Ninus fought, is considered famous." Praep, Ev. X. 9. " Over
whom (the Bactrians) Zoroaster reigned."
■ Progymnast : — " Zoroaster was the king of the Bactrians . . . ."
■ Cf. Arnob, adv. gent. I. 5. : — " Ut inter Assy rios et Bactrianos
Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus non tantumferro dimicare-
tur et viribu9, verum etiam magicis et Chaldaeorum ex recondito
diseiplinis^ invidia nostra haec/uit^*^ '^Has this feud of ours
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. l8t
•i.
whom we shall mention hereafter, also place Zoroaster
in Bactria.
As all the reports just enumerated associate Ninus with
a king Zoroaster, it appears^ indeed^ as though the name
of Oxyartes had been erroneously substituted for that of
Zoroaster in the text of Diodorus. That even Ktesias
could have meant by the Zoroaster named by him the
fbunder of the Iranian religion, can by no means be
confidently asserted, as the entire narrative has evidently
undergone transformation in a later age. This becomes
extremely clear when we compare the text of Diodorus
with that of Arnobius ; they both refer to the same facts ;
but whilst, according to the story of the first, two kings
fight against each other with overwhelming forces, accord-
ing to the second, Ninus appears as the representative
of the Chaldean, Zoroaster as that of the Bactrian Magi.
Since^ however, in the account of Diodorus there is no allu-
sion to Zoroaster's religious character^ in spite of its being
really the most complete report, it appears to me very
probable that the mention made by Ktesias was only with
reference to a king Zoroaster^ and that the same was
changed later on into the Magus. Besides, there is to a
certain degree an inconsistency in calling anybody a Magus
and at the same time a Bactrian. Hence I am inclined to
doubt whether we can quote Ktesias as an authority for
the opinion that Zoroaster had his home in Bactria. We
must, however, admit that we are in no case inclined to
rely much on the assertions of this historian.
Besides those already cited, there still remain some
ancient authorities who regard Zoroaster as a Bactrian,
without allowing one to affirm that they, too, have borrowed
their statements from Ktesias. But such authorities
belong to a late period. One of these is Agathias
been like the war between the Assyrians and the Bactrians under
Zoroaster and Ninus, in which strength and arms were not only
used but also incantation and the mystic arts of the Chaldeans ? "
^ I
l82 APPENDIX.
(L. II., 24 ed. Nieb.)y another Ammianus Marcellinus
(XXIII. 6. 32). Both these writers recognize in Zoroaster
not a king but the founder of a religion ; both place him under
a king Hystaspes. The former observes that we cannot
tell whether this Hystaspes was the father of Darius or
not, the latter on the contrary explicitly calls him the
father of Darius. It appears to me very probable^ not
to say certain, that both these authors had the knowledge
which we still possess at the present day as to the life
of Zoroaster, namely, the fact that he flourished under a
king Vishtdspa or Gushtasp. If Ammianus recognized
in this Vishtdspa^ Hystaspes the father of Darius, who
was alone known to him, we think such recognition very
natural, but just as incorrect as his representing Zoro-
aster as a Bactrian, because he heard that the latter had
worked in Bactria.
Besides, it is not at all the general view of antiquity that
Zoroaster was a Bactrian; a whole series of authorities
look upon him as a Mede or a Persian. In support of
the view that Zoroaster was a Mede the authority of
Berosus may perhaps be cited. This writer has composed
a work, which is mentioned by the ancients under the title
of XaXdoi«o or Bo/3wXaviaK(£. In estimating the value of this
work of Berosus ancient authors are full of praise, in
which modem writers also participate. An unfortunate
fate has followed the book, not only in that it is
lost, but also in the fact that the few fragments preserved
are not transmitted to us in their original form, but
have passed through several hands before reaching
us. With justice does the latest publisher,^ therefore,
observe : —
** Fragmenta satis amplaprae ceteris servarunt Josephus^
Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, Syncellus. Quorum
* Vd. C. Muller, Fragmenta Hist, Graec. II. p. 496.
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 183
tamen ne unus quidem ipsos Berosi libros tnspexisse
videtur (comp. M. von Niebuhr, Geschichte Assurs,
p. 12). Syncellus ex Eusebio^ vel secuii Eusebius sua hausit
ex Africano; Africanus ex Alexandra Polyhistorey hie
ex Apollodoro ut videtur. Eodem Polyhistore ususfuerit
yosephuSf etsi mentionem f otitis injicere omisit, Clemens
Alexandrinus ob oculos habuit Jubam Mauritanium qui
Berosi librum in Assyriis historiis excerpsisse videtur.
Igitur quutn per tot manus migraverint quae ad nos
perdurarunt fragmenta^ haud miraberis variis modis
verba Berosi deformata esse, cavendumque ne Beroso
imputemus quae sunt imputanda excerptoribusJ'
" Fairly large fragments have been preserved, especially
by JosephuS/ Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius, Syncellus.
But not one of them seems to have examined Berosus'
original works. Syncellus has borrowed from Eusebius,
or like Eusebius from Africanus, Africanus from Alexander
Polyhistor^ and he apparently from Appolodorus. Josephus
must have made use of the same Polyhistor^ although he has
omitted to mention his authority. Clemens Alexandrinus
had before him Juba, the Mauritanian, who seems to have
quoted from the book of Berosus in his Assyrian histories.
As, therefore, the fragments which survive have passed
through so many hands, it is not to be wondered at that
the words of Berosus have been mutilated in various
ways, and care must be taken not to ascribe to Berosus
what should be imputed to those who quote him."^
It also appears that from this particular Berosus a Sibylla
Berosiana, who ranks far lower than the former, is to
be distinguished. Upon this our authority speaks as
follows : —
** Dubium vix est, quin alium quandam Berosum Sibyllae
patrem cum historico Justinus {cf. Justinus Martyr
Cohort, c. 29) confuderit, Quem errorem facile excusa-
C. Miiller, Fragmenia Bis/, Graec. II. p. 49S.
184 APPENDIX.
vert's, si verum est, quod sane verisimillimum est, tpsum
Berosum Sibyllae istius Berosianae in historiis suismemin-
isse. Nam quae ex Sibylla narrat Alexander Polyhistor
de turris Bahylonicae aedificio vix aliunde quam ex Nostri
librispetita fuerint,**
" There is scarcely any doubt that Justin has confounded
with the historian some other Berosus, the father of Sibylla.
This error can easily be excused, if it be true, as seems
indeed most probable, that Berosus himself has in his
history made mention of that Sibylla, daughter of Berosus.
What Alexander Polyhistor borrows from Sibylla, concern-
ing the building of the Tower of Babylon, could scarcely
have been collected from other sources than the books of
our Berosus."*
Much more severely does M, von Niebuhr express
himself : — *' The extract concerning the Sibyl of the Tower
ought to be strictly separated from those taken from
Berosus, since it is not cited as a Berosian one. Nor
should we allow ourselves to be deceived when Moses
Chorenensis says, whilst quoting a similar passage, that
the same is to be found in the Berosian Sibyl. Besides
the confused legends, which connect Berosus with a
Sibyl, there is no indication that the so-called Chaldean
had any other than a Jewish origin." *
Now amongst the fragments which originate from the
genuine Berosus, there is one in particular that must
attract our attention. It is preserved for us in a two-fold,
but somewhat contradictory, form, first in the Armenian
translation of Eusebius, and again in Syncellus. I quote
here the passage in question as given in Petermann's
translation ®: —
" From Xisuthros and from the Deluge and until
the Mareans (Medians) took Babylonia, Polyhistor
* M. von Niebuhr, Geschichte Assurs, p. 470.
* Ibid. pp. 491-494.
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. 185
Counts on the whole 86 kings, and makes mention of every
one by name from the works of BeroSuSy and the years
of all these kings he comprises in a period of 33,091
years. After these kings, according to those writers^
the Medians, as they were so powerful, collected an army
against Babylon, in order to capture it, and to set up
as rulers tyrants of their own* Then he determines
also the names of the Median tyrants numbering 8 and
their years 224, and again 11 kings and years
4, then also the tyrants of the Chaldeans, 49 kings and
458 years."*
The author mentioned by Syncellus differs from this on
several essential points. While there are 49 Chaldean
kings according to Eusebius, Syncellus only mentions two
of them and names 84 Median kings, then Zoroaster and
7 Chaldean kings. Hence M. C. Miiller says: —
" Qui apud Eusebium ponuntur octo tyranni Medi,
numero respondent Zoroastro ejusque successoribus septem.^'
** The eight tyrants found in Eusebius answer in
number to Zoroaster and his seven successors."
The number of years, however, does not correspond.
Syncellus assigns to his Medians only 190 years, while
Eusebius gives 224 to his eight Median kings. On this
point M. von Niebuhr remarks as follows^: — *' As regards
the statement of Syncellus, that Polyhistor has called only
the two first kings Chaldean and the remaining 84
Medians, the version of Eusebius is clearly the genuine
one. Syncellus has evidently not transcribed from Euse-
bius, but from another chronographer, probably Africanus.
The author may, like Syncellus, have passed over the
second dynasty — Syncellus in that passage mentions
m
- -- — — • — -— —^ _^^^_
* The italicized words are not those of Berosus, but of
Eusebius. They are given in Klammer as additions of the
translator.
■ Cf. Muller, Hist. Graec. Fr. IL p. 503.
VOL. II. Y
1 86 APPENDIX.
the first dynasty as being followed by Zoroaster and
a Chaldean dynasty — and may have brought the Me-
dians into the first dynasty in the place of the 84 kings
whose names Eusebius has not given. However^ this
author, mentioned by Syncellus, may also have been
honesti (which we would so much the more willingly
believe, as he could scarcely have been anybody else
than Africanus)^ and the Medians may have originated
merely in a misunderstanding.'' Further on M. von
Niebuhr says regarding the reciprocal relation of the two
accounts': — ** Evidently he (Syncellus) also admits in the
place of the second Median dynasty of Berosus his 84
Median kings of the first dynasty, and Zoroaster and his
second dynasty of 7 Chaldean kings with 190 years'
interval^ in the abovementioned passage^ in the place
of the third and fourth dynasties of Berosus." This view
appears to me^ likewise, the most probable ; yet there is
no doubt, that we can also understand this matter, as
M. C. Miiller, in the passage quoted above, and after
him Dr. Rapp' have done^ viz,, that Zoroaster and the
7 Chaldean kings stand in the place of the 8 Medians
of Eusebius. As we have nothing to do with Babylonian
history, this question has little importance for us. What
principally interests us is the name Zoroaster; no
matter whether Berosus meant by it a Median or a
Babylonian king. It is proved at all events that the
name Zoroaster already occurred at a very early period,
and certainly in Media itself or westward of Media.
But the question now arises, whether we have a right
to affirm that Berosus has mentioned the name Zoroaster.
M. von Niebuhr believes, that Berosus has not done so,
but I see no ground at all for this assumption. On the
contrary, it appears to me quite possible that Africanus
* Vide Miiller, His/. Graec. Fr. II. p. 493.
' Rapp, ZddmG. vol. XIX. p. 28.
■1
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 187
(or whoever else may have been the chronographer
consulted by Syncellus) found the name Zoroaster in his
evidently very hasty review of the notices of Berosus,
introducing the same in his report, since Eusebius
explicitly remarks, that Berosus has given the names of
the Median kings. This is my principal ground for
regarding the Zoroaster mentioned here as a Median,
because it is nowhere stated that Berosus has also given
the names of the Chaldean kings. On the contrary,
this Median king, likewise the founder of the Iranian
religion, named by Berosus^ need not necessarily have
been any other than the Bactrian king of the same name
mentioned by Ktesias. In opposition to Berosus, the Bero-
sian Sibyl, referred to by Moses of Khorni, actually places
Zoroaster in Bactria, but it has been already remarked,
that very little importance should be attached to that
authority.
The remaining accounts by Western writers of the native
country of Zoroaster may be briefly mentioned. The Greek
writer Clemens Alexandrinus calls Zoroaster sometimes
a Persian and sometimes a Mede, whilst Suidas calls him a
Perso-Median. The Armenian Moses of Khorni, who
has chiefly consulted Greek writers in his historical works,
makes him a contemporary of Semiramis, and calls him
** the Magus and sovereign of the Medes." * According to
his statement, Semiramis is said to have appointed him a
satrap (governor) over Nineveh and Assyria; later on
they became enemies and Semiramis was obliged to flee
from him to Armenia, where she was plundered and
killed by one Ninyas of the Empire. Yet, in another
passage, Moses corrects the Berosian Sibyl and observes
that Zoroaster was not a king of Bactria, but of Media.
According to the statements of Pliny the Elder, who must
have obtained his materials from Hermippus, we should
* Mos. Khor. I. p. 87.
1 88 APPENDIX.
search for Zoroaster's native country still further West,
that is, in Prokonnesos. An account, which is handed
down to us by Clemens Alexandrinus, mentions Zoroaster
as having been born in Pamphylia, and says that he was
identical with Her, the son of Arminius.
This much will be clear from these statements, viz,y
that even with the help of the ancients we cannot arrive
at a certain knowledge of the native land of Zoroaster.
If we now turn to the accounts furnished by Oriental
writers, we indeed find in them greater harmony, but
scarcely any historical facts. They unanimously place the
native land of Zoroaster in Western Iran ; but most of them
state that he had worked at least for some time in Bactria.
From the searching inquiries which M. Windischmann
has devoted to this subject/ it follows that Zoroaster is
often called in the Avesta ''the renowned in Aryana-
vaija " ; according to another idea, it is even said that he was
in the celebrated Aryana-vaija. The dwelling of Pouru-
shaspa, the father of Zoroaster, was situated, according to
Vendidad, XIX. 15, near ^^ drejya paiti zbarahV^
(zbarahi)^ and we shall hereafter find that it cannot be
at all doubted that this designation also may denote
Aryana-vaija^ for, according to Yt. V. 104, IX. 25,
XVII. 45, the Prophet there offers sacrifices to several
yasatas. In the passage. Ys. XIX. 51, 52, Zoroaster is
mentioned in connection with the town of Ragka (in
Media) ; however, it should not be hence inferred that he
was also born there.
The Bundehesh expresses itself more unequivocally than
the Avesta. It asserts that Zoroaster was born near the
river Darja (51, 3; 79, 9) and this river is situated
(53. S) i^ Aryana-vaija. In a passage further on
(58, s) ^^'s river is the largest of the Bira rivers;
I conjecture that by B4ra may be here understood
* Windischmann, Zor. Studien^ p. 47,
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. jgp
the same as by zbdra in the Vendidad. Further on,
again, the Bundehesh (70, 8) informs us that Aryan a-
vaija lies southward of Atropatene, and may thus well be
the territory which the medieval geographers call Arran,^
and which extends as far as the country of Tiflis. Taking
this position into consideration, the Huzvaresh Commentary
to Vd. I. 60 evidently explains Ragha by Atropatene,
but admits that others understand under that name Rai,
where Zoroaster probably dwelt for some time. Yaqut,
like Abulfeda, points to the town of Urumia as the
birth-place of Zoroaster. Two less-known Mahomedan
historians, who are quoted by Hyde (Hist, Vet,
Pers, p. 318, ed. 2nd), adduce the so-called authority of
Tabari to prove that Zoroaster was born in the land of
the Philistines. One calls him a disciple of Esra, the
other of Jeremiah If we now collect the results of all
these conflicting statements, we can arrive at no certainty
as regards the native land of Zoroaster ; the majority of
writers endeavour, however, to place it altogether in the
West, and not in the East.
After disposing of these preliminary questions, we now
turn to the history of the life of Zoroaster himself.
Nobody will be surprised to find that the narrative of the
life of a man, whose age and native land cannot be
ascertained, is very legendary. For most of the legends
even a foundation is wanting; most of them are to be
traced to modern sources, and some of them even to very
late writers. Neither the Avesta, nor antiquity, nor the
Sassanian period, nor lastly Firdusi, has bequeathed to us a
complete description of Zoroaster's career, and we are
hence obliged to rely upon the more modern legends, and
to point for greater confirmation to the isolated passages
which have been preserved to us here and there in more
ancient writings; e*g, in the Avesta.' The entirely
* The principal authority for the circumstances of the life of
Zoroaster is the Zariushi-name, the text of which was published
190
APPENDIX.
legendary character of the narrative of Zoroaster's life
may be perceived from the mere fact, that his biography
does not begin with his birth, but actually long before it,
.not only in the later legends but also in the Avesta itself.
And it is true that this part of his life is not without
importance. For the confessor of the Masdayasnan religion
the birth and the works of Zoroaster are unqestionably the
most important historical events. All the great exploits
of the heroes of yore, of whom we have hitherto heard,
have taken place mostly for this purpose, z//>., to help to
diminish to such an extent the sum total of evil, as to allow
the good event following to take place. So early as after the
death of the Primitive Bull, to the Geu^-urva or Goshurun,
that is, the *' Soul of the the Bull," (vide Eran Alterthums-
iunde, vol. I. p. 510) is shown Zoroaster, and the hope is
held out to it that the Prophet will appear in future on the
earth. For it was not possible to make Zoroaster proclaim
the Law at any time on earth. Only after the marks of the
equipoise had come to rule, and the forces of the good and
the evil principles were balanced, could it be ordained to
send Zoroaster into this world. How important Zoroaster
was to Ahura Mazda and His plans is also perceived
from Yt. V. 17
in lithograph at Bombay. I use the English translation of that
book by Eastwick, which is found printed in the book of Dr. J.
Wilson, '« The Parst Religion Unfolded,'' p. 477- ^ V^^ ^^
Zoroastre (Life of Zoroaster) is given by Anquetil {Zend Avest, L
2, pp. 1-70), another by J. M^nant : Zoroastre^ Essai sur la philo-
sophie religieuse de la Perse ("Essay on the Religious Philosophy
of the Persians ") 2nd edition, Paris, 1857; both of these works
are based on the above-named legend of Zoroaster. An un-
finished sketch of the life of Zoroaster is given by Windischmann
{Zoroasi, Siudien, pp. 44-56) and myself {Silzungsberichie der K.
bayr. Academie der Wissensch. Jan. 1867). A life of Zoroaster
by Dastur Z. Behram (Bombay 1864), in Gujerati, is a translation
of the Zarlushi-name with some annotations [by Dastur Peshotanji
Behram ji Sanjana.]
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER.
191
The family from which a personage like Zoroaster
springs is of no less importance than the circumstances of
his birth. As we shall shortly observe, Zoroaster is of
kingly descent, and has, therefore, every right to be
celebrated in the Iranian hero-legends, for, from his
birth, he stands second to none of the early heroes of
royal lineage; and a hero too he is, though of a different
kind from his predecessors, but not, therefore, of lesser
importance, since his agency is spiritual. To these heroic
attributes we have to ascribe the fact that, according
to Yt, XVII. 17-20,^ Angro Manyu runs away at his
birth, and acknowledges that none of the yazatas have
the power to supplant him, save Zoroaster alone, who
smites him with the Ahuna-vairya as his weapon. Hence
his father Pourushaspa, according to Ys. IX. 42, is
named together with such great heroes as Yima^ Athwya
and Kereshdspa^ for the heroes already named and
others have only taken the lives of some of the evil
* Ashi Vanguhi spoke thus : — •• Who art thou who dost invoke
me, whose voice is to my ear the sweetest of all that invoke me
most?"
"And Zarthushtra said aloud 1 'I am Spitama Zarathustra,
who, first of mortals, recited the praise of the excellent Asha and
offered up sacrifice unto Ahura Mazda and the Amesha-Spentas ;
in whose birth and growth the waters and the plants rejoiced ; in
whose birth and growth the waters and the plants grew ; in whose
birth and growth all the creatures of the good creation cried out,
Hail 1'
' In whose birth and growth Angra Mainyu rushed away from
this wide, round earth, whose ends lie afar, and he, the evil-doing
Angra Mainyu, who is all death, said : — All the gods together
have not been able to smite me down in spite of myself, and
Zarathushtra alone can reach me in spite of myself. He smites
me with the Ahuna Vairya, as strong a weapon as a stone big as a
house ; he bums me with Asha-Vahishta, as if it were melting
brass. He makes it better for me that I should leave this earth,
he, Spitama Zarathustra, the only one who can daunt me.' " Vide
Darmesteter.
192 APPENDIX.
monsters. But Zoroaster has, by the promulgation of the
Law, brought it to pass, that all those demons, who, at an
earlier period, had been roving bodily about this world, had
to hide themselves together under the earth. The
Huzvaresh Commentary says in Ys. IX. 46: —
'' He broke the body of everyone who could make his
body invisible; whoever could not do this, broke it himself.
— The breaking of the body implies the fact that no more
sin can be henceforward committed in the body of a demon,
though in the body of a beast or of a man such beings
are still able to commit sin"
After this it may be said that Zoroaster marks the
close of the mythical age. For, since he came into this
world, the appearance of demons with supernatural bodies
and powers is no more possible ; thus, therefore, ends
the necessity for the heavenly powers to develop such
special strength; the world may follow its regular
course. These remarks sufficiently show
what an important personage Zoroaster
is, and that the race may be deemed highly
respectable which is entitled to count him
amongst its members. We also know that his
father Pourushaspa was allowed to enjoy the honour
of being called the father of Zoroaster for this special
reason that he belonged to the most zealous adorers
of Haoma. Besides this, the Zartusht-ndme traces the
descent of Zoroaster from Faridun. We know, however,
that from this king not only Eraj, but also Selam and
Tiir together with their descendants derived their origin,
so that this lineage is in itself not specially significant.
Of greater importance is the fact that Zoroaster's descent
is not merely traced from Faridun, but also from Manush-
chehr ; he, therefore, indisputably belongs through this
extraction to the royal family of Iran. The genealogical
table is given us in the Bundehesh (79, 5), and in
a later prayer called the Dhup-nireng or Fumigation-
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER.
'93
prayer, and lastly by Masudi. According to these sources,
the genealogical table may be exhibited in the following
manner: —
Bundehesh
Dhup-nxreng
Masudi
Manoshchihr
Mlnochchr
Menoucheh
r Ot^^)
Dur3srun
DurSnsroun
Dourshrin
(*y0^jj->)
[Durasrob]
Raj an
Rezeshne
Irej
fgj')
Ayazem
Ezem
HaVzem
(r^'*)
Vidast
Vedest
Wandest
(o-^l^)
Spetaman
Sepetam^h^
Espimdn
(<yt-«*H)
Hardar
Herdar6
Herdar
(j'^-r*)
Harsh n
Herdereshn^
Arhadas
(yA^jl )
[Hardarshn]
Paitarasp
Petarasp
Batir
(-^5'^ )
Chasnush
Chakhshenosh
Hakhish
(cA***)
[ChakhshnusI
i»]
Haechadasp
Hechedasp
Hejdasf
(u»«A^)
Spitarasp
Orouedasp
Arikdasf
(•"^--^^j'i
[Aurvadasp]
Peterasp
Federasf
{*Ju»\x^\
[Paitirasp]
^ ^^^m^0 m ^^%^m
\ J I
Punishasp
Poroshasp
Bourshasf
(O-Aj^)
Zartusht
Zartusht
Zar&dusht
(o^oljj)'
' [This genealogy is somewhat differently given in the Dinkard,
bk. VII., as well as in the text of the Vajarkardt'dini (pp. 28, 29)
published by Dastur Peshotanji Behramji Sanjana in 1848 (Cf.
«• Pahlavi Texts," part I. p. 14 1, by Dr. West):—
<<Porushasp son of Paltiritrasp, son of Uru-
gadasp (Urvadasp), Haechadasp, Chikhsh-
nush, Paetrip (Paretirasp), Arejadarshne
(Hardarshn), Hardar, Spitaman, Vaedeshta,
Nyazem, Airij (Razishn), Durasroban, Ma-
nushchihr ruler of Iran, Manushkhurnar, Ma-
nushkhurnak, Neryosang, Varzidedin, Vizak,
VOL. II. z
194
APPENDIX.
Whilst the first row from Zoroaster to Manoschihr
counts 13 membersi the second one represents 14, the name
Orouedasp {Aurvat-aspa) being there inserted. We also
observe that the second row contains the name Peterasp
twice, once in the usual place corresponding with that
which it holds in the Bundehesh, and the second time
immediately before Purushaspa in the place where the
Bundehesh reads Spitarasp ; the latter reading may be the
correct one. Masudi agrees with the second table. M.
Windischmann has already proved that the Avesta gives to
Zoroaster the same line of ancestors. It is true that,
though not all, yet several names of the ancestors do
occur, most frequently Spitama^ next Chakhshni (Yt.
XIII. 114), Haechat-aspa (Ys. LII. 3), while Pburushaspa
also is frequently called the father of Zoroaster. We
can here even point out^ as far as is needful, his
collateral relations. The Bundehesh informs us (79, 8)
that Paitirasp or Spitarasp had two sons — the one was
Pourushasp, the father of Zoroaster, the second was
£rasta from whom a son Maidhydmfth descended, and this
account is confirmed by Yt. XIII. 95, where we find mention
made of Maidhytmah^ son of Ardsta. The mother of
Zoroaster, according to the Bundehesh and the Zartusht-
name, is named Dughdha,^ and her parents, according
to the book first-named, Frahi and Mrava, names which
Airyftk, Ithritak, Ibitak, Frazishak, Zlshak,.
Frasizak, Izak, Airij, Faredun lord of Qa-
niras, Purtor& Aspig&n, Nevaktora Aspigan,
Sogtora Aspigan, Gefartora Aspigftn, Vanoi-
fravashn Aspigan, Yima lord of the seven
regions, &c." Tr ,n^
* [This name is written somewhat differently in the Dinkard^
bk. VII: — Va ajash go/i Porushasp val Dugduban^ '* And so
Forushasp said unto Dukduian." Tr, n,]
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. 1 95
are not to be found again in the Avesta, By this genealogy
the royal descent of Zoroaster is at all events established
beyond question.
Not merely a kingly, but to a certain extent a divine,
origin is ascribed to 2!oroaster in an account which we
find in Shahrastani.^ God^ as it is therein said, had placed
the spirit (the /rdhar or /ravashi) of Zoroaster in a tree
[Haoma F), which He had caused to grow on the uppermost
heaven, and which He afterwards transplanted to the
summit of a mountain in Adarbaijan, which is called
Ismuvicar.^ There, it is also said, God had mixed the
personality (here the frohar is likely again meant) of
Zoroaster with the milk of a cow, which the father of
Zoroaster had drunk ; out of this was afterwards formed
the seed, and then a piece of flesh in the womb
of Zoroaster's mother.' Be that as it may, the legend
affirms that the importance ol her son was previously
announced to the mother in a dream, a circumstance
which we have often noticed in the Iranian traditions.
When Dughda was in the fifth month of her pregnancy,
she saw a terrible apparition in her dream. It appeared
to her as if a thick cloud was raining on her house tigers,
lions, wolves, dragons, serpents, and other noxious beasts,
and amongst these wild animals one, that was larger
and more frightful than the rest, appeared as if it were
tearing the child out of her womb in order to kill it.
While the mother gazes on this scene in great
amazement, her child raises its voice to console her:
demons of the above description are unable to injure it.
' Vol. I. 381 of Haarbrucker's Translation.
* I consider the name Ismuvicir to be erroneously written for a
more ancient Asnavandgar, and believe that the Savelan is here
meant.
' [Similar facts relating to Zoroaster's miraculous birth are
also narrated in the Dinkard,']
196
APPENDIX.
Indeed, its words have scarcely ended, when a mountain of
light is seen descending from heaven, before which a large
number of the creatures of darkness at once take to flight.
As the light draws nearer, there issues out of it a handsome
youth, who holds a staff in his left hand, and a manuscript
in his right At the sight of this manuscript the infernal
beings still remaining withdraw with the exception of three —
a wolf, a lion, and a panther ; at last even they cannot hold
their ground as soon as the youth inclines his rod towards
them. When Dughda awakes, she hastens in confusion to
a wise interpreter of dreams, who is, however, unable to
expound at once her wonderful vision, and therefore tells
her to return to him within three days. When she calls
upon him again at the appointed time, he communicates
to her that the child, with which she has been pregnant
for 5 months and 23 days, will turn out a man of great
consequence. The dark cloud and the mountain of light,
which had appeared to her in the dream, signify that she
and her son will have to endure at first much calamity from
tyrants and similar wicked beings, but that they will
overcome all dangers in the end. The staff which the
youth held in his hand signified the Majesty of God, that
turned against the oppressors. The manuscript in the
other hand was the symbol of the prophetic dignity which
would fall to the lot of her son. The three beasts that
remained were the three most implacable enemies of
Zoroaster, yet even they would finally have to give way.
The early life of the Iranian Prophet also consists of a
series of wonders. When Zoroaster was born, a time at
which other children are wont to cry, he laughed,^ and by
* [Compare the Dinkard, bk. VII.
Aevak ae pe/ak aighash (Zariuhsht) pavan zarkhunashne Sara
kkandid: ** It is also manifest (from the good religion) that he
(Zoroaster) laughed at his birth." — TV. n,"]
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. \^
-■- - - m - '^ T _L_tB_ii - ■
fiuch extraordinary behaviour drew at once upon him the
attention of the whole district. Such is ih^Jirst marvel in
his history. The demons, who naturally knew very well
the object of Zoroaster's mission, and who, in order to
thwart it, endeavoured to destroy the author of their fear,
employed every means to annihilate him, and more than
once opportunity seemed to favour them. The province, in
which Zoroaster was born, belonged to a king Duransariin^
of whom we know not whether he was identical with the
Durasrun mentioned above in the table of Zoroaster's
genealogy. This king was an unbeliever and the chief of
all vicious magicians {yaiu)^ for every one then .dealt in
magic according to the statement of the Zartusht-ndme.
The powers of darkness often carried on intercourse with
men, and confirmed them in their wicked purposes i even
the father of Zoroaster did not hold himself entirely aloof
from such dealings.^ Now, when Duransarun heard of
Zoroaster's birth, and feared that the power of sorcery might
come to an end if the child grew up to strength, he speedily
hastened towards the dwelling of Pourushaspa, where
he found the child lying in its cradle. Fiercely he drew
his poniard to murder the child, but before he could inflict
the fatal blow his hand was paralyzed, and he was com-
pelled to withdraw without having effected his object*
Such was the second wonder^ The evil spirits, however,
did not yet abandon their game so tamely ; they long hoped
that their evil designs might prevail in the end. They soon
formed a design for stealing the child from his mother, and
brought Zoroaster into the desert, where they piled up a
heap of burning materials around him and set them on
fire. Thus they confidently expected to annihilate him,
but they were again deceived; the child slept calmly
^ Especially according to the legend extant. But Dastur
Peshotonji Behramji here justly remarks that the Avesta itself does
not support that opinion.
igg APPENDIX.
in the fire, and the mother hastening into the desert in
search of her lost child found him again. This is the
third wonder* Not long after this vain attempt, the
sorcerers made a fresh effort. By the command of
DurSnsariin they took the child and laid it on a narrow
path, over which had to pass a herd of oxen under whose
feet they hoped that it would be trampled to death; but,
when the herd approached, the largest of the bulls took
the child between his feet, and prevented any injury
being done to it. This is the fourth wonder. The fifth
wonder is really a mere repetition of the preceding. What
the oxen had refused to do, was tried again with horses.
The child was, therefore, again laid on a narrow path and
a herd of wild horses driven over it, but this time a horse
protected the child from the hoofs of the others. Next,
as domestic animals could not be made to do any harm to
Zoroaster, Duransariln strove to do so by means of
wild beasts. He ordered a den of wolves to be discovered,
and the young ones thereof to be slain during the
absence of the old ones, and Zoroaster was laid in their
place in the hope that the old wolves might in their first
fury tear the child to pieces. These children of darkness
did, indeed, show a great inclination to do so, but God
closed their jaws, so that they could not hurt the child*
On the contrary, there came two celestial cows which
gave their udders to the child and suckled it. Such
was the sixth wonder through which the life of Zoroaster
was preserved. ^
After these fruitless endeavours all plans to destroy
Zoroaster's life had to be given up as hopeless. The latter
now gradually grew up in age, and his father found it
necessary to have him educated. He selected as teacher
a man who led a pious life in the midst of magicians and
whose name was Barzinkariis. When Zoroaster was
Vide the Dinkard, bk. VII.
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER.
199
seven years old, the sorcerers made a fresh attempt against
him. They hoped that he would not be insensible at
least to fears and terrors ; and, therefore, they, by means
of hellish witchcraft, brought forth terrible apparitions,
at which all were startled and took to flight, with the
exception of Zoroaster, who remained perfectly calm in his
firm confidence in the protecting power of God. Thus
he also passed through this trial, which is usually reckoned
as the seventh wonder. Not long after this Zoroaster fell
sick, and now the magicians hoped to destroy him. In-
stead of medicine they brought him some drink prepared
from poisonous drugs ; but Zoroaster immediately detecting
its dangerous nature rejected it, and was again preserved.
This may be regarded as the eighth wonder. It may
have been in the fifteenth year of Zoroaster's life, that his
father gave a sumptuous banquet at his house to which King
Duransarun and Burantariis, the most noted magician of
the time, were also invited. Here Zoroaster took the
opportunity of openly expressing his hatred of magic, and
of proclaiming war against it. Henceforth the magicians
trembled in his presence, and watched him attentively.
His further deeds are, however, not handed down to us;
still it is self-evident that his life was entirely blameless.
It is only said that the [>eriod of his trials lasted up to his
thirtieth year, after which his piety began to bring
forth fruit.
Of all the wonderful incidents which are recounted in
the legend drawn from the history of Zoroaster's youth,
we are able to quote only for one the evidence of
earlier antiquity, namely, the circumstance that Zoroaster
laughed at his birth, which is related already by Plinius
and Solinus.^ By this it is not naturally proved that all
* Plinius, Hist* nat, VIL 16:—" Risisseeodem die, quo genitus
essetf unum hominem accepimus Zoroastreni' Eidem cerebrum ita
palpitasse ui impositam repelleret manum^ futurae praesagio sapien*
JOO APPENDIX.
the rest of the wonders were also known to the ancients;
however, it is at least probable that such may have been
the case with one or the other of them. The Avesta
relates very little concerning the history of Zoroaster's
youth. It is true M. Anquetil affirms that he has found in
Ys. XLII. 8 an allusion to the hardships endured by the
Prophet in his younger days; but we believe that the
passage referred to should be understood differently. So
also with regard to the t9th chapter of the Vendidad, which
could here be cited with much probability, but which we
would rather appeal to for another and later exploits
The later narratives of Mahomedans show a partial know-
ledge of these events ; thus the writer Shahrastani, already
quoted, who has related the previous wonders of the horses
and the wolves, also asserts that Zoroaster cured a blind
person in Dinaver by means of a herb which he caused to
be pressed upon the eyes of the patient* The laughing at
the time of birth was likewise known to Shahrastani as
well as to the historian Mirkhond ; the latter also knew of
the wonderful dream which had visited Zoroaster's mother.
Finally, a passage in a scholion to Plato's '^ Alcibiades," ^
ipakes it very probable that the importance of the numbers
seven, fifteen, and thirty in the history of Zoroaster's youth
was recognized even in ancient times.
We now turn to the continuation of Zoroaster's biogra*
iiae.^^ ''Zoroaster is the "Only man of whom we have heard
that he laughed on the very day of his birth* His brain also is
said to have throbbed so violently that no hand could be laid
upon his head— a presage of future wisdom." Similarly Solinus,
c L: ^* Itaque unum novimus eadem hora risisse, qua erat
natus, scilicet Zoroastrem max optimarum artium peritissimum,"
** And so we know that one man laughed at the very hour in
which he was bom, namely, Zoroaster, afterwards most highly
skilled in the best arts.''
* For the passage referred to, vide Windischmann, Zorasl.
Studien, p. 27S> note*
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 20I
phy after his thirtieth year, and to his real prophetic
career. But here our legend appears to be somewhat
incomplete. It is manifestly concerned only with the
work of Zoroaster in Bactria, and is silent concerning his
activity in other parts. At this point the Bundehesh
(79i ^Oi expressly tells us that Zoroaster promulgated
his religion first of all in Aryana-vaija, and hence it
becomes still more probable that, according to the view of
the Avesta-followers, we should look in that country for
the birth-place of Zoroaster ; for, if he had been born in
Urumia or even in some other region, we should have
been told that the Prophet had travelled to Aryana-vaija.
Of an immigration to Aryana-vaija the narrative knows
nothing, while it probably speaks of an . emigration from
that country. The Bundehesh further relates that the
first man, who accepted the Law of Zoroaster, was his
uncle Maidhyomao^^ and this statement is also confirmed
by the Avesta (Yt. XIII. 95). In other respects, however,
we may presume that his doctrine did not find any great
sympathy in Aryana-vaija, since he determined to
emigrate with his true adherents. This removal is now
described more in detail by the legend, according to which
Zoroaster and his followers^ after having travelled for some
time, came to a sea which had to be crossed ; but no vessel
could be found anywhere, and Zoroaster thought it indecent
that his companions, amongst whom there were also femal^es,
should undress themselves. A miracle helped to overcohie
this difficulty. As Zoroaster stretched forth his hands in
prayer the water divided of itself, and the faithful marched
through it dry-shod. MM. Anquetil and M^nant believe
the sea here alluded to to be the Araxes, and this is quite
possible, assuming, as is indeed the case, that large rivers
* Fo ' paoiryo • Zarathmhirai • mdthremcha • gush/a sastiaoscha,
" who first listened unto the Sacred Word and Teaching of Zara-
thushtra."
VOL. II. Z I
202 APPENDIX.
in the Iranian country are described as seas. We, however,
prefer to understand thereby Lake Sevan, that is, in
case this expedition of the legend should prove to be an
old one, for which there is no particular evidence yet
available. Even after the sea abovenamed was crossed
Zoroaster and his followers did not yet find themselves
within the limits of Iran ; he still marched onward for the
whole month of Spandarmat, the last month of the year, and
first reached the Iranian borders on the day of An6ran, the
last day of the aforesaid month. There a festival was
being celebrated at the very time, and Zoroaster was
amongst the partakers in the feast. M. Anquetil believes
this festival to have been that of Farvardyan; but that
festival is an institution of Zoroaster^ and we are unable to
believe that it could have been already solemnized by the
Iranians before they professed the Mazdayasnan religion.
I believe, therefore, with M. Menant, that the New- Year
Festival is the one referred to.
During the night after this feast Zoroaster had a dream
full of the most auspicious intimations of his future success
in Iran. It appeared to him as though he saw in the East
a countless host moving towards him with hostile intent.
It surrounded him on all sides, and did not leave him any
room for escape. Then suddenly another army appeared
coming from the South, which put the eastern one to flight.
The interpretation of this dream is tolerably simple : the
magicians and the followers of the Agro Mainyu will take
all pains to hinder the dissemination of Zoroaster's
doctrine ; but the latter will triumphantly overcome all
obstacles. Only, it is striking that the relieving army
appears from the South, since the South is, according to
the general notion of the Iranians, a region which pertains
to the evil beings. Should this portion of the legend be
ancient, the friendly army must have been regarded in
the earlier ages as having come from the West. At the
close of the festival Zoroaster continued his march, and
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER.
203
came again to a large river, the Daitya, on the day Dai-pa^
mihr after the beginning of the year. This name does not
in any case designate the Caspian Sea as M. Anquetil
supposes, but the Araxes or Kur.* It must, therefore, be
assumed that a part of the country on the left bank of
that river was at an early period regarded as belonging to
Iran, because Zoroaster found himself already within the
limits of that country when he had reached the banks of
the Daitya. But, perhaps, the crossing of the Daitya is
wholly to be omitted in the passage in question, and this
river is identical with that sea of whose miraculous crossing
we have already heard.
Now, on the soil of Iran, begins the real prophetic
career of Zoroaster, his communion with heaven, and the
revelations imparted to him. There appears to him the
Ameshaspend Vohu-mano who introduces him to Ahura
Mazda, from Whom Zoroaster obtains permission to
submit certain questions. The first question which is put
by Zoroaster is: ^ Which of God's creatures is the best on
earth ?^ Whereto he receives the answer : ' He is the best
of all men who is pure of heart. ^ Then he inquires about
the names and duties of the angels, about the nature of
Agro Mainyu, which evil spirit is then shown to him in hell,
and is reported to have spoken on that occasion the words
contained in Vd. XIX. 21.* Thereupon Zoroaster is
favoured by God with various miraculous signs. He sees
a fiery mountain and is commanded to pass through the
fire. He does so and suffers not the slightest hurt
thereby, not a hair of his head is singed. After this his
body is opened and the entrails taken out ; these are
then replaced in the body which is again closed and Zoro-
aster is alive as before [?]. At last melted ore is poured
* Vide Justi, Beiirdge I, 12. 18. 2, 22 and Eran, AUerihums.
bk. I. p. 200.
• ''Do not slay my (wicked) creatures, pure Zarathushtra I "
204 APPENDIX.
over his breast without his feeling any pain. Zoroaster
forthwith learns the allegorical import of these acts. He
is enjoined to explain to men that those who turn towards
Ahriman (Agro Mainyu), must wander in a fire as large as
the one through which he himself has passed, that just
as his body was opened so also will streams of blood flow
from their bodies. That melted ore was poured on
Zoroaster's breast without his being injured by it is said to
have been a prophecy respecting Aderbat Mahrespand,
on whom the same trial was inflicted without his thereby
suflFering any injury.
After this Zoroaster receives the Avesta from God,
with His order to go to the court of king Vishtaspa
(Gushtasp), and to proclaim it there. When Zoroaster
receives God's permisson to depart, the different Ame-
shaspends approach him in order to communicate their
respective counsels. These are the same commands and
prohibitions as are also given in the Rivaiets and Pateis.
Vohu-man5 commands him to bid mankind take great care
of domestic animals and especially not to kill lambs without
any need. Asha-vahishta recommends the tending of the
fire and fire-altars. Khshathra-vairya orders the care of
metals, lest they grow rusty. Spenta-&rmaiti forbids the
pollution of the earth with blood and other impure sub-
stances, and recommends on the contrary its cultivation.
Haurvatat entrusts Zoroaster and his adherents with the
care of water, Ameretat with that of plants and trees.
No point in Zoroastrian legend can be better attested
from ancient sources than the dialogues between Zoroaster
and Ahura Mazda. One of the principal passages is
Ys. XIII. 20, where mention is expressly made of their
meetings; in other places it is only hinted that Ahura Mazda
announced certain doctrines to Zoroaster, which the latter
proclaimed to the rest of men, (vide Vsp. II. 3, XIII. 2,
Ys. LXX. 65). Properly speaking, the whole Avesta is a
proof of this statement, for it is therein mentioned, in
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 205
connection with any matter in any way important, how
Zoroaster questioned Ahura Mazda upon it, and what
precise answer he received in return. From the Gathas
I might here cite Ys, XLII., XLIII.^ where Zoroaster is
represented in converse with Ahura Mazda.^ According
to the Zartusht-ndme^ the conferences took place in
Heaven — ^hence in the Garontn&na — but M. Anquetil has
already pointed to Vd. XXII. 53, as if their conversations
had been held upon a mountain. The same is also
reported by later writers, and among others by Mir-
khond,^ who says that Zoroaster retired to a mountain
in the vicinity of Ardebil, from which place he returned
with the Avesta. This mountain seems to be the
Savelon.' Of the retreat of Zoroaster into solitude the
ancients also had some knowledge to record; they even
admit his sojourn upon a mountain,^ which is said to have
afterwards burst into flames, and whither the king of
Persia approached with the most select portion of the
Persian nobility ; but Zoroaster came out of this fire unhurt^
and gracefully conversed with those people, and enjoined
them to be of good cheer, and to make certain offerings.
Thenceforth he did not hold further communication
with the people, but only with those who were most
susceptible of truth and competent to deal with questions
regarding the Deity. The statements of other ancient
^ Dastur Peshotonji Behramji refers to the passage Ys. XLII. 7,
as treating of the conference of Zoroaster with Vohu-mano before
his conversation with Ahura Mazda,
* Vide p. 386 in Shea's Translation.
* Vide Lagarde, Ges. Adkandlungen, p. 171.
* Chrysost. Orat, Boryst, p. 448. [A Similar narrative is
found besides in the Old Testament, £xodus> XIX. 3-18, where
it is said that when *< Moses went down from the mount (Sinai)
unto the people and it came to pass on the third day
in the morning that there were thunders and lightnings, and
2o6 APPENDIX.
chroniclers are of similar import.^ In them the legend of
Zoroaster appears to be marred by a long hiatus; probably
a multitude of deeds were related in earlier times, which
Zoroaster was supposed to have accomplished in Media.
The Zoroastrian legend^ as we possess it, even in its
oldest form, is founded on the appearance of Zoroaster io
Balkh at the court of Gushtasp, and passes over the former
narratives as unimportant.
When Zoroaster, holding the Sacred Volume {viz., the
Avesta) in his hand, returns from his consultation with
Ahura Mazda, the evil spirits and the sorcerers hazard yet
one last attempt against him in order to divert him, if
possible, from the right path. Now he is too^powerful to
be defeated by them, nevertheless they beseech him to
renounce the Avesta. Zoroaster listens to them with perfect
contempt, and begins to recite the Avesta, whereupon
the evil spirits are forced to fly and some of them are
destroyed. This is, according to my view, the event
alluded to in the 19th chapter of the Vendidad. According
to the Zartusht-name, Zoroaster received the order while
in heaven to present himself at the court of Gushtasp,
whither he now departs after defeating the demons and the
magicians. This order to go to the court of Gushtasp is
also confirmed by the Avesta, as we may observe from
Ys. XV. 14 ; but, according to Chaps. XLIV., XLV. of the
same book, it appears as though Zoroaster had made an effort
even at an earlier period in some other provinces of the
a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of the trumpet
exceeding loud, and the mount Sinai was altogether on
a smoke, because the Lord descended upon it in fire."]
* Plin, Hist. N. XI. 42, 97. " Tradunt Zoroastrem in desertis
caseo vixisse annis XXX. ita temperato ut vetustatem non seniirtty
*' They say that Zoroaster lived thirty years in the desert on cheese
so preserved as not to feel the efiEect of time."— Plutarch, Quaesf.
Symp, IV. I. p. 660.
GUSHTASP and ZdROASTER. ioj
Iranian empire. With the Avesta we must also believe that
Zoroaster had formed his resolution in Aryana-vaija to go
to the court of king Vishtaspa, for it is shown by Yt, V. 104,
105, that he had already offered sacrifices to Ardvi-sura in
the same district to induce the latter to assist him in his
alliance with Vishtaspa. Elsewhere also Vishtaspa and his
whole family are well known to the Avesta, as M. Win-
dischmann' has sufficiently proved. However, it does not
altogether follow, that the legend always regarded Gushtasp
as dwelling in Balkh. Hamza and Qazvini would rather
place their meeting in Atropatene.^ Khondemir affirms that
Gushtasp dwelt in Istakhr. The ordinary belief, however,
is that Zoroaster repaired to Balkh, and that there he was
received in a solemn council by Gushtasp.' The wise men
who were present at the king's court endeavoured to refute
him. Thirty on his right hand and thirty on his left were
all compelled to withdraw in confusion^ and had to confess
that a foreigner had conquered them in argument. This
mental superiority disposed the king from the very begin«
ning to favour the Prophet, and in consequence increased
the envious desire of those who liad previously shone in
court through their wisdom still to uphold their former posi-
tion. But Zoroaster also proved victorious in the second
and the third day's discourse. Now when none of the
sages could maintain their ground against Zoroaster,
the latter made himself known as a prophet ; the Avesta
began to receive favour in the eyes of the king, and
claimed acceptance. But the king, having listened to some
• Zoroast. Studien^ P- 55-
• Hamza, p. 36^ ed. Gottw. sa^'/i^ '^^^jj »^^' Qazvini
II. 267 ed. WGstenf.
• That Zoroaster entered by the roof into the council hall of
Gushtasp in a supernatural manner is not mentioned by the
Zariusht-name, but probably by Qazvini. Comp. also Hyde,
Historia vet, Pers, p. 320, 2nd ed.
2o8 APPENDIX,
portions of the Book, was not convinced as yet of the truth
of its contents, and willing to consider the matter more
maturely, he demanded that Zoroaster should remain at his
court until further orders ; and the latter was content
with this preliminary success. However, even at this court
his persecutions were not at an end. The wise men,
once so highly esteemed, could not console themselves in
their discomfiture, and endeavoured to raise suspicions
against the Prophet in the mind of the king. They bribed
the porter of his house and (during his absence) dragged
therein unclean things, such as heads of dogs, cats,^
&c., whilst they also concealed some under his clothes.
Then they alleged before their king that Zoroaster was
nothing better than an impure sorcerer. The king was very
angry, when, on more minute inquiry, these impure things
were found in Zoroaster's dwelling, and he ordered him
to be imprisoned. The time had now come for the Prophet
to prove his divine mission by a miracle. The king had
a black horse which he used to ride almost always, and
which was also very dear to him. When, after these
events, the keeper entered the stall, he observed with
terror that the horse had lost his four feet, which had ' gone
back into the body[?].' He informed the king at once of
this occurrence, and the latter having convinced himself
of the truth of the report, called in all the wise men ; but
they were unable either to advise or' to help. In the
meantime Zoroaster lies in his prison, and knows nothing
of these events ; but on this day of general distress the
jailor forgets to bring him his dinner, which causes him in
the evening to inquire what has taken place. As soon as
he is made aware of the accident, he prevails upon the
waiter to go the next morning before the king, and to
announce to him that Zoroaster is ready to lielp under
certain conditions. The king, who is helpless, suffers
Zoroaster to be called, and inquires as to his conditions.
The Prophet proposes four, so that on the fulfilment of
GUSHTAsP and ZOROASTER. 209
each of them depends the re-appearance of one of the
horse's feet The first condition is that Gushtasp shall
firmly believe in the Prophet Zoroaster, and the divinity of
his doctrine; as soon as this is done the first foot of the
horse re-appears. The second condition is that Isfandiar,^
the son of Gushtasp, shall devote himself entirely to the
defence of the Zoroastrian faith ; as soon as Isfandiar has
given the necessary assurances the second foot also shows
itself. The third condition is that the wife of Gushtasp
shall also accept the Law ; this is at once proclaimed in
the queen's chambers and she professes belief;* where-
upon the third foot of the horse makes its appearance.
Lastly, the fourth condition Zoroaster stipulates for on his
own behalf ; the circumstances which led to his imprison-
ment are to be minutely inquired into. This inquiry
proves favourable to Zoroaster, for the door-keeper now
confesses having been suborned by the Prophet's enemies to
introduce the unclean things found in Zoroaster's house.
The Prophet is forgiven, while the instigators are punished.
Now the fourth foot of the horse also re-appears, and
Zoroaster attains to merited reverence.
The Mazdayasnan Law is now in such great honour with
Gushtasp, that the king does nothing without consulting the
Prophet. The miracle of the horse is also narrated by
* The name Isfandiar is also not unknown to the A vesta, but it
occurs there in its strictly altered form, Spentodata (Yt. XIII. L03).
• In the Avesta also the wife of Vishiaspa appears as a patro-
ness of Zoroaster. She is therein called Hutaosa, a name which
might perhaps be compared with the Greek Aiossa. In Yt. IX.
we find Zarathushtra praying that she may co-operate with liim in
his meditation upon the Law. In Yt. XV. 53, she herself
appears supplicating for the love of Vishiaspa. She must be
identical with the Katayun of the Shah-name ; but as the whole of
the latter narrative is based on a weak foundation, it is not impossible
that the author of the Avesta, as the earlier one, should ascribe to
her another origin,
VOL. II. Z 2
2IO APPENDIX.
Shahrastani. Mirkhond^ relates it quite in the same man-
ner, though more briefly. One day Gushtasp declares
to his Prophet his intention of praying to God for four
things : Firstly, that he may be shown the place which he
will occupy in Paradise. Secondly, that his body may
become invulnerable in war. Thirdly, that he may parti-
cipate in the knowledge of all things which have already
taken place or are yet to happen in the world. Fourthly
and lastly, that his soul shall not be separated from his
body until the resurrection. Zoroaster replies that those
four requests may indeed be granted but not to one and
the same person, that the king should, therefore, choose
which of the four requests he would desire for his own
person ; the three remaining wishes might be distributed
amongst three different individuals. Gushtasp thereupon
selects the first of the wishes for himself. There appear
before him four existences of the spiritual world, Adar
Khordad^ Adar Gushasp, and the two Ameshaspends,
Bahman and Ardibihisht, They exhort the king not to
fear; but the latter is so terrified by the appearance
of the celestial beings, that he falls down from his
throne, and cannot recover himself for a long time.
Then Zoroaster performs the Darun-offering with wine,
fragrant flowers, milk, and pomegranates. He gives
some of the wine to Gushtasp to drink, who directly
falls asleep and beholds in a dream Paradise and
the place which is there destined for him. Peshotan
receives the milk, and becomes thereby immortal. Jamasp
receives the perfumes, and to his lot falls wisdom, which
Gushtasp had before desired for himself. Finally, Zoroaster
gives some grains of the pomegranate to Isfandiar, and his
* Shahrastani, vol. I. p. 283 of the German translation, ^eaks
only of the fore-feet of the horse, which again became free when
Zoroaster was released from prison* Mirkhond (in Shea, p. 287)
narrates the wonder as above, only more briefly.
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. 2 I I
body becomes thereby invulnerable. By these successive
miracles the belief of Gushtasp becomes more and more
strengthened, and at this time the event narrated in Ys. IX.
46 is said to have happened, nanvely^ the disappearance of
the demons underground. At this time also Gushtasp is said
to have erected the first fire-temple. Inconsistent as these
legends do appear at the first glance, there is every proba-
bility that they are in the main very ancient. We have
previously had occasion to mention Peshotan as the spiritual
guide of Isfandiar; as son of Vishlaspa and as immortal
he is also known to the Bundehesh (p. 68}, The Shah-
name also informs us that Isfandiar became invulnerable
through Zoroaster, though in a somewhat different manner,
by means of a chaia which he had received (Shah-name
1^4)* J^masp is also represented in the Avesta as very
wise. In the yamdsp-ndme, which, is certainJy modern,
he appears, quite as in the Avesta, in the possessionof the
knowledge of the past and of the future. The narrative
of the erection of the fire- temple seems to follow the account
given in the 17th chapter of the Bundeheshs. Even in
the Book of Kings Dakiki also relates that Gushtasp
erected a temple to the Fire Mehr^burzin ot Burzin-mehr,^
and that this fire has since burnt without smoke. It
is this fire which we know from the Bundehesh to be the
third of the holy fires, the fire of husbandmen; and it is
said to have settled during Gushtasp's reign on the
mountain Raevanta in Khorasan, after it had travelled
throughout the world without any permanent resting-place.
But, according to the same authority, the Fire Froba^ the
Fire of priests, which had its temple until then on a moun-
tain in Khuslrizm, is also said to have been brought thence
into Kftbulistan. Shahrastani^ indeed differs here. He
* Not to be confounded with the Fire Burzin, which was
worshipped by Lohrasp.
■ I. 299. On the other hand, Hamza says that Gushtasp built a
city in the district of D§rabgerd, which he named ^^a^^j ^\j
212 APPENDIX.
affirms that this Fire of Khuarizm was carried to Darabgerd
in Persepolis. The transference of this Fire of the
priesthood from West to East may perhaps not have been
universally believed in Iran, but can only stand in connection
with the Bactrian conception of the Zoroastrian legend
which we have before us. As Zoroaster emigrated from his
native country and met with a hospitable reception from
Gushtasp, so also the Fire of the priests, who belonged tohim
and from whom they had emanated, must have travelled
with him towards the East.
The Zartusht-name, our principal source of information
for the history of Zoroaster, does not relate his biography,
but the history of Gushtasp's conversion; it therefore
breaks off at this point. We shall further on treat of the
few chapters that still follow. Regarding the storys of
miracles, which we have reported, we believe we have shown
that they must be considerably ancient, at least in their main
features. Yet we observe from the different statements
of Mahomedan authors, that a number of other miracles
of Zoroaster, of which we know nothing at present, were
recorded in earlier times. Thus Mirkhond' narrates that
Zoroaster had a fire which he could hold in his hand
without injuring himself, and that the Fire of the Magi
(the above-named Adar Era) originated from it. The
same historiographer further relates that Zoroaster suffered
molten metal to be poured on his breast without being
burnt thereby. More important than the above is the
statement of Firdusi, that Gushtasp planted a cypress-tree
in Kishmir, which in the course of years grew to such an
enormous height, that no lasso could reach it, and that
over the tree he had caused a magnificent temple to be
erected, calling upon all his subjects to go to the
(properly read ^^^j (^^j), may be the present city of Fasi
(Hamza, p. 37, ed. Gottw.).
* Mirkhond, (ed. Shea) pp. 286 se^.
GUSHTAsP and ZOROASTER.
213
temple, and to offer their worship to the tree, which they
accordingly did. Later accounts assert that when the Khalif
Muttavakkel caused that miraculous tree to be felled,
no less than 2,000 sbeep and bullocks could find room
underneath it, and that 300 camels were required for its
removal.* It is evident that this enormous tree cannot have
been a cypress, for though there may have been large
cypresses, still they cannot grow to the size which is sup-
posed in that account. To this it may be added that it cannot
be proved that the cypress is esteemed in the religion of
Zoroaster as a sacred tree, though there are some traces
which 'show that such may have been the case further
to the West of Iran. However, all this is easily explained
if we assume that Buddhism is here mistaken for Zoroas-
trianism. The Indian fig-tree, the ficus reltgiosa, which
sends new roots out of its branches into the earth, does
indeed extend itself to a circumference as large as that
described by the legend. This tree is regarded as sacred,
especially by the Buddhists, for they believe that
under its shadow the founder of their religion was
invested with the dignity of Buddha. They have also
the custom of sending sprigs of that holy tree to converted
countries, and of erecting temples by their side.* We
have a detailed description of the transportation of the
sacred tree to Ceylon, and we can as well assume that
such twigs were also sent to Bactria after Buddhism had
spread in that country. Where, too, we have to look for
Kishmir and the so-called cypress, has already been said
above. Far later than the legend above cited is another
one respecting the contest of Zoroaster with the wise
Chengrenghacha, an Indian Brahmin, who went to Iran
with the design of conquering Zoroaster ; but as soon as
he had listened to the Avesta, was turned from an enemy
* Vuller's, Fragmenie uber die Religion Zor easier s^ pp. 71, 113.
.' Comp. Lassen, Ind, Allerlhumsk. I. 257.
214
APPENDIX.
into a zealous adherent of the Prophet. This episode in
the legend of Zoroaster was accepted in earlier times,
because it was believed to be confirmed by the Avesta.
However, this is erroneous, and M. Breal has strikingly
proved/ that Chengrenghacha was no other than Sankara-
acharya, who was renowned in India, and to whom a
Dlgvijaya^ i.e, a conquest of different territories was
ascribed. Besides, this famous Brahmin lived in the eighth
century of our era ; he could not, therefore, have met
Zoroaster.
All that now remains for us to speak of concerns the
personal circumstances of Zoroaster in the court at Balkh.
M. Anquetil has collected the necessary materials on
this point, and later on M. Windischmann has so fully
treated the subject, that I shall have to recall only what
is already known. Besides the royal family, the fre-
quently-named king Vishtaspa or Gushtasp and his wife
Hutaosa, Zoroaster also enjoyed friendly intercourse with
the minister of the king, Jamaspa, of the family of Hvogva
or Hvova. We find him named in Ys. XIII. 24,
XLV. 17, XLVIII. 9, L. 18, and Yt V. 68 seq. In the
last passage is described his victory over the demons.
He stood on similar good terms with Frashaostra, the
brother of Jamaspa, {vide Ys. XIII. 24, XXVIII. 8, XLV.
16, XLVIII. 8, L. 17, LII. 2.) . .. We learn from the
Bundehesh (80, i seq.) that Zoroaster had three wives,
one after another. By his first wife, whose name is
not mentioned, he had a son Isatvastra, and three
daughters — Freni, Thriti, and Fouruchista ; by a second
wife were born two other sons Hvarechithra and Urvatat-
nara. From these three sons the three orders of priests^
warriors, and husbandmen are said to have originated.^ AH
* Vide Journal Asiaiique^ 1862, p. 497-
• Though great pains have been taken to place the legend of
Zoroaster in harmony with the heroic tradition, this passage, which
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 215
these names are also known to the Avesta, {vide Ys. XXIII.
4, XXVI. 17, Yt. XIII. 98, 139). The third wife of
Zoroaster, being descended from the family of Hv6va, is
generally named Hvdvi, {vide Yt XIII. 139). Her children
are not mentioned. In the Bundehesh (80, 7 se^.)^ it is
said that Zoroaster thrice coupled with Hvovi, thrice his
seed fell over the earth, the yazata Nairyosagha preserved
it, and entrusted it to the protection of Anahita, until the
time shall have come when there shall spring therefrom
the three future Saviours: Osh^dar, Osh^dar-m&h, and
Soshios. The mother of the last one is called in Yt. XIX.
92, Vispa-taurvi. These posthumous sons are also familiar
to the Avesta, as clearly appears from Yt. XIII. 62, 128,
129.*
* The accounts of Zoroaster's death shew little unifor-
mity. Here we must again make a distinction between
Occidental and Oriental accounts. The former reports
are considerably more modern. Only Suidas and the
Chronicon Alexandrinum give any information of the event,
and assume that Zoroaster was consumed by a supernatural
fire and received back into heaven.^ Amongst Oriental
entirely contradicts the earlier accounts given by us, appears to me
to prove that the legend originally assumes a different genesis of
the world than the Iranian heroic legend does, and consequently
has no connection with the latter.
* The Vajarkard, which is indeed apocryphal, (in p. 21, 22, ed.
Bombay), agrees with the rest of the statements, with the remark
that the mother of Isatvastra and the three daughters was called
Urvij, that the second wife was a widow, named Arnij Bareda,
whose first husband was called Matunaibar (Mihryar).
■ Quod Zoroasires precaius eai, ut moriiurus fulmine ictus
interiret : et Persis denuntiavit^ uhi me ignis caelestis consumserit^
ossium meorum crematorum cineres servaie, et quamdiu hoc facitis^
regnum a vobis non aufertur : quod fecerunt, Itle autem^ invocaio
Orione^ a caelesti flamma depastus inter iit. •* For Zoroaster prayed
that when his hour approached, he might die by lightning ; and
he said to the Persians : * When the heavenly fire has consumed
2l6 APPENDIX.
writers only Masudi and Dastur Peshotanji Behramji express
their opinion as to Zoroaster's death. The former (vol.
II. p. 127, ed. Paris) simply says: — *' He died in the seventy-
seventh year of his life." With this the Dastur agrees ; but
he also adds that the event took place on the nth day
(Khorshed) of the tenth month (Dai), and that Zoroaster
suffered martyrdom at the taking of Baikh by Arjasp, (of
whom we shall hear further on), on the same occasion
when Lohrasp also lost his life. A warrior from the army
of Arjasp, named Turbaratiir, is said to have entered his
temple, and Zoroaster is said to have perished by his
sword. Whence the Dastur' has drawn this account I am
unable to prove, as likewise the assertion of Mr. Malcolm
(I. 62, note) that Zoroaster died some years before the
me, preserve the ashes of my (burned) bones, and as long as you
do this, the kingdom shall not be taken away from you.' This they
did. But he, calling upon Orion, was consumed by celestial fire
and died. " Thus also Suidas, though he makes Zoroaster an
Assyrian.
* [Dastur Peshotonji seems to have formed this view on the
basis of a series of scattered references in most of the well-known
Pahlavi iomes^ regarding Zoroaster's murder by the most wicked
creature ever bom of man, Turtbrddarvakhshy to whom the
Prophet himself had pointed as his murderer in one of the
prophetic declarations so fully recorded in the fifth book of the
Dinkardy which says : —
" As to what constitutes the glorious prophecy and perfect weal of
Zartusht, (it is manifest that) his murder by Turibradarvakhsh
was revealed to Zartusht himself."
That this prediction of the Prophet was, no doubt, verified is
confirmed, amongst other evidences, by the testimony of the
(Pahlavi) Bahman Vasht, ch. II. 3, the Sad-dar, ch. IX. 5 (** with
Turibradarvaksh who slew Zaratusht,") and the Dddas/dn-t'diftt\ ch.
I.XXII. 8, "One was Turibradarvakhsh, ihe karap and heterodox
sorcerer, by whom the best of men was killed." — T/.;/,]
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER.
217
above-mentioned invasion. The latter account does not
seem to be old ; on the contrary, the Sadder Bundehesh,
to which we are already indebted for many important
statements, asserts that Zoroaster at least did not die in
Baikh, but returned to Aryana-vaija after Gushtasp's
conversion.* The same book also raises the question why
such a distinguished character, as Zoroaster was, should
have died at all ? We are informed that when Zoroaster
asked immortality from God, the latter replied that if
Zoroaster were to remain immortal, the wicked Turbariitur
would also remain immortal, the resurrection would then
be impossible and mankind without hope. Then Ahura is
said to have granted omniscience to Zoroaster for one
moment,^ when the latter beheld the delights of Paradise
and the miseries of Hell, 'and was satisfied with the
dispensations of Providence.
* The passage (to which Anquetil draws our attention) occurs in
Sadder Bundehesh, fol. I40 :—
*H-v^ tHi^J jj^ ^i-ifrf^O J 6j^, »jtC«f J fjj 4y(^ ^0 ^
• [Compare West, ** Pahlavi Texts," part I. p. 194 : ** In the
Vohilman Yasht Commentary (zand) it is declared that Zaratusht
asked immortality from Auharraazd a second time, and spoke
thus :— • I am Zaratusht, more righteous and more efficient among
these thy creatures, O Creator I when Thou shalt make me immortal
as the tree opposed to harm, and Gopatshah, G(>shti-Fr}'an, and
Chitrokmyan, son of Vishtasp> who is Peshyotanii, were made.
When Thou shalt make me immortal, they in Thy good religion
will believe that the upholder of religion, who receives from
Auharmazd this pure and good religion of the Afazdayasn&n^
will become immortal ; then those men will believe in Thy good
religion.' Auharmazd spoke thus : — * When I shall make thee
immortal, O Zaratusht the Spitaman 1 then Turibradarvakhsh the
Karap will become immortal, and when Tiiribradarvakhsh the
Karap shall become immortal the resurrection and future existeocc
VOL. II. Z 3
2i8 APPENDIX.
Now, after we have become acquainted with the
circumstances of Zoroaster's life, as they are related, a
question forces itself upon us, to which it is necessary,
owing to the importance of the man, to find, if not a definite,
at least a conditional answer. We mean the question
whether Zoroaster was a mythical or a historical character.
Nobody is likely to consider the accounts, which we have
transcribed, as historical. We could obtain no clear
knowledge concerning the interpretation of the name, nor
the age, nor even the native country of Zoroaster, and all
this indeed least of all from Western narratives, though these
are in point of time the more ancient ones. The Oriental
reports are, it is true, more in harmony. . .As the most solid
nucleus might, perhaps, remain the statements, that Zoroaster
was descended from a royal race, that he had given proofs of
his surpassing genius already in his fifteenth year, and that
with his thirtieth year he had commenced the promulgation
of his religion in the different provinces of Iran, and
especially in Arrdn and Adarabaijan, but above all at the
court of Gushtasp in Bactria. Such are the particular
items derived from Eastern sources, with which those of
Western origin also are not incompatible. Now the
question is whether we are to regard all these events as
mythical, so that no historical nucleus is to be found
in all these narratives ; or whether Zoroaster is a historical
character, whose life was reduced to a bare tradition by
are not possible.' Zaratusht seemed uneasy about it in his mind ;
and Auharmazd, through the wisdom of omniscience, knew what
was thought by Zaratusht the Spitaman with the righteous spirit,
and He took hold of Zaratusht's hand. And He, Auharmazd the
Propitious Spirit, Creator of the material world, the Righteous
One, even He put the omniscient wisdom, in the shape of water
on the hand of Zaratusht, and said to him thus: 'Devour it.'
And Zaratusht devoured it ; thereby the omniscient wisdom was
intermingled with Zaratusht, and seven days and nights Zaratusht
was in the Wisdom of Auharmazd." — TV. «.]
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER.
219
means of legends. Both these views have found their
advocates. The mythical view has been lately represented
by M. Kern/ who, relying especially upon etymology,
translates the name Zarathushtra, according to asupposition
of M. Windischmann, into *' a gold star," and who finds
in the names Pourushaspa (many horses, i, ^., possessing
beams of light) and Maidhyomao (the middle-moon), a
reference to the original sidereal power, and comes
to the conclusion that Zoroaster was originally identical
with Mithra, but did not signify the morning-star but
the evening-star. At all events, the import of Zoroaster
must have been utterly forgotten already at the time
when the ancients wrote regarding him, and in the
age when the Avesta was put together, because there
the position of Zoroaster is evidently different. We
can follow this view no more than Drs. Justi and
Tiele, not because we are opposed in principle to a
mythical conception of Zoroaster, but because we do
not believe that sufficient proofs are at hand to confirm
such a theory. Besides, in accordance with our entire
comprehension of the Iranian epic, we would only be able
to look upon a mythus of Zoroaster as the later-reflected
myths, and not as the original ones. For, as we have
shown, Zoroaster is indeed most appropriately inserted in
the Iranian heroic legend, and even in a comparatively early
period, though he does not belong to it originally. We
find it, therefore, better, along with most inquirers, to com-
pare Zoroaster rather with the Semitic prophets or with
Sakyamuni, than with the Indian Rishis, and to consider the
reports of his life as disfigured through their legendary form.
^ Vide J, H, C, Kern : Over het woord Zarathushtra en den
mythischen Per soon van dien Naam {Mededeelingen der K, Akademie
van Wetenschappen. A/d. Letterkunde. Deel KL^ 1867) ; and
Tiele : Is Zaraihusira een mythisch Persoon ; and F Justi in
Gottinger gel. Anzeigen^ 1867, nr. Si, and my own statement in
Hiidelb, Jahrbiicher^ 1867, nr. 43.
220 APPENDIX.
But now the question will be asked : " What is legend,
and what is truth ? " We divest the accounts of Zoroaster of
all mythical adjuncts ; we believe that he was of royal blood ;
that in his thirtieth year he preached his doctrine in his
native country ; that the little approbation which they met
with at the beginning induced him to emigrate to Bactria ;
and that he succeeded there in securing adherents by the
help of a king Gushtasp ; and we find that in all these state-
ments there lies nothing which is not credible, but
nnfortunately we cannot also prove that they must "have
so happened. It is possible that Zoroaster proclaimed his
religion in Bactria ; but it is also possible that the Bactrian
Magi merely asserted for some reason or another the
ancient connection of Zoroaster with that dty, just in the
same manner that the Buddhists cause their Sakyamuni to
appear in Ceylon, etc., where he never set foot. In general,
if we compare the above-mentioned plain circumstances of
Zoroaster's life with those of other like characters, we are
inclined to doubt even the latter. Especially in the history of
Sakyamuni does there appear to me to exist some similarity,
Zoroaster has in common with him royal birth, remarkable
supernatural talents displayed in his youth, and lastly the
circumstance that he enters upon his vocation of teacher in
bis thirtieth year. On the other band, the assumption of his
prophetic dignity, and his immediate intercourse with the
Deity remind one of Moses and the Semitic laws, that is, in
the form in which the narrative has been transmitted to us
in Chrysostom, Nay more, some analogy has even been
discovered between the 19th chapter of the Vendidad and
the history of the temptation by Mathew ; even here a
Buddhistic parallel may also be found, namely, in the
temptations to which Sakyamuni was exposed by Mara,
and here Buddhism, indeed, seems to be the borrowing party.
We can here, of course, merely allude to such points of
contact; but in our opinion they would well deserve a
closer study. After all this, the only thing certain
GUSHTASP and ZOROASTER. 22 I
that we can extract from the whole of Zoroaster's
biography, is that he really did live. The proof for this
assumption lies in the internal evidence, which will be fully
discussed later on, that is, in the strict and thoroughly well-
considered method which is displayed throughout the
whole religion, and which necessarily shows that a single
individual at least put his finishing hand to it, whatever
may have been his name.
That Zoroaster left behind him some manuscripts is the
opinion generally held by the ancients. The opinion of
Hermippus on the writings of Zoroaster is well known,
and proves the existence of such writings, as are
ascribed to him, in the third century before Christ.'
Even Western authors admit that Zoroaster left behind
him his revelations in writing, the original text indeed
being named according to Masudi (T. H. 126 ed. P.)
Besta ( Avesta), and that, as an aid to its right understand-
ing, he afterwards wrote a commentary under the name
Zend, and later on a second commentary under the name
Pazend. After Zoroaster's death the theologians of the
Zoroastrian religion wrote a fresh explanation of the earlier
commentaries under the name Barida. It is not our
purpose to enter here into this subject, which must be
more fully discussed further on ; only we shall here remark
that the Book of Kings also is familiar with this Avesta
and Zend and often mentions them. But, though the Book
of Kings distinctly teaches us that Zoroaster first taught
the Avesta and Zend during the reign of Gushtasp, and that
consequently these books could not have been in existence
before, still it commits the inconsistency of supposing their
existence in an earlier period. Kaikhosrao especially is very
often represented as reciting the Avesta and Zend (Shah-
name, p. 964, 11. 1 1 se^. ; (Vul. ed. p. 981); p. 985, II. 3^^^.)
According to one passage (p. 910, 1. s), even Fredun depo-
* Comp. Windischmann, ZoroasL Siudien, pp. iii seq.
222 APPENDIX.
sited in Baikend the Avesta written in golden characters.
Such inaccuracies seem to me to prove that the artificial
arrangement^ according to which Zoroaster is placed at the
close of the mythical period, had not yet entirely come '
into vogue.
Now, after wo have made the necessary remarks upon
the personality of Zoroaster, we may turn to the reign of
Gushtasp, and consequently to the promulgation of the
Prophet's religion. Lohrasp, having entrusted the kingdom
to his son before his own death, retired to a fire-temple at
Balkh. According to Flrdusi a religious war follows very
close upon Gushtasp's embracing the Zoroastrian Law. The
demons are anxious that the intelligence of the great
revolution, which has taken place in Iran, should soon
reach the ears of Arjasp, king of TQran. The latter at once
determines not to tolerate the innovation. He sends an
embassy with a letter to Gushtasp, wherein he admonishes
the latter not to listen to the allurements of Zoroaster
but to return to the path cf justice. Should Gushtasp
comply with his demands he promises to give him rich
presents ; but should he not take his admonition to heart, he
threatens to come with an army in a few months and to
desolate Iran. Gushtasp communicates the message
received to his confidential friends, Zarir, Isfandiar, and
Jamasp, and these undertake to give the proper reply to
the king of Turan, in which they particularly warn him
not to approach Iran with an army, as they themselves
jntend to march with their forces towards his country.
Then preparations are made on both sides and the
hostile armies meet near the Oxus. This battle, however,
differs materially from earlier ones in the fact that Gushtasp
knew its result beforehand ; for he had on his side
Jamasp, the Wise, who, as we already know, was cognizant of
the past as well as of the future, and who then told
Gushtasp that the battle, though it would turn out a very
bloody one, would surely end in his favour. What Jamasp
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER. 223
had foretold naturally happened. In the single combats
which took place, Ardashir, Sheru, and Shedasp, the three
sons of Gushtasp, fell. Then Kerami, the son of Jamasp,
forced his way into the fight. The imperial banner,
which the Iranians had abandoned in the general tumult,
was recaptured by Kerami, and when the Turanians cut off
one of his arms he held the banner firmly betwen his teeth,
while he fought with the other arm. But at last he also
fell under the blows of overwhelming numbers. Several
others among the most valiant Iranians also perished; but
in the end Zarir, the commander-in-chief and brother of
the king, came on the scene and caused great destruction
amongst the Turanian heroes. Thus affairs went on for
two weeks, and Arjasp promised a handsome reward to
whosoever amongst his heroes would vanquish Zarir; but
nobody dared undertake the task. At last Biderefsh
undertook it. But even he did not venture to meet Zarir
i.i open combat, and shot him dead with an arrow fired
from an ambuscade. The death of Zarir produced great
terror in the hearts of the Iranians, and king Gushtasp^
having failed in animating his heroes to avenge the death
of Zarir, made a vow that in case he should succeed in his
battle with Arjasp, he would resign his crown to Isfandiar
and his army to Peshotan, whilst he himself would
retire into solitude after the example of his father
Lohrasp. This vow was naturally a stimulus to Isfandiar
to distinguish himself. He threw himself into the thickest
of the fight, slew Biderefsh and brought back the arms
and the horse of Zarir to the Iranian camp. In a short
time no man dared risk a combat with him. Arjasp
finally gave up the battle as lost and fled. The deserted
army offered to accept the true Faith and was pardoned
by Gushtasp.
This battle between Gushtasp and Arjasp, which we
have just narrated, is in its principal features also current
in the Avesta. There, too, we find Vishtaspa frequently
224
APPENDIX.
praying that he may conquer Arejat-aspa, (Yt. V. 109 ; IX.
30; XVII. 50; XIX. 87). Arejat-aspa himself also once
(Yt. V. 116) appears praying that he may be granted a
triumph over Gushtasp.
Gushtasp then commissioned Nestur, the son of Zarir,
who had fallen in battle, to invade the kingdom of Arjasp
and to press further his victory, while he himself
returned to his country and sent his son Isfandiar all over
the world to propagate the Zoroastrian Law. The latter
nowhere met with opposition. The Kaiser of Rum and
all princes showed themselves willing to embrace the new
religion and requested him to forward the religious books.
Isfandiar was then soon able to inform his father, that the
faith of Zoroaster had been accepted throughout the
world, Gushtasp, however, did not appear to remember a
word of his former vow to cede his throne voluntarily to
Isfandiar after his successful return. On the contrary,
circumstances assumed quite a different aspect, and showed
the pious Gushtasp in altogether a peculiar light. Kerzem,
a kinsman of the royal house, who hated Isfandiar,
calumniated the latter to his father, affirming that he had
collected an army to dethrone Gushtasp. The king readily
believed the calumniator and despatched Jamasp with a
letter ordering Isfandiar to return forthwith to the court.
Jamasp, as well as Isfandiar himself, knew that evil days
awaited the prince if he should answer the summons.
Nevertheless, both were of opinion that the commands of
his father must be obeyed. They regarded the whole affair
as manifestly a trial which had come over the Hero of the
Faith, and which the latter had to meet with courage.
Gushtasp, indeed, caused heavy fetters to be laid on
Isfandiar on the ground of high treason, and ordered him
to be carried to the stronghold of Kenbedan,* there to be
■^ — I - -
* According to the author of Mujmil the fortress of Kenbedan
is identical with Girdkoh, which is supposed to lie in Mazenderan.
GUSHTAsP and ZOROASTER.
525
bound fast to four iron stakes. How foolish such a
proceeding was, Gushtasp was soon to learn. Some time
after this event the king went to Zabul in order to pay a
visit to Rustem. The visit lasted very long, fully two
years. Meanwhile the news of Isfandiar^s imprisonment
spread abroad, and the king, who had no need of being
afraid any longer of that hero, almost abandoned
Zoroaster's religion. Arjasp also heard this intelligence
with delight, as it offered him some prospect of vengeance,
for the army, which Isfandiar had placed under the
command of his son Behman, had in part disbanded
itself, and in part marched to the vicinity of Kenbedan,
in order not to be far distant from its beloved
commander. As soon as Arjasp received certain inform-
ation of these events, and particularly of there being no
troops in Balkh,^ he levied an army, and gave his son
Kehrem orders to advance against that city, he himself
following soon after with a second army. The project
succeeded, and Balkh was taken by surprise, no garrison
being found there excepting Lohrasp and other pious men
who adored the sacred fire in retirement. It is true that
Lohrasp immediately took up arms and placed himself at
the head of the effective burghers ; but, though he sold his
life dearly^ he was unable to prevent the taking of the
town. After his death the fire-temple was invaded and
the remaining pious priests were slain . With their blood
the sacred fire was extinguished, and both the daughters of
Gushtasp, Humai and Behafrid, were taken into captivity.
Still it was fortunate that it occurred to one of the wives
of Gushtasp to steal away from the town in Turkish
costume, and to go to Sajistan in order to communicate the
Indeed, Melgunof (dcu nordliche Ufer^ ^/c, p. 134), mentions a
mountain-peak Girdkoh, which lies in the vicinity of the road
leading from Asterabad to Shahrud.
* Here end the portions of the Book of Kings composed by
Dakiki.
VOL. II. Z 4
226 APPENDIX.
important intelligence to Gushtasp. The latter, thereupon,
speedily levied an army ; but no sooner had he approached
Balkh, than Arjasp came with a second force to the
assistance of Kehrem. It is remarkable enough that
Rustem should have let his guest depart, when his
position was so desperate, without rendering him any
assistance. The battle between Gushtasp and Arjasp was
a very fierce one, in which many heroes fell on both sides.
Thirty-eight sons* of Gushtasp, who took part in the
struggle, all perished. Gushtasp, losing hope, took to
flight and was closely pursued by the Turanians, who
attempted to capture him. Fortunately the flying Iranians
came to a steep declivity, the approach to which was only
known to Gushtasp, who led thither his army in safety.^ Now
the Turanians who pursued him, could not find any way up
the mountain and were forced to remain content with
* The names of these sons seem to be partly mentioned in
Yt. XIII. 10 1. [Zain'-vain, Fukk/a-vairi, Srlraokhskan, Keresaokh-
shafif Vandra, Varaza, Bujisravah, Berezyar^tu Tizyar^tU
Perethuarshti and Vityar^ti. These names, I suppose, belong to
the brothers of Gushtasp rather than to his sons. Zairi-vairi is
identical with the Persian Zarir, the son of Lohrasp {Aurvat-aspa) .
Vide Yt. V. ii2. Among other names West believes i?«/Vjraz'aA
to be possibly the same with Pai-Khosrav^ a brother to Vishtaspa in
the YadkSri Zariran. (Comp. Darmesteter, Yt. XIII. p. 205, n. £.)
■ I have no doubt that this mountain is the same with that
mentioned by the Bundehesh, and named Mat'd'fnyad{'' it came to
help''). According to the view of the Bundehesh this mountain
appears to have been severed from the extensive range to which it
belonged at the time of Gushlasp'a flight, and to have offered a
refuge to that religious king. [West reads Madofryad (" come-
tO'help*'), and renders the passage in which this name occurs as
follows :— ** From the same Padashkhvargar mountain unto Mount
Kumis, ivhich they call Mount Madofriyad — that in which Vishtaspa
routed Arjfisp — is Mount Miyanidasht (* mid-plam'), and was
broken off from that mountain there." Vtde 'Pahlavi Texts,' Bun-
dthcsh, chapter XII. 3 2. J
GUSHTASP AND ZOROASTER.
227
blockading the Iranian army on all sides. In this embar-
rassed position Gushtasp was now completely helpless, and
turning to Jamasp, asked him whether he could find any
means of escape. Jamasp replied that nobody except
Isfandiar was able to deliver him from danger. So Gushtasp
determined to address himself to his heroic son, whom he had
so deeply offended, and Jamasp was again the bearer of his
message. Again did Gushtasp declare his resolution to
renounce the throne and to retire into solitude, in case he
were rescued from his present danger, and offer to make
Isfandiar his successor. Should the latter refuse, the empire
of Iran was undone. Jamasp dressed as a Turanian stole
through the ranks of the enemy and succeeded in reaching
Kenbedan, where he communicated to Isfandiar the pro-
posals of Gushtasp, but found Isfandiar very little disposed
to consent. At last, however, the persuasions of Jamasp
induced him to forget his personal grievances, and to
render the desired help to his father. Isfandiar then forced
his way through the hostile army, killed many Turanians
and revived the courage of the Iranians j whilst Arjasp on
the contrary became despondent, for he had trusted that he
would be able to bring the war to an end without the inter-
ference of Isfandiar. And, indeed, in the ensuing battle
Isfandiar achieved great feats of heroism ; he captured
Kergesar alive, who alone ventured to fight with him.
Besides, he killed so many Turanians, that Arjasp once again
abandoned his army intent only upon safely regaining
Turan,
APPENDIX.
II. — Iranian Art.
Whether it be entirely due to accidental circumstances
or not, it is at least a remarkable fact that all the monu-
ments of Iranian art now in existence belong exclusively
to the two Southern dynasties. The cuneiform inscriptions,
which have been found in Media, are either foreign to that
country, or at least do not belong to the Iranian dynasty
of Media. Herodotus relates (I. 98, 99) that Deioces
compelled the Medes to build him a fortress. Nevertheless,
in the assertion that the seven battlements of this fortress
were painted in seven different colours, we may trace the
influence of Babylon, where we also find structures having
seven storeys, each storey built with bricks of different
colours, each colour representing a diflferent planet.*
Polybius, too (10, 27), mentions a splendid palace in
* Cf, Lenormant, Manuel di Vhisioire ancienne de V Orient ^
II. p. 345. Duncker in the latest edition of his Geschichte des
Alter thums questions this opinion, which, though it cannot be
completely proved, is at least highly probable. [Compare also
La Magie chez les Chaldeens, " Chaldean Magic," Eng. ed.
pp. 226-227 : — " The worship of the stars was fully developed in the
system of Median Magic Evidently it came into Persia
from the Magi. The principal feature of this worship amongst the
Medes is made known to us by the description which Herodotus
gives of the seven walls of Ekbatana, each with the sacred colour
of one of the seven planets. The same sacramental arrangement
was observed in the town of Ganzakh, the Ganzaca of the classical
IRANIAN ART.
229
Ekbatana ; yet we do not know whether its erection can be
ascribed to such a remote period. No traces of the fortress
of Deioces, or even of a later palace, can now be found on
the site of the ancient Ekbatana. But, though the
disappearance of those monuments may be explained by
the great antiquity of the Median empire^ the same apology
cannot be urged in favour of the empire of the Arsacidae.
Moreover, it is evident that the kings of that dynasty had
no ambition to hand down their glory to posterity,
either by the raising of monumental buildings or by engrav-
ing inscriptions.
The artistic monuments belonging to the Achaemenidae
date from the very founder of their dynasty, Cyrus, the
remains of whose edifices lie in the plains of Murghab.*
We cannot believe the assumption that the plains of
Murghab were identical with the ancient Pasargadae ; *
however, this does not imply that Cyrus could never have
writers, and in Atropatency since Moses Chorenensis calls it ' the
second Ekbatana, the town with seven walls.' Later, in the period
of the Sassanian dynasty* the Persian poet Nizami describes this
style as prevailing in the * Palace of the Seven Planets ' built by
Behram-Gour or Verahran V. (A.D. 420)." The famous Baby.
Ionian lower of Borsippa is said to have had seven storeys with the
colours representing the seven planetary bodies. — 7V.«.]
* IVids Spiegel, Eranische AUerthumskundi, vol. I. p. 95.
An extensive valley near the upper banks of the Pulvar is called
the Murghab valley.]
■ [ Vide Ker Porter, vol. I. p. 487 :— '* The hill unquestionably
commands the entrance to the valley, or rather plain of Murg-
ab» now admitted to be that of Pasargadse; but the strong
natural barriers, which the mountains present to the south and to
the north, render additional walls unnecessary. Nevertheless,
Pliny (VI. 26), calls this spot the Castle of Pasargadae, occupied
by the Magi, and wherein is the tomb of Cyrus:" — '* Inde ad
orientem Magi ohtinent Passagardas casielluniy in quo Cyri sepuU
cruM est'* The city of Pasargadae may, therefore, rather be
considered a holy city, consecrated to the Colleges of the Magi,
230
APPENDIX.
built in that region. Several edifices, indeed, seem to have
once existed there;* but they have been so utterly
demolished, that no plan of them can now be made out. A
platform is still visible, leaning towards the hill which
commands the plains of Murghab. It is 264 feet high and
has a frontage of more than 200 feet; but the buildings,
which formerly stood on this platform, have long since
disappeared. In another part of the plain there is a second
platform, on which five pillars, the remains of a smaller
palace, are still erect. On one of these pillars there is the
image of a man wearing a peculiar head-dress, such as is
observed also on Egyptian monuments, and with wings
apparently issuing from the shoulders. A short inscrip-
tion over the image states that it represents Kurus^ the
king of the Achaemenidae. Certain peculiarities in the
inscription seem to prove that it is older than the other
cuneiform writings, and that it may even date from Cyrus*
the Great. This supposition is borne out by the wings,
which, as we already know, are symbols of kingly majesty.'
and the officers of religion, than as a stationary royal residence.
And nothing can be more probable, since it was built by Cyrus to
commemorate the great victories which made him king, than that
he should consecrate it to the gods. Cyrus, according toXenophon,
made seven visits into Persia Proper, his original kingdom, after
his accession to the vast empire to which he gave its name ; and
although that historian does not specify the particular place in his
paternal land, whither he went to perform his accustomed religious
duties ; yet, as he was the founder of Pasargadae, avowedly as a
memorial of his national achievements, what can we more
naturally suppose, than that Pasargadae would be the scene of
such rites ?" — 7V.«.]
* Comp, Ker Porter, " Travels,"( London, 1821), vol. I. pp. 485
seq, Mdnant, Les Achemenides^ p. 17.
■ Cf, Spiegel, Die altpersischen Keilinschriftetiy pp. 75, 145.
' [Comp. ihid^ vol. III. p. 599: — " Herodotus relates that when
Cyrus had a mind to attack the Massagetae, he fancied in his
dream that he saw two wings growing from the shoulders of
IRANIAN ART.
231
The head-dress is supposed to represent splendour and
glory. But, since Cyrus in his inscription calls himself
simply " king, *' it seems that that image must have been
carved even before he had assumed the title of *' Great
King." A third edifice, which is in a state of complete
preservation and belongs to the time of the Achaeme-
nidae, is now popularly known as the sepulchre of the mother
of Sulieman. It is really a tomb, though not that of Cyrus,
but probably of a woman.* A wide area surrounds this
tomb,^ which may be recognized from its outward appearance
by the remains of 24 round columns forming a quad-
rangle having six columns on each face.' The base, on
which the sepulchre rests, is composed of huge blocks of
beautiful white marble, rising in a series of steps. At the
foot of these steps the base measures 40 feet in one
direction and 44 in the other. The lowest step is 5 feet 6
inches high, the second begins 2 feet from the edge of the
first, and measures 3 feet and 6 inches in height, the
third is 3 feet 4 inches high, the fourth i foot 1 1
Darius, and that one of these over-shadowed Asia, the other
Europe ; this may only be a symbol of royal dignity, and in fact
we find in Murghab, Cyrus himself represented with wings and
with a head-dress which can only be supposed to be a halo emble-
matic of royalty. This is found only in the case of members of the
royal family, who are distinguished also by other symbols from the
generality of mankind. For instance, the descendants of Kai-
qobad have black moles on their arms, and the Seleucidae spread
the belief that they were born with a mark on their hips in the
shape of a buoy.*' — Tr.n."]
^ [C/» E. A, vol. II. p 621. Oppert believes that the modern
Murghab may be indentical with the Mappdnov mentioned by
Ptolemy, (VI. 4) ; nevertheless he supposes that the sepulchre may be
that of a woman, possibly of Kassandane referred to by Herodotus
in II. I.]
• Ker Porter, vol. I. p. 499.
* [To have six columns on each side, four must be placed
within the quadrangle. — Trji."]
232
APPENDIX.
inches^ the fifth i foot lO inches, and the sixth is of the
same height as the fifth. On the top rises the sepulchre,
which opens on the north-western side, and is 4 feet in
height. Its interior contains only one empty chamber.
It is probable that this edifice is modelled after the
Babylonian temples, though on a reduced scale and
executed in stone.* According to Sir Henry Rawlinson's
assertion, the work of excavation in the plains of Murghab
ought to prove useful, and we may expect from it interesting
results in the future.
From Murghab a march of only a few leagues brings
us to the magnificent valley, in which was the old residence
of the Achaemenidae, The plain is called Hafrek, or
more commonly, though erroneously, Merdasht, which only
denotes the tract extending from the ruins of Istakhr, on
the left bank of the Palvar, to the junction of this river
with the Kum Firuz. We know from ancient chronicles
how the royal palace of Persia was destroyed by a Greek
courtezan, who in the course of a drunken orgy threw
a burning torch into the edifice. Nevertheless, some
portions of it have been preserved to this day. The plain
of Hafrek also contains a few more ruins of the same age.
The present population of Iran, having long since lost all
remembrance of the Achaemenidae, give to these ruins
entirely false names, and generally associate them with
the heroes of old legendary history. The most important
are known by the name of the Forty Columns (Chihil-setun
or Chihil^mindr.) ^ A description of the palace, as it existed
* Ferguson, " History of Architecture^" vol. I. p. 156.
• [" These ruins, for which the name Chihil Mendre or the
' forty minarets,' can be traced back to the 1 3th century, are now
known as Takhti Jamshid, * the throne of Jamshld.* That they repre-
sent the Persepolis captured and partly destroyed by Alexander the
Great, has been beyond dispute at least since the time of Pietro
della Valle. Amongst the earlier scholars the fanciful notions of
IRANIAN ART. 233
before its destruction, has been transmitted to us by
Diodorus, (17, 71).* According to his statement, the
castle had three walls, of which the first was 16 ells high
and provided with a parapet; the second wall had double
this height ; the third, which formed a quadrangle 60 ells
in height, was built of immense blocks of stone ; on each
side were brazen doors and also railings 20 ells high.
The interior of the castle contained chambers for the
king and his chief officers, and the treasury. This account
seems to be quite borne out by the remains of the castle
existing at the present day. The first two walls men-
tioned by Diodorus have disappeared ; but the inner
quadrangle containing the castle proper still remains.
This castle stood on a cliff, the sides of which had been
made perpendicular by art, partly by scarping the black
marble rock, and partly by erecting a massive wall
against its sides. The terrace thus formed had its front
towards the west, the right side towards the north, the
left towards the south, while the back or the eastern side
was connected with the higher mountain behind. The
the Persians, who are utterly ignorant of the real history of their
country before Alexander, often received too much attention ;
hence many of them were of opinion that the buildings were of
much higher antiquity than the time of Cyrus ; and even those
who rightly regarded them as the works of the Achaemenians, were
unable to support their theory by conclusive evidence. The
decipherment of the cuneiform Persian inscriptions found on the
ruins and in the neighbourhood has put an end to all doubt on
this point We now read with absolute certainty that some of the
edifices are the work of Darius I.> Xerxes Artaxerxes III. (Ochus),
and with equal certainty we may conclude that all the others were
built under the Achaemenian dynasty." Vide *' Encyclopaedia
Britannica." — TV.w.]
* Besides the works of Niebuhr and Ker Porter, for this descrip-
tion I have also referred to Lassen's article on Persepolis in Der
Ersch und Gruberschen Encyclopadie^ Menant's Les Achemcnidts,
(Paris 1872), and Fergusson's '* History of Architecture."
VOL. II. Z S
234 APPENDIX.
height of this terrace is about 1 1 yards, its length from
north to south about 520 yards, and its breadth from
east to west 315 yards.* Its shape may be described
as almost quadrangular, though with many corners or
angles and small projections. The surface is not quite
level, but divides itself into three platforms of different
heights. The ascent is on the western side, though not
in the middle, but nearer the north. A splendid doubfe
flight of stairs leads up to the terrace. It is about 23 feet
broad, and formed of blocks of marble so immense that ten
steps and about a seventh part of the eleventh are cut in a
single block, while each of these steps is scarcely 4
inches high, so that one can easily ride up on horseback.
Each of the two staircases has a resting-place in the
middle. On the southern side, also, a smaller and steeper
staircase leads up to the platform, and probably a similar one,
as I conjecture, existed on the northern side. As soon as
you ascend the platform, you stand before two pillars from
which stand out two gigantic bulls (about 18 feet high and
19J feet long). They stand on pedestaJs of about 5 feet
in height and form the remains of a doorway only 12} feet
in breadth. This doorway leads into a small apartment,
which had, even in M. Chardin's time, foursplendid columns.
At present only two are erect (S4i'u feet high). They
are evidently relics of a portico, which led to two other
pillars with corresponding figures. In the latter the bulls
are represented with human faces wearing tiaras. We
now learn that the figures of these fabulous beasts are
imitations of the Assyrian style of architecture.^ An
* Comp. Menant, Les Achementdest p. 39. According to Ker
Porter (I. p. 582), the terrace has a length of 802 feet towards the
south, 926 feet towards the north, and i>425 feet towards the west.
* Cf. Mdnant, ibid^ p. 40. He surmises that the faces of these
beasts were likenesses, and that it is not difficult to recognize in
their features the monarchs whom the artist intended to represent.
IRANIAN ART.
235
inscription at the entry (D, as it is generally named), informs
us that this door was built by Xerxes and intended to be the
ordinary entrance. This accounts for the large double
staircase, which served for the accommodation of deputations
consisting of great numbers of people. The only trace yet
existing on the smooth-worn part of the terrace, besides
this entrance, is a conspicuous cistern, probably a relic of
an ancient aqueduct. This part of the structure may
also have contained the quarters of the guards and other
servants of the castle. If you turn from this doorway
to the right hand {ue., to the south), you come to
a second splendid staircase, through which you ascend,
by 31 steps, to the second part-of the terrace, which is
higher by 6} feet. There are altogether four staircases ;
a double staircase in the middle, and single staircases
rising on the eastern and western sides. The project-
ing wall of the middle staircase is covered with sculp-
tures divided by three tablets intended for inscriptions.^
Two of these tablets are blank, and the Old Persian text
(A) alone has been engraved on the third. It dates from
Xerxes I. On both sides of the inscriptions stand figures,
three on the right with spears and shields^ four on the left
with spears only. The number seven I do not consider to
be merely accidental. Each of the figures wears a high
tiara and the Median costume, while the beard and hair
are carefully curled. Probably they represent body-guards
and chamberlains, who watched the entrance to the royal
apartments. The two angular spaces on each side of these
figures are filled with effigies of a lion attacking a fabulous
beast. The rear wall also of that part of the platform,
from which the staircase projects, extends from east to
west, side by side with the ascending steps, and is covered
with engraved figures of persons apparently ascending.
Originally there were three rows of such figures, but the
C/l Ker Porter, vol. I. p. 594 and tablet 34.
2^6 APPENDIX.
topmost row has been half destroyed, which circumstance
proves that the wall must have been formerly higher.
The length of each row is 68 feet. Towards the east the
lowest row includes 53 persons standing,^ of whom 32 are
men, partly in close-fitting and partly in wide garments^.
The latter seems to be the Persian, the former the Median
costume. The head is apparently covered by a flat cap ;
hair and beard are dressed with the customary care. Some
of the figures carry bows, others short swords ; others
again are without any weapons^ but adorned with neck-
laces, ear-rings, and bracelets, all royal insignia, perhaps
indicative of their rank. Several of them carry a »taff
with a ball. These are, as Sir R. Ker Porter correctly
supposes, the so-called Mehphores. Before these 32 figures
march 21 armed men, probably a portion of the body-guard.
The second row shows again 32 persons of the same des^
cription, preceded by 2 J spearmen. The figures in the
third row cannot now be made out. I am inclined to
believe that these personages are partly the great men of
the Empire, who had the special privilege of ascending
in the presence of the king by the chief staircase. Still
more interesting are the carvings on the western side of
the wall.^ Here also there are three rows, one above
the other. The highest row is again damaged. The
figures are arranged in divisions of six persons each, the
divisions being separated from one another by a border of
cypress leaves. The first figure in each wears a wide,
flowing robe, a tiara, dagger, and girdle, and bears a
long staff. M. Lassen is perfectly right in surmising
these to be the so-called <r#ciyin-ovxoi of Xenophon, (Cyro-*
poedia, 8, 3, 15 and 22), royal chamberlains, who had
to conduct the deputations into the presence of the
king. Their distinctive attire seems to indicate their
* Niebuhr, tablet 21. Ker Porter, tablet 37.
• Niebuhr, tablet 22. Ker Porter, tablets, 37-43.
IRANIAN AkT.
237
rank. As to the persons ushered in by them, every division
has its peculiar costume.* The second figure in each
wears no clothing, but the others are distinguished by
divers articles of dress which they wear or carry, or by their
cattle, horses, and chariots. Spearmen do not seem to
march before them, but they are carved above the steps
of the staircase, one over each step. It has long been
the unanimous opinion of antiquarians that these persons
represent delegates who bring tribute from the provinces.
Whether this was on some peculiar occasion, such as
New Year's Day, the birthday of the king, or the like,
cannot be ascertained. On the eastern and western
extremities of this wall is also represented the lion attack-
ing a fabulous beast.
After mounting upstairs, you come to a perron in a
great portico, which is the chief attraction of the ruins of
Persepolis and has given rise to the name of Chihil-minar
or '* Forty Columns/' The centre of this portico was
formed by a quadrangle of 36 columns, in 6 rows ; three
other groups of twelve columns, each in two rows, stand
on the north, east, and west sides of this quadrangle,
forming a vestibule and two side wings to the great hall.
On the south side there is no such group. So there were,
on the whole, 72 columns, the positions of which may still
be recognized, but of which only thirteen are now erect.
The columns are all of black marble, each having 32 flutes
or channels. The height of each is 64 feet, that of the
capital being 4*6 feet. The bases of the columns of the
central hall differ from those of the apartments standing
close to it. The floor of this part of the palace consisted
of large marble slabs. M. Lassen is probably right in
supposing that this great hall must have been a vestibule,
* According to M^nant (p. 49), 15 to 16 descriptions of persons
may be enumerated, who are distinguished by the articles of dress^
&c., which they seem to be offering as tribute.
238 APPENDIX.
not a presence-chamber, as was formerly believed. Its
splendour was intended only to increase the awe of those
who were to be admitted to an interview. This portico
occupies two-thirds of the second platform, whereof it forms
the principal edifice. Continuing towards the south you
come to a third terrace requiring a further ascent of ten feet.
The building upon it had two facades, one to the north,
the other to the west^ the principal staircase leading up
on the western side. The walls surrounding the base of
this terrace were also decorated with sculptures and
contained an inscription of Xerxes in three languages
(Ca), recording that the edifice (G. in Niebuhr) had been
erected by Darius I.; nevertheless we believe that it was
finished by Xerxes L This inscription is again repeated
on a column at the top of the staircase. This edifice
is, likewise, in ruins ; but isolated walls with windows, doors,
and door-posts are still erect, since they were made of blocks
too huge to be easily removed by modern Persians. It is 1 70
feet long and 95 feet broad, and contains three apartments ;
a great hall in the middle and two apartments attached to
it by doors on the north and south sides. Excavations have
shown that its roof was supported by 16 columns^ there
being in the northern vestibule 8 columns in two rows.
The effigies carved in this edifice are of great interest.
The northern and southern walls of the great hall exhibit
again the image of the king, over whom hovers the image
of Ahura Mazda. ^ On the eastern and western walls of the
same hall we find a human figure — no doubt the king —
fighting against various monsters ; the same sculpture also
represents a hero who has seized a lion and is thrusting
a dagger into the heart of the animal.
Over several of the portals we find the image of the
king, walking, habited in a long robe, with wide sleeves,
* [This image, I believe, represents only the Fravashi or the
guardian spirit of the personage over whom it hovers. — Tr.w.]
IRANIAN ART. 239
its flowing skirts reaching to the ankles, high shoes, a
sceptre in one hand, and a cup or a flower in the other.
Two servants, much shorter than the king himself, . hold
above him an umbrella and a fly-flap. A short inscription
(B), over the image in three languages, informs us that the
king represented there is Darius I. On the straight cap
as well as on the breast, hands, and shoulders, are holes in
which, probably, ornaments of gold or precious stones
were once fastened. The same image is also exhibited over a
second portal. But here the king holds in the left hand a
drinking vessel, in the right one a kettle. Near the side-
doors to the south and west there are figures of spearmen,
and round the windows runs a short inscription (L), which
is repeated eighteen times in this part of the palace,
having the Persian text on top, the Scythian on the left,
and the Assyrian on the right. It must also be mentioned
that on the western staircase there is an inscription of
Artaxerxes III., which may be clearly accounted for from
the changes which that king must have made in the palace
of Darius. It is generally agreed that the building contained
apartments, intended to be used by the king for ordinary
purposes. This is also suggested by the bas-reliefs
executed on the walls of its staircase, which again represent
persons bearing other gifts than those already named
above — a lamb, a melon, &c., in short, whatever is requisite
for domestic use.
On one side of this edifice, about 82 yards towards the
west, there are some indistinct traces of another structure,
that seems to have stood quite on the top of the
terrace. Herein the inscription (P) of Artaxerxes III. is
repeated. We also observe some vestiges of another
inscription in Assyrian cuneiform characters, which dates
from Artaxerxes I. Perhaps that king had laid the founda-
tion of the structure, which was afterwards finished by
Artaxerxes III. Here bas-reliefs are in a good state of
preservation. There are figures of persons bearing tribute
240
APPENDIX.
including ivory which must probably have come (rom
Egypt.'
On the third terrace there are again . some other
considerable, though now very ruinous, edifices, to which
stairs lead up. A great staircase may have formerly
existed here, but no traces thereof are now to be seen.
Along the walls of the staircase there are sculptured figures
resembling those of the second platform. Above hovers the
symbol of Ahura Mazda which, however, is not now quite
distinct, and an inscription of Xerxes (Ea), which is
elsewhere repeated (Eb). Of the two buildings in this
part of the terrace, one (H) has been so completely
destroyed, that little can be said about it. A second edifice
(I) connected with the former by a sculptured passage is
very similar to the structure (G) described above. It
consists of a hall, close to which stands on the north side
an apartment equal to it in length. This hall contains
as many as 36 columns, and had on two sides similar
apartments, each one having three partitions. Here,
too, you will see sculptured figures. Here, also,
the king is represented walking, followed by two at-
tendants holding above him the fly-flap and the
umbrella. The inscription over the head of the king (C)
records that he is Xerxes I.; his name is also engraved in
several places on his robe. Xerxes seems to have been
taller than his father ; both these figures deserve a still more
accurate study. That these buildings were used for domestic
purposes, is quite evident from their sculpture. With
these two edifices ends the palace towards this side. On the
southern wall of this platform there are four inscriptions,
which may be read from the plain below, and which deviate
from the common arrangement. Two of these contain
Persian texts, viz., the two important inscriptions (H) and( I).
The other tablets contain each a Scythian and an Assyrian
Comp. Herodotus III. 97, and Mcnant, p. 64.
IRANIAN ART.
241
text, not mere translations of the Persian text, as is
commonly the case, but each of them an independent
inscription. The Scythian one states that Darius erected
the palace, and that no one had ever built there before.'
We admit, therefore, the certainty that Darius himself
had raised the palace of Persepolis, which was afterwards
completed by his successors. The Assyrian text is inde-
pendent too, but adds nothing new to our knowledge.
Having surveyed all the portions of the palace of
Persepolis, which lie on the western side of the platform,
we return to the gate of entrance to take a view of the
remaining ones, which lie in a natural depression of the
terrace towards the eastern side, and may, therefore, be
reached without any staircase. On turning away from the
main entry to the east, we soon reach the remains of the
portico (O), evidently leading from the principal gate
to an edifice (L), which must have been the largest of all the
buildings in Persepolis, for it measures 300 feet from
north to south, and 247^ feet from west to east.
Formerly, this portico seems to have been a vestibule
consisting of 16 columns. At the entrance there once stood
two colossal beasts, the pedestals of which are still remain-
ing, like those at the main gateway. The structure itself
consisted of one large and single hall, the ceiling of which
seems to have been supported by 100 columns in ten rows.
It contains no inscriptions ; only the front and southern walls
are richly adorned with sculpture. Near the door the king
is represented,^ sitting on a throne, with his feet resting on a
footstool, while behind him stands a eunuch with the fly-flap
in his right hand, and a piece of cloth in the left. Behind him
stands an armour-bearer with sword and bow, and another
holding a spear. Before the footstool are deposited vessels
for burning incense, behind which stands a person with
* M^nant, pp. 80-81.
• C/. Niebuhr, tablet 29. Ker Porter, tablet 45, b.
VOL II. Z 6
242 APPENDIX.
his hand held up to his mouth, probably an envoy who has
been admitted into the royal presence. Beneath the throne
stand forty guards in four rows, their faces looking inwards
toward the central throne. Above the king hovers a
figure, which, no dOubt, represents Ahura Mazda. On the
right and left sides of this symbol are three animals; but
it is not determined whether they are intended to represent
dogs, bulls, or lions. All these rows are divided by borders
studded with roses. A similar likeness of the king is
found at the southern door lying opposite.' The throne
is not surrounded by body-guards, but there are fourteen
men of various nationalities, who seem to support it.
Behind the king is only an eunuch with a fly-flap, but no
figure stands before him. Since the king is represented
twice at each door, this image appears four times on each wall.
At the doors of the eastern and western walls are again
effigies of combats with fabulous beasts. That we have in
this edifice the real presence-hall of Darius is unquestioned,
and M. Niebuhr^ has ingeniously remarked that it is not
without some purpose that we here find Darius always repre-
sented in a sitting attitude, not walking as in the structure
(G). Sideways from this edifice (L), nearer to (G), there is
an immense pile of ruins. Among these ruins, which form
the remains of a considerable building, are seen 5 stones
21^ feet in height, covered with sculpture. They form
the door-posts and part of the side-walls of a dilapidated
building, which M. Lassen believes to be the hall of
judgment. On each side of the entrance is the figure
of the king, walking with two attendants; on the walls,
however, he is represented sitting in state on his throne,
which is borne by divers persons. Behind the king
stands a dignitary dressed nearly like him. Finally,
the last building towards the south on this platform
* Niebuhr, tablet 30.
• Cf. Niebuhr, *• Travels," p. 148.
IRANIAN ART.
243
(K), contains a hall similar to the one described above.
Though without side^chambers, still it has another hall
in front. No inscription informs us of its use ; but
on the walls we observe the king represented at one time
as walking, and at another seated with his companions,
and again we see the combats with fabulous beasts.
Nothing can be stated as to the purposes of this building,
and the hypothesis of Sir R. Ker Porter, that the sacred fire
was here preserved^ cannot be supported by any evidence.
These are the structures which constituted the great
palace of Persepolis. We must add that the whole was
liberally supplied with aqueducts, regarding which more
accurate evidence is, nevertheless, wanting. That part of
the castle which lay to the western side of the platform,
and which was accessible by means of staircases, was
probably occupied by the king and his family ; whilst those
buildings which were situated lower down, and faced the
east, must have been intended for public occasions.
Guests were probably not admitted within the castle;
suitable buildings for their accommodation in the neigh-
bourhood were certainly not wanting at the time when
the Persian kings kept court at Persepolis.
The remaining relics of Persepolis consist of three
dakhmaSy which are hewn in the side of the mountain
towards which leans the terrace on which the castle stood.
The first of these sepulchres lies to the east of the palace
(L), the second only 400 paces further southward, the third
a quarter of a league more to the south ; but the last was
never finished. These sepulchres are cut half-way up
the mountain*wall, about 300 feet above the level of the
plain. Here the wall was cut smooth for the purpose.
The fa9ade had four pilasters projecting 8 inches from the
wall. On both sides of these columns stand 6 spearmen
in three tiers one above another. Between the two
middle columns is a door cut three inches deep. It was,
indeed, an apparent door, since there was no real entrance
244
APPENDIX.
through it. The shafts of the columns are crowned with
the heads of double-bulls. Between these heads is the
quadrangular head of a beam hewn in atone. On the
columns rests an entablature, on which are represented
the figures of i8 dogs or lions, 9 on each side, running
in opposite directions, but separated in the middle by a
lotus-flower. In the middle of this entablature a figure is
seen raising one hand and holding a bow in the other. It
is, no doubt, another likeness of a king. He stands before
a fire-altar, over him soars the God Ahura Maxda. The
other sepulchres have quite similar decorations, with some
diflFerences of detail too unimportant to be noticed. None
of them was intended to be opened from the front ; and
we do not know in what way dead bodies were brought
in. These dakhmas have now all been opened, though
forcibly and in recent times ; they are found to contain cata-
falques intended for the reception of biers. These catafalques
are partly still in existence, and the marble, of which they
are made, seems to have been brought there from distant
places, since it is different from the mountain rock itself.
That none of these dakhmas in the so-called '* Mountain
of Sepulchres" near Persepolis belonged to the founder of
the castle, the first liarius, nught be inferred from an
account of Ctesias, who states {Pers. 18), that Darius
L had, in his life-tinve, his dakhma constructed in the double
mountain (eV t« dwrcrca ^pci), ; he wished to visit it himself,
but was restrained from doing so by the Chaldeans
and his parents. His parents, however, actually visited
the dakhma, but fell down and died, because the
priests who drew them up to it, at the sight of some
serpents,, let go the ropes from terror. Now, this dakhma
ot Darius has actually been found. It is situated about a
league north of the village which stands on the site of the
ancient Istakhr.* There we see, over against the rising
* Ker Porter, vol. I. pp. 516 seq, Niebuhr,. II. pp. 155 seq.
IRANIAN ART. 245
sun, a rock of white marble, about 200 paces in length,
called Naqsh-i-Rustem by the natives ; and in it we find
four dakhmas at nearly equal heights of from 60 to
70 feet above the level of the plain. They are of similar
architecture. The only inscription to be found belongs
to the third, which we shall describe somewhat in detail
instead of all the others. The base, the entrance, and the
dakhma above it, give to the whole monument the form of
a cross. The entrance does not differ from that of the
sepulchres of Persepolis. Here also we see columns
with heads of double-bulls, and between the two central
columns is the shape of a door,' but the real opening, which
is below, is a quadrangular aperture of 4 feet 6 inches in
length. Above the frieze is the representation of a catafalque
in two tiers borne by two rows of persons ( 14 in each row).
On the top of the catafalque stands the king with his right
hand raised and a bow in his left. He stands before the lire-
altar ; between him and the fire appears Ahura Mazda
hovering above, and a ball which is certainly meant to
represent the Sun or Mithra. In the frame which surrounds
this catafalque, stand six persons on each side of the king —
on the right side men armed with spears, apparently body-
guards, on the left persons who are supposed to represent
mourners. Above some of the latter are short inscriptions
indicating who they are. At the left of the king stands
Gaubaruva (Gobryas), the lance-bearer of the king; below
him Aspafana, * his arrow or bridle-keeper. Above one of the
bearers of the royal throne is cut a name which may be
Macya? Side by side with this image arc inscriptions in
three different languages.* The first of these inscriptions
* Ker Porter, plate 17.
* [Aspithanes, the quiver-bearer of Darius I.]
■ [Probably the Matienans mentioned by Herodotus, VII. 72].
* Since the statements of different writers contradict one another^
we cannot venture to determine its position. Comp. Rawlinson^
** Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,'* vol. X. p. 289, note.
246 APPENDIX.
consists of 60 lines (commonly known as N.R. a); it is
the real epitaph of Darius I., and consequently of later date
than the other inscriptions ; the second, which is beneath
the other (N.R. b), has been so mutilated by the fanaticism
of the Mohammedans, that, except the beginning, it is no
longer possible to decipher its contents.
Not far from Naqsh-i-Rustem, near the village Hajiabad,
are the ruins of a considerable edifice of the time of the
Achaemenidae, but which has suffered too much injury to
be now accurately traced. A column of great beauty is
still standing ; similar ones lie broken and scattered about.
They are popularly known as the throne of Jamshid.* Two
buildings seem to have occupied the site. Still nearer
to Naqsh-i-Rustem, and only about 35 paces distant
from the first sepulchre, stands to this day a mys-
terious edifice resembling a tower, likewise belonging
to the Achaemenidae.^ It was built in the form of a
square, with edges projecting like pilasters, each side 22
feet 8 inches long and now about 35 feet high. The
marble-blocks laid one above the other, each 3. J feet in
height, formed ten (according to others fifteen) layers.
The length of each marble-block is very great, so that there
are never more than two of them, though varying in length,
making up the entire length of each side of the tower.
The architrave consists of a single colossal marble-block
22 feet 8 inches long, prettily decorated with small beam-
like extremities and quadrangular niches. The tower is
walled in on all sides and has only towards the north a
door 6 feet high, and 5 feet wide, surrounded by plainly
decorated marble pillars. In the interior there is only one
quadrilateral chamber with four sides, 12 feet by 12, and
15 to 16 feet high. What purpose it served cannot now
be made out. Finally, we ascribe also to the period of
* Ker Porter, vol. I. pp. 514 sc^.
' Ker Poller, vol. I. p. 562.
IRANIAN ART.
247
the Achaemenidae the two fire-altars standing near one
another,* in the neighbourhood of the Naqsh-i-Rustcm
bas-reliefs, where the rock first turns towards the north, and
then forms an amphitheatre extending towards the west.
They stand on the same platform, are made of huge
rocks, and have a height of from 12 to 14 feet.
As to the monuments of the Achaemenidae outside
Persepolis, we need but mention them briefly, since they
have not, as specimens of art, the same importance as the
mighty castle of Persepolis. The monument of Behistan,
celebrated for its inscription, stands likewise on a rock,
which rises nearly perpendicular from the plain to a height
of 1,700 feet. Besides the inscriptions, there are also seen
on this rock sculptures at such a height as to have been
quite secure from mutilation by the Mohammedans, while
they are perfectly visible from the plain. The Persain text
of the inscription contains 4 16 lines (four columns containing
95 lines each and the fifth only 36). There are also Scy-
thian and Assyrian translations, which render the text
accurately on the whole, with slight characteristic addi-
tions here and there. In the middle of these inscriptions
stands a bas-relief representing a scene in which king
Darius is the conspicuous figure, which can easily be
recognized. He wears the crown on his head, has his right
hand raised and his left holding a bow. Behind him stand
two dignitaries, of whom the one carries a bow, and the other
a lance. The king is setting his foot on a prisoner lying
on the ground. Before him stand nine persons with their
hands tied behind them and all bound together by means
of a rope. Short inscriptions inform us who is the person
represented in each case. Above the whole scene hovers
Ahura Mazda in the form in which he is commonly symbo-
lized. Of the meaning of the whole scene we are sufficiently
informed by the longer inscription. The captives are rebels.
* Ker Porter, vol. I. p. 566.
248 APPENDIX.
who were defeated and executed by Daruis I., against
whom they had revolted. No edifice in the neighbourhood of
the inscription gives us any clue to the reason why Darius
was induced to set just here the chief of his inscriptions;
moreover, the beauty of its environment has attracted all
spectators, and Ctesias describes the mountain (Comp.
Diodorus, 2, 13) under the name of Bagistanon,^ and
erroneously ascribes the monuments on it to Semiramis.
But the mountain was, he says, sacred to Zeus. The locality
is well adapted to the planting of a park. It is, therefore,
not improbable that Darius had here a park and a villa,
where he resided when he sojourned in Media* Perhaps the
memory of the defeat of the Median rebel Fravartis, which
may have taken place not far from here, induced the king
to immortalize his deeds on the very spot. There is yet a
second monument of the Achaemenidae in Media, on Mount
Alvend. It belongs both to Darius L and his son Xerxes.
Since the later kings are said to have dwelt on Mount
Alvend, it might perhaps be supposed that their pre-
decessors did so likewise ; but such a hypothesis is not
supported by the site of the inscription itself, for the way
to the inscription-tablets leads from Hamadan through a
mountain delile now called Abbds&b&d. It is watered by
a mountain-torrent and well cultivated at first, but it soon
grows wild and lonely, until you come at last to a waterfall
which dashes down a rocky wall of red marble. On the
southern side of this marble-wall there are two niches, and
in them the two inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes,
generally known as (O) and (F). Of an inscription, which
Darius caused to be cut on his Egyptian canal we have
spoken already before.'-' It is composed in four languages
* Bagis/dnon, i. e. ihe resort of ihe Deity, is the original form
of the modern name Behistan, of which the form Behistun, otten
used, is a mere corrupiion, occurring as early as in Yaqut.
• [ Vide Spiegel, L\A. vol. III. p. 665 : " Nor is the completion
of the Egyptian Canal, the construction of which was begun
IRANIAN ART. 249
and there are several repetitions, but unfortunately it is
not in a good state of preservation.
Nor is the last monument of the two Achaemenian
kings so often named, which is found in the remote north,
near the town of Van in Armenia, without interest. It
proves that Darius I. as well as Xerxes I. must have
resided there. An inscription of Xerxes in three languages
(K) stands on ^a steep rocky wall, which rises directly from
the plain near Van, and which is now crowned by a Turkish
fortress. The inscription is engraved where the rock is
steepest, about 60 feet above the ground, but the
characters are so beautiful and distinct that they can be
read without difficulty .from the plain. The inscription
tells us that Darius I. here erected several magnificent
palaces {sldna), and had also fixed upon a place for an
inscription, which he had not caused to be executed during
his life-time. It was only Xerxes, who, after his accession
to the throne, ordered an inscription to be engraved there.
Since it was probably Darius I., who transferred the
residence of the Achaemenidae from Persepolis to Susa, we
should expect to find nH)numents of his activity principally
in the latter town. But here the ravages of time have
spared none of his buildings, nor any of those which
preceded the Persian conquest ; for we know that the Susa
here mentioned, must be the very ancient town which had,
already before the foundation of the Persian empire, sus-
tained many a siege under the Assyrian kings. The place
where it once stood, has been discovered by the English
traveller^ Mr. Loftus." According to him, it lay between
by Ramses II., continued by Necho, but finished as far as the Red
Sea by Darius, of less importance. Near this canal there are
several sculptured monuments with hierogl3rphic and cuneiform
characters, amongst which stands an inscription of Darius in Old
Persian/* TV. «.]
* Comp. Loftus' ** Travels and Researches in Chaldea and
Susiana," pp. 342 srg.
VOL. 11. Z 7
250
APPENDIX.
the Kerkha and the Dizful, in a level country where the
distance between these two rivers diminishes to two
English miles and a half. The ruins of this town lie
about three-fourths of an English mile distant from the
Kerkha, and about one mile and a half from the Dizful.
During the period of its prosperity artificial canals must
have supplied the necessary water, at the same time adding
to its military strength. The dilapidated structures on the
hills of Susa can by no means be compared with the gran**
deur of the ruins of Persepolis. Nevertheless Mr. Loftus
has succeeded in finding among its remains the ruins of a
palace, totally destroyed, which had some resemblance to
the palace of Persepolis, like which it also stood on a high
terrace. Traces of its columns are still seen rising on a
fa9ade of 330 feet in length, the breadth of the building being
264 feet. In the middle there is a group of 36 columns in
six rows, evidently the remains of a pillared hall of the kind
common in Persepolis. Here also the bases of the columns
are not everywhere similar; those of the principal hall
are quadrangular, the others round, while the capitals were,
it seems, of the same description as in Persepolis, but
more elaborate and more like their models in wood. Four
columns of the principal hall bore the Persepolis inscrip-
tions in three languages ; whereof the Persian text faced
the south, the Scythian the west, the Assyrian the east.
Although they have been much injured, yet antiquarians
have succeeded in deciphering easily the Persian text (S).
These inscriptions were engraved by order of Artaxerxes
11. and record that the edifice {apadana) was founded
by Darius I., continued by Artaxerxes I., and finished by
Artaxerxes II. Close to it there seems to have been
erected a temple dedicated to Anahita, as we find in
several parts of the ruins a number of images of that
yazata in terra cotta.
Besides architectural monuments^ whatever antiquities
we possess of the age of the Achaemenidae, are limited to
IRANIAN ART.
251
some vases and seals bearing inscriptions in cuneiform
characters. One of the seals probably belonged to Darius L
The vases come from Egypt and bear the name of
Xerxes in four languages (Egyptian, Persian, Scythian,
and Assyrian).
We shall conclude our examination of the works of art
belonging to this epoch with some general observations.
Notwithstanding the long time that has elapsed since the
destruction of these old palaces, their outlines have still
been preserved. This is owing to the fact that the
Achaemenian princes employed, in their architecture,
particularly stone, and not wood or brick, as was generally
the custom in Assyria and Babylon. A peculiarity of these
palaces consists in their splendid staircases leading from
one storey to another. It is remarkable that the
Persians are the only people of antiquity,
who knew how to make architectural use
of staircases. Moreover, it might be regarded as a
defect in these structures that the floor is quite superfluously
overloaded with columns, and further that the capitals of
these columns followed too strictly their wooden originals.^
Among the bas-reliefs, the pictures of the king, sitting and
walking, furnish a useful supplement to the descriptions of
the ancients. We learn from them that the umbrella and
fly-ilap were already in olden times looked upon as
emblems of royalty, and it is very probable that they may
have been imported from India. The Avesta never speaks
of these two insignia; while in the Book of Kings the
umbrella has an Indian name C/H*), and even in one
passage of the text it is expressly styled Indian. Further, we
may conclude from these sculptures that the royal throne
of Persia was not covered with cushions, but that it
was simply a chair quite similar to the royal chairs used in
Europe* In this, as well as in other points, it is shown
* Fergusson, I. pp. 189, 199.
252 APPENDIX.
that Old-Iranian art is closely allied to Assyrian art
which IS more modern.* The throne of Darius is, indeed,
very similar to that of Sennacherib;" nevertheless, these
two kings have very little resemblance in other respects.
While Sennacherib leans on the bow in his right hand,
holding two arrows in his left, the Persian king has in his
right hand a stafF, which has long since been acknowledged
to be a sceptre, and in his left he holds an object that
has been variously explained as a cup, or a lotus, or a
nosegay. The last explanation seems to me the most
probable, since in later descriptions, we find the king
represented as holding a quince in his hand. On the
sepulchral monuments as well as on the sculptured rock
of Behistan, we have observed king Darius holding a
bow in his hand. The Parthian kings are likewise said
to have held a bow while giving audience. In the image
of Ahura Mazda the type of Assyrian art is still more
apparent than in the figure of the king. Ahura Mazda is
commonly represented in the form of a man having the
tiara on his head. He is surrounded by a circle, to which
are attached outspread wings. In some places the human
figure is wanting, and the circle with the wings alone
suffices for the symbol of the Supreme Being. Nor is
such an emblem originally Iranian; it is found frequently
in ancient monuments in Egypt, but especially in Assyria,
where the god Assur is exhibited in similar form.'
Thus the idea of representing Ahura Mazda is of
foreign origin, for the Persians could not consistently
represent Him, as they regarded any attempt to picture the
Deity as folly. The same dependence upon Assyrian
art is shown also in the colossal figures of animals,
which adorned the portals of the Achaemenian kings, the
* Vaux, " Niniveh and Persepolis," p. 330.
' Vide the illustration in M^nant, p. 82.
• Q: Mfoant, p. 87.
IRANIAN ART. 253
models of which have been discovered particularly among
the ruins of Khorsabad. I am inclined, however^ to believe
that on the Assyrian model was grafted an Iranian
idea, though foreign to the original type. Perhaps the
Persian colossal beasts were intended to represent Mithra
and the Sun-horses, for the Iranians venerated their king
as the representative of Mithra on earlh. Much perplexity
has always been caused by these fabulous beasts, which
are seen sculptured in the various halls of the palace of
Persepolis, as being on the point of fighting with some
person, probably the king. In one place we see the king
seizing such an animal by its horns and thrusting a dagger
into its breast. The body of the animal itself seems to
have been made up of different parts of various beasts.
It has the head of an eagle. Half its back is covered with
feathers. It is standing erect and laying its forefeet on
the right arm and breast of the king. No less remarkable
is a second beast; its head seems to be that of a wolf,
the forepart of the body and the forefeet belong to
a lion, the hindfeet to an eagle. Its body is mostly
covered with feathers, while its tail resembles that of
a scorpion. In a third place the king is seen to raise
a lion-cub from the ground and to fondle it. A fourth
beast has a horn on its forehead, a collar round its
neck, and hoofs like those of a horse or bull. But it is
without wings, while its long tail ends in a tuft of hair.
In all these pictures the king constantly appears in the
same calm attitude. At one time these beasts have been
thought to be fabulous animals, at another people have
sought to explain them from the Avesta, though without
success. Here also the Persian figures are apparently
connected with Babylonian models;^ however, it is my
conviction that these are not mere hunting scenes, the
fabulous beasts are incompatible with such a theory. Here
^ Comp. Menant, p. 62.
254
APPENDIX.
also, I believe, Iranian ideas underlie symbols of foreign
origin, and M. Lassen may be right in considering these
fabulous beasts to be monsters corresponding to those
mentioned in the inscription (H) — personified evils and
vices suppressed without any difficulty by the king's just
government.
It has already been stated above Chat the history of the
development of Iranian art shows a gap, which begins
with the last period of the Achaemenidae and ends with
the rise of the Sassanidae. So we are, for a space of six
centuries,, without any information about Iranian art;
nevertheless, following Mr. G. Rawlinson's example,* we
venture here to give a description of the ruins of Hathra.
We cannot, it is true, assert with certainty, yet we may
suppose with probability, that they belong to the period of
the Arsacidae. The town of Hathra did not lie in the Par-
thian territory properly so-called ; still it had its own kings
who were tributary to the Parthians. The town was well
fortified and we know that Trajan as well as Severus failed
to capture it ; however, it cannot have long survived the
dynasty of the Arsacidae. When Ammianus Marcellinus
(25, 8, 5), visited the spot in 363 A.D., he found the town
in ruins; and it may, therefore, be true, as some of the
Oriental writers relate, that Hathra was destroyed under
Shapur I. So this town, whose ruins still exist, must have
been destroyed in the first half of the third century A. D.
The ruins of Hathra are about an English mile in
diameter.^ They are surrounded by a nearly circular wall
of considerable thickness, the strength of which was
further increased by towers erected at intervals of 60 paces.
Outside the wall is a deep trench, which is now dry, and
* "The Sixth Monarchy," pp. 372 seg.
■ With the following compare Ross, " Journey from Baghdad
to Al Hadhr" in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
vol. IX. pp. 467 seg, ; and also Fergusson, vol. I. pp. 378 seg.
IRANIAN ART,
255
beyond this ditch is again a thick wall. The space inclosed
within them is divided by a channel, running from north to
south, into two unequal halves, the larger half lying on
the western, the smaller on the eastern side. The latter
does not seem to have been inhabited, and was, I believe,
used as a burial-ground. But towards the west there are
heaps of ruins, among which those in the middle of the
circle are the most considerable. They seem to belong to
a palace and a temple,^ and lie in a space inclosed by
walls, forming an oblong quadrangle 4ioo feet long and
700 broad. The principal edifice seems to have had
its entrance from the east, with a small wing lying on
the west. It contained four small and three large
chambers, and a room behind one of the large and
three of the small ones. The large halls are 60,
feet high, 90 feet long, and 35 to 40 paces broad. They
seem to have been vaulted but had no windows,
only receiving light by means of the seven great doors
leading into the edifice. The outside of the chief facade
is decorated with pillars on which are carved heads of men
and women. Between the fourth and fifth doors stands
a gryphon. The inside of the small apartments (30 it long
and 20 ft. broad) has no decorations whatever. In the
large chambers, however, are seen pillars ornamented at both
ends, and two or three feet below the ceiling an orna-
mental border running all round, with two or three human
heads carved beneath it.* The palace, like almost all the
structures in that town, is built of limestone. The temple
itself seems to have been surrounded by a vaulted passage
into which light entered through two windows. The gate
of this temple had a fine frieze bearing, I believe, a
religious significance ; the interior is without any decoration.
* Not a temple, but a staircase, according to Fergusson (vol. I.
P- 379)-
■ C/. the illustration in Ross,
^56 APPENDIX.
It IS probable, though uncertain, that this edifice had
formerly an upper storey. The whole seems to have some
resemblance to the Taq-i-Kesra, mentioned in Ktesiphon.
Perhaps the Parthian palace, which was destroyed by the
Romans, was similar in appearance. The ruins of Hathra
lead us to assume that it was built entirely after a Roman
model. Nevertheless, its execution is so clumsy that we
cannot possibly suppose that it was erected under the
superintendence of a Roman architect.'
To the Parthian period are also attributed, with great
probability, some bas-reliefs, which M. Bode has discovered
in Susiana. They are seen in Teng-i-Salekin the province
of Bakhtiy&ris. A' group of 15 persons is arranged in
two rows. The first person in each row is sitting, the
rest are standing. They surround a figure, which appears
to represent a Magus, and which is comparatively in a state
of good preservation. It wears trowsers, and over them
an upper garment with sleeves and a knot over the breast,
a pointed cap on the head, and a beard on its chin and
upper lip. Besides, it wears plaited hair, which specially
points to the Arsacian and Sassanian periods, whilst the
more ancient and graceful arrangement of the hair in
curls IS Median (Xen. Cyrop. K 32).^ The figure has
its left hand on its breast, the right one is raised, beside
it stands on a stone — some object formed like a sugar-
loaf — adorned with garlands and ribbons. To the same
period, likewise, pertains a second bas-relief, representing
a rider in his long garment, just as he pierces with a spear
an animal, probably a bear, rushing against him, while he
holds a bow in his left hand. Here also appears under
the tiara the rich hair characteristic of later times. On
the same rock we observe also a third bas-relief, which
* This is the opinion of Fergusson.
• Herodotus, too, speaks of the long hair of the Persians
(VL19).
IRANIAN ART.
257
seems to picture a woman reposing on a couch and holding
in her hand a garland. Her rich hair is dressed in the
ordinary manner ; beside her stand three men, one without
weapons by her couch, and two others at her feet holding
spears. That these bas-reliefs really belong to the Parthian
period cannot positively be determined. More doubtful still
is the question regarding another monument yet unde-
scribed. The rock of Behist&n contains, along with the
inscriptions of Darius I., also a bas-relief of more recent
date, but greatly damaged.* We can here make out another
group of riders armed with lances, one of whom is crowned
with an image of the Goddess of Victory. This bas-relief
has been ascribed- to the Parthian period, because of a
Greek inscription, which is no less mutilated than the
whole monument, but of which the following words can
still be read distinctly : — aa*A2ATH2 MiOPATHsnEr {ALPHA-
SATES MITHRATESPEG) and further down the
words : — roTAPZHs satpahhs ton SATPAn {GOTARZES
SA TRAPES TON SATRAP) and quite at the end:
roTAPSHS raonoepos {GOTARSES GtOPOTHROS).
As regards Alphasates, I am at one with Mr. G. Rawlinson
in assuming that we should regard "it as another form of
the name Arpakhshad.* But if from the name of Gotarzes
it might be concluded that that inscription owes its origin to
the Arsacian king of that name, I cannot assent to such an
opinion; for the Gotarzes mentioned above does not call
himself Great-King, but " Satrap of the Satraps," a title,
which though otherwise uncommon, is identical with the
Greek traTpdinjs iMyiaravoiv ('* the Satrap of the Chiefs '*), which
is assumedbyBehramChobin(Theophyl. 4, 7). The Arsacian
Gotarzes is, furthermore, a son to Artabanus III,; and the
concluding words of the inscription can, therefore, only
* Ker Porter, vol. II. pp. 151 seq. Rawlinson, Journal of the
Royal Geographical Society y vol. IX. p. 1 14.
■ Cf. Rawlinson, ibid^ vol. IX, p. in.
VOL. II. Z 8
258 APPENDIX.
imply that this Gotarzes was a son of Geo, 1. e, G6v. Now
in the Book of Kings, G^v is really the son and not the father
of Gudarz, which proves that the inscription does not, indeed,
refer to the Gudarz of the legend. But, since the two names
occur rather frequently, there may have been a Gotarzes,
whose father was named G^v. And since it was also the
custom of the Sassanian kings to engrave their bas-reliefs
side by side w^ith the Achaemenian monuments^ I am so
much the more inclined to transfer this bas-relief to the
period of the Sassanidae^ as Mr. G. Rawlinson has also
found similar Sassanian architectural monuments in its
neighbourhood. As regards the use of the Greek language
in this case, it is w^ell known that even on the monuments
of the first Sassanidae we meet with Greek inscriptions.
More doubtful still is a bas-relief found near Holv4n.
It represents a rider to whom a garland is being presented
by a man standing near him. Beside it is engraved rather
a long inscription in unknown characters, which have not
yet been deciphered, and so no definite opinion can
possibly be formed about it. The same is the case with
regard to the bas-reliefs seen by M. Ferrier in the country
of the Aimaks and the Hazares, the date of which will
surely be determined by future investigations. To various
ancient relics found in Warka and Niffer,' such as biers,
vessels of glass or clay, etc., a Parthian origin has been
ascribed ; but here also the matter is not decided.
Our position becomes somewhat more satisfactory when
we turn to the Sassanian period ; however, its palaces
and bas-reliefs cannot be considered collectively like those
of the Achaemenian epoch, becuse they are scattered over
different places. Of the Sassanian buildings so few have
survived, that we cannot say much regarding architectural
development in their time. The reason may be, that the
* Cf. Layard, **Niniveh and Babylon," p. S58. Loftus,
'* Chaldea and Susiana, " pp. 202, 214.
IRANIAN ART.
259
Sassanidae were not peculiarly inclined to erect great
edifices, or perhaps that their palaces lay, for the most part,
in the low country near the Tigris, and so may have been
mostly built of brick. The Sassanidae had, indeed, adopted
the models exhibited in the buildings of Hathra,' yet in
course of time such very considerable changes were intro-
duced, that a perfectly new style arose among them. The
large tunnel-like halls of Hathra were retained, but they only
served for entrances. The separating walls were pierced
by lofty arches, and so was formed a row of chambers.
Furthermore, the Sassanidae knew how to adorn their
halls with cupolas. Their buildings are always oblong
quadrangles, with great doors in the middle, which form
the chief entrance, and are as broad as the halls to which
they lead. The chambers are joined to one another
without passages between, so that we can pass directly
from one to the other. Each of the Sassanian palaces
contains an interior court whence one can find entrance
to all the rooms adjoining it. The depth of the buildings
varies, being sometimes not much greater than the breadth,
at others twice as great. In some cases the exterior wall,
which, as a rule, contains several doors, has but a single
entrance. The chief entrance, however, is always in the
middle of the front; from it we can look into the entire
edifice in the T&q-i-Kesra to a depth of 1 15 feet. The
cupolas or domes, which are numerous in these structures,
are full of small apertures, which serve to admit light. In
the walls there were also windows. The oldest and
smallest of these palaces is that of Serbistan erected,
according to Mr. Fergusson, in 350 A.D.^ It is entered
by three deep tunnel-like openings between which there
are groups of three semi-circular pilasters, each extremity
* C/, Fergusson, vol. I. pp. 382 se^., and particularly G. Raw^
linson, "The Seventh Monarchy, " pp. 580 seg.
■ 6/. Fergusson, vol. I. p. 386.
260 APPENDfX.
having again a single pilaster. The length of the palace
is 138 feet, the breadth 122 feet. The entrances face the
west. Through them we reach the halls, of which the
central one at the principal entrance has the least
depth. Thence we enter the largest chamber, which
is vaulted. On the other side of this large chamber
there is a court upon which doors open fron^ the various
apartments. The large chamber leads also into halls
towards the north and south* — The palace of FirAzabad,,
which must have been built, according to Mr. Fergusson,
about 450 A.D., is larger. It is about 390 ft. long and
180 ft. broad; it has only one entrance, a large gate,
which is about 50 feet high and faces the north. It leads
first into a vaulted hall, 90 ft. long and 43 ft. broad*.
On each side there are two similar chambers, though
smaller in size. We next enter through small but ele-
gant doors three vaulted chambers which occupy the
whole breadth of the edifice, each about 43 feet square, the
vault rising 70- feet high. The door and false windows-—
the latter being intended only for ornament — point to the
influence of the Persepolitan style. These vaulted chambers
lead again into some smaller apartments and thence into a
court 90 feet square, into which open again various apart-
ments decorated on the inside with false windows, which,
however, are executed far less skilfully than those in the
vaulted chambers. The exterior of the palace was very
prettily adorned by means of long narrow arches and
long cylindrical pilasters. The whole has an appear*
ance of stern simplicity, and is altogether less hand-
some than the smaller palace in Scrbistfi.n. The most
spacious of the Sassanian palaces is the celebrated Taq-
i-Kesra, the only surviving relic of the ancient Ktesiphon.
The Oriental historiographers, who regard it as a
marvel of splendour, sometimes ascribe it to Khosrav
I. and sometimes to Khosrav II. It was probably
founded about 550 A.D., and, therefore, only begun
IRANIAN ART. 261
under Khosrav I.' What remains of it, is a mere
fragment, and it is impossible to restore the plan of the
whole structure. The fagade resembles that of the palace
of Flruzabad, but is much more splendid, being 370 ft.
broad and 105 ft. high. The remains still in existence
compose the entrance and a vaulted hall, 72 ft. broad^ 85 ft.
high, and 115 ft. deep; and we might here assume that there
likewise stood chambers on both sides as in the other
palaces. A similar relic in Iran itself is the Takht-i-Bost&n,
which we shall describe below. Another Sassanian palace
was unexpectedly discovered a short time ago at Mashita in
the country of Moab.^ It must have been erected by Khosrav
II., about the time when this sovereign marched victorious
to the neighbourhood of Byzantium, and it proves that
this king strove to retain all the conquests he had then made.
The whole palace is an extensive quadrangle of 500 ft. in
each direction, but only the interior portion of about 170
feet square was completed. The palace was evidently
intended to be a hunting-seat for the king near the
edge of the desert. It is built of brick quite after the model
of the other Sassanian palaces. A vaulted hall, which
was formerly crowned by a cupola, forms the centre.
There are also on each side eight chambers, with courts
between them. The entrance lay on the north side, whence
three vaulted doorways, separated only by columns of hard
white stone, led into the building. The capitals of these
columns are like those which came into fashion in the age
of the Emperor Justinian, a circumstance which helps us to
determine the date of the edifice. A second building is
separated from the first by a court of nearly 200 feet
square; but it seems to have been intended for other
* According to Theophylactus (5, 6 seq,) Justinian sent to
Khosrav I. Greek workmen as well as the materials for the erec-
tion of his palace.
• Comp. H. B. Tristram, '* The Land of Moab" (London, 1873),
pp. 195 seq, Mashita (lil«) means *' winter-quarters.'*
262 APPENDIX.
purposes. Probably it contained rooms for the guards.
The exterior of this palace is much more ornate than the
other palaces of the Sassanidae^ which evidently proves
that Greek workmen were specially employed in building
it, as was no doubt the case when the Sassanidae erected
palaces within the limits of their own empire. The Book
of Kings does not at all deny that Greek, as well as Indian
workmen, were employed in constructing the T&q-i-Kesra.
We know that Khosrav I. carried off the finest works of
art of Damascus into his own country, when that city was
destroyed; so it is thereby acknowledged that Iranian
artists could not vie with those of Greece.
We shall now consider the bas-reliefs of the Sassanidae,
which we find for the most part in the neighbourhood of
the Achaemenian monuments, a clear proof that the first
Sassanidae were still very probably conscious of their
connection with the older Southern Iranian dynasty. It
is especially in Persis that we meet with monuments of
that kind. If we pass from Murghab to Persepolis, we
find the first Sassanian monument in the valley of
H^jiabad, which is bounded on the western side by the
rocks of Naqsh-i-Rustem. An English mile north of this
village, we observe in a rocky cavern a long inscription
of Shapur I., without any other monuments of art. These
begin at first with Naqsh-i-Rustem itself. On the same
rock on which the Achaemenian sepulchres are found,
though only a little lower, we meet with six bas-reliefs
of the Sassanian period, of which the first is seen after
passing the easternmost sepulchre. The two principal
figures face each other, and each holds a garland trimmed
with ribbons.^ According to more ancient drawings, the
ribbons are shown to have hung down over the figure of
a child, which has now become quite indistinct. The
person holding the garland with his right hand is the
» Cf, Ker Porter, vol. I. p. 530» and the illustration, pi. i6.
IRANIAN ART.
263
king, who wears a balloon-like cap with streaming ribbons,
such as are often seen on coins. The hair of his head is
rich and flowing, as is common with the Sassanidae. In
his ear he wears a pearl. His wide garment is kept
together by means of a girdle. The second figure has
been variously explained as that of a woman or a eunuch.
It wears a mural crown for head-dress with flowers and
fluttering ribbons; the hair hangs down the shoulders in
plaits. A third person behind the king, with a raised fore-
finger and a Phrygian cap, which appears to terminate in
the head of a horse, is generally considered to be a servant.
Some believe they recognize in the figure of the king a
resemblance to the image of Vararan V. on his coins.
Since Sir R. Ker Porter wrote, it has, therefore, been
assumed that we have here a picture of this Vararan, and
Sir George Ousely also believes he has made out the name
of that king in a long inscription which stands by the side
of this bas-relief. As we not unfrequently meet with similar
pictures, I must here remark that the garland or ring,
appearing on these monuments, seems to me to be no other
than what we observe, in the older monuments, in the
hand of Ahura Mazda, possibly a symbol of the Empire of
the Universe. Hence it follows that the second figure
that holds the ring, may have been intended to represent
a deity ; for I do not believe that the Sassanidae were
specially inclined to share the honour of their victories
with any human creature. The person standing behind
the king might also be regarded rather as a divine
than a human being ; it certainly represents a supernatural
adviser.
On the second bas-relief is figured a combat,* in which
an Iranian king, perhaps the same as in the foregoing,
pushes with his lance a retreating enemy before him.
Behind the king is carried a standard. The ordinary
* Ker Porter, vol. I. p. S37 and pi. 20.
264 APPENDIX.
supposition, that it represents the victory of Vararan V,
over the sovereign of Turan, seems to me to be very
uncertain.
The third bas-relief is one of the best known, and imitations
of it are found elsewhere .too.^ It pictures an Iranian
king crowned and on horseback. His left hand is laid
on the pommel of his sword, while with his right he holds
the hands, covered with sleeves, of a man standing
near him. The latter wears the Roman costume. So,
too, does a second figure, that kneels in a suppliant
attitude before the king. The same figure appears again
behind the king as in the first bas-relief. It is commonly
believed that we have here the scene of the capture of the
emperor Valerian by Shapur II., in which the kneeling
figure is the emperor himself, while the one standing is
Cyriades, who was put into his place. Since the same
picture occurs again in the ruins of Shapur and D&rdbgerd^
this supposition is to a certain extent probable.
The fourth bas-relief is much like the second ;^ but here
the lance of the retreating adversary is broken. The
crown of the king, which diflfers entirely from the ordinary
shape, is of some interest.
In the fifth bas-relief there again appear two riders with
the ring.' Here we find inscriptions, too, which inform us
that the horseman, who wears the mural crown, is Ahura
Mazda, and that the second one who receives the ring as
the emblem of royalty, and behind whom stands a person
with a fly-flap, is no other than Ardeshir I., the founder
of the Sassanian dynasty. Beneath the feet of each rider
lies a king, evidently dead. The one on the side of Ahura
Mazda wears serpents instead of hair ; he may be supposed
to be a usurper.
* Ker Porter, p. 540 and pi. 21.
* Ihid, vol. I. p. 544 and pi. 22.
* Ibid, p. 548 and pi. 23.
IRANIAN ART.
265
Lastly, the sixth bas-relief pictures a king, standing on
a kind of platform, with his nobles seated round him.'
Advancing further from the rock of Naqsh-i-Rustem in
the direction of Persepolis, we come first to the inconsider-
able ruins of Istakhr, the ancient capital of Iran^ the strong
citadel of which was built upon a mountain. According to
Oriental opinion the Sassanian kings were reluctant to
build on the very ruins of their predecessors, and, therefore,
established their new residence in their immediate neigh-
bourhood. Between Istakhr and Chihilminar there is, on
the sepulchral mountain of Persepolis, a roofless grotto
cut in the rock, having its three walls on the north, south,
and east covered with sculpture.* On the southern wall
we find again a representation of the two riders holding a
riirg; but the engraving is not so skilful, and evidently
executed by less practised hands. Besides Ahura Mazda
and the king, all the other subordinate characters are here
wanting. On the eastern wall we find a repetition of the
scene including the attendants, but here the two principal
characters are standing. On the northern wall we see the
picture of a horseman together with his attendants on foot*
The heads of the rider and of the horse have been effaced ;
but the inscriptions record that Shapur I. is here repre-
sented.
To Persis belong a few more bas-reliefs found by Sir R.
Ker Porter in the neighbourhood of Shiraz.' One group
consists of a woman holding her flowing veil in the left
hand, and stretching out the right one to a person who is
offering her a flower. As the latter wears no crown, I
doubt whether it is the figure of the king or not. The
image of the Sassanian king appears twice on the same
wall, in the usual manner, but badly executed,
' Ker Porter, p. 551 and pi. 24.
* Ibidt p. 371, pi. 27. Niebuhr, pi. 32 A.
' Ibid^ p. 706, pi. S7-
VOL. II. Z 9
266 APPENDIX.
Finally, we must again mention here the ruins of the
city named Shilpfir. They are six leagues distant from the
town of K&zerfin, on a mountain to the north, in a
romantic neighbourhood. The ruins have a circumference
of about two leagues. On a rising ground which is
at right angles to the eastern side of the mountain, but
quite isolated, are the ruins of a castle, which seems to
have had mighty towers and walls covered with bas-reliefs
of the Sassanian period. In the first we see the horsemen,
already familiar to us, and a man lying prostrate at their
feet. The figures are colossal, but are much damaged by
time. Before one of the riders kneels a man in a suppli-
cating posture. The second bas-relief is by far more
important and is divided into nine panels. In the middle
panel the king appears on horseback, wearing the Sassa-
nian crown and the coifFure waving behind. Underneath
the hoofs of his horse is again the outstretched corpse of a
vanquished enemy. Before him kneels a man in Roman
costume, while two figures stand behind, one of which is
beardless and wears a Phrygian cap. The king is holding
the hands of a man in Roman costume, while a winged
genius hovers above him. Perhaps in earlier times there was
also an inscription. In the second of the principal panels,
which is to the left side of the middle one, are two divisions,
each of which contains six figures on horseback, all raising
the right hand and the fore-finger. They are the suite
of the king, probably his counsellors. The third panel,
on the right of the middle one, has six sub-divisions,
each with three persons carrying various articles, which
seem to be partly building implements, partly presents.
These figures, like those of the middle panel, have a height
of 5 ft. 9 inches, while the riders on the left of the king are
only of about half this height. Some more bas-reliefs are
found on the opposite bank of a little river. Here we see,
in a relief divided into five panels, the king in the midst,
and represented, which is indeed exceptional, en face* rfc
IRANIAN ART. 267
grasps with his left hand his sword ; his right is stretched
out. As to the two divisions on his right the characters in
the uppermost tier raise their hands and fore-fingers ; in
the second are probably servants, one of whom holds a
richly caparisoned horse by the bridle. On the left side
of the king are two more rows of persons, the chief of
whom carries two human heads^ while a little boy clings to
the skirt of his garment. The fourth panel again exhibits
the images of two colossal riders holding the coronal ring,
which are said to be particularly well executed. The fifth
relief is a hunting-piece, but much damaged. We recognize
in it the person of the king on horseback^ with a bow
and two arrows in his hand as well as the heads of men,
horses, and camels.
A hundred steps further there is another relief cut in
a concave form. Its subject seems to be very much the
same as that of the second and third reliefs. The middle
piece, which takes up the greatest space, exhibits the
ordinary picture of the victorious king with a dead body
lying at his feet^ and the Roman kneeling by the side of
his horse. But here we have beside the king a man in
Sassanian costume, offering the coronal ring to the king.
Farther to the right there stand, in the first row, a number
of persons with folded arms ; in the second and third rows
persons carrying baskets, etc. ; while in the corner is a man
leading a lion by a chain. In the fourth row, directly
opposite to the king, are six persons in loose plaited gar-
ments, who might, therefore, be supposed to be Indians.
They carry various objects, or lead different animals, such
as horses, elephants, &c. Amongst them we see men
in Roman costume, and a chariot with two horses harnessed
to it. On the left side there are five troops of riders, who are
apparently the king's retinue. Finally, we have to mention
a finely constructed edifice which is a quarter of a league
from the sixth relief. Near its entrance there formerly stood
several sphinxes, some traces of which may still be recognized.
268 APPENDIX.
In Media, as in Persis, the Sassanian kings erected their
monuments close to those of their ancestors. About two
farasangs or four miles from Behistdn, towards the town of
Kirmanshah, we still observe the scanty remains of a palace
which Mr. G. Rawlinson ascribes to the Sassanians.
Eight or nine bases and capitals are all that may still be
seen ; but the distance of the first of these ruinous bases
from the last is about 300 paces, and it, therefore, seems
that an edifice of considerable size must have previously
stood here. On the same mountain tract, which contains
the monuments of Darius, but farther to the west, towards
Kirmanshah, there are sculptured engravings which are
now known by the name of Taq-i-Bostan, i>,, the *' Vault
of the Garden," or also of Takht-i-Bostan, *' Throne of the
Garden.'^ The romantic narratives of the modern Persians
profess to give the name of the artist, to whom we owe these
monuments. He is supposed to have been called Ferhad
and to have loved ShirJn, the beautiful wife of Khosrav
II. In her honour, it is said, Ferh&d executed these
figures and erected the adjoining structures. — Here we
must remark that the Book of Kings does not give the
least hint of this romantic love-story, * which seems to have
been invented in later times and without any historical
foundation. — The carvings begin at a place where a
limpid brook rushes forth from the rocky wall and flows
into the river Kar4-sfi. Above this brook there is a relief
called by the neighbouring people the " Relief of the Four
Calenders.^' ^ It contains the figures of four men, one of
whom lies prostrate on the ground. Over his head stands
another figure wearing a mural crown surmounted with
the ornamental ball, so common among the Sassanians,
and a necklace of pearls and a diadem. The hair is thick.
* The story is briefly related in the Persian Tabari (2, p. 298),
and at length by Ker Porter (vol. II. pp. \^9seq,)
Comp. Ker Porter, vol. II. pp. 169, 191 seq. and pi. 66.
IRANIAN ART. 269
A light flowing garment is fastened together over the breast
and a girdle goes round the waist. The others are similarly
dressed. The second person wears a close-fitting helmet
with the Sassanian ball, and four ribbons of unequal length
fluttering behind. Both hold the well-known coronal ring ;
and, I believe, we do not err if we regard the first to be
Ahura Mazda, and the second to be a Sassanian king.
Behind the king we observe a person with a great halo
round his head and a kind of sceptre in his hand, standing
perhaps on a sun-flower. In my opinion the image
represents Mithra, the guardian yazata of the royal family.*
Not far from the bas-relief just described, a staircase
leads to a platform, whereon we discover the traces of a
statue, which must formerly have stood there. The broken
statue itself lies in the rivulet below and is the figure of a
king. But the most precious monuments are engraved in
two grottoes at the foot of the rock.^ The larger one is 24
feet broad, 21 feet deep, and the vault is 50 feet high. The
walls of the grotto are neatly polished. The entrance to
the hall is through a vaulted gate, as is generally the case
in Sassanian palaces. Over the arch there is a half-moon,
on either side of which is a figure quite resembling an
angel holding in the one hand the well-known coronal
ring, in the other probably a goblet. Similar figures are
also found on the Arsacian coins as well as on some Sassanian
monuments. Perhaps the idea was borrowed from the old
manner of representing Ahura Mazda. On entering
through the doorway, we observe the colossal figure of a
rider carved between two columns of the Corinthian style.
It is clad in mail, extending from the face to the knees,
and beneath it are indications of a richly embroidered
garment. In the right hand is a shield, a heavy lance rests
on the shoulder. The horse also is partly covered with
* This image is also supposed to represent the Iranian Prophet.
• Ker Porter, vol. II. pp. 169 j<?^., and the illustrations, pis. 62-64.
270 APPENDIX.
armour. Here still exist traces of an inscription in
the Iranian and Greek languages, but too indistinct to
be deciphered. In the panel above the rider there are
three figures ; the middle one is richly clothed and appa-
rently represents the king, wearing a crown with the ball
or globe, and the rich plaited hair. Over his robe and
trowsers, which seem to have been nicely embroidered, he
wears a coat-of-mail, the left hand holding the hilt of his
sword. On his left there is a female figure, likewise
magnificently dressed, pouring water from a vessel in her
hand. The figure on the right wears a diadem and a long
beard, a mantle fastened over the breast hangs over its
shoulders ; it offers to the king the coronal circlet so often
referred to. I do not doubt but that the female figure on
the left represents Anahita, and the figure on the right
Mithra. The pictures on the side-walls of the grotto are
easily explained. They are hunting scenes. On one of the
reliefs the king is represented on horseback, armed with
bow and arrows, while an umbrella is held over him. The
king is pursuing a number of antelopes ; the horsemen
overtake them ; and, a little farther on, the animals
are seen slain. Behind the king is a company of
musicians. In one of the lateral panels we behold a
number of men riding on the backs of elephants, who
drive the game towards the king ; in the opposite panel
we see camels carrying the slaughtered animals. On
the second wall a boar-hunt is represented. The scene
is apparently a lake, the banks of which are covered over
with dense bushes and forests. Here also we see
elephants endeavouring to force the boars across the
midst of the lake, where there is, in a boat, a man
much taller than the rest, and richly dressed, in the act of
shooting at the approaching animals. A little farther off, in
another boat, there is a second man similar to the former,
but not so tall, having round his head a circle, which is
supposed to represent a nimbus. I believe this is a two-
IRANIAN ART. 271
fold representation of the king* The second person is in
the act of taking a bow from the hand of a servant ; on his
side stands a female harper. Female musicians are also
seen in other boats. On the edge of the relief we see
persons engaged in piling the boars, which have been slain,
on the backs of elephants.
The second grotto is by far less spacious than the first.*
It is only ig ft. broad and 12 ft. deep; its exterior is not
decorated. Opposite the entrance we see a bas-relief
exhibiting two figures, both dressed quite alike ; they wear
crowns and the thick hair of the Sassanidae. Their
costume is not particularly handsome ; but they wear
necklaces, and the hilts of their swords are ornamented.
Two inscriptions tell us who they are. One is Shapiir,
* King of Kings, ^ son to Ormazd; the second Shapur, ' King of
Kings,' son to Shapur and grandson to Ormazd; they are,
therefore, Shapiir II. and Shapiir III. The workmanship
is rather clumsy; the hunting-scenes and the ornaments at
the entrance of the first grotto are of much higher artistic
value. If we further mention the unfinished bas-relief found
by Sir Robert Ker Porter in the ruins of Rai, we believe
that we have completed the list of the most important
Sassanian monuments.
We have still to speak briefly of Iranian coins. The
Dareiki have already been referred to (page 661).^ The
Arsacian coins need not be discussed here on account
of their Greek character, though the effigies and ornaments
* I6id, pp. 187 seg, and pi. 65.
■ [•* It was a pure gold coin struck by order of Darius I. It
represented the king in a kneeling posture, habited in his Rowing
garment with the royal tiara, holding in his right hand the royal
staff, perhaps a lance or a sword, and in his left a bow. Accord-
ing to Tabari the king was in olden time represented on both
sides of the Dirhem ; on the one seated on the throne with the
crown on his head, on the other on horseback with the lance in
his hand."— TV. ».]
272
APPENDIX.
of the Arsacian kings deserve also the attention of the
Iranian archaeologist.
As to the Sassanian kings, we find' the finest specimens
of their coinage in the beginning of their dynasty under
Ardashir I.* From the time of Shapur 11. they deteriorate
perceptibly and degenerate under Peroses to the verge
of barbarism, and continue so under the succeeding
sovereigns. Under Khosrav II. there appears some
improvement, but after that there is no real progress, and
the same defects appear in the coins of the last Sassanidae.
As for music, we can only remark that it was always
popular in Iran ; but we do not know anything more
definite about it. Vararan V. was very fond of music*
He not only had female Greek lute-players in his suite,
but he is even said to have introduced Indian music in
Persia. At the court of Khosrav II. two singers, Barbad
and Sargash (Sergius), are mentioned in the Book of
Kings. We may suppose them to have been Greeks, and
there can be no reason to doubt that Greek as well as Indian
music was not un frequently heard at the court of the
Iranian sovereigns.
* Comp, Mordtmann, Zeitschrift ddmG, vol. VIII. 7. As for
the other relics of the Sassanidae we refer to Mr. Ed. Thomas,
"Early Sassanian Inscriptions, Seals, and Coins." London, 1873.
• Cf, J. Darmesteter, " The Origin of Persian Poetry": — " One
day king Behram Gor of historic and legendary memory was at
the feet of his mistress, the beautiful Del Aram. He told her
of his love, she spoke to him of her own. Their words were an
echo of the harmony in which their hearts beat together. It is
thus that poetry, rhyme, and rhythm took births in Persia. — The
legend is beautiful but a little too late . . . Seven centuries before
Behram Gor and Del Aram, the companions of Alexander the
Great had heard the poets of Susa sing the loves of Zariares and
Odatis But all this poetry is lost to us ; what is left is a
remnant devoid of all charms, the famous Gathas of the Zend
Avesta, rhythmical sermons which breath irreproachable morals,
and which offer all the poetic interest of a catechism." Vide
•Indian Spectator,' Aug. 15, i886.— TV. «.]
APPENDIX.
III. The Iranian Alphabets.
The ancient Persians made use of two distinct characters.
So early as in the Inscriptions of Darius the term dipis
denotes an inscription ; and this word may be derived from
a verbal root dip^ which has been preserved also in other
Iranian languages in different derivatives. To this root we
might especially trace the Greek word di4>vtpa which was
employed by Ktesias and other Greek writers as a name for
the Persian Annals ; but which, as may be gathered from
the testimony of Herodotus (V. 58), was used at an early
period to denote a book or a manuscript. Herodotus seems
to believe that the word was originally Greek, and perhaps
derived from df(^a> ; but this opinion is distinctly erroneous,
for the word is strictly Persian and comes from dtp ; even to
the present day the Persian word defter means a book.
From the same root we have the words dibistan, "a writing-
room, a school'* ; devdn or dtvdn, which means "a writing
book, or chamber" in the Armenian archives, and the Mod.
Persian word diwer, Arm. dpir, "a writer." As regards
the original meaning of the root dtp, I suppose it to be
identical with the Skr. /ip, '* to besmear," and, therefore, also
contained in the words /ipi{'' spreading over, writing") and
lipikara ("white-washer, writer"). This supposition
is not contradicted by the fact that the inscription, which
Darius calls dipisf is cut on rocks, since we know that the
engraved letters were also overlaid with gold or painted.
On the contrary, this view is confirmed by the Mod. Persian
words ^\ji^ dfwdr, "wall," and 5^0 dibajt ''brocade,"
VOL. !!• Z 10
274
APPENDIX.
which must be traced to the same root. Another Old Persian
expression for writing is ni-pish^ which is also used by Darius
and contained in the Mod. Persian nivishtan. It seems
to have migrated further westward and to have found a place
in the Sclavonian dialect, wherein words like pismo^
** writing/' &c., point to the existence of a toot pish^ to which
might also belong the Old Prussian words : — peisaton^
''written'' \peisalei^ " writing." Accordingly, we are able to
point to the use of two distinct terms for the art of writing
among the Southern Iranians. However, the case is
different with respect to Northern Iran. Here we find a
name for a written document only in the word naska^ which
may be identified as a word borrowed from the Arm. pfD3'
*'to transcribe.'' But this etymology is uncertain, and no
other name for writing exists. Wherever books are referred
to, allusion is frequently made to memory (darethra) and
recitation (marethra). This circumstance shows beyond
doubt that the sacred lore was originally impressed on the
memory of scholars by tradition and oral instruction. It
would be rash to infer from this circumstance that in olden
times the use of writing was unknown to the Northern
Iranians ; whereas Herodotus states that Deioces, after his
accession to the throne, caused most of the events of his
reign to be recorded in writing. The fact, however, is
that even at the present day we can only put forth
conjectures as to the character of the Northern Iranian
writing.
On the other hand, our knowledge regarding the style
of writing in Southern Iran reaches as far as the beginning
of the Achaemenian monarchy, especially if we ascribe, as
we probably may, the small inscription in Murghab to
the founder of that dynasty. The earliest form of Southern
writing known to us is found in the inscriptions of the
Achaemenidae ; consequently we have the advantage of its
having been transmitted to us in the very form in which it was
originally inscribed. It is a variety of the so-called cunei*
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS.
275
form writing, but one differing considerably from all
others, which it surpasses in simplicity. This circumstance
gives strength to the theory of the comparatively later
origin of the Old Persian cuneiform writing, which is
locally the most Eastern species of its kind. A more
intricate system of cuneiform writing is found in translations
standing side by side with the Old Persian texts. In North-
ern Iran we meet with inscriptions following this intricate
cuneiform system, engraved by kings still unknown to us
in Media as well as in Armenia. Western Iran, the land of
the Euphrates and the Tigris, however, is specially famous
for such specimens of cuneiform writing. On the contrary,
not a single line in cuneate letters has yet been discovered
eastward of Persis. Although M. Ferrier thought he had
met with such inscriptions in Balkh and Farah, his belief
has not been confirmed by later research, and it must
therefore, be regarded as erroneous. That the cuneate
writing was confined to the western part of the Iranian
kingdooi, is sufficient proof that it could not have been
derived from the East. It would be more reasonable to give
it a northern origin ; but the most probable view is that it
came from the West. In dealing with this subject we need
not be struck by the dependence of the Southern Iranian
kingdom upon Northern and Western Iran, for we have
lighted upon similar facts in other parts of our study
of Iranian civilization. We repeat that the use of cuneiform
writing throughout Persia proves that the latter country
as well as the whole western frontier of Iran, was more or
less familiar in ancient times with the civilization of
Babylon and Niniveh. Yet the specific identification of
the Old Persian cuneal system with the more ancient
systems, presents no insignificant difficulties. The Old
Persian cuneiform writing is the only system which really
deserves to be called an alphabet ; all other varieties are
mere syllabaries. Several peculiarities in the Old Persian
writing make its identification with the Ana nan systems
1
276 APPENDIX.
- impossible. There are signs which merely stand for the
vowels i or «, but none for a. The letter, which must
be followed by a in reading, denotes at the same time certain
vowel-less consonants. These are some of the characteristics
considerably differing from the earlier systems, which
contain certain signs for syllables, e.g, ru, rt\ &c. The
letters m and v are distinguished in the Old Persian
alphabet, but not in the earlier cuneiform systems.
Assyrian writing has no signs for aspirates, while the Old
Persian carefully distinguishes the hard aspirates at least.
These peculiarities do not allow us to connect the Old
Persian alphabet either with the Anarian or the Assyrian
syllabary: on the contrary, they exhibit some points of
contact with the Babylonian. The ideographic sign for
king (which would formerly have been read naqa) is taken
from the Babylonian, and lately M. Oppert has found
altogether nine such signs corresponding to the Babylonian
ones.* This circumstance supports the theory which
ascribes a Babylonian origin to the Old Persian afphabet ;
and M. Oppert (p. 244) supposed that it was for the first
time systematized by Cyrus or at his command, after the
occupation of Babylon, by the Persians. For this purpose
the Old Persians seem to have fixed on 36 words which were
represented in Babylonian by ideograms, to each of
which they attached the value of a single character.
The alphabet was rendered still simpler by bringing into
the new system only angular and single cuneal signs — the
latter being horizontal as well as vertical — from three to
five of which fundamental elements the different letters
were formed.^ In this way we may account for the change
from the syllabic systems to the method of writing in letters ;
* Cf. Oppert, " Sur la formation de V alphabet perse" Journal
Asiatiquey 1874, pp. 238 seq,
■ In Oppert (Jbidy pp. 242 seq) we find a table of Babylonian
characters from which the Old Persian alphabet is supposed to
have been develc^d.
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS. 277
however, we are at a loss for any explanation of the high
proficiency attained by the Persians, which led to their
invention of an alphabet to replace the cumbrous mode of
writing in syllables. Besides, it is scarcely possible to
assume that the cuneiform writing was the only method
which people could make use of during the rule of the
Achaemenidae. It is true that it has many advantages for
monumental inscriptions; nevertheless, its incongruities
must have been felt in the ordinary intercourse of life. It
is impossible to suppose that letters, edicts,* or literary
works, for instance the royal annals mentioned by
Ktesias, were written in cuneal letters. It is more
probable that, along with the cuneiform alphabet, another
system of writing was in use for epistolary or literary
purposes. What this system was and whether it sufficiently
corresponded in principle to the former, we cannot of
course state, for we know nothing about it. But since a
regular alphabet was known in the countries west of their
own, besides the cuneiform system,^ it is likely that the
Old Persians may have borrowed a similar mode of writing
from Babylon or Assyria and adapted it to their own
language. In any case, however, it could not have been
perfectly suitable for employment in the Old Persian dialect,
owing to the natural want of harmony between an Indo-
Germanic language and a Semitic alphabet. But such
inconsistencies have lasted to the present day through the
whole of Iranian history; while the inconvenience arising
from the use of a Semitic alphabet need not have been
insuperable, since it was used only by natives, whose
knowledge of the spoken language must have made up for
the deficiencies of the written alphabet.
The period of the Achaemenidae was followed by the
empire of the Parthians ; and we have already stated that
^ Herodotus I. pp. 124, 125.
" Comp. Schradcr, Die Assyrisch-Babylon. Keilifischrifhn;p. 167.
278 APPENDIX.
the Arsacidae stamped their coins with Greek legends in
Greek characters. But, on the other hand, a number of
coins are still prese'rved, which owe their origin to the age
of the Arsacidae, probably to the satraps (viceroys), and
which are inscribed in the native language and character.
Upon these coins M. Levy has based an elaborate and
admirable treatise — his" History of Iranian Writing in the
Parthian Period."^ Most of the coins alluded to in this
work belong to Hamadan, Sheraz, and Kerman,^ /*. e, to the
South and West of the kingdom. That they owe their
origin to the Iranians can be clearly demonstrated, since
thev exhibit the device of a fire-altar and a man standins:
before it in prayer. On several of them we observe also
the image of Ahura Mazda himself, similar to the symbol
of Him found on earlier monuments. The effigy of the
king also supports this view. Indeed, he does not wear the
high tiara of the Great King, but he has an Iranian
head-dress, which on the later coins is evidently the
Patidana, On one of these coins, however, the king is
shown holding a sceptre, a flower, and a goblet, as on the
monuments of Persepolis. All these circumstances evince
the correctness of M. Levy's theory that these coins must
be ascribed to the Iranian satraps. This seems to have
been indicated also by the position of the king's face, looking
towards the right, whereas the image of the Great King
always looks towards the left. The coins bear legends in
indigenous characters ; the letters belong to the Aramaic
alphabet of the fourth and third century B. C, as it was
used on monuments in Asia Minor, as well as on the coins,
seals, monumental columns, and papyrus fragments
discovered in Egypt. ^ Hence it might be inferred that
* Cf, Levy, Beilrdge zur aramdischen Munzkunde Erans und
zur kunde der alter en Pehlevischrifty ZddmG. vo\, XXI. pp. 421
seq. Cf. also Franc. Lenorraant, Etudes sur V alphabet Pehlvi\
yournal Asiatique, 1865, vol, IL pp. 180 seq,
' Levy, ibid, p. 438. ' Ibid^ p. 428.
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS.
279
the Persian satraps, to whom the coins belonged, caused
them to be struck, if not under the sovereignty of
Alexander, then under the Seleucidae and throughout the
whole period of the Arsacidae ; and during this epoch a
species of Aramaic writing may have been naturalized in
Iran. Inscriptions with traces of a similar character have
been found also in Hglvan and Khuzistan.^ They seem to
have been akin to the Nabataean and Palmy rene alphabets,
but the samples of them now existing are not quite
sufficient to allow of any definite opinion being formed
regarding them. The question as to the origin of those
inscriptions will, therefore, remain undetermined until
solved by further research. Another group of coins has a
bearing on the history of Iranian writing. The more
modern ones are like those described above ; yet they must
be placed before the beginning of the Sassanian dynasty.
These coins are divided into two classes. The greater
number of those included in the first class must be assigned
on numismatic principles to the time of Phraates I. and
Mithridates I., while some of the remaining ones may
perhaps belong to the reign of Phraates IV.* To these
coins M. Levy traces the so-called Parthian writing, which
he is inclined to call Western Pahlavi. It is found on the
monuments ascribed to the first Sassanidae, but not on their
coins; and after their time it becomes quite extinct. The
coins comprised in the other class must, according to M.
Levy,' be ascribed to the time of Vologeses II. (130-149
A.D.) . The alphabets on the coins of both these classes are
now regarded as the forerunner of the species of writing
current under the first of the Sassanidae. It follows, then,
that the latter cannot have been developed from the former,
* Levy, ibid^ p. 44S.
■ Vide tablet II. Nos. x — ID in Levy who places the coins
numbered 8 and 9_in the time of Phraates IV,
• Ibid, p. 455.
aSo APPENDIX.
but that both must have sprung at the same time from the
Aramaic alphabet, which ought to be considered as their
common parent, and which is found on weights, seals,
and gems belonging to the Babylonian, Assyrian, and
Achaemenian nfonarchies. From the same alphabet first
arose what has been styled the Southern Pahlavi writing,
which M. Levy would call Eastern Pahlavi;^ while the
alphabet, which is known as the Parthian or Persian Pahlavi,
must be distinguished as Western Pahlavi, which dies out
after the inscriptions of the first two Sassanidae. Eastern
Pahlavi, on the contrary, remained in use and developed
gradually into the form in which we find it on the later
Sassanian coins and in the Parsi manuscripts. We quite
agree with this view of the development of the history of
Iranian writing; only we admit that we cannot exactly
account for the names Eastern and Western Pahlavi.
Although I concede that this species of writing may have
been current already at a very remote period in Eastern
Iran, where the oldest Indian character (the so-called Arian,
the use of which for an Iranian language cannot be proved),
may have existed with it, and that the Eastern Iranians may
have possibly employed it whenever they wrote anything,
still we must hold to our supposition that there are no
facts before us to show that this alphabet was first intro-
duced precisely into Eastern Iran, and thence gradually
extended to the West. According to our opinion, we can
here, again, distinguish between North and South. The
so-called Western Pahlavi was chiefly current in the North,
in the territory belonging to the Parthians. It died out
after the fall of the Arsacidae, since, as the power of the
Sassanidae grew in the South, the style of writing there
current prevailed. The most important point here is
that no essential difference ever existed between these two
alphabets, and that both of them owed their origin unques-
* Levy, p. 4S6.
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS. 2S1
tionably to Western Semitic, Hence it is that vowels are
imperfectly distinguished in all such alphabets, since they
contain only three vowel-signs, via. those for a, 1, and u^
Such a deficiency must have been very inconvenient in an
Indo-Germanic language, as all the vowels could not have
been accurately indicated by those three signs as in the
Semitic languages. So the alphabet became in course of
time more and more developed, as, from the time of Kobad
I., writers began to employ an increasing number of new
combinations consisting of two or more consonants linked
together. I do not entirely dissent from the opinion
expressed by Prof. Westergaard*, that among these com-
pound consonants are also found some arbitrary characters ;
but I believe that their origin may be regarded as on the
whole regular and natural. It was a current style, which,
though hastily written, was not disagreeable to the eye ;
and to the natives, who understood the language^ its
difficulties may not have been so hard to surmount as they
appear to us.*
According to our view, M. Levy is on the right path
when he traces the so-called Zend alphabet, that in which
the Avesta is written in our oldest MSS., to the Southern
Iranian writing (Eastern Pahlavi).' Several of the charac-
ters of both these alphabets are quite similar; but there
is a number of signs peculiar to the Avesta alphabet, viz^
• Zendaves/a, vol. I. p. 20.
• The variety of writing which we have here designated as
Southern Iranian, is also called Uzvarsh or Hunvaresh, A much
quoted passage of a Pars! book {Cf, my Huzv. gramm, page 22)
expressly names Uzvarsh as an alphabet, and, indeed, as the
writing of Sevad, This statement can ea^ly be reconciled with the
arguments adduced above.
• Cf, his BeUrdge, p. 460. A different view, however, is
held by Lepsius, who, in the second edition of his Standard-
alphabets^ p. 120, is inclined to regard the Avesta alphabet as
older, from which, he supposes, the ordinary Pahlavi alphabet was
first reduced in the time of the Sassanidae*
VOL. II. Z II
2l82 APPENDIX.
those of the aspirates, which cannot easily be proved
to have been developed from the Southern Iranian writing.
The distinctive feature of the Avesta alphabet is in the
vowel-signs. It not only comprises the matres lectionis^
{t\e., the vowel-signs for a, t\ u); but all the vowels, even
the shortest ones, are represented in it and set down in the
same line with the consonants, just as is the case in our
European alphabets. This peculiarity distinguishes the
Avesta alphabet from all the other alphabets of Iran and
of Asia in general. For, not only is this characteristic
absent in the Old Parthian and Sassanian systems, but,
likewise, in the cuneiform as well as Arian characters,
since the former only represents the matres lectionis^
whilst the latter does not place the vowels on the same
footing with the consonants, but merges them in the
consonants themselves. A single Asiatic alphabet, the
Armenian alone, possesses such characteristics. According
to our conviction the Avesta alphabet does not seem to be
older than the Armenian ; perhaps, to a certain extent, it
may be contemporaneous with it. . . .
In systematizing the Avesta alphabet the object which
the people endeavoured to obtain could only have been
to enable the reader to peruse the Sacred Texts as
accurately as was necessary. It is probable that it was
specially intended for particular individuals who had to
read the Sacred Books to the people and who might be
liable to commit slight errors in haste owing to the
defects of the writing in use; but it is less probable that
the object in view was to help the general reader by
means of a clear or lucid alphabet. I believe, therefore,
that the inventor of the Avesta characters chiefly studied
the requirements of the public readers of the Iranian
Scriptures, for much, in fact, depended on accuracy in
reading them aloud (Comp. Yasna^ XIX. 6). We should,
however, err, if we assumed that such was the exclusive
object of the Avesta alphabet; nothing indicates that it
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS. 283
was ever regarded as sacred. Firstly, we find that
the majority of the Parsis do not strictly believe that the
Avesta was originally written in the Avesta characters
that we now possess ; in fact, they have sometimes
employed the modern Persian alphabet, and in modern
times all the fragments of the Avesta, but most fre-
quently the Khorda-Avesta, have been printed in Gujerati.
Secondly, the Avesta-writing has not seldom been found
also in Pahlavi works in the rendering of certain isolated
words, mostly such as could not be made out by any
other means. Just in the same manner do we find the
Avesta characters frequently used in Pahlavi glossaries
to show the pronunciation of certain Pahlavi expressions.
Thirdly and finally, we may add that the Avesta alphabet
probably contains more signs than are required to exhibit
the Avesta Text. The writing in the oldest MSS. of the
Avesta, as well as in the later Indian MSS. copied from
them, differs somewhat from the characters used in the
MSS. that were transcribed in Yezd and Kerman.^ This
difference is, however, unimportant, and, except in minor
points, is perhaps due to a taste for elegant penmanship.
So far we have traced the history of Iranian writing from
the earliest times to the more recent period, by the help of
coins, inscriptions, and written works that are still in
existence. Moreover, there are some notices upon Old
Iranian alphabets by some Mohammedan scholars, who have
written on the antiquities of Iran. Amongst these writers
the learned author of the Fihrist occupies a pre-eminent
position. The majority of these notices refer evidently to the
modern Sassanian period and furnish no incomplete survey
of the alphabets then current. It must not be supposed
that the various specimens of writing, which they describe,
* These will be found in my AUbaktrischen Gramma/ik,
pp. 7-8. The slight difference in them seems also to contravene
the theory that our oldest MSS. came from Yezd.
284 APPENTDIX.
represent quite as many systems ; several of them may be
supposed to be distinct merely in the apparent shape of
the characters^ }ust in the same manner as in the later
styles Taaliq and Shikest may be distinguished. Never-
theless, we ought to assume a variety of systems in a few
cases^ where a great difference exists in the number of
letters. It is certainly not accidental that the author of the
Pihrist fixes upon seven as the number of alphabets ; the
Parsis also believe that Tahmurath was gifted with the
knowledge of seven descriptions of writing/ which was after
him transferred to Yima. Elsewhere, too, the number
seven is regarded as the most sacred amongst the
Iranians. — First of all is to be mentioned the alphabet of
Mani, which is probably one of the oldest in the series of
alphabets named in Fihrist. Since there are several
evidences to prove that Mani systematized a particular
alphabet, this fact must be considered as beyond all doubt.
It is probable that Mani did not wish that his books should
be accessible to unqualified readers, and consequently
wrote them in an alphabet which was only known to his
disciples. This alphabet must have been distinguished
from other Iranian alphabets more by the shape of the
characters than by its intrinsic nature. As to the number
of letters, our authorities are, however, disagreed. While
Epiphanes affirms that the alphabet of Mani contained 22
symbols,* after the manner of the Syriac alphabet, the
author of the Fihrist asserts that it was made up of a larger
number of characters than the Arabic alphabet, i>., of
more than 28 signs. One single specimen of that writing
would be sufficient to remove all doubts. — A second
important alphabet is that which is called by the author of
the Fihrist y the Din-defterih {^i^^ izH^), which, as
i s name also denotes, served for writing the Avesta.
<^ ... . . ■ ■ ,m
* Cf. my Parsi'grammatik^ p. 139.
• Epiphanes, Adv. Haeres. II. p. 629, cd. Patav*
THE IRANIAN ALPHABETS. 285
Masudi^ who tells us somewhat more on the subject,
mentions that this alphabet had 60 letters and was not
employed exclusively for the Avesta.* It might be regarded
to a certain extent as identical with our Avesta alphabet,
which exhibits only 48 different signs^ granting the
assumption that several characters^ which were originally
in existence, are now no longer distinguished in our
Texts.^ Or we may attach some credit to Masudi's opinion
that this alphabet not only served for transcribing the
Avesta; but that the remaining 12 letters were employed in
writing other works, which were beyond the pale of the
Avesta literature. — A third species of writing, which the
author of the Fihrist names Kashtaj ( ^^ ), is believed
to have been composed of 28 signs and adapted to seals
and coins. It was, perhaps^ almost identical with the
earlier writing of the Sassanidae^ which contains
only 24 signs including the ordinary compounds,'
and of which it is quite possible that some of the
characters may still be unknown to us. — The fourth species
is styled Half -Kashtaj { J^ ^> ) in the Fihrist^ and was
employed in works on medicine and philosophy. This
alphabet differs but slightly from the third. Here the
number of signs is the same ; probably the difference
was due only to the materials used in writing books.
—Much more unlike the third is the fifth kind of writing,
which the Fihrist designates Vesh^debirlh ( yJ^o i^j ),
1.^., " much-writing," since it contained no less than 365
signs, in which, the author says, the mysteries of physiog-
nomy were written. As it was a cryptography we must
of course believe in the existence of a great multitude of
* Cf. Lepsius, Das urspnlngliche Zendalphahet (Berlin, 1863),
p. 338. Masudi, II. p. 124. The Fihrist^ I. 13th ed. Flugel.
* This view of Lepsius is, no doubtt tupported by the Parsi
traditional writings.
* Cf. Mordtmann, ZddmG. vol, VIII. Ublet 5.
286 APPENDIX.
characters, even if we do not regard the number 365
as authentic. What the shape of these letters was we
should like to know; however, the brevity of the author's
statement does not admit of any conclusion. It is possible
that the author of the Fihrist meant such contractions as
are to be found in the Huzvaresh writing described above ;
but it is also possible that the style of writing in syllables^
akin to the more complicated species of cuneal letters,
survived from the earliest times to the period of the
Sassanidae. — A far simpler alphabet is the sixth Raz-sahrih
( ? ) (^-^t**0 )> ^'^'j cryptography. It was a twofold species
comprising 25 as well as 40 signs, about which we can say
very little in particular, because in all probability Ibn
Muqaffa himself never saw it. The same may be said
regarding the style of writing which he calls Shah-debirxk
( ^d^»> *^ ), or "royal writing/' and which must have been
very much like the foregoing. — Finally, the seventh and last
species bears the appellation of Nameh-dehirxh {fij^,^ ^^)%
ue.f the *' writting of letters or books.'' Besides, it is also
stated that some books were written in the old Syriac
language and read in Persian. This is somewhat analogous
to what the same author says regarding Zevdreshn^
Nevertheless, this alphabet is said to have been formed
of only 33 simple characters without any contractions
whatever.
30
37
32
S3
34-
*p
HI)
SLm
^^
»U.4»
•It
4t
72
7^
7-^
75
re
13
1$
to
2/
tZ
23
Z4^
2S
26
Z7
26
Z9
BC
37
32
33
84
A
•AJ. »*
ss
^
*#
3d
129 9
i.--
37
nut -tf ^^
9i
,9J>»91'^m\>
A/iW
99
an -flkaii^
ttattind Uttert
40
4»te.%ii
UgibU in some
41
-JIV '
of the ,Unes
4%
t
41
5»»
44
•kl*
4€
XU1& CtAllt
4e
»c» A |9«A
9.
47
.!€•*•♦•
49
t>4t
49
'9|19>
SO
SI
sz
5S
54'
SB
IiVmj
S6
rx
S7
SB
S9
•
60
67
«
6%
83
64-
6S
;tinct.
543-
SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF
NAQSH-I RUSTAM.*
Of all the Sasanian rock-inscriptions known to exist in Persia the
longest are those attached, respectively, to the two groups of
sculpture which are now called Naqsh-i Rajab and N a q s h-i
Rust am. The former inscription consists of thirty one lines
containing originally about 1,400 letters, and the latter appears to
have formerly comprised about seventy-seven lines and nearly
7,000 letters.
The late Professor Westergaard, when sending me a tracing of ^
his copy of the remains of the N a q s h-i R u s t a m inscription, in ;
March 1878, remarked that he had ** unfortunately missed the ^
Naqsh-i Rajab inscription when visiting Presepolis" in 1843, '
but had *' tried to make copy of the large Naqsh-iRustam '•
inscription, as exact as its mutilated state would allow.'' That
Westergaard did not see the Naqsh-i Rajab inscription must \
still remain a source of regret to Pahlavi scholars, as there can be
no doubt that the whole of that inscription would have been
deciphered long ago if a copy of it had been taken and published
by Westergaard with his usual care and accuracy. As it is, we
have to depend upon the copy taken by the French expedition
under M. Flandin,* which is more of an artist's sketch than a
rigorously accurate transcript, and, therefore, makes the greater
part of the inscription unintelligible, although it is evident that not
more than one in forty of its letters is really illegible.
The state of the Naqsh-i Rustam inscription is very
different ; for, although some of the latter words in each of its first
thirty-six lines are so distinctly legible as to be accurately given in
the copy taken by the French expedition,* yet only scattered words
and letters can be read over the remaining surface. The mutilated
condition of this inscription can be readily seen from the reduced
• By Dr. E. W. West. Vide " Indian Antiquary."
1 See Flandin's Voyage en Perse ^ vol. IV., pi. 190.
• Ibid.^ vol. IV., pi. 181.
288 SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF
facsimile* of Westergaard's copy, which accompanies this paper >
and at first sight there seems little chance of obtaining any con-
nected meaning from these scattered fragments. Further investi-
gation, however, shows that the names and titles of the kings,
when restored, fill up several of the blank spaces ; also, that two or
three phrases, which frequently occur and can be readily recovered,
fill up several more ; while some missing words can be supplied
by guesses, more or less hazardous, so as to obtain a connected
meaning for more than one-third of the inscription. Such
guesses are, however, only justifiable when there is little hope
of obtaining a better copy, and when they are so carefully indicated
as not to mislead the reader by assuming any greater certainty
than really exists.
The following transliteration of as much of the first thirty-four
lines as seems recoverable has been prepared by these means;
and it may be noted, as a proof of Westergaard's accuracy, that
hardly one in a hundred of his letters seems to require emendation,
although some of the Sasanian characters can be easily mistaken
for others. In this transliteration all the words and letters supplied
by guess are printed in italics, and all vowels expressed by
Sasanian characters (except initial a) are circumfiexed ; the rest
of the vowels being merely understood in the original. Where the
number of letters apparently missing (including spaces between
words) is not expressly mentioned, it is indicated by a hyphen for
one letter, a dot for two, or a dash for five letters and spaces
omitted, or by any combination of such dashes, dots, and hyphens
as may be necessary for indicating the probable number of missing
letters and spaces. The beginning of each line of the inscription
is indicated by its number in parentheses ; the letters h and k^, or
p and /, represent the same Sasanian character ; the letter r is
often written like / in Sasanian, and the syllable -man represents
a single letter which appears to be usually equivalent to a Semitic
final H} but is written -man in Pahlavi MSS.
* Photographed from the original copy made by Westergaard on 24th
and 25th April 1843, for the use of which I am indebted to the kindness of
Professor Fausboll and the courtesy of the chief librarian of the University
Library at Copenhagen, to which the literary papers of the late Professor
Westergaard have been presented.
NAQSH-I RUSTAM. 289
Trantliteralion of the first pari of the Naqsh^i Rustam
Inscription,
(1) kmalam kar/»r* z\ raago^ot va aiharpat vol Artakh^^X^x
ma/i^An malkd Airdn va Shahp&hari malkan malkk z! ^urastai* va
hukamaki havitun
(2) afam dfrtiiikdn va j/p4si dim — . — va Artakhshatar
Airdn malkkn ma/kA va Sha^pdhart malkAn malka karti havitun
zakam vabidiin
(3) zi Shah^\hzx\ malkkn malka pavan Air^n va Anirdn
karii pavaa* babd val daid shatari val shatari zivdk val £;ivak
himshatan pavan Mag6stan kamkari
(4) y^ p^van dushir/naki farmiin zi Artakhshatar malkdn
malkn pavan shatart si Axrkxi malkdn ma/^& . shatari val shatari
ztvAk val zivak kabir kartakiln z!
(5) yazd&n* afzkdihi va kablr diuri va Aixkn yetibAnd . — baxd^
avlayd aSharpat va mzgopat va kabir dturdn dtuA . — . ^atakh-
shatari hatimi^n va Adharmazdi va yazdan
(6) bab& sfltt yehez;u« v-a-rabft-v-v — iint va zenman — . —
nft • m — . — pavan sha/ari «S!^ah/uhar] mzXkdn malkA pavan
vAspdhara kan pakdi^n vabidikn
(7) va yetibAni a t — - chtgAn . — ai Mharmazdi va
yazd4n val ^amakl . — vazir va — va zail peitakhshatar va matza-
d&n maman valman
(8) vidai^ madajH Shah/ahaH malk&n malka pava^t bab4 val
habd shatari val shai2iri zivkk val zivafc karit . valman pavan hank
zvsLgun* madam nipish/i yekavimiint aik varlir zi aSharpat
(9) va magdpat Shah/uhart malkdn ma/k& val bagdd/ ^dsi.
vazlHtit va A(Jiarmazd% malkAn malki atti barman pava;i shaX2.x\ .
yekavimdni^ afam Aiiharmazdi malkin maM kiirapi
(10) madam ye/tbiini afam gadman va p(£ta<(Ashatari vabtd^ni
afavof babd val babd shatart val shatari zivik val ziz^ak \idm'
shatari}^ pavan malkkn z! yazdan ha/ng^nakl kamkaritart.
^ Compare the Naqsh-i Rajab inscription. The word is vartir in line 8.
• For kHrastaki apparently. * See line 8.
• See lines 17 and 31. • See line 32.
• See line 13. ' See lines 14 and 2a > See line 15.
• See line 16. »© See lines 3 and 23.
VOL. II. Z 12
290
SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF
(11) afarrC' ShahpvJiari ^^harpat shem va maghpaX shem karti
Auharvd'AZ^X inag6pa/ shem va a^arpat karA d-d . . p . k — .
sha/ari val sha\zx\ ziv4k val zivak kabtr
(12) kartakkn zi yazdi&n a/zddiht va kablr kitA va gehdn*
yetlbAnd . bard avlayd aehsirpat va magtpat va kabir
itiiran dtdri patakhshatari.
(13) ha>XvcAind va gati* pdtakhshaiari va matzadan xnTiman
valman z;/'dan& madam h^harmazdi malkan vadXkd pavan babd val
hnbd shatari val shatarx zvD9k val zivak karti . valman pavan hanik
a 'agiin
(14) madam nipiskli jfekaznmun/ aik varAx . — zi magdpat va
2LSharpat Adharmazdt malkin malkd val bagddi gisi vazlAnt va
Vara^ran malkSn
(15) malkkh^nd ShahpHhsj^t Adharmsadi malkan
mal^^ pavan haaashatardzxX yekavimi£;zt . a/am Varahr^n malkAn
malkft zak hamgfinakt* pat^a^
(16) gadman yelibdni va pdlakhshalari vabUttni of am babd val
bab& va shatan val shatari ztvak val zivik ha^Tikartak&r^n zi yazdan
Aamgdnaki )(&mk&ri
(17) a/am Adharmazdi magopai shem Varahrdn shem karli*^
hamkkt shatarT val shatari zivdk val 2tz;ak hahtr kartakan zi
y^zddn afzadiht va kablr at&rl
(18) va gehdn yelibdud — , — • bard avlayd aSharp^i va ma-
gdpat — va habir k\Xirdn dldri p^/akhshatart hatimiind . va zaTi
(19) pdlakhshalari va md/zaddn maman valman vi'dand madam
Varahra» malkkn malkft karli va valman pavan hand madam
nipishll
(20) yekavimdnl aik varlir zi aSh2LTpal va magSpal Varahrdn
malkdn malkd val bagd^ft gdsi
(21) vazldnl [60 letters] harlahV pavan . .
(22) [60 letters] i ga — tSLh-yelibxin^
(23) q/am gadman va pdtakhshaiari vabtduni afam babd val
babd shatari val shatari eivdh val ziv&^ ^^m^^atarl pavan
* This sentence is very doubtful. ■ See line 32.
* See lines 7, 18, and 32. * So in Flandin's copy.
* A very doubtful sentence; compare lines ii and 34.
* See lines 11-14.
1 In Flandin's copy it is kar - - f . * See lines 10 and ii*
NAQSH-1 RUSTAM. 2gi
(24) malkdn z% yazddn hamgHnaki kdmkdri/ari va Mkhi rUbdn
Varahrdn^ aeharpat shem va ma^d/atam Varahrdn shem magd^zt
(25) va aeharpat hard [48 letters] t v . • ha«& t^abidAnt
(26) [53 letters] shataxx val shatarl zfvik val
(27) zwdk [5 1 letters] An 3?fl magtf$ gabra b6« shatar!
(28) [27 letters] maya va kxjdri [24 letters] Jh! madam
yehamtiin
(29) [28 letters] baba [29 letters] shMn min — sheditun
(30) [32 letters] asl [27 letters] t - i — yehevi<«d va afizd^si
gi^nakthi
(3O • vpfthi* — . ^ va nished . shatarl val
shatart zxvdk val zivek kabir kartak4n zi yazdan a/zadihi
(32) va kabxr dtdr% va gtYiknyetibUnd barft avlavA aeharpat
va magSpat — va kabir dturdn dturi /atakhshatari hatimAnt . va
zati /<^takhshatari
(33) maman valman vidand madam Varahrkn malkdn malkd
va Varahr^/i [30 letters] kar — biikht rubSn Varahrdn duehzrpat va
mag6pat
(34) [20 letters] (inl p Ah [28 letters] m — . 1 kabir
Aturan vamdiini b6n shatari.
Translation of the above^.
(i) V^hen my crown of mobad. and herbad^ existed /or Artahh'
shatar, king of the ki;i^s 0/ Irdn, and ShahpAhari, king of kings
who was 2«;<f //-principled and well- inclined
(2) and . . • my 3if«^dictions and praise which . , ' me), and
had made Artakhshatar a king of the kings of Irdn, and Sha^pii-
harl a king of the kings, that was done by me
^ See line 33, but the sentence is very doubtful ; compare lines 1 1 and 17
* VossxhXy Shap^hari* * See lines 11-13.
* Italics indicate words and portions of words which are either supplied
by guess where the inscription is illegible, or are added to complete
the sense. The commencement of each line in the original inscription
is approximately indicated by its number in parentheses, and the extent of
the missing text is only approximately shown by the number of dots.
* A Mobad is a Parsi priest whose special duty is to conduct religious
ceremonies, and herbad is a general term applied to all ranks of the
priesthood.
* Perhaps "celebrated." ' Perhaps " propitiated or pleased."
29a SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF
(3) which ShahpdhATi, king of kings, did in Iran and non-Irdn
through capital to capital, town to iown, and place to /lace of the
united country, spontaneously in Mag6stan
(4) and by the loving command 0/ Avtakhshatar^ king of
kings, in the country 0/ the k/«g of kings of /ran. From town to
town and place to place the great deeds which
(5) are the bounty of the angels and settle in the great Jirt
and Itkn • . * bwt the . ^ of the first herbad and laobad, and of the
great fire of fire% ended the jovereign ; and A^iharmazdi and
the angels
(6) became the benefit of the capital ... great .... and
this in the country 5!^ah/uharJ, king of kings, inflicted
chastisement on the nobles
(7) and sat ... as . . huharmazdi and the angels, at will . . .
And smitten was the s^z'ereign and the slain, for that
(8) time it was done unto Shshpuhzn, king of kings, throu^4
capital to capital, town to town, and //ace to plac^. In this
fashion it is written about, that the crown of the herbad
(9) and mobad Shah/j/hari, king of kings, goes to the divinely-
Tippoinied place, and Adharmazdi, king of kings» who is the son,
remains in the country. And Auharmazdi, king of kings, sat on
my kdr&pi (or kulapi)
(10) and was made my glory and se?vereign ; and /ram capital
to capital, town to t^wn, and place to place, of my united country,
he was more absolute among the king^ who were similar to
angels.*
(11) And Shahp^ans title of herbad and title of mabod
appointed by me, was made AuharmdizdVs title of moba</ and
herbad*. . . From town to /own, and place to place, the great
(12) deeds which are the bounty af the angels and settle in the
great fire and the world, . . but the . . of the first herbad
and mobad, and the great fire of fires, end the sovereign.
(13) And smitten was the sovereign and the shin, for that
* Perhaps *' he performed" both here and in the similar phases in lines
12, 18, and 32.
■ That is, beings inferior to him who was their supreme lord.
■ This sentence and the corresponding passages in lines 17 and 24 are
the most doubtful parts of this decipherment.
NAQSH-1 RUSTAM. gg^
/ime /*/ was done unto K^harmazdt, \i\ng of kings, through capital
to capital, town to town, and p/zce to place. In this fashion it is
(14) written about, that the crown . . of the mobad and
her bad Auharmazd:, king of kings, goes to the divinely -appointed
place, and VaraAran,
(15) >t/«g of kings, th/j " ... of .Wfl^pAhart, remai/rs as
coadjutor of -^tt^arma^di, ki«^ of kings. And Varahrtfn, king of
kings, in like manner,
(16) sat in glory and was made ^vereign by me ; and from
capital to capital, and town to town^ and place to pl^ce he was
absolute, through me, over i€^ow-^t,\iormers of exploits who were
j/milar to angels ;
(17) and Auharmazdfs title of mobad was made the title of
Varahrdn by me. From es^ry town to town, and place to place,
the great deeds which are the bounty of the zngeU and settle in
the great fire
(18) and the world . . , but the . , of the first ^<rrbad and mobad
and the great fire of fir« end the soi'ereig«. And smitten.
(19) was the sovereign and the slain, for that time it was done
unto Varahrtf«, king of kings ; and in this way ti is written about,
(20) that the crown of the hexbad and mobad Varahrdn, king
of kings, goes to the divinely-ap/^/Vited pl^jc^,
(21) .... a deed in • •
(22) szX,
(23) and was made my glory and sovereign ; and from capital
to capital, town to town, and place to place of my waited country^
among
(24) the kings who were similar to angels, he was more absolute ;
and the title of herbad and mobad of Varahrdn with the taved
souV' was made by me Varahrdn* s title of moh^d
(25) and herbad this he does
(26) from town to town and place to
(27) place and the M^gian men in the country
(28) . . . water and fire . . . came on
(29) ... capital . • . cast the . . from . .
^ Equivalent to "the deceased Varahriln."
1
294 SASANIAN INSCRIPTION OF
(30) become, and the habitude* of the idol-temple
(31) ... and sits (?) . . From town to town, and pl2jc^ ioplac^,
tlie great deeds which are the bounty of the angels
(32) and settle in the great fire and the world . . , but the . .
of the first herbadand mobad and 0/ the great fire 0/ fires, ends the
jovereign. A.nd smiiitn was the sovereign,
(33^ /or that is the time unto Varahrm, king of kings, and
Varahr^/f . . . . , Varahran with the saved soul, the herbad and
mobad,
(34) the great fires arose* in the country.
In the subsequent lines of the inscription, owing to its mutilated
condition, only a few words and phrases are intelligible
(35) Va zatakan * and the smitten' ;
(36) ShahpHhsLTi m^Akdn malkd, ' Shahpuh2xi, king of kin^j ' ;
shatart aitLvi, ' the fire of the country 5
(37) malkan maZ^*!, • king of kings' ;
(38) shatari maman, * the country, for ' ;
(39) vabi/i/n vad, * dtd, until'; val, * to ' ; babA Shahpt2^ari
malkan
(40) malkdf 'the capital of ShahpiiAar!, king of kings';
mekhitun afam, ' struck, and by m^ ' ; A^hsirmazdi malkAn malkd
min6', * i^Aharwaadi, king of kings, the spirit ' ;
(41) kartt yehev&n, zak ham bara yansebdn, *was done, that
same took away ' ;
(42) r&dt* liberal' ;
(43) mekhi/wn, afam, * struck, and by me ' ;
(44) kabir, ' great ' ;
(45) afash, * and by him ' ;
(46) vakhdun, va kabtr, ' took, and great' ; yazda» va kahxv kturi
kd^kdrim yehevdn, * he war more absolute than the angeU and the
^reat U're ' . . . ,
If the first portion of this inscription has been correctly restored
it would appear to contain merely an account of the succession of
the first six Sasanian monarchs (a.d. 226 — 283), from
* Compare Pers. gUnSih. It cannot be '* sinfulness," because that is
vinAsth in Pahlavi ; the change to gundhi being modern.
• The verb vamdHni is unknown in the MSS., but is a regular forma-
tion from the Semitic root it3V'
NAQSH-I-RUSTAM. 295
Artakhshatar I. to Varahr&n III., with some general
allusion to their chief actions. Whether this succession is con-
tinued beyond V a r a h r4n III. is very doubtful, for though some
kings are afterwards mentioned, such asShahp^hariin lines
36 and 39,Aiiharmazdiin line 40, and a king whose name
is missing in line 37, yet these names can hardly refer to A ii h a r-
m a z d 1 II. and his successor, Shahpuha ri IL, because the
latter name is mentioned first. But they are, most probably, the
names of the second and third Sasanian monarchs, already men-
tioned in the earlier part of the inscription ; so that the latter half of
the inscription probably gave a more detailed account of the deeds
of the kings mentioned in the former half. As, however, the very
short reign of Varahran III. is hardly likely to have been
commemorated by so long an inscription, it is perhaps most rea-
sonable to suppose that the accession of his successor, N a r s J h 1
(a.d. 283—300), may have been mentioned in the missing
portion of line 35 or 36, and the actual date of the inscription was
about A.D. 290.
Owing to its mutilated state this inscription is of little value as a
historical document. Like that of N a q s h-i R a j a b it is
written in the first person, and professes apparently to be dictated
by the divine AQharmazd himself ; this is clear enough in the first
half of the inscription, and the occurrence of the word afam^ 'and
by me,' in lines 40, 43, and 47, shows that the use of the first
person continued in the latter half.
The chief value of the inscription is philological. Even in its
present mutilated state it supplies one hundred distinct Sasanian
words, of which forty-five have not been found in other inscriptions,
though all but fourteen are known to exist in Pahlavi MSS.
Allowing for certain peculiarities in orthography, and for the
existence of about one strange word in seven, its language is
practically the same as that of the MSS. still preserved by the
P&rsis
End of Vol. II.
296 OPINIONS.
OPINIONS
C«7%<? Academy," June 19, 1886.)
" Civilization of the Eastern Iranians in Ancient Times." By Dr.
W. Gbigbr. Translated from the German by Darab Dastur
Pbshotan Sanjana, B.A., Vol. I., London : Henry Frowdb, 1885.
A German scientific work translated into English by a Parsi priest
is a novelty in literature ; and when to this are added the facts that
the original work is the best and most complete that has been written upon
the subjects of which it treats, and that the translation is as good and
idiomatic as could be expected from an Englishman, it may be safely
recommended as a book well worth perusal by any one who wishes to learn
all that can be really ascertained, from the Avesta texts, about the manners
and customs of the ancient Zoroastrians. The translator, who is a son of
the high priest of the predominant section of the Parsis in Bombay,
has selected for translation such portions of the original German work as he
considered most likely to interest his fellow-countrymen and English
readers in general. He has therefore confined his attention, in the present
volume, to SS 23'43 ^ (omittingconsiderable portion of H ^ a-^d 39)
of Dr. Geiger's book. These sections, which form nearly half of the
German work, treat of the Avesta people and their adversaries, the manners
and customs of the former, their ideas as to a future existence, the con-
figuration of the world, and divisions of time, their domestic animals,
agriculture, manufactures, medical treatment, habitations, and settlements.
In addition to these a short but comprehensive essay on the religion of the
Avesta, its sacred beings and demonology, has been contributed by Dr.
Geiger as an introduction to the English translation, and forms by no
means the least interesting part of the work. — E. W. West, Ph. D.
To
Dastur DXrXb Pbshotan San]ana,
My Dear Sir,
I have received by the kind intermediary of your distinguished father
the very handsome Volume I. of your translation of Greiger's Ostirdmscht
Kultur\ for which I beg sincerely to thank you. Geiger*s work has
long been very familiar and useful to me, and I believe it was an excellent
idea to give to English readers the most interesting parts of it in a
translation. I have already read over the greater part of your version,
and find it remarkably well done. Thnt a Parsi priest should succeed so
OPINIONS.
297
well in reDdering a German scientific work into idiomatic English, is
tnily a most creditable fact for the Mazdean Community of Bombay. I
read with particular interest your own notes and additions, most of which
are deserving of very careful consideration from European savants. I
hope soon to see the continuation of your very important work, besides
many other original productions which will be of value for the promotion
of Avestic and Pehlevi studies in India and in England. Meanwhile let
me sincerely congratulate you on what you have already so brilliantly
achieved.
Believe me to be.
Yours very sincerely,
L. C. CASASTELLI, M.A.,
(Professor of History, St. Bede's College.)
14/A January 1886.
WuRZBURG (Bavaria),
August i%th, 1885.
My Dear Sir,
I have to thank you very much for the copy of your English translation
of Geiger's work, Vol. I. Your valuable present has only reached me a
few days ago. I value the original very highly, and I have no doubt that
the additions which your learning has enabled you to make, have enhanced
its value considerably.
Please remember me kindly to your worthy father.
Yours truly,
J. JOLLY, Ph.D.,
(Professor of Comparative Philology in the University
of Wtirzburg, Germany.)
Oxford,
August gtk, 1885.
Dear Sir,
Allow me to thank you most cordially for your very useful and important
translation of Dr. Greiger's work on the Civilization of the Eastern
Iranians.
VOL. II. Z 13
298 OPINIONS.
I dare say you are aware that I wrote an article on Zoroasteranism in the
* Nineteenth Century' some time ago. This will form the basis of an essay
on the same subject, which will constitute a chapter or two of the Second
Part of my work called * Religious Thought and Hope in India,' to be
published by John Murray, London. 1 hope to notice your work in that
essay and perhaps to quote from it.
Faithfully yours,
MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L., LL. D.,
(Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford.)
Elphinstone College,
August 25. • ^
My Dear Sir,
I should have thanked you before now for the very handsome and
interesting volume, the fruits of your meritorious industry, which you were
kind enough to send me last week. • * ♦ • • A full exhibition of
the details and most characteristic developments of any one of the religious
systems which have helped to form the character and shape the destinies
of men possesses an abiding interest which is felt even by those who do not
exactly regard the revival or purification of the existing historical religious
as an indispensable condition of future progress. But undoubtedly
whatever makes these religious more rational, and therefore more truly
spiritual, is matter for congratulation. This, I think, your labours will help
to effect, and I greatly hope they may be appreciated by your countrymen.
Believe me, very sincerely yours,
W. WORDSWORTH, B. A.,
(Principal, Elphinstone College.)
i
To
Nasserwanji Byramji, Esq.,
Secretary to the Sir Jamshetji J. Zartoshti Madressa.
Sir,
I have the honour to inform you, that according to your request, I
examined Mr. Darab Dastur Peshutan Sanjana in the German language*
The book which he had read for this purpose was " Goethe's Wanderjahrc.''
Goethe, as you are well aware of, is one of the mo^t difficult of the
German classical writers. But in spite of the difficulties presenting them-
selves to a beginner, Mr. Sanjana translated several passages with great
OPINIONS.
29S>
slcill and knowledge into idiomatic English. I then tried hin) in other
passages out of the works of the same author, Prose as well as Poetry ^ and
to my astonishment he distinguished himself also there. After a short
time of meditation about the passage proposed he gave a true and sensible
translation. •
Mr. Sanjana is certainly to be congratulated upon the remarkable progress
he made in the course of three years by his great diligence joined with
natural talent for languages.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
E. USTERI, S. J.,
(Professor of Greek and Latin,
St. Xavier's College.)
I ' /
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